- \
 
 LIEUT.-GENEKAL SIR FKEPE1UCK SLEIGH ItOBEliTS, V.C., G.C.B., ( .l.K.
 
 MAJOR-GENERAL 
 
 SIR FREDERICK S. ROBERTS, 
 
 BART., V.C., G.C.B., C.I.E., R.A. 
 
 A MEMOIR. 
 
 CHAELES EATHBONE LOW, I.N., F.E.G.S., 
 
 AUTHOR OF THE " HISTORY OF THE INDIAN NAVY, ' 
 
 ' MEMOIR OF LORD WOLSELEY," 
 "HISTORY OF MARITIME DISCOVERY," 
 
 ETC., ETC. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 W. H. ALLEN & CO., 13, WATERLOO PLACE, 
 PALL MALL, S.W. 
 
 1883.
 
 LONDON : 
 
 PRINTED BY WOODFALL AND KINDER, 
 MILFOED LANE, STRAND, W.C.
 
 PKEFACE. 
 
 THE practice of writing a memoir * of a living public mail 
 scarcely stands in need of defence, since it has become of such 
 common practice. Within recent years, the careers of Lord 
 Beaconsfield and Mr. Gladstone, Lord Wolseley and Mr. Bright, 
 have been given to the public during their lifetime ; and the 
 only question that arises, when considering the advisability of 
 such a publication, conceding the necessity of abstaining from 
 publishing matter that would violate any confidences, or unduly 
 cause pain to the living or the representatives of the dead, 
 would appear to have reference to the public demand in each 
 particular instance. 
 
 Such a question as applied to Sir Frederick Roberts must be 
 unhesitatingly given in the affirmative. The military achieve- 
 ments of the gallant officer are great and undeniable, " as a 
 mountain open, palpable." They have received the unstinted 
 acknowledgments not only of all classes of his countrymen, but 
 of the highest professional authorities of the Continent. Count 
 Von Moltke and the German generals expressed their unbounded 
 admiration of the great march from Cabul to Candahar ; and 
 the heroic Skobeleff, whose untimely death was such a crushing 
 blow to the army he adorned, as well as to the cause of Pan- 
 slavism, though the peace of Europe was the gainer by his 
 
 * It should be stated that this memoir was completed early in 1882, but 
 circumstances delayed its publication. It has been compiled from the Blue 
 Books and official despatches, and from personal reminiscences supplied in 
 conversation and by correspondence with Sir Frederick Roberts, who himself 
 revised the entire work, chapter by chapter. 
 
 2068875
 
 iv Preface. 
 
 removal from the scene was enthusiastic in praise of the 
 military genius displayed by Roberts throughout the two years 
 he was the central figure of the war in Afghanistan. And here 
 we may note a remarkable resemblance in the character and 
 method of these two distinguished soldiers. Both were gifted 
 with impetuous valour, complete knowledge of their profession, 
 a quick intelligence in seizing the features of ground, and 
 adapting the measures at their disposal to the end sought to be 
 attained ; an unfailing skill in their tactical combinations, a 
 perfect yet calm self-reliance, and a faculty for inspiring con- 
 fidence in others. 
 
 Roberts's dispositions for the capture of the Peiwar Kotul were 
 most masterly, and his rapid march on Cabul with only 8,000 
 men, his skill in forcing the enemy's position at Charasia, and 
 his seizure of Cabul were brilliant feats of arms worthy the 
 best days of British prowess. On the abdication of Yakoob 
 Khan he was, for a time, the de facto ruler of Afghanistan. 
 His word was law, and he might have said : 
 
 " Hoc sic jubeo ; sit pro ratione voluntas." 
 
 Severe measures were necessary with the wretches who had 
 murdered a British Envoy, a personage who, in the East as in 
 every clime, is invested with a special sanctity ; but no Afghan 
 suffered the extreme penalty who had not been implicated in 
 that deed of shame. An unworthy attempt was made to impute 
 blood-thirstiness to Sir Frederick Roberts, but to those who 
 are conversant with his character, such a charge will scarcely 
 demand refutation. In his humanity and gentleness of cha- 
 racter, our hero resembles the " Happy Warrior " sketched by 
 Wordsworth : 
 
 " He who, though thus endued as with a sense 
 And faculty for storm and turbulence, 
 Is yet a soul whose master-bias leans 
 To homefelt pleasures and to gentle scenes." 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts displayed in a remarkable degree the
 
 Preface. v 
 
 self-reliance to which we have referred, during the memorable 
 events that occurred at Cabul in December, 1879, when the 
 cantonment of Sherpur was invested by no less than 100,000 or 
 120,000 armed men. At no time was there any change in the 
 serenity of manner for which the General was distinguished, 
 and which infused a like confidence in his small force belea- 
 guered in the depth of winter by foes outnumbering them 
 twenty-fold. 
 
 Since the death of the great Ameer, Dost Mahomed Khan, the 
 political condition of Afghanistan bore a striking analogy to that 
 of England during the "Wars of the Roses. As the rival Houses 
 of York and Lancaster contended for the crown, dividing the 
 nobles and the country into two factions, so Afzul Khan and 
 Shere Ali, the sons of the Dost, and their sons, Abdul Rahman 
 and Yakoob Khan, bathed the country in the blood of their 
 adherents. As in England during the 15th century, so in 
 Afghanistan during the 19th, " uneasy lies the head that wears 
 a crown ;" and in the see-saw from the throne to the dungeon, 
 the epigram might be applied to the rival claimants for the 
 perilous honour of ruling the turbulent races of Afghanistan : 
 
 " Treason does never prosper ; what's the reason ? 
 "Why, when it prospers, none dare call it treason." 
 
 With the removal of Yakoob Khan to India, and the ap- 
 pearance of pretenders in the person of his younger brother, 
 Ayoob Khan, and other claimants for the throne, the task before 
 Sir Frederick Roberts became more difficult, but with the 
 assistance of his political officer, Major Hastings, and afterwards 
 of Mr. (now Sir) Lepel Griffin, he initiated the negotiations 
 with Abdul Rahman, which have resulted so favourably for the 
 peace of Afghanistan. Sir Frederick Roberts's final achievement, 
 the forced march from Cabul to Candahar with 10,000 soldiers 
 and 8,000 non-combatants, and his brilliant victory over Ayoob 
 Khan on the day following his arrival under the walls of the 
 capital of Western Afghanistan, are now historic, and have
 
 vi Preface. 
 
 earned for him a prominent place in that illustrious band 
 of soldiers who have acquired for this country her Eastern 
 Empire. 
 
 The roll of England's victories chequered at distant inter- 
 vals by reverses beginning at Cressy, has been prolonged to 
 Candahar and Tel-el-Kebir. -Not even the annals of Rome 
 can show such a record of victory, achieved over races the most 
 savage and warlike, assisted by the forces of Nature when 
 arrayed in her most austere and rugged mood. In climes 
 where the eagles of her great prototype never penetrated, the 
 standards of Britain have been planted, and countries having 
 to her people only a legendary existence West Africa, the land 
 of Prester John, and China have been subjugated by her arms 
 or compelled to sign an ignominious peace. 
 
 England has watered her horses on the banks of the classic 
 Nile and Euphrates, and her legions have driven her hereditary 
 foe, the Gaul, from America and India, and have triumphed 
 alike over the Zulu in South Africa, the Afghan in Central 
 Asia, and the Maori in New Zealand. Soldiers that could 
 overcome the most renowned and martial races of four con- 
 tinents must be : - 
 
 " Types of a race who shall to time unborn 
 Their country leave unconquered as of yore." 
 
 But much, if not everything, depends upon leadership, and 
 should a crisis arise in Europe or in any portion of our world- 
 encompassing Empire, the eyes of the nation as after the 
 massacre of the Cavagnari Mission, the disaster at Maiwand, 
 and in our ignominious struggle with the Boers will instinc- 
 tively turn to Sir Frederick Roberts as conspicuous among that 
 small band of tried and capable officers to whom will be con- 
 fided the defence of the honour and interests of the Mother 
 country and her Colonies. 
 
 C. R LOW. 
 Kensington, June, 1883.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Introduction Some Account of Sir Frederick Roberta's Family The 
 Services of his Father, General Sir Abraham Roberts His Early 
 Life, and Career at Eton, Sandhurst, and Woolwich Proceeds to 
 India in the Bengal Artillery Serves on his Father's Staff and 
 on the Frontier at Peshawur Outbreak of the Indian Mutiny . 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The Siege of Delhi Roberts joins the i*unjaub Movable Column 
 Proceeds to Delhi as Deputy-Assistant Quartermaster-General 
 of Artillery Lieutenant Roberts participates in the Action of 
 the 9th July Gallantry of his Friend, Lieutenant Hills 
 Roberts is wounded in the Fighting on the 14th July Prepa- 
 rations for the Bombardment Roberts serves in No. 2 Battery 
 at Ludlow Castle The Storm and Capture of Delhi Sir James 
 Brind's Reminiscences of Sir Frederick Roberts at Delhi . 18 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Lieutenant Roberts takes the Field with Colonel Greathed's Movable 
 Column The Action at Bolundshur Narrow Escape of Lieu- 
 tenant Roberts The Capture of Allyghur Roberts is engaged in 
 the Pursuit with 9th Lancers The Surprise at Agra of the 10th 
 of October lloberts's share in the Severe Fighting and Pursuit 
 The March to Mynpoorie Skirmish and Pursuit of the Rebels 
 to the Ganges Arrival at Cawnpore . 48 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Departure of Lieutenant Roberts from Cawnpore with Brigadier Hope 
 Grant's Column for the Relief of Lucknow Narrow Escape of 
 Roberts from Capture by the Rebels at Buntheera March upon 
 Lucknow Roberts as Quartermaster-General of Sir Hope Grant's
 
 viii Contents. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Division He leads the Army from the Alumbagh Is sent by 
 Sir Colin Campbell on a Special Mission to Alumbagh Is 
 associated with Captain Garnet Wolseley in the Capture of the 
 32nd Mess-house The Return March to Cawnpore The Battle 
 of Cawnpore on the 6th of December The Affair at Serai Ghat. 62 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Roberts gains the V.C. at Khodagunj Occupation of Futtehgurh on 
 the 2nd of January, 1858 A Day's Pig-sticking The Army 
 crosses into Oude Arduous Nature of Roberts's Duties on the 
 Staff Storm of Meeangunj Roberts's Humanity The Siege of 
 Lucknow Operations Trans-Goomtee The Action of Koorsie 
 Roberts is invalided and returns to England .... 76 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Lieutenant Roberts returns to India la employed in Charge of 
 the Viceroy's Camp Lord Clyde's Letter to Lord Canning 
 recommending Roberts Promotion to a Brevet-Majority On 
 Tour with Sir Hugh Rose Is ordered on Special Service to 
 Umbeyla Critical State of Affairs on the North-West Frontier 
 in 1863 The Action of Laloo The Capture of Umbeyla The 
 Burning of Mulkah Major Roberts Compiles a Route Book for 
 the Bengal Presidency Returns to England on Sick Leave On 
 his return to India proceels to Abyssinia with the Expedition 
 under Sir Robert Napier Major Roberts's Services in Abyssinia. 91 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The Looshai Campaign Description of the Country and Cause of the 
 War Colonel Roberts fits out the two Columns of the Expe- 
 ditionary Force He joins General Bourchier at Cachar March 
 of the Cachar Column Arrival at Tipai Mookh Attack on the 
 Kholel Villages led by Colonel Roberts Further Operations 
 against the Looshais Action of the 25th of January, 1872 
 Colonel Roberts Commands at the Capture of Taikoom Arrival 
 at Chumfai Conclusion of Peace and Return of the Column to 
 India Roberts is appointed Quartermaster-General at Army 
 Head-quarters His Services in that Capacity Lord Lytton 
 and General Roberts Roberts is nominated Commandant of the 
 Punjaub Irregular Force and Special Commissioner on the 
 Sciude-Punjaub Frontier 109
 
 Contents. ix 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Afghan War General Roberts is Appointed to the Command 
 of the Kurram Field Force Constitution of the Field Force 
 Brief Description of the Kurram Valley and its Inhabitants 
 The Advance from Thull into Afghan Territory The Occupa- 
 tion of the Kurram Fort The Operations of the 28th November 
 Reconnoissances and Preparations for the Attack on the Peiwar 
 Kotul . 132 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The Midnight March up the Spingawi Ravine Treachery in the 
 Ranks The Capture of the Spingawi Pass Advance along the 
 Ridge and Severe Fighting General Roberts is Wounded The 
 Night Bivouac in the Mountains Occupation of the Peiwar 
 Kotal Account of the Operations by an Officer of the Staff 
 General Roberts Reconnoitres the Shutargardan Pass . . . 149 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 General Roberts returns to Kurram by the Sappri Defile Attack by 
 the Mangals on the Baggage Escort Preparations for the Occu- 
 pation of the Kurram Valley during the Winter The Court- 
 Martial on the Treacherous Soldiers of the 29th Punjaub N.I., 
 and Roberts's General Order to the Force Disposal of the 
 Troops into Winter Quarters Expedition into the Khost Valley 
 The March from Kurram to Hazir Pir, and thence into the 
 Khost Valley Occupation of the Fort of Matun Action of the 
 7th January and Defeat of the Mangals Reconnoissance by 
 General Roberts of the Khost Valley 174 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 General Roberts makes a Tour of the Valley Army Signalling in 
 Khost Durbar of the Headmen of the Khostiwals and Mangals 
 Evacuation of Matun and Return March to Hazir Pir Prepa- 
 rations for the Advance on Cabul Reconnoissance by General 
 Roberts Conclusion of the Treaty of Gundamuck Arrival at 
 Ali Kheyl of the Cavagnari Mission General Roberts Returns 
 to Simla 195
 
 Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 tAOE 
 
 .Massacre of the British Mission at Cabul Receipt of the Intelligenca 
 by Sir Frederick Roberts at Simla He Proceeds to take the 
 Field Arrival at Ali Kheyl Preparations for the Advance on 
 Cabul Sir Frederick Roberts Moves across the Shutargardan 
 Pass He Experiences a Narrow Escape Arrival at Kooshi 
 Interview with Yakoob Khan Proclamations of Sir Frederick 
 Roberts to the Army and the People of Cabul .... 218 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Advance on Cabul Battle of Charasia Sir Frederick Roberts 
 arrives before the Capital His Visit to the Scene of the 
 Massacre of the British Mission Occupation of the Bala His^ar 
 Proclamation of the 12th of October The Punishment Meted 
 out to Cabul 236 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 The Cabul District after its Occupation by the British Events at the 
 Shutargardan Pass The Explosion in the Bala Hissar Occu- 
 pation of the Sherpur Cantonment Sir Frederick Roberts 
 Reconnoitres the Passes towards Jugdulluck Abandonment of 
 the Shutargardan The Expedition to Maidan Unsettled State 
 of the Country Deportation of Yakoob Khan to India A 
 Review of the Situation in Northern Afghanistan before the 
 Events of December 1879 . 256 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 The National Rising of December, 1879 The Plans of Sir Frederick 
 Roberts to Check the Movement The Cavalry Action of the 
 llth December Critical Condition of Affairs at Sherpur and in 
 Cabul Prompt Action of Sir Frederick Roberts Movements of 
 Brigadier- Generals Macpherson and Baker The Attempt to 
 Capture the Takht-i-Shah on the 12ta December Severe fight- 
 ing on the 13th December Capture of Koh Asmai Successful 
 Counter-Attack by the Enemy Heavy Losses Experienced by 
 the British Force Sir Frederick Roberts Determines to Concen- 
 trate in Sherpur Retirement of the British Troops within the 
 Cantonment 280
 
 Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Situation at Sherpur and in Cabul The City and Bala Ilissar 
 Seized by the Enemy Their Movements against Sherpur Sir 
 Frederick Roberts places the Cantonment in a Condition of 
 Defence Colonel Hudson and the Garrison at Lutterbund 
 Desultory Fighting with the Enemy between the 14th and 21st 
 December The Attack of the 23rd December Final Rout 
 of the Afghans by Sir Frederick Roberts Arrival of Brigadier- 
 General Charles Gough with Reinforcements The Future 
 Government of Afghanistan The Rival Pretenders to the 
 Auieership Sir Donald Steward succeeds to the Chief Command 
 in North-Eastern Afghanistan 302 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts and the Negotiations with Abdul Rahman 
 Appointment of the Sirdar to the Ameership Restless State 
 of the Sirdars and People of Afghanistan Arrival of Abdul 
 Rahman at Cabul and Assumption of the Ameership Sir 
 Frederick Roberts's Views on the Kurram Valley Question 
 The Maiwaud Disaster Sir Frederick Roberts appointed to the 
 Command of the Relieving Column His Preparations for the 
 March on Candahar Dramatic Aspects of the Afghan War . 328 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 English Public Opinion on the Projected March through Afghanistan 
 Sir Frederick Roberts quits Cabul for Beni Hissar Incidents of 
 the Forced March to Ghuznee Arrival at Ghuznee and Sur- 
 render of the Town and Citadel The Forced March to Khelat-i- 
 Ghilzye Relief and Removal of the Garrison Sir Frederick 
 Roberts on the Line of March The Advance on Candahar 
 Preparations for the Attack on Ayoob Khan's Position . 343 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Arrival of the Cabul-Candahar Force at Robat Letter from General 
 Phayre Sir Frederick Roberts's State of Health Arrival before 
 Candahar Reconnoissance of the 31st August Preparations for 
 the Attack Dispositions of the Army The Advance on the 
 Pir Paimal Position Storming of the Village of Gundi .Mulla 
 Sahibdad Death of Colonel Brownlow Capture of Pir" Paimal 
 Brilliant Advance of Macpherson's and Baker's Brigades 
 Gallant Conduct of Major White Incidents of the Fight
 
 xii Contents. 
 
 Capture of the Enemy's Camp at Mazra Losses of the British 
 Results of the Victory Sir Frederick Roberts Resigns his 
 Command in Afghanistan ........ 362 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts quits Afghanistan The Question of the Reten- 
 tion of Candahar Sir Frederick Roberts Arrives in England . 
 His Reception by his Countrymen Rewards Conferred on Sir V 
 Frederick Roberts Precedents in the Case of Rewards for 
 Military Services His Speech at the Mansion House Changes 
 in Army Reform due to Sir Frederick Roberts's Criticisms He 
 is appointed to the Command of the Army sent to Coerce the 
 Boers Departure for and Return from South Africa Sir 
 Frederick Roberts attends the German Autumn Manoeuvres 
 His Comments on the German Army and Military System Sir 
 Frederick Roberts is appointed Commander-in-Chief of the 
 Madras Army He leaves England for India Conclusion . . 377
 
 MEMOIR 
 
 OF 
 
 SIR FREDERICK ROBERTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Introduction Some Account of Sir Frederick Roberts's Family The Ser- 
 vices of his Father, General Sir Abraham Roberts His Early Life, and 
 Career at Eton, Sandhurst, and Woolwich Proceeds to India in the 
 Bengal Artillery Serves on his Father's Staff and on the Frontier at 
 Peshawur Outbreak of the Indian Mutiny. 
 
 A MEMOIR of an officer, of whose principal achievement, the 
 march from Cahul to Candahar, German military critics declare 
 that it is the most brilliant performance of a British Army 
 since Waterloo, and which a distinguished officer, who had 
 served throughout Lord Strathnairn's victorious campaign in 
 Central India, declared to us was, in his estimation, the finest 
 exploit achieved by our arms since Sir Charles Napier's con- 
 quest of Scinde the memoir of such a soldier cannot be 
 without interest not only to men of his own cloth, but to the 
 British public, which reads with avidity biographies of its 
 military heroes. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts comes of a military stock, and was 
 cradled, so to speak, amid arms and soldiers. His father, the 
 late General Sir Abraham Roberts, G.C.B., lived to attain the 
 age of ninety, and was the patriarch of Indian Generals. In 
 his day he had achieved no mean renown ; but though his name 
 has been commemorated in military history as that of a gallant 
 
 '
 
 2 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 and capable soldier, it is by the achievements of his still more 
 remarkable son that the name of Roberts will live in our 
 history. There are yet surviving a few grizzled and aged 
 warriors, who can bear witness that Brigadier Roberts, of the 
 first Afghan War, was a good soldier and true, and more, was 
 possessed of a sagacity and prescience, which, had it been 
 found in those responsible for the political and military direc- 
 tion of affairs in Afghanistan, might have averted a terrible 
 calamity. 
 
 The late Sir Abraham Roberts entered the Royal Army in 
 July 1801, with the intention of making it his profession, but 
 the Peace of Amiens in the following year, which caused great 
 reductions, induced him, with many other officers, to join the 
 Indian Service, which had then every prospect of active employ- 
 ment. On the 1st January, 1803, he was gazetted an Ensign 
 in the Army of the Honourable East India Company, on the 
 Bengal Establishment, and, in the following year, served under 
 Lord Lake in his campaign against the Mahrattas. The 
 young officer lived to see the boundaries of British India ex- 
 tended from Delhi and Ferozepore to the Khyber Pass, and was 
 fated to take a prominent part in restoring to his throne that 
 Shah Soojah, who, with his brother Zematin Shah, at this time 
 fluttered the Council Chamber at Calcutta with fears of an 
 Afghan invasion. How vast were the changes, political, 
 military, and social, he witnessed in India during the seventy 
 years succeeding his arrival at Calcutta ! 
 
 The poet Campbell writes of the motives that induced our 
 forefathers to conquer India : 
 
 " Did Peace descend, to triumph and to save, 
 When freeborn Britons cross'd the Indian wave 1 
 Ah, no ! to more than Rome's ambition true, 
 The nurse of Freedom gave it not to you." 
 
 It was the pursuit of commerce that brought us to India, and 
 were we to own the truth, it is no high-flown sense of duty, but 
 our own selfish purposes, and our national love of aggrandize- 
 ment that keeps us there, and has induced us to lavish the 
 best blood of England in fighting our way to supreme sove- 
 reignty over an empire vaster than that of Aurungzebe, and 
 maintaining it against a military revolt that would have ousted
 
 His Fathers Career in India. 3 
 
 from the country any other power but ours. However, as was 
 said by Marshal McMahon on a memorable occasion : " J'y 
 sids, etfy rcste." 
 
 In 1805, Lieutenant Roberts accompanied Lord Lake in the 
 pursuit, across the Sutlej, of Holkar and Ameer Khan, and, in 
 April, 1806, he joined the first battalion 13th Regiment Native 
 Infantry, then on service in Bundelcund. While so employed 
 he suffered severely from the prevailing sickness, caused by 
 fatiguing duties and constant exposure, as, in the absence of 
 cantonments, the army was under canvas during the hot winds 
 and rains, and continually employed against Pindarees and 
 marauders. 
 
 Early in 1807, Lieutenant Roberts was appointed Adjutant 
 of his regiment, being at the time the youngest officer on the 
 establishment performing this duty. At the close of the year 
 he acted as Major of Brigade to General Dickens's force at the 
 sieges of Komona and Gunnowrie, in the Doab, where the 
 troops suffered severely in killed and wounded. In 1810, he 
 volunteered for Java, but his services were not accepted. 
 
 In May, 1814, Lieutenant Roberts was appointed to the 
 department of Public "Works, but, in November of that year, 
 his regiment being warned for service in Nepaul, he obtained 
 permission to rejoin it, and was present at the storm of 
 Kullunga, where the gallant General Sir Rollo Gillespie fell. 
 On the 27th December following, though only a subaltern, he 
 commanded his regiment, which was actively engaged with the 
 enemy at the Morle-ke- Tehee, close to the fort of Jetuk. The 
 force, which was commanded by Major (afterwards General Sir) 
 William Richards, received the high approbation of the Marquis 
 of Hastings.* On the 2nd April, 1815, Roberts was Staff Officer 
 
 * The Adjutant-General wrote to General G. Martindale, commanding 
 the column : " The conduct of Major Richards and his detachment claims 
 the unqualified approbation of the Commander-in-Chief ; that officer suc- 
 cessfully accomplished the main object for which he was detached, and 
 maintained his position against superior numbers for an entire day, during 
 which Major Richards afforded conspicuous proofs of his judgment, coolness 
 and deliberate valour. His Excellency desires that his particular thanks 
 and approbation be expressed to Major Richards for his conduct on the 
 above arduous occasion, as well as to the whole of the officers and men who 
 composed his detachment, and so ably supported him by their determined 
 exertions of bravery, zeal, and discipline, and patient endurance of fatigue 
 and privations." 
 
 B 2
 
 4 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 to a Brigade under the command of Sir William Richards, 
 which was successfully engaged at Birla-ke-Tebee, capturing 
 the Nepaul chief, and completely routing the enemy, for which 
 service he received the thanks of his Commanding Officer, and 
 of the Governor- General, the Marquis of Hastings, who per- 
 mitted him on the conclusion of the campaign, as a mark of 
 favour, to return to his appointment in the Puhlic Works 
 Department. 
 
 On the 9th April, 1816, Lieutenant Roherts again joined his 
 regiment, which was ordered by express from Moradabad to quell 
 a rebellion at Bareilly, in Rohilcund, and made the march of 
 fifty miles without a halt. While in Rohilcund he was placed 
 in charge of the Famine Fund, and had the satisfaction of 
 relieving many thousands of poor sufferers. He now again 
 returned to his appointment in the Public Works Department, 
 where his zeal and activity were proverbial.* Ever anxious 
 to see active service, like his distinguished son, Captain 
 Roberts, in 1824, volunteered for service in the Burmese War, 
 and received the following reply from Colonel Marley, Military 
 Secretary to the Commander-in-Chief, General Sir Edward 
 Paget, G.C.B., dated 30th June, 1824: "With respect to 
 yourself, there cannot be a doubt upon the subject, you fill a 
 very responsible situation under Government, and it is in it 
 your services will be most useful. Every one who is acquainted 
 with you knows well, that if storming a stockade formed any 
 part of your duty, you would go at it like an Irishman." 
 
 So valuable were the services in the Public Works Depart- 
 ment, alluded to above, that, on the 2nd February, 1828, Lord 
 
 * Colonel Penson, the Superintendent of Public Works, writing to Mr. 
 W. B. Bailey, Chief Secretary to Government, under date 30th May, 1817, 
 submitting letters and bills from Lieutenant Roberts, says : " The sum 
 which has been saved on the estimate is considerable, and is highly credit- 
 able to Lieutenant Roberts. I have likewise the pleasure to submit several 
 testimonials in behalf of Lieutenant Roberts, which show how great a 
 favourite this gentleman is in both Civil and Military Departments, and 
 when I consider how greatly an officer of his activity, practical knowledge, 
 and integrity, is wanting to look after the valuable public property in the 
 extensive district of Rohilkund, I hope they may ultimately lead to his 
 fixture in that province. I lately had an opportunity of examining the 
 addition to the jail at Mynporee while erecting under this gentleman's 
 superintendence, and I think he may challenge all India to produce 
 I etter work."
 
 Services of Major Abraham Roberts. 5 
 
 Amlierst, the Governor- General, presented Major Roberts with 
 a handsome piece of plate, with an inscription testifying to 
 " the services rendered by him as head of his department." 
 
 On the 28th September, 1831, he was promoted to Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel, and, in the following year, was selected by Sir 
 E. Barnes, Commander-in-Chief, to command the 1st Bengal 
 Fusiliers, the only European regiment then on the Establish- 
 ment ; and the offer of the appointment was accompanied with 
 handsome letters from the Adjutant and Quartermaster-Gene- 
 rals. Colonel Roberts worked up this fine regiment, then 
 mustering considerably over 1,000 bayonets, to a high state of 
 efficiency, and the General commanding the Dinapore Division 
 wrote to him on 18th January, 1833 : " What I said to the 
 regiment this morning, was what I really felt, and had I the 
 power of language, or a greater fluency of speech, a fair field 
 was open to me to say more. My A.D.C., who has seen many 
 reviews at home, declared he had not for years seen a better 
 performance than the one your fine regiment treated us with 
 this morning." At length, after an uninterrupted service of 
 over thirty years in India, Colonel Roberts * quitted the 
 country on his return home to arrange for the education 
 of his children. 
 
 After a residence in England of two years, Colonel Roberts 
 returned to India. In 1838 took place the Afghan War, and on 
 the 1st November, Colonel Roberts was placed in command of 
 the 4th Brigade of the Army of the Indus, composed of his own 
 regiment and the 35th and 37th Bengal N.I. In February, 
 1839, he commanded in Upper Scinde, and at Bukker, on the 
 Indus, had to superintend the crossing of the park, treasure, 
 Commissariat stores, and baggage of the army, which was done 
 
 * When Colonel Roberts -was about to return home from Cawnpore, 
 General Sir James Sleigh, K.C.B., wrote to him, under date January 5th, 
 1834: "As you are about to embark for England, and the Lord knows 
 when we may again meet, I am induced to send you these few lines to 
 offer you a memento of my esteem and regard ; and from your having 
 been so considerable a time stationed at Cawnpore, while I had the honour 
 of commanding successively the Station and Division, it may not be less 
 gratifying to you than it is pleasing to myself to assure you how much 
 that esteem was increased by the assiduity and attention invariably 
 observed in your exertions to promote the good of the service, and to 
 fulfil the important duties intrusted to your superintendence."
 
 6 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 without loss. Brigadier Roberts commanded the 4th Brigade 
 at the storming of Ghuznee on the 23rd July, 1839, and re- 
 ceived the thanks of the Commander-in-Chief and Governor- 
 General. Succeeding Sir Robert Sale, who was wounded, in 
 command of the fortress, under the arrangements he made, 
 Captain (the late Sir George) Macgregor secured the person of 
 the commandant, Hyder Khan, a son of Dost Mahomed, with 
 many of his followers, for which Sir John Keane personally 
 thanked Brigadier Roberts. 
 
 On the termination of the campaign, the Brigadier was ap- 
 pointed to the command of the Shah's troops, and Lord Auck- 
 land promised him the chief command in Afghanistan. Briga- 
 dier Roberts was an outspoken officer, possessing great expe- 
 rience of Orientals, and he entirely disagreed with the course 
 adopted by Sir William Macnaghten, the Envoy and Minister 
 to the Court of our puppet, Shah Soojah, who, having passed 
 his life in the secretariat, had no experience of governing a 
 turbulent race, but took an optimist view of affairs in Afghan- 
 istan, and persisted in disregarding the warnings of his coad- 
 jutors and assistants, Burnes, Rawlinson, Macgregor, Nott, 
 Roberts, and others. Macnaghten being all-powerful at Simla, 
 carried everything with a high hand, and any one who displayed 
 independence incurred his displeasure. Thus he counselled the 
 recall from Candahar of General Nott, because of his blunt out- 
 spokenness and unco'nciliatory manners ; but the Government 
 had the good sense to retain this capable officer, who saved 
 British honour in Southern Afghanistan. 
 
 Brigadier Roberts saw the true position of affairs, and, warned 
 by the unsettled state of the country, and the several minor 
 disasters that had occurred at outposts, was convinced of the 
 urgent necessity of precautionary measures. Accordingly he 
 recommended that the Bala Hissar and detached forts at Cabul 
 should be strengthened and well armed with artillery ; that in 
 them all the treasure, with an ample supply of grain, should be 
 lodged, and the troops quartered, so that a large force might be 
 available for service in the field. He also remonstrated against 
 the location of troops in remote or exposed situations where 
 they could not be efficiently supported, and, above all, entreated 
 that the force of Afghan levies might be very limited, until
 
 Brigadier Roberts and Sir William Macnaghten. 7 
 
 officers were better qualified, by more perfect knowledge of their 
 language, customs, and feelings, to command them, and until, 
 from observation and experience, some trustworthy judgment 
 could be formed of their conduct, trustworthiness and utility. 
 But his counsels were disregarded, and the levies raised under 
 Maule, Hopkins, and other officers, eventually proved to be 
 mutinous and utterly useless. Again, the military chest for the 
 whole army was kept in the paymaster's quarters in the city, 
 and Roberts pointed out the great danger of this practice, par- 
 ticularly as the force at Cabul was often very weak. While at 
 Cabul, with the consent of the Envoy, he caused the treasure 
 to be placed in the Bala Hissar, and at the same time stored 
 therein a supply of grain. However, shortly after, at the 
 request of the paymaster, but contrary to the wishes of 
 Brigadier Roberts, the treasure was sent back to the city, and 
 when, on the fatal 2nd November, 1841, the paymaster's house 
 was attacked, the money fell into the hands of the insurgents, 
 not only feeding the rebellion but leaving the British force 
 without funds. 
 
 Thus it was that the most ordinary military precautions in 
 an enemy's country were deemed superfluous by the ruling civil 
 authority, and the steps Roberts had taken, and the measures 
 he had recommended, were considered either unnecessary, or 
 as indicative of an admission of weakness. After the crash, a 
 high political officer, writing to Robertson 14th February, 1842, 
 bears witness to his sagacity : " How satisfactory it must now 
 be for you to have written those opinions to which you can refer 
 as having been calculated to prevent much, if not all, of the sad 
 disasters that have befallen the fine force you left here." 
 
 The Envoy with whom privately Roberts was on the best of 
 terms, for Sir William Macnaghten was an accomplished gentle- 
 man, and possessed a generous, noble nature looked upon 
 Roberts as an alarmist, and pitted his own ignorance of mili- 
 tary affairs against the veteran soldier's experience of forty 
 years. He accordingly vetoed Roberts's measures and thwarted 
 his endeavours to provide for the coming storm. Lord Auck- 
 land, who had confidence in the Brigadier, supported him, and 
 in the following letter, dated 6th July, 1840, administered some- 
 thing like a reprimand to his zealous, but injudicious represen-
 
 8 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 tative : "It may, however, I am directed to remark, be of 
 advantage to both services, as well as to the public finances, if 
 deference were upon many points paid to the opinion of Briga- 
 dier Roberts His Lordship in Council has a strong 
 
 desire, in which he looks for your concurrence, to uphold the 
 military position of Brigadier Roberts. Whenever the regular 
 forces shall be withdrawn from Afghanistan, he will be your 
 first military authority, and every British officer employed in 
 that country should be led to look up to him. But for the 
 reasons that have been given, his Lordship in Council, though 
 he would be glad to know that he is frequently consulted by 
 you and the Shah, would not have him directly interfere with 
 the organization and internal management of the corps wbich 
 are not attached to the Contingent. His Lordship can only 
 express his approbation of the care which is exhibited by the 
 Brigadier for the force committed to his charge, and he will be 
 glad when circumstances will permit him to carry into effect 
 his views for its discipline and comfort. His Lordship in 
 Council can have no doubt that in the event of a Corps of 
 Afghans being substituted for one of the Hindostanee corps of 
 the Contingent, Brigadier Roberts will regularly attend to any 
 instructions which he may receive from you upon those ' grave 
 political considerations' which are attached to every measure 
 bearing upon the national habits of Afghanistan." Fortified 
 by this expression of confidence, Roberts continued to press 
 his advice on the Envoy with a freedom justified by his 
 responsibilities and the vast interests at stake : but all to no 
 effect. 
 
 He writes of his action in the matter : " We had ample 
 means, if properly applied, for any emergency, for Lord Auck- 
 land had the force most liberally supplied with all requisites 
 for attack or defence, and he was no doubt disappointed at 
 receiving such different reports from the Envoy and myself, but 
 as I was not permitted to use my own judgment in military 
 matters, or to exercise a salutary control over the force I was 
 supposed to command, and as I could not convince the ruling 
 local authority that precaution was necessary, I, with great 
 regret, wrote to Lord Auckland to say how distressed I was 
 at all that had occurred, and stated that under existing circum-
 
 Sir Abraham Roberts s Later Services. 9 
 
 stances I felt that I could not do justice to the very responsible 
 situation I had the honour to hold." 
 
 On again writing in the same sense, "Roberts was informed 
 that his resignation w r as accepted, and, in 1841, Brigadier 
 Anquetil, who perished in the passes during the disastrous 
 retreat in January, 1842, was sent to relieve him, and so his 
 connection with Afghanistan ceased. 
 
 In 1842, when a large force was concentrated at Ferozepore, 
 Koberts was placed in command of the 4th Brigade of the 
 Army of Reserve, and, in 1844, proceeded to England, thus 
 missing the Gwalior Campaign and the Sutlej and Punjaub 
 Campaigns. In 1851 Colonel Roberts returned to India, and 
 was appointed to the command of the Lahore and Peshawur 
 Divisions. On the murder of Colonel Mackeson, Political 
 Agent at Peshawur, in 1853, Brigadier-General Roberts 
 restored confidence by his prompt military arrangements. In 
 December, 1853, he was compelled from very severe illness to 
 resign his command, and finally returned to England, thus con- 
 cluding an honourable and useful military career. 
 
 Attaining the rank of Major- General in 1854, ten years 
 later he became a full General, and in 1862 was appointed 
 Colonel of the 101st Regiment, formerly his old corps, the 1st 
 Bengal Fusiliers, which boasts of so brilliant a record of 
 service from Plassey to Lucknow, and which he had commanded 
 at the time of the birth of the subject of this memoir. A 
 Companion of the Bath of 1839, General Roberts received the 
 K.C.B. on the 20th of March, 1865, and, finally, on the 8th 
 of December, 1873, was decorated by Her Majesty at Windsor 
 Castle with the Grand Cross of that Order. Within three 
 weeks of receiving this honour, the aged soldier, who could 
 speak of the " brave days of old " of Wellesley and Lake, 
 sank to his rest, full of years and honours. 
 
 His widow, through the kindness of the Queen, resided, 
 until her death last year, in Hampton Court Palace, and had the 
 gratification, denied to her husband, of surviving to witness 
 the achievements of her son on the fields where his father had 
 earned distinction before him. 
 
 Our hero's earliest memories were connected with that most
 
 io Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 debatable of all military subjects, the first Afghan War, in 
 which the varying phases of success and failure became to his 
 youthful mind an oft-told, but ever entrancing tale. As a boy 
 at his father's table, the talk was 
 
 " Of sallies and retires ; of trenches, tents ; 
 Of palisadoes, frontiers, parapets ; 
 Of basilisks, of cannon, culverin ; 
 Of prisoners' ransom, and of soldiers slain, 
 And all the currents of a heady fight." 
 
 To him Afghanistan was a word conjuring up memories that 
 quickened his pulse, and as, round the board of his venerable 
 father, he heard discussions with old companions-in-arms of 
 those dramatic scenes of war, of disgraceful capitulation, of 
 seemingly hopeless imprisonment, and, finally, of glorious 
 retrieval, the boy often longed for the time when he would 
 embark on a military career in that distant land, our conquest 
 of which forms one of the most remarkable episodes in the 
 world's history. Of those veteran comrades of his father few 
 indeed now survive, the most distinguished being Sir George 
 Lawrence, Sir James Airey, Sir Vincent Eyre, Sir George 
 Macgregor, and General Colin Mackenzie,* who, though he 
 did unsurpassed good service during the events at Cabul in 
 1841-42, alone remains undecorated. Such were the incidents, 
 having a prominent place in the memories of childhood, that 
 occupied the thoughts of young Eoberts, and it is scarcely 
 surprising that the future hero of Peiwar Kotul, Charasiah 
 and Candahar, should have dreamed of emulating the career of 
 his sire in the fields which witnessed some of the most painful 
 and glorious events in our military annals. 
 
 Of the family of Sir Frederick Koberts, some particulars 
 kindly placed at our disposal by Sir Albert W. Woods, Garter- 
 King-at-Arms, will interest those of genealogical tendencies. 
 The Eoberts family have been settled for generations in County 
 Waterford, Ireland. One John Roberts married Mary, daughter 
 of Major Sautelle, one of the French Protestant refugees, who 
 fought under William the Third, at the battle of the Boyne. 
 
 * Since this was written, nearly two years ago, the three last-named 
 gallant officers have " gone over to the majority. 1 '
 
 Genealogy of the Roberts Family. 1 1 
 
 Their son was the Rev. John Roberts, Magistrate of Passage, 
 Co. Waterford, who married, on 23rd January, 1771, Anne, 
 daughter of Kev. Abraham Sandys, of Dublin, and died in 
 1814, leaving, among other issue, Captain Sir Samuel Koberts, 
 C.B., R.N., of Belmont, near Waterford ; Captain Thomas 
 Roberts, R.N. ; and the father of the subject of this memoir, 
 born at Waterford, on the llth April, 1784. 
 
 The late. Sir Abraham. Roberts married, as his first wife, 
 Frances Isabella, daughter of George Poyntz Ricketts, Bengal 
 Civil Service, and by her had one son, Major-General George 
 Ricketts Roberts, Bengal Army ; and two daughters, Fanny 
 Eliza, married Major Charles Grant, Bengal Horse Artillery 
 (died in November, 1853) ; and Maria Isabella, married Lieu- 
 tenant William Maconachie Wellwood. Sir Abraham married 
 secondly, on the 2nd August, 1830, Isabella, daughter of 
 Abraham Bunbury* of Kilfeacle, Co. Tipperary (formerly 
 captain in the 62nd regiment) and widow of Major Hamilton 
 George Maxwell, of Ardwell, by whom she had one son, 
 Colonel Hamilton Maxwell, and one daughter, married to John 
 Davis Sherston, Esq., of Evercreach, Somerset. Besides our 
 hero, Frederick Sleighf Roberts, the issue of this marriage 
 was one daughter, Henrietta Mercer, who died unmarried on 
 the 8th October, 1880. Sir Abraham Roberts died on the 
 28th December, 1873, in his 90th year, and was buried in the 
 parish church of Clifton, where he had continued to reside 
 after his return from India. \ 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts was born at Cawnpore on the 30th 
 September, 1832, and proceeded to England early in 1834 with 
 his parents, who, on their return to India, two years later, left 
 
 * The Bunburys, who came over to England with the Conqueror, had not 
 long been resident in Waterford. 
 
 f He received his second name of Sleigh from his godmother, widow of 
 General Sir Francis Sleigh. 
 
 J The following is the heraldic description of the arms, crest, and sup- 
 porters, conferred on Sir Frederick Roberts as G.C.B. : Arms. Azure, three 
 estoile3 or, on a chief wavy of the last, an eastern crown gules. 
 
 Crest. A Lion rampant or, armed and langued gules, charged in the 
 shoulder with an eastern crown of the last, and holding in the dexter paw 
 a sword, the blade wavy argent, hilt and pommel gold. 
 
 Supporters Dexter, a Highlander of the 92nd Regiment, sinister, a 
 Ghoorka, both habited and holding in their exterior hands a rifle, all proper. 
 Motto Virtute et valore.
 
 12 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 him at Clifton. During the succeeding eleven years the home 
 of young Roberts was at Clifton, where he made many friends, 
 who will recall the delicate, rather sickly boy whose buoyant 
 spirits and indomitable nature even then gave promise of 
 future eminence. 
 
 Frederick Roberts received the rudiments of his education 
 at Miss Carpenter's, Long Ashton, between 1838-40, and for 
 the following two years at Monsieur Desprez's, at Clifton. 
 Between 1842-45 he was a pupil of Mr. Mills, at Hampton, 
 and, in September of the latter year, was entered at Eton, 
 where his tutor was the Rev. T. Eyre Young. He was in the 
 fourth form at Eton, and gained a prize in mathematics, and 
 recently we have seen how his old school claimed the honour 
 of welcoming its distinguished Alumnus, to whom the boys 
 presented a sword. 
 
 In July, 1846, young Roberts left Eton, and, in the following 
 January, entered Sandhurst, of which Sir George Scovell was 
 Governor, and General Taylor Lieutenant-Governor. At Sand- 
 hurst, where he remained until June, 1848, he gained a 
 German prize and took up three out of the six steps required 
 for a commission without purchase. At this time his father, 
 who was on leave in England, procured him a nomination 
 to Addiscombe, through the interest of General Caulfield. 
 
 There was, however, no vacancy at the Company's Military 
 Seminary, and Roberts was entered temporarily as a pupil at 
 Stoton's (now Brackenbury's) Preparatory Military Academy at 
 Wimbledon, whence he proceeded to Addiscombe on the 1st 
 February, 1850. Here his military education was conducted 
 under the superintendence of General Stannus, and of his 
 successor in the Governorship, Sir Frederick Abbott, who still 
 survives to congratulate himself on his successful pupil. 
 
 At Addiscombe, where Roberts attained the rank of corporal, 
 he remained for nearly two years, and, in the winter of 1851, 
 came out ninth in a batch of between forty and fifty cadets 
 who passed the qualifying examination. The six at the top of 
 the list selected the corps of Engineers. The two next, to his 
 great satisfaction, preferred the Bombay Artillery, and so 
 Roberts was posted, according to his special wish, to the 
 Bengal Artillery, the chances of seeing service, and the field
 
 Roberts s School and Addiscombe Days. 13 
 
 of distinction being greater during the present century in that 
 Presidency than in those of Madras and Bombay. 
 
 Among Roberts' s contemporaries, during the four terms he 
 was at Addiscombe, were Major-General Sir James Hills, V.C., 
 K.C.B., whose services at Delhi, in Abyssinia, and in 
 Afghanistan, shed such lustre on the corps of which, like 
 Roberts, he was a member ; Captain Elliott Brownlow, of the 
 Bengal Engineers, who was killed at Lucknow; Colonel 
 Lambert, of the 1st Bengal Fusiliers; and Colonel ^Eneas 
 Perkins, R.E., C.B., A.D.C., for whose services as Command- 
 ing Engineer, Roberts applied when he was first appointed to 
 the command of the Koorum force, and who served under his 
 old Addiscombe friend throughout the Afghan War. The two 
 latter officers were, with Roberts, members of a party of six, 
 who " chummed " together and had a fund in common which 
 was placed at the disposal of the fortunate individual who got 
 leave to London from Saturday to Monday. 
 
 While at Addiscombe, Roberts was in very indifferent health, 
 and suffered so much from heart complaint, that at times he 
 would have sherry by his bedside at night to revive him. 
 However, his spirits never flagged, but rose superior to the 
 ailments of a delicate body, so that he was always remarkable 
 for his gaiety and cheeriness. Though small and far from 
 robust, his figure was well knit and very wiry, and his 
 personal appearance in his Addiscombe days is described as 
 giving the impression of his being much older than he was, 
 and he was then, as through life 'under the most discouraging 
 circumstances, very particular in his dress. 
 
 On the 12th December, 1851, Roberts was gazetted a 
 second Lieutenant in the Bengal Artillery, a branch of the 
 Company's Service which has reared many eminent soldiers, as 
 Horsford, D'Arcy Todd, Pollock, Henry Lawrence, Archdale 
 Wilson, Harry Tombs, and others too numerous to mention. 
 On the 20th February, 1852, Lieutenant Roberts sailed from 
 Southampton in the Peninsular and Oriental Company's steam- 
 ship Ripon, by the overland route, which, with its changes 
 at Alexandria, Cairo, and Suez (and at Aden for the Bombay 
 passengers), those who went out to India, " Consule Planco," 
 will contrast unfavourably with the present through system of
 
 14 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 passage by the Canal. At Suez, Roberts took passage in the 
 Oriental, which embarked a double complement of passengers, 
 owing to a delay in the previous steamer. The heat in the 
 Red Sea was very trying to the " griffins," who had left 
 England in the depth of winter, and one of the number, a 
 gallant officer, who has seen much hard service in Delhi and 
 elsewhere, told us he had never forgotten Roberts remarking to 
 some of them one day : " I don't know how we shall ever be 
 able to fight in India if it is as hot as this." The gallant 
 youngster, however, learned to fight throughout the terrible heat 
 of the days at Delhi, and recently we have seen how the fiery 
 sun of Afghanistan was unable to quench his ardour for the 
 rough school of war. 
 
 Among Roberts's fellow-passengers to Calcutta were Sir 
 Barnes Peacock, Chief Justice of Bengal, who is still in 
 harness as a Member of the Judicial Committee of the Privy 
 Council, and that veteran officer, Sir John Gough, G.C.B., 
 going out to resume his office of Quartermaster- General of 
 Queen's troops. On his arrival in India, Roberts reported 
 himself at Dum Dum, then the head-quarters of the Bengal 
 Artillery, but, after a brief stay of four months, proceeded up- 
 country to Peshawur, where his father was Brigadier- General 
 in command of the Division. Here he served on his father's 
 staff in the capacity of acting aide-de-camp, not having passed 
 the languages, but, early in 1852, joined the 1st Peshawur 
 Mountain Battery, commanded by Captain (now Major-General) 
 Tom Brougham, who had the satisfaction of giving the first 
 training in the duties of gunner to the hero of the second 
 Afghan War. Lieutenant Roberts's activity and smartness in 
 acquiring his duties procured him the coveted "jacket," and, at 
 the end of 1854, he was posted to the 1st troop, 2nd Brigade, 
 Bengal Horse Artillery, that splendid service which drew 
 from Lord Hardinge, no mean judge, the avowal that it was 
 unequalled by any in the world. It was no mean distinction 
 to serve in this troop, then commanded by Colonel Barr, an 
 officer who had served with distinction in Afghanistan, and 
 Roberts, by his zeal and efficiency as an artillery officer, kept 
 up the prestige it had acquired. 
 
 Roberts's early service was uneventful. He was not so
 
 Roberts s Service at Peshawur. 15 
 
 fortunate as to be engaged in the war against Burmah, which 
 took place in the year of his arrival in India, but though a 
 valuable province was acquired as the result of the campaign, 
 little honour accrued to our arms in the defeat of so unworthy 
 a foe. Still it was disappointing to an eager soldier like 
 Roberts, and a weary five years passed without his seeing a 
 shot fired. To serve on the staff is in India, as in England, 
 the ambition of the most capable officers of the army, and, on 
 the 25th March, 1856, Roberts was appointed to officiate as 
 Deputy- Assistant - Quartermaster - General of the Peshawur 
 Division, an appointment he held, with a brief intermission, 
 until the outbreak of the Mutiny in 1857. The question of 
 the causes of the Mutiny have been discussed by so many 
 writers that it may almost be said, quot hominis tot sententite. 
 Many well qualified to speak have attributed that great convul- 
 sion which rivalled the French Revolution in its horrors, and 
 the magnitude of the political and social changes introduced by 
 its agency to our recent annexation of Oude, to the bad faith 
 with which the Native Army was treated, and to our denial of 
 the rights of adoption to the Hindoo chiefs ; but these, whether 
 taken singly or together, do not, in our opinion, account for 
 the Indian Mutiny. The annexation was a measure for the 
 good of the people of Oude, necessitated by the incredible 
 misgovernment of its rulers, who had been warned since the 
 time of Lord Wellesley of its imminence. The question of 
 adoption had only a contingent interest for the Native rulers, 
 and in no way concerned the Native Army; and as to the 
 charge of bad faith, the Sepoys had been petted and spoiled 
 until they entertained an overweening estimate of their import- 
 ance an idea likely to be renewed if the fuss made over the 
 Indian Contingent for their recent services in Egypt is to be 
 repeated on every occasion we have need of their services 
 beyond the Indian frontier. 
 
 Rather may we attribute the Mutiny to the lax discipline of 
 the Native Army, the small power entrusted to the European 
 officers, which had been so whittled away that, by an order of 
 Sir William Gomm (Commander-in- Chief in succession to Sir 
 Charles Napier, in 1851), a Sepoy might appeal against the 
 Commanding officer to a court-martial. In our opinion Sir
 
 1 6 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 Richard Temple, whose experience of Indian questions is un- 
 surpassed, hit the right nail on the head when, in his " Men 
 and Events of my Time," he gives the following reason as a 
 " sufficient and self-evident explanation" of the great Mutiny : 
 " The short and plain truth is that the great Mutiny of 1857 
 arose because the British Government in India had for a long 
 time maintained a Native Army much too large, and a British 
 force much too small. The Government thus unwittingly 
 placed itself in the power of the Sepoys. This, and this alone, 
 was the main cause of that tremendous event. The Sepoys 
 would never have revolted unless they had felt themselves able 
 to do so with some chance of success." 
 
 Nothing is so certain in India as the unforeseen. When, 
 early in 1857, the first symptoms of disaffection manifested 
 themselves among our Sepoys, few even among the most 
 sagacious anticipated the deluge of mutiny that was about to 
 overwhelm the land. It was a time of fierce trial to every 
 English-speaking individual in the peninsula. In view of the 
 magnitude of the interests affected, the extent of the area over 
 which warlike operations raged, and the dramatic nature of 
 the scenes that enthralled the attention of the civilized world, 
 well might the portents have been expected, anticipated by 
 Caesar's wife on the eve of the "Ides of March," so memor- 
 able in classic history : 
 
 ''Fierce fiery warriors fight upon the clouds, 
 In ranks, and squadrons, and right form of war, 
 Which drizzled blood upon the Capitol ; 
 The noise of battle hurtled in the air, 
 Horses did neigh, and dying men did groan." 
 
 But though mutterings of sedition were heard at Barrackpore 
 and elsewhere, and portended disaster to those " who had ears 
 to hear," and recalled the scenes before enacted there and at 
 Vellore, yet no one dreamed of the storm that was about to 
 burst over the land. Balls and pic-nics enlivened the dulness 
 of the military stations as in former years, and all " went merry 
 as a marriage bell " at Meerut, Jhansi, Futtehgurh, and Cawn- 
 pore that name of horror to English ears always one of the 
 gayest of stations. The fair women, some newly arrived from 
 England, looked forward with pleasing anticipations to winning
 
 77/6' Eve of the Indian Mutiny. 1 7 
 
 the hearts of the gallant men, of which many were so soon to 
 be stilled in death. And these brave men, whose names are 
 imperishably recorded in the history of the events of '57, what 
 recked they of the wrath to come ? Did not a great master of 
 their art enunciate for their guidance a philosophic truth that 
 has nerved the hearts -of many in the supreme moment of 
 battle ? 
 
 ' Cowards die many times before their deaths, 
 The valiant never taste of death but once."
 
 1 8 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The Siege of Delhi Roberts joins the Punjaub Movable Column Proceeds 
 to Delhi as Deputy-Assistant Quartermaster-General of Artillery 
 Lieutenant Roberts participates in the Action of the 9th July 
 Gallantry of his Friend, Lieutenant Hills Roberts is wounded in the 
 Fighting on the 14th July Preparations for the Bombardment 
 Roberts serves in No. 2 Battery at Ludlow Castle The Storm and Cap- 
 ture of Delhi Sir James Brind's Reminiscences of Sir Frederick 
 Roberts at Delhi. 
 
 ON the 12th May, 1857, news of the mutiny at Meerut and the 
 seizure of Delhi was received at Peshawur, where Lieutenant 
 Eoberts was officiating as Deputy-Assistant Quartermaster- 
 General of the division then commanded by Major-General 
 Eeed. Before noon of the following day, a council of war to 
 provide for the defence of the Peshawur valley and the Punjaub 
 generally, -was held at the General's quarters, at which was 
 assembled a group of officers such as any country might be 
 proud to number among her sons Brigadier Sydney Cotton, 
 commanding the Peshawur garrison ; Lieutenant - Colonel 
 Herbert Edwardes, Commissioner of the division ; Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Nicholson, Deputy Commissioner of Peshawur; and 
 Brigadier Neville Chamberlain, commanding the Punjaub 
 Frontier Force. It was a meeting fraught with mighty conse- 
 quences, for on the counsels of the assembled officers rested, in 
 a measure, the destinies not only of the Punjaub, but of the 
 entire Peninsula. At Nicholson's suggestion it was decided 
 that a Movable Column should be formed to operate upon any 
 point menaced with danger. 
 
 General Reed, accompanied by Lieutenant Roberts as the 
 officer representing the Quartermaster-General's department of 
 his division, went to Rawul Pindee, whither he had been sum- 
 moned by Sir John Lawrence, Chief Commissioner of the 
 Punjaub, to concert measures for the safety of the border 
 province of the Empire during the crisis which, that sagacious
 
 The Punjaub Movable Column. 19 
 
 statesman recognized with prescient vision, had arrived. After 
 conferring with Sir John Lawrence, General Reed submitted 
 to the Commander-in- Chief by telegraph the names of Cotton, 
 Edwardes, Nicholson, and Chamberlain for the command of the 
 Movable Column formed on the 20th May, and General Anson 
 telegraphed back his selection of the last-named officer for the 
 responsible duty. 
 
 General Chamberlain appointed Lieutenant Roberts to be 
 staff officer of the column, which they joined at Wuzeerabad on 
 the Chenaub. It consisted of the following troops from Seal- 
 kote : H.M.'s 52nd Light Infantry, Colonel Campbell ; Major 
 Michael Dawes' troop of Horse Artillery ; Captain G. Bourchier's 
 (No. 17) Field Battery ; the 35th Native Infantry, Colonel 
 Younghusband; and a wing of the 9th Cavalry. There were also 
 attached Major Knatchbull's battery of Native Artillery, the 16th 
 Irregular Cavalry, and wing of the 17th Cavalry. A difficulty 
 now arose on a question that, in our Army, has so often proved 
 a stumbling-block to military efficiency the question of com- 
 mand as regulated by seniority. Colonel Campbell was senior to 
 Neville Chamberlain, and declined to serve under his junior ; but 
 on referring the matter to Lahore, it was soon set at rest, Colonel 
 Campbell being informed that he must either retire from the 
 force or serve under his junior's command. Like a good soldier 
 he selected the latter alternative, and, at a later date, arriving 
 at Delhi with General Nicholson, did good service at the siege. 
 As Colonel Herbert Edwardes wrote at the time : " How 
 common sense revenges itself upon defective systems when real 
 dangers assail a State. Had there been no struggle for life or 
 death when would Neville Chamberlain and John Nicholson, in 
 the prime of their lives,* with all their faculties of doing and 
 enduring, have attained the rank of brigadier-general ? Why 
 should we keep down in peace the men whom we must put up 
 in war ?" 
 
 The Movable Column marched from Wuzeerabad on the 28th 
 May, and in a few days arrived at Lahore. The troops at Meean 
 Meer, the military cantonment of Lahore, consisting of three 
 regiments of infantry and one of cavalry, had already been dis- 
 
 * General Nicholson was at this time thirty-five, and General Chamber- 
 lain two years his senior. Edwardes himself was only thirty- eight. 
 
 c 2
 
 2O Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 armed by Brigadier Corbett, and it was now decided to dismount 
 the 8th Cavalry, a notoriously disaffected corps, like most of 
 the mounted regiments. The operation was successfully 
 effected in the following manner. By a slight change in the 
 usual marching order of the column, H.M.'s 52nd were placed 
 in front, it having been previously intimated to the officer com- 
 manding that, while the left wing and the rest of the column 
 halted at the civil station at Anarkullee, the right wing was to 
 march on to Meean Meer, the encampment six miles farther 
 on, and take up ground at the central picket. The wing 
 arrived in the dim twilight, and drew up alongside the picket, 
 which consisted of two companies of H.M.'s 81st Foot, four 
 guns of the Horse Artillery, and Lieutenant Nicholson's * 
 Irregular Cavalry. The 8th were then ordered out. Over- 
 awed by the proximity of so large a European force, and with 
 Coke's unsympathising Punjaubees at their side, they sullenly 
 obeyed the order to dismount. 
 
 General Chamberlain halted with the Movable Column at 
 Lahore for a few days, during which two Sepoys of the 35th 
 Native Infantry, the same regiment which had done such good 
 service at Jellahabad under Sir Robert Sale, were tried for 
 using seditious language and endeavouring to instigate their 
 comrades to mutiny, and, being convicted, were, on the 9th of 
 June, blown away from guns. On the previous evening intelli- 
 gence had been received by telegraph of the mutiny of the 36th 
 and 61st Native Infantry at Jullundhur, and, on the night of the 
 execution, the Movable Column marched thither, and, on the 
 following day, had covered the distance of thirty miles between 
 Lahore and Umritsur. 
 
 Near the sacred city of the Sikhs is the important fortress of 
 Govindghur, garrisoned at this time by a company of artillery, 
 and a company of H.M.'s 81st Regiment. Here General Cham- 
 berlain received orders to join the Delhi Field Force, to take the 
 place of Colonel Chester, the Adjutant-General, who had been 
 killed at the action of Budlee-Kee- Serai, on the 9th June ; and 
 Colonel Denniss, second in command of the 52nd, took tempo- 
 
 * Lieutenant Charles Nicholson, who was a brother of General Nicholson, 
 lost an arm at the storm of Delhi, and died some time later when on a 
 visit to the grave of his brother, whose death affected his health.
 
 Roberts 's Sewices with the Movable Column. 21 
 
 rary command until the arrival of the Column at Jullundhur on 
 the 21st of June. On the following day, Brigadier-General 
 Nicholson assumed charge, to the great satisfaction of the 
 entire force, and, on the 24th, proceeded to Phillour. Lieutenant 
 Roberts continued on Nicholson's staff in charge of the quar- 
 termaster-general's department, and soon gained the entire con- 
 fidence of his chief. 
 
 These two soldiers, whose exploits during crises in our Indian 
 history have placed their names high in the temple of fame, 
 had much in common. Both possessed that impetuous valour 
 which refuses to he deterred by difficulties when an object has 
 to be achieved, and yet both were gifted with that military 
 insight which correctly gauges the means necessary to effect the 
 end sought to be attained ; inspired on the field of battle by 
 the " Gaudia certaminis," the rapture of the strife, referred to 
 by Attila in his address to his soldiers, these born leaders of men 
 were never more self-possessed than at such a time. In short, 
 Nicholson and Roberts were gifted with that spark of heavenly 
 fire we call genius, whether possessed by the poet, painter, states- 
 man, or soldier. Speaking of the military qualifications of the 
 officers under whom he served during the Indian Mutiny, 
 Roberts gives the palm iucontestably to Nicholson, as not only 
 the best, but indeed the only one who was possessed of that 
 rarest of attributes. 
 
 From Jullundhur General Nicholson marched to Phillour, 
 twenty-four miles distant, on the right bank of the Sutlej, in 
 the direct line of the Grand Trunk Road, a place of such great 
 strategical value, that Sir Charles Napier described it as the 
 " key of the Punjaub." The safety of Phillour was of essential 
 importance, as in the strong fort is a magazine, with munitions 
 of war only inferior in importance to those stored at Ferozepore 
 and at Delhi, now feeding the rebellion, owing to the same 
 system of crass stupidity which cost us an army at Cabul the 
 system by which the very sinews of war are placed within the 
 keeping of those who may be our enemies. 
 
 Some difficulty was experienced in crossing the Beas, which 
 had risen ; but Lieutenant Roberts effected the passage of the 
 troops and stores with a success that elicited the commendation 
 of his chief. On the morning of the 25th of June, on his
 
 22 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 arrival at Phillour, General Nicholson put into execution a step 
 he had been for some time revolving in his mind. This was 
 the disarming of the 33rd and 35th Regiments of Native 
 Infantry, the arrangements for which were made by Lieutenant 
 Roberts, and were carried out with complete success. When 
 the General made his appearance on the camping-ground, there 
 were no signs of preparation for any unusual occurrence. The 
 Europeans and the guns were in advance, and so placed that 
 when the suspected Sepoy regiments came up in succession to 
 the camping-ground, they were completely at the mercy of their 
 white comrades. These had their instructions, and were so 
 disposed, many of the Europeans lying on the ground as if for 
 rest, that the most suspicious could detect no symptom of the 
 impending disarmament. As, however, the first of the Native 
 regiments came up, the men were told to pile their arms by 
 Nicholson, who, leaning over one of the guns, gave his orders 
 as unconcernedly as though they were of the most ordinary 
 character. 
 
 " If they bolt," he said to Captain Bourchier, of the artillery, 
 "you follow as hard as you can ; the bridge will have been 
 destroyed, and we shall have a Sobraon on a small scale." 
 
 But the Sepoy regiments, entrapped by the suddenness of the 
 order, and scarcely knowing what they were doing, piled their 
 arms at the word of command, and suffered them to be taken 
 to the fort. This done, Nicholson addressed them, saying that 
 desertion would be punished with death, and that they could 
 not possibly escape, as the fords were watched. Eight men 
 made the attempt, but were brought back, tried, and con- 
 demned.* 
 
 On the following day Lieutenant Roberts severed his con- 
 nection with the Punjaub Movable Column. Hearing that 
 artillery officers were urgently required at Delhi, he applied for 
 permission to resign his appointment, and join the army there. 
 General Nicholson at first would not give his consent, but 
 Roberts urged his request so earnestly, that, at length, the 
 gallant General, who could not but sympathize with the ardour 
 of the young staff officer, whose ambition to be where blows were 
 
 * See " Eight Months' Campaign against the Bengal Sepoy Army," by 
 Colonel G. Bourchier, C.B., Bengal Horse Artillery.
 
 Roberts s Arrival at Delhi. 23 
 
 thickest, struck a responsive chord in his own breast, gave the 
 required permission. 
 
 Quitting the column at Phillour, Lieutenant Roberts trav- 
 elled in a mail cart with two officers Lieutenant C. F. Packe, 
 4th Native Infantry (attached to the 4th Sikh Infantry during 
 the siege), who was shot in the ankle and maimed for life the 
 morning after their arrival at Delhi, and Captain W. G. Law, 
 10th Native Infantry (attached to the 1st Punjaub Infantry, 
 known as Coke's Rifles, from their gallant leader), who was 
 killed during the siege. 
 
 On arriving at Delhi, on Sunday, the 28th of June, Lieu- 
 tenant Roberts was first appointed Deputy- Assistant Quarter- 
 master-General to the cavalry brigade, but, at his own request, 
 was transferred in the same capacity to the artillery. Within a 
 few days of his arrival in the camp, beneath the historic " ridge" 
 whereon the batteries of the immortal Delhi Field Force were 
 placed, the army was strengthened by some small reinforce- 
 ments, but at no time did it exceed 9,000 efficient combatants. 
 
 The siege, upon which the small British force, under the 
 command of Sir Henry Barnard, entered in June, 1857, is, 
 probably, unparalleled in modern times, for the besiegers were 
 at times equally the besieged, and they were outnumbered as 
 three to one, so that the labour and fighting were harassing 
 in the extreme. Such an event as a regular siege undertaken 
 during the monsoon months was unknown in our Indian history, 
 and would have horrified such old campaigners as Lord Gough, 
 being contrary to what honest Fluellen calls "the true and 
 ancient prerogatifes and laws of the wars." It was a time when 
 the stubborn character of the English blood was displayed at 
 its best, and the men who know not when they are beaten clung 
 with desperate tenacity to their lines and batteries, whilst con- 
 tinuous bodies of rebels poured into the city, flushed with 
 murder and rapine, and bent on establishing the truth of the 
 prophecy held out as a bait to them that the English Raj, 
 which was founded at Plassey on the 23rd of June, 1757, 
 would come to an end on the hundredth anniversary of that 
 event. It was a time of stern, arduous effort, when every man 
 had to play his part, and the heroic in the nature of each found 
 opportunities of display.
 
 24 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 Delhi in 1857 was no place for poltroons or fops, such as the 
 lord Avho excited the ire of the soldierly Percy : 
 
 "Neat, trimly dress'd, 
 
 Fresh as a bridegroom ; and his chin, new reap'd, 
 Show'd like a stubble-land at harvest time. 
 
 * * * * 
 
 As the soldiers bore dead bodies by, 
 He called them untaught knaves, unmannerly, 
 To bring a slovenly unhandsome corse 
 Betwixt the wind and his nobility." 
 
 All eyes in India were centred on Delhi, the focus of rebellion, 
 and it was universally recognized that upon the ability of the 
 small British force, scarce stronger at times than a brigade, to 
 bring the siege to a successful conclusion, depended our hold of 
 the great Eastern dependency and the safety of every white 
 man, woman, and child in the country. It was resolved, in 
 spite of some more timid counsels in high places, to fight it out 
 on that ridge, and, bull-dog like, to die, if needs be, before 
 relinquishing their hold on the throat of rebellion. 
 
 While the effective strength of the besieging force, even 
 with the addition of wings of H.M.'s 8th and 61st Regiments, 
 only numbered 6,600 men, the rebels received constant rein- 
 forcements, and, on the 1st and 2nd July, the Rohilcund 
 mutineers marched over the bridge of boats across the Jumna, 
 in full view of the British troops on the ridge above the camp. 
 They consisted of No. 15 Horse Battery, two 6-pounder guns, 
 the 8th Irregular Cavalry, and the 18th, 28th, 29th, and 68th 
 Native Infantry. The rebels continued to receive accessions 
 of strength, and, during the month of June, there arrived the 
 Jhansi troops, consisting of half No. 18 Light Field Battery, a 
 wing 12th Native Infantry, and the 14th Irregular Cavalry; and 
 the Neemuch Brigade, which included a troop of Native Horse 
 Artillery, a wing 1st Light Cavalry, the 72nd Native Infantry, 
 the 7th Regiment of the Gwalior Contingent, and the cavalry 
 and infantry of the Kotah Contingent. At the lowest esti- 
 mate, Lieutenant Norman, Assistant Adjutant-General of the 
 Field Force, places the rebel strength in August at 30,000 
 men, exclusive of undisciplined men recruited from the city 
 and rural population. Their supply of guns and ammunition 
 was practically inexhaustible, owing to their possession of the
 
 Roberts s First Brush with the Enemy. 25 
 
 magazine in Delhi, the British force being scarcely sufficient 
 to invest one-third of the walls, and access to the left bank of 
 the Jumna being secured to the rebels by the bridge of boats, 
 which was protected by the fire of the guns at Selimgurh, and was 
 fully 2,500 yards from the British batteries. A constant stream 
 of supplies was poured into the city, the British commanders 
 being content to be able to keep open their rear, and communi- 
 cate with the Punjaub, whence all their supplies were derived. 
 Had the large force of trained regular and irregular cavalry at 
 the disposal of the rebel leaders been properly handled, it is 
 certain that communications with Umballa and other points in 
 the rear could not have been maintained, thus ensuring the 
 raising of the siege and the temporary success of the rebellion 
 until the arrival of reinforcements from England ; but through- 
 out the protracted operations known as the Mutiny, the 
 rebellious Sepoys were destitute of any directing head or leader 
 of capacity, and there being no plan of combined action, such 
 advantages as they possessed were neglected. 
 
 Lieutenant Roberts had not been long in camp before his 
 ardent spirit was gratified by participating in the almost daily 
 conflicts in which the Field Force was engaged, either repel- 
 ling an attack or taking the initiative. On the 30th June the 
 rebels made an attack on the position on the extreme right, at 
 Hindoo Rao's house, and Lieutenant Roberts witnessed some 
 sharp fighting, lasting from 9 A.M. till 2 P.M., when the enemy 
 were repulsed. 
 
 During the afternoon of the 3rd July, encouraged by the 
 arrival of large reinforcements, a body of some 5,000 or 6,000 
 insurgents moved into the gardens and suburbs on the right of 
 the British position, and pushed on rapidly from Alipore, one 
 march in rear of the camp, compelling the squadron of 5th 
 Punjaub Cavalry stationed there to fall back towards Rhye. 
 The fire of the enemy's guns could be heard in camp, and at 
 2 A.M. on the 4th July, Major Coke was sent to intercept the 
 rebels with a column, consisting of four guns of Captain 
 Money's troop of Horse Artillery, and two guns of the native 
 troop, Major Scott's Horse Battery, a squadron Carabineers, a 
 squadron 9th Lancers, the Guide Cavalry, the wing H.M.'s 
 61st Regiment, and the 1st Punjaub Rifles. Roberts, in the
 
 26 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 capacity of staff officer, accompanied this column, which num- 
 bered in all about 300 cavalry, 800 infantry, and 12 guns, 
 which were all that could be spared from the camp. 
 
 At one time grave fears were felt that the rebels might be 
 pushing on to attack Kurnaul, or, at least, to intercept 
 treasure on the road under native escort between that station 
 and Delhi. About sunrise, however, it became known that 
 they had re-crossed the canal near Alipore, and were returning 
 towards Delhi along the high and dry ground running nearly 
 parallel with the canal, and at a distance from it of a mile or 
 more. Major Coke at once moved to take them in the flank, 
 but had to proceed over a swampy cross-country road for a 
 mile and a half to a bridge over the canal, and then had more 
 than a mile of swampy fields to pass over. The Artillery came 
 first into action, and were immediately answered by the 
 insurgents' guns, which had been moved into a village when 
 they perceived the British approach, their infantry and cavalry 
 at the same time facing towards the advancing enemy. The 
 infantry, however, save some posted in the village, soon com- 
 menced moving off again, their cavalry shortly did the same, 
 and their artillery fire slackening, it was evident their guns 
 also were being withdrawn. Major Coke again advanced his 
 guns, though with much difficulty, owing to the nature of the 
 ground, and, hurrying on the infantry and mounted men, the 
 Guide Cavalry on the left were directed to push forward and get 
 on the line of the enemy's retreat ; owing, however, to the deep 
 mud, little progress could be made, and the rebels carried off 
 all their guns. However, all the plunder taken from Alipore 
 was re-captured, together with some artillery waggons and 
 ammunition. 
 
 On his return towards camp, Major Coke rested his infantry 
 and some of his cavalry at the canal bank, and, while here, was 
 attacked by some fresh troops from Delhi, including a body of 
 800 horse. The firing was sharp, and cavalry and artillery 
 were sent from camp to Major Coke's support. The attack, 
 however, had been virtually repulsed before these supports 
 arrived, and all returned to camp, the Europeans having 
 suffered much from the intense heat of the sun. 
 
 On the 5th of July, the Commander-iu-Chief, Sir Henry
 
 The Sortie of the <^th July. 27 
 
 Barnard, an officer much liked and respected, expired of 
 cholera, after an illness of six hours, and General Reed, as 
 senior officer in the camp, became Provisional Commander-in- 
 Chief, being the third since the 23rd of May, when General 
 Anson had died of that terrible Indian scourge. 
 
 On the 9th of July, a severe action was fought with the 
 enemy, in which Lieutenant Roberts participated in the 
 capacity of staff officer of the force engaged. During the 
 morning the rebels, in great force, showed out of the city in 
 the suburbs on the right, and about ten o'clock a body of horse, 
 assisted by the treachery of the 9th Irregular Cavalry, made a 
 determined raid into the British lines. On the right was a 
 mound, on which was a battery of three 18-pounders, with an 
 infantry picket, facing the Subzee Mundee suburb, and to the 
 right again were stationed two Horse Artillery guns, with an 
 escort of a troop of the 6th Dragoon Guards (Carabineers). 
 Beyond these, at a position called the Fakir's Enclosure, was a 
 native officer's picket of the 9th Irregulars, with two vedettes 
 thrown forward. The folly of placing an inlet of the camp 
 practically in the keeping of these horsemen, who had shown 
 by their action at Budlee-Kee- Serai, on the 8th of June, that 
 little confidence could be reposed in them, was soon made 
 manifest. The rebel cavalry suddenly charged through the 
 picket of Irregulars and dashed upon the two Horse Artillery 
 guns of Major Tomb's troop, commanded by Lieutenant 
 Hills.* The gallantry and self-sacrifice displayed by this 
 officer should be chronicled here in a memoir of his old 
 Addiscombe friend, whom he accompanied in his memorable 
 advance on Cabul, after the massacre of the Cavagnari 
 mission. 
 
 The Carabineers, only numbering thirty-two troopers, all 
 young soldiers, turned and broke, with the exception of 
 Lieutenant Stillman and two or three men. Lieutenant Hills, 
 seeing the rebel horsemen advancing unopposed, and desirous 
 of giving his gunners time to unlimber, took the desperate 
 resolution of charging single-handed the head of the column. 
 It was a self-sacrificing resolve, worthy to be compared with 
 
 * Now Major-General Sir James Hills, V.C., K.C.B.
 
 28 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 that of the Curtius who sacrificed his life for the good of the 
 Republic, and it was right gallantly carried out, and gained that 
 young officer the coveted V.C., which was never more worthily be- 
 stowed. Charging with impetuosity, Hills cut down the first man 
 he met with, slashed a second across the face with his sword, and 
 turned to meet two other horsemen who had made at him. The 
 horse of the young officer came into violent collision with the 
 steeds of the sowars, and he was hurled to the ground ; the fall 
 probably saved his life, for both his enemies had made desperate 
 cuts at him, which did not take effect, though one laid open his 
 jacket just below the left arm. Hills lay for a moment stunned, 
 and the sowars, thinking him killed, passed on ; recovering him- 
 self, he regained his sword, which lay about ten yards off, and 
 had just time to secure it before he found himself confronted 
 with three " Pandies," two on horseback and the third on foot. 
 The position was as desperate as can well be imagined, but 
 Hills managed to engage them in detail. The first man he 
 brought down from his horse by a sword-cut, and as the second 
 charged him, lance in rest, he dexterously guarded the thrust, 
 and, with a swinging blow, brought him also off his perch. The 
 fellow had received a terrible gash across the head and face, 
 but advanced upon young Hills, who, in a second encounter, 
 despatched him by a sabre wound on the head. He had 
 hardly disposed of this antagonist when the third and most for- 
 midable of the trio, a young and powerful man, was upon him. 
 Hills was now exhausted, and moreover was almost suffocated 
 by his cloak, which during the struggle had got tightly twisted 
 round his throat. A cut he made at his adversary's head was 
 parried, and the Pandy, running in, seized the hilt of Hills' 
 sword and wrenched it out of his hand. Having nothing left 
 but his fists, the young Englishman brought into play the 
 " noble art " he had acquired at Addiscombe. "Punching the 
 head " would, however, do little in the case of a man with a sword, 
 and Hills fell in the struggle, and would have been despatched 
 had not Major Tombs, at the critical moment, dropped his 
 antagonist by a lucky " potshot " with his revolver at thirty 
 yards. 
 
 But Hills' penchant for fighting was not yet satisfied. Re- 
 turning after some time to secure the imlimbered gun which
 
 A Hot Days Work. 29 
 
 had been left behind, the two officers saw the man whom they 
 thought killed making off with a pistol which Hills had 
 hurled at one of his assailants during the recent melee. 
 The young officer ran after him, and made a cut at him with 
 his sword, which the Pandy cleverly avoided by springing on 
 one side, at the same time inflicting a severe wound on Hills' 
 head. The latter sprang to his feet, and cutting at his 
 adversary, nearly severed his hand at the wrist. Major Tombs 
 now arrived and despatched the plucky native by running 
 him through the body. Both these gallant artillery officers 
 received the Victoria Cross, and both acquired great subsequent 
 distinction.* 
 
 Meanwhile, the rebel horsemen riding over and past the 
 guns, followed the flying Dragoons in at the right of the camp, 
 but, failing to induce a troop of native horse artillerymen to join 
 them, were soon driven out by some troops hastily collected 
 together by Captain Fagan, of the Artillery. During this epi- 
 sode the rebels maintained a heavy cannonade from the guns 
 on the city walls and field-pieces in the open, while large bodies 
 of the enemy, stationed in the enclosures and gardens of the 
 suburbs, opened fire on the batteries and Subzee Mundee 
 pickets. To dislodge these a column was formed, under the 
 command of General Chamberlain, who was accompanied by 
 Lieutenant Roberts. The force consisted of Major Scott's 
 Horse Battery, the available men of the wings 8th and 61st 
 Foot, and the 4th Sikh Infantry, in all about 700 infantry and 
 six guns, reinforced en route by the head-quarters and two 
 companies 60th Rifles, under Lieutenant-Colonel J. Jones, 
 the infantry being commanded by Brigadier "W. Jones, C.B. 
 As this column, under constant and heavy showers of rain, 
 swept up through the Subzee Mundee, Major Reid, commanding 
 the Sirmoor Battalion, was instructed to move down from Hindoo 
 Rao's picket on the ridge and co-operate with such infantry as 
 could be spared from the main picket. The insurgents were 
 cleared out of the dense vegetation of the gardens without 
 difficulty, though at some of the serais they offered a very 
 obstinate resistance, and were not dislodged without considerable 
 
 * Sir Harry Tombs, the very beau ideal of a soldier in character and 
 personal appearance, died a few years ago of a painful malady.
 
 30 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 loss. The success of the day, says Norman, " was greatly due 
 to the admirable and steady practice of Major Scott's Battery, 
 under a heavy fire, eleven men being put liors de combat out of 
 its small complement." The British loss was one officer and 
 forty men killed, and eight officers and 163 men wounded ; that 
 of the enemy being officially computed at 500. 
 
 This was the first severe action in which Roberts was en- 
 gaged, and it so whetted his appetite for fighting that a few 
 days later, when another " tamasha" came off, he was in the 
 thick of it, and received a wound which was near putting a 
 premature termination to his career. 
 
 The hardships of camp life were much increased by the 
 torrents of rain which continued to deluge the British lines, 
 while that terrible scourge, cholera, decimated the ranks of the 
 brave little army ; the wings of the 8th and 61st Regiments 
 being the chief sufferers. Reports were received that the rebel 
 chiefs, probably encouraged by the destruction of the can- 
 tonment at Agra by the Neemuch Brigade, had sworn to cap- 
 ture the British guns on the ridge, and smoke their hookahs 
 in Hindoo- Rao's house, the key of the position, which was 
 held throughout the siege by Major Reid with the Sirmoor 
 Battalion and two companies of the 60th Rifles. Accordingly, 
 on the morning of the 14th July, they swarmed out in great 
 force, and attacked the batteries on the right flank, and the 
 fire for many hours from great guns and small-arms was con- 
 tinuous and very heavy. 
 
 As the batteries on the ridge failed to drive the rebels back, 
 about four o'clock a column of attack was formed, under Brig- 
 adier Showers, who was accompanied by General Chamberlain, 
 on whose staff Roberts served for the day. The column con- 
 sisted of half of Major Turner's and Captain Money's troops 
 of Horse Artillery, six guns ; the 1st Bengal Fusiliers, under 
 Major Jacob ; Coke's Corps of Punjaubees, and Major Reid's 
 Sirmoor Battalion ; with some details of Guide Cavalry and 
 Hodson's Horse. The action that ensued was not an unquali- 
 fied success, for though the rebels lost heavily, our small 
 army, in which every life was of consequence, also suffered 
 severely. 
 
 The column marched through the Subzee Mundee, and drove
 
 Roberts is Wounded. 31 
 
 off the enemy, on whom they inflicted great loss, but, in the 
 ardour of the pursuit, followed them up close under the walls 
 of the city, when they got under the range of the heavy guns, 
 which opened on them with grape. There was nothing to do 
 but to retreat, when the rebels sallied out, but did not care to 
 come to close quarters, and a charge of cavalry was effectively 
 met by Hodson, who, wrote Greathed, in his letter describing 
 the events of the day, " always turns up in moments of diffi- 
 culty." The British loss was fifteen men killed and sixteen 
 officers and 117 men wounded. Among the officers wounded 
 were Brigadier-General Chamberlain, who had his arm shat- 
 tered by a grape-shot when leading the troops with all the 
 ardour that distinguished this beau sabreur. 
 
 Roberts, who was actively engaged on the staff, had a narrow 
 escape of his life. As the force was retreating, a bullet lodged 
 in his cap-pouch, and broke the skin of his back, making a 
 severe bruise close to the spine, though had it not been for the 
 cap-pouch he must have been killed. This article of accoutre- 
 ment was a small native-made affair, less than three inches 
 across, similar to what was worn by most officers in carrying 
 revolver caps, and was always carried in front. By some 
 means the pouch had worked round to the back, and was thus 
 the means of saving the life of its wearer, who, on being struck, 
 put his hand to the part affected, and could not at first make 
 out what it was he had got there. For more than a month 
 Lieutenant Roberts was not permitted to go on duty by the 
 doctor, which was a great trial to him, though he visited the 
 batteries, and could not be prevailed upon to keep quiet in his 
 tent. 
 
 The enemy suffered severely on the 14th of July, their loss 
 being estimated at 1,000, and, for hours, carts were seen con- 
 veying their dead into the city. 
 
 A change now again took place in the chief command. 
 General Reed, who had been in ill-health since he joined the 
 force on the 8th of June, and was daily growing feebler, re- 
 signed the command into the hands of Brigadier Archdale 
 Wilson, commanding the Artillery, an officer who possessed 
 the confidence of the army, having, in the actions of the 30th 
 and 31st of May, on the Hindun, displayed considerable skill,
 
 32 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 and with 700 men defeated a rebel force seven times his 
 strength. There were officers senior to Wilson in the camp, 
 but the times were too grave for such considerations to have 
 any weight. The only one of them having superior claims 
 was General Chamberlain, who would have been selected with 
 the unanimous approval of the camp had not the severe wound 
 received on the 14th, incapacitated him from active service 
 during the remainder of the siege, and even from continuing 
 his duties as Adjutant-General, which were filled with con- 
 spicuous ability and success by Lieutenant (now General Sir) 
 Henry Norman, of the 31st Native Infantry. 
 
 On the 18th of July, the last serious fighting took place in 
 the Subzee Mundee, for, by this time, the Engineers had cleared 
 away the walls, serais, and gardens for some distance round 
 the posts held by the British pickets in that suburb, while the 
 breastwork connecting them with the crest of the Hindoo Rao 
 range was completed. The nearest post to the city, an old 
 temple, called by the European soldiers the " Sammy House," 
 some way down the slope of the ridge, and within 900 yards' 
 grape range of the Moree Bastion, was greatly strengthened 
 and cover provided for its garrison. On the ridge itself, addi- 
 tional captured field-guns were planted in favourable positions, 
 thus greatly increasing the duties of the Bengal Artillery, an 
 unsurpassed body of gunners ; and had it not been for the aid 
 of the newly-raised Sikh Artillery, and volunteers from Euro- 
 pean regiments, it would have been impossible to have worked 
 the guns. In these congenial duties, Lieutenant Roberts, 
 when time and opportunity offered, participated with the ardour 
 which, it is said, induces actors, during their evenings of occa- 
 sional leisure, to witness the performance of their brethren of 
 the " sock and buskin." 
 
 On the 20th of July, a reconnoissance was made by a 
 column, under Lieutenant-Colonel Seaton, C.B., 35th Native 
 Infantry, a gallant and able officer, who had served under Sir 
 Robert Sale throughout the siege of Jellalabad ; and, three days 
 later, a strong force was sent under Brigadier Showers to drive 
 away the enemy, who, emerging from the Cashmere Gate, had 
 occupied Ludlow Castle, and annoyed the pickets with the fire 
 from some field-guns. The rebels were dispersed after some
 
 Heavy Fighting before Delhi. 33 
 
 smart skirmishing ; among the British officers wounded being 
 Colonels Seaton and Drought, and Captain Money, commanding 
 a troop of horse artillery, the command of which now devolved 
 on Captain Blunt. 
 
 The enemy at this time displayed great boldness, and, on the 
 night of the 1st of August, a strong body, with guns and mor- 
 tars, which had marched out of Delhi on the preceding day with 
 the intention of getting into the rear of the camp, on their 
 return moved through the Kissengunj suburb, and attacked the 
 position on the extreme right of the ridge, coming close up to 
 the breastworks, as many as 127 bodies being counted in front 
 of one to the right of the Sammy House. The rebels now 
 turned their attention to annoying the British position at Met- 
 calfe's picket on the extreme left, near the river, and in front of 
 Ludlow Castle and the Khoodsee Bagh. At dawn of the 12th 
 of August, a column proceeded to drive them out of their 
 positions, under the command of Brigadier Showers, and was 
 completely successful, though at considerable loss, among the 
 severely wounded being those invaluable officers, Brigadier 
 Showers and Major Coke, the commander of the 1st Punjaub 
 Infantry, or Coke's Rifles. 
 
 Meanwhile Sir John Lawrence was straining every nerve 
 to reinforce the Delhi Army, for, with characteristic sagacity, he 
 recognized the fact that, on the early downfall of the head- 
 quarters of the rebellion, depended the safety of the Empire. 
 Denuding his province of almost every soldier, he despatched 
 Brigadier- General Nicholson to the assistance of General 
 Wilson, with a brigade of all arms, including H.M.'s 52nd 
 Regiment, 600 bayonets, the remaining wing of H.M.'s 61st 
 Regiment, and Bourchier's Light Field Battery. Nicholson, 
 posting on in advance of the column, arrived at the camp on 
 the 8th of August, and dined that night at the head-quarters 
 mess, Mr. Greathed* describing him as "a fine, imposing- 
 
 * The letters of Mr. Hervey Harris Greathed, Commissioner and Political 
 Agent with the Delhi Field Force, who died on the 19th of September 
 before the walls of Delhi, were republished by his widow, and form one of 
 the most interesting records of that eventful struggle. He was one of three 
 brothers who served throughout the siege of Delhi, the others being Colonel 
 (the late General Sir) Edward Greathed, commanding H.M.'s 8th Regiment, 
 and Lieutenant Wilberforce Greathed, of the Bengal Engineers, who was 
 severely wounded at the assault on the 14th of September. 
 
 D
 
 34 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 looking man, who never speaks if he can help it." Eeturning 
 to rejoin his brigade, it marched into camp with drums beating 
 and colours flying on the 13th of August. The advent of 
 Nicholson was hailed with satisfaction by the entire camp, as 
 he had a great reputation as a fighting general, like his friend 
 Neville Chamberlain, but was credited with more caution ; both 
 had been trained in the Punjaub school, like other soldiers then 
 before Delhi, the famous Hodson, and Coke, Daly, Probyn, 
 Watson, and Roberts. 
 
 On the 25th August, Nicholson moved with a strong force, 
 including 16 guns and 800 European infantry, to Nujufgurh, in 
 which direction a large column of the enemy had marched with 
 the intention of intercepting the siege train then moving up from 
 Ferozepore under a weak escort. He asked Roberts to accom- 
 pany him as staff officer, but on the latter applying to do so, 
 the doctors refused permission as his wound was not sufficiently 
 healed. It was a great disappointment to our hero. Nicholson 
 was completely successful, and the rebels were defeated with 
 the loss of thirteen out of eighteen guns they had taken with 
 them. 
 
 On the day this action was fought, the 26th of August, the 
 enemy turned out of Delhi in great force, under the belief, 
 apparently, that the camp would be denuded of troops, but 
 they were repulsed with severe loss. 
 
 On the 4th of September, the siege train arrived, and all 
 the reinforcements expected having come in, the total strength 
 of all arms, including Lascars and artillery drivers, was 
 8,748,* of whom the Europeans were : artillery 580, cavalry 
 443, infantry 2,292. This was exclusive of the men in 
 hospital, 2,977, and sickness prevailed to such an alarming 
 extent that some European regiments were mere skeletons, the 
 52nd Light Infantry, which arrived only three weeks before, 
 600 strong, having but 242 effectives. 
 
 The siege train consisted of forty heavy guns and howitzers, 
 ten heavy and twelve light mortars, manned by some companies 
 of artillerymen, and there were, in addition, four troops of 
 
 * These numbers are exclusive of the Cashmere Contingent, which was 
 accompanied by Major (now Lieutenant-General) R. Lawrence, 2,200 men 
 and four guns, and some few hundred men under the Rajah of Jheend.
 
 Opening of the Breaching Batteries. 35 
 
 horse artillery (one, Major Tombs's, having only four guns), 
 and two field batteries. The engineer force was small, only 
 consisting of 120 trained sappers, but the officers who planned 
 the attack, were unsurpassed in the knowledge of their pro- 
 fession, and included Colonel Baird Smith, chief engineer ; 
 Captain (now Sir) Alexander Taylor, director of the attack, on 
 whom the actual responsibilities of the siege operations, pro- 
 perly so called, devolved owing to his superior being wounded ; 
 and a band of young officers, including Lieutenants Salkeld, 
 Home, Maunsell, and Greathed, such as any corps might be 
 proud to own. The park, under Lieutenant Brownlow, of the 
 Bengal Engineers, had been assiduous in collecting material, 
 and 10,000 fascines, an equal number of gabions, and 100,000 
 sand-bags had been prepared, with scaling-ladders and other 
 necessaries. 
 
 The plan adopted by the General was to hold in check the 
 enemy's batteries on the right, between the Moree Bastion and 
 Cabul Gate, and to push the main attack on the left between 
 the Cabul Gate and Water Bastions, close to the river, which 
 protected the flank, and where there was better cover. The 
 Moree, Cashmere, and Water Bastions were very strong, and 
 the curtain walls connecting them were 24 feet in height, and 
 protected by a ditch 16 feet deep and 20 feet wide, with an 
 escarp 8 feet in height, revetted with stone, and a sloping 
 glacis. 
 
 On the evening of the 7th of September, No. 1 Battery was 
 traced within 700 yards of the Moree Bastion, and by the 
 following morning it was armed. The battery was in two 
 portions, the right, for five 18-pounders and one 8-inch 
 howitzer, to silence the Bastion, and the left portion, for four 
 18-pounders, to hold the Cashmere Bastion partially in check. 
 The officer in charge of this battery, forming the right attack, 
 which succeeded in silencing the enemy's fire exposed to it, 
 was Major (now General Sir) James Brind, a gallant and 
 able officer, who commanded the foot artillery throughout 
 the siege from the 26th June, and subsequently did excellent 
 service under General Walpole and Sir Colin Campbell. 
 Setting to work directly his guns were in position, Major 
 Brind' s practice soon made a visible impression on the Moree 
 
 D 2
 
 36 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 Bastion. Mr. Greathed says in his letter of the 9th of 
 September : " Major Brind has got his sixteen guns at work, 
 and was firing salvos at the Moree and Cashmere. The effect 
 on the Moree, which is nearest, is very telling ; every shot 
 strikes home and sends up a column of dust, and the shells 
 burst inside it." 
 
 The next battery established, known in its proper sequence 
 as No. 2, is of especial interest as that in which Lieutenant 
 Roberts served throughout the bombardment. No. 2 Battery 
 was traced in the evening of the 8th of September, within 600 
 yards of the city walls, at the advanced position at Ludlow 
 Castle, which, to their surprise, the rebels allowed the 
 besiegers to seize without opposition. An Engineer officer 
 to whose perspicuous account of the siege operations, pub- 
 lished in the Lahore Chronicle, under the nom de plume of 
 " Felix," and to Lieutenant Norman's excellent official narra- 
 tive, we are indebted for these details expresses his opinion 
 that this inertness was due to the belief of the enemy that the 
 attack was to be on the right, where all the fighting had 
 hitherto been and the old batteries were mostly located. Lud- 
 low Castle and the Khoodsee Bagh were occupied with strong 
 detachments, and formed the chief supports to the left attack. 
 During the 9th, the rebels opened a sharp musketry fire on 
 these positions from the jungles in front, and with shot and shell 
 from the Water and Cashmere Bastions, but the work of com- 
 pleting the battery went on, and, during the nights of the 
 9th and 10th, it was completed and partially armed. No. 2 Bat- 
 tery was in two divisions, one to the left, armed with nine 
 24-pounders, under command of Major Campbell, whose fire was 
 directed to breach the curtain between the Cashmere and Water 
 Bastions, immediately to the left of the former, and to knock 
 off the parapet to the right and left for some distance so as to 
 give no cover for musketry. Lieutenant Roberts, having gained 
 permission of General Wilson, attached himself to this portion 
 of No. 2 Battery. His ardent spirit could not confine itself to 
 watching the effects of the fire of our guns, while his services 
 might be utilized in directing them. Like the fiery Hotspur : 
 
 " His forward spirit 
 Would lift him where most trade of danger ranged."
 
 Roberts s Services in the Batteries. 37 
 
 The second portion of No. 2 Battery, placed 200 yards to 
 the right, commanded by Major Kaye, consisted of seven 
 8-inch howitzers and two 18-pounders, and its duty was to 
 co-operate with the first portion. During the afternoon of the 
 10th of September, the left section of Major Brind's Battery, 
 consisting of four guns, under the immediate command of 
 Major Kaye, met with an accident, to which we will refer here 
 as Lieutenant Roberts was engaged. Sir James Brind writes 
 to us : " On the 10th of September the left section of my 
 battery was destroyed by the enemy's fire, which would have 
 been attended by disastrous consequences had we not succeeded 
 in removing its guns and magazine into the shelter of the 
 adjacent ravine before he perceived his advantage, and brought 
 to bear upon the burning mass a greatly increased fire which 
 caused some casualties. The work of this section of the 
 battery had fortunately been effected, and as the guns were 
 urgently required for the Ludlow Castle Battery, Major Johnson 
 was directed to take them in charge. This energetic officer 
 claimed my assistance in accomplishing a most difficult task 
 under the cover of night. He was accompanied by Lieutenant 
 Roberts ; and by the indefatigable exertions of officers and 
 men, the operation was effected over difficult ground with- 
 out accident, though full of incidents of a most engrossing 
 character, making that night's work memorable in the history 
 of the siege." 
 
 During the night of the 10th September, the arming of 
 No. 2 Battery was completed by the arrival of the 18-pounders 
 from Brind's Battery, and No. 3 Battery, for six 18-pounders, 
 under command of Major Scott, was also finished within 180 
 yards of the Water Bastion. The audacity with which this 
 work was completed under a hot musketry fire, was an earnest 
 of what was to follow. No. 4 Battery, under Major Tombs, 
 consisting of ten heavy mortars, was completed at the same 
 time in the Khoodsee Bagh. The only steps taken by the 
 enemy to break the ring of iron encircling their boasted 
 defences, were to construct an advanced trench parallel to 
 these batteries, and about 350 yards from them, from which 
 they maintained a heavy musketry fusillade throughout the 
 rest of the siege, and to bring into the open in the Taleewarra
 
 38 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 suburb some field-guns wbich caused considerable annoyance 
 to Nos. 1 and 2 Batteries by their enfilading fire. Before the 
 guns of No. 2 Battery opened fire, a sortie was made from the 
 Cashmere Gate, which was repulsed with loss, and a constant 
 fire was kept up from the trenches in front. A portion of the 
 first Punjaub Eifles, under Lieutenant Nicholson, brother of the 
 General, was, from the 8th to the 14th, engaged in protecting 
 the battery, being posted behind a low wall in advance, with a 
 reserve of the same corps together with some European 
 infantry at Ludlow Castle, and the other batteries were also 
 guarded by strong parties of infantry. 
 
 All being in readiness, the batteries of the left attack opened 
 fire on the llth, the signal being a salvo from the nine 
 24-pounders with which Roberts was stationed. The Engineer 
 officer, already quoted, says that this " salvo showed by the 
 way it brought down the wall in huge fragments what effect it 
 might be expected to produce after a few hours. The Cashmere 
 Bastion attempted to reply, but was quickly silenced, and both 
 portions of No. 2 went to work in fine style, knocking the 
 bastion and adjacent curtains to pieces." The fire was kept up 
 with great spirit during the day, and, in the evening, Roberts 
 had a narrow escape of being killed. He and the other 
 officers of the battery, Major Campbell and Captain (now 
 General Sir) Edwin Johnson, were lying under the parapet, read- 
 ing a newspaper, when a discharge of grape-shot whizzed over 
 the parapet, and a piece struck Major Campbell, who was lying 
 outside, in the thigh, inflicting so severe a wound that he was 
 compelled to surrender the command of the battery to Captain 
 Johnson, Assistant Adjutant-General of Artillery, who, like 
 Roberts, had obtained permission from General Wilson to 
 assist in working the guns of this battery. 
 
 No. 3 Battery did not open fire till the 12th, when fifty guns 
 and mortars were engaged pouring a continuous fire of shot 
 and shell on the defences of the rebels, who must have had it 
 brought home to them that the hour of retribution was about 
 to strike. From 10 A.M. on the llth till the morning of the 
 14th, when the signal for assault was made, there was no 
 cessation of the fiery hail, which the enemy bore with that 
 resignation to the decrees of fate instilled into the hearts of
 
 Narrow Escape of Roberts. 39 
 
 the followers of the Prophet as an axiom of their religion, and 
 though unable to work a gun from any of the three Bastions so 
 fiercely assailed the Mores, Cashmere, and Water Bastions 
 the rebel gunners stood by their field-pieces in the open, which 
 partially enfiladed the British batteries, and showed that the 
 lessons our officers had taught them at Maharajpore, Sobraon, 
 and Goojerat had been turned to account. Not only from these 
 light pieces, but from a gun whose fire was brought to bear 
 from a hole in the curtain wall, from rockets directed from a 
 Martello tower, and a heavy fusillade from their advanced 
 trench and from the city walls, the enemy made a vigorous 
 resistance, and sought to delay the impending hour of doom. 
 
 The force of Foot Artillerymen even without relief, being 
 insufficient to man the guns, nearly all the officers and 
 men of the Horse Artillery were sent into the batteries and 
 worked in them until the morning of the assault, when they 
 rejoined their troops. In addition to these, the Carabineers 
 and 9th Lancers furnished a quota of volunteers, " whose intel- 
 ligence and goodwill rendered their services most valuable." 
 Several infantry officers, who had volunteered their services, 
 had been under instruction for some days before the breach- 
 ing batteries opened, and were afterwards most usefully em- 
 ployed in the latter. The men of the two field batteries of the 
 force were not taken for the siege guns, as one battery fur- 
 nished the three divisions of guns for the pickets, and the other 
 was in reserve in camp. 
 
 During the bombardment Lieutenant Eoberts had another 
 narrow escape. He had charge of the right guns, and on 
 opening the embrasure to fire, while laying one of them, a 
 round shot took off the arm of the gunner who was "serving" 
 the vent and knocked him over, but he escaped without serious 
 injury. 
 
 General Wilson now thought the time had come to storm 
 the city, and, during the night of the 13th of September, some 
 Engineer officers stole down and examined the two breaches 
 near the Cashmere and Water Bastions, Lieutenants Medley 
 and Lang the former, and Lieutenants Greathed and Home 
 the latter. Both breaches were reported practicable, and orders 
 were issued that night for the assault to take place at daybreak
 
 4O Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 on the following morning. Four columns of assault were 
 formed ; the first, under Brigadier-General Nicholson, to storm 
 the breach near the Cashmere Bastion, and escalade the face of 
 that Bastion ; the second, under Brigadier Jones, to storm the 
 breach in the Water Bastion ; the third, under Colonel Campbell, 
 to assault by the Cashmere Gate after it had been blown open ; 
 and the fourth, under Major (now General Sir Charles) Reid, 
 to attack the Kissengunj suburb and enter by the Lahore 
 Gate. There was also a reserve column under Brigadier 
 Longfield. Lieutenant Roberts now rejoined the staff of 
 General Wilson, as the services of all the officers attached 
 to the Commander-in- Chief would be in requisition during 
 the critical operations connected with the assault. 
 
 At 4 A.M., on the 14th of September, the different columns 
 fell in and were marched to their respective places, the heads of 
 Nos. 1, 2, and 3 columns being kept concealed until the 
 moment for the actual assault should arrive. The signal was 
 to be the advance of 200 men of the 60th Rifles, under 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Jones, as skirmishers to the front to cover 
 the heads of the columns. It is not our province to describe 
 the thrilling details of the assault of the breaches at the Cash- 
 mere and Water Bastions ; the explosion of the Cashmere 
 Gate by the band of heroes, Lieutenants Home and Salkeld, 
 and Serjeants Carmichael, Burgess, and Smith ; and the death 
 of the ever to be lamented Nicholson, when, having carried all 
 before him at the point of the bayonet, he proceeded, with the 
 eagerness characteristic of his heroic nature, to clear the ram- 
 parts between the Moree Bastion and Lahore Gate, and fell 
 while animating his troops to increased exertions.* 
 
 * Roberts says it was impossible for any troops in the world and none 
 finer could be found than the well-seasoned soldiers of the Delhi Field 
 Force to have carried the Lahore Gate, the narrow streets and passages 
 leading to which were commanded by loopholes and housetops from which 
 a hot fire rained down on the heads of every man who showed himself. In 
 that terrible ordeal Nicholson called on his men for further efforts, and 
 seven officers stepped to the front to show the way. All were shot down 
 save his aide-de-camp, Lieutenant Kennett Dixon, of the Bengal Cavalry. 
 " I shall not forget you, Dixon, should we survive,'' said the hero, whose 
 majestic form was soon laid low by a bullet. The writer has a special 
 satisfaction in recording this incident of a young officer his relative who 
 was killed a few months later heading a charge of the Mooltanee Horse.
 
 The Storm of Delhi. 41 
 
 The storm of Delhi is an oft-told tale, though it is one that 
 reflects undying lustre on the arms of our country. 
 
 The only failure throughout the operations of this eventful 
 day was that of the fourth column under Major Reid, which, 
 advancing from the Subzee Mundee suburb towards Kissengunj, 
 in company with the Cashmere Contingent, was compelled to 
 fall back with heavy loss, among the severely wounded being 
 the gallant commandant. 
 
 The Cavalry, 600 sabres, under Brigadier Hope Grant, with 
 a troop and a half of Horse Artillery, under Major Tombs, co- 
 operated during the assault by checking any attempt of the 
 enemy to attack the storming columns in flank by a sortie from 
 the Lahore Gate. 
 
 The actual loss, among combatants, during the bombard- 
 ment between the llth and 14th, was 327 officers and men, 
 including Captain Fagan of the Artillery, as fine a soldier as 
 any in the camp, and t during the assault (exclusive of the 
 casualties sustained by the Cashmere Contingent), no less than 
 66 officers and 1,104 men were killed and wounded, being 
 nearly one-third of the force engaged. The Bengal Fusiliers, 
 of which 250 went into action, lost nine officers, including 
 Major Jacob commanding; and other regiments suffered in 
 proportion. Of seventeen Engineer officers on duty at the 
 assault, ten were placed hors de combat, including the three 
 officers, Lieutenants Medley, Greathed, and Maunsell, leading 
 Nos. 1, 2, and 8 columns, and Lieutenants Tandy and Salkeld of 
 the storming party, the former of whom was killed, and the 
 latter died of his wounds.* Lieutenant Roberts had his horse 
 shot during the day. He was going round the position with 
 Captains Norman and Johnson, and came under a heavy fire 
 from a party of the enemy. At the time the horse was killed 
 he had dismounted and was leading the animal. 
 
 During the 15th several mortars were got into position to 
 shell the town and palace, a battery was opened from the 
 College Gardens of the Palace, and a breach was made also 
 from the College in the magazine defences. Meanwhile the 
 
 * During the siege the 60th Rifles lost in killed and wounded 389 men 
 out of 640 ; the Sirmoor Battalion, 319 out of 540 ; and the Corps of 
 Guides, 303 out of 550.
 
 42 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 enemy kept up a cannonade on our portion of the city from the 
 fortified post known as Selimgurh, and from the magazine a 
 constant musketry fire was maintained on the College com- 
 pound. At dawn on the 16th, the magazine was successfully 
 stormed by H.M's. 61st Eegiment, and Kissengunj was evacu- 
 ated by the enemy, who left five heavy guns, of which posses- 
 sion was taken by a party sent forward from Hindoo Rao. 
 "We were now, for the first time," says Norman, "enabled 
 to see the immense strength of the insurgents' position here 
 and in Taleewarra, and which they had spared no labour to 
 improve." 
 
 Gradually pushing on, but making all secure in his rear 
 before taking another step, General Wilson, on the 17th and 
 18th, brought his right and left positions at the Cabul Gate 
 and magazine into direct communication by a line of posts ; the 
 Bank, Major Abbott's house and the dwelling of Khan Mahomed 
 were also taken, so that his posts were now close to the Palace 
 and Chandnee Chouk. "These advances," says the Engineer 
 officer already quoted, <c were not made without opposition both 
 from field artillery and musketry, but, being conducted with 
 great judgment, our loss was trifling." All the mortars, includ- 
 ing those captured in the magazine, now played constantly 
 upon the palace and the quarters of the town occupied by the 
 enemy, who, seeing that all further resistance was hopeless, 
 made their escape by the gates at the opposite end of the city. 
 On the evening of the 19th, the Berna Bastion was surprised 
 and captured by a party from the Cabul Gate, and, early next 
 morning, the Lahore Gate and Garstin Bastion were likewise 
 taken and held. By the 20th* the King's palace and Selimgurh, 
 the old Mogul fortress on the opposite side of the town to the 
 Lahore Gate, were captured, and, on the morning of the 21st, a 
 royal salute announced that Delhi had changed masters, and 
 the headquarters of General Wilson were established in the 
 Dewan Khas, or Great Hall of Audience, of the palace. 
 
 An extraordinary circumstance is narrated by Sir Hope 
 
 * The total loss of the Delhi Field Force, from the 30th of May to the 
 20th of September, was 46 officers and 946 men killed ; 140 officers, and 
 2,655 men wounded ; and 30 missing.
 
 The Storm of Delhi. 43 
 
 Grant in his journal, showing in a striking manner the fatal- 
 istic sentiments inspiring the breast of the Mussulman. 
 
 As the British troops advanced to seize the King's palace, 
 two sentries were observed pacing their beat, armed and 
 accoutred according to regulation. They took no heed of the 
 advancing enemy, and were bayoneted at their posts. Such 
 indifference in the presence of imminent death is foreign 
 to the Western nature, which yet can boast a superior 
 presence of mind, if not courage. But the doomed sentry acted 
 on the philosophic sentiment of Caesar, who is made to say by 
 our great dramatist : 
 
 " It seems to me most strange that men should fear, 
 Seeing that death, a necessary end, 
 Will come, when it will come." 
 
 Meanwhile, Lieutenant Hodson, whose services throughout 
 the siege were of so important a character that it is scarcely 
 an exaggeration to say that no officer of the investing army 
 conduced more to the success of the siege, marching quite 
 round the city, seized a large camp outside the Delhi Gate, 
 hastily evacuated by the rebels, and soon his cavalry had 
 secured the Jumma Musjid, in the heart of the city, where 
 they were speedily supported by the infantry and guns advanc- 
 ing from the opposite direction. Following up his success, 
 the King of Delhi, the miserable descendant of the Grand 
 Mogul, was captured a few miles from the city, on the 21st 
 of September, by Lieutenant Hodson, who, on the following 
 day, marched with a handful of his gallant irregular horsemen, 
 and completed the good work he had accomplished throughout 
 the siege by the seizure of two of the King's sons and a 
 grandson, all deeply implicated in the atrocities committed in 
 the massacres of the preceding May. 
 
 Into the vexed question of the shooting of these princes by 
 Lieutenant Hodson we will not enter here further than to 
 remark that after a careful perusal of Hodson's own account 
 of the affair, of the Memoir of that gallant 6fficer by his 
 brother, of the description of the scene by his subaltern, 
 Lieutenant MacDowell, the only other European eye-witness, 
 who afterwards died the soldier's death, after carefully
 
 44 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 weighing the considerations that guided Hodson (a man of 
 nerve and not given to panic) in the commission of the act, 
 of the necessity of which he must have been the best judge 
 we cannot but acquit this gallant soldier of needless blood- 
 shedding. His career at Delhi,* achieved as the most bril- 
 liant of free lances, was so remarkable that envy was aroused 
 in breasts where it might least have been expected, and, sad 
 to say, this discreditable feeling was not exorcised even by his 
 death, some months later, in the service of his country, when, 
 surely, any blots in his career if any there were, and Lord 
 Napier of Magdala denied their existence might have been 
 buried with him in his grave at Lucknow. This estimate of 
 the character of the late Major Hodson is in agreement with 
 that formed by such distinguished soldiers as Sir Donald 
 Stewart, Sir Frederick Roberts, Sir James Brind, Sir James 
 Hills, and many others of his comrades at Delhi. 
 
 During the operations between the 14th and 21st of Sep- 
 tember, Lieutenant Roberts was employed in reconnoitring the 
 streets and defences of Delhi before they successively became 
 the objects of attack, and the valuable service he was thus 
 enabled to render may be gathered from one circumstance. 
 From the information he obtained General Wilson was enabled 
 to take the Berm Bastion in reverse, and also the enemy's 
 position in the Chandnee Chouk, in the heart of the city, 
 without the loss of a man ! 
 
 A distinguished officer of the Delhi force writes at our 
 request some reminiscences of Roberts at this time. Major 
 Brind says : " My first acquaintance with Sir Frederick 
 Roberts as a professional associate was in the Peshawur 
 valley. He was at the time aide-de-camp to his father, the 
 late General Sir Abraham Roberts, G.C.B., with whom I had a 
 pleasant acquaintance at Cawnpore in 1833. On my return to 
 Peshawur from active service, the General, then commanding 
 the division, sent his son one or two marches to meet me, and 
 I have a vivid recollection of the interest he took in the 
 splendid battery I had brought safe through a most difficult 
 
 * Mr. Greathed says of him in one of his Delhi letters : " Hodson keeps 
 an Argus-eye on the rear and left flank, and is always ready for an adven- 
 turous ride. He has a rare gift of brains as well as of pluck."
 
