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HISTORY
OF THE
Hebrews'SecondCommonwealth
WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO ITS
LiteraturCj Culture^ and the Origin of Rabbinism and Christianity,
BY
ISAAC M. WISE,
President of the Hebrew Union College.
CINCINNATI :
Bloch & Co., Publishers and Printees.
Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1880, by
ISAAC M. WISE,
In the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C.
DS
Contents.
I. The Medo-Persian Period, ... i
Chapter I. — Restoration of the Temple and Culte-Zerubabel, 1
Chapter II —Restoration of the Law — Ezra, - . 9
Chapter III. —Restoration of the State — Nehemiah, - 18
Chapter IV.- Judea under the Government of Highpriests, 28
Chapter V. —Literature and Culture of the Medo-Persian
Period, ----... 35
II. The Grecian Period, - . - . 43
Chapter VI. — Judea under European Rulers— Alexander, - 43
Chapter VII. — Palestine under Egyptian Rulers— The Ptol-
emys, ------- 52
Chapter VIII. — Palestine under Syrian Rulers -The Seleu-
cides, -..-..- 65
Chapter IX. — Literature and Culture of the Grecian Period, 76
III. The Revolutionary Period, - - - 92
Chapter X.--Mattathia Starts the Rebellion, - 92
Chapfkr Xr. — Juda Maccabee Saves the Commonwealth, 95
Chapter XII. — Jonathan and Simon Acliieve Independence, 107
Chapter XTIL— Literature and Culture at Home and Abroad
of the Revolutionary Period, - - - - 119
IV. The Period of Independence, - - - 135
Chapter XIV. — The Epoch of Popular Government, - 136
Chapter XV. — The Epoch of Royal Usurpation, - - 154
Chapter XVI — The Epoch of Pacification, - - 167
Chapter XVII. — The Brothers' Feud and Foreign Interven-
tion, --...--- 173
CONTENTS.
V. Palestine under Roman Vassal King^s, - 183
Chapter XVIII. — The Last of the Asmonean Rulers, - 184
Chapter XIX.— Herod and Hillel, - - - 207
Chapter XX. —The Fruits of Despotism, - _ . 235
VI The Rule of the Procurators, - - - 244
Chapter XXI. — The Messianic Commotion, - - - 245
Chapter XXII — Agrippa I. and hisTime, - - 269
Chapter XXIII.— MiUtary Despotism and its Effects, - 288
Vir. The Catastrophe, 317
ChapterXXIV.— Preludes to the War, - - - 318
Chapter XXV.— The First Period of the War. - - 330
Chapter XXVI. — The Destruction of Jerusalem, - - 350
Chapter XXVII.— The Inheritance, ... 368
Every paragraph being headed conspicuously, the reader can easily
find any subject discussed in this volume.
PREFACE.
This volume contains a compact narrative of Hebrew
history from 536 before to 70 after the Christian era, divided
into Periods and Chapters and subdivided into Paragraphs,
in a manner which decidedly assists the memory and makes
reading easy and pleasant.
This period of Hebrew history, from Zerubabel to the
Fall of Jerusalem, appears to me to be the most interesting
and most instructive part of history. It contains not only
a political history of an advanced civilization in contact
with Persia, Egypt, Syria, Greece, Rome and Parthia, and
yet original in itself, but also the combat of Monotheism
against Polytheism, and its tinal results, viz. : Rabbinism
and Christianity. Therefore, this volume contains the
origin of almost every book of the Bible in its present form,
the Apocr3'pha of the Old Testament, their Greek transla-
tions, and the first writings of the New Testament collec-
tion, besides the extensive notices of a vast Greco-Hebrew
and Aramaic-Hebrew literature ; also the origin and work
of the Great Synod, the Sanhedrin, civil and criminal law,
constitutional provisions, public schools, and other elements
of civilization, and the biographical outlines of the princi-
pal actors, including John the Baptist, Jesus of Nazareth,
and Paul of Tarsus. This volume, I think, in a large meas-
ure accounts for the origin of modern civilization and its
fundamental ideas.
This part of Hebrew history has been written by Hum-
phrey Prideaux, Morris J. Raphall, Henry Hart Milman
(Enghsh), I. Salvador (French), I. M. Jost, L. Herzfeld,
Heinrich Ewald, H. Graetz and Abraham Geiger (German),
all of whom I have carefully consulted and compared with-
out neglecting, however, at any point to consult the original
authorities which guided those writers, such as the Bible,
with its ancient versions and commentaries, Josephus,
Philo, Eusebius, Clemens, of Alexandria, Polyhistor, He-
rodotus, Xenophon and the Latin historians, and especially
the ancient rabbinical literature, the two Talmuds, the
PREFACE.
MUlvashim or homiletic collections, and the ancient He-
brew-rabbinical chronicles, histories and historical encyclo-
pedias. I have carefully examined every fact. And yet, I
believe I have discovered quite a number of points over-
looked by my predecessors, whiCh are of importance to a
correct understanding of history.
This book, nevertheless, claims originality in the logical
arrangement of the historical material, and the complete-
ness thereof. It is the history of a people, and not of rulers
and battles, the history of its life and growth in politics,
religion, literature, culture, civilization, commerce, wealth
and influence on other nations. The book before you claims
to be the first of this kind written from a democratic, free
and purely scientific standpoint, without reference to politi-
cal or religious preferences and considerations, which more
or less governed my predecessors ; also without any mj'sti-
cism or supernaturalism to tincture the facts. It is history
without miracles, history constructed on the law of causal-
ity, where every event appears as the natural consequence
of its preceding ones. It claims to be history and thefirst
of its kind in this particular chapter thereof. It is written
for students as well as for the general reader.
In 1854 I published my History of the Israelitish Nation,
from Abraham to the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebu-
chadnezzar. The present volume, though a complete book
in itself, is a continuation of the former. It begins where
the first closes. It is written in the same spirit ; history
as the record of man's transactions.
The Author.
Cincinnati, February, 1880.
1. The Meclo-Persian Period.
From 536 to 332 b. c, Palestine was a province of the Medo-Persian
Empire. During that time, the Hebrews' second commonwealth
was established, and the principle elements of Judaism were
developed, as will be narrated in the following five chapters :
CHAPTER
Restoration of tTie Temple and Gulte- Zeruhabel.
1. The Medo-Persian Empire.
Between the fifth and tenth of August, in the year 538
B. c, the city of Babylon was taken by Cyrus, King of Persia,
who commanded both the Persian and Median armies (1).
The last of the kings of Babylonia, Belshazar or Nabo Na-
dius, was slain, and the Babylonian Empire was annexed to
Media and Persia. These three countries were united in 536
B. c. under Cyrus, after the death of Darius the Mede, and
were called the Medo-Persian Empire. It included all Asia
Minor, Syria, Palestine, and afterwards also Egypt, all the
land from the Caucasian Mountains and the Caspian Sea to
the Persian Gulf and the Indus River.
2. The Kings of Medo- Persia.
Fourteen kings reigned successively over this empire, viz. :
1. Darius the Mede from the year 538 b. c.
2. Cyrus " " " 536 " "
3. Cambyses " " " 529 " ''
4. Smerdes " " " 522 " ''
5. Darius Hystaspis " " " 521 " "
(1) M. C. Kawlinson's History of Babylon and Assyria.
EESTORATION OF THE TEMPLE
6. Xerxes from the year 485 b. c.
7.
Artaxerxes Longimanus
li
465 " "
8.
Xerxes II. and
11
424 " "
9.
Sogetianus
a
424 " "
10.
Darius Notlrns
a
423 " "
11.
Artaxerxes Mnemon
a
404 " "
12.
Darius Ochus
a
359 " "
13.
Arses
li
338 " "
14.
Darius Codomanus
a
336 " "
3. The Dispersed Hebrews.
A few of the Hebrew people had found their way into
Egypt and the Ionian Islands, also into Ethiopia, Arabia,
India and China. Others may have come with the Phoeni-
cians to the western coasts of Europe and Africa. Still the
bulk of Hebrews, of the two former kingdoms of Israel and
Judah, inhabited the Medo-Persian Empire. Prophets and
bards (2) had kept alive in the breasts of many Hebrew
patriots the hope of national restoration to the land of their
fathers, the rebuilding of the temple on Mt. Moriah, the re-
institution of their ancient polity, and the reconstruction
of the Kingdom of Heaven (Qtotj^ nir;^^)-
4, Deutero-Isaiah.
Most prominent among those eloquent and inspired
patriots was the prophet, whose speeches were added to the
Book of Isaiah (from chapter xl. to the end), perhaps be-
cause his name also was Isaiah. When the armies of Persia
and Media, led by Cyrus, overthrew the Babylonian power
in Asia Minor and Syria, as older prophets had predicted (3),
this second Isaiah, foreseeing the downfall of that empire,
recognized in Cyrus the Messiah (4) to redeem Israel. He
called upon his people to return to the land of their fathers,
and to re-establish the Kingdom of God, in which all the
great hopes of Israel should be realized.
5. Mutual Sympathies.
In the combat of the Medo-Persians against Babylonia,
the sympathies of the Hebrews must naturally have been
with the former. They had nothing to expect of the Assyr-
(2) Especially the Prophets, Jeremiah and Ezekiel, the authors of
the five chapters of the Book of Lamentations, Daniel and other
patriots.
f3) Isaiah xiii. ; Jeremiah 1. and li.; Ezekiel xxxviii. and x xxi x.
(4) Isaiah xlv.
AND CULTE-ZERUBABEL. 3
ians and Babylonians, who were their enemies and captors,
polytheists and idolaters, devotees of Zabaism. The Medo-
Persians avenged those wrongs, were no idolaters, and ap-
proached nearest the Monotheism of Israel by the reforms
of Zoroaster under Darius and Cyrus (5). Darius reciprocated
these sympathies. He appointed Daniel one of his three
ministers in the new empire (6), and a Hebrew priest to super-
intend the tower at Ecbatana, which Daniel had previously
built for the king (7).
6. The Edict op Cyrus.
Cyrus having mounted the Medo-Persian throne (536
B. c.) decreed the re-colonization of Judea. He gave the
Hebrews permission to return to their country to take pos-
session of their lands, towns and cities, and to rebuild their
temple. He appointed Zerubabel, a descendant of the David-
ian kings, governor, and Joshua, a scion of Aaron, high
priest. He delivered to them the silver and golden vessels
(5400) of the temple of Solomon, brought to Babel by Ne-
buchadnezzar, and furnished them with royal letters to the
pashahs, to give them protection and to provide them with
animals necessary for sacrifices ; as the rebuilding of the
temple and the continuation of the sacrificial culte were the
main objects of the Hebrews (8).
7. The People and Its Wealth.
The most religious portions of the tribes of Judah, Ben-
jamin and Levy only — "All in whom the Lord had roused
his spirit, to go up and to build the house of God, which is
in Jerusalem" — followed Zerubabel and Joshua to the land
of Judah. The bulk of the people remained in the lands of
their captivity. The Zerubabel colony consisted of 42,300
men, hence, about 211,500 souls. There were among them
an unknown number of priests {Kohanim), 341 Levites, 392
Nethinim and Sons of the Servants of Solomon (9), 245
(5) Friederich Spiegel's Avesta, etc., Einleitung.
(6) Daniel vi. 3. (7) Josephus' Antiquities x. xi. 7
(8) Ezra i. and vi.
(9) Nethinim were descendants of assistant ministers of the tem-
ple appointed by King David and the rulers (Ezra viii. 20). The
Sons of the Servants of Solomon, counted with the former, must have
been descendants of similar assistants appointed by King Solomon.
They are supposed (Yebamoth 16 b and Yerushalmi Kiddushin iv.)
to have been the scions of Gentiles and Hebrew women, as the Ne-
thinim also were supposed to be.
4 RESTORATION OF THE TEMPLE
singers of both sexes, and three prophets (10). They were
well provided with servants, horses, mules, asses, camels
and treasures, partly the gifts of brethren remaining behind.
Having arrived in Jerusalem, a building fund was established,
to which the rulers contributed 61,000 gold drachma ($14,-
640.00) and 5,000 silver maneh ($151,500.00). They also
donated one hundred official robes for the priests (11).
8. The Land Occupied.
The colonists took possession of the land between the
Jordan River and the Mediterranean coast (the latter being
held by Philistines and Phoenicians), to about twenty miles
north and south of Jerusalem. North of them were the
Samaritans ; south from Hebron to the Dead Sea were the
Edomites ; east and southeast the Ammonites and Moabites,
with some Hebrews among them.
9. Dedication op the Altar.
On the First Day of the Seventh Month, when the first
summer's work was done, the colonists assembled in Jerusa-
lem to solemnize this feast {Leviticus xxiii. 23), which,
according to the Mishah {Joma I.) and Josephus (Antiqui-
ties III. 3), always was the civil new year of the Hebrews.
On this day and under fear of disturbance by the surrounding
Gentiles, the altar was dedicated and the sacrifices made as
prescribed in the Law of Moses. The daily sacrifice was not
interrupted again up to the time of Antiochus Epiphanes.
By order of that assembly contracts were made for building
materials, and with the Phoenicians for cedar wood from
Lebanon, to rebuild the temple.
10. Building of the Temple Commenced.
In the second month of the second year (535 b. c.) the
"building of the temple was commenced. With music and
song they begun to erect the walls upon the old foundation.
The shouts of joy were mighty. Still the old men, who had
seen the temple of Solomon, wept.
11. Animosity of the Samaritans.
The Samaritans {KutJiim), descendants of Gentile colo-
nists, brought to Samaria by Assyrian kings, had adopted
the Law of Moses, and partly amalgamated with flebrews.
(10) Zcbachim 62 h. (11) Ezra ii. and Nehemiah vii. 6 to 69.
AND CULTE-ZERUBABEL. 5
They desired to make common cause with the Hebrew colo-
nists, and build the temple with them. Zerubabel and the
elders refused this offer, because, as they said, Cyrus had
commanded them only to rebuild the temple. Thereupon,
the Samaritans, in league with other enemies of the He-
brews, persuaded Cyrus, or his pashahs, to revoke that por-
tion of his edict, and the work on the temple was stopped
shortly after the beginning thereof, and remained suspended
to the 3^ear 521 b. c.
12. Isaiah's Consoling Oracles.
The young colony, surrounded by adversaries, humiliated
and scorned by hostile neighbors, and without sufficient
protection from the government, was sadly discouraged.
Cyrus died, and the people's misery increased under the mis-
rule of his two immediate successors, Cambyses and Smer-
des. Palestine was trodden down under the feet of the
armies invading Egypt ; short crops, famine and diseases
followed ; the lofty hopes of the Hebrew colony perished
under the ridicule of shouting enemies. In that time of
tribulation and humiliation, Isaiah's consoling oracles were
announced. This prophet predicted a glorious future to the
despondent House of Israel. He personified it as " The ser-
vant of the Lord," now down-trodden and despised, to rise
at last to the pinnacle of glory (12).
13. The Temple Rebuilt.
Times changed. In the year 521 b. c, Darius Hystaspis
mounted the Medo-Persian throne, and he introduced bene-
ficial reforms in the empire. The Hebrews, encouraged by
two prophets, Zachariah and Haggi, re-assumed work on the
temple and its walls, although they had no special permis-
sion from the government. Sisinnes, the Governor of Syria
and Phoenicia, wrote to Darius that the Hebrews were build-
ing a citadel rather than a temple, and awaited instructions.
Meanwhile, Zerubabel returned to the Persian court, and
found special favor in the eyes of the king (13). Search
among the documents of Cyrus, at the tower of Ecbatana,
brought to light the original edict of that king concerning
the Hebrew colony, and Darius commanded its literal en-
forcement ; granted to all Hebrews the freedom to return to
their own country, sent holy vessels to the temple, and sup-
ported the rebuilding thereof with ten talents annually, and
(12) Isaiah lii. to liv. (13) Apocryphal Ezra iii. and iv.
6 EESTORATION OF THE TEMPLE
a salary to officiating priests and Levites, besides subsidies
for the altar (14).
14. Dedication of the Temple.
The third day of Adar (March), in the sixth year of
Darius (515 b. c), according to Ezra vi. 15, closing the sev-
enty years of the Babylonian captivity ; on the twenty-
third day of that month and the ninth year of Darius,
according to Josephus, the temple and its inner cloisters
were completed. A solemn dedication followed. The He-
brews again had a religious center, to which, for the subse-
quent six centuries, the looks and hearts of all Israel were
directed ; where the sublime doctrines of pure Monotheism
and its humane ethics were uninterruptedly proclaimed,
while the Gentiles were given to Polytheism, idolatry and
slavery. The enthusiasm of the Hebrews in and outside of
Palestine has found expression in the words of Zachariah,
in several Psalms, and especially in the triumphal orations
of Isaiah. Gifts were sent to the temple by the Hebrews of
Babylonia, of which golden crowns were made for Zeru-
babel, Joshua and the three messengers from abroad, and
deposited in the temple as a memento of glorious days (15).
The four fast days of national mourning were abolished (16).
It was predicted that the glory of the second temple should
excel the palmy days of Solomon's temple ; and the tinie
should come when ten men of all nations' tongues would
take hold of the skirt of one Jewish man, saying, " Let us
go with you, for we heard the Lord is with you " (17).
Isaiah also (chapter Ivi.) prophesied the influx of the Gen-
tiles to the House of the Lord, which should be called the
" house of prayer to all nations." There was general re-
joicing, and Israel's ancient hopes for the redemption and
unification of the human family under the banner of the
One God were uttered in words of divine inspiration (18).
15. Enforcement of the Levitical Laws.
The Levitical Laws, " as written in the Book of Moses,"
and the ancient official divisions of priests and Levites,
were now strictly enforced in and about the temple, among
priests and Levites, and also among the laity. The people,
together with the lustratcd strangers, celebrated the Pass-
(14) Josephus' Antiquities xi. iv. G and 7 ; Ezra vi.
(15) Zachariah vi. 9. (IG) Ibid vii. viii. 18.
(17) Ibid viii. 23; Haggi ii. 9.
(18) Isaiah Iv. and Ivi. 1 to 9.
AND CULTE-ZERUBABEL. /
over according to the law (19). They observed the Sabbath
(20), the First Day of the Seventh Month (21), the Day
of Atonement (22), ate unleavened bread on Passover (23),
and knew that intermarriage with certain nations was pro-
hibited in the law (24). The political laws of Moses were
not introduced in the Hebrew colony. Zerubabel had asso-
ciated with himself the heads of the families (25), and
Josephus speaks of " th'e elders of the Jews and the princes
of the Sanhedrin " with Zerubabel, and adds that the gov-
ernment was aristocratical. We know that the land was
divided in districts {Pelech)^ that some were governed by
one ruler and others by two. Still, it appears nowhere that
the political laws of Moses had been introduced. There-
fore, it was a religious and no political restoration which
"was achieved by Zerubabel and Joshua.
16. Character and Culture.
The Hebrew colonists were intensely religious. In the
captivity, many of their idolators amalgamated with the
Gentiles, while many more of them repented their sins and
acknowledged their errors. Idolatry itself lost its main
force by the fall of Babylon and the adoption of the Zo-
roaster reforms at the Persian court, which contained many
an element imposed upon the Gentiles by Hebrew exiles.
Besides, only the most religious and patriotic among the
Hebrews left their new homes in the East to return to Pal-
estine. They were the poorer class of agriculturists and
skilled mechanics, as is evident from the country which
they cultivated and the temple they built. They cultivated
vocal and instrumental music (Ezra ii. 62; iii. 10), and had
among themselves men of the highest literary distinction,
like the second Isaiah, Haggai and Zachariah (26), whose
productions have lost none of their original force.
17. Successors of Zerubabel and Joshua.
It is not known where and when Zerubabel died. Seder-
Olam-Sutta reports he went back to Persia and died there ;
■others report he went to Arabia and died there. Philo, in
his Breviariiom, gives him fifty-eight years of government,
(19) Ezra vi. 19. (20) Isaiah Iviii. 13, 14 ; Nehemiah xiii. 15.
(21) Ezra iii. 1 ; Nehemiah viii. (22) Isaiah Iviii.; Ezkiel xl. 1.
(23) Ezra iv. (24) Ezra ix. (25) Ezra iv. 2.
(26) Zachariah ix. to xiii., was written by a prophet at least one
hundred years before Zachariah b. Berechiah b. Iddo ; perhaps by
Zachariah b. Jebarechjahv, in Isaiah viii. 2.
8 EESTORATION OP THE TEMPLE
which is certainly a mistake. His successor in office was
his son, Meshullam (27), supported by his brother, Hanna-
niah, and his sister, Selomith. The successor of Meshul-
lam was Pelatiah (Aramaic Meshezabel), the son of Hanna-
niah (28). He was succeeded by Meshullam b. Berachiah
b. Meshezabel (29), who was superseded by Nehemiah.
Joshua, the high priest, according to the Alexandrian Chron-
icle, liyed to the third year of Xerxes (483 b. c), was suc-
ceeded by his son, Jojakim, who (453 b. c.) was succeeded
by his son, Eliashib.
18. Under Xerxes.
Xerxes, the enemy of all Heathen temples, having as-
cended the Medo-Persian throne (485 b. c), confirmed to
the Hebrews of Palestine all the privileges granted them by
his father, Darius. When he invaded Greece, it is narrated
by his cotemporary, Cherilus (30), a body of Hebrew war-
riors was in his army. Nothing concerning the Hebrews
being on record from 515 to 458 b. c, it is evident that no
events transpired during that time to produce any change
or disturbance in the new Hebrew state.
(27) I. Chronicles iii. 19. Philo in Breviario calls him Eesa Mys-
ciollam. Resa is the title, Luke iii. 25, 26, copies from Philo.
(28) I. Chronicles iii. 21.
(29) Nehem. iii. 4, 30 ; vi. 18. See Geschichie des Volkes Jisrael,
etc., Dr. L. Herzfeld, Vol. 1, p. 378.
(30) Josephus contra Apion i. 22.
BESTORATION OF THE LAW — EZBA.
CHAPTER
Restoration of the Law. — Ezra.
1. Ancient Synagogues. — Academy of Ezra.
In the seventh year of Artaxerxes Longimanus (558
B. c.) (1), when Jojaldm was high priest and Meshullam b.
Berachiah chief ruler of the Hebrew colony, Ezra, the
Scribe, who was n^ns minn ■i''n?D isid " An expert scribe
in the Law of Moses," appeared on the stage of history as
one of its most prominent figures. He was the son of
Sheraiah, a lineal descendant of the high priests in Solo-
mon's temple. The ancient tradition {Meguilla 29 «, Rash
HasJi-shanah 24 5, Nidda 13 a) reports that a synagogue
was built at Shafjatih, near the city of Nehardea, by the
first exiles to Babylonia ; and soon after another was built
at Hutzal, one parsang from the former place. Near the
latter, there was the academy of Ezra, who " had directed
his heart to inquire into the law of God, and to do it, and
to teach in Israel statutes and ordinances " (Ezra vii. 10),
i. e., political and judiciary law.
2. Ezra's Powers.
King Artaxerxes and his seven counselors, appointed
Ezra Chief-Justice of the Hebrews west of the Euphrates,
with powers to appoint judges and bailiffs, to teach and to
enforce the laws, and to punish transgressors with imprison-
ment, fines, expatriation or death ; also to head the colony
of all Hebrews who wished to return to Palestine ; and to
be the special messenger of the king to bring to the temple
at Jerusalem his gifts in gold and silver, and also the gifts
of other donors.
(1) According to Josephus, this occurred in the reign of Xerxes.
10 restoration of the law — ezra.
3. Arrival of the Ezra Colony.
In Mesopotamia, on the River Ahava or Mygdonius (2)
2,286 men, perhaps 11,430 persons, and among them 42 Le-
vites and 220 Nethiniin^ assembled to follow Ezra to Pales-
tine. After a day of fast and prayer, on the 12th day of
the first month {Nissan), tlie colony moved, and reached
Jerusalem in the fifth month {Ah). After a rest of three
days, the gold, silver and vessels in possession of Ezra (3)
were delivered to the treasurer of the temple ; then the
emigrants sacrificed many sacrifices, and the documents
brought by Ezra were dehvered to the ofhcers of the king.
4. The Samaritan Tradition.
Among the Samaritans a tradition was current, that
about the same time 300,000 Hebrews, under Sanbelat, emi-
grated to the Nortli of Palestine, and the remaining for-
eigners in Samaria were sent back to their original homes
in Persia. Although the Samaritan Joshua (chapter xiv.)
is no reliable authority (4), yet it is almost certain that a
large number of Hebrews, at an early date, emigrated to
Samaria and Galilee, for the latter was, in after times, one
of the most populous provinces, and the Hebrew origin of
its inhabitants was never doubted. Still, those Hebrews
of the northern provinces, as far as the Scriptural records
go, had no connection with tlie Zerubabel or Ezra colony,
which assumed the name of Judah, in exclusion of the
other tribes of Israel. Therefore, wlien Josej^hus (Antiq. x.
V. 2) maintains, "There are but two tribes in Asia and
Europe subject to the Romans, while the ten tribes are be-
yond Euphrates till now," he simply recorded a popular
my til current in his days (5). This Samaritan tradition, as
(2) See Ancient Geography by D'Anville.
(3) The whole sum umouuting to about $5,200,000, including ves-
sels of brass, " more precious than gold," supposed to have been
aurichalcum.
(4) pOlE' ""DID by Eaphael Kircheim, p. 55.
(5) The myth about the ten lost tribes is also mentioned in the
Mishnah {Sanhedrin x. 3), which is partly contradicted in the Tahnud
(Me'iuUlah 14 b. and Erechin 33), where it is maintained the Prophet
Jeremiah brought them back to Palestine, and King Joshiah reigned
over them. It is evident from many passages of Jeremiah (ix. 22 to
X. 18 ; xxiii. 1 to 8 ; xxxi. 27 to 37 ; xsxiii. 24 to 26), that he did at-
tempt the re-union of Israel and Judah, which was done also by the
Prophet Ezekiel. It is also evident that not all were driven from the
land of Israel (II. Chronicles xxx.), that Joshiah reigned over them
(Ibid xxxiv. 33 and xxxv. 17; and II. Kings xxiii.), and that some He-
brew inhabitants had been left there after the fall of Jerusalem (Jere-
miah xli. 5^
RESTORATION OF THE LAW — EZRA. 11
far as Sanbelat is concerned, agrees with the Bible records,
but not with those of Josephus (Antiq. xi. vii. 2).
5. Measures to Preserve the Purity of the Race.
Some of the rulers complained to Ezra that many of the
Hebrews, priests, Levites and rulers especially, had become
lieathenized in their manners and appearance, on account
•of their intermarriages with the Gentiles. Ezra fasted,*
prayed and preached against this corruption until he had
moved many to repentance, and many of the rulers encour-
aged him to take active measures. Then, in behalf of the
rulers, he called a general meeting of the people to Jerusa-
lem, threatening with confiscation of property for non-at-
tendance. On the 20th day of the ninth month the people
assembled on the temple mount. Ezra demanded of them
to separate themselves from the Gentiles and their own for-
-eign wives, in order to preserve the Hebrew race in its
purity. The people consented, but, on account of the rainy
season and the magnitude of the work to ascertain who were
married to foreign wives, proposed, '' Let our rulers remain
here for the whole congregation," and let those whohavefor-
•eign wives come, with the elders and judges of each place,
-and report themselves. This was done ; the rulers remained
in Jerusalem, and in three months (the 10th, 11th and 12th)
they ascertained that 17 priests, 110 Levites and 84 Israel-
ites had taken foreign wives, and were willing to separate
themselves from them. Among these transgressors there
were also four of the sons and brothers of Joshua, the high
priest. But these were certainly not all who had foreign
wives, and the evil was but partially remedied.
6. The Great Synod.
This, it appears, was the occasion when Ezra constituted
-the Great Synod {r]^^i:n noj^), the people having expressed
its will to be represented by the rulers (Ezra x. 14). He
could not introduce the political laws of IMoses without con-
stituting first a supreme legislature and judiciary, similar
to the Council of Seventy Elders. During the Medo-Persian
period, the Great Synod was the supreme legislature and
judiciary of the Hebrews. It was composed of 120 men,
viz. : 44 Sarim or Horim, " rulers ;" 44 Seganim, " proxies,"
as each ruler had his proxy (6) ; 22 priests, 8 Levites (Nehe-
(6) Nehemiah x. 15 to 28 and xi. 25 to 35, which compare to Ibid
ii. 16; iv. 13; v. 7; vii. 5; Nehem. xi. 25 to 35, forty-two districts
12 RESTORATION OF THE LAW — EZRA.
miah xii. 1 to 9), the Scribe and the high priest or the gov-
ernor. All these men were representatives of family groups
and districts, as the family groups lived together in their
respective districts. It is maintained in the tradition that
many prophets were among the men of the Great Synod,
which is probable (Nehem. vi. 7, 14 and Haggi).
7. Object of the Great Synod.
The principal activity of this body was as presented in
its motto {Aboth i. 1) : To secure to the Hebrews the
judiciary autonomy and a strict administration of justice ;
to preserve and promulgate the national literature by many
disciples ; to enforce and to protect the Law of Moses by
new barriers (dtd)- These were either prohibitory (mi'Tj)
or commendatory laws (nijpn). Of this latter category, are
certainly the ordinances and formulas concerning the
courts and administration of justice, the public worship in
the temple and synagogue and public instruction, public
morals and health and domestic relations ; some of which
were based upon ancient custom, while others were enacted
in connection with Ezra, or also after him, as this body ex-
isted to about 292 b. c. These laws were afterward embod-
ied in the Mishnah and other collections of ancient laws and
customs.
8. A Republican Form of Government.
In connection with the Great Synod, over which Ezra pre-
sided, he exercised the authority vested in him by the king.
So the Hebrew colony received a democratic form of gov-
ernment, independent in the three main elements, viz. : re-
ligion, public instruction and the judiciary, and dependent
on Persia only by pa3dng a certain tribute, which appears to
have been too insignificant to be mentioned in any of the
sources.
9. Authentication of the Law.
The most necessary work to be done by Ezra and the
Great Synod was the authentication of the nation's writ-
ten law, the Law of Moses, by which it was henceforth to be
governed. The law existed before Ezra in the same form as
it was presented by him to the Hebrews. It is mentioned
expressly as God's law, the Law of Moses, the Book of the
are counted, besides Jerusalem (verse 7), which counted for two dis-
tricts, as is mentioned [Ibid iii. 9 to 12), and as is evident from the
courts of 23 elders in Jerusalem.
RESTORATION OF THE LAW — EZRA. 13
Law, or synonymous to the Word of God, not only by the
oldest prophets, who quoted passages from it and imitated
others, but also in all ancient historical records (7). These
records, fully corroborated in their main statements by the
Greek and Latin writers after Alexander the Great and all
modern Egyptologists and Assyriologists, admit of no
doubt as to their statements of facts (8). Besides, the
moral and religious laws of Moses had been introduced and
practiced in Palestine before Ezra (see Chapter I.) ; the
Samaritans, who opposed Ezra and his institutions, were in
possession of the same Five Books of Moses, with some
very slight variations ; and only two hundred years after
this the Greeks of Egypt accepted the Pentateuch as the
Law of Moses, and there was none to doubt its authenticity.
It must be borne in mind that Ezra has not proved to be a
writer capable of producing anything like Pentateuch pas-
sages. He and his cotemporaries, who would not even re-
place the Urim and Thumim, or the Ark of the Covenant,
or any of the lost articles of the temple, would certainly not
have attempted to make a new book, or any portion thereof,
and call it the Law of Moses. But, aside of all these points, it
is authentically recorded (Nehemiah viii. to x.) that the whole
people of Israel solemnly confirmed and testified that the
book placed before them was the genuine Law of Moses, and
this fact, in the uninterrupted tradition of the Hebrews
since then, was never doubted. It appears that the Penta-
teuch existed in numerous fragmentary manuscripts ; that
many of the copies were defective, burdened with errors by
transcribers, glossaries by expounders, amendments by
idolatrous kings, especially the political laws of Moses,
which had been out of practice since 586 b. c, except in
some of the larger colonies in the East; and the ancient
copies had been lost in the conflagration of the temple (9).
Therefore, the authentication of the nation's law book and
the authorization of the revised text, had become impera-
tively necessary, and was accomphshed by Ezra and the
Great Synod in thirteen years, as shall be narrated in the
next chapter.
(7) Joshua 1. 7, 8; viii. 31. 34; xxii. 5; xxiii. 6, 26; II. Kings
xiv. 6 ; xvii. 13 ; xxi 8 ; xxiii. 24, 25 ; Micah iv. 2 ; Hosea iv. 6 ;
Amos ii. 4 ; Isaiah i. 10 ; ii. 3 ; ^Hi. 16 ; xlii. 21 ; Jeremiah ii. 8 ; ix.
12 ; xvi. 11 ; xviii. 18 ; in many Psalms and elsewhere. See Heng-
stenberg's Dissertations on the Genuineness of the Pentateuch.
(8) See John Gill's Notices of the Jews ; Josephus contra Apion.
(9) Corrections made in the text of Sacred Scriptures by the
Sopherim and the Great Synod, npHJlH DD^D "'K'JX onDID ppD, are
mentioned in Thanchuma to Exodus xv. 7.
14 restoration of the law — ezra.
11. The New Alphabet.
After the Law and the other books, to be named below^
had been authenticated by Ezra and the Great Synod, it
was necessary to mark them most carefully, in order to dis-
tinguish them fully fi-om the thousands of unauthenticated
copies circulating among the Hebrews in and outside of
Palestine. Therefore, Ezra introduced a new sacred alpha-
bet, i. e., to be used for sacred purposes only, called 3nD
nniC'S " Assyrian writing," or also nyniio, " the square let-
ter," to replace the ancient Hebrew letters called }*y"i " com-
mon, barbarian, foreign," or also nwuS " Libanian," or as
inscribed on bricks. These ancient characters preserved on
Hebrew coins were henceforth to be used for profane pur-
poses only. This alphabet, now in common use among all
the Hebrews, appears to have been invented by Ezra. He
improved on the letters in use among Eastern scribes, as is
evident from the inscriptions on the ruins of Palmyra^
which most resemble Ezra's Hebrew letters, although they
are not like them. In these letters the Book of Ezra, pre-
served in the temple, was written. Then rules were estab-
lished for transcribers, which afterward became fixed laws,.
viz. : the sacred book must be written with pen and black
ink on parchment (10), in one roll, divided in pages, certain
pages must begin with certain words, space must be left be-
tween certain passages, certain letters must be written
smaller and others larger than the rest, all in the sacred
alphabet, in order to distinguish the authenticated copies,.
and they should only be used, as is done to this day, for
public readings in the synagogues and the authentic law
book of the nation. The Samaritans did not adopt the Ezra
alphabet, nor his revised Pentateuch, nor any of his other
books.
12. The Book of Ezra.
The Book of Ezra (xnty "iSD. Moed Katan iii. 4), which
was preserved in the temple, consisted of seven books (11),
viz. : the Five Books of Moses, the Book of the Republic,
now Joshua and Judges, and the Book of Kings, as in the
Septuagint, now I. and II. Samuel and I. and II. ICings. It
was necessary to connect with the law the history of the
nation, as the former without the latter is unintelligible.
(10) To write with pen and ink on a roll or book was known and
practiced before Ezra. See Jeremiah xxxvi. 18.
(11) Sabbath 116 a min nsD TWi^ IPX nyaK' nmoy na^n Herz-
feld, 22 Excurs., p. 92.
restoration of the law — ezra. 15
13. The Former Prophets.
Ezra was not the author of any of the historical books
of the Bible, except, perhaps, of the portion II. Kings from
xvii. 6 to the end, as those various books are distinguished
by various styles, of centuries apart, and different arrange-
ments of the historical material. Judges and Kings are bre-
varia, Joshua and Samuel are extensive narratives. Joshua,
Judges, and the best part of Samuel, are democratic ; while
the closing chapters of Judges are royalistic, anti-Saul and
anti-Benjamin, and Kings is royalistic, pro-Judaic and anti-
Israelitish. In style, Joshua is Pentateuch-like ; Judges (ex-
cept the closing chapters), antique and unfinished ; Samuel,
independent and accomplished ; Kings, from iii. to 11.
Eangs xvii. monotonous and exact. Cotemporary chrono-
graphy is noticed in Kings and Chronicles, from David to
the end of those books, like the lost books of the various
prophets, the Chronicles of the kings of Judah and the
Chronicles of the kings of Israel. The Sopher^ or "scribe,"
and the Mazkir^ or " Chancellor," were prominent court
officers already in the time of David (I. Samuel viii. 17, 18).
Before his time, also, sources are noticed, as the books, Mil-
hamoth, Jashar, the Topography of Palestine (Joshua xviii.
6 to 10), and the Genealogy of the Hebrew People (I. Chron-
icles). These were extensive books, from which extracts
were made for popular use. In the Book of Joshua three
sources are distinctly mentioned (x. 13 ; xviii. 1 to 10 ; xxiv.
26), from which the author drew his information. The Look
of Judges is a popular democratic text book, and appears to
be the work of Samuel (Baba Bathra, 14 h)-, to which, in
after times, the pro-Davidian, royalistic, anti-Saul and
anti-Benjamin chapters, were added. Samuel to I. Kings
iii. 3, is an extensive history of the founder of the Davidian
dynasty, and must have been written shortly after David's
death, perhaps by the Prophet Nathan (I. Chronicles xxix.
29 ; II. Chronicles ix. 29) ; anyhow, by one acquainted with
all the details of David's life and reign. The book of Kings,
to II. Kings xvii. is a brevarium which points everywhere to
its sources, and was written before the destruction of the
temple of Solomon, by one of the prophets (12), to which
Ezra added the closing chapters. All these books and frag-
ments were compiled by Ezra and the Great Synod in two
books, to which they added, occasionally, their own notes,
and these misled some critics to place the origin of these-
books long after they had actually been written.
(12) By Jeremiah, according to the Talmud, Baha Balhra,' jl^ a.
16 kestoration of the law — ezra.
15. Talmudical Records op Ezra Ordinances,
The Talmud contains records of Ezra ordinances. Ten
are recorded in Baha Kamma, 82 a. The most important
are : {a) That Sabbath afternoon, Monday and Thursday
morning, a section of the Pentateuch should be read in
public, (b) That the district courts should be in session on
Monday and Thursday; in consequence thereof, these l)e-
came the market days. To this must be added (from Num-
hers Rahha, 8 and Jehamoth^ 78 h), that he interdicted
intermarriage with the Nethinini who dwelt in Ophel (Ne-
hemiah xi. 21), consequently, he must have replaced these
Bub-priests by others, and these are the Anshai Maamod,
or " Commoners," literally, men attached to standing divis-
ions of priests and Levites. It was believed that the earlier
prophets {Taanith iv. 2; Tosephta iii.), divided priests
and Levites in twenty-four divisions, of which each was on
duty one week in the temple twice a year, and during the
holy days all of them were on duty. To these standing
divisions, Ezra added a number of Israelites from various
districts ; and these were the Commoners, without whose
presence the temple service was considered unlawful. Part
of them went to Jerusalem with their respective divisions
of priests and Levites, and the others on duty congregated
that week in their respective district towns, and, excepting
some holidays, held divine service at the same time that it
took place in the temple, viz. : in the morning, Shacharith^
in the afternoon, Mincliah, and in the evening, Neilah
{Ihid Mishnah 4). They read twice, daily, from the first
chapter of Genesis, in the morning from the scroll, and in
the evening from memory, and fasted four days a week.
This was the beginning of the synagogues and public read-
ing of the Law in Palestine.
Ezra took from the Levites their right of receiving the
tithes (Deut. xiv. 29) and gave it to the priests (pc^'xn iK^ya),
because few of the Levites returned with him to Palestine.
Nehemiah, it is maintained, repealed this law in part, so
that the tithes could be given to either j)riest or Levite (13).
The Red Heifer (Numb, xix.), the ashes of which was
required for final lustration of him who had touched a dead
person, was sacrificed by Ezra. This and other rules con-
cerning lustration ascribed to Ezra, which were in harmony
with similar ideas and laws of the Persians, show that the
laws of Moses touching Levitical cleanness were re-en-
forced by Ezra (14).
(13) Maimonldes Ililchoth Maasori. 4, and Keseph Mishnah.
(14) "See Jiachalutz, by O. 11. Schorr, 1869, p. 39.
HESTORATION OF THE LAW — EZRA. 17
The District Criminal Courts, afterward called Sanlied-
rai Ketannah, " The Lesser Sanhedrin," two of which were
in Jerusalem, consisted of twenty-three persons, who were
judges, jurors, advocates and prosecutors in one body.