 BrincPs Reminiscences of Roberts. 45 
 
 country to the point of our meeting. In those days the roads 
 and ghats leading to Peshawur offered in many places formid- 
 able difficulties to the safe passage of artillery, and it was, 
 therefore, particularly gratifying to receive the General's ap- 
 proval. We were together at Peshawur for a year and a-half, 
 during which time I was in chief command of the artillery 
 force at all our field days there. On these occasions young 
 Roberts acted as my orderly officer most satisfactorily, being 
 then conspicuous as ever after for energy and ready appreciation 
 of field operations. 
 
 " "We next met in the Delhi Field Force I in command of 
 the Foot Artillery, and he as Deputy-Assistant Quartermaster- 
 General to the artillery of the force, so we only accidentally 
 came across one another, but it was patent to the Delhi Field 
 Force that this zealous, clever officer never missed an oppor- 
 tunity of serving the cause we were engaged in, and of laying 
 in a stock of practical knowledge that proved so valuable to 
 him in after life. The time at last arrived (and not a day too 
 soon, for the loyalty of the Punjaub was at its last breath, and 
 on it, so far as we all could judge, depended the safety of India) 
 when the actual siege of Delhi became obligatory. Nicholson's 
 success at Nujjuffgur cleared the road for the safe arrival of the 
 siege train, which Major Gaitskill, of the Artillery, had been 
 directed to bring down from Ferozepore, under charge of that 
 indefatigable Officiating Commissary of Ordnance, Captain 
 Gray. It was safely parked in our camp, and made ready for 
 distribution along the line of attack, as the breaching batteries 
 were reported by the chief engineer ready to receive their ord- 
 nance and detachments. The Foot Artillery was so weak in 
 officers and men through the casualties of three months' service 
 that the batteries had to be further strengthened by large 
 drafts from the Horse Artillery and European Cavalry, and 
 volunteers from among the commissioned ranks were called 
 for, and in like manner distributed and instructed by battery 
 commanders. The artillery officers on the staff, including 
 Lieutenant Roberts, had also to take their share of battery 
 work. From the 14th of September, he reverted to the 
 Quartermaster -General's department and we had another 
 seven days' and nights' continuous work in clearing the city of
 
 46 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 the enemy. As my duty required I had to visit hatteries 
 light and heavy engaged in these operations, during which I 
 found him actively employed." 
 
 Long before the close of the siege of Delhi, Lieutenant 
 Roberts had established a reputation in the camp as one of the 
 most promising officers of the Indian Army. Both Generals 
 Chamberlain and Wilson, on whose staff he had acted through- 
 out the siege, except during the bombardment between the llth 
 and 14th of September, rated his capacity very high, and the 
 latter, in his recommendation to Government, described him as 
 "an active and gallant officer." General Nicholson also had 
 so high an opinion of his capabilities that when, taking time 
 by the forelock, that brilliant officer had demanded of General 
 Wilson (and been accorded) the command of the column that 
 was to pursue the enemy on the fall of Delhi, he selected 
 Lieutenant Roberts to accompany him. Major Campbell and 
 Captain Johnson, under whose immediate command he served 
 during the three days' bombardment, when his battery at 
 Ludlow Castle had the chief work breaching the curtain 
 between the Cashmere and Water Bastions, reported in the 
 highest possible terms of the zeal, intelligence and skill dis- 
 played by Lieutenant Roberts. 
 
 We boast of the qualities of the Anglo-Saxon race, and when 
 we regard the circumstances under which Delhi was captured 
 there is good cause for self-glorification. Here was a vast city, 
 with defences recently placed in efficient order according to 
 modern military requirements by our own Engineer officers, 
 containing a magazine with a practically inexhaustible supply of 
 ordnance and ammunition, garrisoned by a disciplined force of 
 the three arms, trained and disciplined by our own officers, 
 flushed with success, and outnumbering as three to one the 
 besiegers, who, owing to their paucity, could only beleaguer 
 one-third of the city, while with the remaining two-thirds and 
 the river-face, over which was a bridge of boats under their con- 
 trol, they maintained free communication with the surrounding 
 country, whence supplies and reinforcements were derived to 
 any extent required. It will not be denied, even by our Conti- 
 nental detractors, that no nation but the British would have 
 gravely set about the task of capturing such a city with a
 
 Roberts s Services at Delhi. 47 
 
 single weak division ! When the French undertook to subju- 
 gate the Arab tribes on the Tunis frontier, they dispatched 
 30,000 men, though, with a similar European force, scattered 
 throughout the whole Peninsula, we broke the neck of the 
 rebellion in '57, for Delhi was captured by the Indian Army 
 before a soldier arrived from England. What the British 
 soldier did a quarter of a century ago he will do again to- 
 morrow, provided he is intelligently led.* Taken all in all, 
 then, the siege of Delhi is unsurpassed in the annals of war, 
 and bearing in mind that its capture was the turning-point in 
 the suppression of the Mutiny, each one who took part in it 
 may repeat, with just pride, the words of the Latin poet, 
 Quorum pars magna fui. 
 
 * The Egyptian campaign has proved that this anticipation, which 
 recent events in South Africa had, in the opinion of many, tended to dis- 
 prove, was not hazarded by the writer without warrant.
 
 48 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Lieutenant Roberts takes the Field with Colonel Greathed's Movable 
 Column The Action at Bolundshur Narrow Escape of Lieutenant 
 Roberts The Capture of Allyghur Roberts is engaged in the Pursuit 
 with the 9th Lancers The Surprise at Agra of the 10th of October 
 Roberts's share in the Severe Fighting and Pursuit The March to 
 Mynpoorie Skirmish and Pursuit of the Rebels to the Ganges- 
 Arrival at Cawnpore. 
 
 No sooner had General Archdale Wilson' s gallant army fairly 
 achieved the complete reconquest of Delhi, than a column was 
 formed to clear the Doab of the enemy, and endeavour to open 
 communication with General Havelock at Cawnpore. Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel E. H. Greathed, of the 8th (the King's) Regi- 
 ment, was nominated to the command, and Lieutenant Roberts, 
 who had been serving throughout the siege as Officiating 
 Deputy Quartermaster-General of Artillery, was appointed to 
 the charge of the Quartermaster-General's Department, Lieu- 
 tenant Norman being placed at the head of the Adjutant- 
 General's Office of the Movable Column.* 
 
 The immediate object of the march of Colonel Greathed's 
 column, after clearing the Doab, was to march direct on Cawn- 
 pore, as the relief of the Lucknow garrison pressed urgently. 
 
 * The strength of the column, according to Lieutenant Norman, was as 
 follows : 
 
 1st European troop, 1st Brigade Horse Artillery, four 6-pounder guns, 
 one 12-pounder howitzer ; 2nd European troop, 3rd Brigade Horse Artillery, 
 four 6-pounder guns, one 12-pounder howitzer ; 3rd Company 1st European 
 Battalion Artillery and No. 17 Horse Field Battery, four 9-pounder guns, 
 two 24-pounder howitzers. Attached to the Artillery, two 5J-inch mortars. 
 Effective rank and file in round numbers 
 
 Detachment of the Corps of Sappers and Miners, detach- 
 ment of Punjaub Sappers and Miners .... 200 
 
 H.M.'s 9th Lancers 300 
 
 Detachment 1st Punjaub Cavalry, 2nd do., and 6th do. . 320 
 
 Detachment Hodsou's Irregular Horse . 180 
 
 Head-quarters H.M.'s 8th and 75th Regiments . . . 450 
 
 2nd Punjaub Infantry, 4th do. (Rifles) . . . 1,200
 
 GreathecCs Movable Column. 49 
 
 There was no thought then of going to Agra, the town and 
 cantonments of which were in the possession of the enemy, the 
 European non-combatants and refugees from the surrounding 
 district being crowded into the fort, an old Mogul structure of 
 immense size, now held by the 3rd Bengal Europeans and the 
 late Captain D'Oyley's battery of artillery, both in a numer- 
 ically weak state. 
 
 The Movable Column having a strength of 930 Europeans and 
 1860 Natives, marched from its encampment outside of the 
 Ajmere Gate on the morning of the 24th of September, and, 
 crossing the Jumna by the bridge of boats, made a march of 
 thirteen miles to Ghazee-ood-deen-nuggur, the point at which 
 the road from Delhi to Meerut branches off the Grand Trunk 
 Eoad. Lieutenant Roberta's labours as the officer in charge of 
 the Quartermaster-General's Department of an army marching 
 in, practically, an enemy's country, had now begun, but he 
 achieved a marked success in his first venture in a field with 
 which his name during the succeeding twenty years has been 
 so closely identified. His duties required him to proceed in 
 advance of the column to mark out each encampment, to pro- 
 cure information of the enemy's movements, and act on the 
 brigadier's staff during the military operations. 
 
 The column halted on the 25th, as the baggage animals were 
 out of condition, owing to the long halt in the unfavourable cli- 
 mate of Delhi, and advantage was taken of the delay to search 
 the baggage of the camp followers for plunder taken at Delhi 
 in order to relieve the cattle. The halt was also utilised to 
 institute an examination of the neighbouring villages, where 
 many rebels were apprehended and executed. 
 
 On the 26th, the column marched eleven and a half miles, to 
 Dadra, the people of which were reported by Mr. Clifford, the 
 civil officer accompanying the force, as having plundered the 
 neighbouring village of Secundrabad. Colonel Greathed had 
 surrounded Dadra at daylight by a squadron of the 1st Punjaub 
 Cavalry, under Lieutenant (now General) Watson, and, on the 
 arrival of the main body, the place was destroyed. On the 
 following day the force marched to Secundrabad, ten miles 
 distant. The place had been gutted by the " Goojurs," from 
 Dadra ; but the inhabitants, reassured by the presence of the 
 
 E
 
 50 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 British, returned during the day in great numbers to the vil- 
 lage. The march was continued on the 28th, by the cross road, 
 to the civil station of Bolundshur, seven and a half miles, with 
 the object of attacking the fort of Malagurh, fifteen miles from 
 that place, the residence of the Mussulman Nawaub Wallydad 
 Khan, who had afforded active assistance to the rebels. On 
 nearing Bolundshur, Lieutenant Roberts received information 
 that pointed to a determined opposition on the part of the insur- 
 gent force, including regular troops and guns. Major Ouvry, of 
 the 9th Lancers, commanding the cavalry, accompanied by Lieu- 
 tenants Norman and Roberts, proceeded in advance of the 
 main column, and about a mile from the city encountered the 
 rebel picket of horse, which fell back. On continuing the 
 advance it became evident that a battery had been constructed 
 across the road, not many hundred yards in advance of the 
 point at which our cavalry had arrived ; bodies of insurgent 
 cavalry were likewise seen on each flank, but the ground imme- 
 diately near the battery being covered with trees, compound 
 walls, and the ruined residences of the English civil officers, 
 it was not practicable to ascertain the force of rebel infantry. 
 
 The advance party of cavalry was speedily reinforced, and 
 joined by two guns of Captain Remmington's Battery of Horse 
 Artillery, which were brought into action to open on the 
 breastwork in their front, behind which men were constantly 
 passing. But the enemy were too quick, and before our guns 
 could open, commenced a fire of round shot, to which Captain 
 Remmington at once replied. Soon after the remaining guns 
 of his battery arrived, and came into action about a hundred 
 yards to the right of the road. Captain Bourchier's Battery 
 also came up, and, under the direction of Lieutenant Roberts, 
 who had reconnoitred the ground, took ground more to the 
 right, thus bringing its fire to bear on the enemy's flank. 
 The detachments of H.M.'s 8th and 75th Regiments, and '250 
 of the 2nd Punjaub Infantry, some 700 bayonets, were pushed 
 forward through the gardens and houses of the civil station, 
 and Captain Bourchier's Battery moved on at the same time, 
 supported by a squadron of the 9th Lancers and a squadron 
 5fch Punjaub Cavalry, while Lieutenant Hugh Gough, with his 
 squadron of Hodson's Horse moved on the right of the infantry,
 
 Gallant Services of Roberts. 5 1 
 
 and kept in check a considerable body of Sowars. Lieutenant 
 Roberts accompanied Captain Bourchier's Battery, which, 
 coming into action in an advanced position, fired salvoes of 
 grape at the breastworks, and the infantry moving forward, the 
 rebels abandoned their position and fled, leaving a 9-pounder 
 gun behind their breastwork, which was in a good position across 
 the junction of two roads, with trenches for infantry on either 
 flank.* Captain Bourchier says, "By the cross fire which was 
 kept up upon the enemy's battery, their fire was subdued ; an 
 advance was then ordered. A few salvoes of grape cleared the 
 front, and the Commanding officer being anxious that the 
 position should be secured, ordered an immediate advance of 
 Artillery. Lieutenant Roberts, of the Artillery, who seemed 
 ubiquitous, brought the order at a gallop. The guns charged 
 and took the battery, the enemy scampering before us as we 
 came up to it. Lieutenant Roberts was first at the guns. A 
 second burst, after clearing our front with grape, brought us to 
 the goal : the enemy flying before us like sheep." 
 
 The Cavalry did special good service, and the gallant 
 conduct of the 9th Lancers under Major Ouvry and Captain 
 Drysdale, in clearing the streets of Bolundshur, was worthy that 
 distinguished regiment, which had three officers severely 
 wounded. Lieutenants Probyn, 2nd Punjaub Cavalry, Young- 
 husband, 5th Punjaub Cavalry, and Watson, 1st Punjaub 
 Cavalry, three as gallant and dashing leaders of irregular horse as 
 any army ever boasted, did equally good service in encountering 
 superior bodies of the enemy, who displayed much determina- 
 tion, and made an attempt on the baggage, which was repulsed 
 by the reserve. The British loss in the action was six officers 
 and forty-one men killed and wounded, while that of the rebels, 
 whose force included the 12th Native Infantry and 14th Irre- 
 gular Cavalry, was not less than 300. 
 
 Lieutenant Roberts accompanied the 9th Lancers, which 
 distinguished regiment served under his orders with such 
 credit during the recent Afghan War, and shared the dangers 
 of its brilliant charge in the crowded street, nearly ending his 
 career there and then. While passing under a gateway, in 
 
 * See Lieutenant Norman's Abstract of Proceedings of Colonel Greathed's 
 Movable Column. 
 
 E 2
 
 52 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 company with Captain Sarel, 9th Lancers, and Lieutenant 
 Anson, A.D.C., their horses got jammed up with hackeries and 
 non-combatants seeking to escape, and a Sepoy took a delibe- 
 rate aim at Roberts from a window within a few feet, and fired. 
 Providentially his horse, a valuable Wuzeeree charger he had 
 bought from General Nicholson, reared and received the bullet 
 in his head, while his master escaped unhurt. 
 
 Lieutenant Roberts received the special thanks of Colonel 
 Greathed, of Major Ouvry, commanding the cavalry, who wrote 
 of " the most valuable information and assistance" he afforded 
 him, and of Captain Bourchier, with whose battery the Deputy- 
 Assistant Quartermaster-General, assuming his double char- 
 acter of a gunner, advanced. That officer reported of his 
 conduct to Major Turner, commanding the artillery of the 
 column, in the following terms : " I should be doing an injus- 
 tice were I not to bring to notice the assistance I obtained 
 from Lieutenant Roberts of the Artillery, who showed me my 
 ground, and in rapid advance down the road first arrived at the 
 gun we captured." 
 
 The enemy being dispersed about 1 P.M., the action having 
 lasted three hours, the baggage was brought up, and camp 
 pitched a mile beyond the town. During the evening informa- 
 tion was received that the rebels had evacuated the fort of 
 Malagurh, which was occupied by Lieutenant Baker with a 
 detachment of Hodson's Horse, and, on the following morning, 
 Colonel Greathed, with the Engineers and staff, including 
 Lieutenant Roberts, visited the place. It was a fortunate 
 circumstance that the rebel Nawaub had evacuated the fort, as 
 there were no heavy guns with the column, and only two small 
 mortars for shelling, while the place was of great strength, 
 being surrounded with a deep ditch over twenty-five feet broad. 
 Each face was about 200 yards in length, with a bastion at each 
 angle and in the middle, the mud rampart had a strong parapet 
 all round, and was about ten feet thick at the top, and there 
 were three gateways, one within the other, with narrow 
 approaches. 
 
 Some guns and much ammunition were found within the 
 fort, as well as an immense quantity of plundered property. 
 Colonel Gjeathed halted while the place was being destroyed by
 
 Action at Allyghur. 53 
 
 the Engineers, during which Lieutenant Home, of Cashmere 
 Gate renown, was accidentally killed by a premature explosion, 
 to the great regret of the force. During the halt, carriage was 
 sent for to Meerut for the removal of the sick and wounded, 
 and much good was wrought by the presence of the troops in 
 restoring confidence among the peaceable inhabitants of the 
 district, and of Bolundshur, which was found nearly deserted 
 on their arrival. 
 
 The fort of Malagurh being sufficiently destroyed, and a 
 detachment of troops having arrived from Meerut to protect 
 the town of Boluudshur, the Movable Column marched thence 
 on the 3rd of October, to Koorjah, a distance of twelve miles, 
 and, on the following day, to Somna, thirteen and a half miles. 
 Here intelligence was received that the insurgent Mohamme- 
 dans who, under Mungal and Mytaub Singh, had in the pre- 
 ceding month murdered or expelled the civil authorities, were 
 prepared to oppose the British advance at Allyghur, and, 
 further, that the Rohilcund mutineers had reached Hattrass from 
 Muttra, and by some accounts were going to join the Moham- 
 medan insurgents at Allyghur. 
 
 Colonel Greathed accordingly started on the 5th for Allyghur, 
 a distance of fourteen miles, to reconnoitre and learn the road 
 by which the enemy's position could be turned. On approach- 
 ing the town, the rebels opened fire upon the reconnoitring 
 party with some guns, and it was found that both roads leading 
 to the city from the direction of Bolundshur were in their occu- 
 pation. Roberts halted with the small detachment of cavalry 
 forming the advanced guard ; but was compelled to fall back a 
 little to more advantageous ground, on which a number of the 
 enemy came forward, but gave the cavalry no opportunity of 
 charging. Two guns, under Captain Blunt, now came up and 
 joined the cavalry on the right, and, opening fire at short range, 
 speedily silenced and captured the rebel guns, killing the four 
 men who were working them. The remaining guns of Captain 
 Blunt's battery, moving down the left road, silenced and cap- 
 tured a gun placed at a breastwork newly constructed across the 
 road, but the rebels had disappeared amid the gardens and 
 houses in the suburbs. On the arrival of the infantry a 
 general advance was ordered.
 
 54 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 Lieutenants Probyn and Hugh Gough, with their two squad- 
 rons, swept round to the right of the city, keeping well away 
 from the walls. Major Ouvry, accompanied hy Lieutenant 
 Roberts, with the head-quarters of the cavalry and Bourchier's 
 guns, made a similar detour to the left, passing through the 
 deserted compounds and gardens of the cantonments, and even- 
 tually pursued down the Cawnpore road. Major Turner, with 
 three guns, a detail of cavalry, H.M.'s 75th, and the 4th Pun- 
 jaub Rifles, followed close round the walls to the right, while 
 Colonel Greathed with the rest of the force remained in reserve. 
 The cavalry on both flanks pursued with vigour for some 
 miles, cutting up the enemy, and Major Turner, pushing 
 round, broke open the city gates and made his way in various 
 directions into the town, taking two guns in position, and 
 destroying a magazine in one of the houses. Moving on thus, 
 he eventually reached the Sasnee Gate, and was there joined 
 by Lieutenant Gough's squadron, which had been quite round 
 the city on the other side. Within the town were to be found 
 only Bunniahs and shopkeepers of all kinds, who testified the 
 most lively joy at the return of the British, and it was very 
 evident that their condition under the rule of the insurgents 
 had not been a prosperous one. Major Ouvry's column, with 
 which was our hero, had a chase after "Pandy" of about 3 miles, 
 and in the high crops with which the country was covered, 
 some hundreds of Goojurs armed with swords and hatchets, 
 were put up like game in an English cover, and 200 bit the 
 dust. Major Turner's column, and the cavalry under Major 
 Ouvry, now moved to the encamping-ground and joined 
 Colonel Greathed, who sent the 2nd Regiment of Punjaub 
 Infantry and a squadron of cavalry to search the town, and 
 bring away any guns and arms that might be found. 
 
 A detachment 2nd Punjaub Infantry, with two European 
 officers, was left at Allyghur, and on the 6th the column 
 marched a distance of fourteen miles, to Akbarabad, where 
 dwelt Mungul and Mytaub Sing, twin brothers, Rajpoot chiefs, 
 who had made themselves conspicuous in the insurrection. 
 The cavalry surprised the place, and both the chiefs, with about 
 100 armed insurgents, were killed. Three small guns were 
 found loaded and in position at the residence of the chiefs,
 
 Arrival at Agra. 55 
 
 besides property and ammunition of various kinds. The house 
 was blown up and the village destroyed. 
 
 The column was halted on the 7th, and, on the following day, 
 marched seven miles across country to Byjygurh, where says 
 Norman, "for the first time we found an apparently thriving 
 town uninjured by the troubles which have desolated every- 
 thing along and near to the Trunk road." In the course of 
 the day Colonel Greathed received reports (afterwards ascer- 
 tained to be unfounded) that the detachment left at Allyghur 
 was likely to be attacked, and that night sent off a small 
 reinforcement. He also received urgent calls from Agra, with 
 an intimation that the mutineers from Dholepore were coming 
 to attack that place. Accordingly at midnight on the 8th, 
 seven squadrons of cavalry and the Horse Artillery, with whom 
 Roberts proceeded, marched to Saidabad, and eventually to 
 Kundowlee, a distance of thirty-six miles, and were preparing 
 to proceed to Agra, when intelligence was received that it was 
 not necessary. In this march they passed Hattrass, which 
 had a few days previously been plundered by a large force of 
 7,000 men, armed with eighteen guns, and several thousand 
 armed " budmashes," passing from Muttra to Oude, under 
 Bukht Khan, the Bareilly Artillery Subadar. 
 
 The remainder of the Movable Column came up early in the 
 following morning, and, at sunrise on the 10th October, the 
 whole marched together into Agra, across the bridge of boats 
 and under the fort, the inhabitants of which turned out to see 
 the welcome spectacle. Lieutenant Roberts proceeded in 
 advance of the column to mark out the camping-ground, and 
 was met by the intelligence that the enemy had disappeared. 
 He accordingly made preparations for the camping of the 
 column. So secure from attack did the authorities at Agra 
 consider themselves that Colonel Cotton, the Brigadier com- 
 manding the garrison, desired that the camp should be pitched 
 near the church, on a space that would not have held half the 
 force, and would have necessitated dispersion amongst com- 
 pounds ; but after some discussion, and in compliance with 
 Colonel Greathed' s wishes, Roberts marked out the camp on 
 the Native Infantry Parade-ground. As the sequel proved, 
 had the column been thus divided, with houses and compounds
 
 56 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 in front, it must have sustained on that day very severe loss, 
 and perhaps even annihilation, while it certainly could not 
 have attained the success which was achieved. 
 
 That the action that ensued was in the nature of a surprise 
 is certainly chiefly attributable to the defective intelligence of 
 the authorities at Agra, and little blame can attach to Colonel 
 Greathed, though it was sought in some quarters to fix it on 
 him, and Brigadier Hope Grant, who was sent to relieve him, 
 says, " Proper precautions had not apparently been taken by 
 our force when it marched in by at once posting pickets and 
 sending out cavalry patrols to examine the country in the 
 vicinity of the camp. The consequence was that before the 
 camp was pitched the enemy opened fire with their guns from 
 three different directions." Mr. (now Sir) William Muir, 
 Secretary to Government, North-West Provinces, writing to 
 Grant from Agra, on the day of the action, imputes no blame 
 to Greathed. He says : " The enemy came on our camp 
 with artillery on three sides. Greathed's force had hardly got 
 the camp into order. The surprise, however, was only 
 momentary, and the sound and smoke of the artillery dis- 
 charges show that we have followed them up three or four 
 miles. It was a most complete surprise in one sense to us, 
 but a greater one to them. They could have had no idea that 
 we had so large a force. It entirely justifies the urgent 
 messages we have been sending for Greathed, but his fellows 
 must have been wretchedly tired. They had marched some 
 forty-two miles within thirty or forty hours." 
 
 All arms were speedily engaged, some of the troops turning 
 out in their shirt sleeves, but there was no disorder, for the 
 old Delhi campaigners had perfect confidence in their leaders 
 and themselves. While the guns opened fire with vigour and 
 effect, the Punjaub Cavalry, on the right, charged and beat 
 back the enemy, and the 9th Lancers, on the left, met in full 
 career and repulsed a daring charge of the rebel troopers of the 
 1st Light Cavalry and Irregular Horse. Lieutenant Roberts, 
 having completed his duties, was breakfasting in the fort 
 when he heard of the unexpected inroad of the rebels. Riding 
 quickly to the scene of conflict he found the pickets driven in 
 and Lieutenant Hugh Gough engaged with the enemy, who
 
 The Action at Agra. 57 
 
 were in the camp, in the midst of which hand-to-hand com- 
 bats were going on. Drawing his sword, Eoberts made his 
 way through the combatants to the side of his commander. 
 
 During the melee, a squadron of the Lancers made a 
 brilliant charge on a large body of Sowars on the flank of 
 Blunt' s guns, in which Captain French was killed, and Lieu- 
 tenant Jones received twenty-two wounds, but survived to wear 
 the Victoria Cross. The Punjaub Cavalry, under Lieutenants 
 Watson, Probyn, and Younghusband, equally distinguished 
 themselves by capturing three guns, and the rout of the 
 enemy was soon complete, and he was in full retreat, pursued 
 by all arms, Lieutenant Koberts being with the foremost party 
 of cavalry. On one or two occasions the rebels attempted to 
 make a stand at villages on the Gwalior road, but the British 
 fire was too much for them, and the infantry coming up, their 
 guns were captured. At a point five miles from cantonments 
 the rebel camp was taken, and from thence to the Kalee 
 Nuddee (black stream) the pursuit was one of cavalry and 
 Horse Artillery. Gun after gun was taken, and strings of 
 hackeries captured, fugitive Sepoys being cut down at every 
 yard. On reaching the Kalee Nuddee, which was nearly 
 unfordable, the 1st Light Cavalry, drawn up on the opposite 
 side, made a show of forming a rear-guard, but Captain 
 Kemmington's guns speedily coming up, drove them off. 
 
 Twelve guns, being all the rebels had brought over, were 
 captured, and between 500 and 600 men were killed, and had 
 the crops not been so high, forming such admirable cover, 
 their losses would have been far heavier. " There never was," 
 says Norman, " a more complete rout, and probably never a 
 hotter pursuit." After securing the guns, and bringing off or 
 destroying the standing camp, the troops returned to the can- 
 tonment about seven o'clock, having performed the almost 
 unparalleled achievement of fighting an action and marching 
 sixty-six miles in forty hours, nine miles of which the cavalry 
 did at a trot through high crops or over ploughed fields. 
 Roberts says that he saw a Sikh infantry 'soldier drinking 
 water in the Kalee Nuddee who had marched fifty miles, and 
 after pursuing to this stream marched back to camp ! The 
 British loss was small, consisting of twelve killed and fifty-four
 
 58 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 wounded, and the result achieved was considerable, a great 
 effect having been produced among the insurgent forces, which 
 consisted of between 6,000 and 8,000 men, including the 
 mutineers from Mhow, part of those from Neemuch, and 
 parties from Delhi, Indore, and Gwalior. 
 
 Though the attack was in the nature of a surprise, it was 
 one for both parties, for the rebels had no intelligence of the 
 near approach of Greathed's column, and fancied they were 
 dealing with the Agra garrison, and hence they took the offen- 
 sive, displaying a dash quite foreign to their method of attack. 
 The disaffected in the city were said to have been engaged to 
 destroy the bridge of boats, but this was frustrated by the 
 rapid advance of the British, and it is probable that their 
 intention to attack such a strong and well-garrisoned fort as 
 Agra was due to the expected co-operation of the Gwalior 
 Contingent, with their siege-train, and four batteries of 
 artillery. But as Norman remarks : " The most astonishing 
 part of the whole affair was the utter want of information, or 
 rather the incorrect information, of the Agra Government. 
 Within half an hour of fire being opened, the very best 
 authority (as it was supposed) had declared the mutineers to be 
 beyond the Kalee river, and yet, at that very time, they must 
 have been within a mile or so of camp. In fact they crossed 
 the river with guns, ammunition, waggons, &c. and as the 
 water was by no means shallow and the banks steep, this must 
 have been a work of time pitched a camp within five miles of 
 the fort, and close to a village, and advanced to the attack past 
 many villages without one word of correct information reach- 
 ing the Agra authorities, who, indeed, that very morning 
 received intelligence directly opposed to the truth." 
 
 Lieutenant Roberts had no small share in the honours of 
 this hard-fought and most laborious day, and had the gratifica- 
 tion of seeing his name mentioned in despatches by Colonel 
 Greathed, Colonel Cotton, and Mr. C. B. Thornhill, the Secre- 
 tary to Government, North-West Provinces. 
 
 Colonel Greathed was very anxious to open communication 
 with General Havelock's force, and a detachment, with two 
 guns, having been sent to relieve the party left at Allyghur, 
 the column crossed the river on the 14th of October, and
 
 Advance on Cawnpore. 59 
 
 marched on the following day to Mynpoorie, which they 
 reached on the 19th, the last march heing twenty-four miles. 
 On the previous day Brigadier Hope Grant arrived from Delhi 
 and took command of the Movable Column, and from this time 
 till the close of his service during the Mutiny, Lieutenant 
 Koberts served on the staff of that distinguished General, who 
 was singularly fortunate in his staff, which included such 
 officers as Wolseley, Roberts, Biddulph, Wilmot, and the late 
 Augustus Anson. 
 
 The column made a rapid march of twenty-four miles to 
 Mynpoorie, where resistance was expected, but the Rajah and 
 his followers fled, and some guns and a gun-foundry fell into 
 the hands of the British, also two and a half lacs of rupees, 
 saved by the Rao, his brother, who met the column on the line 
 of march. Brigadier Grant halted on the 20th, and the fort 
 having been destroyed, marched on the following day to Bewer, 
 which, on their approach, was abandoned by a rebel force 
 detached from Futtehgurh by the Nawaub. At Bewer, the 
 junction of the four roads leading to Cawnpore, Meerut, 
 Futtehgurh, and Agra, Brigadier Grant received a letter from 
 Sir James Outram, written in the Greek character, requesting 
 him to push on to Lucknow to his aid with all speed, as they 
 were running short of provisions. He determined, accordingly, 
 not to delay by leaving the road to attack Futtehgurh, and on 
 the 22nd made a forced march of twenty-eight miles to Goor- 
 saigunge, and on the following day pushed on to Meerun-kee- 
 Serai. While Lieutenant Roberts, with his guard, was 
 reconnoitring close to the town, situated on the banks of a 
 stream, he was fired upon by a battery on the opposite side, 
 supported by about 500 infantry, engaged in getting the guns 
 across. General Grant sent to his assistance a squadron of 
 Lancers, two of Punjaub Cavalry, and two guns. Our artillery, 
 getting into action, soon silenced them, and they fled, leaving 
 their guns, which were captured, while the cavalry, fording the 
 river, pursued them for several miles, cutting up a considerable 
 number. Lieutenant Probyn, with the squadron of 2nd 
 Punjaub Cavalry, continued the pursuit as far as the Ganges, 
 into which the remnant of the fugitives were driven. The 
 guns were brought into camp one 24-pounder howitzer,
 
 60 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 one 9-pounder, and two brass native guns, 3-pounders, besides 
 ammunition-waggons and two store-carts. During the pursuit 
 Roberts displayed his accustomed ardour, and crossed swords 
 with a rebel sowar, who cut his horse across the flank. 
 
 On the 24th of October a forced march of twenty- two miles 
 was made to Poora, and two ordinary marches, on the 25th and 
 26th, took the column into Cawnpore, where it was directed by 
 Brigadier Wilson, of H.M.'s 64th Regiment, commanding at 
 the station, to halt until orders for an advance on Lucknow 
 were received from Sir Colin Campbell, the newly-arrived 
 Commander-in-Chief. 
 
 As the column, barely numbering 3,000 men, marched into 
 Cawnpore, it was surrounded by large bodies of the enemy 
 the Gwalior Contingent, a highly-disciplined force of 5,000 
 men, with batteries and a siege-train, in all amounting to 
 thirty-six guns, being encamped on the banks of the Jumna, a 
 few miles distant, and a force under the Nawaub of Futtehgurh 
 of about the same strength, with artillery, in the rear, and 
 other bodies of rebels between the Ganges and Lucknow. 
 But the mutinous Sepoys displayed an unaccountable lack of 
 enterprise, and feared to attack, though burning to destroy the 
 troops destined to save the women and children at Lucknow 
 from the fate that had befallen their unfortunate compatriots at 
 Cawnpore that name of horror, the sound of which even now, 
 to those who were in India in the Mutiny year, 
 
 " Shall blow the horrid deed in every eye 
 That tears shall drown the wind." 
 
 Nothing more painful ever met the eye of Roberts and the 
 officers and men of Grant's column, than the scene presented 
 by this once handsome station, now gutted and burnt, with 
 scarce a house standing, but only blackened walls and evidences 
 of slaughter on every hand. There was the house where was 
 enacted the last scene in the unhappy tragedy, with its blood- 
 stained walls and heart-rending inscriptions, telling of the 
 wounds the writers had received, the deaths of those dear to 
 them, and breathing agonizing appeals to Heaven for mercy, 
 and to man for the succour that never came. There was the 
 hospital, which formed the centre of the position on the open 
 plain, defended for twenty-two days by Sir Hugh Wheeler
 
 The Scene at Cawnpore. 61 
 
 against the artillery and overwhelming forces of the enemy, 
 and, lying about, scraps of letters, children's shoes, ladies' 
 bits of ribbon, and other piteous memorials of the ill-fated 
 occupants ; and there was the terrible well, with its contents 
 scarcely covered by a thin layer of earth. Once beautiful 
 women and innocent children lay there in a festering mass, 
 and the echoes of their voices, though stilled in death, called 
 in trumpet-tones to the shuddering visitors who crowded round 
 these sad memorials, to avenge the deed than which the history 
 of all time can show nothing so black or treacherous. 
 
 The officers and men of the Delhi Field Force had seen 
 much of bloodshed and the horrors of war during the past few 
 months, but nothing to approach this scene at Cawnpore. 
 As they turned away horror-stricken from the fatal well, there 
 was no need for incentives to steel their hearts against wreaking 
 a full measure of revenge, such as were called to her aid by 
 Lady Macbeth before perpetrating the murder of Duncan. 
 
 " Fill me, from the crown to the toe, top full 
 Of direst cruelty. Make thick my blood. 
 Stop up the access and passage to remorse, 
 That no compunctious visitings of nature. 
 Shake my fell purpose, nor keep a pace between 
 The effect and it."
 
 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Departure of Lieutenant Roberts from Cawnpore with Brigadier Hope 
 Grant's Column for the Relief of Lucknow Narrow Escape of Roberts 
 from Capture by the Rebels at Buntheera March upon Lucknow 
 Roberts as Quartermaster-General of Sir Hope Grant's Division He 
 leads the Army from the Alumbagh Is sent by Sir Colin Campbell on 
 a Special Mission to Alumbagh Is associated with Captain Garnet 
 Wolseley in the Capture of the 32nd Mess-house The return March 
 to Cawnpore The Battle of Cawnpore on the 6th of December The 
 Affair at Serai Ghat. 
 
 AT Cawnpore Brigadier Grant received an accession of 
 strength, including 350 men of the 93rd Sutherland High- 
 landers, under Colonel the Honourable Adrian Hope (who fell 
 at Rooyiah, in Oude), which hrought up the strength of the 
 column to 3,460 men and twenty guns. With this force he 
 and his officers felt they could accomplish anything, and all 
 were inspired with feelings of self-gvatulation when the order 
 came for them to commence their march for the relief of Luck- 
 now. The column crossed the Ganges by the bridge of boats 
 on the 30th October, and pushed on to Bunnee, where the 
 bridge was found to be destroyed, but the river was forded 
 without difficulty. The Brigadier now received an order from 
 Sir Colin Campbell, who arrived at Cawnpore from Calcutta 
 on the 3rd November, directing him to halt until he joined 
 him. 
 
 As the ground was unfavourable for camping, he determined 
 to advance a few miles, and, on the morning of 3rd November, 
 sent Lieutenants Roberts and Mayne, of the Quartermaster- 
 General's Department, to select a proper site. In executing 
 this duty Lieutenant Roberts had a narrow escape from capture 
 by the rebels at a village called Buntheera, which we will give 
 in his own words to us: "I was sent by Sir Hope Grant to select 
 ground for a new camp. We had reconnoitred the country a 
 few hours previously, and finding no enemy, Lieutenant Mayne, 
 Deputy-Assistant Quartermaster-General, like myself, went
 
 Narrow Escape of Roberts. 63 
 
 with a few Sowars on ahead. We arrived on the ground and 
 sent back word to the camp colourmen to come on. While we 
 were waiting and talking to what appeared pilgrims, we were 
 shot at, and on looking round saw a considerable number of 
 the enemy between us and our force. They had been concealed 
 in the village, so we afterwards heard. We put spurs to our 
 horses, but had a narrow escape ; my horse, while crossing a 
 ravine, was slightly wounded and fell, and in doing so my 
 sword fell from my hand and cut my left thumb badly." 
 
 Had he fallen into the hands of the rebels, a cruel death 
 would have been his fate, for 
 
 " Match'd with them 
 
 The rudest brute that roams Siberia's wild 
 Has feelings pure and polish'd as a gem 
 The bear is civilized, the wolf is mild." 
 
 The Brigadier sent a portion of his force with guns to drive 
 away the enemy, and they were easily turned out of the village 
 of Buntheera, and retreated in the direction of Lucknow. 
 
 The column now occupied the village of Nawabgunj, in the 
 middle of a large plain, where the camp was pitched and a 
 convoy, with suitable escort, was sent to the Alumbagh. Be- 
 tween the 5th and 10th November, when Sir Colin Campbell 
 reached Nawabgunj, and assumed the command-in-chief of all 
 the troops destined for the relief of Lucknow, considerable 
 reinforcements arrived, and the troops available for the advance 
 numbered 6,000 men, with eleven heavy guns, two 18-pounders, 
 eighteen field-pieces, and several mortars. 
 
 On the morning of the 12th November, Sir Colin commenced 
 operations by marching to the Alumbagh, a large walled enclo- 
 sure, about five miles due south of the Residency, the garrison 
 of which consisted of 900 men, forming a portion of the force 
 left by Sir James Outram and General Havelock in their 
 advance to the first relief of the Residency on the 25th of 
 September. 
 
 Lieutenant Roberts was with the advance guard, which was 
 attacked by a body of 2,000 rebels, with two guns, but the 
 latter were taken by Lieutenant H. Gough, of Hodson's Horse, 
 in a brilliant charge, and the enemy dispersed. The Alumbagh 
 position having been cleared of the enemy, the garrison was
 
 64 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts, 
 
 changed, Her Majesty's 75th Regiment, numbering only 300 
 war-worn soldiers who had served through the siege of Delhi, 
 being placed in garrison there. Depositing his heavy baggage 
 and supplies in the Alumbagh enclosure, and sending back his 
 cattle and wheeled transport to Cawnpore, Sir Colin made his 
 arrangements for marching with the remainder of his force, 
 4,800 men, without encumbrances, which he proposed to leave 
 in the park of Dilkoosha.* 
 
 On the 13th, the advance on Lucknow commenced in earnest, 
 and Lieutenant Roberts, as the head of the Quartermaster- 
 General's Department of the division commanded by Brigadier- 
 Generalf Grant, reconnoitred the road, and had the honour of 
 leading the army in the advance from the Alumbagh to Dilkoosha, 
 which initiated the operations resulting in the relief of the 
 beleaguered garrison and women and children. As the advance 
 column approached the Dilkoosha park, the leading troops were 
 met by a heavy musketry fire. Reinforcements were pushed on, 
 under the command of Colonel Hamilton, 78th Highlanders, 
 the troops engaged consisting of 2 batteries of Artillery and 3 
 regiments of Infantry. After a running fight of two hours, 
 the enemy were driven down the hill to the Martiniere, across 
 the garden and park of that college, and far beyond the canal 
 which, running nearly east and west, falls into the Goomtee at 
 a point to the north of the Martiniere. The Dilkoosha and 
 Martiniere were both seized by Brigadier Hope's brigade occu- 
 pying the gardens and enclosures of the latter, abutting on the 
 canal, Brigadier D. Russell's brigade being on the left, in front 
 of Dilkoosha, and Brigadier Little, with the Cavalry and Bour- 
 chier's Battery, occupying the plain in front of the Martiniere. 
 
 The enemy however, did not acquiesce in their defeat, but 
 attacked the position with spirit, though without success. Our 
 troops drove them off and advanced across the canal, and, 
 during the fighting, two officers were killed, Captain Wheatley, 
 of the Carabineers, and Lieutenant Mayne, Royal Horse Artil- 
 tery, Lieutenant Roberts' companion in the affair at Buntheera. 
 
 * Dilkoosha signifies " Heart's Delight." 
 
 f Hope Grant had been advanced to this rank by Sir Colin Campbell, an 
 old friend with whom he had served in China and on the Sutloj. Sir Colin 
 placed him in command of the whole force, though practically the operations 
 for the relief of Lucknow were conducted by the Commander-in-Chief. .
 
 Roberts on Special Service. 65 
 
 No further advance was made for a few days, but Roberts 
 was selected by the Commauder-in-Chief for a duty which 
 showed that he had already made himself a name as an active, 
 capable officer. He writes to us : "The evening previous to the 
 advance from the Martiniere, Sir Colin Campbell sent for me, 
 and said that he had not sufficient reserve ammunition, and 
 that more must be brought from the Alumbagh before morning ; 
 he asked me if I could find my way to the Alumbagh in the 
 dark ; I replied I thought I could, and was told to go, to take 
 what escort I required and a sufficient number of camels. I 
 took Hugh Gough's and Younghusband's squadrons of Native 
 Cavalry. We had great difficulty in avoiding the enemy's 
 pickets, but we performed the duty during the night, and 
 returned to the Martiniere shortly before daybreak. Sir Colin 
 expressed himself greatly pleased ; I had just time for a hasty 
 breakfast when I was ordered to lead the column towards the 
 Secunderbagh." 
 
 Storing his heavy baggage and supplies for fourteen days in 
 the Alumbagh, Sir Colin Campbell rested his army, and the 
 advance on the Secunderbagh took place on the morning of the 
 16th of November, the rear guard, under Colonel Ewart, 93rd 
 Highlanders, having closed up with the column only on the 
 preceding day. Leaving in garrison at Dilkoosha, H.M.'s 8th 
 Regiment, like the 75th one of the Delhi battalions, and therefore 
 entitled to a well-earned repose, early on the 16th Sir Colin 
 advanced direct on Secunderbagh, Lieutenant Roberts leading 
 the column to what proved one of the hardest contested fights 
 of the war. 
 
 The Secunderbagh is described by the Commauder-in-Chief 
 as a high walled enclosure of strong masonry, 120 yards 
 square, and carefully loopholed all round. It was held in great 
 strength by the enemy, and opposite to it, at a distance of a 
 hundred yards, was a village also loopholed and filled with 
 men. On the head of the column advancing up the lane to 
 the left of the Secunderbagh, fire was opened on them. The 
 infantry of the advance guard was quickly thrown into skirmish- 
 ing order, to line a bank to the right, and Captain Blunt's* 
 
 * Now Major-General C. H. Blunt, C.B.
 
 66 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 troop of Bengal Horse Artillery, passing at a gallop through, a 
 cross-fire from the village and Secuuderbagh, opened fire within 
 musketry range in a most daring manner. As soon as they 
 could be pushed up a steep bank, two 18-pounder guns, under 
 Captain Travers, were also brought to bear on the building. 
 While this was being effected, says the Commander-in- Chief, 
 the leading brigade of infantry, under Brigadier the Hon. 
 Adrian Hope, coming rapidly into action, caused the loopholed 
 village to be abandoned, the whole fire being then directed on 
 the Secunderbagh. After a time a large body of the enemy, 
 who were holding ground to the left of the advance, were driven 
 in, when the 93rd Highlanders pursued their advantage and 
 seized the barracks, and immediately converted them into a 
 military post. While this was going on, the two 18-pounders 
 had been battering the Secunderbagh, which was stormed in 
 the most brilliant manner by the 93rd Highlanders and 4th 
 Punjabees. "There never was a bolder feat of arms," wrote 
 the Commander-in- Chief, who had stormed the breach of San 
 Sebastian, and stood on the ridge at Barrosa ; and thus the 
 crime of Cawnpore was avenged at Secunderbagh, within the 
 small area of which over 2,000* dead bodies were counted by 
 the burying parties. 
 
 The next point attacked was the Shah Nujeef, a domed 
 mosque, with a garden enclosed within a loopholed wall. The 
 place was first cannonaded for three hours by the heavy guns of 
 Captain Peel's Naval Brigade, an action almost unexampled 
 in war, and then stormed by the 93rd Highlanders, led by 
 Brigadier Hope, supported by a battalion of detachments under 
 Major Barnston, of the 90th Eegiment, who received a wound 
 which ultimately proved fatal. This brought the operations of 
 the 16th of November to a close. 
 
 On the following morning took place the storm of the 32nd 
 Mess-house, formerly known as the Khoorsheyd Munzil (Happy 
 Palace), a building of considerable size, defended by a ditch 
 twelve feet broad and scarped with masonry, and a strong mud- 
 wall loopholed for musketry. The task of leading the stormers 
 
 * So says Sir Colin Campbell in his despatch. Bourchier places the 
 number at about 3,000, and Lord Wolseley, who was with the burying party, 
 informed us that the exact number was, by a singular coincidence, 1,857.
 
 Roberts and Wolseley. 67 
 
 was entrusted to Captain Wolseley,* of the 90th Regiment, by 
 Sir Colin Campbell, who mentions that officer's name first in 
 his despatch briefly recording the events of the day. With 
 Captain Wolseley was associated a picket of the 53rd Regiment, 
 under Captain Hopkins, and he was supported by the battalion 
 of detachments formerly commanded by Major Barnston, and 
 now by Captain F. C. Guise,f both of the 90th Regiment. 
 
 The difficulty of writing history correctly even when the 
 actors are alive, has received an exemplification in the published 
 accounts of the storm of the Mess-house, one of the most 
 gallant feats of arms performed during the war. The writer, 
 in the first edition of his " Memoir of Lord Wolseley," 
 (published in 1874,) gave an account of this affair derived 
 from the gallant leader of the storming party, who received 
 his instructions from Sir Colin Campbell in person, and it 
 was extracted by Colonel Malleson in his " History of the 
 Mutiny." But in the third and concluding volume of his 
 work, the historian, in correction of this account, inserted an 
 Appendix, in which Captain Hopkins is credited with the 
 honour of having led the storming party across the drawbridge 
 into the Mess-house, and Wolseley is only mentioned as 
 " attacking the houses on the right of the building." Since 
 this was published the writer has been assured by the late 
 Mr. Kavanagh, V.C., who guided Wolseley's party, that his 
 account is absolutely correct, and that Wolseley, and not 
 Hopkins, was the leader of the party that first crossed the 
 drawbridge into the Mess-house. Colonel Malleson, in the 
 Appendix referred to (see pages 505-506, Vol. III.), further 
 states that Captain Hopkins received a flag from Lieutenant 
 Roberts, and himself hoisted it, and on its being shot down, 
 replaced it on the summit of the Mess-house ; but the following 
 is Sir Frederick Roberts' account, in a letter to us, of his 
 share of the business : " I took the flag of the 2nd Punjaub 
 Infantry, by Sir Colin Campbell's orders, and placed it on the 
 Mess-house to show Outrarn and Havelock where we were. The 
 enemy knocked the flagstaff down three times, breaking the 
 
 * Now General Lord Wolseley, G.C.B. 
 f Now Major-General Guise, C.B., V.C. 
 
 P 2
 
 68 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 pole once. The staff is, I believe, still in the possession of the 
 2nd Punjaub Infantry." 
 
 The Motee Mahal was gained the same day by Captain 
 Wolseley's exertions, and a communication opened that evening 
 with the Kesidency. Lieutenant Roberts accompanied his Chief 
 at the meeting between the three Generals Sir Colin Campbell, 
 Sir James Outram, and General Havelock a memorable scene 
 that has been depicted with graphic force by Barker in his 
 famous painting. 
 
 Roberts took up his quarters with Brigadier General Grant 
 in the Shah Nujeef, where the occasional welcome of a round 
 shot through the building warned them that their work was 
 not yet ended. The withdrawal of the immense train of non- 
 combatants and sick and wounded and stores, was confided to 
 Sir James Outram, who performed the task with the success 
 that might have been anticipated from his antecedents. 
 
 At his own suggestion, Outram remained in command of 
 some 4,000 men and thirty-five pieces of ordnance at the 
 position of Alumbagh, while, on the 27th, the remainder of the 
 army, under Sir Colin Campbell and Brigadier-General Hope 
 Grant, who had continued, throughout the operations connected 
 with the Relief, in immediate command of the division, retraced 
 their steps towards Cawnpore, with the object of sending the 
 Lucknow women and children on to Allahabad and Calcutta. 
 But an unexpected even^t had occurred at Cawnpore, and in 
 place of a little rest after the weary months of watching passed 
 in the Residency, the sorely tried ladies and children again 
 heard the familiar boom of cannon and rattle of musketry, 
 and found themselves in a beleaguered camp, the garrison 
 of which had no easy task in defeating and dispersing their 
 aggressors. 
 
 When Sir Colin Campbell quitted Cawnpore, he left Major- 
 General "Windham (" Redan Win dham" as he was called) in 
 command of the camp, with strict orders to remain on the 
 defensive. General Windham had at first only 500 Europeans 
 under his orders, but received constant small accessions of 
 strength, until his force numbered between 2,000 and 3,000 
 men. Hearing of the advance of the Gwalior mutineers from 
 Calpee, notwithstanding the stringent orders of the Com-
 
 The Fighting at Cawnpore. 69 
 
 mander-in- Chief to stand on the defensive, he resolved to 
 strike a blow. On the 26th of November, he moved out eight 
 miles along the canal in a due westerly direction, and meeting 
 the advance guard of the enemy, consisting of 3,000 men, at 
 a place called Bhowsee, on the Pando Nuddee, he attacked and 
 routed them, capturing three guns. On his return Windham 
 encamped in a position with brushwood on one side and the 
 city in his rear, and the enemy, making a detour in the night, 
 appeared close on his left flank in the morning of the 27th of 
 November. Meanwhile Windham, leaving his camp standing, 
 had advanced in another direction, and found himself suddenly 
 attacked from an unexpected quarter, and was compelled to 
 retreat to his intrenchments, leaving in the possession of the 
 enemy his standing camp with all its contents. That night 
 the rebel force, consisting of the Gwalior Contingent and Koer 
 Singh's men, was joined by the Nana Sahib, and, advancing 
 upon Cawnpore, which fell into their hands, invested the 
 intrenchmeuts, their left resting on the Ganges, and their right 
 on the city at the point where it touches the canal. Doubtless 
 the treacherous and sanguinary monster leading the mutineers 
 promised himself a second " Cawnpore," and the vigour with 
 which the attack was pushed on the morning of the 28th of 
 November, augured well for his hopes, and showed that the 
 rebels had a leader of some ability in the person of Tantia 
 Topee, who now appeared on the scene. 
 
 Advancing at dawn with their overwhelming artillery, which 
 had been trained by the late Sir Vincent Eyre, the Gwalior 
 Contingent, Horse, Foot, and Artillery, forming the most 
 highly disciplined native troops in India, reinforced by other 
 levies, making up a formidable army of 25,000 men, with 42 
 guns, captured the Assembly Rooms, with all its vast collection 
 of private and public stores and ammunition, and, possessing 
 themselves of the Grand Trunk Road, moved down to attack 
 the intrenchments. During the fighting that ensued, the 64th, 
 numbering only 300 bayonets, one of Havelock's regiments in 
 Persia and in his advance up country, made a gallant charge 
 and spiked three guns, but not being supported, were driven 
 back with heavy loss, including Brigadier Wilson and several 
 officers killed. At this time of doubt and disaster, Sir Colin
 
 70 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 Campbell arrived on the scene with Hope Grant's weak division, 
 and speedily the aspect of affairs was changed. 
 
 The Commander-in- Chief, having made his dispositions for 
 leaving Sir James Outram at Alurnbagh, set out on his return 
 inarch to Cawnpore with the non-combatants and wounded 
 from Lucknow, about 2,000 souls, escorted by the remainder 
 of his troops, some 3,000 men, including the garrison of the 
 Residency. On the morning of the 27th, Sir Colin encamped 
 at Bunnee, about thirty miles distant from Cawnpore, and, 
 about noon of the following day, received a missive from 
 General Windham, headed " most urgent," reporting his 
 critical position in terms that, for a moment, almost unnerved 
 the veteran of a hundred fights. A writer in Blackivood's 
 Magazine for October, 1858, gives a graphic account of the 
 position of affairs as the column pressed on to the bridge of 
 boats over the Ganges: "The impatience and anxitey of all 
 became extreme. Louder and louder grew the roar, faster and 
 faster became the march, long and weary was the way, tired 
 and footsore grew the infantry, death fell on the exhausted 
 wounded with terrible rapidity, the travel-worn bearers could 
 hardly stagger along under their loads, the sick men groaned 
 and died ; but still on, on, on, was the cry." 
 
 After progressing in the usual order for a short time, the 
 tension became too great for Sir Colin. Leaving the infantry 
 to march on with the convoy, he pressed forward with the 
 cavalry and horse artillery. On reaching Mungulwar, about 
 five miles on the Lucknow side of the Ganges, he halted his 
 troops, directed the artillery to fire salvoes to announce the 
 approach of assistance, and galloped forward with his staff, in 
 mingled hope and fear regarding the condition in which he 
 might find the bridge of boats. As he approached the river, 
 a glance dissipated every doubt on this head. Through the 
 glimmering light, for evening had set in, the bridge was seen 
 to be intact. Flames rising in every direction, mingling with 
 the light of the setting sun, showed that the enemy must have 
 taken the city and a large part of the cantonments, that the 
 tents intended for the ladies and children and the sick and 
 wounded from Lucknow, and the stores of clothing for the 
 defenders of the Residency, must have been destroyed ; whilst
 
 Roberts Conmmnicates with Cawnpore. 71 
 
 the artillery fire occasionally directed at the bridge, and the 
 fusillade near the river-bank, proved that a sharp crisis 
 was impending. In a word, to use the language of an officer 
 on Sir Colin's staff, "the veil which had so long shrouded us 
 from Wiudham was rent asunder, and the disaster stood before 
 us in all its calamity." 
 
 Lieutenant Roberts was ordered to communicate with General 
 Windham, and ascertain the state of affairs. Biding at top 
 speed he was the first to cross the bridge of boats leading to 
 the entrenchment, now so hardly beset by an enemy flushed 
 with unaccustomed victory, and communicating with "VVindham, 
 returned to the Commander-in-Chief and placed him in posses- 
 sion of the situation. Pushing on, Sir Colin crossed the 
 stream, and the language the veteran employed towards 
 Windham on learning the loss of all the stores he had 
 accumulated with such labour, was, to use a mild term, 
 unparliamentary.* 
 
 On the 28th the enemy began to bombard the intrenchment, 
 but their opportunity was lost ; for, during the 29th, the British 
 troops began to cross the Ganges, and the old chief set to work 
 in his trenchant style to repair the disaster brought about by 
 rashness. By the following evening the whole of his division 
 was on the Cawnpore side of the Ganges,' the British resting 
 on the river, and the front and left covering the Grand Trunk 
 Road, which, passing through Cawnpore, unites Delhi, Allaha- 
 bad, and Calcutta. By the 3rd December, the convoy, "which," 
 says Sir Colin, " had given me so much anxiety, including the 
 families and half the wounded, was finally despatched on its 
 way," and, on the evening of the 5th, every arrangement had 
 been made for a general attack on the enemy the next morning. 
 The city of Cawnpore lay in front of the British camp, the 
 larger portion of the town being on the northern side of the 
 canal running east and west towards the Ganges, and the smaller 
 portion lying on its southern bank. At this time the enemy 
 were on the north side of the canal, which divided them from 
 the British, who occupied also an advanced post, the General 
 
 * General Windham was superseded by Brigadier Inglis, the commander 
 of the Lucknow garrison, and General Dupuis, K.A., commanding the 
 artillery, was sent to Dum Dum.
 
 72 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 Gunj, an old bazaar, of considerable extent, held by Brigadier 
 Greathed. 
 
 On the 6th December, the morning of the attack, the British 
 force did not exceed 7,000 or 8,000 men, and that of the 
 enemy amounted to 25,000, with thirty- six guns. The Gwalior 
 Contingent had come westward from Calpee, on the Jumna, a 
 distance of fifty-one miles by the road which, joining that from 
 Delhi, enters the city of Cawnpore on the north ; and the Nana 
 Sahib's people had come southward from Bithoor down the 
 Ganges. The rebel camp was about two miles from Cawnpore 
 on the Calpee Eoad. 
 
 There was some desultory fighting on the 5th, in which 
 Lieutenant Roberts took part on Sir Hope Grant's staff ; but at 
 9 A.M. on the following morning, Sunday, 6th December, Sir 
 Colin had his force, with thirty-five guns, ready disposed for 
 action, and commenced operations for the dispersal of the enemy 
 by a heavy bombardment from the works near the Ganges to 
 the east of Cawnpore, with the object of inducing the rebels 
 to believe that the attack was to be made in that quarter. 
 Brigadier Greathed's three regiments were reinforced by the 
 64th, and he was directed to occupy the General Gunj, the 
 bazaar on the canal, opposite the enemy's centre, where he had 
 been posted for some days. The rest of the British force, con- 
 sisting of an artillery brigade, including Captain Peel's heavy 
 guns, a cavalry brigade, under Sir Hope Grant, and three weak 
 infantry brigades under the Hon. A. Hope, Walpole, and Inglis 
 of Lucknow, were drawn up in contiguous columns, and effect- 
 ually masked from the observation of the enemy. 
 
 Soon after eleven all was ready. The infantry then deployed 
 in parallel lines fronting the canal. Hope was in advance in 
 one line, Inglis in rear with the second. General Grant was sent 
 with the cavalry and horse artillery to cross the canal by the 
 bridge a mile and a half to the westward, and to threaten the 
 enemy's rear. Immediately to the left of Brigadier Greathed 
 was another bridge across the canal, which was crossed by 
 Walpole, who drove the enemy from some brick-kilns. The 
 Sikhs and the men of the 53rd did the same on the left, and 
 then the whole line advanced, with Peel's heavy guns. Sir 
 Colin Campbell wrote ; " On this occasion there was the sight
 
 The Pursuit after the Battle. 73 
 
 beheld of 24-pounder guns advancing with the first line of 
 skirmishers. " 
 
 The troops were soon over the canal, and the enemy were 
 driven back at all points. His camp two miles in rear, and 
 covering his line of retreat, was reached and taken at one 
 o'clock in the afternoon, and his rout was complete. For four- 
 teen miles along the Calpee road the enemy was hotly pursued 
 with cavalry and artillery, and Sir Colin Campbell expressed 
 his belief that not one gun or ammunition waggon which had 
 been on the right of the enemy's position, escaped. 
 
 Lieutenant Roberts rode by the side of his chief in this 
 chase and capture. Captain Bourchier commanding No. 17 
 Battery, which first took up the pursuit, says : " Gun after 
 gun is spiked, cartloads of ammunition lay strewed along the 
 road; Pandies are bolting in all directions. For two miles 
 without a check the pursuit was carried on by the battery alone, 
 accompanied by Sir Hope Grant and his staff. Four times in 
 that distance did we come into action, to clear our front and 
 flanks, until General Grant, thinking wisely we were too far 
 from our supports, determined to wait until the cavalry arrived. 
 A halt was called ; not until it was required, for the horses, 
 though in the condition of racers, had felt the pace. A small 
 cloud coming nearer and nearer is seen on the left. The head 
 of the cavalry column debouches from a grove. The order for 
 a further pursuit is given. The cavalry spread like lightning 
 over the plain in skirmishing order, and Sir Colin takes the 
 lead. The pursuit is continued to the fourteenth milestone, 
 assuming all the character of a fox-hunt. " 
 
 Meantime, as the Commander-in-Chief passed the enemy's 
 camp, he ordered General Mansfield, his Chief of the Staff, to 
 secure it, and take the position of the Subadar's Tank, which 
 stood in rear of the rebel left. Owing to a defect in Mans- 
 field's arrangements, the enemy escaped with their guns down 
 the Bithoor Road. The rebel centre, however, finding them- 
 selves taken in rear and their camp captured, abandoned the 
 town by the same road, and so ended the battle of Cawnpore. 
 
 Sir Colin Campbell selected General Hope Grant to deal the 
 final blow by dispersing the enemy concentrated at Bithoor, the 
 seat of the Nana Sahib, and capturing his guns. The complete
 
 74 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 manner in which the task was executed justified the choice, 
 and Lieutenant Roberts, who participated in the succeeding 
 operations received his meed of praise from his immediate 
 Chief. 
 
 Giving his wearied men one day's rest, soon after noon of 
 the 8th December, General Grant marched from Cawnpore 
 with a compact force of 2,800 men, consisting of Brigadier 
 Hon. Adrian Hope's Infantry Brigade the 42nd and 93rd 
 Highlanders, and 4th Punjaubees and 520 sabres, with eleven 
 guns. 
 
 Lieutenant Roberts, who accompanied the column as head of 
 the Quartermaster-General's Department, had a difficult task in 
 obtaining information from the natives passed on the road, as 
 to whether the rebels in the retreat had conveyed the guns to 
 Bithoor, or were about to cross into Oude by the ferry, called 
 Serai Ghat, twenty-five miles up the river. At length he 
 learned from one man that six guns, including a 24-pounder, 
 which had been captured but was subsequently lost, had been 
 conveyed by the latter route. Sir Hope Grant resolved to march 
 thither, and the same night, leaving his baggage under a 
 guard, started by a cross country road for Sheorajpore, three 
 miles from Serai Ghat. Soon after marching a rebel sowar 
 was captured, from whom information was obtained that the 
 guns, which formed the chief object of the expedition, were 
 still on the banks of the river. The General and his staff, with a 
 small Sikh escort, pushed on and soon saw the enemy, on 
 which he sent back orders for the remainder of his cavalry and 
 the artillery to come up immediately, and the infantry to 
 follow. On the arrival of the cavalry and guns, the General 
 pushed on over very difficult and swampy ground, in which the 
 24-pounder that had been lost on the 6th, was discovered 
 embedded up to the axle. 
 
 The men worked with a will, and soon the leading guns of 
 Captain Middleton's battery, under Lieutenant Warren, reached 
 sounder ground and opened fire, advancing to within 500 yards 
 of the rebels clustered on the river's bank. Presently the 
 remainder of the battery and Captain Remmington's troop of 
 horse artillery arrived, and came into action at a range of 200 
 yards. The enemy, consisting of a confused mass of guns,
 
 Services of Roberts, 75 
 
 bullocks, baggage, and men, soon gave way, and fled along the 
 marshy banks of the river, where they were pursued and cut 
 up by the Irregular Cavalry. 
 
 In this well arranged affair, fifteen guns, belonging to the 
 Gwalior Contingent, were captured. Sir Colin Campbell, 
 writing to congratulate Sir Hope Grant on the following day, 
 said : " It is impossible to over-estimate the advantage to our 
 interests, military and political, which will result from the 
 taking of the only guns remaining with the Gwalior Contingent. 
 All the discontented chiefs with their rabble of villains, will 
 lose hope and heart at once on learning the result of your 
 pursuit and attack of the body of men protecting the guns that 
 had been left to them, with the loss of the latter. All this is 
 matter for real rejoicing, and will cause great satisfaction in 
 Calcutta." 
 
 In his report Brigadier-General Grant specially referred to 
 the services rendered by Lieutenant Roberts, and the Com- 
 mander-in-Chief endorsed his acknowledgments in a letter to 
 Lord Canning, the Governor- General.
 
 76 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Roberts gains the V.C. at Khodagunj Occupation of Futtehgurh on the 
 2nd of January, 1858 A Day's Pig-sticking The Army crosses into 
 Oude Arduous Nature of Roberts's Duties on the Staff Storm of 
 Meeangunj Roberts's Humanity The Siege of Lucknow Operations 
 Trans-Goomtee The Action of Koorsie Roberts is invalided and 
 returns to England. 
 
 FROM Serai Ghat the column marched on the llth to Bithoor, 
 the residence of the infamous Nana Sahib, which was com- 
 pletely destroyed, the temple and palace being blown up, and 
 the contents burnt and thus Bithoor, with its terrible memo- 
 ries, became a thing of the past. Sir Hope Grant marched 
 on the 24th December for Mynpoorie, halting for Christmas- 
 day at Chahbepore, where he was joined by the Commander- 
 in-Chief with the main force from Cawnpore. Pursuing their 
 course on the following day to Poonwah, they arrived on the 
 30th at Goorshaigunj. 
 
 Learning that the rebels had partially broken down the 
 suspension bridge over the Kala Nuddee, Sir Colin Campbell, 
 on the first day of the new year, detached a force, with engineers, 
 to repair it, and the work was so rapidly executed that, by the 
 following morning, the bridge was pronounced practicable. The 
 Cornmander-in- Chief went down to examine the position, and 
 was received by a heavy fire of musketry and field-pieces from the 
 enemy, who, coming up in great force from Futtehgurh during 
 the night, had taken up a position in the village near the head 
 of the bridge. Sending for the brigades under Hope Grant 
 and Greathed from Goorshaigunj, some four miles distant, the 
 Commander-in-Chief directed Brigadier Hope to cross the river 
 and hold the enemy in check. 
 
 On the arrival of the main force, the village of Khodagunj 
 was stormed by General Grant, who was accompanied by Lieu- 
 tenant Roberts. The cavalry, in echelon of squadrons, first
 
 Gallant Condiict of Roberts. 77 
 
 charged the enemy as they emerged from the village, and then 
 followed in hot pursuit, sabring the flying foe at every stride. 
 The scene enacted at the battle of Agra was repeated, and the 
 rebels, fleeing in panic, did not even halt on reaching Futteh- 
 gurh, but fled into Bundelcund, leaving eight guns and much 
 stores in the hands of the victors. Says the writer in Black- 
 wood already quoted : " Then despair seized upon the rebel 
 mass ; breaking their ranks, throwing aside their arms, they 
 fled in wild confusion ; but the horsemen were upon them and 
 amongst them, and the slaughter was terrible ; for several 
 miles they rode along spearing and cutting down at every step; 
 and the progress of their swift advance might be marked by 
 the smoke of exploded tumbrils curling up amidst the dark 
 green trees." 
 
 In the pursuit a very gallant young officer of Irregular 
 Cavalry, Lieutenant Younghusband, met his death, and the 
 subject of this Memoir performed an act of personal gallantry 
 which secured him the Victoria Cross, that most coveted of all 
 military distinctions. 
 
 While following up the retreating enemy with the ardour of 
 a fox-hunter across country, Lieutenant Roberts saw two 
 Sepoys making off with a standard. Putting spurs to his horse 
 he overtook them just as they were about to enter the village, 
 and made for them sword in hand. They immediately turned 
 at bay and presented their muskets at him. It was a critical 
 moment, as one of them pulled the trigger, but a merciful 
 Providence had preserved the young officer to render priceless 
 services to his country, and add a glorious page to her history. 
 The cap snapped almost in Roberts' s face, and, the next moment, 
 he laid the Sepoy carrying the standard dead at his feet by a 
 tremendous cut across the head, and seized the trophy as it 
 fell from his lifeless grasp. Meantime the companion of the 
 standard-bearer made off into the village. But this was not 
 the only exploit performed by Lieutenant Roberts on this 2nd 
 of January. 
 
 Following up the rebels, he came up with a group, consisting 
 of a Sikh Sowar and a rebel Sepoy standing at bay with musket 
 and bayonet. The cavalryman with his sword felt himself no 
 match for the foot-soldier armed with what Napier calls " the
 
 78 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 queen of weapons ;" but Roberts, on arriving on the scene, did 
 not wait to count the odds, if they were against him, but rode 
 straight at the Sepoy, and with one stroke of his sword slashed 
 him across the face, killing him on the spot. 
 
 For these two acts of personal prowess Brigadier- General 
 Grant recommended him for the decoration of the Victoria 
 Cross, which was conferred on the following 14th of September, 
 by a General Order of the Commander-iu- Chief, issued at 
 Allahabad. 
 
 On the rebels being completely dispersed, the cavalry 
 returned to camp after a hard day's work, and, on the following 
 moi'ning, a march of twelve miles brought the army to 
 Futtehgurh, which was found deserted by the mutineers, as 
 well as a strong fort on the banks of the Ganges, in the midst 
 of the town which it commanded. The town of Furruckabad, 
 three miles distant, also surrendered without firing a shot ; 
 and the Nawab, Azim Khan, who had committed frightful 
 atrocities on the occasion of the massacre of Europeans at 
 Futtehgurh, was hanged, and his body left on the gallows as a 
 warning to the townspeople. 
 
 The day after his arrival at Futtehgurh, the Commander-in- 
 Chief was joined by Walpole's and Seaton's brigades, escorting 
 an immense convoy, when the force placed at his disposal 
 numbered over 10,000 men. The task set before Sir Colin 
 Campbell in undertaking the operations terminating with his 
 arrival at Futtehgurh, had been accomplished ; the Doab had 
 been cleared of the enemy, communications with the North- 
 west Provinces had been reopened, and to complete the pacifi- 
 cation of the country, there remained the formidable task of 
 the reconquest of Rohilcund and Oude, into which the rebels 
 had been driven as birds into a net by the fowler. The Com- 
 mander-in-Chief, therefore, made preparations for the final 
 capture of Lucknow, which had become a vast stronghold, 
 requiring a large army and a siege-train for its reduction. 
 
 Sir Colin Campbell, with his staff, escorted by some cavalry 
 and horse artillery, broke up his camp on the 1st of February, 
 and, making double marches, reached Cawnpore in three days. 
 General Grant followed on the same day with the remainder of 
 the force, when the column retraced its steps towards the Kala
 
 A Pig-sticking Incident. 79 
 
 Nuddee, passing over the ground which was strewed with the 
 unburied corpses and skeletons of the rebels killed a month 
 before. 
 
 On the 3rd of February, when a halt was made near Kunoge, 
 Sir Hope Grant, who was a keen shekari and fearless rider, 
 indulged in a day's " pig- sticking " to the gratification of his 
 staff, among whom were horsemen not inferior to himself. 
 The sport afforded a pleasant relaxation from the tedious 
 marches and more exciting operations of war, and was impro- 
 vised on an extensive scale. On arrival at the ground, on a 
 tongue of land between the Kala Nuddee and the Ganges, 
 thirty-five elephants, marshalled in line, moved through the 
 high grass, the pig-stickers armed with lances riding in front. 
 The sport was indifferent, but there was excellent opportunity 
 for the reckless riding over ground invisible a yard in front, 
 which characterises this species of Indian hunting. 
 
 General Grant made the following entry in his journal of an 
 incident of the day's sport: ""We singled out a young boar, 
 and I was on the point of spearing him, when Augustus Anson, 
 my aide-de-camp, and Roberts, Deputy Assistant Quartermaster- 
 General, full of ardour, dashed up at a gallop, as if they were 
 riding for their lives, and simultaneously cannoned against both 
 flanks of my horse, fairly lifting him off his legs and shutting 
 me up completely. However, strange to say, the horse did not 
 roll over. After all, the young gentlemen did not spear the 
 pig ; he was run into by some dogs which held him fast, as 
 he was not full grown, until we came up and despatched him. 
 "We afterwards put up a large fox, which gave us a fine chevy. 
 Three greyhounds followed him up splendidly for about a mile 
 and a half, until one of them caught him by the brush and 
 rolled him over, but could not hold him. Reynard then 
 doubled and escaped." 
 
 After this interlude in the more serious game of war, the 
 march was resumed and the column proceeded to Surajpore. 
 On arriving here General Grant received a message from the 
 Commaiider-in-Ghief, requesting him to join him at Cawnpore. 
 Accompanied by his staff, he started after breakfast and rode 
 into the station, when he received instructions from Sir Colin 
 Campbell to assume temporary command of the whole army
 
 80 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 between Cawnpore and Bunnee during his absence at Allaha- 
 bad, where he was about to proceed to confer with the Governor- 
 General, who had taken up his headquarters at this city, so as 
 to be in communication with the army during the approaching 
 operations in Oude. 
 
 On Sunday, the 7th of February, Grant's division arrived at 
 Cawnpore, and, on the following day, the General crossed the 
 Ganges and took up his command at Oonao, where the army 
 was gathering for the capture of Lucknow. 
 
 It was no light task transporting the vast train of ammuni- 
 tion, artillery, and stores, with the camp followers and 
 impedimenta considered necessary for an Indian Army until 
 the gallant subject of this Memoir demonstrated by his advance 
 on Cabul after Cavagnari's murder, and on his more renowned 
 but less arduous march on Candahar, that Oriental warfare can be 
 undertaken under conditions more nearly approximating to those 
 enforced in the armies of the West, and with increased efficiency 
 and a due regard to the health of British troops, even though 
 there is some sacrifice of the comforts of life in a cantonment. 
 Lieutenant Roberts's duties at this time were of a very ardu- 
 ous character, superintending the passage of troops and stores 
 across the bridge of boats, and marking out the camps of the 
 respective brigades on the vast level plain at Oonao, where a 
 halt was made pending the arrival of the Commander-in-Chief. 
 
 An officer who was present with Grant's force, gives the 
 following description of the extent of this encampment : 
 " The encampment around Oonao was a very large one, as the 
 immense parks of artillery and ordnance stores had been massed 
 here, and the enormous quantity of ground covered by the army 
 and its belongings is incredible, and would not be believed out 
 of India. A division of the army, and that not a very large 
 one, moved from one side to the other of Oonao, a distance of 
 two miles, and it took eight hours from the time the advanced 
 guard left the old ground till the rear guard arrived at the new 
 encampment ; true they were escorting a large part of the siege 
 train, and, besides the guns and mortars, they had carts upon 
 carts of ammunition, each drawn by five bullocks, which again 
 required carts upon carts more, also drawn by five bullocks 
 each, to carry food and fodder for these numberless bullocks.
 
 Roberts s Duties on the Staff. 81 
 
 The Naval Brigade, for instance, which had only sixteen guns 
 but they are monsters and ten rocket tubes, had no less than 
 800 bullocks attached to the guns and their belongings. Be- 
 sides bullocks there are elephants, camels, horses, ponies, goats, 
 fowls, geese, c., and camp followers innumerable. Every 
 officer has from four to twelve servants, and the men also have 
 several attached to each company, for a private in India cannot 
 draw his own water, nor cook his own victuals, nor could he, till 
 lately, clean his o\vn boots, nor shave his own chin, but shoe- 
 cleaners and barbers were attached to each regiment. There is 
 a bazaar also which follows every corps, and which is under the 
 control of the commanding officer. It supplies all the things 
 which are required by soldiers on a campaign, such as soap, 
 tobacco, &c., also gram* for horses." Bad as this state of 
 affairs was in 1857, it was far worse in the days before the time 
 of Sir Charles Napier, whose soldierly instincts induced him to 
 cut down the establishments which encumbered the march of 
 an Indian Army. 
 
 While at Oonao, General Grant undertook a dour (or flying 
 expedition) to clear the country north of the Cawnpore and 
 Lucknow road of insurgents, especially at a stronghold called 
 Futtehpore Churassie, twenty miles distant, on the banks of the 
 Ganges, where the Nana was supposed to be. The column, 
 consisting of some 3,000 men,f quitted camp on the 15th of 
 February, and, marching over a difficult country, intersected by 
 nullahs, arrived at Futtehpore. Roberts reconnoitred the fort, 
 which was found to be deserted, but the cavalry succeeded in 
 cutting up some fleeing rebels, from whom two guns were cap- 
 tured. After destroying the town and blowing up the fort, as 
 well as another stronghold six miles distant, the column 
 marched to Bunghurmow, the inhabitants of which sent a 
 deputation expressing their loyalty and promising to furnish 
 supplies. The General spared the place, but a portion of the 
 53rd Regiment were guilty of looting, which he punished by 
 
 * A species of vetch. 
 
 t The 34th, 38th, and 53rd Regiments ; two squadrons of the 7th Hussars, 
 two squadrons of the 9th Lancers ; Anderson's and Turner's troops of Horse 
 Artillery, an 18-pounder, and an 8-inch howitzer, and a company of 
 Sappers.
 
 82 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 summarily flogging a dozen of them who were caught flagrante 
 delicto. 
 
 On Sunday, the 21st, the column arrived at Sultangunj, and, 
 two days later, were before Meeangunj, which 2,000 rebel in- 
 fantry, besides some cavalry, had made preparations to defend. 
 The town, of rectangular shape, was surrounded with a high 
 loop-holed brick wall, with circular bastions at the angles and 
 along the sides ; the gates also were fortified with ditch and 
 palisade. The General, with Roberts and the other members 
 of his staff, rode forward to reconnoitre. A suitable spot for 
 breaching having been selected, an 18-pounder and 8-inch 
 howitzer were dragged forward by elephants to effect a breach, 
 while Captain Turner's troop of horse artillery took up a posi- 
 tion to sweep the walls, and the cavalry were sent round to 
 intercept the fugitives, the infantry being kept in the rear ready 
 to storm. After about two hours' firing a practicable breach 
 was reported, and the 53rd were ordered to advance, and 
 marched cheerily to the assault, thinking little of what the 
 poet calls 
 
 " That awful pause, dividing life from death." 
 
 Some sharp fighting took place, but the rebels were beaten 
 at every point, and, as they issued from the gates on the other 
 side of the town, were pursued by the cavalry, who cut them 
 down relentlessly. The slaughter at Meeangunj was great, 
 for no quarter was expected or given, and every man found 
 with arms in his hands or seeking to escape was shot or sabred. 
 Corpses strewed the plain and streets of the town, which was 
 burning in different parts. Captain (now Admiral) Oliver Jones, 
 of the Royal Navy, a gallant officer, who was present with the 
 force as a volunteer, speaking of the distressing scenes he wit- 
 nessed, describes one in which the subject of this memoir 
 figures in a manner most creditable to his humanity : " Roberts, 
 the Assistant Quartermaster-General, was giving directions 
 about burning a part of the town, when an old, infirm man, who 
 was sitting at the door of a house, entreated him to spare it, 
 saying, ' tbat yesterday morning he was the happy father of 
 five sons, three of them lie there, pointing to three corpses, 
 where the other two are, God only knows ; that he was old, and
 
 Humane Conduct of Roberts. 83 
 
 a cripple, and that if his house was burned he would have 
 nothing left but to lie down and die.' Roberts, who is as good 
 as he is brave, gave directions for sparing the old man's house, 
 and I hope that the two missing sons have escaped, and have 
 returned to comfort his few remaining days."* 
 As the author of " Don Juan" cynically observes : 
 
 " However habit sears 
 
 Men's hearts against whole millions, when their trade 
 Is butchery, sometimes a single sorrow 
 Will touch even heroes." 
 
 Captain Jones, in another part of his interesting journal, 
 which was published on the conclusion of the war just as he 
 penned it on the spot, writes of Roberts in terms which those 
 who have served with or under him on active service can vouch 
 are not exaggerated : " He is one of those rare men who, to un- 
 common daring and bravery in the field, and unflinching hard- 
 working discharge of duty in the camp, adds the charm of 
 cheering and unaffected kindness and hospitality in the tent, 
 and his acquaintance and friendship are high prizes to those 
 who obtain them." 
 
 After a day's rest the column resumed its march, and, on the 
 1st March, reached Buntheera, where Sir Colin Campbell had 
 arrived shortly before from Allahabad. On the arrival three 
 days later of Brigadier-General Franks, who, in thirteen days, 
 had marched from the other side of Oude, a distance of 130 
 miles, and beaten the enemy in four general actions, the force 
 placed at the disposal of the Commander-in-Chief consisted of 
 20,000 men,f the greater portion Europeans, with 180 pieces 
 of ordnance, forming the finest army assembled under any 
 British General in India. General Hope Grant was placed in 
 command of the cavalry division, and, accompanied by Roberts, 
 proceeded with the Commander-in-Chief, on the 2nd March, 
 when he moved from Buntheera to put into execution his plan 
 of campaign. 
 
 Sir Colin took with him the second division of infantry, 
 
 * ' Recollections of a Winter Campaign in India in 1857-58," by Captain 
 Oliver J. Jones, R.N. 
 
 t This was exclusive of the Nepaul troops under Jung Bahadur, which 
 brought up the number to 40,000. 
 
 G 2
 
 84 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts, 
 
 under Sir Edward Lugard, the head-quarters of the artillery 
 division, under Sir Archdale Wilson (of Delhi), and three troops 
 of horse artillery, two 24-pounders and two 8-inch howitzers of 
 the Naval brigade, under Captain Peel, K.N., and the head- 
 quarters of the cavalry division, with Little's Brigade. Passing 
 the fort of Jellalabad, the force, after a skirmish, seized and 
 occupied the Dilkoosha palace and the Mohamed Bagh, where 
 batteries were erected to keep down the fire of the enemy's 
 guns along the canal. Lieutenant Roberts accompanied his 
 Chief, who was engaged in placing the outposts entrusted to 
 his care by the Commander-in-Chief, who placed great reliance 
 on General Grant's well-known ability in effecting this duty, 
 one of the most important in the conduct of the operations of 
 war. Both Sir Frederick Roberts and Lord Wolseley, who 
 served at different periods on Sir Hope Grant's staff, have 
 expressed to the wYiter how much they owe to their late chief 
 in the matter of outpost duty, and both these distinguished 
 Generals put in practice, the one in Ashantee and Egypt and 
 the other in Afghanistan, the lessons learnt in the school of 
 war under this careful cavalry officer. While engaged in placing 
 the guns, the Generals and their staffs were exposed to a biting 
 fire, and Brigadier Little was severely wounded. 
 
 The canal referred to runs into the Goomtee, and formed 
 the outer line of defence on the southern and eastern sides, 
 the bridges over it having been broken down, and an earthen 
 rampart, with bastions mounted with guns, having been con- 
 structed on the inner face. 
 
 Lucknow was defended by a second line of works, starting 
 from the Goorntee in front of the Motee Mahal palace, and 
 covering the 3'2nd Mess-House, the building called the Imam- 
 bara, and the street known as Huzrutgunj. The third or inner 
 line of defence was in front of the great palace and enclosure 
 called the Kaiser Bagh, which, as well as the buildings of the 
 outer line, had been greatly strengthened and mounted with 
 guns by the rebels during the period the city had been in their 
 undisputed possession, while the houses in the streets leading 
 to them had been loopholed. In short, preparations had been 
 made for a desperate defence, to overcome which the British 
 commander had to undertake siege operations, the conduct of
 
 The Siege of Liicknow. 85 
 
 which was placed in the hands of Brigadier Robert Napier, of 
 the Bengal Engineers, better known to fame as Lord Napier 
 of Magdala. 
 
 The Commander-in-Chief, seeing that the rebel leaders had 
 neglected defending the Goomtee probably anticipating that 
 the advance would be made either by the route adopted by 
 Havelock in September, 1857 (by the Charbagh bridge and 
 through the centre of the city), or by the Secunder Bagh and 
 Shah Nujeef, the road by which he himself advanced in the 
 following November decided to send a division across the 
 river to operate from that side, so that he might take all the 
 fortified works in reverse. The command of this force was 
 entrusted to Sir James Outram it could not have been placed 
 in better hands and Sir Hope Grant, who accompanied him as 
 second in command, was directed to superintend the passage of 
 the river by two pontoon bridges which the engineers threw 
 across with great celerity. The Commander-in-Chief was very 
 anxious to secure the uncontested passage of the Goomtee, as 
 the operation, always a dangerous one over a broad and swift 
 stream unless executed before the enemy has intimation of 
 what was intended, might have caused heavy loss. It was to 
 have been carried out on the night of the 5th March, but some 
 delay occurred in bringing the troops and guns over the sedgy, 
 heavy ground at Bibiapore, on the banks of the river. Sir 
 Hope Grant and his staff, on all preparations being completed, 
 rested on the ground smoking philosophically, and the Com- 
 mander-in-Chief, on coming up, was very irate that the passage 
 of the troops was not in progress, as he apprehended opposition. 
 But the enemy, though close at hand and mustering in over- 
 whelming force (some place the number in Lucknow at 50,000, 
 or even 100,000), knew not what was in progress, or lacked 
 initiative and enterprise, as they did all through the Mutiny. 
 
 "Hark ! through the silence of the cold dull night, 
 The hum of armies gathering rank on rank ! 
 Lo ! dusky masses steal in dubious sight 
 Along the leaguer'd wall and bristling bank 
 Of the arm'd river, while, with straggling light, 
 The stars peep through the vapours dim and dark, 
 Which curl in curious wreaths." 
 
 The troops forming Sir James Outram 1 s division arrived after
 
 86 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 midnight, and, by daybreak of the 6th March, had crossed the 
 Goomtee with all their guns and stores, an operation reflecting 
 great credit on all concerned in carrying it into effect, includ- 
 ing Lieutenant Koberts, on whom the brunt of the duty fell. 
 
 Advancing towards Lucknow a cavalry skirmish took place, 
 in which Major Percy Smith, of the Bays, was killed, and the 
 division encamped that evening within four miles of the city. 
 On the following day, as Sir Hope Grant, accompanied by his 
 staff, rode down the Fyzabad road to reconnoitre, the enemy 
 opened fire with artillery, whereupon he brought up some 
 cavalry and guns. Under orders from the Commander-in- 
 Chief, Outram remained in his camp till the 9th, when he 
 attacked the enemy's works in two divisions, that on the right 
 being under the command of Sir Hope Grant, and the left 
 under his personal direction. 
 
 The action was commenced by a fire from two heavy batteries, 
 mounting twelve guns, constructed by the British during the 
 previous night, within 600 yards of the rebel works on the old 
 race-course ; and Sir Hope, advancing his infantry, under 
 Walpole, on the right, took the enemy's position in reverse, but 
 found that the guns had been removed. Outram, with the left 
 column, crossed the Kokrail stream, captured the Chukur 
 Kotee (Yellow House), the key of the position, as it enfiladed 
 the enemy's works on the right bank of the Goomtee, and 
 pressing forward, driving the enemy before him, occupied the 
 left bank as far as the Badshah Bagh, and effected a junction 
 with Sir Hope Grant. The buildings and works on the banks 
 of the river were now occupied, and, under cover of a heavy 
 musketry fire, two batteries were erected to enfilade the works 
 in rear of the Martiniere and keep down the rebel fire. Profit- 
 ing by this success, the Commander-in-Chief captured the 
 Martiniere without resistance, and the whole line of works up 
 to Banks's house, which was captured on the following day. 
 
 On the 10th Sir James Outram was engaged strengthening 
 his position, his batteries keeping up a fire on the Kaiser Bagh 
 and other works, and Sir Hope Grant sent out strong parties 
 of cavalry to prevent supplies being brought into the town, and 
 some smart skirmishing took place. During the night Outram 
 erected fresh batteries, which played on the Kaiser Bagh and
 
 Capture of Luc know. 87 
 
 enfiladed the enemy's works, and, on the following morning, 
 he advanced and captured the works covering the iron bridge, 
 leading to the Residency, and the stone bridge, leading to the 
 Muchee Bhawun, as well as a camp between these two points, 
 during which Lieutenant Moorsom, his Deput} - -Assistant- 
 Quartermaster-Greneral, a very accomplished officer, was killed. 
 Outram was now occupied erecting fresh batteries of heavy guns 
 and mortars to play on the Kaiser Bagh, which was, in a 
 measure, the enemy's citadel. 
 
 Meanwhile, on the other bank, the buildings forming the 
 second line of defence fell to the brilliant valour of the troops 
 under the personal direction of the Commander-in-Chief. The 
 Secunder Bagh and Shah Nujeef, which had been so severely 
 contested in the memorable Eelief of the previous November, 
 were captured without opposition, and, by nightfall on the llth, 
 the series of palaces and enclosures known as the Begum 
 Kotee, were stormed by the 93rd Highlanders and 4th Punjaub 
 Rifles with their wonted dash, though the brilliancy of the 
 achievement was dimmed by the loss of that gallant and most 
 admirable soldier, Hodson, whom the Cornmander-in-Chief, 
 who attended his funeral, described as surpassed by no officer 
 of his army. 
 
 On the 14th the Imambara, having been breached, was 
 stormed by detachments of the 10th Foot and Ferozepore 
 Regiment of Sikhs, who, following up the fleeing rebels, entered 
 the Teera Kotee and Mess-house, and soon the Motee Mahal 
 and other palaces, and the Kaiser Bagh itself, were won, when 
 the demon of plunder seized the troops, and an indescribable 
 scene of rapine ensued. The 14th was the decisive day in the 
 operations resulting in the capture of Lucknow. The slaughter 
 had been terrible, and as when, " on the gentle Severn's sedgy 
 bank," Mortimer engaged Glendower, so now, when Christian 
 and Pandy met in desperate conflict, the Goomtee 
 
 " Ran fearfully among the trembling reeds, 
 And hid his crisp head in the hollow tank, 
 Blood-stain'd." 
 
 Unhappily, owing to over-caution on the part of the Com- 
 mander-in-Chief, the success was not so complete as it might 
 have been, as when Outram applied for leave to advance across
 
 88 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 the iron bridge and intercept the retreat of the enemy, he was 
 directed only to do so if it could be done " without the loss of 
 a single man." The proverbial difficulty of making omelets 
 without breaking eggs prevented the gallant "Bayard of India" 
 from carrying out an advance which would have made the 
 operations of the day complete. 
 
 On the 15th Sir Hope Grant proceeded, under orders from 
 Sir Colin Campbell, to Seetapore, with 1,100 sabres and twelve 
 horse artillery guns, to pursue the enemy in that direction, and 
 Brigadier Campbell was directed to move in co-operation from 
 Alumbagh along the Sandila road, but the movement left open 
 the Fyzabad road, by which the enemy in large numbers effected 
 their escape, thus requiring the subsequent protracted opera- 
 tions in Oude which resulted in considerable loss, due more to 
 disease and heat apoplexy than the sword. Sir Hope was 
 recalled after making one march, and, on the 19th, co-operated 
 from the left bank with Outram (who had crossed the river with 
 Douglas's brigade and captured the Residency and other build- 
 ings) in the attack on the Moosa Bagh ; the rebels, who held 
 the stronghold in great force, abandoned it, and, owing to the 
 unfortunate inaction of Brigadier Campbell, whose splendid 
 force of cavalry was suffered to remain idle, effected their escape 
 unmolested. 
 
 Lucknow was now once more in possession of the British, 
 and, on the 22nd of March, Sir Hope Grant was directed to 
 proceed to Koorsie, twenty-five miles distant, on the Fyzabad 
 road, where a strong force of the enemy had taken post. At 
 midnight he marched with a brigade of the three arms, and, on 
 coming up with the enemy, attacked them with spirit ; in this 
 affair Captain, (now General Sir) Samuel Browne, commanding 
 two squadrons of Punjaub Cavalry, and Captain Cosserat, com- 
 manding a detachment of Watson's Horse, displayed conspi- 
 cuous gallantry, the latter officer being killed. The column now 
 returned to Lucknow, in command of which Sir Hope Grant 
 was placed with a fine division. 
 
 The action at Koorsie was the last at which Lieutenant 
 Roberts was present during the Mutiny, in the three principal 
 episodes of which, the Siege of Delhi, and the Relief and 
 Siege of Lucknow, he had taken so distinguished a part. His
 
 Roberts returns to England. 89 
 
 health had long been indifferent, but his brave heart and high 
 sense of duty kept him up while there was the incentive to exer- 
 tion derived from an urgent demand for his services. Now 
 that the neck of the revolt was broken, his health completely 
 gave way, and he was ordered to proceed to England 011 
 medical certificate. He, accordingly, gave over charge of the 
 Quartermaster-General's Department to Captain Garnet Wolse- 
 ley, of the 90th Regiment, and thus for a second time the 
 former occasion being at the capture of the Mess-house in 
 November, 1857 these two officers were associated together, 
 whose names within the past few years have been much in the 
 mouths of their countrymen as the two Generals (excluding 
 Lords Napier and Strathnairn, by reason of their age), on whom 
 this country chiefly relies as the future leaders of her armies, 
 should any emergency arise. 
 
 Lieutenant Roberts proceeded to Calcutta, and, on the 3rd of 
 May, embarked in a Peninsular and Oriental steamer, in 
 company with several wounded and sick officers. On his arrival 
 at Alexandria he took the Austrian Lloyd's steamer to Trieste, 
 and thence journeyed through Switzerland to England. It was 
 more than six years since he quitted his native land, and 
 Wordsworth's lines on landing in England well expressed his 
 feelings, as they have those of many a returning wanderer 
 from home : 
 
 "Ttie cock that crows, the smoke that curls, that sound 
 Of bells, those boys who in yon meadow ground 
 In white-sleeved shirts are playing, and the roar 
 Of the waves, breaking on the chalky shore, 
 All, all are English." 
 
 The past twelve months had been, indeed, eventful in the 
 life of our hero. The "battles and sieges" in which he had 
 participated, and the " hairbreadth escapes " he had experienced 
 during that period, were sufficient to render any career extra- 
 ordinary, and he emerged from the campaign a veteran in war 
 though still young in years. But what were the rewards he 
 received at the hands of a grateful country for his meritorious 
 services ? He had entered the war as a subaltern, and a 
 subaltern he remained at the end, without promotion or brevet, 
 according to the inexorable " rules of the service, " until in
 
 90 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 due course he should obtain his captaincy. In common with 
 every private soldier he was awarded the medal with three 
 clasps, and he had earned that decoration, " for valour, " which, 
 though only of bronze, is of priceless value in the estimation 
 of every one privileged to wear Her Majesty's uniform. But 
 beyond repeated thanks from every General Officer under w r hom 
 he bad served, as also from the Commander-in-Chief and the 
 Governor- General in Council, he had received nothing save 
 what his humbler comrades in the ranks had shared. As 
 Byron writes of a battle field and its rewards : 
 
 " Here the still varying pangs, which multiply 
 Until their very number makes men hard 
 By the infinities of agony, 
 Which meet the gaze, whate'er it may regard 
 The groan, the roll in dust, the all white eye 
 Turned back within its socket these reward 
 Your rank and file by thousands, while the rest 
 May win, perhaps, a riband at the breast ! "
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Lieutenant Roberts returns to India Is employed in Charge of the 
 Viceroy's Camp Lord Clyde's Letter to Lord Canning recommending 
 Roberts Promotion to a Brevet-Majority On Tour with Sir Hugh 
 Rose Is ordered on Special Service lo Umbeyla Critical State of 
 Affairs on the North-West Frontier in 1863 The Action of Laloo 
 The Capture of Umbeyla The Burning of Mulkah Major Roberts 
 Compiles a Route Book for the Bengal Presidency Returns to England 
 on Sick Leave On his return to India proceeds to Abyssinia with the 
 Expedition under Sir Robert Napier Major Roberts's Services in 
 Abyssinia. 
 
 LIEUTENANT EGBERTS remained only twelve months in England, 
 and, on the 17th of May, 1859, shortly hefore his return to 
 India, married Miss Nora Henrietta Bews, daughter of Captain 
 Bews, of the 73rd Regiment, afterwards Paymaster-General of 
 Constabulary. The issue of this marriage was six children, of 
 whom three survive a son, Frederick Hugh Sherston, born 8th 
 July, 1872, and two daughters. 
 
 In June, 1859, Lieutenant Roberts quitted England for 
 India, travelling overland, and, on reporting himself, was 
 attached to Army Head-Quarters for the purpose of taking 
 charge of the Camp of the Viceroy, Earl Canning, during the 
 customary tour in the approaching cold weather. Hitherto he 
 had only held an acting appointment in the Quartermaster- 
 General's Department, but, immediately after the capture of 
 Lucknow, Lord Clyde, in recognition of his meritorious services 
 and his marked aptitude for the duties of this important branch 
 of the staff, placed him on the permanent establishment, to 
 which he had been gazetted on the 15th April, 1858. The 
 Quartermaster-General was Colonel (now General Sir) Arthur 
 Becher, who was head of the Department at the Siege of Delhi, 
 where he was seriously wounded, and now welcomed his old 
 associate in that arduous struggle, during which he had formed 
 a high opinion of Roberts's capacity and aptitude for organ- 
 ization. f
 
 92 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 The terms under which Lieutenant Roberts was recom- 
 mended by the Commander-in-Chief to the charge of the Vice- 
 roy's Camp were of a nature that were specially complimentary 
 to him. Writing privately to the Viceroy from Simla on the 
 29th August, 1859, Lord Clyde said : " With respect to Major 
 Garden, whom your Lordship proposed to be the Quarter- 
 master-General with your Camp, should you particularly wish 
 for that officer, of course he is at your service, but Colonel 
 Becher, the head of the Department, has observed that as 
 Major Garden is the next senior officer to himself in the office, 
 it will be more convenient for the Service, if equally agreeable 
 to your Lordship, that Lieutenant Roberts should attend your 
 camp. Believe me, &c., CLYDE." " P.S. Lieutenant Roberts 
 is a particularly gentlemanlike, intelligent and agreeable young 
 officer." 
 
 And so, doubtless, Lord Canning found the young artillery 
 officer, while the mode in which he discharged the arduous 
 duties of his post was such as to elicit the commendation of 
 his lordship, and the surprise even of those accustomed to the 
 efficiency of the Quartermaster-General's Department in India. 
 We have been assured by one qualified to know, that the 
 arrangements for the camp were simply perfect, and only those 
 can appreciate the labour, who are conversant with the details 
 of a Viceregal progress in India, with its large body of troops, 
 the thousands of camp followers and servants, the daily march, 
 and the durbars, with the elaborate etiquette and attendant form- 
 alities as regards the reception and precedence of the princes 
 and nobles, with whom such ceremonies assume an importance 
 inexplicable to any European mind save, perhaps, that of the 
 chamberlain of a third-rate German court. 
 
 The Viceroy's first tour was of a very extended character, 
 embracing a visit to Cawnpore, Lucknow, Futtehghur, Agra, 
 Meerut, Roorkee, Delhi, Umballa, Lahore, Jullundur, Umritsur, 
 Peshawur, Sealkote, and Cashmere. The tour of 1860-61 was 
 to Jubbulpore, and thence through the Central Provinces. On 
 the 12th November, 1860, Lieutenant Roberts was gazetted to 
 his regimental captaincy, and thus having attained qualifying 
 rank, on the following day he was promoted to a brevet-majority 
 for his services during the Mutiny, so that he was addressed
 
 The Umbeyla Campaign. 93 
 
 for only one day as a captain. In the winter of 1861-62, and 
 again in the following winter, Major Roberts accompanied the 
 Commander-in-Chief, Sir Hugh Rose, in his several tours 
 through the Derajat and Central India, and the gallant soldier, 
 whose march from Bombay to Gwalior, in 1858, forms one of 
 the most striking episodes of the quelling of the great Sepoy 
 revolt, formed, like his predecessor and all who were thrown into 
 official contact with the hero of the second Afghan War, a high 
 opinion of his military capacity. 
 
 From the close of the Mutiny to 1863 not a shot was fired 
 in India, but, in the latter part of that year, the Indian 
 Government were involved in what is known as the Umbeyla 
 Campaign. The column destined to subdue the tribes in that 
 remote corner of the British Empire, was commanded by Sir 
 Neville Chamberlain, but the campaign was more protracted 
 than was anticipated, and the gallant mountaineers oifered so 
 desperate a resistance to the passage of our troops, and our 
 losses were so severe, that large reinforcements were ordered 
 to the front, and at one time the Viceregal Government and 
 Sir Hugh Rose himself were anxious lest the movement should 
 spread, involving a costly and extended struggle with the fierce 
 and fanatical tribes in that portion of the North- West frontier. 
 
 In November of this year Major Roberts received orders 
 from the Commander-in-Chief to proceed, in conjunction with 
 Colonel (now General Sir) John Adye, of the Royal Artillery, 
 to the British camp at Umbeyla on special duty, to represent 
 Army Head-Quarters, and make himself generally useful to the 
 officer in command. Before Roberta's arrival at the British 
 camp some desperate fighting took place in the dark glens 
 and steep mountain sides of the Umbeyla defile, the nine 
 miles of which it took the British troops some two months to 
 force, and none of those engaged are likely to forget the hand-to- 
 hand combats at the " Crag " and " Eagle's Nest " pickets. Be- 
 fore the close of that brief campaign some 25,000 troops were in 
 motion north of the Jhelum, and our loss was 19 officers and 
 238 men killed, and 47 officers and 672 men wounded. In 
 the action of 20th November Sir Neville Chamberlain, who 
 had displayed his wonted impetuous valour, received, with his 
 usual fortune, a severe wound, the eighth in the service of his
 
 94 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 country. Colonel Hope, his second in command, was also 
 dangerously wounded. 
 
 At the time Major Roberts arrived at the British camp the 
 position of affairs was indeed critical, and Major James, C.B., 
 an officer of great ability and experience, who had just arrived 
 from England, and assumed political charge of the expedition, 
 reported to Government : " The excitement was spreading far 
 and wide. The Momunds on the Peshawur border were begin- 
 ning to make hostile demonstrations at Shubkudder, for the 
 first time since their signal defeat near the same place, in 1852, 
 by the late Lord Clyde. Rumours were also reaching me from 
 Kohat of expected raids by the Wuzeerees and Othman-Khail. 
 Emissaries from Cabul and Jellalabad were with the Akhoond, 
 who had been also further reinforced by Ghuzzun Khan, the 
 Chief of Dher, and 6,000 men. On December the 5th the 
 Momunds made a raid into our territories at Shubkudder, in 
 repelling which Lieutenant Bishop was killed." 
 
 So threatening had the aspect of affairs become that the 
 Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjaub telegraphed to Sir Neville 
 Chamberlain and Major James, authorizing the retirement of 
 the troops. Though suffering greatly from his wound, the 
 gallant Chamberlain, supported by the opinion of his political 
 coadjutor, declined to retire, rightly judging that the effect 
 on our prestige would be disastrous ; and Sir Hugh Rose, 
 (Lord Elgin, the Governor-General, being then in a dying 
 state),* strenuously opposed so pusillanimous a course, but 
 was overruled by a majority of the Council, and, on the 
 25th November, orders for withdrawal, involving a humiliating 
 confession of defeat, were actually issued, when Sir William 
 Denison, Governor of Madras, who arrived from that Presi- 
 dency to assume temporary charge of the government, induced 
 the Council to reconsider their decision, and, on the arrival of 
 General Garvockt with a brigade, raising the force to 9,000 men, 
 operations were resumed and crowned with complete success. 
 
 Once more Roberts found himself on that North- West fron- 
 tier in which he had gained his earliest military experiences, 
 and where and in the countries beyond he was to earn for 
 
 * Lord Elgin expired on the 20th of November, 
 t The late General Sir John Garvock, K.C.B.
 
 Decisive Action of the War. 95 
 
 himself undying fame as one of England's most daring and 
 successful Generals. Speaking to us of the North-West frontier, 
 he enlarged on the advantages it affords to the Indian Service 
 as the great training school of our officers. It is the only 
 department in which young officers have a chance of earning 
 distinction, as they are there placed in positions of responsibility 
 at an early age, and the manner in which they acquit themselves 
 of this responsibility is the measure of their capacity. Nearly 
 all our best officers have been reared on the North-West frontier, 
 from Sir Henry Lawrence and Major Broadfoot to the Lums- 
 dens, Coke, Watson, Probyn, Sam Browne, Daly, Hodson, the 
 Battyes, Brownlow, Keyes, Abbott, and Cavagnari. 
 
 At daylight of the 15th December, General Garvock, leaving 
 3,000 men to guard his camp, marched out with the remainder, 
 divided into two brigades, under Lieutenant-Colonel Wilde, 
 C.B.,* of the Guides, and Colonel W. M. Turner, C.B., of the 
 97th Regiment. Major Roberts accompanied the General, and 
 witnessed the succeeding operations, which had for their object 
 the capture of Laloo, two miles beyond the Crag picket, and of 
 Umbeyla, at the Chumla valley end of the pass. On arriving 
 before Umbeyla it was found that the enemy, with standards 
 flying, had taken up a position in great force on the conical 
 peak of one of the spurs running up from the Chumla valley, 
 dominating the whole ridge and the village nestling at its feet. 
 On the arrival of the troops Colonel Wilde's Brigade was told 
 off to make the direct assault on the peak, the natural strength 
 of which was greatly increased by breastworks all the way up 
 the mountain ; the second brigade being detailed to turn the 
 right of the position and storm the village of Laloo. 
 
 All being ready, at the signal, the British troops, with their 
 Sikh, Pathan, and Goorkha comrades, raised a cheer, and 
 rapidly crossing the intervening open ground, commenced to 
 scale the steep ascent with admirable elan, the 101st Regiment, 
 gallantly led by Colonel Salusbury, being conspicuous in the 
 advance. The determination to win evinced by these veteran 
 soldiers struck terror into the hearts of the mountaineers, who 
 sought to stop their assailants by a rapid musketry fire and 
 
 * The late General Sir Alfred Wilde, K.C.B., Member of the Council of 
 India.
 
 96 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 hurling rocks on their heads ; but all was in vain, and the 
 breastworks were carried in succession at the point of the bay- 
 onet, the almost inaccessible peak itself being soon crowned by 
 the victorious soldiers of the Queen. In the meantime Colonel 
 Turner was equally successful, and the village of Laloo fell 
 into the hands of the 7th Fusiliers and the native corps of his 
 brigade, and the hillmen were driven down the steep glens and 
 through the pine woods clothing the Chumla valley. Not 
 anticipating such vigorous action, a large force of the enemy 
 had attacked the camp from the Umbeyla Pass, but were 
 repulsed. 
 
 Following up his success, early on the following morning 
 Colonel Wilde, accompanied by Major Roberts, who, throughout 
 the operations, proceeded sometimes with one brigade, some- 
 times with the other, wherever the work promised to be the hot- 
 test, marched down the hills on Umbeyla with the brigade of 
 Infantry, and 400 sabres, commanded by Colonel Probyn, who, 
 anticipating a fight in the valley, had brought up his regiment 
 from Eusofzye, and afforded the mountaineers the unwonted 
 spectacle of troopers leading their horses down a breakneck 
 declivity, and then, on gaining the valley below, mounting them 
 in readiness for action. The enemy were drawn up in front of 
 Umbeyla, but with one brigade in front, and Colonel Turner's 
 brigade, which had made a detour by Laloo, on their flank, 
 they fell back under cover of the broken ground. Later in the 
 day, as Colonel Turner, with his Sikh regiments in line, and a 
 wing of the 7th Fusiliers in support, was advancing from 
 Umbeyla towards the hills which divide the Chumla and Bonair 
 valleys, several hundred Ghazees, or fanatic swordsmen, who 
 had been concealed at the base of the ridge, made a furious 
 attack on the British line, but were exterminated almost to a 
 man. From the slopes and crests above many thousands of 
 the hillmen witnessed this scene, which was the last military 
 incident of this brief campaign, and, as they dispersed under 
 the shell fire from the guns of Captain Griffin's battery, sta- 
 tioned in the valley beneath, they tacitly owned that they were 
 no match for such soldiers. That the fighting during these 
 two days had been severe was attested by the British loss, 
 which was 172 killed and wounded.
 
 End of the Umbeyla Campaign. 97 
 
 The alliance of the chiefs against us was now broken up, the 
 Bajourees returned to their fastnesses, the Akhoond of Swat, 
 that fanatical semi-ecclesiastical semi- military enemy to our 
 rule, seeing that the game was up, returned with his followers 
 to his valley, and the chiefs of Bonair, relieved from their 
 allies, agreed to terms. Nothing now remained but to destroy 
 the town of Mulkah, the teterrima causa belli, the nest whence 
 these birds of prey issued, some twenty-five miles distant. This 
 place became the seat of the Wahabee fanatics who, driven 
 from Sitana in 1858, by a British force commanded by Sir 
 Sydney Cotton, had returned thither four years later, and 
 established themselves at Mulkah, on the north side of the 
 Mahabun mountain, that vast natural stronghold, extending 
 about thirty miles from east to west, whose rugged and steep 
 ridges rise to an altitude of 8,000 feet. 
 
 Instead of despatching a brigade to destroy Mulkah, General 
 Garvock, anxious to terminate the war, resolved on the some- 
 what hazardous step of sending to this cradle of treachery and 
 fanaticism some British officers, with an escort, to witness its 
 destruction, which was to be effected by the Bonair chiefs. 
 Major Roberts, Colonel Adye, Captain Jenkins, commanding 
 the Guides, and some other officers accompanied Colonel 
 Reynell Taylor, the Commisioner of Peshawur, to Mulkah, 
 which was found to be a large village, standing on a northern 
 slope of the Mahabun, with numerous workshops and a powder 
 factory.* The place was burnt on the 22nd December, in pre- 
 sence of the British officers and of the natives, who collected 
 near the spot, and, with feelings of bitter resentment, watched 
 the destruction of their homes. On the return of the British 
 officers, the force broke up its encampment, and marched to the 
 plain of Eusofzye within our borders, on the Christmas- day 
 of 1863. For his services Major Roberts was mentioned in des- 
 patches by General Garvock, who expressed to him and Colonel 
 Adye, his "best thanks for their aid on many occasions. " 
 
 Major Roberts returned to his duties in the Quartermaster- 
 General's Department, and, during the following year, was 
 employed in compiling a new Route-book for the Bengal Presi- 
 
 * See Colonel Adye's " Sitana."
 
 98 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts, 
 
 dency. This work was published in January, 1865, when the 
 author received the thanks of the Governor-General in Council, 
 and of the Commander-in-Chief.* In the words of Colonel 
 Norman, the Military Secretary to the Government of India, 
 when conveying the thanks of the Viceroy, Major Eoberts 
 displayed "care and ability" in the compilation of this useful 
 work, and the service is rendered the more meritorious from the 
 circumstance that it was written at a time when he was suffer- 
 ing from liver complaint, which necessitated a return to Eng- 
 land in the month succeeding the publication of the book. 
 
 Major Roberts sailed by the Cape route in Messrs. Green's 
 ship, the " Renown," and, in March of the following year (1866), 
 returned overland. On his reporting himself he was posted to 
 the charge of the Quartermaster-General's Department in the 
 Allahabad Division, where he served under Generals Troup 
 and Beatson, until October, 1867, when he was ordered to pro- 
 ceed once more on active service. 
 
 Our Government having resolved to chastise Theodore, 
 "Negoos," or Emperor, of Abyssinia, for imprisoning several 
 British subjects, including Consul Cameron and Mr. Rassarn, 
 Assistant Political Resident at Aden, who had been dispatched 
 in July, 1864, with a letter from the Queen to Theodore, it was 
 not until the 13th of August, 1867, that Lord Derby's Cabinet, 
 yielding at length to the persistent representations of Brigadier. - 
 General William Merewether, at that time the able Political 
 Resident at Aden, finally resolved on a military expedition to 
 
 * From Colonel Paton, Quartermaster-General, to the Secretary to the 
 Government of India. Fort William, 3ist of January, 1865. 
 
 " I am instructed in forwarding for submission to Government a copy of 
 the new edition of ' Routes in the Bengal Presidency,' to state that His 
 Excellency the Commander-in-Chief desires most fully to acknowledge the 
 exertions and services of Major Roberts, V.C., Assistant Quartermaster- 
 General, attached to this office, by whom the work has been entirely com- 
 piled and carried through the press." 
 
 From Colonel H. W. Norman, C.B., Secretary to the Government of India, 
 Military Department, to the Quartermaster-General. Fort William, 18th 
 of February, 1865. 
 
 " In reply to yours, dated 31st ult., I am directed to acquaint you, for the 
 information of the Commander-in-Chief, that the Right Honourable the 
 Governor-General in Council very cordially concurs in His Excellency's 
 acknowledgments of the care and ability displayed by Major Roberts, V.C. 
 Assistant-Quartermaster-General, in the compilation of the New Route 
 Book for this Presidency, a copy of which accompanied your letter.''
 
 The Abyssinian Expedition. 99 
 
 compel Theodore to release his prisoners. This remarkable 
 man was favourably inclined to the British, and his two chief 
 officers, killed in his service, were Englishmen ; but his pride 
 was deeply hurt by no answer being sent for some years to a 
 letter he addressed to Her Majesty, and he gave rein to his 
 savage nature, which had been soured by recent defeat an un- 
 wonted experience to one who was above all things a gallant 
 soldier, and was of the opinion of Hector that 
 
 " The field of combat is the sphere for men ; 
 Where heroes war the foremost place I claim, 
 The first in danger as the first in fame." 
 
 The command of the army was entrusted to Sir Robert 
 Napier, the Commander-ill- Chief at Bombay, from which Presi- 
 dency the expeditionary force was drawn, with the addition of a 
 Bengal brigade, to the command of which Brigadier-General 
 Donald M. Stewart* was appointed, with Major Roberts as head 
 of his Quartermaster-General's Department. In nominating 
 him, the Commander-in-Chief, Sir William Mansfield, under 
 date 30th September, 1867, addressed the Government of India 
 in the following terms : " Sir William Mansfield would re- 
 commend Major F. S. Roberts, V.C., now Assistant-Quarter- 
 master-General, Allahabad Division, for the post. This officer 
 is eminently qualified for the appointment by his activity and 
 well known military qualities, as well as by his experience in 
 the Quartermaster-General's Department in peace and war for 
 nearly ten years. " 
 
 The following were the troops drawn from the Bengal Presi- 
 dency to take part in the Abyssinian Campaign, and placed 
 under the command of Brigadier- General Stewart. No. 5 
 Battery 25th Brigade, Royal Artillery, and Mountain Battery 
 with mortars attached, Major A. H. Bogle, R.A. ; 10th Bengal 
 Cavalry (Lancers), Major C. H. Palliser ; 12th Bengal Cavalry, 
 Major H. H. Gough, V.C. ; 21st Punjaub N.I., Major J. B. 
 Thelwall; and 23rd Punjaub N.I. (Pioneers), Major C. F. 
 Chamberlain. The Bengal troopsf took mule transport with 
 
 * Now General Sir Donald Stewart, Bart., G.C.B., Commander-in-Chief 
 in India. 
 
 t The total strength of the Bengal Brigade was 38 officers, 77 warrant 
 officers, and 2,436 non-commissioned officers and men, besides camp 
 followers. 
 
 H 2
 
 IOO Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 them, so that they were in a condition to move forward almost 
 immediately after landing at Zoolla ; and, in addition to com- 
 plete transport for the corps proceeding from Calcutta, the 
 Punjaub Government collected a large number of mules and 
 ponies, which embarked at Kurrachee for the seat of war. For 
 the conveyance of the Bengal contingent of troops and stores, 
 forty-three* transports (twenty-four sailing vessels and nine- 
 teen steamers) were taken up by the Marine Department at 
 Calcutta, and on Major Koberts devolved the superintendence 
 of the arrangements for embarkation, which were concluded 
 without a hitch. 
 
 On the 16th of September a reconnoitring party, under com- 
 mand of Brigadier-General Merewether, C.B.,f left Bombay 
 for Massowah to select a landing-place for the force, and fixed 
 on Zoolla, the ancient Adulis, in Annesley Bay ; and, on the 7th 
 of October, an advance brigade, under Colonel Field, 10th 
 Bombay N.I., sailed from Bombay. Sir Eobert Napier landed 
 at Zoolla on the 2nd of January, 1868, and took over the com- 
 mand from Sir Charles Staveley, commanding one of the two 
 divisions. 
 
 At this time the greater portion of the expeditionary force had 
 arrived, including a detachment of the 23rd Punjaub Pioneers 
 from Calcutta, which was attached to the brigade, stationed 
 at Zoolla, under Brigadier- General Schneider. On the 25th of 
 January, 1868, Sir Kobert Napier proceeded to the front, and 
 Sir Charles Staveley remained temporarily in command at 
 Zoolla. On the 27th of January the 21st Punjaubees arrived 
 at Zoolla, and, on the following day, the remainder of the 
 Pioneers, who marched up to the Senafe Pass to join their 
 comrades. 
 
 On the 9th of February, Major Roberts arrived in the " Gol- 
 conda," on board which was the 5th Battery 25th Brigade, R. A., 
 with a strength of eight officers, and 139 non-commissioned 
 officers and men, and though the greater portion marched no 
 
 * The total number of transports employed in this expedition was 205 
 sailing vessels, and 75 steamers, besides native craft and lighters and 
 barges, and the total number of seamen and others employed on board 
 vessels in the transport service was 14,255. 
 
 t The late Sir William Merewether, K.C.S.I., C.B., Member of the Council 
 of India.
 
 Roberts s Work at Zoolla. 101 
 
 farther than Senafe, a detachment, with two eight-inch mortars, 
 under Major Roherts's Addisconibe friend, Major James Hills, 
 performed excellent service at the capture of Magdala. On the 
 same day the first detachment of the 12th Bengal Cavalry 
 arrived, and proceeded to the front, and the remainder were 
 landed between the 18th and 28th of February, and a detach- 
 ment of 100 men, under Major Gough, shared in the attack on 
 Magdala. The 10th Bengal Cavalry, with a strength of 460 
 officers and men, and 463 horses, landed on the 6th of March, 
 and, with the 12th, was employed in keeping open the com- 
 munications between the Antalo and the Takazze river. 
 
 Major Roberts was placed in charge of the Quartermaster- 
 General's Department at Zoolla, and, as the pressure of work 
 gradually increased, it was found that his services were too 
 urgently required at Zoolla to permit of his going inland.* On 
 the 23rd of February Sir Charles Staveley left the port of dis- 
 embarkation for the front, and Brigadier-General Donald 
 Stewart temporarily assumed command at Zoolla, until the 
 arrival of Major-General Russell, Political Agent and Com- 
 
 * Captain H. M. Hozier writes in his " British Expedition to Abyssinia " : 
 "At Zoolla beat the heart from which the life-stream flowed that must 
 pulsate through the long artery of the line of communications, and carry 
 
 food to the farthest outposts The army throughout the campaign 
 
 depended almost entirely for everything, except meat and firewood, on the 
 ships and on the Senafe depot stored from the harbour. Never were oper- 
 ations carried on in a country so unfavourable for war ; the very base of 
 operations, where at the end of January there was a population of about 
 12,000 men and animals, had to be supplied with water from the condensers 
 and from the shipping. An accident to a delicate piece of machinery, or 
 the breaking of the valve of a pump, caused the stock of the precious fluid 
 to run short, and inflicted a great inconvenience on the camp, where the 
 water had to be doled out in daily portions of limited quantity, and a 
 reduction of the ration told heavily on man and beast. A storm of sufficient 
 severity to drive the condensing ships away from their anchorage would 
 have caused a terrible calamity. To provide against such an accident, every 
 effort was made to provide a reserve of water in a great reservoir, which 
 was formed partly of ships' tanks and partly of a tank sent in pieces from 
 England put together on the spot. -There was no timber in the country, 
 there was no stone near the sea coast, every block of coral and every beam 
 of wood for the construction of piers or storehouses had to be imported ; 
 every inch of rope had to be brought from the ships ; every yard of road 
 had to be made to allow the convoys to pass ; every boat had to be brought 
 to the coast for the disembarkation of troops and stores, for none were 
 found there, though a liberal supply was expected by some who should 
 have been better informants. The boats that there were could not at first 
 approach the beach, as the water shoaled slowly and the beach was very 
 flat."
 
 IO2 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 mandant at Aden. At Zoolla, under these officers, Major 
 Roberts laboured till the end of the campaign with an inde- 
 fatigability beyond praise. We have been assured by an officer 
 well qualified to form an opinion, from having served at Zoolla 
 throughout the Abyssinian campaign, that nothing could ex- 
 ceed the zeal and success with which the subject of this 
 Memoir performed the very arduous duties committed to his 
 charge. As an ardent soldier, confident in his ability to be of 
 service at the front, he longed to be with the advance, and 
 when the news of the capture of Magdala and death of Theo- 
 dore, on the 13th of April, arrived in the camp, Roberts must 
 have experienced a natural disappointment that he was toiling 
 in the less glorious, though equally essential, duties of his de- 
 partment ; but he had learned the secret of success in his pro- 
 fession, as in every other, to do with all his heart and ability 
 the work allotted to him, and with patience to wait for the time 
 when such good honest service will bring its reward the 
 opportunity for displaying in a more prominent capacity the 
 military aptitude he felt within him, and of which those who 
 had watched his career recognized that he was possessed. 
 
 By the 1st of April there was landed in Abyssinia 10,800 
 fighting men, and 14,500 camp followers, and the total number 
 of persons re-embarked at Zoolla for Suez and India on the 
 conclusion of the campaign, was 42,699, of whom 4,868 were 
 embarked before the 18th of April, the date on which the news 
 of the fall of Magdala was received at Zoolla, and 37,831 were 
 embarked after that date. The total number of animals 
 landed at Zoolla was 36,094,* of which 14,842 were re-em- 
 barked, the remainder being either disposed of at Massowah 
 by Mr. Munzinger, the British Consul, or having died during 
 the campaign. Colonel Phayre, head of the Quartermaster- 
 General's Department, proceeded to the front, leaving Major 
 Roberts as senior officer at Zoolla, so that the chief portion of 
 the work of disembarkation of this vast mass of men and 
 animals devolved on Roberts, who, on the 21st of March, had 
 received instructions, through Major-General Russell, to make 
 the necessary arrangements for their despatch. This he com- 
 
 * Of this total there were 2,538 horses, 44 elephants, 17,943 mules and 
 ponies, 5,735 camels, 8,075 bullocks, and 1,759 donkeys.
 
 Conclusion of the Campaign. 103 
 
 pleted without hitch or miscarriage, though suffering almost 
 continuously from ill-health, caused by over- work and the 
 tropical heat of the burning plain on which Zoolla is situated, 
 aggravated by a limited supply of water, and " perpetual clouds 
 of dust lodging in every pore." 
 
 On the 13th of April the gloomy tyrant of Abyssinia saw the 
 power he had built up at the cost of hecatombs of his country- 
 men, slain in battle or murdered in captivity, passing away 
 from him as the soldiers of the 33rd Regiment and Engineers 
 stormed his mountain fastness. Theodore had truly waded 
 through seas of slaughter to the throne, and of him may be 
 used the words Byron applied to another warrior : 
 
 " The greatest chief 
 
 That ever peopled hell with heroes slain, 
 Or plunged a province or a realm in grief." 
 
 True to his nature, his last act on the previous night was to 
 order hundreds of his enemies, captives in Magdala, to be 
 hurled headlong from the summit of the cliff at the back of 
 that fortress, which fulfilled the purposes of the Tarpeian rock 
 at Rome, and having thus satisfied his lust for blood, he 
 awaited the morrow with unabated resolution. When the gate- 
 way of his stronghold was forced and British soldiers poured in 
 upon him, the tyrant resolved not to outlive his disgrace, but 
 putting a pistol into his mouth, blew out his brains. Like the 
 Homeric hero who falls beneath the spear of "the godlike 
 Thrasimed": 
 
 " He sinks, with endless darkness cover'd o'er, 
 And vents his soul, effused with gushing gore." 
 
 On the 22nd of May, while on the march down from Mag- 
 dala, Sir Robert Napier, through his Assistant-Quartermaster- 
 General, wrote to General Russell in the following terms of 
 Major Roberts' s services : "I have the honour, by desire of 
 the Commander-in-Chief, to request that you will be so good 
 as to convey to Major Roberts, V.C., Assistant-Quartermaster- 
 General at Zoolla, the thanks of His Excellency for the efficient 
 manner in which he has performed his duties since the date of 
 his arrival at Zoolla. His Excellency has received with plea-
 
 IO4 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 sure most favourable reports regarding the able and energetic 
 manner in which Major Roberts has carried on the duties of 
 this department at Zoolla, and it has been a source of regret to 
 the Commander-iu-Chief that he has been unable to avail him- 
 self of Major Roberts's services in the front. His Excellency 
 however considers that work performed by those at Zoolla has 
 been as valuable to the interests of the expedition as any duty 
 they might have been called upon to perform with the advanced 
 portion of the army." 
 
 Two days later General Russell received a telegram directing 
 Roberts to proceed to Bombay to arrange for the return of the 
 troops, which was, however, countermanded, as Roberts had 
 rendered himself indispensable, and was a persona grata with 
 the naval and transport authorities, who fully appreciated his 
 geniality, resource, and powers of organization, which were the 
 wonder of every person with whom he was thrown in contact. 
 General Russell wrote an urgent letter requesting that he 
 might be allowed to remain at Zoolla, which was granted. No 
 one knew so well the value of these services as General Russell, 
 who, from being on the spot, had the best opportunities of 
 judging of the capacity of the officer in charge of his Quarter- 
 master-General's Department. The following was the letter 
 he addressed to Colonel Phayre on this occasion : " Major 
 Roberts has for some months conducted the duties of the 
 department at Zoolla ; during the time I have held command 
 he has done so most entirely to my satisfaction. He has lately 
 had very arduous duties in surveying and allotting vessels and 
 arranging embarkations, and has, in his communications with 
 the Naval and Transport authorities, carried on the duties to 
 the satisfaction of all. Major Roberts has taken such interest 
 in the embarkation, and has been so energetic, I had hoped he 
 might have remained to see the whole embarkation carried out, 
 but as his services are required elsewhere, I think it just to 
 represent to His Excellency the Commander- in -Chief the good 
 services he has performed." 
 
 In sending Major Roberts a copy of the above letter, General 
 Russell wrote : " You will see how I appreciate your energy ; 
 I have to thank you for your valuable assistance to me." 
 
 On the 2nd of June Sir Robert Napier arrived at Zoolla,
 
 Services of Roberts during the War. 105 
 
 and, on the 10th, accompanied by Major Koberts and other 
 officers, embarked in H.M.S. " Feroze " for Suez, whence he 
 proceeded to England to receive the honours that were so justly 
 his due, and the Abyssinian Expedition came to an end. The 
 25th Bombay N.I., remained as a guard for the stores, and, on 
 the embarkation, on the 17th of June, of the last of these and 
 the followers, the headquarters of the regiment quitted Zoolla. 
 On the following day, the rear-guard, being two companies 
 of the 25th Kegiment, embarked, and Annesley Bay returned 
 to its normal condition of solitude, save for the presence of a 
 guard of Egyptian troops to look after the railway* and sundry 
 sheds and trucks left behind. 
 
 During the campaign now brought to a conclusion, while 
 other officers of the Quartermaster-General's Department were 
 enjoying the excitement of active service and the invigorating 
 breezes of the Abyssinian highlands, it was Major Roberta's 
 fortune to work on the burning plain of Zoolla, but his heroic 
 struggles against the disabilities of a constitution always 
 weakly, and now borne down by lassitude and fever, were 
 appreciated and recorded by those who had witnessed his self- 
 sacrificing efforts, or had the discernment to contrast to his 
 advantage these qualities with the self-assertion of others more 
 highly placed. 
 
 Sir Robert Napier paid Roberts the high compliment of 
 selecting him to carry his final despatches to H.R.H. the Duke 
 of Cambridge, and his letter to the Military Secretary at the 
 Horse Guards, written at Zoolla on the 5th of June, though 
 very flattering to Major Roberts, was only his due. He said, 
 " I have the honour to acquaint you for the information of His 
 Royal Highness the Field Marshal Commanding-in-Chief, that 
 I have selected Major Roberts, V.C., Royal Artillery, to convey, 
 for submission to His Royal Highness, the continuation of my 
 despatch of the 12th May, reporting the concluding operations 
 and re-embarkation of the troops which composed the Abyssinian 
 
 * From returns by the Quartermaster-General's Department it appears 
 that the railway from Zoolla to Koomayli, twelve miles in length, conveyed 
 in three months 9,000 tons of commissariat stores, 2,400 tons of materiel, 
 10,000 troops and 14,500 followers, with 2,000 tons of baggage, the whole 
 without accident or delay.
 
 io6 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 Expeditionary Force. I would beg of you to be so good as to 
 bring Major Roberts to the favourable notice of His Eoyal 
 Highness. He performed the duties of Assistant-Quarter- 
 master- General at Zoolla throughout the campaign. It was 
 not possible to spare this officer from his important office at 
 our base with the duties of which he was thoroughly acquainted. 
 It will be, I am sure, satisfactory to His Royal Highness to 
 learn that, although the orders for the re-embarkation of the 
 force were issued near Magdala, and the greatest portion of the 
 troops had to traverse several hundred miles to reach their 
 ships, the embarkation took place nearly on the dates fixed. 
 The regiments generally embarked within forty-eight hours 
 after their departure from Senafe, marching fifty-five miles 
 through the passes to Koomailee, whence they were conveyed 
 by rail to the pier at Zoolla, and immediately sent to sea. By 
 this they were spared any unnecessary exposure in the extreme 
 heat of Zoolla. I beg to forward for submission to His Royal 
 Highness a copy of a demi-official letter* from Major-General 
 Russell, commanding at Zoolla, relative to the manner in 
 which the embarkation was carried out, and also an extract 
 from a report from that officer on the highly valuable assist- 
 ance afforded him by Major Roberts at all times, and more espe- 
 cially in the re-embarkations referred to in General Russell's 
 letter." 
 
 Roberts left Sir Robert Napier at Suez, and, proceeding from 
 Alexandria via Brindisi, with the despatches with which he was 
 entrusted, hurried across the continent, and landed in England 
 after an absence of ten years. ' His feelings on treading again 
 
 * From Major-General Russell, commanding at Zoolla, to the Military 
 Secretary to the Commander-in-Chief Abyssinia Expeditionary Force, 
 dated Zoolla, 3rd of June, 1868. 
 
 "From Major Roberts, V.C., the Assistant-Quartermaster-General, I have 
 received most valuable assistance, and he has conducted the duties of the 
 department at Zoolla most entirely to my satisfaction. He has lately had 
 very arduous duties in surveying and allotting vessels and arranging the 
 re -embarkation of the troops, and has in his communications with the Naval 
 and Transport authorities carried on the duties to the satisfaction of all. 
 He has taken such interest in the re-embarkation and has been so energetic 
 and efficient that I submitted a request for him to be permitted to remain 
 at Zoolla and complete there-embarkation, which request has been granted. 
 I am specially indebted to him for his very valuable assistance."
 
 Roberts Compiles the Transport Regulations. 107 
 
 the soil of his native country were, doubtless, not inaptly 
 expressed by the lines of Coleridge : 
 
 " If aught on earth demands an unmixed feeling, 
 'Tis surely this after long years of exile, 
 To step forth on firm land, and gazing round us, 
 To hail at once our country and our birth-place." 
 
 On the arrival of Sir Kobert Napier in England, he participated 
 in the banquets and fetes that were given to the successful 
 General. 
 
 For his services during the campaign, Koberts received the 
 brevet rank of lieutenant-colonel, and, while in England, was 
 offered by Sir William Mansfield, the Commander-in-Chief in 
 India, the post of First Assistant-Quartermaster-General at 
 Army headquarters, and, in February, 1869, sailed for India 
 and took up the appointment in the following month. At this 
 time Colonel P. S. Lumsden was Quartermaster-General, but 
 during the two succeeding winters, in the absence of his chief, 
 Colonel Roberts was in charge of the department, and, with his 
 usual energy, employed such leisure as he could command in 
 compiling Parts I. and II. of the Transport Regulations, " By 
 Sea," and "By Rail." He writes to us, " I felt there was a 
 great want for transport regulations, and I compiled Parts I. 
 and II. which form the basis of the present regulations as used 
 in India." 
 
 Colonel Roberts added to the Mutiny medal, with three clasps, 
 and the India medal for the Umbeyla campaign, the medal for 
 Abyssinia. 
 
 Alone among our wars this campaign is remarkable for 
 having been brought to a conclusion, not absolutely without 
 spilling a drop of blood for seventeen officers and men were 
 wounded at the action of Arogie, and fifteen at the capture of 
 Magdala but without the loss of a single life in action on the 
 British side. Lord Napier merited all the honours and enco- 
 miums he received for his conduct of the operations in what 
 has well been called an " Engineers' War," though it was 
 scarcely less a Quartermaster-General's War, for the difficulties 
 of transporting supplies along the 400 miles intervening be- 
 tween Zoolla and Magdala, were of a nature that may be said, 
 without exaggeration, to be almost unparalleled. To Colonel
 
 io8 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 Roberts the experience he had gained in this campaign was 
 priceless, and no long time elapsed before he was in a position 
 to put in practice the lessons he had learned under a master 
 in the art of mountain warfare. To a man who (to paraphrase 
 a famous saying) " was an excellent official if you will, but a 
 soldier above all," the kudos he gained as being "indispensable" 
 at Zoolla, must have been dashed by the thought that he was 
 not present at the capture of the stronghold of the Abyssinian 
 Emperor. To a soldier combining the impetuous valour that 
 gained him the V.C., with the strategic skill of which he has 
 given such striking examples in Afghanistan, the perils of the 
 assault were the most congenial experiences of military life, 
 and he would agree with the fiery Hotspur : 
 
 " Send danger from the East unto the West, 
 So honour cross it from the North to the South."
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The Looshai Campaign Description of the Country and Cause of the War 
 Colonel Roberts fits out the two Columns of the Expeditionary 
 Force He joins General Bourchier at Cachar March of the Cachar 
 Column Arrival at Tipai Mookh Attack on the Kholel Villages led 
 by Colonel Roberts Further Operations against the Looshais Action 
 of the 25th of January, 1872 Colonel Roberts Commands at the 
 Capture of Taikoom Arrival at Chumfai Conclusion of Peace and 
 Return of the Column to India Roberts is appointed Quartermaster- 
 General at Army Head-quarters His Services in that Capacity 
 Lord Lytton and General Roberts Roberts is nominated Commandant 
 of the Punjaub Irregular Force and Special Commissioner on the 
 Sciude-Punjaub Frontier. 
 
 IN 1871 the Indian Government was involved in hostilities with 
 the wild tribes on the south-east frontier of Bengal, known by 
 the common name of Looshai, and Colonel Roberts' s services 
 were again brought into requisition. Their country, almost a 
 terra incognita, is situated between the southern extremity of 
 the Cachar district and the northern boundary of the Chitta- 
 gong Hill Tracts, and consists of a belt of land about 100 miles 
 in length, traversed by high ranges of mountains running 
 nearly due north and south. On the Chittagong side of the 
 Looshai portion of the country, these mountains are more or 
 less inhabited, but towards the Cachar frontier the broad and 
 swampy valleys are almost entirely devoid of population, a 
 result due not so much to their unhealthiuess as to the raids of 
 more powerful neighbours. 
 
 The Looshais, says Colonel Roberts,* are a family of the 
 great Kokie tribe, who may be found in Independent, or Hill, 
 Tipperah, which bounds the Looshai country on the west. The 
 Looshais first raided on British territory in 1850, and, in 
 January of the following year, Colonel Lyster, political agent 
 
 * See " Narrative of the Cachar Column, Looshai Expeditionary Force,'' 
 published in vol. ii. of the "Journal of the United Service Institution of 
 India," in which the author minutely describes the organization of the 
 Expedition.
 
 1 1 o Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 in the Cossyah and Jynteah Hills, and Commandant of the 
 Sylhet Light Infantry, marched from Cachar with a small force, 
 and penetrated their country a distance of 100 miles, inflicting 
 severe punishment and releasing 400 captives, but he expressed 
 his " confirmed impression that this rohber tribe will not cease 
 to infest the frontier until they shall have been most severely 
 dealt with." Matters remained tolerably quiet until 1862, 
 when aggressions occurred in Sylhet, culminating in 1868-69 
 in a series of outrages on the tea-gardens of Cachar, when the 
 Government despatched two columns, under Brigadier- General 
 Nuthall and Major Stephenson, 7th Native Infantry, with twenty- 
 days' provisions. But the expedition started too late in the 
 season, and was ill-organized, and returned without meeting 
 with opposition or effecting any of the objects sought to be 
 attained. 
 
 The Supreme Government now tried the policy of concilia- 
 tion, and, on the 20th December, 1869, Mr. Edgar, Deputy 
 Commissioner of the district, accompanied by Major Macdonald 
 of the Survey Department, and a small escort of police, left 
 Cachar and visited Soonai and Beparee Bazaar, the centre of 
 the territory of Sookpilal, the most powerful of the chiefs 
 raiding on British territory, who paid him a visit on the 23rd 
 March, and discussed the question of the boundary between 
 the Looshai and British States. In the following December, 
 Majors Macdonald and Graham, the Civil Officer, were deputed 
 to proceed with a small police escort on a friendly mission to 
 the country of the Sylhoos, situated to the south of Sookpilal' s 
 territory, and Mr. Edgar penetrated to Dullesur, where he had 
 an interview with Sookpilal, who, on the part of the western 
 chiefs, agreed to the boundary clearly denned in a " sunnud," 
 or written engagement, but declared that he could not negotiate 
 on behalf of the tribes to the east of the Soonai river. But 
 the old chief was acting with duplicity, and at this time the 
 Sylhoos and Howlongs, tribes to the north and north-east of 
 the Chittagong Hill Tracts, and the north-eastern Looshais, 
 under Lalboorah, entered Sylhet and Cachar, destroying villages 
 and property, killing the coolies and Mr. Winchester, a tea- 
 grower, whose daughter, six years of age, was carried off. 
 To recover this second little Helen of Troy, " the direful spring
 
 Origin of the Looshai Expedition. 1 1 1 
 
 of woes unnumbered," a considerable force was assembled, and 
 the Indian Government found itself involved in hostilities. 
 
 At this time Lord Napier of Magdala, the Commander-in- 
 Chief, accompanied by Brigadier- General George Bourchier, 
 C.B., commanding the eastern frontier, whose name has 
 appeared before in these pages, happened to be on a tour of 
 inspection through the district, and, under his lordship's in- 
 structions, the Brigadier- General proceeded to Shillong to take 
 steps for the protection of that frontier, and despatched a small 
 force up the Soonai river, which succeeded in ensuring the 
 safety of Mr. Edgar, then returning from his mission to Sook- 
 pilal. On the 24th February the Commander-in-Chief, having 
 inspected Dibrooghur and the other stations on the Brahma- 
 pootra, reached Cachar, and, as the season was too far advanced 
 for active operations, in conjunction with the General command- 
 ing the district, he made arrangements for defending the frontier, 
 forts and stockades being established at suitable points, with 
 roads communicating between them. 
 
 Acting on the recommendation of Lord Napier, the Supreme 
 Government, on the 30th June, 1871, directed the Military 
 Department to organize an expedition in the Looshai country, 
 to consist of two columns, starting from Cachar and Chittagong, 
 with the forces of the Rajahs of Muunepore and Tipperah 
 acting in co-operation, while the services of Sookpilal were to 
 be brought in requisition on the north, and of Button Pooea, a 
 powerful chief, on the south, from which side the Chittagong 
 column would attack. Lord Napier, in the previous March, 
 had impressed on the Government that all the details connected 
 with the organization and equipment of the force and supply 
 of carnage, should be carefully considered beforehand, so that 
 there might be no chance of failure, such as had lately over- 
 taken some mountain expeditions. 
 
 On the 13th July his lordship was definitely called upon to 
 submit his proposals for giving effect to the measures decided 
 upon against the Looshais, and, four days later, the Commander- 
 in-Chief submitted his scheme, the main features of which 
 were that each column was to consist of 1,500 picked men from 
 the Regular Native Infantry, half a Peshawur Mountain 
 battery, with two steel guns, and two 5^-inch mortars carried
 
 I i 2 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 on elephants, and one company of Sappers and Miners. No 
 tents were to be carried, each fighting man being supplied with 
 a waterproof sheet, and baggage and camp followers were to be 
 reduced to a minimum, every one being rationed by the Com- 
 missariat. These recommendations were adopted, as well as 
 others suggesting that the co-operation of the Munnepore and 
 Tipperah Rajahs should be limited to the protection of their 
 own frontiers, the opening out of roads, and maintaining com- 
 munications through their own territories. The Commander- 
 in-Chief also strongly insisted on the Political Officers with the 
 columns acting in subordination to the Generals, and Colonel 
 Roberts writes : " This move was attended with the happiest 
 results ; indeed, it is not too much to say that to it, as much 
 as to the efficiency of the troops, the ultimate success of the 
 expedition was due." 
 
 The suggestions of the Commander-in-Chief having received 
 the approval of Government, orders were at once issued to the 
 several departments concerned, and, by the beginning of Sep- 
 tember, the fitting out of the two columns had been fairly 
 commenced. 
 
 The experience Colonel Roberts had acquired during fifteen 
 years' service in the Quartermaster-General's Department, and 
 more recently in the Abyssinian campaign, was now to be put 
 to the test, and the completeness with which he fitted out this 
 small expedition was an earnest of what he could do on a larger 
 scale and in a more important crisis, and evidenced that he 
 possessed the qualities for a successful chief of which the 
 " sage Polydamas " declared that Hector, with all his valour, 
 was deficient. 
 
 " To few, and wondrous few, has Jove assign'd 
 A wise, extensive, all-considering mind." 
 
 Lord Napier, who had formed, from personal observation in 
 Abyssinia, a high estimate of the energy and professional 
 capacity of Colonel Roberts, placed the entire preparation of 
 the columns in his hands, and the result was that nothing 
 could be more complete and efficient than the organization and 
 equipment of the expedition. For this service he received 
 from the Commander-in-Chief, through his immediate chief,
 
 Roberts Organizes the Columns. 1 1 3 
 
 Colonel R. S. Lumsden, " the expression of his Excellency's 
 approbation of tbe highl} 7 satisfactory manner in which tbe 
 duties entrusted to you for tbe preparation of tbe Loosbai 
 expedition and its despatcb from Calcutta, bave been carried 
 out." 
 
 Colonel Roberts was appointed Senior Staff Officer of tbe 
 Force, and, baving despatched tbe stores and equipment of tbe 
 columns by tbe 3rd November, joined Brigadier-General 
 Bourcbier, commanding tbe Cacbar column* (bis old comrade 
 at Delbi), at Silcbar, tbe Sudder, or principal station of tbe 
 district. Tbe Cbittagong column was commanded by Brigadier- 
 General Charles Brownlow, C.B., but with its operations we 
 are not concerned. 
 
 On arriving at Silcbar, Colonel Roberts, accompanied by 
 Colonel Nutball, of the 44th Native Infantry, went out to 
 explore the route over the Burban range, but tbe difficulties 
 appeared so great that it was decided that the advance should 
 be made by the alternative route, round by Luckipore and the 
 banks of the Barak. On the 21st November, a wing of tbe 
 44th Native Infantry marched to Luckipore, and, on the 23rd, 
 General Bourcbier and his staff followed with one wing of the 
 44th and tbe Sappers, when road-making towards Tipai Mookb 
 commenced, a labour which never ceased until the end of 
 January, by which time 110 miles bad been completed. This 
 last-named place had been fixed upon as the base of operations 
 for the left column, after a lengthy discussion, as it was 
 believed that from there the tribes of the chiefs about to be 
 
 * The Caehar, or left, Column consisted of : " Half Peshawur Mountain 
 Battery, Captain Blackwood, R.A. ; one company Sappers and Miners, 
 Lieutenant Harvey, R.E. ; 500 men of the 22nd Punjaub Native Infantry, 
 Colonel Stafford ; 500 of the 42nd Assam Light Infantry, Colonel Rattray, 
 C.B. ; 500 44th Assam Light Infantry, Colonel Hicks ; and 100 police, 
 under Mr. Daly. There were 1,400 coolies, under Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Davidson of the Commissariat ; also a Coolie Corps of 800 men for the 
 carriage of the Sepoys' baggage, under Major Moore. In addition 600 
 Coolies joined during the campaign to replace casualties. There were 121 
 elephants, and 32 others arrived later ; of which 20 died in the campaign. 
 The Staff Officers, besides Colonel Roberts, were Captain Thompson, Brigade- 
 Major, and Captain Butter, Aide-de-Camp. Dr. Buckle, Inspector-General 
 of Hospitals, was in medical charge, and Mr. Edgar was Political Officer of 
 the Column, acting in subordination to the General. The Topographical 
 survey was under Captain Badgley, and the telegraph under Mr. Pitman. 
 
 I
 
 114 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 coerced Vonpilal, Poiboy, and Vouolel could be most easily 
 reached. Had the meeting of the two columns been the pri- 
 mary object of the expedition, a more westerly course, either 
 by the valley of the Soonai or the Dullesur, would have been 
 adopted, but it was hoped that, by whichever route the columns 
 advanced, they would be able to effect a junction after the 
 Looshais had been sufficiently punished. 
 
 For the greater part of this way there was not even the 
 vestige of a path, and many a long and weary reconnoissauce 
 was made by Colonel Eoberts before the best line for the 
 advance could be selected. The troops, however, worked with 
 a will, and the Sappers, under Lieutenant Harvey, traced out 
 the road, which was widened to a suitable extent by the lead- 
 ing wing of the 44th Eegiment, the other corps following in 
 succession by wings, each doing their share. Colonel Roberts 
 writes of the work done under somewhat adverse circum- 
 stances : " Notwithstanding the extreme heat of the climate, 
 and the difficult nature of the country, which was one suc- 
 cession of rolling hills covered with dense jungle and huge 
 creepers, and intersected by numerous rivers and watercourses, 
 a good road from six to eight feet wide was constructed, with a 
 gradient easy enough for laden elephants to travel over." 
 
 This sort of campaigning is not exhilarating, and is more 
 trying for regular troops than the excitement of battle, when 
 discipline and superior arms inspire confidence. Byron 
 justly speaks of 
 
 " The nightly muster and the silent march 
 In the chill dark, when courage doth not glow 
 So much as under a triumphal arch." 
 
 On the 29th November, General Bourchier arrived at Mynad- 
 hur, on the farther side of the Burban range, where commis- 
 sariat stores for three months had been collected, and ordnance 
 and other stores were rapidly arriving. Here, also, a telegraph 
 had been carried, and a daily post established, so that by the 
 first week in December, headquarters were in postal and tele- 
 graphic communication with Calcutta. Between Mynadhur and 
 Tipai Mookh, four camps close to the Barak bank, were estab- 
 lished, each consisting of comfortable huts made by the troops 
 and coolies, the framework consisting of bamboo leaves, and
 
 Roberts Leads the Advance. 1 1 5 
 
 grass, fastened together with strips of bark, and the interior 
 furnished with a low raised bamboo floor for sleeping purposes. 
 As opposition was expected, General Bourchier, accompanied 
 by Colonel Koberts, reconnoitred the place, which was found to 
 be deserted, when it was occupied and made the base of opera- 
 tions. Tipai Mookh (the junction between the Tipai and Barak) 
 is eighty-four miles from Cachar, but in this short distance the 
 river Barak had to be crossed four times. 
 
 By the 4th December preparations for an advance were com- 
 pleted, and headquarters marched two days later ; but the diffi- 
 culties as to roads and water on the route were so considerable 
 that the Toweeboom river, distant twenty miles from Tipai 
 Mookh, was only reached on the 22nd of the month. Crossing 
 the river, the column encamped a little above its junction with 
 the Tipai. During the advance, small bodies of Looshais were 
 encountered, but they retired on the approach of the recon- 
 noitring parties. General Bourchier determined at once to 
 attack the Kholel villages before the people had time to 
 strengthen them, and, early on the morning of the 23rd, 
 leaving a guard in camp, marched with the remainder of the 
 troops up the hill. Colonel Koberts, with fifty men of the 
 22nd Punjaub Native Infantry, under Major Stafford, led the 
 advance up the ascent, which was very steep, and through 
 thick jungles. On arriving at a clearing in the forest, where 
 was a stockade, Colonel Roberts collected the troops, who, 
 owing to the narrowness of the path, straggled up, and could 
 not keep any proper order, and advanced towards the work in 
 which the enemy had taken up a position. As the detachment 
 emerged into the open, the Looshais fired two volleys, which 
 wounded two men, but before the Punjaubees could reach them 
 with the bayonet, they had evacuated the place and disappeared 
 into the jungle. The work, which was full of rice, was de- 
 stroyed, and the column continued its toilsome chase after the 
 enemy, who were driven from stockade to stockade. 
 
 The tactics adopted by the enemy were to post themselves at 
 the top of each ascent, fire a volley, and retreat ; but, never- 
 theless, the British troops were able to inflict some loss upon 
 them, as was evident by the traces of blood that marked their 
 line of flight, though they took care to remove their slain, as, 
 
 i 2
 
 1 1 6 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 according to a superstition prevalent among them, the man 
 who loses his head in battle becomes the slave of the victor 
 in the next world. 
 
 Storehouses full of grain were found in each stockade, and 
 were destroyed, together with the contents. Advancing in this 
 way for several hours, through thick jungle, with an occasional 
 hamlet, the column came upon a large village, which the 
 General determined to occupy, as there was a good stream of 
 water close at hand. He accordingly sent back to Tipai for 
 the baggage. Meantime, accompanied by Roberts and his 
 staff, he took a detachment of the 44th higher up the hill, to 
 look for the Chief Kalhi's principal village, which had been 
 seen from the camp on the Seubong range. The ascent was 
 very steep, the village being situated at an elevation of 3,300 
 feet above the point left in the morning. The Looshais made 
 an attempt to defend the village, but the 44th drove them out, 
 and the place was burnt, when the detachment retraced its 
 steps to the village fixed upon for occupation. During the 
 day the losses had been only two men killed and four severely 
 wounded. 
 
 The troops were so exhausted by their exertions that it was 
 with great difficulty the pickets could be prevailed upon to con- 
 struct breastworks, though materials in abundance were at 
 hand. Throughout the night the Looshais kept up a harass- 
 ing fire under cover of the forest which surrounded the village, 
 and as soon as morning dawned, a party moved out to clear the 
 ground near the pickets. Later in the day the General pro- 
 .ceeded, with Colonel Roberts and sixty-two men of all ranks, 
 being all that were available for the duty, to attack another 
 village a short distance to the south, which was carried with a 
 rush, the enemy evacuating the place after firing a volley. 
 
 Christmas day was spent burning the stockades and gran- 
 aries in the neighbourhood, and, at night, the officers celebrated 
 the day in the fashion usual among Englishmen in all parts of 
 the world, and under the most depressing circumstances. All 
 the officers assembled at the headquarters mess, and dined at a 
 table " raised in a conspicuous position, with candles burning 
 before them and Looshais firing from the jungle close by. " 
 
 * " The Looshai Expedition," by Lieutenant R. G. Woodthorpe, R.E.
 
 He Conducts the Retirement. 1 1 7 
 
 Though some of the sentries were wounded, none of the officers, 
 though presenting such excellent marks, were hit, and that 
 "music hath charms the savage breast to quell," was proved 
 by a singular circumstance. When, after dinner, the officers 
 in turn favoured the company with a song, the auditory included 
 the fierce children of the forest, who stopped firing when each 
 song commenced, and resumed it on its conclusion. 
 
 When starting from Tipai, on the 23rd, it was understood 
 that the route to Lalboorah's village lay by the Voombong 
 mountain and the new Kholel villages, but from a closer in- 
 spection of the country it became evident that they had taken 
 the wrong road, and that it would be necessary to retrace their 
 steps to the Toweebooin, and take a fresh departure thence for 
 old Kholel, a collection of deserted villages near Pachowee, 
 visible at some distance on the opposite bank of the Tipai. As 
 there were only 250 fighting men available, and the nature of 
 the country necessitated proceeding in single file, it was difficult 
 to guard the long line of sick, wounded, and coolies ; but the 
 retirement was planned by Colonel Roberts, and executed with 
 skill and success, and reflected great credit on all concerned. 
 By 10 o'clock on the 26th the preparations were complete, and 
 the column marched, Colonel Stafford's detachment of the 22nd 
 Punjaubees leading, a detachment of the 44th, under Captain 
 Lightfoot, guarding the coolies and non-combatants, and 
 Colonel Nuthall and Captain Robertson bringing up the rear 
 with the remainder of the 44th. As the rearguard, accompanied 
 by General Bourchier and Colonel Roberts, quitted the village, 
 after setting it on fire, the Looshais entered at the other end, 
 yelling and screaming like fiends, but were kept off by the 
 steady fire of the skirmishers of the 44th. All the way down 
 the hill, a distance of five miles, to the river, the savages en- 
 deavoured to get past the rearguard to attack the coolies with 
 the baggage, but, says Roberts, " they were invariably baffled 
 by the little Goorkhas, who, extending rapidly where the ground 
 allowed, retired through their supports in admirable order, and 
 gave the enemy no chance of passing. 
 
 On the 27th and 28th December, Colonel Roberts was em- 
 ployed reconnoitring the route, and, on the following day, the 
 General, accompanied by his staff and Mr. Edgar, and taking
 
 1 1 8 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 with him a wing of the 22nd Punjaubees, under Colonel Rat- 
 tray, which had joined the camp, returned to the Kholel vil- 
 lages that had been burnt to show the natives that it was not 
 fear that had caused the retirement. Here an envoy was 
 received from the Chief named Poiboy, soliciting peace, and a 
 cessation of hostilities was arranged. Meanwhile the Sappers 
 and Goorkhas commenced road-making, and, on the arrival of 
 a sufficiency of supplies for a further advance, the General, 
 with Colonel Roberts and his staff, left the camp on the 6th 
 January, 1872, and halting at the Sapper camp for the night, 
 arrived at the river Tuitu on the following morning. 
 
 On the 8th, headquarters, with the Sappers, marched to a 
 deserted village on the Kholel range, called Daidoo, where a 
 wet night was passed, there being no shelter, or bamboos to 
 construct huts, and the rain coming down in torrents. On the 
 following day camp was formed at Pachowee, officially known 
 as No. 9, where an agent arrived from Sookpilal with a message 
 from that Chief and Khalkom that they would soon come in to 
 make their submission. The General sent him back with an 
 intimation that he would not delay his march, and a road was 
 at once commenced to Lalboora, through Poiboy's country. 
 Three miles from No. 9 post were the deserted villages of 
 old Kholel, where is the tomb of Vonpilal, the once powerful 
 Looshai chief, who ruled over Daidoo, Poiboy and Kholel. On 
 the 13th, the 22nd Regiment arrived, and, three days after, the 
 two steel guns (the mortars were never brought to the front), 
 and also Major Moore, bringing the Goorkha coolies, of whom 
 nearly 300 had died of cholera since leaving Calcutta. All the 
 troops of the Cachar column, with the exception of a guard at 
 Mvnadhur, were now distributed at the posts between Tipai 
 Mookh and No. 9. 
 
 On the 17th, the General and staff, including Colonel Roberts 
 and Mr. Edgar, leaving behind a guard of fifty men, marched 
 from Pachui, with a wing of the 44th, and, crossing the Tuivai, 
 and passing a stockade where 200 men armed with muskets 
 were collected, ascended to Chepui, a height of 2,200 feet 
 above the river's bed, where the column passed the night in 
 some unfinished houses. Here the troops remained till the 
 22ud, Colonel Roberts employing the interval in reconnoitring.
 
 A Smart Skirmish. 1 1 9 
 
 The villagers sought to mislead him by pointing out a round- 
 about route, but, says Lieutenant Woodthorpe, " Colonel 
 Roberts, feeling convinced that there must be a more direct 
 road, was untiring in his endeavours to discover it, and at last 
 success rewarded his efforts." As the time did not admit of 
 constructing roads, General Bourchier determined to use the 
 country paths, taking on only the artillery elephants, the sup- 
 plies being brought on from Chepui by coolies. 
 
 On the 22nd January the advance was continued along a 
 rocky path to Station No. 11, whence Colonel Roberts, taking 
 a guide with him, reconnoitred the roads which diverged shortly 
 after reaching the camp. He resolved to adopt the road across 
 the Tuila and over a spur of the Surklang, but Poiboy, expect- 
 ing the invaders would use the route by Gnaupa, had fortified 
 several strong points, and determined to make a stand. On 
 arriving at the next camp the General and Colonel Roberts 
 went on ahead to reconnoitre, and, on the 25th, the force came 
 into collision with the enemy. 
 
 The advance, consisting of fifty men of the 44th, accom- 
 panied by the General and his staff, had advanced about half a 
 mile from camp, and were climbing over a steep, rocky part of 
 the path, when suddenly a heavy fire was opened upon them, 
 the General's orderly being killed, and the General himself 
 receiving wounds in the left arm and hand. There was a 
 sharp struggle on the bank of the purling, swiftly-flowing 
 brook, whose waters ran stained with blood, while the fierce 
 yell of the Looshai mountaineer was answered by the wild cry 
 of the little Goorkha, who was not less at home on the rocky 
 hill- side, which reminded him of his sequestered valleys in 
 distant Nepaul. Thirteen Looshais fell almost in one spot in 
 the stream, victims to the terrible "kookrie, " or knife, which 
 these hardy mountaineers wield with such dexterity. One 
 young Looshai, panic- struck at the fate which had befallen so 
 many of his countrymen, was seen, in trying to make his 
 escape up the slippery rock, to lose his footing, and before he 
 could recover himself was cut down at one blow by a Goorkha. 
 As when Sarpedon fell beneath Patroclus' " never-erring dart " 
 
 " The Fates suppress'd his labouring breath, 
 Aud his eyes darken'd with the shades of death."
 
 1 20 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 On General Bourcbier being disabled, Colonel Roberts tem- 
 porarily assumed tbe command, and tbe troops dasbing into tbe 
 stream, drove tbe enemy up tbe bill and tbrougb tbe jungle. 
 After having his wounds bound up, General Bourcbier followed 
 tbe column, which had pushed on rapidly for the village by a 
 path running along the face of a precipice. At this point a 
 stockade bad been constructed, but tbe enemy were so panic- 
 striken that they abandoned it and fled wildly towards another 
 large stockade, which they prepared to defend ; the position was, 
 however, turned by a party of the 44th, and the Looshais, find- 
 ing themselves^ taken in flank, abandoned the stockade and the 
 village of Iungnung, 200 yards beyond, and disappeared into 
 the forest and down the hill-side. In this spirited affair the 
 British loss was only two killed and five wounded, and that of 
 the Looshais over sixty. Speaking of Colonel Roberts's services 
 the General reported : " At the outset I was wounded by two 
 slugs in the left arm and hand, and although not disabled for 
 the rest of the subsequent advance, I was so at one time, and 
 have to thank Colonel Roberts and my staff for carrying out the 
 details which ended so successfully." 
 
 As the attack thus successfully repelled had been made by 
 Poiboy's men, the General determined to burn the village of 
 Taikoom, and, at noon on the following day, despatched Colonel 
 Roberts in command of a small column, consisting of 100 men 
 from the 22ud and 44th regiments, and the two mountain 
 7-pounder guns, which had only arrived that morning in camp. 
 During tbe course of the reconnoissance made two days before, 
 it was ap arent that, owing to the nature of the country, these 
 guns, if conveyed by elephants, could not be conveyed to 
 Taikoom in one day, so it was decided that they should be 
 carried by coolies. Accordingly, six men were told off to each 
 gun, which weighed only 1501bs. apiece, six to each carriage, 
 two for each wheel, and four for the ammunition boxes, each 
 containing nine rounds. By noon tbe small column, under 
 the command of Colonel Roberts, was on the march towards 
 Taikoom, which lay due east. The path descended for about a 
 mile and a half till it reached the bend of the stream just 
 below the saddle connecting Muthilen, a great hill rising to an 
 altitude of 6,000 feet, with the Soorklang, a wild mass of
 
 Roberts s first Command in Action. 121 
 
 peaks, whence, ascending again, it joined the path reconnoitred 
 by Eoberts on the 24th. 
 
 Passing a stockade containing granaries, Colonel Roberts 
 continued his march between two spurs of the neighbouring 
 hills, about a mile beyond which, on the farther side of a 
 valley, was a strong stockade, built across a road which it quite 
 commanded, and having on its right flank a steep rocky ravine, 
 in which a large party of the enemy were collected. As the 
 nature of the ground did not permit of a direct attack with the 
 limited force of infantry under his command, Colonel Roberts 
 resolved on making a flank movement, a feature of military 
 tactics with which these unsophisticated hillmen. were unac- 
 quainted. This entailed a fatiguing march over steep spurs, at 
 one time attaining a height of 6,000 feet, but, at length, the party 
 came out on the road, about a mile beyond the stockade. The 
 Looshais, on finding their position turned, retired to Taikoom, 
 upon which Colonel Roberts continued his march with all expe- 
 dition, but it was five o'clock before he came in sight of it. 
 
 The village, which contained about 200 houses, surrounded 
 by a strong palisade, is situated on the top of a small hill, and 
 was found to be full of men, who were collected in a large open 
 space at the upper end. The position Colonel Roberts took up 
 completely commanded the village, from which it was some 
 1,200 yards distant, and the guns were brought into action on 
 a level space on the right of the road. Captain Blackwood, 
 who was in command, opened fire, and his practice was so 
 good, the second shell bursting amid a group of men, that, 
 after a few rounds, Colonel Roberts led the infantry in person, 
 and entered the village at one end as the enemy evacuated it at 
 the other. Taikoom was set on fire, and as it was past six 
 o'clock, the troops, having secured some live stock, which were 
 slaughtered by the Goorkhas, commenced the return march, 
 guided by the light of the moon. Camp was reached in safety 
 at 11 P.M., every officer and man being thoroughly fatigued. 
 Thus successfully terminated Colonel Roberts's first indepen- 
 dent command, which was an earnest of what he was capable 
 of doing. 
 
 General Bourchier, in forwarding to Lord Napier of Magdala, 
 a copy of Colonel Roberts's despatch, observes : " I need
 
 122 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 scarcely add orie word to what he has described therein, except 
 acknowledging in the warmest terms the services on this and 
 every occasion of this distinguished officer ; the distance he 
 had to travel was more than anticipated, and he did not return 
 to camp until half-past ten at night. This was the first occa- 
 sion on which the guns had been taken into action, and while 
 I was perfectly confident in the officer to whom I had entrusted 
 this expedition, I felt somewhat anxious, being unable to wit- 
 ness their first effect upon the enemy." 
 
 The Quartermaster- General at army headquarters, in for- 
 warding enclosures from General Bourchier, referring to 
 Colonel Roberta's services, to the Milrhary Department of the 
 Government of India, says, Lord Napier desires " to draw 
 the attention of Government to the skilfully and judiciously 
 planned, and ably and boldly executed operations therein set 
 forth, and to the praiseworthy services of Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Roberts, V.C., and the other officers brought to notice by the 
 Brigadier- General." 
 
 On the 29th January, 1872, a telegram was received at 
 Kungnung, announcing that Sookpilal had delivered up the 
 child, Mary Winchester, to General Brownlow, commanding 
 the right, or Chittagong, column, and, during the following two 
 days, the Looshais arrived in camp, bringing in the indemnity 
 in kind, demanded from Poiboy for his share in the attack of 
 the 25th. 
 
 On the 1st February, General Bourchier, accompanied by 
 his staff, including Colonel Roberts and Mr. Edgar, marched 
 with a detachment of the 22nd and 44th regiments for Chelam, 
 Poiboy's chief village, taking the road along the steep slope of 
 the western face of Muthilen. On the following day the 
 column arrived at Chelam, which was perched on the side of a 
 hill at an elevation of 5,800 feet, and consisted of about 200 
 houses enclosed in a strong stockade, with two other smaller 
 villages, also stockaded, on other peaks. Chelam, which had 
 just been vacated by its inhabitants, was occupied by the trcops, 
 who made themselves comfortable in the houses in which the 
 fires were still smouldering, and there being a plentiful supply 
 of pigs, the hill coolies killed as many as were required, and 
 Europeans and natives alike revelled in a plethora of pork, for
 
 A Forced March. 123 
 
 which viand the Goorkha has a great predilection. During the 
 night a fire occurred, which consumed twenty-five houses and 
 some of the public buildings, but it was extinguished by the 
 exertions of the soldiers and camp followers. 
 
 In order to obviate the danger to life and property from a 
 recurrence of these fires, Colonel Roberts was sent, early on 
 the following morning, to search for a suitable camping ground, 
 and one having been selected, the troops moved thither, and 
 huts were quickly constructed, the cold for the thermometer 
 marked one degree above freezing-point at night rendering a 
 bivouac out of the question. As one of the chief objects of 
 the expedition was to effect the reduction of the village of 
 Chumfai, 110 miles distant from Tipai Mookh, belonging to 
 the powerful chief, Lalbourah, General Bourchier commenced 
 collecting twelve days' supplies for his force, and telegraphed 
 his intention to General Brownlow, via Calcutta, so that if 
 possible the two columns might effect a junction at that spot. 
 A wing of the 42nd arrived at Chelam on the llth January, and 
 the General, making up his flying column to 400 men, drawn 
 from the 22nd and 44th regiments and artillery, with the two 
 guns, on the following day marched from Chelam, leaving 
 Colonel Eattray to occupy the camp. Baggage had been re- 
 duced to the utmost extent, the officers taking with them only 
 two blankets, one change of clothes, and a few cooking utensils. 
 
 The route, as before, was along the sides of mountains and 
 across ravines and valleys, but everywhere the fortified villages 
 were deserted, and the stockades unoccupied. One of these, at 
 Tulcheng, was of considerable strength, and displayed great 
 ingenuity, as there were flanking defences. On the 16th 
 February the column entered Lalbourah' s valley of Chumfai, 
 having an elevation of nearly 5,000 feet, and, on the following 
 day, took possession of Lungvel, the deserted village of Vonolel, 
 in which was that chiefs tomb, a curious structure, decked 
 with horns and human heads, according to Looshai custom. 
 At this spot the British flag was hoisted amid hearty cheers, 
 and General Bourchier, addressing the troops, said that they 
 had reached the limit of their march into the enemy's 
 country. 
 
 The village, which consisted of 1,000 houses, was fired, and
 
 124 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 the troops retired to pitch their camp in the valley below, 
 where, on the following day, the General received a deputation 
 of headmen from Chonchim, who came to make their sub- 
 mission. The British terms were, the surrender of Lalbourah, 
 or of three headmen in his place, the admission of Government 
 agents to their villages if required, the surrender of captured 
 firearms, and the payment of a fine in kind. After the meet- 
 ing General Bourchier took with him 150 men and ascended 
 the hill to Chonchim, which was strongly stockaded and filled 
 with armed Looshais, and for a time it seemed as if a resort 
 would have to be made to hostile measures, but after a parley 
 the General and his staff with twenty men were admitted into 
 the enclosure. Thus the submission of the tribe was com- 
 plete, and could not be explained away by the sophistries 
 barbarous chiefs employ in such cases to explain their humili- 
 ation. 
 
 In the evening the troops returned to Chumfai, and parties 
 were sent out on the following day, to make a cursory examina- 
 tion of the country. The British terms were all complied with, 
 three muntris, or chiefs, being chosen as hostages, and then, as 
 agreed on by telegraph with General Brownlow, on the night of 
 the 20th February, rockets were sent up to advise him of their 
 position, but were not visible owing to the height of the inter- 
 vening mountain ranges, the distance between the two columns 
 being some fifty miles as the crow flies. It was a subject for 
 regret that the meeting of the columns, which was one of the 
 original intentions sought to be attained in framing the plan 
 of campaign, was not effected ; but for this the Cachar force 
 was in no way to blame, as it attained the objective point of 
 its march. According to Captain East, the accomplished 
 Chief Staff Officer of the Chittagong column, the results to be 
 attained by a junction of the two columns did not warrant a 
 march over more than eighty miles of unknown and moun- 
 tainous country, inhabited by independent tribes.* 
 
 * The following, to borrow General Brownlow's own language, were the 
 results of his four months' campaign : " The complete subjection of two 
 powerful tribes, inhabiting upwards of sixty villages, of which twenty that 
 resisted were attacked and destroyed ; the personal submission of fifteen 
 chiefs, and their solemn engagement on behalf of themselves and tributaries 
 for future good behaviour ; the recovery of Mary Winchester, and the
 
 End of the Campaign. 125 
 
 On the evening of the 21st, further signals, blue lights and 
 rockets, were sent up from the Murklang hill, which received 
 no response, and, on the morning of the 22nd February, the 
 homeward march was commenced, to the satisfaction alike of 
 the European officers and Sepoys. 
 
 The withdrawal from the Looshai country was conducted 
 without any contretemps, a result due to the admirable arrange- 
 ments of Colonel Koberts, who also earned the thanks of the 
 officers of the column for the regularity with which throughout 
 the expedition, the dawk, or post, was despatched, " not a day 
 having passed," says an officer of the force, " without despatch- 
 ing the dawk, and scarcely a day without receiving the letters 
 and papers." 
 
 Tipai Mookh was reached on the 7th March, and as the heat 
 was great and cholera prevailed, the column proceeded thence 
 by boat, but the dreaded pestilence pursued the troops after 
 their arrival at Cachar, and even up country to the hill- station 
 of Shillong. There was much sickness also, due to the priva- 
 tions endured by the force, which had campaigned without 
 tents, and two officers, Captain Harrison, 42nd Native In- 
 fantry, and Captain Cookesley, Koyal Artillery, belonging to 
 the half-battery, who was the photographer of the column, 
 died from the effects of climate. The former officer was quite 
 unfit to proceed on active service, and was on his way to Cal- 
 cutta to return to England, but when his regiment was ordered 
 to the front, got his leave cancelled in the hope of gaining 
 some glory in a campaign which could not afford much scope 
 for military distinction. But as Byron says : 
 
 " Oh, glorious laurel ! since for one sole leaf 
 Of thine imaginary deathless tree, 
 Of blood and tears must flow the unebbing sea." 
 
 liberation of upwards of 150 British subjects, who had from time to time 
 been made captives. In addition the operations of the column, which, by 
 frequent departures from the main line of advance, covered a large area, 
 enabled the officers of the Survey to triangulate 3,000 square miles of 
 country, more than half of which was surveyed in detail, and also to com- 
 plete the connection between the Cachar and Chittagong districts." To 
 effect this success, the casualties of Brownlow's column were trifling, and 
 consisted of seven killed and thirteen wounded ; from sickness, there were 
 thirty deaths amongst the fighting men, and amongst the coolies and 
 followers, 118.
 
 126 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 A. large number of officers suffered from ill-health, including 
 General Bourchier* and Colonel Roberts, who writes to us that 
 " the privations were great, and the climate of Looshai most 
 trying." To the invaluable services of his Chief Staff officer 
 the General did no more than justice when he recorded them 
 in the following terms in his final despatch to the Quarter- 
 master-General at Army headquarters : " Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Roberts's untiring energy and sagacity are beyond all praise ; 
 working without guides, even without map and geography, 
 thwarted by the Looshais, whose game was to delay our pro- 
 gress, he seemed never at a loss ; but not only in his own 
 department was it that he exerted himself. Whether piloting 
 the advance guard through the trackless forest, or solving a 
 commissariat or transport difficulty, his powerful aid was will- 
 ingly given." 
 
 Colonel Roberts received the thanks of the Governor- General 
 in Council, was awarded the Companionship of the Bath,f 
 and added a clasp, inscribed Looshai, to the Indian medal 
 gained at Umbeyla, making the fourth decoration he had won 
 
 * General Bourchier issued a valedictory order to the column on its 
 arrival at Cachar, dated 19th March, in which he expressed his thanks to 
 the officers and men, and added : " The Brigadier-General has unfeigned 
 pleasure in according his belief that its discipline, energy, and devotion to 
 the Service could not have been surpassed. From the beginning of Novem- 
 ber, when the troops were first put in motion, to the present time, every 
 man has been employed in hard work, cheerfully performed, often under the 
 most trying circumstances of heat and frost, always bivouacking on the 
 mountain side, in rude huts of grass or leaves, officers and men sharing in 
 the same accommodation, marching day by day over precipitous mountains, 
 rising at one time to 6,000 feet, and having made a road fit for elephants 
 from Luckipur to Chipowee, a distance of 103 miles. The spirits of the 
 troops never flagged, and when they met the enemy, they drove them from 
 their stockades and strongholds until they were glad to sue for mercy. The 
 history of the Expedition from first to last has been sheer hard work. 
 Each regiment has shared in actual fighting, the 44th more than either of 
 the other corps (22nd and 42nd Native infantry) ; but to the officers in the 
 rear most important duties were assigned in protecting a line of communi- 
 cations extending over 110 miles from Tipai Mookh to Vonolel's stronghold 
 of Chumfai, and watching through spies the attitude of the inhabitants of 
 the neighbouring villages, conveying provisions and the post, and keeping 
 the road constantly patrolled. The Frontier Police did equally good service 
 with the troops in this way. Each field-( fficer in the rear had assigned to 
 him a certain number of posts for which he was responsible, and to their 
 vigilance may be attributed the fact that our communications have not for 
 a day been interrupted." 
 
 f Both Brigadier- Generals Bourchier and Bruwrilow received the K.C.B. 
 for their services in Looshai.
 
 Roberts s Services on the Staff. 127 
 
 in the service of his country. So remarkable had been these 
 services that we find his name mentioned twenty-three times 
 in despatches up to the close of the Looshai campaign ; but 
 when he again took the field it was as a writer of despatches, 
 describing military achievements of so exceptionally brilliant a 
 character that they will be for ever inscribed in the page of 
 history. 
 
 Colonel Roberts rejoined Army headquarters as Deputy 
 Quartermaster-General, to which promotion he had been 
 gazetted in the previous January while campaigning ; and, in 
 the following winter, 1872-73, accompanied the Commander-in- 
 Chief, Lord Napier of Magdala, on his tour through the Pun- 
 jaub and to the camp of exercise held at Hussan Abdul. 
 
 In the ensuing February, on the departure for England of 
 Major-General P. S. Lumsden, C.S.I.,* Colonel Roberts was 
 appointed to officiate as Quartermaster-General, and he per- 
 formed the duties for a period of five months to the satisfaction 
 of the Commander-in-Chief and of the Viceroy, Lord North- 
 brook, who, on receiving a copy of a circular memorandum on 
 "Intelligence and Topography," drawn up by Colonel Roberts 
 for the information of the officers of his department, wrote to 
 him, on the 19th July, through his military secretary, in the 
 following terms : " His Excellency desires me to thank you 
 for it, and to take the occasion of your handing over charge 
 of the Quartermaster-General's Department to Major-General 
 E. B. Johnson, to express to you the sense he entertains of the 
 ability and thoroughness which mark several important papers 
 which you have recently prepared, and which have been brought 
 under his notice." 
 
 On the 17th March, 1874, on Major-General E. B. John- 
 son'sf transfer to the post of Adjutant-General in India, Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel Roberts again " officiated " as Quartermaster- 
 General, as by the rules of the Service he was ineligible for 
 holding the substantive appointment until he became a full 
 Colonel, and the office carried with it the local rank of Major- 
 General. It was recognized that Roberts, from his services 
 
 * Now Sir Peter S. Lumsden, K.C.B., C.S.I., A.D.C. 
 t Now General Sir Edwin Johnson, K.C.B.
 
 128 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 and abilities, was the only possible head of the department in 
 which he had graduated for seventeen years, and so the appoint- 
 ment was kept open until the 31st January, 1875, when, on 
 obtaining the qualifying rank of Colonel, he was confirmed in 
 the office by Lord Napier of Magdala, in a letter to the Secretary 
 to the Government of India, in which his lordship wrote : 
 " The duties of the Quartermaster-General in India require 
 attainments of a character which can only be possessed by 
 officers of long Indian experience, and His Excellency considers 
 himself fortunate at the present time in being able to nominate 
 an officer of such ability and varied experience in the field and 
 quarters as Colonel Frederick Roberts, C.B., V.C.* 
 
 In laying down the chief command of Her Majesty's forces 
 in India, on the 10th April, 1875, Lord Napier of Magdala, 
 referring to General Roberts's services, expressed himself in 
 Army Orders as follows : " I cannot sufficiently express my 
 obligations to the Adjutant-General, Major-General Lumsden, 
 the Quartermaster-General, Major-General Roberts, and their 
 departments, and to my Military Secretary, Colonel Dillon. It 
 would be impossible to enumerate the many occasions on which 
 I have been indebted to them for their opinions or suggestions 
 for the benefit of the Army." And his lordship's successor, 
 Sir Frederick Haines, found the Quartermaster-General of the 
 Army equally valuable as an adviser of varied experience and 
 great sagacity. 
 
 In the cold season of 1876-77, General Roberts accompanied 
 the new Commander-in-Chief on a tour of inspection of the 
 Punjaub and Scinde frontiers, and thence proceeded with him 
 to Bombay before returning to Army headquarters. 
 
 In 1873-74 broke out one of those terrible famines which 
 periodically desolate the fairest provinces of our Indian Empire, 
 and the mitigation of which for prevention is impossible until 
 we can regulate the rainfall, or cover the country with a net- 
 work of railways and canals, and, moreover, induce the people 
 to use the latter forms one of the great tests of successful 
 Indian administration. In February, 1874, on the outbreak of 
 
 * By Governor- General's Order, dated the 26th April, 1875, Colonel 
 Roberts was confirmed as Quartermaster-General, and received the local 
 rank of Major-General whilst holding the appointment.
 
 The Prince of Wales s Visit to India. 129 
 
 the Tirhoot famine, General Roberts was sent by Lord North- 
 brook to Patna, to assist the Commissioner with his advice. 
 After giving his opinions on the measures to be adopted, he 
 left one of his assistants, Colonel Macgregor,* to carry his 
 proposals into practice. 
 
 How changed are the sentiments with which Government 
 officials now administer India, from those in the times when 
 the agents of the East India Company turned to their advan- 
 tage seasons of scarcity to secure a monopoly in the trade in 
 cereals, f and when the author of the "Pleasures of Hope" 
 could write : 
 
 " Rich in the gems of India's gaudy zone, 
 And plunder piled from kingdoms not their own, 
 Degenerate trade ! thy minions could despise 
 The heart-born anguish of a thousand cries ; 
 And lock, with impious hands, their teeming store, 
 While famished nations died along the shore." 
 
 General Roberts had hitherto mostly exhibited his aptitude 
 for the post of Quartermaster-General in the tented field, or in 
 the routine duties of the onerous office, during which his 
 energetic nature found scope in the compilation of transport 
 regulations, route-books, or other military topographical works, 
 which are so essential for the modern requirements of war. 
 But he was to exhibit his singular capacity for organisation in 
 another field, and one of a nature that, in any country but 
 India, would be confided to the civil department. We have 
 seen how admirably he conducted the duties of executive officer 
 of Lord Canning's camp when that Viceroy undertook his tour 
 through Central India and the Punjaub, soon after the con- 
 clusion of the Mutiny. The experience he then gained in the 
 ceremonial duties attendant upon the reception by Her Majesty's 
 
 * Now Major-General Sir C. M. Macgregor, K.C.B., C.S.I., C.I.E , Quarter- 
 master-General at Army Headquarters in India. 
 
 f The author of a " Short History of the English Transactions in the 
 East Indies " says : " Some of the agents saw themselves well situated for 
 collecting the rice into stores. They did so. They knew the Gentoos would 
 rather die than violate the principles of their religion by eating flesh. The 
 alternative would, therefore, be between giving what they had or dying. 
 The inhabitants sunk ; they that had cultivated the land and saved the 
 harvest at the disposal of others, planted in doubt scarcity ensued. Then 
 the monopoly was easier managed sickness ensued. In some districts the 
 languid living left the bodies of their numerous dead unburied."
 
 130 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 representative of the great feudatory Indian princes, was to be 
 exercised on a still larger and more important scale in the 
 preparation of the camps and management of the durbars held 
 at Delhi on the occasion of the memorable visit to India, in 
 1875-76, of His Eoyal Highness the Prince of Wales, and the 
 Imperial assemblage on the 1st of January, 1877, when the 
 Viceroy, Lord Lytton, with more than Eastern pomp and 
 circumstance, declared to the assembled princes and potentates 
 the assumption by Her Majesty of the title of Kaiser-i-Hind, 
 or Empress of India. 
 
 To a practical soldier like Roberts, the continuous durbars, 
 with their elaborate etiquette, must have been most wearisome, 
 and doubtless the endless succession of scenes of Oriental 
 pomp, which amused and elicited the wonder of the ground- 
 lings, palled on one who found a more congenial sphere for his 
 talents on the arid sands of Zoolla, or the lonely valleys and 
 difficult passes of the Looshai country. General Roberts 
 superintended the preparation and arrangements of the Royal 
 and Vice-regal camps to the entire satisfaction of the Prince of 
 Wales, whom he first met at Calcutta, and of the Viceroy. In 
 connection with the Imperial assemblage he was also specially 
 appointed by Lord Lytton a member of the general committee 
 for devising and carrying into effect the requisite measures in 
 pursuance of the Government policy. 
 
 The energy and powers of organisation displayed by General 
 Roberts attracted the notice of Lord Lytton, who was led to 
 form a very high opinion of his capacity, and from that time 
 an intimacy sprang up between these two remarkable men, 
 which ripened into a warm personal friendship ; and when the 
 post of Commandant of the Irregular Force stationed on the 
 Punjaub Frontier (which is under the direct control of the 
 Viceroy, and not of the Commander-in-Chief), became vacant 
 by the retirement of Brigadier- General (now Sir) Charles 
 Keyes, Lord Lytton offered him the appointment, with the 
 additional duties of Special Commissioner in the Scinde-Punjaub 
 frontier. Thus, in accepting the double post, Roberts found 
 himself once more connected with the force, in a mountain 
 battery of which he commenced his military career. The offer 
 of the appointment was due to the circumstance that Lord
 
 Roberts and the Punjaub Frontier Force. 131 
 
 Lytton, while in England, bad seen a report of General 
 Roberts on Afghanistan, which displayed great familiarity with 
 the military aspect of the Afghan question, then forcing itself 
 prominently into public notice. 
 
 The appointment of General Roberts was hailed with approval 
 by all India, as it was generally acknowledged that than Roberts 
 there was no fitter man in the army for the post of Warden of 
 the Marches, the occupant of which should be a soldier com- 
 bining with military experience a certain measure of the sagacity 
 of the statesman. 
 
 Whatever may be said against the Indian career of Lord 
 Lytton, and the success or failure of his policy, it should be 
 noted in his favour that he correctly gauged the military talents 
 of General Roberts, and when the time came for assigning the 
 chief commands in one of the most important Avars undertaken 
 during the present reign, he nominated him to one of the three 
 columns about to take the field for the invasion of Afghanistan, 
 and, moreover, in spite of the grumblings of an influential 
 minority at so young a general being placed in command, took 
 care that his requirements to place his small force in a state of 
 efficiency were attended to. Lord Lytton's discrimination in 
 appointing General Roberts was generally acknowledged, even 
 before the massacre of the Cavagnari mission demanded the 
 despatch of an army of retribution ; and the victorious advance 
 from the Shutargardan Pass to Cabul, one of the most re- 
 markable achievements of our arms since Waterloo, showed that 
 a great soldier had arisen in the military firmament, which the 
 renowned march from Cabul to Candahar, crowned with the 
 rapidly delivered battle under the walls of that city, made 
 manifest to the whole world, even the phlegmatic German 
 temperament being roused into approval. 
 
 K 2
 
 1 32 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The Afghan War General Roberts is Appointed to the Command of the 
 Kurram Field Force Constitution of the Field Force Brief Descrip- 
 tion of the Kurram Valley and its Inhabitants The Advance from 
 Thull into Afghan Territory The Occupation of the Kurram Fort 
 The Operations of the 28th November Reconnoissances and Pre- 
 parations for the Attack on the Peiwar Kotul. 
 
 IT is foreign to our purpose to enter into a disquisition on the 
 political events which led to the war with Afghanistan. These 
 events are viewed by Englishmen of Conservative or Liberal 
 bias, in such opposite lights, and have afforded so measureless 
 a field for envenomed discussion on the platform and in the 
 press, that we, in our anxiety to avoid such combustible ma- 
 terials, will confine ourselves to the military events so far as 
 they affect the hero of this memoir. 
 
 General Roberts, at the time of the outbreak of hostilities 
 with the Ameer Shere Ali Khan, had made for himself such a 
 name in his profession that it was generally allowed in Anglo- 
 Indian society, as well as by the best and most active section 
 of the officers of the Indian Army, that, in the event of war, 
 his name would be found among those submitted by the mili- 
 tary authorities to the Viceroy for a high command. In a 
 remarkable degree he commanded the confidence of the Indian 
 public and Army, but though his merits were not equally 
 appreciated at Army Headquarters, where they should have 
 most commanded recognition, in the Viceroy Roberts had a 
 friend more powerful than the Commander-in-Chief, and one 
 who correctly gauged the capacity of the young General. 
 
 In September, 1878, when the Afghan Commandant at the 
 Fort of Ali Musjid, in the Khyber Pass, refused to admit the 
 passage (" forcibly repulsed," as Lord Lytton declared in his 
 summary of events) of the Mission under Sir Neville Chamber- 
 lain, of the advent and importance of which he had been duly
 
 Roberts Appointed to a Command. 133 
 
 notified by a letter from the Viceroy, his lordship, after proffer- 
 ing to the Ameer Shere Ali Khan, "a last opportunity of 
 escaping the punishment merited by his acts," issued a formal 
 Declaration of War against the ruler of Afghanistan, while 
 absolving the sirdars and people of that country " from all 
 responsibility for the recent acts of the Ameer," and expressing 
 the determination " to respect their independence, and not 
 willingly to injure or interfere with them." 
 
 Early in October a column for field service in the Kurram 
 Valley was formed at Kohat, where General Roberts, who then 
 held the command of the Punjaub Frontier Force, arrived on 
 the 9th of that month, and assumed command. On the issue 
 of the Declaration of War, an amended Government General 
 Order, dated 9th November, was issued, constituting a column* 
 
 * General Roberts's staff consisted of Major W. Galbraith, 85th Regi- 
 ment, Assistant-Adjutaut-General ; Major H. Collett, Bengal Staff Corps, 
 Assistant-Quartermaster-General (whose assistants were Captain R. G. 
 Kennedy, Bengal Staff Corps, and Captain F. S. Carr, 5th Punjaub 
 Cavalry) ; and Captain G. T. Pretyman, R.A., and Lieutenant Neville 
 Chamberlain, Central India Horse, aides-de-camp. The Commanding 
 Engineer was Lieutenant Colonel .^Eneas Perkins, R.E. ; Lieutenant-Colonel 
 A. II. Lindsay commanded the Artillery ; the Principal Medical Officer was 
 Deputy-Surgeon-General F. F. Allen, C.B. (succeeded at a later period by 
 Deputy-Surgeon-General Townsend) ; the Commissariat Department was 
 under Captain A. R. Badcock ; and the Superintendent of the Transport 
 Department was Major D. Moriarty, Bengal Staff Corps, and from the 18th 
 December, Major A. P. Palmer, 9th Bengal Cavalry. Captain A. S. Wynne 
 was Superintendent of Field Telegraphs, but was subsequently succeeded 
 by Captain E. Straton, 22nd Regiment. Colonel G. Waterfiefd was Chief 
 Political Officer to the column, but he and his successors, Colonel J. Gordon, 
 C.S.I., and Captain R. II. F. Rennick, were invalided, when Captain A. 
 Conolly, Bengal Staff Corps a name having an intimate but melancholy 
 significance in our relations with Afghanistan became head of the depart- 
 ment. The Survey was under Captain R. G. Woodthorpe, R.E., who had 
 campaigned with Roberts in Looshai, and the Chaplain's Department con- 
 sisted of the Rev. J. Jolly, 72nd Highlandeis, and the Rev. J. W. Adams, 
 who was attached to the General's personal staff throughout the entire 
 operations of the war, and rendered excellent service on many critical 
 occasions. 
 
 The following were the troops forming the Kurrum Field Force : 
 Engineers 7th Company Bengal Sappers and Miners ; 23rd Bengal Native 
 Infantry (Pioneers), Colonel Currie ; Engineer Field Park. Artillery F 
 Battery, A. Brigade, Royal Horse Artillery, Lieutenant-Colonel Stirling ; 
 G Battery, 3rd Brigade, Royal Artillery, Major Sidney Parry; No. 1 
 Mountain Battery, Captain Kelso, and No. 2 Mountain Battery, Captain 
 G. Swinley. Ordnance Field Park, Captain Colquhoun, R.A. Cavalry 
 10th Hussars, I squadron, Captain Berkeley ; 12th Bengal Cavalry, Colonel 
 Hugh Gough, C.B., V.C. First Infantry Brigade, Brigadier-General 
 A. H. Cobbe. 2nd Battalion, 8th Regiment, Colonel Barry Drew ;
 
 134 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 to be assembled in the Kurram Valley, under the command of 
 Major- General Eoberts, which was to act in combination with, 
 though independently of, two other columns, intended for the 
 invasion of Afghanistan by the Khyber and Bolan Passes, 
 which were placed under the command respectively of Lieuteu- 
 ant-G-eneral Sir Samuel Browne, K.C.S.L, C.B., V.C., who 
 had served with Koberts in Sir Hope Grant's Division during 
 the Mutiny, and Lieutenant-General Donald Stewart, C.B., a 
 comrade of his on the Staff at the siege of Delhi, and the 
 commander of the Bengal Brigade in the Abyssinian campaign. 
 Until General Stewart assumed command of the Caudahar 
 corps d'armee, Major-General A. S. Biddulph, R.A., held com- 
 mand of a smaller column called the " Quetta Field Force." 
 
 The Kurram Valley, on the borders of Afghanistan, had been 
 visited by Sir Neville Chamberlain in 1856, when he marched a 
 force to punish the people who had raided within our territories, 
 and again, in the following year, Colonel (now General Sir) 
 H. B. Lumsden travelled by this route when he proceeded on 
 his mission to the Ameer Dost Mahomed Khan, just before the 
 Mutiny. The scanty information gained by these officers was 
 compiled into a Manual for the use of the force by Major 
 Collett, of the 23rd Pioneers, General Koberts's Assistant- 
 Quartermaster-General. The valley receives its -name from the 
 Kurram river, which at Thull has a bed about 500 yards 
 broad, and at the Kurram fort only half that breadth, but in 
 the winter months the river itself shrinks to very narrow pro- 
 portions, being only about forty feet wide, with a depth of three 
 feet. The entire valley to the north is dominated by the 
 Sufeid Koh range of mountains, having an average altitude of 
 14,000 feet, from which spurs run out enclosing narrow valleys 
 of great beauty, but affording in their sterility a scanty sub- 
 sistence to their hardy inhabitants, who only cultivate the land 
 along the banks of the river or its feeders. The average width 
 of the Kurram valley, at its broadest part, is about twelve 
 
 29th Bengal N.I., Lieutenant-Colonel J. H. Gordon ; 5th Punjaub N.I., 
 Major McQueen. Second Infantry Brigade, Brigadier-General J. B. Thel- 
 wail, C.B. 72nd Highlanders (now known as the 1st Seaforth Highlanders), 
 Lieutenant Colonel P. Brownlow ; wing 21st N.I., Major Collis ; 2nd Pun- 
 jaub Infantry, Lieutenant-Colonel Tyndall ; and th Goorkha Regiment, 
 Major FitzHugh.
 
 Description of the Kurram Valley. 135 
 
 miles, and towards Keraiah it narrows to about two miles on 
 either side the river, the intervening distance between it and 
 the Sufeid Koh range being rilled up with an upland valley 
 called the Hurriab, which descends gradually from the Peiwar 
 Kotul towards the west, a distance of twelve miles, to AH 
 Kheyl, near the Kurram river, and is bounded on the south by 
 a high range of mountains, which occupies the space between 
 the Hurriab and Kurram valleys, both of which were carefully 
 surveyed by British officers during the occupation.* 
 
 The Turis, who were the original possessors of the Kurram 
 valley, were much oppressed by their Afghan rulers, and hailed 
 General Eoberts as a deliverer, and at no time during the 
 occupation of the Kurram valley did they give any trouble. 
 The few villages at the head of the valley are inhabited by a 
 people called Chumkunnies, and beyond the border are the 
 lands of the Man gals, further on again along the river banks 
 being the Ahmed Kheyl and Hassan Kheyl section of Jajis, 
 whose territory extends close to Ali Kheyl, at the west end of 
 the Hurriab valley. The mountainous district to the south of 
 this valley belongs to the Mangals, whence they harry the 
 villages on either side. 
 
 There are several passes from the Hurriab to the lower valley 
 of the Kurram, which were explored, including the Sappri 
 defile, from Ali Kheyl to Keraiah, a very difficult pass, in 
 which a rear-guard of our troops guarding a convoy experienced 
 some loss. The village of Ali Kheyl, in the Hurriab valley f, 
 which has an elevation of 6,800 feet, consists of about fifty 
 houses, inhabited by Jajis, and is surrounded with cultivation 
 and fruit trees. About a mile from the village is a level 
 "rnerg," or plateau, divided into three parts by ravines about 
 two miles long and 400 yards wide, and between it and the 
 village a spur from the mountain Matungi, which, as well as 
 the nearest portion of the plateau, General Roberts caused to 
 
 * See Major Colquhoun's work, " With the Kurram Field Force," to 
 which, and to Sir Frederick Roberta's despatches, of which copies were 
 supplied to us by the General, we are indebted in the compilation of 
 the following pages. 
 
 f The Afghans did not attempt to hold the Valley of Ilurriab, which 
 v>as inhabited by Jajis who are Soonies like themselves, the Turis being of 
 the Sheeah feet of Mahommedans, between whom, all over the East, the 
 feeling is as bitter as between Protestants and Roman Catholics.
 
 136 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 be fortified with redoubts and intrenchments to protect tbe 
 camps which were placed on the plateau. From the southern 
 face of the Sika Earn, of which the Peiwar Kotul forms a spur, 
 descends a watercourse, known as the Spingawi, or the White 
 Track, which, joining another watercourse, runs to the south 
 into the Kurram river, passing the village of Peiwar on the 
 right hand, and leaving the deserted Afghan cantonment of 
 Habib Killa on the left, as it debouches into the plain. This 
 watercourse was the road used by General Roberts on the night 
 of the 2nd December, in his attack on the Peiwar Kotul, 
 which has an elevation of 8,500 feet above sea level. 
 
 No description could do justice to the wild and difficult 
 nature of the country about the Peiwar Kotul, with its tremen- 
 dous mountain defiles and narrow plateaus, only reached by a 
 track winding through a pine forest, and amazement at Geneial 
 Roberts' s success is not confined to those who formed a portion 
 of the force with which he effected his brilliant capture of the 
 Peiwar Kotul on the 2nd December, but is shared by all mili- 
 tary critics. A very competent one, General C. L. Showers, 
 who afterwards went over the ground with the victor as his 
 guide, assured us that the Afghan position was apparently 
 impregnable, and an attack on disciplined troops, such as those 
 of the Ameer stationed in the Pass, with the limited means at 
 Roberta's disposal, appeared an act of rashness which only 
 success could justify. 
 
 The mass of mountains to the left of the Kurram river cul- 
 minates in a peak called Saratiga, whose spurs and branches, 
 says Major Colquhoun, fill up the whole of the ground between 
 the road from Ali Kheyl to Cabul by the Pass of the Shutar- 
 gardan (" Camel's Neck ") and the road to Ghuznee. The 
 great Ghilzai tribe who are just now paramount in Afghan- 
 istan, having defeated their ancient rivals, the Dooranees, 
 whose cause is identified with Ayoob Khan have fixed then- 
 boundary at a place known as Karatiga (" Black Rock") on the 
 southern side of the Shutargardan, and have spread over the 
 crest of the pass unopposed by their weak neighbours, the 
 Jajis. Other formidable passes in the vicinity are the Hazar- 
 darakht (" 1,000 trees "), and Surkhai Kotul. At the foot of 
 the Shutargardan runs the Logar river, with the usual belt of
 
 Physical Difficulties of the Kurram Valley. 137 
 
 vegetation marking its course, and on the farther side of the 
 river lie the Pughmari mountains, the southern continuation of 
 the mighty Hindoo Koosh. At the foot of the hills on the 
 Afghan side the road goes over an open plain, and crossing a 
 low spur known as the Shinkai Kotul, then turns westward to 
 Kooshi, a large village where General Roberts was joined by 
 Yakoob Khan in his memorable dash on Cabul, after the mas- 
 sacre of the Cavagnari Mission. The city of Cabul, which is 
 only thirty-seven miles distant from Shutargardan, as also the 
 course of the Logar, which flows into the Cabul river below 
 the capital, is shut out from view by a spur that closes the 
 valley of the " Camel's Neck." 
 
 Starting from Kurram Fort, and proceeding along the bed of 
 the river past the Chumkunnies and the Suffee Mangals, the 
 Ahmed Kheyl district is reached, in which lies the Ghuznee, or 
 Surki river, with a Kotul, or saddle, over which is the road to 
 Ghuzuee. Another track turns off from this road and leads 
 to Cabul. The road down the valley from AH Kheyl joins the 
 first of these roads at the Ghuznee river, which is the road 
 taken by those great conquerors, Genghiz Khan and Timour 
 the Tartar, when invading India. 
 
 " The physical difficulties of the road between the Peiwar 
 Kotul and Kooshi," says General Roberts, " are certainly far 
 greater than any which present themselves in the Khyber route. 
 Doubtless in time they could be materially lessened, and at no 
 very considerable outlay ; but the construction of a really, good 
 cart road between the points indicated would be a matter of 
 great difficulty and vast expense. In the event of our re-occupy- 
 ing the Kurram valley, and a line of railway being constructed 
 to the foot of the Peiwar Kotul, there would only remain a dis- 
 tance of ninety miles between it and Cabul, though the diffi- 
 culties of this short space are almost insurmountable at certain 
 seasons of the year save to an enterprising commander." To 
 such an one, General Roberts is of opinion, even during the 
 months from the middle of December to the end of March, the 
 Shutargardan would not be impassable, so that he adds " prac- 
 tically troops quartered in the upper portion of the Kurram 
 valley are capable of being pushed on to Cabul all the year 
 round."
 
 138 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 But though the Peiwar Kotul, All Kheyl and the tableland 
 of the Hurriab are admirably suited for the location of troops, 
 General Eoberts deprecated the continued occupation of Kurram 
 valley as it " proved very unhealthy to native troops, through- 
 out the valley pneumonia and fever being very prevalent." 
 On the other hand, the military advantages of the Kurram 
 valley route to Cabul are, in General Roberta's opinion, great 
 and manifest. From Rawul Pindee to Kohat and Thull the 
 country, though sparsely inhabited, is under British jurisdic- 
 tion, and from Thull to Peiwar Kotul the territory belongs to the 
 friendly Turis, now declared independent of the Ameer. The 
 Shutargardan passed and Kooshi reached, " the force enters 
 the rich and fertile valley by the Logar, where supplies are 
 procurable," and from thence "Cabul is approached by the least 
 defensive and least difficult line, a defile within five miles of 
 Cabul being the only point at which an effective stand could 
 be made, and this could be turned by the Indki route." 
 
 Of the races of the Kurram valley, the Bungash occupy the 
 lower portion as well as the fertile plains of the Miranzai 
 valley, within the British border between Thull and Kohat, 
 and muster 15,000 fighting men. The powerful Afreedee 
 tribes inhabiting the mountainous district between the Miranzai 
 and Kurram valleys, are the Orakzais, who are subdivided into 
 Alizais and Alisharzais, and the Zymookhts, about 5,000 men. 
 The Turis of the Kurram valley, divided into five clans or 
 sections, and the Jajis, chiefly inhabiting the Hurriab, each 
 muster an equal number of fighting men, and many of the 
 latter opposed Roberta's advance at the Peiwar Kotul. The 
 Mangals, a powerful tribe, inhabit the country to the south of 
 the Kurram river, and might number 20,000 fighting men ; 
 and the territory to the south of the Khost valley is the habitat 
 of a section of the Waziris, one of the most powerful and the 
 bravest of the tribes on our north-west frontier, who extend 
 from this point to Thull and thence eastward towards Bunnoo, 
 and south as far as the Gomul Pass, their main road into 
 India. Finally there only remains to mention the Jadrans, a 
 cognate tribe to the Mangals, inhabiting the western hills of 
 the Khost valley. 
 
 Kohat, where General Eoberts joined the Kurram Field
 
 Roberts Assumes the Command. 139 
 
 Force placed under bis orders, is a cantonment lying to the 
 south of Peshawur, from which it is separated by a range 
 of mountains. On assuming command of the force on the 
 9th October, General Roberts set to work with characteristic 
 energy, organizing it for the advance, and, this completed, on the 
 18th November reached Thull, sixty- three miles distant, whither 
 he had already despatched the greater portion of the force. 
 
 Between the 9th October, the date of his arrival at Kohat, 
 and the 18th November, when he reached Thull, General 
 Boberts's labours had been great, and he had infused into his 
 force some of his own energy and a sense of perfect confidence 
 in their leader. The orders he issued during his stay at 
 Kohat, while engaged organizing the small division which proved 
 such an efficient weapon in his hands, are multifarious, and 
 embrace every provision for the efficiency and comfort of his 
 men, no detail being considered too trivial or unimportant. 
 His European troops were the 2nd Battalion 8th Regiment, 
 and a wing of the 72nd Highlanders. The former corps had 
 arrived from Rawul Pindee, and, owing to sickness, chiefly 
 fever, was scarcely in a fit state to take the field ; the battalion 
 had been only a short time in India, and was composed of 
 young and unacclimatized soldiers. 
 
 General Roberts, like Sir George Pollock, a brother officer of 
 the Bengal Artillery and former commander of an army invad- 
 ing Afghanistan, almost daily visited the hospitals and person- 
 ally inquired into each case. The effect was remarkable on 
 both doctors and patients. The former looked forward to the 
 visits, and the men began at once to improve. General 
 Roberts's speciality always has been organization, and now 
 everything was prepared, even to the postal arrangements, which 
 were as perfect as in Looshai, before a move in advance was 
 made. During the day he would work for many hours without 
 cessation in organization and correspondence, and during the 
 morning and evening he was ubiquitous, inquiring into every- 
 thing, and permitting no minutiae of detail to escape his notice. 
 
 At Thull, two months' supplies of provisions were collected, 
 and preparations made for the advance across the frontier, on 
 receipt of the reply to the ultimatum addressed by Lord Lytton 
 to the Ameer Shere Ali ; and, on the 20th November the
 
 140 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 General issued orders for an advance into Afghan territory on 
 the following morning. This was effected by the 29th Punjaub 
 N.I. crossing the river by a trestle-bridge, with the 10th 
 Hussars and 12th Bengal Cavalry acting as flanking parties ; 
 and thus " the Rubicon was passed," and the invasion of 
 Afghanistan commenced. 
 
 The Afghan fort of Kapiyang was found deserted by Colonel 
 Gordon, who commanded the advance, which was accompanied 
 by the General. The cavalry followed in pursuit, but without 
 overtaking the enemy, and the Infantry, with No. 1 Mountain 
 Battery, followed, and encamped that night at Ahmed-i-Shama, 
 eight miles distant. On the two following days a further 
 portion of the troops, under the command of Colonel Stirling, 
 R.H.A., and Brigadier- General Cobbe, joined the advance, and 
 the General moved from Kapiyang, with headquarters, on the 
 23rd, to Hazir Pir, a distance of fifteen miles, where the troops 
 in advance were now encamped, the fort in the rear being 
 occupied by Brigadier-General Thelwall, who moved up from 
 Thull. The difficulties of the first portion of the road between 
 Ahmed-i-Shama and Hazir Pir were very great. There was no 
 road for the wheeled guns of the battery of Horse Artillery, 
 and the advance, under Colonel Gordon, consisting of the 23rd 
 Pioneers, wing of 5th Punjaub Infantry, and the company of 
 Sappers, had to make a passage for the guns under the 
 General's personal directions. The troops, therefore, got no 
 further than the village of Esoar, four miles from Hazir Pir, to 
 which place General Roberts proceeded with headquarters. 
 
 As he passed along the road, the headmen of the villages 
 paid their respects, and, on approaching Hazir Pir, he found a 
 repast in the native style, prepared for him, spread out sub 
 tegmine fagi. The villagers also turned out with milk, eggs, 
 and dried fruit, which they offered to the troops for sale, and 
 supplies of grass and fuel were also brought in abundance. 
 General Roberts held a durbar of the leading men in the lower 
 Kurram valley, and assured them of the friendly feelings enter- 
 tained towards them by the British Government, and promised 
 his protection so long as they committed no act of hostility. 
 
 On the following day, Sunday, the 24th November, the 
 General marched to an encamping ground about a mile distant
 
 Arrival at the Kurram Fort. 141 
 
 from the southern end of the Durwazi (Gate) Pass, with Head- 
 quarters and the following troops : Squadron 10th Hussars, 
 12th Bengal Cavalry, No. 1 Mountain Battery, 29th Punjaub 
 N.I., and Wing 5th Punjaub N.I. The march presented no 
 difficulties, and the country was uninhabited, though streams 
 of water, stocked with fish, were crossed. During the day 
 intelligence was received of the evacuation of the Kurram Fort 
 by the Ameer's troops, who were retreating by the Peiwar 
 Kotul, and, on the following morning, the General moved across 
 the Durwazi Pass which leads over the chain of mountains 
 which bounds the Kurram valley on the south, and has an 
 ascent of about five miles, and a descent of three miles and 
 occupied the Kurram Fort, which was found in good condition, 
 save for the roofing which the Turis had carried off as soon as 
 the place had been evacuated by Shere Ali's troops. On the 
 same day Brigadier-General Cobbe marched from Hazir Pir to 
 the camp at the Durwazi Pass, and Brigadier-General Thelwall 
 took his place from Ahmed-i-Shama. 
 
 Camp was pitched on an open plain between two nullahs, 
 about half a mile to the west of the Kurram fort, a mud work 
 about 120 yards square, with round bastions at the corners, 
 a keep in the centre, about fifty square yards, and only one 
 gateway protected by an outwork. The thickness of the outer 
 wall was about 6 feet, height 20 feet, that of the keep being 10 
 feet higher ; outside the wall was a broad fausse braye* about 
 12 yards wide, to the edge of the ditch, on the west and south 
 sides of which were parapet walls. The Governor's quarters 
 were in one of the bastions, which was raised into a three- 
 storied house, but, like the rest of the fort, with the exception 
 of a small mosque, it had been wrecked by the Turis ; both 
 these buildings were used as hospitals as soon as the necessary 
 alterations and repairs had been effected. About a quarter ol 
 a mile distant from the Kurram fort, was a walled barrack 
 enclosure, about 100 square yards in extent, having stables for 
 horses as well as huts for the troops, which was known as the 
 Upper Fort. These military works were found useful for 
 storing the Commissariat, Engineer, and Ordnance park stores, 
 
 * A. fausse Iraye is a kind of counter-guard, or low rampart, for the pro- 
 tection of the lower part of the main escarp in the rear.
 
 142 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 as well as for a hospital. In the vicinity was a large fruit 
 garden, amply stocked, and a two-roomed edifice, surrounded 
 with a verandah, which was transferred to the political officers 
 for use as a Court-house. 
 
 General Koberts was received, on approaching the fort, by 
 Mahomed Noor, one of the leading men of the valley, who 
 came to pay his respects, escorted by a following of mounted 
 men and footmen. Having completed the inspection of the 
 fort, the General, accompanied by two squadrons of the 12th 
 Bengal Cavalry, proceeded to reconnoitre in the direction of 
 the Peiwar Kotul, twelve miles distant. On approaching the 
 village of Peiwar, two other villages were seen to be in flames, 
 and a report was brought that the Ameer's troops, consisting 
 of three regiments of infantry, with twelve guns, had evacuated 
 the cantonment of Habib Killa, about a mile to the east of 
 Peiwar, through which they were passing. General Roberts 
 was able, by the aid of glasses, to see the enemy retiring 
 towards the valley leading to the foot of the Peiwar Pass, but 
 his means did not permit of an attack, and he retired to the 
 camp at Kurram. 
 
 On the following day, the 26th November, the General 
 issued orders for the advance, which was to be made " as light 
 as possible," officers' baggage being limited to half a mule 
 load, and two officers occupying one tent of 80 Ibs. The 
 soldiers were to have one tent of two palls (having a superficial 
 area of 512 square feet and a height of 8 feet) between 40 
 Europeans, 50 Sepoys, and 60 camp followers ; and a bell tent 
 between 25 British soldiers or 20 natives. The troops selected 
 for the advance were put in orders on the 26th, on which day 
 Brigadier-Generals Cobbe and Thelwall crossed the river and 
 came into the Kurrain Camp, so that the whole Division was 
 now massed ready for the advance. A small garrison was de- 
 tailed to hold the fort, and the remainder of the force, which 
 General Roberts held in readiness to accompany him in the 
 first critical operation of the war, numbered 83 officers and 
 969 effective European soldiers of all ranks, and 2,854 effective 
 Native troops, with nine 9-pounders, and four 7-pounders. 
 
 We have seen how the French required 50,000 men to 
 subdue the Arabs of the small territory of Tunis, each of the
 
 The Advance towards the Enemy s Position. 143 
 
 operating columns exceeding the strength of General Roberta's 
 entire force, and in contrast we find a British General, with 
 the utmost confidence, advancing against one of the strongest 
 positions in the world with less than 4,000 men, of whom only 
 one quarter were Europeans. That a favourable result accrued 
 was due mainly to the genius of the commander, who possessed 
 the true admixture of caution and dash, and whose dispositions 
 were admirably framed for the operation in hand. But none 
 the less was it a desperate undertaking, for we remember a 
 distinguished member of the Indian Council informing us 
 during the brief interval that elapsed between Roberts's departure 
 from his camp and the report of his victory, that he and his 
 colleagues were " very anxious " for the safety of the force. 
 
 At 5 A.M. on the 28th November, the morning being very 
 dark and the cold severe, the troops formed up in two parallel 
 columns,* and before six the start was made, General Roberts 
 marching at the head of the left column, which arrived about 
 ten, near Habib Killa, having made a fatiguing march of four- 
 teen miles. On his arrival the General received intelligence, 
 which afterwards proved to be false, that the Afghans had 
 abandoned their guns at the foot of the Peiwar Kotul, and 
 were retreating in disorder, and he determined, without loss 
 of time, to make the march of seven miles and take possession 
 of the guns. General Roberts sent Brigadier-General Cobbe 
 to the left with his brigade, with instructions to turn a ridge 
 forming the southern boundary of the valley, through which 
 was the road from the village of Peiwar to the Kotul, and to 
 seize the Mangal village of Turrai ; and Brigadier- General 
 Thelwall was ordered to move in support of the left column by 
 proceeding past the village of Habib Killa up the regular road 
 to the Pass. 
 
 * Left column. One squadron 12th Bengal Cavalry ; two guns No. 1 
 Mountain Battery ; four companies 5th Punjaub N.I. ; remainder of the 
 1st, or Brigadier General Cobbe's, Brigade, consisting of 5th Punjatibees ; 
 23rd Pioneers ; 29th Punjaub N.I. ; 8th Regiment ; and two guns, F 
 Battery, A Brigade, Royal Horse Artillery, on elephants. 
 
 Right Column. One squadron 12th Bengal Cavalry ; two guns No. 1 
 Mountain Battery ; four companies N.I. ; remainder of 2nd, or Brigadier- 
 General Thelwall's, Brigade, consisting of 5th Goorkhas ; wing 72nd High- 
 landers ; 2nd Punjaub N.I., and two guns F Battery, A Brigade, Royal 
 Horse Artillery, on elephants.
 
 144 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 General Cobbe carried out his orders with the 5th and 29th 
 Punjaubees and two mountain guns, and, as the enemy were 
 seen on the side of the spur, he moved down towards the vil- 
 lage of Turrai, but the remainder of the brigade, disposed in 
 support, did not round the southern side of the spur, but 
 keeping to the north, eventually met the right brigade as they 
 moved up the road. General Cobbe, in descending the moun- 
 tain path towards Turrai, finding the passage into a valley, 
 called "the Punch-Bowl," barred by precipices, had to make 
 a retrograde movement, which always excites the warlike ardour 
 of Pathan mountaineers, who are in their element in harassing 
 warfare, but rarely make a direct attack on regular troops un- 
 less in overwhelming force. A party of them now moved down 
 from a spur and commenced an attack, as the 29th N.I., with a- 
 wing of the 5th Punjaubees in support, moved towards the village. 
 
 It was 2 P.M. when General Roberts arrived at Turrai, 
 and at the same time the right brigade came in. Observing 
 that an engagement was in progress between our men and the 
 Afghans, which formed no part of his programme, the General 
 proceeded with the 5th Goorkhas to the assistance of General 
 Cobbe, and the force was withdrawn by alternate regiments. 
 The loss in this affair was slight, and included Lieutenant A. 
 Reed, of the 29th N.I., severely wounded. At 3 P.M., during 
 General Roberts' s absence, the camp was marked out by Briga- 
 dier-General Thelwall, in some terraced fields below the village, 
 and the troops were waiting the arrival of the baggage, when 
 the Afghans, having sent to the main ridge in the rear for a 
 gun, opened fire with shell at a range of 1,700 yards, which 
 was replied to by the guns of F Battery, A Brigade, Horse 
 Artillery, which also fired on some riflemen who were annoying 
 a picket of the 5th Punjaubees. It accordingly became neces- 
 sary to move back the camp, and a spot was selected 1^ miles 
 in the rear, but it was not until a late hour that the different 
 corps could find their baggage and take rest, after a very fatigu- 
 ing day and a march of more than twenty miles over diffi- 
 cult ground. 
 
 That General Roberts should pitch his camp under fire of 
 the enemy's guns was a proceeding so completely at variance 
 with the military antecedents of so experienced a soldier, and
 
 True Account of Roberts s Strategy. 145 
 
 the war correspondent of one of the London daily papers 
 having, in conversation with us, animadverted upon the Gene- 
 ral's strategy in this respect, we asked General Roberts for the 
 true story, and he, with that soldierly frankness which is so 
 distinguishing a feature of his character, far from taking 
 offence at the outspoken question and the opinions that had 
 given rise to it, described, in the following words, the circum- 
 stances under which his camp became exposed to the enemy's 
 fire, necessitating a retrograde movement : " Having received 
 information that the enemy were in a hollow and could not 
 get their guns away which proved incorrect, as at this time 
 the Afghan army was securely entrenched on top of the Peiwar 
 Kotul I sent Brigadier-General Cobbe's Brigade round the 
 enemy's right to prevent their getting on the crest of the 
 Peiwar Kotul, while Brigadier-General Thelwall's Brigade was 
 directed to attack in front, so as to get the enemy between 
 two fires. Soon the advance regiment of Cobbe's Brigade got 
 under fire from the enemy's flanking positions near the Peiwar 
 Kotul, when I went on to see what was happening in the front, 
 leaving orders for the main column to be halted and pitch 
 tents at a point about two miles from the foot of the ascent 
 to the Kotul. This order was not carried out, and during my 
 absence in front with the leading regiments of Cobbe's Brigade, 
 some of the baggage animals were allowed to come too far in 
 advance, and the camp was marked out on a spur which proved 
 to be within the range of the enemy's guns on the Kotul. On 
 seeing this, I ordered the baggage animals to be taken to the 
 rear, and camp to be pitched on the spur I had first selected. 
 This movement gave rise in the minds of those ignorant of 
 the facts, to the opinion that there had been a retirement, 
 which was due to a misconception on the part of the Brigadier- 
 General who had been ordered to pitch the camp in a safe 
 position." 
 
 On the following morning a portion of the camp was moved 
 to a more suitable spot, and the troops were given a day's rest 
 in order that the supplies might be moved up and the neces- 
 sary reconnoissances made. Colonel .ZEneas Perkins, Com- 
 manding Royal Engineers, Roberts's friend at Addiscombe, for 
 whose services he had specially applied, escorted by two com- 
 
 L
 
 146 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 panies of the 23rd Pioneers, proceeded up the valley beyond 
 the north picket, with the object of ascertaining whether the 
 ridge was connected with the Peiwar Kotul. Colonel Perkins 
 reported that a deep valley lay between the picket ridge and 
 the Kotul itself, and that it was impossible to direct an attack 
 from this side. 
 
 A second reconnoissance, conducted by Major Collett, Assis- 
 tant-Quartermaster-General, accompanied by his assistant, Cap- 
 tain Carr, and Captain "VVoodthorpe, Pi.E., escorted by two 
 companies of the Pioneers, proceeded to ascertain the practic- 
 ability of the route by the Spingawi ravine. Marching by a 
 road unsuited for wheeled guns, they reached the summit of a 
 ridge about five miles distant from the British camp, over- 
 looking the Spingawi nullah. It was ascertained that " the 
 road up the Kotul itself appeared to be on the same ridge as 
 the Peiwar Kotul, and that a force working from the former 
 towards the latter would pass over a series of dominating posi- 
 tions." Major Collett was of opinion that the enemy did not 
 occupy the Spingawi Pass in force, though there was a picket 
 and a gun on a commanning knoll to the south of the Pass, 
 and one apparently on the Kotul itself. Colonel Gordon, with 
 a company of his regiment, the 29th N.I., reconnoitred the 
 south ridge of the valley, and ascertained that it was contin- 
 uous with the main ridge, and that an attack could be con- 
 ducted along it. 
 
 During the day the troops were engaged making roads in the 
 camp, which was wretchedly situated, being surrounded by a 
 thick oak jungle, but no better site could be found without 
 moving back three or four miles towards the village of Peiwar, 
 and the camp itself was protected from attack by strong pickets 
 on the hill sides. That the enemy were mustering in consider- 
 able strength to meet the apprehended attack on the Peiwar 
 Kotul appeared certain, from the circumstance that their posi- 
 tion had been considerably extended on both flanks, but little 
 information could be procured. 
 
 At dawn on the following morning, the 30th November, as 
 Montague says : 
 
 "So soon as the all-cheering sun 
 Should in the further East begin to draw 
 The shady curtains from Aurora's bed,"
 
 General Roberts s Plans. 147 
 
 General Koberts was astir, and proceeded to reconnoitre 
 in the direction Colonel Perkins bad taken, being accom- 
 panied by Colonel Currie, 23rd Pioneers, and Captain Eicbard 
 Kennedy,* Deputy-Assistant-Quartermaster-Geueral, an officer 
 of singular promise, in whom bis commander recognized a 
 soldier, who, had he lived, must have attained great distinc- 
 tion in bis country's service. Colonel Gordon again recon- 
 noitred the hills on the enemy's right, and Major Collett and 
 Captain Carr made a secret reconnoissance,f unaccompanied by 
 troops, from the village of Peiwar up the regular road to the 
 Spingawi, and succeeded in reaching a point about \\ miles 
 distant from the Kotul, and getting a fairly good view of the 
 approaches thereto. General Roberts carefully considered the 
 reports of these officers, and, on the evening of the 30th, 
 decided to abandon any attempt at attacking the Peiwar Kotul 
 in front, which would certainly entail great loss. He would 
 however make a feint in front on the Peiwar Kotul, to be deve- 
 loped into an attack at the proper moment, while the real attack 
 would be a flanking movement to the right rear round by the 
 village of Peiwar, and thence by the Spingawi ravine to the 
 plateau of hills on the right of the Peiwar Kotul. This, 
 which was to be the main attack, he resolved to conduct in 
 person, but he kept his councils to himself, the only officer 
 whom he brought into his confidence being Major Collett, who, 
 from his reconnoissances, was conversant with the road as far as 
 the Spingawi plateau. 
 
 Having formed his plans, including the portioning off of the 
 regiments, without reference to any one, at 4 P.M. on Sun- 
 day, the 1st December, General Roberts convened a meeting 
 in his tent of the brigadiers, officers commanding regiments 
 and batteries, and chief staff officers, and laid before them in 
 detail his plans. In his address to the assembled officers, 
 General Roberts enjoined on them the strictest secrecy, as 
 were his intentions to get wind, the consequences would be 
 fatal to success. He requested them not to speak of them 
 to any one, and not even to look in the direction of what he 
 
 * The late Colonel Kennedy, who met with a premature death by drown- 
 ing soon after his return to Ireland from service in Afghanistan, 
 t See Sir F. Roberta's despatch of the 5th of December, 1878. 
 
 L 2
 
 148 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 intended should be the main attack. He pointed out the 
 difficulties of a long night march, where so much depended on 
 discipline and endurance, and enjoined upon his hearers the 
 absolute necessity for silence in the ranks, and, above all, that 
 the regiments should keep touch of each other in the darkness, 
 as otherwise they might lose their way, and cause a mis- 
 carriage of the enterprise. The entire force at his disposal to 
 capture a strong position defended by a superior force of 
 regular troops with artillery, was 3,314 men, of whom only 
 899 were Europeans. 
 
 The night march by the Spingawi Pass, he proposed to 
 undertake himself with Brigadier- General Thelwall's Brigade, 
 the direct attack on the Peiwar Kotul to be made by Brigadier- 
 General Cobbe. In order to encourage the belief among the 
 enemy that the attack was to be a front one on the Peiwar 
 Pass, General Koberts sent ostentatious reconnoitring parties 
 to both flanks of the Peiwar Kotul, and directed a party of 
 pioneers, under an engineer officer, and a covering party of the 
 8th Regiment, to construct a battery near the village of Turrai, 
 in advance of the camp. The enemy fired shells at this de- 
 tachment from the Kotul battery, but without doing much 
 damage. General Roberts discovered that the Afghan strength 
 was concentrated on the centre and right, while their left, 
 which was to be the objective point of the turning movement, 
 was comparatively weak. So well was the secret kept that not 
 only the Afghans expected a front attack on the Kotul, but 
 every man in camp anticipated that the morrow would see 
 them engaged in storming by a direct movement the formidable 
 Pass, behind which lay the enemy in unknown strength. In 
 order to strengthen this impression, the half battery of G 
 battery, 3rd Brigade, Royal Artillery, and the squadron of the 
 12th Bengal Cavalry, which had been brought from the Kurram 
 Fort on the previous day, were paraded in full view of the 
 enemy.
 
 149 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The Midnight March up the Spingawi Ravine Treachery in the Ranks 
 The Capture of the Spingawi Pass Advance along the Ridge and 
 Severe Fighting General Roberts is Wounded The Night Bivouac 
 in the Mountains Occupation of the Peiwar Kotal Account of the 
 Operations by an Officer of the Staff General Roberts Reconnoitres 
 the Shutargardan Pass. 
 
 THE operation in which General Roberts was about to embark 
 was one calculated to daunt all but the very brave. Behind 
 the wall of rock that barred his advance lay an enemy of whose 
 numbers and composition he could gain no information. The 
 regular army of the Ameer Shere Ali numbered " at least 
 50,000 men, with over 300 guns and ammunition in abun- 
 dance,"* and in a country where every adult male bears arms, 
 the nucleus afforded by the garrisons of the posts stationed in 
 the Kurram could be strengthened at short notice by large 
 numbers of tribesmen, who would flock with religious ardour 
 to war against the infidel invader. The Afghan force of 
 regulars that had retired before the British Army, was known 
 to consist of 1,800 men, with 11 guns, and, by the end of 
 November, reinforcements of infantry and a battery of artillery 
 had arrived, while they had the advantage of superior artillery, 
 and an almost impregnable position, besides the aid of the war- 
 like mountaineers and tribesmen. 
 
 Not until after " tattoo " were the troops of the turning 
 force, drawn from Brigadier- General Thelwall's brigade, warned 
 to be ready to march. At 10 P.M., the column, under the 
 immediate command of General Roberts, numbering 43 officers 
 and 2,220 men, with the hospital dhoolies and ammunition 
 mules in rear of each regiment, marched off in silence, without 
 sound of drum or bugle, and, passing from the light of the 
 camp fires, which were kept brightly burning, disappeared into 
 
 * See General Roberta's Memorandum, dated " Cabul, 29th May, 1880."
 
 150 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 the darkness, and commenced the march for the Spingawi 
 nullah by the circuitous route of the village of Peiwar in the 
 rear. 
 