These courts must have been established by Ezra, although
the number twenty-three may have been ancient custom
(Sanhedrin i. 6).
Free teaching and free trading were also ascribed to an
ordinance of Ezra, viz. : that every teacher had the right to
open a school anywhere ; and that peddlers might hawk
their goods also in cities.
Other general customs were also supposed to have origi-
nated with Ezra, as, for instance, that Thursday was wash-
day, and Frida}^ the day for baking bread; that the bless-
ings and curses written in the Pentateuch (Leviticus xxvi.
and Deuter. xxviii.) should be read in the synagogue on the
Sabbaths before the feasts of Pentecost and Booths.
16. The Work Done by Ezra.
Ezra restored the Law and its history to the Hebrews
by the fixation of its texts and the protection of these na-
tional treasures against interpolation ; the establishment of a
representative body and courts of justice ; the promulga-
tion of the Law by free teachers and the Commoners. But
all this was not fully carried into practice before Nehemiah
came to Jerusalem. Ezra was a great scribe, as after him
all men of learning were called {Sopherim), and a patriotic
man, who feared the Lord and revered His law ; but he, per-
haps, was not the energetic man Avith the executive talent
that Nehemiah was, nor was he in possession of the requisite
authority to enforce his reforms. He was the man of learn-
ing to propose, but not to execute, great reforms. He had
conceived the idea that the Law and its expounders must
be the governing power in the Kingdom of Heaven, as
neither the king nor the high priest could replace the lawful
rulers of the theocracy, who, according to the Law, were the
prophets (Deut. xviii. 17 to 22) and the council of the elders
(Ibid xvii. 8 to 13), and the age of prophecy was closing.
But he could not carry it out alone, l;)ecause he had against
him the aristocracy of two dynasties, of David, the King,
and Zadok, the high priest of the lormer commonwealth.
To overcome them it took the energy of Nehemiah.
18 RESTORATION OF THE STATE — NEHEMIAH.
CHAPTER III.
The Restoration of the State. — Nehemiah.
1. Neglected State op Public Affairs.
Public affairs in the Hebrew colony were unsatisfactory.
The governors succeeding Zerubabel extorted high sala-
ries from the colony, as much as forty shekels a day, about
$14,500 a year, and permitted their servants to prey upon
the people (Nehem. v. 15), but did nothing for the pubhc
defense. None of the cities was fortified, the walls and
gates of Jerusalem were in ruins, and the inmates exposed
to marauders, who pillaged the country, slaughtered and
captured many of the Hebrews in Jerusalem also, and
scoffed at their weakness (Josephus' Antiq. xi. v. 6). Nei-
ther Ezra nor the high priest possessed suflicient power or
energy to better the people's condition.
2. Nehemiah Appointed Governor.
A young Israelite, Nehemiah, son of Chakaliah, who was
the king's cupbearer, in Susa, having been informed of this
deplorable state of affairs, resolved to succor his people.
After devout prayer, he approached the King, Artaxerxes
Longimanus (1), with the petition to be sent to Jerusalem,
where the graves of his ancestors were, that he might rebuild
the city. The king granted him a furlough, appointed
him Governor of the Hebrew colony, gave him letters to
the pashas west of the Euphrates to give him safe con-
duct; also to Asaph, the overseer of the royal forests, to
furnish him the wood necessary for the rebuilding of the
walls and gates of Jerusalem, and to build himself a house ;
(1) Xerxes, according to Josephus' Antiq. xi. vl. 7.
RESTORATION OF THE STATE — NEHEMIAH. 19
and to Adeus, the Pasha of Syria, Phoenicia and Samaria,
to assist and pay due honor to Nehemiah.
3. Nehemiah's Journey and Arrival.
In the first month of the 20th year of Artaxerxes (445
B. c), Neliemiah left Susa. Many Hebrews from Babylonia
followed him voluntarily. The pashas gave him a military
escort, so that his arrival in Jerusalem created a sensation
among the rulers of the surrounding nations, and was not
entirely welcome to the aristocracy among the Hebrews.
4. Preparations for the Rebuilding of the Wall.
Speed and secrecy were characteristics of Nehemiah.
When he had rested three days in Jerusalem, he secretly, at
night, inspected the walls to estimate the amount of work
required. Next day he assembled the rulers in the temple,
informed them of the privileges granted him, and demanded
speedy action before their enemies could interfere. The
walls were measured and the work was divided propor-
tionately among the rulers, who brought in the people from
the various districts to do the required work. Sanbelat, the
Horonite, Governor of Samaria ; Tobias, the Ammonite, and
Geshem, the Arabian, most likely governors also, being pres-
ent in Jerusalem when these preparations were made,
scoffed at and ridiculed them ; but Nehemiah drove them
out of the city, and the work was speedily begun.
5. Beginning of the Work.
The Hebrews went energetically to work on the fortifica-
tions. Eliashib, the high priest, with the other priests,,
were first at the work. Meshullam ben Berechiah, who had
been suj^erseded by Nehemiah, also assisted in the great pop-
ular enterprise. Rulers, people, and women also (Nehem. iii.
12), worked Avith enthusiasm. The materials, wood excepted,,
were at hand from the overthrown walls and towers ; the old
foundation and the principal parts of the old wall had not
been destroyed, and so the work progressed rapidly.
6. The Obstacles,
Sanbelat, Tobias and Geshem, not believing the Hebrews--
capable of erecting fortifications, first ridiculed them among
the surrounding hostile nations. But when they heard of
the progress made, they conspired against the Hebrews, and
found support among the aristocracy and pseudo-prophets
20 EESTORATION OF THE STATE — NEHEMIAH.
of Jerusiilem. Neliemiah, to prevent a surprise by the
eneni}^, placed outposts around the city. This alarmed the
builders ; but Neliemiah organized them in squads, armed
them and prepared them for an attack. Henceforth, the
workmen were not permitted to leave the city at night ;
half of them did military duty, while the other half Avorkcd
on the wall, as did also the men of Nehemiah's body-guard.
But now the poor among the people cried for relief. They
said they were impoverished, indebted, with their estates
mortgaged and their children sold into servitude. Nehe-
miah asscml)led the rulers and wealthy men, and they re-
linquished all the debts and returned all mortgaged estates
and hired persons. Now Sanbelat came again, and, in con-
nection with the other conspirators, tried to entice Nelie-
miah out of the city in order to assassinate him ; this fail-
ing, he threatened to expose him to the king as one who in-
tended exciting a rebellion, to have himself proclaimed king;
but Neliemiah was too prudent to be entrapped and too firm
to be terrified. Prophets rose in Jerusalem and opposed Ne-
liemiah ; the aristocrats corresponded with Tobias and be-
trayed Nehemiah's designs and intentions : one wanted to
hide him in the temple, pretending that they wanted to
assassinate him that night, in order to make him ridiculous
among the people, and to expose him to the displeasure of
the priests. All these obstacles did not discourage Nehe-
miah, nor did they retard his work. He proved too much
of a man and patriot for the aristocrats and pseudo-prophets
of Jerusalem, with all their allies among the surrounding
nations.
7. The Work Finished.
On the 25th day of the sixth month {Ellul), in fifty-
two days (2), the walls and the gates were completely re-
stored, as they had been 121 years ago, before Nebuzra-
don luid destroyed them. This changed the status of the
Hebrew colony, which had now a solid center for self-pro-
tection, and was no longer exposed to the incursions of its
barbarous neighbors.
8. The Location and Fortifications of Jerusalem.
Jerusalem is situated in 31° 46' 43" North Latitude and
35° 13' East Longitude, 2,000 feet above the level of the
Mediterranean, and 29 miles east of it in an air line. It rests
(2) In two years and four months, according to Josephus, and so
long it took, perhaps, to finish the towers.
RESTORATION OF THE STATE — NEHEMIAH 21
on four hills, Zion, Moriali, Bezetha and Acra, which were
connected by bridges and fills. But in the time ofNehemiah,
Mount Zion only, with the Temple Mount east and Ophel
south thereof, was the city which was fortified. In the west
of Zion is the valley and brook of Gihon, which, almost at
a right angle, turns east, then south, and forms the valley of
Hinnom. East of the city and temple is the valley of
Jehoshaphat and the brook Cedron, uniting with Gihon in the
north-east of Hinnom. From the lower side the city was
considered impregnable. The wall of Nehemiah inclosed
Zion, Ophel and the temple, and was thickest at the north,
parallel with the valley of Tyropseon. where it was called the
broad wall (Nehemiah iii. 8 ; xii. 38), although it vvas thick
enough everywhere for a procession to march upon. The
city had ten gates, viz. : the gates of Pinnah and Ephraim
on the north; the gates of Jeshenah, Dagim, Hatzon,
Hassusim and Ham-maim on the east ; and the gates of Gai,
AsHPOTH and Ayin on the west. In the south and south-
east the hills were so steep that no gates were placed there.
There was a watch tower over each gate, and two other
towers were between each gate east and west, four between
the two northern gates, one at each corner north-east and
north-west, and one south-east, where the eastern wall of
Zion and the western wall of 0]jhel met in a sharp angle ;
so that the walls had nineteen towers, connected by para-
pets and embrasures. A stone bridge connected Zion with
the temple, and bridges led west over the Gihon and east
over the Cedron to Mount Olive.
9. The Protection of the City.
After the fortifications had been completed and the gates
placed, Nehemiah still apprehended a surprise from the hos-
tile neighbors in connection with the aristocracy in Jerusa-
lem. Therefore, he appointed two new rulers over the city,
his brother, Hanani, and one Hananiah, and organized the
militia to watch at day time upon the walls and at the
gates, which were not opened before sunrise. With this
protection, he was prepared to carry into effect the proposed
reforms of Ezra and his own.
10. Dedication of the Walls and the Census.
The people were summoned to Jerusalem to witness the
dedication of the wall and to estabbsh the genealogy of
every family, which was the HebreAV form of taking tlie
census. The multitude came to the capital and witnessed
9.'?
RESTORATION OF THE STATE — NEHEMIAH.
the solemn dedication of its walls (Nehemiah xii. 27), on
the 25th day of the sixth month, closing with a great feast
in the temple. Then the census was taken. The genealo-
gies handed down from the time of Zerubabel were corrected
by numbers and facts presenting themselves at the time.
So the foundation was laid to regular government, as Moses
had done in his time (Numbers i.), and David in his (II.
Samuel xxiv).
11. Solemn Acceptance of the Law.
On the First Day of the Seventh Month, the Law, as au-
thenticated by Ezra and the Great S3'nod, was laid before
the assembled people, " men and women, and all intelligent
enough to understand" (Nehem. viii. 2). In the southern
part of Ophel, before the Water Gate or Eastern Gate,
there was a large free space where a platform was con-
structed, upon which Ezra stood with fourteen chosen men,
supported by fourteen Levites, the latter stationed at var-
ious points among the crowd to interpret to those who did
not understand at once. Now Ezra pronounced the ineffa-
ble name over the assembly, and all fell upon their knees
and worshiped, and with uplifted hands responded a solemn
Amen ! Then he showed them the new style of ^vriting,
and began to read the authenticated Law, which was re-
ceived with great enthusiasm, and also with tears of sorrow,
on account of the disobedience of the fathers which had
brought so much calamity on Israel. At noon, the assem-
bly was dismissed to celebrate the feast in gladness. The
next day the elders assembled and made proclamation to
the people to build booths for the approaching feast, as pre-
scribed in the Law, which was cheerfully done, so that all
the roofs of Jerusalem, the outer courts of the temple, and
the open spaces were covered with booths, and the Feast of
Booths was celebrated with great rejoicing. During the
seven days of the feast, and the eighth day being the Feast
of Conclusion, the Law was read daily before the people.
The 24th day, being the day after the feast, another solemn
convocation took place. The reading of the Law was closed ;
then followed the confession of sins and solemn worship,
and, at last, an instrument was written and signed by the
representatives of the people, testif3dng that on that day
all Israel had sworn a solemn oath that this was " the Law
of the Lord which He had given by Moses, the servant of
the Lord;" and that they would forever observe all this
Law, its commandments, statutes and ordinances. Thus
the written Law, as authenticated by Ezra, was solemnly
RESTORATION OF THE STATE — NEHEMIAH. 23
accepted as the law book of Israel and the second common-
wealth of the Hebrews ; the new State was constituted.
12. New Enactments.
All persons born of Gentile women were (politically)
separated from the congregation, and intermarriage with
Gentiles was interdicted. Buying and selling on Sabbaths
and holidays was forbidden. The Sabbath year was again
introduced, but not the Jubilee year. A tax of one-third
shekel, instead of one-half, per annum for each man was
imposed to sustain the public sacrifices in the temple. Lots
Avere drawn to establish the privilege as to which of the
families should bring the wood to the temple, and nine fam-
ilies received that privilege (Mishnah, Taanith iv. 5). The
gifts due to priests and Levites were to be brought to the
temple, and there one-tenth of the tithe should remain for
the support of the priests while in actual service, and the
balance to be divided among all priests and Levites who did
their share of duty in the temple service ; so that none of
them, withdrawing himself from duty, could receive any
support from the public taxes. So the right of citizenship
was settled, the Sabbath and Sabbath year enforced, and
provisions made for the maintenance of the temple worship
and its servants.
13. The Population of Jerusalem Augmented.
The next reform of Nehemiah v/as the augmenting of the
population of Jerusalem. One-tenth of the population of the
Avhole State was required to reside permanently in the cap-
ital. Many families did so voluntarily, and the others were
drawn by lot. This made Jerusalem a large city, so that
Herodotus (3), who shortly after traveled in Syria, reports
that Jerusalem was then as important a city as Sardis, the
metropolis of Asia Minor. Having a perfect military organi-
zation, Jerusalem was not only fully competent for self-de-
fense, but it was also in a position to afford protection to the
inhabitants of the whole country, which put an end to
the incursions of hostile neighbors, and counterpoised the
authority of the aristocratic families in Jerusalem.
(3) Herodotus Thalia v.; Prideaux, in the years 610 and 444.
Herodotus called Jerusalem Cadytis, as the Syrians called it Ka-
dusha, and the Arabs call it Al-kuds, all derived from Kedosha, the
holy one, the holy city.
24 eestoeation of the state — nehemiah,
14. Permanence of the Great Synod.
The permanence of the Great Synod was also established
by Nehemiah, he enacted that the 44 Seganim must remain
permanently in Jerusalem and have their regular meetings
in the temple (Nehem. v. 17 ; xiii. 11), while the 44 Chorim
or Sarim doing the executive business in their res])ective-
districts, met in the Great Synod at stated times only. It
appears that the twenty-four rulers of the Mishniaroth, in
which priests and Levites were divided, as well as the high
priest and the scribe, were also among the permanent mem-
bers of the Great Synod, so that the body consisted of sev-
enty permanent members as the Sanhedrin in aftertimes-
always did.
15. The Military Organization.
The military organization in the city consisted of 468>
men of Judah and 928 men of Benjamin, under the com-
mand of Joel ben Zichri, and his lieutenant, Judah b. Ilas-
senuah. The inner temple was guarded by 120 priests, un-
der Zabdiel b. Haggedolim. The outer courts of the temple
were guarded by 172 Levites ; so that the city had a garri-
son of 1688 warriors (Nehem. xi. 6, 8, 9, 14, 19), besides the
Nethinim., in Ophel, who had an organization of their own,
under(Ziha andGishpa.)
IG. Nehemiah Returns to Susa,
In twelve years, from the 20th to the 32d, of Artaxerxes
Longimanus, Nehemiah organized the Hebrew State in Pal-
estine, in all its departments ; in the temple and its service,
with its priesthood, the fortification and defense of Jerusa-
lem and the country, the permanence of its legislative and
judiciary departments, the regulation of taxes and public
duties, and all that on the Law and the democratic basis
as proposed by Ezra. He took no salary as governor, and
kept a princely household for his people and foreigners, who-
came to Jerusalem. Before he left, Petahiah b. Meshezabel
was appointed governor (and he was not of the house of
David) ; Sheriah b. Hilkiah was appointed chief priest in
the temple (and he was not of the high priests' family) ; so-
he had overcome the aristocracy in Jerusalem, as he had
discomfited the enemies of his people among the adjacent
nationalities. In 433 b. c, when Pericles governed Athens,
and Hippocrates lived in Cos; when Socrates taught the
Athenians his new philosophy, and Meton discovered the
nineteen years' cycle of the lunar years, Nehemiah had
RESTORATION OF THE STATE — NEHEMIAH. 25
completely restored the Hebrew State and returned to
Persia, to King Artaxerxes.
17. The Successor of Ezra.
It is not known where or when Ezra died. He disap-
pears from the records of history before Nehemiah, and his
successor is mentioned, Zadok, the Scribe (Nehemiah xiii.
13). The traditions maintain that both Ezra and Nehe-
miah died on the ninth day of the tenth month {Ilalachoth
Guedoloth, 39 b), without teUing where ; and then it is
maintained that Ezra Avas the Prophet Malachi {Meguillah
15). If so, he must have lived for several years after 433
B. c, for this prophet flourished several years after that time.
18. Skepticism and Corruption.
Within nine years after Nehemiah had left, an alarming
skepticism took hold on the minds of priest and people.
The leading idea upon which the Laws of Moses had been
re-accepted and re-enforced and the State re-constituted
was, that Israel had been punished and exiled on account
of his disobedience to the Laws of Moses ; therefore, re-
newed and faithful obedience to that code would secure to
Israel God's special favor and protection, and the complete
restoration of the Kingdom of Heaven. But now (431 b. c.)
a grievous pestilence, coming from Ethiopia, Lybia and
Egypt, invaded also the land of the Hebrews, and cut off
many of them (4) ; droughts and locusts destroyed the
crops (Malachi iii. 11) ; now many despaired and yielded to
a discouraging skepticism (5). Priests left the altar and
derided it (Malachi i. 7, 12). The people treated the sanc-
tuary with criminal indifi'erence ; brought no longer the
tithe to the temple, as Nehemiah had ordained, so that its
ministers had to leave it (Ibid iii. 10 ; Nehemiah xiii. 10) ;
married foreign women again (Malachi ii. 2 ; Nehem. xiii.),
violated the Sabbath, the legislators left the temple, and the
state of morals was very low (Malachi iii. 5; ii. 10). In all
this skepticism and subsequent corruption, the priests had
taken the lead {Ihid ii. 8), so that Eliashib, the high priest,
had given a cloister in the temple to Tobias, the enemy of
Israel, and his grandson had married the daughter of San-
belat. Under these circumstances, the Prophet Malachi
uttered his chastising speech and threatening oracle, with
special severity against the priests. The corruptionists
(4) See Plutarch in Pericles, Thucydides lib. 2 ; Hippocrates lib. 3.
(5) See Malachi ii. 17 ; iii. 13 to 15.
26 RESTORATION OF THE STATE — NEHEMIAH.
asked : " Where is the God of justice?" and the prophet re-
pUed with the prediction that the lord, the angel of the
covenant (Nehemiah), would suddenly appear in the temple
and purify it again, and purify them also. And so it came
to pass that Nehemiah unexpectedly returned to Jerusalem,
424 B. c, invited, perhaps, by Malachi and the law-abiding
citizens.
19. Nehemiah Again in Jerusalem.
Nehemiah having again taken into his hands the reins
of the government, acted this time not only with energy, but
with severity. Having again, on the First Day of the
Seventh Month, read the law for them, he forced them to
send away their foreign wives and to swear an oath that
they would never again violate this law. Those who re-
sisted, he smote and plucked out their hair ; and the son of
Joiada, and grandson of the high priest, who had married
a daughter of Sanbelat, was driven out of Jerusalem and
the country. Having purified the priests and people, he
brought back the Seganim, the permanent portion of
the Great Synod, to their seats in the temple. He drove
Tobias from his cloister in the temple, and again enforced
the regular delivery of the tithe and other taxes, and the
offerings of wood to the temple, and appointed new officers
to conduct this matter. Then he called to account the
Horim, the executive rulers, for their neglect of duty, es-
pecially in permitting violations of the Sabbath ; he stopped
this, and would not even permit the merchants, on the Sab-
bath day, to stay near the walls of Jerusalem outside of the
city. So, by the exercise of severe authority, he enforced
obedience to the Law, and reformed the State and temple
permanently.
20. The End of Nehemiah.
It is not known how long Nehemiah lived after his
second coming to Jerusalem, where or when he died. In the
Talmud {Sabbath 103 5) it is maintained that some of Nehe-
miah's severe Sabbath laws were modified in aftertimes. In
Sanhedrin 93 b, he is also credited with the authorship of the
largest portion of the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, which
could be understood only as referring to the notes from which
those books were afterward composed. So the three pioneers
of the second commonwealth of the Hebrews passed away
unnoticed in the historical sources. Each of them left his
imperishable monument. Zerubabel established the temple,
Ezra the Law and the foundations to literature and a demo-
RESTORATION OF THE STATE — NEHEMIAH. 27
<3ratic government, and Nehemiah the State, with its gov-
erning institutions. Gradually it assumed the name of
Judali or Judea (Nehem. v. 17; vi. 6, 7; xiii. 24). Its pop-
ulation, in the time of Nehemiah, extended south to Be'er
Sheba, including Hebron, which was afterward lost again,
down to Kabze'el (Joshua xv.), on the ancient borders of
Edom, and up north to Gebia, the ancient border of Judea
{II. Kings xxvii.), a tract of land of about sixty miles in
length and breadth (Nehem. xi. 25)..
As men and patriots, these three pioneers were immacu-
late, and as founders of the new form of the theocracy they
are remarkable for the total absence of all miracles and
supernatural pretensions in their work. They appear as
natural, earnest and hard-working men, who had nothing to
do with evil sjDirits or angels, or any supernatural support
besides God's aid to good and honest work.
28 JUDEA UNDER THE GOVERNMENT OF HIGH PRIESTS.
CHAPTER IV.
Judea -wnder the Government of High Priests.
1. JoiADA, High Priest and Chief Ruler.
After the death of Nehemiah and the high priest, Elias-
hib (413 B. c), the Persian Court did not appoint governors
of Judea. Samaria was the seat of the Persian Satrap for
Syria, Phoenicia and Palestine. The sons of David had lost
prestige under Nehemiah. (Psalm Ixxxix.) The ruler ac-
knowledged by the Law, the prophet (Deuter. xviii. 15), was
no more ; the last prophets under Nehemiah, with the ex-
ception of Malachi, had proved unworthy of their illustrious
predecessors. Therefore, the high priest was now the first
man in the theocracy, and, contrary to the Laws of Moses
(Leviticus x. 3), he was acknowledged the chief ruler of the
nation, although he was no longer the bearer of the Urim
and Thumim (Ezra ii. 63). He presided over the Great
Synod, was the representative of the people before the king
and his satrap, and gradually he established himself in the
highest dignity of the nation.
2. The Temple on Mount Gerizzim Built.
Menasseh, the son of the high priest, Joiada (1), having^
married Nicaso, the daughter of Sanbelat, we have stated
l)ofore, was driven out of Jerusalem. Other priests guilty
of the same offense left with him, and sought refuge in
Samaria. His attempt to regain his sacerdotal position
after the death of Nehemiah, was foiled by the indignation
of the people and the high priest. Unwilling to relin-
quish his title, he proposed to desert his wife. His father-
in-law promised him a temple on Mount Gerizzim similar ta
(1) Not the brother of Jaddua, as Josephus has it: Antiq. ix.
viii. 2.
JIIDEA UNDER THE GOVERNMENT OF HIGH PRIESTS. 29
that of Jerusalem, in which he should be the high priest.
Sanbelat obtained a grant to this effect from Darius Nothus,
who was then involved in a war with Egypt (2), and the
temple was built, and the same culte introduced as in
Jerusalem. Menasseh was its first iiigh priest, and other
expatriated priests were his subordinates. All the reforms
of Ezra and Nehemiah were rejected, and the Pentateuch,
in its more ancient form and letters only, was retained, in
which some changes Avere made. Deuter. xi. 29 to 32 was
placed after the Decalogue in Exodus, to prove that God had
sanctified Mount Gerizzim as the place for Israel's sanc-
tuary. The Samaritans tried to prove that they were de-
scendants of Joseph, and the claims of Sichem as the holy
city were older than those of Jerusalem. It does not ap-
pear that the Hebrews of Judea were much opposed to the
new temple, which was strictly monotheistic and Mosaic in
its culte, especially -as they had repeatedly rejected the
Samaritans ; although there is a tradition on record (3) that
the priests and elders of Jerusalem pronounced the great
ban over the Samaritan temj)le and its priests. Those who
were dissatisfied with the Ezra and Nehemiah reforms,
sought refuge in Samaria and found protection, so that the
new temple contributed indirectly to the maintenance of
the peace in Judea, and extended the power of the high
priest's family.
3. A High Priest Slays his Brother in the Temple.
Joiada died 373 b. c, after an official career of thirty-two
years, and was succeeded by his oldest son, Johanan.
Joshua, or Jesus, his younger brother, was the favorite of
Bagases, the Persian Satrap of Syria, under Artaxerxes II.,
and he promised the high priesthood to Jesus. ■ Accordingly,
he appeared in Jerusalem as the high priest aiDpointed by
the king's satrap, and Johanan held the office by right of
primogeniture. The quarrel lasted several years, and nei-
ther was willing to resign. The Hebrews could certain-
ly not submit to the innovation of having their high priest
appointed by the king or his satrap. In the year 366 b. c,
Jesus one day entered the inner court of the temple and at-
tempted, by force, to discharge the high priest's functions.
This led to a personal encounter, in which Johanan killed
his brother Jesus. This fratricide brought Bagases to
Jerusalem. Nothwithstanding the protestations of the
(2) Not Darius Codomanus, as Josephus has it.
(3) Pirkai R. Eliezer xxxviii. end.
30 JUDEA UNDER THE GOVERNMENT OF HIGH PRIESTS.
priests, he entered the inner court of the temple to inspect
the place where the assassination had taken place ; and
then imposed a fine upon the people, to pay to the king
fifty shekels for every lamb sacrificed on the altar. As
there were eleven hundred and one lambs sacrificed a year
for the congregation, the fine amounted to 55,050 shekels
per annum. The amount of the fine was small, but the
principle that the king should exercise the right of inter-
fering with their divine services was mortifying to the He-
brews, and they looked upon it as a punishment inflicted
upon them by Providence for the crime committed in the
temple. Still, they paid that fine seven years (to 359 b. c.)^
when Artaxerxes II. died, and a revolution at the Persian
court relieved them of this burden.
4. The Esther and Mordecai Story, 346 b. c.
The events which transpired during the reign of the
third Artaxerxes, as he called himself, although he was
called Darius Ochus (son of Artaxerxes II.), are narrated
in the Book of Esther and in Josephus (4). That the Ahas-
veros of the Bible was one of the Medo-Persian kings, and
not the father of Darius, the Mede (Daniel ix. 1), or CJamby-
ses (Ezra iv. 6), one whose name was Artaxerxes, is evident
from the concurrence of the Septuagint, the apocryphal Es-
ther and Josephus ; all of them call him Artaxerxes. In
the Syriac version, Peshito, he is plainly called Achshirash,.
son of Achshirash, which is Artaxerxes, the son of Arta-
xerxes, which could refer to Darius Ochus only. It is evi-
dent that the Esther and Mordecai story can not be con-
nected with any one of the kings of Medo-Persia preceding
Artaxerxes III., and that his character, as described by
Diodorus Siculus and QuintiusCurtius, corresponds exactly
to the Ahasveros of the Bible. The man who killed eighty
of his brothers and filled the land with human gore, looks
more like the Ahasveros of Scriptures with his bloody edicts
than does any of his predecessors. Besides, he was an
enemy of the Hebrews, who, it appears, gave support to the
Phoenicians who revolted against Persia. In the eighth
year of his reign, when he had taken Zidon, he besieged and
took Jericho, took many captives of the Hebrews, led part
of them with him into Egypt and sent others to Hyrcania,
on the Caspian Sea. to settle parts of that country (5).
Therefore, the Hebrews were disliked at the king's court,
and Esther's parentage was not made known, and Mordecai,
4) Antiq. xi. vi.
5) Josephus contra Apion, etc., H. Prideaux, 351 b. c.
JUDEA UNDER THE GOVERNMENT OF HIGH PRIESTS. 31
although he had saved the king's life, was in disfavor at
court. The dates given in the Book of Esther fit exactly in
the life of Ochus. He gave his great banquet in the third
year of his reign, when he had been firmly settled on his
throne. He married Esther in the seventh year of his
reign, before he took the field against Phoenicia and Egypt.
The bloody edict against the Hebrews was issued in the
twelfth year of his reign, after his victories over Egypt,
when he, according to Diodorus Siculus (Lib. xvi.), yielded
himself entirely to a hfe of laziness and pleasure, and left
the administration of government entirely to his favorite
ministers. After this king had disposed of his wife, Vashti,
he married Esther, " the star," who was also called Hadas-
SAH, " the myrtle." She was a niece of Mordecai, of the
tribe of Benjamin, which the king knew not. The king's
favor was bestowed entirely upon a haughty and revengeful
Amalakite, whose name was Haman. This bloody despot,
in the absence of the king, exacted divine honors of the
courtiers also. Mordecai, a man of strictly monotheistic
principles, refused to bend his knee before the mighty min-
ister, which kindled his wrath against the proud Hebrew,
and he determined upon taking revenge on the whole race.
He persuaded the king, by false representations and heavy
bribes, to issue a decree against all the Hebrews in the em-
pire, outlawing them and their property, and giving permis-
sion to slay all of them on the thirteenth day of Adar, and
to take their property. The decree, however, had been is-
sued a year previous to its execution, so that it appears it
was intended more against the property than the lives of
the Hebrews, who might have left the country meanwhile.
By the influence of Mordecai upon his niece, Queen Esther,
and her influence upon the king, the mighty minister was
overthrown, and ended, with ten of his sons, upon the gal-
lows. The royal decree could not be revoked according to
the laws of the empire ; therefore, the Hebrews were given
ample means of self-defense, and on that fatal thirteenth
day of Adar, when they were attacked by avaricious and
bl()od-thirsty enemies, they successfully defended them-
selves and did terrible execution. In memory of that event,
the fourteenth day of Adar was made a half holiday, called
PiiRiM, on account of the lots cast by Haman, and also the
fifteentli day, called ShusJian Purim, because the Hebrews
of Susa had made a special day of festivities. Esther was
the favorite queen, and Mordecai, after that event, occupied
the highest position at the king's court. The Hebrews of
Susa and the immediate vicinity, it appears, were the victims
singled out by Haman, while those at a distance from the
32 JUDEA UNDER THE GOVERNMENT OF HIGH PRIESTS.
Persian capital were not molested by the edict, and were
not attacked ; consequently, needed not defend them-
selves. This was certainly the case with the Hebrews of
Palestine. Therefore, the Purim feast was established by
Mordecai and Esther, and not by any lawful authority in
Jerusalem, and was most likely observed a long time in the
East before it was introduced in Palestine.
5. The Last PIigh Priest of this Period.
Johanan remained in office up to the year 341 b. c, Avhen
he died and was succeeded by his son, Jaddua, who was the
last of the six high priests of this period, named in Nehe-
miah xii. 10, 11, in the Alexandrian Chronicle and in Jose-
phus. According to the Talmud, there were two more,
Onias I. and Simon the Just, who is said to have held this
dignity forty years, and was high priest when AlexaJider
arrived before Jerusalem.
6. The Great Synod and its Work.
Nothing is said in Jewish sources about the high priests
after Nehemiah's time, because no political disturbances or
changes took place in Judea, and the internal development
of that period was credited to the Men of the Great Synod,
over whom the high priest presided, and without whose con-
sent nothing could be done. The Great Synod carried the
Ezra and Nehemiah reforms into general practice. The ob-
servation of the Sabbath became so general that warriors
would not fight on Sabbath. Intermarriage with foreign
women, and with it also bigamy, had become almost extinct,
so that for centuries no case of either was reported. The
abomination of idolatry had been extended so far that He-
brew soldiers, under Alexander, would rather stand any
punishment than assist in rebuilding a Heathen temple.
Therefore, most of the post-biblical laws of the Hebrews
and the ancient customs, also those called •^roD nt^'o!? riD^n,
" Rule by Moses from Sinai," in reference to the Sabbath,
marriages, idolatry, temple service, taxes, Levitical clean-
ness, including those concerning forbidden food, the judi-
ciary and procedure, had their origin with the Men of the
Great Synod. They expounded the Laws of Moses and ex-
tended provisions in the sense of the Ezra and Nehemiah
reform. In the same sense, the Sopherim taught the peo-
ple. Therefore, the general statement (6) : " The Men of
(6) Jerushalmi, Shekalim v.: niD^H K^mo IJpn nijnJH nDJ3 'K'JS
JUDEA UNDER THE GOVERNMENT OF HIGH PRIESTS. 33
the Great Synod established exigese (to expound the laws),
rules (statutes), and sermons."
In civil and criminal law there are also certain principles
and post-biblical statutes which were never disputed by the
Sadducees, and must, consequently, have originated with
the Great Synod. This body, therefore, laid the foundation
to the post-biblical or ral)liinical code of the Hebrev/s, al-
though it is not ascertained in each case which particular
hnv, principle or custom can claim this antiquity.
7. The Sopherim and their Work.
The learned men after Ezra were called Soplierim (sin-
gular Sopher). " Scribes ;" because to be a skilled writer
was the lirst criterion of a man of learning. To transcribe
the authenticated Law as deposited in the temple was one
of the Scribe's occupations. His next occupations were to
read, expound and teach it. The text was without vowel
points, without divisions of words, verses and chapters ;
hence it was nearly hieroglyphic, so that the correct reading
thereof was traditional, and had to be communicated from
master to disciple. As the Great Synod legislated by ex-
pounding and extending the Law, these additions also had
to be taught orally. The teachers, to be trusted in all these
points, had to be distinguished for learning and piety, and to
keep themselves posted in all tli« enactments of tl:ie Great
Synod.
8. The Synagogue and the Sopher.
One hundred years after Ezra, there was a synagogue in
every important town in Judea, which was the court-house
and the place for public worship and instruction, as was
also the case in the temple synagogue (7). By the Anslie
Mci'amod^ or " Commoners," the temple service, with the
exception of the sacrifices, was imitated in their respective
places in the country. The Great Synod legislated for the
temple, and the synagogical service was arranged accord-
ingly. In the temple, certain Psalms were sung by the Le-
vites; the Shema and the Decalogue were read twice every
day, with certain brief benedictions before and after; and
this was done also in the synagogues until it was considered
a, duty that every person should pray those very prayers
twice a day. When the Great Synod added seven benedic-
(7) It appears, however, that in the temple the Lislirhalh Ilag ga-
zith was two stories high ; the lower hall was the synagogue, and the
upper one was the hall of the Sanhedrin.
34 JUDEA UNDER THE GOVERNMENT OF HIGH PRIESTS.
tions to the daily exercises (8), this was also done in the
synagogues, and at last by the individuals. In the temple,
certain portions of the Law were read on Sabbath, holidays
and new moons, which was also done in the synagogues,
with the Ezra addition of such readings on Monday, Thurs-
day and Sabbath afternoon. These readings of the Law re-
quired a skilled and informed reader, a Sopher; hence,
there had to be a Sopher in every synagogue to read and to
expound the Law. Some of the Sopherim were, at the
same time, teachers, and others judges, while a number of
them were members of the Great Synod. So a new power
rose up gradually in the land, which took the place of the
prophets of old ; a power independent of the accident of
birth, because any gifted man could become a Sopher. It
Avas the power of intelligence, which vied with priest and
prophet for the first rank and authority (9).
(8) The eighteen benedictions md? HilDK' are of a later origin.
The ancient sources have but seven ; three in praise of God, m3X
Dtrn nti'lp rrnUJ, and three of thanksgiving and blessing in con-
clusion w^T\2 T\'2~\1, nnin ^nvn between which a seventh was inserted,
except on New Year, when three were inserted, and the Day of
Atonement, when various others were added. Mishah, Yoma, vii. 1 ;
Rash Haahonah, iv. 5.
(9) The Great Synod is also credited with having authenticated or
even written some of the Biblical books [_Baha Bathra, 15 a]. This
point will be discussed in another chapter.
LITERATURE AND CULTURE. 35
CHAPTER V.
Literature and Culture of the Medo-Persian Period.
1. The Canon.
The seven books of the Canon established by Ezra and
the Great Synod, are now before us as rnin, the Thorah,
Law, Pentateuch or Five Books of Moses, and D"':trN"i D'N'DJ;
the Former Prophets, comprising the Books of Joshua,
Judges, I. and II. Samuel, I. and II. Kings. This division
was made at a later period {JBaha BatTira^ 14 5), and was
not adopted by the Greek translators.
2. The Popular Literature.
Besides the Canon, there was considerable literature in
the possession of the Hebrews, which was afterward added
to the Canon, and is now before us as the Books of Isaiah,
Jeremiah, Ezekiel, eleven minor prophets. Psalms, Lamenta-
tions and Proverbs, besides the various books of prophets
and chronographers to which the author of Chronicles refers.
All these books, perhaps, in a fragmentary condition, must
have existed at that period. Some of the Psalms, besides
the oldest ones, were used by the Levites ; such as Psalms
Ixvii., xcii., xciii., xcv. to c, cxi. to cxiii.,cxxxv. and cxxxvi.^
cxliv. cxlv., and others (1). Others were used in private
devotion, such as Psalms x., Ixxi. Ixxvii. and cii. Psalms
cxxxv. and cxxxvi. were most likely the Jlallel^ or fes-
tive hymn, sung by the Levites at the Mussaph, or addi-
tional sacrifice of the new moons and three feasts.
3. The Literature Produced during this Period.
The Medo-Persian Period was eminently productive in
Hebrew literature. We possess from that period —
(1) See Mishnah Tamid, vii. 4.
36 LITERATURE AND CULTURE OF
(a) Prophetical books, viz. : the second Isaiah (Isaiah
xl. to Ixvi.), Haggai, Zachariah (except ix. to xii.), Malachi
and Jonah.
(h) Historical books, viz. : Ruth, Chronicles, Ezra and
Neheniiah.
(c) Various Psalms.
(d) The Book of Job.
4. The Book of Ruth.
It is evident from Ruth iv. 7, and the fact that none of
the earlier historiographers mention the names of Boaz,
Ruth, Elimelech or Naomi, and the linguistic peculiarities
of that beautiful idyl, that it was written from a tradition
which, perhaps, was preserved in the Davidian family long
after the event which it describes transpired. It appears to
have been written early in the Medo-Persian Period (2) and
in defense of Gentile mothers in Israel, against whom the
Ezra and Nehemiah reforms were so severe. The little book
places before the reader, to the very best advantage, a
daughter of Moab, who is rich in all virtues and becomes
the mother of the royal house of David. The objects of the
author are plain. Pie wants to show that not all Gentile
women are objectionable, as some of them might be like
Ruth ; that the ways and means of Providence are obscure,
and must be submitted to with faith and fortitude, which
was a special theme of that period, as shall be shown below ;
and that the heathens Avill be converted, as the second
Isaiah had predicted wdtli so much force. Perhaps the wife
of the high priest of the Gerizzim temple was the immedi-
ate cause that this idyl was written. Its tendency is evi-
dent and the time of its origin can not be doubtful, although
the author's name has not been preserved.
5. The Book of Jonah.
That the Book of Jonah was not written after this period
is evident from the fact of its having been accepted in the
prophetical canon, established soon after this. That it was
not written before is evident from the following points : (a)
Its lyric portion (chapter ii.) is an imitation of older Psalms.
( h) It is based on a fable, a method adoj^ted by none of the
other prophets, (c) It is cosmopolitan ; speaking of and to
Heathens in a spirit of cathoHcity, without reference to or
preference for Israel, Avhich distinctly marks its origin in a
time after the exile, when the Hebrews had come in close
(2) See Dr. Abraham Geiger's Urschrifl, etc., p. 49, etc.
OF THE MEDO-PERSIAN PERIOD. 37
contact with many nations between the Caspian Sea,
the Indus and the Nile, (d) It speaks favorably of the As-
syrians, the arch-enemies of Israel, which points to an age
Avhen that empire was no more, (e) It discusses the prob-
lem of Providence, showing why and when God punishes
not the wicked, a question matured in the minds at the time
of Malachi, and no prophet or philosopher discusses a theme
before its existence in the public mind, (f) It demon-
strates the point that the Pagans can and will be converted,
as predicted by the second Isaiah.