 The 29th Punjaubees, 5th Goorkhas, and Mountain Bat- 
 tery, under Colonel J. Gordon, 29th P.N.I., led the column, 
 followed by the wing of the 72nd Highlanders, 2nd Punjaub In- 
 fantry, 23rd Pioneers, and four guns of the F-A Horse Artillery, 
 on elephants, escorted by two companies of the Pioneers, under 
 General Thelwall. The first part of the march to Peiwar was 
 about three and a half miles, over broken ground, the tracks, 
 for there was no road, passing through oak jungle, and 
 crossing many ravines and stony watercourses, before the 
 cultivated ground surrounding the village was reached, when 
 the road ran along a terrace on the cultivated slope to the edge 
 of the Spingawi nullah. A watercourse flowed swiftly along 
 the bed of the nullah, the banks of which and the boulders on 
 the slope were thickly covered with ice, rendering the descent 
 tedious and difficult for man and beast. It was fortunate that 
 General Roberts started as early as 10 P.M., which was done 
 with the intention of giving the troops time to rest on the road, 
 as it was correctly surmised that, owing to the slow rate of 
 progression, the Spingawi Pass, involving a further march of 
 at least six miles from the village of Peiwar, would be reached 
 none too soon to allow of a surprise at early dawn. 
 
 There was a cutting wind blowing, the elevation at starting 
 being 7,000 feet, while the ascent was continuous to the top of 
 the Pass, which had an elevation of 9,400 feet. The labour of 
 keeping one's feet or holding up the horses was excessive, 
 owing to the broken nature of the road, and the boulders with 
 which it was covered, while the difficulties of the march were 
 much increased by the extreme darkness of the night. But 
 the men kept on bravely, and there was no murmuring, all 
 looking forward with eagerness to the hour of conflict, and 
 placing implicit confidence in the skill of their leader. Owing 
 to the darkness and the difficulties of the road, which had only 
 before been traversed by Major Collett, the 2nd Punjaubees 
 lost touch of the 72nd Highlanders, and, instead of turning up 
 the nullah, crossed it, thinking the turning point was further 
 on. The 23rd Pioneers and the Horse Artillery followed in
 
 The Night-March. 151 
 
 their track, and it was not for some time that Brigadier-General 
 Thelwall, riding at the head of this portion of the column, 
 hecame aware of the absence of half his force. On discovering 
 this fact he sent his orderly officer, Lieutenant Turner, of the 
 8th Regiment, to bring them back, which that officer did after 
 a ride of two miles ; owing to this mishap the Brigadier- 
 General, and the 2nd and 23rd Kegiments and four guns with 
 him, were practically " out of the hunt." The further the 
 column marched, the worse appeared the road, if the bed of the 
 nullah could be dignified by the term, as it was, says General 
 Roberts, " nothing but a mass of stones, heaped into ridges 
 and furrowed into deep hollows by the action of the water." 
 
 After General Roberts had advanced with the troops still 
 accompanying him for a mile and a half up the nullah, an 
 incident occurred, which showed the risky nature of the 
 operation in which the column was engaged, and nearly caused 
 the miscarriage of the surprise which the General had prepared 
 with such care. From the ranks of the 29th Punjaub N.I., 
 marching at the head of the column, suddenly a shot was fired, 
 quickly followed by a second. What could this mean but 
 treachery ? General Roberts found himself confronted with a 
 danger on which he had not counted. With everything against 
 him in conducting a critical operation, save his skill and the 
 valour of his troops, it was a terrible revelation thus flashed on 
 him from the rifles of his own men, but the trial found him 
 equal to the occasion. Colonel Gordon, commanding the 29th, 
 halted his regiment, and the General, who was riding close 
 behind the advance party, immediately ordered the 5th 
 Goorkhas and two companies of the 72nd Highlanders to pass 
 them and head the column. But it was feared that the mis- 
 chief had been done, and the alarm had been given to the 
 Afghans, though this was not so, owing to the accidental cir- 
 cumstance of the direction of the wind and the conformation of 
 the hills at this spot preventing the sound travelling towards 
 the enemy's position.* But this Roberts knew not at the time, 
 and his anxiety at the success of his plans was greatly in- 
 
 * Major Colquhoun says, that it was afterwards ascertained that " an 
 Afghan sentry heard the shots, and woke up the commander of the post 
 who took no action in the matter, hearing no further cause for alarm."
 
 152 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 creased, though he had no hesitation or thought of changing 
 them. Like Hotspur, 
 
 " He walk'd o'er perils as on an edge, 
 More likely to fall in than to get o'er." 
 
 But such dangers acted as a spur to his ardent nature, 
 and he took the course great spirits adopt in crises when lesser 
 men fail he "plucked the flower, safety, out of the nettle, 
 danger." 
 
 Colonel Gordon endeavoured to discover the men who had 
 fired their rifles, but none of their comrades could or would 
 identify them. One of the native officers of the regiment 
 examined the rifles of several men, and found out some which 
 had recently been discharged, but being a co-religionist he 
 sought to screen the delinquents, and affected not to have 
 discovered them. 
 
 During the Umbeyla Campaign, the Punjaub regiments 
 engaged at the Mahabun, were mostly recruited from Pathans, 
 and proved faithful to their salt under the most trying circum- 
 stances, as they have on numberless occasions in our border 
 wars, and no doubt was now entertained of their fidelity ; but 
 this deed of treachery revealed a -new source of dread, and, but 
 for a fortunate circumstance, the well-laid plans of the British 
 General might have been baulked, and a sanguinary struggle, 
 if not a repulse, might have changed the fortunes of the 
 campaign. But General Eoberts had embarked his fortunes 
 and the lives of the handful of troops with him, in the perilous 
 task of snatching a victory by a surprise, and he resolved to 
 prosecute the attempt to the end at whatever hazard. As 
 Cassius said before Philippi : 
 
 "Why now, blow wind, swell billow, and swim bark ! 
 The storm is up, and all is in the hazard." 
 
 The advance was now resumed, the 5th Goorkhas and two 
 companies of the 72nd Highlanders leading, and about four 
 in the morning the main bed of the watercourse was quitted, 
 and the march was continued along the ravine to the left, at 
 the top of which, distant three miles, was the Spingawi Kotul. 
 The General had intended to halt the column for an hour or 
 two in order to rest the men, but owing to the distance that yet
 
 Treachery in the Ranks. 153 
 
 remained to be traversed being greater than was anticipated, he 
 had to abandon the intention. 
 
 Plodding doggedly along, the troops made their way up the 
 ravine, the obscurity of which was scarcely relieved by the light 
 of the stars, and, at length, shortly before six in the morning, 
 the head of the column reached the foot of the pass, where the 
 track left the ravine and turned up the spur. The guides, who 
 had led the troops up to this point, were dismissed at their own 
 request, and the men moved on expecting momentarily to fall 
 in with the enemy. Presently, just as day was breaking, the 
 challenge of a double sentry was heard, and two shots, fired in 
 rapid succession, warned every one that the struggle had begun. 
 The order, " Front form companies," rang out on the morning 
 air, and an advance party of the 5th Goorkhas, gallantly led by 
 Major FitzHugh and Captain Cook, made a rush for the first 
 stockade, fifty yards up the hill, while the remainder of the 
 regiment extended and swarmed round the flanks of the 
 obstacle. 
 
 Sir Frederick Eoberts has given us the following account of 
 the advance up the Spingawi ravine, and the act of treachery 
 by the 29th Punjaub Native Infantry, which nearly proved fatal 
 to the success of his operations : " I was going along just in 
 rear of the advance, and began to be aware that gradually the 
 pace was becoming slower and slower, with great straggling 
 among the men of the 29th Kegiment, and as I had given 
 special orders that the regiments were to keep touch, I halted 
 the column to find out if the remainder of the troops were with 
 me. On the return of the staff officer , whom I had sent back 
 for this purpose, I found that the 5th Goorkhas, the four com- 
 panies of the 72nd Highlanders, and the mountain battery were 
 following the 29th, but the remainder of the column had lost 
 touch ; the 23rd Pioneers I did not see again till 11 A.M. on the 
 following day, and Brigadier- General Thelwall till 1 P.M. 
 
 " While the column was halting, I heard two shots fired in 
 the ranks of the 29th, and immediately gave orders to Colonel 
 Gordon to find which men of his regiment had been guilty of 
 the act. He reported that he could not identify them. I then 
 said that the 29th could no longer lead the advance because of 
 the slow pace at which they marched, and ordered the Goorkhas
 
 154 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 and Highlanders to head the column. This caused some delay, 
 and I hecame anxious, as it was necessary we should reach the 
 Spingawi Pass before daylight, which broke about six o'clock. 
 I asked Colonel Villiers the time. Taking out his watch he 
 said, ' Three o'clock.' This reassured me, as it would give 
 time to reach the enemy's position before daylight ; but soon 
 after he came to me and said he had made a mistake, that it was 
 four o'clock. This renewed my anxiety, as we were travelling 
 over ground unfamiliar to us. The Goorkhas were now leading, 
 and soon a further delay occurred owing to the regiment taking 
 a wrong road, which at this point bifurcated. I halted the 
 column and sent an officer to find them, and they soon returned, 
 but this caused a further delay of half an hour. 
 
 " The ground now began to ascend rapidly, and I knew from 
 this that we must be nearing the final slope. I now told Major 
 FitzHugh, commanding the 5th Goorkhas, that I should give 
 him no further orders, but that he was to move on rapidly, and 
 on reaching the foot of the Afghan position he was to give the 
 order, ' Front form companies,' and go at the enemy as hard as 
 he could, and I promised to support him with the 72nd High- 
 landers and other regiments as fast as I could bring them into 
 action. At the first streak of dawn I heard the order, ' Front 
 form companies,' and a few seconds after the enemy began 
 firing." 
 
 The firing became general on both sides, and the dense pine 
 woods were illuminated by the discharges of the rifles, for day- 
 light was only just beginning to break. The Afghan fire is 
 described to us by one who was present, as a perfect rain of 
 bullets, but it was almost ineffective, as, owing to the steepness 
 of the hill, the bullets passed over the men's heads. With 
 admirable dash the Goorkhas stormed the stockade after a brief 
 hand-to-hand struggle. The Afghans fell back on a second 
 stockade, eighty yards in the rear, but the spur here being a 
 little wider, the flanks of the stockade were turned, and the 
 agile little Goorkhas, assisted by the Highlanders, under 
 Colonel Brownlow, were in the midst of the stalwart Afghans, 
 who speedily gave way. 
 
 Meantime General Koberts directed Captain Kelso to take his 
 mountain battery to the front, which that officer did with great
 
 Capture of the Stockades. 155 
 
 gallantry, and himself advanced up the hill with the remaining 
 companies of the wing of the Highlanders, who, forcing their 
 way through the timher that grew on the precipitous sides of 
 the spur, came up on the right flank of the advance, and push- 
 ing on in support of the latter, followed the fleeing Afghans up 
 the hills to their last defences near the crest. From the second 
 stockade to the crest of the hill the ground was open, "the 
 track ascending in short zigzags," while the crest itself was 
 covered by the enemy, who kept up a heavy musketry fire on the 
 troops, and also maintained an ineffective shell fire. The 
 obstacles of the attack were increased by the felled timber lying 
 across the slope of the hill, and by a knoll on the flank pro- 
 tected by shelter-trenches, which it was necessary to take as it 
 occupied a commanding position. 
 
 The Goorkhas and Highlanders pressed up the hill, and soon 
 captured the third stockade, the Afghans suffering heavily, 
 though they succeeded in removing the gun which commanded 
 the line of advance. The 29th Punjaubees were in support, 
 and, later, repelled an attack on the right flank, while General 
 Roberts, on foot, accompanied the 72nd Highlanders on the 
 right, and seized the knoll which commanded the ground above 
 the third stockade. At this time the force suffered a loss in the 
 death of Captain Kelso. This officer, following the Goorkhas 
 and Highlanders, had brought two of his guns into action in 
 the battery vacated by the Afghans, and not being aware, owing 
 to the dim light, that the enemy had temporarily returned to 
 the first stockade, after the advance had pushed up the hill, 
 was proceeding through the work with his chief native officer 
 to find a position for one gun on the knoll, when too late 
 he discovered his mistake, and as he turned round was shot 
 through the back of the head and fell dead on his face. Im- 
 mediately afterwards the 29th Regiment advanced, and a second 
 time turned the enemy out of the stockade. 
 
 Meantime, the Highlanders, led by Colonel Brownlow, and 
 accompanied by General Roberts, pushed up the ascent, the 
 enemy falling back till they were driven among the pine woods 
 which clothed the spur. The Goorkhas also carried on a front 
 attack up the hill above the last stockade, when a party of 
 Afghans charged down, but were met by the gallant Captain
 
 156 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 Cook, who rescued Major Galbraith, the Assistant-Adjutant- 
 General from death at the hands of a powerful Pathan.* The 
 fighting was severe throughout, and within the first, or great, 
 stockade, seventy-eight dead bodies of Afghans were found, 
 proving that they had defended the position with resolution. 
 
 The troops were now formed up on the edge of the " merg," 
 or small grass plain, beyond the last stockade. By 6.30 the 
 whole of the Spingawi stockades had changed hands, and the 
 line of the enemy's defence was completely turned, while he 
 withdrew towards the Peiwar Kotul, and along the edge of the 
 woods to the north. General Koberts heliographed the news 
 of his success to Brigadier- General Cobbe, and instructed him 
 to co-operate vigorously from below in attacking the Kotul. 
 Having re-formed the troops on the crest of the hill, he sent for 
 the supports, which were still some way in the rear, under 
 the command of Brigadier-General Thelwall. 
 
 After giving the men a rest, at 9.30 General Roberts, 
 feeling the importance of pressing the enemy while they were 
 dispirited, determined to push on without waiting for the sup- 
 ports. Sending word to General Thelwall to come to his assis- 
 tance, he marched with the troops then with him the 72nd, 
 Goorkhas, and 29th to dislodge the enemy from the dense 
 woods surrounding the plateau in the direction of the Peiwar 
 Kotul, in which they had sought shelter. 
 
 The 29th now led the way, followed by the Goorkhas, the 
 72nd, and the mountain battery, under Lieutenant Jervis. 
 The column crossed the plateau unopposed, and then plunged 
 into the pine wood on the rocky hill-side in skirmishing order, 
 a species of fighting which tries the discipline and courage of 
 troops, who are less under the leadership of their officers. The 
 men skirmished through the forest and over rocks and bushes 
 j n a way that spoke well for their training, driving the enemy 
 before them, and reached the crest of the hill, a very steep 
 acclivity, with slopes towards the Peiwar, which afterwards 
 received the name of Picnic Hill, as the troops later in the day 
 dined here out of the contents of their haversacks, and were 
 
 * For this act of gallantry Captain Cook received the V.C., but did not 
 long survive to enjoy the distinction and a brevet majority he had well 
 earned, as he fell at Cabul, hi December of the following year.
 
 Critical Position of the Column. 157 
 
 soon met by a hot fire from the Afghans assembled in great 
 strength on an equally steep hill on the opposite side of the 
 narrow valley, only fifty yards in breadth at this point. 
 
 General Roberts took up a position, amid a heavy fire, on 
 the left of the line in rear of the 29th, opposite the neck 
 which communicated with the hill on which the Afghans 
 were crowded in great strength, but from which they would 
 have to be driven if the Peiwar Kotul was to be stormed. The 
 enemy exhibited great hardihood, and relying on their numbers, 
 which enabled them to extend along the crest of the hill, a 
 mile to the left and half a mile to the right of the neck, and 
 also on the strength of their position, poured in a hot fire, 
 and even charged down the hill towards the British troops, 
 but each time were driven back. Though the time for the 
 advance had not yet arrived, as the attack in front, by Briga- 
 dier-General Cobbe, was not developed, it was foreign to 
 General Roberta's nature to act only on the defensive, and he 
 directed the 29th to proceed down the hill and, covered by the 
 fire of the mountain guns, attack the enemy on the opposite 
 slope, and sent word to the Goorkhas and Highlanders to act 
 in support. 
 
 The Punjaubees succeeded in reaching the top of the oppo- 
 site hill, but unfortunately the Goorkhas and Highlanders lost 
 their way in the dense forest, and there being no support, the 
 29th were driven back. General Roberts accompanied the last 
 company of the regiment, and was about halfway up the opposite 
 hill, believing the Goorkhas and Highlanders were close behind, 
 when he met the 29th rushing back, having been driven down 
 by the Afghans, who were in overwhelming force. The General 
 had sent one after the other all the members of his Staff, in- 
 cluding even the chaplain, Rev. J. Adams, to find out where 
 Brigadier-General Thelwall was with the supports, and where 
 the Highlanders and Goorkhas had strayed to, but neither his 
 officers returned with news, nor did the wished for troops make 
 an appearance. 
 
 The position now became very critical. In vain the General 
 sought by voice and example to rally the panic-stricken Pun- 
 jaubees. With his wonted valour, freely exposing his person, 
 he was now the centre of a storm of bullets, and that he
 
 158 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 escaped death was a marvel, though a contusion in the hand 
 from a spent bullet bore evidence to the personal danger to 
 which he was exposed. 
 
 At this time General Koberts's attention was attracted by an 
 act of devotion towards himself, which should find a place in 
 this personal record. When returning up Picnic Hill from the 
 Afghan position, after vainly endeavouring to rally the discom- 
 fited Punjaubees, on turning round to look back, he beheld his 
 Sikh orderly, Dhyan Singh by name, of the 5th Punjaub Infan- 
 try, walking close behind him with his arms stretched out to 
 cover the body of his master, exposed to the Afghan fire across 
 the narrow valley, which, as before said, was only fifty yards in 
 width. Officers who have served on the North-West frontier can 
 recall many instances of a like devotion on the part of those 
 serving under them, whether Sikhs or Pathans, and it is a dis- 
 graceful calumny to say that the virtue of gratitude is unknown 
 to the inhabitants of the Indian Peninsula. 
 
 At this anxious moment, when all seemed lost, as neither 
 General Thelwall, with the supports, nor the Highlanders and 
 Goorkhas, had made an appearance, a party of the 23rd Pion- 
 eers appeared, coming down the hill, under Colonel Currie, who 
 informed General Roberts that Major Anderson, of his regi- 
 ment, was close by with more of his men. The Pioneers were 
 soon under fire, and a few minutes afterwards, Major Anderson 
 was killed, a little to the left ; but his death was avenged by 
 Colonel Currie, who drove back the enemy. This timely assis- 
 tance saved a further retirement, and soon afterwards the Goor- 
 khas and Highlanders, finding the right direction by the sound 
 of the heavy firing, returned to the hill, having lost their way in 
 the dense wood.* Even now the 2nd Punjaub N.I., and the 
 four Horse Artillery guns, forming, with the Pioneers, General 
 Thelwall's brigade, had not arrived. 
 
 The action had proceeded for two hours all along the front, 
 with great expenditure of ammunition, but with small loss, 
 owing to the cover, when a portion of General Cobbe's troops 
 came on the scene, and their presence prevented the necessity 
 
 * General Roberts said he afterwards tried to find out whither the 
 Highlanders had wandered, but no one could explain, though the dense- 
 ness of the forest and the want of guides was perhaps a sufficient excuse.
 
 A Further Flank Movement. 159 
 
 of driving the enemy from their strong position by a front 
 attack. The 5th Punjaub N.I. and 2nd Battalion 8th Regi- 
 ment had been detailed for the front attack on the Peiwar 
 Kotul, and the former, in order to co-operate with the 
 flank attack, began ascending one of the principal spurs that 
 run down from the range between the Peiwar and Spingawi 
 Passes. Leaving camp before dawn, the Punjaubees were six 
 hours reaching the summit, when, guided by the sound of the 
 firing, Major Macqueen, the commanding officer, accompanied 
 by Colonel Perkins, commanding Koyal Engineers, who gave 
 most valuable information regarding the enemy's position on 
 the Peiwar Kotul, led his men up to the rear of the hill where 
 the duel was progressing between the British and Afghan main 
 forces. 
 
 General Eoberts, acting on the information brought by 
 Colonel Perkins, sent two mountain-guns to shell the Afghan 
 camp, which was exposed to view by an opening in the woods, 
 the range being about 1,000 yards across the face of the pre- 
 cipitous Peiwar range. The shells set fire to the tents and 
 caused a panic among the men and animals, which was in- 
 creased when, about noon, the elephants arrived with the four 
 Horse Artillery guns, under Colonel Stirling, which were 
 brought into action on the left of the hill that the Afghans had 
 lately held so tenaciously. On the arrival of the 2nd Punjaub 
 N.I., which had been absent, with the remainder of the sup- 
 ports, from the fighting line, General Roberts ordered them to 
 hold the crest of the hill, while the troops, who had been 
 marching and fighting continuously for more than fourteen 
 hours, rested and refreshed themselves with the cooked provi- 
 sions they had brought in their haversacks, and hence the hill, 
 that had witnessed such hot work, received the name of Picnic 
 Hill. 
 
 General Eoberts says : " I walked across to the hill lately 
 held by the enemy for the purpose of reconnoitring, the horses 
 of the mounted officers having been left at the foot of the 
 ascent ; but it was impossible to pursue the Afghans in this 
 direction through the thick forest and undergrowth, and as 
 guides could not be had, and as there were only two or three 
 hours more daylight, I decided to make a further flank move-
 
 160 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 merit with the object of getting still further round the enemy's 
 rear, and to make an attack on the following morning. 
 Leaving the 2nd Punjaubees on Picnic Hill, on the north of 
 the Kotul, and the 29th to hold the hill overlooking the 
 Spingawi and protect the field hospital which had been estab- 
 lished there, I took the remainder of the troops I had brought 
 with me from camp, including 5th Punjaub Infantry, and pro- 
 ceeded on the endeavour to get round the enemy's rear." Just 
 before dark he reached a hill having an elevation of nearly 
 10,000 feet, where he bivouacked, amidst intense cold, the 
 thermometer marking 25 degs. of frost. 
 
 Though the troops, the 5th Goorkhas leading, commenced 
 the march from Picnic Hill at 2 P.M., it was four before the 
 head of the column emerged from the forest on to the open 
 slopes above the highest cultivation in the Hurriab Valley. No 
 enemy was in sight, and as the short December day was already 
 closing in, and the troops were quite worn out with their 
 exertions, the General gave the order to bivouac, and soon 
 huge fires were lit, and afforded the troops the only means of 
 keeping out the piercing cold of this elevated spot. General 
 Roberts shared the discomfort of his men and shivered in his 
 greatcoat; but he had the added trouble caused by anxiety 
 as to the absence of news from Brigadier- General Cobbe, of 
 whom he had not heard since Colonel Perkins left him in the 
 morning, as owing to the intervening hills, he had been unable 
 to communicate by heliograph with the camp after the first 
 signal in the morning reporting the capture of the Spingawi 
 Pass. 
 
 About eight o'clock in the evening, however, the General's 
 anxiety was relieved by a hastily scribbled note from Colonel 
 Waterfield, Political Officer with the Force, announcing that 
 six companies of the 2nd Battalion 8th Ptegiment, under 
 Colonel Barry Drew, were in possession of the Peiwar Kotul. 
 The column for the front attack,* numbering 30 officers and 838 
 
 * The column consisted of the 8th Regiment ; 5th Punjaub Infantry ; 
 12th Bengal Cavalry ; 2 guns F A, R.H.A. ; 3 guns G 3, R.A. ; and the 
 Turi and other levies. General Cobbe received general instructions to 
 open fire on the enemy about 6 A.M. ; to get his troops into position in 
 front of the Peiwar Kotul by 8.30, and to storm the place when the flank 
 attack had become sufficiently developed to shake the enemy's defence.
 
 The Front Attack. 161 
 
 men, under command of Brigadier-General Cobbe, had moved 
 from camp at 5.30 A.M., and about seven o'clock, having reached 
 the last spur (separated from the Pel war Kotul by a glen), became 
 engaged with the enemy, whose artillery also opened fire on 
 our guns, which returned the compliment with vigour. The 
 duel went ou till about ten o'clock, when the enemy, trying to 
 outflank the skirmishing line of the 2nd Battalion 8th Regi- 
 ment, a squadron of the 12th Bengal Cavalry charged across the 
 line of fire and forced them to retire. An hour later General 
 Cobbe was wounded in the leg, when the command devolved on 
 Colonel Drew. The Afghans held their ground in the Kotul, 
 until, panic-stricken at the success of the further flank move- 
 ment made by General Roberts, and fearful of having their 
 line of retreat cut off, they evacuated the Kotul, which was 
 occupied at 2.30 P.M. 
 
 So hastily had the enemy abandoned their position that they 
 left their tents standing, and dinners ready cooked, and the 
 road towards Ali Kheyl was strewed for some distance with 
 guns, limber boxes, and other materiel. The camp was plun- 
 dered by the Turis, who had been directed to move in co- 
 operation on the enemy's right, but kept out of harm's way 
 until the camp was in the occupation of the British. Colonel 
 Hugh Gough, commanding the cavalry, proceeded in pursuit 
 of the enemy, but they had had too long a start, no signs of 
 them were visible, and the cavalry returned to the camp at the 
 foot of the hill, whence tents and rations were sent for the 
 men of the 8th Regiment, who passed the night on the Kotul. 
 
 The loss in the action, which was chiefly confined to the 
 column under General Roberts' s immediate command, was 
 twenty-one killed, including two officers Major Anderson, 
 23rd Pioneers, and Captain Kelso, R.A. and seventy-two 
 wounded, including two officers Brigadier-General Cobbe and 
 Lieutenant Monro, 72nd Highlanders. The enemy, though occu- 
 pying a defensive position, suffered far more heavily, and the 
 wounded, who were removed, crowded the villages in the Hur- 
 riab Valley, while six field-pieces and twelve mountain-guns 
 were captured. 
 
 The victory achieved was in every way a remarkable one. 
 The Afghans had everything in their favour an almost im- 
 
 M
 
 1 62 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 pregnable position, perfect knowledge of the ground, superior 
 numbers, and a stronger force of artillery, with an ample 
 supply of provisions and ammunition ; but all were neutralised 
 by the genius of the British General and the valour of his 
 troops. 
 
 An officer of the Staff who was by General Roberts's side 
 throughout the operations that resulted in the capture of the 
 Peiwar Kotul has given us the following interesting account 
 of the proceedings : 
 
 " On the 28th of November we reached the foot of Peiwar 
 Kotul about three in the afternoon. The General had in- 
 formation to the effect that the enemy were entrenched at the 
 entrance of the Pass, and had six guns. The whole force at 
 the General's disposal marched from Kurram at 5A.M., reached 
 the ground opposite the Afghan cantonment of Habibkila about 
 10 A.M., when dispositions were made for attacking what was 
 supposed to be the enemy's position. Colonel T. Gordon, com- 
 manding the 29th P.N.I., was ordered to proceed to the left, 
 and turn their right flank, and he was given his own regiment, 
 the 5th P.I., under Major McQueen, and two mountain guns. 
 Brigadier-General Cobbe, with the 28th Foot and four moun- 
 tain guns, was ordered to advance on the enemy's centre ; and 
 the General, with Thelwall's brigade, moved against the enemy's 
 left. 
 
 " The ground was covered with a kind of dwarf ilex, which 
 grew like a thick shrub rather than a tree, and which was well 
 calculated to conceal even a large body of men. It was also inter- 
 sected by several deep ravines. Along this ground, then, Thel- 
 wall's brigade advanced, and we were on the tiptoe of expecta- 
 tion, believing that the enemy were close in front, and that at 
 any moment we might see the leading men of our skirmishers 
 open fire. But on we went, and still there was no sign of the 
 enemy. Then the ground was reached where they were said to 
 be entrenched, but still no sign of either enemy or entrench- 
 ment, and the idea that the Afghans had fled began to gain 
 ground amongst those of us who were new to Asiatic methods 
 of warfare. At last a bit of open ground was reached, where 
 there were signs of the enemy's last encampment, and a halt 
 was made.
 
 The Staff Officer's Account. 163 
 
 " We had seen Colonel Gordon, with part of his force, cross 
 a hill on our left and dip down into a valley behind a spur just 
 in front of us, and we could see Colonel McQueen, with part of 
 his regiment, holding a commanding position on this spur. 
 Glasses were directed towards the top of the Kotul, but nothing 
 could be discerned at first, and the idea that the enemy had 
 fled, or had moved back to some stronger position, began to 
 gain ground. Meanwhile, the General had directed a search 
 to be made for water, and the open bit of ground to be 
 examined with a view to encamping on it for-the night. 
 
 " About this time officers with good glasses detected men 
 moving about on the top of the Kotul, and the dress of these 
 men was so like that of our 29th P.N.I, that many declared 
 them to be our men, who had worked round through the valley 
 behind the spur on the end of which was Major McQueen. All 
 doubt, however, as to whether they were friends or foes was 
 soon dissipated as the sounds of very heavy firing reached us 
 from the gorge or narrow valley along which Colonel Gordon 
 had advanced. 
 
 " The General immediately sent Captain Kennedy, A.Q.M.G., 
 back to stop the baggage, and to choose a place for a camp a 
 little further down the pass, and giving directions as to what 
 was to be done on the spot where he then was, he sent an 
 officer to McQueen to hold his position till Colonel Gordon and 
 the force with him had retired, for the General had determined 
 not to attack the enemy's position that day, it being far too 
 strong to attempt to take at that late hour in the afternoon, 
 with troops who had been marching from before daylight. One 
 great point effected by Colonel Gordon's move, and by the 
 advance of the whole force to the foot of the Pass, was that the 
 whole of the enemy's position in our front was unmasked. The 
 General himself, and some of his Staff, went up the valley by 
 which Colonel Gordon had advanced, and when he saw the 
 strength of the enemy's position he ordered the 5th Punjaub 
 Infantry to advance and cover the retirement of Colonel Gordon's 
 force. This was most satisfactorily accomplished, the whole of 
 the casualties amounting, I think, to only eleven. The artillery 
 and rifle fire was exceedingly heavy for a considerable time, 
 and the small number of casualties on our side is another in- 
 
 M 2
 
 164 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 stance of how ineffectual a heavy fire often is from a very 
 elevated position. 
 
 " The troops were all got back comfortably into camp, and we 
 were all thoroughly satisfied at having found the enemy at last, 
 though his position was much stronger than we should have 
 supposed. The General seemed satisfied that he had now got 
 them within striking distance, and next morning he prepared 
 for a thorough reconnoissance of the different spurs which led 
 from the Peiwar Kotul into the plain below. Those on the 
 right and left of our camp were carefully examined, and towards 
 evening the impression gained ground that the General would 
 probably order the attack along the spur on our left, the 
 highest point of which was held by a picket of McQueen's regi- 
 ment. Our camp was almost under the spur on our right, 
 where we had a very strong picket also of 23rd Pioneers. 
 These pickets were inspected continually, as well as those in 
 front and rear of our camp, by Lieutenant-Colonel the Hon. G. 
 Villiers,* whom the General had appointed Superintendent of 
 Outposts. Next day reconnoitring still went on, and the 
 General himself went up to the picket of the 23rd Pioneers, and 
 from that commanding position was able to get a very good 
 view both of the enemy's position and of the spur on our left, 
 along which it was thought he would probably deliver his attack 
 on Monday, the 2nd December, as the General said he would rest 
 quietly until that day in order to give the troops, who had had some 
 very harassing marches, time to recover from the effects before 
 tasking their energies with the attack of so strong a position as 
 that chosen by the enemy. But he had not as yet said how, 
 or at what hour on Monday he would attack. 
 
 " On Sunday morning there was divine service in the open 
 air just a little out of range of the enemy's artillery. The 
 General and all his Staff attended, and there was a very large 
 number of communicants. Towards the middle of the day an 
 attempt was made to throw up an earthwork in front of our 
 position, which had the desired effect of leading the enemy to 
 suppose that the principal attack would be made on their centre 
 and along the high road that led to the top of the Kotul. This 
 
 * Colonel Villiers was Military Secretary of the Viceroy, and subsequently 
 did good service in Zululand, under Sir Garnet Wolseley.
 
 The Staff Officer's Account. 165 
 
 attempt was, I believe, ordered to be carried on until it drew 
 the enemy's fire, when the working party was to retire. About 
 four in the afternoon the General summoned all officers com- 
 manding brigades, regiments, and batteries to a council in his 
 own camp, and he then explained to them that he had had the 
 road leading to the Spin Gawai Kotul carefully reconnoitred by 
 Major Collett, Assistant Quartermaster-General to the Division, 
 and Captain Carr, Deputy- Assistant Quartermaster- General of 
 Cavalry, and that the report was so favourable he had determined 
 upon making his chief attack on that point. He then ex- 
 plained how this was to be done, and all the details of the 
 movement had been so carefully worked out by Major Collett 
 that no little point was forgotten. 
 
 " The General's plan, briefly, was this : Not to warn the 
 troops till 1 P.M., when the regiments appointed for the attack 
 were all to turn out without any noise or speaking, and with- 
 out sound of drum, bugle, or trumpet. The fires in the camp 
 were to be kept alight, and all the tents were to be kept stand- 
 ing. The men were each to carry one day's cooked rations, 
 and the march was to continue all night till about 4 A.M., when 
 it was calculated we should be tolerably close to the Spin Gawai 
 Kotul. It was then intended to halt until a little before dawn, 
 when it was proposed to time the movement so that the attack 
 should be actually delivered at dawn. 
 
 " Brigadier-General Cobbe was left in command of the camp 
 with the 2nd battalion 8th Foot, four guns G battery 3rd 
 brigade Koyal Artillery, and two guns F battery A brigade Eoyal 
 Horse Artillery, and one squadron of cavalry. With this force 
 he had orders to attack the enemy's centre as soon as he found 
 the enemy's left had been turned at Spin Gawai. 
 
 " A few minutes after ten General Roberts, with the re- 
 mainder of his force, marched off in silence. There was a 
 little moonlight for the first hour, but that help to marching 
 soon vanished, and the troops marched on as best they could 
 in the darkness, in the teeth of a cutting wind. The road lay 
 up the bed of the Spin Gawai Nullah, which was covered by 
 huge boulders, over which the men had to pick their way as best 
 they could. 
 
 " The march proceeded without incident till about 2 A.M.,
 
 1 66 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 when two shots were fired by men of the 29th P.N.I., apparently 
 with the intention of giving warning to the enemy of our 
 approach. Their object, however, was frustrated by two causes. 
 First, the wind blowing strongly down the Nullah prevented the 
 sound from travelling upwards, and secondly, the conformation 
 of the hills at that particular spot was unfavourable to sound 
 travelling in the direction of the enemy. This conduct of the 
 two men of the 29th P.N.I, necessitated a change in the order 
 of the march. The 5th Goorkhas and a company of the 72nd 
 Highlanders, under Colonel Brownlow, took the place in front 
 that had hitherto been held by the 29th. 
 
 " As soon as this arrangement was made the line marched 
 on again in the darkness, and without incident or mishap, until 
 the foot of Spin G-awai Kotul was reached. So little did the 
 enemy suspect our approach that our leading men had actually 
 come within a few hundred yards of their advanced double 
 sentry before they were aware of our presence. Two shots fired 
 by the double sentry gave the alarm, and then rang out the 
 orders on our side for the attack. It was still quite dark, and 
 under the pine trees, through which our men advanced, the 
 flashes of our rifles and those of the enemy from the big 
 stockade on the top of the Pass lit up fitfully the whole scene. 
 This stockade was gallantly taken by the 5th Goorkhas and the 
 company of 72nd Highlanders, and two other stockades on the 
 left of the enemy's position were also attacked and taken. The 
 two guns of No. 1 Mountain Battery, under Major Kelso, who 
 had taken up a position, by the General's direction, on a knoll 
 that commanded the stockade, contributed greatly to the rapid 
 success of the movement. The firing having ceased, and it 
 being still almost dark, Major Kelso advanced with one gun 
 through the stockade, hoping to get a shot at the retreating 
 enemy, but the force which held the stockade, finding that they 
 were unpursued in the darkness, and that the line of attack had 
 followed the direction of the two stockades on their left, re- 
 turned again to their first position in the big stockade. These 
 men were dressed so much like our 29th P.N.I, that Major 
 Kelso, seeing them in the stockade in the dim light of the early 
 dawn, supposed they were men of that regiment, and did not 
 discover his mistake till he was close upon them, when they
 
 The Staff Officers Account. 167 
 
 fired and shot him through the head. A similar mistake was 
 also made hy Captain Woodthorpe, R.E., at whom they also 
 fired, but he escaped almost by a miracle, the hilt of his 
 revolver and part of his coat being shot away, and for some 
 months afterwards he bore on his skin the mark or burn which 
 the graze of the bullet left upon it. 
 
 " The enemy's return necessitated the taking of the stockade 
 a second time, which was done by the 29th P.N.I., and the 
 whole position, held so strongly by a very large body of the 
 enemy, was in our hands a little before 7 A.M. As an instance 
 of the difficulty of shooting down hill, I may mention that very 
 few of our men were hit during the advance up the hill. The 
 enemy's fire Avas very heavy and well sustained, but was just 
 too high to be destructive to our people. They themselves, 
 though occupying what appeared to be a secure position inside 
 the big stockade, suffered heavily, and seventy-eight dead bodies 
 were counted next day lying in and around the stockade. 
 
 "As soon as the Spin Gawai Kotul was in our hands the 
 troops were formed up, and an advance made across the open 
 ground in the direction of Peiwar Kotul. The 29th P.N.I, led 
 the advance, and every effort was made to press on the retreat- 
 ing enemy as fast as possible. Leaving the ' merg,' the line of 
 advance lay along thickly-wooded spurs, covered with a great 
 deal of undergrowth. After some distance had been traversed 
 our advanced skirmishers suddenly drew the fire of the enemy, 
 who, having retreated from Spin Gawai, had joined their com- 
 rades at Peiwar, and now took up a strong position on the route 
 we were following to Peiwar Kotul. General Roberts never 
 hesitated, but he sent back at once for the 5th Goorkhas and 
 72nd Highlanders, and with a view to encouraging the men of 
 the 29th P.N.I., went down the hill with them, and up the 
 opposite side under a very heavy fire. With this small force he 
 actually reached the top of the hill occupied by the enemy ; 
 but there was delay in getting up the 72nd and the 5th 
 Goorkhas, caused by the thick undergrowth and the nature of 
 the ground, which both prevented the regiments seeing what 
 point to make for, and the officers of the General's staff sent in 
 quest of them, from finding them easily. In consequence of 
 this short delay the men of the 29th P.N.I, were forced to
 
 1 68 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 retire to the opposite hill, which we then held with the Goorkhas, 
 72nd, 23rd Pioneers, and 2nd P.I., all of whom had now come 
 up. Holding this position, General Roberts then tried to open 
 communication with General Cobhe's force, which it was under- 
 stood was at this time attacking the enemy in front. But the 
 nature of the ground prevented the signallers from opening 
 communication. 
 
 " Shortly afterwards, Colonel Perkins, E.E., and Major 
 McQueen, 5th P. I., who were in the front attack, contrived to 
 ascend the spur to the right of their line of attack, and to join 
 General Roberts, thereby giving him full information of what 
 had taken place in front up to the time when they left. After 
 consulting with them and the commanding officers of the force 
 he had with him, the General resolved to get round in the rear 
 of the enemy, and to leave a regiment, the 2nd P.I., to hold 
 the position he then occupied. Before making this move two 
 mountain guns were brought into action at a spot pointed out 
 by Colonel Perkins, who, on his road up, had observed that the 
 enemy's camp at the Peiwar Kotul would be exposed to artillery 
 fire at that point. 
 
 " The General, about one o'clock, commenced his march to 
 the flank and rear of the enemy, and this movement, being 
 observed by them, caused at once their retreat on all sides within 
 our view ; but their position was so extended that we could not 
 tell how far the retreat was general, nor whether it included 
 the force opposed to Cobbe's brigade. It was impossible with 
 our tired troops, who had been marching all night and fighting 
 all day, to follow up an enemy who took no one line of retreat, 
 but fled in many directions. The General, therefore, having 
 completed the flank movement, and got in rear of the enemy's 
 position, bivouacked for the night on a hill above the village of 
 Gandigan. 
 
 " At this time we did not know how completely the flank 
 movement had routed the enemy, but we afterwards learned that 
 the enemy, seeing it, and fearing it would cut off their retreat, 
 had all of them fled precipitately. Meanwhile, the front attack, 
 finding that the enemy's fire had altogether ceased, began to 
 advance in the direction of the road leading up to the Kotul, 
 their attack hitherto having followed the line of a spur on the
 
 Roberts in the Enemy's Works. 169 
 
 proper left of that road. Colonel Waterfield and Colonel Hugh 
 (rough were, I believe, the first to reach the top of the Kotul, 
 which they found utterly deserted. This was about 3 P.M. 
 Immediately afterwards the troops followed, under the command 
 of Colonel Drew, 2nd battalion 8th Foot, and occupied the 
 ground lately held by the Afghans on the top of the Kotul. 
 About 8 P.M. a messenger from Colonel Waterfield (or Colonel 
 Gough, I forget which) reached us, with a letter which informed 
 the General that the enemy had fled, and that what remained 
 of their camp was in the possession of Cobbe's brigade." 
 
 General Eoberts had a cheerless bivouac on the night of the 
 2nd of December, and, on the following morning, he moved his 
 force, comprising four guns, Eoyal Horse Artillery, and two 
 mountain guns, wing 72nd Highlanders, 5th Goorkhas, and 
 23rd Pioneers, to the open ground about half a mile from 
 Zabberdasht Killa,* where the camp was pitched on the arrival 
 of the tents from the camp at the foot of the Peiwar Kotul. 
 During the afternoon the 2nd Punjaub N.I. joined him from 
 Picnic Hill, and the 29th N.I. were sent back to the standing 
 camp on the other side cf the Kotul. General Roberts was of 
 opinion that it would be useless to attempt the pursuit of the 
 enemy over a hilly and, in parts, thickly-wooded country, as 
 they had not retreated in a compact body, but, like the 
 Israelites of old, fled " every man to his city, and every man to 
 his own country." During the forenoon he rode, with his Staff, 
 to the Peiwar Kotul, and carefully examined the position, of 
 which his admirably designed and executed strategy had dis- 
 possessed the enemy. Along the whole line of the narrow pass, 
 extending from Zabberdasht Killa to the Kotul, appeared the 
 usual indications of a precipitate flight. He describes it as 
 " a place of enormous natural strength, and the enemy's dis- 
 positions for repelling any attack on it from the front were very 
 complete and judicious. It is also evident, from the enormous 
 stores of ammunition and supplies which have been captured, 
 that it was the intention of the Afghan Government that their 
 troops should remain here for the winter, and that they fully 
 expected to be able to maintain their position against the British 
 
 * Zabberdasht means " high-handed," and Killa is a fort.
 
 j 70 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 forces." The strength of the enemy on the 2nd December was 
 ascertained to be 8,500 regular infantry with 18 guns, and a 
 large number of tribesmen. After an interview with Colonel 
 Drew he rode down the hill to the camp, and directed that the 
 hospital, which was under the protection of the 29th Kegiment, 
 should be moved back to the Kurrum Fort, where he had 
 established the base hospital. 
 
 On arriving at headquarters General Roberts sat down at a 
 little camp-table, in the open air, to w T rite the despatch an- 
 nouncing his splendid achievement, and his Aides-de-Camp 
 and the officers of his Staff wrote as best they could at the 
 same table, sending news of their safety to anxious relatives 
 and friends. They were not long thus occupied when an orderly 
 came to announce that the trench was ready for the reception 
 of those who had fallen on the previous day, upon which the 
 General immediately left his writing, and, accompanied by the 
 officers of his Staff, followed the bodies to the grave, where they 
 were interred with as much ceremony as the circumstances 
 permitted. Towards evening he returned to his camp near 
 Zabberdasht Killa, and, writes the officer of his Staff, already 
 quoted, " while riding back it was a matter of general comment 
 how admirably the enemy had chosen their position at Peiwar, 
 and also a matter of congratulation that so difficult a task had 
 been performed with the loss of so few officers and men." On 
 the following day, the 4th December, the bodies of the two 
 officers killed, Major Anderson and Captain Kelso, were com- 
 mitted to the grave, on a little hill between Zabberdasht Killa 
 and Gandigan, in the presence of the General and other officers. 
 
 During the day General Roberts issued a congratulatory 
 order* to his gallant troops, and, on the 7th, he had the grati- 
 
 * The following is General Roberts's order to his troops : " Major- 
 General Roberts congratulates the Kurram Field Force on the successful 
 result of the operations of the 2nd December against the Peiwar Kotul, a 
 position of extraordinary strength, and held by an enemy resolute and well 
 armed. Not only had the enemy the advantage of ground, but also of 
 numbers, as they were largely reinforced from Cabul the evening previous 
 to the 'attack. A position apparently impregnable has been gained, a con- 
 siderable portion of the Afghan army has been completely routed, and 
 seventeen guns, with large stores of ammunition and supplies, have been 
 captured. The result is most honourable, and could only have been attained 
 by troops in a high state of discipline, capable of enduring hardships, and 
 able to fight as soldiers of the British Army have always fought. Major-
 
 Arrival at Alt Kheyl. 171 
 
 fication of announcing to them the following telegram from her 
 Majesty the Queen, forwarded through the "Viceroy, who added 
 his" warm congratulations on the success achieved:" "I 
 have received the news of the decisive victory of General 
 Roberts and the splendid behaviour of my brave soldiers with 
 pride and satisfaction, though I must ever deplore the unavoid- 
 able loss of life. Pray inquire after the wounded in my name. 
 May we continue to receive good news." 
 
 The troops halted in their positions on the 3rd December, 
 when the 5th Punjaub N.I., under Major MacQueen, proceeded 
 to bring in a large quantity of provisions left by the Afghans in 
 the neighbouring villages, and the 2nd Battalion 8th Regiment 
 furnished working parties to assist in taking the captured guns 
 back to the camp for transmission to the Kurram Fort, a work 
 of no small difficulty, owing to the steepness of the hill, but 
 which was facilitated by using the long drag-ropes employed by 
 the Afghans in bringing the ordnance up the ascent. 
 
 Preparations were now commenced for halting the troops 
 that were to remain at the Kotul, the company of Sappers and 
 Miners being ordered up from Kurrana to assist in this and 
 road-making, and three guns of G Battery, 3rd Brigade R.A., 
 were ordered for the defence of the position. Brigadier- General 
 Thelwall was placed in command of the troops* remaining for 
 the winter at and near the Peiwar Kotul, and at ten o'clock on 
 the morning of the 6th December, General Roberts marched 
 from the camp at Zabberdasht Killa to Ali Kheyl, with the re- 
 mainder of the troops, f the column being temporarily under 
 the command of Colonel Barry Drew until Brigadier-General 
 
 General Roberts deeply regrets the brave men wbo have fallen in the 
 gallant discharge of their duty, and feels for the sufferings of the wounded. 
 In Major Anderson, 23rd Pioneers, and Captain Kelso, Royal Artillery, the 
 Major- General has lost two personal friends, and the Government two 
 valuable officers." The Commander-in-Chief, Sir Frederick Haines, also 
 telegraphed his congratulations to General Roberts. 
 
 * At the Peiwar village, 12th Bengal Cavalry ; at the Camp, near the 
 village of Turrai, 29th Punjaub N.I. ; at the Kotul, the 8th Regiment, 
 three guns G Battery 3rd brigade Royal Artillery, and a company of 
 Sappers. 
 
 t Advance-guard detachment, 12th Bengal Cavalry ; wing, 23rd 
 Pioneers, No. 1 Mountain Battery. Main body 72nd Highlanders, 2nd 
 Punjaub N.T., 5th Punjaub N.I., and 5th Goorkhas. Rear-guard Four 
 guns F Battery A Brigade Royal Horse Artillery, on elephants ; wing, 23rd 
 Pioneers.
 
 T 72 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 Cobbe returned to duty. The march to Ali Kheyl, a distance 
 of twelve miles, was made without much difficulty, the road 
 being in the river-bed or along the bank, and camp was pitched 
 on the plateau beyond the village. 
 
 On arriving at Ali Kheyl, General Eoberts, at 1 P.M., pro- 
 ceeded to examine the road in the direction of the Shutar- 
 gardan Pass, taking with him as escort 250 men of the 72nd 
 Highlanders, 250 of the 5th Goorkhas, and two guns of the 
 Mountain Battery, the whole under the command of the late 
 Lieutenant- Colonel Brownlow, who fell at Candahar, on the 1st 
 September, 1880, in the last action of the war. The first 
 march was made to Rokian, a distance of three and a half 
 miles, and, on the following day, the General marched to Jaji 
 Thanna, a force in support, consisting of the 2nd and 5th 
 Punjaub N.I., under the command of Lieutenant- Colonel Tyn- 
 dall, of the former regiment, with the two remaining guns of 
 the Mountain Battery, taking the place of the escort at Eokian. 
 The cold was intense, the thermometer marking 5 Fahr. at 
 7 P.M., but the weather was clear, and there was no snow. On 
 the 9th, General Roberts and Staff, escorted by fifty men of 
 the Highlanders, and an equal number of the Goorkhas, 
 leaving his camp standing, pushed on to the crest of the 
 Shutargardan, a distance of about ten miles, and eagerly 
 scanned the Logar Valley and the road that led to Cabul, 
 some fifty miles distant. 
 
 Between the Peiwar Kotul and Dreikula, a point eight miles 
 beyond Ali Kheyl, the route lay through the country of the 
 Jajis, who had fought against the British in the action of the 
 2nd December, but who were so completely at the mercy of the 
 invaders that they were glad to make terms with Colonel 
 Waterford, the Political Officer, who proceeded to Ali Kheyl, 
 and promised them good treatment if they assisted the trans- 
 port of the force, which they continued to do for some months 
 without giving cause for complaint. Beyond Dreikula to. the 
 Shutargardan, says General Roberts, " the country was abso- 
 lutely uninhabited, though Jajis, Mangals, and Ghilzais can 
 collect there in considerable numbers to oppose the advance of 
 a force, both in the Hazardarakt defile and on the slopes of the 
 Shutargardan. "
 
 Roberts at the Shzitargardan Pass. 173 
 
 The Government had decided that the Shutargardan was to 
 be the limit of the advance into Afghan territory at the present 
 season of the year, and so General Roberts, after wistfully 
 regarding the land of promise from the summit of the Afghan 
 Pisgah, returned to Ali Kheyl, leaving on the further slope of 
 the Shutargardan a battery of brass guns, which the Afghan 
 reinforcements, under Wali Mahomed Khan, had abandoned 
 when, climbing the ascent, they met the flood of their retreat- 
 ing countrymen, and swelled its volume instead of stemming 
 the tide. 
 
 General Roberts returned, on the 10th December, to Ali 
 Ivheyl, where a company of the 29th Punjaubees was perman- 
 ently quartered, and the 2nd and 5th Punjaub N.I., and the 
 four guns of the Horse Artillery, marched for Kurrarn, to 
 which the General decided to return by the northern route, 
 over a range of hills occupied by the hostile Mangals, with the 
 object of exploring the country between the Hurriab and 
 Kurram valleys, and of acquiring a knowledge of an important 
 route by which the Peiwar Kotul could be turned.
 
 1 74 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 General Roberts returns to Kurram by the Sappri Defile Attack by the 
 Mangals on the Baggage Escort Preparations for the Occupation of 
 the Kurram Valley during the Winter The Court-Martial on the 
 Treacherous Soldiers of the 29th Punjaub N.I., and Roberta's General 
 Order to the Force Disposal of the Troops into Winter Quarters 
 Expedition into the Khost Valley The March from Kurrain to Hazir 
 Pir, and thence into the Khost Valley Occupation of the Fort of 
 Matun Action of the 7th January and Defeat of the Mangals Re- 
 connoissance by General Roberts of the Khost Valley. 
 
 GENERAL ROBERTS marched from All Kheyl by the Sappri, or 
 Manjiar defile at 9 A.M. on the 12th December, with a force 
 consisting of the 5th Goorkhas, wing 72nd Highlanders, the 
 23rd Pioneers, and the Mountain Battery. The operation of 
 marching a considerable force, with its long baggage train, 
 through a defile held by a hostile tribe of mountaineers is one 
 of the most difficult in war, and it was not effected on the 
 present occasion without some loss, which included two excel- 
 lent officers. 
 
 The village of Sappri, distance seven miles from Ali Kheyl, 
 was reached about mid-day. The road was difficult and wild, 
 and led along the Hurriab river till the Kurram was reached, 
 on the right bank of which it continued, until, after passing 
 the two villages of Kermana, it again recrossed the bed of the 
 Kurram, and lay up a narrow glen, a part of the route being 
 through a pine forest.* General Roberts had received inform- 
 ation that the Mangals intended defending a defile and pass 
 about two miles beyond the larger village of Kermana, and, at 
 four in the afternoon, pushed on the 23rd Pioneers to occupy 
 the Kotul and bivouac near the village. An hour after mid- 
 night the tents were struck, and at 3 A.M., the night being 
 bitterly cold and dark, the General resumed his march with the 
 
 * See Major Colquhoun's " With the Kurram Field Force."
 
 Threading the Sappri Defile. 175 
 
 troops in the following order : Advance Guard : two companies 
 of the 23rd Pioneers. Escort for the baggage, four companies. 
 Baggage. Mountain Battery. Wing, 72nd Highlanders. 
 Eear-guard : 5th Goorkhas. 
 
 The track of the Kotul was steep and difficult for the camels, 
 owing to the frozen water rendering the footing very slippery, 
 and it was not until past 8 A.M. that the rear-guard began the 
 descent from the top of the Kotul. No enemy was in sight, 
 and it was hoped that the early hour of the march had defeated 
 any intentions they may have entertained to attack the baggage ; 
 but this anticipation was not verified by the result. The 
 descent of the pass was even more difficult for the camels than 
 the ascent, and the road was about as suitable a one for a 
 surprise as could be conceived. " The gorge at the foot of the 
 hill, " says the military historian already quoted, " extended 
 for five miles, the track for the first part ran through a deep 
 ravine with perpendicular walls, which narrowed in places to 
 but a few yards, over-hanging the path till they seemed to meet, 
 and made a gateway or tunnel through which the road passed. 
 
 The ordinary precautions in forcing a pass, of crowning the 
 hills on either side, could scarcely be put in practice, as these 
 in their turn were commanded by other ridges running parallel 
 to the ravine, while there were ample facilities for a lurking 
 ambush in the side ravines which broke into the road, if that 
 could be called so which was a rough and stony watercourse. 
 But this part of the road was passed in safety, and as the more 
 open part was reached, some of the Mangals were seen perched 
 high up on the sides of the mountains, looking at the line of 
 march defiling below. 
 
 On reaching the valley, the troops, with the exception of the 
 Goorkhas, were allowed to push on ahead of the baggage, and 
 make their way to the camp which was to be pitched at the vil- 
 lage of Keraiah. But all danger was not yet at an end, and 
 the mountaineers, seemingly regretting that such a chance of 
 looting should escape them, began collecting in small detached 
 parties, which gradually closed in on the rear of the column. 
 No duty in war is more difficult or hazardous than escorting a 
 convoy through a long pass in the occupation of a predatory 
 tribe. Byron graphically describes such a scene :
 
 176 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 " The rest in length'ning line the while 
 Wind slowly through the long defile ; 
 Above, the mountain rears a peak, 
 Where vultures whet the thirsty beak, 
 And theirs may be a feast to-night, 
 Shall tempt them down ere morrow's light." 
 
 Captain F. Goad, Transport Officer, was in charge of the 
 baggage, and was walking close to a small party of the guard, 
 consisting of a sergeant and three men of the 72nd High- 
 landers, when some of these Mangals approached salaaming and 
 making signs. The sergeant in charge, named Green, appre- 
 hending treachery, asked leave to fire, but Captain Goad, under 
 the impression that the hillmen were inspired by amicable inten- 
 tions, refused permission. Immediately afterwards the Mangals 
 fired a volley, and Captain Goad fell wounded with a bullet 
 through both legs. Sergeant Green picked him up, and, having 
 placed him under cover of a rock, prepared with his three men 
 to defend the unfortunate officer against the enemy pressing on 
 them now from all sides ; and so close and accurate was the fire 
 of these brave men that they succeeded in killing several, and 
 driving off the remainder of their assailants.* 
 
 The firing now became general, as the Mangals, seeing their 
 anticipated prey escaping from their clutches, attacked the rear- 
 guard, which was hotly engaged under the command of Major 
 Fitz Hugh, of the 5th Goorkhas. Captain Powell, of the same 
 regiment, received two wounds, which subsequently proved 
 fatal. The scene at this time, as the escort, dismounting, 
 sought to keep the enemy at bay, and the latter, sheltering 
 behind every rock and inequality of ground, maintained a hot 
 return fire upon the British troops, may be well described in 
 that passage in the " Giaour :"- 
 
 " With steel unsheathed, and carbine bent, 
 Some o'er their courser's harness leant, 
 
 Half shelter'd by the steed ; 
 Some fly behind the nearest rock, 
 And there await the coming shock, 
 
 Nor tamely stand to bleed 
 Beneath the shafts of foes unseen 
 Who dare not quit their craggy screen." 
 
 On General Roberts hearing of the attack on his rear-guard 
 
 * For his gallantry Sergeant Green received a commission in his 
 regiment.
 
 The Fight in the Sappri Defile. 177 
 
 he despatched the main body of the Goorkhas back to assist 
 in driving off the enemy, but this had already been done before 
 their arrival, and Major Fitz Hugh had the satisfaction of 
 bringing his convoy in safety into camp without the loss of 
 a single camel. 
 
 On the following day, the 14th December, General Roberts, 
 leaving his troops in camp 'at Keraiah, proceeded, accompanied 
 by his staff, to Kurram, a distance of twenty-one miles. The 
 road, which lay along the bank of the Kurram river, was 
 covered with boulders, and was altogether too rough for guns 
 or wheeled transport. The General determined, if possible, to 
 punish the marauders who attacked his baggage in the Sappri 
 defile, and sent Mr. A. Christie, of the Civil Service, Assistant- 
 Commissioner, to Keraiah, to enquire if an attack on their 
 villages was possible, and also despatched Captain Kennedy, 
 Deputy- Assistant-Quartermaster-General, to reconnoitre up the 
 river with the same object ; but the result of these enquiries 
 proved that there were no villages sufficiently large to be worth 
 the trouble of destroying, and, furthermore, it was ascertained 
 that the attacking party was not wholly composed of Mangals, 
 but was recruited from the Jajis and Chumkunnies, and that 
 some of the Ameer's soldiers, defeated on the 2nd December, 
 took part in the attempt on the baggage. 
 
 General Roberts issued a complimentary order, thanking the 
 5th Goorkhas for their " great gallantry and steadiness " in the 
 affair of the 13th, " when passing through the most difficult 
 defile the Major-General had ever seen. " On this day Captain 
 Goad died of the wounds received in the Sappri Pass, and, on 
 the 16th, was buried at Kurram, whither his body was brought 
 from Keraiah, with military honours, in the presence of the 
 General and his staff. On the same day the troops stationed 
 at Keraiah, under the command of Colonel Drew, left for the 
 Kurram fort, where they arrived in two marches. 
 
 General Roberts arranged for the protection of the wire 
 between his head-quarters and Thull, which had been frequently 
 cut of late, detachments of troops being posted at Suddar and 
 Ahmed-i-Shama, and agreements were made with the head 
 men of the villages, who were to supply armed men for the 
 purpose of patrolling the intermediate sections of the line, an 
 
 N
 
 178 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 arrangement which worked well. Meanwhile the process of 
 hutting the 2nd Battalion 8th Eegiment at the Peiwar Kotul 
 proceeded apace, and three redoubts and block-houses were 
 commenced on commanding positions, while the hill-sides were 
 cleared of trees where necessary, and the Sappers and Miners 
 were engaged in making a practicable road to the Kotul for 
 laden animals. In order to provide against the contingency 
 of a sudden attack from the direction of the Hurriab, detach- 
 ments from the 12th Bengal Cavalry and 2nd Punjaub Infan- 
 try were stationed at Zubberdasht Killa, and, in his orders and 
 arrangements generally, General Roberts took all the precautions 
 for the safety and comfort of his soldiers and camp-followers, 
 the care of his camels and other transport animals, and the 
 security of the Kurram valley, that military skill and experience 
 could suggest. 
 
 The troops throughout the valley had to be on the alert, and 
 on the night of the 16th December, the cavalry post at Ibra- 
 himzai, three and a half miles from Suddar, was fired into by 
 some men of the Orakzai tribe, who were reported to be assem- 
 bling in the adjacent hills. The General immediately strongly 
 reinforced the post, which he placed under the command of 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Cochrane, of the 8th Regiment, and, on the 
 18th, he rode thither accompanied by his staff, and, having en- 
 quired into the affair, proceeded to Suddar, where he caused the 
 destruction of the house of a Moollah who had incited the 
 people against the British rule, the owner taking care to be non 
 est inventus. 
 
 As soon as he had a little breathing time, General Roberts 
 convened a general court-martial to bring to justice the soldiers 
 of the 29th Punjaub N.I., who had been guilty of treachery 
 during the eventful night of the 2nd December, while making 
 the flank march on the Peiwar Kotul. The Court-martial as- 
 sembled on the 20th December, at the Kurram fort, for the 
 trial of Sepoy Hazrat Shah, " for having unlawfully loaded and 
 discharged his rifle with intent to communicate intelligence to 
 the enemy." The prisoner was found guilty of the charge, 
 and was condemned to death by hanging. Another Sepoy, 
 Mira Baz, of the same corps, was tried for a similar offence, 
 but was acquitted, though he was brought in guilty on the
 
 Court-martial on the Traitors. 179 
 
 second count, which charged him with firing his rifle, " thereby 
 causing risk of disclosing to the enemy the position of the 
 column, and producing alarm and confusion in the same ;" and 
 was sentenced to he imprisoned with hard labour for two years. 
 Before the same Court-martial, on the following day, Jemadar* 
 Kazan Shah, of the 29th Punjaub N.I., was charged with 
 having, on the same occasion, " after becoming aware that 
 Hazrat Shah, of his company, had unlawfully fired his rifle, 
 with intent to communicate intelligence to the enemy, omitted 
 to disclose the same to his commanding or other superior 
 officer, and not having reported any of the circumstances of the 
 case until the 5th December following." The Jemadar was 
 found guilty, and sentenced to be transported for seven years. 
 Before the same Court-martial, on the same day, seventeen 
 other soldiers of the 29th Punjaubees, were arraigned for 
 " having, in time of war, on the 2nd December, whilst the 
 regiment was engaged with the enemy near the Spingawi Kotul, 
 quitted their regiment without leave and returned to camp, and 
 having thus remained in camp without authority until the 
 return of the regiment on the following day." The whole of 
 the prisoners were found guilty of the charge, and were sen- 
 tenced, five of them to transportation for 14 years, eight for 10 
 years, two for 7 years, one to be imprisoned with hard labour 
 for 2 years, and one for 365 days. 
 
 General Roberts confirmed all these sentences, and issued a 
 general order, dated the 23rd December, which he directed to 
 be read at the head of each Native Regiment under his com- 
 mand, in Urdu and Pushtu, in which, while expressing his 
 sorrow " for the stain reflected on a gallant and distinguished 
 Regiment, by the misconduct of some of its members," he 
 described the act of the Sepoy under sentence of death as one 
 " of gross treachery, and which, had it succeeded, would, in all 
 probability, have involved, not only his own Regiment, but the 
 rest of the force associated with it, in one common disaster." 
 The sentences passed on the deserters, the General declared, 
 " were not more than the crime deserved ; indeed, the Court- 
 martial would have been justified in sentencing one and all of 
 
 * Jemadar is a native officer of the rank of Lieutenant. 
 
 N 2
 
 180 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 the prisoners to death." Finally, he expressed his trust that 
 the sentences " will serve as a warning, and that all native 
 soldiers who enlist in the service of Her Majesty the Queen 
 of England and Empress of India will clearly understand, 
 that while in that service, they must loyally and faithfully carry 
 out all and every duty they may be called upon to perform." 
 
 On the following day, at 11 A.M., the sentence of death was 
 carried out on Hazrat Shah, in presence of the troops of the 
 Kurram Field Force, who were formed up in a hollow square, 
 and the prisoner met his fate with the stoicism of his race. 
 There can be no doubt that the execution proved a salutary 
 lesson to the native soldiers, who were incited by the Moollahs, 
 and the proclamations of the Ameer, preaching a "Jehad," or 
 holy war, to place the requirements of their religion before the 
 duties they owed to the State whose salt they had eaten. 
 
 After the execution, the 5th Punjaub N.I. marched for Thull 
 and Kohat, with the convoy of sick and wounded, the ordnance 
 captured on the Peiwar Kotul packed on elephants, and the 
 prisoners sentenced to transportation and imprisonment. On 
 their departure the troops prepared to move into winter 
 quarters, as it was evident from information received that no 
 attack would be made from Cabul on the British positions in 
 the Kurram valley, while the inhabitants of this valley were 
 satisfied to exchange the mild regime of the conqueror for that 
 of their Afghan oppressor. The 5th Goorkhas and one company 
 of the 72nd Highlanders, under Major Fitz Hugh, were de- 
 tailed to occupy the Kurram Fort, where the supplies and am- 
 munition were stored, the remaining three companies of the 
 Highlanders being quartered at the Afghan cantonment near 
 Peiwar, called Habib Killa, after the nearest village (but after- 
 wards re-christened Peiwar), while they were enabled to give 
 a support, if required, to the garrison of the Peiwar Kotul, 
 which consisted of three guns G Battery, 3rd Brigade, R.A., 
 four companies of the 8th Regiment, and the 2nd Punjaubees. 
 
 General Roberts had determined to proceed on an expedition 
 into the Khost valley, with the object of " investigating its 
 resources in men and supplies, and to ascertain to what extent 
 the combination of the inhabitants of the country against us 
 could affect our line of communications." There were sub-
 
 The Expedition to Khost. 181 
 
 sidiary considerations that influenced the General who had no 
 intention of annexing the Khost valley, though subsequently it 
 was formally surrendered to him by the Afghan Governor in 
 undertaking this expedition ; among which were the exploration 
 of the road from the west end of the valley to Ghuznee, and to 
 discover the practicability of despatching a force for the punish- 
 ment of the Wuzeerees, who had been giving some trouble on 
 our frontier, and whose chief town, Kanigorarn, was not far 
 distant. The Khost country was marked on the map as a 
 blank, and the streams that run into the Kurrarn valley at 
 Hazir Pir were only defined at their embouchure. Captain 
 Carr, Deputy- Assistant Quartermaster-General, had reconnoi- 
 tred to a little distance beyond the first march into the valley, 
 and reported the country open and accessible for cavalry, but 
 beyond this it was a perfect terra incognita. 
 
 On the 27th December, General Roberts struck his camp 
 near the Kurram fort, and marched with a squadron of the 
 10th Hussars, F Battery, A Brigade, R.H.A.,the 29th Punjaub 
 N.I., and No. 1. Mountain Battery, to Ibrahirnzai, a distance 
 of 15 miles, on the way threading the Darwaza Pass, in which 
 a few camp followers were killed by a body of 60 or 80 marau- 
 ders, who, however, were driven off by a working party of the 
 23rd Pioneers, and three of their number captured. The 
 road lay for the first part along the banks of the Kurram, and 
 then crossed the Kermanah River. About six miles from Kur- 
 ram was a large fort and a walled village, like others in this 
 country, where preparation for defence is the only protection 
 against oppression. As General Roberts passed this and the 
 other fortified villages on the road, the walls were lined with 
 women and children, while the men collected on the bank 
 below and respectfully saluted the lord of the invincible legions. 
 
 At two o'clock, camp was pitched near the village of Ibn> 
 himzai, and, on the following morning, the 28th December, 
 General Roberts marched with headquarters and wing of the 
 12th Bengal Cavalry to Hazir Pir, a distance of about sixteen 
 miles, the road being through or along cultivation the whole 
 way, except when crossing some ravines. On the way Suddar 
 was passed, where a company of the 21st Punjaub N.I. was 
 employed making a road to Hazir Pir, a mile above which the
 
 182 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 column crossed the Kurram Eiver at a ford. At Hazir Pir 
 was already encamped a force under the command of Colonel 
 Cochrane, of the 8th Regiment, consisting of No. 2 Mountain 
 Battery, 5th Punjaub Cavalry, and the 21st Punjaub N.I., who 
 were located on a site sheltered from the north wind by a low 
 range of hills, at the angle formed by the confluence of a 
 stream which drained the valley leading to Khost. 
 
 On the 2nd January, 1879, at nine in the morning, General 
 Roberts commenced his march for Khost, with the following 
 troops, which were drawn chiefly from that portion of the 
 Kurram Field Force that had not yet been engaged, and had 
 been concentrated at Hazir Pir: Squadron 10th Hussars, 
 three troops 5th Punjaub Cavalry, Nos. 1 and 2 Mountain 
 Batteries, 21st and 28th regiments of Punjaub N.I., and wing 
 of the 72nd Highlanders, 200 men, who had marched up from 
 Kohat. The Infantry was in command of Colonel Barry Drew, 
 the Cavalry, of Colonel Hugh (rough, C.B., V.C., ; and the 
 Artillery, of Lieutenant- Colonel A. Lindsay, R.A. Nearly 900 
 camels accompanied the column for the carriage of supplies, 
 as the productions of the country were as unknown as its 
 topography. In the camp at Hazir Pir were left three guns, 
 F Battery, A Brigade, R.H.A., one company 8th Regiment, 
 wing 12th Bengal Cavalry, and wing 29th Punjaub N.I.* The 
 23rd Pioneers, who were engaged road-making in the Darwaza 
 Pass, were under orders to proceed, on its completion, to the 
 camp at Hazir Pir. 
 
 The first day's march of the Khost column was ten miles to 
 Jaji Maidan, a cluster of about ten villages, situated in a basin 
 formed by low hills, forming the head of the valley leading to 
 Khost. This valley or basin, which has a breadth varying 
 from three to five miles, though fertile, is quite uncultivated, 
 owing to the insecurity of life and property, for between the 
 
 * The remainder of the Kurram Field Force was disposed as follows for 
 the winter : At Thull, 3 guns F Battery, A Brigade, Royal Horse Artillery, 
 one troop 5th Punjaub Cavalry, one company 8th Regiment, and wing 
 29th Punjaub N.I. ; at Kurram Fort, one company, 72nd Highlanders, half 
 troop 12th Bengal Cavalry, and 5th Goorkhas. At the Peiwar Kotul 
 and vicinity, three companies 72nd Highlanders ; wing, 8th Regi- 
 ment, three guns G Battery, 3rd Brigade, Royal Artillery, one squadron 
 12th Bengal Cavalry, 2nd Punjaub N.I., and company of Sappers and 
 Miners.
 
 Entry into the Khost Valley. 183 
 
 Afghan rulers and the freebooters inhabiting the mountains 
 that dominate the valley, the industrious husbandman (if the 
 term can be applied to the inhabitants of any part of Afghan- 
 istan and its appanages) had little chance of reaping the fruits 
 of his toil. Camp was pitched near the chief village in the 
 rice fields, which are dry and suitable at this season. The 
 people were very civil, and the camp was abundantly supplied 
 with provisions. 
 
 On the following morning the march was resumed, for five 
 miles over open country, when it became rough and steep, the 
 hills closing in on the road on either side. So slow was the 
 rate of progression, the cavalry having to go in single file, that 
 it was nearly noon before the rearguard marched out of camp, 
 the Jaji villagers watching with interest the progress of the 
 never-ending column. The scene from the Kotulwas extensive 
 and not wanting in beauty. At the end of the descent lay the 
 plain of the Khost country, with a distant blue line of moun- 
 tains blocking the horizon to the south, and smaller ranges in 
 front. General Roberts reached the summit of the Pass about 
 noon, but as, owing to the nature of the road, the camels 
 of the Commissariat convoy, carrying fifteen days' provisions 
 for the column, could not arrive till dark, he gave instruc- 
 tions that they should be halted at the village of Dhani, about 
 one mile on the Jaji Maidan side of the Kotul, and, in order to 
 guard against an attack of Mangals, a squadron of the 5th 
 Punjaub Cavalry, No. 1 Mountain Battery, and the 21st 
 Punjaub N.I., were halted as an escort. 
 
 The remainder of the force pitched camp at Nar, one of the 
 Bakh group of villages at the northern end of the Khost dis- 
 trict, the total distance traversed from the Jaji villages being 
 eleven miles, four miles of which, from the Kotul to a nullah, 
 were very difficult. The headmen of the village showed a 
 want of friendliness in not presenting themselves before the 
 General, who thereupon sent for them, and warned them to be 
 careful against displaying hostility towards the British, and pro- 
 mised them good treatment if they behaved well ; at the same 
 time the prices to be paid for stores were settled with them. 
 
 During the 4th of January a halt was made at Nar, to 
 which the Commissariat camels and escort marched on the fol-
 
 ] 84 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 lowing morning without molestation, and advantage was taken 
 of the rest by that indefatigable and excellent surveyor, Captain 
 "VVoodthorpe, R.E., who commenced the survey of the country, 
 which, beginning at the highest hill of the range, was prose- 
 cuted during the stay of the column in Khost, until the whole 
 of the country was mapped out. Hence, although owing to 
 political considerations, which demanded its ultimate abandon- 
 ment, the result of the invasion of this hitherto unknown 
 valley was nil, at least geographical science benefited largely, 
 and what was a blank on our map is now accurately delineated. 
 
 General Roberts's attention was again drawn to the careless 
 way in which the camels were loaded, and he issued a stringent 
 order on this vital question of transport, directing regimental 
 officers to see personally to proper loading, the neglect of 
 which, apart from humanitarian considerations, not only causes 
 the deaths of these valuable animals, and consequent loss to the 
 Exchequer and crippling of the mobility of a force, but in 
 traversing passes, or marching in single-file, necessitates the 
 halt of the entire column while one load is being re-adjusted. 
 
 On the 5th January, at the usual hour for marching, 9 A.M., 
 the force proceeded, and as the country was open, the baggage 
 marched in two broad columns, under a guard, the mules on 
 one side and the camels on the other, so that the march of 
 seven miles was concluded by 1 P.M. The road lay across a 
 plain, past a fortified serai and village, and across the Kara 
 Khost, or little Khost River, to the village of Khubi, contain- 
 ing about 1,000 souls, near to which the camp was pitched. 
 General Roberts, accompanied by his Staff, proceeded to recon- 
 noitre the road over the pass in the range, which would form 
 the morrow's march, but observing a party of horsemen, whom 
 he concluded were the Governor of the Khost district with 
 whom he had been in correspondence for some weeks and 
 escort, coming to pay his respects to him, he rode back to 
 camp, as a meeting in the road might have borne the appear- 
 ance of his advancing to meet the Sirdar halfway.* 
 
 * The particulars of the marches and events in this expedition to the 
 Khost country are derived from Major Colquhoun's work, " With the Kur- 
 ram Field Force," and from General Roberts's despatches, of which he 
 kindly sent copies of this and his other campaigns in Afghanistan from 
 Calcutta to the author.
 
 Roberts s Arrival at Matun. 185 
 
 His conjecture was correct, and, at 8 P.M., the Acting- 
 Governor, Akram Khan by name, came with a large number 
 of attendants and principal maliks, or headmen, and was re- 
 ceived by the General in the Durbar tent. The Sirdar was 
 about forty-five or fifty years of age, and the expression of his 
 face was not of a character to inspire confidence. He had not 
 been long in Khost, having previously served for seven years 
 in the Kurram valley as Deputy- Governor under Sirdar Wali 
 Mahomed, whose deputy he was now at Khost. During the 
 interview, which was brief, Akram Khan promised, on the 
 arrival of General Eoberts at Matun, to make over to him the 
 fort and all the records of the Khost country. 
 
 On Monday, the 6th January, the column marched with the 
 baggage animals and camp followers, under an escort, in the 
 centre, the force being divided into two equal portions in front 
 and rear. The road, after passing for three miles across an 
 open plain, led over a kotul, and then for about two miles 
 through some low hills, till the plain was reached, in which 
 are situated Matun and numerous other villages. As the 
 baggage column defiled through the Pass, flanking parties 
 crowned the heights on either side. On reaching the brow of 
 the slope overlooking the Matun valley, the squadron 10th 
 Hussars, which formed the advance-guard, halted, when the 
 Governor and his escort rode up, and was soon joined by 
 General Roberts, who, escorted by the Hussars, proceeded in 
 company with Akram Khan towards Matun, about three miles 
 distant. On arriving within half a mile of the fort, the General 
 halted the Hussars on the open ground where the camp was 
 subsequently pitched, and, accompanied by his staff and only 
 a few files of the 10th, rode into the fort up to the door of the 
 keep, where the Governor had his private quarters. 
 
 The fort of Matuu, which is about eight miles distant from 
 Khubi, is described as a square walled enclosure, with circular 
 corner bastions, the length of the side being about one hundred 
 yards. The interior was occupied by huts along the outer 
 walls, which were used as barracks and stables. Over the 
 gateway leading into the fort, which was reached by a road 
 crossing the exterior ditch, was a suite of rooms, which was 
 occupied by the Governor's brother. In the centre of the
 
 1 86 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts.' 
 
 fort was the keep, a smaller square enclosure, with round 
 towers at two of the angles. 
 
 As General Koberts neared the fort, the garrison, consisting 
 of 200 juzailchees, or matchlock-men, were drawn up at the 
 entrance, in two lines, " with red silk triangular banners at 
 the end of the lines." The British General was greeted by 
 the beating of tomtoms, and, as he rode through the gateway, 
 each man saluted by raising his hand to his forehead. General 
 Roberts dismounted at the entrance to the keep, and, accom- 
 panied by his staff, was conducted to a room on the ground 
 floor, having access to the garden, which occupied the centre 
 of the enclosure, above the level of which it was raised some 
 three feet. The floor was covered with a coarse felt cloth, 
 with strips of a superior quality arranged around three sides 
 for visitors to sit or recline, but the General preferred to remain 
 standing. Tea, without milk, according to the Afghan manner, 
 was handed round during the interview, which lasted about 
 half an hour, at the conclusion of which General Roberts and 
 his staff remounted their horses and returned to the escort. 
 The great defect of the fort as a military position was 
 the absence of water, which appeared to be derived from 
 the surface irrigation canal passing close by it ; but as this 
 could be easily diverted from the point of its leaving the Matun 
 river, an attempt had been made to find water inside the fort, 
 and a well had been dug to a depth of about sixty feet, but 
 without result. 
 
 The whole of the force having arrived, the camp was pitched, 
 facing outwards, the headquarters tent being in the centre, 
 thus obviating the necessity of rear-guards. General Roberts, 
 forewarned by Akram Khan, who stated that he had received 
 information of large numbers of Mangals assembling, and that 
 they were being joined by some of the inhabitants of the Khost 
 valley, with the object of attacking the British camp, took 
 every precaution against a surprise. 
 
 The attitude of the people was unfriendly, and the Maliks, 
 even when summoned to attend General Roberts, appeared 
 uneasy, and asked permission to return before they accom- 
 panied him to the camp. The General had hoped that, as had 
 happened with the Turis and Jajis of the Kurram valley, the
 
 The Camp Surrounded. 187 
 
 people would soon become reassured, and accept the presence 
 of the British troops as inevitable, but Akram Khan undeceived 
 him, and stated that the moollahs, of which the district pos- 
 sessed a large number, famous for their fanaticism, had been 
 engaged in fanning the religious prejudices of the people, who 
 were summoned to attack the camp and expel the invaders. 
 
 Before night closed in, the Mangals commenced to assemble 
 in the neighbouring villages in the valley, upon which the 
 General instructed Colonel Waterfield, the political officer with 
 the column, to send " purwanas," or written notices, to the 
 Maliks, warning them that if the camp was attacked, summary 
 and severe retribution would be exacted on the villages which 
 had harboured the Mangals or other persons having hostile 
 intentions towards the British. This at first had the desired 
 effect, for before midnight nearly all the Maliks from Matun, 
 as the cluster of walled villages is called, came into camp and 
 informed the General that the Mangals had departed for their 
 homes, and they offered to remain in camp as hostages for the 
 good behaviour of the villagers. 
 
 The night passed quietly, but, on the following morning, 
 some Maliks whom General Roberts had sent to ascertain if 
 the Mangals had really dispersed to their homes, returned with 
 the information that the men were on their way when they 
 were met by large numbers of their tribesmen proceeding to 
 Matun, and that the whole had returned. They also announced 
 that other hillmen were assembled in the valley, and that 
 the camp would certainly be attacked that night by many 
 thousands of men. On receipt of this intelligence the General 
 sent out a troop of the 5th Punjaub Cavalry, under Major 
 J. C. Stewart, accompanied by Captain Carr, Deputy- Assistant- 
 Quartermaster-General, to endeavour to ascertain the real state 
 of affairs. The troop had not ridden two miles when it was 
 fired upon, and soon it became clear that the enemy had collected 
 round three sides of the camp. " It was evident to me," says 
 the General in his despatch, "that the time had arrived when 
 prompt and vigorous action was required to ensure our safety. 
 The strength of the column, which amounted to about 2,000 
 men, all told, was insignificant in comparison with the number 
 we might find arrayed against us. We were separated by
 
 1 88 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 many miles of difficult country from our nearest support, and I 
 judged it to be a matter of urgent necessity that the tribes who 
 had dared to organise an attack on our camp should receive 
 speedy and severe punishment." It became apparent that a 
 hot day's work was in store for the British force, as these fierce 
 hillmen, whose country had never yet suffered the humiliation 
 of a hostile visit from the conquerors of India, were anxious to 
 measure themselves against the invaders of their valley. On 
 his part, General Roberts completed his arrangements with 
 deliberation, and the troops, which had been directed to fall in 
 about 9.30 A.M., to repel an attack from the north-west, were 
 dismissed, as it became apparent that the enemy's plan of 
 action embraced a simultaneous onslaught from all sides. At 
 about noon a stampede of grasscutters and camelmen from the 
 north-east direction, where no enemy had been observed, 
 showed that the Mangals had completed their movement of 
 surrounding the British camp. 
 
 In the first instance General Roberts reinforced Major 
 Stewart's troops with all his disposable Cavalry, under Colonel 
 Gough, retaining only 25 sabres, and sent in support six com- 
 panies of the 28th Punjaubees, under Colonel Hudson, and No. 
 2 Mountain Battery, under Captain Swinley. These troops 
 operated to the north-west of the camp, where the enemy 
 appeared in greatest strength. The villages in the plain were 
 found to have been evacuated by the enemy, who occupied in 
 great force the low hills at the foot of the mountains. The 
 10th Hussars, 70 sabres, under Major Bulkeley, dismounting, 
 took up a position on the crest of some low mounds, and 
 opened fire on the enemy, as did the 5th Punjaub Cavalry, 130 
 men, from the foot of some detached hills on the right. The 
 Afghans retired, on which the cavalry took up an advanced 
 position, and a troop of the 5th Punjaubees, under Major 
 Williams, made a brilliant charge up another hill, in the centre 
 of the enemy's position, and, rapidly dismounting, commenced 
 to harass them in their retreat. The cavalry kept up so close 
 and effective a fire that the enemy gave way at all points and 
 fled up the rocks, and nothing remained for the 28th Punjau- 
 bees to do on their arrival, though the Mountain Battery made 
 excellent practice, and completed their dispersion. A prominent
 
 The Action at Matun. 189 
 
 object in the sky line was a Malik, who fearlessly displayed 
 a banner as a rallying point to his followers, until a well-directed 
 shell utterly destroyed him, and in Homeric phraseology, 
 
 " Everlasting slumber closed his eyes." 
 
 While these troops operated to the north-west of the camp, 
 where the enemy appeared to be in greatest strength, the right, 
 or eastern, flank was protected by a wing of the 21st Punjaub 
 N.I., under Major Collis, and two guns of No. 1 Mountain 
 Battery ; the other wing of the 21st Punjaubees, under Captain 
 Carruthers, and the remaining two guns of No. 1 Mountain 
 Battery, covered the rear of the camp, and the front and left 
 flank were defended by the wing of the 72nd Highlanders, 
 under Lieutenant-Colonel Clarke. The whole of the troops in 
 and around the camp were placed under the command of 
 Colonel Drew, who was directed to hold his own until Colonel 
 Gough had disposed of the enemy in his front, which he did in 
 the manner to be expected of an officer of his military talent 
 and experience. 
 
 General Roberts having made his arrangements for the 
 defence of the camp, started off to watch the progress of the 
 attack on the heights, under Colonel Gough. He was only 
 accompanied by his staff, as by some mistake the twenty-five 
 men of the 5th Punjaub Cavalry, who should have remained in 
 camp under Colonel Drew's orders, had marched with their 
 regiment ; and he left with that officer his personal escort of 
 eight Sowars. Immediately after he quitted the camp, says an 
 officer who was present, the enemy, who occupied the villages 
 towards the north-east, began to show themselves, on which 
 Captain Morgan's two guns were brought into action, and threw 
 shells amidst the masses with such excellent effect, that they 
 retreated towards the villages in their rear, and to the south. 
 This they were enabled to do without hindrance, as the few 
 Sowars sent out against them were brought up by a water- 
 course, impassable in this direction. The enemy opened a heavy 
 fusilade in the rear to the south, from some old Afghan cavalry 
 lines and a walled village, and the fire was returned by 
 the left wing of the 21st Punjaubees, and two guns of No. 1 
 Mountain Battery, supported by Captain Spens's detachment of
 
 i go Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 Highlanders. The shell fire quickly dislodged the tribesmen, 
 who retreated beyond the range of the guns, while the dis- 
 charges of musketry became brisk and roused the echoes on the 
 hillside in that lonely valley. Byron describes a similar scene : 
 
 "And pealing wide or ringing near 
 It echoes on the throbbing ear, 
 The death shot hissing from afar ; 
 The shock, the shouts, the groan of war, 
 Reverberate along that vale, 
 More suited to the shepherd's tale." 
 
 Meanwhile, Colonel Gough's attack on the enemy in the 
 north-west having succeeded in driving them to the mountain 
 top, he retired the force under his command slowly and steadily, 
 and so cowed were the enemy that they made no attempt to 
 harass him. Before this, General Roberts, who had witnessed 
 the fighting, ordered a troop of the 5th Punjaub Cavalry, under 
 Major Stewart, to follow him, and returned to camp about 2.30, 
 when he directed the wing of the 21st Punjaub N.I., with the 
 detachment 72nd on their flank, and the mountain guns, to 
 follow up the enemy retreating to the east and south-east, and 
 to burn the villages which had harboured them during the 
 night. Colonel Drew proceeded with the main body for about 
 three miles and burnt five villages, which were found to be 
 deserted, and Captain Carruthers, with the left wing of the 
 21st, occupied and burnt a village in the south-east direction, 
 and also a second village, which was first shelled, as the enemy 
 appeared inclined to make a stand. Crossing the Matun 
 river a third village was fired, the guns meantime shelling a 
 crowd of the enemy, who streamed across the plain to the spurs 
 of the range which closed the valley to the south. The troop 
 of the 5th Punjaub Cavalry, under Major Stewart, which had 
 followed General Roberts to camp, made a very effective charge 
 on a large body of the enemy, who were escaping from the rear 
 of a village in which Captain Carruthers' wing of the 21st was 
 advancing. Major Stewart rode them down, killing over 20 of 
 their number, and many more would have fallen beneath the 
 " tulwars " of the Punjaubee horsemen but that they got away 
 to the stony bed of a broad nullah, commanded by a high bank, 
 lined with matchlock-men whose fire compelled Major Stewart 
 to withdraw his men. Soon the 21st came up, and the advance
 
 Defeat of the Enemy. 191 
 
 was continued against a village beyond the bank, into which 
 the enemy had retired. On seeing themselves again threat- 
 ened, the tribesmen evacuated the village, but a party of about 
 80 of them, finding their retreat cut off, ran back, and, after 
 some parley, surrendered. On examining them, Colonel 
 Waterfield, the political officer, discovered that they did not 
 belong to the Khost country, but were Waziris. Accordingly, 
 they were taken to the camp, and General Roberts directed that 
 they should be placed under charge of the 21st Punjaub N.I., 
 as it was his intention to demand a ransom of fifty-eight 
 rupees per man from the Garbaz section of the tribe to which 
 they belonged. 
 
 In the evening, General Roberts sent for the headmen of 
 Matun, and told them that they had brought this punishment 
 on themselves, that it had been his earnest desire to have 
 avoided all bloodshed, and that they must now see the futility 
 of attempting to withstand disciplined troops, though greatly 
 inferior in numbers. During the next few days the headmen 
 of the Khost district came into camp, and the General im- 
 pressed on them the views he had enunciated to the Matun 
 maliks, and assured them they had nothing to fear so long 
 as they abstained from hostile acts, the sole object he had in 
 view in entering their country being to oust the government 
 of the Ameer of Cabul. " There is evidence," wrote General 
 Roberts to the Viceroy, " that the combination against us was 
 widespread, and that if a severe example had not been made of 
 those who fought against us on the 7th inst., the ill-feeling 
 would have extended. It might, under the circumstances, 
 have become impossible to leave any portion of my small 
 column here. The aspect of affairs is now changed; the 
 headmen of nearly all the neighbouring villages have come in, 
 and the remainder are reported to be anxious to submit." 
 But the change was more apparent than real, and the opinion, 
 in which Colonel Waterfield concurred, that " an adequate force 
 could now be left here with safety, provided that the troops in 
 the Kurram valley are maintained in sufficient strength to keep 
 open our long line of communications," was soon proved to be 
 fallacious. The sturdy tribesmen were irreconcilable in their 
 enmity, which perhaps was not surprising, as the punishment
 
 1 92 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 they had received was undoubtedly severe, though similar to 
 what it has always heen the custom to mete out to refractory 
 hillmen in our dealings on the north-west frontier. Burning 
 the habitations of the Khostwallies in the depth of winter 
 appears a harsh measure to our English views, but it was no 
 more than the people merited, and such as they anticipated, 
 for the troops found them all deserted ; but the nearest villages 
 to the west were left uninjured, as the inhabitants had acted up 
 to their engagements, and warned the camp followers not to 
 proceed beyond their protection, while those further off in this 
 direction, which had afforded shelter to the enemy, were spared, 
 as it was considered that sufficient punishment had been inflicted. 
 
 It was estimated that the combined tribes taking part in 
 this attack, numbered 6,000 men, of whom 2,000, chiefly Man- 
 gals, attacked the camp from the north-west. The Jadrans and 
 Waziris, with the Khost people in league with them, were en- 
 gaged on the south and east sides. The defeat of the com- 
 bined tribes had been complete, and the effect of it was appa- 
 rent during the remainder of the stay of the British troops in 
 the Khost country ; while it had been achieved with the nominal 
 loss of only two killed and six wounded. 
 
 It would appear that this attack was part of a combination 
 against the infidel invaders, by the Mangals and Jajis, as, at 
 the same time, taking advantage of the absence of the column 
 in Khost, these tribes organized an onslaught on the Peiwar 
 Kotul. 4,000 of them, assisted by 2,000 of the Hasan Kheyl 
 section of the Jajis, advanced against the British blockhouses 
 on the crest of the Pass. But Brigadier-General Thelwall 
 warned of their approach by the gallant and able Captain 
 Rennick, of the 29th N.I., political officer at Ali Kheyl, who 
 kept at his post with only twenty men ordered up reinforce- 
 ments from Kurram and Habib Killa, and though, on the 6th 
 January, a body of 1,500 of the enemy approached close to the 
 British position, they feared to make the attack, and retired on 
 finding all preparations complete for their reception.* 
 
 * General Roberts had received a report from General Thelwall of this 
 intended attack on the 6th of January, and sent 200 Goorkhas to his 
 assistance, but he telegraphed to Government that as everything had been 
 placed in a state of defence at Peiwar Kotul. he saw no necessity for calling 
 on Kurram Fort for assistance.
 
 An Attempted Rescue. 193 
 
 During the evening of the 8th January the Waziri prisoners 
 made a desperate attempt to escape, which was frustrated, 
 though not without some loss of life. About 7 P.M., it being 
 dark, the moon not having risen, one of them managed to 
 escape from the guard, a strong party of the 21st Punjaub N.I., 
 under a Subadar, but was shot dead by the picket near which 
 he passed. Instantly a shot was fired from the bank of a 
 watercourse, showing that the attempt was part of an organized 
 effort to effect a rescue, upon which the whole of the eighty- six 
 prisoners, "who were secured by their hands being tied to ropes 
 which were picketed down to tent poles, rose as one man, and 
 began to try to free themselves, crying out, ' Now is the time 
 to run.' ' Subahdar Makkan Singh, in command of the guard, 
 called out to the prisoners in Pushtoo to sit down or they 
 would be fired upon, but without avail, and those of the 
 prisoners who succeeded in freeing themselves rushed at the 
 sentries and tried to deprive them of their arms. The native 
 officer gave the order to fire, and on receiving a volley, which 
 told with fatal effect on the struggling mass, they threw them- 
 selves flat down, and quiet was immediately restored. On 
 separating the dead and wounded from the untouched it was 
 found that nine had been killed, including three who had man- 
 aged to clear themselves of their bonds, one had escaped, and 
 fourteen were wounded, five mortally, and one severely, leaving 
 sixty-three uninjured. The wounded were carefully attended 
 to, and the remainder of the survivors, by General Roberts's 
 directions, divided into three parties under separate guards. 
 The firing created an alarm in the camp, but perfect order pre- 
 vailed ; the troops fell in and took their appointed stations in 
 case of a night attack, " and in less than five minutes from the 
 first alarm, every one was at his post." 
 
 During this affair a party of horsemen, under a friendly 
 Malik, who were passing along the south-west flank of the 
 camp, failed to return the challenge of the sentry, who fired at 
 them, when the chief was wounded in the shoulder. The 
 night's proceedings were concluded by the cavalry being sent 
 to scour the neighbourhood of the camp, and as they returned 
 with the report that no enemy was in sight, the troops were 
 dismissed and quiet reigned once more around. 
 
 o
 
 194 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 During the 9th detachments were sent out to bring in the 
 grain from the deserted and partially burnt villages, and a con- 
 siderable body of men were observed on the low ranges of hills 
 to the north, who had come from Yakubi to loot the camp, as 
 they had been informed that the Mangals had gained a glorious 
 victory in the fighting of the 7th, and they naturally desired 
 to share in the plunder ; but on arriving at the end of the pass 
 overlooking the plain, they found to their amazement the tents 
 standing and all secure in the British camp. So confident had 
 they been of the truth of the intelligence brought to them that, 
 headed by their Maliks, they treacherously seized and ill- 
 treated a small party of eight Sowars left under their pro- 
 tection to guard the mail to Hazir Pir. On learning the true 
 state of affairs the Maliks restored to the troopers their horses, 
 arms, and clothes, of which they had robbed them, though this 
 did not satisfy the Sowars, who loading their carbines, forced 
 the two Maliks who had ill-treated them to accompany them 
 to the camp. There an investigation was made into the cir- 
 cumstances of the case, and the Maliks were tried by a General 
 Court-martial presided over by Colonel Gough (the offence 
 being against the Military law), and were sentenced to seven 
 years' transportation. 
 
 General Eoberts, having resolved to make a reconnoissance 
 in force towards the west end of the valley, occupied the fort of 
 Matun, some rooms in which were utilised as a hospital, tents 
 being pitched within the area for the remainder of the sick. 
 Colonel Collis was placed in command of the fort with his 
 regiment, the 21st Punjaub N.I., and a troop of the 5th Pun- 
 jaub Cavalry, under Captain Vousden ; and Mr. A. Christie, 
 Bengal Civil Service, remained with him, as Political Officer.
 
 195 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 General Roberts makes a Tour of the Valley Army Signalling in Khost 
 Durbar of the Headmen of the Khostiwals and Mangals Evacuation 
 of Matun and Return March to Hazir Fix Preparations for the 
 Advance on Cabul Reconnoissance by General Roberts Conclusion 
 of the Treaty of Gundamuck Arrival at All Kheyl of the Cavag- 
 nari Mission General Roberts Returns to Simla. 
 
 ON the morning of the 13th January General Roberts, accom- 
 panied by Akram Khan, marched with the following troops : 
 Squadron 10th Hussars, three troops 5th Punjaub Cavalry, 
 Nos. 1 and 2 Mountain Batteries, left wing 72ud Highlanders, 
 and 28th Punjaub N.I. The first day's march was to Dehgan, 
 a village six miles distant from the camp, the route being 
 across the river Matun and over a deep watercourse and a 
 nullah, on the opposite bank of which the people assembled in 
 great numbers as though to oppose the crossing, but, on 
 inquiry, it was found that their object was the peaceful one of 
 selling supplies to the strangers, whose custom of paying for 
 all they required, when they could take what they wanted, was 
 one that baffled their philosophy. The prices asked were four 
 annas (sixpence) for a fowl, and four or five shillings for a 
 sheep. 
 
 The column halted at Dehgan for a day, and General 
 Roberts, escorted by a troop of the 10th Hussars, and one of the 
 5th Punjaub Cavalry, rode across the plain on which the camp 
 was pitched, to the village of Durgai, at the southern end of the 
 valley, occupied by the Thunnies. The General was respect- 
 fully received by the villagers, and, assembling the head men 
 in an open spot in the centre, he addressed them in English, 
 his words being translated, sentence by sentence, by Mahomed 
 Hyat Khan, Assistant Political Officer, warning them against 
 any act of hostility, and holding them responsible for keeping 
 him advised of any projected raids by their brethren in the 
 
 o 2
 
 196 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 hills. The headmen presented the General with a sheep as a 
 peace-offering, after receiving which he rode through the village 
 with his staff and a small party, and, passing round it, rejoined 
 his escort. 
 
 Thence General Roberts rode to another village in the west 
 end of the valley, ahout four miles from Dehgan, where he 
 again assembled and addressed the headmen, and then pro- 
 ceeded to a third village, where he repeated his warning, and 
 rested his horses for an hour. Camp was reached about 4.30, 
 when he was greeted with intelligence of an apprehended 
 attack by the Mangals that night. But though 2,000 of them 
 had, it was reported, sworn on the Koran to attack the camp, 
 the night passed without any alarm, though shelter-trenches were 
 thrown up, and other arrangements made to receive them. On 
 the following day the column returned to Matun. 
 
 As there was little forage for the camels, 400 of them, whose 
 loads had been consumed, were sent back to Hazir Pir, under 
 escort of a body of Turis of the Kurram valley, and, on the 
 18th, a convoy, with fifteen days' supplies, for which the 
 General had sent, arrived from Hazir Pir, escorted by the 23rd 
 Pioneers and a detachment of the 5th Goorkhas, under Captain 
 Cook, which latter returned on the following morning escort- 
 ing the remainder of the camels whose loads had been 
 consumed. 
 
 On the 19th January, the survey party, under Captain Wood- 
 thorpe, escorted by a detachment of the 28th Punjaub N.I., 
 proceeded to survey the southern range which lay in Waziri 
 territory, their safety being guaranteed by the chief of the 
 Atakheyl section of the Waziris, Keeput by name, who arrived 
 in camp with some followers, and, after paying his respects to 
 the General, accompanied the surveyors. Captain Wynne, 
 Superintendent of Army Signalling, who accompanied the 
 survey party, on reaching the highest peak of the range, named 
 Lazam, heliographed to the camp, twenty miles distant, and 
 also to Bunnoo, on the British side of the frontier, a distance 
 of thirty miles from the peak, where the message was read by 
 Colonel Noel Money, commanding the 3rd Sikh Regiment, who 
 fortunately had been instructed in the code, and Colonel Godby, 
 commanding the Punjaub Frontier Force, who happened to be
 
 A Threatened Attack. 197 
 
 at Bunnoo at the time, flashed back to General Roberts, 
 through Captain Wynne, the intelligence that the Mahsood 
 Waziris had raided and burnt Tank. Taking advantage of this 
 means of communication, General Roberts heliographed to Lord 
 Lytton, then at Calcutta, and the messages from the distant 
 Khost valley, over vast ranges of mountains, reached the 
 Viceroy within two hours, truly one of the most astonishing 
 instances of army signalling on record. 
 
 General Roberts had determined to raise local levies, chiefly 
 from among the friendly Turis, to hold the valley on the de- 
 parture of the British troops, and on the arrival of Captain 
 Arthur Conolly, of the Meywar Bheel Corps (a name that has 
 an honoured, though painful, memory in our relations with 
 Afghanistan), who had great experience in converting the wild 
 tribes of the Indian peninsula into disciplined soldiers, directed 
 him to embody and command 200 horse and 200 foot, in which 
 he succeeded, though the subsequent abandonment of the 
 valley involved their disbandment. 
 
 During the 20th January, General Roberts inspected the 
 cavalry under Colonel Gough, and directed that a royal salute 
 should be tired in honour of the surrender of Candahar, and 
 the day concluded with races and athletic sports for the men. 
 On the following day, the 23rd Pioneers marched on their 
 return to Hazir Pir, by the eastern road, which they were 
 directed to improve, as the General intended to return to Kur- 
 ram by it. On the 22ud January, General Roberts, accom- 
 panied by his staff, and escorted by a troop of the 10th Hussars, 
 rode towards the east end of Khost, and examined the villages, 
 the largest in the valley, assembling and addressing the head- 
 men as to their duties and responsibilities towards the domi- 
 nant power, and returned in the afternoon after a ride of over 
 twenty miles. Information was received on the 23rd that an 
 attack on the camp was meditated by the Mangals, who had 
 collected in great force about twelve miles distant ; and to be 
 prepared against a night attack, General Roberts ordered the 
 exposed sides of the camp to be defended by an entrenchment 
 thrown up 100 yards from the tents, and so admirably did the 
 different regiments and batteries work, under the direction of 
 Captain Colquhoun, R.A. (in the absence of Colonel Perkins,
 
 198 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 K.E.), tliab before dark the camp was reported secure, an 
 earthen hank, 3-|- feet high, and the same width, having been 
 thrown up in exposed parts, which, with the saddles of 1,200 
 camels, formed a breastwork that would defy a rush of Mangals 
 on any part of the camp. The cavalry were sent out to recon- 
 noitre, but returned without finding any large body of the 
 enemy, though the villagers at the north end of the valley were 
 defiant, and the enemy were doubtless concealed in the houses; 
 during the day the survey party came back, having completed 
 the examination of the Khost ranges, and connected their 
 work with the triangulation of the Trigonometrical Survey of 
 India. 
 
 General Roberts received in the afternoon a deputation from 
 a party of Mangals who had settled in the Keraiah end of the 
 Kurram valley, asking for a share in the distribution of money 
 and turbans to those who had behaved well to British rule, and 
 were dismissed fairly satisfied at the extent to which this 
 request had been complied with. During the night of the 
 23rd, some star shells were fired to show the Mangals and 
 other would-be enemies that the British were ready for them ; 
 the effect was excellent, the light from the shells illuminating 
 a space, 800 yards by 400, for a distance varying from 400 to 
 600 yards. During the two succeeding days the defence of 
 the camp was completed, under Lieutenant Spratt, R.E., by an 
 earthen rampart being thrown up in place of the camel saddles, 
 the construction of a new bastion, with abattis, at the south- 
 east angle, filling the ditches with water, and other works. 
 In the afternoon of the 25th January, General Roberts held in 
 the Durbar tent an assembly of the headmen of the Khost 
 valley, with those of the Mangals and Jadrans who cared to 
 attend. The General, in a speech translated by Mahomed 
 Hyat Khan, first addressed the Khost chiefs, to whom he de- 
 scribed the arrangements that would be made on the evacuation 
 by his troops of the valley, which would be placed temporarily 
 under the administration of Shahzada Sultan Jan, who had 
 been employed at Kohat in the Punjaub commission, and who 
 would be supported, if necessary, by the British troops at Hazir 
 Pir. General Roberts also took advantage of the opportunity 
 to enlarge on the faithlessness of Russia towards the Ameer
 
 Durbar of Hill Chiefs. 199 
 
 Sbere Ali, whose troops, defeated in every encounter, had re- 
 ceived aid neither in men nor money from that Power. Leaving 
 Colonel Waterfield, the Political Agent, to confer with the 
 headmen individually, and bestow rewards on those who had 
 rendered services, the General addressed the chiefs of the hill- 
 men, wild, fierce-looking fellows, with unkempt hair and dirty 
 garments, but armed to the teeth, and told them in a good- 
 humoured way that if they wanted more fighting he and his 
 men were ready for them, but that he advised them to keep 
 quiet. The durbars were concluded by a dinner to the head- 
 men, for which twenty sheep were slaughtered, and the distri- 
 bution of a few rupees to each man to pay his expenses. 
 
 On the 26th, General Roberts received a letter from Sirdar 
 Wali Mahomed, son of the late Ameer Dost Mahomed by a 
 Turi woman, and half-brother of Ameer Shere Ali, reporting 
 his escape from Cabul, and arrival by the Shutargardan Pass at 
 Rokian, six miles from Ali Kheyl. The General immediately 
 sent instructions to Captain Rennick, Political Officer at Ali 
 Kheyl, to treat the Sirdar with consideration, and escort him to 
 Hazir Pir, where he would meet him. All the arrangements 
 for the evacuation of the Khost valley being complete, and the 
 Shahzada Sultan Jan having been installed as temporary Gover- 
 nor, on the 27th January, the thermometer marking eight 
 degrees of frost, the return march was begun, the first stage 
 being to the village of Sabbri, twelve miles distant. 
 
 The road from Matun lay past three detached hills, near the 
 village of Madhi Kheyl, on the crest of the centre one of which 
 was a field-work, said to have been made by Timour in one of his 
 invasions of India, and, skirting the range and crossing several 
 ravines and watercourses, the road led through a pass, about 
 seven miles from the camp, to the banks of the Kam Khost 
 river, across the river, and over another gorge leading into the 
 Sabbri valley. A halt was made here on the 28th, while Gen- 
 eral Roberts reconnoitred in the direction of Thull, and the 
 survey party took observations from the hill, about four miles to 
 the north-east of the camp. At 10 that night the General 
 received an express from the Governor left at Matun, reporting 
 that the Mangals were gathering to attack the fort, with the 
 intention of killing him and the garrison. The General quickly
 
 2oo Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 formed his plans, which were to remove the Khost garrison and 
 leave the distracted valley to the tender mercies of the Mangals, 
 or whoever chose to harry it ; and, at daybreak on the 29th 
 January, leaving as many troops as he could spare in camp at 
 Sahbri, under the command of Brigadier-General Drew, ha 
 started for Matun with a detachment 72nd Highlanders, the 
 squadron 10th Hussars, 5th Punjaub Cavalry, No. 2 Mountain 
 Battery, and 28th Punjaub N.I.* 
 
 Starting at 6.15, the General arrived at the deserted camp at 
 Matun at 9.80, when the Mangals were observed on the skirts 
 of the hill where they had been previously defeated, but ex- 
 pecting an easy prey in the levies, they were evidently disin- 
 clined to try conclusions with a powerful enemy. Loading 
 some camels he had brought with him, with grain from the fort, 
 the General sent them in advance, under charge of the Turi 
 levies, and, after the column had breakfasted, commenced to 
 retire, as evacuation having been decided upon, no object would 
 have been gained by attacking the enemy, for they could not be 
 followed up to the hills, as General Roberts's troops had already 
 marched twelve miles, and he was desii'ous of returning to his 
 camp that day. The Mangals, who were in great force, esti- 
 mated at quite 6,000, had meanwhile ventured out into the 
 plain, about two miles off, and formed a line a mile in length, 
 and it must have been a source of disappointment to the 
 General, who had already once chastised them severely, that 
 the exigencies of the public service, and the necessity for hus- 
 banding the strength of his men, prevented him from attacking 
 them. With the limited force at his disposal it required mili- 
 tary capacity in the commander, and steadiness on the part 
 of the troops, to effect a retirement before these savage moun- 
 taineers, whose guerilla tactics are conducive to successful 
 attacks on a retreating force. 
 
 The Mangals remained drawn up in anticipation of an 
 attack, and General Roberts encouraged the belief by advancing 
 his cavalry, which took up a position about a mile from the 
 enemy, who commenced skirmishing in regular order, under 
 
 * The troops left in the camp, trhich was placed in a condition to repel 
 an attack, were 200 men of the Highlanders, No. 1 Mountain Battery, and 
 the 21st Punjaub N.I , being a total of about 1,000 men.
 
 Evacuation of the Khost Fort. 201 
 
 the direction of mounted leaders, one of whom, riding a white 
 horse, was killed by a lucky shot from the Martini-Henry of 
 a trooper of the 10th Hussars, which had been thrown for- 
 ward, in skirmishing order, about 600 yards in advance of the 
 5th Punjaub Cavalry. Shortly before noon the General com- 
 menced the retirement by moving off the 28th Punjaub N.I. 
 and mountain battery, and when they had increased their 
 distance from the Mangals to about three and a half miles, the 
 cavalry retired, leaving the enemy in doubt as to the object of 
 this movement. They accordingly halted, fearing to be drawn 
 into the open plain, where the British horsemen could ride 
 them down, and only discovered their mistake as the troopers 
 trotted off and rejoined their comrades. Then the Mangals 
 swarmed into the deserted entrenchment and fort, while the 
 column, making its way unopposed, reached the camp at Sabbri 
 about five in the afternoon, after a most fatiguing day. Pre- 
 cautions were taken to guard against a night attack, but none 
 was attempted. 
 
 The march was resumed on the following day, the 30th 
 January, and General Roberts, escorted by a troop of the 5th 
 Punjaub Cavalry, pushed on to Hazir Pir, about twenty-four 
 miles distant from Sabbri. The troops, under Brigadier- General 
 Drew, made a long march of nearly twenty miles, passing 
 through a defile in the hills intervening between the Khost and 
 Kurram valleys, and encamped at Baghzai on the following 
 day, making the short march of four and a half miles to Hazir 
 Pir. 
 
 On the ] st February Sirdar Wali Mahomed, accompanied by 
 some Maliks from the Logar valley, and escoiked by Captain 
 Rennick, from All Kheyl, arrived at Hazir Pir. General 
 Roberts and Captain Conolly, now Acting Political Officer, and 
 the General's aide-de-camp, Lieutenant Neville Chamberlain, a 
 well-known name in Afghan annals, welcomed the Sirdar, and 
 at noon, on the arrival of the cortege at the camp, Roberts, 
 accompanied by his staff, met the Wali Mahomed at the end of 
 the headquarters street of tents, and conducted him to his own 
 tent, where a guard of honour and the band of the 21st Punjaub 
 Native Infantry were drawn up to salute the distinguished 
 guest. The General invited the Wali to dinner, but this, so
 
 2O2 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 far as the Sirdar was concerned, was little more than a Barme- 
 cide repast, as his Mussulman prejudices prevented him from 
 partaking of anything more than bread and water with un- 
 believers. 
 
 The Indian Government appeared to consider the Wali Ma- 
 homed in the British camp as a matter of considerable political 
 importance, which subsequent events hardly justified, as the 
 Wali was a man of no ability, and by his descent from a low- 
 born Turi woman could have but slight pretensions to the 
 Ameership of a people like the Afghans, who think so highly of 
 " blue blood." Under orders from the Viceroy, on the 4th Feb- 
 ruary the Sirdar started for Jellalabad, via Thull, Kohat, and 
 Peshawur, in order to confer with Major Cavagnari, Chief Po- 
 litical Agent, and with Sir Samuel Browne, commanding the 
 Khyber column. 
 
 On the day before the Wali's departure, General Roberts, 
 being desirous of examining the roads, rode to Ahmed-i-Shama, 
 returning by another route through the hills. During the day, 
 also, the 29th Punjaub Native Infantry, which had been en- 
 camped at Hazir Pir during the past month, marched for 
 Thull, and the squadron 10th Hussars, greatly to the regret 
 of their comrades in the late campaign, proceeded to join the 
 head-quarters of their regiment with Sir Samuel Browne. 
 