6. The Psalms of this Period.
For similar reasons as in Section 5, we conclude that
Psalm civ. is from this period ; it is a hymn on the cosmos
and a defense of Providence ; it has for its foundation the
first chapter of Genesis, and its author rises to a height in
cosiTiology unknown then among Gentiles. Psalm ciii. is an
amplification of Exodus xxxiv. 6, 7, and David did not imi-
tate. Psalm cxix. with eight verses to each letter of the
alphabet, in fervent praise of the Law with all its ordi-
nances and statutes, is certainly from this period, and shows
by its mnemotechnic construction that it was the text book
in the lower schools conducted by Soplierim. as expressed
in verses 7, 9, 25, 33, 34, etc., which also imbued the pupils
with a desire after loftier interpretations of the Law, as in
verses 10, 14, 18, etc. Psalm xix. is certainly of this period,
as its cosmic start and its praise of the Law prove. The
WHOLE LAW, as proposed by Ezra and Nehemiah, with all its
ancient statutes and ordinances, was not equally welcome
to all, and all Psalms in praise of the whole law, its pro-
found signification and hidden meanings, as well as most of
the didactic and the alphabetical Psalms are products of
this period. Psalms cxxvii. and cxxxvii., of course, are of
this period.
7. The Book of Job.
The oldest notice concerning the origin of the Book of
Job is in the Talmud {Baha Bathra, 15), where, it ap-
pears, two opinions stand uncontradicted : (1) The story of
Job is fictitious ; and (2) Job was one of those who returned
from the Babylonian exile. There was a pious man in the
land of Uz, who passed through a series of visitations (Eze-
kiel xiv. 14, 20), came out consistently and triumphantly,
returned to Palestine (Job xlii. 10), and, after his death, was
made the hero of this wonderful book on Providence. The
Book of Job could not have been written in the prophetical
38 LITERATURE AND CULTURE
age : because (a) it is, in form and style, entirely different
from all prophetical writings. It is not imperative, like
Moses ; not historical, like the former Prophets ; not predic-
tive, like the latter Prophets ; not psalmodic, like David, and
not gnomic, like Solomon : it is purely lyric-didactic in the
dialogue form, like Plato and portions of the Avesta. (h)
It philosophizes and is full of skepticisms, and a propheti-
cal age doubts not and reasons not discursively. The
prophet utters intuitive knowledge, and Job is discursive.
No fruit ripens before its season or out of its climate, (c)
It opens with an allegory (3) in heaven, which is not an imi-
tation of Isaiah vi. or Ezekiel i., but of a Persian court, and
has as a prominent figure among the heavenly satraps,
Satan, unknown in Hebrew literature before Zechariah, a
poetical fiction, which points directly to the Ahriman of the
Persians accommodated to the allegory, (d) Like Jonah
and Psalm civ., it is cosmic and cosmopolitan in its concep-
tions, (e) Throughout the arguments of Job and his four
friends, the name of Jehovah is mentioned but once (xii. 9),
and there in a quotation. This points directly to a time
when the Hebrews would not use the tetragrammaton,
which was certainly not in the time of the prophets. (/")
It contains quotations and imitations of Psalms and Pro-
verbs, and is held in the meter and parallelism of the latter.
Still, the Book of Job could not have been written long after
the prophetical period, for at the beginning and the end,
God, as Jehovah, is introduced, speaking to Satan, to Job
and also to Eliphaz, not with -\2l, " to speak," but njy, " to
impose " knowledge, Avhich is not exactly the prophetical
form. None of the writers of the next period, not even the
author of Daniel, had the boldness to let God speak to
them. Therefore, the origin of the Book of Job must be
placed near the end of the prophetical period ; hence, near
Malachi, with whom the prophetical period closes. This
prophet affords us the key to Job's philosophy. The preva-
lent skepticism which Malachi attacks (i. 2, 8, 12 ; ii. 17 ;
iii. 14, 15), concerns Providence especially in these two
points : (1) Why should we Hebrews observe God's laws
when we are treated no better than the Heathens? To this,
the authors of Ruth and Jonah reply, because you are no
better than the Heathens, who are also God's children, to
trust in Him Avith faith and fortitude or to repent their sins
on hearing God's threatening oracles. Do the same and
God will be gracious to you, as he was to Ruth and the peo-
ple of Nineveh. (2) Why are those who do fear the Lord
(3) All names and numbers in the book are plainly allegoric.
OF THE MEDO-PERSIAN PERIOD. 39
nevertheless subject to severe affliction? To this, the Book
of Job responds with different reasons (4), and one is, God,
who has given, may take away, and He who takes away
gives back seven-fofd. The afflictions of the righteous are
visitations of grace (5), intended to puriff and to elevate
him in the scale of human perfection. Malachi said (i. 11),
" For from the rising of the sun to his setting, my name is
great among the Gentiles ; and at every place sacrifice is
made to my name, and pure meal offering ; for my name is
great among the nations, saith Jehovah Zebaoth." This is
also a leading idea with Jonah, Psalm civ. and with Job,
whose four friends are supposed to be foreigners, who know
nothing of Jehovah. Therefore, there can be no doubt that
Job Avas written shortly after Malachi, hence near to 400
B. c, while Ruth and Jonah may have been written some
decades before. The prevailing skepticism, it appears, also
gave rise to Psalm 1. and the re-introduction among the tem-
ple songs of Psalm liii. (Psalm xv.), with the new conclusion.
The author of Job exhausts the various philosophisms on
Providence which reason advanced in his days, and shows
that Job and his friends, Elihu included, fail to account for
Job's afflictions, the real cause of which is stated in the
very beginning of the book ; hence, their reason fails in
solving the mysteries of Providence. Therefore, God him-
self appears, at last, to solve the problem, or rather to in-
form Job that man can not solve it, that he must believe,
confide and hope. So the book proves the necessity of rev-
elation and faith and the insufficiency of reason. There-
fore, it was supposed Moses must have written it.
8. I. AND II. Chronicles, Ezra and Nehemiah.
That the author of I. and II. Chronicles was also the
compiler of Ezra and Nehemiah, which were but one book,
has been established by Dr. L. Zunz (6). Ezra and Nehe-
miah consist of original notes by those men, written in the
first person, and portions written by the compiler, which are
in style like the Chronicles ; and the beginning of Ezra is
taken from the close of Chronicles. Therefore, we know
that these books were written after the Nehemiah census
(4) See MoREH Nebuchim, III. Volume, chap, xvii., and Sepher
Ikkaeim, iv. Maamar, chapt. vii.
(5) HDHK ^^> D'llD" Bemchoth, 5.
(6 ) GoTTESDiENSTLicHE VoRTRAEGE. The chapter on the Chronwt
was translated in EngUsh by myself, and published in the Asmonean
in the year 1852.
40 LITERATURE AND CULTURE
had been taken (compare Nehem. xi. and I. Chron. ix.), an(i
shortly before the advent of Alexander the Great (about-
350 B. c), as the high priest Jaddua is mentioned in Nehe-
miah (xii. 11). This author ignores the ancient Hebrew
Republic, the reign of Saul, and barely refers to the king-
dom of Israel. The main portion of his book (from I.
Chron. x. to II. Chron. ix., 29 chapters), is devoted to David
and Solomon, whom he glorifies, omitting the most grievous
sins of both. So he neglects the prophets and glorifies the
priests. The main center of his thoughts was the temple
and the priesthood. He wrote at a time when the house of
David appeared only as a reminiscence of past glory, chiefly
as the builders of the temple ; the prophets were no longer
a living power among the Hebrew people : the temple was
the main center, and the high priest the chief ruler.
9. The Language Spoken.
The Hebrews of Judea, during this period and long after
it, spoke Hebrew, and called the language n''Tin', JeJiuditk
or Jewish (Nehem. xiii. 24). The glowing patriotism of the
Hebrews in exile, with orators like Ezekiel and the second
Isaiah, and a literature as described above, rendered it im-
possible to forget the language of their country in fifty
years ; especially, as many of their leaders outlived the cap-
tivity and returned to their home which they had left as
young men (Ezra iii. 12). But if they had forgotten their
national language, the patriotism of Nehemiah and the en-
thusiasm of Ezra would certainly have restored it with the
Law, as the best medium of preserving both the Law and
the nationality. Nehemiah complains about the offspring
of those who had foreign wives, that they could not speak
any language correctly ; but those were few only, and be-
cause he complains about the jargon of the few, the correct
JeJiudith must have been the language in general use.
This is evident from the addresses and notes of the prophets,.
Ezra and Nehemiah, which must have been Aramaic or
Syriac, if such had been the language of the country, cr
written in strict imitation of the more ancient classical
Hebrew, like the Book of Job, which was no popular ad-
dres-s. But those si^eeches and notes, as well as the original
passages in Chronicles, show new and advanced forms of a
spoken Hebrew, tinctured with Aramaisms, adopted by con-
tact. Therefore, it is unhistorical to speak of any Targurriy
'' Aramaic version," or any Meturgamon, " Translator," of
Scriptures introduced by Ezra.
of the medo-persian period. 41
10. The Religious Idea.
A nation's literature is the barometer of its cultural at-
mosphere : the age which produced the Books of Ruth,
Jonah and Job, and Psalm civ., must have been enlightened,
tolerant and humane. With the second Isaiah, Malachi and
Jonah, there is an end to all one-sided and narrow-minded
particularism. Jehovah is the author and governor of the
universe, the Father of the human family, and Israel is
" His servant," charged with the mission of redeeming and
uniting the human family in the universal Kingdom of
Heaven, under the banner of truth, freedom and justice.
Therefore, Israel must preserve His integrity among the
nations and be holier than others, which can be done only
by obedience to the whole Law. If those writers did not
reflect the spirit of their age, they must certainly have
made it. With this religious idea at the base, the second
commonwealth of the Hebrews was started, and the Demo-
cratic form of government was made an indispensable
necessity. Whether a lay governor or the high priest col-
lected the foreign king's taxes, was indifl'erent ; the nation,
with all its institutions, temple, synagogue, schools and
courts of justice, was governed by the Law, its expounders,
and the people's representatives in the Great Synod. No
Messiah was expected ; no prince of the house of David was
wanted ; no miracles were wrought ; no fantastic specula-
tions or transcendental hopes indulged in ; the jDCople and
its leaders were sober and practical. Their iiiclination to
skepticism demonstrates a new era of intelligence.
11. Art and Science.
The Hebrews were agriculturists. No traces of com-
merce, except domestic trade, are found in this period. In
the sciences, the advanced knowledge of that period is de-
monstrated by the temple on Mount Moriah and the walls of
Jerusalem, which embodied leading principles in mathe-
matics and physics and sublime ideals of beauty in archi-
tecture. Cosmology, far in advance of all cotemporary na-
tions, is expressed in the second Isaiah, Job and Psalm civ.
The author of the Book of Job speaks astronomical figures
of speech as though that science had been popular among
his cotemporaries, and philosophizes on the highest prob-
lems with an ease and grace which betoken his own intimacy
with metaphysics, and his supposition that many would un-
derstand him well. It is not formal philosophy formally
expressed ; it is its substance in the graceful garb of beauty,
and this pre-supposes both depth of thought and an enno-
42 LITERATURE AND CULTURE.
bled taste. It would be highly interesting and instructive
to discover the actual state of that period's civilization in
its literature, but our method of brevity would not allow
this research. We can only refer to general characteristics.
We have before us a small nation far advanced in the reli-
gious and ethical idea, the arts of civilization and the main
sciences ; a nation without sculptors and painters, but with
musicians, singers, orators, poets, philosophers and writers
admired to this day as intellects of the highest order, and
we have the right to judge the age by its exponents.
II. The Grecian Period.
This period, extending from 332 to 167 b. c, from the coming of'*"
Alexander the Great to Jerusalem to the insurrection of the
Hebrews under Mattathia, the Asmonean, will be narrated in
the next four chapters, being the sixth, seventh, eighth and
ninth, of this book. It is usually called the Macedonian Period,
because the Macedons were the main supporters of Alexander,
and many of the Greek settlers in Asia and Egypt were called
so. It is more correct, however, to call it the Grecian Period,
because the Grecizing aptitude of the Hebrews is characteristic
of this period of history ; its aggressions and the defense made
against it are the underlying principles which led at last to the
Maccabean insurrection and the civil war. The most import-
ant events of this period are : the growth of the Hebrew com-
monwealth, the origin of the Sanhedrin, the Greek translation
of the Law, the mutual influence of the Greek and Hebrew
mind, and the consequent literature.
CHAPTER VI.
Judea under European Rulers.
1. Two New Kings.
The year 335 b. c, gave to the then civihzed world two
new kings of historical fame ; Codomanus, called Darius III.,
was made King of Persia, and Alexander, King of Mace-
don and commander-in-chief of all Greece, after he had de-
stroyed the city of Thebes, slain 90,000 of her inhabitants,
and sold 30,000 surviving captives into slavery. The last of
the Medo-Persian kings, Darius III., was a brave though
44 JUDEA UNDER EUROPEAN RULERS.
unfortunate monarch. Alexander, born at Pella, in 356 b. c,
was then not quite 22 years of age. He was an atrocious
barbarian, although Aristotle was his tutor, Socrates and
Plato had humanized the Greeks, and Demosthenes had but
lately delivered his Philippics and Olynthiacs. Alexander
inherited his father's (Philip of Macedon) unbridled ambi-
tion and warlike spirit, and was a native martial genius, as
great and successful as he was rash, passionate and wicked.
He conquered Asia, from the Black and Caspian Seas to the-
Indian Ocean, from the Hellespont to beyond the Indus
Kivcr, Egypt and Eastern Europe to the Adriatic Sea and
the Danube River ; and yet he was a base drunkard and as-
sassin, guilty of the most atrocious crimes committed by
man. He was the greatest warrior of his age.
2. Asia Minor and Syria Conquered.
In the year 334 b. c, with an army of 34,000 men, and
seventy talents (about $72,000) in his treasury, Alexander
crossed the Hellespont at Sestus, into Asia Minor. A few
days later, at the river Granicus, he encountered the Per-
sian army, outnumbering his five to one, and routed it in
open battle. This victory brought into his possession th&
royal treasury at the city of Sardis and all the provinces of
Asia Minor, which had many and dominant Greek cities.
Securing the fruits of this victory, he marched eastward into-
Cilicia, and secured to himself the straits between this
province and Syria. The battle of Issus was fought there
(333 B. c). The vast army of Darius was routed ; his camp,
baggage, mother, wife and children were captured, and Syria
was open to the invader. Having sent Parmenis, one of
his lieutenants, to take Damascus and Coelosyria, Alexan-
der, with his main army, marched into Phoenicia, and met
with no resistance anywhere until he reached the city of
Tyre, which he was forced to besiege fifteen months, and
then to take it by storm.
3. Jerusalem Submits to Alexander.
The protracted siege of Tyre could not have been under-
taken without receiving provisions for the army. The next
agricultural countries were Judea and Samaria. Therefore,.
Alexander sent embassadors to Samaria and Jerusalem, de-
manding submission and provisions. The Samaritans sent
supplies and a corps of eight thousand men to Alexander's
army. The Hebrews refused, because, as they said, their
oath of allegiance to the king of Persia was sacred and in-
violable. This provoked the ire of the great warrior, and.
JUDEA UNDER EUROPEAN RULERS. 45
after he hadiaken Tyre, he marched to Jerusalem. Judea
had no army and could offer no resistance. The Persians
were far away beyond the Euphrates. The alternative was
.either submission to Alexander or a siege of Jerusalem,
with the fate of Tyre before it. The high priest, Jaddua (1),
in order to pacify the conscience of his people concerning
the oath of allegiance, had recourse to a divine dream, in
which, as he said, God had commanded him to submit to
Alexander, and to meet him in a certain solemn manner.
This was satisfactory. The city was decorated, the high
priest and priests (2) in their sacerdotal robes, the rulers and
citizens in white garments, forming a stately procession,
went forth to receive Alexander, at Zophim, " Prospect," a
hill west of Jerusalem, from which the temple and city
<30uld be overlooked. Nothing could be more welcome to
him than the submission of a strong city and a rich coun-
try ; and nothing could be more flattering to his vanity
than this demonstration of friendship and submission.
Therefore, Alexander, ap^jroached by the high priest, bowed
to him reverently and treated him kindly. In explanation
of his conduct, he, like Jaddua, also referred to a dream
which he had before crossing the Hellespont (3). He was
led in triumph through the decorated city to the temple,
where he made sacrifices to the God of Israel, received the
■oath of allegiance, secured to Judea all the privileges en-
joyed under the Medo-Persian monarchs, and exemption
from tribute every Sabbath-year. The people had no cause
to regret the change of rulers, and the priests called every
boy born that year Alexander. No changes in the internal
government of Judea were made.
4. Samaria Annexed to Judea.
The Samaritans were not as fortunate as the Hebrews.
They invited Alexander to visit their capital and temple,
and he did not do it ; they also begged exemption from
tribute every Sabbath-year, and it was not granted, although
they had assisted him before Tyre with men and provisions.
They were dissatisfied, and soon after avenged themselves.
For Alexander, going into Egypt, appointed one of his fa-
(1) According to the Talmud, Simon the Just, the grandson of
Jaddua, then high priest, was in office forty years, 368 to 29-! b. c.
He was vice-high priest Segav, for he prepared a red heifer, and may
have been the governor de facto already in the time of Jaddua.
(2) There were then, in all Judea, about 1,500 priests, says Heca-
teus.
^3) Josephus' Antiquities xi. viii. 5.
46 JUDEA UNDER EUROPEAN RULERS.
vorites, Andromachus, Governor of Syria and Palestine.
This governor coming to the city of Samaria, the people
rose against him, set fire to the house in which he was, and
he perished in the flames. Alexander, on returning from
Egypt, caused all to be slain who had taken any part in this
outrage, drove the rest of the inhabitants out of the city of
Samaria, colonized it with Macedonians, annexed the whole
territory of Samaria to Judea free of extra tribute (331 b. c.)
(4), and left to the exiles the city of Schechem, near their tem-
ple of Mount Gerizzim, which ever after remained the cap-
ital of that sect. The eight thousand Samaritan soldiers in
Alexander's army were sent to Thebes, in Egypt, and set-
tled there. The Hebrews of Judea were brought in close
contact with Galilee, which, it appears, was included in Sa-
maria.
5. A Crime of Alexander.
Alexander marched from Judea into Egypt. He was
detained two months before the city of Gaza, which he fin-
ally took by storm. Here Alexander committed another of
his atrocious crimes. The Persian commander, Betis, of
this city, was taken alive. Holes were cut behind the sin-
ews of his heels ; the valiant man was tied to a chariot, and,
as Achilles had dragged the dead body of Hector on the
walls, dragged through the streets of Gaza till he was dead.
6. The Site of Alexandria Selected.
In a very short time Alexander subjected all Egypt to
his sway. In the winter of 332 b. c. he journeyed from
Memphis to the temple of Jupiter Ammon, in the desert of
Libya, where he had himself declared by the priests a son of
that god. On his way thither he discovered a site in the
Delta of the Nile opposite the Island of Pharus, which, in
opposition to Tyre, he selected for a new commercial city,
to be called Alexandria. It was laid out at once and build-
ing commenced. On returning from Libya to the site of
Alexandria, he invited colonists to this new city, and among
them also the Hebrews, to whom he granted equal rights
with the Macedonians as a reward of their fidelity and as-
sistance (5).
7. End of the Medo-Persian Empire.
In the year 331 b. c, which Ptolemy, the astronomer,
counts the first of Alexander's reign over the East, Alexan-
(4) Josephus contra Apion ii. 4.
(5) Josephus' Wars ii. xviii. 7 and Contra Apion ii.
JUDEA UNDER EUROPEAN RULERS. 47
der marched across the Euphrates and Tigris Rivers in pur-
suit of Darius and his army. The two armies met in Octo-
ber above Ninevah, near a place called Aribela, and Darius
was defeated. He fled into Media, was captured by two of
his own lieutenants and after some time slain by them.
Alexander, a short time thereafter, was in undisputed posses-
sion of the whole Medo-Persian Empire, and invaded India
beyond the Indus River, not, however, before he had burned
down the ancient city of Persepolis and had committed all
the outrages of a drunken villain.
8. The Hebrews Refuse to Rebuild a Heathen
Temple.
Up to the year 324 b. c, Alexander was incessantly en-
gaged in conquests, the organization of government and the
practice of vices. In this year he came back to the city of
Babylon, which he intended to make his capital, and to
beautify to its utmost capacity. He, carrying Greek idola-
try into the East, also undertook to rebuild the temple of
Bel destroyed by Xerxes. The soldiers were ordered to re-
move the debris. When the turn of the Hebrew soldiers
came in this work, they absolutely refused to do it. Severe
punishments were inflicted in vain j they insisted upon the
prohibition of their religion to assist in any way in the
building of a Heathen temple. So the Laws of Moses were
then understood. The soldiers were at last dismissed from
service and sent to their respective homes.
9. The Death of Alexander.
Alexander died suddenly in the spring of the year 323
B. c, thirty-two years old. Some maintained he had been
poisoned, and others naturally believed that he wasted
away by excesses, polygamy, concubinage, sodomy and or-
gies of the worst kind ; he died the death of a vile drunk-
ard. His companion, Hephestion, had died the same death.
10. The Family of Alexander Extinguished by
Assassination.
After the death of the great conqueror, his generals set-
tled the royal succession upon Aridaeus, calling him Philip,
who was the idiotic and bastard brother of Alexander, and
his son by Roxana, born after his death, called Alexander
Aegus. Perdiccas was declared regent, or governor of the
48 JUDEA UNDER EUROPEAN RULERS.
kings. The vast empire was divided into provinces, each of
which was placed under a governor selected from Alexan-
der's principal men. Their duty was to preserve the empire
for the kings ; but their object was to become independent
kings themselves, which initiated a period of treachery and
perpetual warfare, lasting up to tlie year 301 b. c. Perdic-
cas, the governor of the kings, was slain by his own men in
Egypt (821 B. c). His successor. Antipater, died (319 b. c),
and Polysperchon took his place. In 317 b. c, Oiympias,
the mother of Alexander, seized the government and slew
King Philip, his wife and their friends, and was herself
slain the next year. Now, Alexander Aegus was nominallji
the king. But in the year 310 b. c, the same year when
Epicur, l)eing thirty-two years of age, began to teach his
philosophy at Mytilene, Cassander slew both Alexander
Aegus and his mother, Roxana, and proclaimed himself
king of Macedon. The same year the son of Alexander,
Hercules, was put to death, and shortly after (308) Cleopa-
tra, the sister of Alexander, was also killed ; so that the
whole family, except one of Alexander's sisters, was exter-
minated.
11. The Governors of the Empire.
Among the governors appointed after the death of Alex-
ander, the following only interest us here: (1) Laomedox,
the Mytelenian, governor of Syria and Palestine, to 320
b. c. (2) Ptolemy Lagi, governor and afterward king of
Egypt, founder of the Ptolemy dynasty. (3) Seleucus, ap-
pohited governor of Babylon in 321 b. c, afterward king of
Syria and Asia to the Indus River, the founder of the Se-
leucidan dynasty. (4) Antigonus, orignally governor of
Pamphilia and other provinces, proclaimed himself and his
son Demetrius, in 306, kings of Asia, and fell in battle in
301 b. c, and his son Avas slain by Seleucus in 282 b. c. (5)
EuMENES, the greatest and most faithful man among the sur-
viving warriors of Alexander, was betrayed by his army and
slain by Antigonus (315 B.C.). The wars, confederations,
treacheries and depredations of the governors after the
death of Alexander, shook all foundations and undermined
the faith of the then civilized world in Asia, Europe and
Africa. The nations, their will, liberty and rights, had come
down to zero. Military chieftains, supported by mercenary
troops, trampled under foot cities and nations, changing
masters after every battle, and those masters betrayed one
another as often as they had made covenants.
judea under european rulers. ^
12. Fate of Palestine and the Capture of Jerusalem.
During the reign of Alexander, and under Laomedon, as
governor of Syria, it appears Palestine enjoyed peace and a
rising prosperity ; for no complaints of any kind have been
chronicled, and the name of Laomedon is not even men-
tioned in the Hebrew sources. In 321 b. c, Perdiccas,
marching a large army through Palestine into Egypt, the
country may have been benetited by it, because the He-
brews were as faithful to the heirs of Alexander as they had
been to him. Perdiccas having been slain in Egypt, Ptol-
emy invaded Syria by his general, Xicanor, who defeated
iind slew Laomedon, while Ptolemy himself invaded the
maritime country of Palestine and Phoenicia. The He-
brews offered stout resistance, and Ptolemy would have
been obliged to besiege Jerusalem much longer than he had
time to spare, had he not taken it by treachery (6). He
•came as a friend on the Sabbath day to offer sacrifices, but
craftily managed to possess himself of the city, before its
inhabitants discovered his real designs. He took a large
numljcr of Hebrew captives with him into Egypt, many of
whom were made slaves, while others were given lands to
settle on. So Palestine and the neighboring countries were
annexed to Ptolemy's province.
13. Palestine Changing Masters.
In the year 315 b. c, after the death of Eumcnes, Antigo-
nus became master of Asia. Seleucus fled into Egypt, and
Ptolemy, in 314, was obliged to retire from Palestine, and
leave it to Antigonus. He retook it in 312, but had to re-
store it the same year to Antigonus, in whose power it re-
mained up to 301 B. c. It appears that Jerusalem, like sev-
eral maritime cities, was dismantled by Ptolemy before his
retreat, and remained in a defenseless state until it walls
were rebuilt by Simon the Just (7). No trace is left in He-
brew sources of the government of Antigonus except his
name, which, like Alexander's, had been adopted by the
Hebrews ; and shortly after his death, one of the most prom-
inent Hebrews was Antigonus of Sochu.
14. Emigration to Egypt.
Between 320 and 314, and then again in 312 b. c, many
Hebrews emigrated to Egypt, settling in Alexandria, while
some of them were intrusted with military posts to guard
(6) Josephus' Antiquities xii. 1.
(7) Ben Sirach, chapter 50, 4.
60 JUDEA UNDER EUROPEAN RULERS,
various cities on account of their acknowledged fidelity.
Among the soldiers with Ptolemy, there Avas also Meshul-
1am, an expert archer and horseman, of whom Hecateus (8)
narrates that he guided a party through the wilderness.
An augur accosted them, pointed to a bird, and maintained
that if that bird stopped the party should, but if the bird
went onAvard, the party should proceed also. Meshullam
shot at the bird and killed it, maintaining that the bird,
knowing nothing concerning its own fate, could not possibly
predict that of others. This brief anecdote is characteristic
of the Hebrew's aversion to superstition. Hecateus (9)
also narrates that among the HebrcAV emigrants there was
one chief-priest, Hezekiah, Avho was learned, eloquent, and
conversant Avith the Greek. He had Avith him the Hebrew
Scriptures and expounded them to the Greeks There can
be no doubt that, in the long intercourse in Avar and peace
Avith Persians and Greeks, and especially from and after the
time of Alexander, the HebrcAvs, or rather the learned
among them, became Avell acquainted Avith the Greek lan-
guage, so that Aristotle could also converse Avitli a HebrcAV,
and confess that he and other philosophers had learned
much of him. Therefore, HebreAA\s could easily emigrate to
Egypt and fraternize with the Macedonians.
15. Final Partition of the Empire.
In the year 302 b. c, four of the ucaa^ kings, Adz. : Seleu-
cus, Ptoleni}^, Cassander and Lysimachus, conspired against
Antigonus and his son, Demetrius, and succeeded the next
year in overthroAving and slaying the aged Antigonus. Noav
the empire of Alexander Avas finally divided, so that Cas-
sander and Lysimachus divided among themseh'es the Eu-
ropean portion of the empire, Seleucus received Asia to the
Indus River, and Ptolemy Egypt, Lybia, Arabia, CcElosyria
and Palestine. This last partition brought Palestine per-
manently under the poAver of Egyptian rulers.
16. The Seleucidan Era.
Seleucus had been appointed gOA'ernor of Babylon in 321,
fled before Antigonus into Egypt in 315, and returned in
312 B. c. This year Avas made the beginning of the Seleuci-
dan Era, except Avith the Babylonians, Avho commenced it
(8) Josephus' Contra Apion i. 22. Hecateus of Abdera was a
philosopher and statesman in the time of Alexander and Ptolemy
Lagi.
(9) Josephus' Ibid.
JUDEA UNDER EUROPEAN RULERS. 51
311 B. c. It was in general use both in Asia and Europe to
the eleventh century, a. c.
17. State of the Hebrews, 300 b. c.
The State of the Hebrews at the close of this turbulent
third of a century was decidedly improved. The temple
service was not interrupted for a day by the inroads of
Greek idolatry in Asia. The succession of high priests Avas
legitimate, from lather to son. Jaddua died 321 b. c. and
was succeeded by his son, Onias {Elhanan), who remained
in office to the year 300 b. c, when he died and Avas suc-
ceeded by his aged son, Simon, surnamed the Just, who
appears to have been the chief of the nation during the
whole of this turbulent time. The city of Jerusalem
counted 120,000 inhabitants, and had a circumference of
fifty furlongs or 35,000 feet, says Hecateus, which appears
to have included the A'arious suburbs. The territory of Pal-
estine, as established by Alexander, extended north to be-
yond 33° North Latitude and south to nearly 31° North Lat-
itude, Avith the Idumeans in the south-eastern corner, and a
HebrcAv population of perhaps tAvo millions, protected by
seA'eral fortified cities, and in possession of one city on the
Mediterranean Sea, Joppe. The tAvo great powers noAv ex-
isting, Egypt and Syria, AA'ere Ijoth A^ery friendly to the He-
brews. Ptolemy also treated them Avell in Egypt. Seleucus
treated them no less generoush'. In the many cities which
he built, and also in Antiochj'^on the Orontes River, Avhich
he built on the spot of the ancient Pdblah (10) and made his
capital, and of Avhich Daphne Avas a suburb, he planted He-
brcAvs from the East, and gave them equal rights Avith the
Macedonians. This brought the Hebrews from the distant
East again, and in large numbers, to Syria and Asia Minor,
and in direct contact Avith the Greeks. The Samaritans and
Idumeans could no longer molest the HebrcAvs. The for-
mer had been disarmed^by Alexander, and noAV emigrated
to Egypt in large numbers ; and the latter had been en-
feebled by Antigonus. No change in the internal goA-ern-
ment of the Hebrews had taken place. They maintained
their freedom in the exercise of their religion, the adminis-
tration of justice and public instruction, paid tribute to
Ptolemy as they did to Persia, and left to the king the mili-
tary power and the protection of the country.
(10) Sanhedrin 96 h.
52 PALESTINE UNDEK EGYPTIAN KINGS.
CHAPTER VII.
Palestine Under Egyptian Kings.
to
284 B.
246 "
221 ''
204 "
180 "
145 "
1. Kings of Egypt.
All kings of Egypt after Ptolemy, the son of Lagus,
whom the Rhodians surnamed Soter the Savior, up to its
annexation to Rome, were called Ptolemy. The Ptolemys
of this period were :
1. Ptolemy Soter, - - to 284 b. c.
2. Ptolemy Philadelphus,
3. Ptolemy Euergetes,
4. Ptolemy Philopator, -
5. Ptolemy Epiphanes,
6. Ptolemy Philometor,
Their capital was Alexandria. They were unlimited
monarchs and gods. Besides Philopator, all of them were
favorably inclined to the Hebrews, whose rights and privi-
leges they respected, and interfered not with their internal
development in religion, public instruction and the admin-
istration of justice, either in Palestine or outside thereof.
The Hebrews were a State in the State of the Ptolemys, to
which they were bound by the tribute they paid, and the
military service which they rendered. These kings Grecized
Egypt in religion, art, science and social forms, and gave
the impulse to a new state of science, especially in mathe-
matics, mechanics, astronomy, cosmology, geography, criti-
cism, grammar and eclectic philosophy, as also in botany
and zoology. Euclid was born in Alexandria (about 300
B. c), and taught mathematics in its famous school. At
the same time Archimedes (born 287 b. c.) lived and taught
at Syracuse. Great expeditions by land and sea were under-
PALESTINE UNDER EGYPTIAN KINGS. 53
taken in the interest of science. The great canal, connect-
ing the Nile with the Red Sea, was rebuilt, and one for large
ships added. Observatories and colossal lighthouses were
erected like that of Pharus. Alexandria was the cen-
ter of commerce and science. There were the Serapeuni,
the Museum and the Great Library at Bruchium and Se-
rapeuni, which Ptolemy Soter started. In the museum a
number of learned men were supported by the king to dis-
cuss the sciences and to advance them. So while philoso-
phy, poetry, the fine arts, virtue, honesty, purity, freedom
and rehgion were rapidly declining, commerce, wealth, sci-
ence and the mechanical arts just as rapidly advanced and
shed their luster over all empires of antiquity, so that we
still largely subsist on the sciences built up in Alexandria.
2. Simon the Just.
The Hebrews of Palestine intimately connected with
Egypt and in constant communication with their brethren
in Syria and Asia Minor, soon felt the Grecizing influence
and the approach of the prevailing corruption. Simon the
Just, who was a great priest and a wise governor, had made
it his motto : " The world stands upon three things : the
Law, worship and charity " {Ahoth i. 2) ; the Law to govern
the land in justice and equity; the worship to connect it
with God and virtue ; and charity to unite the human fam-
ily. He repaired the temple, now over 200 years old, added
to its fortifications and enlarged its reservoir. He repaired
the walls of -Jerusalem and re-fortified it, and was consid-
ered the last of the great and saintly high priests (1), as he
was the last president of the Great Synod. He enforced
the laws of Levitical cleanness as Ezra did, and, like him,
made the sacrifice of the Red Heifer (or two, Parah iii. 5),
to obtain its ashes of purification ; still he opposed the ascetic
practices of the Nazarites (2), and but once ate of a Nazarite
sacrifice (3). Li after times this Simon became almost
mythical (4), and the myths concerning him show that he
was considered the last high j^riest in whom learning, piety,
(1) Ben Sira 1.; Josephus' Antiquities xii. ii. 5 and iv. 1 ; and
Aboth i. 2.
(2) Numbers vi.
(3) Tosephta in Nazir iv. and Yerushalmi ibid i. 6.
(4) Yerushalmi in Yoma\. 3 (and Tosephta ii.) ; vi. 3; Ibid in So-
tah ix. 14 ; and Tosephta Ibid xiii. In Yoma vi. 3, a quarrel between
Simon and his brother, Onias, is noticed, wliich occasioned tlie latter
to retire into Egypt, and to build an altar there.
54 PALESTINE UNDER EGYPTIAN KINGS.
patriotism and statesmanship were united. After him the
decline of this period begins.
3. Close of the Prophetical Canon.
In the time of Simon the Just, the Great Synod estab-
lished the Prophetical Canon by taking the Post-Mosaic
history from the Book of Ezra, and by authenticating and
transcribing in the square Hebrew letters the ancient pro-
phetical orations of Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel and the Twelve
Minor Prophets. This was done to give authority to those
books, to introduce them for public readings in the syn-
agogues, and to give them authority and circulation among
the people. In all public readings, however, the Law had
the precedence, a section from the Prophets closed the ex-
ercise, and was, therefore, called Haphtorali^ the closing
exercise (5). The order of the prophetical })ooks was Joshua,
Judges, Samuel, Kings, Jeremiah, Hezekiah, Isaiah and the
Twelve Minor Prophets, beginning with Hosea and closing
with Malachi (6). The Macedonian invasion and Avars car-
ried into Asia with the Greek culture and idolatry, a moral
corruption, against which the powerful words of the ancient
prophets must have been considered most efl'ective. There-
fore, the fourteenth chapter Avas added to the Book of
Zachariah. This chapter Avas the speech of one of the last
prophets Avho had seen the wars of Alexander and his suc-
cessors, and the migration of the Hebrews to Egypt. In
tliat tumultuous time, he predicts the final triumph of
Monotheism and threatens all transgressors Avith the
divine vengeance, also those of Egypt, Avho Avould not
come at least once a year to Jerusalem to Avorship the Lord
of Hosts in his holy temple. Those men of the Great
Synod closed the Prophetical Canon Avith the impressive
admonition : " Remember the LaAV of Moses, my servant,
Avhich I have commanded him at Horeb for all Israel (also
those in foreign lands), ordinances and statutes. Behold, I
send you Elijah, the Prophet (men zealous, bold, patriotic
and godly like him), before the coming of the great and tre-
mendous day of Jehovah (to crush Avickedness, corruption
and idolatry) : and he shall bring back the heart of the
fathers to their children, and the heart of the children to
their fathers, that I smite not the land Avith destruction "
(the rising generation having already been infatuated with
Grecian frivolity and laxity of morals).
(5) See Rapaport's E<'ech Mil.i.n, Art. i. N")t3QK.
(6) Baba Bathra 13 b and 14 a.
palestine under egyptian kings. 55
4. The Origin of the Septuagint.
Simon the Just was dead (292 b. c), his son, Onias, was
a minor, and so Eleazar, the brother of Simon, ascended to
the high priesthood. Two great events in the history of
the Hebrews took place under this man's administration :
the estabHshment of the Sanhedrin and the Greek transla-
tion of the Pentateuch. All ancient testimony concerning
a Greek translation of the Pentateuch (7) agrees to establish
the fact that Ptolemy Philadelphus, advised by his learned
librarian, Demetrius Phalerus, desired a Greek translation
of the Laws of Closes for the great library. Aside from all
religious and literary standpoints, an intelligent king must
have felt the necessity of possessing, in his own language,
the laws which governed so large and influential a portion
of the population under his scepter. Therefore, he obtained
authorized translators from Palestine, appointed by the
high priest Eleazar. It having been maintained that there
were seventy-two of those translators, the translation was
called the Septuagint, to Avhich, in aftertimes, translations
of the Pro})hets, Hagiograpli}^ and the Apocrypha were
added, and the Avhole collection retained the name of Septua-
gint. Tlie copy of the Laws of Moses as translated for Ptol-
emy has been lost, and the Septuagint extant shows in some
passages translations from manuscripts or traditional read-
ings, varying from the authenticated copy of Ezra and the
Great Synod (8). The Hebrews of Egypt, at the time of
Philadelphus, had no need yet of a translated Pentateuch,
nor did Aristobul, in the time of Philometor, use it ; there-
fore, the Septuagint was not protected against interpola-
tions with the same -religious zeal as was the copy of Ezra
in the hand of the priests, Levites and Scribes, which was
read publicly in the temple, synagogues and schools, where
every change, however slight, would have been noticed.
When the Egyptian Hebrews began to use the Septuagint in
place of the original, it had already assumed its extant form.
5. The Philosophy of Palestine Carried into Egypt.
Every religious reformation in history begins with a new
translation of the Bible. This was also the case with the
(7) Aristeas, in his letter; Aristobul, the founder of the Alexan-
drian philosophy of religion in the time of Ptolemy Philometor,
Philo, Josephus, Eusebius, Clemens, Hyronimus and the Talmud.
(8) See August Ferdinand Daehne's Geschichtliche Darstellung
der juedish-alexandrinischen Religions-Philosophie ; Dr. Z. Frankel's
Vorstudien zu der Septuagint ; Dr. Abraham Geiger's TJhrschrift und
Uebersetzungen der Bibel ; Zunz, Herzfeld, Graetz, Jost and Eaphael.
56 PALESTINE UNDER EGYPTIAN KINGS.
Septuagint, which carried the elements of the Palestineart
philosophy into Egypt and disclosed it to the Greeks. That
the HebreVs had a philosophy of their own, admits of no
doubt. That they, from and after Ezra, philosophized, is
evident from the Hebrew literature of the Medo-Persian
Period, which contains all the elements of philosophy trace-
able in the Septuagint. The translators made some inten-
tional changes (9), mostly directed against Polytheism, and
could not avoid carrying into their work the philosophical
views of their age and country, as most all translators in-
variably do. The development of this new philosophy is to
be noticed hereafter.
G. Ptolemy's Gifts to the High Priest.
Aristeas and Josephus describe royal gifts sent by Ptol-
emy to the high priest, and the epistles of both on this oc-
casion. Remarkable among those gifts was a golden table
of excellent workmanship, and two cisterns of gold, both of
which are so minutely described by Josephus that he must
have seen them (10), and this is no mean evidence in estab-
lishing the fact that the Greek version of the Pentateuch
was made by order of the king.
7. Hebrews Freed from Slavery.
Ptolemy Philadelphus emancipated all Hebrew slaves,.
and paid for them a ransom of 460 talents ; and he, as well
as his son and successor, always remained a patron and
friend of the Hebrews. The generosity of this Ptolemy has
been lauded by his biographers, and his wealth was prodig-
ious. He is reported to have left in the treasury after his
death, seven hundred and forty thousand Egyptian talents.
The Egyptian talent being $3,852, one-fifth more than the
Attic, the whole of his cash wealth would have amounted
to $2,840,480,000. Jewish history gratefully mentions Phil-
adelphus among the Heathen benefactors of Israel. He, in
connection with Demetrius Phalerus, by the Greek version
of the Laws of Moses, opened a new phase of culture ; the
Heathens of the Greek tongue became acquainted with the
Hel)rew's Bible, and this was the beginning to the end of
Heathenism in those countries.
(9) Meguillah ix., fifteen siich changes are noticed. Yerushalmi
ibid notices thirteen; so also in Mechilta. Characteristic is the change
of n3J~iX, "the hare," among the unclean animals, which they re-
placed l.iy other words on account of Lagus, " hare," the grandfather
of Philadelphus.
(10) Josephus' Antiquities xii. ii. 9 and 10.
palestine under egyptian kings. 57
8. The Cities Built.
Philadelphus built many cities and temples, and was
as active in advancing the interests of commerce as that
of literature and science. He turned the course of trade
from Tyre to Alexandria by two new cities on the Red Sea,
Berenise and Myon Hormus, connected by a highway
through the wilderness, with Coptus on the Nile. In Pal-
estine also, he built a port near the ancient Acco, on the
Mediterranean Sea, above Mt. Carmel, which was called
Ptolemais. West of the Jordan he rebuilt the ancient Kab-
bah of Amnion, and called it Philadelphia.
9. Origin of the Sanhedrin.
The origin of the Synedrion, Sjaihedrion, or Sanhedrin,
consisting of seventy or seventy-two members, replacing
the Great Synod, of one hundred and twenty members, oc-
curred soon after the year 292 b. c, under the administra-
tion of the high priest Eleazar. In support of this fact,
the following points must be taken into consideration :
The Great Synod closed its existence, with Simon the
Just, before 292 b. c. {Ahoth i. 2). Josephus, the Mishna
and all other sources agree that Simon 1. was the high
priest who was called the Just.
The Laws of Moses, together with the enactments and
institutions of Ezra and Nehemiah, were the inviolable laws
of the land ; these laws, however, could not be enforced
without a supreme and sovereign council at the head of
the commonwealth (11).
In the rabbinical sources, the perpetual existence of this
sovereign council is everywhere taken for granted ; in Jo-
sephus and the Books of the Maccabees, it is mentioned
wherever occasion offers, previous to and during the As-
monean revolution (12).
An interregnum between the Great Synod and the San-
hedrin could have been brought about only by a violent
political eruption, or by a despotic act of one of the kings
of Egypt ; neither of which did take place from 300 to 200
B. c, while Antiochus the Great, in 203 b. c, already grants
privileges to the Senate of the Hebrews (-Josephus' Ant. xii.
iii. 3).
It is evident that the body highest in authority among
(11) Exodus iii. 16; iv. 29; xxiv. 1, 9; Numbers xi. 16; Deuter.
xvii. 8.
(12) Josephus' Antiquit. xii. iii. .3; and xii. iv. 11 , II. Maccabees
iv. 44 ; Ibid xiv. 37 ; III. Maccabees i. 8,
58 PALESTINE UNDER EGYPTIAN KINGS.
the Hebrews, at tlie time of the high priest Eleazar, con-
sisted of seventy-two men, as Aristeas, Philo and Josephus
agree that seventy-two translators, " six of every tribe,"
were sent to Philadelphus by Eleazar. Had the body hold-
ing the highest authority been composed of a larger num-
ber of men, Eleazar would certainly have sent a correspond-
ing number of translators. If the Aristeas letter be con-
sidered spurious, it could not be supposed that Josephus
would have adopted the phrase, " six of every tribe," if he
had not known that in the time of Eleazar the geograph-
ical tribe division and the supreme body of seventy-two
members existed.
In the Mishna, the simultaneous existence of the San-
hedrin and tlic twelve tribes division is always presupposed
(13), althougli this distinction was soon forgotten in foreign
lands, except in Mesopotamia (14). Perea and Galilee, the
most populous provinces of Palestine, were certainly inhab-
ited by people of the ten tribes, who never left their original
homes, and those who came back from the exile to claim
their properties. Their only title was vested in their gene-
alogies ; hence every land holder an3diow was obliged to up-
hold his genealogy, and this preserved the geographical
tribe divisions (15).
When Alexander added Samaria, and with it Perea and
Galilee, to Judea, the twelve tribes of Israel were re-united
again, and the Great Synod could exist no longer, because
it consisted' exclusively of the aristocracy of Juda, Benja-
min and Levi. It had to be replaced by the old Council of
Elders, " six of each tribe," which was done in the time of
the high priest Eleazar ; and this Council of Elders re-
ceived the Greek name of Synedrion or Sanhedrin.
In memory of this re-enfranchisement of all Hebrews in
the land and their perfect equalization, the Feast of Xy-
lophory, on the Fifteenth day of Ab, was introduced and
kept to the last days of this commonwealth (Wars II., xvii.
6) as the principal feast of that kind. The institution was
established by Nehemiah (Nehem. x. 35), and the privilege
of bringing the wood for the altar was claimed by certain
families of Juda, Benjamin and Levi (Mishna Taanith iv.
5) ; except the Fifteenth Day of Ab, which was Xylophory
(13) Sanhedrin i. 5 ; Horioth i. 5.
(14) Berachoth, 16 a : " We know not whether we descend from
Reuben or from Simeon."
(15) I. Chronicles ix. 1 ; Ezra ii. and Nehemiah vii.; Mishnah A'id-
duRhrn iv. 1. According to R. Juda ( Yerushalmi Ibid), those remain-
ing between the Euphrates and Tigris also kept intact their genealogy.
PALESTINE UNDER EGYPTIAN KINGS. 59
{Korhan Ezim) for all, especially for those families who
brought wood to Jerusalem, when Ptolemy Soter's invading
army (or the Antigonus invasion in 296 b. c.) prevented the
pilgrims from doing so. That feast was of special import-
iince, " Because on that day the Tribes were permitted to
come one into the other " (16). This certainly refers to the
emancipation of Perea and Galilee, in consequence of which
the Sanhedrin was established.
10. Organization of the Sanhedrin.
The Sanhedrin, after it had been convoked by the chief-
magistrate of the land, met daily (Sabbaths and holidays
excepted) in the temple, in the hall called Lishchath Ilag-
£azith. Twenty-three members made a quorum. The
Senators {Zekenim) sat in a hollow semi-circle, with the
presiding officer in the center, and three rows of assessors
before them. The President was called Nassi, "jjrince,"
afterward Heber ; the Ab-Beth-Din, " Chief-Justice," was
next to him in rank. Two scribes, the Hazan, " Sergeant-
at-Arms," the Shamesh, " Warden," and the Methuvgamon^
^' Orator," Avere the other officers of that body. The Hazan
opened, and the Methurgamon closed, the sessions. During
this entire period, the high priests presided over the San-
hedrin, and it was, therefore, called n''!5na D'^HD h^ in n'3
"The High Court of the High Priests." The high priest,
Eleazar, was its first President, and Antigonus of Sochu,
was, perhaps, its ffi'st chief-justice. This high priest, in after
times, was famous for fabulous wealth, humility and learn-
ing, and was called Eleazar Harsi ; and this chief-justice
b)ecame the founder of a new school. The manner of elect-
ing or aiDpointing senators is unknown ; in after times, they
were appointed by ordination and promotion. The senators
filled vacancies by electing candidates who had received the
•ordination and had been promoted from court to court. The
Sanhedrin was the highest judiciary and legislative author-
ity in the Hebrew commonwealth, and claimed also the
right of appointing the high priest, declaring war, deciding
the controversies of tribes, instituting criminal courts for
districts or cities, called Minor Sanhedrin of Twenty-Three,
and establishing the limits of the city of Jerusalem.
(16) See Meguillath Taanithv., which explains itself by the above
paragraph ; also the two Talmuds, Taanilk 28 and Yerushahni Ibid
ix. 7.
60 palestine under egyptian kings.
11. The School of Antigonus.
The traditional material, resulting from the enactments
and decisions of the Great Synod from 455 to 292 b. c, must
have increased considerably in bulk and importance. It
was part of the law of the land, the jurisprudence and the-
ology of the age. The highest authority for the knowledge
of the traditions, the laws and customs of the nation, wa&
the Sanhedrin, and in that body the Nassi and Ab-Beth-
DiN. But after Simon the Just, none of the high priests or
any other person of political authority was distinguished
for that species of learning ; so that it is maintained in the
history of the traditions that the prophets delivered it to
the Great Synod, this Synod to Simon the Just, he to An-
tigonus, of Sochu, and both to Jose b. Joezer, who lived to
162 B. c, and Antigonus died 263 b. c. It is evident, there-
fore, that the traditions were transmitted in the school of
which Antigonus was the founder. The scribes looked not
to the Sanhedrin for the highest authority in the traditions;
the school of Antigonus assumed that authority (17). In
this school, John, and his son, Mattathia, the Asmoneans^
Jose b. Joezer and Jose b. John (perhaps a brother of Matta-
thia), were the most prominent bearers of the traditions
(18). Therefore, Avhen the rebellion broke out and the party
of the traditions rose against the Grecizing government
party, Jose b. Joezer and his colleague appear as the expo-
nent's of the traditions and the heads de jure of the San-
hedrin, although they had no political authority and were
called ScHOLASTS in the history of the traditions.
12. The Rise of Hassidim and Grecians.
In the school of Antigonus, another tradition maintains,
a party rose that denied future reward and punishment;
and there can be no doubt that the parties that afterward
fought out the civil war had their origin in the prevailmg
circumstances and the school of Antigonus, the center ot
fl7) This is stated plainly in Yervshnlmi Potah ix. 10, viz: That
all heads of the Sanhedrin after Jose b. Joezer down to K Akiba
were no scholasts (m^3L*'S') oecause thev were also recognized as the-
poHtical heads of the nation (mDJiQ '\\y6'^'^- But Jose b. Joezer, and.
his predecessors up to Simon the Just and R. Akiba and his success-
ors, who possessed no political authority, were scholasts (m7DK>K),
the heads of schools. This includes, also, Antigonus, of Sochu, as
the head of a school, noticed, also, elsewhere in the Traditions.
Themurah b5 b
(18) Yuchasin, Shalsheleth Hackabala and Seder Haddoroth I.,
Art. Jochanan, father of Mattathia, Antigonus and Jose b. Joezer.
PALESTINE UNDER EGYPTIAN KINGS. 61
the traditions. That teacher is reported to have said : " Be
ye not Hke servants Avho attend to the master for the sake
of receiving a reward ; but be 3'e like servants who attend
to the master, not for the sake of receiving any reward, and
let the fear of heaven be upon you." This was understood
by one portion of his disciples to be a denial of future re-
ward and punishment. This, however, was only a link in
the chain of a new creed which gradually formed in the
minds of Grecizing Hebrews, and led on the one side to
apostacy and on the other to the rebellion of the Asmoneans.
Jerusalem and its temple had become the center for mil-
lions of Hebrews in the Egyptian and Syrian empires,
and in consequence thereof the wealth of nations was
poured into the Hebrew capital, and commerce with foreign
countries increased rapidly. Merchants coming in contact
with Alexandria and Antioch, and going with Greeks and
Macedonians to the distant East and West, were, perhaps,
the first to Grecize at home. The men in power by royal
appointments, in contact with courts and courtiers, were
naturally Grecized, and exercised that influence on their
fellow-citizens. The spirit of the age was Grecian, and so
was the aristocracy in general. Gradually those Hebrews
yielded to the foreign influences and attempted to combine
the Hebrew and Greek standpoints, revelation and philoso-
phy, absolutism centering in the king-god and freedom cen-
tering in the Law of Moses, the sensual culte of the beau-
tiful and the traditional worship of the One God, frivolity
and earnestness, laxity and austerity of morals. The pro-
gress of the Grecian party pressed the national Hebrews to
extreme orthodoxy, firm adherence to the laws and tradi-
tions, and the exclusion of the Greek elements, until finally,
two distinct parties, with well-defined principles, existed
among the Hebrews, viz. : the Hassidim, " the law^-abiding
men," also called nin"" 'X"i' " the worshipers of Jehovah ;" and
the Grecians, or Hellenists. The former were the conserv-
atives and had with themselves the scribes and the school
of Antigonus ; and the latter were the progressionists,
backed by wealth, State power and the spirit of the age.
Up to the year 175 b. c, the high priest and Sanhedrin
stood between those two parties to maintain the peace ; but
after that time the high priest also embraced the cause of
the Grecians, which brought on the revolution.
13. The Principles of the Parties.
The principles of the two parties, as developed to the
end of this period, were the following :
62
PALESTINE UNDER EGYPTIAN KINGS.
Hassidim.
1. Sinai, Revelation, the Tho-
KAH is the supreme guide of man
and society.
2. The laws and customs of
Israel, as expounded by the
proper authorities, prescribe the
duties of the Israelite ; the taxes
and the military service belong
to the king.
3. The study and practice of
the Law is the highest virtue.
4. Virtue or righteousness is
its own object, independent of
any happiness it may or may not
bring.
5. There is a just reward or
punishment in life eternal.
Grecians.
1. Wisdom or philosophy is
the supreme guide of man and
society.
2. The king's laws and decrees
prescribe the duties of the Is-
raelite, outside of his religious
belief.
3. The cultivation of wisdom
is the highest virtue.
4. The object of virtue or
righteousness is pleasure and
happiness.
5. There is no reward and no
punishment in life eternal.
In Palestine the parties pressed each other to the ex-
tremes of the Asmonean revolution. In Egypt, many of
the Hebrews deserted the ranks of Israel and identified
themselves with the Macedonians (19).
14. The Davidian Aristocracy Revived.
In the year 277 b. c, the high priest Eleazar died. He
was succeeded by his uncle, Menasseh, who kept this holy
office to the year 250 b. c, and yet nothing is known about
him. He was succeeded by Onias II., the son of Simon the
Just, who remained in office from 250 to 218 b. c, and his-
tory has nothing to record of him, except that he loved
money, and in his old age was indolent and careless. He
neglected to pay the annual tax of twenty talents of silver
to the king. Ptolemy Euergetes sent an ambassador to
Jerusalem with a threatening message. Onias did not care
for the office, and adopted no measures to adjust the mat-
ter. He had a nephew, Joseph, whose mother was the sister
of Onias (20), and whose father, Tobiah, or Tobias, was of
the House of David (21). He, a man of prudence and cour-
age, offered to go to Alexandria and settle the matter with
the king. He obtained the consent of the people and high
(19) I. Maccabees i. 11, 43 ; III. Maccabees i. 3 ; vii. 10.
(20) Josephus' Antiq. xii. iv. 2.
(21) Luke iii. 24, 25; Philo's Brevarium: Herzfeld's GeschichUy
d. J., Vol. L
PALESTINE UNDER EGYPTIAN KINGS. 63
priest, and went to Alexandria. By gifts and shrewdness,
he succeeded, over many competitors, in being appointed
collector of taxes in Phoenicia,CGelosyria and Palestine, and
went back to Asia with two thousand soldiers to collect the
king's taxes. He was a merciless publican to many a city,
especially to Askelon and Scythopolis, but remained in his
office for twenty-two years (225 to 203), till Antiochus the
Great conquered Palestine, and became yery rich. This,
for some time, reyiyed the power of the Dayidians in Jeru-
salem, which had beenoyercome by Nehemiah. There were
now two political powers in Jerusalem, the high priest and
the tax collector, whose conflict will be noticed below'.
15. Antiochus the Great Seizes Palestine and Loses
IT Again.
The following kings reigned in Syria before this time :
1. Seleucus Nicator - - to 280 b. c.
2. Antiochus Soter - - - " 261 " "
3. Antiochus Theus - - " 246 " "
4. Seleucus Callinicus - - " 226 " "
5. Seleucus Ceraunus - - " 223 " "
The brother of this last Seleucus, and sixth king of
Syria, was Antiochus the Great, who was particularly a
friencl and benefactor of the Hebrews. In 219 and 218 b. c,
Antiochus took from Ptolemy Philopator Coelosyria, Phoe-
nicia, Galilee, Samaria and the land west of the Jordan.
The Hebrews had suffered much during the two je&rs' war.
The next year Antiochus had advanced as far as Raphia,
where Philopator defeated him and retook his lost provinces
in Asia. In Raphia, a heathenized Hebrew, Dositheus, had
saved Philopator's life ; besides, after his victory, an embassy
from the Sanhedrin came to him wath congratulations and
gifts. Therefore, he went to Jerusalem and sacrificed to the
God of Israel in the temple when Simon II. Avas high priest
(22) the first year, as his sires had done before him.
16. Philopator Discomfited in the Temple,
The king, having for the first time seen this temple, in-
sisted upon entering its sanctum sanctorum. All repre-
sentations and supplications were in vain ; he insisted upon
satisfying his curiosity. Neither the entreaty of the priests
and elders nor the lamentations and prayers of the multi-
(22) III. Maccabees i.
64 PALESTINE UNDER EGYPTIAN KINGS.
tude, changed his resolution. Philopator entered the tem-
ple, surrounded by his friends and guards ; but no sooner
had he stepped over its threshold than he fell helpless to
the ground, and his attendants were obliged to carry him
out of the sanctuar}^ ; and thus discomfited, he left the
city with threats of vengeance on his lips.
17. Persecution of the Egyptian Hebrews.
Philopator having returned home, resolved upon talcing
vengeance on the Egyptian Hebrews, all of whom he liad
brought to Alexandria, and commanded them all to be killed
by enraged elephants. They Avere saved, however, by a mira-
cle, says our Egyptian narrator in the third book of the
Maccabees, and JPhilopator became a friend and patron of
the Hebrews after that, although they did not love him nor
his successor, and soon embraced the opportunity to de-
monstrate their displeasure.
18. Antiochus the Great Seizes Palestine the Second
Time.
In the year 204 b. c, having lived thirty-seven years of
intemperance and debauchery, Philopator died, and left his
crown to his son, Ptolemy Epiphanes, then five years old.
Antiochus the Great, in league with the king of Macedon,
made war upon Egypt with the intention of dividing the
kingdom of the Ptolemys between himself and the king of
Macedon. He marched into Coelosyria and Palestine and
occupied them in 203 and 202 b. c. After he had beaten
the Egyptian General, Scopas, in the north, 200 b. c, the
Hebrews invited him to Jerusalem, and sul)mitted the king-
dom to him, after it had been one hundred and one years an
Egyptian province. It was in the time when Scipio had de-
feated Hannibal in Africa, and thus closed the second Punic
war. Hannibal came as a fugitive to Antiochus, in whose
service he closed his eventful life. This final victory of
Antiochus over Egypt was also a victory of the Hassidim
over the Grecians in Palestine ; for the concessions made
by him to the Hebrews were very much in favor of the Has-
sidim, as shall be narrated in the next chapter.
PALESTINE UNDER SYRIAN RULERS. 65
CHAPTER VIII.
Palestine Under Syrian Rulers.
1. Antiochus Magnus, a Benefactor of the Hebrews.
Antiochiis favored the Hebrews because they had em-
braced his cause against the Egyptians, received and treated
him well in Jerusalem, and assisted him in expelling the
Egyi)tian garrison. He admired them " on account of their
piety toward God." This admiration was made traditional at
the Persian court, by Cyrus, and among tlie ^Macedonian rul-
ers of Egypt and Syria, by Alexander. Palestine had suffered
terribly by the Egypto-Syrian wars, and lately, by Philopa-
tor's cruelties and the villainies of his rapacious general,
Scopas. Therefore, Antiochus settled a large income on the
temple, granted special privileges to the priests, scribes and
the senators, and provided for the repair of the temple and
its cloisters. He freed the city of Jerusalem for three suc-
cessive years from taxes, reduced the tribute of the land
by one-third, set all captive Hebrews free, restored to them
all confiscated property, and re-confirmed their rights and
privileges to live according to their own laws. When, af-
terward, Ptolemy Epiphanes was given half of the income
from Palestine, Antiochus wrote him an epistle, informing
him of these privileges granted to the Hebrews and requiring
him to respect them (1). He also commanded all his sul)-
jects that none should go in the temple beyond the boun-
dary line established In^ the laws of the Hebrews (referring
to Philopator's sacrilege); that no carcass or hide of any
unclean animal should be brought to the city of Jerusalem,
and no such animal be bred up there, all under the penalty
of three thousand drachmas of silver (2). He placed no
(1) Antiq. xii. iii. 3.
(2) It was also prohibited, afterward, to keep a dog in the city of
Jerusalem.
66 PALESTINE UNDER SYRIAN RULERS.
less confidence in the Hebrews outside of Palestine. When
a rebellion broke out in Lydia and Phrygia, he commanded
two thousand Hebrew families from Mesopotamia and Bal)y-
lon to be placed in those countries, j^roniising them the I'ight
to live according to their own laws, land for their husban(hy
and the culture of wine, material support to start. and the
freedom from taxation for ten years ; because, he said in his
epistle, "■ they will be well-disposed guardians of our posses-
sions because of their piet}^ toward God, and because I
know that my predecessors have borne witness to them,,
that they are faithful, and with alacrity do what they are
desired to do" (3).
2. A Royal Marriage.
In the year 193 b. c, Antiochus gave in marriage his
daughter, Cleopatra, to Ptolemy Epiphanes, then seventeen
years old, and settled upon her as a dowry, half of the in-
come derived from the provinces of Coelosyria and Palestine,,
which, nevertheless, remained de faoto Syrian provinces.
3. Conflict with the Eomans.
The Roman power, after the second Punic war, made it-
self felt in Greece and Asia Minor. Therefore, already in
the year 202 b. c, the Egyptian rulers had invoked the
protection of Rome for their infant king, and promised
them the guardianship and the regency during the king's
minority. The Romans accepting this offer, sent ambassa-
dors to Philip, king of Macedon, and to Antiochus the Great,
to inform them of this fact. This was the beginning of the
conflict which lasted to tlie year 190 b. c, when, under the
two brothers, Lucius Scipio and Scipio Africanus, the Ro-
mans overthrew the army of Antiochus in the battle of
Magnesia, and forced him to accept disgraceful terms ot
peace, with the loss of all Asia Minor up to Mt. Taurus, and
the payment of 500 talents now, 2,500 more on the ratifica-
tion of the peace by the senate, and then one tliousand tal-
lents every year for the next twelve years. The treaty was
ratified in the year 189 b. c. Antiochus outlived this catas-
trophe to 187 B. c, when he was slain in the province of
Elymais in the act of plundering a Bel temple. His oldest
son, Seleucus, succeeded him as king of Syria, and was
called Seleucus Philopator.
(3) Josephus' Antiq. xii. iii. 4.
palestine under syrian rulers. 67
4. Hyrcan, the Son of the Tax Collector.
Simon II. died 195 b. c. and was succeeded by his son,
Onias III., as high priest. Both these high priests are
lauded as men of piety and patriotism in comparison with
their successors. But the aristocracy of Jerusalem began
to be ill-behaved ; many of them were selfish, faithless and,
at last, treacherous. The demoralization began in the House
of David, and poisoned also the family of Aaron. The tax
collector, Joseph, son of Tol^ias, who was of the House of
David, reached the zenith of power in Jerusalem by birth,
wealth, position and the indolence of the high priests. He
had seven sons by one wife, and an eighth, Hyrcan, be-
gotten in incest with his niece. He grasped the moment-
ous opportunity when Antiochus was dead, and the queen
of Egypt the same year gave birth to her first son (after-
ward called Philometor), to secure again the collectorship
of Palestine. He was too old to go, like other courtiers, to
Alexandria to congratulate the king and queen. His seven
sons refused to go on that mission ; Hyrcan only would un-
dertake the enterprise. He was young, shrewd, intriguing
and bold, and succeeded in ingratiating himself with the
queen and the king. Instead of advancing the cause of his
father, he obtained for himself the lucrative appointment
over a number of competitors, and squandered one thou-
sand talents of his father's money. His brothers were en-
raged at his conduct and success. On his return to Jeru-
salem, they met him at a distance outside the city and a
fight ensued. Hyrcan slew two of his brothers and several
of their attendants, and went on to Jerusalem. Seeing
himself confronted by his angry father and surviving
brothers, who had the support of the Sanhedrin, Hyrcan
retired with his men to the southern frontiers beyond Jor-
dan, in the vicinity of Heshbon, and there built a castle be-
tween rocks, well fortified, and laid out magnificent gardens
in the valley. He called this place Tyre, and was there
outside of the jurisdiction of the Sanhedrin, a terror to the
Arabs up to 175 b. c, when he, out of fear of the power of
Antiochus Epiphanes, committed suicide, leaving his pa-
ternal heritage in the temple treasury at Jerusalem (4).
5. The Sons op Tobias.
Onias III. regained some of the political power lost by
his immediate predecessors. AVhen, after the death of Jo-
(4) Josephus' Antiq. xii. iv.; II. Maccabees ill. 11.
63 PALESTINE UNDER SYRIAN RULERS.
seph, the tax collector, his sons, called the Sons of Tobias,
disputed the high priest's authority, Onias, supported by
the Sanhedrin, subdued them by force of arms, and at last
ejected them from the city. They were the first to turn
traitors against their country and their religion, and en-
couraged Antiochus E})iphanes to invade Palestine and to
apostatize its people (5). This was certainly one of the
causes that the House of David, with its dynastical claims,
disappeared so entirely from the records of the Hebrews,
that up to the fall of Jerusalem no mention is made of
them in Palestine.
6. The Spartans and the Hebrews.
The fame of the Hebrews, by the channels of commerce,
literature and migration, had reached into Greece, and the
king de facto, Aretus or Darius, of Lacedemonia, sent an
ambassador, Demotoles, and an epistle to Onias III., in
Avhich it was set forth how the discovery had been made by
that people that they were descendants of Abraham, and
therefore, an alliance between the two nations was proposed.
7. Heliodorus Discomfited in the Temple,
King Seleucus was well-disposed toward the Hebrews.
The aristocracy of Jerusalem, however, continued to harass
Onias in the discharge of his duties. There was one, Si-
mon, a Benjaminite, who was one of the officers in the tem-
ple. He wanted of Onias the office of market master,
which was not given to him, and Simon turned traitor. He
went to Appollonius, the governor of Coelosyria and Phoe-
nicia, and informed him that the treasury of the temple in
Jerusalem contained an enormous sum of money. Appol-
lonius reported it to the king, who sent his treasurer, Helio-
dorus, to investigate the matter. He came stealthily to
Jerusalem and was kindly received by the high priest. On
communicating to him the object of his visit, he was told
that the treasury contained no more than 400 talents of
silver and 200 talents of gold, which was there mostly for
safe keeping for widows and orphans, and some of which be-
longed to Hyrcan and to others. Heliodorus insisted upon
going into the temple and inspecting its treasury. All pro-
testations and prayers were fruitless. When Heliodorus,
followed by some of his soldiers, entered the temple treas-
ury, he was met by three gigantic men ; one on horseback,
in golden ornaments. The horse reared, came down on
(5) Josephus' Antiq. xii. iv. 11, and v. 1 ; Wars 1. 1. 1.
PALESTINE UNDER SYRIAN RULERS. 69
Heliodorus, threw him to the ground, and the two men
chastised him severel}'. Heliodorus was carried away
speechless, and his men were stunned. He left Jerusalem
without having seen the temple treasury. Simon main-
tained there was nothing supernatural in all that ; it was
all the contrivance of Onias, who was a traitor to the king.
So Onias had two sets of enemies at Antioch, Simon and
the Sons of Tobias. They had their followers in Jerusalem,
who would continually raise disturbances, and it came to
assassinations. Onias, dreading the probable interference
of Appollonius, and ignorant of the fact that his worst ene-
mies and traitors were his own brothers, went to Antioch to
the king with the prayer to restore peace in Jerusalem (6).
8. Antiochus Epiphanes, King, and Jason, High Priest.
Meanwhile, the political situation in Antioch changed.
Heliodorus raised a successful sedition against Seleucus,
who was slain and the regicide usurped the crown of Syria.
However, the king's brother, Antiochus, speedily returned
from Rome and slew Heliodorus. This prince had been a
hostage in Rome for thirteen 3'ears. Seleucus had lately
sent his son Demetrius there in exchange for Antiochus,
who returned in time to avenge his brother's death and to
receive the crown of Syria. Having been in Rome so many
years, he lost sight of the traditions of his family, and be-
came a terror to the Hebrews. It was before that new king
that Onias had to encounter his enemies. His brother, Jason
(Jesus, or Joshua), underhandedly, applied to the king to
make him high priest, offering him a bribe of 440 talents, for
which he asked the privileges of Grecizing the Hebrews and
making the citizens of Jerusalem also citizens of Antioch.
Jason prevailed. Onias, whose presence in Jerusalem was
justly dreaded on account of his popularity, was removed
from office and commanded to stay at Antioch. Jason Avas
sent to Jerusalem as high priest, i75 b. c.
9. Jason's Administration.
This first triumph of the Jerusalem aristocracy was not
entirely welcome to all of them : for the sons of Tobias did
not like Jason, who was not radical enough for them. As a
stroke of policv, it must certainly have pleased those who
wanted to be like the Greeks, with whom a huge idolatry,
frivolity, laxity of morals. Epicurism and skepticism in the
(6) II. Maccabees iii. iv.
70, PALESTINE UNDER SYRIAN RULERS.
beguiling forms of art and under the mask of the beautiful,
made up the spirit of the age. The stern Laws of Moses,
the institutions of Ezra and Nehemiah, the binding customs
and the code of ethics reared on that basis, were in their
way, and some of them wanted to see them annulled at
once. But this was not in the power of Jason ; it was not
in the power of any mortal being. Therefore, he, with the
same object in view, went to work cautiously and with ser-
pent-like prudence, which the impetuous radicals disliked.
He built a gymnasium and made it fashionable for the
aristocratic j'outh to attend in the ephebeum, to imitate
the Greeks in games and nude exercises, which made it
necessary to hide the sign of the Abrahamic covenant by
surgical operations (n^iy 'jEJ'lo)? a,nd had the effect of with-
drawing the young priests from the temple, it appearing des-
picable to them. Next year he went a step farther. The
quinquennial games, in honor of Hercules, being celebrated
at Tj^re, and the king being present, Jason, attended by
liis partisans, went there as a spectator, of course, and of-
fered to that deity 3300 drachmas, which the Tyrians were
ashamed to accej^t, and the money was applied to ship build-
ing. Notwithstanding all these innovations, the people
kept the peace.
10. Jose ben Joezer and Jose ben John.
All of them made two mistakes, viz. : Jerusalem was
not Palestine, and the aristocracy was not the Hel^rew peo-
l^le. Under such circumstances, Jason certainly could not
i:»reside over the Sanhedrin, which was a conservative bod}',
representing all parts of the country. The disciples of An-
tigonus turned up as heads of the Sanhedrin, viz. : Jose b.
Joezer, of Zeredah, in Ephraim (I. Kings x. 13) as the pre-
siding officer, and second to him, Jose ben John of Jerusa-
lem. The former certainly was a son of Aaron and one of
the Hassidim (njinDnc> T'on) : and the latter appears to
have been a brother of Mattathia, the Asmonean, hence,
also a priest. They were the bearers and exponents of the
traditions received from the school of Antigonus of Sochu.
The motto of this Jose b. Joezer was : " Let thy house be
the meeting place for the wise, cover thyself with the dust
of their feet, and drink with thirst their words " i. e., he ad-
vised many private meetings to discuss the public affairs,
and urged wise counsel to prevail. He wanted the wise
men to lead and the common men to obey in that threaten-
ing crisis. His colleague's motto was : " Let thy house be
widely open (form no secret societies), let the poor be mem-
bers of thy household (the rich were corrupted to the core),
PALESTINE UNDER SYRIAN RULERS. il
and converse not too much with the woman " (7). Both
mottoes point to revolutionaiy preparations and the forma-
tion of secret societies, although, apparently, the first urges
the study of the Law and the second the practice of charity.
An ordinance of those heads of the Sunhedrin, preserved in
the Talmud {Sahhath 14 b), also points to revolutionary
preparations. They declared Levitically unclean the land
of tlie Gentiles and all glassware; so that none should
leave the country ; that the Hebrews in foreign countries
should come to Palestine, and none should use glassware,
either because it was imported from Syria or in order that
none should drink Avith the SA'rians and the Hebrew aris-
tocracy, who used glassware (8).
11. The xVppointment of Menelaus.
The differences of the two parties, Hassidim and Gre-
cians, had now taken a definite shape by their representa-
tives, the high priest at the head of the aristocracy and the
Jose b. Joezer Sanhedrin at the head of the democracy.
The former, however, were not yet united on account of the
Sons of Tobias, who disliked Jason. However, this also had
to be overcome. Antiochus, who had called himself Epiph-
anes and wanted to be a god, made preparations to invade
Egypt in favor of his young nephew, Ptolemy Philometor,
whose mother, Cleopatra, had died (172 b. c), hoping to get
the king and the land in his power. Inspecting the sea
coast fortifications, the king came to Joppe and also to
Jerusalem, where he had a brilliant reception by Jason and
his compatriots. Still, next year (171 b. c), Jason sent his
brother, Menelaus (Elhanan or (Inias), to the king to pay
the tribute. Menelaus, by flattery and the offer of 300 tal-
(7) Aboth i. 4,5, HK'Xri, "the woman." This is taken from Ben
Sira, ix., and refers, most likely, to Cleopatra, the sister of Antiochus
Epiphanes, then queen of Egypt, who was friendly to the Heljrews,
many of whom may have expected friendly otfices of her ; but Jose
had more confidence in the poor of his own people than in that
royal woman.
(8) The ordinances of Jose ben Joezer preserved in the Mishvnh
(Jedaim viii. 4) are three, viz.: that a certain class of locusts ( Xi*J2p S'X)
was lawful food ; that the blood and water issuing from the slaughter-
house does not make unclean; and that only he who touches one
who is surely dead, is unclean. These must have been made in war
time to increase the articles of food, to protect the warriors agaii st
the existi g laws of Levitical clea-mess by touchi' g blood or a slain
arid dyi g person or animal, which this ordinarce declared as not
certainly dead ; hence i ot maki gone unclean. See Siphri in Chuk-
katli, 25, niO^ "li^K, acd Jacob Bruell's Mebo Hammishnah, p. 25.
72 PALESTINE UNDER SYRIAN RULERS.
ents more per annum than his brother paid, but chiefly by
the influence of tlie Sons of Tobias and their party, caused
the king to remove Jason from his office and to appoint
Menelaus high priest. Jason, after some resistance, fled
into the land of Amnion, and Menelaus, backed by the
Syrian garrison and the Grecian party, who had promised
to heathenize Jerusalem, was now in power. It was the
policy of Antiochus Epiphanes to Grecize and to unify the
remainder of the Syrian empire, which consisted of a con-
glomeration of nationalities, tongues, traditions and reli-
gions. He was misled by the Jerusalem aristocracy into
the belief that this could be done in Palestine also. But^
neither he nor they had a correct knowledge of the charac-
ter of the Hebrews. No actual resistance was offered to
Menelaus and his apostatizing schemes, because the people
outside of Jerusalem had not yet felt the influence of that
new policy.
12. Assassination of Onias and the First Mutiny.
Menelaus had promised more than he could raise. The
captain of the garrison pressed him to pay, which he could,
not do ; so both of them were summoned to appear before
the king. He went to Cilicia to quell a revolt, and they had
to appear before Andronicus, the temporary regent. Mene-
laus, by the agency of his brother, Lysimachus, left in his
place in Jerusalem, stole valuable vessels from the temple,
sold them at Tyre and elsewhere, to pay his debt and to
bribe Andronicus, in order to dispose of Onias III., the
leader of the Hassidim. Andronicus treacherously slew
Onias, which roused the indignation of Jews and Gentiles
at Antioch against the traitor and assassin, and led to a
mutiny in Jerusalem. The embittered patriots rose against
the sacrilegious thief, Lysimachus, who sent 3,000 men un-
der Tyrannis, to quell the rebellion ; but they were over-
powered by the people, and Lysimachus was slain beside
the treasury Avithin the temple.
13. More Oppression — Senators Slain.
Antiochus avenged the death of Onias on Andronicus,
who was slain on the spot where he had assassinated the
ex-high priest ; but changed not his policy in Jerusalem.
The king soon after came to Tyre (171 b. c.j. Here, an em-
bassy of the Sanhedrin, consisting of three senators, ap-
peared l^efore him. They accused Menelaus of being re-
sponsible for the mutiny in Jerusalem. Menelaus bribed
PALESTINE UNDER SYRIAN RULERS. 73
Ptolemy Macron, who persuaded the king to absolve Mene-
laus and to slay the three delegates of the Sanhedrin. The
Tyrians, feeling the outrageous injustice done by the king,,
made a demonstration by giving an honorable burial to the
murdered senators. The excitement in Jerusalem was fever-
ish. Sights were seen, predictions made, rebellion was ripe ;
still ^lenelaus, protected by the Syrian garrison, was master
of the situation.
14. Jason's Return,
The same A'ear Antiochus invaded Egypt. A false rumor
of his death was spread in Palestine, over which the Hassi-
dim doubtlessly rejoiced. Jason, seizing upon this oppor-
tunity, came with a thousand men to Jerusalem, took it,
drove Menelaus into tlie castle of the Syrian garrison for
protection, slew many of his brother's partisans and as-
sumed again the high priesthood.
15. First Slaughter in Jerusalem.
This alarmed Antiochus ; he thought the whole prov-
ince was in rebellion against him. He marched with his
whole army to Jerusalem, took it, ransacked it, slew many
thousands of its inhabitants and captured many more who>
were sold as slaves. Jason fled from land to land, and died
a despised man among the Lacedemonians. Terror reigned
in Jerusalem, now fully in the hands of the aristocracy,
marshaled by Menelaus. Many of the Hassidim left the
city, and among them was also the hoary INIattathia, the As-
monean, with his family, who fled to Modain.
16. Second Slaughter and Partial Destruction
OF the City.
The Hebrews bore all these outrages without active re-
sistance, because, divided among themselves as they were,
resistance to the military power of Antiochus must have
appeared sheer madness to the patriots, who were without
organization and arms. In the year 169 b. c, Antiochus
again invaded Egypt, and his arms were victorious ; when
unexpectedly, a Roman embassador appeared and, in be-
half of Rome, haughtil}^ commanded him to desist and to
leave the country. This sudden check changed the king to
a madman. There was good ground of fear that the He-
brews might revolt and declare in favor of Egypt. There-
fore, Antiochus sent to Jerusalem an army of twenty-two
thousand men under the command of Appollonius to en-
74 PALESTINE UNDER SYRIAN RULERS.
force his edict, that there should be but one religion and
one law for all subjects of Antiochus Epiphanes. Appol-
lonius was cheerfull}^ received by the king's creatures at
Jerusalem. But no sooner was he in full ])ossession of the
city than he began to plunder and to destroy it, to slaughter
indiscriminately friend and foe, without regard to age or sex,
and that on a Sabbath day when none expected an attack.
The number of the slain was believed to have been 80,000,
and 10,000 captives were led away and sold as slaves.
The finest buildings of the lower city were burnt down, the
upper city walls were demolished and all the materials were
used to build the citadel on the highest point of Acra, op-
posite the temple, which it overlooked and domineered.
The city being ransacked, the temple was entered and plun-
dered of all its valuables. Now the apostatizing edicts of
the king were proclaimed over the ruins of the city and the
dumb corpses of its slain inhabitants to the aristocrats and
the lackeys, who were now the lords of Jerusalem under
the guardianship of the king's soldiers and Philip, the gov-
ernor of the devoted country.
17. The Temple Paganized and the People Apos-
tatized.
Jerusalem was not Palestine. The people adhered to
their faith and worshipers visited the temple, although the
daily sacrifices had ceased. Therefore, when the citadel of
Acra was completed and the Temple Mount could be con-
venienth'' governed, which took one year's time, the temple
was i)aganized. On the 25th day of the month of Kislev,
167 J5. c, ])eing a Heathen feast-day, the idol erected upon
the altar and other idols placed on the Temple Mount and
in the city, were dedicated and the Heathen worship per-
manently introduced. Meanwhile (168 and 167 b. c.) the
work of apostatizing the Hebrews was rigorously prose-
cuted by special commissioners all over Palestine and all
over Syria. The Hebrew books were burnt or used to paint
idols in the scrolls of the law. The observation of any and
every Hebrew law was prohibited under the penalty of
death. Heathen altars were erected in the towns and cities,
swine and other unclean animals were sacrificed upon
them, and the Hebrews commanded to eat of the sacrifices.