 On the 4th February General Roberts broke up his camp 
 at Hazir Pir, and, escorted by No. 2 Mountain Battery and 
 the 28th Punjaub Native Infantry, started for Kurram fort and 
 the Peiwar Kotul, leaving in camp three guns F Battery A 
 Brigade Royal Horse Artillery, left wing 72nd Highlanders, 
 12th Bengal Qavalry, wing 5th Punjaub Cavalry, and wing 
 21st Punjaub Native Infantry. General Roberts entered the 
 Kurram river at a ford, where it was 50 yards wide and 3 feet 
 deep, and, visiting the village of Suddar, where the headmen 
 petitioned him to remit the fines imposed for their ill-treat- 
 ment of the troopers placed under their protection, a request 
 he refused, arrived at Ibrahimzai, where his camp was pitched. 
 On the following day Kurram was reached, and on the 7th, 
 General Roberts, having inspected the upper and lower forts, 
 marched with the same escort for the Peiwar Kotul and 
 Habib Killa ; on the same day Brigadier-General Cobbe, who
 
 The Punjaub Chiefs Contingent. 203 
 
 had sufficiently recovered from the wound received on the 2nd 
 December, left for Thull, and did not return to the command 
 of the 1st Brigade until the 2nd March following. General 
 Roberts, after inspecting the British Camp and positions, pro- 
 ceeded to Thull (at this time garrisoned by the half F Battery 
 A Brigade Royal Horse Artillery, wing 14th Bengal Lancers, 
 and 19th Punjaub Native Infantry), and thence to Kohat, his 
 base of operations. 
 
 At this time the Government placed at the General's dis- 
 posal for keeping up the communications of the Kurram Field 
 Force, a contingent offered by the Punjaub Chiefs, of whose 
 services he was glad to avail himself, as it set free his forces 
 for field operations. The contingent was commanded by Bri- 
 gadier-General Watson, C.B., V.C., an officer of acknowledged 
 gallantry and ability, who had served at Delhi and Lucknow, 
 and was an old comrade and personal friend of the commander 
 of the Kurram Field Force. Half of the contingent, which 
 arrived at Kohat on the 9th February, was sent to Bunnoo on the 
 13th, and the remaining half marched for Thull on the follow- 
 ing day, and arrived in time to be inspected by General Rooberts 
 on the 19th.* 
 
 After the inspection the General left for Kohatf, 63 miles 
 distant, which he reached on the following day. During his 
 rest at Kohat, General Roberts turned his attention to preparing 
 for the much desired forward movement in the spring, and for- 
 warding two months' supplies to Kurram, for which, besides 
 camels and local transports, 2,000 carts, each drawn by 4 bul- 
 locks, and carrying 20 maunds, or 16 cwt., were employed, the 
 journey there and back occupying nearly a fortnight. These 
 
 * While at Thull General Roberts made a new disposition of the Kurram 
 Field Force. The 2nd Brigade was to consist of the troops in advance of 
 Kurram from Habib Killa to Ali Kheyl ; the 1st Brigade, all other troops 
 across the frontier, at Kurram, Hazir Pir, and on the road from Kurram to 
 Thull. The troops in British territory at Thull and Kohat to be under 
 Brigadier General Watson. 
 
 f The following was the Kohat garrison at this time : Squadron 9th 
 Lancers, half G Battery 3rd Brigade Royal Artillery ; left wing, 2nd 
 Battalion 8th Regiment ; headquarters wing, 14th Bengal Lancers, and 5th 
 Punjaub Infantry. During General Roberta's stay at Kohat the 92nd 
 Gordon Highlanders and 2nd Punjaub Native Infantry joined the Kurram 
 Field Force. The command at Kuhat was held by Colonel Osboru Wilkin- 
 son, 3rd Bengal Cavalry.
 
 204 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 arrangements completed, and having inspected the 92nd Gordon 
 Highlanders that magnificent Regiment whose name is iden- 
 tified with the most brilliant achievements of British arms in 
 Afghanistan which joined the Field Force under his command, 
 General Roberts left Kohat, and, on the 4th of March, issued 
 from Headquarters at the Kurrain Camp, the orders for the 
 movement of his troops preparatory to their reassembly at 
 Kurram on the 15th of the month. 
 
 On llth March, General Roberts, with his staff, arrived at 
 Shinnak, 26 miles from Thull, where he was met by Brigadier- 
 General Watson, who had been making a flying visit to Kurram 
 Valley and Peiwar Kotul, and they proceeded in company to 
 Thull, to receive the Commander-in-Chief, Sir Frederick Haines, 
 who was expected to make an inspection of the Kurram Field 
 Force. On the arrival of his Excellency with the Head- 
 quarter Staff of the Army, General Roberts accompanied him 
 to Kurram, where, on thair arrival on the 22nd, they were 
 received by Brigadier-General Drew, and in the afternoon the 
 troops assembled there were inspected, when their smart ap- 
 pearance elicited the encomiums of Sir Frederick Haines, who, 
 on the conclusion of the inspection, called the officers to the 
 front, and complimented General Roberts on the gallantry 
 and good conduct of his men. During his visit the Com- 
 mander-in-Chief inspected the Fort and Regimental Hospitals, 
 and, accompanied by General Roberts, went to Habib Killa, 
 where he inspected the 72nd Highlanders, No. 2 Mountain 
 Battery, and 2nd Punjaub Infantry, and thence rode to the 
 Peiwar Kotul, where the garrison, consisting of half of the 
 9th Battery 3rd Brigade, Royal Artillery, and a wing of the 2nd 
 Battalion 8th Regiment, were inspected, and the party made 
 their way through six inches of snow to one of the Block 
 houses in the Pass. On the 26th of March the Commander- 
 in-Chief left Kurram on his return to India, and was accom- 
 panied by General Roberts as far as Shinnak, whence he 
 rode back the twenty-six miles to Kurram, in one day, amid 
 pouring rain, which made the road across the cultivated land 
 as heavy as a bog. 
 
 During the next few days the 72nd Highlanders and 23rd 
 and 28th Native Regiments marched to Ali Kheyl, in the
 
 Preparations for the Advance. 205 
 
 Hurriab Valley, as it was desirable to occupy that place 
 before the melting of the snow from the Shutargardan Pass 
 permitted its seizure by the enemy, and the 67th Regiment, 
 C. Battery 4th Brigade, Royal Artillery, and Headquarter wing 
 14th Bengal Lancers, were pushed on into the Kurram Valley, 
 the 5th Goorkhas and 21st Punjaub Native Infantry, which 
 were to form part of the force held in readiness for the ap- 
 prehended march on Cabul, being moved up. Carriage for 
 supplies and stores was now, as always, the great difficulty, 
 owing to the death of the camels, and the scarcity of suitable 
 mules ; but all difficulties were overcome by the energy im- 
 pressed into the officers of the Transport Department by the 
 example of General Roberts, who appeared to be ubiquitous, per- 
 sonally inquiring into everything, and encouraging every one 
 to increased exertion. There being a paucity of animals for 
 the transport of Ordnance Stores, the General ordered the 
 Artillery horses and mules to be employed, and natives were 
 engaged to carry the ammunition, about 200 tons, over the 
 Peiwar Kotul itself. 
 
 On the 1st of April General Roberts established his head- 
 quarters at Byan Kheyl, in the Hurriab Valley, on the further 
 side of the Peiwar Kotul, where he went to inspect the road- 
 making, and on the 6th, returned to Kurram from visiting 
 Ali Kheyl where, three days later, he was joined by the 92nd 
 Higlanders and half of the 9th Battery 3rd Brigade, Royal 
 Artillery. 
 
 On the same day the General, accompanied by Colonels 
 Gough and Lindsay, commanding the Cavalry and Artillery 
 of the Force, rode out to pay a visit to a leading Turi Chief, 
 Noor Mohamed, who lived in a fortified village about six miles 
 from Kurram. The Chief happened to be absent, but the 
 General was received by his representative, who offered for 
 his acceptance a handsome carpet, which, however, he declined. 
 Noor Mohamed returned the visit next day, attended by a 
 following of horse and footmen. General Roberts, desirous of 
 winning the confidence of all classes, paid a visit, two days 
 later, to the camp of a large number of Ghilzyes, returning to 
 the Logar valley with their flocks, who appreciated the honour, 
 and hospitably received the " Lord Sahib.' 3
 
 206 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 Throughout his stay in the Kurram and Khost valleys 
 General Roberts adopted what would appear to more timid 
 natures the hazardous course of throwing, himself on the good 
 faith of the fierce hillmen. He habitually attended Durbars 
 and Jirgas of chiefs, sometimes numbering 200 or 300 armed 
 men, with an escort of four Goorkhas and two Sikh orderlies of 
 the 5th Punjaub Cavalry, who were kept in the background, and 
 though his life was exposed to the knife or musket of any 
 fanatic desirous of earning immortality by slaying an un- 
 believer, or of the avenger of blood smarting at the loss of a 
 relative killed in battle, yet he reckoned correctly on the 
 chivalry of his foes, and led what might be called a charmed 
 life when conversing freely with the ferocious sectaries, any 
 one of whom had it in his power to plunge his knife into the 
 heart of the British general who had overthrown his people in 
 battle, and robbed his country of her independence. 
 
 An immediate advance on Cabul being expected, the General, 
 after an interview with the commanding officers of the regi- 
 ments and batteries of his force, published a divisional order 
 regulating the scale of carriage for all ranks. The Kurram 
 Field Force was strengthened by the arrival of half C Battery 
 4th Brigade, Royal Artillery bringing with them thirty-seven 
 elephants for carrying the 9-pounder guns over the mountains 
 and the 67th Regiment, which had been sent from the 
 Madras Presidency. The General went out to meet the new 
 arrivals, and welcome them to the force under his command. 
 Other reinforcements arrived during the next few days, includ- 
 ing the llth Bengal Native Infantry, and the Punjaub chiefs' 
 contingent, consisting of the three arms, numbering nine 
 British officers and 2,560 men, with seven guns, the whole 
 under Brigadier-General Watson ; the 2nd Brigade also received 
 a new commander in Brigadier-General Forbes, General Thel- 
 wall having returned to India on sick leave. Deputy- Surgeon 
 General Townsend also became Principal Medical officer of the 
 Division, while the signalling department received a new chief 
 in Captain Straton, 22nd Regiment, a gallant officer, who 
 rendered excellent service to General Roberts during the re- 
 mainder of his campaign in Afghanistan, and fell at Candahar 
 on the 1st September, in the last action of the war.
 
 Preparations for the Advance. 207 
 
 Meanwhile the regiments and batteries were being pushed on 
 over the Peiwar Kotul into the Hurriab valley, and at 5 A.M. 
 on the 20th April, General Roberts, accompanied by Colonel 
 Colley (the late ill-fated General Sir George Colley), private sec- 
 retary to the Viceroy, who had arrived at Kurram on the pre- 
 vious day, started off to ride to Rokian, in the defile beyond Ali 
 Kheyl, and returned to the Peiwar Kotul, where they passed the 
 night, having covered during the day no less than seventy miles 
 of ground, including the Pass, a feat which speaks highly for 
 the powers of endurance of both these distinguished officers, as 
 the cold was severe and the weather inclement. 
 
 On the following day they returned to Kurram by the Spin- 
 gawi route, the first visit the commander of the Field Force had 
 paid to the scene of his memorable achievement of the 2nd 
 December. 
 
 Undeterred by the heavy fall of snow and wretched weather, 
 General Roberts, whose sleepless activity was the wonder of all 
 witnesses, on the succeeding day, accompanied by Brigadier- 
 General Watson, rode to Badesh Kheyl, seventeen miles distant, 
 returning the same day to inspect the camels, 2,700 in number, 
 assembled there, of which only 1,900 were passed as fit for 
 service by a committee presided over by Major Mac Queen, 5th 
 Punjaub Native Infantry. Every point relating to the advance 
 and the efficiency of the force he proposed to take with him 
 was carefully considered ; and as the European portion of the 
 Kurram garrison would be small, he took steps to render the 
 forts defensible. 
 
 By the 29th April the arrangements for the advance from 
 Ali Kheyl, including the storing of provisions and ammunition, 
 and the ordnance and Engineer parks, were complete, and, on 
 the following day, the General established his headquarters at 
 that place, where the greater portion of the Kurram Field Force 
 was now assembled.* The camps of the 1st and 2nd Brigades, 
 
 * The following was the constitution of the Kurram Field Force : Royal 
 Artillery under Colonel G. H. Lindsay. F Battery A Brigade Royal Horse 
 Artillery, G Battery 3rd Brigade Royal Artillery, No "2 Mountain Battery. 
 Cavalry Brigade, under Colonel H. H. Gough, V.C., C.B., squadron 9th 
 Lancers, 12th Bengal Cavalry. 14th Bengal Cavalry (Lancers). First 
 Brigade Infantry, under Brigadier-General Cobbe, 72nd Highlanders, 5th 
 Goorkhas, 23rd Pioneers, 28th Punjaub Native Infantry, 7th Company 
 Sappers and Miners. Second Brigade, under Brigadier-General H. Forbes,
 
 208 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 with the former being the headquarters, and with the latter the 
 Artillery, were pitched on two plateaus and fortified, being sur- 
 rounded by loose stone walls, with picket towers on commanding 
 sites. The spur jutting out from Matungi, between the two 
 plateaus and the village of AH Kheyl, had been crowned with 
 a series of works, the highest of which consisted of picket 
 towers protected by ditches and scarps ; also a redoubt, with 
 emplacements for guns and parapets for infantry, and other 
 positions on the slope of the hill were also occupied. General 
 Roberts inspected all these works, and, on the 1st of May, 
 accompanied by Brigadier-General Watson, rode up the Hazar- 
 darakht defile as far as Dreikulla. 
 
 On the 3rd of May a grand parade of all the troops * at Ali 
 Kheyl and Byan Kheyl was held, and was witnessed by a con- 
 course of the native population of the neighbourhood ; but the 
 effect of the review was much marred by a heavy thunderstorm, 
 with rain and hail. In the afternoon the General, accompanied 
 by the brigadiers, political officers (Colonel T. Gordon, C.S.I., 
 and Captain Rennick) and Staff, held a durbar, which was largely 
 attended by the headmen of the Hurriab valley. Turbans and 
 dresses of honour as rewards for friendly conduct were distri- 
 buted, and then the General made a speech, which was translated 
 into Pushtoo by Mahomed Hyat Khan, C.S.I., Assistant-Political 
 Officer, in which he assured his audience of the intention of 
 the British Government to annex the Kurram and Hurriab 
 valleys, a determination which was altered at a later period. 
 He also warned the Jajis to keep on their good behaviour, or 
 he would pay a hostile visit to their most secluded vales. 
 
 92nd Highlanders, 5th Punjaub Native Infantry, 21st Pui jaub Native In- 
 fantry. The Kurram Valley Reserve, under Brigadier- General Watson, V.G , 
 C B., half C Battery A Brigade Royal Artillery, No. 1 Mountain Battery, 5th 
 Punjaub Cavalry. First Infantry Brigade, 2nd Battalion 8th King's 
 Regiment, and llth Bengal Native Infantry. Second Infantry Brigade, 
 67th Regiment, and 29th Punjaub Native Infantry. 
 
 * The strength of the Kurram Field Force, including the Punjaub chiefs' 
 contingent, was as follows on the 1st of May : 212 British officers and 
 3,511 European soldiers of all ranks, exclusive of five officers and 95 men 
 sick and wounded ; 9,180 native officers, non-commissioned officers, and 
 men effective, and 259 in hospital ; grand total, 13,269 ; 15 9-pounder and 
 12 mountain guns ; 4,673 public, and 2,230 private, camp followers. Of 
 animals for the service of the guns and cavalry there were 2.613 horses, 
 277 mules, 26 bullocks, and 58 elephants. Also 800 grass cutters' ponies.
 
 The Treaty of Gundamuck. 209 
 
 Advantage was taken of the halt by the Survey department 
 to examine the Shutargardan, and a party returned by the 
 Thabai pass, which enters the Hazardarakht defile at Jaji 
 Thanna, a route which was pronounced impracticable for camels. 
 Survey parties, under Captains Woodthorpe and Martin, with a 
 strong escort, also explored the neighbouring country, including 
 the range between the Manjiar Pass and the Peiwar Kotul; also 
 the Jahtra Pass, opposite Byan Kheyl, and the ranges over- 
 looking the Ahmed Kheyl villages, by which much valuable in- 
 formation was procured, and a considerable tract of country, 
 with the course of the Hazardarakht, or upper Kurram River, 
 mapped out. 
 
 On the 9th May, the General, with his staff, rode to Shalu- 
 zan, to select a site out of some that had been examined by 
 Major Collett, the head of the Quartermaster-General's depart- 
 ment, and a few days later proceeded to the Kurram valley, 
 returning to Ali Kheyl on the 14th. On the following day he 
 issued a lengthy order detailing the system on which the Trans- 
 port was to be worked from the 1st June. 
 
 But all these preparations appeared as if they were to end in 
 naught, for, on the 13th May, intelligence was received in camp 
 that Yakoob Khan had accepted the terms on which was based 
 the instrument known in history as the treaty of Gundamuck, 
 thus concluding all probability, as it was mistakenly supposed 
 at the time, of a further prosecution of hostilities. On the 
 following day the chiefs of the Ahmed Kheyl section of the 
 Jajis, who had been consistently hostile to the British, came 
 into camp and made their submission, saying that they had 
 been informed that they were freed from allegiance to the 
 Ameer of Cabul. 
 
 General Roberts, now that there was slight chance of an 
 advance on Cabul, occupied himself in conducting a series of 
 reconnoissances, by which he personally gained an intimate 
 knowledge of the surrounding mass of mountains, with their 
 peaks and passes, within two days' march of the British camp 
 at Ali Kheyl. Accompanied by his staff he made a reconnois- 
 sance in force, on the 22nd May, of a peak on the south-western 
 side of the camp, between the points visited in the reconnois- 
 sances of the 10th and 17th of the month. The escort con-
 
 2io Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 sisted of four companies of the 72nd Highlanders, two com- 
 panies of the 3rd Goorkhas, with a reserve of two companies 
 of the 92nd Highlanders, two companies of the 21st Pimjaub 
 Native Infantry, and two guns of No. 1 Mountain Battery ; 
 and some of the lately hostile Ahmed Kheyls accompanied the 
 party, with which also went the survey officers. The peak 
 which General Koberts ascended, had an altitude of 10,300 feet, 
 whence a magnificent view was obtained, and signals were ex- 
 changed with the camp and reserves by means of an interme- 
 diate party on the further side of the Sappri valley, overlooking 
 Ali Kheyl. So important were the results obtained in these 
 reconnoissances that the General issued a divisional order, in 
 which, after thanking the troops, and the officers for their 
 sketches and reports, he declared that " the results obtained 
 possess a political, in addition to their topographical, value, and 
 the people of this country now understand that the paths over 
 their precipitous mountains can be traversed by British troops 
 as easily as by themselves." 
 
 On the Queen's Birthday (24th May) General Koberts held a 
 grand parade of all the troops forming the Kurram Field Force, 
 the regiments and batteries coming up from Peiwar to take 
 part in the display. On the ground, drawn up in three lines, 
 were 5,500 infantry, 1,200 cavalry, with twenty-seven guns and 
 two Gatliugs. After the usual three cheers and feu-de-joie, the 
 General rode up to the 5th Goorkhas, and decorated Captain 
 Cook with the Victoria Cross for his gallantry on the 2nd De- 
 cember, in saving the life of Major Galbraith, Assistant- Adjutant- 
 General, and conferred on two native officers and seven non- 
 commissioned officers and men of the regiment, the 3rd class 
 Order of Merit, for distinguished gallantry at the Peiwar Kotul. 
 He then addressed Major Fitz Hugh on the pleasure it afforded 
 him to have his distinguished regiment under his command, 
 and eulogized Captain Cook as an officer of established repu- 
 tation in the Punjaub Frontier Forces before the present cam- 
 paign. A march past of the division concluded the ceremony, 
 and during the day, the orders for the return of the troops to 
 the Kurram valley were published. 
 
 On the following day the division broke up, and on the 26th 
 General Koberts marched with headquarters to Shaluzan, where
 
 Reconnaissances by General Roberts. 2 1 1 
 
 Brigadier-General Watson, on behalf of the Punjaub chiefs, 
 gave an open air luncheon to General Roberts and his staff, 
 and about 100 other officers, who were regaled on luxuries such 
 as they had not enjoyed since the commencement of the cam- 
 paign. When the company had done justice to the delicacies 
 spread before them, General Roberts made a speech, thanking 
 the Punjaub chiefs for the assistance they had afforded the 
 government, to which General Watson returned thanks, and then 
 proposed the health of the gallant commander of the Kurram 
 Field Forces, which was drunk with enthusiasm. During the 
 day a telegram was received, reporting the signature of the 
 treaty of Gundamuck. 
 
 General Roberts returned to Kurram and thence to the Pei- 
 war Kotul, inspecting the site of an artillery camp halfway 
 between Shaluzan and the Peiwar (or Habib Killa) cantonment. 
 Having ordered a re-distribution of troops on the return of the 
 Punjaub Chiefs' Contingent* to India on the 31st May, the 
 General returned with headquarters to Ali Kheyl ; and, on the 
 1st June, rode up the Lakkerai Pass, a distance of eighteen 
 miles, with the object of meeting Captain Strahan, R.E., and 
 Major Stewart, Guide Corps, who had been sent from Gunda- 
 muck to report on the road ; but after waiting some time, he 
 returned to camp, and a telegram was afterwards received, re- 
 porting that they had been unable to cross the pass as their 
 baggage animals had been seized by robbers. But Mr. Scott, 
 of the Survey Department of the Khyber column, reached the 
 summit of the Peak of Sikaram, whence he saw the Kurram 
 and Hurriab valleys spread out like a map at his feet, but 
 though a lookout was kept at Ali Kheyl in anticipation of a 
 heliographic signal, he was unable for some reasons to com- 
 municate with the signallers below, f 
 
 * On the 2nd of June General Roberts issued a farewell order, express- 
 ing "his high appreciation of the valuable services rendered by Brigadier- 
 General Watson, and the officers, non-commissioned officers, and men, 
 during the three months they had been under his command, when they 
 were employed in escorting convoys and protecting the line of communica- 
 tion." So excellent had been the behaviour of the n-.en, both in camp and 
 on the line of march, that he added, " Their conduct has not been the 
 subject of a single complaint by the inhabitants of the country, and their 
 steadiness and good discipline reflect honour on those chiefs whom they 
 serve." 
 
 t Captain Colquhoun's " With the Kurram Force." 
 
 P 2
 
 212 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 On the 2nd June General Roberts, escorted by two companies 
 of the 92nd, four companies of Goorkhas, and two mountain 
 guns, marched on a reconnoissance of the country of the 
 Ahmed Kheyl section of the Jajis, which had not yet been 
 visited, though visible from the ranges to the south of Ali 
 Kheyl. The people did not appear friendly, and the chief 
 failed to put in an appearance to pay his respects, on which 
 the General sent a native assistant political officer to require 
 his presence, when he came into camp, which was pitched for 
 the day at a ridge called Dobozai. Accompanied by his staff, 
 and an armed escort of the villagers, locally called a " badragga," 
 the General ascended a spur running south from Saratiga 
 (white rock), a peak forming the centre of a series of spurs, 
 which spread out like a fan from the neighbourhood of the 
 Shutargardan. The view from this point was of a sea of 
 mountain chains and peaks, the Zermatt valley in Afghanistan 
 being visible, but the General was unable to see Ghuznee, 
 which lay on the further side of a low range of hills which 
 bounded the horizon to the south-west. As soon as the 
 Mangals in the valley below saw the party on the ridge which 
 overlooked their country, they raised the alarm, and began to 
 collect with the object of intercepting their return, on which 
 the General, who besides the "badragga," was accompanied 
 by only a few orderlies, returned to camp, and thence proceeded 
 to Ali Kheyl that night. 
 
 In order to complete his knowledge of the network of 
 mountains to the south of the Hurriab valley, General Roberts 
 proceeded, on 6th June, with his staff, and some officers of 
 the survey, escorted by two companies 28th Punjaub Native 
 Infantry, and No. 1 Mountain Battery, and a "badragga " of 
 Jajis, to explore the route by the Ishtiar Pass, which, starting 
 from Byan Kheyl, leads across the range, and emerges in the 
 upper Kurram valley. In order to co-operate against an attack 
 by Mangals, the 12th Bengal Cavalry, and 300 men of the 
 5th Punjaub Native Infantry had been ordered on the 1st June 
 to march from the camp at Peiwar to Keraiah, in the upper 
 Kurram valley. The destination of the reconnoissance was 
 kept secret, so that no opposition was experienced. The pass 
 was found to be less steep and rugged than the Manjiar defile,
 
 A Critical Time. 213 
 
 and the camp was pitched in a broad open valley, at the 
 west end of the range that slopes down from the Peiwar Kotul. 
 On the following day the march was made to Keraiah, eight 
 miles distant, near the mouth of the Manjiar Pass. The survey 
 officers connected their survey of the Kurram valley with that 
 of Khost, which lay to the south, on the other side of the range 
 of mountains, and several reconnoissances were made in this 
 direction across the Kurram river. On the 15th June the last 
 of these was to be made, enabling the survey officers to map 
 the course of the Kurram river between Keraiah and the 
 country of the Ahmed Kheyls, the chiefs of whom, Zaib and 
 Cassim, the headmen of the Hassan Kheyls, were in camp, 
 and guaranteed the safety of the party with which General 
 Roberts intended to proceed. A part of the road, however, 
 passed through the territory of the Lajji Mangals, who sent 
 into camp ten hostages for their good behaviour. 
 
 General Roberts started with the survey officers and an 
 escort, consisting of No. 1 Mountain Battery, a detachment of 
 the 12th Bengal Cavalry, and the 5th Punjaub Native Infantry, 
 and was about entering a difficult gorge by which the Kurram 
 river enters the valley, one mile and a half from camp, when 
 a man of the " badragga," consisting of Chumkunnies, who 
 owned this part of the river bed, observed that the Mangals 
 would make an objection to the advance of the party the 
 General intended to take with him, which consisted of only 
 the survey officers, eight men of the 5th Native Infantry under 
 Major Mac Queen, and four orderlies of his escort. General 
 Roberts sent the Assistant-Political officer, Mahomed Hyat 
 Khan, to ascertain if this was so, and on his reporting the 
 road clear, the party continued their march, and reached the 
 first Mangal village, two miles further on, where the headmen 
 paid their respects to the General. 
 
 Pushing on along the hillsides, a body of Mangals were 
 seen about 400 yards distant, who assumed a hostile attitude, 
 on which the General ordered a halt, as the Ahmed Kheyl 
 villages, which were the goal of the expedition, lay three miles 
 higher up, and it would have been unwise, if not impossible, 
 to have pushed on there against opposition, while their return 
 would have been cut off. Accordingly, a halt was called under
 
 214 Memoir of Sir. Frederick Roberts. 
 
 a plane-tree, at the entrance of a glen leading to the bed of the 
 river, while an attempt was made to bring the Mangals to 
 terras ; but they refused to permit the passage of the party. 
 While the General was discussing the matter with the head- 
 men, under the shade of the plane-tree, suddenly a party of 
 Mangals poured in a volley from a peak overlooking the glen. 
 Had it not been for a wall of rock, thirty feet high, which 
 screened most of the party, few would have escaped. Colonel 
 Mark Heathcote and Major Collett, both officers of the Quarter- 
 master-General's Department, had narrow escapes, and one 
 sapper and a nephew of the Hassan Kheyl Chief, were 
 wounded. 
 
 The General had already taken the precaution to order the 
 return of the survey party, and had sent word to the supports 
 to be ready to advance, if necessary, and now gave the order to 
 retire, which was done with order and deliberation. Meanwhile 
 the badragga had disappeared, and the enemy swarmed down 
 from the peak, and kept up a hot fire on the small escort, 
 which, under the leadership of Major Mac Queen, managed to 
 keep them off until the supports were reached. 
 
 On the return of General Roberts to the camp at Keraiah, 
 the Man gal hostages were sent to Kurram for detention till 
 their tribe had paid a fine of 1,000 rupees for breaking their 
 engagements.* The maliks of Keraiah were also sent prisoners 
 to Kurram for failing to warn the General of the treachery of 
 their neighbours. 
 
 On the 17th of June the camp at Keraiah was broken up, 
 and General Roberts returned to Shaluzan, whence the head- 
 quarters were moved to the Peiwar Kotul, as being more 
 salubrious. In the second week of July, Brigadier-General 
 Dunham Massy arrived to relieve General Roberts, and take 
 up the command of the advanced brigade of the Kurram Field 
 Force, now reduced by the breaking up of the 2nd Brigade, 
 commanded by Brigadier-General Forbes, Brigadier-General 
 Cobbe, commanding the 1st Brigade, having been appointed to 
 command at Agra. On the 15th July arrived Major Cavagnari, 
 
 * The Mangals made their submission on the 5th of July, and paid up 
 500 rupees, expressing their inability to pay tb.3 remainder, which was 
 remitted.
 
 General Roberts and Major Cavagnari. 215 
 
 C.B., the recently appointed Envoy to the Court of the Ameer 
 Yakoob Khan, and, on the following day, the remaining officers 
 of the Mission, Mr. Jenkins, C.I.E., Secretary, Surgeon-Major 
 Kelly, and Lieutenant Hamilton, V.C., of the Guide Corps, 
 who commanded the escort of fifty men from the infantry, and 
 twenty-five from the cavalry, of his own regiment. 
 
 General Roberts and Major Cavagnari proceeded together 
 to Ali Kheyl, the 5th Punjaub Infantry escorting the rest of 
 the Mission, which encamped near Zubberdusht Killa. In 
 order to impress the natives with a proper sense of respect due 
 to Her Majesty's Envoy, and also to give as many officers as 
 circumstances permitted the opportunity of visiting the Shutar- 
 gardan Pass, General Roberts detailed a strong force, under 
 Brigadier- General Massy, consisting of two companies from 
 each of the three British regiments, a squadron of the 12th 
 Bengal Cavalry, 4* guns No. 2 Mountain Battery, and the 
 5th Goorkhas, which inarched on to Dreikulla, ten miles up 
 the Hazardarakht defile, where they were joined, on the 18th 
 July, by the General and Envoy from Ali Kheyl. 
 
 The camp was pitched that afternoon at Saratiga,f and in 
 the evening Major Cavagnari gave a farewell dinner to General 
 Roberts, at which mutual good wishes were exchanged between 
 the host and his guest, which subsequent events too sadly 
 belied. On the following morning, the 19th July, Sirdar 
 Khusdil Khan, formerly Governor of Afghan Turkestan, de- 
 puted by Yakoob Khan to welcome the British Envoy, arrived 
 at the camp. He was received by General Roberts and Major 
 Cavagnari, and as soon as all was ready, the cavalcade started 
 on the mission for the Afghan camp at Cassirn Kheyl, in the 
 Shutargardan plain, and General Roberts, accompanied by his 
 staff, and all the officers on leave, marched for the Pass, from 
 the summit of which they viewed the Logar valley and the 
 road to Cabul, which all thought with a sigh they were not to 
 traverse. 
 
 * The two mountain batteries had used only four guns during the cam- 
 paign, but when the preparations for the advance on Cabul were in progress 
 they were made up to the strength of six guns. 
 
 t Saratiga derives its name from a light- coloured cliff near, forming 
 the boundary of the Jaji territory.
 
 216 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 On his return, General Eoberts visited Khusdil Khan, who 
 received him with ceremony, hut created anything but a favour- 
 able impression, owing to the sinister expression of his face 
 and want of cordiality. Among the chiefs accompanying the 
 Sirdar was Padshah Khan, chief of the Eastern Ghilzyes, 
 whom the late Ameer Shere Ali had appointed "VYuzeer, or 
 Prime Minister, and who had received gifts from the British 
 for his friendliness towards them. After the interview a dinner 
 was served in the Afghan fashion, in large trays raised about 
 six inches off the ground, but the cuisine was by no means 
 despicable, and the menu was varied, though there was only 
 one spoon on each tray, and no plates or knives and forks, the 
 former being represented by large " chupatties," or flat cakes 
 of flour, and the latter by the fingers of each guest. Only four 
 chairs were provided for the Sirdar, the General, the Envoy, 
 and his secretary, the remaining officers participating in the 
 banquet having to sit cross-legged on the floor. After the 
 guests had washed their hands in basins passed round by the 
 attendants, tea was served, and then hot milk, sweetened and 
 spiced, completed the entertainment. 
 
 On this day General Roberts was gazetted, in London, to a 
 Knight Commandership of the Bath, and never had the honour 
 been more worthily earned, and many officers of the staff and 
 of the force under his orders received decorations and pro- 
 motion. Major Cavagnari was also made a K.C.S.I. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts remained for the night at Cassim 
 Kheyl, and, on the following morning, bade farewell to his 
 entertainer, and the ill-fated British Envoy, who, with his 
 officers and escort, was seen no more by his countrymen. As 
 the newly-made Knight of the Star of India watched the last 
 of the gallant array that disappeared from view with Sir 
 Frederick Roberts, it may well be a subject of speculation 
 whether such thoughts presented themselves to his mind as 
 Shakespeare puts into the mouth of Henry IV., who gloomily 
 exclaimed, when insurrection, which he had employed to over- 
 throw the unhappy Richard, raised its head to eject him from 
 the throne, 
 
 " heaven ! that we might read the book of fate, 
 And see the revolution of the times."
 
 Roberts returns to Simla. 217 
 
 Though, recognizing the wisdom that hides our fortunes under 
 the pall of futurity, the King adds 
 
 " If this were seen, 
 
 The happiest youth viewing his progress through, 
 What perils past, what crosses to ensue 
 Would shut the book, and sit him down and die." 
 
 Sir Frederick Boberts returned to AH Kheyl, where he held 
 a farewell durbar of the chiefs of the surrounding tribes and 
 clans, to whom, in the name of the Government, he made 
 presents. Handing over the command of the Kurram Field 
 Force in its diminished strength, to Brigadier-General Massy, 
 he left the scenes of his triumphs and returned to Simla, 
 where he had been summoned as a member of the Army Com- 
 mission, which Lord Lyttou had assembled for the purpose of 
 considering the reorganization of the Indian Army.
 
 2 1 8 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 CHAPTEE XII. 
 
 Massacre of the British Mission at Gabul Receipt of the Intelligence by 
 Sir Frederick Roberts at Simla He Proceeds to take the Field 
 Arrival at Ali Kheyl Preparations for the Advance on Cabul Sir 
 Frederick Roberts Moves across the Shutargardan Pass He Experi- 
 ences a Narrow Escape Arrival at Kooshi Interview with Yakoob 
 Khan Proclamations of Sir Frederick Roberts to the Army and the 
 People of Cabul. 
 
 SIR FREDERICK ROBERTS was received at Simla with much 
 distinction by the Viceroy, Lord Lytton, who gave a grand 
 banquet in his honour, at which, in the presence of the highest 
 dignitaries of the State, his Lordship designated his guest, 
 " the hero of the Afghan War," a title he had fairly won as 
 the victor of the Peiwar Kotul, by far the most brilliant and 
 prominent achievement of the campaign, which, as regards the 
 Khyber and Bolan columns, was rather barren of military 
 exploits. But hardly had the congratulations of the General's 
 friends and well-wishers ceased to sound in his ears, and 
 scarcely was the ink dry on the proclamation of the Viceroy, 
 announcing the conclusion of the peace of Gundamuck, than 
 that much-vaunted instrument was torn to shreds by an act of 
 more than Oriental treachery, and the paean of triumph sung 
 by the Viceroy was turned into expressions of horror and 
 lamentation at the fall of his friend, Sir Louis Cavagnari, and 
 the gallant officers and men who composed the mission to 
 Cabul. 
 
 Before proceeding with the narrative we will interpolate a 
 brief account of the circumstances attendant on the perpetra- 
 tion of this tragedy, as they bear on the relations that later 
 existed between Yakoob Khan and Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 On the conclusion of the treaty of Gundamuck the Ameer 
 Yakoob Khan returned to Cabul, accompanied by Habibulla 
 Khan, the Mustaufi, or Finance Minister, Daoud Shah, his
 
 Massacre of the Cavagnari Mission. 219 
 
 Coniniander-in-Chief, and a native agent in the employ of 
 Sir Louis Cavagnari, named Buktiar Khan, who was entrusted 
 with the duty of preparing for the reception of the British 
 mission. Sir Louis Cavagnari, after bidding farewell to 
 Sir Frederick Eoberts, on the 19th of July, proceeded by 
 the Shutargardan pass to Cabul, which he entered on the 
 24th of July, having been received en route with the utmost 
 consideration and ceremony by the Ameer's ministers and 
 troops, and in his reception by Yakoob Khan was treated 
 with every mark of esteem and honour. Unfortunately 
 Buktiar Khan died a few days before the Envoy's arrival at 
 Cabul, and the death of so tried an agent was a great loss to 
 Sir Louis; but beyond some trivial disputes in the Bazaar 
 between the Ameer's troops and the Envoy's escort, all went 
 well, and, says the Viceroy in his letter to the Secretary of 
 State for India, dated September 15th, 1879, detailing the 
 events preceding the massacre, the Envoy's last private letter, 
 dated 30th of August, concluded with the words : " I per- 
 sonally believe that Yakoob Khan will turn out to be a good 
 ally, and that we shall be able to keep him to his engagements." 
 The Ameer spoke with pleasure of his proposed visit to the 
 Viceroy, in which he was to be accompanied by the Envoy, and 
 on the 2nd September, Sir Louis Cavagnari despatched a 
 telegram to Lord Lytton, the last received from him, conclud- 
 ing with the words, " all well." 
 
 On the following day the British Residency in the Bala 
 Hissar, or Citadel of Cabul, was attacked by three regiments, 
 called the Ordal Regiments, who had come to the pay office in 
 the Bala Hissar to receive their arrears, and on hearing that they 
 were not to be paid in full, two of the regiments attacked the 
 Residency, and being joined by the mob, succeeded in setting 
 the buildings on fire and destroying its defenders after a despe- 
 rate resistance. 
 
 The news of this extraordinary outrage was conveyed to 
 Ali Kheyl, in the form of a letter addressed by Yakoob Khan 
 to Sir Frederick Roberts. In the first, dated 4 P.M., the 3rd 
 September, the Ameer reports the attack, at 8 A.M., on the 
 Residency by the troops and " people from city and surround-
 
 22O Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 ing country," and adds that he had sent without avail his son 
 and Daoud Shah, whom he reported as "dying;" and the 
 second letter, dated 4th September, reported that the attack on 
 the Residency had gone on from " morning till evening," when 
 the building was set on fire, but added, that he had no " certain 
 news " of the fate of the Envoy, and that he himself, "with 
 five attendants, had been besieged." The statements of the 
 messenger who brought these letters, an uncle of Padshah 
 Khan, the great Ghilzye Chief, left no doubt as to the fate of 
 the mission and escort. 
 
 In Sir Louis Cavagnari, Sir Frederick Roberts lost a per- 
 sonal friend, of whom Lord Lytton spoke in no exaggerated 
 terms when he said, that " by his life and death he had 
 bequeathed to the Service he adorned a splendid example, and to 
 the Empire for whose interests he lived and died, the grateful 
 guardianship of his honoured memory and spotless name." 
 But he did not die unavenged, for his friend the British General 
 swiftly appeased his manes, as did Achilles those of Patroclus : 
 
 " Whole hecatombs of Trojan ghosts shall pay." 
 
 Thousands of Afghans bled for the treacherous deed enacted 
 on the 3rd September, and the faineant monarch who sur- 
 veyed the scene from his palace windows while he despatched 
 messengers, and ultimately his Commander-in-Chief, Daoud 
 Shah, the only honest man of them all, to check his mutinous 
 soldiery suffered for his want of good faith by the sacrifice 
 of his throne. 
 
 The fate of Lieutenant Hamilton, V.C., who commanded 
 the escort, an officer young in years, but of great distinction 
 and still higher promise, was especially tragic, and had in its 
 circumstances all the elements of the heroic. Standing at bay, 
 sword and revolver in hand, the heart of the young hero 
 quailed not, while he confronted the surging mob thirsting for 
 his blood. 
 
 A melancholy interest attaches to some lines, displaying 
 considerable poetic merit, written, shortly before his death, by 
 Lieutenant Hamilton, and sent from Cabul on the 25th of 
 that August, eight days before he was massacred :
 
 Lieutenant Hamilton, V.C. 221 
 
 "THE VILLAGE BEHMAEU." 
 (Scene of outbreak of Cabul disaster, 1841. Revisited, August, 1879.) 
 
 " Though all is changed, yet remnants of the past 
 Point to the scenes of bloodshed, and, alas ! 
 Of murder foul ; and ruined houses cast 
 Their mournful shadow o'er the graves of grass 
 Of England's soldiery, who faced a lot 
 That few, thank Heaven ! before or since have shared ; - 
 Slain by the hand of treachery, and not 
 In open combat, where the foe ne'er dared 
 To show themselves. The fatal, honest trust 
 Placed in an enemy who loved a lie 
 And knew not honour was a trust that cost 
 The lives of those that gave it. Yet to die 
 Game to the last, as they did, well upheld 
 Their English name. E'en now their former foe 
 Frankly avers the British arms were quelled 
 By numbers only and the cruel snow. 
 'Tis forty years since British soldiers turned 
 To look their last on this now peaceful scene, 
 Whose lingering gaze spoke volumes as it yearned 
 For vengeance due to treachery so mean. 
 And vengeance true did Pollock, Sale, and Nott 
 Deal with a timely and unerring hand 
 As they with victory effaced the blot 
 Which first had dimmed the annals of our land. 
 And, now, while standing here, where side by side 
 Fell many fighting with a fruitless bent, 
 Regret were uppermost were't not for pride 
 Which gives no place for weaker sentiment. 
 And Pride might well be foremost if one thought 
 That though fair Fortune smiled not for awhile, 
 How England's fame shone brighter as she fought, 
 And wrenched lost laurels from their funeral pile, 
 And rose at last from out misfortune's tide 
 Supreme for God and right were on her side." 
 
 Sir Frederick Koberts was at Simla, engaged on the Army 
 Commission to which he had been appointed before the out- 
 break of the war, when, at 1 o'clock on the morning of the 5th 
 September, he was suddenly roused from his sleep with a 
 telegram from Captain Arthur Conolly, Political Officer at Ali 
 Kheyl, announcing the astounding news of the murder of the 
 British Envoy at Cabul, with the other members of the 
 Mission, and all save nine men of the escort. Sir Frederick 
 immediately sent the telegram to Lord Lytton, and proceeded 
 in person shortly afterwards to Government House. The 
 Viceroy settled with him the composition of the force that
 
 222 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 was to be launched against the city of Cabul, and a meetirg of 
 the Council was summoned, at which the Commander-in- Chief 
 attended. 
 
 General Koberts's achievements in the first phase of the 
 Afghan War pointed him out as the man for the crisis that 
 had arisen, and Lord Lytton, who had hailed him as " the 
 hero of the Afghan "War," now that hostilities had so unex- 
 pectedly broken out, with a discrimination that does his judg- 
 ment infinite credit, selected the young General for the Com- 
 mand of the Force that was to vindicate the outraged name 
 of England. It was a high honour, but Koberts's whole 
 career pointed to him as the man pre-eminently fitted to cope 
 with the emergency that had arisen. As Warwick says : 
 
 " There is a history in all men's lives, 
 Fixing the nature of the times deceased, 
 The which observ'd, a man may prophesy, 
 With a near aim, of the main chance of things 
 As yet not come to life." 
 
 Those who had watched Roberts' s career since he made his 
 name at Delhi, recognized in him the man of the hour, and 
 public opinion fully endorsed the Governor- General's action in 
 appointing him to the command of the army of retribution, in 
 spite of the claims of seniority. It was admitted that the 
 campaign in the Kurram Valley had introduced to the world a 
 soldier of uncommon excellence, one combining the caution of 
 Nestor with the fiery valour of Achilles, " impiyer, iracundns, 
 inexorabilis, acer" 
 
 In the afternoon of the following day, the 6th September, 
 Sir Frederick Roberts started for Ali Kheyl, with orders to 
 advance rapidly on Cabul with a force of -about 6,500 men. 
 He travelled post by night and day, taking the rail to Jhelum, 
 and thence proceeding by mail-cart and riding, and arrived at 
 Thull on the 10th September, and at Ali Kheyl on the 12th. 
 Meanwhile Brigadier-General Massy had been instructed by 
 telegraph to occupy the Shutargardan Pass, and General 
 Stewart, who had evacuated Candahar, was directed by the 
 Viceroy to return to the city, whilst Jellalabad was re-occupied, 
 and a reserve of 5,000 men assembled between Rawul Piudee 
 and Peshawur. 
 
 By the llth September, the 5th Goorkhas, 23rd Pioneers,
 
 Roberts s arrival at AH Kheyl. 223 
 
 and No. 2 Mountain Battery, the whole under Colonel Currie, 
 commanding the Pioneers, acting under Sir Frederick Eoberts's 
 instructions, were securely entrenched on the crest of the 
 Shutargardan Pass. As it was a matter of the greatest im- 
 portance that every facility should be afforded for the easy 
 passage of the artillery across the Shutargardan, Sir Frederick 
 Roberts telegraphed orders on the 9th September, directing the 
 7th Company of Sappers and Miners, then at Shaluzan, to 
 march with all speed towards the Pass. This order was 
 executed promptly, and by the 13th inst. they were at work 
 on the Sirkai Kotul, a steep and awkward ascent about three 
 miles beyond the summit of the Pass. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts was accompanied, or followed, by the 
 following officers whom he had selected for high command. 
 Brigadier-Generals H. T. Macpherson, C.B., V.C., and T. D. 
 Baker, C.B., to command the two infantry Brigades ; Brigadier- 
 General J. Gordon to command the column of 4,000 men 
 holding the country from Shutargardan to Thull ; Brigadier- 
 General H. Gough, C.B., V.C., to be Road Commandant. 
 Brigadier-General D. Massy, now commanding at Ali Kheyl, 
 was nominated to command the Cavalry Brigade. He selected 
 as Chief of the Staff, Colonel C. M. Macgregor, C.B., of the 
 Quartermaster-General's Department, an officer, though young 
 in years, of great military experience and considerable talent. 
 
 General Baker proceeded, on the 13th September, to take 
 command of the troops at Shutargardan, the position at which 
 was strongly entrenched, and every precaution taken against a 
 surprise. With the energy that distinguished this gallant 
 officer while serving under Sir Garnet Wolseley in Ashantee, 
 he made a reconnoissance on the 16th, as far as Shinkai 
 Kotul, but met with no resistance. Two days before, Nawab 
 Sir Gholam Hussein Khan passed thourgh Shutargardan and 
 proceeded to Ali Kheyl where he joined Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 This distinguished native officer was proceeding from Candahar 
 to Cabul, to assist Sir Louis Cavagnari, but fortunately heard 
 on the road of the massacre of the British Mission. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts's first consideration was transport for 
 the force of between 6,000 to 7,000 men, whom he was going 
 to take with him to Cabul. With the usual want of fore-
 
 224 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 thought at Army Headquarters, where a renewal of hostilities 
 was not anticipated, the animals of the transport department 
 of the Kurram Field Force were suffered to fall below the 
 strength essential to maintain its efficiency. Sir Frederick 
 Koberts writes : " Transport was the great difficulty which had 
 to be met. Owing to the continuous and hard work to which 
 the animals had been subjected, their numbers had steadily but 
 rapidly diminished until, at the commencement of the month 
 of September, there remained about 1,500 mules, 500 sickly 
 camels, and 800 bullocks, or barely sufficient to enable the 
 Commissariat to feed the force which it was presumed would 
 remain in the Kurram valley for the winter. It is true that a 
 large number of pack bullocks had been despatched for the 
 Commissariat service in the valley, but of these many had 
 been knocked up by the journey from the Punjaub, or were 
 suffering from semi-starvation to such an extent as to be 
 practically useless." As he said to the writer, " On arriving 
 at Ali Kheyl I found that there was only transport for half the 
 force I was to take to Cabul. Little provisions were in store, 
 and there was no communication with the Khyber Column." 
 And yet within about six weeks, his communications would be 
 transferred by the snowing up of the Shutargardan route to 
 that by the Khyber. 
 
 In his endeavours to improvise a transport Roberts had the 
 support of the Viceroy, a functionary whose word is law in our 
 despotically-governed dependency. By Lord Lytton's orders, the 
 Peshawur district was swept clean of transport cattle, but still the 
 number was insufficient, owing to the enormous loss among the 
 camels and the improvidence of the Indian authorities, who, not 
 anticipating a renewal of hostilities, had suffered the transport 
 to lapse into its chronic state of unpreparedness. Sir 
 Frederick Roberts, and, before his arrival at Ali Kheyl, the 
 able political officer, Captain Conolly, exerted themselves to 
 procure carriage, and his old allies, the Turis of the Kurram 
 Valley, and the Jajis, brought in all the animals they could 
 spare, with drivers, and Padshah Khan, the G-hilzye Chief, 
 whom Sir Frederick had met in the previous July, gave his 
 aid, so that the commissariat were enabled to collect a con- 
 siderable amount of supplies at the Shutargardan, "quite
 
 Roberts and the Ameers Emissaries. 225 
 
 sufficient," he says, " to relieve any anxiety as to the immediate 
 want of the troops left there, and to move still larger stores 
 forward for the force advancing upon Cabul." 
 
 The position of Yakoob Khan, brought on by his vacillation 
 and timidity, if not treachery, was not an enviable one at this 
 time, between his countrymen who hated him for signing an igno- 
 minious treaty and receiving a British Envoy, and the British 
 Government, whom he knew would call him to strict account 
 for suffering the murder of their representative. 
 
 In order to conciliate Sir Frederick Roberts, he sent to Ali 
 Kheyl the Mustaufi, Habibullah Khan, and the Wuzeer, Shah 
 Mahomed, with a letter declaring his fidelity to the British 
 alliance, and announcing his intention of seeking the protection 
 of the British Commander ; but the real object of the visit of 
 these ministers of the Ameer was, in Sir Frederick's opinion, 
 to use their influence in preventing him from getting supplies, 
 to blind him as to the real state of affairs, and, above all, to 
 seek by every argument in their power to deter him from ad- 
 vancing on Cabul. The Ameer's ministers arrived at Ali Kheyl 
 on the 23rd September, and during their stay, which extended 
 over three days, were treated with becoming consideration and 
 respect. In their conversations with Roberts and his political 
 officers, they pretended that their master desired the assistance 
 and protection of a British force, but at a later period ; while at 
 the same time they wrote to Lord Lytton deprecating an imme- 
 diate advance, and secretly used all their influence to deter the 
 Jajis, Turis, Ghilzyes, and others from furnishing supplies. 
 
 In the Commander of the Cabul Field Force these wily 
 Orientals found one versed in the treacherous ways of East- 
 erns, a man whose open, truthful nature did not blind him to the 
 insincerity and downright lying which is untlushingly practised 
 among Asiatics of the governing class from Constantinople to 
 the wall of China. Taking this view of the Afghan character 
 in general, and that of the two emissaries of Yakoob Khan in 
 particular, Sir Frederick Roberts was civil to them, but let them 
 clearly understand that they did not blind him by their protesta- 
 tions and pretences, and that as soon as he had collected suffi- 
 cient supplies for the advance he would move on Cabul without fail. 
 
 It would be almost impossible to exaggerate the difficulties of 
 Sir Frederick Roberts's position at this time. With a force of 
 
 Q
 
 226 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 6,500 men, and with supplies and transport for only one half 
 that number, he was required to advance upon Cabul before a 
 fall of snow had rendered the Shutargardan impassable, and 
 mete a swift and crushing punishment on that city and the 
 Ameer's Army for their treachery towards a British Ambas- 
 sador. During the winter, once across the Shutargardan, he 
 would be thrown on the resources of the country and the sup- 
 plies forwarded by the line of the Kyber Pass, with open 
 enemies to contest his hold of the country, and secret foes in 
 his camp. He could not also blind himself to the difficulties 
 of the march on the capital. The Afghan Army, so carefully 
 raised and disciplined by Shere AH, had not yet been broken by 
 defeat on their own soil, and the populace were numerous, fana- 
 tical, and inured to the use of arms. They had taken up 
 positions selected by themselves of enormous strength, while 
 the Intelligence Department of the British General was defec- 
 tive, and he was embarrassed -by the attitude, and, a few days 
 later, by the presence of the Ameer, as whose ostensible ally 
 he was about to restore his authority over his rebellious capital. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts' s orders from the Viceroy requiring him 
 to keep on terms with the Ameer, he wrote to him a conciliatory 
 letter from AH Kheyl, to which he received a reply, suggestive, 
 in the General's opinion, of a guilty conscience, and in this 
 view he was strengthened by the conduct of Yakoob's envoys, 
 and, at a later date, of the Ameer himself, who, Sir Frederick 
 knew, though he was obliged to treat him as a friend and ally, 
 was seeking from the vantage point of the British Camp to 
 thwart his every move. 
 
 In contrasting to us the difficulties and achievements of his 
 world-famed march from Cabul to Candahar, in August, 1880, 
 with the advance on Cabul, in September to October of the pre- 
 vious year, Sir Frederick Roberts expressed his opinion that 
 the latter was incomparably a more arduous and brilliant 
 feat of arms, and this opinion, he added, would be endorsed by 
 every competent military critic ; but the world was struck by 
 the boldness and rapidity of the masterly advance through 
 Afghanistan, bringing to mind Napoleon's march into Italy, or 
 across Spain in pursuit of Sir John Moore, while the swift 
 reconnoissance of the 31st August, and battle of the following 
 day, was quite in the " reni, vidi, vici " style, so familiar to
 
 General Order to the Army. 227 
 
 every schoolboy, and commanded the popular applause, which, 
 indeed, it well merited. 
 
 So successful were the arrangements made by Sir Frederick 
 Roberts for collecting supplies, that, before the snow had cut off 
 his communications with Ali Kheyl, three or four months' sup- 
 plies were collected for his troops and camp followers, and six 
 weeks' forage for his animals. By the 18th September he had 
 firmly established on the summit of the Pass the 72nd High- 
 landers, 5th Goorkhas, 23rd Pioneers, No. 2 Mountain Battery, 
 and the 7th Company of Sappers and Miners. In addition 200 
 men of the 5th Punjaubees were posted in the walled serai at 
 Karatiga, 1|- miles from the Sirkai Kotul. 
 
 On the 24th September, while at Ali Kheyl, Sir Frederick 
 Roberts issued the following general order to the troops under 
 his command : 
 
 " The Government of India having decided that the Kurram 
 Field Force shall proceed with all possible despatch to Cabul, 
 in response to his Highness the Ameer's appeal for aid, and 
 with the object of avenging the dastardly murder of the British 
 representative and his escort, Sir Frederick Roberts feels sure 
 that the troops under his command will respond to the call with 
 a determination to prove themselves worthy of the sacred duty 
 entrusted to them and of the high reputation they have main- 
 tained during the recent campaign. 
 
 " The Major-General need address no words of exhortation 
 to soldiers whose courage and fortitude have been so well 
 proved. The Afghan tribes are numerous, but without organi- 
 zation ; the regular army is undisciplined, and, whatever may 
 be the disparity in numbers, such foes can never be formidable 
 to British troops. The dictates of humanity require that a 
 distinction should be made between the peaceable inhabitants 
 of Afghanistan and the treacherous murderers for whom a just 
 retribution is in store, and Sir Frederick Roberts desires to 
 impress on all ranks the necessity for treating the inoffensive 
 population with justice, forbearance, and clemency. The 
 future comfort and well-being of the force depend largely on 
 the friendliness of our relations with the districts from which 
 our supplies must be drawn ; prompt payment is enjoined for 
 all articles purchased by departments and individuals, and all 
 disputes must be at once referred to a political officer for deci- 
 
 O 2
 
 228 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 sion. The Major- General confidently looks forward to the 
 successful accomplishment of the object of the expedition, and 
 the re-establishment of order, and a settled government in 
 Afghanistan." 
 
 The first shot fired in the campaign was on the 22nd 
 September, when a combined attack was made by Mangals and 
 Ghilzyes upon a telegraph party whilst on the march between 
 the Sirkai Kotul and Karatiga. Between 200 and 300 of these 
 tribesmen attacked the party, who were escorted by eleven 
 sepoys of the 5th Punjaub Infantry, and killed seven of the 
 latter, one telegraph linesman, twelve muleteers, and five coolies, 
 and captured the eighty-four mules intended to convey the 
 telegraph poles from Karatiga to Shutargardan. They also 
 attacked a party of 50 men of the 72nd Highlanders, stationed 
 in a block-house on the Sirkai Kotul, but were repulsed with 
 loss. A detachment of this regiment from Kazim Kheyl was 
 sent in pursuit of the marauders, but without success. 
 
 On the 24th Brigadier-General Baker moved from Shutar- 
 gardan with a column,* and, passing through Dobandi, which 
 was found to have been deserted by its inhabitants, crossed 
 over the Shinkai Kotul, and reached Kooshi the same evening, 
 thus securing the entrance into the Logar Valley. 
 
 Three days later Sir Frederick Roberts moved from Ali 
 Kheyl to the Shutargardan in company with the headquarters 
 of the Cavalry Brigade, one squadron 9th Lancers, 5th Pun- 
 jaub Cavalry, 28th Punjaub N.I., and a detachment of the 
 5th Punjaub Infantry. The infantry were directed to bring 
 up the rear, whilst the General, with his staff and the cavalry, 
 pushed forward in order to reach Kazim Kheyl or the Pass 
 before dark. On the road he had a narrow escape, and the 
 event proved that the tribesmen all along the line of route 
 were in a dangerous state of excitement. About 10.30 the 
 General was fortunately joined by twenty-five men of the 92nd 
 Highlanders, whom Colonel Perkins had taken the precaution 
 to send from Karatiga to act as an advance guard, in conse- 
 quence of a rumoured gathering of Mangals and Ghilzyes in 
 the Hazardarakht defile. At 11 A.M., whilst halting to allow 
 
 * The following troops accompanied General Baker : F Battery A 
 Brigade Royal Horse Artillery ; 12th Bengal Cavalry ; 2 guns No. 2 
 Mountain Battery ; one Company 72nd Highlanders ; 7th Company Sappers 
 and Miners ; 5th Goorkhas, and 23rd Pioneers.
 
 Roberts has a Narrow Escape. 229 
 
 the luggage to come up, General Roberts received a report that 
 2,000 Mangals barred his advance, occupying the Pass between 
 Jaji Thanna and Karatiga, and Captain Vousden, 5th Punjaub 
 Cavalry, who was ordered to reconnoitre, reported that the 
 enemy held in force both sides of the ravine half a mile 
 beyond Jaji Thanna. Suddenly a large party of Mangals, who 
 had been lying in ambush, fired a volley at the General and 
 the headquarter staff, and Deputy Surgeon-General Townsend, 
 head of the Medical Department, was severely wounded by a 
 bullet which entered his right cheek. The Highlanders and a 
 troop of dismounted Lancers cleared the northern side of the 
 gorge, but the enemy clung to the precipitous hills on the south, 
 and some time elapsed before they were driven from their posi- 
 tion. The 28th Punjaub Native Infantry, on arriving, held a 
 commanding hill until the rearguard had passed. 
 
 General Hills, C.B., V.C., Roberta's old Addiscombe friend, 
 who had joined him at Ali Kheyl, having received leave from 
 the Commander-in-Chief to accompany him to Cabul in an 
 unofficial capacity, describes the narrow escape General Roberts 
 had on this occasion : " We pushed forward towards the pass, 
 when suddenly we were confronted with a party of Afghans, 
 who had taken up a position commanding the road, which lay 
 up the dry bed in the Hazardarakht defile. Waiting till the 
 headquarters came up, the enemy let drive into the 'brown' of 
 them. I was riding alongside Townsend, who received a slug 
 in his cheek, and General Roberts was a little ahead. Roberts 
 dismounted the Lancers, and they, and the company of the 
 92nd, fortunately sent from Shutargardan, drove them off." 
 
 Meanwhile a smart affair had been in progress in the 
 direction of Karatiga, whence had been despatched a small 
 detachment consisting of eighteen men of the 92nd Highlanders 
 and forty-five of the 3rd Sikhs, led by Colour-Sergeant Hector 
 Macdonald and Jemadar Shere Mahomed. This gallant band 
 fought their way up a steep spur commanding the Hazardarakht 
 defile, and drove off the enemy, inflicting severe loss, and thus 
 cleared the way for the General and his staff. 
 
 These events showed that caution would be necessary, and 
 Brigadier- General Macpherson, commanding the troops thai 
 moved, on the 29th September, from Ali Kheyl to join the 
 General, took precautions to guard the large convoy of 1,500
 
 230 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 laden animals he was escorting. A feeble attack was made 
 in the Hazardarakht defile on the rear-guard of the column 
 by a small party of marauders, but they were beaten off by 
 the 67th Regiment. 
 
 Pushing on, Sir Frederick Roberts only rested one night 
 at the Shutargardan Pass. A General Officer who accompanied 
 Mm described to us the rapidity of the movements of his 
 friend, who, in order to economize transport, made the cavalry 
 horses carry rations and arms, while the men walked beside 
 their steeds over the Pass. . On the 28th September General 
 Roberts reached Kooshi, where the Ameer Yakoob Khan, 
 accompanied by his eldest son, by Sirdars Yahya Khan, 
 Daoud Shah, the Mustaufi, "VVuzeer Gholam Mahomed Khan, 
 and a suite of forty-five persons, with an escort of 200 horse- 
 men, had arrived on the preceding day, and been received by 
 Brigadier- General Baker, commanding the advance. Sir 
 Frederick Roberts paid a formal visit to the Ameer, accom- 
 panied by his staff, Brigade Commanders, and by Major- 
 General James Hills. He was received by Daoud Shah, late 
 Commander-in-Chief, and conducted into the presence of the 
 Ameer, where the usual inquiries as to health were made, 
 after which the British General left. During the course of the 
 afternoon the Ameer, accompanied by his son and the nobles 
 of his suite, returned the visit. 
 
 Sir Frederick replied to the Ameer's pleading for delay, that not 
 even for one day would he defer his march on Cabul, and the 
 latter returned to his tent, having failed to convince or turn his 
 host, whose suavity of manner was only equalled by his determina- 
 tion, the pressure of the iron hand being apparent beneath 
 the velvet glove. Yakoob's treacherous attitude in the British 
 Camp may be described in the words Cassius used of Antony : 
 
 " The posture of your blows are yet unknown, 
 But for your words, they rob the Hybla bees, 
 And leave them honeyless." 
 
 Roberts firmly declined to delay his advance or listen to 
 the pleadings of Yakoob, to whom his reply was similar to 
 that of Octavius : 
 
 " I draw a sword against conspirators ; 
 When think you that the sword goes up again ? 
 Never till Caesar's three-and-thirty wounds 
 Be well avenged."
 
 Roberts s Determination of Character. 231 
 
 Yakoob Khan, who now practised deception, had himself 
 learnt by painful experience to value aright the word of an 
 Afghan ruler. Though Shere Ali guaranteed his safe conduct 
 by an oath on the Koran, yet even the father, when he got 
 his sou into his power, threw him into a dungeon, where he 
 pined for many years in darkness and solitude. 
 
 Transport was the weak point of the situation, and only four- 
 teen days'supplies could be taken, but with such tried Regiments 
 as the 72nd Highlanders and 5th Goorkhas, and magnificent 
 corps like the 92nd Highlanders and 67th Regiment, commanded 
 by Brigadiers like Baker and Macpherson, General Roberts 
 had no fear as to the result of his daring move, while his 
 soldiers on their part reciprocated the feeling of confidence. 
 
 On the 29th September the Cavalry Brigade, under General 
 Massy, with two guns of the Horse Artillery, two Companies 
 72nd Highlanders, and the 5th Punjaub Infantry, moved from 
 Kooshi to Zerghan Shah to collect supplies. The same day the 
 rear-guard, under General Macpherson, marched to the Shutar- 
 gardan, and next day arrived at Kooshi. On the 1st October 
 the last of the troops intended for the advance on Cabul arrived 
 at Kooshi from Ali Kheyl, when the force* at Sir Frederick 
 Roberts's disposal numbered 192 officers, 2,558 Europeans, and 
 3,867 natives, with 18 guns. 
 
 * The following were the troops that accompanied Sir Frederick Roberts 
 to Cabul : 
 
 Divisional and Brigade Staff Officers, 60. 
 
 F Battery, A Brigade, R.H.A. 
 
 G Battery, 3rd Brigade, R.A. 
 
 No. 2 Mountain Battery 
 
 9th Lancers 
 
 5th Bengal Cavalry . 
 
 12th Bengal Cavalry 
 
 14th Bengal Cavalry 
 
 67th Regiment 
 
 72nd Highlanders . 
 
 92nd Highlanders . 
 
 5th Punjaub Infantry 
 
 23rd Pioneers . 
 
 28th Punjaub Native Infantry 
 
 5 Goorkhas . . 
 
 7th Company Sappers 
 
 Two Gatling Guns . 
 
 Also about 6,000 camp followers and 3,500 transport animals. 
 
 Officers. 
 [.A 7 
 A 7 
 
 Men. 
 118 
 137 
 
 3 
 
 223 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 118 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 325 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 328 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 407 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 686 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 746 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 717 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 610 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 671 
 
 ntry 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 636 
 
 , 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 574 
 
 Miners 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 95 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 34
 
 232 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 On the preceding day Sir Frederick went to Zerghan Shah, 
 where he met Wall Mahomed Khan and several other Sirdars, 
 chiefly Barukzyes, from Cabul, all of whom professed great 
 friendship for the Indian Government. The rapidity with 
 which the two Batteries of Horse and Foot Artillery had crossed 
 the Shutargardan Pass, hitherto deemed impracticable for 
 wheeled guns, filled these Sirdars and all Afghans with 
 astonishment. 
 
 Sir Frederick returned to Kooshi the same day, and, on the 
 1st October, issued the following notification to the Troops, 
 impressing upon them the necessity for discipline and self- 
 restraint : " Sir Frederick Roberts desires general officers, and 
 officers commanding corps, to impress upon all officers under 
 their command the necessity for constant vigilance in prevent- 
 ing irregularities likely to arouse the personal jealousies of the 
 people of Cabul, who are, of all races, most susceptible as 
 regards their women. The deep-seated animosity of the 
 Afghans towards the English has been mainly ascribed to in- 
 discretions committed during the first occupation of Cabul, and 
 the Major-General trusts that the same discipline so long 
 exhibited by the troops under his command will remove the 
 prejudices of past years, and cause the British name to be 
 as highly respected in Afghanistan as it is throughout the 
 civilized world." 
 
 The references to the personal jealousies of the people of 
 Cabul, and the "indiscretions committed during the first occu- 
 pation of Cabul," referred to a delicate subject touched upon by 
 Sir John Kayeinhis " History of the first Afghan War," which 
 greatly incensed against their conquerors the Afghan nation, 
 who, like all Mahornedan nations, Are sensitive as regards 
 their women. 
 
 In his general order, issued at Ali Kheyl on the 24th Sep- 
 tember, Sir Frederick Roberts, with the humanity for which he 
 was conspicuous, enjoined on his army, " the necessity for 
 treating the inoffensive population with justice, forbearance, and 
 clemency," and, on the 3rd October, he issued a proclamation to 
 the people of Cabul, copies of which were sent in advance of 
 the column, requiring those who had taken no part in the 
 massacre of the Cavaguari Mission, and the well-disposed, and
 
 Proclamation to the People of Cabul. 233 
 
 especially the women and children, to arrange for their safety 
 by either coming into his camp or by removing from the city. 
 In conclusion, he gave warning that, after the receipt of this 
 proclamation, " all persons found armed in or about Cabul will 
 be treated as the enemies of the British Government."* 1 
 
 A little before noon on the 2nd October Sir Frederick 
 Roberts, accompanied by the Ameer and his Sirdars, marched 
 with two infantry brigades from Kooshi for Zerghan Shah, 
 where Generals Baker and Massy were posted. On the fol- 
 lowing day the march was resumed by headquarters and 
 Massy's and Macpherson's Brigades for Zahidabad, a distance 
 of fifteen miles. The road lay along the Logar Valley, past 
 several villages, which formed a pleasant contrast to the inhos- 
 pitable region about the Shutargardan, and over the Logar 
 River. The movements of the Cabul Field Force were much 
 hampered by the presence in the camp of so many Princes 
 and Sirdars, with their retinue. There were now Yakoob 
 Khan and his father-in-law, Yahya Khan, and his troop of 
 nobles and large escort ; Wali Mahomed Khan, and the 
 Barukzye Sirdars, all antagonistic towards each other, and 
 only as one in their distrust and hatred of the foreign invader. 
 
 * The following is the text of this proclamation issued at Zerghan Shah 
 on the 3rd of October : 
 
 " Be it known to all, that the British Army is advancing on Cabul to take 
 possession of the city. If it be allowed to do so peaceably, well and good, 
 if not, the city will be seized by force. Therefore all well-disposed persons 
 who have taken no part in the dastardly murder of the British Embassy, 
 or in the plunder of the Residency, are warned that if they are unable to 
 prevent resistance being offered to the entrance of the British Army, and to 
 the authority of his Highness the Ameer, they should make immediate 
 arrangements for their own safety, either by coming into the British camp, 
 or by such other measures as may seem fit to them. And as the British 
 Government does not make war on women and children, warning is given 
 that all women and children should be removed from the city beyond the 
 reach of harm. The British Government desires to treat all classes with 
 justice, and to respect their religious feelings and customs, while exacting 
 full retribution from offenders. Every effort will therefore be made to pre- 
 vent the innocent suffering with the guilty. But it is necessary that the 
 utmost precaution should be taken against useless opposition. Therefore, 
 after the receipt of the proclamation, all persons found armed in or about 
 Cabul will be treated as the enemies of the British Government ; and further, 
 it must be clearly understood, that if the entry of the British force is 
 resisted, I cannot hold myself responsible for any accidental mischief which 
 may be done to persons and property, even of well-disposed people who may 
 have neglected this warning."
 
 234 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 On the 2nd October, the day Sir Frederick Roberts quitted 
 Zerghan Shah, the Mangals and Ghilzyes made a most deter- 
 mined attack on the entrenched camp at the Shutargardan, 
 where the General had left, as a permanent garrison, 4 guns 
 No. 1 Mountain Battery, the 3rd Sikhs and 21st Punjaub 
 Native Infantry, under Colonel G. N. Money, of the 3rd Sikhs, 
 an officer in whose coolness and judgment he placed a reliance 
 which was justified by subsequent events. The enemy, 
 emboldened by the weakening of the force, and calculating on 
 an easy victory, took up a position on the hills overlooking the 
 crest of the pass at 7 A.M. on the 2nd October. As it was 
 necessary to secure this crest in order to maintain heliographic 
 communication with Sir Frederick Roberts in the Logar Valley, 
 Colonel Money sent Major Griffiths with 100 men of the 3rd 
 Sikhs, together with a party of signallers, to occupy it. But 
 a strong body of the enemy anticipated the movement, and 
 seized the crest, on which Colonel Money sent 100 men of the 
 3rd Sikhs to reinforce Major Griffiths, who was desired to halt 
 for a short time at the request of Captain Turner, the Political 
 Officer, who expected the arrival in Camp of Alla-ood-deen, 
 brother of Padshah Khan, Chief of the Ghilzyes, who, it was 
 hoped, would exercise a moderating influence and induce the 
 tribesmen to withdraw. 
 
 The enemy, some 1,500 men, mistaking this hesitation for 
 pusillanimity, began firing on Major Griffiths' s party, on which 
 Colonel Money ordered the advance. Captain Morgan opened 
 fire with his Mountain Battery, and Major Griffiths attacked 
 with 200 men of his regiment, and 50 of the 21st Punjaub 
 Native Infantry, with 150 of the same regiment in reserve, and 
 carried the position at the point of the bayonet, himself receiving 
 a wound. The enemy fled in all directions, and for some time 
 the Shutargardan force received no more molestation. 
 
 Owing to the deficiency in the transport animals, which were 
 required to work double tides, General Baker's Brigade halted 
 one day at Zerghan Shah, when they pushed on for Zahidabad. 
 On nearing the bridge over the Logar River, the rear-guard, 
 under the command of Major C. M. Stockwell, 72nd High- 
 landers (now Colonel Stockwell, C.B., A.D.C.), was attacked 
 by the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages. Captain R. G.
 
 Fighting at the Shutargardan. 235 
 
 Kennedy, Deputy-Assistant-Quartermaster-General, who was 
 superintending the passage of the river, was wounded. At 
 one time, says the General, the enemy approached so close that 
 it became necessary for the covering companies of the 72nd 
 Highlanders to drive them back at the point of the bayonet. 
 Nothing could exceed the steadiness throughout the campaign 
 of this fine regiment, which repeated in Egypt the lessons they 
 learned in Afghanistan under the leadership of soldiers like 
 Brownlow and Stockwell. As Campbell, the national poet, 
 sings : 
 
 "Triumphant be the thistle still unfurled, 
 Dear symbol wild ! on Freedom's hill it grows, 
 Where Fingal stemmed the tyrants of the world, 
 And Roman eagles found unconquered foes." 
 
 The villagers repeated these hostile acts on the 4th October, 
 and on the following morning, before leaving Zahidabad, Sir 
 Frederick Koberts despatched a force to punish them.* 
 
 * Sir Frederick Roberts, after perusal of the MS. of this chapter of the 
 Memoir, wrote to us : " I have just been reading with great interest 
 chapter XII. of the Memoir. It was the part I was most anxious should 
 be carefully written, and I must congratulate you on having done it 
 extremely well."
 
 236 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 CHAPTEE XIII. 
 
 Advance on Cabul Battle of Charasia Sir Frederick Roberts arrives 
 before the Capital His Visit to the Scene of the Massacre of the 
 British Mission Occupation of the Bala Hissar Proclamation of the 
 12th of October The Punishment Meted out to Cabul. 
 
 ON the 5th October Sir Frederick Koberts, accompanied by 
 General Baker's Brigade, strengthened by the 92nd Highlanders, 
 marched to Charasia, eleven miles distant from Cabul, and with 
 Baker's and Massy's Brigades he had the honour of adding to 
 the achievements of the British Army, not the least brilliant 
 of the many History records. As the insufficiency of carriage 
 did not permit of both brigades moving together, Brigadier- 
 General Macpherson was left to protect the reserve ammunition 
 and commissariat stores at Zahidabad, with a wing of the 67th 
 Regiment, 28th Punjaub Native Infantry, two guns of No. 2 
 Mountain Battery, and a squadron of the 5th Punjaub Cavalry. 
 
 General Roberta's camp was pitched about a mile from the 
 orchards, south of the village of Charasia, which lies at the foot 
 of the ranges of steep and high hills, extending east and west, 
 the Chardeh Valley lying on the left front over a more gradual 
 slope, and in front a mass of mountains, excluding all view of 
 Cabul. 
 
 Charasia is a highly cultivated valley, having a breadth of 
 about two miles. The ranges of hills overlooking the village of 
 the same name rise one behind the other, that in the imme- 
 diate rear being very precipitous, with four or five peaks stand- 
 ing out in bold relief. Between this range and another lies the 
 Sang-i-Nawishta Pass, through which the Logar River passes 
 into the Cabul valley. The road beside the river, being com- 
 manded by the high hills on either side, would be difficult to 
 force if properly defended, and the Afghan Commander, Sirdar 
 Nek Mahomed Elian (son of the great Ameer, Dost Mahomed, and
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts s Plans. 237 
 
 uncle of Yakoob Khan), posted twelve guns on the heights, 
 and three or four others on the plains below. But he counted 
 without his host, for the British General intended to make a 
 feint attack by the Sang-i-Nawishta Pass, and his main attack 
 by the road skirting the hills into the Chardeh valley. 
 
 Immediately on arriving at Charasia Sir Frederick Koberts 
 sent reconnoitring parties of cavalry along the three roads lead- 
 ing towards Cabul, but though a few shots were fired at them, 
 there were no traces visible of any large body of the enemy. 
 When night set in the General threw strong pickets all round 
 the camp, and gave directions to the commander of his cavalry 
 brigade to despatch patrols at daybreak to feel for the enemy, of 
 whose intention to attack him, or bar his advance on the capi- 
 tal, he was convinced, though he could obtain no information 
 from the Ameer or his Ministers and Sirdars. But this want 
 of intelligence, and apparent absence of the enemy, did not 
 influence him in his determination to seize as soon as possible 
 after dawn the crest of the Sang-i-Nawishta Pass, by which road 
 to Cabul he had decided to advance, and which was between 
 five and six miles in advance of his camp at Charasia. During 
 the course of the same day the 1,500 baggage animals were 
 sent back to Zahidabad to bring up the stores under escort 
 of Macpherson's Brigade. There was much difficulty in pro- 
 curing supplies from the neighbouring villages, and Yakoob 
 Khan, who anticipated that the British would meet with a 
 repulse, made no effort to assist them. 
 
 Having formed his plans with the rapidity he had displayed 
 on the eve of the memorable capture of Peiwar Kotul, Sir Fred- 
 erick resolved to attack before the enemy, who were already in 
 great force, had further strengthened their position. He came 
 to this resolution, though he had with him little more than 
 half his infantry ; but with the intuition of genius, he divined 
 that no considerations could outweigh those demanding im- 
 mediate action, although the enemy outnumbered him probably 
 three to one, and held positions along the ridge, which sloped 
 on one side to the Sang-i-Nawishta Pass, and on the other to 
 the road by the Chardeh Valley to Cabul, which would be re- 
 garded as impregnable to attack by any but a large force of the 
 best troops. Such were those under Roberts's command,
 
 238 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 seasoned and highly-disciplined soldiers, for the most part 
 veterans who had learnt to despise the enemy when led by a 
 General in whom they had confidence, and whose eagerness was 
 increased by a strong desire to measure themselves with the re- 
 creants who had committed the cowardly massacre of the British 
 Envoy and his escort. 
 
 Soon after daybreak on the 6th October, as Benvolio says : 
 
 " An hour before the worshipp'd sun 
 Peer'd forth the golden window of the East," 
 
 Sir Frederick Koberts sent some infantry to work on a difficult 
 place on the road through the Sang-i-Nawishta defile, and was 
 about to follow himself to examine personally the pass and the 
 ground beyond, when, before these arrangements could be carried 
 out, the cavalry patrols were fired upon and compelled to return, 
 and all doubts as to the intentions of the enemy were dispelled. 
 He writes : " Troops could be seen in large numbers and 
 regular formation, crowning the crest line of the hills which 
 extended from the narrow defile of the Sang-i-Nawishta (both 
 sides of which were held) in their extreme left, to the heights 
 above the Chardeh valley which formed their right. No hurry 
 nor confusion marked their movements ; positions were taken 
 up and guns placed with so much deliberation and coolness that 
 it was evident a large number of regular troops were massed 
 against us." Soon afterwards Sir Frederick Roberts received 
 a report that the cavalry patrols had been fired upon, and were 
 retiring slowly. 
 
 Meantime General Macpherson's Brigade was making its 
 way from Zahidabad, and a report was received that the road 
 was blocked, and the column, with its endless string of baggage 
 animals, would be attacked. Sir Frederick sent a squadron of 
 cavalry to Macpherson's assistance, and directed him to push on 
 with all despatch to join him. 
 
 The condition of affairs at this time was most critical. The 
 enemy occupied in front a position, described to us by a General 
 officer who was present, as " impregnable to a direct attack, 
 but from which it was imperatively necessary that they should 
 be dislodged before dark." Their occupation of the heights 
 intervening between the British advance and Cabul could not be 
 tolerated, while it was evident that they were mustering in strong
 
 Critical Position of the British. 239 
 
 force on the hills on both sides of the camp, with the object of 
 waiting for nightfall or a favourable opportunity to attack. 
 General Eoberts had only two-thirds of his small force at his 
 disposal, and yet he decided on an immediate advance on the 
 enemy's position, for every hour he knew would add to its 
 strength, as behind those hills, and the forces arrayed thereon 
 against him, lay the city of Cabul, with its extensive suburbs of 
 Chardeh and Deh-i-Afghan, and the villages of the Cabul 
 Plain, filled with a teeming population, every male adult of 
 whom was inured to bear arms from his youth, and which, as 
 the events of the following December showed, could turn out 
 over 100,000 fighting men. A reverse, of course, under the 
 circumstances, would mean annihilation, and success could 
 only be achieved by a vigorous offensive movement, such 
 as General Eoberts was the officer to conceive and his brave 
 troops the men to execute. 
 
 The preparations for capturing the heights above Charasia 
 completed, the General put once more into execution the 
 flanking tactics he had adopted with such success on the 2nd 
 December. " Their position," says the General, " was so strong 
 and could only have been carried with such loss, that I deter- 
 mined the real attack should be made by an outflanking move- 
 ment upon the right of the enemy, while their left continued to 
 be occupied by a feint from our right." Dividing his force* 
 into two parts, he entrusted to Brigadier-General Baker the 
 difficult task of dislodging the enemy from the heights above 
 the Chardeh valley, which formed their extreme right, and 
 placed at his disposal a force of about 2,000 men, while a 
 second column, under Major White, of the 92nd Highlanders, 
 was directed to proceed towards the Sang-i-Nawishta defile, 
 
 * General Baker's Column consisted of the 72nd Highlanders, under 
 Colonel Clarke ; 4 guns No. 2 Mountain Battery, Captain Swinley, R.A. ; 
 and 2 Gatling Guns, Captain Broadfoot, R.A. ; 7th Company of Sappers 
 and Miners, Lieutenant Nugent, R.E. ; 6 Companies 5th Goorkhas, Major 
 Fitzhugh ; 200 bayonets 5th Punjaub Infantry, Captain Hall ; and 450 
 of the 23rd Pioneers, Lieutenant-Colonel Currie. Major White took with 
 him 3 guns G Battery, 3rd Brigade, Royal Artillery, Major Parry ; wing of 
 92nd Highlanders, Major Hay ; 2 squadrons of Cavalry made up of the 9th 
 Lancers, 5th Punjaub Cavalry and 12th Bengal Cavalry, under Major 
 Hammond ; 5th Punjaub Cavalry ; and 100 men of the 23rd Pioneers, 
 Captain Paterson.
 
 240 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 where the enemy had concentrated all their guns, in the belief 
 that the main British attack would be on that point. 
 
 Owing to his numerical weakness Sir Frederick Roberts could 
 not retain in camp any considerable number of troops from the 
 two attacking columns, and as General Macpherson's Brigade 
 was advancing from the rear, he decided to incur the danger 
 that would have arisen from a determined attack on his camp, 
 which was one of those inseparable from the conduct of war- 
 like operations. He was in constant communication with the 
 operating columns by means of the heliograph, directed by 
 Captain Straton, and indeed without this novel but valuable 
 adjunct to the equipment of an army in the field, he could not 
 have conducted the operations to a successful conclusion with 
 such precision. 
 
 General Baker assembled his little force in the wooded enclo- 
 sures of Charasia, a collection of detached villages, such as are 
 common in the country, in the most convenient of which he 
 placed his reserve ammunition and Field Hospital, and helio- 
 graphed to General Roberts to increase the strength of the 
 guard he was able to leave in charge. The General, accord- 
 ingly, sent at once 100 rifles of the 5th Punjaub Infantry, fol- 
 lowed by the remainder of the regiment as soon as he could 
 procure sufficient transport for their ammunition. The troops 
 defending the camp were now reduced to between 600 and 700 
 infantry and 450 cavalry.* 
 
 Having secured his base, General Baker advanced over 
 " some bare undulating hills, forming a position easily defen- 
 sible, and flanked by steep, rocky crags, varying in height from 
 1,000 to 1,800 feet above the sloping plain which our troops 
 had to cross." The main position of the enemy, which com- 
 manded their entire front, and was only accessible in a few 
 places, was about 400 feet higher. Seeing the great natural 
 strength of the position, General Baker directed Major White, 
 who was placed under his orders, " to continue threatening the 
 Sang-i-Nawishta Defile, to prevent the enemy occupying the 
 village of Charasia, and to advance within artillery fire of the 
 
 * See Sir Frederick Roberta's despatch, dated " Bala Hissar, Cabul, 20th 
 October, 1879," to which we are mainly indebted for the account of the 
 action of Charasia.
 
 Battle of Charasia. 241 
 
 enemy's main position," and finally, as soon as the outflanking 
 movement was fully developed, and the enemy were in full 
 retreat, to pursue through the pass with his cavalry, all which 
 instructions Major White carried out with the soldierly ability 
 anticipated by General Eoberts when he selected him to com- 
 mand the supporting column. The first portion of Brigadier- 
 General Baker's force to become engaged was Captain Brooke- 
 Hunt's Company of the 92nd Highlanders, which was ex- 
 tended to crown the heights on the left, the remainder of the 
 regiment, protected by the fire of two mountain guns, making 
 the attack in front. Soon the Highlanders found their advance 
 checked by the extremely difficult nature of the ground on their 
 left flank, where the enemy, ensconced behind " sungas," or 
 stone breastworks, opened a hot fire. General Baker brought 
 forward two companies of the 5th Goorkhas, under Captain 
 Cook, V.C., to strengthen Captain Brooke-Hunt, and two more 
 companies of that regiment, under Major Fitzhugh, and 200 
 rifles of the 5th Punjaub Infantry, under Captain Hall, were 
 sent to reinforce the direct attack. The Afghan commander 
 now seeing that the real attack was directed against his right, 
 brought his men from the direction of the Sang-i-Nawishta 
 Defile, and his British antagonist strained every nerve to carry 
 the position before it could be reinforced. 
 
 After some spirited fighting, in which Lieutenant Martin, of 
 the Goorkhas, specially distinguished himself, about two o'clock 
 the British troops succeeded in seizing the ridge on the left of the 
 position, thus exposing the enemy to a heavy cross-fire, which in- 
 flicted great loss. The general advance was now sounded, and 
 soon the British troops were in possession of the first position. 
 The Afghans now took up a position about 600 yards in the rear, 
 but from this they were driven, after some sharp fighting, our 
 troops advancing in rushes, supported by the fire of the 
 mountain guns. In this affair, says the General, the attack 
 made by a company of the 23rd Pioneers, led by Lieutenant 
 Chesney, supported by the 72nd Highlanders, 5th Goorkhas, 
 and two companies of the 92nd Highlanders, " proved irre- 
 sistible." 
 
 By 3.45 the entire ridge was gained, thus exposing the 
 enemy's line of defence to being taken in reverse, which caused 
 
 B
 
 242 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 them to retire precipitately from their position on the Sang-i- 
 Nawishta, in which quarter the operations were conducted by 
 Major White with a judgment and skill that fully justified the 
 trust reposed in him by Sir Frederick Roberts. When the 
 enemy, perceiving that the real attack was on the right of their 
 position, weakened their left resting on the defile, Major White 
 attacked with spirit, himself leading his men with characteristic 
 gallantry. The Afghans gave way, leaving some guns in his 
 hands, on which he pursued them through the pass and effected 
 a junction with General Baker in the rear of the enemy's 
 position. Their loss was estimated by Sir Frederick Roberts 
 at upwards of 300 men killed, besides a large number wounded. 
 All their guns, 20 in number, brought out from Cabul to assist 
 in the defence of the position, were captured. Sir Frederick 
 Roberts calculated that thirteen regiments of regular infantry 
 were opposed to him, and they were aided by contingents from 
 the city and neighbouring villages. In addition there was a 
 large muster of tribesmen, chiefly Ghilzyes, on the hills which 
 lay to the east and west of the camp, who caused some annoy- 
 ance, but were dislodged by a detachment of the 92nd High- 
 landers, and prevented from venturing into the plain by patrols 
 of cavalry. General Macpherson's advance from Zahidabad, 
 with a large convoy of stores and reserve ammunition, was also 
 opposed, but he easily drove off his assailants, and after his 
 arrival at the camp, all anxiety on the score of its safety ceased. 
 The British loss in the action of Charasia was 16 soldiers and 
 4 camp followers killed, and 3 officers, 59 men and 5 camp 
 followers wounded ; of these 38 belonged to the 72nd High- 
 landers, of whom several died. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts struck his tents at sunset, as with 
 characteristic promptitude he resolved to follow up the enemy 
 and march through the Sang-i-Nawishta Defile towards Cabul, 
 before they had time to recover themselves and organize further 
 resistance. Events soon proved that had he delayed in attack- 
 ing the enemy on the 6th October, even to the extent of waiting 
 for the arrival of General Macpherson's Brigade, the resistance 
 to be overcome would have been vastly increased, as the regular 
 regiments of the Afghan Army acted as a nucleus, around 
 which the natives rallied, and every hour brought accessions
 
 The Strength of the Enemy. 243 
 
 to the ranks of the opposing force. On this point the Viceroy, 
 writing to the Secretary of State on the 16th October, from 
 Simla, says "It is now known that the plans for arresting the 
 advance of our troops upon Cabul had been carefully laid, and 
 that the Ghilzyes had been instructed to act against the flanks 
 and rear of our column, while the regular troops and the 
 Cabul people undertook to bar its passage across the hills in 
 front." 
 
 It was the receipt of information to this effect that decided 
 the General to attack at once the force on the heights, since 
 delay would have given the enemy time to bring up reinforce- 
 ments from the city, and to strengthen a position rendered 
 sufficiently formidable by nature. 
 
 Early in the morning of the 7th October Sir Frederick 
 moved out of his camp to Beni Hissar (or Ben-i-Shahr, as it 
 is indifferently called) on the Cabul Eoad, with the cavalry 
 brigade, two guns of F-A, Horse Artillery, two guns of G-3, 
 Royal Artillery, a wing of the 92nd Highlanders, 7th company 
 Sappers and Miners, the 23rd Pioneers, and the Gatling guns, 
 his intention being to gather his whole force at Beni Hissar 
 prior to the final advance on Cabul.* Marching by way of 
 
 * The following geographical description of the country about Cabul, 
 which was the scene of stirring events during the next three months, is by 
 the correspondent of the Times (writing from Cabul on the 19th of June :) 
 " As Sir Frederick Roberts's force debouched from the Sang-i-Nawishta 
 Pass into the Cabul Valley, it had on its left a range of hills running 
 almost due north and south, which commencing near Char-Asia, is first 
 broken at the Deh-i-Mazung defile, as it has been convenient to call it. The 
 highest point of this range is the Takht-i-Shah, or King's Throne, a little to 
 the south of Cabul. North of the Takht-i-Shah the range makes a dip, 
 and rises again to what is locally known as the Shahr-Dawaza (City Gate) 
 hill, under which to the east nestles the city of Cabul. The Takht-i-Shah 
 is about 7,600 feet, and the Shah-Dawaza, 7,166 feet above the sea level. A 
 long spur, with a tolerably easy slope, is thrown off from the Takht i-Shah 
 due east to the villages of Beni-Hissar, and another from the Shahr-Dawaza, 
 on the lowest extremity of which latter is placed the Upper and Lower 
 Bala Hissar. This last spur encloses the city of Cabul to the south. In 
 very ancient times the safety of the city from attack from the west was 
 provided for by a masonry wall, which starting from where the Bala Hissar 
 wall ends, is continued. first up the spur and thence along the whole crest 
 of the Shahr-Dawaza, and down the precipitous northern face of it, into 
 the bed of the Cabul river. Tbe range of hills described above is continued 
 on the northern side of the Cabul river, and here changes its course to 
 north-west. The hill immediately above the Cabul river, and facing the 
 northern slopes of the Shah-Dawaza, is known as Asmai, or Koh-Asmai. 
 
 B 2
 
 244 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 the Sang-i-Nawishta Defile, where some parties of hillmen 
 opened fire upon his troops, but were easily dispersed, he 
 arrived at Beni Hissar, where Brigadier-General Baker joined 
 him with the main portion of his force during the same 
 afternoon. 
 
 It must have been with no little eagerness that Sir Frederick 
 Roberts first cast his glance on the towers and ramparts of 
 the Bala Hissar, that famous citadel whose name arouses 
 such painful recollections in the minds of those conversant 
 with the Indian history of 40 years ago. To Roberts the 
 sight must have called up memories of his father, whose 
 services during the Afghan war were so distinguished, and 
 whose warnings were disregarded by a Government who con- 
 tinued to call "Peace, Peace, when there was no Peace." By 
 a strange fatality the son was destined by services that are 
 historical to associate his own name with a fortress which in 
 its blood-stained records has played a part similar to our 
 Tower of London, that palace, prison and fortress in one. Once 
 again, after the lapse of 40 years, the Bala Hissar was to 
 receive a hostile British Army. 
 
 History has indeed repeated itself in a remarkable way, and 
 the writer of this memoir, who, in a work on the first 
 
 The Koh-Asmai is 6,790 feet above the sea at its highest point, just above 
 the Deh-i-Mazung defile. The wall mentioned as starting from the Bala- 
 Hissar is continued up the Koh-Asmai also, and meets at the culminating 
 point a second wall, also carried up the face of the hill from the village or 
 rather suburb of Cabul called Deh-Afghana. The Koh-Asmai has a length 
 of about a mile, when it sinks into a Kotul or saddle ; over it passes one 
 road to Urghundeh and Ghazni, and on the right of the road the hill 
 rises again to a conical point. The whole surface of Koh-Asmai is of the 
 most rugged character, offering numerous peaks and monster rocks most 
 favourable for defence. In conclusion, this range of hills continues a north- 
 westerly course, broken by occasional gaps, until it joins the Pughman 
 range about twenty-two miles from Chara^ia. It forms the northern limit 
 of the beautiful Chardeh Valley, from whence it alters its direction to 
 north-west, just as during its noithern course it had formed the eastern 
 boundary of that valley. It is further the watershed which divides the 
 drainage of the Cabul river from that of the Juibar stream, which runs 
 through the Kohistan country. The Cabul valley itself is a plain only 
 broken by the low flat-topped Siah-Sung hills. The Cabul river approaches 
 the city through the Deh-i Mazung defile, and is over-hung by the Shahr- 
 Dawaza on one side and Koh-Asmai on the other. After passing through 
 the city it takes a north-westerly course, and crossing the road which con- 
 nects the Bala Hissar with Sherpur, it flows about midway between Sherpur 
 and the northern part of the Siah Sung Hills."
 
 The Afghan Wars of 1839 and 1878. 245 
 
 Afghan war,* (drawn from the papers of the late General 
 Augustus Abbott, who served throughout those protracted 
 operations, and commanded the artillery of Sir Robert Sale's 
 force,) published in 1878, deprecated the outbreak of hostilities, 
 and drew a parallel of the circumstances under which war was 
 declared by the Governments of Lords Auckland and Lytton 
 could scarcely have supposed that the coincidences would 
 be still further borne out by the murder of a British envoy, 
 followed by the arrival before Cabul of a British Army of 
 retribution, which, moreover, was commanded, as in 1842, 
 by an officer of the old Bengal Artillery. 
 
 It was ascertained that the Bala Hissar had been evacuated, 
 and the Ameer assured the General that he would meet with 
 no further opposition. Little reliance, however, could be 
 placed on the statements of a man who confidentially informed 
 the British General that he would meet with no resistance at 
 Charasia, whereas it was afterwards discovered that he was 
 kept informed of the true state of affairs by Afghan emis- 
 saries, who visited him in the British Camp during the advance 
 from Kushi, and it was even confidently stated that Nek 
 Mohamed, the Afghan commander at Charasia, was among his 
 visitors, and tried to induce him to place himself at the head 
 of the Army. 
 
 On the morning of the 8th October Sir Frederick Roberts, 
 having received information that those of the enemy who had 
 not dispersed to their homes would probably retreat towards 
 Kohistan, directed General Massy to proceed with the cavalry 
 brigade, consisting of 8 squadrons, or 720 sabres, and take 
 up a position across their line of retreat. From General 
 Massy's report it appears that a hostile force, consisting of 
 remnants of the regiments which had fought at Charasia, to- 
 gether with three fresh regiments, which had arrived on the 
 preceding day from Kohistan, supported by the " budmashes," 
 or bad characters, of the city and neighbouring villages, had 
 taken up a strong position, which was further strengthened by 
 
 * The writer will be pardoned for mentioning that this work found its 
 way into the British Camp before Cabul in 1879-80, and Sir Frederick 
 Roberts informed him that the special correspondent of the Times placed it 
 in his hands for perusal.
 
 246 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 twelve guns, on a high hill beyond the Bala Hissar, called the 
 Asmai heights, immediately overlooking the city on the north- 
 west side. The enemy were under the leadership of Mahomed 
 Jan, a soldier whose name appears prominently in the suc- 
 ceeding operations ; among other chiefs present being Khusdil 
 Khan, who had been deputed by Yakoob Khan to receive and 
 escort to Cabul the Cavagnari mission. 
 
 In order to dislodge the enemy and compel them to fall back 
 on the cavalry, Roberts directed Brigadier- General Baker to 
 advance with a column,* consisting of 1,044 infantry, two guns, 
 and one Gatling. Owing, however, to the difficult nature of 
 the ground, much delay ensued, and the day. was far advanced 
 before Baker found himself near enough to open fire with his 
 guns on the enemy, who were posted in the angle formed by 
 the two walls running up the Koh Asmai from the Bala Hissar 
 and suburb of Deh Afghan, and on the slopes of the hill to the 
 westward. Reinforcements, consisting of a wing of the 67th 
 Regiment, two companies of the 5th Goorkhas, and the remain- 
 ing two guns of No. 2 Mountain Battery, were despatched to 
 his aid from camp, but did not reach him until past five o'clock, 
 when there was not sufficient daylight to render an attack 
 advisable. About this time Sir Frederick Roberts received 
 intelligence that three regiments of regular infantry and twelve 
 guns had started from Ghuznee a few days before in order to 
 join Mohamed Jan's troops on the Asmai heights, and helio- 
 graphed to General Baker his intention to strengthen him dur- 
 ing the night with four guns of F-A, Royal Horse Artillery, 
 on elephants, the remaining wing of the 67th Regiment, and 
 the 28th Punjaub Native Infantry, under General Macpherson, 
 who, as senior officer, would assume chief command. General 
 Baker was also informed that Brigadier-General Gough had 
 been sent with two Horse Artillery guns, and two squadrons of 
 cavalry to watch the Kohistan road. 
 
 Meanwhile General Massy, who had left the camp an hour 
 before noon, had crossed the low Siah-Sung range of hills, and 
 
 * The following was the constitution of General Baker's command : 2 
 guns, No. 2 Mountain Battery, under Lieutenant E. A. Smith, R.A. ; 1 
 Gatliiig, Captain A. Broadfoot, R.A. ; 2 Companies 72nd Highlanders, 
 Captain C. Guinness ; Headquarters wing, 92nd Highlanders, Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Parker ; 23rd Pioneers, Lieutenant-Colonel Currie.
 
 Capture of Sherpur. 247 
 
 proceeding northwards, entered and took possession of the 
 fortified camp at Sherpur, which had been abandoned by the 
 enemy, who had left therein seventy-three guns of various 
 calibre, and three howitzers. Thence General Massy marched 
 to the west, and then, making a great detour to the north, in 
 order to get in rear of the enemy's position on the Asmai 
 heights, eventually, about sunset, he debouched into the 
 Chardeh plain, thus blocking the line of the enemy's retreat, 
 and took up a position of observation to the westward of the 
 village of Deh Mazung, though when night fell, he drew in his 
 brigade and bivouacked under cover of the walled enclosures 
 near the road running past Aliabad.* 
 
 Unfortunately Sir Frederick Roberts's carefully laid plans 
 were foiled by the roughness of the road, which prevented the 
 reinforcements sent to General Baker from reaching the ground 
 in time to deliver an attack before nightfall, a miscalculation 
 which had a disastrous result in prolonging the struggle and 
 rendering possible the combination of the following December, 
 which required such vigorous measures before it could be dis- 
 persed. During the night General Baker, fearing that the 
 enemy might abandon their position under cover of the dark- 
 ness, sent a strong patrol, at 1.30 A.M., to ascertain if any 
 change had taken place, and three hours later it was reported 
 to him that the camp, containing twelve guns, some ele- 
 phants, and a large supply of camp equipage, was deserted. 
 General Baker immediately communicated this intelligence to 
 General Massy, and informed him that in accordance with 
 instructions received from Sir Frederick Roberts, any move- 
 ment of the cavalry in pursuit would be supported both by the 
 troops under his command and those under General Macpher- 
 son, who joined General Baker about dawn. Accordingly, 
 General Massy went in pursuit with his cavalry, sending, under 
 instructions from Sir Frederick Roberts, two squadrons across 
 country, up to and beyond the Kohistan road, but such an 
 extraordinary faculty have Afghan levies in dispersing and 
 mixing with the peaceful portion of the community that, though 
 the entire country was scoured throughout the day, of the 
 
 * See despatch of Sir Frederick Roberts.
 
 248 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 thousands assembled on the Asmai heights only a small party 
 of fugitives was overtaken on the Ghuznee road by the 5th 
 Punjaub Cavalry, who sabred twenty or thirty of them. General 
 Massy detached two squadrons of the 12th Bengal Cavalry to 
 continue the pursuit, and returned to camp late in the evening 
 with the remainder of his brigade, who had suffered much from 
 fatigue and scanty food. The troops under Generals Macpherson 
 and Baker, and the small force of cavalry and guns, under 
 Brigadier-General Gough, also arrived in camp before night- 
 fall.* 
 
 On the 9th General Roberts moved the camp of the whole 
 of the division from Beni Hissar to the Siah-Sung hills, a 
 low flat-topped ridge, the scene of severe fighting during the 
 first Afghan war, which completely dominates the city of Cabul. 
 The only troops not in camp were the 5th Goorkhas and four 
 guns of No. 2 Mountain Battery, which were stationed on the 
 upper Bala Hissar hill. It soon became apparent, as might 
 have been anticipated, that the villagers of the Cabul Valley, 
 and almost the entire people, were hostile to the invaders, and 
 shooting at the sentinels became a nightly practice, while efforts 
 were made to raise the tribesmen for an organized attack on 
 the camp. 
 
 On the following day, the 10th October, Sir Frederick Roberts 
 visited the Sherpur cantonment, f and despatched the 5th Pun- 
 jaub Cavalry thither for the protection of the guns and stores. 
 
 * See despatch of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 t Sherpur is thus described by the Times correspondent : " Shere Ali's 
 great straggling cantonment of Sherpur takes the shape of a huge parallel- 
 ogram, the long sides of which lie north and south. The length of the 
 long slies is about 2,700 yards, and of the short sides 1,100. When our 
 troops entered it in October the west and south faces only were completed, 
 and even these were much out of repair. The north side was and is still 
 formed by the Behmaru heights, a round-topped ridge of hill, broken in 
 the centre by a broad gorge, and rising, perhaps, 800 feet above the plain. 
 The fourth side, that on the east, was only traced. Shere Ali's original 
 design is believed to have been to carry the walls all round the Behrnaru 
 heights, and thus to form a great square, with the heights in the centre, 
 upon which he had already laid the foundation of a citadel. He had also 
 laid the foundation of a palace for himself at the southern foot of the 
 heights. What was the ultimate object of this ambitious design can only 
 be conjectured. It was possibly part of the same idea which led him to 
 devote such pains to the manufacture of guns, of which, when the war 
 broke out, he possessed no less a number than 379, of which 34 were of 
 siege calibre, 145 field, and 150 mountain. It has also been found, from
 
 Roberts Visits the Bala Hissar. 249 
 
 It was the general belief that Shere All contemplated the 
 removal of Cabul to Sherpur, and the demolition of the Bala 
 Hissar, which is commanded from the adjacent heights ; but 
 his false move in throwing himself into the arms of Russia put 
 an end to his plans, and resulted in his dying a miserable 
 fugitive at Mazar-i- Sheriff. 
 
 On the llth October Sir Frederick Roberts, with his staff 
 and a small escort, accompanied by the Ameer's ministers and 
 Daoud Shah, paid an informal visit to the Bala Hissar, where 
 crumbling walls and neglected buildings attested the decay 
 which awaits everything in this distracted land. The General, 
 after closely examining the fortress, visited the ruined buildings 
 of the late Residency, where Cavagnari and his gallant band 
 made their desperate stand for life. Very great, albeit painful, 
 was the interest with which the British General, ascending to a 
 point in the shattered walls affording a commanding view, 
 surveyed the scene of desolation in the immediate foreground, 
 with the beautiful Cabul Valley spread out at his feet. 
 
 The quarters occupied by the Guides, adjoining the Resi- 
 dency, were also visited, and the gate where Lieutenant Hamil- 
 ton made his memorable defence, when, sword and revolver in 
 hand, he three times charged out into the thick of the enemy, 
 like the swift-footed son of Peleus : 
 
 " High o'er the scene of death Achilles stood, 
 All grim with dust, all horrible in blood ; 
 Yet still insatiate, still with rage in flame, 
 Such is the lust of never-dying fame." 
 
 Leaving this scene of sadness and pride to every English- 
 man, Sir Frederick Roberts visited the Ameer's Palace, and 
 returned to camp after an inspection not likely ever to be for- 
 gotten. 
 
 At noon on the day succeeding this visit, the Bala Hissar 
 was formally occupied by a portion of the British troops. The 
 whole division having lined both sides of the road from the 
 camp to the citadel, a distance of over a mile, Sir Frederick 
 
 examination of the magazine records, that he possessed no less than 50,000 
 small arms of all sorts, of which all but about 12,000 were either English, or 
 cleverly imitated, like many of his guns, from English models by Native 
 artificers."
 
 250 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 Roberts, accompanied by General Hills and his four Brigadier- 
 Generals, Macpherson, Massy, Baker, and Gough, and a large 
 number of the most influential Sirdars of Cabul, rode slowly 
 along the splendid display of the flower of our British and 
 Indian troops to the Bala Hissar, the infantry presenting arms, 
 the cavalry trumpets braying forth a salute, and the bands 
 playing. As the head of the brilliant procession entered the 
 fortress, the British flag was hoisted over the gateway, under a 
 royal salute of thirty-one guns fired on the glacis. From the 
 gateway one company of the 67th Regiment, followed by the 
 band, led the way to the Diwan-i-Aum, or Grand Reception 
 Room, Sir Frederick and his Generals, with their respective 
 Staffs, following, and the procession being closed by the remain- 
 der of the 67th Regiment. 
 
 The scene in the Diwan-i-Aum was singular and suggestive. 
 Around the British Commander crowded the Afghan Sirdars, 
 ready to make any promises to their conqueror, and equally ready, 
 as the event proved, to break them. At his side stood Moosa 
 Khan, a child six years of age, heir-apparent of the Ameer, 
 who excused himself from attending on the score of indispo- 
 sition. This was the ostensible cause of his absence, but the 
 real reason, which was kept secret for manifest considerations 
 of state, is set forth in the following account given by Sir 
 Frederick Roberts : " Early on the morning of this day the 
 Ameer walked to my camp, accompanied by only two attendants, 
 and expressed his determination to resign the Ameership. He 
 said he had intended doing so before going to Kushi, but had 
 allowed himself to be over-persuaded. He was in very low 
 spirits ; said his life had been a miserable one ; that he would 
 rather be a grass cutter in the English camp than Ruler of 
 Afghanistan, and begged he might live in this camp until he 
 could be sent to India, or London, or wherever the Viceroy 
 might desire to send him. I placed a tent at his disposal ; 
 ordered breakfast to be prepared for him, and begged him to 
 think over the matter for two or three hours, and said I would 
 see him at ten o'clock, the time appointed the previous evening 
 for His Highness to come to my camp, and accompany me to 
 the Bala Hissar. The Ameer knew nothing of the proposed 
 proclamation, and was quite ignorant of my intentions towards
 
 The Durbar in the Bala Hissar. 251 
 
 the Mustaufi, the AVuzeer, Yaliya Khan and his brother. At 
 ten I had a second interview with the Ameer, who stated that 
 he had quite decided to give up the throne of Cabul ; that he 
 could not possibly accompany me to the Bala Hissar, but that 
 he would send his eldest son, and all his Ministers would be in 
 attendance. I again pointed out the serious step His High- 
 ness was taking ; but finding his mind was made up, I said I 
 would telegraph to the Viceroy for instructions ; that of course 
 he could not be forced to remain on as Ameer against his will ; 
 but that I should ask him to retain the title until I could re- 
 ceive a reply to the telegram." 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts addressed the assembled Sirdars, and 
 then read to them a proclamation* indicating the intentions of 
 
 * The following is the text of the proclamation : ''Bala Hissar, Cabul, 
 12th October, 1879. In my proclamation of the 3rd October, dated Zerghun 
 Shah, I informed the people of Cabul that a British Army was advancing 
 to take possession of the city, and I warned them against offering any 
 resistance to the entry of the troops, and the authority of His Highness 
 the Ameer. That warning has been disregarded. The force under my 
 command has now reached Cabul, and occupied the Bala Hissar ; but its 
 advance has been pertinaciously opposed, and the inhabitants of the city 
 have taken a conspicuous part in the opposition offered. They have there- 
 fore become rebels against His Highness the Ameer, and have added to the 
 guilt already incurred by them, in abetting the murder of the British 
 Envoy and of his companions, a treacherous and cowardly crime, which has 
 brought indelible disgrace on the Afghan people. It would be but a just 
 and fitting reward for such misdeeds if the city of Cabul was totally 
 destroyed and its very name blotted out. But the great British Govern- 
 ment is ever desirous to temper justice with mercy, and I now announce to 
 the inhabitants of Cabul that the city will be spared. Nevertheless it is 
 necessary that they should not escape all penalty, and that the punishment 
 inflicted should be such as will be felt and remembered. Therefore such of 
 the buildings as now interfere with the proper military occupation of the 
 Bala Hissar, and the safety and comfort of the British troops quartered in 
 it, will be at once levelled with the ground ; and further, a heavy fine, 
 the amount of which will be notified hereafter, will be imposed upon the 
 inhabitants, to be paid according to their several capabilities. This punish- 
 ment, inflicted upon the whole city, will not, of course, absolve from 
 further penalties those whose individual guilt may be hereafter proved. A 
 full and searching inquiry will be held into all the circumstances of the 
 late outbreak, and all persons convicted of bearing a part in it will be 
 dealt with according to their desert. I further give notice to all, that, in 
 order to provide for the restoration and maintenance of order, the city of 
 Cabul and the surrounding country, to a distance of ten miles, are placed 
 under martial law. With the consent of the Ameer, a Military Governor 
 of Cabul will be appointed to administer justice, and to punish with a 
 strong hand ail evil doers. The inhabitants of Cabul and of the neighbour- 
 ing villages are hereby warned to submit to his authority. For the future 
 the carrying of dangerous weapons, whether swords, knives, or firearms,
 
 252 Memoir of Sir .Frederick Roberts. 
 
 the British Government, and the punishment he intended to mete 
 out to the people of Cabul for offering resistance to his advance 
 and the authority of the Ameer, contrary to the warning con- 
 veyed in his proclamation of the 3rd Octoher. He said that he 
 would spare the city, though were he to raze it to the ground, 
 for the treacherous murder of the British Mission, and the 
 rebellion against their sovereign the Ameer, he would only be 
 meting out a just retribution. But he could not permit that 
 the Gabulees should escape all punishment, and he intended 
 to destroy certain buildings that interfered with the military 
 occupation of the Bala Hissar, and to inflict a fine on the whole 
 city, while a full and searching inquiry into the circumstances of 
 the massacre would be held, and all persons convicted of par- 
 ticipating in it, would be dealt with according to their deserts. 
 He also declared that the city of Cabul and the surrounding 
 country, for a radius of ten miles, was placed under martial 
 law, and a military governor would be appointed to administer 
 justice and inflict punishment on all evil doers. The carrying 
 of arms was prohibited in Cabul, or within a distance of five 
 miles, and after a week from the date of the proclamation, any 
 person found armed within these limits would be liable to the 
 punishment of death. All arms delivered up would be paid 
 for at a stipulated rate, and finally, rewards, graduated from 
 
 within the streets of Cabul, or within a distance of five miles from the city 
 gates, is forbidden. After a week from the date of this proclamation any 
 person found armed within these limits will be liable to the penalty of 
 death. Persons having in their possession any article whatever which 
 formerly belonged to members of the British Embassy, are required to bring 
 them forthwith to the British Camp. Anyone neglecting this warning will, 
 if found hereafter in possession of any such articles, be subjected to the 
 severest penalties. Further, all persons who may have in their possession 
 any firearms or ammunition formerly issued to, or seized by the Afghan 
 troops, are required to produce them. For every country-made rifle, 
 whether breech or muzzle-loading, a sum of three rupees will be given on 
 delivery ; and for every rifle of European manufacture, five rupees. Any 
 one found hereafter in possession of such weapons will be severely pun- 
 ished. Finally, I notify that I will give a reward of fifty rupees for the 
 surrender of any person, whether soldier or civilian, concerned in the 
 attack on the British Embassy, or for such information as may lead directly 
 to his capture. A similar sum will be given in case of any person who may 
 have fought against the British troops, since the 3rd September last, and 
 has therefore become a rebel against the Ameer. If any such person so 
 surrendered or captured be a captain or a subaltern officer of the Afghan 
 Army, the reward will be increased to seventy-five rupees ; and if a field 
 officer, to 120 rupees."
 