All this was rigorously enforced, and every resistance was
l)unished with death, whether in Palestine or outside thereof.
Two women in Jerusalem, who had the courage to circum-
cise their children, were dragged through the city with their
babes hung on their necks, and hurled down from the city
PALESTINE UNDER SYRIAN RULERS. 75
Avails. Seven sons of one mother, whose name was Han-
nah, were slain in her presence, one after the other, because
each of them steadfastly refused to obey the king's man-
date by doing anything contrary to the laws of Israel. A
hoary and highly esteemed i:)riest, Eleazar, into whose mouth
they forced a piece of the swine sacrificed to the idol, was
slain on the spot by the king's hirelings because he refused
to yield. All that cruelty could invent and the heartless
slaves of a savage despot could enforce, was done to ajwsta-
tize the Hebrews, to annihilate their rcpu])lic, law, religion,
literature and civilization, to replace the ancient faith of
Israel by the Greco-Syrian paganism.
18. The Samaritans and Others Yielded.
Antiochus Epi])hanes, having on his side the Hebrew
aristocracy led ])y Menelaus and the Sons of Tobias, most
likeh' believed that people could be apostatized in a very
short time and fully naturalized among the Syrians. He
was encouraged in this belief also by the Samaritans, who
yielded at once, denied their being Hebrews, gave up the
Law, and dedicated their temple to Jupiter Hellenius.
They called Antiochus Epiphanes a god, as he wished to be
called, and escaped unhurt. Many of the Hebrews, to save
life and property, submitted to the king's command and
I)ent their knees to his idols. He had them completely un-
der his control, a helpless peojile, and was accustomed to
believe there was not much difference in the various gods, as
all Heathens thought, especially at that time of frivolity
and corruption. And yet he was grievously mistaken.
Truth is indestructible ; her apostles are invincible, her God
is long-suffering, but he visits the iniquities of the fathers
upon the children and children's children to the third and
fourth generations of them who hate him.
76 LITERATUEE AND CULTURE
CHAPTER IX.
Literature and Culture in the Grecian Period,
1, Hebrews and Greeks.
The Caucasian race, at an early stage of its history, sep-
arated into two families, the Aryan and the Semitic. Num-
erous words in the languages of these two families, also
traditions and myths, point to their common origin. With.
the Aryans, intelligence and civilization culminated in the
Greeks ; with the Semites, in the Heljrews. These were the
two most advanced nations of antiquity. There was a rad-
ical difference between them. The Greeks were Polytheists,
idolaters, materialists, Avorshipers of nature in its manifest-
ations. The Hebrews were Monotheists, spiritists, worship-
ers of nature's internal and eternal cause, Jehovah. In
consequence of these fundamental principles, the attention
of the Greeks was mainly directed to the exteriority of na-
ture and its objects, phenomenon and form ; and the He-
brews' attention was directed mainly to the inferiority of
nature and its objects. Therefore, the plastic arts and
beauty in language, art and philosophy, culminated in.
Greece ; and the purely intellectual elements of civilization,
religion, theology, ethics and the code of human rights, were
developed in Palestine. Beauty is Greek and truth is He-
brew. In philosophy, too, the form is Greek and the sub-
stance Hebrew. The Greeks were cheerful and gay priests
of beauty and aesthetics ; and the Hebrews serious and
stern apostles of truth and law. So the Hebrews became
prophets and the Greeks artists.
2. Hebrews and Greeks Meet.
The Hebrews, like the Greeks, had come in contact with
all the ancient civilizations of Asia and Africa and learned
IN THE GRECIAN PERIOD. ti
much, while they lost much of their one-sidedness. They
had been acquainted with the Greeks [Javan) and the in-
habitants of the Ionian Islands {Josliehai, Ila-iyhn, Ha-
recJiolcim.) as early as the seventh century b. c. The rela-
tions between Persia and Greece also must have brought
the Hebrews in contact with Greeks. Aristobul, the Alex-
andrian philosopher, maintained that the Greeks were ac-
quainted with the Pentateuch long before the time of Ptol-
emy Philadelphus, and ancient Christian Avriters, on the
statements of Greek authors, advanced that Pythagoras,
Plato and Aristotle, no less than Solon and Lycurgus, had
learned much of the ancient Hebrews, whom they some-
times called Phoenicians, and at other times, Syrians, because
externally and in language they did not differ materially,
and the Greeks were more familiar with the maritime coun-
tries (1). From and after Alexander the Great, however,
the contact of the Hebrews and Greeks was constant in
Egypt, Syria and Greece. The classical writers begin to
mention the Hebrews as a distinct people, with traditions,
laws, religion and customs of their own (2).
3. Heathen Writers on the Hebreavs.
The Heathen writers of this period who make mention of
the Hebrews, or treat of their history and laws, are the fol-
lowing :
1. Berosus, the Babylonian astronomer, a priest of
Bel, born 330 b. c. He moved to Cos, the birth-place of
Hippocrates, and then to Athens. He wrote, in three books,
a history of the Chaldeans, fragments of Avhich were pre-
served by Josephus, Syncellus and Eusebius. He confirms
the histoiy of the Hebrews from Noah to Cyrus, and adds
to it valuable information.
2. HecaTuEus of Abdera, a philosopher and statesman
in the time of Alexander the Great, a favorite of Ptolemy
Lagi. Among the various books written by this author,
there were also a history of the Hebrews (Joseph, contra
Apion i. 2), and a book on Abraham (Antiq. i. vii. 2). He
Avas so friendly to the Jews that some doubted the authen-
ticity of those books, and others advanced that Hecattieus had
embraced Judaism.
3. Aristeas, the author of the epistle to Philocrates, on
(1) Original passages see in Josephus' contra Apion, also in
Clemens of Alexandria, Origines, and Eusebius.
(2) See C. Mueller's Fragmenta Hisioricorum Graecorum; John Gill's
^' Notices of the Jews," etc.
1 6 LITERATURE AND CULTURE
the origin of the Septiiagint, under Ptolemy Philadelphus.
The author presents himself as a heathen at the Court of
Ptolemy. He and Andreas were sent to Jerusalem to the
high priest to obtain a copy of the Law and authorized
translators thereof. He evinces particular admiration for
the laws and philosophy of the Hebrews. In the seven-
teenth century a. c. the epistle of Aristeas was declared a
forgery ; its author was supposed to have been an Egyptian
Israelite of the second or first century b. c. Scaliger, Voss
and Hody were of this opinion. In defense of this epistle,
its English translator, Lewis, Wil. Whiston and Charles
Hays, wrote in the eighteenth century. The indorsement
of Philo, Josephus and the ancient Christian writers, are in
its favor. The arguments of August Ferdinand Daehne
against the authenticity of this epistle, although it has been
repeated by most all modern writers, is nevertheless worth-
less on account of the following mistakes : (a) He advances
that the Hebrews did not philosophize, and the Books of Job.
Ecclesiastes, Wisdom of Solomon and several Psalms, prove
that they did. (h) He advances that the Hebrews were nar-
rowed down to a literal observation of tlie laws, and we have
proved in the former period their catholicity and the uni-
versality of their speculations, (c) He advances that the
spirituality in Hebrew theology is of Alexandrian origin,,
for which there is no cause whatsoever, as the Jehovah the-
ology is in itself the loftiest spiritual speculation, which
was only too lofty for the Alexandrians, who made for them-
selves a manifested God, an accommodated God, formally
distinguished from God himself. Aristeas may have been
a heathen who, like others, admired the sublimit}^ and sim-
plicit}' of Hebrew theology and law. He learned the philo-
sophical views of the Hebrews in Alexandria and Jerusa-
lem, and made them his own, although they lacked the for-
malit}^ of the Greeks. The high priest, Eleazar, in that
epistle, expounds a law allegorically, as many other laws
were expounded in Jerusalem outside of the courts of law,
by pn^aehers and teachers of religion (3). There was no
Alexandrian Jewish philosophy before Aristobul, and no
such theosophy before Philo, who belongs to the Josephus
period, and the Aristeas letter may be authentic.
4. Other Heathen writers about the Hebrews in this
(3) It is a mistake to maintain that the allegorical exegese origi-
nated in Alexandria, when the Bible contains numerous allegories
and also their exjjlanations, and the various forms of the mashal, fa-
ble, legend, parable and allegory reappears in every Jewish produc-
tion of Palestine.
IN THE GRECIAN PERIOD. 79
period were Demetrius Piialereus, the first librarian of the
Alexandrian library (4), and Hermippus, of Smyrna (5),
who advanced the intelligence that Pythagoras imported
Hebrew and Thracian opinions in his system ; Clearchus,
a disciple of Aristotle ; Artapanos, who makes of Moses
the teacher of Orpheus, and of Joseph the inventor of philoso-
phy ; and the Egyptian priest, Manetho (6), whose vilkiinous
charges against the ancestors of the Hebrews have been
discussed by so many authors.
4. Hebrew Books of the Grecian Period.
In order to determine intelligently which books belong
to this period, the following points must be borne in mind :
(a) As by contact, the Gentiles learned from the Hebrews,
so the latter must have learned of the former. The close
of the Grecian period proves that the Hebrews had learned
too much of the Greeks. Therefore, analogies in any book
to a system of Greek philosophy do not prove that such
book was written outside of Palestine or after this period.
(5) Not all ideas uttered by any Greek philosopher must
necessarily have come from Greece to Palestine, as reason-
ers far apart may simultaneously utter the same ideas, and
many of them have come to Greece from Palestine, (o)
Philosophy invents not ; it classifies discoveries and estab-
lishes the* laws thereof. Every philosophical system was
preceded by its substantial ideas and truisms. Mankind
knows more than science grasps, and thinks more than
philosophy utilizes. Least of all, the Alexandrian philoso-
phers were original, who, at their zenith of glory, were
eclectics. (d) The substantial elements of the Alexan-
drian Jewish philosophy and theosophy are laid down in
the Greek version of the Bible and the Hebrew books writ-
ten during this period, consequently they were carried from
Palestine to Egypt, and not vice versa, which the Septua-
gint proves beyond a doubt. The particular method of har-
monization of Bible and philosophy, by allegorizing most
liberally Scriptural parts, laws and sentences, is Alexan-
drian. But this by no means says that Palestinean preach-
ers did not allegorize at all. They did, as is evident from
very ancient rabbinical passages (7). (e) The issues of the
(4) Josephus' contra Apion i. 23; Euseb. Prac. Evang. ix. 21.
(5) Origenes contra Celsus i. 15 (about 200 b. c).
(6) Suidas Doce Manetho ; Josephus' contra Apion i.; Boekh, Man-
etho ; John Gill's Notices, etc., p. 3, 110.
(7) See, for instance, Mishnah, Rush Hashanahiii. 8 ; MeguiUahW.
9, ,nV"iyn ni30n. in aftertimes, it was prohibited as being n''JQ n73D
na^HD ay^ n-nni Aboth iu. ii.
80 LITERATURE AND CULTURE
period which, at last, drove one party to extreme orthodoxy
and stern righteousness, and the other to extreme Grecisra
and apostasy, were these : (1 ) Concerning man's highest
authority, whether it was the Thorah, Sinai, llevehition or
Wisdom; (2) Concerning ethics, whether orthodoxy and
righteousness were inseparahle or separable ; whether right-
eousness in the name of God leads to wisdon or vice vej'sa,'
whether righteousness contains its own reward or it must
lead to pleasure and happiness; (3) Concerning esciiatol-
ogy, whether there is reward and punishment in life eternal,
which involved the question of immortality and the form
thereof, or righteousness must be rewarded in this life, as it
appears from one set of arguments in the Book of Job ; and
(4) Concerning politics, whether, in consequence of the
above issues, the Thorah is the supreme law of the land,
or whether the king and his will are. These issues of the
period determine its literature, as authors in all ages write
on the issues before them. The Hebrew books of the Gre-
cian period which have reached us aro Ecclesiastes {Ivohe-
leth), the Song of Songs {Shir Tlai^Ji-shirim)^ Esther
{Meguillath Esther)^ Daniel, the Wisdom of Joshua, son
of Sirach, and the Wisdom of Solomon.
5. The Song of Solomon.
Considering what has been written on the Song of Solo-
mon or the Song of Songs {Shh' Ilash-shii'iin), it is hardly
necessary to say again that King Solomon was not the
author of this most beautiful of all poems ; because (a) the
Solomon of this song is conquered and ironically dismissed
by the simple shepherdess, Sulamith, of Galilee ; his wealth,
power and wisdom are derided by a peasant girl's invinci-
ble affection for her friend. King Solomon could not have
made himself the subject of a satire, (b) It contains Gre-
cisms and Aramisms which point to a time when the Syriac
and Greek languages had already left their imprints on the
Hebrews, (c) There is no God and no name of God in the
whole song ; it could not have been Avritten in the propheti-
cal time, when the name of God was first and last on the lips
of the inspired speakers, (d) It is in form Grecian, and not
Hebrew ; it is a drama with two choruses and a coryphaeus
to each. The ancient rabbis (Mishnah, Yedaim iii. 5) dif-
fered in opinion as to Avhether the Song of Solomon and
Ecclesiastes were to be classed with Sacred Scriptures of the
third class (Hagiography), although R. Akiba maintained
that the Song of Solomon was most holy. Take, on the other
hand, the time of Ptolemy HI., when the Grecizing Hebrews
IN THE GRECIAN PERIOD. 81
were enthusiastic for the king and wisdom, as the liighest
authority and ideaL Solomon was, in the Hehrew tradi-
tions, of all kings the greatest and wisest, the ideal of
royal power and wisdom. An excellent poet, whose name
lias not reached posterity, personifies the congregation of
Israel with its simple, sublime belief in revelation and its
unshaken faith in God, and calls that allegorical figure Su-
laniitli, whose simplicity is as touching as her affections
and fidclit}' are admirable and sublime. Her friend, to
Avhum all her devotion belongs, never appears on the stage ;
because he represents the God of Israel, whom the poet
would not personify. He places the simple shepherdess,
Sulamith, in juxtaposition to the wisest, mightiest and
most pompous king, Solomon, surrounded by ^ all the
magnificence, splendor and beguiling pomp of his court.
He represents most happily the spirit of that age and
the ideals of the Grecian Hebrews. The king loves Su-
lamith ; it was no age of persecution ; he loves her as a
king with a thousand wives loves a maiden, and she loves
him in moments of weakness. But her faith, her fidelity,
her watchful conscience, triumph over all allurements ; she
. rejects the conquered king and returns to her friend on the
mountains, like invincible virtue. The daughter of Israel
has never been glorified more successfully than in this song,
■and yet it is an allegory, written in l)ehalf of the Ilassidim
and against tlie Grecian Hebrews, written in a most amia-
ble spirit, inoffensive, yet forcibly argumentative, pleasing
to the senses, yet suasive in the main point ; so that R.
Akiba could say of it " all songs are holy, but this song of
songs is most holy."
6. The Book of Esther.
The Book of Esther is an imitation of the Song of Sol-
omon, only that it is a drama and the former a historical
romance, written in the time of Seleucus. Like the Song
of Solomon, it has no God and no name of God, and is full
of Aramisms. It is written so that each chapter is intended
to surprise the reader, exactly in the style of the romance ;
and there are different versions of the story in Hebrew,
Greek and Syriac, which, however, agree in the main facts,
so that there'^can be no doubt that each writer had an ol^ject
in view, according to which he shaped and presented the
historical facts. Like the Song of Solomon, the Book of
Esther was also written for profane reading, and handles
the same questions. Sulamith becomes Esther ; the daugh-
ter of Israel is placed in the position where the poet of
82 LITERATURE AND CULTURE
Solomon's Song could not have placed her ; she is a queen.
She is not as noble and generous as Sulamith, the congre-
gation of Israel is not as faithful as it was, and Mordecai,
the vigorous and ever-watchful Ilassidisra^ must somewhat
harshly remind her to bestir herself in behalf of her de-
voted people ; but then she rises nobly, piously, prudently
and successfully. The king is represented as an imbecile
and fool, which was well directed against the royal idealism
of the Grecian Hebrews. The author personified Seleucus
in Ahasveros, Heliodorus in Haman, Onias in Mordecai, the
congregation of the faithful in Esther. Both the historical
facts and the allegory are well presented, and in the very
sense of the poet of the Song of Solomon. Judith and Su-
sanna, written in other periods, are imitations of the twa
books just discussed, personifying the congregation of Is-
rael by a noble daughter of Israel, as Tobit is an imitation
of Job.
7. The Book op Ecclesiastes.
All the arguments advanced in regard to the Books of
Job and the Song of Solomon apply with equal force to the
Book of Ecclesiastes, to establish the fact that it was not
written prior to this period ; nor could it have been written
later, as shortly after this period the third part of the Canon,,
the Hagiography, in which this book Avas placed imme-
•diately after the Proverbs of Solomon, was closed (Baba
Bathra 19 b). Ecclesiastes iv. 13 to 17, and x. 17, ap-
pear to point to Antiochus the Great and the child Ptolemy
Epiphanes ; and verse 20, to the tax collector, Joseph and
his sons, the espionage in Jerusalem during the wars of An-
tiochus the Great with Egypt. Ibid ix. 13 apparently
points to the fate of Hannibal. It is, therefore, safe to
place the origin of this book in the early days of the reign
of Epiphanes, before 200 b. c. The author's name was not
ascertained, for it is fictitious. He calls himself Koheleth,
a son of David, king in Jerusalem (Ecclesiastes i. 1), and
says (Ibid i. 12) that he was king over Israel in Jerusalem,
hence he was king no more when he wrote that book. The
editors of this book call him Ilak-Jcoheleth (Ibid xii. 8),
showing that it is not a proper noun ; it is the hoJieleth.
There is no reason whatsoever to believe that King Solomon
wrote this book under a fictitious name (8). And yet the
(8) See Nacliman Krochmal's Moreh Nehuchei Haz-zeman, Shaar
xi., Simmon viii.; and in Kerem Chewed of the year 1841, p. 79.
Krochmal thinks Ecclesiastes was written towarS. the end of the
Medo-Persian Period, which is a mistake, because the Greek Skepti-
IX THE GRECIAN PERIOD. 83
ancient expounders and translators ascribed this book to
Solomon. They wanted to exclude it from the Canon be-
cause it contradicts the words of David and contains con-
tradictory statements (9) which incline to unbelief (10) ;
still they sustained it because its beginning and close are
" words of the law " (11). This assumption is not based
upon the " Ben David," for any other son of David, in any
century, might have so called himself. The words " king at
Jerusalem" (i. 1) may refer to David and not to Kohelethy
and in verse 12 he simply maintains that the Koheleth was
once king of Israel in Jerusalem, but Avas so no more. Ko-
heleth is an allegoric name. It signifies " congregation " in
the abstract. The author, who was a Davidian of Jerusa-
lem, assumes the title Koheleth, " the congregation," which
in better times reigned over Israel in Jerusalem, but was
now deposed by the incursions of Grecian philosophy and
customs, the progress of commerce and materialism. He
had learned of the Sliii' Hash-shirim poet to personify
the congregation of Israel, in behalf of which the great and
wise king argues against the Grecians of his age ; and this
great king, without mentioning his name, speaks of himself
as if he were Solomon. It is, in this particular point, the
counterpart of Solomon's Song. There the poet represents
in Solomon the roA'al master with all his claims, as the
Grecians presented the king, succumbing at last to the
majesty of the congregation of Israel personified in Sula-
mith. Here the philosopher represents a philosophical and
apologetic Solomon in defense of the congregation of Israel.
He calmly reviews all the claims of the Grecians, with all
the philosophisms and sophisms of the age, the fatalism
and astrology of the orientals, the Skepticism and Epicur-
ism of the Greeks, with their Eudemonism and pleasure-
seeking virtues. He hints at the Stoics (vii. 15) and chas-
tises the self-complacent rationalism of his age, which
sought the supreme good in "Wisdom," and relied upon its
ability to explain all enigmas of existence. He chastises
no less the supposed importance of the king, power, wealth
and satiating enjoyment. He has thought of all and tried
all which his generation knew and had ; he has denied with
them the consolation of immortality and the happiness of
virtue. Like them he has thrown aside all traditions of the
cism and Epicurism, against which the book evidently argues, did not
exist at that time.
(9) Talmud Sabbath, 30 a and h.
(10) Midranh Koheleth Rabbah.
(11) Talmud ibid.
84 LITERATURE AND CULTURE
fathers and all doctrines of revelation. But at the end of
each experiment he finds " Vanity of vanities, saith Kolie-
leth, it is all vanity and windy imagination." Your philoso-
phisms and sophisms can only lead me to despair, to end in
suicide, he told his cotemporaries, for they explain nothing
and render life intolerable : " For in much wisdom is much
tribulation ; the increase of knowledge is the increase of
affliction." The cup of joy emptied to its very bottom
brings bitterness and disgust. The kings reign and oppres-
sion prevails. The rich and the poor, the sage and the fool,
must die, and none of them finds happiness in life or ac-
knowledgement after it. With all your wisdom, power,
wealth and splendor, you are miserable after all, he tells
his readers ; therefore, there can be no truth in your philos-
ophy and sophistry. Therefore, he concludes (chap. xii. 1
to 7), " Remember thy Creator in the daj'S of thy youth,"
etc. "And the dust returns to the earth as it was, and the
spirit returns to God who has given it." The only consola-
tion left to man is in God, revelation and immortality.
Kolieleth took to task all the questions of his age, and
seeks to prove that salvation and true wisdom are only in
the congregation of Israel, with her God, revelation and im-
mortality doctrines. Greek philosophy and the Grecian
claims for the sovereignty of wisdom and the king, liave
found no more successful skeptic and critic than Koheleth.
Therefore this book was accepted afterward in the Canon.
8. The Psalms of this Period.
An age of extensive commerce and domineering materi-
alism, as the Grecian period Avas, is favorable to the pro-
gress of the practical sciences and arts, and hostile to re-
ligion, philosophy, poetry and the fine arts. Therefore, tlie
sacred lyre was also silenced in Israel. Yet Psalms xlix.
and Ixxiii. were evidently Avritten shortly after Koheleth
and discuss the same themes. Psalm fifty can hardly be
misunderstood; it Avas directly against Menelaus and his
brother, Avhen the holy vessels had been stolen from the
temple. Psalms xlii. to xliv., as also Psalms Ixxiv. to Ixxix.,
can be understood only in connection with the bloody de-
crees of Antiochus Epiphanes, the subsequent massacres
and the desolation of the temple. Concerning Psalm Ixxiv.,
it is maintained in the Talmud {Sanhedrin 96 h) that it
refers to the destruction of the first temple ; but this opin-
ion is controverted in verse 9 of that Psalm. With the suf-
fering of the faithful, the sacred lyre resounded again, and
this time Avith tearful strains. Psalm Ixxi. appears to be
IN THE GRECIAN PERIOD. 85
the prayer of Mattatliia at the outbreak of the rebellion,
which opens the next period.
9. The Book of Daniel.
Daniel was no prophet, it is maintained in the Talmud
(Sanhedrin 94 b), and the book which bears his name was
not accepted in the Prophetical Canon ; still the book stood
in very high esteem in the days of Josephus. Its Aramaic
chapters (ii.-vii.) were certainly not written in Palestine,
because they are classical, and the Hebrews at the end of
this period were better acquainted with the Greek than the
Aramaic. Therefore, it must be admitted that the Aramaic
portion of the Book of Daniel was written in Babylon and
b}' Daniel himself, or one who had access to his notes and
dates. Josephus (Antiquities xi. viii. 5) states that the
Book of Daniel was shown in Jerusalem to Alexander the
Great, " wherein Daniel declared that one of the Greeks
should destroy the empire of the Persians," and Alexander
supposed that he himself was the person intended. Yet it
is evident (12) that the Hebrew portion w^as written after
170 B. c, by a patriot secreted somewhere in the country, to
rouse the Hassidim to the terrible combat against Anti-
ochus Epiphanes, and to inspire them with the certainty of
victory. Its mystic, apocalyptic style, its h3-postasis of
angels called by mysterious names, its vivid, lucid and exact
description of historical events in the dim twilight of proph-
ecy, and its powerful aitpeal to the national feelings and con-
sciousness that the Kingdom of Heaven must outlive all po-
tentates and empires, betray the object and time of its origin
in the time of persecution, to pour inspiration into the hearts
of the patriots. Therefore, the origin of this book is easily
accounted for. The originally Aramaic chapters contain no
prophecy reaching beyond the fall of Babylon. They refer
to the four last kings of the empire, in which Daniel him-
self was a prominent sage and statesman. The style of the
book, however, is so mysterious that it admits of various
interpretations. In Palestine, especially, wdiere the Ara-
maic was but partiall}' understood at that time, it was no
difficult task to expound some of its passages to the satis-
laction of Alexander, or to discover in others different
prophecies. A patriotic man, when the persecutions by An-
tiochus Epiphanes had become intolerable, seized upon that
book and added to it, prophecies in the name of Daniel,
(12) H. Ewald's Geschichte Ezra's, etc., p. 342-348; Dr. L. Philip-
son's Bible, Einleitung zum Buche Daniel.
86 LITERATURE AND CULTURE
Avhich jDredicted tlie whole history to the downfall of that
king and the triumph of the Kingdom of Heaven. Its ex-
pounders did the same thing by imposing on the book an}^
subsequent facts of history as predictions made in the mis-
understood and misconstrued book, so that the rabbis were
obliged to declare that Daniel was no prophet. The eminent
services which it had rendered in the war of indeiDcndence,
the original Daniel chapters which it contains, and its
(inost-kabbalistic elements, secured it a place in the third
division of the Canon.
10. The Wisdom of Jesus, Son of Sirach.
Two books of the Pseudo-Solomonic literature are among
the Apocrypha of the Old Testament ; the one of Jesus,
son of Siracli or Sira. which, in the main, is an imitation of
Solomon's Proverbs ; and the other called the Wisdom of
Solomon, or also the Book of Wisdom or Ecclesiasticus, is
original and Pseudo-Solomonic. Ben Sirach appears to be
older than KoheletJi. The Hebrew originals of those two
books have been lost (13). Both of them are gnomical like
Solomon's Proverbs, and in the same form of paralellism ; so
that the Hebrew original is distinctly marked in the Greek
translations. Ben Sirach's Hebrew original was known to
and extensively quoted and imitated by the rabbis (14);
and Hieronymus reports to have seen it. The Greek trans-
lation was written b}^ the author's grandson in Egypt, the
Syriac, Aramaic and Arabic translations were written later.
It is called in the Talmud " Ben Sira," and is mentioned
among other apocrypha, although the expounders of the
Mishnah again speak of it as being worthy of a place in the
Hagiography. The author calls himself (]. 27) Joshua
(Jesus), Son of Sirach, from Jerusalem, and his grandson
informs us, in his introduction to the Greek translation,
that he came to Egypt in tlie thirty-eighth year of the gov-
ernment of Ptolemy Euergetes, but that monarch reigned
only twenty-five years (247 to 222 b. c). It must refer to
Physcon, who called himself Euergetes II., whose reign ac-
tually commenced 170 b. c, and, with several intermissions,
lasted to 117 b. c; hence the translator came to Alexandria
132 B. c. Therefore, it is within the bounds of possibility
(1.3) Ben Sirach has been translated into Hebrew from the Syriac
of the London Polyglot, by Juda Loeb Ben Seb, end of the eigii-
teenth century. Wisdom of Solomon has been translated by Naph-
tali Hartwig Wessely, Berlin, 1778.
(14) Forty-two Hebrew verses are extant, and others in the Ara-
maic translation scattered over the Talmud.
J
IN THE GRECIAN PERIOD. 87
that the author, in the early days of his life, had seen Simon
the Just, who died 292 b. c, whom he describes (chap. 1.).
But he must not necessarily have seen him in order to de-
scribe him, as he describes many others whom he had not
seen. This Simon the Just appears to him as the last saintly
high priest. It will be safe to place the author, 255 b. c, be-
fore the author of Koheleth. Jesus b. Sirach was a man of
practical wisdom, sound morals and profound religiousness,
who had learned and traveled much and liad searched much
more in the Law of God (Ben Sirach li. 13, etc. ; xxxi. 11 ;
xxxix. 4). Although he had gathered a treasure of ex-
jjerience in his travels, yet he found Wisdom to have her
seat upon Zion, her power and resting-place in Jerusalem,
and her roots in the people of Israel (Ibid xxiv. 10-12) (15).
He was an orthodox writer, who believed that research in
the Law of God was equivalent to searching after all the wis-
dom of all ages and nations {Ihid xxiv. 25, xxxix. 1, e. s.),
^nd that the highest wisdom could be reached only by those
who kept God's commandments (Ibid I. xix. 23). He rec-
onmiends to fear God and to honor His priests (Ibid vii. 28),
to pay due regard to the sages and traditions of the nation
(Ibid viii. 9). He believed in Providence and man's moral
freedom (Ibid xi. 17), in revelation and the election of Is-
rael (Ibid xvii.), in mercy and forgiveness of sin (Ibid xxviii).
In principles, lofty and humane, and in religion faithful and
•enlightened, Sirach's son taught his people whatever wis-
dom, honor, virtue and righteousness command, and his
beautiful sentences were adopted and imitated both by the
ancient rabbis and the various authors of the Ncav Testa-
ment. It is a good text-book of the Hebrew's religion and
•ethics. Still it was not accepted in the Canon {Tosefta
Yedaim II.), and was reckoned among Apocrypha. The
causes are these :
1. Ben Sirach's book is not original in its ideas. The
author knew Solomon's Proverbs (Ibid xlvii. 12, e. s.), and
imitated them, without reaching the poetical beauty, brev-
ity and force of the original.
2. He is uncertain and wavering in respect to future re-
ward and punishment, which was then an established l)elief
and a test of orthodoxy, as is evident from Koheleth, Dan-
iel and various Psalms.
3. His expressions and figures of speech concerning wis-
dom are contradictory and, in some instances, heretical.
He hypostasizes wisdom (Ibid xxiv. and elsewhere), al-
(15) This is the first time we meet the Shekinah idea in Hebrew
literature.
88 LITERATURE AND CULTURE
though he otherwise speaks of it as the Pharisees of later
days did of the Shekinah. He locahzes and materializes it,
which was Grecian and in itself sufficient to exclude his
book from the Canon.
4. He speaks in many instances like a fatalist, to an
extent which was not palatable to the last compilers of the
Canon (16).
5. He says of himself that he was not inspired (In Ben
Seeb xliv. 39, 40). He ascribes all his learning and wisdom
to his own love of wisdom and his exertion to find it (li. 13
e. s.) and speaks of prophecy as something of past days
(In Ben Seeb xxxvi. 13, e. s.), so that it even appears that
he opposed the prophetical pretenses of his age.
11. The Wisdom of Solomon or Ecclesiasticus,
This Pseudo-Solomonic book of nineteen chapters is an
epistle of King Solomon to the princes and rulers of na-
tions, in which they are admonislied how to reign in justice
and wisdom, according to the will of God. It is a direct
polemic against the prevalent Heathen and Grecian doc-
trine of the sovereignty, irresponsibility and godship of the
king. It is a successful apologetic attempt in favor of the
Hebrew theocratic prhiciple, the belief in immortality, fu-
ture reward and punishment, the supremacy of divine jus-
tice and Providence, and the system of ethics resulting
from these principles. He advances nothing that was then
new in Jerusalem, although he seems to incline sometimes
to Pythagoras or Plato. His God is the same spiritual, in-
visible and infinite Maker, Preserver and Governor of the
Universe, which He contains and which contains Him not,
as taught by Moses and the Prophets. ' His immortality
doctrine is a commentary on Solomon's niO?D ^"'Vn npl^ " Right-
eousness delivereth from death," as most all his doctrines
are. He is, in style, perfectly biblical, and so he is in all
his ideas, except concerning Satan (ii. 24) and in regard to
wisdom, which appeared to him also in the hypostesized
form of Shekinah ( not as an intermediate being between God
and man) ; although it is difficult to expound his poetical fig-
ures of speech with certainty (17). There is no cause what-
(16) See Dr. A. Geiger's Urschrifl, etc., p. 201 ; Ben Seeb's and M. L.
Gutmann's Introductions to Ben Sirach ; Leopold Duke's BlumenUse,
etc., p. 23 ; A. F. Daehne's (iet^chichUiche Darstellung, etc., Zwnte Ah-
theil., p. 120, e. s., and their sources as quoted; Franz Delitzsch's Zur
Geschichte der Jued. Foesie, Sec. 26.
(17) Naplitali Hartwig Wessely in his Ruach Chen has supplied
most of the Biblical passages on which the phraseology in the Wis-
dom of Solomon is based.
IN THE GRECIAN PERIOD, 89
ever to suppose that this book was not written in Hebrew or
not in Palestine. It is not as popular a book as Ben Sirach's,
hence it was not as popuhu'l}^ Icnown ; still many of its
passages passed into the literatures of the rabbis and the
New Testament without credit given to the author. It was
not accepted in the Canon for reasons given, Section 10,
hence the Hebrew original was not preserved. The book is
beautiful in style and sui)lime in its contents, but it con-
tains no original truth. It is, in form, an introduction to
the Laws of Moses. The first ten chapters are a general in-
troduction, enlarging on the spirit and essence of the laws.
The other nine chapters are commentaries on the miracles
connected with Israel's departure from Egypt, with polem-
ics against idolatry. Here the author stops abruptly at the
account of Israel's passage through the Red Sea. The con-
clusion of this book has evidently been lost. Neither Solo-
mon, nor Zerubabel, nor Philo, as was variously suj^posed,
could have been the author of this book, which, in form and
contents, in style and doctrine, belongs to Aristobul, the
founder of the Alexandrian Jewish Philosophy, of whom
we treat in Chapter xiii. (18).
12. The Culture of this Period.
The literature of this period is a monument of a high
state of culture. The spoken language still was the He-
brew, although the Syriac and Greek had made deep in-
roads upon its terminology and grammatical forms. This
is evident especially from Koheleth, the Hebrew chapters
of Daniel and the Book of Sirach's Son, which were writ-
ten for the people, and must have been written in the popu-
lar dialect. Again, the Song of Solomon, Wisdom of Solo-
mon, and the Psalms, are works of art, and prove how far
the Hebrews had advanced in the beauty of form. The
Pseudo-Solomonic literature, which has its echoes in the
rabbinical legends of later dates, is distinguished by its
high-toned ethics and catholicity, so that it gave rise, in
later days, to the superstition that the evil spirits dread the
name of Solomon, and at the mentioning of it, submit to
(18) Whether Aristobul is the Ben Laanaii of tlie Talmud Yeru-
sliahui or tlie Ben Thiglau of the Midrimh Koheleth, whose book is
placed in connection with that of Sirach's son, can no more be
ascertained, as, besides tlie names, nothing is known either about
these authors or their books. Tlie same is the case witli the Me-
GuiLLATH Hassidim ( Yerusliahiii Berachoth end), of which one verse
is quoted : I^Tyji D'DV ''JnTyn UV, '"If tliou forsakest me (the Law)
one day, I forsake thee two."
■90 LITERATURE AND CULTURE
the will of the exorcist (Josephus' Antiquities viii. ii. 5).
The religious idea appears in those writings with a force
and clearness, especially in the doctrines of God, provi-
dence, immortality and righteousness, as found nowhere
outside of Palestine. The only new idea in this connection
is the Shekinah of Ben Sirach and Wisdom of Solomon,
and the angels as messengers of God in the Book of Daniel ;
and this is the source of Jewish Gnosticism and the Kdb- ^
halah. Gnosticism is the first instance in the belief that
metaphysical knowledge is Avisdom and the supreme good
■of man ; and secondly, that this wisdom can be obtained in
a direct way of Sophia or wisdom hypostatized (of which
Shekinah is the Judaized idea), or of angels, as in Daniel
(viii. 16, ix. 21, etc.), or of the Bath-kol, a voice heard
which echoes its meaning in the individual's intelligence
(Ibid viii. 13), or by intense prayer (Ibid ix.). This Gnos-
ticism was chiefly directed to the Merkabah, the throne of
■God and the angels about it, to which Isaiah vi. and Ezekiel
i. afforded a Biblical starting point ; the Ma'aseh Beresh-
ITH, the mysteries of the Creation according to Genesis i. ;
and the Aroyoth, the mysteries of human physiology, to
wdiich Leviticus xviii. and xx. afforded the Biblical starting
point. These theosophical, cosmological and physiological
speculations being communicated orally, hence, received of
a master, were afterward called Kabbalah, while the juri-
dical and ethical material transmitted in the same manner,
was called Thorah she'be'al pehi, the oral law, or also Mas-
SORAH, the tradition. No idea of a Shekinah, angelology,
kabbalah, or any kind of Jewish gnosticism could be dis-
covered prior to the close of the Grecian period, and also,
there is no idea of demonology discernible. The two forces
of Grecism and Hebraism acting upon the mind, produced
this deviating line without being marked out in either.
The attention paid to transcendental and political sub-
jects did not disturb the people in the progress of agricul-
ture, industry and commerce, of Avhich the books of this
period give lively descriptions, in the Avealth of numerous
individuals and the refined luxury of the rich, against
Avhich the moralists raise their voices. Among the luxuries
of the rich there Avere, besides costly garments, precious
jeAvels, elegant houses and furniture, carriages and sedans,
servants, choice asses and horses, costly articles of food, im-
ported or home productions, also \^ocal and instrumental
music at banquets and every other joyous occasion, public
orators and jesters ; all of Avhich is expressed in the books
of this period, and points to a high state of agriculture, in-
IN THE GRECIAN PERIOD. 91
dustry and commerce (19). The wealth in the temple treas-
ury was not very large at the end of this period, which
proves that the gifts sent to the temple from abroad in-
creased largely after this period. The fact that teachers
and physicians had already formed separate and more re-
spected classes of society, and that the apothecary was
distinguished from the jDhysician (20), points to a division
of the scientific vocations and a considerable progress of
society ; as the extensive travels and lofty speculations of
the few afford an insight into the advanced spirit of that
age.
(19) See Dr. L. Herzfeld's Handehgeschichle der Juden, etc., Sees.
23 and 28.
(20) Ben Sirach xxxviii. and xii.
III. The ReYolutionary Period.
From 167 to 142 b. c, the Hebrew people, under the successive lead-
ership of Mattathia, the Asmonean, and his sons, Juda, Jona-
than and Simon, went through that revolution, which is called
theMaccabean war, because Juda as well as his warriors was
called Maccabee, which ended with the independence of Judea.
The word Maccabee is said to be made of the initial letters of the
Bible phrase: mn"' □''^N2 HSIOD ''O, "Who among the mighty
is like thee, O God," supposed to have been the motto inscribed
on Juda's banner. The kings of Syria during this period were :
1. Antiochus Ejiiphanes,
2. Antiochus, son of the former, - 162 b. c.
3. Demetrius I., - - - - 161 b. c.
4. Alexander, ... 152 b. c.
5. Demetrius II., - - - 146 b. c.
6. Antiochus, son of Alexander, - 144 b. c.
7. Tryphon, ....
CHAPTER I.
Mattathia Starts the Rehellion.
1. The Asmonean Family.
Among the resident priests of Jerusalem (1) there was
the House of Joarib or Jehojarib, that was not of the high
priest's family. One branch of the family of Joarib was called
Hashmonai or Asmonean, and one member of it was the
(1) I. Chronicles ix. 10 ; Nehemiah xi. 10.
MATTATHIA STARTS THE REBELLION. 93
chief priest, John, son of Simeon, whose son was Mattathia
He had fled with his family from Jerusalem to Modin, a town
north-east of Jerusalem, about fifteen miles from the Mediter-
ranean, in the province of Dan. He had five sons, John Gad-
dis, Simon Thassi, Juda Maccabee, Eleasar Auran and
Jonathan Apphus (2).
2. Outbreak of the Rebellion.
One of the king's commissioners, Apelles, who went
about the country to apostatize the Hebrews, came also to
Modin, erected a pagan altar, and invited the people to sac-
rifice to the gods, especially the swine of Ceres, and eat
from the sacrifices. Only one old man indicated obedi-
ence to the king's mandate ; Matthathia slew him, together
with Apelles and his men. So the signal was given for ac-
tive resistance. Hitherto the Hebrews had offered j^assive
resistance only. Bound by the oath of allegiance, and in-
tensely religious as the patriots were, they would not have
recourse to arms. Many thousands had fled to the mountains
and to the wilderness. Some, about a thousand of the
latter, were brutally slaughtered in the caves of the south-
ern desert, on a Sabbath day, when they would not fight.