 Roberts and the Cabulees. 253 
 
 120 rupees for a field officer, 75 rupees for officers of inferior 
 rank, and 50 rupees for a soldier or civilian, were offered for the 
 surrender of any persons concerned in the attack on the British 
 Residency, or for such information as might lead to their cap- 
 ture ; and similar rewards were offered for the apprehension of 
 any person who had fought against the British Army since the 
 3rd September, the date of the massacre, as they had placed 
 themselves by this act within the category of rebels against 
 the authority of their sovereign the Ameer, who had issued a 
 proclamation from the British Gamp at Kushi, requiring his 
 subjects to abstain from resorting to arms. 
 
 Very severe strictures were passed in the House of Com- 
 mons and by a portion of the English Press on those provi- 
 sions of this proclamation punishing with death persons found 
 armed within five miles of Cabul, and those who had been en- 
 gaged in the recent fighting; but the fact was, that they re- 
 mained a dead letter, never having been acted upon. Sir Fred- 
 erick Roberts, writing to us of these provisions, says: " The 
 order must of course be read in connection with my other 
 orders, and with a clear understanding of the position I was 
 placed in, with Yakoob Khan in my camp, ostensibly as my 
 friend, as being rebelled against by his own soldiers." The 
 order referred to by Sir Frederick Roberts is the proclamation 
 to the people of Cabul, issued at Kushi on the 3rd October, 
 warning them against resisting his advance, and the general 
 orders to his troops of the 24th September and 1st October 
 appealing to the officers and men to exercise mercy and for- 
 bearance orders which the gallant General copied out for us 
 with his own hand, so desirous is he that his countrymen 
 should do justice to the feelings of humanity with which he 
 was actuated in his dealings with the Afghan nation. Those 
 who have a personal knowledge of Sir Frederick Roberts needed 
 no such disclaimer as the above, for a more humane officer 
 does not exist, and no detractor, if any there now be, can point 
 to an incident in his career when he displayed harshness 
 towards the weak or vanquished. No officer in India had 
 acquired a better title to be regarded as humane in a calling 
 which tends to sear the heart, and Roberts fulfilled the 
 requirements of Wordsworth's ideal Christian Warrior :
 
 254 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 " Who, doom'd to go in company with pain, 
 And fear, and bloodshed, miserable train ! 
 Turns his necessity to glorious gain ; 
 In face of those doth exercise a power 
 Which is our human nature's highest dower ; 
 Controls them, and subdues, transmutes, bereaves 
 Of their bad influence, and their good receives ; 
 By objects, which might force the soul to abate 
 Her feeling, rendered more compassionate." 
 
 The comments of Admiral Oliver Jones, in an incident at 
 the storm of Meeangunj in the Oude Campaign (given in a 
 preceding chapter) testify that from an early period in his 
 military career the subject of this memoir had earned a charac- 
 ter for humanity in times and under circumstances when this 
 virtue was not a distinguishing trait of the British soldier. 
 
 When dismissing the Sirdars from his presence after the 
 durbar, Sir Frederick Roberts directed the arrest of the Mus- 
 taufi, Habibullah Khan, the Wuzeer, Shah Mahomed, and Yahya 
 Khan, whom he informed of his intention to retain them until 
 the circumstances connected with the attack on the Residency 
 had been inquired into. The 67th Regiment was ordered to 
 encamp in the gardens which lie immediately in front of the 
 Diwan-i-Aum, and six companies of the 5th Goorkhas were 
 moved into the upper Bala Hissar fort. 
 
 On the day following the reading of the proclamation of the 
 3rd October, the inhabitants of Cabul had to submit to the 
 humiliation of seeing a foreign army march through the streets 
 of the capital. " Horse, Foot, and Dragoons," the whole 
 gallant array, the Cavalry Brigade leading, followed by the 
 General with his Staff and escort, five regiments of Infantry 
 bringing up the rear, traversed its principal streets and 
 bazaars, including the famous Char Chonk, one of the finest 
 in Central Asia, which was partially blown up by Sir George 
 Pollock in 1842 as a punishment for the treachery of the 
 Cabulees. In accordance with the terms of the proclamation, 
 Major-General James Hills, C.B., V.C., who had accompanied 
 the army as the guest of the Commander, was appointed 
 Military Governor of Cabul, and under his rule mercy tempered 
 the stern requirements of martial law. 
 
 For the investigation of the causes and circumstances of the 
 late outbreak, and the collection of all possible evidence regard-
 
 The Military Commission. 255 
 
 ing the conduct of individuals since the arrival of the British 
 Embassy in Cabul, Sir Frederick Roberts nominated a com- 
 mission, consisting of his Chief of the staff, Colonel C. M. 
 Macgregor, C.B., C.S.I., Surgeon-Major Bellew, C.S.I., and 
 Mahammed Hyat Khan, C.S.I. Their duties were comprehen- 
 sive, and included the submission of recommendations regard- 
 ing the punishment to be inflicted on all persons whom they 
 found guilty of participation in the attack on the Residency. 
 The actual trial of the prisoners was confided to a second 
 military commission, consisting of a Brigadier- General and 
 two other officers. 
 
 Meanwhile, Sir Frederick Roberts made strenuous efforts to 
 collect a reserve of supplies, for winter was approaching, and he 
 was anxious to guard against any eventualities. As the son 
 of an officer whose warning voice was raised, and raised in 
 vain, during the first Afghan War, he knew well the danger 
 of under-estimating the powers of resistance of the Afghan 
 people, even when seemingly beaten to the earth and powerless, 
 so he kept his troops prepared for a sudden crisis, and busied 
 himself in collecting supplies and perfecting his transport.
 
 256 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 The Cabul District after its Occupation by the British Events at the 
 Shutargardan Pass The Explosion in the Bala Hissar Occupation of 
 the Sherpur Cantonment Sir Frederick Roberts Reconnoitres .the 
 Passes towards Jugdulluck Abandonment of the Shutargardan The 
 Expedition to Maidan Unsettled State of the Country Deportation 
 of Yakoob Khan to India A Review of the Situation in Northern 
 Afghanistan before the Events of December 1879. 
 
 THE people of Afghanistan, truculent and treacherous though 
 they are, and tainted, like Byron's Corsair, with " a thousand 
 crimes," possess, like him, "one virtue," and that is a sturdy 
 love of independence. This they displayed in the darkest hour 
 of the first Afghan War, and ultimately compelled a British 
 force to evacuate the country under a humiliating Convention. 
 In the present instance they had to deal with a General of a 
 different calibre to General Elphinstone, but they struggled 
 manfully to shake off the yoke of the invader. During the 
 stirring events of the following December it seemed to the 
 outside world that a terrible tragedy was about to be enacted on 
 the very scene of the disasters of 1841-42. Sir Frederick 
 Roberts' s countrymen in England watched with bated breath the 
 struggle for mastery under the walls of Cabul, but never for 
 one moment did the gallant upholder of England's cause, who 
 displayed in the crisis the " antique heroism" with which Lord 
 Raglan was credited by Marshal St. Arnaud, lose his calmness 
 and confidence in the success of his plans. 
 
 In the middle of October, to which the course of events has 
 brought us, the Afghans, utterly defeated in the field, and with 
 their capital occupied by a foreign foe, did not lose heart, but, 
 within a few days of the public entry of Sir Frederick Roberts 
 into Cabul, reports were current that a strong force was on the 
 march for the city from Afghan Turkistan. On receiving 
 information to this effect, on the 14th October, Sir Frederick
 
 Fighting at the Shutargardan. 257 
 
 Roberts immediately sent some Cavalry to reconnoitre, but 
 nothing definite could be ascertained of their movements. 
 
 On the 13th October, the day Sir Frederick Roberts made 
 his triumphal march through Cabul, he received intelligence 
 from Colonel Money, commanding at the Shutargardan, that 
 he expected to be attacked by the Ghilzyes, who were assem- 
 bling in great strength in his neighbourhood. This information 
 proved correct, and at 8 A.M. on the following morning, some 
 2,000 of these tribesmen fired upon the party sent to relieve 
 the detachment occupying the blockhouse in the Sirkai Kotul, 
 which had before been strengthened. Colonel Money ordered 
 Major Griffiths to proceed with two companies of the 3rd Sikhs 
 and two of the 21st Punjaub Native Infantry, with one gun, tc 
 hold the steep ridge near the camp, and this post he not only 
 defended throughout the day, notwithstanding every effort of the 
 enemy to dislodge him, but carried at the point of the bayonet 
 a position they had taken up on a rocky ridge and pursued them 
 for two miles. 
 
 On the 17th, Sir Frederick Roberts sent Brigadier- General 
 Gough to the Shutargardan with a force consisting of 4 guns 
 No. 2 Mountain Battery, 5th Punjaub Cavalry, and 5th Punjaub 
 Infantry, together with a large convoy of transport animals for 
 the three-fold object of opening out his communications, bring- 
 ing up supplies, and rendering aid to Colonel Money. Briga- 
 dier-General Gough arrived at a most opportune moment, for 
 the tribes that had attacked the Shutargardan position, though 
 defeated, were by no means disheartened, and, on the 15th, had 
 received such large accessions from Zurmat, Hazara, and else- 
 where, that by nightfall they were calculated to number about 
 10,000 men. They dismantled the unoccupied post of Karatiga, 
 and were so confident of overwhelming the British garrison 
 that they brought their women to witness their triumph, and 
 actually offered to spare the lives of the garrison if they would 
 lay down their arms. Colonel Money rejected the terms with 
 scorn, and took the wise precaution of concentrating his strength 
 by withdrawing the garrison of the Sirkai Kotul, but adopted no 
 offensive steps. Encouraged by his apparent inactivity, and 
 strengthened by some hundreds of men belonging to the 
 mutinous regiments of the regular army, the enemy's sharp- 
 
 s
 
 258 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 shooters opened fire on the garrison. But the tables were 
 soon turned. 
 
 On the morning of the 19th Colonel Money learnt by 
 heliographic signal of the arrival of Brigadier- General Gough 
 at Kooshi, and immediately took the offensive. Moving out 
 his skirmishers he opened fire with four guns of the Kohat 
 Mountain Battery, and the enemy finding that their oppor- 
 tunity had gone, quitted their positions, and by the evening 
 not a man was to be seen. Alla-ood-deen, brother of the great 
 Ghilzye Chief, Padshah Khan, was severely wounded by a shell 
 while approaching the advance picket on his return from 
 making an attempt to break up the hostile combination of his 
 countrymen, and paid the penalty of his conduct, which was 
 supposed to be treacherous, with his life, as his wound proved 
 mortal.* 
 
 On the 16th October, about 1 P.M., the British troops and 
 the inhabitants of Cabul were startled by a loud report from 
 the direction of the upper Bala Hissar, and a vast column 
 of smoke and showers of debris showed that an explosion had 
 occurred in the Arsenal, in which were stored over one million 
 pounds of powder, as roughly calculated by Colonel Perkins, 
 Commanding the Royal Engineers. The 67th Regiment were 
 in tents in the Ameer's garden, and the 5th Goorkhas in the 
 upper Bala Hissar fort, and both Corps suffered some loss. 
 One soldier of the 67th and twelve of the latter regiment, 
 were killed; also three Sowars of the 5th Punjaub Cavalry, 
 and five Ordnance Lascars, fell victims to the explosion, and 
 Captain Shafto, R.A., Commissary of Ordnance, who was ex- 
 amining the godowns containing the ammunition, and making 
 an inventory of the contents, shared the same fate. In addition 
 to these, four men were seriously injured. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts immediately ordered the 5th Goorkhas 
 to leave their camp, and also directed the 67th Regiment to 
 remove from the garden of the Dewan-i-Aum, which was in 
 dangerous proximity to tLe now burning ruins. He would 
 not even permit them to remove their tents or kit, and with 
 the exception of their regimental ammunition, everything was 
 
 * See despatch from Lieutenant-Colonel Murray, dated Shutargardan, 
 19th October, 1879.
 
 The Explosions at CabuL 259 
 
 left behind. The wisdom of this precipitate evacuation was 
 soon apparent, as exactly two and a half hours after the first 
 explosion, a second occurred of greater violence, by which some 
 natives, upwards of 400 yards distant from the magazine, were 
 killed by falling stones and debris. The 67th Kegiment was 
 accommodated for the night in the tents of the 72nd and 92nd 
 Highlanders, and an instance of the camaraderie (to use an 
 expressive French term) existing between the 72nd and the 
 5th Goorkhas, brothers-in-arms at the Peiwar Kotul and com- 
 panions in many a bivouac, was exhibited by a large number of 
 the Highlanders coming forward and insisting upon lending 
 their great coats for the night to the brave little mountaineers 
 of Nepaul. This was no small act of self denial, as the nights 
 were bitterly cold.* 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts's anxiety was not lessened for some 
 days, as a terrible danger threatened the entire city in the 
 possible ignition of the main magazine, in which were stored 
 upwards of 450 tons of gunpowder. Barely ninety yards 
 intervened between this magazine and the flames, and during 
 the night of the 16th, its explosion was momentarily expected ; 
 indeed, its walls, which were by no means of substantial con- 
 struction, were considerably scorched. Providentially, towards 
 morning the wind went down, and with it the flames began to 
 subside, and the explosions, which had never ceased, became 
 less frequent. On the following afternoon, the 17th October, 
 Sir Frederick Roberts deemed the danger so considerably 
 lessened as to allow of working parties endeavouring to ex- 
 tinguish the conflagration. Even then, he says, the work was 
 one of considerable danger, as the main magazine (to prevent 
 the fire spreading to which was the principal task) was fitted 
 with a weak roof, much projecting woodwork, and badly-fitted 
 doors of the same inflammable material. However, the officers 
 and men worked with energy and devotion, and though the 
 fire smouldered for days, all anxiety as to the safety of the 
 main magazine ceased. 
 
 * A similar instance of soldierly feeling was afforded during the defence 
 of Jellalabad in the last Afghan War, between Her Majesty's 13th ilegi- 
 ment and the 35th Bengal Native Infantry, a regiment which unhappily 
 subsequently disgraced itself by mutinying in the Punjaub in 1857, as 
 already detailed in a preceding chapter. 
 
 s 2
 
 260 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 " The Arsenal," writes Sir Frederick Roberts to us, "was in the 
 form of an oblong, on slightly sloping ground, and the long 
 low buildings in which the ammunition was placed were 
 simply constructed of mud, the doorways being wooden ones. 
 The powder was stored in the upper buildings of the enclosure, 
 and the small arms ammunition and shells below ; but between 
 the end of the long shed containing the various loaded shells, 
 and the wooden door of the nearest building containing powder, 
 there was a distance of barely fifteen yards. The first ex- 
 plosion, which proceeded from a large quantity of powder 
 stored underneath the small arms ammunition, not only ignited 
 a large quantity of cartridges and shells, and caused the death 
 of Captain Shafto, R.A., and the men of the Goorkhas, as you 
 have stated, but the concussion alone was sufficient to burst 
 open the doors of the main powder magazines. These 
 magazines were each filled up to the doorway with large jars, 
 or "Kappas," of hide, each containing some 2001bs of powder, 
 and had any one of these been pierced by the thousands of 
 bullets or fragments of shell that were flying about from the 
 lower buildings, the friction would no doubt have caused an 
 explosion which would have communicated itself to the sur- 
 rounding powder, and an enormous loss of human life and 
 destruction to property would have been the result. 
 
 " Throughout the night the conflagration went on, varied by 
 rushes of flame, and columns of smoke as the fire reached 
 more powder which had hitherto escaped, but still, to the 
 wonder of the watchers on the Siah-Sung heights, the big 
 magazine gave no sign, though at any moment they were 
 prepared for some almost supernatural explosion. Next day 
 the fire had abated, and though it was not entirely extinguished 
 till some time afterwards, an exploring party managed to 
 make their way inside. The place was a heap of smouldering 
 ruins, and they were reminded by the constant explosion of 
 an eight-inch shell or a box of Snider cartridges, that it was 
 anything but a safe mission they were bound on. Leaning 
 against the wooden frame of the door of the end powder 
 magazine was a burning beam, which was removed by Lieu- 
 tenant Neville Chamberlain. It had already commenced to 
 char the door itself, and there can be no doubt that another
 
 General Roberts on the Explosions. 261 
 
 half-hour would have sufficed to ignite the powder 800,000 Ibs ! 
 We have, perhaps, no record of any such amount having 
 exploded at once, and though it was believed by the Engineer 
 Officers with the Cabul Field Force, that the shock would 
 have caused the large town of Cabul to be levelled in one 
 vast ruin, it requires a skilled mathematician, and one learned 
 in the force of explosives, to tell us, after learning the precise 
 configuration of the ground on which the magazine stood, how 
 far, and to what extent, that gigantic mass would have made 
 its power felt. 
 
 " Engineer Officers were immediately ordered to destroy 
 the powder in the most expeditious manner, and daily a 
 large quantity was run down a steep slope in a kind of trough, 
 into the water, which flows round the Bala Hissar ; but the 
 place being abandoned during the fighting which took place 
 early in December, a considerable amount remained, which 
 fell into the hands of the Afghans." Sir Frederick Roberts 
 has been blamed for not having destroyed the powder at once, 
 but clearly he has been misjudged. Handling powder at any 
 time is necessarily a delicate and dangerous operation, and 
 must be slowly and cautiously carried on ; but when one con- 
 siders that this enormous mass of powder was in skin jars, 
 which could not be moved without tumbling to pieces, and 
 that it was impossible to blow it up without causing a disaster, 
 it would seem clear that General Eoberts took the best measures 
 possible for its destruction, and he cannot be blamed if this 
 was not completed before the troubles of December began. 
 
 In the Cabul Force there was at first a decided suspicion of 
 treachery. It was believed that the Afghans had hidden in the 
 vaults of the Magazine some infernal machine which was to 
 explode after our troops had filled the Bala Hissar ; but in 
 Sir Frederick Roberts' s opinion, subsequent inquiries proved 
 that this was scarcely possible. The General, accompanied by 
 his Staff, visited the magazine the day before the explosion, and 
 found everything in a state of the utmost confusion. Instead 
 of the order which ought to reign supreme in any Arsenal, 
 loose powder, percussion caps, cartridges, loaded shells, fuses, 
 and friction tubes were strewed about indiscriminately. Poor 
 Captain Shafto commented on this at the time, and expressed
 
 262 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 his intention of getting everything safely arranged, each in its 
 proper place, as soon as possible ; and it was probably the case 
 that, on the following day, as he and his men were at work, 
 some one of them trod on a friction tube or a. percussion cap, 
 or powder exploded, which communicated the fire to the whole 
 magazine. 
 
 The Military Commission, presided over by Brigadier- General 
 Massy, convicted five persons of participating in the attack on 
 the Residency, and on the 20th October, they were executed in 
 the Bala Hissar. One of these men was the Kotwali, or Police 
 Magistrate, of Cabul, who was implicated in the massacre of 
 the Cavagnari Mission and urged the people of Cabul to resist 
 the advance of Sir Frederick Roberts's force. Another of the 
 prisoners was a Mollah, or priest, of great sanctity, who 
 exerted his religious influence over a fanatical people to induce 
 them to wage war against the unbelievers, and who had taken 
 an active part in the attack on the Residency. The other 
 culprits were a Chief of the Barukzye, or reigning clan, and an 
 officer of the Ameer's Army, who fought against the British on 
 the 6th October. The fifth and most culpable of all was a man 
 who had actually imbrued his hands in the blood of the victims 
 of the treacherous and savage deed of the 3rd September. 
 These and others convicted of participation in the Massacre 
 were executed, and met their doom with the stolidity, or forti- 
 tude, whichever we may regard it, characteristic of the Oriental, 
 whose fatalistic creed is embodied in the words Hector addressed 
 to his spouse in his final memorable interview : 
 
 " Fixed is the term of all the race of men ; 
 And such the hard condition of our birth, 
 No force can then resist, no flight can save, 
 All sink alike, the fearful and the brave." 
 
 Since the 12th October, when Yakoob Khan resigned the 
 Ameership into the hands of Sir Frederick Roberts, saying 
 he would rather be a grass-cutter in the British Camp than 
 ruler of so turbulent a race as his quondam subjects, the British 
 General, while awaiting tne orders of the Government, had 
 been the de facto sovereign of North-Eastern Afghanistan, and 
 exercised autocratic power over life and property. On the 27th
 
 Abdication of Yakoob Khan, 263 
 
 October, he received instructions from the Viceroy, and issued 
 the following proclamation to the people of Cabul. " I, Gen- 
 eral Roberts, on behalf of the British Government, hereby pro- 
 claim that the Ameer having by his own free will abdicated, has 
 left Afghanistan without a government. In consequence of the 
 shameful outrage upon its Envoy and since the British Govern- 
 ment has been compelled to occupy by force Cabul, the Capital, 
 and to take military possession of other parts of Afghanistan, 
 the British Government now commands that all Afghan author- 
 ities, Chiefs, and Sirdars, do continue their functions in main- 
 taining order, referring to me whenever necessary. The British 
 Government desires that the people should be treated with 
 justice and benevolence, and that their religious feelings and 
 customs be respected. The services of such Sirdars and Chiefs 
 as assist in preserving order will be duly recognized, but all 
 disturbers of the peace and persons concerned in attacks 
 upon the British authority will meet with condign punishment. 
 The British Government, after consultation with the principal 
 Sirdars, tribal Chiefs, and others representing the interests and 
 .wishes of the various provinces and cities, will declare its will 
 as to the future permanent arrangements to be made for the 
 good government of the people." 
 
 As for the ex- Ameer, he appeared much relieved since he 
 had ceased to wield the sovereignty of the Afghan nation, and 
 it was his habit, occasionally, in the evening to emerge from his 
 tent in the British camp, and walk with the General while the 
 band discoursed sweet music. " The Ameer," writes Sir Fred- 
 erick Roberts to us, " was treated with the greatest kindness 
 and consideration, and it was not until I was satisfied from 
 the results of the proceedings of the Court of Enquiry, over 
 which Colonel Macgregor presided, that the attack on the Resi- 
 dency, if not actually instigated, might at least have been 
 checked by Yakoob Khan, that the guard which had hitherto 
 been a guard of honour, was made responsible for his safe custody. 
 Even then, all possible courtesy was shown to the Ameer, but 
 this restraint was rendered still more necessary by inform- 
 ation I received, from which I was convinced that Yakoob 
 Khan was contemplating flight, which, if he had succeeded
 
 264 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 in effecting, would have been the signal for a general 
 rising."* 
 
 The General reported to the Viceroy that "the Ameer seems 
 much broken in spirits, and wholly unfit to resume his former 
 position and responsibilities." The despotic ruler of a martial 
 nation found himself a close prisoner under the walls of his 
 
 * Some time before the Ameer's deportation from Cabul, Sir Frederick 
 Roberts had a conversation with him regarding the political events imme- 
 diately preceding the rupture between his father, Shere Ali, and the 
 British Government. Sir Frederick took notes of the conversation, the 
 substance of which he stated to be as follows : " In 1869 my father was 
 fully prepared to throw in his lot with you. He had suffered many reverses 
 before making himself secure on the throne of Afghanistan, and he had 
 come to the conclusion that his best chance of holding what he had won, 
 lay in an alliance with the British Government. He did not receive from 
 Lord Mayo as large a supply of arms and ammunition as he had hoped, 
 but, nevertheless, he returned to Cabul fairly satisfied, and so he had re- 
 mained until the visit of Nur Mahammud Shah to India in 1873. This 
 visit brought matters to a head. The diaries received from Nur Mahammud 
 Shah during his stay in India, and the report which he brought back on 
 his return, convinced my father that he could no longer hope to obtain 
 from the British Government all the aid that he wanted, and from that 
 time he began to turn his attention to the thought of a Russian alliance. 
 You know how that ended. When my father received from the Govern- 
 ment of India the letter informing him that a British Mission was about to 
 proceed to Cabul, he read it out in Durbar. The members of the Russian 
 Embassy were present. After the reading was finished, Colonel Stolietoff 
 rose, saluted the Ameer, and asked permission to leave Cabul. If permitted, 
 he would, he said, travel without delay to Tashkend, and report the state 
 of affairs to General KaufFmann, who would inform the Tzar, and thus 
 bring pressure to bear on England. He promised to return in six weeks or 
 two months, and urged the Ameer to do everything in his power meanwhile 
 to prevent the British Mission from reaching Cabul. 
 
 " Colonel Stolietoff' never returned to Cabul. He lost no time in reaching 
 Tashkend, where he remained for a few weeks, and he then started for 
 Russia. The Afghan official, Mirza Muhammad Hassan Khan, generally 
 known as the Dabir-ul-Mulk, who had travelled with Colonel Stolietoff* 
 from the Oxus to Cabul, accompanied him on his return journey to Tash- 
 kend. Here the Mirza was detained under pretence that orders would 
 shortly be received from the Emperor, until the news of my father's flight 
 from Cabul reached General KaufFmann. He was then permitted to leave. 
 Two Aides-de-Camp were sent with him, one a European, the other a native 
 of Bokhara. My father was strongly urged by General KaufFmann not to 
 leave Cabul. At the same time the members of the Embassy were ordered 
 to return to Tashkend, the doctor being permitted to remain with my 
 father, if his services were required. Throughout, the Russian Embassy 
 were treated with great honour, and at all stations between Mazar-i-SharifF 
 and Cabul, orders were given for the troops to turn out, and for a salute to 
 be fired on their arrival and departure." 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts in his letter to the Viceroy giving this summary, 
 refers to the prevalence of Russian ware and coins in Cabul, no less than 
 13,000 gold pieces having been found in the late Ameer's treasury.
 
 Occupation of Sherpur. 265 
 
 Capital, and bitterly must he have rued his timidity, or trea- 
 chery, in not restraining the mutinous regiments when they 
 first turned upon the Eesidency on that fatal 3rd September. 
 With the unhappy cause of Ilium's woes he might have ex- 
 claimed : 
 
 " Would heaven, ere all these dreadful deeds were done, 
 The day that show'd me to the golden sun, 
 Had seen my death." 
 
 On the last day of this eventful month of October, the British 
 troops moved into the Sherpur Cantonments, the barracks of 
 which had been cleared and made habitable by an army of 
 artisans and coolies, and further accommodation was in course 
 of construction to quarter the entire force. A variety of rea- 
 sons influenced Sir Frederick Roberts in adopting this course, 
 the Chief of which were, that the works raised with such care 
 by Shere Ali, and called after him, afforded better shelter, and 
 were more defensible during the winter ; also the Commissariat 
 Depot was there, to protect which required a guard, and as 
 guards were stationed in the Bala Hissar and City, the strength 
 of the troops was not only unduly taxed, but they were more 
 scattered than was judicious. The wisdom of concentration and 
 keeping the supplies within the lines occupied by the troops, 
 were among the chief lessons inculcated by the disastrous 
 teachings of the first Afghan War, and soon again received a 
 striking illustration. 
 
 Writing of the reasons that influenced him in his choice of 
 Sherpur Sir Frederick Roberts says : " The advantage of using 
 all existing roof accommodation at the first glance pointed out the 
 Bala Hissar as the quarter which promised best to meet my 
 requirements ; but its dangerous proximity to the large maga- 
 zine which had escaped destruction, and the fact that it would 
 not accommodate all my force, and that the troops would have 
 to be more or less scattered, eventually led me to decide upon 
 occupying the large, and for the most part fortified, cantonment 
 of Sherpur, which was built by the late Ameer as winter quar- 
 ters for his regular troops. This Cantonment lies rather less 
 than a mile north-east of the city, and contains long ranges of 
 brick buildings, which will at once enable me to house the 
 entire European portion of my force, and also provide accommo-
 
 266 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 datiou for the Commissariat Stores. The Native troops are 
 engaged hutting themselves, and, aided by the materials at 
 hand and woodwork brought from the dismantled portion of the 
 Bala Hissar, have already made considerable progress." The 
 Cantonment, though more extensive than was desirable for this 
 small force, was enclosed on three sides by a lofty and massive 
 loop-holed wall, with numerous flanking towers, while the rear 
 was protected by the Behmaroo heights (on which General 
 Roberts proposed erecting certain defensive works), at the base 
 of which lay the Cantonment. The site was close to the old 
 British Cantonment, and actually embraced in its defences the 
 heights which were such a danger in 1841, and for the possession 
 of which many sanguinary struggles took place, as recorded in 
 the pages of Lady Sale and Sir Vincent Eyre. By the end of 
 October Sir Frederick Roberts had laid in sufficient supplies to 
 relieve him of all anxiety regarding the provisioning of the 
 force during the winter. 
 
 As regards the fort of the Bala Hissar, the General wrote to 
 the Government proposing to raze it to the ground, as an act 
 of retributive justice, which he considered would have a deeper 
 significance than the destruction of any number of houses 
 belonging to obscure individuals in the city. It was historical, 
 its name was symbolical of Afghan power, and it was inti- 
 mately connected with the past history of the country. 
 Moreover, the fact that it had been destroyed and levelled with 
 the ground, would spread throughout the length and breadth 
 of Afghanistan, bearing with it a political significance that 
 could not be under-rated. As a further reason for its demolition 
 he urged, that from its walls a heavy fire was kept up on the 
 defenders of the Residency, and he was of opinion that not a 
 vestige of any place which bore a part in that day's doings 
 should be allowed to remain. 
 
 Of the preparations made by the Ameer Shere Ali to engage 
 in hostilities with the British, the General wrote : ' ' Before 
 the outbreak of hostilities last year the Ameer had raised and 
 equipped with arms of precision, sixty-eight regiments of 
 Infantry, and sixteen of Cavalry. The Afghan Artillery 
 amounted to near 300 guns. Numbers of skilled artisans 
 were constantly employed in the manufacture of rifled cannon
 
 Roberts s Reasons for Occupying Sherpur. 267 
 
 and breach-loading small arms. More than a million pounds 
 of powder, and, I believe, several million rounds of home- 
 made Snider ammunition were in the Arsenal at the time of 
 the late explosion, and swords, helmets, uniforms and other 
 articles of military equipment, were stored in proportionate 
 quantities. Finally, Shere Ali had expended upon the con- 
 struction of the Sherpur Cantonments, an astonishing amount 
 of labour and money. The extent and cost of these works may 
 be judged of from the fact that the whole of the troops under 
 my command, will find cover during the winter within the 
 Cantonment and its outlying buildings, and the bulk of them 
 in the main line of parapet itself, which extends to a length of 
 nearly two miles under the southern and western slopes of the 
 Behmaroo hills. Shere Ali's original design was apparently to 
 carry the wall entirely round the hills, a distance of five miles, 
 and the foundations were already laid for a considerable portion 
 of this length." 
 
 The reasons given by Sir Frederick Roberts for occupying 
 Sherpur Cantonment dispose of certain statements by an 
 historian of the war, which have given rise to inferences that 
 the occupation of Sherpur was done in a hap-hazard sort of 
 way, and that the commanding General, having overcome the 
 Afghans in the field, had grown careless. 
 
 But nothing could be more erroneous than such a supposi- 
 tion, which was opposed to the character of the subject of this 
 Memoir, who never left anything to chance, and, from his 
 knowledge of Afghan warfare, derived not only in the field, 
 but from the lessons inculcated by his father, would have been 
 the last man to regard a lull in the active resistance of such a 
 turbulent people as the Afghans, as aught but evidence of the 
 existence of a ground-swell which experienced mariners know 
 is the prelude to a coming storm. Regarding his reasons for 
 placing his force in Sherpur in October, Sir Frederick Roberts 
 writes to us : " The fact is, that I thought over our position 
 most carefully before I decided on occupying this Sherpur Can- 
 tonment. Instead of being deceived by the state of quiet we 
 happened to be then in, I felt very sure we should have trouble 
 once winter set in. I knew that it was essential to keep my 
 force together, and that it would be very difficult in the short
 
 268 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 time before snow usually fell, to house the troops and followers, 
 and collect a sufficiency of supplies and forage. I examined 
 the Bala Hissar most particularly, for I quite appreciated the 
 advantages it offered. I found that it would not contain one 
 third of my force, and that the remainder, with all the transport 
 animals, would have to go elsewhere. There were no villages 
 or forts near the Bala Hissar that would answer; in fact, 
 there was hut the one place, Sherpur, which could accommo- 
 date all the troops and animals, as well as the required amount 
 of supplies, added to which, shelter already existed in Sherpur 
 for the whole of the British troops, and three-quarters of the 
 native ones. The fault of Sherpur was its size, too large for 
 my forces to defend properly a fault which would have been 
 far more serious had I diminished my strength by occupying 
 the Bala Hissar as well. Another drawback was that the 
 whole of the City of Cabul intervened between Sherpur and 
 the Bala Hissar, and holding the Bala Hissar would not have 
 prevented the enemy from occupying the city, once we had been 
 beaten off the Asmai heights which we were by the sheer 
 force of numbers on the 14th December, 1879. I had about 
 6,000 men, and the enemy were certainly not less than 100,000. 
 In my despatch, I said about 60,000, as I wished to be well 
 within the mark, and it was impossible to get any accurate 
 estimate, but many influential natives, who had the means of 
 judging, told me that the enemy numbered 100,000 or 120,000. 
 I mention all this as Hensman's book is certainly misleading ; 
 he, no doubt, never knew how much thought I had given to 
 our position during the winter. So anxious was I to hold the 
 Bala Hissar, that I consulted the Commanding R.E., as to 
 the possibility of hutting the balance of the troops on the Siah- 
 Sung ridges, where we first encamped, but it was pronounced 
 an impossibility within the time." 
 
 On the 26th October, Sir Frederick Roberts visited Boot- 
 kak, where he selected a position for an outpost in the direction 
 of the line of advance of the Khyber column, which, under the 
 command of Major-General Bright, had entered Jellalabad two 
 days before. On the 1st November, Brigadier-General Mac- 
 pherson proceeded to Bootkak to open communications with 
 General Bright's column, the line by the Shutargardan being
 
 Roberts Reconnoitres towards the Khyber. 269 
 
 closed for the winter. Many chiefs of the Tezeen* valley and 
 neighbouring country between it and Jellalabad, came into his 
 camp to make their submission and get the best terms procurable 
 from the British Commander. 
 
 On the following day Sir Frederick Eoberts, accompanied by 
 Colonel Macgregor, Chief of the Staff, and Daoud Shah, the 
 Commander-in-Chief of the late Afghan Army, rode out to 
 Bootkak, and, joining General Macpherson there, proceeded 
 with a strong escort to reconnoitre the Lutterbund Pass. On 
 the following morning the General, who was joined by the 
 headmen of the neighbouring Ghilzyes, reconnoitred to within 
 three or four miles of Tezeen, proceeding thence to the Khoord- 
 Cabul, that terrible defile which bears such an ominous sound 
 in the ears of those who remember the fearful scene of 
 slaughter enacted within its savage and precipitous gorges. 
 Threading the Khoord-Cabul, the General returned to Bootkak, 
 and in the evening rode back a further distance of ten miles to 
 the Sherpur Cantonment by the line of Telegraph just com- 
 pleted, making over forty miles of country covered during the 
 day. 
 
 As the result of this examination, General Roberts decided 
 to use the Lutturbund Pass for the future line of communica- 
 tion with General Bright at Jellalabad, the road by the Khoord- 
 Cabul (which General Macpherson was directed to use in 
 forming a junction near Jugdulluck with Brigadier-General 
 Charles Gough* advancing from Jellalabad with a portion of 
 General Bright's division) being considerably longer. 
 
 On the 4th November the General rode out towards Beni 
 Hissar to meet Brigadier-General Hugh Gough, who arrived at 
 Sherpur escorting a large convoy, and bringing with him the 
 troops lately stationed at Shutargardan, under Colonel Money. 
 The General warmly congratulated Colonel Money and thanked 
 the 3rd Sikhs and the Mountain Battery for their gallant re- 
 
 * This officer must not be confounded with his brother, Hugh Gough, 
 though both were at Delhi in Hodson's Horse. Hugh Gough served in Sir 
 Hope Grant's force throughout the mutiny with the subject of this Memoir ; 
 Charles Gough was also a cavalry officer, and, like his distinguished brother, 
 earned the Victoria Cross in the mutiny ; and during the first phase of the 
 Afghan War, ending with the Treaty of Gundamuck, commanded the cavalry 
 of the Khyber, or Sir Samuel Browne's, Division.
 
 270 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 pulse of the attack by an overwhelming force of Mangals and 
 Ghilzyes. And these brave native soldiers received an ovation 
 from their comrades on their arrival in camp. On the way the 
 General was met by Padshah Khan, the intriguing Ghilzye 
 Chief, to whom he gave a cool reception. The British force at 
 Cabul had been seriously weakened by the absence of the 
 troops under Generals Macpherson and Gough, and the return 
 of the latter with the Shutargardan garrison, made a welcome 
 addition to a force of insufficient strength, as later events 
 proved, to cope with a combination of the tribes. 
 
 During the next few days Sir Frederick Eoberts visited the 
 Chardeh valley, and inspected the scene of the fighting on the 
 6th and 8th October ; and a column proceeded under command 
 of Brigadier-General Baker to the villages in the same valley, 
 and brought away some soldiers of the regiments who had 
 taken part in the attack on the Residency, whose names and 
 addresses were found on the regimental muster rolls. These 
 men were handed over for trial to the Military Commission, 
 under Brigadier- General Massy, and such as were found to be 
 guilty were hanged. The claims of justice being satisfied, on 
 the 12th November Sir Frederick Eoberts issued a Proclamation 
 of Amnesty* to all persons who had fought against the British 
 
 * The following is the text of the proclamation : " To all whom it may 
 concern. On the 12th October, Shawal, a proclamation was issued in which 
 I offered a reward for the surrender of any person who had fought against 
 the British troops since the 3rd September, fifteenth Ramazan, and had 
 thereby become a rebel against the Ameer Yakoob Khan. I have now 
 received information which tends to show that some at least of those who 
 shared in the opposition encountered by the British troops during their 
 advance on Cabul, were led to do so by the belief that the Ameer was a 
 prisoner in my camp, and had called upon the soldiery and people of Cabul 
 to rise on his behalf. Such persons, although enemies to the British Govern- 
 ment, were not rebels against their own sovereign. And the great British 
 Government does not seek for vengeance against enemies who no longer 
 resist. It may be that few only of those who took up arms were thus led 
 away by the statements of evil-minded men ; but rather than punish the 
 innocent with the guilty, I am willing to believe that all were alike 
 deceived. On behalf of the British Government, therefore, I proclaim a 
 free and complete amnesty to all persons who have fought against the 
 British troops since the 3rd September, fifteenth Ramazan, provided that 
 they now give up any arms in their possession and return to their homes. 
 The offer of a reward for the surrender of such persons is now withdrawn, 
 and they will not for the future be molested in any way on account of 
 their opposition to the British advance. But it must be clearly understood 
 that the benefits of this amnesty do not extend to any one, whether soldier
 
 The Moolah Mooskh-i-Ahim. 271 
 
 troops since the 3rd September, provided that they gave up 
 any arms in their possession and returned to their homes ; but 
 those persons who took part in the attack on the Residency, or 
 who might be found in possession of any property belonging to 
 members of the Embassy, were exempted. Up to the 15th 
 November, the executions at Cabul, under the recommendation 
 of the Military Commissioners, were seventy- eight, chiefly' 
 soldiers of the regiments which attacked the Residency. 
 
 A more pleasing duty to a humane officer like Sir Frederick 
 Roberts was the establishment in Cabul of a Civil Dispensary, 
 of which not only the male inhabitants but the ladies of the 
 Sirdars' families availed themselves. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts appointed as Governor of Afghan 
 Turkestan, Sirdar Wali Mahomed Barukzye, to whom an ad- 
 vance of two lacs of rupees (20,000) was made for the pay of 
 levies, and to the charge of Kohistan, always a turbulent 
 district, he commissioned Shahbaz Khan. Besides these 
 Sirdars there were in the British Camp during the month two 
 leading Ghilzye Chiefs, from Hissarak, near Jugdulluck, who 
 agreed to keep open the road, and Mahomed Said, Governor of 
 Ghuznee, where disturbances had already broken out, under the 
 fiery exhortations of the aged Moollah, Mooskh-i-Alum, who 
 now appeared on the stormy sea of Afghan politics. The 
 influence wielded by this turbulent priest was enormous, though 
 we have seen its counterpart in Mediaeval Europe, with which 
 Central Asia, at the present time, bears a striking resemblance, 
 both in its religious and political conditions. The monks in 
 the priest-ridden courts and peoples of Europe, a thousand 
 years ago, possessed an influence paralleled by the Moollahs 
 among the ignorant and fanatical clansmen of Afghanistan and 
 our frontier, or in the cabinet of such a bigot as the late Nas- 
 
 or civilian, who was concerned directly, or indirectly, in the attack upon the 
 Residency, or who may hereafter be found in possession of any property 
 belonging to members of the Embassy. To such persons no mercy will be 
 shown. Further, I hold out no promise of pardon to those who, well know- 
 ing the Ameer's position in the British camp, instigated the troops and 
 people of Cabul to take up arms against the British troops. They have 
 been guilty of wilful rebellion against the Ameer's authority, and they will 
 be considered and treated as rebels whenever found." Up to the 13th 
 November the Cabulees surrendered 6,729 rifles and muskets, of which 742 
 were Enfields, and 560 Sniders.
 
 272 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 rullah Khan, Ameer of Bokhara. The ninety years of Mooskh- 
 i-Alum (literally " Scent of the Universe ") had not softened his 
 fanatical hatred of the unbeliever. He was zealous in the 
 cause of the faith, and his saintly life gave him great influence 
 over his countrymen, who placed implicit faith in the assurances 
 of one 
 
 "Whose beard the silver hand of peace hath touch' d, 
 Whose white investments figure innocence." 
 
 But now his utterances breathed not of peace, as became his 
 years and calling, but of slaughter and extermination. The 
 "Jehad" was preached from every minaret and mosque, and the 
 Minister of Peace dedicated the remainder of his days to urging 
 futile resistance in which thousands of his countrymen perished. 
 
 " Turning his books to graves, his ink to blood, 
 His pens to lances, and his tongue divine, 
 To a loud trumpet and a point of war." 
 
 It was the old intolerant spirit of the Israelitish priest who 
 maddened the people to deeds of blood by appeals to "the 
 Sword of the Lord and of Gideon," though in this instance the 
 call was to defend his countrymen's hearths from aggression, 
 and therefore justifiable, if affording a chance of success. 
 
 Meanwhile the General took active steps to provide against 
 the contingencies of the coming winter, and busied himself in 
 collecting a reserve of supplies from Maidan, Logar, and Kohis- 
 tan, advances being made to the Sirdars for its transmission, 
 and all ineffective transport animals were sent back to India, in 
 order to economize forage. To facilitate the transport of 
 supplies from India the road on the Lutterbund was improved 
 by the Pioneers ; at this time also the British Camp was put 
 in communication with Jellalabad by means of the telegraph 
 wire. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts found his hand strengthened against 
 the possibility of the dangers of a divided command by his 
 promotion to the local rank of Lieutenant-General, with the 
 command of all the troops as far as Jamrood at the mouth of 
 the Khyber Pass, so that General Bright' s division of 12,000 
 men was placed in subordination to him. Towards the end of 
 November, on the return of General Macpherson's Brigade to
 
 Disturbed State of Affairs. 273 
 
 Sherpur, Sir Frederick Roberts despatched Brigadier- General 
 Baker with a strong force to Maidan, about twenty-five miles 
 from Cabul, in the direction of Ghuznee, to enforce the collection 
 of grain and forage, which is ordinarily due from that district 
 as part of the revenues of the State. On the following day, 
 taking with him a small Cavalry escort, Sir Frederick joined 
 General Baker. A chief of some local importance proved 
 recalcitrant, and refused to send in his quota of supplies ; on 
 which Captain Turner, Assistant Political Officer, was sent with 
 two Squadrons of Cavalry, to bring him in ; but the troopers 
 were fired upon and compelled to retire. 
 
 In order to compel his submission, at daybreak on the 24th 
 November, Sir Frederick moved against the rebel chief's fort, 
 but it was found to be deserted. Having burnt the fort and 
 the neighbouring villages he returned to Maidan, and, on the 
 following day, rode back to Sherpur, leaving General Baker to 
 complete his mission. 
 
 On his arrival he was greeted with reports of the disturbed 
 state of Afghan Turkestan and Kohistan, where large bodies of 
 men were collecting, and the Governor recently appointed to 
 the latter district found his position untenable. General 
 Baker returned to Sherpur early in December, having collected 
 the forage demanded from Maidan. He reported that he left 
 all quiet in the district ; but it was a deceptive lull, for hardly 
 had he left the valley than the Governor he had installed, a 
 Barukzye Sirdar and a son of the great Ameer Dost Mahom- 
 med, was murdered. The Governor appointed to the Logar 
 District was equally an object of suspicion and contempt by 
 the people, who refused to recognize the authority which 
 lacked the support of British bayonets. On every hand there 
 were portents, and the situation resembled that of 1840, when 
 Sir "William Macnaghten represented the British power in 
 Afghanistan, and Shah Sojah was his puppet. The catas- 
 trophe, doubtless, would have been equally fatal to British 
 interests and prestige had not there been in Sir Frederick 
 Roberts an officer wielding supreme political and military 
 command, who was fully alive to the dangers of the situation, 
 and quite capable of coping with them. Meanwhile, the ques- 
 tion of supplies, especially forage for the thousands of troop-
 
 274 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 horses and transport animals, continued to engross the 
 General' s attention, over 100,000 maunds (80 Ibs. to the 
 maund) heing necessary to complete the supply for the winter. 
 He had also not completed the storage of fuel and provisions 
 for six months, which, with wise prevision he had set himself 
 to collect from the day of his arrival at Cabul. 
 
 The winter set in with severity early in December, the 
 thermometer marking 20 of frost, and Sir Frederick Roberts 
 was reluctantly compelled to forego an expedition he had 
 meditated to Ghuznee, the head-quarters of the malcontents on 
 that side of Cabul, as it would expose his soldiers to consider- 
 able hardship. 
 
 Early in the morning of the 1st December, before the camp 
 was astir, the ex- Ameer Yakoob Khan turned his back on his 
 late Capital and proceeded a prisoner to India, guarded by an 
 escort of Cavalry. The Commission of Inquiry into the circum- 
 stances of the massacre of the British Mission at Cabul, consist- 
 ing of Colonel Macgregor, Dr. Bellew, and Mahomed Hyat 
 Khan, had presented their report to the General on the 18th 
 November, and the Government of India, on learning its 
 conclusions, ordered the deportation of the ex-Ameer. Sir 
 Frederick Roberts and some of his Staff were present to bid 
 him farewell, and so ended the brief and stormy reign of the 
 son of Shere Ali, who shared the vicissitudes which make the 
 history of the family of his grandfather, Dost Mahommed, one 
 of the most interesting and romantic recorded in the annals of 
 any country. 
 
 Little more than a twelvemonth before, his father, Shere 
 Ali, had attained a more powerful position than " the Dost" 
 or any of the Ameers of the preceding Suddozye dynasty since 
 the time of Ahmed Shah ; but evil advisers and a reliance on 
 Russian promises of support, which he found the broken reed 
 it proved in the hands of his father forty years before, brought 
 him down to the dust. His armies, defeated at Ali Musjid 
 and the Peiwar Kotul, and his southern capital, Candahar, cap- 
 tured, Shere Ali fled to Afghan Turkestan, but in vain sought 
 permission to proceed to the throne of the Czar, there to plead 
 his cause against the Indian Viceroy. After a few weeks' illness, 
 broken-hearted at all his ambitious schemes having so utterly
 
 Shere Ali and Yakoob Khan. 275 
 
 failed, be died at Mazar-i- Sheriff, and, like Wolsey, there were 
 " none so poor to do him reverence." 
 
 " But yesterday, and who had mightier breath 1 
 A thousand warriors by his word were kept 
 In awe ; he said, as the Centurion saith, 
 ' Go,' and he goeth ; ' Come,' and forth he stepp'd. 
 The trump and bugle till he spake were dumb, 
 And now nought left him but the muffled drum." 
 
 Scarcely more fortunate was his son and successor, Yakoob 
 Khan, at one time one of the most fiery and successful warriors 
 in Central Asia. To the sword of Yakoob Khan his father 
 owed his throne, for when quite a youth he wrested Candahar 
 from his enemies, when Shere Ali's fortunes were at their 
 lowest ebb, and inflicted a crushing defeat on his uncle Azim, 
 and his cousin Abdurrahman, now, in the see- saw of Afghan 
 politics, the ruler of a united Afghanistan. The most brilliant 
 anticipations were formed of Yakoob's future. But whether it 
 was that his successes were due to fortune, and not to superior 
 skill, or that his energies and spirit were broken by five years' 
 incarceration in a dungeon, Yakoob Khan displayed none of 
 the royal qualities that distinguished many of the Barukzyes, 
 and specially his father and grandfather. His cowardice on 
 the 3rd September, when a display of personal energy would 
 have saved the life of the man he called his friend, rendered 
 him an object of contempt, and was the measure of his degra- 
 dation from the Yakoob Khan who was the " King-maker" of 
 Afghanistan. He was still in the prime of youth, not being 
 over thirty years of age, was prepossessing and distinguished in 
 appearance, and his personal valour had been the theme of all 
 tongues.* But he had signally failed to rule his turbulent 
 
 * Writing of Yakoob Khan before the outbreak of the Afghan war, one 
 well versed in Oriental politics says : " The character of Yakoob Khan 
 shines out from among that of all his countrymen, not only as the most able 
 and the most intelligent, but also as the most courteous, the most moderate, 
 and the most refined. The life of such a man is a study in itself, and its 
 recital will arouse sympathy in the hearts of all true lovers of brave deeds 
 and noble actions. His life is also conterminous with the most eventful 
 portion of modern Afghan history, and his career is closely intertwined 
 with the fortunes of Shere Ali." The following is a brief sketch of his 
 history : 
 
 Yakoob Khan was born in or about the year 1849 of a noble mother. 
 Arminius Vambery speaks of him in November, 1863, when the Afghan 
 Prince appeared to the traveller "a good-humoured, inexperienced child." 
 
 T 2
 
 276 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 countrymen, and, while not possessing the courage to strike a 
 blow in defence of his throne, suffered his chiefs and soldiers 
 to engage in a strife from which he would profit in the event of 
 success, while he was careful that failure should compro- 
 mise only his honour. How fallen he was from the warrior 
 prince whom his countrymen had regarded as the pink of 
 chivalry and the mould of form ! 
 
 " Unlike that Arthur, who, with lance in rest, 
 From spear to plume a star of tournament, 
 Dashed through the lists at Camelot and charged 
 Before the eyes of ladies and of knights." 
 
 The General political situation, as it developed itself in the 
 early part of December, and the causes which contributed to pro- 
 duce a state of affairs that at one time appeared to be fraught 
 with disaster, may be summarised from a despatch by Sir Frede- 
 rick Roberts to the Adjutant-General in India. 
 
 After the outbreak of September and the massacre of the 
 
 His career in the history of his country commenced very shortly after his 
 interview with the Hungarian traveller ; for, in 1864, Shere Ali's brother 
 disputed his possession of the crown, and Yakoob Khan was left in command 
 at the recently captured fortress of Herat. While Shere Ali was carrying 
 on the war with varying fortune victorious at Kujhbaz, routed at Shaikha- 
 bad, losing his eldest son in the former fight, and deserted by his best general, 
 Mahomed Eefik, on the eve of the latter, but in the end expelled from 
 Candaharand all the eastern country Yakoob Khan was slowly but surely 
 consolidating his rule over Herat and Ferrah, and propitiating, in so far as 
 he was able, the northern Khan of Maimene. So it happened that when 
 Shere Ali suffered his last overthrow beneath the walls of Khelat-i-Ghilzye 
 and fled to Herat, he had not abandoned all hope of restoring the declining 
 fortunes of his cause. During three years Yakoob Khan had preserved 
 peace in the west, had restrained the Persians, and had sent many a wel- 
 come contingent of hardy troops to the scene of battle in Candahar and 
 Cabul. There was yet one chance left ; but the degree of success that 
 might be attained no longer rested with Shere Ali. In the field of battle 
 he had been worsted, both by Azim and Abdurrahman, and his own reputa- 
 tion had become dimmed by disaster. The fate of Cabul trembled in the 
 balance when its real arbiter advanced on Candahar in the early days of 
 1868. That city fell at once after a sharp fight in the outskirts of the 
 town, and then once more Candahar became Shere Ali's base for the recon- 
 quest of Cabul. At first the joint army of Shere Ali and Yakoob Khan 
 encountered little opposition. Cabul, after an absence of more than three 
 years, was entered in triumph, and south of the Hindoo Koosh there 
 remained no rebel. Azim in the meanwhile had fled to Balkh to join his 
 nephew, and in face of the great emergency they each agreed to forego 
 their jealousies. With a large force they advanced against Cabul, but their 
 adversary had been more prompt, Yakoob Khan held the Bamian Pass aa 
 they came forth from the Sighan Valley, and worsted them in a pitched 
 encounter. But they found their retreat cut off. The Khan of Maimene 
 had declared for Shere Ali, and was operating in their rear. They had no
 
 The Situation at Cabul. 277 
 
 Envoy, the advance of the British force from All Kheyl was too 
 rapid to give the Afghans as a nation time to create an effective 
 opposition, and the defeat of Charasia put an end to all organ- 
 ized resistance. The Afghans, judging from antecedent history, 
 believed that, as in 1842, after some signal act of retribution 
 had been inflicted on the city of Cabul, the British Army would 
 withdraw to India. It thus happened that, after the action of 
 Charasia, there followed a period of expectation and doubt. 
 The Afghans were waiting on events, and the time had not yet 
 arrived when any national movement was possible. But this 
 pause was marked by certain occurrences which touched the 
 military pride of this turbulent nation to the quick. The occu- 
 pation of the fortified cantonment called after their Ameer, the 
 appropriation of the park of artillery and vast munitions of war 
 which he had accumulated with such care and at so great ex- 
 pense, the dismantling of the Bala Hissar, the historic fortress 
 of the nation and the residence of its Kings and principal 
 nobles, and, lastly, the imprisonment and deportation to India 
 of Yakoob Khan and his leading ministers, all conspired to 
 inflame to a high degree the national animosity felt towards a 
 foreign invader. 
 
 The temper of the people being in this condition, it was 
 clear that only mutual jealousy and distrust among the chiefs 
 could prevent their making common cause against their con- 
 hope left now, except in making one desperate rush on the capital and sur- 
 prising Shere Ali. But each of these schemes was frustrated. They 
 crossed the Hindoo Koosh by a pass to the east of Bamian, hut Yakoob 
 Khan was close behind, driving them before him. Past Cabul they fled 
 with the young chief hot on their track, until they turned to bay in sheer 
 despair in the neighbourhood of Ghuznee. Routed there they fled for safety to 
 Persia, where Azim died, and Abdurrahman passed on to Khokand and 
 Russian territory. The five years Avar had at last terminated, but its 
 close brought credit to Yakoob Khan alone. Since then Yakoob was 
 Governor of Cabul (1869), of Candahar (1870), and, after a brief exile, 
 of Herat (1871). In all these posts, says the writer before quoted, he ex- 
 hibited the same great capacity that he had demonstrated on the field of 
 battle ; but Shere Ali feared him, as he recognized his superior, and 
 believed that ties of blood would prove but a slight restraint upon the im- 
 pulses of ambition. In 1872 Yakoob Khan came to Cabul, trusting to a 
 safe conduct from Shere Ali, and was imprisoned for five years, and his 
 younger brother, Ayoob Khan, threatened in Herat, was glad to find safety 
 in Persia. The invasion of Afghanistan by the British brought the three 
 cousins to the front once again, and in different ways their names are in- 
 dissolubly associated with the history of the war.
 
 278 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 querors, and that, if any sentiment could be found strong 
 enough to dominate such internal dissensions and fuse the dis- 
 cordant elements into one mass, a powerful movement might be 
 evoked, having for its object the expulsion of the foreigners 
 from the country. 
 
 Such an impulse was supplied by the fervent addresses to 
 Mahomedan religious feeling made by the aged Mooskh-i-Alum 
 and by the denunciation of the English in the mosques of every 
 city and village. It was further fanned by the ladies of Yakoob 
 Khan's family, who appealed to the popular sympathies, and 
 distributed the concealed treasure which was at their command ; 
 and, lastly, a powerful incentive was added by the expectation of 
 sharing in the plunder of the British Camp. 
 
 The Moollahs, having once succeeded in subordinating the 
 private jealousies of the chiefs to a desire for revenge on the 
 common foe, the movement rapidly assumed the proportions of 
 a national uprising against the English invaders. The me- 
 mories of the disaster of 184142 were appealed to ; it was urged 
 that what had happened once might happen again ; and the 
 people were assured that if they would only rise suddenly and 
 simultaneously the small English Army in Sherpur might 
 easily be driven from its position, and, as before, be over- 
 whelmed in its retreat through the difficult passes between 
 Afghanistan and India. Such were the hopes of the chiefs and 
 religious leaders, who for a wonder were, for a brief period, 
 united against the English infidels. 
 
 According to information received by Sir Frederick Koberts, 
 their intention was to gain possession of the city and Bala 
 Hissar, and after occupying the numerous forts and villages in 
 the neighbourhood of Sherpur, to surround the cantonments. 
 To attain this object, they arranged that the forces from the 
 south, that is, from Logar, Zurmat, the Mangal and Jadran dis- 
 tricts, and intervening Ghilzai country, should seize the range of 
 hills which extend from the city towards Charasia and include 
 the Bala Hissar and the high conical peak called the Takht-i- 
 Shah ; that the forces from Kohistan should occupy the Asmai 
 heights and hills to the north of the city ; while those from 
 Maidan, Wardak, and the Glmznee direction moved upon the 
 city from the westward.
 
 Combination of the Chiefs. 2 79 
 
 As it \vas evident that if these several bodies once concen- 
 trated on Cabul they would be joined by the disaffected portion of 
 the people of the city and adjoining villages, the General formed 
 his plans to break up the combination before it came to a 
 head, and to deal in detail with the forces gathering in Maidan, 
 under Sultan Jan, and in Koh Daman, the southern part of the 
 Kohistan, under MeerButcha, whose role was to march south- 
 ward and coalesce with Sultan Jan.
 
 2 So Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 CHAPTEK XV. 
 
 The National Rising of December, 1879 The Plans of Sir Frederick 
 Roberts to Check the Movement The Cavalry Action of the llth 
 December Critical Condition of Affairs at Sherpur and in Cabul 
 Prompt Action of Sir Frederick Roberts Movements of Brigadier- 
 Generals Macpherson and Baker The Attempt to Capture the Takht-i- 
 Shah on the 12th December Severe fighting on the 13th December 
 Capture of Koh Asmai Successful Counter-attack by the Enemy 
 Heavy Losses Experienced by the British Force Sir Frederick Roberts 
 Determines to Concentrate in Sherpur Retirement of the British 
 Troops within the Cantonment. 
 
 IN pursuance of his plans, on the 8tli December Sir Frederick 
 Roberts despatched Brigadier-General Macphersou with a 
 column* towards the west, via Killa Aushar and Urghundeh, 
 in order to meet and r 1rive the enemy back on Maidan. 
 
 On the following day, Brigadier- General Baker also marched 
 with a force, f via Charasia, towards Maidan with the object of 
 placing himself across the line by which the enemy, after 
 being defeated by General Macpherson, would have to retire. 
 To give time for the completion of this movement, and to draw 
 the enemy forward by an appearance of hesitation, Sir 
 Frederick Roberts halted General Macpherson at Killa Aushar 
 on the 9th. By the absence of these two Brigades the troops 
 at Sherpur were reduced to a point of dangerous weakness, 
 but in order to strike a decisive blow against the hostile 
 confederacy, the General decided to incur the risk, which was 
 inseparable from the conduct of military operations with so 
 limited a force as was at his disposal, barely 8,000 men. 
 However, he guarded against any eventualities to the best of 
 his power, by ordering up from Jugdulluck, on the 7th 
 
 * Four guns F Battery, A Brigade, R.H.A. ; 4 guns No. 1 Mountain 
 Battery ; 1 squadron 9th Lancers ; 2 squadrons 14th Bengal Lancers ; 401 
 men, 67th Regiment ; 393 men, 5th Goorkhas ; and 509 men, 3rd Sikhs. 
 
 f Four guns No. 2 Mountain Battery ; 2^ squadrons 5th Punjaub 
 Cavalry ; 450 men 92nd Highlanders ; 450 of the 5th Punjaub Infantry ; 
 and 25 men Sappers and Miners.
 
 28l 
 
 December, the whole of the guides, Infantry and Cavalry, 
 under Colonel Jenkins. These troops arrived at Sherpur on 
 the night of the llth at a most opportune moment. 
 
 Meanwhile, on the 9th December, when General Macpherson 
 was halting at Killa Aushar, Sir Frederick discovered from a 
 Cavalry reconnoissance, made by Lieutenant-Colonel Lockhart, 
 Assistant Quartermaster-General, that large numbers of the 
 enemy were moving northwards from Urghundeh and Pughman 
 towards Kohistan; and also that a considerable force of 
 Kohistauees had collected at Karez Meer, about ten miles 
 to the north of Cabul. Impelled by the necessity for dispers- 
 ing this gathering before it could be joined by the enemy 
 hastening from the west, Sir Frederick directed General 
 Macpherson to change his line of advance and attack the 
 Kohistanees, and as their country was unsuited for the move- 
 ments of Horse Artillery and Cavalry, he ordered him to 
 leave this portion of his column at Killa Aushar, taking with 
 him only one squadron of the 14th Bengal Lancers. 
 
 On reaching the Surkh Kotul, about two miles short of 
 Karez Meer, General Macpherson found that his arrival was 
 well timed, that the enemy from the west was still below him 
 in the Pughman Valley, and that it was in his power to deal 
 with the Kohistanees before a junction could be effected. He, 
 accordingly, attacked them vigorously and promptly, and drove 
 them back with heavy loss. 
 
 The enemy, advancing from Maidan, seemed inclined at first 
 to ascend the Surkh Kotal from the Pughman Valley, and 
 assist the Kohistanees ; but on seeing that our troops held all 
 the commanding positions, and probably hearing of the defeat 
 of their allies, they retreated towards Urghundeh. Of this, 
 says Sir Frederick Roberts in his despatch of 23rd January, 
 1880, detailing the events of the preceding month, General 
 Macpherson informed him by heliograph soon after noon on 
 the 10th. In order to try and cut in on the enemy's line of 
 retreat, Sir Frederick immediately ordered the advance of 
 the Horse Artillery and Cavalry from Killa Aushar, strengthened 
 by two additional squadrons from Sherpur, the whole being 
 under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Gordon, R.H.A. 
 The movement, however, was unsuccessful, for as soon as the
 
 282 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 Cavalry appeared, the enemy took shelter in the villages, and 
 on the skirts of the high hills which surround Pughman. 
 
 General Macpherson encamped on the night of the 10th 
 at Karez Meer, and General Baker, who had steadily pursued 
 his march by a very difficult road, halted a short distance to 
 the west of Maidan. 
 
 Sir Frederick Eoberts sent orders to General Macpherson 
 to march very early on the llth, to follow the enemy, who 
 were now retreating south and west by the Pughman Valley, 
 and to endeavour to drive them towards General Baker. 
 Macpherson was informed at the same time that the Horse 
 Artillery and Cavalry, under Brigadier- General Dunham Massy, 
 who was sent from Sherpur to assume command of the force,* 
 would leave Killa Aushar at 9 A.M., and that he was to join 
 them on the Urghundeh road. General Massy's orders, says, 
 Sir Frederick Koberts, were, " to advance from Killa Aushar 
 by the road leading directly from the City of Cabul towards 
 Urghundeh and Ghazni ; to proceed cautiously and quietly, 
 feeling for the enemy; to communicate with General Macphersou, 
 and to act in conformity with that officer's movements, but on 
 no account to commit himself to an action until General 
 Macpherson had engaged the enemy." 
 
 Instead of gaining the Ghuznee road by the ordinary route, 
 General Massy started across country, intending to strike 
 that road beyond the village of Killa Kazi. He detached one 
 troop of the 9th Lancers, under Captain Chisholme, to com- 
 municate with General Macpherson, who was some miles be- 
 hind in the hills, and the troop did not rejoin him during 
 the day. "Although, on nearing Killa Kazi," says Sir 
 Frederick Roberts, " General Massy's advance guard reported 
 to him that the enemy were in considerable force on the 
 hills on either side of the Ghazni road, some three miles in 
 advance, he still moved on. Shortly afterwards further reports 
 were received by him that the enemy were coming down into 
 the plain, with the evident intention of attacking him." 
 
 The caution General Massy had been directed to exercise now 
 disappeared, and he committed himself to engaging the enemy 
 
 * His force was 4 guns F Battery, A Brigade, R.H.A. ; 2 squadrons 9th 
 Lancers ; and 1 squadron 14th Bengal Lancers.
 
 Cavalry Action of the nth December. 283 
 
 without regard to the circumstance that he was directed to 
 subordinate his movements to those of General Macpherson. 
 With the object of checking the enemy until he could com- 
 municate with that officer, General Massy opened fire with 
 his guns at 2,900 yards, but as this had not the desired 
 effect, he ordered the Battery of Horse Artillery to advance 
 400 yards nearer ; and finding the enemy continued advancing, 
 he directed the guns again to move forward. They came into 
 action at 2,000 yards, and in this position remained until the 
 opposing forces arrived within 1,700 yards' range. The Afghans 
 still continuing to advance, General Massy dismounted 
 thirty men of the 9th Lancers, who commenced firing as soon 
 as carbine range was reached, but the enemy were in such 
 force according to General Massy' s estimate, 10,000 that, 
 as he reported, the fire of the dismounted Lancers " had no 
 appreciable effect." 
 
 At this time Sir Frederick Roberts, accompanied by General 
 Hills and Staff, arrived on the ground, in the expectation of 
 witnessing the execution of his carefully laid plans, and taking 
 command of the united columns of Generals Macpherson and 
 Massy. His disappointment was great on finding the tables 
 turned, and his troops in difficulties. Recognizing the 
 critical state of affairs, and the inutility of continuing an 
 action with Cavalry and Horse Artillery against an enemy in 
 such overwhelming strength, and on ground so unfavourable, 
 he ordered General Massy to retire and watch for an oppor- 
 tunity for a Cavalry charge in order to extricate the guns. 
 He also directed General Massy and Colonel Gordon, who 
 had accompanied the former from Killa Aushar, where he had 
 previously been in command, to find a road by which the guns 
 could be withdrawn in safety. Sir Frederick Roberts writes to 
 us of the situation, and the further steps he took at this 
 juncture : " From the moment of my arrival on the ground 
 I saw how critical the position was, and at once despatched 
 one of my aides-de-camp, Lieutenant Sherston, of the Rifle 
 Brigade, to General Macpherson, with a written order to wheel 
 to his left, and advance to the assistance of the guns and 
 Cavalry as rapidly as possible. At the same time I directed 
 General Hills to gallop to Sherpur, and warn General Hugh
 
 284 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts, 
 
 Gough of what had occurred, to order him to be on the alert, 
 and to send a wing of the 72nd Highlanders, with all possible 
 speed, to the village of Deh Mazung, where they were to 
 hold the gorge of the Cabul river at all hazards. Seeing at 
 a glance the hopelessness of continuing the fight on such 
 difficult ground with a handful of Cavalry, and observing that 
 the extreme flanks of the Afghan Army were rapidly over- 
 lapping the small party, I ordered General Massy to retire the 
 guns towards Cabul, and to cover the movement by a Cavalry 
 charge." 
 
 The Cavalry charge, gallantly led by Lieutenant- Colonel R. 
 S. Cleland, who was dangerously wounded, and by Captain 
 Bloomfield Gough, on the flank, was well delivered, and did 
 considerable execution, but did not succeed in checking the 
 enemy for more than a few minutes. The gallant Colonel of 
 the 9th Lancers was dangerously wounded,* and many others, 
 officers and men, fell in the vain effort to check the advance of 
 an army. The charge was necessary to save the guns, but it 
 was well-nigh as desperate as that of Balaclava. In its in- 
 cidents it resembled that made by the 2nd Bengal Cavalry at 
 Purwandurrah, in the Kohistan, in December, 1840, when Dost 
 Mahommed led the opposing horsemen, though it was more 
 creditable, as the native troops disgraced themselves by leaving 
 their officers to bear the brunt of the action. This act of 
 infamy British Lancers were not likely to imitate. 
 
 Retiring alternately, two Royal Horse Artillery guns re-opened 
 fire, but the Afghans pressed on them hard, the gunners found 
 their further movements stopped by a deep and narrow nullah, 
 and in order to give them time while searching for a passage 
 across, Sir Frederick Roberts ordered a second Cavalry charge. 
 He writes to us : " Seeing that the guns were stuck in the 
 watercourses, and the enemy still pressing on, I ordered 
 General Massy to try a second charge, but this was not carried 
 out ; the 9th Lancers were much broken, and before they could 
 be got together, the guns had to be abandoned and spiked." 
 During the retirement, Lieutenant Hardy, R.H.A., who was last 
 seen endeavouring to help Lieutenant Forbes, 14th Bengal 
 
 * Colonel Cleland died of his wounds on his return to India, after 
 much and prolonged suffering.
 
 Results of the Cavalry Action. 285 
 
 Lancers, whose leg was broken, was killed, but the gunners and 
 drivers succeeded in retreating in safety with the cavalry. 
 
 "When the retreat took place my first object," writes Sir 
 Frederick Roberts to us, " was to rally the Cavalry ; and 
 together with my own small escort, a sufficient number of the 
 9th Lancers, 14th Bengal Lancers and gunners were got 
 together, who by their dismounted fire checked in some slight 
 measure the onward rush of the enemy. Slowly this weak 
 party retired in the direction of the Deh Mazung village, the 
 object being to give the Highlanders time to get there from 
 Sherpur before the Afghans could seize the position." During 
 the retirement, the squadron of the 14th Bengal Lancers, under 
 the command of Captain Neville, covering the retreat, behaved 
 with great steadiness and coolness. Many men had lost their 
 horses in the charges, fifty- one having been killed in the small 
 column, and many opportunities were afforded for the dis- 
 play of that devotion which is never absent in a British force, 
 even when most hardly pressed by an enemy.* The situation 
 had become extremely grave, when the 72nd Highlanders, led 
 by the chivalrous Brownlow, were seen advancing at the double 
 through the gorge. Their advent was received with cheers by 
 the troopers of the 9th. "It was literally touch and go as to 
 who should reach the village first, the Highlanders or the 
 Afghans, but our men swept in, and swarming to the tops of the 
 houses the breechloaders soon checked the advancing tide." 
 In vain the Afghans, headed by some Ghazees, surged round 
 
 * In his despatch Sir Frederick Roberts gives the British loss as twenty- 
 seven killed, of whom eighteen belonged to the 9th Lancers, and twenty- 
 five wounded. The 9th Lancers lost two officers, Lieutenants Ricardo and 
 Hearsey ; the Artillery one officer, Lieutenant Hardy ; and the 14th 
 Bengal Lancers, one officer, Lieutenant Forbes. He writes : " Brigadier- 
 General Massy specially mentions Lieutenant and Adjutant E. B. Mclnnis, 
 and Lieutenant C. J. W. Tower, both of the 9th Lancers, for their gallantry ; 
 whilst I personally witnessed the devoted bravery of the Reverend J. W. 
 Adams, the chaplain attached to my force. Mr. Adams dismounted to 
 assist a wounded man of the 9th Lancers, and, while so occupied, lost his 
 horse ; when making his way back on foot, and although the enemy were 
 but a few yards distance from him, Mr. Adams, regardless of his own 
 safety, was mainly instrumental in saving the lives of two men of the 9th 
 Lancers, who were caught under their horses, which had fallen in a water- 
 course, and who, but for his aid, must have been speedily killed by the 
 advancing enemy." For his gallantry Mr. Adams received the V.C., being 
 the first clergyman who has gained the decoration. Captain Stewart-Macken-
 
 286 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 the village, whence a deadly fire decimated their ranks. Foiled 
 at every attempt to capture it by the rush, they abandoned the 
 attempt to enter Cabul by the gorge, and took ground to the 
 right, and occupied the Takht-i-Shah and all the slopes leading 
 up to it, as well as the large walled villages in the Chardeh 
 valley, thereby threatening the Upper Bala Hissar. We will 
 now follow the operations of Brigadier- General Macpherson, as 
 detailed in the despatch. 
 
 Marching from the Surkh Kotul at 8 A.M., Macpherson moved 
 in a south-westerly direction towards Urghundeh, but observing 
 large bodies of the enemy crossing his front and proceeding 
 towards Cabul, and hearing the firing of General Massy's guns 
 on his left, he brought his right forward, and at 12.30 P.M., or 
 about an hour after the Cavalry and Artillery had commenced 
 retiring, he found himself very nearly on the ground where 
 General Massy's action had been fought. Here he came across 
 the rear of the enemy, who were speedily dispersed, some 
 making for the hills above Killa Kazi, others for the Chardeh 
 Valley. General Macpherson, not being fully informed of the 
 result of General Massy's action, decided, about 3.30 P.M., to 
 halt for the night at Killa Kazi, but afterwards received 'an 
 order from Sir Frederick Roberts, directing him to fall back on 
 Deh Mazung, where he arrived at 7 P.M., thus still further 
 securing the approach to the city. 
 
 Writing to us of General Macpherson's movements during 
 the day, his Chief says : " His soldierly instinct had told him 
 to wheel to his left on hearing Massy's guns, before my order 
 to that effect reached him, and rapidly advancing, he soon came 
 into collision with a large body of the enemy who were holding 
 the ground over which the 9th Lancers had previously charged. 
 Elated by their recent victory, these seemed disposed to show 
 fight, but the brigade steadily advanced in line, and company 
 volleys soon put them to flight." On his arrival at Deh Mazung, 
 Sir Frederick Roberts, leaving with him the wing of the 72nd 
 
 zie and Captain Bloomfield Gough, both of the 9th Lancers, distinguished 
 themselves on this occasion, and the former officer brought the regiment out 
 of action, and remained in the field until late in the day, although suffer- 
 ing from a severe contusion. Second-Lieutenant Hunter and some non- 
 commissioned officers and men of the 9th Lancers were also specially 
 commended by Sir Frederick Roberts.
 
 The Crisis in Cabul and Skerpur. 287 
 
 Highlanders, returned to Sherpur, where he arrived about 
 8 P.M., after an exciting day, destined, however, to be followed 
 by others equally full of incident. 
 
 The position of affairs at Sherpur at one time had been suf- 
 ficiently serious. With a vast cantonment, full of the winter 
 supplies of food and forage for the British army, and almost 
 denuded of troops, Brigadier-General Hugh Gough made the 
 best dispositions for defence that lay in his power. His resolute 
 bearing and military experience inspired confidence, until the 
 arrival of Colonel Jenkins,* from Lutterbund, with the Guides, 
 Cavalry and Infantry, tended to lessen the immediate danger 
 somewhat, though reports were current of an intended attack on 
 the Cantonments by the Kohistanees. 
 
 The situation in Cabul during the day was also a very anxious 
 one for General Hills, who, after despatching the Highlanders 
 to Deh Mazung, took steps to defend the city committed to his 
 charge against the soldiers of Mahomed Jan, or the malcon- 
 tents and " budmashes," or swash-bucklers, who, as well as 
 fanatics, swarm in these cities of Central Asia. The resources 
 at General Hills's disposal were but limited, but a braver-hearted 
 soldier does not exist, and he put a bold face on it, which goes a 
 long way with the scum of great cities. At the Kotwallee,f or 
 Magistrate's office, where he administered justice, General 
 Hills placed a guard of forty Kuzzilbashes (literally " red heads," 
 from the colour of their turbans), a tribe descended from the 
 followers of Nadir Shah, who have always been friendly to the 
 British, and he manned the gates with strong armed bodies of 
 the same race. He himself patrolled the city with 100 Sikhs, 
 and there was a company of the 72nd Highlanders posted on 
 the Upper Bala Hissar. Though these were all the troops at 
 his disposal, his arrangements averted a rising. Sir Frede- 
 rick Roberts, on his way to the Cantonment from Deh Mazung, 
 
 * Sir Frederick Roberts writes : " Foreseeing the probability of rein- 
 forcements being required, and thinking that troops coming from India 
 would have a good effect politically, I had ordered Colonel Jenkins on the 
 7th December to march on Cabul from Jugdulluck." 
 
 t Had General Hills been attacked, as then anticipated, his fate might 
 have been that of Sir Alexander Burnes in 1841, or Sir Louis Cavagnari in 
 1879, though what he chiefly feared was being burnt out, for which these 
 buildings offer peculiar facilities.
 
 288 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 detached a party of the 72nd Highlanders to reinforce the 
 picket of the 67th, and this force, numbering 213 men, under 
 Captain Jarvis, of the latter regiment, though attacked during 
 the night with great determination, repulsed the enemy with 
 heavy loss. 
 
 Meantime the lost guns had been recovered by Colonel 
 Macgregor. When his chief fell back on Deh Mazung, that 
 gallant officer, judging that the infantry ordered from Sherpur 
 might take the road by the Kotul to the north by Killa Aushar, 
 went in that direction to meet them, and observing from this 
 point that the ground where the guns were lying had been 
 partially cleared of the enemy by the advance of General 
 Macpherson's troops, he, with the assistance of some officers, 
 collected a small party of the 9th Lancers, 14th Bengal Lancers, 
 and Artillerymen, who had remained with him, retraced his 
 steps, and picking up, en route, a few soldiers belonging to 
 General Macpherson's baggage guard, was enabled to recover 
 the guns and bring them into Cantonments before night. The 
 Afghans had stripped them of all movable parts, and the 
 ammunition boxes had been emptied, but otherwise they were 
 intact, and were ready for use on the following day. 
 
 During this eventful day the force detached under Brigadier- 
 General Baker had also been engaged with the enemy. Start- 
 ing early on the morning of the llth from his encampment in 
 the neighbourhood of Maidan he found the enemy in considera- 
 ble force, occupying the hills on either side of the Urghundeh 
 road. The main body of General Baker's force was allowed to 
 proceed unmolested, but his rear-guard and baggage were some- 
 what hotly attacked ; owing, however, to the able manner in 
 which the rear guard was commanded by Captain McCullum, 
 92nd Highlanders, and to the energy of the officers in charge 
 of the Transport, the whole of the baggage was brought through 
 in safety. Baker's advanced-guard had, in the meantime, 
 reached Urghundeh, and found the Afghans in possession of 
 both sides of the gorge through which the road runs into the 
 Chardeh Valley. Although late in the afternoon it was neces- 
 sary to dislodge the enemy from their position, commanding, 
 as it did, the road to Cabul. This was effected in a brilliant 
 manner by a portion of the 92nd Highlanders, under the com-
 
 Concentration within Sherpur. 289 
 
 mand of Major White, gallantly led by Lieutenant the Hon. 
 J. Scott Napier, son of Lord Napier of Magdala. General Baker 
 encamped that night at Urghundeh, being unaware of the mis- 
 fortune that had befallen General Massy's force, all efforts to 
 communicate with him on the part of the commanding General 
 having been unsuccessful. Early on the morning of the 12th 
 a heliogiaphic signal from Sherpur put Baker in possession of 
 the changed situation. He was informed that the enemy were 
 threatening the city in very considerable numbers, that Sir 
 Frederick Koberts had found it necessary to withdraw General 
 Macpherson's brigade to Deh Mazung, and that it was his wish 
 he should return forthwith, as it was important that the whole 
 force should be concentrated in the neighbourhood of the city 
 and cantonment. Accordingly General Baker marched on Sher- 
 pur, where he arrived during the day. 
 
 It has been said that Sir Frederick Roberts underrated the 
 strength of the forces from Wardak, Logar, and Maidan, con- 
 trolled by Mahomed Jan, and that he committed an error in 
 denuding Sherpur and despatching two brigades by the 
 Chardeh and Logar Valleys, and thus separating them by a 
 mountain range so that no communication could be maintained 
 between them ; but even if this is so, the responsibility of failure 
 in his arrangements does not rest with him, and all would have 
 gone well had his plans been carried out as he intended. Sir 
 Frederick, from his lengthened experience of the warlike capa- 
 bilities of the Afghan levies, such as constituted the bulk of 
 the forces arrayed against him under Meer Butcha and 
 Mahomed Jan, was of opinion that either Macpherson's or 
 Baker's brigades could have dealt with them singly, while they 
 were on the march and not entrenched in strong positions ; but 
 once they acquired the prestige of success by the capture of 
 British guns they became infinitely more powerful, both morally 
 and numerically, as our experience of the events round Cabul 
 in 1841 amply testified would be the case. Had Sir Frederick 
 kept Brigadier-General Baker back, and sent him by the Indikee 
 route, that officer would have been in a position to attack 
 Mahomed Jan as he slipped past Brigadier-General Macpher- 
 son, but the Afghan Commander, who displayed considerable 
 astuteness and military capacity, hearing that Baker was in his 
 
 u
 
 290 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 rear, made for the Cabul Valley, and at one time the position 
 of the Sherpur Cantonment was most critical. 
 
 At no juncture in his remarkable career did Sir Frederick 
 Koberts display the genius of the great commander in a more 
 striking manner than when, with the intuition of genius, he 
 occupied the gorge leading to the city with the 72nd Highland- 
 ers. That move, perhaps, saved the Cantonment from capture, 
 for though the dispositions of Brigadier-General Gough were all 
 that skill could devise and calm courage carry out, yet what 
 would his small force of about 1,000 men, distributed over the 
 vast enceinte of Sherpur, have effected against an infuriated horde 
 of soldiers, villagers, and Ghazis, bent on revenge and rapine ? 
 In a letter detailing the critical events by which the Camp at 
 Sherpur was saved Sir Frederick Koberts says : " I reached 
 Deh Mazung with the Cavalry which had been rallied, and 
 which retired very steadily, squadron by squadron, keeping the 
 enemy in check. "VVe came as slowly as possible, as I knew 
 that unless the 72nd Wing, sent for from Sherpur, could reach 
 Deh Mazung before we did, it would be scarcely possible for 
 us to prevent the enemy from occupying that village and the 
 neighbouring heights. The 72nd arrived just in time, and I 
 remained until the arrival of General Macpherson's brigade, 
 which I had ordered to fall back from Kila Kazi." It would 
 be ungenerous to bear hard on General Massy, who suffered 
 much for his rashness, as not only did Sir Frederick Haines, 
 the Commander-in-Chief, animadvert severely on his conduct, 
 but he was recalled to India. There was an error of judg- 
 ment on his part, but mistakes have been made by the greatest 
 commanders, and General Massy was a very gallant officer.* 
 
 * A distinguished officer, who was an eye-witness of these events, 
 places the blame of the disaster of the llth December unreservedly 
 on Brigadier-General Massy, who, he maintains, did not carry out Sir 
 Frederick's instructions. He said to us: "Sir Frederick Roberts thought each 
 column, unassisted, quite able to drive off any force. Baker was to have 
 caught Mahomed Jan's troops, but they, hearing he was in the rear, gave 
 him the slip and made for the city. The enemy halted about six miles from 
 Cabul, when Massy attacked them without orders. He took it upon himself 
 to do so, as he had distinct orders to wait for Macpherson to attack with the 
 infantry. The cavalry ought to have retired by the Ghuznee main road, 
 which protected the city, or by the w -\j by which they came, which was 
 practicable for guns ; had they done so the guns would have been saved. 
 But instead of that Massy moved them through the fields and watercourses,
 
 Attack on the Takkt-i-Shah. 291 
 
 On the following day, Friday the 12th December, Sir Fred- 
 erick Roberts resumed operations against the enemy, who, on 
 finding that they were unable to enter the city, took up a strong 
 position on a lofty peak known as the Takht-i-Shah (or King's 
 throne), which is connected with the hill above the Bala Hissar 
 by a long neck, or saddle, of very rough and difficult ground. 
 Sir Frederick Roberts felt that unless he was to play the part 
 of a second Elphinstone, an effort must be made to dislodge the 
 enemy, and directed General Macpherson to make the attempt. 
 Accordingly, Colonel Money, 3rd Sikhs, who had gained such 
 distinction by his defence of the Shutargardan, was directed to 
 make the attempt with two guns and 560 men.* 
 
 The position held by the enemy was of great natural strength. 
 The slopes of the Takht-i-Shah are very steep, strewn with 
 jagged masses of rock and intercepted with scarps, and the 
 natural impediments with which the assaulting party had to 
 contend were still further increased by " sungars," or breast- 
 works, which the enemy had thrown up at different points on 
 the ascent to the peak. Behind these defences the Afghans, 
 like Easterns, might be credited with fighting with resolution. 
 
 In spite of the gallantry of the troops and the accuracy of 
 the fire of Captain Morgan's guns, it was speedily manifest that 
 a much larger force than Sir Frederick Roberts could spare from 
 the defence of Sherpur, with Baker's Brigade absent, would be 
 necessary to carry the heights. " The position," writes the 
 
 between these two roads, and so got into difficulties and lost his guns. Sir 
 Frederick Roberts at once grasped the situation, and sent General Hills to 
 Sherpur with orders to turn out a wing of the 72nd Highlanders under 
 Colonel Brownlow, to seize the gorge leading to the city. Hills did so, and 
 just got there in time to save the retreating column and check the rebels 
 from getting into the city. Meanwhile JNlacpherson was doubling up at 
 the rear. It is, therefore, nonsense to declare that Massy threw himself 
 into the gap as there were no British troops, and saved Sherpur. Had he 
 waited for Macpherson there would have been no difficulty at all. Sir 
 Frederick Roberts was driven back to the gorge, the guns being lost, and 
 there were the 72nd Highlanders." The highest authority on the events 
 of the llth December writes to us with characteristic generosity of the 
 part played by Brigadier-General Massy : " He was taken by surprise, and 
 failed to appreciate the part which his cavalry -was intended to play, as a 
 portion of General Macpherson's brigade, upon the movements of which he 
 should have waited." 
 
 * The following was the constitution of the small column : 2 guns No. 
 1 Mountain Battery ; 215 men from 67th and 72nd Regiments ; 150 of the 
 3rd Sikhs ; and 195 men of the 5th Goorkhas. 
 
 u 2
 
 292 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 General, "was an exceedingly formidable one, and after gallant 
 attempts to carry it, which lasted during the greater part of the 
 day, I ordered the assault to be deferred. I saw that to ensure 
 success without very serious loss, and to prevent the enemy 
 relieving and reinforcing the party holding the peak, as I had 
 observed them to be doing during the day, it was necessary not 
 only to attack in front, but to operate also on the enemy's line 
 of retreat."* 
 
 General Macpherson was, accordingly, directed to hold the 
 ground of which he had already gained possession, and informed 
 that, on the following morning, General Baker, who only arrived 
 at Sherpur in the evening, after a long and fatiguing march, 
 would co-operate with him from the Beni Hissar side. 
 
 Early on the morning of the 13th December, Sir Frederick 
 Roberts commenced operations with vigour. Brigadier-General 
 Baker was despatched with a column f with orders to proceed 
 by the Bala Hissar road in the direction of Beni Hissar, to 
 seize the heights above that village, and to operate on the 
 enemy's position on the Takht-i-Shah from the south-east. At 
 the same time Brigadier- General Macpherson was instructed to 
 act in conjunction with General Baker from the direction of the 
 north of the Bala Hissar. 
 
 Soon after passing the Bala Hissar General Baker observed 
 the enemy streaming out of the villages immediately below the 
 Beni Hissar ridge, and resolved to cut their line in two. 
 Covering his advance with the fire of his two batteries, the 
 infantry advanced on the villages, the centre of which was 
 seized by a movement described by the General as " bold and 
 rapid." The 92nd Highlanders led the advance, under Major 
 
 * The losses during the day were four killed and twelve wounded, includ- 
 ing three officers, Lieutenant Faskin, 3rd Sikhs, Lieutenant Fergusson, 
 72nd Highlanders, and Major Cook, Y.C., 5th Goorkhas, who died on 29th 
 December, mortification of the leg having ensued from his wound. Sir 
 Frederick Roberts issued a graceful order to his troops, recounting the ser- 
 vices of this gallant officer, whose loss was deplored by the entire force and 
 was indeed of national concern. " He was one," says the General, " who 
 would, had he been spared, have risen to the highest honours of his profes- 
 sion." 
 
 t Four guns G Battery, 3rd Brigade, R.A. ; 4 guns No. 2 Mountain 
 Battery ; 1 squadron 9th Lancers ; 5th Punjaub Cavalry ; 6 Companies 
 92nd Highlanders ; 7 Companies Guides Infantry ; 300 rifles 3rd Sikhs ; 
 afterwards reinforced by 150 rifles 5th Punjaub Infant y.
 
 Capture of the Enemy s Position. 293 
 
 White, who had so greatly distinguished himself at Charasia 
 and elsewhere during the present campaign, and the attack on 
 the enemy's first position was gallantly headed by Lieutenant 
 Forbes, who, together with his Colour- Sergeant, James Drum- 
 mond, was killed in a hand-to-hand fight. On seeing them fall 
 there was a momentary waver among the Highlanders, when 
 Lieutenant Dick Cunyngham rushed forward, and rallied the 
 men by his example and cheering words.* As a national poet 
 sings : 
 
 " Joy to the chiefs that lead old Scotia's ranks, 
 Of Roman garb and more than Roman fire." 
 
 The Afghans on this occasion displayed unwonted daring, but 
 the position was won after a brief struggle, and a large portion 
 of the enemy were thus prevented from uniting themselves 
 with those occupying the Takht-i-Shah. The 92nd High- 
 landers and Guides, covered by the fire of Major Swinley's guns, 
 which had by this time gained the summit of the lower ridge, 
 and aided by that of Major Craster from the plain below, con- 
 tinued the advance on the conical hill, though every foot of the 
 way was contested. At length, shortly before noon, the 92nd 
 Highlanders and Guides had reached the summit, where they 
 were met by a party from the Bala Hissar side, consisting of 
 the 72nd Highlanders, 3rd Sikhs and 5th Goorkhas, under the 
 command of Major Sym, 5th Goorkhas, who had arrived there 
 a few minutes before, f 
 
 Large bodies of men were about this time seen issuing from 
 the lower Bala Hissar and city, part of whom made for the 
 heights of Siah-Sung, whilst the rest, advancing towards Beni 
 Hissar, occupied two strongly fortified villages situated on 
 either side of the road. One of these was captured by General 
 Baker's troops on their return from the Takht-i-Shah ; the 
 other, later in the day by a detachment of the 5th Punjaub 
 Infantry, under Major Pratt, which Sir Frederick Roberts had 
 sent from Sherpur to keep open the communication with General 
 Baker. Observing the collection of men on the Siah-Sung, 
 and thinking that Brigadier-General Baker might have some 
 
 * This officer was awarded the V.C. for his gallantry on this occasion, 
 and never was that much-coveted distinction more worthily gained. 
 
 f Colour-Sergeant John Yule, 72nd Highlanders, was the first man up, 
 and captured two standards. This gallant non-commissioned officer was 
 killed on the following day.
 
 294 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 difficulty in dealing with so many detached parties of the enemy, 
 Sir Frederick despatched Brigadier- General Massy with the 
 Cavalry brigade* to his assistance. During the operation the 
 Guides Cavalry, under Lieutenant-Colonel G. Stewart, made a 
 brilliant charge, as did the 9th Lancers, under Captain Butson, 
 who was killed, together with Sergeant-Major Spittle and three 
 men ; Captain Chisholme and Lieutenant Tower with eight 
 men of the same regiment being wounded. Notwithstanding 
 the severity of his wound, Captain Chisholme remained in the 
 saddle, and brought his regiment out of action. The 5th Pun- 
 jaub Cavalry, under Lieutenant- Colonel Williams, also distin- 
 guished themselves, Majors Hammond and Stewart both 
 leading successful charges, so that the Cavalry had an ample 
 revenge in the loss they inflicted on the enemy for the misad- 
 venture of the llth December. 
 
 The result of the day's operations was regarded by Sir Fred- 
 erick Roberts as very satisfactory. The enemy had been driven 
 from the southern range, and their advance in that direction 
 had been stopped ; they had suffered greatly from the British 
 Artillery and infantry fire when on the hill sides ; and on the 
 plain below they had been severely dealt with by the Cavalry. 
 In the evening Sir Frederick recalled General Baker to canton- 
 ments, and directed General Macpherson to move from Deh 
 Mazung and occupy the Bala Hissar heights, leaving the 5th 
 Goorkhas to retain possession of the Takht-i-Shah.f But 
 stern work was before the Cabul Field Force, and before night- 
 fall on the succeeding day, the aspect of affairs changed, and 
 the aggressors became the defenders. 
 
 Every one in Sherpur, including Sir Frederick Roberts, was of 
 opinion that the marked success that had attended the opera- 
 tions of the day, and the heavy losses inflicted on the enemy, 
 would result in their dispersion, but the light of morning 
 
 * General Massy took with him from Sherpur : 1 squadron 9th Lancers, 
 and 2 squadrons 14th Bengal Lancers ; and was joined on Siah-Sung by 2 
 squadrons 5th Punjaub Cavalry, and 1 squadron 9th Lancers. The Guides 
 Cavalry were an independent command. 
 
 t The losses during the day were : Killed, iiwo officers, Lieutenant 
 Forbes, 92nd Highlanders, and Captain Butson, 9th Lancers, and twelve 
 men, half British. Wounded two officers, Captain Chisholme and Lieu- 
 tenant Tower, 9th Lancers, and twenty-seven British soldiers and s ; xteen 
 natives. Twenty horses were also killed and thirty-two wounded.
 
 Roberts takes the Offensive. 295 
 
 quickly dispelled the illusion. Fortunately the British Com- 
 mander was prepared for any fortune, and reverses found him 
 as calm and collected, and his resources as well in hand as after 
 such successes as the Peiwar Kotul and Charasia. 
 
 When daylight broke on the 14th December, large masses of 
 men, with many standards, were observed in occupation of a 
 high hill on the Kohistan road, about a mile north of the 
 heights of the Koh Asmai ; and as the day advanced, they 
 passed in great numbers from this hill, and also along the Ko- 
 histan road, to the crest of the heights, where they were joined 
 by other bodies from the direction of Chardeh and the city. 
 It now became apparent, adds Sir Frederick Roberts, that, 
 "foiled in their western and southern operations, the enemy 
 had concentrated to the north-west, and were about to deliver 
 an attack in great strength from that quarter." The General 
 was not the man to sit tamely by while the enemy took the 
 initiative, but resolved to drive them off the Asrnai heights, and 
 to cut their communications with the north. The Koh Asmai, 
 it should be noted, flank Sherpur in the west, at a distance of 
 about a mile, and as their occupation in force was a menace to 
 the security of the cantonment, the expulsion of the enemy 
 was a paramount necessity. 
 
 Accordingly, at 9 A.M. on the 14th, Sir Frederick Roberts 
 despatched Brigadier- General Baker with a force* to the eastern 
 slope of the Asmai, to drive the enemy off the range. Under 
 cover of the fire of his field and mountain guns, which came 
 into action close to the ruined village of Biland Kheyl, General 
 Baker seized the small conical hill which forms the northern 
 shoulder of the Aliabad Kotul, thus placing himself on the 
 enemy's line of communication, and preventing the force on 
 Asmai receiving support either from the large bodies on the 
 hill to the north or on the Kohistan road. Having gained this 
 preliminary advantage, General Baker sent Colonel Jenkins to 
 attack the conical hill with a small force. f Having effected 
 
 * Four guns G Battery, 3rd Brigade, R.A., under Major Craster ; 4 
 guns No. 2 Mountain Battery, under Major Swinley ; 14th Bengal Lancers ; 
 72nd Highlanders, 192 men ; 92nd Highlanders, 100 ; Guides Infantry, 
 460 ; 5th Punjaub Infantry, 470 men. 
 
 t One hundred and ninety-four men, 72nd Highlanders ; 70 of 92nd 
 Highlanders ; and 422 Guides Infantry.
 
 296 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 this with small resistance on the part of the enemy, Colonel 
 Jenkins left a party of sixty-four men of the 72nd Highlanders 
 and sixty of the Guides Infantry, commanded by Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Clarke, of the former regiment, who had led the suc- 
 cessful attack upon this point, to hold the conical hill, and with 
 the remainder pushed on to dislodge the enemy from the posi- 
 tion on Asmai, from the western side. The 5th Punjaub 
 Infantry was held in reserve with the guns, while the Cavalry, 
 following the attacking force, descended into the Chardeh Valley. 
 The advance on the enemy's position at Asmai was led by 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Brownlow with his Highlanders, the Guides 
 Infantry on the right affording assistance by operating on the 
 enemy's flank, and it was conducted with the gallantry that 
 had distinguished those regiments on the previous day. 
 
 As soon as the eastern point of the main position had been 
 carried, General Baker directed four guns of No. 2 Mountain 
 Battery, escorted by 100 rifles of the 5th Punjaub Infantry, to 
 reinforce the party which had been left on the conical hill, with 
 a view of supporting the advance by engaging the enemy in the 
 Chardeh and Kohistan directions. He also covered the advance 
 by the four guns of G Battery, 3rd Brigade, under Major 
 Craster, R.A., and Sir Frederick Roberts rendered assistance by 
 bringing into action four guns of F Battery, A Brigade R.H.A., 
 commanded by Captain II . Pipon, which was posted near the 
 south-west corner .of the Sherpur cantonment. The attack was 
 further assisted by the fire of four guns of No. 1 Mountain 
 Battery, under Captain Morgan, R.A., attached to Brigadier- 
 General Macpherson's Column, from the Bala Hissar hill, and 
 by two companies of the 67th Regiment, under Major G. Baker, 
 which, crossing the Cabul river and acting on the enemy's left 
 rear, contributed to render their position on the Asmai heights 
 untenable. 
 
 The ground was most difficult, and the enemy fought with 
 the greatest obstinacy ; the Highlanders and Guides were, how- 
 ever, not to be denied, and eventually reached the highest 
 peak, where stood a number of Ghazis in their white robes, as 
 typical of their resolution to die for the faith. Here a severe 
 struggle took place, and many acts of gallantry were performed, 
 but at 12.30 the British troops were in possession of the
 
 Severe Fighting. 297 
 
 Asmai heights. It seemed as if complete success had rewarded 
 the combinations of Sir Frederick Roberts and the gallantry of 
 his troops ; but a change suddenly came over the scene, and 
 victory was turned into very like defeat, due to the over- 
 whelming forces of the enemy. 
 
 The first intimation to cause anxiety was a heliographic 
 message from Brigadier- General Macpherson, informing Sir 
 Frederick Roberts that very large bodies of the enemy were 
 moving northwards from Indikee, with the apparent intention of 
 effecting a junction with the hostile force that still held the 
 hills towards Kohistan, and of endeavouring to re-take the 
 original position. Similar information was about this time 
 communicated to Brigadier-General Baker by Colonel Ross, 
 commanding the cavalry, which he had sent over the low 
 western spurs of the conical hill to ascertain the numbers and 
 movements of the enemy, and suddenly a large body of the 
 Afghans, creeping up the hill- side from the Chardeh villages, 
 made an attack on the small party left on the conical hill, and 
 before a reinforcement of 100 men of the 5th Punjaub Infantry, 
 sent by General Baker, could arrive to their assistance, the 
 enemy stormed the position. In seeking to rally his men and 
 re-take the hill, Captain Spens, 72nd Highlanders, was killed, 
 and two guns of the Mountain Battery were lost, though no 
 blame whatever attached to the officers and men, who displayed 
 conspicuous gallantry. " The mountain guns," writes Sir 
 Frederick Roberts to us, " had already limbered up, and were 
 retiring down the hill in good order, when the Afghans gained 
 the crest two of the gun mules were shot, and though the 
 gunners rolled the two 7-pounders down the hill, it was found 
 impossible to carry either of them away, and they fell into the 
 hands of the enemy. Though Captain Hall's reinforcement of 
 the 5th Punjaubees was at first carried away by the panic, yet 
 they and the remainder of the party re-formed again at the foot 
 of the slope, and with their fire covered the retreat of the other 
 two guns of Swinley's battery." 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts witnessed these events with great 
 chagrin, but he had done all that lay in his power to prevent 
 the loss of the hill, by despatching to General Baker's assist- 
 ance from Sherpur 200 men of the 3rd Sikhs, who had been
 
 298 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 escorting Captain Pipon's guns. Meanwhile, as on the previous 
 day, heavy masses of the enemy were observed collecting on 
 Siah-Sung, and proceeding round the eastern flank of canton- 
 ments in the direction of Kohistan. Sir Frederick accordingly 
 despatched a small force of cavalry and two guns of F Battery, 
 A Brigade, B.H.A., under the command of Brigadier- General 
 Hugh Gough, to disperse them, but owing to the ground in 
 that direction being much intercepted by deep watercourses, 
 the advance of the guns was necessarily slow, and by the time 
 the obstacles had been overcome, the enemy had got so far on 
 the road towards Kohistan and so close to the hills that 
 pursuit was impossible. 
 
 A party of the 5th Punjaub Cavalry, under Captain Vousden, 
 who had done good service in the Kurram campaign, met with 
 better success. This regiment was quartered in the Shah 
 Bagh (King's garden) which played so prominent a part in 
 the siege of General Elphinstone's army in 1841 situated 
 about a third of the way between Sherpur and the city, and Sir 
 Frederick had in the morning sent orders to the commanding 
 officer, Lieutenant- Colonel Williams, to be on the look-out for 
 any enemy that might pass in that direction. About 1 P.M. 
 some 300 or 400 were observed moving along the left bank of 
 the river, and Captain Vousden, who, with one troop, was out 
 on reconnoissance, most gallantly charged into the midst of 
 them. Though only twelve of his men were able to follow 
 him, he succeeded in dispersing the enemy, and in inflicting 
 severe loss upon them, killing five men with his own hand. 
 Half of his gallant little band were placed hors de combat. 
 
 " My object throughout these operations," writes Sir 
 Frederick, " had been either to break up the combination 
 against us by dealing with the enemy in detail, or at least to 
 prevent their getting command of the hills to the north and 
 west of Cabul, and thus gain possession of the city and Bala 
 Hissar. Up to this time I had no reason to apprehend that 
 the Afghans were in sufficient force to successfully cope with 
 disciplined troops, but the resolute and determined manner 
 in which the conical hill had been re-captured, and the in- 
 formation sent to me by Brigadier- General Macpherson from 
 the signal station on the Bala Hissar, that large masses of the
 
 Retirement into Sherpur, 299 
 
 enemy were still advancing from the north, south, and west, 
 made it evident that the numbers combined against us were 
 too overwhelming to admit of my comparatively small force 
 meeting them, especially on ground which still further in- 
 creased the advantages they possessed from their vast numeri- 
 cal superiority. I, therefore, determined to withdraw from all 
 isolated positions, and to concentrate the whole force at 
 Sherpur, thus securing the safety of our large cantonments, and 
 avoiding what had now become a useless sacrifice of life." It 
 was with great reluctance that General Roberts adopted this 
 measure, as it involved the temporary abandonment of the city 
 and the Bala Hissar, a loss serious in itself, and likely to 
 produce a bad effect on the country at large. Under the 
 circumstances, however, no other course was left to him but to 
 remain on the defensive, and wait until the arrival of reinforce- 
 ments, or the growing confidence of the enemy should afford 
 him a favourable opportunity for inflicting a defeat on them. 
 Time, under any circumstances, would work in his favour, as 
 the enemy did not possess supplies sufficient to enable them 
 to keep the field in such vast numbers in the depth of 
 winter. 
 
 Orders to retire within Sherpur were accordingly issued to 
 Brigadier-Generals Macpherson and Baker, and the withdrawal 
 from the Bala Hissar and Asmai heights was accomplished 
 without loss, and in a manner highly creditable to the discipline 
 of the troops. General Macpherson, whose brigade had to pass 
 through a portion of the city and the suburb of Deh Afghan, 
 had before him a critical task, but he performed it with the 
 coolness and ability that had distinguished him throughout the 
 past few days. His rear-guard was harassed, and his troops 
 were subjected to a heavy fire as they moved along the narrow 
 streets and through the numerous gardens and orchards, but the 
 Brigadier-General brought off his men and baggage in perfect 
 order, and with comparatively little loss. General Macpherson 
 was well seconded by the officers commanding corps, especially 
 Colonel Knowles, commanding the 67th Regiment. 
 
 The retirement of Brigadier-General Baker's troops down 
 the eastern face of Asmai, under a heavy fire, was also well 
 conducted by Colonel Jenkins, who spoke in high terms of the
 
 300 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 gallantry of Colonel Brownlow and Major Stockwell, 72nd 
 Highlanders, and also of Colonel E.. Campbell, of the Guides. 
 During the retreat an officer of the Guides displayed great 
 devotion. Captain Hammond had been very forward during 
 the storming of the Asmai heights, and now, when the enemy 
 were crowding up the western slopes, he remained with a few 
 men on the ridge until the Afghans were within thirty yards of 
 them, and when one of the Guides was shot, he stopped and 
 assisted in carrying him away, though the enemy were at the 
 time close by and firing heavily.* 
 
 By the evening of the 14th all troops and baggage were 
 within the cantonments, and that night the Afghan army 
 occupied the city and Bala Hissar. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts directed the operations of the 12th, 
 13th, and 14th, from the roof of the quarters he occupied in 
 Sherpur, whence he could see very fairly all the surrounding 
 country. Except when riding out to meet the troops returning 
 from fighting, in order to encourage the men and speak to 
 the wounded, he did not quit the Cantonment during those 
 days. 
 
 As the British General mustered his soldiers behind the 
 sheltering ramparts of Sherpur he had reason to deplore the 
 loss of many gallant menf during the past eventful week. 
 Eighty-three had fallen, including 8 officers, and 192 were 
 wounded, among whom were 12 officers, some of whom died, 
 including Colonel Cleland and Major Cook, V.C. Like Hector, 
 after his warriors had been chased within the sheltering walls 
 of Troy 
 
 " Round the battlement and round the plain 
 For many a chief he look'd, but look'd in vain." 
 
 Considering the vast numerical superiority of the enemy and 
 
 * Captain (now Major) Hammond received the Victoria Cross for his 
 gallantry on this occasion, as did likewise Captain (now Major) Vousden of 
 the 5th Punjaub Cavalry. 
 
 t The losses on the 14th December were : General Baker's brigade 
 Killed, 2 officers, Captain Spens and Lieutenant Gaisford, 72nd Highlanders, 
 and twenty-seven men ; wounded, three officers, Captain Gordon, 92nd 
 Highlanders ; Captain Battye, Guides ; and Lieutenant Egerton, 72nd 
 Highlanders, and eighty-six men. General Macpherson's brigade had five 
 killed and eleven wounded. Cavalry brigade, eight wounded. Grand 
 total, thirty-four of all ranks killed, and one hundred and sixty-six 
 wounded.
 
 Roberts on the Situation. 301 
 
 the nature of the positions from which they were dislodged 
 during the operations, this loss is very moderate, though heavy 
 in comparison with that suffered in previous encounters with 
 the Afghans. 
 
 It has been sought in some quarters to convey the impression 
 that Sir Frederick Roberts was taken by surprise during the 
 month of December, but this is not so. Though the Com- 
 manding general had no reason to expect the rapid gathering 
 of such enormous numbers as beleagured Sherpur, computed by 
 the Afghan leaders themselves at between 100,000 and 120,000 
 men and certain Sirdars in camp, notably Daoud Shah, the 
 late Commander-in-Chief of the ex- Ameer, who was placed under 
 arrest for his treachery, gave false information he anticipated be- 
 ing closely pressed during the winter, and it was to guard against 
 this probability that he made strenuous preparations to provide 
 for a siege or blockade by laying in supplies for men and animals 
 in such vast quantities. He says : " Though my information 
 for some weeks previous to the disturbances made me aware 
 of the increasing hostile feeling with which we were regarded, 
 and of the fact that the tribes were assembling in considerable 
 strength, yet it was impossible to form any estimate as to what 
 numbers we should have to contend with at Cabul." At the 
 same time, he was too well versed in Asiatic warfare and too 
 familiar with the Afghan character to act on the defensive, 
 and leave the gatherings in Logar and Kohistan to develop 
 into a national rising without seeking to suppress them by 
 vigorous action, which was only ineffectual from the circum- 
 stance, as he writes to us, " that 6,000 men were numerically 
 incapable of, at the same time, leaving a sufficient garrison in 
 Sherpur, and taking the offensive against armies numbering 
 twenty times their strength."
 
 3O2 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 The Situation at Sherpur and in Cabul The City and Bala Hissar Seized 
 by the Enemy Their Movements against Sherpur Sir Frederick 
 Roberts places the Cantonment in a Condition of Defence Colonel 
 Hudson and the Garrison at Lutterbund Desultory Fighting with the 
 Enemy between the 14th and 21st December The Attack of the 23rd 
 December The Final Rout of the Afghans by Sir Frederick Roberts 
 Arrival of Brigadier-General Charles Gough with Reinforcements 
 The future Government of Afghanistan The Rival Pretenders to the 
 Ameership Sir Donald Stewart Succeeds to the Chief Command in 
 North-Eastern Afghanistan. 
 
 To some in the Camp unaccustomed to the vicissitudes of war, 
 and to most of their countrymen in England, who received the 
 intelligence by telegraph, the situation of affairs on the evening 
 of the 14th December was alarming ; but it was not so in the 
 eyes of the general officer commanding the Cabul Field Force, 
 who had gone through the leaguer of Delhi, and at the Peiwar 
 Kotul and Charasia showed the world what military genius and 
 indomitable resolution could effect against enormous odds. He 
 was much stronger now than when achieving either of these 
 memorable feats of war, and though he was placed under the 
 disadvantage of temporarily assuming the defensive, an uncon- 
 genial role to one of his ardent temperament, yet he had in 
 his favour an easily defensible position, with ample supplies 
 of stores and ammunition, thanks to his own prescience. Time 
 also would work in his favour, as the elements of coherence 
 were wanting in the ranks of the enemy, and an assault of his 
 works would only end in their own discomfiture, while rein- 
 forcements would be despatched to his aid as soon as practic- 
 able. Nevertheless, these were anxious days, but the cheerful 
 and confident bearing of Sir Frederick Roberts instilled a like 
 feeling into the officers and men, who were quite content to 
 trust their lives and the honour of the flag to the tried com-
 
 Roberts s Reasons for Concentrating in Sherpur. 303 
 
 mander who had weathered so many of the storms of war. 
 There was also a bracing effect in 
 
 " the stern joy which warriors feel 
 In foemen worthy of their steel." 
 