The surviving patriots being thus driven to the alternative
of apostacy or death, Mattathia raised the banner of active
resistance, and declared that they would also fight on the
Sabbath day, if necessary. Many patriots came forth from
the caves and augmented the ranks of Mattathia, who led
them to the mountain fastnesses, where the king's soldiers
could not easily attack them, and initiated the bloody work
of self-defense.
3. The Work Done by Mattathia.
From his mountain fastnesses, Mattathia, with his ill-
armed and poverty-stricken band of patriots, made incur-
sions into the villages and towns. The heathens and apos-
tates were slain or expelled, the pagan temples and altars
destroyed, the children circumcised, the law of the land en-
forced, and as many copies of the Hebrew manuscripts as
could be found were saved. This encouraged and sustained
the faithful, chastised and cowed the renegades, and har-
assed the king's troops. They could not possibl}' withstand
the attacks at all points b}' those desperate men, whose num-
her was augmented after every successful attack, and whose
(2) I. Maccabees ii. 2.
94 MATTATHIA STARTS THE REBELLION.
courage grew with every victory. It was not in Mattathia's
power to do more than this. He succeeded in uniting a body
of men to set bounds to the king's apostatizing poHcy. He
was old and unable to fight a Syrian army. He left the
whole work, so courageously begun, to be accomplished by
his sons. His hour of death approaching, he appointed Si-
mon, the most prudent of his sons, governor, and Juda
Maccabee, the most valiant among them, general in the
army, admonished and encouraged them all, and died after
one year's work in the service of his people (166 b. c).
JUDA MACCABEE SAVES THE COMMONWEALTH. 95
CHAPTER XI.
Juda Maccahee Saves the Commonwealth.
1. Juda Defeats and Slays Apollonius and Seron.
The insurrectionary patriots now had a government of
their own under Simon, and tlie nucleus of an army un-
der Juda Maccabee, supported by his brothers and other
chiefs, as they had a Sanhedrin de facto under Jose b.
Joezer. The pohcy of Mattathia was upheld. Juda sur-
prised villages and towns, mostly at night time, expelled
the Syrian officers, garrisons and partisans, restored the law
of the land, and left the places in possession of his com-
patriots, until the Syrian governor at Jerusalem, Philip,
found himself unable to quell the growing power of the re-
bellion in the northern country. The southern cities up to
Hebron had been seized by loyal Idumeans, and the mari-
time cities by Macedonians, Greeks, Syrians and renegade
fugitives from the interior. Juda being looked upon as the
chief of lawless hordes, Apollonius, now governor of Sa-
maria, took the few troops he had and the l)ands of volun-
teers he could raise, and marched into Judea (166 b. c.)
to put and end to the rebellion. He was met by .Juda
somewhere north of Jerusalem, who defeated the invading
army with great slaughter, and slew also, Apollonius, the
heartless enemy of Jerusalem, whose sword Juda wore ever
after that. This gave to the patriots new courage, plenty
of arms and provisions, and exposed the whole of Samaria
to their incursions. Seron, the governor of Coelosyria, see-
ing the rebellion now right at the borders of his province,
marched southward with his troops and as many volunteers
as he could raise. He occupied the strong position of
Bethhoron, where Joshua had fought a great battle. There
Juda with his men, by forced marches, surprised and con-
96 JUDA MACCABEE SAVES THE COMMONWEALTH.
fronted the enemy. The Hebrews were fatigued, hungry
iind alarmed by the superior numbers of the enemy. Juda,
who was as fiery an orator as he was a vahant man, in-
spired them with confidence and courage. They fell on the
enemy, slew eight hundred of them, slew Seron, and drove
the shattered army to the maritime cities. Tliis brought
into the power of Juda tlie whole northern country up to
the Lebanon, and gave to his army the i)roud consciousness
of victory. They were now morally certain that God's
anger was no longer upon Israel, and tliat His warriors stood
again under His special protection. Juda's fame spread,
his army grew in number and spirit, prophets predicted the
glory returning to Zion, inspired bards sang the praise of
Jehovah and His warriors, visions were seen, dreams were
dreamed, and the whole religious enthusiasm was aroused
in the souls of the Hebrews. Even the king was now
roused from his lethargy and sensuality to Ijehold the fruits
of his perverse and cruel policy, but now it was too late.
Three causes co-operated in favor of the rebellion : the mar-
tial genius of Juda Maccabee, which was the greatest after
Alexander ; the enthusiasm and superior intelligence of the
Hebrews ; the decline and corruption of the Syrian Empire.
The first might have been suppressed and the latter over-
awed in time ; but it was too late now.
2. The King's Designs Concerning the Hebrews.
The death of two governors and tlie defeat of their
armies alarmed the king. Although deeply engaged in the
puljlic games at Daphne, and in debaucheries of all kinds,
he roused himself to an appreciation of the crisis. His
treasury had been much exhausted by his extravagance ;
he was indebted to the Romans 2,000 talents, and no taxes
were paid by the Hebrews, Persians and Medians. He col-
lected a large army and divided it with Lysias, whom he
appointed regent of Syria and tutor of his son, Antiochus.
With the other half of the army he ci'ossed the Euphrates
to subject the Persians and Medians, and to collect the
taxes. His command to Lysias was, to send an army into
Judea, to destroy Jerusalem utterly, to slay or sell into
slavery all the Hebrews, to divide their land by lot among
strangers, and to extinguish the entire nation. The king,
with his army, left for the east in the spring of 165 b. c.
3. The Nicanor and Gorgias Invasion.
Lysias appointed Ptolemy, the son of Dorymenes, gover-
nor of Coelosyria, who sent Nicanor and Gorgias, two expe-
JUDA MACCABEE SAVES THE COMMONWEALTH. 97
xienced generals, at the liead of a regular army of 20,000
men (1) to Palestine to carry out the king's command.
There came to Nicanor a large number of volunteers from
the petty nations about Palestine and renegade Hebrews,
so that the invading army numbered about 40,000 infantry
and 7,000 cavalry. Nicanor invited slave dealers from the
maritime cities to come and buy Hebrew slaves, 90 for a
talent. His intention was to sell 180,000, in order to raise
2,000 talents with which to pay the Romans. A large num-
ber of slave dealers came with plenty of money and shackles
to Nicanor's camp, expecting a flourishing business.
4. Peeparations in Palestine.
The patriots of Palestine also made their preparations
iluring the winter. Iif the spring of the year (165 b. c.)
they met at Mizpah. A day of public humiliation and
worship was celebrated in an extraordinary manner, in
sackcloth and ashes, and under the thundering noise of the
priests' trumpets. The tithe was brought thither and Naza-
rites appeared with their sacrifices to make the multitude feel
keenly the absence of the temple and altar ; and the multi-
tude lamented and wept. Juda, in his language of liquid fire,
encouraged the despondent people to go and fight for their
religion, law, sanctuary, homes, life and liberty, and ac-
quainted them Avith the fact that they had already been
sold or devoted to the sword. The army Avas then organized
according to the Laws of Moses. When all who were faint-
hearted were gone, a host of 6,000 men was left, which was
divided into four corps, commanded by the four brothers of
Juda, he being then their commander-in-chief. So prepared,
the heroic band went forth, for the first time to meet in
hattle a regular arm}^, drilled in the tactics of Alexander,
and commanded by renowned generals.
5. Defeat of Nicanor and Gorgias.
The Syrians had come down through Pluenicia and were
encamped near Emmaus, on the plain of Philistia, at the
foot of the mountains of Judah. Juda marched from Miz-
pah to meet the enemy there. His approach becoming
known to Nicanor, he sent Gorgias, with 5,000 men, to sur-
prise Juda's camp in the mountains. On being informed
thereof, Juda at once hurried to the enemy's camp, took
(1) According to Josephus and I. Maccabees iii. 9, Nicanor's army
consisted of 40,000 infantry and 7,000 cavalry, and according to II,
Maccabees viii. 9, 20,000 men, which entitles to the above statement.
98 JUDA MACCABEE SAVES THE COMMONWEALTH.
Nicanor by surprise, routed him, burnt his camp, and drove
his sliattered army to the j^lains of Edom and the cities of
Jamnia and Ashdod, before the return of Gorgias. When he
returned and saw the disaster, he fled with his troops into
Idumea. The victory was great, and no less great was the
thanksgiving and psalmody of the victors. A large quan-
tity of gold, silver, purple and arms had fallen into their
hands, and they had won the conviction that they could
rout a well-disciplined army commanded by reputed gene-
rals. Nicanor passed through the country disguised, and
arrived, perfectly humiliated, at Antioch. It appears he
was dismissed from the Syrian service by Lysias, and went
to Rome to Demetrius, the nephew of the king, with whom
he returned to Syria in 161 b. c.
6. The Defeat op Lysia% at Beth Zur.
The victory at Emmaus was not decisive. In the spring
of the year 164 b. c, Lysias came with another army to
Idumea, collected the scattered forces of Nicanor and Gor-
gias, and mustered, as was supposed, sixty thousand men,
besides five thousand horsemen. He marched northward
as far as Beth Zur, and encamped in that arena of rocks
and narrow passes. Juda, and this time with ten thousand
men, defeated also proud Lysias, who left 5,000 dead be-
hind, and retreated back to Antioch with the conviction
that the Hebrews were prepared to die rather than lose
their liberty, and that they had a desperate manner of
fighting.
7. Re-Dedication of the Temple.
Juda was now absolutely master of the interior country
from Dan to Hebron, with the exception of the fortified
places, and among them, Acra, in Jerusalem. It was in his
power to take Jerusalem, and he did occupy it without re-
sistance. The host that had followed him to the holy city,
finding the temple deserted and desecrated by idols, its
gates burnt, and weeds growing in its courts, lamented
painfully and rent their garments. Juda besieged the cita-
del of Acra, and meanwhile a large party of working men
repaired the temple, tore down the polluted altar, and built
a new one according to the Law, made the most necessar}^
sacred vessels and priestly garments, destroyed all idols
and emblems of idolatry in the city and on the Temple
Mount, and began to repair its fortifications. In the fall of
the year 164 b. c. (I. Maccabees iv. 32), after three years of
desolation and profanation, again, on the 25th day of Kis-
JUDA MACCABEE SAVES THE COMMONWEALTH. 99
lev, the temple was solemnly re-dedicated, and the ancient
culte re-introduced according to Israel's laws and customs.
It was a day of joy to all patriotic hearts. Seven days of
public worship and rejoicing were added, and those eight
days of dedication were afterward made the Feast of Light,
called Hannuhah, for all Israel, to he celebrated annually
in memory of the re-dedication of the temple. At the same
time, Beth Zur was fortified to protect the country against
invasions from the south, and the siege of Acra was con-
tinued. There can be no doubt that Juda was the acting
high priest, although this is not stated in our sources.
8. Successful Exploits in Idumea and Ammon.
The Haman-like edicts of Antiochus Epiphanes to apos-
tatize or to exterminate the Hebrews, had the good effect of
arousing the patriots to heroic deeds, and of bringing thou-
sands from Syria and Mesopotamia to Palestine. They had
the evil effect of arousing the petty nations around Pales-
tine to deadly hatred against the Hebrews, whose utter de-
struction Avas looked upon as a loyal duty, to execute the
mandates of the god-king. Therefore, while Lysias was
unable to invade Palestine again, the petty nations sur-
rounding it continued the hostilities in a most barbarous
manner, a war of extermination against the Hebrews.
South and south-east were the Idumeans, commanded by
Gorgias, and the Ammonites, by Thimotheus. In the
spring, 163 b. c, Juda invaded the eastern part of Idumea
and the land of Ammon, and conquered it as far south as
Acrabatene and the southern point of the Salt Sea, and east
thereof up to Jazer, also called Gaser or Geser (2), at the
foot of the mountains of Gilead, and returned then to Jeru-
salem.
9. Successful Exploits in Gilead and Galilee.
After a few weeks of rest, Juda was informed of the dis-
tress of the Hebrews in Gilead by Timotheus, and of north-
western Galilee by the inhabitants of Ptolemais, Tyre and
Sidon. His protection was urgently necessary, as the He-
brews of Gilead had fled to the fortified places, in which
they were not prepared to hold out long, and many of
Gilead and Galilee had been slain or captured. Besides,
there was danger of an invasion from the south by the
Idumeans, under Gorgias. After consultation with the peo-
(2) Josephus' Antiq. xii. viii. 1 ; I. Maccabees iv. 15 ; v. 8.
100 JUDA MACCABEE SAVES THE COMMON^WEALTH,
pie, Simon was sent, with 3,000 men, to Galilee. Two cap-
tains, Asariah and Joseph, Avere left in Judea with a suffi-
cient force for defense and with the special order not to take
the offensive. Juda and Jonathan, with the main army,
crossed the Jordan into Gilead. The two expeditions were
eminently successful. Juda twice defeated and captured
Timotheus, and released him on parol ; all important cities of
Gilead were taken, and all Gilead, together with Western Am-
nion and Eastern Idumea, became again a Hebrew province,
called afterward Perea. Simon was no less successful. He
drove all enemies out of Galilee, pursued them to the gates
of Ptolemais, and brought back to Jerusalem all who wanted
to leave Upper Galilee. Asariah and Joseph, however, act-
ing in violation of orders, attacked Jamnia, where Gorgias
commanded. They were repulsed with a loss of about
2,000 men. Juda and Simon returning to Judea, the army
was concentrated again, and an attack in force was made
on the Idumeans. Hebron was recaptured and destroyed,
and the Idumeans driven southward. Next Juda subjected
to his sway a part of Samaria, and the martial spirit had
risen so high in Israel that officiating priests also fought in
the ranks, but they were not good warriors (3).
10. JoppE, Jamnia and the Arabs Chastised.
The inhabitants of Joppe had invited two hundred of
their Hebrew townspeople to their booths to a friendly en-
tertainment, and then threw them into the sea. A similar
plot was ripe in Jamnia against the Hebrews. A horde of
live thousand Arabs had been engaged by those maritime
cities for their protection. Juda Avas not prepared to take
those cities, but he chastised them severely ; he burnt their
harbors and shipping, and defeated the five thousand Arabs,
with whom he made a treaty of friendshii), and permitted
them to return to their homes and tents (II. Maccabees xii.).
These exploits and victories impressed the HebrcAvs Avith
self-confidence and the conviction that they Avere amply pre-
pared for self-defense.
11. Death of Antiochus Epiphanes.
While Juda and his compatriots Avere engaged in reap-
ing the fruits of their victories, the career of Antiochus
Epiphanes Avas ended by his unexpected death (163 b. c).
He had been victorious in Media, but had sustained a disas-
trous defeat in Persia, Avhile attempting to ransack a
(3) I. Maccabees v. 67.
JUDA MACCABEE SAVES THE COMMONWEALTH. 101
Heathen temple of its valuable treasures (4). He re-
treated to Ecbatana and there heard the news of Juda's
successes over Nicanor and Gorgias. In his mortification
and rage he hastened back to Syria, with the most horrid
threats of vengeance on his lips. On the road he met other
messengers, who informed him of the defeat of Lysias and
the re-dedication of the temple in Jerusalem, and his rage
became furious. His chariot upset, and his body sustained a
severe shock. He rode on, however, and when he could no
longer endure the motion, he had himself carried on a litter
till he was worn out and had to stop at Tabae, on the line be-
tween Persia and Babylonia, where, after weeks of horrible
sufiering in body and mind, he died of a most horrid dis
ease, a miserable and disappointed man (5). Before his
death, he appointed Philip as regent and tutor of his son,
and delivered to him the insignia of royalty.
12. Lysias' Second Invasion of Palestine and a
Treaty of Peace.
Lysias being informed of the king's unexpected death
and the appointment of Philip, proclaimed the king's son
his successor, called him Antiochus Eupator, and retained
for himself the high position of regent and the king's tutor.
Juda, meanwhile, made preparations to take Acra and drive
the Syrian garrison and the renegades from that stronghold,
which commanded the northern accesses to the temple. He
pressed them hard with a zealous and valiant army by bul-
warks and engines of war. The renegades succeeded in per-
suading Lysias to give them his support. At the head of a
large army, supposed to have counted 120,000 men and thir-
ty-two elephants, Lysias and the infant king invaded Pales-
tine (162 B. c.) by way of Idumea, concentrating at Beth
Zur, which he besieged. Juda was obliged to raise the siege
of Acra and to meet the enemy. He marched to Bethzach-
aria, about ten miles from Beth Zur, and made ready for an
attack. Lysias attacked him, and a hard-fought battle en-
sued. Juda was compelled to fall back, and retreated to Je-
rusalem, although the losses of Lysias that day had been
very severe. In that battle, Eleazar Auran, the brother of
(4) The temple of Diana in the city of Elymais, according to I.
Maccabees vi. 1 ; Joseph. Antiq xii. ix. 1 ; or a temple at Persepolis
(Venus?) according to II. Maccabees ix.
(5) He confessed the wrongs he had done to the Hebrews, and
saw, in his sudden death, God's justice, according to tlie above
sources.
102 JUDA MACCABEE SAVES THE COMMONWEALTH.
Juda, died a hero's death. He saw one of the elephants in
the enemy's ranks armed with royal breast-plates, and, sup-
posing the king to be on that animal, fought his way
tlirough the enemy's ranks, slipped under the elephant and
killed him. The animal fell on him and ended the life of
fi hero. Lysias, however, took Beth Zur, sent its inhabi-
tants naked out of that city, garrisoned it, and then be-
sieged Jerusalem and the temple. The Hebrews inside de-
fended the place heroically. It was the Sabbath year and
provisions became scarce in the city. They could not have
held out much longer, when, unexpectedly, peace Avas of-
fered them by Lysias. He had been informed that Philii),
with the king's army, had returned from the East and
claimed his position. An honorable peace was obtained.
The king restored to the Hebrews all the rights and privi-
leges which they had enjoyed before the war. Menelaus
was deposed and condemned to death in the tower of ashes
at Berea in Syria, and the terms of peace were guaranteed
by an oath of the king and the captains with him. The
Roman embassadors, Quintius Memmius and Titus Man-
lius, also supported this treaty with the consent of the Ro-
man people, and asked the Hebrews to send messengers to
them to Antioch (6). The king did not keep his oath en-
tirely ; for on being received in the city as a friend, he saw the
strength of its walls, and commanded portions thereof to l)e
leveled. Nor did he fulfill all the other stipulations of the
treaty ; for, instead of appointing as high priest, Onias, the
son of the last legitimate high priest, he appointed Alcymos,
a man of obscure extraction, who was a Helenist, and stood
in bad reputation among the patriots (7). The mission of
Juda would have been fulfilled had Lysias not violated the
stipulations of the treaty.
13. Demetrius, King of Syria, and the First Bac-
CHIDES Invasion.
Although Lysias and the king returned in time to An-
tioch, routed and slew Philip, and Lysias maintained him-
self in his high position, it did not last long. In the year
161 B. c, Demetrius, son of Seleucus, who had been in
Rome as a hostage for twelve years, escaped, came to Syria
and claimed the crown. Lysias and the infant king had no
friends. They were slain, and Demetrius was proclaimed king
contrary to the will of Rome. Alcymos, who was unable to
(6) II, Maccabees xi. 34.
(7) Ibid xiv. 3.
JUDA MACCABEE SAVES THE COMMONWEALTH. 103
maintain himself in Jerusalem, appeared, in company with
other Grecian Hebrews, before the new king, and they suc-
ceeded in persuading him to send an army to Palestine in
order to establish his and Alcymos' authority. Bacchides
was charged with the execution of this order. He came
with Alcymos and an army to Jerusalem, and promised
peace to the people, now tired of war and poorly provided
with the necessaries of life. Having promised, under oath,
protection to all who might come to him, many prominent
scribes and leaders of the Hassidim party came to him to
sue for peace. But Bacchides treacherously seized and slew
sixty of them, among whom, it appears, was also Jose b.
Joezer. Then he marched to Beseth, seized and slaughtered
many of the Hassidim leaders and the peaceable citizens.
Having thus struck terror into the hearts of the surviving
patriots, he left an army with Alcymos and returned to
Antioch.
14. JuDA Rises Again.
After the conclusion of peace with Lysias, Juda retired
from the contest, as, by the stipulations of the treaty, all
had been granted for which he had been fighting. However,
the treacherous conduct of Bacchides and the Hellenistic
inclinations of Alcymos, again roused Juda and his com-
patriots to active hostilities, and the horrors of the civil war
were renewed. Juda and his men again went about the
■country and slew the Hellenists, while Alcymos maltreated
and slaughtered the Hassidim. Gradually, Juda succeeded
again in collecting so strong a body of men around him
that Alcymos could no longer maintain himself in Jeru-
salem. He and the leaders of his party again went to An-
tioch and prevailed on the king to invade Palestine.
This time Nicanor was sent to bring Juda and his patriots,
living or dead, to Antioch.
15. Nicanor's Invasion and Death.
Nicanor, the same year, came to Jerusalem at the head
of a large army, and, like Bacchides, he heralded peace.
He invited Juda to a conference, and he came. Terms of
peace were arranged ; Juda and Nicanor communicated in a
friendly way till the jealousy of Alcymos was aroused. He
complained, and the king renewed his orders to Nicanor,
who was unwilling to renew the combat. He attempted
to capture Juda treacherously and to send him to the king ;
hut the Maccabee was cautious enough to thwart this
104 JUDA MACCABEE SAVES THE COMMONWEALTH.
scheme, and the war began anew. Juda marched at the
head of a heroic band toward Jerusalem and Nicanor went
out to meet him ; a battle was fought near Caphersalma,
Nicanor was defeated, lost nearly 5,000 men, and retreated
to Jerusalem. Going up Mt. Zion to the temple, trembling
l)riests came out and showed the pieces of the sacrifice they
had made for the king. Nicanor, in his rage, cursed them,
blasphemed God, and swore a terrible oath, that he would
level the temple to the earth if Juda and his men were not
delivered up to him (8). The priests went back to the tem-
ple and cried to God for help, and the army of Juda was
augmented and roused to a desperate struggle. On the
thirteenth day of Adar, 161 b. c. (9), Nicanor went forth to
capture Juda. Not far from the city he was furiously at-
tacked by Juda's little army. Nicanor fell, his army was
routed and scattered in all directions. The alarm was sounded
throughout the land ; from all towns and villages armed
multitudes issued forth, and the invading army was entirely
annihilated. Nicanor's head and right arm were brought to
Jerusalem, and the thirteenth day of Adar was made a
national holiday, called Nicanor's Day. So the Hebrews
proved again that they could stand patiently any aggres-
sion except interference with their religion and their temple..
16. Embassadors to Rome.
The victory secured to the Hebrews a brief period of
peace. Alcymos fled to Antioch, and, for a short time,
Juda was governor and high priest de facto. He gained
time enough to send an embass}^ to Rome to cultivate the
friendship of the Senate and the people (10). As Demetrius
(8) The year 160 b. c. began next month, the first day of Nissan.
(9) It is narrated, II. Maccabees xiv. 37, that Nicanor sent five-
hundred men to capture a certain senator whose name was Razis.
Tliis man was called father of his people, and was distinguished for
patriotism and benevolence. Nicanor, it appears, wanted to have
that man in his power in order to mortify his numerous friends by
maltreating him. The senator, it appears, occupied a strong castle,
which was taken by the soldiers, and he being in danger of being
captured, committed suicide in a most heroic manner, in preference
to falling into the hands of Nicanor.
(10) I. Maccabees viii.; Josephus' Antiq. xiii. x. 6. Dr. Graetz
doubts the authenticity of this embassy, on the ground of names in-
serted by Josephus which could not be historical. But the account
of L Maccabees affords no ground for any reasonable doubt, as the
writer thereof must have seen the tablets which he describes, and
Josephus, in the same paragraph, has also the second error of report-
ing the death of Alcymos before the second invasion of Bacchides.
JUDA MACCABEE SAVES THE COMMONWEALTH. 105
was not acknowledged by the Romans as king of Syria, an
embassy of the warlike and victorious Hebrews must have
been welcome in Rome. The embassy was eminently suc-
cessful. The Roman senate acknowledged the Hebrews' in-
dependence, and received them as friends and allies. De-
metrius was informed of this fact and commanded not to
make war upon the Hebrew nation. The decree of the Ro-
man senate was engraved upon brazen tablets and sent to
Jerusalem, where they were exhibited in the temple. Still,
this could not have benefited Juda and his compatriots
personally, who were declared the heads of a rel)ellion
against the king, the peace and prosperity of the Hebrew
people. It was a faction, in the judgment of Demetrius,
which had to be subdued for the benefit of the country and
lawful government ; nor could the embassy have come back
from Rome in time to prevent the next invasion and the
calamities which it produced.
17. Bacchides' Second Invasion — Death of Juda.
Early in the year (160 b. c), shortly after the death of
Nicanor, Demetrius sent to Palestine with Alcymos, the
right wing of his army, under command of Bacchides. Gal-
ilee was invaded first, Maisaloth and Arbela (11) Avere be-
sieged and taken, and many of the inhabitants, besides
those who had sought refuge in the caves, Avere put to the
sword. Without further resistance the army reached Jeru-
salem in Nissan (first month), and Alcymos was high priest
once more. Bacchides, who had come again as a herald of
peace to the loyal people, attempted no desecration of the
temple while at Jerusalem, and Alcymos conducted the ser-
vice in a lawful manner. The people, in this year of fam-
ine, seeing itself re-assured in its rights and privileges by
the conduct of Bacchides, settled down to a peaceful life,
and Juda saw himself deserted. Three thousand men had
remained for a long time faithful to their heroic chief.
Gradually they also disbanded, most likely for want of pro-
visions, and he was left at Bera (12), with 800 men. Bac-
(11) Maisaloth and Arbela, it appears, were one city in the time
of Josephus. Compare I Maccabees x. 2 to Josephus' Antiq. xiii. xi.
1. Arbela must have been loyal to the patriots ; the second highest
oflBcer of the next Sanhedrin, Natai, was from that city ; therefore,
it was so severely visited by Bacchides.
(12) Not Bezetha, as Josephus has it, unless Bera was afterward
called Bezetha. Bera or Beroth was in Benjamin (Joshua xviii. 25),
near the Jordan (Ibid ix. 17), the place to which Jotham, Gideon's
son, fled before Abimelech (Judges ix. 17).
106 JUDA MACCABEE SAVES THE COMMONWEALTH.
chides detailed 22,000 men to capture him. Juda's men
advised him to retreat and to wait. He, however, consid-
ered it a disgrace, and insisted on accepting the challenge.
Once more he wielded his irresistible sword, and, with his
small band, inflicted a serious blow upon the enemy. But
his number was too small. Although the right wing, com-
manded by Bacchides in person, had been defeated, and re-
treated before Juda, the enemy's left wing and the cavalry ral-
lied, came up in his rear, and, with sword in hand, he fell on'
the battle-field, and with him two hundred of his compan-
ions. The benefactor of his people and savior of Israel's
religion, temple, nationality, law and honor, lay slain among
his enemies, and all good men in the laud mourned.
JONATHAN AND SIMON ACHIEVE INDEPENDENCE. 10'/
CHAPTER XII.
Jonathan and Simon Achieve Independence.
1. Jonathan and the Six Hundred Heroes.
It is not certain that John and his two brothers were
present at the battle of Bera, for Bacchides gave them per-
mission to carry the remains of Juda to Modain, and to
l)ury them in the sepulclier of Fatlier Mattathia, which tliey
did. It was a few weeks thereafter tliat Jonathan and his
hrothers joined the six hundred comrades of Juda who had
escaped out of that ])attle. They were encamped on the
eastern bank of the Jordan and near its mouth, protected
on the north and west by a swamp, on the east by the Jordan
and on the south by the Dead Sea. Jonathan was chosen cap-
tain of that small band of heroic patriots to replace the slain
chieftain, the hero of so many battles, whose brave comrades
Avere now fugitives and outlaws. Recognizing his precarious
state, Jonathan sent all his superfluous baggage to the Nab-
bateans, a friendly tribe of Arabs. John, with some men,
formed an escort. The hostile tribe of Amri, from Medaba,
fell on John, killed him and his men, and captured the bag-
gage. Jonathan, after some time, slew most of the Amrites,
assembled at a large wedding ; but that could have af-
forded him little consolation for the great loss in so criti-
cal a situation, the loss of his brother and his valuable
companions, and a large portion of the means at his com-
mand. Bacchides soon discovered Jonathan's camp and
went to capture it. He attacked the Hebrews on the Sab-
hath day, expecting to meet with but little or no resist-
ance. Nevertheless, Jonathan gave him a warm reception,
fought him all day, and when night had set in, the whole
band swam across the Jordan. In the morning, detach-
ments of the enemy pursued them, but were slain before
108 JONATHAN AND SIMON ACHIEVE INDEPENDENCE.
they could rally on the eastern shore. Bacchides pursued
them no further and returned to Jerusalem. Jonathan and
his men fortified themselves in the oasis of Bethagla, and
remained there two years.
2. Pacification of the People.
Bacchides put Alcymos and the Hellenists in power, and
took the sons of the most prominent patriots as hostages,,
to be kept at Acra. He fortified a number of cities on the
frontier and in the heart of the country, and strengthened
old fortifications at Acra, Beth Zur and Gaza. The fortified
places were provisioned, and garrisoned by Syrians and
Hellenists, most of whom made their permanent homes
there ; so that all apostates and renegades again lifted up
their heads proudly, and the patriots were suppressed and
ill-treated. The taxes imposed on the country were very-
oppressive (I. Maccabees x. 25, etc. ; Antiquities xiii. ii. 3),.
and the famine lasted nearly two years. The party now in
power would not venture any aggression against the He-
brews' religion. Law or the temple, on account of the I^ysias
treaty, the Roman warning, and especially, perhaps, in.
memory of the chastisement given to Nicanor and his army.
It was overbearing, oppressive and revengeful, so that the
pacification Avas insincere. Still there was peace, and the
nation recruited its strength.
3. Death of Alcymos.
Alcymos was struck down by the hand of Providence
early in the year 159 b. c. He died after a brief illness.
In the outermost court of the temple was a trellis, be-
yond which Gentiles, and also Hebrews, who had not passed
through the Levitical lustration, were not permitted to go.
Alcymos had that trellis removed, and opened the Avhole of
that court to all classes of people. It was an arbitrary deed
committed in the temple, and tliat sufficed to excite the ire
of the jealous multitude. The trellis, it was maintained, had
been there since the da_vs of the prophets. Alcymos broke
it down, therefore, he died so suddenly. After the death of
Alcymos, Bacchides returned to Antioch. No high priest
was appointed, and no account has reached us as to how
the internal government or the temple service was carried on.
4. Third Bacchides' Invasion and Peace with
Jonathan.
During the two years of peace, Jonathan also recruited
his strength. His numbers were gradually augmented by
JONATHAN AND SIMON ACHIEVE INDEPENDENCE. 109
dissatisfied patriots and idle adventurers. He grew up to be a
dreaded chieftain, as David did in the time of Saul. He
was not only the. terror of the nomadic tribes, but also of
the Hellenists. As they persecuted the patriots, he took
vengeance on their chief men. After the death of Alcymos,
that party being without a leader, this state of affairs
grew worse, and the Hellenists persuaded the king once
more to send Bacchides with an army in order to capture
Jonathan and his men, and restore peace. They promised
to capture Jonathan by strategy, but this failed and cost
them fifty of their chief men. Bacchides marched with an
army to Bethagla, and besieged it. Jonathan and Simon
were prepared to meet him. At the head of half their men,
Jonathan marched out of the fortifications, and by a circuit-
ous route, came up in the rear of Bacchides and opened an
attack on him. At a given signal, Simon sallied out of the
fortifications with his men, destroyed the siege engines,
and Bacchides, pressed between the two corps, lost a large
number of his men. He felt that he was not prepared to
overthrow Jonathan, and was very angry at the- Hellenists,
who had misled him to believe that it was an easy task.
Jonathan being informed of Bacchides' state of mind, sent
peace commissioners to him, and peace was concluded.
Jonathan was permitted to recross the Jordan with his men,
and live there in peace. Bacchides was to send back all
Hebrew captives held abroad, and swear never to return as
an enemy to this country. Thereupon, Bacchides, with his
men, returned to Antioch, and Jonathan recrossed the Jor-
dan with his. He took up his residence at Michmash, and
was tacitly acknowledged the head of the Hebrew people ;
and the Hellenists were obliged to keep the peace. Five
years of pacification and profound peace followed. The ex-
citement abated, and a change of political opinions ensued.
The Hellenists, as a party, almost disappeared ; so, also, did
the Hassidim. The former had lost all and the latter had
gained all for which the fighting Avas done, viz. : civil and
religious liberty, the laws and institutions of the fathers.
However, new parties soon grew out of this new political
situation.
5. Jonathan, High Priest.
Demetrius had a castle built, in which he kept aloof
from the people, and lived in indolence and sensual gratifi-
cation. The Syrians hated him, as did the Hebrews. Alex-
ander Balas, his cousin, the son of Antiochus Epiphanes,
or, according to Diodor of Sicily, and others, an impostor
110 JONATHAN AND SIMON ACHIEVE INDEPENDENCE.
resembling that prince, succeeded in collecting an army and
ships and effecting a landing at Ptolemais, where he was
received and proclaimed king of Syria (152 b. c). This
event roused Demetrius from his lethargy. He made prep-
arations to fight his antagonist. Jonathan was the only
man in Palestine who could organize a military force of
Hebrews, and they were reputed soldiers. Alexander Vjeing
at Ptolemais, they could easily give him their support.
Therefore, Demetrius sent a flattering letter to Jonathan,
giving him permission to raise and equip an army, to fortify
Jerusalem, and ordered that all hostages in Acra be delivered
up to Jonathan. This struck terror to the Syrian garrisons
of the various fortified cities, and, except those in Acra and
Beth Zur, they left the country. The hostages delivered up
to Jonathan were sent to their respective homes, arms were
forged, Jonathan organized an army and began to fortify
Jerusalem with square stones. Alexander, who could ill
afford to lose so valuable an ally, sent a letter to Jonathan,
together with the purple robe and the diadem, api^ointing
him high priest (and chief ruler) of the Hebrews, with the
title of " friend of the king." Jonathan accepted this offer,
and the first day of the Feast of Booths (152 b. c.) he ap-
peared in the temple in the sacerdotal robes as high priest,
and was enthusiastically received by the assembled multi-
tude. Demetrius, on hearing this, wrote a second letter to
Jonathan, promising him and his people much more than
Alexander had done. But his offers were refused and no
response made. The man who, eight years previous, had
swam the Jordan under the cover of darkness, a hunted and
condemned rebel, now stood at the head of his people, the
high priest and commander-in-chief, almost an independent
prince, by the will of his countrymen and Avith the consent
of the king. That memorable Feast of Booths gave rise to
Psalm cxviii., in which the history of those eight years and
the enthusiasm of the multitude are reflected in inspiring
strains.
6. Jonathan Honored by Two Kings.
Alexander defeated Demetrius, who was slain. The new
king married Cleopatra, the daughter of Ptolemy Philome-
tor. The wedding was celebrated at Ptolemais. Jonathan
repaired thither and presented himself, in person, to the
new sovereign. His enemies had also come to be heard.
Jonathan and his rich gifts so pleased the king that the
highest honors were bestowed on the Hebrew high priest,
who sat in the purple robe with the king on his throne, and
JONATHAN AND SIMON ACHIEVE INDEPENDENCE. Ill
at the wedding, had his seat between the two sovereigns of
Syria and Egypt. Confirmed in all his titles and appointed
governor of Judea, Jonathan returned to Jerusalem, and his
enemies were silenced.
7. Re-organization of the Sanhedrin.
No Sanhedrin is mentioned during the eight years' inter-
regnum. It appears again with the supremacy of Jona-
than (1). The last chief of the provisionary Sanhedrin, Jose
h. Joezer, was slain by Alcymos or Bacchides. The col-
league of the former, Jose b. John, of Jerusalem, may have
continued to preside over that body, but this is uncertain.
With the supremacy of Jonathan, the re-organization of the
commonwealth, on strictly national principles, must have
taken place, which includes the functions of the Sanhedrin.
Jonathan, and after him his brother, Simon, with the title
of Heber, -)3n, or " Unificator," as found on the coins of
Simon and his successors, must have presided over the San-
hedrin, which, on that account, was called n'^jotj^n h^ 1^ ^'^^
" The High Court of the Asmoneans." So the Kingdom of
Heaven was completely restored, as the Hassidirrt wished.
The Law of Moses was lawfully enforced by the proper
authorities, a pious and patriotic high priest watched over
the divine worship in the temple, and the dispensation of
justice, peace and righteousness prevailed ; the Thorah was
read and taught again all over the land by pious scribes, the
glory of the Lord was revealed again upon Mount Moriah
and His grace over Israel, and no foreign power or poten-
tate interfered with Israel's domestic affairs. National in-
dependence was certainly not on their programme ; and so
the}^ had all they wished. Therefore, the old party divisions
Vere obliterated, and those Hebrews who were with the Sj'rian
garrisons in Acra and Beth Zur were known only as rene-
gades and apostates. There can be no doubt, however, that
many of the Hellenists left the country and settled down
in Egypt and Asia Minor.
8. Jonathan Defeats Apollonius Daus (148 b. c).
There was peace and prosperity among the Hebrews
when Demetrius, the son of King Demetrius, returned from
Crete to Syria. Alexander, who had been feasting and de-
bauching in Phoenicia ever since his wedding, was roused to
action. He went to Antioch to make his jjreparations. His
(1) I. Maccabees xi. 23.
112 JONATHAN AND SIMON ACHIEVE INDEPENDENCE.
governor of Coelos3a-ia, Apollonius, the son of the Apollonius
slain by Juda, revolted and followed the fortunes of Demet-
rius II. This Apollonius, a wicked braggart like his father,
came through Phoenicia to Jamnia with an army, and sent
an insulting challenge to Jonathan, who came at once with
a well-equipped army of ten thousand men, including Si-
mon's corps, and took the city of Joppe. On the plain, the
two armies met, and a battle was fought, in which both sides
showed great bravery and strategy ; still Apollonius was
routed and many of his army fled to Ashdod, hotly pur-
sued by the Hebrews. The Hebrews took Ashdod also, and
the enemy having sought refuge in the temple of Dagon, that
temple was burned down. Next Jonathan marched to Aska-
lon, and was kindly received in that city. So the whole
maritime coast was again under his control, and he returned
to Jerusalem. King Alexander, whose enemies Jonathan
had fought, conferred honors on Jonathan and sent him the
golden buckle, which was a mark of distinction for the
king's kinsmen only.
9. Demetrius II.
Alexander not being able to overthrow Demetrius, asked
assistance of his father-in-law. Ptolemy Philometor came
with a large army and navy to the assistance of his son-in-
law. Passing through Ashdod, its Gentile inhabitants
showed him the ruins of the Dagon temple and the suburbs,
also the bones of the slain, in order to incense him against
Jonathan. But it was of no avail. When Jonathan met the
Egyptian king at Joppe, he was well received, and went with
Philometor as far as the river Eleutheros. By the treach-
ery of Alexander, however, events took a peculiar turn ;
Philometor took his daughter from Alexander and gave her
to Demetrius. Alexander fled to Arabia and was assassi-
nated, and Demetrius II. was king of Syria (146 b. c).
10. Demetrius II. Sells his Claims on Judea for Three
Hundred Talents.
While the two kings of Syria made war upon one another,
Jonathan besieged Acra once more. The war closing before
Acra had been taken, the renegades in that castle sent
deputations to the new king and asked his assistance. De-
metrius came angrily to Ptolemais and summoned Jonathan
thither. He appeared in company with some distinguished
senators and priests, and with rich gifts, and made a favor-
able impression on the king, whose anger changed to the
JONATHAN AND SIMON ACHIEVE INDEPENDENCE. 113
highest grace. He confirmed Jonathan in all his high of-
fices, and conferred on him the title of " the first friend of
the king." Jonathan, taking advantage of the king's favor
and Ins momentary poverty, offered him three hundred tal-
ents for all taxes and tributes hitherto paid to Syria, of Ju-
dea and its Samaritan districts of Lydda, Apheremon and
Raraathen, formerly paid to Syria. The king accepted the
offer, received the money, signed and sealed the documents,
and Judea, with its three Samaritan districts, was released
from all foreign tribute.
11. The Hebrews Defend the King at Antioch.
Demetrius II. was of a peaceful disposition. He dis-
missed a large portion of his army. Still the jieople of
Antioch hated him. Jonathan sent an embassy to him, re-
questing him to recall the garrison of Acra, which was a point
of their treaty. The king replied that he would do that and
€ven more whenever it would be in his power. But at present
he was hard pressed by rebellious Antiochians, and demanded
of Jonathan three thousand men to sul)due the rebellion.
Times had changed. Three thousand Hebrew soldiers were
sent to Antioch to protect the king, and they did protect
him. The rebellion was overcome. The citizens of An-
tioch sued for peace after many of them had been slain.
Peace was restored and the Hebrew soldiers returned to
their country ; but Demetrius kept none of his promises,
and was desirous of annulling the treaty made at Ptolemais.
Still Jonathan managed to keep the peace.
12. Antiochus Theos, King of Syria.
Demetrius II. had no time to carry out his treacherous de-
signs against the Hebrews. For Diodotus Tryphon, who had
been governor of Antioch under Alexander and Demetrius II.,
conceived a plot to place himself on the throne of Syria.
Demetrius had dismissed many of his soldiers and, contrary
to custom, paid them no wages in time of peace. They
augmented the number of his enemies. Tryphon, observ-
ing this state of affairs, went to Arabia, persuaded Zabdiel,
who was the guardian of .Alexander's son, the boy An-
tiochus, to intrust the young prince to his care, as he would
place him on the throne of his country. Zabdiel consented ;
Tryphon took the prince and brought him into Syria. The
dissatisfied soldiers and citizens su]:»ported him, an army
was organized, a battle was fought, the forces of Demetrius
were routed, his elephants fell into the hands of Tryphon,
114 JONATHAN AND SIMON ACHIEVE INDEPENDENCE.
who took Antioch ; Demetrius tied to Seleucia, and the boy
Antioehiis, surnamed Theos, was placed on the throne of
Syria (144 b. c).
13. Jonathan and Simon in Favor of Antiochus.
The power of Demetrius was not crushed yet, and it was
necessary to tha plans of Tryphon to secure the support
of the Hebrews. Therefore, a royal decree was sent to
Jonathan, confirming him in his dignities of high priest and
governor of Judea, and in the possession of the three Sa-
maritan districts, to which a fourth (Jamnia?) was added.
He Avas permitted to wear the purple and the golden buckle,
with the title of " the king's first friend ;" to use the golden
vessels at his table, and to keep a princely household.
Jonathan accepting these offers and declaring in favor of
Antiochus, was commissioned to raise an army of Hebrews
and Gentiles to subject the country to the new king ; and
Simon was appointed the king's general for the East, from
the ladder of Tyre to Egypt. It was a peculiar change
of events. The rebel chiefs were now the king's right-hand
power. It was a serious mistake on the part of Jonathan,,
but he could place no confidence in Demetrius, wdio had de-
ceived him, and could only embrace the cause of Antiochus
Theos.
14. Successes of Jonathan and Simon.
It was not difficult for these two renowned warriors to
raise and discipline a large army. Jonathan soon marched
at the head of an army toward the sea coast, and met
with no resistance till he came to Gaza. He found this city
with its gates closed, and besieged it. The damage to the
district and suburbs of Gaza by sword and fire was sO'
heavy that its garrison capitulated, and Gaza declared in
favor of Antiochus. The most prominent citizens gave
their sons as hostages, and Jonathan took them with him
to Jerusalem. Next he marched across the Jordan and
then as far north as Damascus, to enforce submission to
the new king, and he Avas successful everywhere. Mean-
while, the forces of Demetrius re-organized and invaded
Galilee in order to bring Jonathan out of Syria. The
enemy was encamped at Kedesh, on the northern borders
of Galilee. Leaving Simon behind to protect Judea, Jona-
than led his forces to the nortliern shore of Lake Genesareth.
A battle was fought on the plain; Jonathan having been
outmaneuvered. part of his army fled, panic stricken.
JONATHAN AND SIMON ACHIEVE INDEPENDENCE. 115
However, Jonathan and his most valiant captains attacked
the enemy with success ; his troops rallied and the enemy
was defeated with a loss of three thousand men. Mean-
wliile, Simon had laid siege to Beth Zur, held by a force of
Demetrius. The garrison capitulated and were permitted to
join the shattered forces of their master. The success was
complete. The two brothers had carried out their mission
in behalf of their king, and the Hebrews -of the four prov-
inces, viz. : Judea, Samaria, Galilee and Perea beyond Jor-
dan up to Damascus and down to Gaza, were once more,
as in the time of David and Solomon, masters of their
country.
15. An Embassy to Rome and Sparta.
Being absolutely in possession of all Palestine, with a
military force superior to any of the two kings of Syria,
Jonathan could only think of preparing for independence at
the next turn of political affairs. To this end, the favor of
the Romans was indispensable, for their authority in Syria
and Egypt was well established. Therefore, Jonathan sent
embassadors to Rome to renew the existing treaties, which
might have been affected by Jonathan's embracing the cause
of Antiochus Theos. The embassy was eminently successful
in Rome in securing the friendship of the senate for the
Hebrew people. According to instructions, the embassa-
dors also went to Sparta to renew the league of friendship
with the Lacedaemonians and other nations. They were also
successful in this mission. This was the prelude to the in-
dependence of Palestine.
16. Other Successes.
Meanwhile, the army of Demetrius had been re-organ-
ized and reinforced, and made another attempt at over-
throwing Jonathan. They had come to the borders of Pal-
■ estine and fortified a camp at Amathis. Jonathan, with his.
forces, was not far from them. Having learned the enemy's-
intention to surprise and attack his camp, he was prepared
for them, and they met with an unexpected repulse. Find-
ing the Hebrews so well prepared, the Syrians fled hur-
riedly during the niglit, so that they could not be over-
taken next day. Jonathan, by a detour, also conquered an
Arabian tribe in the north-east, and then returned to Jeru-
salem. The sea coast cities taking advantage of the re-ap-
pearance of the forces of Demetrius, revolted again. But
116 JONATHAN AND SIMON ACHIEVE INDEPENDENCE.
before Jonathan's return, Simon overwhelmed them, and
placed a garrison at Joppe.
17. Other Preparations for Independence.
The two brothers having returned to Jerusalem, the San-
hedrin was convoked and tne necessary laws were enacted to
strengtlien its fortifications and other cities, also to fortify
cities hitherto unprovided with works of defense. A
wall or ditch between the city and Acra was to be con-
structed in order to cut off its garrison and the renegades
from all communication with the city. The work was
begun at once. Jonathan superintended it in Jerusalem
and Simon in the country. Before, however, the embassy
could have returned from Rome, or the fortifications could
liave been constructed, a catastrophe changed the situation.
18. Jonathan Captured.
Tryphon was ready to dispose of the young king and to
mount the Syrian throne. Jonathan was in his way, and
he was to be put out of the way by vile treachery. Try-
phon came with an army to Bethshan, and Jonathan was
ready with 40,000 men to meet him. Tryphon dreaded a
battle, and sent presents and hypocritical declarations of
friendship to Jonathan, and succeeded in entrapping him.
He went to Ptolemais with a thousand men by invitation,
to have a friendly interview with Tr^'phon. On his arrival
there the gates were closed, Jonathan's men were massacred,
and he was captured (143 b. c). Tryphon despatched a
strong force to overwhelm the Hebrews in the field, who
were now without a commander-in-chief; but they retreated
in time and reached Jerusalem.
19. Simon Dictator — Death op Jonathan.
The people of Jerusalem, at these tidings, yielded to fear
and sadness. They knew the hostile nations around them
would rise up against them, and the treacherous Tryphon,
with a strong army, Avas at the door. Simon did not lose
his courage. He convoked the people to the Temple Mount,
and offered them his services. He said he was no better
than his father and his four brothers, and like them he was
ready to die for his people. He was enthusiastically re-
ceived and proclaimed chief ruler of the nation, or rather a
dictator for the time being. The fighting men rallied about
him, and he went to work with Asmonean energy. He sent
one captain, Jonathan, son of Absalom, to Joppe, to secure
JONATHAN AND SIMON ACHIEVE INDEPENDENCE. 117
the sea coast cities against Trypbon, while he continued the
fortification of Jerusalem and making ready for active ser-
vice. Tryphon, Jonathan in bonds with him, moved his
army into Judea. Simon met him at Adida, which he had
fortified. Tryphon seeing his schemes crossed by the un-
expected energy of the Hebrews, once more resorted to hy-
pocrisy and treachery. He sent word to Simon that he
would release Jonathan in consideration of one hundred
talents paid down, and two of Jonathan's sons sent him as
hostages. Simon suspected the sincerity of his enemy in
this offer also. He called a council of war, and laid Try-
phon's propositions before it. They were accepted. The
money and the hostages Avere sent, and Tryphon did not
keep his promise. He went with his army southward to
Idumea to invade Judea from that side, followed closely by
Simon. The garrison of Acra having sent word to Tryphon
that in order to rescue them he must hasten to Jerusalem,
he made ready to proceed there at once. That night, how-
ever, a heavy snow fell, which made it impossible to reach
Jerusalem. Tryphon retreated through Gilead into Coelo-
syria, marking his path by smoking ruins and massacred
men. In Gilead, he also slew Jonathan and had him buried
at Bascama. Then he returned to Antioch, afterward slew
the young king, and placed upon his own head the crown of
Syria.
20. Simon Succeeds Jonathan.
All Israel was in deep mourning. The man who had
built up the independence of his people had been treacher-
ously slain. Simon, who had successfully crossed the
schemes of Tryphon, was now the most honored and most
powerful man in the land. Syria had, in fact, no king.
Tryphon was a crown-robl)er, and Demetrius II. was power-
less. The time was favorable to gain the independence of
Palestine. Simon, therefore, while he continued energetic-
ally to fortify the cities, sent to Bascama to bring the re-
mains of Jonathan to Modain, and buried them in the As-
monean sepulcher, over which he afterward erected the won-
derful mausoleum of white marble, with its seven massive
columns, and which was considered a wonder of architect-
ure by Josephus and Eusebius. Tryphon having sent an
embassy to Rome with costly presents, and the embassadors
of Jonathan not j^et having returned, Simon also sent em-
bassadors to Rome and Sparta, with the same instructions
which had been given by Jonathan. In Rome, the embass-
adors of Tryphon were dismissed with a dubious reply, and
118 JONATHAN AND SIMON ACHIEVE INDEPENDENCE.
those of Simon received the highest honors and were dis-
missed with a treaty highly encouraging to Simon and his
people. Once knowing the feeling in Rome, Simon sent an-
other embassy to Demetrius acknowledging his title to the
Syrian crown, and offered him his assistance against Tryphon
on condition that he acknowledge the independence of Judea.
Demetrius accepted the pro2)osition, and sent to Simon the
royal decree, with general anniesty for all past offenses, de-
claring the independence of Judea, dated 170 s. e. (142 b. c).
21. Judea Independent — Simon, Prince and High Priest.
Simon captured and fortified Gazara, Beth Zur and
Joppe. He built a house for himself at Gazara, made of
Beth Zur an armory, and improved the harbor of Joppe.
Returning from this expedition, he was received in Jeru-
salem Avith unbounded enthusiasm. The independence of
Judea was acknowledged by the legitimate king of Syria
and the Romans, and Simon was its prince and high priest,
after thirty-five of the most eventful j'ears in the history of
the Hebrews. Now the Seleucidan era was replaced by the
era of the Hebrew prince, and all public documents were
dated in the first, second, etc., year of Simon or other princes
after him. Mattathia had aroused the patriots to active
resistance. Juda made a nation of warriors out of patient
and religious agriculturists and merchants, and re-conqucred
his people's rights, sanctuary and nationality. Jonathan
cultivated the feeling of independence stirred up by the
war, in defense of the sanctuar}^ educated the people up to
this new state of affairs, and organized an army out of the
irregular fighting men. Simon at once realized the hopes
of Jonathan and accomplished the task without much re-
sistance. Juda was an enthusiastic lion, Jonathan the or-
ganizing politician, and Simon the prudent statesman.
LITERATURE AND CULTURE. 119
CHAPTER XIII.
Literature and Culture^ at Home and Abroad^ of the
Revolutionary Period.
1. The Political Parties or Sects.
Political parties and religious sects were identical in the
Kingdom of Heaven among the ancient Hebrews ; because
the God whom they Avorshiped was also the king, legislator
and judge of the nation and every individual thereof, by
whatever persons He was visibly represented in either of
these various functions, and His kingdom is in time and
eternity. Revolutions decide old issues and produce new
ones, which are the causes of new parties. " At this time,"
says Josephus, viz. : toward the end of Jonathan's adminis-
tration (about 145 B. c), " there were three sects among the
Jews : Pharisees, Sadducees and Essenes." He intends to
say that before this particular time, these sects were not
known. They originated at that particular time, and then
they differed only in regard to fate (1). There is no men-
tion made, in any record, of these names of parties or sects
prior to the notice of Josephus, and they can not be ante-
dated. Parties so strongly marked could have gone forth
from the revolution only. Their names are significant of
their particular principles.
2. The Pharisees.
Pharisees, Hebrew (n''tJ'1"iQ), "the Separated," signifies
men who separated themselves from all that is Levitically
unclean ; hence, from contact with Gentiles, Hebrews who
adhered not to those observances, unclean animals and the
(1) Antiquities xiii. v. 9.
120 LITERATURE AND CULTURE
hides thereof, diseased animals and men, or skeletons
thereof. This party, according to its religious ideas, was nu-
merous in Jerusalem at the time of Antiochus the Great (2),
and must have increased during the revolution, when the
strictest observance of the national laws and customs was
the watchword of the patriots. The origin of these views
is in Ezra's " Commoners " (ntDVD ''K'JN')> who being demi-
priests, at least one week annually, learned and practiced
the laws of Levitical cleanness, and with the form of the
temple worship, carried them among the people ; only that
those men were no party or sect before this period. The
scribes in and outside of the Sanhedrin expounded the
Law, multiplied its provisions in accordance with the
public requirements and feelings, and were especially rig-
orous on the point of Levitical cleanness. With these Has-
sidim, of course, the knowledge, expounding and practicing
of the Law, religious observances and deeds of charity,
were the main objects of man's existence ; the scribes, cus-
todians and expounders of the Law must have been their
highest authorities ; and Israel's national existence must
have appeared to them to have this one purpose only, viz. :
to i)reserve and promulgate the Law. The principal func-
tions of the government could only have been, in their opin-
ion, the enforcement of the Law, the upholding of the culte,
and the protection of the nation in the free exercise of its
religion. The religious idea jjredominating among them^
they were naturally impractical politicians. As long as the
sanctuary and the Law were in danger, they fouglit bravely,
as men and patriots. When the Lysias-Juda treaty had
been made, they laid down their arms and made friendly
overtures also to Bacchides. They rose up again when
Nicanor threatened the destruction of the sanctuary, and
having destroyed him and his army, they again laid down
their arms. Four centuries of dependence on difierent foreign
potentates had produced the conviction that it mattered little
who did the profane business of the State, collected the
taxes and fought the battles, so long as the sanctuary, the
Law, and the religious exercises were secured. Therefore,
after the fall of Nicanor, they did not support either Juda
or Jonathan, although they did not oppose them. But
when Jonathan and Simon became chief generals of An-
tiochus and commanded Gentile troops, they certainly
could no longer rely upon the support of those Hassidim
and scribes. This must have been the time when the Phar-
isees were distinguished as a party or sect. In all matters
(2) Antiquities xii. iii. 4.
OF THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 121
of profane government, they were fatalists, viz. : they main-
tained that if God wants Israel independent, He has de-
creed it so, and it must come to pass with or without their
exertion ; but they would not deny the freedom of will in
matters of religion and morals. This was their standpoint
at that time. In all matters of religion and ethics, of
course, they were rigidly orthodox.
The Sadducees.
Sadducees, Hebrew D'pnv (3), rulers, governors and vic-
tors, the party of rulers and victors. Josephus gives no
religious characteristic of the Sadducees at that time, and
it appears they had none to distinguish them as a sect
The Hellenists were extinguished. The Sadducees, in after
times, the same causes producing the same effects, adopted
their doctrines in regard to future reward and punishment,
and the validity of the traditions ; but at the time of Jona-
than such was not yet the case. Their origin was political.
By the influence of Jonathan, Simon and their compatriots^
the idea of national independence gained ground among a
class of Hebrews, most likely the young, less rigorous and
ritualistic than others, and from that class the warriors
were drawn wlio supported Jonathan and Simon. After
every successful revolution anywhere, the warriors claimed
the executive oihces, the right and power to govern, and
to lay the foundation to a new aristocracy. This was
also the case in Jonathan's time. His warriors made the
same claims, and met with no oiDposition, as the Pharisees
only claimed the right to have the judiciary and the
schools under their control, and looked upon the executive
function as a profane business. That those victors who
achieved national independence and held the executive
offices called themselves the Tsaddikiin^ and as a party,
Tsaddukim, was quite natural, after they had rendered
that great service to the nation; In their estimation, politi-
cal independence was as essential as religious liberty, and
(3) Tsaddukim is the correct reading, by comparison of the He-
brew and Greek, and not Tsedokim, as derived from the family name
of tlie priests of tlie house of Tsadok. The word Tsaddik may have
been changed into Tsadduk, to make it consonant with Fmush,
" Pharisee," and to distinguish it from the common application of the
word Tsaddik, "the righteous." That tlie term |T"li* Tsaddik, also
signifies rulers, governors aiad victors, implying both strength and jus-
tice, and also wisdom, is well established. Gesenius, in pHi*, 3, Al-
bert Schu ten's rendition, and Fuerst, in pl^*, where he compares it
with the Aram. p~i7 " to be firm, strong, hard, faithful, true, tried."
122 LITERATURE AND CULTURE
the former was necessary for the security of the latter.
They did not believe in the decrees of fate in relation to pro-
fane government. They held that it must be established upon
the independence of the nation, and that this must be won
by the warrior's strong arm. To them the scribe was not
the highest authority ; the military and political chief was.
While, therefore, the Pharisees honored in Jonatlian, and
afterward in Simon, the lawful and law-abiding high priest,
the son of Mattathia and brother of Juda, the Sadducees
saw in those illustrious persons the highest ideals personi-
fied, the God-sent redeemers of Israel. This was the party
in which the political and martial ideas predominated.
4. The Essenes.
EssENES, supposed to be identical with j-'dx " physicians,"
]^p^m " ascetics," or also men of distinguishing morals and
manners, and Osiotis Dn^DH " the very pious," all of which
is based upon conjecture, was the name of the third party
(4). A secret order, established in the days of persecution,
whose members called themselves the strong and mighty
men, to preserve the Law and the traditions, came out of
the revolutionary time as a body of some importance. Its
members were, in practice, most rigorous Pharisees, in eat-
ing their food in Levitical cleanness. Up to the time of
Herod, they had nothing to do with public affairs, and left
them to fate, recognizing tlieir object of existence in reli-
gious practices and the contemplative life only. What the
Essenes became afterward is reported in Philo and Josephus
(Antiq. xviii. i. 5 and Wars ii. viii.). Besides their com-
munism and celibacy, their main characteristics, appear to
he given in the Book of Daniel. They became interpreters
of dreams, predicted future events by researches made in
Holy Scriptures, and claimed to be in communication with
the angels, exactly like Daniel ; so that it appears that this
secret order was started by the person or persons who,
about 170 B. c, brought out, in its present form, the Book
of Daniel, and was based on principles contained therein.
5. The Psalms of this Period.
In times of war, the pen is at rest ; the poet only draws
inspiration from the exciting events. Therefore, in Pales-
(4) The Aramaic NJDn " strength, power," as used in Daniel ii.
37 and iv. 27, with the signification of hiding and storing away,
which it has in the Arabic, and in tlie Hebrew ilDn, fully accounts
for the word Essenes. Later in history, they received diflerent
names, perhaps on account of various sects among them.
OF THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 123
tirie, during the excitement of the revolutionary war, no
prose writers flourished, and the poet's lyre only re-echoes
the strains of that age. It was an era of deep and rousing
religious excitement. Priests became warriors, prophets
rose, and divine bards sang new songs to the glory of God,
the sufferings and victories of Israel. The patriotic reli-
gious inspiration which, at home, transformed peaceable
peasants into heroes, and pious Levites into sublime poets,
aroused abroad also, especially among the Grecian Hebrews,
the spirit of prophesy and religious enthusiasm which adopted
the Pagan style of the Sibylline form. In Palestine, how-
•ever, some Psalms onl}^ bear characteristics of the Macca-
bean age. Thus, Psalm Ixxi., as stated before, appears to
"belong to Mattathia. Psalm cxliv. appears to be the battle
song of the Maccabees. Psalms xlvi., xlvii., xlviii., Ixvi.
and Ixvii. are evidently monuments of Maccabean victories ;
and Psalm cvi. can not well be placed in any other time.
The Hallel Psalms, cxiii. to cxviii., the Hallelujah Psalms,
cxlvi. to cL, and, perhaps also, the anonymous Psalms, xcv.
to xcix., are certainly fi-om this period of lofty inspiration.
There may be other Maccabean Psalms in our collection,
but there are none of a later date. The Psalm collection
in the Bible must have been made shortly after this period.
6. Close of the Hagiographic Caxon.
The third part of the Bible Canon is called D^2inD " Hag-
iography," and consists of the Books of Ruth, Psalms, Job,
Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Song of Solomon, Lamentations,
Daniel, Esther, Ezra (and Nehemiah) and Chronicles {Baha
Bathra, 14 h). This order of the books was changed after-
ward. These books were collected, authenticated, tran-
scribed in the sacred characters, and added to the Biblical
Canon in the time of Simon. The whole Canon, as it is now
before us in its three divisions, was known to the grand-
son of Joshua b. Sirach and had been translated into Greek
in his time, as he repeatedly states in his introduction to
the Greek translation of his grandfather's book. There is
no book and no portion of one in the Canon which did not
exist in the time of Simon, although phrases ma}' have been
changed afterward by transcribers, expounders or trans-
lators (5).
(5) This work may have been accomplished in the beginning of
the next period, between 140 to 134 b. c, but certainly no later.
124 literature and culture
7. The Hebrews in Parthia and their Connection"
WITH Palestine.
The Parthians, supposed to be Scythians, of the Inclo-Ger-
manic family, inhabited a territory south-east of the Caspian
Sea, from whicli they were separated by the narrow strip of
country called H3a-cania. Their country was mountainous,
and the people were distinguished for bravery, predatory expe-
ditions, and voluptuous pleasures, without possessing agricul-
tural or other arts of peace and civilization. When the Medo-
Persian Empire had been overthrown by Alexander the
Great, and the seat of government removed from Persia,
under Seleucus Nicator, to the distant Antioch, the Parthians
became bold and troublesome to their neighbors. In 25&
B. c, Arsaces I. roused the Parthians to rebellion against
this Syrian ruler, and achieved the independence of Parthia
and Hyrcania. Between this and 150 b. c, the Parthians,
governed by the Arsaces dynasty, subjected to their sway
nearly all of the Medo-Persian Empire, as far east as to the
borders of India and Chinese Tartary, and as far west as the
Euphrates, so that the same country was called either Par-
thia or Persia. In the time of Simon, Arsaces VI. or Mith-
ridates I. was king of Parthia. He added Bactria and a
part of India to Parthia, and in 138 b. c, captured Demetrius-
II., king of Syria. The largest number of the Hebrews,
Avho had remained in the East, were now Parthians ; a few
of them had gone to China and India, and some to Ara-
bia. The Parthian Hebrews, usually called Babylonian or
Persian, were descendants of all the tribes of Israel (6). As
the history of that empire up to 200 a. c. was entirely neg-
lected by Eastern chronographers (7), so, also, was the his-
tory of the Hebrews in the East. It is only by. the fects of
a later period and the notices in the Talmud, "that we know
anything at all about them. According to these meager no-
tices, it appears that the Hebrews there always formed a State
within the State, governed by their own laws and customs,
and by a prince of the House of David, as they, in after-
times, maintained in their traditions, whose title was " Head
of the Captivity" (xm!?J trn). An imperfect list of those
princes, from the last king of Juda, has been preserved (8).
Schools of law and theology flourished among them, it is
claimed, even superior to those of Palestine. Although de-
■ (6) Berachoth, 16 b, imN Np pyOK'D IX trriN Ni5 pINI^D -N \yVT i6l.
(7) Sir John Malcolm's History of Persia, end of IV. Chapter.
(8) Seder Olam Zutlu ; see also Dr. Julius Fuerst's Kultur und Lit-
eraturgeschichte der Juden in Aden, Chapter I.
OF THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD.. 125
pendent on Jerusalem in the proclamation of the new moon
and the consequent establishment of the festivals, and look-
ing toward that city and temple as the religious and holy
center of Israel, an independent method of expounding the
Law developed among them, which influenced the doctors
of Palestine no less than they influenced the Babjdonians.
The pilgrimages to Jerusalem and the similarity of the po-
litical situation before Simon, held together the Hebrews of
the East and of Palestine, who alwaA's considered them-
selves one people. Doctors from the East settled fre-
quently in Palestine, and taught in its academies, as doc-
tors of Palestine did in the East. Pious men in the East,
however, were not buried there ; their corpses were sent to
Palestine for interment. Nor could one be an authorized
judge or teacher there unless ordained by the heads of the
Sanhedrin in Palestine. The Hebrews of the East were
even more purely Jewish than those of Judea, because less
exposed to persecutions, wars and Grecian influence. They
did not temporize. During the revolutionary war, and
shortly after, large numbers of them must have emigrated
into Palestine, especially east of the Jordan and Galilee,
where, in the next periods, we find large numbers of He-
brews, which was not the case in the time of Juda Macca-
bee. With these immigrations, the Aramaic language was
carried into Palestine, although the Syriac was certainly
used before in Galilee, and the difference between the Syriac
and West Aramaic is very little.
8. The Literature of the Parthian Hebrews.
The literature of the Parthian Hebrews appears to have
been extensive, although mere fragments thereof have been
preserved in the Greek, Aramaic and Syriac. These frag-
ments are the Books of Tobit, Baruch, Judith, Susanna and
other fragments from an older Book of Daniel, all of which
were originally Aramaic and were written in the East before
or during this period.
1. Susanna is one of the Daniel fragments which were
not accepted in the Canon (9). It consists of sixty-four
verses (Greek) and reports a story from the youth of Dan-
iel. Susanna is the wife of a celebrated elder of the Israel-
ites in Babylonia, in the time of King Nebuchadnezzar.
Many distinguished persons, and among them, two elders
(9) Other fragments of this kind are the Praj'er of Asariah, Psalm
of the Three Men in the Fiery Furnace, Bel and the Dragon, which
are without originality. The latter is imitated in the Talmud Be-
rachoth 6 a.
126 LITERATURE AND CULTURE
and judges, meet in Joakim's house, and these hitter fall in
love with his beautiful wife, attempt to debauch her. and
fciiling therein, accuse her of adultery, in consequence of
which she is condemned to death. Led to the scaffold, God
raises the holy spirit of Daniel ; he cries out against the in-
justice to be ' committed ; Susanna and the elders are led
back to the seat of judgment; Daniel conducts a second
trial, proves the innocence of Susanna and the guilt of the
elders. The latter are put to death, and Daniel's fame is
great in the land. The whole narrative is Baljylonian. The
criminal procedure described therein is similar to the Pal-
estinian, and yet differing from it sufficiently to point dis-
tinctly to a time and place distant from Jerusalem and
prior "to the criminal law established in the next period of
this history. Its language was undoubtedly Aramaic, the
time of its origin pre-Maccabean (10).
2. The Book of Tobi, Tobit or Tobias, consists of six-
teen chapters (Greek) and reports the story of Tobi and his
son Tobiah, residents of Nineveh, in the time of Salmena-
sar, Sanherib and Esarhaddon, kings of Assyria. Several
versions and translations of this book exist (11). Tobit is
a pious Hebrew of the tribe of Naphtali, led into captivity
by Salmenasar. In Nineveh, he became the king's pur-
veyor, and amassed wealth, part of which he deposited with
his friend Gabael, who resided in a city afterward called
Rages (built by Seleucus Nicator). In his captivity, Tobit
is as pious and charitable as he was in his own country^
and adds to his works of benevolence particular care for
burying the dead, which was prohibited among the follow-
ers of Zoroaster (12). In consequence of this he is perse-
cuted by the king, leaves the capital of Assyria, returns after
the death of Sanherib, continues his w^orks of charity, be-
comes blind and poor, is maltreated by his wife, who supports
him by her labor, and, like Job, he wishes to die. He re-
members the treasures he had deposited Avith his friend,
and asks his son, Tobiah, to go to the distant city and ob-
tain them of his friend Gabael. The son seeks a trust-
(10) The rabbis had no better opinion of the Babylonian elders
than the author of Susanna had. {Sanhedrin, 93 a).
(11) See the Book of Tobit, etc., by Ad. Neubauer, Oxford, 1877.
(12) See Joliann Friederich Kleuker's Zend-Avesta; the passages
noticed in his Verzeichniss der Sncken, etc., under the term Tod This
circumstance proves that the Book of Tobit was written after the
reign of Darius and Cyrus. None of tliese books were written near
the fall of Jerusalem, as they are not noticed by the Tena'im, and
several passages from them occur in the New Testament, also in.
Paul's Epistles.
OF THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 127
worthy companion and finds the angel Raphael, who, in the
form of a young man called Asaria, goes with him. On the
way, they "bathe in the Tigris River; a huge fish (like that
of Jonah), threatens to swalloAv Tobiah. Encouraged _ by
the angel, he catches and kills the fish, and takes its liver
and gall. Reaching Ecbatana, they go to the house of
Raguel, a friend of Tobit, where they are hospitably enter-
tained. He has an only daughter, wliose name is Sarah,
who had been married seven times, but her husbands were
killed in the bridal chamber by the demon Asmodi. To-
biah desires to marry Sarah ; her father informs him of the
fate of her seven husbands, but Tobiah marries her neverthe-
less. By advice of the angel, he burns the liver of the fish
in the bridal chamber, and prays with his wife. This l)an-
ishes Asipodi far away into Upper Egypt, and both Tobiah
and Sarah are saved. The angel goes to Rages, receives the
treasures, and then they return to Tobit with great wealth.
When the blind man approached his son to embrace him,
he anointed his father's eyes with the gall of the fish, and
Tobit instantly recovered his sight. He was again happy
and rich, gave praise to God, and the angel returned to
heaven. The Avhole story, in its moral lesson, is an imita-
tion of Job, and like it, is based on a popular legend. The
numerous quotations from the Bible and frequent imita-
tions of Bible passages, prove that the book was written
long after P]zra, after Job and Jonah, perhaps in the Grecian
period. The angel in the form of man, the demon Asmodi,
known only in the Babylonian Talmud (13), the golden
rule advanced by Tobit (iV. 15) and brought to Palestine by
Hillel, the Babylonian, and the whole tone of the book, like
the miraculous'properties of the liver and gall of the fish,
point to the East at a considerable distance from Palestine.
It is the didactic production of a Babylonian sage in imita-
tion of Job, in vindication of Providence, and in laudation of
humanitarian piety. It bears distinctly the eastern colophon,,
and points to the origin of the Babylonian Hagadah.
3. The Book of Judith is a book of sixteen chapters.
It was originally Aramaic. A general of Nebuchadnezzar,
whose name was Holofernes, in the eighteenth year of that
king's reign, overran a part of Palestine and besieged Bethuel,
a town of the tribe of Simeon (Joshua xix. 4; I. Chron-
icles iv. 30). The inhabitants of Bethuel were in great dis-
tress. A heroic and very ascetic widow, Judith, the daugh-
ter of Meraris, the scion of sixteen sires, a woman of great
(13) GuiTiN 65; see S. L. Rapaport's Ereeh MVlin, Art. Ashmodai^
the demon of sensual love, who also dethroned King Solomon.
128 LITERATURE AND CULTURE
beauty and piety, resolves to risk her life in order to save
her city and its inhabitants. She goes to the camp of Hol-
ofernes, wins his affections, is alone with him in his tent,
he falls asleep, and she slays him with his own sword, as
Jael did Sisera. She escapes from the camp, the defenders
of the city sally forth, rout the besieging army and drive it
hence. The honors showered upon Judith, her hymn of
praise, and the story of her old age, close the book. The
names and dates in this book are unhistorical, its moral
principle, eulogizing an assassin, is low and points to a time
of hostility and fanaticism. The patriotic idea predomi-
nates in the whole book to such an extent and with so much
fanaticism and asceticism, that the time of its origin can
not be doubtful. It is certainly an allegory based on some
ancient tradition, written in the East after the flight and
death of Antiochus Epiphanes, sent to the Hebrews of Pales-
tine to encourage and to rouse them to the heroic struggle.
This is also partly the idea of De Wette and Grotius. The
apostatizing edict of Antiochus Epiphanes was directed
against all the Hebrews of the Syrian Empire, and caution
was necessary in writing a patriotic book. Therefore, this
form was chosen. This guides us also in ascertaining the
time when the Book of Baruch was written.
4, The Book of Baruch consists of five chapters and
an appendix of one chapter. The book opens with an in-
troduction of nine verses, in which Baruch b. Neriah, the
scribe of the Prophet Jeremiah, is mentioned as the author
of those speeches which were read in Babel before the cap-
tives and King Jechonia, in the fifth year of the captivity,
when money was collected and, together with some of the
temple vessels, sent to Jerusalem, accompanied by an epis-
tle admonishing those who remained in Jerusalem to pray
for King Nebuchadnezzar, to adhere steadfastly to the Law,
and be mindful of the fact that God punished Israel on ac-
count of his disobedience ; and that He will again be gra-
cious to him as he returns to the Law and its precepts.
True wisdom is in the revealed Law, and the hope of Jeru-
salem is in submission to its commandments. The sixth
chapter is an epistle of Jeremiah in reply to the former, and
a polemic against idolatry and its practices. The book was
originally Aramaic. The seventh generation after Jeremiah
(Baruch vi. 3) mentioned as the time of Israel's redemp-
tion, is given in Seder Olam Sutta as the time of Nicanor ;
so that it can hardly be doubtful that the death of Nicanor
was the immediate incentive for writing this book, as a con-
gratulation and encouragement to those in Palestine who
fought against idolatry and oppression. It contains numer-
OF THE EEVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 129
ous quotations from Ezra, Nehemiah, Job and late Psalms.
As in Judith, the same unlnstorical highpriest, Joiakim, is
mentioned, and, like the former, it is full of ascetic hints.
Nebuchadnezzar and all the dates are equally unhistorical in
both books ; so that their simultaneous origin can hardly be
doubted. Judith appears to favor the complete independ-
ence of Palestine, and Barueh, civil and religious liberty
under the kings of Syria, as the two parties at home pro-
posed. The Barueh story ap})ears to be true ; the letters
and prayers, however, were written in the East after the
death of Nicanor.
9. The Hebrews in Egypt.
The Hebrew population of Egypt had largely increased in
the Grecian period, and was cc«isiderably augmented in the
revolutionary time. Besides, numerous Grecian Hebrews,
who must have sought refuge in Egy})t, the men of learning
and letters, and many other non-combatants, like Onias and
Aristobul, went to Egypt, and especially to Alexandria, to
the Island of Cyprus and to Gyrene, where some of them
had lived since the time of the first Ptolemy (Joseph, con-
tra Apion ii. 4), and afterward became very wealthy and
prominent (Ant. xiv. 7, 2). With the Macedonians and
Greeks, they belonged, in all those countries, to the favored
class of citizens in commerce, industry anct politics, while
the native Eg3'ptians Avere treated as a conquered race, of
inferior intelligence. The princi})al homes of the Hebrews
in Egypt were in Alexandria, Memphis, Cairo and the com-
mercial cities on the Red Sea. In Alexandria they were
renowned artisans, merchants and ship-owners. Alexan-
dria having become the metropolis of the world's commerce,
the Hebrews, undoubtedly, from that starting-point, pene-
trated into Europe, and were engaged in the trade at the
various ports of the Mediterranean, Adriatip, North and
Baltic Seas and the Atlantic Ocean ; although they were
known there only as Greeks or Phoenicians. In Egypt and
the other countries, they lived according to their own laws
and were governed by one elected head, with the title Eth-
narch or Alabarch, who resided in Alexandria and presided
over the Alexandrian Sanhedrin of seventy or seventy-one.
This officer and this body governed the Egyptian Hebrews
in their religious and social affairs. With the excejDtion of
a short period under the reign of Philopator, they always
lived in peace, in excellent harmony with the Macedonians
and Greeks, and were, like them, hated by the Egyptians.
Therefore, and especially when, during the revolution, many
130 LITERATURE AND CULTURE
of the Grccizing Hebrews immigrated into Egypt, they
adopted the Greek kmguage, not only in their faniihes, but
also in the synagogues, read the Bible in the Greek transla-
tion, and their doctors Avere largely influenced by the philos-
ophy and poetry of Greece and the learning of Alexandria.
The pilgrimages to Jerusalem still united them with the
mother country and language ; but this was also disturbed
by the Onias Temple.
10. The Onias Temple.
In the year 1G3 b. c, Onias, son of Onias III., the last
legitimate highpriest, came to Alexandria, and in a short
time, he and another Hebrew, Dositheus, were appointed
chief commanders of the royal army. The Hebrews had
already distinguished themselves under Philopator, in an
insurrection of the native Egyptians against that king.
With a loss on the part of the Hebrews of 40,000 or, as some
report, of 60,000 men, they put down the rebellion. In 162
B. c, they rendered the same service to Philometor, and this
time more by prudence than valor. This, perhaps, was the
cause of the appointment of Onias and Dositheus to the
highest military position, although Philometor and his
mother were special friends of the Hebrews and their reli-
gion. Again in 156 b. c, the Alexandrians rose against
Philometor, and again Onias pacified them. Onias, consid-
ering himself the legitimate highpriest, now made use of
the favor of the king and queen to claim, in Egypt, the
rights of which he was deprived in Jerusalem. He obtained
the privilege from the king of rebuilding an ancient temple in
the district of Heliopolis, north-east of Memphis, which ap-
pears to have been anciently a Hebrew temple (Isaiah xix.
18 to 21). He intended that this renowned temple should
have the same culte as that of Jerusalem, and Onias to be
its highpriest. The temple was built (150 b. c), an altar
erected Ijefore it, all according to the Laws of Moses ; priests
were appointed from among the sons of Aaron, and the
entire culte of Jerusalem was imitated. Some of the Greco-
Hebrews, especially of Alexandria, continued their pilgrim-
ages to Jerusalem, but the masses of the people all over tbe
country sacrificed in the Onias temple at Heliopolis, and so,
gradually, most of the Egyptian Hebrews were Grecized.
11. The Hebrews Protect Cleopatra.
Once more Onias and Dositheus appeared on the stnge
of Egyptian history. It was in 145 b. c, when Philometor
OF THE RE VOLUTION AEY PERIOD. 131 ■
was dead, and Cleopatra, in behalf of her only son, had as-
sumed the reins of government. A party of Egyptians,
however, declared in favor of Physcon, the brother of Philo-
metor and king of Cyrene, and sent embassadors to him.
Cleopatra prej)ared for self-defense, and her two chief cap-
tains, Onias and Dositheus, stood by her with an arn:iy of
Hebrews. The Roman embassador, Thermus, however, set-
tled the difficulties and prevented a civil war. Cleopatra mar-
ried Physcon, who was to govern Egypt till the young prince
became of age. But Physcon, on the wedding day, slew his
nephew in the arms of his mother and assumed the sole
power over Egypt and Cyrene. So Egypt was placed under
the iron rule of one of the most brutal and inexorable des-
pots, who, with the exception of three years of banishment
(130 to 127 B. c), maintained himself on the throne of
Egypt to his death in 117 b. c. This murderous and incest-
uous glutton called himself Euergetes II., but his name
was Physcon.
12. Aristobul and the Literary Activity in Egypt.
The Asmonean revolution and the subsequent victory of
the Palestinean orthodoxy drove, with the Grecizing He-
brews, also a number of jDhilosophers and writers to foreign
countries, and especially to Egypt; so that from and after
this period, Hebrew philosophy had its main seat in Alex-
andria. Among those who came to Alexandria was Aristo-
bul, of Paneas, in Upper Galilee, a man of priestly extrac-
tion, who became tutor of the king and chief of the He-
brews of Alexandria. He was still alive in the year 124
b. c. (II. Maccabees i. 10) ; yet his main activity belongs to
this period. The Alexandrian Jewish philosophy begins
with him. He was as eminent a Greek writer as he was a
profound reasoner and enthusiastic believer in Judaism.