 There were not wanting critics in India who condemned the 
 abandonment of the Bala Hissar, and the concentration of the 
 force at Sherpur, pointing to the disastrous effects of the 
 former step in the first Afghan War. But the conditions of 
 the problem were altered, and concentration in an easily 
 defensible position was widely different from concentration in 
 a cantonment commanded on all sides and with the supplies 
 stored without its walls. Sir Frederick Roberts set forth the 
 causes that induced him to place his force at Sherpur in 
 preference to occupying the Bala Hissar and the Siah Sung 
 heights in a despatch to the Commander-in-Chief, written at 
 this time. His chief reason was the inadequacy of the Bala 
 Hissar to contain and afford shelter to the entire force, with 
 its camp followers and numerous transport animals. Hence it 
 would have been obligatory to have divided his troops a 
 measure to which he was very averse by locating a portion of 
 them elsewhere, possibly upon Siah Sung, a bare and bleak 
 plateau, nearly a mile distant from the remainder of the force, 
 where water would have been procurable with difficulty, and where 
 no single facility for carrying on the necessary hutting opera- 
 tions existed. On the other hand, there was an abundant supply 
 of running water at Sherpur, and wells could be readily sunk, 
 water being procurable within seven feet of the surface. Again, 
 the disastrous explosions of the 16th October led Sir Frederick 
 Roberts to regard as a grave risk the permanent settlement of 
 the greater portion of the force close to and around a vast 
 magazine, which, there was a strong presumption to suppose, 
 was mined. These facts, added to the existence of accommo- 
 dation sufficient to at once house the Commissariat stores, the 
 entire European portion of the force, and a large part of the 
 native troops, and the rapid approach of the Afghan winter, 
 induced him, after carefully weighing the matter, to decide 
 upon the occupation of Sherpur, and, he added, in writing after 
 the critical events of December, "I see no reason, in the light 
 of recent occurrences, to alter that opinion."
 
 304 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 On the other hand, there were drawbacks to placing the force 
 in Sherpur, the chief of which were, the vast extent of the 
 Cantonment, and the impossibilty of at all reducing its line of 
 defences. 
 
 Sherpur was in the form of a parallelogram, whose northern 
 side was formed by the Behmaroo ridge,* a range of low but 
 steep, isolated hills, rising some 300 feet above the surrounding 
 plain, and running almost due east and west for a distance 
 (including the slopes at either end) of 2,500 yards. A large 
 lake, or " jheel," whose breadth varies from a quarter to half 
 a mile, lies between the northern slope of the ridge and the 
 steep hills which form the southern boundary of the Kohistan 
 country. As this lake is not more than a mile and a half 
 distant from, and is parallel to, the Behmaroo heights for quite 
 three miles, it formed a barrier, round whose flanks and between 
 which and the heights, no troops would dare advance against 
 an enemy well provided with artillery. 
 
 The southern face of the cantonment, which had a length of 
 2,650 yards, was a continuous and massive mud wall, sixteen 
 feet high, pierced at intervals of about 700 yards by three 
 gateways, which again were protected by lofty circular bastions. 
 Between these gates, and also at the angles, were a series of 
 lower bastions, which gave an admirable flanking fire. The 
 western flank, about 1,000 yards in length, was constructed on 
 a precisely similar plan, save that the northern portion was 
 much damaged by an explosion which occurred the day before 
 the cantonment was first entered by General Massy. The 
 eastern face was the weakest, as the original design was never 
 completed ; the wall, which was intended to resemble that of the 
 other faces, did not exceed seven feet in height, and even this 
 was incomplete for a considerable distance. From this point 
 the line of defence tended to the north-west, and, skirting the 
 village of Behmaroo, ran into the eastern slope of the Behmaroo 
 ridge. 
 
 The first step that recommended itself to the judgment of 
 Sir Frederick Eoberts on occupying Sherpur, in order to 
 
 * This ridge, which commanded the old cantonment in 1841, played a 
 chief part in rendering it untenable, and much fighting occurred on its 
 slope and base.
 
 The Defences of Sherpur. 305 
 
 prevent annoyance in the event of a strong combination, was to 
 destroy the villages and walled enclosures surrounding it, so 
 as to create an esplanade round the Cantonments ; but the pres- 
 sure of even more important work, the collection of supplies and 
 the provision of shelter for such of the troops as had not 
 already been housed, combined with the scarcity of labour, 
 compelled him in a great measure to defer this precautionary 
 step. He was, also, unwilling to arouse ill-feeling on the part 
 of the people of Cabul, by what might have appeared an un- 
 necessary act of harshness. As he said : " It was his constant 
 endeavour, from the first, to make the occupation of the 
 country as little irksome to its inhabitants as the safety and 
 welfare of the troops permitted." But he paid the penalty of 
 his humanity, for several of the villages, which were described 
 as "small fortresses protected by massive mud walls, impervious 
 to all but heavy artillery, and guarded by strong, loopholed, 
 flanking towers," gave considerable trouble during the events 
 which occurred between the 15th and 23rd of December, and 
 eventually had to be razed to the ground. 
 
 As soon as it became apparent that the events of the llth 
 December were the forerunners of a serious movement, Sir 
 Frederick took all the necessary steps for strengthening the 
 defences of Sherpur, and made every preparation to meet the 
 large force known to be assembling. As regards food and 
 ammunition he had no anxiety at this period. Sufficient 
 supplies were actually stored in Sherpur to last the entire 
 force for nearly four months, with the exception of "bhoosa " 
 (chopped straw), of which there was only enough for six weeks. 
 There was ample firewood for all purposes ; medicines and 
 hospital comforts were sufficient for all possible requirements 
 for a similar time ; and there was enough ammunition, both for 
 guns and rifles, to have carried on an obstinate defence for 
 three, or even four, months. 
 
 To facilitate the strengthening of the defences, Sir Frederick 
 Roberts divided them into five sections, which were placed 
 under the following officers : Brigadier- General Macpherson, 
 C.B.,V.C., to command the section from the 2nd Brigade gate, 
 on the southern face, to the Behmaroo village on the east. 
 Colonel Jenkins, C.B., Corps of Guides, the section from the 
 
 x
 
 306 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 Behmaroo village up the eastern slope of Belimaroo ridge. 
 Brigadier-General Hugh Gough, C.B., V.C., that from the 
 eastern extremity of the Behmaroo village to the gorge which 
 divides the ridge. Major-General J. Hills, C.B., V.C., the sec- 
 tion from the gorge to the head-quarters gate. Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Bro\vnlow, C.B., that from the head-quarters gate to 
 the 2nd Brigade gate. Brigadier-General Massy was placed 
 in the centre with the Cavalry, whilst Brigadier-General 
 Baker, C.B., commanded the reserve, which was formed up at 
 the southern entrance to the gorge leading through the Behma- 
 roo ridge.* 
 
 Telegraphic communication was established between Sir 
 Frederick Roberts's head-quarters on the west face, and the 
 temporary head-quarters of Generals Macpherson, Gough, 
 Hills and Baker, and the Native field hospital. All the five 
 sections and the Behmaroo heights were also brought into 
 communication with each other and head-quarters by means 
 of visual signalling. 
 
 The defences adopted to strengthen the works were the follow- 
 ing: A "laager," made out of captured Afghan gun-carriages 
 and limbers, was constructed at the north-western corner of 
 Cantonments, closing the open ground which lay between the 
 front of the Behmaroo heights and the north-west circular 
 bastion, and the ground in its immediate front was strengthened 
 by means of abatis and wire entanglements, whilst a village, 
 which formed an excellent flank defence along the western and 
 northern face, was held as an independent post. Six towers 
 had been previously constructed on the Behmaroo heights, 
 
 * The troops were allotted for the defence, says the Times correspondent, 
 as follows : The 3rd Sikhs, the 5th Goorkhas, and a wing of the 23rd 
 Pioneers held the Behmaroo heights, each that portion near its own lines ; 
 the Guides held Behmaroo village ; a detachment of the 28th Punjaub 
 Infantry the field hospital and adjoining defences. On the east face the 
 67th Foot had a company in the redoubt near the south-east angle ; and 
 the remainder of the regiment and a wing of the 72nd Highlanders 
 held the parapet and three gateways on the south face. The west 
 face and the General's gateway were held by the Sappers, some marks- 
 men from the British regiments, and the 5th Punjaub Infantry, the latter 
 regiment being also answeraUe for the defence of the gap at the north- 
 west angle. The reserve consisted of the 92nd Highlanders and a wing 
 each of the 67th and 72nd, one mountain battery, and six squadrons of dis- 
 mounted cavalry at night.
 
 The Defences of Sherpur. 307 
 
 and the shelter-trenches which existed there were deepened 
 and so prolonged as to form one continuous line of defence 
 throughout its entire length. An abatis protected the front 
 of the shelter-trench, and gun-pits were constructed at those 
 points where artillery fire could be most advantageously used. 
 The works in the gorge were strengthened and so arranged 
 as to bring a galling flanking fire to bear upon an enemy 
 advancing from the north. In order to strengthen the north- 
 east corner a two-gun battery was thrown up on the eastern 
 slope of the heights, and connected with the tower above it and 
 the village below. Behmaroo village was loopholed, the outlying 
 buildings to the front made defensible, and the open space to the 
 north-east obstructed with abatis and wire entanglements. The 
 same steps were taken at the Native field hospital, and sand-bag 
 parapets built upon the roof, which was somewhat exposed. The 
 low wall of the eastern face of the Cantonments was raised by 
 logs of wood being placed along the top in several tiers, thus 
 affording good shelter the front here, as elsewhere, being faced 
 with abatis, for which purpose the wood cut down in clearing 
 the nearest gardens and enclosures supplied the material.* 
 The construction of all these defences was conducted under 
 the superintendence of Lieutenant-Colonel Perkins, C.B., Com- 
 manding Royal Engineers. 
 
 In order to supplement the field guns,f and leave them free 
 to move out as opportunity offered, several of the captured 
 Afghan guns were utilized, and, under the superintendence of 
 Colonel Gordon, R.A., mounted on the defences, whence they 
 subsequently played with good effect. A number of marksmen 
 were provided with Enfield rifles and cartridges found in the 
 Bala Hissar, by which means ammunition was economised. 
 
 Early in the morning of the 15th December the telegraph 
 wire was cut, but not before Sir Frederick had communicated 
 the situation of affairs to the Commander-in-Chief and the 
 
 * See despatch of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 f The field guns of the British force consisted of twelve 9-pounders 
 and four 7-pounders. Among the ordnance captured was a complete 
 battery of siege guns, four smooth bore 18-pounders, and two 8 -inch 
 howitzers, presented to Shere AH by the Indian Government, which were 
 mounted on the southern face. 
 
 x 2
 
 308 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 Government of India, and urged the advisability of sending 
 reinforcements as speedily as possible to enable him to assume 
 the offensive. At the same time he sent orders to General 
 Bright at Jellalabad, to move Brigadier-General Charles Gough's 
 brigade from Gundamuck to Cabul without loss of time, and 
 to send Brigadier-General Arbuthnot's brigade towards Cabul 
 as soon as fresh troops should reach Jellalabad from India. 
 He decided upon recalling to Sherpur the small garrison 
 of Bootkak, which was in an exposed and isolated position, 
 and considered the expediency of withdrawing the force under 
 Colonel Hudson, 28th Punjaub Native Infantry, at Lutturbund, 
 which consisted of two mountain guns, the 28th Punjaub 
 Native Infantry, and a wing of the 23rd Pioneers, regarding 
 whose safety he was very anxious. But as the position was a 
 strong one, ammunition plentiful, and it was in direct helio- 
 graphic communication with Cabul, he decided to maintain 
 the post. He had every confidence in Colonel Hudson, and 
 felt satisfied that, so long as Lutturbund was held, no serious 
 opposition could be offered to General Gough's advance; and 
 the result justified this decision, for but slight resistance 
 was offered to General Gough at Jugdulluck, and none what- 
 ever after that point was passed. This post of Lutturbund 
 was, in fact, the chief link in the line of communications, 
 but there was some hazard in holding it with a weak garrison, 
 who, moreover, were known to be short of provisions, and as 
 the troops at Bootkak had been withdrawn to Sherpur the 
 only assistance they could receive was from Brigadier-General 
 Charles Gough, against whom the tribesmen, under Asrna- 
 tullah Khan, were gathering. 
 
 The General heliographed an order through Colonel Hudson 
 for Gough to advance with all speed, and directed him to hold 
 his own as best he could until the arrival of that officer, 
 which he anticipated would be in two days, though it was 
 dela} 7 ed until the 23rd, owing, says a General officer present 
 at Cabul, to the order not appearing of a peremptory character. 
 Colonel Hudson flashed a reply to the General that the Lut- 
 turbund garrison were on half rations, but after the 20 th 
 would have nothing, upon which Sir Frederick Roberts got 
 some Hazara men, with sixty mules, to carry provisions to
 
 The Investment of Sherpur. 309 
 
 Colonel Hudson, under the promise of a large reward if they 
 reached Lutturbund that night. On leaving Sherpur these faith- 
 ful mercenaries made a great detour, passing round Bootkak, 
 then held by the enemy, and reached Lutturbund on the 
 following morning with the loss of only a few animals. This 
 timely assistance saved the Lutturbund garrison from retiring, 
 with the probability of suffering heavily, as the tribesmen 
 were all in arms in the passes. On the 16th, a body of about 
 1,000 men threatened Colonel Hudson, who, however, at- 
 tacked and dispersed them, inflicting considerable loss in both 
 killed and wounded. 
 
 The Afghans, as is usual with Asiatics, showed an extra- 
 ordinary incapacity to take advantage of their recent good 
 fortune, and allowed the fever-heat produced by the intoxi- 
 cation of success to pass away without making an effort to 
 assault the works of Sherpur. They appeared on the heights 
 above Deh Afghan in great force, but beyond shouting and 
 carrying standards took no active measures to profit by their 
 success. On the other hand, Sir Frederick Koberts, with 
 the assistance of his Engineers, pushed the construction of 
 the defences of the Cantonment where they were defective or 
 incomplete, and the respite of the few days succeeding the 
 14th December was put to such excellent use that the works 
 soon became practically impregnable to the assaults of any 
 army Afghanistan could bring against them. The Infantry 
 and a portion of the dismounted Cavalry were stationed along 
 the extensive enceinte, and slept at their posts, being pro- 
 vided with extra blankets to guard against the cold. The 
 reserve, under General Baker, was kept in readiness to turn 
 out at a moment's notice and proceed to any threatened point. 
 
 But the enemy were seemingly busy sacking the Hindoo 
 and Kuzzilbash quarters in Cabul, and the houses of all those 
 citizens and Sirdars who had shown favour to the British, 
 and no reliable estimate could be formed, from the reports of 
 spies, of the intentions of Mahomed Jan and the other 
 leaders of the movement. It was known, however, that Moosa 
 Khan, Yakoob Khan's heir, had been proclaimed Ameer, 
 but, from his tender years, he was of course a mere puppet 
 to give the pretence of legality to the proceedings of Mahomed
 
 3io Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 Jan, whose low extraction made him obnoxious to the Sirdars, 
 though the boy's mother, a woman of remarkable energy, threw 
 herself heart and soul into the movement, and the assist- 
 ance and countenance afforded by Mooskh-i-Alum gave an air 
 of religious respectability that tended to rally to the national 
 standard all the Ghazis and fanatics of the country. The 
 excitement, as was to be expected, extended to the passes 
 between Bootkak and Gundamuck, and the Tezeen valley, 
 which a fortnight before was the scene of a junction between 
 the brigades of Generals Macpherson and Charles Gough, was 
 in a disturbed state, and the Jugdulluck Pass through which 
 Sir Michael Kennedy had ridden to Cabul shortly before, 
 escorted by a few Sowars, and Yakoob Khan had passed, 
 guarded by a single troop was held in such strength that 
 Brigadier- General Charles Gough, who was advancing to the 
 relief of the beleaguered garrison of Sherpur at the head 
 of 5,000 men, reported that it was impracticable without rein- 
 forcements. Not only did the Ghilzyes and Khugianis oppose 
 Gough's advance, but further to the eastward, on the line of 
 advance from the Khyber, the Mohmunds were actively 
 hostile to the British, who had deported to India their chief, 
 father-in-law of the ex- Ameer Yakoob. 
 
 During the next few days the enemy confined their active 
 efforts against the garrison of Sherpur to a distant fusillade 
 from old walls and dismantled forts, and the King's garden, or 
 Shah Bagh, which figured in the former investment of 1841- 
 42. On the 17th they assembled in crowds on the Siah Sung 
 hill and the heights over Deh Afghan, but all the fervid prompt- 
 ings of the Moollahs could not bring them to advance, and they 
 dispersed after receiving a few shots amidst their ranks. 
 
 The Afghan strength brought together at this time round 
 Sherpur in the hope of plunder, united with hatred of the 
 unbeliever, was placed by Sir Frederick Roberts in his despatches 
 at 60,000 ; but this, he informs us, was an under-estimate, and 
 he afterwards heard from reliable native sources, that between 
 100,000 and 120,000 men had gathered at Cabul in response 
 to the fiery exhortations of the Moollahs. 
 
 Again, on the 18th, the enemy came out of Cabul in great 
 strength, the Ghazis, as usual, exposing themselves, but they
 
 The Investment of Skerpur. 3 1 1 
 
 were met by such a hot and well-directed fire from the walls, 
 that they could not be brought to encounter the perils involved 
 in leaving the cover of the gardens and buildings, and risking 
 assault across the open. Nothing could exceed the excellent 
 spirit animating the troops, both European and Native, though 
 the intense cold and the night bivouac in the snow must have 
 severely taxed the latter especially. Nevertheless cheerfulness 
 reigned throughout the camp, the men looking forward with 
 eagerness to the time when their trusted commander would 
 lead them from behind the rampart of Sherpur against the 
 enemy who insulted them by voice and gesture, but abstained 
 from making the long-threatened attack. 
 
 Sir Frederick Koberts was very desirous of keeping open his 
 communications with India, and as cavalry would be of great 
 service to General Charles Gough in the advance from Luttur- 
 bund, he despatched the 12th Bengal Cavalry at 3 A.M., on the 
 morning of the 22nd, to effect a junction with him. Major 
 Green, their commanding officer, acting under instructions, 
 finding that Bootkak was occupied by the enemy, passed on 
 to Lutturbund and joined Colonel Hudson, after a skirmish, in 
 which he lost some men. Major Green conducted this duty in 
 a manner that elicited the commendations of his chief. 
 
 Each day, between the 14th and 21st December, Cavalry 
 reconnoissances were made from Sherpur, and some portion of 
 the force turned out to dislodge the Afghans from points in 
 vicinity to the walls. Some of the forts and other cover in 
 the immediate neighbourhood of Sherpur were also destroyed. 
 In one of these affairs, an attack on the fort of Meer Akhor 
 ("Master of the Horse "), a gallant young officer, Lieutenant 
 Montanaro, E.A., received a mortal wound. Sir Frederick, 
 however, confined himself to minor operations of this descrip- 
 tion, and did not undertake any sortie in force with the object 
 of gaining possession of portions of the enemy's position. 
 His force was not sufficiently large to admit of his holding 
 them, and he, therefore, wisely determined to wait until he 
 could act decisively. 
 
 Mahomed Jan and his coadjutors thinking that, as they had 
 compelled the British to retire within their own cantonments, 
 as in the dismal days of 1841, they had only to complete the
 
 312 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 parallel and destroy the army in the passes on the return march 
 to India, had the audacity to offer terms almost identical with 
 those wrung from the timid and incompetent General Elphin- 
 stone nearly forty years before. Mahomed Jan, playing the 
 part of Mahomed Akbar Khan, offered to permit the Army to 
 retire from Afghanistan without molestation too well history 
 has taught us what reliance could be placed on such a promise 
 from an Afghan while the British General was to place two 
 officers of rank in his hands as was done in the case of Major 
 Pottinger, and Captains Lawrence and Colin Mackenzie and 
 was, further, to engage to restore Yakoob Khan to the throne 
 one of the conditions proposed by Akbar Khan, who required the 
 return to Cabul of his father, Dost Mahommed, then a prisoner 
 at Calcutta. But these insolent demands were received with 
 the scorn they merited. Roberts was no Elphinstone, and, 
 save that the combination against him was numerically more 
 powerful than that which besieged the British Cantonment* 
 in 1841, all the conditions were in his favour. He pos- 
 sessed a far greater proportion of European troops ; his Sepoys 
 were not effeminate Bengalees ; all his soldiers were armed 
 with weapons superior to those of the enemy; he possessed 
 ample supplies of ammunition, and reinforcements were com- 
 ing up to his assistance, some 17,000 men being assembled 
 between Rawul Pindee and Jugdulluck. At no time was Sir 
 Frederick Roberts anxious as to the safety of his force, and 
 having taken every precaution to guard against an assault by 
 overpowering numbers operating on all sides of Sherpur, the 
 only real danger, he was content to bide his time, and abstain 
 from throwing away his soldiers' lives in attempts to expel the 
 enemy from Cabul, which could be effected on the arrival of 
 reinforcements, or after Mahomed Jan had delivered his long- 
 promised assault on the Cantonments. 
 
 Every night, he says, information reached him that an attack 
 was contemplated, but it was not until the 21st December that 
 the enemy showed signs of special activity. On that day and 
 the following, large numbers of them moved from the city, and, 
 
 * The site of Sherpur was close to that of General Elphinstone's 
 entrenched camp, portions of the walls of which could yet be traced near 
 the Shah Bagh.
 
 Assault by the Enemy. 3 1 3 
 
 passing round to the eastward of Sherpur, occupied the numer- 
 ous forts in that direction in great force. It hecame apparent 
 that this movement was preparatory to an attack from that 
 quarter. At the same time information was received that the 
 enemy was preparing a number of ladders, with the intention 
 of scaling the southern and western walls. Sir Frederick 
 Roberts made all his dispositions, which, indeed, were complete 
 already, and awaited in confidence the signal for the assault, which 
 he and every man in the force under his command felt would also 
 be the signal for the discomfiture of the combination that had 
 enjoyed the unwonted triumph of beleaguering a British force. 
 
 The night of the 22nd passed quietly, but the songs and 
 cries of the enemy, as they sought to encourage each other to 
 deeds of valour, resounded in the night air. From his spies 
 the British General learned that the 23rd of December, being 
 the last day of the " Muhurram," was selected for the great 
 effort ; and, further, in order to encourage the Ghazis and 
 religious devotees, it was announced in the Afghan ranks that 
 Mooskh-i-Alum would, with his own hand, light the beacon fire 
 at dawn on the Asmai heights, which was to be the signal for 
 the commencement of the attack. 
 
 The appearance of the signal fire on the Asmai heights, 
 shortly before daybreak, showed at once that the information 
 was correct, and announced the beginning of the assault. But 
 it found the British General calm and confident of success, and 
 every soldier at his post and rejoicing that the hour for action 
 had struck. General Roberts took up his station at the western 
 gateway, and throughout the succeeding operations was in con- 
 stant communication with the officers commanding the different 
 posts. Heavy firing almost immediately commenced against 
 the southern and eastern faces, and by 7 o'clock A.M. an 
 attack in force against the eastern side was fully developed, 
 whilst a large number of the enemy, provided with scaling 
 ladders, were drawn up under cover of the walls to the south. 
 The intelligence telegraphed him from General Hugh Gough 
 and Colonel Jenkins of the determined attack by the enemy in 
 dense masses, found self-possessed and confident one who had 
 long been impatiently waiting for it, and whose preparations for 
 meeting the crisis "were complete. It was welcome news that
 
 3 H Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 " The enemy comes on in gallant show, 
 Their bloody sign of battle is hung out." 
 
 For three hours repeated attempts were made to carry the 
 low eastern wall by escalade, but though the enemy on several 
 occasions reached the abattis, they were each time repulsed, 
 and many dead marked the spots where the assault had been 
 most resolutely pressed home. This part of the defences was 
 held by the Guides, under Brigadier- General Hugh Gough, 
 who was struck full in the breast by a spent ball, which buried 
 itself in his " posteen," or sheepskin cloak. 
 
 About 9 A.M. it was reported to General Roberts that the 
 Ghazis had taken possession of a small village outside the 
 defences, and just under the eastern end of the Behmaroo 
 heights, and that the fire of the field guns which could be 
 brought to bear was ineffectual to dislodge them. To this 
 point General Baker had already directed a considerable portion 
 of his reserve, both infantry and guns, and a wing of the 3rd 
 Sikhs had been also withdrawn to the neighbourhood of Beh- 
 maroo from the western end of the heights. As the General 
 saw that the fire of the 18-pounders and howitzers on the 
 walls was sufficient to deal with the attack on the south and 
 south-west faces, and that the danger of anything serious in 
 this quarter might be disregarded, he determined to deal at 
 once with the Behmaroo attack. Finding, he says, that it was 
 impossible to dislodge the enemy by any fire that could be 
 brought to bear on them from our defences, he determined to 
 attack them in flank, and for this purpose directed four guns 
 of G Battery, 3rd Brigade, Royal Artillery, under Major 
 Craster, and the 5th Punjaub Cavalry, under the command of 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Williams, to move out through the gorge 
 in the Behmaroo heights. This counter-attack was delivered 
 with energy, and the effect was immediate and decisive. The 
 Afghans wavered and shortly afterwards broke. And now, 
 says the General, the time for the action of Cavalry having 
 arrived, Brigadier-General Massy was directed to ride out with 
 every available man and horse, and do his utmost against the 
 enemy. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts proceeded to the heights above Beh- 
 maroo, and made arrangements for reaping the fruits of his
 
 Repulse of the Enemy. 315 
 
 success. A party of Infantry and Sappers moved out to des- 
 troy some villages to the south, which had caused considerable 
 annoyance, and from which it was necessary the enemy should 
 be driven to facilitate the arrival of Brigadier- General Charles 
 Gough's brigade. This work was successfully accomplished, 
 but two gallant English officers, Captain J. Dundas, V.C., and 
 Lieutenant C. Nugent, commanding the 7th Company Sappers 
 and Miners, were killed by the premature explosion of a mine. 
 The Cavalry, meanwhile, made a wide circuit round the east 
 side of Sherpur, and succeeded in intercepting the rear of the 
 Kohistauee fugitives, who were sabred by the 5th Punjaub 
 Cavalry. This movement of the Cavalry caused the enemy in 
 all the villages on the east and south-east to abandon 'them to 
 prevent their retreat being cut off. Continuing their victorious 
 advance round the eastern face of Sherpur, the Cavalry ascended 
 the Siah Sung hills, and there the 9th Lancers and 5th Pun- 
 jaub Cavalry did further execution among the fugitives, numbers 
 of whom fell beneath their sabres, the remainder fleeing in utter 
 rout towards the city. The scene afforded a counterpart to that 
 so graphically drawn in the " Iliad," when the Trojans fled 
 before the face of the conquering Greeks to the shelter of their 
 works. 
 
 "Tumultuous clamour fills the fields and skies, 
 Thick drifts of dust involve their rapid flight, 
 Clouds rise in clouds, and heavea is snatch'd from sight, 
 Th' affrighted steeds, their dying lords cast down, 
 Scour o'er the fields, and stretch to reach the town." 
 
 It was the impression of those who watched General Massy's 
 progress, says a General officer, that the Cavalry were well 
 handled this day, and the 5th Punjaub Cavalry, which was in 
 front, rendered excellent service. In the course of the after- 
 noon clouds of dust in the direction of Bootkak gave intima- 
 tion of the approach of Brigadier-General Charles Gough's 
 brigade, and his camp was afterwards descried pitched within 
 easy distance of the bridge over the Logar river, about six 
 miles from Cabul. 
 
 By evening all resistance had ceased, and daylight on 
 the following morning showed that the enemy, abandoning all 
 hope of success, had dispersed, not a man being found in the 
 adjacent villages or visible on the surrounding hills. The city
 
 316 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 was clear of them, and so precipitate was their flight that they 
 left their dead unburied where they fell. On the morning of 
 the 24th, a party of the 72nd Highlanders occupied without 
 opposition the fort of Mahomed Shereef the capture of which, 
 on the 6th November, 1841, had been one of the few successes 
 achieved by the British troops during the siege ; this fort, 
 with the adjoining Shah Bagh, played an important part in both 
 investments. During the day the force under General Charles 
 Gough joined Sir Frederick Eoberts. 
 
 The Cavalry, divided into two parties, commanded respectively 
 by Brigadier-Generals Massy and Hugh Gough, proceeded 
 by Beni Hissar and the Chardeh Valley in pursuit, but their 
 movements were impeded by a snowstorm, and so rapid had 
 been the enemy's flight that they were compelled to reiurn to 
 Sherpur after nightfall, without meeting with any armed men. 
 
 The casualties between the 5th and 24th December were 2 
 officers and 16 men killed, and 4 officers Brigadier-General 
 Hugh Gough, Lieutenant C. A. Montanaro, E.A. (died), Lieu- 
 tenant J. Burn-Murdoch, R.E.,* and Lieutenant C. F. Gam- 
 bier, 5th Punjaub Cavalry and 66 men wounded. 
 
 The religious and military chiefs of the movement having 
 fled from Cabul, Sir Frederick Eoberts, on the following day, 
 directed the occupation of the city and Bala Hissar. Cabul 
 presented the appearance of having been sacked by an enemy. 
 The Mahomedans had wrecked the houses of the Hindoo and 
 Kuzzilbash quarters, the bazaars were deserted and all business 
 suspended. Captain Hall, with one company of the 5th Pun- 
 jaub Infantry, took post for the night in the Kotwallee, which 
 up to the previous evening had been the head-quarters of the 
 Ghazis, who had shown their spite before leaving by doing as 
 much damage as possible to the building, and by defiling all 
 the adjoining houses and shops. General Hills, the Military 
 Governor of the city, now resumed his functions, and was 
 heartily welcomed by all the peaceable and well-disposed inhabi- 
 tants. 
 
 * This young officer, who was specially mentioned in despatches by Sir 
 Frederick Roberts for his gallantry, gained equal credit during the recent 
 Egyptian campaign, when serving with the Indian Contingent at Tel-el- 
 Kebir and Zagazig.
 
 Collapse of the Hostile Combination. 3 r 7 
 
 The collapse of the combination was complete, although it in- 
 cluded all the fighting elements of North-Eastern Afghanistan, 
 from Kohistan to the Ghilzye country, whose chief, Padshah 
 Khan, a former ally, and Asmatullah Khan, the principal 
 Lughman chief, had thrown in their lot with Mahomed Jan. 
 The arrangements of Sir Frederick Roberts had met with 
 complete success, and the wisdom of his plan of permitting 
 the enemy to select their own time of attack, and not wasting 
 valuable lives by quitting the sheltering walls of the Canton- 
 ment in desultory attacks on them and the strong forts in the 
 neighbourhood, was amply justified by the result. But though 
 he is entitled to full credit for his sagacity, and acted through- 
 out on his own opinions without seeking advice from subordin- 
 ates, he was singularly fortunate in the superior officers under 
 his command. Brigadier-Generals Macpherson, Baker, and 
 Hugh Gough were unsurpassed by any officers in the army in 
 the possession of the qualities that command the confidence of 
 all ranks under their orders ; and Colonel Macgregor, though 
 young in years, was a veteran in experience. Three of those 
 four officers, like the commander of the Cabul Field Force, bore 
 on their breasts that cross "for valour" which it is the most 
 eager aspiration of every soldier to win. Then among the corps 
 commanders were such excellent officers as Colonels Perkins, 
 B.E., Gordon, R.A., Hudson, Brownlow, Money, Parker, White, 
 and Jenkins ; also heroes like Cook, Vousden, Hammond, 
 Cunyngham, and others in the ranks. 
 
 In such warfare as that in which the Cabul Field Force had 
 been engaged, military capacity and personal prowess had many 
 opportunities for display. As in the defence of Jellalabad, in 
 the first Afghan War, men like Havelock, Abbott, Backhouse, 
 and Broadfoot made their reputations, so in the somewhat 
 analogous circumstances of the investment of Sherpur, and 
 the events of December, brave spirits like those mentioned 
 above showed to the front, though they had not the same oppor- 
 tunities for distinction, for the leader of the Cabul Field Force 
 was of a different calibre from the gallant but irresolute com- 
 mander of the Jellalabad garrison, who owed his most memor- 
 able achievement, the victory over Akbar Khan on the 7th April, 
 to the promptings of some of the officers mentioned above.
 
 318 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 A General officer, before quoted, described to us the bearing 
 of Sir Frederick Roberts during the anxious time now brought 
 to a close. " Throughout the investment of Sherpur, Roberts 
 was the most cheerful man in camp. His bright face and 
 cheery smile instilled confidence among his soldiers, and one 
 felt there could be no doubt of success as long as he was with 
 them." Indeed, Sir Frederick Roberts never entertained any 
 anxiety as to the result, though his countrymen at home, who 
 exaggerated the power of the Afghan nation, failed to recognize 
 the fact that it was the hope of plunder that kept these undisci- 
 plined Asiatics together, and gratified, as they were, by the sack 
 of Cabul, it was impossible for any commander not possessed of 
 military genius, such as no Afghan has displayed since the 
 days of Ahmed Khan, to keep together the heterogeneous 
 assemblage of tribesmen which constitutes the nation in arms. 
 
 The total loss during the operations commencing with the 
 10th December, and ending in the dispersal of the Afghans, 
 was 103 killed, including 10 officers ; and 263 wounded, includ- 
 ing 15 officers, of whom 3 died. 
 
 Notwithstanding the want of ammunition and the hindrance 
 to rapid progress caused by the heavy fall of snow, Sir Fred- 
 erick Roberts determined to punish the Kohistanees, and Briga- 
 dier-General Baker left with a strong column for the district 
 in the Koh Daman belonging to Meer Butcha, and returned on 
 the last day of the old year, having destroyed the villages and 
 the strong fort under whose protection they nestled. This act 
 of severity showed the Afghans that the British troops were 
 quite in a condition to resume the offensive, though owing to 
 the inclemency of the weather, the General determined to post- 
 pone his visits to the other tribesmen till the spring. Briga- 
 dier-General Charles Gough's brigade, which included the 9th 
 Regiment, now occupied the Bala Hissar, and Colonel Hudson's 
 small force was moved from Lutturbund to Sherpur, giving a 
 welcome increase to the strength of the garrison, seriously 
 decimated by the losses during the recent fighting and the large 
 number of sick. 
 
 At this time Daoud Shah, the Commander-in-Chief of the 
 ex- Ameer's Army, who was found to have been in communi- 
 cation with the leaders of the recent rising, was sent to join his
 
 Roberts on the Situation. 319 
 
 master in exile in India, and the Military Commission, whose 
 functions were revived for the trial of certain offenders a few 
 of whom were hanged completed its labours and was dissolved. 
 Political capital was sought to be made out of the acts of retri- 
 butive justice of Sir Frederick Roberts by the opponents, in the 
 Press and Parliament, of the Conservative Government, 
 whose agent he was, but the attempt was futile. On this point 
 he writes to us : " I gave full explanation of my acts while 
 supreme at Cabul to the Government to whom I was respon- 
 sible, and furnished them with a list of all executions, with 
 the reasons given in each case. I stated at the time that no 
 soldiers had been executed for fighting against us. These 
 papers are published in the Blue-book, and can be read by every 
 one. Had any other troops but British been at Cabul in 
 October, 1879, the city would have been razed to the ground. 
 The Afghans quite expected this, and never ceased to wonder at 
 our leniency." 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts now issued a proclamation of amnesty, 
 exempting only a few leaders, on condition of the tribesmen 
 sending delegates to Sherpur, to whom should be made known 
 his will as to the future permanent arrangements to be made 
 for the good government of the people. The Kohistanee chiefs 
 generally responded to this invitation, as well as some from 
 Lughman, Logar, and the Ghilzye country, and, on the 9th Jan- 
 uary, Sir Frederick Roberts held a grand durbar at Sherpur, to 
 present gifts to those who had proved faithful to the English in 
 their hour of trial. This durbar was attended by a large 
 number of these nobles, including Padshah Khan, the great 
 Ghilzye chief, who had borne arms against the British, and 
 also many powerful Barukzye Sirdars, among them Wall 
 Mahomed Khan, and other near relatives of the late Ameer 
 Shere Ali. 
 
 The scene presented was very picturesque, and suggestive 
 of British clemency and magnanimity, when it is remembered 
 that not many days since most of these chiefs were leading vast 
 masses of their countrymen against the small army that so 
 gallantly rallied round the British General, before whom they 
 now salaamed,' and cringed with true Oriental subserviency, 
 wondering, no doubt, at the generosity, or weakness, which
 
 320 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 ever way tbey construed it, of the Government that could 
 hold out the hand of forgiveness to those who so recently 
 bore arms against them. It was a study to watch the ex- 
 pressions on the countenances of these Afghan chiefs. 
 Curiosity, mingled with respect, as they gazed on the man who 
 scattered to the winds their combinations and well-laid plans 
 for your Oriental can only understand the logic of the sword ; 
 and, doubtless, they were puzzled at the issue of the Amnesty 
 so soon after the crushing defeat, which left them, their pro- 
 perty and families, at the mercy of the conqueror for an 
 Afghan victor would have ruthlessly executed every malik that 
 fell into his hands, and destroyed their villages and forts. 
 
 During the durbar Sir Frederick Roberts addressed* the 
 
 * The following is the address made by Sir Frederick Roberts : " Sirdars 
 and Maliks, I am very glad to see that so many of the Kohistan maliks 
 have taken advantage of the Amnesty published on the 26th of December 
 last, and have come to Cabul to pay their respects to the British Govern- 
 ment, and to express their regrets for having taken a part in the recent dis- 
 turbances. I trust that those maliks who are still holding aloof will follow 
 the good example that has thus been set them, and will soon make their 
 appearance at Cabul. I told you, when you vi-itedme in my camp at Siah 
 Sung, after the arrival of the Briti.-h troops at Cabul, that the British 
 Government had nothing but goodwill towards the people of Afghanistan ; 
 that it is their desire to respect your lives, your property, and your religion, 
 and to molest no one who would live at peace with them. You have had 
 ample proof of the truth of what I told you. At the instigation of ill- 
 advised men you came from your homes in Kohistan to attack the British 
 troops at Sherpur. All that you succeeded in doing was to plunder from your 
 own countrymen who live in the City of Cabul. You did the British troops 
 but little injury, and in a few days you were beaten off, and had to return 
 to your homes with the loss of several hundred killed and wounded. You 
 brought this punishment upon yourselves, and must not blame the British 
 Government. What that Government did was to offer a pardon to all who 
 would come in except the malik who, it is believed, was the main cause 
 of your being led astray. It was necessary he should be punished ; but, in 
 doing so, every care was taken that no one else should suffer injury. The 
 British troops marched through your country as far as Bala Kuch Kar, 
 treating you all as friends, and paying liberally for everything in the shape 
 of food and forage you were able or willing to provide. I hope the lesson 
 will not be lost upon you, and that you will not misunderstand the genero- 
 sity and forbearance with which you have been treated. It is a great plea- 
 sure to me to find that so many of the more intelligent and well-informed 
 of the people of Afghanistan took no part in the recent disturbances. First 
 and foremost, I would name Sirdars Wall Mahomed Khan, Ibrahim Khan, 
 Hashim Khan, Abdulla Khan, Mahomed Yusuf Khan, Mahomed Karim 
 Khan, Shahbaz Khan, Ahmed Ali Jan, Mahomed Sirwar Khan, Ataullah 
 Khan, Anitoollah Khan, Habibulla Khan (the Mustaufi). Malik llamid Khan, 
 and Khan Mahomed Khan. Then several of your own chiefs remained 
 with me throughout. General Faiz Mahomed Khan, the son of Naik
 
 Measures for the Defence of Cab^lL 321 
 
 assembly, especially directing his remarks to the Kohistan 
 Chiefs, on the recent events, and having expressed his in- 
 tention of sending Shahbaz Khan as Governor of Kohistan, 
 invited them to select some of their number to remain at 
 Sherpur as representatives. But the malcontent faction, headed 
 by Mahomed Jan, who had borne off Moosa Khan to Ghuznee, 
 refused to give in their adhesion, and sent a demand for the 
 restoration of Yakoob Khan, which was treated with silent 
 contempt. 
 
 Meanwhile the Engineers were employed in strengthening 
 the works for the defence of Cabul, according to the plan 
 approved by Sir Frederick Roberts before the recent events, 
 so that the city could be held against any army Afghanistan 
 could furnish. Towers were commenced on commanding 
 positions on Koh Asmai and the heights above the Bala 
 Hissar, military roads were cut round the city, and the weak 
 points about the cantonment were strengthened, and all build- 
 ings affording cover within 1,000 yards of the walls levelled 
 with the ground. Sir Frederick Roberts appointed the Wali 
 Mahomed Governor of Cabul in place of General Hills, in 
 order to conciliate native opinion, and as a testimony that 
 annexation had no place in our plans for the future govern- 
 ment of the country. This Sirdar was a consistent adherent 
 of the British " faithful 'mid the faithless found ; " though, un- 
 fortunately, he did not possess the strength of character neces- 
 sary to rule over such a turbulent race as his countrymen. 
 
 But this was only a temporary measure, as the Indian 
 Government, yielding to pressure from home, and alive to 
 
 Aminulla Khan, of Logar ; the family of the Mustafi, Sirdar Habibulla 
 Khan, of Wardak ; the Kuzzilbashes, and many other influential men in the 
 city of Cabul, refrained from joining the disturbers of peace and order ; and 
 I am glad to have this opportunity of thanking them on the part of the 
 British Government for the good service they thereby performed. I am now 
 about to give Khilluts to those Kohistanis who remained at Sherpur with 
 me ; after which you are at liberty to return to your homes. I am sending 
 back with you to Kohistan Sirdar Shahbaz Khan, whom you have yourselves 
 asked for as your Governor. He will settle your disputes and preserve 
 order in the country. Also that I may be fully informed by yourselves of 
 all that passes, and of all that you may wish to represent hereafter, I 
 invite you to select certain of your number, who will remain here and 
 act as a medium of communication between us. They will be treated with 
 consideration and will have free access to me. The rest of you may return 
 to your homes, and for your own sake remember all that has passed." 
 
 Y
 
 322 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 the strain on the resources of the great dependency committed 
 to their charge from the continued occupation of Afghanistan, 
 began seriously to consider the question of the future admin- 
 istration of the country. Lord Lytton and his Council ad- 
 dressed a despatch, on the 7th January, 1880, to Lord Cran- 
 brook, the Secretary of State for India, expressing their view 
 that " the question of the resuscitation of the fallen kingdom 
 of the Barukzyes cannot now be entertained, and that we 
 must accept the separation of its constituent provinces as our 
 basis for the political reconstitution of Afghanistan." In 
 order to carry out this policy the Viceroy proposed, in accord- 
 ance with a decision already adopted by the Home Govern- 
 ment, that " Persia should be provisionally permitted to occupy 
 Herat, under sufficient guarantees for her good administration 
 of it, and for her adequate protection of British and Indian in- 
 terests, and with a special reservation of our right to occupy 
 the place with British forces on certain eventualities." The 
 districts of Pisheen, Sibi, and Kurram, being assigned to 
 England under the treaty of Gundamuck, were to be retained, 
 but Cabul and Candahar were to be separated ; the proposal 
 being " to establish the province of Candahar as an inde- 
 pendent and separate state, under an hereditary ruler selected 
 from the representatives of the old ruling families ; " but while 
 contemplating " no interference in the internal administration 
 of the province," they proposed " to retain a British garrison 
 at or near Candahar." 
 
 In order to assist Sir Frederick Koberts in political affairs 
 in North-Eastern Afghanistan, which Lord Lytton proposed 
 should " remain in military occupation until all resistance has 
 ceased," Mr. Lepel Griffin, an experienced political official, was 
 despatched to Cabul, where he arrived on the 20th March. 
 Meanwhile the Wali Shere Ali was appointed " hereditary 
 ruler" of Candahar, but the task of finding a ruler for Cabul 
 proved a difficult one, owing to the number of candidates, each 
 with his adherents, and the choice at first lay between Wali 
 Mahomed Khan, Hashim Khan, Moosa Khan, and Ayoob 
 Khan, all members of the ruling Barukzye family. 
 
 On reference to the Viceroy's despatches, the first mention
 
 Abdul Rahman Khan. 323 
 
 we have of Abdul Rahman, the present ruler of Afghanistan, 
 as a candidate for the Ameership, is in a telegram, * dated 
 the 14th March, addressed to the Secretary of State, in 
 which his lordship advocates the "early public recognition 
 of Abdul Rahman as legitimate heir of Dost Mahomed, and 
 open deputation of Sirdars with British concurrence to offer 
 him the throne of Afghanistan, as sole means of saving 
 country from anarchy." The reply, on the following day, 
 from the India Office, authorized the nomination of Abdul 
 Rahman, if he was " acceptable to the country and would 
 be contented with Northern Afghanistan." This resolve, as 
 proved by subsequent events, was a wise one, though it en- 
 countered much opposition, owing to Abdul Rahman having 
 been for ten years a resident in Russian Turkestan, and in 
 receipt of a pension of 25,000 roubles a year from the Czar. 
 Yakoob Khan was impossible, Moosa Khan was a child, Ayoob 
 Khan, Yakoob's brother, was not considered acceptable, and 
 events seemed to point to Abdul Rahman, son of Afzul Khan, 
 elder brother of Shere Ali, as the most desirable personage 
 to ascend the musniid. 
 
 Abdul Rahman, who was now about fifty, accompanied his 
 father when he crossed the Indus to aid the Sikhs in their 
 final struggle against us in 184849, and after the death of 
 Dost Mahomed fled to Bokhara when Afzul, who was appointed 
 Governor of Balkh by his brother, Shere Ali, was removed to 
 Cabul by that Prince for intriguing against his authority. 
 "When Shere Ali was at Candahar, Abdul Rahman crossed the 
 Oxus, and having established his authority at Balkh, marched 
 with his uncle, Azim, on Cabul, which surrendered to him on 
 the 2nd March, 1866 ; this success was followed up by a victory 
 at Sheikhabad and the capture of Ghuznee, when Afzul became 
 Ameer, and his son consolidated his rule by his victory over 
 Shere Ali at Khelat-i-Grhilzye early in the following year. But 
 soon a change came over the political scene with the frequency 
 and rapidity characteristic of Afghan affairs. Afzul died of his 
 excesses, Azim was equally incapable and more tjTannical, and 
 Abdul Rahman retired in disgust to Afghan Turkestan. Now 
 
 * See Blue Book, "Afghanistan (1881), No. 1." 
 
 T 2
 
 324 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 Yakoob Khan came forward to champion his father's rights, 
 and, advancing from Herat, followed up a victory on the 
 Helmund, which resulted in the flight of Azim's son from 
 Candahar, by defeating Abdul Kahnian at Bameean, and finally 
 restored his father to the throne by the crushing defeat inflicted 
 in the winter of 1868 at Tinah Khan. Abdul Eahman and 
 Azim fled from Balkh, and thence to Meshed, in Persia, where 
 the latter died in October, 1869, while his nephew proceeded 
 to Khiva and Bokhara, and arrived in May, 1870, at Tashkend, 
 where he received permission from General Kaufmann to reside 
 on Russian territory as a pensioner of the Czar. 
 
 It seemed as though the possibility of Abdul Eahman obtain- 
 ing another favourable opportunity to strike a blow for the 
 throne of Cabul was remote indeed, for Shere AH had firmly 
 established himself in power ; but his ill-advised intrigue with 
 Russia gave the desired chance, and involved that unhappy 
 prince and his country in a period of prolonged anarchy, 
 disaster, and bloodshed, from which it has only now apparently 
 emerged. The words of Hector to Paris might be applied to 
 the ill-fated Shere Ali : 
 
 " Bleak fate hangs o'er thee from th' avenging gods, 
 Imperial Troy from her foundations nods : 
 Whelm'd in thy country's ruins shalt thou fall, 
 And one devouring vengeance swallow all." 
 
 After the deportation to India of Yakoob Khan, the people 
 of Afghan Turkestan, remembering the moderation with which 
 he formerly ruled them, rallied to the cause of Abdul Rahman, 
 and on the 17th March, 1880, Lord Lytton telegraphed to the 
 Secretary of State, that he had received " authentic intelligence 
 that the Sirdar is in Afghan Turkestan, having lately arrived 
 there from Badakshan, where he defeated the Meer Shahzada 
 Hassan." Such was the new aspirant for the perilous honour 
 of ruling the race whom his former conqueror declared were so 
 turbulent that he would rather be a grass-cutter in the British 
 camp than their sovereign. 
 
 By the middle of March, Sir Frederick Roberts had under 
 his command at Cabul about 11,500 men and twenty-six guns. 
 The Cabul Field Force was divided into two divisions, the first 
 being under the immediate command of Sir Frederick, and the
 
 Durbar at Sherpur. 325 
 
 second under Major-General Ross, C.B., while the command of 
 the line of communications was held by Major-General Bright. 
 Brigadier- General Massy had been ordered to proceed to India, 
 and was succeeded in the command of the Cavalry by Brigadier- 
 General Hugh Gough. Sherpur had been made impregnable 
 against the attack of any Asiatic army, and forts were built 011 
 both sides of the Cabul gorge and on the Siah Sung hill. 
 
 In response to an invitation to discuss the question of the 
 future of their country, addressed by Sir Frederick Roberts to 
 the Chiefs of Mydau, Logar, and the neighbouring districts, 
 through Habibullah Khan, whom he had found trustworthy, 
 a large number of Chiefs and Sirdars assembled at Sherpur 
 to learn the intentions of Government. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts, attended by his Staff, and accom- 
 panied by Mr. Griffin and his general officers, entered the 
 Durbar tent, and took his place amid the respectful salutations 
 of the assembly. Sir Frederick opened the proceedings by a 
 short speech,* and Mr. Griffin delivered a lengthy address in 
 Persian, in which he explained to the Sirdars and people of 
 Cabul generally, and to the delegates who presented the 
 demands of the Maliks and Chiefs of Logar, Ghuznee, Mydan, 
 AVardak, and the southern Ghilzye country, the general 
 instructions of the Indian Government regarding the future 
 government of Cabul. The restoration of Yakoob Khan was 
 
 * " Sirdars and Maliks, I am very glad to meet you here to-day, espe- 
 cially those who through the good offices of the Mustaufi have been induced 
 to come into Cabul to make their wishes known to me. I trust this Durbar 
 is the beginning of the end, and that it will now be possible for us to enter 
 into such an arrangement with the yeo le of Afghanistan as will ensure 
 an honourable peace and lasting friendship between them and the British. 
 Same of you, I understand, 1 esitated to accompany the Mustaufi, feat ing 
 your treatment and reception by us might not be such as we have pro- 
 mised you, and that some evil might befall you. You need r.ever have 
 any such fear when your safety has been assured on the word of a British 
 officer. The British do not say one thing and do another. You who 
 have come in have been honourably treated, and after this Durbar you ate 
 all at liberty to depart-. I trust, when you leave Cabul, you will carry away 
 with you a more friendly feeling towards us than some of jou have hitherto 
 entertained ; and that those of your party who are still holding aloof will 
 be wise enough to follow the good example you have set them, and will 
 accept our invitation to come to Cabul. Mr. Lepel Griffin, Chief Political 
 Officer in North and Eastern Afghanistan, with whom you have already 
 become acquainted, will now, on the part of the Government of India, 
 answer the request you have made.''
 
 326 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 declared impossible, and their choice of rulers was restricted 
 to the other members of the ruling family, Wali Mahomed, 
 brother of Shere Ali, Hashim Khan, who had married a daughter 
 of the ex- Ameer, and possessed his money, or Moosa Khan and 
 Ayoob Khan, his son and brother. The British troops, it was 
 haughtily notified, would be withdrawn from Afghanistan 
 " when the Government considers the proper time has come ; 
 as they did not enter Afghanistan with your permission, so 
 they will not withdraw at your request." 
 
 Chief mention should here be made of a hardly contested 
 action fought, on the 26th April, on the old battle ground of 
 Charasia, by a portion of Sir Frederick Roberts's force, under 
 Colonel Jenkins, who had left Sherpur a few days before with 
 a small column. Sir Frederick Roberts, learning by helio- 
 graphic signal that Colonel Jenkins was hard pressed, sent 
 some reinforcements to his aid, under General Macpherson, 
 and the enemy were defeated with heavy loss. Sir Frederick 
 ordered the column to return to Sherpur, and rode out 
 to meet them and congratulate the successful leaders. The 
 excitement in Camp during the 26th April brought back 
 recollections of the days of December. All the forts were 
 manned and the whole of the Cabul Field Force was on the 
 qui vive, as an attack of Kohistanees was expected. 
 
 A few days later Sir Frederick Roberts was relieved of the 
 chief political and military command in North-Eastern Afghanis- 
 tan by the arrival of his senior officer, Sir Donald Stewart, 
 who had marched from Candahar to break up any hostile com- 
 bination at Ghuznee, and open communications with Cabul, 
 leaving a division of troops from the Bombay Presidency, under 
 Lieutenant- General Primrose, to hold the city and province, 
 which he had administered so successfully, and the civil 
 government of which was now handed over to the Wali Shere 
 Ali. 
 
 In order to act in co-operation with Sir Donald Stewart, Sir 
 Frederick Roberts, on the 16th April, sent a strong column 
 from Sherpur under command of Major- General Ross. Little 
 actual resistance was met by Ross's column, though the 
 Mydan people were sulky and ill-disposed. General Ross was 
 accompanied by General Hills, who had served at Candahar in
 
 Roberts is Relieved by Sir Donald Stewart. 327 
 
 the first phase of the Afghan War, as Assistant Adjutant- 
 General to Sir Donald Stewart's Division ; and that officer related 
 to us how at the moment when he and General Ross had topped 
 the watershed between Wardak and Mydan, a heliographic 
 signal was flashed to them by General Stewart, a distance of 
 about forty miles, giving news of his arrival at Ghuznee and 
 his victory at Ahmed Khel on the 19th April. General Hills, 
 when he left Sir Donald Stewart at Candahar, told him that he 
 would meet him at Ghuznee, and on the previous day had been 
 anxious to redeem his promise, but General Ross would not 
 give him leave, as Sir Frederick Roberts had ordered that the 
 Cavalry should not advance beyond the pass. Having got half 
 a troop of Cavalry as escort, General Hills now rode on and 
 found his old chief two miles on the Cabul side of the Dahan 
 pass. Sir Donald Stewart's troops turned off into the Logar 
 country, and, accompanied by General Hills, he joined General 
 Ross's column and proceeded to Sherpur, where he arrived on 
 the 1st May, and making over his own division to Brigadier- 
 General Hughes, 63rd Regiment, who held the command until 
 relieved by General Hills, on the 2nd May he assumed com- 
 mand of the troops in North-Eastern Afghanistan, also reliev- 
 ing Sir Frederick Roberts of the charge of political affairs. 
 Our hero looked forward to shortly quitting the country in 
 whose eventful history he had played so important a role, and, 
 like Richard, his 
 
 u Bruised arms hang up for monuments." 
 
 But, again, for the third time within two years, he was to be 
 called upon to encounter the responsibilities of command in 
 an emergency ; for the time had not yet come when he could 
 exclaim with Gloucester : 
 
 " Our stern alarums chaug'd to merry meetings, 
 Our dreadful marches to delightful measures."
 
 328 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts and the Negotiations with Abdul Rahman Appoint- 
 ment of the Sirdar to the Ameership Restless State of the Sirdars 
 and People of Afghanistan Arrival of Abdul Rahman at Cabul and 
 Assumption of the Ameership Sir Frederick Roberta's Views on the 
 Kurram Valley Question The Maiwand Disaster Sir Frederick 
 Roberts appointed to the Command of the Relieving Column The 
 Dramatic Aspects of the Afghan War His Preparations for the 
 March on Candahar. 
 
 SOME notice is necessary in a biographical work of the personal 
 share taken by Sir Frederick Roberts in the political proceed- 
 ings which ended in the acceptance by the British Government 
 of Abdul Rahman as Ameer of North-E astern Afghanistan. 
 Lord Lytton having authorized him and Mr. Griffin to open 
 negotiations with the Ameer, on the 2nd April a Kohistan 
 Chief, Surwar Khan, an active adherent of the Pretender, was 
 despatched from Sherpur to Koondooz, in Afghan Turkestan, 
 where he arrived on the 10th. At an interview with Abdul 
 Rahman, Surwar Khan expressed the friendliness entertained 
 towards him by the British General, and advised him to repair 
 to Cabul, where he would be honourably received. Surwar 
 Khan received a letter from the Sirdar, couched in guarded 
 and general terms, expressive of his gratitude to the British 
 Government, and his desire to live at amity with both England 
 as well as Russia, whose hospitality he had enjoyed for twelve 
 years,* and, leaving Kooudooz, arrived at Sherpur on the 21st 
 April. He was also the bearer of a message from Abdul 
 Rahman, offering to go to Charikar, in Kohistan, with an 
 escort of 500 men, and there discuss matters with the British 
 Political Officers in person. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts and Mr. Griffin, after consideration of 
 the letter and message, decided to accede to the Sirdar's request, 
 proposing Cabul as an alternative place of meeting, and to 
 
 * For letter see p. 22 of Blue Book on Afghanistan.
 
 The Negotiations with Abdul Rahman. 329 
 
 offer him the Ameership on his agreeing to accept the conditions 
 regarding Candahar, the frontier between the two countries, 
 and the foreign relations of Afghanistan conceded to the 
 British by the treaty of Gundamuck. On communicating the 
 steps they had taken to the Viceregal Government, Sir Frederick 
 Eoberts and Mr. Griffin received a lengthy despatch, dated the 
 27th April, communicating the intentions of Lord Lytton, which 
 briefly were to the effect that Cabul was to be evacuated by the 
 British troops " not later than October next," and impressing 
 on their attention " the importance of avoiding any expression 
 which might appear to suggest or admit matter for negotiation 
 or discussion in reference to the relative positions of the Sirdar 
 and the Government of India." They proposed " uncondi- 
 tionally transferring the government of the country " to Abdul 
 Eahnian, who would receive, if he required it, assistance from 
 the Viceroy, and in the event of his proving " able and disposed 
 to conciliate the confidence of his countrymen, without forfeit- 
 ing the good understanding he seeks with us, will assuredly 
 find his best support in our political appreciation of that 
 fact." 
 
 Further, the Government of India declared that their " only 
 reasons for not immediately withdrawing their forces from 
 Northern Afghanistan have hitherto been, first, the excited and 
 unsettled condition of the country round Cabul, with the atti- 
 tude of hostility assumed by some leaders of armed gatherings 
 near Ghuzuee ; and secondly, the inability of the Cabul Sirdars 
 to agree among themselves on I he selection of a ruler strong 
 enough to maintain order after the evacuation of the country." 
 The first-named of these reasons no longer existed after the 
 victory at Ahmed Kheyl achieved by Sir Donald Stewart during 
 his advance from Candahar, and on the arrival of that officer at 
 Cabul on the 2nd May, Sir Frederick Roberts, being junior in 
 rank, ceased to be supreme political no less than military chief 
 in Northern Afghanistan, and the negotiations with Abdul 
 Rahman were conducted in the name of Sir Donald Stewart, 
 acting in conjunction with Mr. Griffin. 
 
 To the subject of this Memoir it seemed as if no further 
 chance of increasing the renown he had earned by his conduct 
 of military affairs, could offer itself in Afghanistan. By his
 
 330 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 victories at Peiwar Kotul and Charasia, and generally by the 
 masterly and daring advance on Cabul, no less than by the 
 complete success of the operations in December, he had earned 
 for himself a high place among England's most trusted soldiers. 
 Nothing more brilliant had been achieved for many years than 
 this series of successes, which were gained not by fortune or any 
 adventitious aid, but by boldness and able strategy. " Nothing 
 succeeds like success," and Sir Frederick Roberts possessed the 
 complete confidence of every officer and man under his command, 
 whose only regret was that no further chances of earning dis- 
 tinction under his orders could accrue, since the Liberal Govern- 
 ment, following up the policy of their predecessors in office, had 
 decreed that the evacuation of North-Eastern Afghanistan was 
 to take place as soon as Abdul Rahman had been accepted as 
 the future Ameer by a sufficient portion of his countrymen, or, 
 in any case, not later than October. But in these calculations 
 of the late Cabul Field Force, sufficient allowance was not made 
 for the unforeseen, always a potent factor in Oriental politics. 
 The vicissitudes of political and military affairs in Afghan- 
 istan had extended their influences to British interests, and the 
 reputations of two general officers in South- Western Afghan- 
 istan suffered as sudden and disastrous an eclipse as the char- 
 acter for military prowess of Yakoob Khan, Ayoob Khan, and 
 Abdul Rahman had experienced during their chequered careers. 
 On the other hand, the military fame of Sir Frederick Roberts 
 shone out with increased lustre during the hour of trial still in 
 store for the arms of England, and when he emerged at Can- 
 dahar after his famous march through Afghanistan, he added 
 to the reputation already achieved, a European renown as one of 
 the greatest soldiers of the age, a claim conceded to him by the 
 illustrious Skobeleff, the hero of Plevna and Geok Tepe. 
 Notwithstanding the overwhelming force of 18,000 seasoned 
 soldiers, the flower of the Indian army, assembled at Cabul, 
 under the command of Sir Donald Stewart and Sir Frederick 
 Roberts, the Afghans were as truculent as ever, and it was 
 manifest that they would never submit to the foreign yoke ; and 
 in the latter part of June, General Hills marched into the 
 Logar district with the late Candahar division, in order to pro- 
 cure supplies and put down a gathering of Zoormuttees and
 
 Disturbed State of Logar. 331 
 
 Wardakees. In bis account to us of bis proceedings in tbe 
 Logar Valley, be describes all tbe bill-sides as covered witb tbe 
 watcb-fires of tbe villagers, wbo tbougbt be was going into Zoor- 
 mut. Soon after, be moved temporarily to Cabul witb bis divi- 
 sion, on wbicb tbe tribesmen, under Hassan Kbau, an adberent 
 of Yakoob Kban, came down into tbe Logar Valley, and tried 
 to induce tbe Logarees to join tbem for anotber rising similar 
 to tbat in December. On General Hills returning to tbe Logar 
 Valley, most of tbe tribesmen retired, but about 1,500 Zoor- 
 muttees took up a position at tbe village of Padkao Sbana, 
 wbere tbey were attacked and dispersed by tbe cavalry of Hills's 
 division, under Brigadier-General Palliser. 
 
 Tbese were tbe men of wbom Sir George Campbell, M.P., 
 asked in tbe House of Commons wbetber it was true tbat " in- 
 offensive ryots" bad been attacked. Witb bis Indian experience 
 and knowledge of tbe cbaracter of tbe officers of tbe Indian 
 Army and tbe reputation of General Hills, tbe member for 
 tbe Kirkaldy borougbs ougbt to bave known better tban to 
 bave inferred tbat an officer wbose cbaracter for bumanity stood 
 as bigb as bis own, would bave been capable of attacking in- 
 offensive ryots. Tbese tribesmen, wbose leader, Mabomed 
 Hassan Kban, bad run away from Jellalabad witb treasure, 
 tbougbt tbat Mabomed Jan bad corne down from "Wardak to 
 assist tbem, and took advantage of General Hills's absence to 
 work up tbe Logarees to figbt ; but tbese latter declined to join 
 tbem, saying tbat tbe General and Major Ewan Smitb, Political 
 Officer witb tbe division, bad treated tbem well and paid for all 
 supplies. 
 
 Tbe only otber notewortby incident was tbe deportation to 
 India of tbe Mustaufi, Habibullab Kban, wbo was accused of 
 conspiring against tbe Euglisb, and was sent to join bis master 
 and Daoud Sbab. 
 
 During May and June negotiations were carried on witb 
 Abdul Rabman at Kbanabad, near Koondooz, in Afgban Turk- 
 estan, tbe Britisb Agents being Sirdar Ibrabim Kban, Sber 
 Mabomed Kban, and Afzul Kban, a ressaldar of tbe lltb 
 Bengal Lancers. Tbe Mission left Sberpur on tbe 3rd May, 
 and was received witb bonour by tbe Sirdar, wbo besitated 
 before giving a final answer, as bis acceptance involved tbe sur-
 
 332 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 render of Candahar and the Kurram Valley, which would make 
 him unpopular with his countrymen. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts quite agreed with the Liberal Govern- 
 ment that an end should be put to the occupation of North-Eastern 
 Afghanistan by our army during the autumn, whether terms 
 were made with Abdul Rahman or not. On this point he writes 
 in his despatch, dated 29th May : " If the present negotiations 
 with Abdul Rahman succeed, I should hamper him with the 
 fewest possible conditions ; if they fail, I would be inclined to 
 let the tribes of Eastern Afghanistan please themselves about 
 an Ameer. In course of time some strong man would win 
 his way to power, and meanwhile it would be wiser not to force 
 a ruler upon them. Any nominee of ours would certainly not 
 be acceptable, and, in all probability, would not be able to hold 
 his own after our departure. Under any circumstances, I 
 am strongly in favour of not remaining at Cabul after the great 
 heat of the Indian summer has passed and travelling through 
 the Khyber is possible. If we cannot settle matters with the 
 Afghans at this season of the year, when everything is in our 
 favour, we shall certainly not be able to do so in the winter, 
 when the difficulties of an occupation are immeasurably in- 
 creased." On the Afghan question, so far as Russia is con- 
 cerned, he says : " We have learnt by experience what a con- 
 siderable force is required to occupy Cabul and to maintain our 
 communications with India by the Khyber route. There is no 
 denying the fact that, if the ruler of Cabul should at any 
 future time be assisted by Russian officers, the army of 25,000 
 men which we now find it necessary to employ on the Khyber 
 line alone would have to be very considerably increased. Nor 
 do I think that, even if the Afghans themselves were on our 
 side, we could deal as effectually with Russia in Eastern as in 
 Western Afghanistan. To what extent those offensive measures 
 might be pressed in Southern or Western Afghanistan scarcely 
 comes within the scope of this paper, depending, as they as- 
 suredly would, on numerous and complicated eventualities, such 
 as the attitude of Persia, the object and strength of Russia, 
 and the state of Afghanistan generally. It might be found 
 necessary to make a rapid advance on Herat and mass a con- 
 siderable army there, or it might, on the other hand, be deemed
 
 Views of Sir Frederick Roberts. 333 
 
 ./ \J *J \J 
 
 desirable to confine operations to Candahar itself, or to Seistan, 
 and the valley of the Helrnund. It will be sufficient for our 
 present purpose if we can come to the conclusion that the ' 
 Candahar line will be the one by which all offensive movements 
 against Russia would be carried on. If this point be admitted, it 
 only remains for us to consider to what extent communication 
 should be maintained between the north-west frontier of India 
 and Cabul. My own opinion, which I offer with considerable 
 diffidence, is that the Kurram line should be given up alto- 
 gether, and that the responsibilities which we ought to incur on 
 the Khyber route should be limited to such as would ensure the 
 execution and integrity of any guarantees we have given to the 
 rulers of Lalpura and Kuner. Viewing Cabul in the altered 
 and powerless condition in which we shall leave it, with a ruler 
 quite unable to cause us trouble or even anxiety in India, and 
 knowing (as we now do) with what ease and quickness we can 
 again at any time make ourselves masters of Cabul by either of 
 the two roads under consideration, I can see no reason why 
 regular troops should be kept either in the Kurram or the Khyber. 
 Moreover, I cannot too strongly urge upon the consideration of 
 the Government of India the desirability of not leaving the 
 Native portion of the army in the field after the ensuing 
 autumn. Many of the regiments will then have been on 
 service since October, 1878 ; they have done admirably, indeed 
 I doubt if at any former period the Native Army has ever be- 
 haved more loyally or gallantly ; all ranks are in good heart, and 
 will cheerfully carry out any work they may be called upon to 
 perform. There is, however, a limit beyond which it would be 
 impolitic to require them to remain away from India. This 
 limit I place at two years. It would be found difficult, if not 
 impracticable, to relieve the troops now on service. All the 
 Goorkhas, and nearly all the Punjaub Corps, are in the first 
 line. This is another strong argument in favour of an early 
 withdrawal." 
 
 Abdul Rahman and his advisers hesitated to give a definite 
 answer to the British demands, or to come to Cabul, because, 
 as Mr. Lepel Griffin wrote on the 4th August, they " feared 
 greatly that our intention was to rid ourselves of a formidable
 
 334 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 opponent, and that, had he come straight into Cabul, he would 
 have been arrested, and deported to British India." 
 
 So critical did the negotiations appear towards the end of 
 June that Sir Donald Stewart, with whom the Viceregal 
 Government left considerable discretionary powers, advised no 
 further dealings with Abdul Eahman. In the despatch of 
 the 27th July, giving in detail the negotiations with that Sirdar, 
 Lord Ripon, the newly-arrived Viceroy, and his Council wrote : 
 " Sir D. Stewart and Mr. Griffin represented to the Govern- 
 ment of India, for the second time, their conviction of the 
 danger of trusting Abdul Rahman, the imprudence of delay- 
 ing immediate action, and the necessity, in this critical situa- 
 tion, of breaking off with Abdul Rahman, and adopting other 
 means of establishing a government in Cabul before our 
 evacuation." But Lord Ripon fortunately decided otherwise, 
 as he considered that, " as matters stood then, an arrangement 
 with Abdul Rahman offered the most advisable solution, while 
 he doubted whether it would not be found very difficult to enter 
 into any alternative arrangement." 
 
 The subsequent course of events fully justified the statesman- 
 like course adopted by the Indian Viceroy, and Abdul Rahman, 
 having made up his mind to accept the terms offered him by 
 the British Government, left Khanabad on the 28th June, with 
 2,000 men and 12 guns, and, crossing the Hindoo Koosh, 
 reached Tootumdurrah, near Charikar, at the entrance of the 
 Ghorebund Valley the forts of which were successfully attacked 
 by Sir Robert Sale in 1840. The Sirdar arrived on the 20th 
 July at Charikar, and a large number of leading Chiefs and 
 other influential personages, including Mooshk-i-Alum, and 
 some of the principal Ghilzye and Wardak Chiefs, signified 
 their acquiescence in his recognition, and many went to 
 meet him at Charikar. The faithless Asmatullah Khan, 
 Ghilzye,* Abdul Guffoor, Logaree, and thirty-five others of 
 less note, who wrote from Maidan that all there assembled were 
 ready to accept as Ameer whomever the British Government 
 
 * True to his character, Asmatullah has recently intrigued against the 
 Ameer Abdul Rahman, who put a letter of his to Ayoob Khan in his hand 
 in open Durbar and threw him into prison. Mahomed Jan and Abdul 
 Guffoor have also been executed, and Meer Butcha is a fugitive.
 
 Recognition of Abdul Rahman. 335 
 
 might select, whether Yakoob Khan, or Abdul Rahman, or Ayoob 
 Khan ; but that in the interests of the country and the Govern- 
 ment, it was essential to at once declare the choice of the 
 authorities, as there was no other way of bringing to an end 
 the period of uncertainty, and of re-assuring the people. 
 
 Abdul Rahman was acknowledged by the British military 
 and political authorities as Ameer of Afghanistan, and received 
 a promise of support so long as he remained friendly to 
 England. The ceremony took place at a grand Durbar, held 
 on the 22nd July, at Sherpur, at which Sir Donald Stewart, 
 accompanied by Sir Frederick Roberts and Mr. Lepel Griffin, 
 received the representatives of Abdul Rahman.* The new 
 Ameer left Charikar, and was met on 3rd August at Zimma, 
 about 16 miles from Cabul, by Mr. Lepel Griffin, who proceeded 
 with an escort from General Charles Gough's camp in the 
 Kohistan road, and arrangements were made for his taking 
 over Cabul, the governorship of which had been resigned by 
 the Wali Mahomed Khan, who himself had been a candidate 
 for the throne. 
 
 Abdul Rahman's chance of election was supposed to be 
 remote indeed, a few months before, the taint of Russian support 
 being regarded as an absolute bar to his selection by the British 
 Government, who preferred the claims of the Barukzye Sirdars, 
 Wali Mahomed, Hashim Khan, and Ayoob. But by a turn 
 of the wheel of fortune all this was changed, and Abdul 
 Rahman came to power under the aegis of British protection 
 and with subsidies in money and arms, which have enabled him 
 to gain over by force of arms and the power of the purse the 
 whole of Afghanistan. But all Afghan history shows that the 
 fickle nobles and people of Cabul may soon tire of him, and 
 should fortune declare against him in the field, like the Roman 
 
 * Mr. Lepel Griffin thus describes him : " Amir Abdul Rahman Khan is 
 a man of about forty, of middle height, and rather stout. He has an 
 exceedingly intelligent face, brown eyes, a pleasant smile, and a frank 
 courteous manner. The impression that he left on me and the officers who 
 were present was most favourable. He is by far the most prepossessing of 
 all the Barukzai Sirdars whom I have met in Afghanistan, and in conversa- 
 tion showed both good sense and sound political judgment. He kept 
 thoroughly to the point under discussion, and his remarks were charac- 
 terized by shrewdness and ability. He appeared animated by a sincere 
 desire to be on cordial terms with the English Government."
 
 336 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 people upbraided by Marullus, they would hail his successful 
 
 rival : 
 
 " Many a time and oft 
 
 Have you climb'd up to walls and battlements, 
 To towers and windows, yea, to chimney-tops, 
 Your infants in your arms, and there have sat 
 The livelong day, with patient expectation, 
 To see great Pompey pass the streets of Rome." 
 
 Popularity among the Sirdars and people of Afghanistan is 
 very much a question of bribes and license to the former, and 
 a liberal dispensation of the panem et circenses to the 
 latter. 
 
 Meanwhile important military events had occurred, which 
 removed Sir Frederick Roberts from the scene of these pro- 
 tracted negotiations, and gave him employment in the field, a 
 more congenial sphere to one of his temperament than the 
 fetid atmosphere of Afghan intrigue. 
 
 On the 29th July the startling news arrived at Cabul that 
 General Burrows' brigade had been " annihilated " at Maiwand; 
 and though subsequent details placed the disaster in not quite 
 so bad a light, the utter rout of a British force, followed by 
 the investment of Candahar, and the virtual supremacy of 
 Ayoob Khan over the province, formed a sufficiently grave 
 conjuncture of affairs to demand prompt and energetic action. 
 All eyes in England and India were instinctively turned to 
 Sir Frederick Roberts as the man for the crisis that had so 
 suddenly arisen, and the British Army in Afghanistan felt no 
 one was equally fitted to cope with the new peril that had 
 arisen, and lead them to wipe away the stain from their arms. 
 
 Sir Donald Stewart and Sir Frederick Roberts both agreed 
 that it would be necessary to send a strong division from Cabul, 
 and not to leave the retrieval of our position in South- Western 
 Afghanistan to General Phayre, who commanded the Bombay 
 troops in reserve on the Scinde frontier and at Pisheen, whose 
 want of transport would, they felt certain, delay his arrival at 
 Candahar. With soldierly alacrity, and pending orders from 
 the Supreme Government, steps were taken to prepare a force 
 of about 10,000 men to march upon Candahar. Sir Frederick 
 Roberts's offer to assume command was at once accepted by Sir 
 Donald Stewart, and the appointment was hailed by the army
 
 The Maiwand Disaster. 337 
 
 with satisfaction, for all felt that success was already almost 
 assured. 
 
 The Maiwand disaster came at an unfortunate time, and was 
 near imperilling the negotiations in progress between Abdul 
 Rahman and Mr. Griffin, acting on behalf of the Indian 
 Government ; but these difficulties were tided over at an inter- 
 view, and the new Ameer, who was glad to be quit of the 
 British army from Cabul, raised but slight objection to a 
 division marching through the country to Candahar. The 
 Indian Government, on the urgent representations of Sir 
 Donald Stewart, who telegraphed on the 5th August, and 
 wrote a lengthy despatch in the same sense five days later, 
 directed the immediate withdrawal of the remainder of the 
 British troops from Afghanistan, the posts at Lundi Kotul 
 and in the Khyber Pass being held in temporary occupation. 
 Accordingly, on the llth August, Sir Donald Stewart quitted 
 Sherpur, having that morning had an interview with the new 
 Ameer, at which Mr. Lepel Griffin and General Hills, com- 
 manding the Cabul Division, were present. 
 
 Before the news of the defeat of Burrows's Brigade at Mai- 
 wand, the military authorities at head-quarters had ordered the 
 evacuation of Afghanistan by the army of 18,000 men as- 
 sembled at Cabul. The withdrawal was to be effected in two 
 bodies. One portion was to retire by the Khyber Pass, under 
 Sir Donald Stewart, and the other, under the orders of Sir 
 Frederick Roberts, by the Kurram Valley, where a division, 
 under the command of Major-General Watson, C.B., V.C., had 
 remained since Sir Frederick quitted Ali Kheyl to commence 
 his march on Cabul in the preceding autumn. These troops 
 were for the present directed to remain in the Kurram Valley ; 
 but, on the 3rd of September, the Viceroy and his Council came 
 to the resolution, in accordance with the wishes of the inhabit- 
 ants, to place the Jajis of the Upper Kurram, and the tribes of 
 the Hurriab district beyond the Peiwar Kotul, under the new 
 Ameer ; though the Turis, in the Kurram Valley, whose inde- 
 pendence had been solemnly promised to them by Sir Frederick 
 Roberts, were not included in this arrangement. Accordingly, 
 the Kurram Valley was evacuated by General "Watson on the 
 16th October, and the Turis were placed under their leaders, 
 
 z
 
 338 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 Badsbali Gul and Meer Mahomed Khan. While noting this 
 termination to our occupation of districts conquered by Sir 
 Frederick Roberts, it should be borne in mind that, as a soldier 
 thoroughly conversant with the strategical and political value 
 of the Kurram Valley, he agreed with the almost unanimous 
 consensus of opinion against the occupation of this territory, 
 though in his elaborate and well-reasoned Memorandum on the 
 situation in Afghanistan, as it affected our position in India, 
 penned at Cabul on the 29th May, Sir Frederick Roberts based 
 his opinion on the hypothesis of the retention of Candahar.* 
 But his main argument was directed towards proving the 
 inutility of holding positions on the Kurram line by showing 
 that, in any future war in Afghanistan, we ought to remain on 
 the defensive on our North-West frontier, and that our most 
 effective line of advance against an enemy in the interior of 
 the country would be from the southward ; while, apart from 
 strategical considerations of this general nature, the special 
 weight of his reasoning on military, political, and financial 
 grounds, bears decidedly against our maintaining garrisons on 
 the Kurram highlands. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts' s connection with Cabul and North- 
 Eastern Afghanistan was now to cease, and he turned his face 
 westwards to reap fresh honours, and add a glorious page to the 
 military annals of his country. Upon receipt at Cabul of the 
 telegram from the Viceregal Government announcing the 
 Maiwand disaster, both the British Commanders concluded 
 
 * The following paragraphs from this Memorandum are of especial value, 
 and no notice of the views in this important question, held by Sir Frederick 
 Roberts, would be complete without them : " The state of affairs which 
 brought about the Treaty of Gundamuck has completely changed. In 
 place of our being obliged to occupy the advanced strategic positions 
 secured to us by that treaty, and which the safety of our Indian Empire 
 forced us to hold as long as Cabul was the centre of a great political and 
 military power, we can now afford to withdraw our troops within our 
 original frontier. We have nothing to fear from Afghanistan, and the best 
 thing to do is to leave it as much as possible to itself. It may not be very 
 rlattering to our amour propre, but I feel sure I am right when I say that 
 the less the Afghans see of us the less they will dislike us. Should Russia 
 in future years attempt to conquer Afghanistan or invade India through it, 
 we should have a better chance of attaching the Afghans to our interests, 
 if we avoid all interference with them in the meantime. The military 
 occupation of Candahar is, as I have before stated, of vital importance ; 
 but even there we should make our presence but little felt, merely control- 
 ling the foreign policy of the ruler of that province."
 
 Roberts and the Maiwand Disaster. 339 
 
 that a division should march from Cabul, in addition to any 
 troops despatched from Scinde, which could only reach Can- 
 dahar at this season of the year with great difficulty and 
 delay. The Cabul corps d'armee of 18,000 seasoned troops, 
 accustomed to act together, and commanded by some of the 
 best generals in the British army, was fit to go anywhere and 
 do anything at a moment's notice. 
 
 The following were the circumstances under which Sir 
 Frederick Roberts assumed command of the force ordered to 
 avenge the disaster at Maiwand. As it had been arranged that 
 he should return to India by the Kurram route with a portion 
 of the troops, he rode to Jellalabad to visit scenes so interest- 
 ing to every soldier. " While there," he writes to us, " I 
 instinctively felt anxious in case any disturbance, owing to the 
 near approach of Abdul Rahman, should take place at Cabul; 
 so I hurried back, riding from Gundamuck to Cabul on the 28th 
 July. Sir Donald Stewart met me a few miles out, and told 
 me what had happened at Maiwand. Feeling it was most im- 
 portant that troops should be sent from Cabul to Candahar, 
 and believing that the authorities at Simla would hesitate to send 
 troops who were under orders to return to India, I telegraphed to 
 the Adjutant-General, urging that a force should be sent with- 
 out delay, and guaranteeing that none of the soldiers at Cabul 
 would demur at going, provided I could assure them that they 
 would not be kept to garrison Candahar after the work in the 
 field there was over. I begged the Adjutant-General to show 
 the telegram to the Foreign Secretary, by whom it was given to 
 Lord Ripon, who then decided to send me with a force. Before 
 despatching the telegram I showed it to Sir Donald Stewart." 
 
 The reply of the Viceroy sanctioning the despatch of an 
 expedition from Cabul to Candahar, in conformity with the 
 suggestion of Sir Frederick Roberts, was received on the 3rd 
 August, and the equipment and constitution of the force were 
 left to the two Generals, who were required to state the earliest 
 date on which the relieving column could march, and when it 
 was expected to arrive at Candahar. After consultation they 
 returned an answer that Sir Frederick Roberts would leave 
 Cabul on the 8th August, and that he expected to reach the 
 capital of Southern Afghanistan on the 2nd September. 
 
 z 2
 
 34-O Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 With the public spirit and friendly feeling that always cha- 
 racterized Sir Donald Stewart in his dealings with his hrother- 
 in-arms, that officer gave carte blanche to Sir Frederick Roberts 
 as to men and equipment. Colonel Chapman, R.A.,* Chief of 
 the Staff to Sir Donald Stewart, who now took up the same 
 appointment in the force about to march on Candahar, only 
 does justice to his former chief when, in a lecture on this 
 famous march, delivered at the Royal United Service Institution 
 on the 9th March, 1881, he observed : " No record of the work 
 thus undertaken would be complete which did not set forward 
 very prominently the self-abnegation and high military capacity 
 evinced by Lieutenant- General Sir Donald Stewart, who was 
 in supreme command at Cabul, and who, without reference to 
 the difficult task of withdrawal by the Khyber, which was to be 
 his share of the programme, placed unreservedly at Sir Frede- 
 rick Roberts' s disposal the entire resources of the North Afghan- 
 istan Field Force in transport and equipment ; nor wmtld it be 
 possible to pass by without respectful recognition the singleness 
 of purpose and true genius with which the two Commanders 
 devoted themselves to perfect the machinery which it was 
 intended to employ in the execution of a difficult enterprise. 
 The spirit they evinced became the leading principle that guided 
 all ranks in the task of preparation." 
 
 During the succeeding few days Sir Frederick Roberts busied 
 himself in selecting the troops he intended to take with him in 
 his march, which, for the adventurous spirits in camp, had all 
 the charm, and much more than the hazard, of a knight- 
 errant's expedition in mediaeval times, so great was the element 
 of uncertainty attaching to its progress from the moment the 
 troops, without base and cut off from all .communication with 
 the outer world, plunged into the heart of Afghanistan with, at 
 the other extremity, a triumphant enemy and a defeated and 
 beleagurecl body of fellow-countrymen awaiting their arrival. 
 
 The present Afghan war has been not less full of romantic 
 incidents and sudden melodramatic changes than the war we 
 had waged forty years before in the same country, and this last 
 
 * This officer, like Sir Frederick Roberts and Colonel Perkins, Chief 
 Engineer in the Kurram and Cabul campaigns, had received his professional 
 training at Addiscombe, whence he entered the old Bengal Artillery.
 
 Dramatic Character of the Afghan War. 341 
 
 scene formed a fitting climax to the play in which human lives 
 and a kingdom had been the stakes. Not only India and Eng- 
 land, hut the whole civilized world watched with breathless 
 interest the denouement of the drama about to be played out, 
 which may be said to have divided itself, with strict regard to 
 the unities, into five acts. The first unfolded the gathering of 
 the three armies, the insult offered to the British Envoy at AH 
 Musjid, the swift and victorious advance into Afghan territory, 
 and the signing of the Treaty of Gundamuck, the curtain de- 
 scending amid a shower of honours on the victors, and the 
 banquet given by Lord Lytton at Simla to " the hero of the 
 Peiwar Kotul." The second act dealt with the brief record of 
 the Cavagnari Mission, received with such honour at Cabul, 
 and expiring in a scene of fire and blood, in which British 
 valour and devotion to duty shone out proudly and shed an un- 
 dying lustre on its victims. 
 
 But a change now came over the spirit of the play. With 
 the rising of the curtain the third act deals with the revenge 
 justly inflicted by a British army on the cowardly crew who 
 dishonoured the flag of England, and dragged through the 
 mire of the Afghan capital the headless body of her represen- 
 tative. The brilliant advance of Sir Frederick Roberts from 
 Ali Kheyl, the victory of Charasia and occupation of the Bala 
 Hissar, with his visit to the still smoking and reeking ruins of 
 the Residency, brought to a conclusion one of the most exciting 
 episodes of this drama amid the plaudits of the auditory. But 
 again the storm of war, long foreseen, and its contingencies 
 thoughtfully provided for by the British General, burst on the 
 scene. After a chequered struggle against vast odds, the 
 British army was driven within its entrenched camp, whence, 
 after the enemy had in vain attempted to overwhelm it by force 
 of numbers, it issued to inflict severe chastisement on its 
 enemies. Again sunshine succeeds storm, and with the 
 junction of the armies of Sir Donald Stewart and Sir Frederick 
 Roberts, and the conclusion of terms with the new Ameer for 
 peacefully evacuating the country, it seemed as though the 
 sword might be returned to its sheath, and an era of peace and 
 goodwill inaugurated between Briton and Afghan. But this 
 was not yet to be, and the ambition of one man and the iucom-
 
 342 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 petence of another, resulted in a disaster transcending Isandhl- 
 \vana, and only surpassed by that experienced by General 
 Elphinstone in the passes between Cabul and Gundamuck. 
 But like those reverses, only more speedily, if not more de- 
 cisively, Maiwand was wiped out by the victory of the 1st Sep- 
 tember, on which followed the withdrawal of our troops from 
 the scene of so much glory and disaster. For the last time the 
 curtain descends, and the Afghan War of 1878-80 was " as a 
 tale that is told."
 
 343 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 English Public Opinion on the Projected March through Afghanistan Sir 
 Frederick Roberts quits Cabul for Beni Hissar Incidents of the Forced 
 March to Ghuznee Arrival at Ghuznee and Surrender of the Town and 
 C'itadel The Forced March to Khelat-i-Ghilzye Relief and Removal 
 of the Garrison Sir Frederick Roberts on the Line of March The 
 Advance oil Candahar Preparations for the Attack on Ayoob Khan's 
 Position. 
 
 WHEN it was announced by telegraph in England that Sir 
 Frederick Roberts proposed to march through Afghanistan with- 
 out a base of operations or communications of any kind, as 
 is usual, a host of military critics in Parliament, and the 
 Club-gentlemen who are more familiar with " the shady side 
 of Pall Mall " than with the deserts and mountain ranges of 
 Afghanistan, and the conditions attaching to waging war with 
 Oriental races, adduced numberless reasons, drawn from pre- 
 cedent and theoretical treatises, satisfactorily demonstrating 
 that, by the rules of war, Sir Frederick Roberts was courting 
 disaster, and insisting that the step he was taking must be 
 contrary to the better judgment of both himself and General 
 Stewart, and was doubtless due to a determination on the part 
 of the Government to carry out the evacuation of the country 
 as previously arranged, without consideration for the safety of 
 Roberts' s force. But these military critics were at fault alike 
 in their judgment of the prudence of the march under ex- 
 isting conditions, as was proved by the inexorable logic of 
 events, and in their opinion as to the views held by the two 
 experienced Generals in Afghanistan, who never had any doubt 
 that a division of 10,000 properly equipped and commanded 
 British troops could traverse Afghanistan in safety. 
 
 As it had been determined to evacuate the Bala Hissar 
 and the Sherpur Cantonment by the llth August, when Sir 
 Donald Stewart intended to commence the retrograde move- 
 ment on India, Sir Frederick Roberts had expressed his in-
 
 344 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 tention to march three days before that date. The time at his 
 disposal in which to select his force, and survey and complete 
 its equipment \vas brief; but it was sufficient for the purpose. 
 In this instance the selection of the troops, especially the 
 Native corps, that were to accompany him, was an exceptionally 
 difficult task. As pointed out by him in his Memorandum of 
 29th May, two years was, in his opinion, the limit at which the 
 latter could be kept away from their homes ; but this had now 
 been exceeded in the case of some of the Goorkha and Pun- 
 jaubee regiments, and it would have been an ungracious task 
 to disappoint these gallant soldiers, who were looking forward 
 to return to their families after an unexampled absence from 
 them, and call on them to undergo the chances of a forced 
 march of over 300 miles, and, perhaps, of an arduous cam- 
 paign. They had suffered heavily in action and through sick- 
 ness, and naturally longed for a period of rest, so when it was 
 understood that the usual proportion of Native regiments 
 would accompany the column, the intelligence was not received 
 with enthusiasm, and the selection was anxiously awaited. The 
 Chief of the Staff, Colonel Chapman, says on this point : " It 
 was not with eager desire that the honour of marching to 
 Candahar was sought for, and some commanding officers of 
 experience judged rightly the tempers of their men when they 
 represented for the General's consideration the claims of the 
 regiments they commanded to be relieved as soon as possible 
 from field service. I lay stress on this fact, and claim for those 
 officers, who subordinated their own wishes in the interest of 
 the soldiers they commanded, as also for the Generals who 
 acted on their representations, an insight into the character 
 of our Native troops, the result of long experience. It was not 
 easy to estimate the confidence created by such knowledge as 
 was thus brought to bear on the question of selection, nor 
 rightly to describe the sense of duty, and of absolute trust in 
 their commanders, which marked the behaviour of the troops at 
 this time. The enthusiasm which carried Sir Frederick Roberts's 
 force with exceptional rapidity to Candahar, was an after-growth 
 evolved by the enterprise itself, and came as a response to the 
 unfailing spirit which animated the leader himself." 
 The constitution of the force was published in General Orders
 
 Constitution of the Cabul-Candahar Column. 345 
 
 on the 3rd August. It was to consist of 3 Brigades, each of 
 one British and three Native Battalions, with a Battery of 
 guns attached. The Cavalry Brigade worked independently, 
 its commander reporting direct to Head-quarters.* The guns, 
 7-pounders, were carried on mules, no wheeled artillery being 
 taken, and one of the batteries consisted of screw-guns, which 
 had a reputation for accuracy exceeding the 9-pounders, which 
 they did not belie in action. On this question of artillery, 
 opinions differed in the camp ; but both the Generals were of 
 one mind, and the result proved that they were correct in their 
 judgment. The object was to reach Candahar in the shortest 
 possible time ; and it was not improbable that should Ayoob 
 Khan endeavour to march on Ghuznee and Cabul, he would 
 
 * The following was the strength of the regiments and batteries taken 
 from Colonel Chapman's lecture : 
 
 Officers British Native Drivers 
 Soldiers. and Muleteers. 
 
 Staff 79 
 
 Royal Artillery 
 
 6-8 Royal Artillery . . . 6 95 139 
 
 11-9 . . 6 95 139 
 
 Sepoys. 
 
 No. 2 Mountain Battery . .5 ... 140 
 
 Cavalry Brigade 
 
 9th Lancers .... 19 318 
 
 3rd Bengal Cavalry . 7 ... 394 
 
 3rd Punjaub Cavalry . 9 ... 408 
 
 Central India Horse . . 11 ... 495 
 
 First Brigade 
 
 92nd Highlanders . . . 19 651 
 
 23rd Pioneers ... 8 ... 701 
 
 24th Punjaub Infantry^ . 7 ... 575 
 
 2nd Goorkhas ... 7 ... 501 
 
 Second Brigade 
 
 72nd Highlanders ... 23 787 
 
 2nd Sikhs .... 7 ... 612 
 
 3rd Sikhs .... 7 ... 570 
 
 5th Goorkhas ... 8 ... 561 
 
 Third Brigade 
 
 2-60th Rifles ... 21 616 
 
 15th Sikhs .... 10- ... 650 
 
 4th Goorkhas . . 8 ... 629 
 
 25th Punjaub Infantry . 7 ... 637 
 
 Total 274 2,562 7,151 
 
 This total of 9,987 was increased to 10,148 by the discharge of sick from 
 hospital.
 
 346 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 avoid the ordinary road and move by the valleys of the 
 Urgundab or the Urgustan. The nature of the ground 
 throughout Afghanistan is such that Artillery can never be 
 safely employed with Cavalry alone unsupported by Infantry, 
 as was shown on the llth December in General Massy's 
 action. Nor is the rapidity of movement of this arm so 
 much required in countries like Afghanistan, as the power 
 of being able to operate over the most difficult ground without 
 causing delay to the rest of the troops. It was not forgotten, 
 moreover, that on arrival at Candahar the column would be 
 augmented by a battery of 40-pouuders, a battery of field 
 artillery, and four guns of Horse Artillery. "It is unques- 
 tionable," says Sir Frederick Roberts, " that had either horse 
 or field artillery accompanied the force the march could not 
 have been performed with the same rapidity." 
 
 Before leaving Cabul everything that was possible was done 
 to lighten baggage. Ten British soldiers were told off to each 
 mountain battery tent, usually intended to hold six, and fifty to 
 a sepoy's tent of two pals, 341bs. of kit only being allowed for 
 each man. The allowance to each Native soldier was 201bs. of 
 baggage, inclusive of camp equipage. Each officer was allowed 
 one mule, and an additional mule to every eight officers for mess. 
 The amount of supplies taken with the force was for Euro- 
 peans, thirty days' tea, sugar, rum, and salt, and five days' 
 flour, and five days' rations for Native troops. One day's grain 
 was carried by Cavalry horses and transport animals in addition 
 to the ordinary load. The exact strength of the Cabul-Can- 
 dahar Field Force, as it was officially designated, was 10,148 
 combatants, 223 Medical Staff, and 8,134 Native followers, in- 
 cluding 2,192 doolie bearers.* 
 
 So admirable were the arrangements elaborated by Sir Fred- 
 erick Roberts, whose genius for organization received a fresh 
 
 * The number of animals that left Cabul on the 8th August was 1,779 
 Cavalry chargers and 450 Artillery mules ; for the service of the trans- 
 port, 1,589 yaboos (Afghan ponies), 4,510 mules, 1,244 Indian ponies, 
 and 912 donkeys ; and for sick transport 286 ponies, 43 donkeys, and 
 6 camels. The grand total of animals was 10,819, exclusive of 415 
 purchased on the line of march. A formidable number to feed while 
 making forced marches over 300 miles of country ! The casualties were 
 733, due to the hard work.
 
 Constitution of the Cabul-Candahar Column. 347 
 
 illustration during this famous march, -and so excellent was the 
 service rendered by Lieutenant-Colonel Low and Major Bad- 
 cock, the officers in charge of the Commissariat and Transport 
 Departments,* and their assistants, that no instance was brought 
 to notice in which either a soldier or camp-follower failed to 
 receive his daily ration. Sir Frederick, we were told by a 
 General officer, not only personally organized every detail of his 
 force, but examined every man and beast, excluding those that 
 were weakly. Flour and sheep were procurable throughout the 
 country to be traversed, with the exception of some thirty miles 
 before reaching Khelat-i-Ghilzye ; and the crops were in season 
 for the cattle, so that forage was obtainable to any amount. 
 
 The Division of Infantry was under the command of Major- 
 General J. Ross, C.B., the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Brigades being 
 commanded respectively by Brigadier-Generals H. T. Mac- 
 pherson, T. D. Baker, and C. M. Macgregor. Brigadier-Gen- 
 eral Hugh H. Gough commanded the Cavalry ; Colonel Alured 
 C. Johnson the Artillery ; Colonel M. Perkins was com- 
 manding Royal Engineer ; Colonel Chapman, R.A., Chief of 
 the Staff, and Deputy- Surgeon General J. Hanbury, Principal 
 Medical Officer. 
 
 The head of the Political Department was Major Hastings, 
 who had held the office at Cabul before Mr. Lepel Griffin's 
 arrival, his principal assistant being Major Ewan Smith, who 
 had been Chief Political Officer under Sir Donald Stewart at 
 <Jandahar and during the advance on Cabul, and was therefore 
 familiar with the country. These officers, with their assistants, 
 were of great service during the march in assisting the Quarter- 
 
 * Sir Frederick Roberts writes of these officers and their assistants : 
 " Sufficient praise cannot be bestowed upon all these officers (enumerating 
 the names of twelve officers). They never spared themselves ; and often, 
 after the longest march, and with the prospect of having to start off again 
 at a very early hour the following morning, had to work on until a late 
 hour in the night. In the collection of supplies the Commissariat and 
 Transport Departments were materially aided by Major E. G. G. Hastings 
 and his staff of Political Officers. Fortunately for the welfare of the Cavalry 
 horses and transport animals, a fair amount of green Indian corn was 
 almost everywhere procurable. Barley was very scarce, but the Indian corn 
 proved to be so nutritious that the large majority of the horses, ponies, and 
 mules reached Candahar in excellent health and condition. The reserve of 
 flour had on several occasions to be indented upon ; but by replenishing 
 whenever supplies were to be obtained, the force arrived at Candahar with 
 still about three days' flour in hand."
 
 348 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 master- General's Department to procure intelligence and the 
 Commissariat to collect supplies. They were selected for their 
 knowledge of Persian or Pushtoo, the Afghan dialect of that 
 language, or on account of their special experience in dealing 
 with frontier tribes, and commanded the services of Native 
 officers and soldiers of tried ability. 
 
 Last, but not least for the value of services rendered, men- 
 tion should be made of the Army Signalling Department, under 
 the direction of Captain Straton, who, by the judicious use of 
 the heliograph, spared the troops much fatigue, the brigades 
 being in constant communication. 
 
 Before Sir Frederick Koberts quitted the scene of his 
 triumphs Mr. Lepel Griffin and the Political Officers returning 
 to India with Sir Donald Stewart gave a farewell banquet in his 
 honour, at which Sir Donald and the principal officers of the 
 army were present. In responding to the toast of his health, 
 the guest of the evening, after eulogizing the Cabul force, from 
 the brigade commanders and staff to the troops under his com- 
 mand, " with whom," he said, " success is a certainty," made 
 a graceful allusion to the services of his hosts, who, he 
 declared, "had borne as important, if not as active, work 
 as the soldier."* 
 
 * The following was the interesting speech delivered by Sir Frederick 
 Roberts at the banquet on the 5th August : 
 
 " Mr. Griffin, Sir Donald Stewart, and Gentlemen, I scarcely know how 
 to thank you all for the kind way in which you have drunk my health and 
 that of the column under orders for Candahar. To the very flattering 
 terms in which Mr. Griffin has spoken of me I should have considerable 
 difficulty in replying, were it not that I can honestly say, that any successes 
 which I may have attained hitherto, have been due entirely to the experi- 
 enced commanders I have had with me, the most capable staff that ever 
 accompanied a general officer in the field, and the gallantry and discipline 
 of the troops under me. I do not think there ever have been, and I doubt 
 if there ever will be, more efficient troops sent from India than those which 
 General Stewart and I have had the honour to command for the last two 
 years. "With such troops success is a certainty. Without wishing to 
 underrate the dangers and difficulties of the task before us, I feel quite 
 confident that the efficient force which Sir Donald Stewart has placed at 
 my disposal will succeed in reaching Candahar as quickly as possible, and 
 in effectually disposing of any Afghan army that may be brought against 
 us. As Mr. Griffin has said, we must all deplore the cause which requires 
 Cabul troops to be now sent to Candahar. A few days ago we were all 
 congratulating ourselves upon the prospect of a speedy return to India. 
 Some, of us had laid in a store of Nipal pepper for use at home ; others, I 
 have heard, had actually named an early date for leaving Bombay for Eng-
 
 Roberts s Departure from CabuL 349 
 
 The several brigades of Sir Frederick Roberts' s force moved 
 out of Sherpur into camp at Beni Hissar, Charasia, and 
 Indikee on the 8th August, and in the evening Sir Frederick 
 Roberts, accompanied by Sir Donald Stewart and other friends 
 and well-wishers, rode out of Sherpur for the last time and 
 joined his troops at Beni Hissar. He anticipated that the 
 march would not be a military promenade, and the night before 
 leaving the Cantonment issued the following characteristic 
 General Order to his troops: "It has been decided by the 
 Government of India that a force shall proceed with all 
 possible despatch from Cabul towards Khelat-i-Ghilzai and 
 Candahar for the relief of the British garrisons in those places, 
 now threatened by a large Afghan army under the leadership 
 of Sirdar Mahomed Ayoob Khan. Sir Frederick Roberts feels 
 sure that the troops placed under his command for this im- 
 portant duty will cheerfully respond to the call made upon 
 them, notwithstanding the privations and hardships inseparable 
 
 land. Well, Sir Donald Stewart is willing to guarantee and were it not 
 an indecorous thing for an officer so high in rank, would even bet that we 
 shall reach India again, via Candahar, in November next. Gentlemen, this 
 is a country of great uncertainties. We have been living in a state of 
 uncertainty for many months ; but, thanks to the political skill of our kind 
 host, affairs have during the last few weeks progressed so rapidly and 
 favourably, that we have reason to hope the country may now have com- 
 parative rest and quiet, and that some settled form of government will be 
 established. However, we must not be too sanguine ; and I trust that 
 our fellow-countrymen, who have not had the same opportunity that we 
 have had of knowing Afghanistan and the Afghans will not be disappointed 
 if matters do not go altogether smoothly after the British troops leave 
 Cabul. No Ameer has ever yet occupied the throne for any time until he 
 has proved himself capable of governing the country, and it is not likely 
 that Ameer Abdul Rahman will be an exception. We all know what 
 difficulties Mr. Griffin has had to contend with, and we all rejoice at the 
 great success which has attended his efforts efforts so ably assisted by the 
 Political Officers now with him. It now remains for Abdul Rahman to show 
 that he is capable of filling the great position in which he has been placed. 
 From the commencement of this campaign, the Political Officers have 
 borne as important, if not as active, work as the soldiers. First and 
 foremost, the gallant Cavagnari, known to and mourned by us all, 
 and more than liked by many of us ; with him many brave men fell, 
 and it was to avenge their base and treacherous murder that this force 
 came to Cabul. It is a great satisfaction to me to think that at present, at 
 any rate, no officers will be required to remain at Cabul, and that all the 
 Political Officers I see around me will return to India with the troops. But 
 I feel quite sure, if the decision had been otherwise, officers would have 
 been found to accept the dangerous post, either officers of the Civil Service, 
 or among those military politicals who have gained for themselves a repu- 
 tation on the frontier and other parts of India."
 
 350 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 from a long march through a hostile country. The Lieutenant- 
 General wishes to impress on both officers and men the 
 necessity of preserving the same strict discipline which has 
 been so successfully and uniformly maintained since the com- 
 mencement of the war, and to treat all the people who may 
 be well disposed towards the British with justice and for- 
 bearance. Sir Frederick Roberts looks confidently forward to 
 the successful accomplishment of the object of the expedition, 
 convinced as he is that all ranks are animated with the proud 
 feeling that to them is entrusted the duty and privilege of 
 relieving their fellow- soldiers and restoring the prestige of the 
 British Army." 
 
 On the 9th August the Cabul-Candahar force set their faces 
 towards Ghuznee, distant 97^ miles, marching by the Logar 
 Valley, where supplies were more abundant, instead of by 
 Mydan, which was ten miles shorter. The former route had 
 also the incidental advantage of keeping the Afghans in doubt 
 as to the ultimate destination of the force, for the first three 
 stages from Beni Hissar led directly towards the Shutargardan 
 Pass and the Kurram Valley, and were those by which Sir 
 Frederick Roberts had advanced on Cabul in September of the 
 preceding year. The latest news received from Candahar 
 previous to the departure of the force was of the 3rd August, 
 on which day Ayoob Khan was reported to be still twenty 
 miles to the west of Candahar. The troops under Lieutenant- 
 General Primrose's command were, however, shut up within 
 the walls of the citadel and city by a rising of the people of the 
 district. "It was known," says Colonel Chapman, " that the 
 walls could scarcely be surmounted by assault, and that they 
 could not be breached by field artillery, and it was therefore 
 assumed that the large garrison which held Candahar could 
 with ten light field guns and a heavy battery resist any attack 
 which the Afghan army might make, and would be secure for 
 so long a time as provisions held out." 
 
 The camp at Beni Hissar was struck at 2.45 A.M., as was 
 the practice throughout the greater part of this memorable 
 march, and the 1st and 2nd Brigades halted for the night at 
 Zahidabad, distant sixteen miles, the route from Indikee taken 
 by General Baker's Brigade being slightly longer. The troops,
 
 The I\f arc/i to Ghuznce. 351 
 
 after the long halt at Sherpur, were not yet in good marching 
 order, and the difficult nature of the ground, with the heat, 
 probably made this march more distressing than the longer 
 ones they made later on. 
 
 While at Zahidabad Sir Frederick Roberts issued an order 
 on the necessity for treating with care and properly feeding the 
 transport animals, on the efficiency of which the success of the 
 expedition largely depended. This matter claimed his attention 
 in the Kurram campaign, as during the first phase of the war 
 the carelessness of transport officers, who had had no experience 
 of the treatment of animals, had caused so great a mortality 
 among them that when hostilities again broke out, sufficient 
 transport could with difficulty be scraped together to ensure 
 the mobility of 6,000 men. On the 10th August the Cabul 
 Field Force marched to Zurgunshahr, a distance of thirteen 
 miles. Here supplies were had in abundance, as many old 
 enemies of the Logar Valley were working in the British 
 interest, and the agents of the new Ameer accompanied the 
 army. At Zurgunshahr, Sir Frederick Roberts issued in- 
 structions on the order of march, the brigades and regiments 
 being directed to lead by rotation. In such movements, says 
 Colonel Chapman, although halts were ordered at regular 
 intervals, it was found impossible to assimilate the pace, and 
 preserve a regular rate of marching. When the Highlanders 
 led the column the Groorkhas were worn out by their efforts to 
 keep up, and when the Goorkhas were in front the pace became 
 generally so slow as to fatigue the Europeans and the Sikhs; 
 yet it was very important for brigade commanders to strive at a 
 uniform rate of marching, and to adhere to the halts of ten 
 minutes ordered at the end of each hour of march, as well as 
 the breakfast halt of twenty minutes, fixed for eight o'clock. 
 
 The march of the llth August was to Padkao Rogani, sixteen 
 and a half miles. The orders directed that the " rouse " was 
 to be at 2.45, the brigades to march at four. The Cavalry and 
 2nd Infantry Brigades crossed the river Logar at Hissarak, and 
 marched to Baraki-Barak, where they encamped on the sloping 
 ground overlooking, and to the west of, the village. The 1st 
 and 3rd Infantry Brigades marched in columns of brigades, the 
 3rd Brigade crossing the small Kotul to the west of the camp
 
 35 2 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 and marching through Dadu Kheyl towards Hissarak. These 
 brigades then marched in parallel lines to the rising ground 
 situated to the left of Padkao Kogani, distance fifteen miles. 
 
 From their respective camping grounds the four brigades of 
 the army marched the following day a distance of ten and a 
 half miles to Ashrak, or Ameer Killa, at the entrance of the 
 pass known as the Tang-i-Wardak, by which the united waters 
 of the Logar and Shineez rivers find their way from the Wardak 
 to the Logar valley. The passage of the defile was effected 
 with some difficulty, and the passage of the Zamburak Pass, 
 7,000 feet high, was laborious for the troops ; though owing 
 to the absence of wheeled artillery and to the equipment of 
 the entire force with mule and pony transport, no halt was 
 made until the encamping ground was reached. It had been 
 anticipated, says a Staff officer, that the passage of the Zam- 
 burak would be disputed ; but neither here nor at the Sher-i- 
 Dahan Pass was any opposition offered ; the road over the 
 latter is open and easy, and had been made practicable for 
 heavy field-guns by Sir Donald Stewart on his advance from 
 Candahar. 
 
 The march of the 13th August was from Ashrak to Takia, 
 in the valley of the Shineez, a distance of twelve miles, and on 
 the following day thence to Shahgao, seventeen miles. The 
 supplies during the last three days did not come in with the 
 plentifulness experienced in the Logar Valley, as the people 
 were not so friendly, but they were astute enough to raise no 
 opposition, and hoped that this would be the last they would 
 see of their unwelcome visitors. 
 
 On the 14th the Division was concentrated within three miles 
 of the Sher-i-Dahan (Lion's Mouth) pass, having an elevation 
 of 9,000 feet above sea level. The road over the pass was easy, 
 having been made practicable for Artillery by Sir Donald Stewart. 
 The chief inconvenience experienced by the troops, besides the 
 heat and sand storms, -and the suffocating dust raised by the 
 column on the march, was the want of water. The daily camp- 
 ing ground was selected with due regard to the presence of 
 this necessary, but, says an officer, long stretches of desert had 
 often to be traversed without meeting with a drop of water, 
 causing great inconvenience to man and beast marching under
 
 Arrival at Ghuznee. 353 
 
 a burning sun. The variations of climate were also very try- 
 ing, there heing at times as much as 80 difference between 
 the temperature by day and by night. This caused great 
 hardship to the men, who had to march in the same clothes 
 when the heat was tropical or the thermometer marked freez- 
 ing point. 
 
 A march of twelve and a-half miles, on the 15th August, 
 brought the Division over the Sher-i-Dahan pass to Ghuznee, 
 thus completing the first stage of this memorable march, the 
 distance traversed in seven days being ninety-seven and a half 
 miles, over difficult country, without the loss of a mule-load of 
 baggage. 
 
 Every precaution was taken in the advance through the Sher- 
 i-Dahan pass to guard against an attack by marauders on the 
 baggage, but there was no opposition of any kind. The tribal 
 gatherings, whose patriotism had been fanned to fever heat by 
 the old Moollah, Mooskh-i-Alum, during the early period of the 
 campaign, and which had resisted Sir Donald Stewart's march, 
 had long since dispersed ; while the faction which acknowledged 
 Mahomed Jan as chief had accepted temporarily the Ameer- 
 ship of Abdul Rahman, and such of the chiefs as professed 
 themselves adherents of the Yakoob Khan party had left to 
 join Ayoob Khan at Candahar. 
 
 Close to the spot where Sir Frederick Roberts halted, at the 
 village of Roza, lies buried the great conqueror Mahmoud, the 
 founder of Ghuznee, and of the dynasty called after that city. 
 It was the gates of this handsome mausoleum taken by Mah- 
 moud from the temple of Somnauth, in Guzerat, during one of 
 his invasions of India, that were removed by General Nott in 
 1842, under instructions from Lord Ellenborough, who issued 
 one of his magniloquent orders on the occasion. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts sent for the acting Governor of Ghuz- 
 nee, and having received from him the keys of the gates, pro- 
 ceeded in his company to inspect the town and citadel, the 
 scene of one of the most brilliant feats of arms in the 
 first Afghan war, with which the names of Thomson, Durand, 
 Sale, and Dennie are inseparably connected, and which con- 
 ferred a cheaply-earned peerage, with a pension of 2,000, on 
 Sir John Keaiie. The General placed guards and sentries in 
 
 A A
 
 354 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 and around Ghuznee to preserve order ; while parties of officers 
 and men took advantage of the permission accorded them to 
 visit the citadel, bazaars, and other places of interest. 
 
 The question of supplies was the only one causing anxiety 
 to Sir Frederick Koberts, and foraging parties were sent 
 out, the people being loth even to sell what was required, 
 though afraid to do more than show a sullen demeanour, for 
 the chastisement inflicted at Ahmed Khel was too recent to 
 require a repetition. Before the break of the following day the 
 force was many miles on its way towards Khelat-i-Ghilzye, and 
 the ground traversed on this march was twenty miles, being 
 the longest but one made by the Cabul-Candahar Force. The 
 " rouse " was sounded at 2.45 A.M., and the troops inarched at 
 4.15, the Cavalry covering the movement at a distance of five 
 miles in advance of the 2nd and 3rd Brigades, which were 
 followed by the baggage, ordnance, and commissariat reserve, 
 the 1st Brigade, with one troop of cavalry, bringing up the rear 
 of the column. The Chief of the Staff says of the order of 
 march issued by Sir Frederick Koberts before leaving Ghuz- 
 nee : " The method of such marching as was now put in 
 practice is not easy to describe ; it combined the extreme of 
 freedom in movement with carefully regulated halts, and the 
 closest control in eveiy portion of the column ; it employed the 
 individual intelligence of each man composing the masses in 
 motion, and called on all for exertion in overcoming the diffi- 
 culties of the march, in bearing its extraordinary toil, and in 
 aiding the accomplishment of the object in view. Once move- 
 ment had commenced the animals of the baggage column, 
 moving at different paces, were checked as little as possible ; 
 the large number of officers detailed for baggage duty reduced 
 confusion to a minimum, and secured a pace in marching that 
 could not have been anticipated, the baggage animals reaching 
 camp for the most part very soon after the arrival of the 
 troops." But it was weary work for the rear-guard, who were 
 engaged in assisting the camp-followers, pressing forward the 
 feeble among the cattle, and shifting loads and rendering such 
 assistance as was required. Assuming that the march com- 
 menced daily at 4 A.M., the rear-guard seldom left camp before 
 7 A.M., and only reached the next encampment shortly before
 
 The Field of Ahmed Khel. 355 
 
 sundown. The actual length of the column of march, by the 
 shortest computation, says the same authority, amounted to 
 from six to seven miles. But, nevertheless, there was an 
 absence of confusion, and every person and animal fell into his 
 or its place with order and regularity. Though the collection 
 and distribution of food, fuel, and forage, together with the 
 establishment of markets within each brigade; where the 
 villagers might find a sale for articles of supply, necessitated 
 an elaborate system, seldom during the entire march to Can- 
 dahar had the British troops to substitute flour-cakes (" chupat- 
 ties ") for the regular bread ration, and no instance was brought 
 to notice in which either a soldier or a follower failed to receive 
 his rations. The first day's march from Ghuznee brought the 
 column to Yerghalta, the route passing the battle-field of 
 Ahmed Khel, where a " zizarat " to the memory of 1,100 
 martyrs to the faith indicated the terrible losses suffered by the 
 gallant Ghazis when 3,000 of them, sword in hand, charged 
 down on the British line and braved the storm of bullets and 
 canister that swept over the open plain, destitute of any cover. 
 Those who witnessed this grand display of heroism were not 
 likely again to jeer at these fanatics, who were spoken of 
 with respect also by the old Cabul Force after the events of 
 December. 
 
 This day caused the severest strain of any throughout the 
 march on the officers and men of the Division. Daily the 
 number of those footsore or unable to proceed through weari- 
 ness or debility increased, until the General, who each day had 
 careful reports presented to him of the health and condition of 
 the combatants and camp-followers, had serious thoughts of 
 reducing the length of the day's march. But the limit of the 
 strain seemed to have been reached on this first march out of 
 Ghuznee, and afterwards daily many footsore men rejoined the 
 ranks, and the army gained in marching powers until it at- 
 tained a high degree of excellence, though the doolie-bearers 
 continued to suffer greatly. To appreciate the endurance of 
 the troops, or to understand the very high order of discipline 
 they attained, it was necessary to have seen them at work. 
 While history records many instances of a regiment or small 
 column making marches similar to those accomplished by the 
 
 A A 2
 
 356 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 Cabul-Candahar Force, the merit in this case lay in the numer- 
 ical strength of the column, 10,148 troops, 8,143 native follow- 
 ers, and 11,224 animals, including cavalry horses the daily 
 supply for which was drawn from the country after arrival in 
 camp. The food daily distributed to every individual was 
 cooked with fuel brought in from a distance ; bread was issued 
 almost daily, and ample forage provided. When we consider 
 these facts, it will be readily conceded, as Colonel Chapman 
 urges, that the march from Ghuznee to Khelat-i-Ghilzye, 
 executed in eight days, ranks high in the annals of similar 
 achievements. 
 
 On the 17th August the march was to Chardeh, a group of 
 villages, some deserted, the distance covered being thirteen 
 miles. On the following day the column marched to Kareez-i- 
 Oba,* sixteen miles, and on the 19th to Mukur, fourteen 
 miles, a great portion of the route on both days being over a 
 sandy stretch of desert without a drop of water to relieve the 
 parching thirst of man or beast. The country being here very 
 open, the army marched with the three brigades of Infantry 
 abreast, a formation which enabled the baggage to be brought 
 into camp at an earlier hour. 
 
 On the 20th the Field Force marched to Killa-i-Tuman, a dis- 
 tance of twenty-one miles, being the longest day's march made. 
 Owing to the excessive heat and want of shade the sufferings 
 of the troops were great, but there was no choice in the halting- 
 ground, as water could not be procured in sufficient quantity for 
 so large a column short of it. 
 
 Soon after arriving here Sir Frederick Roberts received a 
 letter from Colonel (now Sir Oriel) Tanner, 29th Bengal Native 
 Infantry, commanding at Khelat-i-Ghilzye, in which he said : 
 " All was well with the garrison, and the neighbouring country 
 was still quiet. A letter had been received from Major-General 
 Phayre, C.B., dated Quetta, 12th August, in which he states 
 that he is marching with a large force of Cavalry, Artillery, and 
 Infantry, British and Native, and expects to reach Candahar 
 
 * A kareez is an underground gallery, which is a common method of 
 conducting water from a subterranean spring in Persia and Afghanistan. 
 These aqueducts often convey water some miles, wells being opened at 
 every twenty-five or thirty yards of the course, by which means extensive 
 tracts of country are brought under cultivation.
 
 The March on Khelat-i-Ghilzye. 357 
 
 not later than the 2nd of September." In publishing this 
 gratifying intelligence for the information of the column, Sir 
 Frederick Roberts expressed his thanks " for the admirable 
 manner in which they had executed the march from Cabul 
 hitherto ; " and he added: " If the present rate of marching be 
 continued Khelat-i-Ghilzye should he reached not later than 
 the 23rd, and Candahar not later than the 29th. By the latest 
 accounts the Afghan army under Ayoob Khan is still at Canda- 
 har. The Lieutenant-General hopes it may remain there, and 
 that the honour of relieving the British garrison may fall to the 
 lot of the magnificent troops now with him." It may here be 
 mentioned that though the General frequently despatched 
 messengers while on the road between Beni Hissar and Khelat- 
 i-Ghilzye, reporting progress, none of these men reached their 
 destination, and it was not until after his arrival at this place that 
 success attended his efforts to communicate with the outer world. 
 
 On the 21st August the force marched to Gajai, eighteen 
 miles, and during the day, Captain Straton heliographed to 
 Khelat-i-Ghilzye, thirty-three miles distant, and received a 
 response from Colonel Tanner, announcing the disastrous sortie 
 at Candahar of the 16th August, resulting in the death of 
 General Brooke and many other gallant officers and men, and 
 conveying the reassuring news as to the condition of the garri- 
 son and their power to hold out. During the day the agents of 
 the local Governor, under instructions from Colonel Tanner, 
 met the force and assisted in obtaining supplies, and when the 
 division arrived at Baba Kazai, on the 22nd, seventeen and a 
 half miles from Gajai, they found there food, forage, and other 
 supplies sent from the fort, under an escort furnished by the 
 2nd Belooch Regiment. 
 
 The march of the 23rd August of sixteen and a half miles, 
 brought the column to Khelat-i-Ghilzye, the total distance of 
 136 miles from Ghuznee having been traversed in eight days, 
 or a daily average of sixteen and three-quarters miles.* 
 
 During the march the loss had been surprisingly small. 
 Although a hostile population hovered on all sides ready to 
 attack stragglers, but three Native soldiers were cut off from the 
 
 * The average daily march from Beni Hissar to Khelat-i-Ghilzye, a 
 distance of 232 miles, accomplished in fifteen days, had heen 15^ miles.
 
 35 8 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 column between Cabul and Khelat-i-Ghilzye, tbere were two 
 suicides among tbe troops, and tbe number of followers missing 
 at tbe end of tbe marcb was less tban forty, and many of tbese, 
 being Afgbans or Hazaras, bad deserted. The troops bad 
 been thoroughly seasoned by the hardships they had under- 
 gone, and were, probably, unsurpassed as a marching body by 
 any recorded in modern history. After a march of eight hours 
 in the burning sun the men had to take their turn of duty at 
 fetching fuel and forage, providing guards and doing sentry 
 at night. But all was done without a murmur. 
 
 On his arrival at Khelat-i-Ghilzye Sir Frederick Roberts 
 received a letter from General Primrose, giving particulars 
 of the sortie of the 16th August, and sent messengers to 
 Chaman, at the foot of the hills between Candahar and 
 Pisheen, with letters to General Phayre, giving details of his 
 march, and the probable time of arrival at Ptobat at which 
 point it was hoped that communication with the column 
 marching from Quetta might be established with a view to a 
 combined movement on Candahar. 
 
 The division halted at Khelat-i-Ghilzye on the 24th August, 
 and on the following day, continued the march, accompanied 
 by the garrison of -that fortress. Sir Frederick Roberts before 
 leaving Cabul had received no instructions regarding the dis- 
 posal of this outpost, but he considered it unadvisable to leave 
 a garrison behind in this isolated position, with which for 
 some time to come it would be difficult to keep open communi- 
 cations or furnish supplies. Further, the numerical weakness 
 of the garrison did not permit of offensive action, while its 
 safety might be a source of embarrassment in the forthcoming 
 operations against the enemy. The fortress was accordingly 
 evacuated and entrusted to Mahomed Sadik Khan, a Jokee 
 Ghilzye chief, who had had possession of it when Sir Donald 
 Stewart arrived there in January 1879. On the 25th August the 
 column now strengthened by the addition of the garrison of 
 Khelat-i-Ghilzye, who were equipped with their own transport, 
 and had supplies for ten days, besides reserves of meat, soup 
 and vegetables set its face towards Candahar, eighty-six miles 
 distant, by the route which follows the valley of the Turnuk. 
 From ignorance of the intentions of Ayoob Khan and of
 
 Illness of Sir Frederick Roberts. 359 
 
 the events which had happened at Candahar since the dis- 
 astrous sortie of the 16th August, Sir Frederick Roberts was 
 placed in a position of some perplexity. Besides the road to 
 Candahar by the Turnuk valley, there are the parallel roads 
 to the north and south of it, by the Urgundab and Urgustan 
 Valleys ; but these were impracticable for wheeled artillery, 
 though it was possible that Ayoob who had the assistance of 
 a skilful soldier in Hafizoolah Khan, a trusted officer of Shere 
 Ali's in his anxiety to avoid an encounter with his renowned 
 adversary, and gain possession of Ghuznee, might take one of 
 these alternative routes. But unless Ayoob determined to 
 abandon his Artillery an unlikely contingency it was certain 
 he would adopt the route by the Turnuk Valley ; and as apart 
 from the relief of Candahar it was imperative that a crushing 
 defeat should be inflicted on the vanquisher of a British 
 force, so that the superiority of our arms might be acknowledged, 
 Sir Frederick Roberts resolved to make a rapid march with 
 his whole force by the Turnuk Valley to a point where helio- 
 graphic communication might be established with Candahar 
 and the movements of Ayoob ascertained. 
 
 At this time Sir Frederick Roberts was suffering from an 
 attack of fever. At no period of his life possessing robust 
 health, this depressing malady, induced by the fatigues of the 
 daily march and the tropical rays of the sun, acting upon a 
 frame debilitated by two years of arduous service, and further 
 affected by the trying daily changes of temperature, it is not 
 surprising that the attack assumed a somewhat severe form, 
 and for some time his medical advisers entertained no slight 
 anxiety on his account an anxiety equally shared by every 
 officer and man of the force, who felt that none even of the 
 distinguished generals present with them could fill the place 
 of their commander in the critical operations now imminent. 
 
 The march of the 25th August was to Jaldak, 15f miles, 
 and, on the 26th, to Tirandaz, 16 miles. ^Here the General 
 received a letter from Lieutenant-General Primrose, dated the 
 previous day, which conveyed the intelligence that the rumour 
 of the arrival of the Cabul-Candahar Force at Khelat-i-Ghilzye 
 had caused Ayoob Khan to change his position. On the 
 night of the 23rd that Sirdar had abandoned the villages to
 
 360 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 the east and west of Candahar, and, on the following day, 
 he had struck his camp and moved to a position in the 
 Urgundab Valley between Baba Wali and Mazra, due north 
 of the city, thus practically abandoning the investment. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts resolved to send forward two regiments 
 of Cavalry, under Brigadier-General Hugh Gough, to Robat, 
 a distance of 34 miles, for the purpose of opening heliographic 
 communication with General Primrose, and, if possible, with 
 General Phayre, the remainder of his force being directed to 
 move to a point about half-way to Robat. 
 
 At one o'clock in the afternoon of the 27th, on the arrival 
 of the Cavalry at Eobat, heliographic communication was 
 established with Candahar, and flashed to Sir Frederick Roberts 
 at the Infantry camp at Tirandaz, 39 miles from that city. 
 During the afternoon General Gough, who was accompanied 
 by Colonel Chapman, was met by Colonel St. John, Chief 
 Political Officer at Caudahar, and Major Adam, Assistant 
 Quartermaster- General, escorted by two squadrons of Cavalry, 
 and from the information supplied by these officers General 
 Eoberts was led to believe that Ayoob Khan was strengthening 
 his position and intended to make a stand. 
 
 On the 27th August the infantry encamped at a point 39 
 miles from Candahar, whence the Urgundab Valley could be 
 reached in two marches of seventeen miles each, by a road 
 passing through the Bori Valley and emerging in the dis- 
 trict of Dallah, above Candahar, upon the Urgundab river. 
 Seven thousand men of all arms were held in readiness 
 to proceed on the 28th August by this line, it being intended 
 that if the movement was undertaken the two regiments of 
 Cavalry thrown forward to Robat should cover the advance 
 and strike the Urgundab some miles nearer to Candahar 
 than the point where the Infantry would debouch. The 
 baggage, field-hospitals, and non-effectives would, at the same 
 time, have been advanced slowly towards Candahar, under an 
 escort of 2,500 Infantry, two field-guns, and a regiment of 
 Cavalry, with the view of occupying an entrenched position 
 at or near Robat during the ensuing operations.* 
 
 * See lecture by Colonel Chapman.
 
 Trying Nature -of the March. 361 
 
 On the morning of the 28th August the entire force was 
 concentrated at Robat, where the General determined to halt 
 for one day and divide the remaining distance to Candahar, 
 19 miles, into two short marches. Throughout the trying 
 march now concluded, arid the goal of which was almost 
 within sight, the utmost good feeling and alacrity had been 
 exhibited by the troops European and Native. Cheered by 
 the example of their indefatigable leader, who, though 
 suffering from an exhausting malady, never spared himself, 
 but considered first their well-being and comfort, they re- 
 sponded heartily to the exacting calls on their powers of 
 endurance. What these were may be gathered from the fact 
 that this march was made under an August sun, from which 
 the troops often had no shelter until 3 or 4 P.M., and the 
 rear-guard at times were not in camp until evening, 'though 
 the " rouse " during the latter part of the march was sounded 
 at 1 A.M., and the march began at 2.30, when the cutting wind 
 and low temperature scarcely gave promise of the burning sun 
 that would a few hours later tax the energies and endurance of 
 the hardiest.
 
 362 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Arrival of the Cabul-Candahar Force at Robat Letter from General 
 Phayre Sir Frederick Roberts's State of Health Arrival before Can- 
 dahar Reconnoissance of the 31st August Preparations for the 
 Attack Dispositions of the Army The Advance on the Pir Puimal 
 Position Storming the Village of Gundi Mulla Sahibdad Death of 
 Colonel Brownlow Capture of Pir Paimal Brilliant Advance of 
 Macpherson's and Baker's Brigades Gallant Conduct of Major White 
 Incidents of the Fight Capture of the Enemy's Camp at Mazra 
 Losses of the British Results of the Victory Sir Frederick Roberts 
 Resigns his Command in Afghanistan. 
 
 IT was satisfactory to Sir Frederick Roberts, no less than to the 
 officers and men under his command, to know that though Ayoob 
 Khan had abandoned the investment of the city, he had 
 apparently no intention of retreating ; for it would have been a 
 source of bitter disappointment to these gallant men who had 
 come so far and undergone so much had they been denied the 
 compensation of a brilliant victory, to which they had looked 
 forward. Little, however, could be gathered of the position and 
 dispositions of the Afghan General, but as he evinced no inten- 
 tion to deprive his British antagonist of the opportunity of 
 winning fresh laurels at his expense, Sir Frederick Roberts 
 resolved to halt at Robat for a day in order to rest the men and 
 animals, who were much fagged by their long and continuous 
 forced marching. 
 
 During the halt on the 29th, the General received a letter 
 from General Phayre, dated Killa Abdullah, the 24th August, 
 stating that he hoped his division would be assembled there by 
 the 28th, and that he would be able to march for Candahar on 
 the 30th. The difficulties of moving troops in the usual state 
 of unpreparedness, though forming a reserve division, through 
 Sciude and the country between Sibi and Pisheen in the 
 month of July, were not easily surmounted, though Sir Fred- 
 erick Roberts in his advance from Ali Kheyl on Cabul showed
 
 Arrival before Candahar. 363 
 
 what could be done by the exercise of boundless energy and an 
 iron will. Feeling that General Phayre's answer precluded all 
 hope of co-operation for many days, on the 30th August Sir 
 Frederick Roberts moved to Momand, and on the following 
 morning advanced' a distance of twelve miles, two brigades of 
 Infantry leading the advance, while the Cavalry covered the 
 baggage on either flank, and the remaining infantry brigade 
 formed a rear-guard to a point near the Shikarpore, or south, 
 gate of the city. Thus was accomplished the march from 
 Khelat-i-Ghilzye to Candahar, a distance of eighty-eight miles, 
 in seven days, including the halt at Robat. 
 
 After the troops had breakfasted, at 10 A.M. on the 31st 
 August, the 1st and 3rd Brigades of Infantry, under Brigadier- 
 Generals Macpherson and Macgregor, moved off from under 
 the city walls, and occupied a position stretching from the 
 range of hills immediately above the old city of Candahar, 
 through Kareez hill to Picket hill, an eminence commanding 
 the former cantonment, whence the enemy could be observed 
 in occupation of the Baba Wali Pass. The day was intensely 
 hot, and the trees and gardens afforded little shelter from tho 
 rays of a tropical sun, while Ayoob Khan had cut off the water 
 which is brought from the Urgundab. Sir Frederick Roberts, 
 who had not recovered from his attack of fever, was carried in 
 a doolie, but mounted his horse on approaching the city.* 
 
 * The Times correspondent, an Indian soldier of high reputation and 
 great military experience, writing from Robat, says of Sir Frederick 
 . Roberts : "Let me once more place upon record my belief that in General 
 Roberts the British army has a general of whom it may well be proud, and 
 on whom it may confidently rely, come what may. While full of enterprise 
 and adventure, he is prudent and calculating, and when once his mind is 
 made up his resolution is carried almost to the verge of obstinacy. More 
 than this, he possesses the affection and full confidence of all officers and 
 soldiers serving under him. How he has made himself master of the former 
 will be readily understood by those who know his constant thought for the 
 soldiers' comfort and welfare, and have marked the patience and self-denial 
 with which at the end of the longest and hottest march, and with a thou- 
 sand matters pressing on his attention, he will ride back for miles to meet 
 and cheer, by the announcement that camp is near, the weary and struggling 
 soldiers. The troops retained their full confidence in General Roberts 
 during the somewhat depressing events of last December, and they have 
 now the conviction that he is about to lead them to victory, and to compen- 
 sate them for all the sacrifices he is at present calling upon them to make. 
 In this conviction I fully share, and only trust that Ayoob will, as he is 
 now reported to mean to do, meet this splendid force in fair fight."
 
 364 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 A brief survey of the ground resolved him to take up a posi- 
 tion west of Candahar, with his right on the cantonments and 
 his left touching Old Candahar, as such a position covered the 
 city, and not only placed him within striking distance of Ayooh 
 Khan's camp, hut afforded an ample supply of good water to 
 his troops. The movement was effected without opposition, 
 the 2nd Brigade, under Brigadier- General Baker, and the 
 Cavalry, under Brigadier- General Hugh Gough, remaining for 
 the present on baggage and rear-guards. Sir Frederick Roberts 
 says he came to the conclusion, from a cursory examination of 
 the ground made on his arrival in the morning, that any attempt 
 to carry the Baba Wali Kotul by a direct attack would be 
 attended with very serious loss. He therefore determined to 
 turn it ; but in order to decide how this operation could best be 
 effected, it was necessary to ascertain the strength and precise 
 extent of the positions occupied by Ayoob Khan, who had 
 posted his troops to the north-west of the city, between it and 
 the river Urgundab. Sir Frederick, accordingly, ordered a 
 small column, consisting of two guns No. 11 Battery, 9th 
 Brigade, R.A., 3rd Bengal Cavalry, and 15th Sikhs, to proceed 
 to reconnoitre, under the command of Brigadier-General Hugh 
 Gough, accompanied by Colonel Chapman, Chief of the Staff, 
 who possessed complete knowledge of the locality, acquired 
 when acting in the same capacity under Sir Donald Stewart. 
 
 The reconnoitring column started at 1 P.M. from the 
 British left, near Old Candahar, and General Gough, halting 
 the guns and infantry on some high ground above the village 
 of Gundigan, moved forward with the cavalry for about a mile 
 and a half, avoiding the numerous orchards and enclosures, 
 and came out within a mile of Pir Paimal, where the enemy 
 were found strongly entrenched. Having drawn the fire of 
 their guns along this line, the 3rd Bengal Cavalry fel] back, 
 admirably handled by Lieutenant-Colonel Mackenzie, and 
 two companies of infantry, thrown forward to cover this 
 withdrawal, became engaged with the enemy's skirmishers, 
 while the mountain guns were brought into action at a range 
 of about 1,800 yards from the enemy's artillery in front of 
 Pir Paimal. The Afghans advanced rapidly into the orchards 
 in front of Gundigan, and as soon as the cavalry had passed
 
 The Reconnaissance of the $\st A^lg^lst, 365 
 
 in rear of the line, the guns were withdrawn towards the line 
 of pickets under escort of the two companies, while the remain- 
 ing six companies of the 15th Sikhs, under Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Hennessy, held the Gundigan Hill. The enemy in large 
 numbers occupied the ground just vacated, and took possession 
 of the village itself, and endeavoured so persistently to follow 
 up the reconnoitring column that the 3rd Brigade and part of 
 the 1st were placed under arms, and about sunset firing was 
 taken up along the whole line. Fortunately, says Colonel 
 Chapman, the shooting of the Afghans was very bad, only ten 
 casualties being reported. 
 
 It was evident that a hot day's work was in store for the 
 Cabul-Candahar Field Force, as the enemy, unused to European 
 methods of warfare, regarded the retirement as an indication of 
 timidity or defeat. As a matter of fact, the object of the 
 reconnoissance was attained in unmasking the Afghan position, 
 which was so close to that occupied by the British force that 
 Sir Frederick Koberts resolved upon action on the morrow. 
 Having matured his plan of attack* on the Afghan position 
 during the afternoon, at 8 P.M. he ordered his Divisional and 
 Brigade Commanders, with their staffs, and the officers next in 
 rank in the Brigades, to assemble at his head-quarters in camp 
 at 6 A.M. on the following morning ; and by means of a field 
 telegraph line laid down between this point and the city, he 
 requested the presence of Lieutenant-General Primrose, com- 
 manding the Candahar garrison, who had been directed by the 
 Indian Government to act in subordination to him. At the 
 same time orders were issued for the troops to breakfast at 
 7 A.M., and for one day's cooked rations to be carried by all 
 
 * The orders for the attack next morning were as follows : The troops 
 to be formed up as under at 8 A.M. " First Brigade behind Picket Hill ; 
 second Brigade behind Khareez Hill ; third Brigade in front of its own 
 camp ; Cavalry Brigade, together with E Battery, R.H.A., two companies 
 of British and four of Native Infantry, to assemble in rear of Gundigan 
 at 9 A.M. C Battery, 2nd Brigade, R.A., No. 5 Battery, 4th Brigade, R.A. 
 (heavy battery), four companies British, and two regiments Native Infantry, 
 all to be detailed from the Candahar garrison, together with the Bombay 
 Cavalry Brigade, to assemble at the old cavalry lines north-east of the can- 
 tonments by 8 A.M., to threaten the Baba Wali Pass and watch the Murcha 
 Pass. The heavy battery to open fire on the former pass at 9 A.M. The 
 second reserve of infantry ammunition to take post near the house occupied 
 as head-quarters."
 
 366 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 ranks. Tents were to be struck and, with the kits, to be 
 stored in a walled enclosure, and the troops were to be under 
 arms by 8 A.M. on the morning of the 1st September. 
 
 The Lieutenant-General personally explained to the officers 
 commanding divisions and brigades his plan of attack, which 
 was, briefly, to threaten the enemy's left on the Baba Wali 
 Kotul and attack in force by the village of Pir Paimal. The 
 following was the distribution of the troops. The Infantry 
 Division Cabul Field Force, on whom devolved the duty of 
 carrying the enemy's position, was formed up in rear of Picket 
 and Kareez Hills, and in prolongation to the left as far as 
 Chilzina, immediately below the range which covers Old Can- 
 dahar. The 1st and 2nd Brigades the former with C Battery, 
 2nd Brigade, E.A., of the Candahar Force attached, in addition 
 to No. 6 Battery, 8th Brigade, armed with the new pattern jointed 
 guns forming the column of attack, were massed, the former 
 behind Picket Hill and the latter behind Kareez Hill. The 
 3rd Brigade, forming the reserve, was assembled in front of 
 its camp and extended to the left of the main column. The 
 Cavalry Brigade, with E Battery, B Brigade, K.H.A. (four 
 guns), two companies 7th Fusiliers, and four companies of the 
 28th Bombay Native Infantry, carrying two days' cooked rations 
 from the Candahar force, was formed at 9 A.M. in rear of 
 Gundigan, under Brigadier-General Hugh Gough, who was 
 directed, in the event of his finding his front clear, to push for- 
 ward the infantry and guns to occupy the position above Gun- 
 digan, the Cavalry being advanced to the bed of the Urgundab, 
 in order to cut off the enemy's line of retreat to Girishk, 
 and threaten that which led to Kakreez. 
 
 The Candahar garrison, under the orders of Lieutenant- 
 General Primrose, C.S.I., were directed to provide sufficient 
 guards for the city gates, and Brigadier-General Daubeny's 
 Brigade was to hold the ground from which the Cabul force 
 would advance to the attack, while the remainder of Brigadier- 
 General Burrows' s Brigade, with four 40-pounders attached, 
 took up a position to the north of the old Cantonment, under 
 shelter of some high ground actually in the enemy's possession, 
 from which point the guns were to shell the Baba Wali Pass, 
 and cover the main design in the attack. The Bombay Cavalry,
 
 Dispositions for Attack. 367 
 
 under Brigadier-General Nuttall, were ordered to move to the 
 right and cover the approach to the city from the Murcha Pass, 
 the extreme left of the enemy's position.* 
 
 The enemy displayed such confidence, generated by their 
 assumed success of the previous day, that very early in the 
 morning of the 1st September, they took the offensive by occupy- 
 ing the village of Gundigan, and, consequently, the movement 
 of General Gough's Cavalry was delayed until the main attack 
 by the Infantry on the right should be developed. The enemy 
 also held in strength the village of Gundi Mulla Sahibdad, 
 some 1,500 yards in advance of the British line, forming a very 
 strong defensive position, and their skirmishers along the front 
 through the orchards and gardens connecting this village with 
 Gundigan, covered the movement of the main body advancing 
 from Pir Paimal to the front. On the left of this position, the 
 Baba Wali Pass, where they expected the chief attack, was 
 crowded with Ghazis, the Cavalry occupying the low ground 
 in advance. The battle about to be waged was full of moment- 
 ous'cousequences alike to the Afghans and to the conquerors 
 of Hindostan, but there was no doubt in the minds of the latter 
 as to the result of the day. As Byron writes of Suwarrow's 
 Army before the assault of Ismail : 
 
 " All was prepared the fire, the sworJ, the men 
 To wield them in their terrible array. 
 The army, like a lion from his den, 
 March'd forth with nerve and sinews bent to slay." 
 
 Ayoob Khan commenced the operations of the day by a 
 desultory fire from the orchards in front of the villages in his 
 occupation, but no reply was made until about 9.30, when the 
 40-pouuders opened against the Baba Wali Pass, which was 
 the signal for the advance on the enemy's position at Pir 
 Paimal. Accordingly, the 1st Brigade,! led by Brigadier- 
 General Macpherson, moved to attack the village of Gundi 
 Mulla Sahibdad, under cover of the two batteries of Boyal 
 Artillery, while the 2nd Brigade; j under Brigadier-General 
 
 * See lecture at Royal United Service Institution by Colonel Chapman, 
 R.A. 
 
 t 92nd Highlanders, 2nd Goorkhas, 23rd Pioneers, 24th Punjaub Native 
 Infantry, 6-8 R.A. (attached), C-2 R.A. (attached). 
 
 J 72nd Highlanders, 2nd Sikhs, 3rd Sikhs, 5th Goorkhas.
 
 368 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 Baker, extended iu support to the left, keeping touch with the 
 1st Brigade, and clearing the orchards and gardens in their 
 immediate front. The 3rd Brigade was at the same time 
 formed in support in advance of the village of Abasabad, with 
 the double object of being a reserve to the other brigades of the 
 division, and meeting a possible counter-attack by the enemy 
 from the Baba Wali Pass. To the 2nd Goorkhas, Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Battye,* and 92nd Highlanders, Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Parker, forming the leading regiments of the 1st Brigade, was 
 entrusted the honour of the advance, and gallantly they per- 
 formed their duty. 
 
 The village of Gundi Mulla Sahibdad was carried in dashing 
 style at the point of the bayonet, the Goorkhas and Highlanders, 
 who entered at opposite sides, vicing in honourable rivalry. 
 The enemy withdrew leisurely, though a considerable number 
 remained within the buildings and stone walls of the village, 
 where they met their fate at the point of the bayonet. The 
 Ghazis here, as throughout the war, proved themselves the back- 
 bone of the defence, and offered a desperate but unavailing 
 resistance. 
 
 Meanwhile General Baker, with the 2nd Brigade, was hotly 
 engaged, the 72nd Highlanders, under Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Brownlow whose hours on earth were almost numbered 
 and the 2nd Sikhs, under Lieutenant-Colonel Boswell, being 
 in the front line. Threading their way through the lanes and 
 walled enclosures which lay in the line of attack these gallant 
 regiments pushed on in spite of a most determined resistance 
 from the enemy, who were sheltered behind high loopholed 
 walls. 
 
 It was in clearing these enclosures that Colonel Browulow and 
 Captain Frome met their deaths. In Colonel Brownlow the 
 Army and country sustained a severe loss, as his professional 
 attainments promised a distinguished career. By no one of 
 the Cabul Field Force was he more sincerely mourned than by 
 Sir Frederick Eoberts, who had learned to appreciate his high 
 military qualities from the day he assisted at the capture of the 
 
 * This officer was one of nine brothers who served in the Indian Army, 
 one of whom fell at Delhi and a second in a cavalry charge during this 
 Afghan war at Futtehabad, near Jellalabacl. His father also was one of 
 six soldier brothers.
 
 Death of Colonel Broiunlow. 369 
 
 Peiwar Kotul. But " to every man upon this earth death 
 cometh soon or late," and to a soldier of the temperament 
 and impetuous valour of Colonel Brownlow, the last enemy 
 could not have presented himself in more welcome guise, for in 
 the words Tacitus applied to Agricola, " he was happy in the 
 occasion of his death." 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts wrote of Colonel Brownlow : " In him 
 the Army has experienced a great loss. He had on many occa- 
 sions highly distinguished himself as a leader, at the Peiwar 
 Kotul, during the operations around Cabul at the latter end of 
 1879, and, notaWy on the 14th December, when he won the 
 admiration of the whole force by his brilliant conduct in the 
 attack and capture of the Asmai Heights." 
 
 Equally with the Highlanders, the 2nd Sikhs distinguished 
 themselves, and on one occasion they repulsed with fixed bay- 
 onets the charge of the enemy. 
 
 The Highlanders, now led by Major Stockwell, an officer who 
 has recently added to his reputation by his services in Egypt, 
 after a severe struggle dislodged the enemy; and a portion of the 
 regiment, with the 5th Goorkha=!, the latter led by Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Fitzhugh, finally compelled the enemy to withdraw his 
 right at Gundigan towards Pir Pairnal, and the 1st and 2nd 
 Brigades pushed on rapidly, almost without a pause. Turning 
 the shoulder of the hill above Pir Paimal, the 1st Brigade came 
 under a heavy fire, and a stout resistance was offered in the 
 village itself ; but the 92nd and 2nd Goorkhas were not to be 
 denied, and the village was carried at 12.15 P.M., the 2nd 
 Brigade being at this time clear of the village and so far 
 advanced as to be obliged to delay until Pir Paimal was cap- 
 tured. 
 
 Meanwhile Sir Frederick Roberts fearing an attack by Ayoob 
 Khan on the rear of the British position, large numbers of his 
 troops having descended the Baba Wali Pass and occupied 
 some low hills to the right front of General Burrows's Brigade 
 before moving up the 3rd Brigade to the support of the others, 
 sent to General Burrows to ask if he was prepared, after the 
 success that had been achieved, to hold his own unsupported. 
 The answer received was in the affirmative, on which he issued
 
 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 orders to Brigadier-General Macgregor to advance towards Pir 
 Paimal. General Roberts himself proceeded to join General 
 Ross at Paimal, and found that his leading brigades had pushed 
 on without halt, and were then at least one mile beyond that 
 point. A message from the front explained that after the 
 village of Paimal had been taken, the enemy was still so active 
 and menacing, and kept up such a heavy fire upon the troops, 
 that General Macpherson had obtained General Ross's permis- 
 sion to continue the advance without pause, the 2nd Brigade 
 assisting, in order to drive the enemy, before he had time to 
 rally, out of the enclosed gardens, with whicr? the ground be- 
 yond Paimal was covered. 
 
 The same order of attack was preserved, the 92nd High- 
 landers and Goorkhas leading on the right, close under the hill, 
 the 2nd Brigade being a little behind on the left. On reaching 
 the open ground beyond the village, the troops found them- 
 selves exposed to a heavy fire from some guns and a large body 
 of the enemy, who had taken up a position in an entrenchment 
 to the south-west of the Baba Wali Kotul, commanding an 
 open piece of ground. This entrenchment they were evidently 
 prepared to hold with their usual determination ; reinforcements 
 were being rapidly pushed up from their reserves, while the 
 guns on the Baba Wali Kotul were turned round so as to 
 increase the heavy fire of artillery which was brought to bear 
 upon our troops. It became necessary to take this position at 
 once by storm, and recognizing this with true soldierly instinct, 
 Major G. S. White, who was leading the advance companies of 
 92nd Highlanders, called upon his men for just one charge 
 more " to close the business." The battery of screw-guns, 
 under Brevet-Major J. C. Robinson, had been shelling the 
 enemy with a well-directed fire, under cover of which, and sup- 
 ported by a portion of the 2nd Goorkhas and the 23rd Pioneers, 
 the Highlanders responded with alacrity to their leader's call, 
 and, dashing forward, drove the enemy from their entrench- 
 ments at the point of the bayonet. " The gallant and ever 
 foremost Major White," as Sir Frederick Roberts calls him, 
 was the first man to reach the enemy's guns, being closely 
 followed by a soldier of the Goorkhas, who, placing his rifle
 
 Complete Defeat of the Enemy. 371 
 
 upon one of the guns, exclaimed that it was captured in the 
 name of the 2nd (Prince of Wales's Own) Goorkhas.* 
 
 After passing the village of Pir Paimal, Brigadier-General 
 Baker had directed a detachment of the 3rd Sikhs, under 
 Lieutenant- Colonel Money, of Shutargardan fame, to take pos- 
 session of the point of the detached hill in rear of the enemy's 
 right. Finding himself commanded by a further spur, Colonel 
 Money pushed on by the northern side of this hill and made 
 himself master of four guns, obtaining a full view of the 
 enemy's camp, then full of men, and with a line of cavalry 
 drawn up in rear. Before the Mountain Battery attached to 
 this brigade could be brought up, the advance of the troops 
 from the other side of the hill put all these men into motion, 
 and, in the absence of Cavalry, their retreat could not be inter- 
 cepted. 
 
 The enemy was now completely routed ; but this, owing to 
 the nature of the ground, it was impossible for General Ross to 
 realize. Expecting, therefore, that they would take up a fresh 
 position further on, he ordered the 1st and 2nd Brigades to 
 halt and replenish their ammunition. "When this had been 
 done, the troops continued their advance about one mile, the 
 2nd Brigade leading, and at 1 P.M. they entered the enemy's 
 camp, which was found to be deserted, with tents standing ap- 
 parently as it had been left in the morning, when the Afghans 
 moved to the attack. Ayoob Khan lost during the day all his 
 Artillery, numbering thirty-two pieces, including five in position 
 at the Baba Wall Kotul, and the two guns of E Battery, Royal 
 Horse Artillery, which he had captured at Maiwand on the 27th 
 July. The body of Lieutenant Maclaiue, of this battery, who 
 had been carried off a prisoner from Maiwand, was found lying 
 outside his tent, which was close to that of Ayoob, his guard 
 having murdered him before retreating. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts, when he found how complete had been 
 the success of his Infantry, ordered Brigadier-General Nuttall 
 to proceed with the Bombay Cavalry Brigade, which had formed 
 part of General Burrows's command opposite the Baba Wali 
 Pass, in pursuit through the village of Mazra up the Urgundab 
 
 * See Sir Frederick Roberta's despatch. 
 
 B B 2
 
 37 2 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 Valley; the result, however, was disappointing. The cavalry 
 of the Cabul-Candahar Force continued the pursuit throughout 
 the day, the hrigade crossing the Urgundab and pushing beyond 
 the line of the enemy's retreat towards Kakreez. None of the 
 Afghan regular troops were encountered, hut some 350 of the 
 fugitive Ghazis and Irregulars were killed. 
 
 Scarcely less to he mourned than the loss of Colonel Brown - 
 low was the death of another officer who had rendered great 
 service throughout the campaign. Shortly before the final 
 advance, Major-General Ross, wishing to heliograph to Sir 
 Frederick Roberts his success in turning the enemy's position, 
 directed Captain Straton,* Superintendent of Army Signalling, 
 to proceed with a company of the 24th Panjaub Native Infantry 
 to the Baba Wali Kotul. This gallant officer had only gone a 
 short distance when a Ghazi, springing out of a ravine close to 
 him, shot him dead. 
 
 It was a proud moment for Sir Frederick Roberts when he 
 entered the camp of Ayoob Khan. He was still suffering from 
 fever induced by the fatigues and anxieties of the march, but 
 his high spirit had kept him up throughout a day, memorable 
 in his career and in the history of the British Army, as that on 
 which the cloud hanging over the military fame of England 
 was dispersed by the sun of victory. After a brief rest in 
 Ayoob's camp, the General rode to the different assembled 
 regiments in succession, beginning with the 92nd Highlanders, 
 and thanked and praised them for the great success they had 
 achieved. " The cheers," says an officer who was present, 
 "with which he was received by each regiment, British and 
 Native, in succession, will never be forgotten by those who 
 heard them, and show the respect and confidence in which he 
 is held. The resolution he showed in accomplishing the weary 
 march from Cabul to Candahar in twenty days, with an army 
 so large and so completely equipped, was fitly crowned by a 
 
 * " In Captain Straton," says Sir Frederick Roberts, " Her Majesty's Ser- 
 vice has lost a most accomplished, intelligent officer, under whose manage- 
 ment army signalling, as applied to field service, reached a pitch of perfec- 
 tion probably never before attained. His energy knew no difficulties, and 
 his enthusiasm was beyond praise. He had won the highest opinions from 
 all with whom his duties had brought him in contact, and his death was 
 very deeply felt throughout the whole force."
 
 British Generals in Afghanistan. 373 
 
 victory so complete as to leave scarcely anything to be desired, 
 and which completely effaced, so far as a victory can, the 
 disasters which preceded it. His feelings on the evening of 
 the 1st of September must, indeed, have been truly enviable, 
 and his good fortune gratifies every one." 
 
 The defeat inflicted on Sirdar Ayoob Khan was crushing and 
 decisive, and he fled towards Herat with only a handful of 
 horsemen and a small party of infantry, the remains of a force 
 of 4,000 regular infantry, 5,000 Ghazis, 800 regular and 3,000 
 irregular cavalry. His horses were estimated at over 1,000 
 in killed alone. The British loss during the action and the 
 reconnoissance of the 31st August, was 40 killed, including 
 3 officers,* and 228 wounded, including 11 officers. Of this 
 total the greatest sufferers were the 92nd Highlanders, with 
 84 casualties. The 72nd Highlanders had 33 ; the 2nd 
 Goorkhas 33 ; and the 2nd Sikhs 29 casualties. 
 
 By this brilliant victory Sir Frederick Roberts completely 
 restored the prestige of British arms ; and so great was the 
 effect produced that no further military operations were neces- 
 sary, and not a shot was fired during the remainder of the 
 British occupation of Candahar.f 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts was not less fortunate in the soldiers he 
 commanded than they were in their leader. The native troops 
 were the elite of the Indian Army, and the three regiments of 
 British Infantry worthily represented their country : 
 
 " Types of a race who shall the invader scorn, 
 As rocks resist the billows round their shore." 
 
 To the quality of the officers and men of the Cabul-Candahar 
 Field Force he only does justice when he says : " The rapidity 
 with which the march was accomplished taking into considera- 
 tion the strength of the force, the variations of climate, and the 
 difficult nature of the country traversed is the best testimony I 
 
 * During the Afghan War the total loss of British officers killed, or died 
 of wounds, was seventy-four. 
 
 f Ayoob Khan displayed all the tenacity of purpose of his race, and 
 after the departure of the British army, contested the sovereignty with the 
 Ameer Abdul Rahman. He defeated his generals near Candahar on the 
 27th July, 1881, but himself suffered a crushing reverse on the 22nd 
 September following.
 
 374 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 can produce to the efficiency, discipline, and spirit of the troops. 
 Their conduct, under circumstances often of the most testing 
 nature, cannot be expressed in terms too strong or too full. 
 They all seemed to he animated with but one desire that, cost 
 what it might in personal risk, fatigue, or discomfort, they 
 would effect the speedy release of their beleagured fellow- 
 soldiers in the city of Candahar. The unflagging energy and 
 perseverance of the troops seemed to reach the full height 
 when they knew they were about to put forth their irresistible 
 strength against a hitherto successful enemy. Notwithstanding 
 the provocation caused by the cruel murder of any stragglers 
 (soldiers as well as followers) who fell into the hands of the 
 Afghans following in the wake of our column, not one act 
 infringing the rules of civilized warfare was committed by our 
 troops. The persons and property of the natives were re- 
 spected, and full compensation for supplies was everywhere 
 given. In short, the inhabitants of the districts we passed 
 through could not have been treated with greater consideration 
 nor with a lighter hand, and the conduct of the troops will ever 
 remain as memorable as the results which they achieved." 
 
 The most enthusiastic admirers of the march of Sir Fred- 
 erick Roberts's " Ten Thousand" are the phlegmatic German 
 strategists, who aver that it is the finest performance of any 
 British General since Waterloo. Be this as it may, it bears 
 some analogy to the celebrated " Retreat of the Ten Thousand " 
 under Xenophon, due not alone to the similarity in numbers. 
 The defeat at Cunaxa led to the latter, and the disaster at 
 Maiwand brought about Roberts's advance through an enemy's 
 country. Both commanders displayed some of the highest 
 attributes of generalship on the line of march as on the field of 
 battle, and the high state of discipline and valour of the troops 
 was certainly no less in the British than in the Greek "ten 
 thousand." Both marches alike afford a valuable lesson to 
 the student of the art of war, and to complete the parallel, it 
 only remains for the modern General to give to the world a 
 narrative equal in soldierly conciseness to the celebrated treatise 
 of the classic commander. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts had suffered considerably in health by 
 his recent exertions and the long service in Afghanistan, of
 
 British Generals in Afghanistan. 375 
 
 which country and its inhabitants his experience is unequalled 
 by that of any British General. No event of importance 
 occurred during his stay at Candahar, and he was glad to 
 resign the command into the hands of General Phayre, and, 
 in October, quitted Afghanistan on sick leave,* having been 
 the central figure in a series of events possessing surpassing 
 interest to the patriotic Englishman. 
 
 The names of some of the greatest conquerors of the world 
 are associated with that country of mountain and desert. 
 Alexander marched from end to end of it ; and his mighty 
 name, after the lapse of twenty centuries, is as well known in 
 Afghanistan as that of its present ruler. The country gave to 
 the world the only less famous Mahmoud of Ghuznee, who 
 many times poured his armies upon Hiudostan and showed 
 future conquerors how its plains might be overrun. During 
 the eight centuries succeeding the time of Mahmoud the un war- 
 like people and rich cities of India have been the prey of the 
 warriors of Central Asia ; and in comparatively recent times, 
 Nadir Shah and Ahmed Khan have penetrated through the passes 
 traversed by Alexander and Mahmoud the one to Delhi and the 
 other to Lahore. Even so late as the time of Lord Wellesley's 
 rule, a tremor of apprehension at the Afghan name was felt in 
 Calcutta, and Shah Zemaun, who died a blind pensioner of 
 the British at Loodiana, might have boasted with the Roman 
 General, "I fluttered your Volsces in Corioli." 
 
 Our experience of Afghanistan has been of a varied cha- 
 racter ; and, indeed, the country may be said to be the grave of 
 many military reputations. The names of Elphinstone and 
 Shelton call up memories other than glorious to British arms, 
 and the only consolatory feature in a retrospect of the disasters 
 associated with their names is, that every Englishman displayed 
 personal gallantry under trying circumstances. Equally has the 
 name, Afghanistan, been associated in our annals with glorious 
 memories of honour retrieved and defeat wiped out by victory. 
 Nott, Sale, and Pollock the last, a brother officer of Roberts, 
 
 * In the official notification of leave Sir Frederick Roberts is described as 
 proceeding to the port of embarkation for thirty days from date of availing 
 himself of it, and thence to England for twelve months from date of 
 embarkation on medical certificate.
 
 3/6 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 reposes in Westminster Abbey are names which Englishmen 
 must ever hold in respect as those of soldiers who restored 
 our prestige that impalpable, but essential, attribute of our 
 sovereignty in the East, without which our tenure of India 
 would be quickly challenged by our subject races. To these 
 great names those of Eoberts and Stewart must hereafter be 
 added the march of the latter being in the footsteps of Nott, 
 and his victory at Ahmed Kbel one of which any soldier might 
 be proud. Roberts' s victory at Charasia and dispersal of Ma- 
 homed Jan's forces at Sherpur, may likewise be likened to 
 Pollock's action at Tezeeu and Sale's defeat of Akbar Khan at 
 Jellalabad ; though the achievements of the subject of this 
 Memoir were more remarkable, as, at Charasia, he was opposed 
 by regular troops, and not tribesmen alone, and, at Cabul, 
 100,000 men beleagured the British cantonments, while Akbar 
 Khan led only 8,000 followers against Sale's compact brigade 
 of 1,800 men. But the forced march from Cabul to Candahar, 
 with the swiftly following reconnoissance and victory of the 1st 
 September, remain without parallel in the record of our rela- 
 tions with Afghanistan, and place the name of Roberts first 
 among the soldiers who have led the British armies in that 
 region.
 
 377 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts quits Afghanistan The Question of the Retention of 
 Candahar Sir Frederick Roberts Arrives in England His Reception 
 by his Countrymen Rewards conferred on Sir Frederick Roberts 
 Precedents in the Case of Rewards for Military Services His Speech 
 at the Mansion House Changes in Array Reform due to Sir Frederick 
 Roberts's Criticisms He is appointed to the Command of the Army 
 sent to Coerce the Boers Departure for and Return from South Africa 
 Sir Frederick Roberts attends the German Autumn Manoeuvres His 
 Comments on the German Army and Military System Sir Frederick 
 Roberts is appointed Commander-in-Cbief of the Madras Army He 
 leaves England for India Conclusion. 
 
 SIR FREDERICK ROBERTS left Candahar on the 9th September, 
 with a portion of his division, and marched to Quetta, where 
 he remained until the 12th October. Thence he proceeded to 
 Sibi, the terminus of the railway projected to Candahar, where 
 he resigned his command on the 15th October and went to 
 Simla. Here he spent a few days as the guest of the Marquis 
 of Ripon,* and journeying thence to Bombay, embarked on the 
 30th October for England. 
 
 * The Viceroy wrote of Sir Frederick Roberts's services in the following 
 terms : " Sir Frederick Roberts has achieved what the Commander-in-Chief 
 in India justly describes as one of the most complete and successful opera- 
 tions of recent times. The Government of India appreciates the foresight 
 which governed the preparation of the force at Cabul, the energy which 
 conducted it to Candahar, and the skill through which its operations were 
 fitly crowned by the total defeat of the enemy against whom its movements 
 had from the first been directed. These operations, in their inception and 
 their execution, will remain an enduring record, no less of the courage and 
 devotion of the troops than of the skill of the officers on whose services the 
 Queen-Empress can rely for the security and honour of her Indian Empire. 
 The high, soldiorly spirit which animated this forc<' throughout its ranks, 
 had been conspicuous in every arm of the Service during all the operations 
 of the war in Northern Afghanistan and on Sir Donald Stewart's march 
 from Candahar, and formed the ample justification of the Government of 
 India in sanctioning an enterprise that could not have been prudently 
 entrusted to a leader less able or to troops less efficient than Sir Frederick 
 Roberts and the soldiers so worthy of his leading. Even had the march 
 thus undertaken and carried out served merely to raise the investment of 
 Candahar, it would have been a military achievement of which any country
 
 378 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 The two years' war with Afghanistan, in which Sir Frederick 
 Koberts played so conspicuous a part, and in which twenty 
 millions of treasure were expended and many valuable lives 
 were lost, has been absolutely destitute of material results. At 
 its conclusion the British Government surrendered the " scien- 
 tific frontier," the possession of which Lord Beaconsfield 
 vaunted in his memorable speech at the Mansion House on the 
 5th August, 1879, as having been "achieved with a rapidity 
 and a precision of execution which cannot easily be paralleled 
 in the annals of war ; " though a painful commentary was sup- 
 plied to this description by the massacre of the Cavagnari Mis- 
 sion on the 3rd of the following month. In this retirement 
 within our former frontier, as regards the Khyber and Kurram 
 lines, not only Sir Edward Hamley, who possesses too profound 
 a knowledge of the principles of strategy to be under any de- 
 lusion as to the true value of the " scientific frontier," but Sir 
 Frederick Koberts and Sir Donald Stewart, also, assented. 
 The former says in his exhaustive and masterly memorandum,* 
 dated Cabul, 29th May, 1880: " My own opinion is that the 
 Kurram should be given up altogether, and that the responsi- 
 bilities which we ought to incur in the Khyber route should be 
 limited to such as would ensure the execution and integrity of 
 any guarantees we have given to the rulers of Lalpura and 
 Kuner." If political necessity required that we should control 
 the Khyber, he recommended the employment of Hazara or 
 Afreedee levies, and strongly deprecated the employment of 
 any regular troops beyond Peshawur ; and speaking from five 
 years' experience of the unhealthiness of that station, he 
 advocated the withdrawal of the greater portion of its garrison 
 to the left bank of the Indus, somewhere near Campbellpore. 
 Sir Donald Stewart expressed his agreement with Sir Frederick 
 Roberts, both as regards the abandonment of the Khyber and 
 Kurram lines and the removal of the garrison of Peshawur to a 
 
 might be proud. All the more, therefore, is Lieutenant-General Sir 
 Frederick Roberts to be congratulated on the opportunity afforded him of 
 showing, in the defeat of Ayoob Khan, that the enterprise and endurance 
 of himself and his troops were perfected by a consummate skill and devoted 
 gallantry, adequate not merely to the battle of Candahar, but to any 
 eventuality of war which they might be called on to meet." 
 * See also ante, pp. 332-333, and 338.
 
 The Candahar Question. 379 
 
 healthier position on the eastern side of the Indus, with the ex- 
 ception of a small force established in an entrenched position 
 to cover the railway terminus. 
 
 But Sir Frederick Eoberts while proposing to make over 
 Kurram and Khost to native chiefs, and withdraw from the- 
 Khyber, except in so far as our presence was necessary to fulfil 
 our engagement to the Mohmund Chief of Lalpura, and Syud 
 Badshah of Kuner, thus, as he expresses it, "refusing our right," 
 and "remaining merely on the defensive on our north-west fron- 
 tier " strongly advocated the military occupation of Candahar. 
 "We have," he says, "neither sufficient men nor material to 
 warrant our operating on more than one line," and his experi- 
 ence taught him that the army of 25,000 men found necessary, 
 in May, 1880, to maintain on the Khyber line alone, would 
 have to be considerably increased if the ruler of Cabul should 
 be assisted by Russian officers. As a result of the shattering of 
 the military power of the Ameer Shere Ali, he adds, " We 
 have nothing to fear from Afghanistan, and the best thing to 
 do is to leave it as much as possible to itself. It may not be 
 very flattering to our amour propre, but I feel sure I am right 
 when I say that the less the Afghans see of us the less they 
 will dislike us. Should Russia in future years attempt to 
 conquer Afghanistan or invade India through it, we should 
 have a better chance of attaching the Afghans to our interest 
 if we avoid all interference with them in the meantime. The 
 military occupation of Candahar is, as I have before stated, of 
 vital importance ; even there we should make our presence but 
 little felt, merely controlling the foreign policy of the rulers of 
 that province." 
 
 But on entering Afghanistan we had expressed our intention 
 of refraining from annexing Candahar, and a departure from 
 our word, even to the limited extent of a military occupation, 
 would have inflicted far greater injury on our prestige than was 
 involved in the evacuation of that city. Moreover, holding 
 Candahar demanded as a military necessity the garrisoning of 
 Khelat-i-Ghilz} 7 e to the east, and Giriskh, on the Helmund, to 
 the west, if not of Herat itself; while by concentrating at 
 Pisheen, the passes to Chaman .and the open country thence 
 to Candahar, only a distance of eighty miles, lay at our mercy.
 
 380 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 This, indeed, was conceded by Lord Lytton,* who wrote before 
 entering on hostilities : " It is true that the recent occupation 
 of Quetta has materially improved our position. The command 
 of the southern passes is now in our hands ; and from Multan 
 lo the sea, a distance of 500 miles, our frontier is well guarded. 
 While we, securely established at Quetta, can at- any moment 
 descend on the plains of Candahar, or advance to meet our 
 adversary in the open field, no enemy can debouch on our 
 plains without first besieging and taking Quetta a task of no 
 slight difficulty, and involving much loss of precious time 
 and then forcing a long and difficult pass held by us. But on 
 the northern, or more directly exposed, portions of our frontier, 
 our line is as fatally defective as ever." But regarding this 
 northern frontier military opinion is now almost unanimous 
 against occupying the Khyber and Kurram passes, and only 
 on the retention of Candahar is there a serious divergence. 
 This question though decided contrary to the views held by 
 the majority of professional opinion, including Lord Napier 
 of Magdala, Sir Henry Eawlinson, Sir Frederick Eoberts, 
 Sir Edward Hamley (who lectured on the subject at the 
 Royal United Service Institution), and Sir Donald Stewart, 
 though in his minute, dated " Candahar, April 18th, 1879," 
 that officer strongly combated the retention of the capital of 
 Western Afghanistan has more than an academic interest, for 
 any movement of Russia on Herat, or the precipitation of a 
 conflict with that power in Central Asia, would immediately 
 bring it into prominence, and renew the clamour for its adop- 
 
 * See Lord Lytton's minute, dated Simla, 9th September, 1878, which 
 appears iu the Afghan Blue Book No. 2 of 1881. In this minute, Lord 
 Lytton sketched a magnificent scheme of Imperial extension, from the 
 Pamir to Herat, 360 miles from our present frontier. He says, " As a purely 
 military line, the strongest frontier we could take up would be along the 
 Hindu Kush from the Pamir to Bamian, holding the northern debouches of 
 the principal passes ; and thence southward by the Helmund, Giriskh, and 
 Candahar to the Arabian Sea. Though political considerations of the mo- 
 ment may compel and justify an extension of our line to the Northern fron- 
 tier of Afghanistan, this would weaken rather than strengthen our general 
 position. But the political and strategical importance of Herat is so great 
 that, though it lies beyond our natural frontier, it cannot be excluded from 
 cur line of defence. This line, therefore, should ultimately run from the 
 Hindu Kush along the Paropamisus to Herat, and thence down the western 
 frontier Afghanistan and Beloochistan to the Arabian Sea. 1 '
 
 The Candahar Question. 381 
 
 tion. Lord Napier, in his able memorandum, advocating the 
 annexation of Candahar, and the adjacent territory, considers 
 the question of expense an immaterial one, though in point of 
 fact it is of prime importance to a poor country like India. 
 With an ignorance of the English people that would be aston- 
 ishing were it not remembered that his lordship has passed his 
 distinguished career exclusively in the East, he proposed that 
 the taxpayers of this country should be called upon to pay half 
 the cost of the military occupation of Candahar, which Sir 
 Henry Norman places at 1,400,000, though other authorities 
 estimate it at not less than two millions annually. As regards 
 the dislike of the Native soldiery to serve in Afghanistan, re- 
 garding which Sir Frederick Roberts said that it had " affected 
 recruiting," his lordship, with characteristic disregard for finan- 
 cial considerations, says, " Let the soldiers be sufficiently paid 
 for the hardships and dangers of exile in Afghanistan, and there 
 will be no danger of filling the ranks." Sir Henry Rawlinson's 
 proposal that we should " continue our military occupation, but 
 leave the civil administration in the hands of any governor 
 whom Abdul Rahman may appoint," though an attempt to 
 solve the political difficulty, would leave the financial problem 
 untouched. 
 
 Authorities of no less weight than the preceding are opposed 
 to the occupation of Candahar on political, military, and finan- 
 cial grounds. Among these are Lord Wolseley, Sir Henry 
 Norman, Sir John Adye, Sir Archibald Alison, and General 
 Charles Gordon* ("Chinese Gordon"); also statesmen of 
 
 * General Gordon's opinion, as that of a soldier of original genius and prac- 
 tical experience, is of special value. He writes to the 'limes: " From a mili- 
 tary point of view, by the retention we should increase the line we have to 
 defend by twice the distance of Candahar to the present frontier, and place 
 an objective point to be attacked. Naturally, we should make good roads 
 to Candahar, which on the loss of a battle there and such things must be 
 always calculated as within possibility would aid the advance of the 
 enemy to the Indus. The debouches of the defiles, with good lateral com- 
 munications between them, is the proper line of defence for India, not the 
 entry into these defiles, which cannot have lateral communications. If the 
 entries of the defiles are held, good roads are made through them ; and 
 these aid the enemy, if you lose the entries or have them turned. This 
 does not prevent the passage of the defiles being disputed. The retention 
 of Candahar would tend to foment rebellion in India, and not prevent it, 
 for thereby we should obtain an additional number of fanatical malcontents,
 
 382 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 frontier experience such as Sir Robert Montgomery and the 
 late Lord Lawrence ; while statesmen * and soldiers of a past 
 age, as Sir Charles Napier and Sir James Outram, who knew 
 Afghanistan and the Afghans well, were opposed to our going 
 beyond the passes to encounter a Russian advance. 
 
 Sir James Outram' s opinion of the unwisdom of advanc- 
 ing into Afghanistan to meet a Russian army, instead of 
 waiting behind the mountain barriers given by nature to India 
 as its strongest defence, though written in 1854, is still ap- 
 plicable. From Merv to the Indus is a distance of about 1,000 
 miles, throughout which, except in the vicinity of Herat and 
 Candahar, supplies are limited. If Russia advanced with an 
 army of only 50,000 men, she would eat up the supplies of 
 Afghanistan and exasperate the people ; " and no efforts of 
 their chiefs," says Sir James Outram, " could then restrain 
 them from acting as hostilely towards their quondam friends as 
 heretofore they did against the British army. Ere Russian or 
 Persian troops could reach Candahar or Cabul, we certainly 
 should have authentic knowledge of their approach. It would 
 then be time enough to enter upon defensive preparations. It 
 is scarcely possible that less than one season would be required 
 
 who, as British subjects, would have the greatest facility for passing to and 
 fro in India, which they would not have if we did not hold it. That our 
 prestige would suffer in India by the evacuation, I doubt ; it certainly 
 would suffer if we kept it and forsook our word i.e., that we made war 
 against Shere Ali, and not against his people. India should be able, by a 
 proper defence of her present frontier, and by the proper government of 
 her peoples, to look after herself. If the latter is wanting, no advance of 
 frontier will aid her. I am not anxious about Russia, but were I so, I 
 would care much more to see precautions taken for the defence of our 
 Eastern colonies, now that Russia has moved her Black Sea Naval estab- 
 lishment to the China Sea, than to push forward an outstretched arm to 
 Candahar. The interests of the Empire claim as much attention as India, 
 and one cannot help seeing that they are much more imperilled by this 
 lust move of Russia than by anything she can do in Central Asia. Politi- 
 cally, militarily, and morally, Candahar ought not to be retained. It would 
 oblige us to keep up an interference with the internal affairs of Afghanis- 
 tan, and would increase the expenditure of impoverished India." 
 
 * Lord Wellesley wrote on 4th July, 1842, to Lord Ellenborough : 
 " Your Lordship, I'm satisfied, would reject Afghanistan and Cabul with 
 the rocks, sand, deserts, ice, and snow, even if Shah Soojah had bequeathed 
 them as a peace offering to England;" and his brother, the Duke of 
 Wellington, with the strong common sense that distinguished hiji, wrote, 
 on the 3rd September following, to the same correspondent, objecting to 
 " discuss national disgrace, unburied bones, &c."
 
 The Candahar Question. 383 
 
 by the enemy to recruit in Afghanistan ere descending the 
 passes ; but allowing that a shorter halt would suffice, there 
 still would be ample time to concentrate sufficient forces at 
 Shikarpore and Peshawur to meet the enemy when he de- 
 bouches from the Bolan or Khyber." If we were involved in 
 hostilities with Russia or any other power, it would be im- 
 possible for this country, with its vast colonial possessions, to 
 send any considerable force to India beyond that already 
 maintained in that dependency. As Sir Henry Norman, 
 arguing against the retention of Candahar, observes : " Any 
 great forward movement on our part would necessitate large 
 European reinforcements, which England might not be able to 
 send, while, if the defence was in the main confined to our old 
 frontiers, large reinforcements might not be necessary."* 
 
 Lord Wolseley, whose opinions must carry great weight, 
 in his memorandum dated 20th November, 1880, after invoking 
 the lessons taught by the great Indian mutiny, when we were 
 so hardly pressed that Lord Lawrence seriously considered the 
 propriety of retiring from Peshawur, observes : "To occupy a 
 point so far removed beyond our frontier would be a serious 
 financial burden, even in times of profound peace, and in time 
 of any great trial, its possession would indeed be a white 
 elephant, capable Of ruining our Indian Empire by the cost 
 which the necessity of supporting it would entail upon us. In 
 my humble opinion, the question of the retention of Candahar 
 is not a military one, for I can see no possible strategical ad- 
 vantage in its present occupation. Its retention will certainly 
 cripple our military resources, and it would seriously hamper 
 our strategical operations in the event of any great internal 
 disturbance in India. My opinions on this point are some- 
 what influenced by the conviction that if we determine to keep 
 
 * Colonel East, of the Intelligence Department of the War Office (see 
 his Memorandum of August 16th, 1880, which was generally approved by 
 Sir Archibald Alison), while arguing against the retention of Candahar, 
 proposed the occupation of Kooshi, on the further side of the Shutargardan 
 Pass, but no military authority of weight agreed with this recommendation. 
 Sir Edward Hamley and his school, while advocating an advance for 
 strategic reasons beyond the mountains, prefer the country towards Cun- 
 dahar, and, indeed, as the Shutargardan is impassable during the winter 
 months, a force holding Kooshi would be cut off from assistance.
 
 384 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 a garrison at Candahar, the annexation of the surrounding 
 district and of the country between it and our frontier, would 
 sooner or later he forced on us, and I feel that any such ex- 
 tension would he an increasing source of weakness to us. Our 
 recent operations in Afghanistan have taught us the true value 
 of Afghan military power. We can now afford to smile at the 
 superstitious horror with which we have hitherto contemplated 
 all idea of military operations in that country a horror which 
 has come down to us from the disasters of 1840. We have 
 now learnt to appreciate the Afghan troops at their proper 
 value, and to realise the fact that any well-appointed column of 
 our troops, if ahly commanded, can march from one end of the 
 land to the other. The English people have begun to see that 
 our military disaster in 1840, as, indeed, all the disasters that 
 have ever befallen us, are the result of the incompetence of the 
 commanders employed. There is no Afghan army that could 
 prevent an English division from marching from Quetta to 
 Candahar whenever it might become advisable to do so. If, 
 therefore, we can at all times occupy Candahar when we wish, 
 why go there until the necessity for doing so has arisen ? 
 Whenever the Russians march upon Herat we must certainly 
 occupy Candahar, unless we intend to give up India or allow it 
 to be taken from us ; but the longer we can postpone that 
 occupation the better we shall be able to incur the vast ex- 
 penditure it will necessarily entail upon us. As we can always 
 get there with the greatest ease, I would deprecate in the 
 strongest terms our going there until the necessity for doing so 
 actually arises, and I am therefore of opinion that the sooner 
 the troops now there can be withdrawn from it with safety and 
 honour, the better it will be for the true interests of our Indian 
 Empire." A popular fallacy is involved in the assertion we 
 hear so confidently made at political meetings by Conservative 
 speakers, that the Liberal Government reversed the policy of 
 their predecessors in withdrawing from Candahar. On this 
 point the evidence of Sir Lepel Griffin, the agent selected by 
 Lord Lytton to carry out Lord Beaconsfield's policy, is con- 
 clusive. He says "While the Conservative Government were 
 in power I was directed by the Viceroy to declare at Cabul, and 
 repeatedly did so declare, that the British Government had no
 
 77/6' Candahar Question. 385 
 
 intention of occupying permanently or annexing Candahar, and 
 our withdrawal was in direct accordance with the reiterated 
 and solemn professions which I had been instructed to make, 
 and the assurances of the Government of India to the chiefs 
 and people of Cahul. We could not have remained without a 
 breach of public faith. The Liberal Viceroy was quite pre- 
 pared to support the man who had been proclaimed hereditary 
 ruler of Candahar, and, in fact, did support him until he 
 refused to hold the office any longer. The wisdom of the 
 policy of retiring from Candahar may be a fair matter for argu- 
 ment, but it was one on which both Governments were agreed. 
 I am convinced that withdrawal, after our public assurances, 
 was the only practicable policy." 
 
 As that sagacious and cool-headed soldier-diplomatist, Sir 
 Henry Durand, who served in Afghanistan, foretold in 1867, 
 the Afghans were unable to offer effective resistance to a 
 British invading force, while Eussian action in 1878 proves 
 that the apprehended interference of that power, under 
 present conditions, with Afghan affairs, is a delusion, at 
 least until the authority of the Czar is consolidated in 
 Turkestan, and the enormous drain on his resources occa- 
 sioned by the military occupation of the territories in 
 Central Asia under his flag, calculated at not less than two 
 millions annually, has ceased. The Kussian frontier, from 
 the Caspian to the Pamir, is about 1,200 miles long, 200 
 miles longer than our north-west frontier; of this, however, 
 less than half is open to attack, as from the Caspian to 
 Samarcand it is covered by the great Khivan desert. On the 
 other hand the great defect in this line is its want of inter- 
 communication, and its distance from support. While every 
 part of our frontier is within 200 miles of railway communica- 
 tion, and most of it much nearer, Tashkend, the centre of 
 Russian power in Turkestan, is more than 1,000 miles from 
 the nearest railway ; and many of the frontier posts are 1,500 
 miles distant from such support. The difficulties attending a 
 military occupation under such conditions are necessarily great, 
 and the entire force that Russia, with her vast military 
 resources, can maintain in Turkestan does not exceed that 
 which we maintain in the Punjaub alone. Lord Lytton, in his 
 
 c c
 
 386 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 lengthy and ably written minute of the 4th September, 1878, 
 referring to the defencelessness of the Eussian possessions, 
 expresses an opinion that it would be easier for us to collect 
 100,000 men at any point on our frontier than for Russia to 
 collect 25,000 on hers. Skobeleff, that remarkable soldier 
 whose premature death was a crushing blow to the Slavonic 
 cause, declared that the difficulties of camel transport rendered 
 an invasion of India impracticable, and the conqueror of Geok 
 Tepe spoke from actual experience of Central Asiatic warfare. 
 And yet we are periodically oppressed with a Russian scare, 
 and called upon to believe in the imminence of a Russian 
 invasion, to obviate the dangers of which we are required to 
 occupy Candahar at an enormous cost. It is within the 
 boundaries of India that exist the dangers against which we 
 must guard her vast feudatory armies, and the possible 
 combination of her diverse nationalities welded, for the nonce, 
 under the leadership of a great soldier, such as the East has 
 produced, who has received a military training in some Euro- 
 pean army. The true policy that, in our opinion, should 
 guide our councils in India, was stated in eloquent and forcible 
 terms by Lord Lawrence, on the 4th January, 1879 : " We 
 foresee no limits to the expenditure which such a move (i.e., a 
 permanent advance of the frontier) might require, and we 
 protest against the necessity of having to impose additional 
 taxation on the people of India, who are unwilling as it is to 
 bear such pressure for measures which they can both un- 
 derstand and appreciate. And we think that the objects which 
 we have at heart, in common with all interested in India, may 
 be attained by an attitude of readiness and firmness on our 
 frontiers, and by giving all our care and expending all our 
 resources for the attainment of practical and sound ends over 
 which we can exercise an effective and immediate control. 
 Should a foreign power, such as Russia, ever seriously think 
 of invading India from without, or what is more probable of 
 stirring up the elements of disaffection or anarchy within it, 
 our true policy, or strongest security, would then, we conceive, 
 be found to lie in previous abstinence from entanglements at 
 either Cabul, Candahar, or any similar outpost, in full reliance 
 on a compact, highty-equipped, and disciplined army stationed
 
 The Candahar Question. 387 
 
 within our own territories, or on our own border ; in the con- 
 tentment, if not in the attachment of the masses, in the sense 
 of security of title and possession with which our whole policy 
 is gradually imbuing the minds of the principal chiefs and the 
 native aristocracy, in the construction of material works within 
 British India, which enhance the comfort of the people, while 
 they add to our political and military strength, in husbanding 
 our finances and consolidating and multiplying our resources, 
 in quiet preparation for all contingencies, which no Indian 
 statesman should disregard, and in a trust in the rectitude and 
 honesty of our intentions, coupled with the avoidance of all 
 sources of complaint which either invite foreign aggression or 
 stir up restless spirits to domestic revolt." As Mr. Gladstone 
 said in the House of Commons on the 12th June, 1878, " We 
 are too apt to fallback on the abstract and theoretical splendour 
 of the Indian Empire, and we do not sufficiently recollect that 
 the administration of that Empire, in the final judgment of 
 history, will bring no advantage or glory to us, except in the 
 exact and precise proportions that that administration confers 
 benefit upon that Empire, and renders India prosperous and 
 happy." The chances of prosperity and happiness among the 
 natives of India would be greatly lessened "by the increased 
 expenditure required for the annexation or occupation of 
 Candahar, and hence for financial no less than military and 
 political reasons this step appears to us undesirable. 
 
 As we have seen, intelligent military opinion Roberts, 
 Stewart, and Hamley, equally with Wolseley, Gordon, Adye, and 
 Norman is against the much vaunted scientific frontier, now 
 discovered to be no scientific frontier at all, though as regards 
 the retention of Candahar, professional opinion is divided. But 
 both have been abandoned, and with them have disappeared all 
 the results of the extensive operations extending over two years, 
 and involving an expenditure of twenty millions of money and 
 thousands of lives. When our troops are withdrawn from 
 Pisheen,* if that measure is adopted, the sole result for this 
 
 * If we conformed strictly to our treaty obligations, the occupation of 
 Quetta itself is to be regarded not as a permanent measure, but as one for 
 the protection of the Khan and his subjects with whom we have entered 
 into engagements. This is manifest by the terms of the despatch of Lord 
 
 c c 2
 
 388 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 direful waste, beyond the solution of the military problem as 
 to the feasibility of our overrunning Afghanistan at any time 
 we may desire to do so, will be the freeing the Turis of the 
 Kurram valley from the yoke of the Ameer of Afghanistan. 
 From time immemorial this miserable people have been subject 
 to the exactions of the Sirdars and tax gatherers placed over 
 them by the Ameer, and their condition may be aptly described 
 in the words applied by Wordsworth to Roy Roy and the 
 Highland caterans, who lived and moved and had their being 
 in a state of society entirely analogous to that still existent on 
 the north-west frontier of India 
 
 " the good old rule 
 
 Sufficeth them ; the simple plan 
 
 That they should take who have the power, 
 
 And they should keep who can." 
 
 The obscure tribe of Turis, of whom the British public never 
 heard, have alone benefited from the vast expenditure of blood 
 and treasure resulting from the invasion of Afghanistan. But 
 this abortive result in no way detracts from the merits of the 
 commander whose reputation was made by the Afghan War, 
 but is due solely to political causes with which he, as a soldier, 
 had no concern. 
 
 On the 18th November, accompanied by Major- General Hills, 
 Brigadier- Generals Macpherson and Baker, and Major Pretyman, 
 A.D.C., Sir Frederick Roberts waited on the Duke of Cam- 
 bridge, who received him with the utmost cordiality ; and he 
 was summoned to Windsor, where Her Majesty treated her 
 distinguished subject with special honour. It was generally 
 anticipated that a peerage would have been conferred on the 
 victor of the Peiwar Kotul and Charasia, the commander of 
 the brilliant march from Cabul to Candahar, and of the battle 
 of the 1st September, but the Government were not so liberal as 
 in the days when the capture of Ghuznee was rewarded with 
 
 Salisbury to the Government of India, dated December 13th, 1877. " The 
 existing force has been placed there for the purpose of preserving the 
 peace of the Khan's dominions, the security of commerce in the Bolan 
 Pass and the plain below it, and the safety of your agent." By Article 3 
 of the Supplementary Treaty of December 8th, 1876, we bind ourselves to 
 "respect the independence of Khelat;" and Article 6 expressly declares 
 that the location of British troops at Quetta was in response to the 
 expressed desire of the Khan and his Sirdars.
 
 The Question of Rewards. 389 
 
 a coronet and a pension of 2,000 a-year. Certainly, if services 
 of doubtful value rendered before Sebastopol were tbus ac- 
 knowledged, or even more recently, when the late Lord Airey, 
 who had never commanded an army in the field, received a 
 coronet for long and faithful service, Sir Frederick Roberts would 
 not have been over-rewarded by the bestowal of a similar honour 
 for the brilliant services he rendered his country at a crisis. 
 
 It may be pleaded that this niggardliness in conferring a 
 peerage for military services is according to precedent, and that 
 it has been the practice of all Governments to reserve a seat in 
 the House of Lords, with few exceptions, for their political 
 supporters. But this plea, though according to modern prac- 
 tice, is far from affording a satisfactory reason, and it would be 
 well (as long as decorations and titles have any value in the 
 eyes of the world) if not only the peerage, but the Garter and 
 the other Irish and Scotch National orders of Knighthood, now 
 reserved for great nobles, were conferred, as in the time of their 
 institution, on soldiers who have bled for their country and done 
 good service in maintaining her vast empire. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts, in common with Sir Donald Stewart, 
 received only a baronetcy, and even the local rank of Lieutenant- 
 General, which he had held in Afghanistan, was not confirmed. 
 He also received a " Distinguished Service pension " of .100, 
 like many of his less-known contemporaries ; and Parliament, 
 on the recommendation of the Marquis of Hartington, Secretary 
 of State for India, voted him (and also Sir Donald Stewart) a 
 capital sum of JG12,500 which cannot be considered an exces- 
 sive pecuniary reward for services such as he had rendered to 
 the State.* We are such sticklers for precedent, that it is 
 
 * This will be allowed on comparing the above grants with the pensions 
 conferred for special military service to other officers of the Royal and Indian 
 Armies since 1835. The following were chargeable on the revenue of India : 
 Major- General Sir William Nott, G.C.B., 1,000 ; Field-Marshal Viscount 
 Hardinge, G.C.B., Governor-General of India, 5,000 ; Field-Marshal 
 Viscount Gough, G.C.B., Commander-in-Chief in. India, 2,000 ; Field-Mar- 
 shal Sir George Pollock, G.C.B., 1,000; General Sir Archdale Wilson, 
 G.C.B., 1,000; Field-Marshal L .rd Clyde. G.C.B., Commander-in-Chief in 
 India, 2,000; Lieutenant-General Sir James Outram, G.CB., ^1,000 
 (with continuance to his eldest son). The following pensions were paid 
 from the Consolidated Fund or Civil Service Votes : Lord Seaton, 2,000 
 (for three lives) ; Lord Keane, 2,000 (for three lives) ; Lord Gough, 2,000 
 (for three lives) ; Lord Hardinge, 3.000 (for three lives) ; Lord Raglan,
 
 3QO Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 somewhat strange that the course followed in the analogous 
 instances of Sir Colin Campbell and Sir Hugh Rose (and since 
 in that of Lord Wolseley), who were confirmed in their local 
 rank, was not adopted in the case of Sir Frederick Roberts, and 
 the rank of Lieutenant- General was not made substantive. 
 
 But there is a clue to the reasons that guided the "authorities" 
 in making a breach in the continuity of their cherished principle 
 of precedent. Probably the denial of a simple act of justice 
 did not arise from a disinclination on the part of the Horse 
 Guards, who were favourable to the claims of Sir Frederick 
 Roberts, but to the circumstance that their refusal to confer a 
 similar honour upon Sir Garnet Wolseley on his return from 
 South Africa, where he had completed the pacification of Zulu- 
 land, and subdued the Basuto chief, Secocoeni, precluded them 
 from adequately rewarding a deserving public servant, and fol- 
 lowing the precedent which confirms in his rank a General 
 who has achieved a striking military success. 
 
 Sir Frederick 'was advanced to the G.C.B.* on the 21st 
 September, and was invested by the Queen with the insignia 
 of the Order at Windsor Castle on the 25th November; 
 and never had a knight of the olden time more worthily earned 
 his spurs. During his career he had been wounded, had 
 gained the V.C., and the Mutiny Medal, with three clasps for 
 Delhi and the Relief and Siege of Lucknow, also the India 
 Medal for Looshai, the North- West Frontier Medal, with clasp 
 for Umbeyla, the Abyssinian Medal, the Afghan War Medal, 
 with four clasps, and the bronze decoration for his famous 
 march. He had been twenty-three times mentioned in des- 
 patches before the Afghan War, during which he was eight 
 times thanked by the Viceroy and Commander-in- Chief in 
 India, and also twice received the thanks of Parliament. 
 
 2,000 (for two lives) ; Sir William F. Williams, 1,000 ; Sir H. M. Have- 
 lock, 1,000 ; Lord Napier of Magdala, 2,000 (for two lives) ; Lord Wolseley, 
 a gratuity of 25,000 for the Ashantee campaign, and 30,000 for the 
 Egyptian war. The annuities to Lord Raglan atid Sir Henry Havelock wero 
 granted in respect of the services of their fathers, who died before the date 
 of the grant. 
 
 * Sir Frederick received the C.B. on 6th September, 1872, for his 
 services in the Looshai campaign, and was promoted to K.C.B. on the 19th 
 July, 1879. He was also appointed a Companion of the Indian Empire, a 
 newly-created Order, on the 1st January, 1880.
 
 Roberts s Mansion House Speech. 391 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts was entertained at a banquet by the 
 United Service Club, at which the Duke of Cambridge presided 
 and the Prince of Wales attended ; and other public dinners 
 were given in his honour, including one by the East India 
 United Service Club. After this initiation he fell into 
 the hands of the City Companies and " lion-hunters " of the 
 Metropolis, and like Lord Napier, with whom he had gone 
 through the ordeal on the conclusion of the Abyssinian War, 
 and Sir Garnet Wolseley on his return from Ashantee, was 
 compelled to undergo a severe course of public dinners, with 
 the concomitant speech-making. The " Worshipful " Com- 
 panies of Grocers, Merchant Taylors, and Fishmongers feasted 
 him, and conferred on him their freedom ; and in the following 
 February he was entertained, with many of his principal officers, 
 at a grand banquet by the Corporation of London, who, later, 
 presented him with a sword of honour of the value of 100 
 guineas. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts's speech on this occasion was, perhaps, 
 the most remarkable and outspoken oration addressed to any 
 English audience by an officer of the Army. Sir Frederick's 
 oratorical utterances save to the Chiefs and Maliks of the 
 Kurram Valley and Afghanistan had been few ; but we were in- 
 formed by a general officer who had attended at many Guildhall 
 dinners, that the speech referred to was delivered without break 
 or hesitation, and with an ease of manner and command of 
 language that astonished his audience. And yet the speaker, 
 like Mark Antony, a plain, blunt man, professed to have 
 
 neither 
 
 " Action, nor utterance, nor the power of speech 
 To stir men's blood." 
 
 Though most military men disapproved of the changes intro- 
 duced by the new system of Army organization, identified with 
 the names of Lord Cardwell and Mr. Childers, and of which 
 Lord Wolseley and Sir John Adye have been the powerful and 
 consistent supporters in the Service, no officer out of Parlia- 
 ment had hitherto displayed the courage, or possessed sufficient 
 prestige, to lodge a protest, with any chance of its being effica- 
 cious, against the proposals of a Minister of War representing 
 an Administration that had just come into power with an enor-
 
 392 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 mous Parliamentary majority at its back. The advocates of 
 the new system replied to those who pointed to certain features 
 in \vhich it did not come up to expectation, that the system 
 was still incomplete, and, further, that it did not receive that 
 intelligent and whole-hearted execution which could alone en- 
 sure success. Time will show whether this criticism is well 
 founded. The problem to be solved to maintain, in face of the 
 vast Continental armies, an efficient and adequate force for the 
 defence of the country and her vast colonies, under our volun- 
 tary system of enlistment appears almost to be insoluble with- 
 out conscription, or a larger expenditure than the representatives 
 of the people will sanction. 
 
 Sir Frederick Eoberts's speech was mainly an appeal, sup- 
 ported by irrefragable arguments, for a longer period of service 
 with the colours. He also gave vent to a spirited defence of the 
 regimental system of the British army ; and strongly depre- 
 cated the practice of arbitrarily removing men from regiments 
 to which they had become attached: "Every soldier," he said, 
 "experienced in war will tell you that we should do all in 
 our power to uphold the regimental system, and to foster 
 and encourage that sensitive plant, esprit de corps, which, 
 like other sentiments having their roots in our coarse nature, 
 play as large and influential a part in life as the dictates of 
 reason itself." He specially dwelt on the necessity of having 
 old soldiers in the ranks, and adduced his own experience in 
 the Kurram Campaign, when he represented to the Comrnan- 
 der-in-Chief that he could not take the field without some 
 seasoned soldiers, as the 2nd Battalion 8th Regiment, his only 
 European corps, contained " a number of untrained boys," 
 and was " not in a fit state for a campaign," having dwindled 
 down at Kurram, only seventy miles from our own territory, 
 " to a weak half battalion." He was reinforced, he said, with a 
 wing of the 7-cd Highlanders, which had been eight years in 
 India, and " was composed of seasoned soldiers." At the cap- 
 ture of the Peiwar Kotul, his European Infantry fit for service 
 numbered 366 men of the 8th Eegiment, and 330 of the 72nd 
 Highlanders, and he added, that "without the latter I have no 
 hesitation in stating my firm belief the force would have been 
 annihilated," as there was no reserve nearer than Kohat, 150
 
 Roberts's Mansion Hoiise Speech. 393 
 
 miles distant, and " on the first check, all the tribes occupying 
 this intervening distance would have risen against us." 
 
 But a change took place in the marching powers of the 
 72nd when they formed part of the column which he took 
 with him in his famous march from Cahul to Candahar. Early 
 in the spring the regiment had received a draft of 170 men, 
 and Sir Frederick said : " While on the march to Candahar 
 I made it my business to find out every day how many men of 
 each corps had fallen out on the way. This information was 
 necessary to enable me to judge whether the troops were being 
 taxed beyond their powers. I discovered that the 72nd High- 
 landers had more casualties in proportion to their numbers 
 than either the 60th Rifles or 92nd Highlanders ; and, on 
 further inquiry, I ascertained that the majority of cases 
 occurred amongst the men of the last draft in fact, among the 
 young soldiers. The average service of the 72nd Highlanders 
 on our leaving Cabul was : Serjeants, thirteen and a-half years ; 
 Corporals, twelve and a-half years ; Privates, seven years. And 
 of the 92nd Highlanders : Serjeants, fifteen years ; Corporals, 
 eleven years ; Privates, nine years. I have not the return of 
 the 2nd Battalion of the 60th Rifles, but feel satisfied that the 
 men were not of less service than those of the 72nd High- 
 landers. Such a return as this it will be quite impossible ever 
 to prepare again if our system of short service is persisted in ; 
 and, my lords and gentlemen, let me add something more, it 
 will be as impossible for a British force ever again to perform 
 such a march as those magnificent troops I had the honour and 
 pride to command made from Cabul to Candahar. No com- 
 mander would venture to undertake such a service except with 
 soldiers on whose discipline, spirit, and endurance he could 
 thoroughly rely. I never, for a moment, had a doubt as to the 
 result, but then I had tried men, not untried and untrained 
 boys, to depend upon." 
 
 Sir Frederick denied that he was opposed to reform ; on the 
 contrary, he said, he was regarded in India by some of the older 
 officers, "as the representative of the Army Reform Party." 
 He expressed a hope that his object in speaking plainly would 
 be appreciated by the nation : " If I speak somewhat more can- 
 didly and decidedly to-night than is perhaps customary on an
 
 394 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 occasion such as this, it is because I cannot resist giving my 
 country the benefit of the experience I have gained, in return 
 for the high distinctions which have been conferred upon me ; 
 and because I hope that what I am now saying may cause 
 those in power to pause before they change altogether a system 
 under which England has become the great and powerful nation 
 that she is at present." 
 
 His peroration was not unworthy a more practised orator : 
 " These are trying times times in which it behoves every 
 Englishman to think of what is best for the country and the 
 State. We have enemies without and within, and we must not 
 hope to maintain the place we hold in the world, unless we are 
 prepared to maintain it alike by the wisdom of our counsels 
 and by the strength and valour of our arms. At such a time it 
 were little less than treason to know, or to believe, that there 
 was a flaw in our armour, and not to call attention clearly and 
 earnestly to the fact. This must be my apology. I have spoken 
 warmly and strongly, because, had I not seized this great oppor- 
 tunity to do so, I feel that I should have failed in my duty, not 
 only to the noble service to which I have the great privilege to 
 belong, but also to my country and my Queen." 
 
 Mr. Childers was patriotic enough to rise to the appeal 
 of the guest of the evening, and, with a frankness that did 
 him infinite credit, admitted that he had " struck the right 
 key-note," and expressed a determination that "his words will 
 be well weighed by all who are responsible for the government 
 of the Army." 
 
 In a recent article in the Nineteenth Century, Sir Frederick 
 Roberts explained more fully the views on Army Reform 
 he propounded at the Mansion House on the 14th July, 
 1881, 'and justly laid claim to the merit of having, by his 
 strictures, caused certain important changes in the scheme 
 of Army organization as it then existed ; but with the can- 
 dour and moderation that distinguishes him, he recognized the 
 good work that has been done by Army reformers, among 
 whom he classes himself. And, indeed, he has no slight claim 
 to this distinction, for as he says : " In India I am con- 
 sidered a reformer of a very advanced type. Many of the 
 older officers, both civil and military, look upon me as some-
 
 Roberts on Army Organization. 395 
 
 thing like a revolutionist for persistingly advocating changes 
 which I believe to be essential to the well-being of the Indian 
 Army, but which they regard as unnecessary, if not dan- 
 gerous." 
 
 While accepting the new Short Service System as irreversible 
 for though initiated by Lord Cardwell, it had been cordially 
 adopted by a Conservative War Minister, Colonel Stanley, of 
 whom Lord Wolseley has said, that of all the Secretaries for War 
 under whom he had served, not excluding Lord Cardwell and 
 Mr. Childers, he considered Colonel Stanley the most ardent 
 reformer Sir Frederick Roberts took exception t3 what he 
 considered, in common with most military men, five important 
 blots in the original Short Service System, and changes were 
 instituted tending to remedy these defects.* He gave expres- 
 
 * The defects pointed out by Sir Frederick Roberts were : "(1.) That 
 men intended for service abroad did not remain for a sufficiently long 
 period with the colours. (2.) That non-commissioned officers were dis- 
 charged just at the time they were becoming most useful ; and that the 
 best men for this rank were disinclined to enlist, from the fact that little 
 or no prospect of serving on for a pension was held out to them. (3.) That 
 absolute boys were often accepted by the recruiting authorities, and sent 
 abroad before their constitutions were matured. (4.) That battalions, 
 when ordered on service or to India, were hastily made up by drafts of the 
 youngest soldiers from other regiments, with which they had no local ties 
 or connections. (5.) That the Army was being sacrificed to obtain a 
 Reserve, which was one only in name. 1 ' With regard to the first and 
 second points, whereas, previous to July, 1881, enlistment in the Infantry 
 was for six years' Army service and six years' Reserve service, with the 
 option of joining the Reserve, under certain conditions, after three years' 
 Army service after that date it was changed to seven years' Army and 
 five years' Reserve service, to be converted into eight and four years' 
 service respectively, if the period of Army service expired whilst the 
 soldier was abroad. Further, in the event of war, provision is made to 
 extend the Army service for one year, or to nine years, thus reducing 
 Reserve service to three years. So with non-commissioned officers. Be- 
 fore July, 1881, they could, under certain conditions, and if specially 
 recommended, receive permission to extend their Army service to twelve 
 years, and subsequently to re-engage up to twenty-one years. Since that 
 date all non-commissioned officers of the rank of corporal and upwards 
 have the right to extend their Army service to twelve years ; while 
 sergeants have the right, subject only to the veto of the Secretary of State, 
 to re-engage up to twenty-one years. As to Sir Frederick Roberts's third 
 point, it will suffice to say that, since July, 1881, the minimum age for 
 enlistment has been extended from eighteen to nineteen years. With 
 regard to his fourth point, it has lately been ruled that men are not 
 eligible for embarkation to India with less than one year's service, unless 
 over twenty years of age. On all these points, then, Sir Frederick Roberts 
 certainly scored a success.
 
 396 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 sion to an opinion, which is generally shared by military men, 
 that " the Army was being sacrificed to secure a Eeserve." 
 
 On the question of young versus old soldiers, so much and 
 hotly debated, Sir Frederick Roberts, who is an advocate for 
 the veteran, invokes in his article the high authority of the 
 Duke of Wellington, and also that of Von Moltke, who thinks 
 from twenty-one to twenty-seven years of age the best age. 
 Lord Wolseley, on the other hand, is the consistent and 
 powerful advocate, not only for young soldiers, but for young 
 officers and young non-commissioned officers. As he said, in an 
 article in the same magazine, in March, 1881 : "I believe it is 
 as essential to have young sergeants as it is to have young 
 officers." But youth and age are comparatively relative terms, 
 and his lordship would probably not object to the limits of the 
 famous German strategist, though Sir Frederick Roberts defines 
 the term old soldier as a man of between five and twelve years' 
 service. With comparatively young soldiers Lord Wolseley 
 stormed Secocoeni's stronghold and the lines of Tel-el-Kebir, 
 and thus has sincere grounds for the faith that is in him. 
 Again, with old soldiers Sir George Colley failed to hold his own 
 on the Majuba Hill. Statistics prove that the average service of 
 the men who overthrew Arabi's army, entrenched behind formid- 
 able earthworks, was five years ; and that of the soldiers who fled 
 panic-stricken before the attack of the Boers was seven years, 
 the average age being twenty-seven ; and among the battalions 
 was a portion of the famous 92nd Highlanders, who formed the 
 elite of the army that marched and fought under Sir Frederick 
 Roberts in Afghanistan. The argument as to age, 'within 
 certain limits, affecting efficiency, therefore fails to prove much, 
 as good leading outweighs everytbing. Most officers will, how- 
 ever, endorse Sir Frederick Roberts's description of the character- 
 istics of the old and young soldier, the man under and over 
 five years' service, in the following powerful passage : " The 
 characteristics of young soldiers are to play a winning game ; 
 to attack with dash where success seems probable ; or even to 
 stand up to superior forces when courage has not been damped 
 by previous reverses, and faith in their leader remains unim- 
 paired. Under such conditions they may even surpass their 
 older comrades. But in times of danger and panic, when the
 
 Roberts on Army Organization. 397 
 
 bugle sounds the retire, when everything seems to be going 
 against us, and when total rout can only be avoided by order 
 and presence of mind, then it is that the old soldier element 
 becomes of incalculable value. Without it a commander would 
 indeed be badly off."* 
 
 In conversation with us on our military system, Sir Frederick 
 Roberts expressed his opinion that the active Army is practically 
 sacrificed to the Reserve, which, as now constituted, is too small 
 to be of any great value ; and he would prefer regarding the 
 Militia and Volunteers forming the auxiliary forces as the 
 Reserve, which would then be a tangible and numerically power- 
 ful second line. Something like this will, in his opinion, be the 
 end of the changes through which our military forces are pass- 
 ing. We now, he says, adopt portions of the Prussian system, 
 such as short service and territoriality both desirable features 
 in a military system founded on conscription or universal service, 
 but of doubtful benefit in a small army raised by voluntary enlist- 
 ment, and subject to service in India and the Colonies. As, 
 therefore, we cannot adopt the Prussian system, we might at 
 
 * Since the above was written, Sir Frederick Roberta's warnings as to the 
 present system resulting in the sacrifice of ths army to the formation of a 
 reserve, would appear to have received confirmation by the alarming extent 
 to which recruiting has fallen off. It was admitted by L >rd Hartington, 
 Secretary of State for War, in his speech in the House of Commons on the 
 1st June, and by Lord Morley, in the Upper House, that on the preceding 
 1st May, the deficiency on the English establishment was 8,554 men, and 
 on the Indian establishment 321, while on that date no less than 4,971 
 soldiers were on their way from India to claim iheir discharge. The Army 
 Reserve at that date stood at 28,700 men, and the Militia Reserve at 25,000, 
 being 5,000 below the establishment. This deficiency was, in part, artificial, 
 as the army was increased by 3,700 men, and it was also due to the fact, that 
 in 1882, an abnormally large number of men, enlisted for twelve aud six years, 
 in 1870 and 1876 respectively, were discharged. The following are the 
 changes proposed to remedy this state of affairs. Those soldiers in the ranks 
 who are eligible to pass into the Reserve will be offered a I.ounty as an in- 
 ducement to serve on till they have completed in effect five years' more 
 service, or twelve years in all. They will then have the option of re- 
 engaging so as to complete twenty-one years' service, on the recommenda- 
 tion of their commanding officers. Men belonging to regiments in India 
 are to be offered a bounty of 2 for the purpose of extending their service 
 in that country. These regulations, together with the reduction of height 
 and chest measurement, and the practical lowering of the minimum age to 
 eighteen years, will no doubt increase the flow of recruits, but the Reserve 
 must suffer proportionately as men re-engage for a pension. i( The length 
 of time," said Lord Hartington, " during which these measures will con- 
 tinue, will depend upon the state of recruiting and upon the number of 
 men who appear inclined to avail themselves of our proposals."
 
 398 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 any rate copy its perfection of organization, which constitutes it 
 simply the most finished and easily-worked fighting machine 
 the world has known. 
 
 It seemed at one time as though Sir Frederick Roberts would 
 have a new field for the exercise of his military talents, when 
 telegraphic intelligence was received of the defeat at Majuha 
 Hill and death of Sir George Colley on the 27th February. On 
 the following day he was called upon by the Government, with 
 the unanimous approval of the nation, to forego the remainder 
 of his sick leave and sail for the Transvaal, in order to assume 
 command of the troops, some 10,000 men, assembled at New- 
 castle under the command of Sir Evelyn Wood. Though little 
 glory could be reaped from a victory over the Boers, and the 
 task of coercing a small nationality who had been clearly 
 wronged by the policy pursued towards them, was not a con- 
 genial one to an officer of his sense of justice and humanity, 
 yet at the call of duty Sir Frederick Roberts cheerfully waived 
 his own predilections, and, accepting the command at such 
 short notice, sailed from England on the 6th March in the 
 Balmoral Castle, accompanied by Major-General Newdigate 
 and some Staff officers. 
 
 Two days before quitting this country he repaired to Eton, 
 where his old school presented him with a sword bringing to 
 the memory that saying of Wellington, that " Waterloo was 
 won on the playing-fields of Eton" and thence proceeded to 
 Windsor Castle, where he had an audience of the Queen. On 
 the 23rd March peace was concluded with the Boers,* and Mr. 
 Childers telegraphed to Sir Frederick Roberts to proceed no 
 further than Cape Town. Accordingly he left South Africa 
 the day following his arrival, and on the 19th April the same 
 day that Lord Beaconsfield died arrived in England, re infecta, 
 it is true, but having proved that his services were at the dis- 
 posal of his country for any task, without regard to personal 
 convenience or his state of health. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts was present at the Review held by the 
 Queen at Windsor Great Park, when 52,000 Volunteers marched 
 
 * The convention befween the British and Boer Commissioners was not 
 signed until the 3rd August, and it was not until the 25th October that 
 it received the ratification of the Volksraad.
 
 Roberts at the German Army Manoeuvres. 399 
 
 past the Sovereign, in the presence of the Royal Family and 
 the Crown Prince of Germany. He also attended, as a private 
 spectator, for such are " the rules of the Service," at the Review 
 of Scottish Volunteers held at Edinburgh on the 25th August, 
 when over 40,000 men marched past the Queen, so that he had 
 the advantage of seeing over 90,000 of our citizen soldiers 
 under arms. 
 
 Among honours paid to Sir Frederick Roberts by his country- 
 men should be mentioned the degrees of D.C.L., conferred at 
 Oxford, and of LL.D. at Dublin. He was also feasted by the 
 citizens of the Irish capital, of Liverpool, and Bristol, where a 
 service of plate was presented to him by his numerous friends, 
 who remembered him when residing there as a boy with his 
 father. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts was despatched by the War Office to 
 attend the autumn manoeuvres of the German Army in 1881, 
 and brought away with him the pleasantest reminiscences of his 
 visit to Germany as military representative of his country at 
 the manoeuvres of the Hanover and Schleswig-Holstein Army 
 Corps, held for the fortnight between the 5th and 17th of 
 August. In the preceding year Sir Garnet "Wolseley had been 
 despatched by the "War Office to the head-quarters of the German 
 Emperor, who, as well as his Army, appreciated the compliment 
 paid by this country in accrediting her most eminent generals 
 to this mimic " sport of Kings." 
 
 The Emperor William received Sir Frederick Roberts with 
 the utmost cordiality, and congratulated him on his successful 
 campaigns in Afghanistan, the fortunes of which, he assured 
 him, the German Army had followed with great interest. 
 Again, when taking leave of his English guest, the fine 
 old monarch, who so worthily represents the armed might 
 of Germany, said that, perhaps, after the exciting scenes 
 of real war in which he had been the central figure, the 
 manoeuvres he had witnessed might appear tame, but he 
 trusted they had interested him. Von Moltke, the organizer 
 of victory, also expressed himself to Sir Frederick Roberts in 
 complimentary terms as to the military qualities he had 
 displayed in his conduct of the Afghan campaigns ; and praise 
 from that great soldier must have sounded sweet even in the
 
 400 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 ears of one wlio, like our hero, has been satiated with compli- 
 ments from people of every degree, and with very varying 
 qualifications to appreciate his achievements. Of the German 
 generals, who received him with consideration and treated him 
 with the utmost hospitality, Sir Frederick Eoberts was very 
 favourable impressed, especially with Count Yon Waldersee, 
 Chief of the Staff to the 10th, or Hanoverian, Army Corps, who 
 has been recently promoted to the office of Quartermaster- 
 General at Army Head-quarters, an appointment held in abey- 
 ance since the Franco-German War of 1870. Count Waldersee 
 is now the assistant, or adlatus, of Count Von Moltke, and is 
 designated as the successor of that great soldier. 
 
 But it was the German Army as a military machine, that 
 filled Sir Frederick Eoberts with wonder. To such perfection 
 has its organization been brought, that in one night any Army 
 Corps can be mobilized. He was told that in the bureau of 
 the General Staff, letters were ready stamped and addressed to 
 every department and commanding officer of the several Army 
 Corps, only requiring the date to be filled in for despatch in ten 
 minutes. He was assured that all the horses belonging to 
 private people throughout the country were marked off for the 
 regiments and batteries to which they would be attached in war 
 time, and also the hour and the train by which each horse 
 would be despatched to its destination. The whole country 
 was organized for war, and every individual capable of bearing 
 arms knew where to go and what to do in the event of a call being 
 made for his services. All the railway officials, telegraphists, 
 and other public bodies in England consisting of civilians in 
 Germany are soldiers, and the heads of these departments are 
 general officers, who organize them chiefly to meet the exi- 
 gencies of war. Even the private servants of the Emperor are 
 old soldiers, always in uniform, with their breasts covered with 
 medals ; and while the talk everywhere is military, every one 
 appeared as though on the alert for immediate service. Of 
 course such a state of affairs, though desirable from a military 
 point of view, and perhaps necessary to a country placed like 
 Germany between three powerful military monarchies, any two or 
 all of which might coalesce against her, is utterly destructive of 
 national progress, the accumulation of wealth (a doubtful ad-
 
 His Opinion of the German Army. 401 
 
 vantage), or the enjoyment of freedom as we understand it in 
 this happy island ; and few who have witnessed the condition of 
 feverish expectation characterising the country, now trans- 
 formed into a vast camp, would change for it our freedom from 
 anxiety, coupled though it he with a military system which, in 
 comparison with that in force on the Spree, may be considered 
 a happy-go-lucky one. 
 
 Sir Frederick Roberts was much surprised at the favourable 
 condition of the German officer, which he was always led to 
 believe was far from being an enviable one. On the contrary, 
 he found the German officer better dressed and horsed than his 
 British brother-in-arms, and though their private incomes are 
 small every officer is expected to possess between 25 and 
 180 a-year and the pay not handsome, yet there are many 
 attendant advantages ; and, above all, the officers are attached 
 to regiments which are never moved out of the province in 
 which the corps d'armee is raised. The State allows each 
 officer of Cavalry and Artillery one horse, which, at the end of 
 five years, becomes his own property, and the Cavalry spend 
 much money in mounting themselves. Sir Frederick Roberts 
 declares he never saw officers, both Regimental and Staff, so 
 well mounted as in the German Army. 
 
 The German officer personally knows every man under his 
 command, and having drilled them, has the assurance that when 
 the country requires their services after they have returned to 
 Civil life, they will come back to him. Not only do the officers 
 drill their men, but they teach them riding and shooting ; for 
 the riding master and instructor of musketry are unknown 
 in the German Army. Every Captain is responsible to the 
 Colonel that every man in his company is efficient by a certain 
 date, the subalterns being responsible again to their immediate 
 superior. This system, which is practically in force in the 
 Indian Army, Sir Frederick Roberts thinks should partially be 
 adopted in the British Army, and he would make the officers 
 responsible for the fitness of their men. Our officers would 
 doubtless hail this change if the men they have trained could 
 remain under their command. By the present system officers 
 train men who are drafted off to other corps or the "linked 
 battalion," when the pressure to fill gaps in regiments on active 
 
 D D
 
 4O2 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts. 
 
 service arises ; and General Roberts, in speaking of this reform, 
 referred to the expressions of disappointment with which some 
 officers of his acquaintance spoke of their unending and result- 
 less labours, reminding one of the classic legend of Sisyphus 
 and his stone. 
 
 During his residence in England the late commander of 
 the Army operating in Afghanistan has been inundated with 
 letters from soldiers who have served under him, stating their 
 hard case, and asking for his advice or assistance with the 
 War Office. In this country the claims of old soldiers are 
 almost totally ignored ; but in Germany long and honourable 
 service is the stepping-stone to remunerative employment, and 
 to " have done the State some service " is rightly regarded as a 
 claim for provision in old age. When we consider the cruel 
 neglect meted out to the wives and families of our soldiers 
 who have died on active service, or succumbed to disease in the 
 unhealthy climates to which they are exposed, one may hope 
 that short service will have the redeeming feature of limiting 
 military marriages, which in too many instances have brought 
 untold misery on innocent women and children ; and this 
 absence of domestic ties, if one may believe Lord Byron, has 
 a further incidental advantage, if it is true that : 
 
 "Nought so bothers 
 The hearts of the heroic in a charge 
 As leaving a small family at large." 
 
 Sir Frederick Eoberts was offered, and accepted, the Com- 
 mand-in-Chief of the Madras Army, with the local rank of 
 Lieutenant-General, and, on the 26th October, in company 
 with Lady Roberts, left London for India, on his way visiting 
 Paris and Venice. Already his energetic spirit has shown 
 itself in the institution of much-needed reforms, including 
 the formation of three camps of exercise in one cold season, 
 an innovation in the history of the old " coast army." 
 
 There is complete unanimity among military men as to the 
 deserts of General Roberts. Though his latest achievements 
 astonished the world by their brilliance, his career was not of 
 that meteoric character which owes its celebrity to some excep- 
 tional combination of good fortune with a spasmodic display 
 of military talent. Those who knew him best and had watched
 
 Review of Roberts s Career. 403 
 
 his career through the long years of uphill work, from the 
 lowest rung of the ladder of the Quartermaster-General's Depart- 
 ment to the head of the office, predicted great things of him, 
 should he ever be placed in a position of responsibility. To 
 them his success was no surprise. But it was otherwise to the 
 world, which, it is said, "knows not its greatest men." When 
 the Kurram campaign brought to the front the young General, 
 exceptionally fortunate in attaining rank and a command at the 
 age of forty-six an unusual circumstance in our seniority-ridden 
 service, though Wellington and Napoleon fought their last field 
 at that age, and Nelson closed his wonderful career at forty- 
 seven much interest was excited in General Roberts, and the 
 bald enumeration of his services showed that Lord Lytton had 
 exercised sound discrimination in his choice. We have within 
 recent years seen the phenomenon in our military history of a 
 youthful General repeated in the case of Lord Wolseley, who, 
 even more fortunate, was a Major-General commanding an 
 army in the field at the age of forty, and achieved his last and 
 most striking success in Egypt at the age of forty-nine, 
 Roberts's age at the battle of Candahar. 
 
 The career of these two distinguished soldiers have other 
 singular points of resemblance. Both were Irishmen, and 
 passed the greater portion of their service in the Quartermaster- 
 General's Department of the Staff. Both, moreover, served as 
 Assistant-Quartermaster-General during the Mutiny on Sir 
 Hope Grant's Staff, one succeeding the other, and on one 
 occasion they were brought into connection with one another. 
 There are also many points of resemblance in the attain- 
 ments and military method of these successful soldiers, whose 
 names have been so much in the mouths of their country- 
 men during recent events, and whose services and relative 
 merits have been contrasted with more freedom than good 
 manners. Small and spare of body, they are remarkable for 
 their skill in horsemanship and powers of enduring fatigue. 
 Both are gifted with the bright geniality of expression, soldierly 
 frankness, and that charm of manner which conciliates all with 
 whom they come into contact ; and equally they possess the 
 confidence of all ranks and the affection of their immediate 
 subordinates. Again, alike they have that exhaustless energy,
 
 404 Memoir of Sir Frederick Roberts, 
 
 that ardent love of their profession, that boundless resource in 
 difficulty, and that indomitable spirit which rises in the hour of 
 danger, and instils a like lofty spirit in all around. One advan- 
 tage Wolseley has had over Roberts, the want of which still 
 further increases the claims of the latter to our admiration. 
 The victor of Arabi Pasha possesses an iron constitution, 
 which has been denied to the conqueror of Ayoob Khan, 
 who has found in Indian fever the hardest enemy he has 
 had to battle against an enemy to combat whom has only 
 brought into greater relief the heroism of the man, whose 
 military genius, as at Candahar, shone with a brighter light 
 amid the deadening vapours of earth. 
 
 To the annals of our Indian Empire the subject of this 
 Memoir has added achievements which will form one of its 
 brightest pages. In the history of Afghanistan that highway 
 by which the conquering races in Central Asia have descended 
 upon the fertile plains and rich cities of India, and which 
 has formed the battle-ground of some of the mightiest con- 
 querors of antiquity, through which Semiramis and Alexander 
 marched on their way to Hindostan, the former to be vanquished 
 and the latter to triumph, which was traversed by Genghiz 
 Khan, Tamerlane, and Nadir, and ruled by Mahmoud and 
 Ahmed Shah in that historic country, with its memories lost 
 in the haze of antiquity, the name of Sir Frederick Roberts 
 will be remembered as one who, at Peiwar Kotul, Charasia, 
 and Candahar, achieved some of the most striking successes 
 recorded in history. But there is no memorial of his victories, 
 either political, owing to our abandonment of the country, 
 or material, such as a fortress or monument ; and indeed, 
 there is none of any of the conquerors of this " land of stones 
 and men," as Dost Mahomed bitterly called it when surveying 
 the palaces of Calcutta, for they passed through it as a ship 
 passes through the sea, leaving no trace in its wake. The only 
 exception is Alexander, the Sekunder of the East, whose 
 name and fame have survived more than 2,000 years, unlike 
 the Assyrian monarchy of Nimrod and Semiramis, with its 
 
 " thirteen hundred years 
 Of empire ending like a shepherd's tale.'' 
 
 Not only in India, on the banks of the Sutlej and at Mooltan,
 
 Conclusion. 405 
 
 but in Afghanistan, at Bamian and near Candahar, are memo- 
 rials of the "Macedonian madman," of whom it may be said, 
 in the words put by Byron, in his play of " Sardanapalus," 
 into the mouth of the effeminate grandson of the great Assyrian 
 Queen, when speaking of Bacchus, the legendary Conqueror of 
 India : 
 
 " Of all his conquests a few columns 
 Which may be his, and might be mine, if I 
 Thought them worth purchase and conveyance, are 
 The landmarks of the seas of gore he shed, 
 The realms he wasted, and the hearts he broke." 
 
 Unlike these great soldiers and sovereigns, who were animated 
 solely by ambition and the greed of power, Roberts invaded 
 Afghanistan at the bidding of his Government, who deemed 
 that the security of the vast dependency committed to their 
 charge was menaced by the military preparations of the Afghan 
 Ameer, whose claim of neutrality, as between the gigantic 
 neighbours on his northern and southern boundaries, was 
 belied by the welcome he accorded to the Ambassador of the Czar, 
 and his refusal to receive the Envoy of the Empress of India. 
 Whether our Government was justified in drawing the sword 
 or wise in precipitating the quarrel, is a question for politicians, 
 with which Sir Frederick Roberts, as a soldier, had no concern. 
 Much bloodshed and suffering ensued, and many homes in 
 Afghanistan and England were made desolate, yet for these 
 inevitable results of war our hero was not responsible. He 
 was guiltless of shedding " seas of gore " or of " wasting 
 realms ;" but, on the contrary, strove to soften the asperities 
 incidental to the conduct of warlike operations. He spared the 
 vanquished when often he lay at his mercy, and, when enfor- 
 cing the behests of a code which demands blood for blood, 
 tempered the claims of justice with clemency. 
 
 THE END.
 
 THE LIFE 
 
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 EDWARD LORD HAWKE, 
 
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 FIRST LORD OF THE ADMIRALTY FROM 1766 TO 1771. 
 
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 2. An account of the city of Kabul and the surrounding country. 
 
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