All that is true and good in the ancient Grecian poets and
philosophers appeared to him taken from the shrine of the
Hebrews. Not only Pythagoras, Plato and Aristotle, but
also Orpheus, Aratos, Linos, Homer and Hesiod, according-
to Aristobul, adopted and advanced Hebrew precepts and
admired the mighty sires of this nation's superior mind.
The main portions of the Pentateuch, he maintained, had
been known to the Greeks long before the book was trans-
lated, under Ptolemy Philadelphus. In his time, as the
translator of Ben Sirach's book states in his introduction,
the whole Hebrew Bible had been translated into Greek,
and the activity of Greco-Hebrew scribes must have been
very extensive, although, besides the Bible and some Apocry-
132 LITERATURE AND CULTURE
pha, only fragments of that period are extant, and quota-
tions by later authors. The works of Aristobul have also
been lost (14) ; and of his principal work, " Commentaries
on the Pentateuch," dedicated to the king of Egypt, Euse-
bius (15). and others, fragments only have been saved. In
them there are quotations from Greek poets, supposed to
have been interpolated by Aristobul to prove his hypothesis
concerning the ancient Greek writers and their knowledge
and appreciation of the Hebrew Scriptures. It appears be-
yond doubt, from those fragments, that Aristobul was the
first who wrote a commentary on the Pentateuch. If not
the first author, he certainly was the first writer of the philo-
sophical DerasTia. He began his work in Palestine with
the book called •' The Wisdom of Solomon," which contains
the general introduction to the " Commentar}'," and then a
commentary or Derashah on the Exode, and the miracles
connected with it. In Egypt, perhaps, he commenced with
a Grecian translation of this book, which he continued with
a commentary on the laws.
13. The Precepts of Aristobul.
The Book of Wisdom and the fragments of Aristobul's
Commentaries, contain the following doctrines :
God Himself is inscrutable to human reason ; He has
partially manifested Himself in the creation, and in revela-
tion to men who can and do rise above the sensual to the
source of all intellectual and physical being (16).
God is perfect in wisdom, goodness, power and holiness ;
all anthropomorphisms and anthropopathisms in Scrip-
tures are allegorical. So the hand of God signifies his
power, the word and speech of God signifies creative deeds
in nature or the human mind, etc. ; wisdom or Shekinah is
the manifestation of God's inspiration at a certain place or
to a certain person or persons.
(14) De Rossa, in his Meor Etiayim, and others, report that a man-
uscript of Aristobul was extant and kept hi a convent at Mantua,
but it has not yet been found.
(15) Frafparolio Evangelica (divided into fifteen books) vii. 14 ;
viii. 10; Jx. 6; xiii. 12.
(16) The formula which in aftertimes gave rise to the duahsm of
(nV'lJJ'"! ^n*;;') father and son, God and Demiurgos, or God and Logos,
belonged to Aristobul, who attempted to make Heathens understand
the God of Israel. The precept itself was certainly commonly known
and understood among the Hebrews as the Jt'hovah E'rihim theology.
It is found again in the Talmud lOipjD ^h^V^ ^Nl D^iy h^ lOlpD Nin,
" He is the world's place, but the world is not His place. He is the
immanent in nature, but not absorbed therein ; and in Paul's Epistle
to the Romans i. 19, 20 ; Acts xvii. 22, e. s.
OF THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 133J
The world is governed by God's eternal wisdom, good-
ness and providence ; no evil comes from Him ; every mari
receives his due on this earth or in eternal life.
Man's duty on earth is to advance steadily in wisdom
and goodness, to come so much nearer the Deity by love
and cogitation, which is the supreme good here and here-
after.
The ancient Grecian savans also have taught this creed,
in philosophical formulas or myths, all of which, however,
is contained in Hebrew Scriptures, expressly or allegorically.
Kings, no less than those over whom they rule, are sub-
ject to God's laws and responsible to Plim for their doings
and omissions.
With the translation of the entire Scriptures and the
commentaries of Aristobul into the Greek language and con-
ceptions, the combat of Grecism and Judaism was carried
among the most intelligent Heathens, and became an active
principle of history, which is still at work in our days.
14. Other Writers of the Greco-Hebrews.
Commentaries on the Pentateuch after Aristobul be-
came the fashion among the Greco-Hebrew writers. • Such
books, of which fragments have been preserved by Alexan-
der Polyhistor, Eusebius and others (17), are Eupolemos,
one of Juda's embassadors to Rome (Euseb. Praep. Evang.
ix.), who wrote historical commentaries in two books; Ar-
TAPANUs (See p. 79), who appears to have been a Heathen
of an older date ; Demetrius, Aristeas, and Cleodemos,
whose age and faith is not ascertained. The fragments of
their writings show that, instigated by the success of Aris-
tobul, many Greco-Hebrews and Heathens wrote commen-
taries on the Hebrew Scriptures, and popularized them
among the Greeks. The history of the Hebrews from 176
to 161 B. c, an abstract of which is in II. Maccabees, was
written by Yason of Gyrene. He wrote the history of
Mattathia and Juda Maccabee from verbal reports as they
had reached him, and was inclined to the marvellous and
supernatural. His book has been lost. Melon wrote a
book against the Hebrews, of which a small and insignificant
fragment is extant (18). The Greco-Hebrew poets also arose
(17) See Dr. L. Herzfeld's Geschichte des Volkes Jiarael, II. Band, p.
458 e. s.,and Excurs. 30. Alexander Cornelius Polyhistor wrote
about 80 to 90 B. c, and was the main compiler of Ureco-Hebrew
fragments, from whom the Christian historians chiefly copied.
(18) See Polyhistor, chapters xvii., xviii., xix., xxxvi., xxxvii ; C.
'M.u.elier's Frag menta BiMoricorum Graecorum; John Gill, Herzfeld and
Eusebius, as quoted above.
134 LITERATURE AND CULTURE
in this period of enthusiasm, patriotism and pre-eminent
expectations of the return of glory to Zion. They adopted
the popular Heathen form of Sibylline prophecies to laud
the greatness and hopes of Israel; and those poems have
become portions of the existing Sibylline books, Oracula
Sihr/llina, edited by Gallaeus at Amsterdam, 1689. The
original 8il)3'lline books were burnt in Rome, with the tem-
ple of Jupiter, in the year 84 b. c. Again, Augustus confis-
cated and burnt about two thousand of them. In conse-
quence of the Maccabean revolution and brilliant successes,
the spirit of the age among the Hebrews everywhere was
patriotic, enthusiastic and profoundly religious. Israel's
faith, law and history were lauded and expounded to the
Heathens. Started by the Book of Daniel, a superabun-
dance of glory was predicted to Zion by the excited phan-
tasy of poets and enthusiasts. The hopes were too lofty to
be fulfilled ; a large number of prophecies remained unreal-
ized, and fancy forged of it Messianic hopes, as they appear
in some of the Sibylline songs of this and coming periods.
IV. The Period of Independence.
Sixty-nine years of independence (142 to 63 b. c.) followed the revo-
lutionary war. During this time, the Hebrews grew up to a
first-class commonwealth in internal organization, laws and insti-
tutions, military capacity, moral, intellectual and religious char-
acter, into a state of prosperity and wealth, interrupted only for
a short time by the feuds of the Sadducees and Pharisees. Al-
though hemmed in by the powers of Egypt, Syria and Parthia,
the Hebrew government was strong enough to maintain its in-
dependence and to check the violence of the petty nations round
about. The rulers of this period were :
1. Simon, prince afid highpriest, - - 142 B. c.
2. John Hyrcan, prince and highpriest, with
Joshua b. Perachia and Nitai, of Arbela,
at the head of the Sanhedrin, - 134 b. c.
3. Juda Aristobul, king and highpriest, - 107 b. c.
4. Alexander Jannai, king and highpriest,
with Simon b. Shetach part of the time at
the head of the Sanhedrin, - - 105 b. c.
5. Salome Alexandra, queen, and her son,
Hyrcan, highpriest, with Juda b. Tabbai
and Simon b. Shetach at the head of the
Sanhedrin, - - - - - - 78 b. c.
6. Hyrcan and then Aristobul, king and high
priest, with Shemaiah and Abtalion at the
head of the Sanhedrin, - - 69 to 63 b. c.
136 THE EPOCH OF POPULAR GOVERNMENT.
CHAPTER XIV.
The Epoch of Popular Government.
1. The Demolition op Agra.
The Hebrew people looked upon the year 142 b. c. as th&
beginning of the new era of independence. Simon, al-
though exercising the functions of an independent prince^
was, nevertheless, cautious enough not to assume sover-
eignty opposite foreign powers, as long as a turn of events
in Syria could overthrow the new State. By his energetic
course of action he realized the projects of Jonathan in
driving the foreign garrisons and the Syrian syuii)atliizers
out of the country, fortifying the cities and placing them
under the control of loyal men, and completing the fortifi-
cations of Jerusalem. The garrison and inhabitants of
Acra, cut off from the city by a wall, could hold out no
longer. In the year 141 b. c. they capitulated and left the
country. Enthusiastic demonstrations on the part of the
people marked the event, the last vestige of foreign suprem-
acy had disappeared ; therefore, the 23d day of the second
month was appointed a national holiday (1). In order,
however, that the citadel and hill of Acra, which was higher
than the Temple INIount, should never again command the
temple, the citadel was demolished and the hill, in the
course of three years, was dug down to a level with Zion.
This left the Temple Mount the highest point in the city.
The walls of the temple were strengthened by Simon and
the foundation laid to Castle Baris, afterward Fort Antonio,
at the north-western corner of the temple square, which
was finished and named by Simon's son and successor.
The residence of Simon, afterward called the palace of the
(1) I. Maccabees xiii. 51 ; Meguillath Taanith II.
THE EPOCH OF POPULAR GOVERNMENT. 137
Asmoneans, on the western slope of the Temple Mount, was
also built by him, although his successors enlarged and
beautified it.
2. The Asmonean Dynasty Established.
A grateful people, however patriotic it may be, is no less
liable to fatal errors than traitors are. The services ren-
dered to the Hebrews by the sons of Mattathia, and per-
sonally by Simon, were certainly eminent. Those heroes
and statesmen won the independence of Israel. Therefore,
the people committed the fatal error of conferring upon
Simon and his descendants forever the hereditary rights of
its prince, highpriest and commander-in-chief, to stand at
the head of the Kingdom of Heaven, under the Laws of
Moses. This was done in the year 140 b. c, the 28th daj"-
of EUul, when priests and people, together with the Sanhed-
rin and rulers, were convoked to a great and solemn meet-
ing in the upper court of the temple (2). Then and there
the hereditary titles and prerogatives of prince, highpriest
and commander-in-chief were conferred on Simon, which
placed him and his heirs at the head of the Hebrew people
forever. Unlike Gideon of old, he accepted all those digni-
ties, and they were secured to him in a solemn covenant
made in the temple. This became the source of many mis-
eries to Israel. Yet it appears that at the time, it was the
unanimous will and wish of the Hebrew people. The de-
cree of the nation was engraved on brazen tablets and
placed before the community on the Avails of the temple
and other public places ; copies thereof were deposited in
the temple treasury. So the Asmonean dynasty was estab-
lished, and the old dynasties of David and Zadok were de-
clared superseded forever, since their last representatives,
Jason and Menelaus, on the part of the Zadok family, the
sons of Tobias, on the part of the Davidian family, had be-
trayed tlie cause of Israel in his last struggle.
(2) I. Maccabees xiv. This place of meeting is called Saramel,
which ought to read Samarel, the divine court or guarding place of
the temple. This was the Upper Court, also called the Inner Court,
which then comprised both the Courts of Israel and priests, se]ia-
rated only by steps (Duchan). In this court were the altar and the
royal throne. The trophies were kept there It was 128 cubits long
from east to west, and 1.35 cul>its wide from north to south, sur-
rounded by colonnades and porches of three rows of marble pillars
projecting from the cloisters which inclosed it.
138 THE EPOCH OF POPULAR GOVERNMENT.
3. Demetrius II. and Antiochus Sidetes.
In the year 142 b. c, Demetrius, misled by the Greeks
and Macedonians of Parthia, invaded that country, where
he lost his army and his liberty. The general of King Ar-
saces captured "him. Demetrius Avas treated well ; King Ar-
saces gave him his daughter, and the captive king aban-
doned his wife, Cleopatra, who was at Seleucia. He being a
captive, his brother, Antiochus Sidetes, came to Syria with
an army to overthrow Tryphon. Cleopatra had succeeded
in collecting a considerable army at Seleucia to enforce her
claims. She now sent to Antiochus and offered him her
hand and her influence. The marriage was consummated.
Cleopatra married the third king of Syria, and Antiochus
Sidetes took the field against Tryphon, Avhom he defeated
and drove behind the walls of Dora. Tryphon fled from
Dora to Apamia, where he was captured and slain. This set-
tled the crown of Syria upon Antiochus Sidetes and Cleo-
patra. There were then two queens, Cleopatra, the one in
Syria, and her mother in Egypt, now the wife of Physcon.
4. Simon and Antiochus Sidetes,
Previous to his landing in Syria, 140 b. c, Antiochus Si-
detes had sent letters to Simon in which, although the in-
dependence of .Judea was not clearly acknowledged, still all
other riglits and privileges of the Hebrews and of Simon,
personally, and the perfect independence of Jerusalem and
the temple were fully guaranteed, and the sovereign right
of coinage added (3). This last point proves that the in-
dependence of Judea was not fully acknowledged by this
prince. Simon accepted the privileges, and sent a second
■embassy to Rome, this time with a golden shield of great
value as a gift to the people, to make sure of independence.
While Antiochus besieged Dora for the first time, Simon's
■embassadors returned and read to Antiochus a copy of the
treaty with the Romans, renewed and strengthened with
Simon, other copies of which had been sent to Demetrius
and to various nations in league with Rome. This was
doubly obnoxious to Antiochus. The independence of
Judea and the Roman acknowledgment of Demetrius and
not of himself, were the objectionable points. Simon was
now willing to support Antiochus with men, money and
provisions, as an ally, not as a vassal ; but the king refused
all offers and overthrew Tryphon without Simon's aid.
After the death of Tryphon, tranquility being restored in
(3) I. Maccabees xv. 2.
THE EPOCH OF POPULAR GOVERNMENT. 139
Syria, Antioclius claimed one thousand talents especially
for Joppe, Gazara (4) and Acra, for damages done and taxes
collected. Simon, on his part, maintained that it was the
land and property of their fathers which the Hebrews had re-
captured, and consented to pay one hundred talents for the
citadels and fortifications of Joppe and Gazara. The opu-
lence of Jerusalem and Simon's household being reported
to the king, together with the counter-propositions of Simon,
an invasion of Judea was resolved upon and Cendebeus was
sent to carry it on.
5. Simon and his Sons Defeat Cendebeus.
Simon's oldest sons, Juda and John (afterward Hyrcan),
"were his military lieutenants. John resided at Gazara and
guarded the sea coast. Cendebeus invaded Judea from the
sea side in the neighborhood of Jamnia and Joppe, and for-
tified there a place called Kedron, a short distance from
Gazara. John came to Jerusalem for advice and assistance.
Simon, though advanced in age, accepted the challenge.
He had now ready an army of 20,000 infantry and an
adequate number of cavalry. Giving to his two sons the
command of the main army, he brought up the rear and
■directed the strategical movements of the whole. After
leaving Jerusalem, Juda and John tarried all night at Mo-
■dain, near the graves of their heroic grandfather and uncles.
Next day they proceeded to meet the enemy. A battle was
fought and Cendebeus was defeated with a loss of two thou-
sand men ; the survivors fled to Azotus and Kedron. Juda
was wounded in the battle, but John pursued the enemy
f o Azotus, took it and burnt it. The victory was important,
because it demonstrated the power of Judea to maintain its
independence.
6. The First Hebrew Coins.
Simon coined no money till the year 138 b. c, when, by
the defeat of Cendebeus, he felt convinced that the inde-
pendence of Judea was firmly established. Now the an-
cient silver Shekel, half and quarter Shekel, were re-intro-
duced, called (^XitJ^ ^py>) "Shekels of Israel," dated from
the first, second year, etc. of (IVV TOX27) " the Redemption
of Zion " or nii^lp ch^M'' " Jerusalem the Holy." The in-
scriptions were in the ancient (Hebrew) letters, and the
(4) Gazara is not identical with Gaza. Gazara was an important
strategic point west of Jerusalem. See Dr. Stark's Gaza, etc., p.
495, e. s.
140 THE EPOCH OF POPULAR GOVERXMENT.
effigies were the palm tree, with the priestly chalice on the-
reverse. The half shekel had under the palm tree, two
baskets filled with dates, and on the reverse, two palm
branches and a citron between. There are extant, of Si-
mon's coins, the shekel, half-shekel and quarter-shekel (5).
7. The Death of Simon.
Four years of peace and prosperity followed in Palestine^
under the administration of Simon, who was as diligent a
student of the Law as he was an energetic governor, pious
highpriest and popular prince. There was none to disturb
or molest him ; he was the favorite of his people and the
terror of his enemies. In his own family, however, he had
nourished a poisonous serpent, his own son-in-law, Ptolemy^
son of Habub, governor of Jericho. He invited Simon and
his wife, with their two sons, Juda and Mattathia, to his
castle at Dock, near Jericho. The guests arrived and par-
took freely of the royal banquet, also of the wine. When.
they were under its influence, armed servants of Ptolemy
rushed into the hall and slew the hoary prince. His wife
and sons were captured and imprisoned in the castle, men.
were despatched to slay John Hyrcan, to take possession of
the city of Jerusalem, and to notify Antiochus Sidetes of
the foul assassination. Ptolemy expected that Antiochus
Sidetes would come at oiice and put the assassin at the
head of the Hebrews. It was in the month of Shebat, 134
B. c, when Simon, 73 years old, fell by the hand of the as-
sassin hired by Antioclius Sidetes.
8. John Hyrcan Succeeds Simon.
John Hyrcan, residing at Gazara, was informed of the
assassination of Simon in time to foil the other schemes of
Ptolemy. When his emissaries arrived at Gazara, they
were captured and slain. John arrived in Jerusalem before
Ptolemy's men, and had taken the reins of the government
into his hands before his enemy had done anything. Being-
the legitimate heir of Simon, he was at once proclaimed
prince and highpriest. John was before Dock before Ptol-
emy could prepare for the emergency. He threatened to
whip John's mother in case her son should assault the cas-
tle, and did so at the first attempt. Although the mother
repeatedly encouraged her son not to heed her pains, but to
take the castle and punish the assassin, still John could
(5) See Geschichte der Jued. Munzen, Dr. M. A. Levy, p. 40, etc.
THE EPOCH OF POPULAR GOVERNMENT. 141
not overcome his filial compassion, and accepted the propo-
sition of Ptolemy to let him go unharmed and to leave the
country. Ptolemy acted upon the terms of the amnesty,
but before doing so, he first slew John's mother and his two
brothers, and then fled to Philadelphia, in Amnion, a dis-
graced assassin.
9. Palestine Invaded by Sidetes.
Antiochus Sidetes came with a large army to Palestine
before John was prepared to meet him. Before John could
raise an adequate force, the enemy encamped before Jerusa-
lem, which was besieged during the whole summer. It was
the Sabbath year, 134 to 133 b. c, and provisions were
scarce. Want of water in the city increased the sufferings.
Still the defenders would not yield, and the walls of Jeru-
salem appeared imjjregnable. They sent the non-combatants
out of the city, but Antiochus would not let them pass through
his lines, and after much sufft'ring they had to be taken
back into the city. The Feast of Booths approached and
the rainy season came near. John asked of Sidetes seven
day's armistice during the feast, and animals to make the
prescribed sacrifices. It was granted. During the feast
peace was negotiated and concluded. Antiochus was satis-
fied with 500 talents of silver and hostages, to secure the
fulfillment of the main stipulations, viz., that John Hyrcan
would supjjort the Syrian king in his contemplated invasion
of Parthia. Antiochus destroyed some of the fortifications
of Jerusalem and left the country, keeping only Joppe and
Oazara under his sway ; he claimed them as S3'rian cities.
But where did John Hyrcan find the monc}'? He paid 300
talents at once. It Avas most likely taken from the temijle
treasury, and the unsuspecting people were told that lie
had opened the sepulcher of David and found 2,500 tal-
ents therein.
10. The Zuggoth — A Concession Made by John Hyrcan.
In the Hebrew records, the two heads of the Sanhedrin
are called Zicggoth " the pair," of which Jose b. Joezer and
Jose b. John would have been the first, if they had been de
jure the heads of the Sanhedrin ; but they were not ; they
were scholasts (m^StJ'x)) representative men of the Antigo-
nus school. Therefore, Joshua b. Perachia was the first
Nassi, prince president, and Nitai, of Arbela, in Galilee, the
first Ab-Beth-Din, chief-justice, oif the Sanhedrin ; the first
Zuggoth, who were no priests, and the heads of the San-
142 THE EPOCH OF POPULAR GOVERNMENT.
hedrin de jure and de facto (mD3iD ^roK't^) (6). They
were appointed by John Hyrcan (7), and this closed the
" High Court of the Asmoneans," to be succeeded by the
Sanhedrin, organized as a body of laynaen, although the
priests were not excluded, presided over by the principal
scribes, the bearers of the traditions, independent of their
birth (8). This was a memorable concession to the Phari-
sees, who, as the sequel will show, were opposed to the con-
centration of power in one individual, and, like the proph-
ets of old, did not favor the monopoly of spiritual and
scholastic functions by the tribe of Levy. They placed the
scribe higher than the priest and the sage above the prophet
(9). This concession, it is maintained in the Mishnah, so
pleased and pacified the multitude that the hammer, an-
nouncing by its noise in Jerusalem the time to pay the taxes,
was abolished, as no person in the land was suspected of
negligence in the payment thereof; all the agitators and ruf-
fians were overcome, peace, satisfaction and good govern-
ment were completely restored (10). John Hyrcan, perhaps,
was not the man to preside over the Sanhedrin to the satis-
faction of the Pharisees. His father was an acknowledged
student of the Law (I. Maccabees xiv. 14), and had been
appointed by Mattathia as the chief counselor of the na-
tion [Ibid XL 65) ; while Hyrcan was not distinguished for
learning, and could inherit only the titles expressly con-
(6) The priest of the same name, Joshua b. Perachia, in the time
of liillei, of course, was another man. See Jacob Brill's Ae/vo lla-
mishauli, p. 20, and Jalkut Sunoni, Sec. 7G1. This, perhaps, was the
man who is mentioned in the Talmudical legends as the teacher of
Jesus of Nazareth.
(7) This is stated twice in Yerushalmi, Maaser Sheni v. 8 and
Sotak ix. 11, niJlT T'Dyn ; only that those expounders who misun-
derstood the passage ibid, at the beginning of Jlalacluih x., in regard
to the Aschcoloth, imposed strange ideas on that plain statement.
(8) It is not proved from Joseplms xx. ix. 1, that the highpriest
was the president of the Sanhedrin, because the body mentioned
there was not the Great Sanhedrin, its convocation was not lawful,
and it is not said that the highpriest presided. Nor does Antiq. xiv.
ix. 4 and 5 i)rove it, because Hjrcan was an exception to the rule.
He, personally, was appointed by Julius Caesar as the highest author-
ity of the Hebi-ews in ail questions about Jewish customs (Antiquities
xiv. X. 2 1, and this particular privilege was not made hereditary.
(9) MisHNAU Horioth III., 8 , Yerusualmi Sanhedrin xi. 6. N^3J
'^y\ r^n p n'o^ jpn
(10) Mishnah Mafflser Sheni v. 15; Sotah ix. 10. The commen-
taries do not admit this exposition of the above Mishnah ; still I can
find no other sense in the terms. The Alenrerin are agitators and the
Noki'Jiii " ruttians," or those who strike. The hammer can only refer
to the taxes, as the two sentences are closely connected.
THE EPOCH OF POPULAR GOVERNMENT. 143
ferred on his father, of highpriest, prince and commander-in-
chief. Like his people, he was intensely religious, patriotic
and zealously attached to the ritual Laws of Moses ; he
may, therefore, have made this concession from religious
scruples and patriotic motives ; although, it appears, that
circumstances forced him to it. Succeeding his father
under distressing circumstances, and having partially lost
his independence and treasures in his defense against An-
tiochus Sidetes, he depended too much on public favor to
rule without the popular consent ; and the Pharisees, or
more particularly the scribes, governed public opinion. Any-
how, it proved a wise and pacifying concession.
11. Joshua b. Perachia and Nitai of Arbela.
Little is known about the Sanhedrin over which the first
ZuGGOTH presided. It could only liave been with its con-
sent that John abolished the Confession at the bringing of
the tithe, although it is literally prescribed in the Law
(Deuter. xxvi. 12 to 15) ; because it is stated therein, "And
I have also given it to the Levite," while this was not done
any longer. One-third of the tithe was brought to Jerusa-
lem for the priests and Levites in active service, as Nehe-
miah had ordained. The other third was given to either
the priests or Levites. The last third was given to the poor,
etc., and to the pious students of Jerusalem (11). This
shows that the Pharisees were no literalists, and made con-
sideralde changes in the Laws of Moses. We also know
that the Nassi, or president of the Sanhedrin, could not
make a law ; for Joshua b. Perachia prohibited the use of
wheat imported from Egypt, on account of its being Leviti-
cally unclean, and the prohibition was not accepted ; " Then
that wheat is unclean to Joshua b. Perachia, and clean for
everybody else," was the conclusion (12) ; although the laws
concerning Levitical cleanness had become so popular that
John, during his official term, sacrificed two red heifers,
Avhich had not been done since the time of Simon the Just
(13). There can hardly be any doubt that this Sanhedrin
established the law that no war upon any foreign nation
could be commenced without the consent of the Sanhedrin
(14), as it was called upon to regulate its relations to the
executive power, and to enact the main political laws which
(11) Yerushalmi, Maaser Sheni, end ^i^ nJK'X"13
(12) See Zachariah Frankel's Darkei Ham'mishnah p, 34.
(13) MiSHNAH, Farah III. 5.
(14) Ibid Sanhedrin I. 5.
144 THE EPOCH OP POPULAR GOVERNMENT.
the new and independent state required. We know, fur-
thermore, of the two heads of this Sanhedrin, that the}^, as
their predecessors and successors did, disagreed on the
point of Seinicha^ the ordination of tlie scribes (15) ; and
that they left on record the following characteristic mottoes
(16): Joshua b. Perachia said, "Procure thee a teacher,
purchase thee an associate, and judge every man charita-
bly." Nitai, of Arbela, said, " Keep far away from a bad
neighbor, associate not with the wicked, and think not that
punishment would not come." Nitai's motto may be polit-
ical and refer to the treaty with Antiochus Sidetes, as also
with some petty nations around Palestine, whom John and
his sons afterward conquered and who became merged in
the Hebrews. The motto of Joshua affords an insight into
the spirit of that age, when the study of the Law to unravel
its profound teachings was considered the most meritorious
exercise of the Hebrew mind. Joshua demanded regular
education by a competent master, with classmates, and led
by the principle of charity and benevolence. He evidently
opposed that solitary eremitism to penetrate into the mys-
teries of the creation, the cosmos and human physiology
(MisHNAH Hagigah II. 1), which then, with the rise of the
Essenes, had its beginning. Therefore, it is most likely
that the next following Mishnah, in which the difference of
opinion about Semichah is recorded, refers to the preceding
one, and not to sacrifices. Those who are engaged in those
mystical researches should not be ordained as judges,
teachers and senators, according to Joshua and others, and
may be ordained according to Nitai and others. Both adages
may also refer to this point. According to Joshua, none
must study alone, and the mysteries of human physiology
(nviy) must be expounded before no more than two at a
time, the mysteries of the creation (n'C'S")l T\^V^) before no
more than one at a time, and the mysteries of the cosmos
(n33")») before one only, who is himself a sage and compe-
tent of independent and intelligent judgment. It is also
against this ordinance that Nitai says, " to keep away from
a bad neighbor," etc. There can be no doubt that the con-
templative life and mystical speculations had their start
then with the Essenes.
12. The Invasion op Parthia.
Under the pretext of releasing his brother, Demetrius,
from captivity, in reality, however, to re-establish the former
(15) Ibid Hagigah II. 2.
(16) Ibid Abolh I. 6, 7.
THE EPOCH OF POPULAR GOV'ERNMENT. 145
boundaries of the Syrian kingdom in the East. Antiochus
Sidetes, in 131 b. c, invaded Parthia with an army of above
80,000 men and a larger number of camp followers. John
Hyrcan, with his army, went with the king on this expedi-
tion. It was successful in the first attempt. Babylonia
and Media were conquered, and the eastern borders of Syria
re-established as in the time of Antiochus the Great. The
Hebrew soldiers in the field never forgot their religious obli-
gations. The Feast of Pentecost happening on a Sunday,
Antiochus was obliged to suspend operations for two suc-
cessive days (17). Their part in the successful campaign
became obvious in the next. For with the beginning of the
winter, John Hyrcan returned to Jerusalem with his army,
either because Antiochus believed he needed their assist-
ance no longer, or because they had performed their task ac-
cording to the treaty. In the next campaign, the army of
Antiochus was overthrown and he was slain by the Par-
thians. Demetrius II., previously released from captivity,
had returned to Syria and ascended again its undermined
throne.
13. John Hyrcan's First Conquests.
John Hyrcan, after his return from the East, had a well-
organized army of disciplined soldiers. The death of Anti-
ochus and the loss of his army, paralyzed Syria moment-
arily ; the returning Demetrius could not enter the field,
and when he had partially recovered his strength, Syria was
threatened by other invaders, who claimed its crown. Hyr-
can seized upon the opportunity and made the attempt to
take from Syria such cities and districts as were claimed to
be integral portions of the Hebrew land. He went across
the Jordan, and, after a siege of six months, took Medaba at
the south-eastern frontier (Isaiah xv. 2), the district and
city of Saniega on the eastern line, re-crossed the Jordan,
took Shechem and Gerizzim from the Samaritans or Cuthim,
and destroyed their deserted temple, which, it appears, was
still a Heathen place of worship, as it had been made in the
year 167 b. c. This appears to have been accomplished in
one campaign (130 b. c), carried on simultaneously in Sa-
maria and beyond Jordan (18). Hyrcan had inherited an
aversion against the sectarian Samaritans who deserted Israel
(17) Josephus' Antiquities xiii. viii. 4.
(18) It is certainly doubtful whether John Hyrcan had taken
Aleppo or Halab, on his return from Parthia, it not being afterward
mentioned anywhere that he possessed it. See Graetz, Vol. III., 7th
Note, p. 448.
146 THE EPOCH OF POPULAR GOVERNMENT.
in the time of need and stood aloof during all the years of
national struggle, were opponents of the Hebrews at home and
in Alexandria, and a hostile organization in the heart of
Palestine. This conquest inade an end to their political or-
ganization without, however, changing their sectarian belief,
14. John Hyrcan's Second Conquests.
Having thus rounded the eastern boundaries, the south-
ern line had to be rectified. The Idumeans had always
been engaged on the side of Israel's enemies, especially
so in the late struggles for independence. They occu-
pied part of the Hebrew territory, and claimed to be chil-
dren of Abraham. Their enmity to the Hebrew people
could rise only from religious prejudices. Therefore, John
Hyrcan (in 129 b. c), invaded Idumea. Having driven the
Idumeans out of Dora (19), which they had held, and out of
Marissa (20), he overran their entire country and subjected
it completely. In order to prevent any recurrence of hos-
tilities on their part, the alternative was proposed to them,
either to become completely naturalized citizens in the He-
brew commonwealth, by circumcision and submission to the
laws, or to leave the country. They preferred the former,
and were merged in the Hebrews. The same year, Mithri-
dates mounted the throne of Parthia, and Cleopatra, Phys-
con being exiled, governed Egypt.
15. John Hyrc^vn's Embassy to Rome.
These successes in the field encouraged Hyrcan to free
himself from the alliance and obligations into which he had
been forced by Antiochus Sidetes. He sent an embassy to
Rome to procure its consent in annulling the treaty made in
distress, with a king not acknowledged by the Romans. The
mission was successful, the propositions of Jolin Hyrcan
were fully entertained, and the resolves of the senate made
known to the rulers of the nations leagued with Rome. Next
year, Hyrcan sent a golden cup and shield to Rome, which
were well received, and another decree was issued in confirm-
ation of the independence of the Hebrews and their al-
liance with the Roman people.
(19) Dora was on the sea shore, where Tartura now is, and was
most likely still garrisoned by Idumeans.
(20) IMarissa, anciently, must have been a city of the Israelites
near the sea shore ; therefore, the northern city of the same name,
near Hazai, was called Marissa, of the Gentiles.
the epoch of popular government. 147
16. Another Alliance with Syria — Changes in Syria
AND Egypt.
When Demetrius had returned from Parthia, after the
death of his brotlier, Antiochiis Sidetes. he made peace with
his first wife, Cleopatra, who had taken up her residence at
Ptolemais. He went (127 b. c.) with an army to Egypt to
assist his mother-in-law, Cleopatra, against Physcon. Mean-
while, several Syrian cities rose in a formidable rebellion
pgainst him, and he was obliged to abandon the contest and
to flee to her daughter at Ptolemais. Physcon, to avenge
himself on Demetrius, set up an impostor, whose name
was Alexander Zebina, as a son of Alexander Balas. He
gave him an army, and Alexander invaded Syria to take
possession of its crown. Many dissatisfied Syrians sup-
ported him. In the year 126 b. c, the contestants fought a
battle near Damascus, in which Demetrius was defeated.
He fled to liis wife at Ptolemais, but the revengeful woman
had the gates of the city closed against him. He fled to
Tyre, and was there captured and slain. Now his wife
claimed the Syrian throne and held a portion of Syria, and
Alexander Zebina was king over the other portion. John
Hyrcan entered into an alliance with this Alexander, from
which he derived no benefit, and the league was of short
duration, for in the year 124 b. c, Seleucus, the son of De-
metrius and Cleopatra, claiming his hereditary right, was
proclaimed king of Syria, and after a year's reign, he was
assassinated by his own mother. She gave the crown to
her second son, Antiochus Grypus (also called Philometor,
and on his coins, Epiphanes). He married the daughter of
Physcon, who furnished him with an army to overcome his
opponent, which was done in 122 b. c, and Alexander Ze-
bina was slain. Antiochus Grypus was naturally an enemy
of the Hebrews on account of their alliance with Alexan-
der. He would certainly have invaded Judea if the two
kingdoms of Syria and Egypt had not been disabled by in-
ternal dissensions. Cleopatra attempting to poison her son,,
Grypus, he slew her as she had slain his brother. Next
year Physcon died and was succeeded by his second wife
and sister, also called Cleopatra, with her son, Lathyrus,.
who called himself Soter. In 114 b. c, Antiochus Cyzi-
cenus, a half brother of Grypus, son of Antiochus Sidetes
and Cleopatra, claimed the Syrian crown. He had married
another daughter of Physcon, also called Cleopatra, who
had brought him a considerable army; and these two half
brothers, married to two sisters, carried on a bloody war ia
Syria.
1:48 tre epoch of popular government.
17. John Hyrcan's Third Conquests.
These political commotions in Syria and Eg3''i3t protected
John Hyrcan against the evil consequences of his impru-
dent alliance with an impostor, and afibrded him the oppor-
tunity of maintaining profound peace in Judea up tt) the
year 110 b. c. In this year, the Syrian Empire was divided
between the two brothers ; Cyzicenus reigned at Damascus
over Coelosyria and Phoenicia, and Grypus at Antioch over
the rest of Syria. The Hebrews had become strong enough
not to fear either of the two kings. Therefore, John Hyrcan
sent an army, under his two sons, Aristobulus and Antigo-
nus, to take the city of Samaria, which, since the daj's of
Alexander the Great, had been inhabited by Pagans, who of
late had done great wrongs to the Hebrew colony at Marissa.
They besieged that city, and its inhabitants, hard pressed,
sent to Antiochus Cyzicenus for help. An army was sent
from Damascus to assist them. The two Hebrew princes,
however, without raising the siege of Samaria, advanced
with part of their army, met and defeated the enem}'-,
and drove them behind the walls of Scythopolis, and then
continued the siege of Samaria. Antiochus was reinforced
with 6,000 men sent by Latliyrus from Egypt, contrary to
the will of his mother. The enemy ravaged the country, as
they could not venture a jiitched battle. This army was
also met by the Hebrews and forced to retire to Tripoli,
Avhere it was left under command of two generals, one of
whom, Callimander, was slain in battle ; and the other, Epi-
crates, who was bribed by the Hebrews, delivered to them
Sc^'thopolis and the adjacent cities, and did them no more
harm. In the year 109 B. c, Samaria was taken and razed
to the ground. Ditches were dug and the water let in upon
the spot where the city had stood, so that it was called Ir
NebrecJita^ " city of ditches," and the day of its capture,
the 25th of Marcheshvon, was made a national holiday, be-
cause it was the last Pagan stronghold in the country.
18. The Hebrews in Egypt.
The HebrcAvs of Egypt, Cyrene and Cyprus, under the
reign of Cleopatra, were very prosperous. She felt an aver-
sion against her son Lathyrus, and would not intrust him
with the command of her arnn^ The two sons of the priest
Onias, Chelkias and Ananias, enjoyed her confidence and
commanded her armies. Therefore, hers Avas called the
Onias party, and all her soldiers were called Hebrews, al-
though they were mercenary troops of various nationalities.
THE EPOCH OF POPULAR GOVERNMENT. 149
However, this state of affairs in Egypt contributed largely
to John Hyrcan's successes, and afterward saved his son
from utter destruction.
19. The Spirit op the Age.
The spirit of the age in Palestine was intensely religious,
patriotic and exclusiv^e. It was by religious enthusiasm
that the battles had been fought and independence gained.
A very pious priestly family stood at the head of the na-
tion, and the enemies fought and overcome were heathens,
apostates and renegades, of sensual proclivities and lax
morals. All around Palestine there were heathen temples,
pagan myths, debasing cultes, slavery and degradation ;
while down from Mount Moriah, and from a thousand
synagogues and academies, there were daily proclaimed and
expounded those sublime doctrines and principles of mo-
notheism, freedom and ethics, which prompted the Hebrew
to become wiser and holier than his neighbor. In their
religious zeal, the Hebrews could not help being exclusive,
although they never underrated human nature and God's
paternal goodness to all men ; never ceased to hope for the
redemption of all the human family, and to pray for it.
The seventy bullocks sacrificed upon the altar on the Feast
of Booths, they believed were offered up annually in behalf
of the seventy nations, supposed to "compose the human
family, to make atonement for them, that they be not ex-
tinguished (21). They were not exclusive against men, for
they accepted the Idumeans, or any other Gentile, among
themselves to equal rights and religious hopes. They were
exclusive against Paganism and the corruption of its
votaries. Their country and their religion were so closely
united by the Mosaic laws, the institutions of Ezra, the
reminiscences of fourteen centuries of history, and they
had just made such great sacrifices for both, that they were
as zealously patriotic as they were religious. However,
piety with them was not based upon metaphysical specula-
tions and abstractions. They justly pointed to their Gre-
cized neighbors, who, with the philosophy and poetry of
Greece, had run into all kinds of absurdities and degrada-
tions. They abandoned Greek philosophy, and although it
was not expressly prohibited to learn Greek and study
philosophy, yet it was under the ban of public opinion.
(21) Compare Succnh 55 b, and Pesikta of R. Kahana 193 c and
the Midrashim quoted in Solomon Buber's note to this passage.
150 THE EPOCH OF POPULAR GOVERNMENT,
Philosophical studies had been exiled from Palestine to
find a home among the Hebrews of Egypt and Asia Minor.
Piety with them signified the conscientious practice of the
Laws of Moses, as understood and expounded by their own
legitimate authorities, the Sanhedrin, scribes and priests ;
and this was also their practical patriotism. The funda-
mental principle was sound, although it naturally led many
over-conscientious men into literalism and formalism. In
their anxiety to do exactly as the Law commands, every
letter thereof became very important to them, and every
Avord suggested new restrictions and observances. While
the Sanliedrin was engaged in expounding the Law, to
establish derivative laws, as the new state of affairs and
daily emergencies required, especially in establishing an in-
dependent government, the Sopherim in synagogues and
academies imitated the method, and surrounded private
life with derivative laws, restrictions and observances,
wliich were eagerly embraced and conscientiously practiced
by tlie religious and i^atriotic multitude. The majority of
Soi^herim and members of the Sanhedrin were Pharisees,
and so the majority of the people became Pharisaical in
spirit and belief, if not strictly in i3ractice. This made them
temperate, frugal, anxiously moral and zealously religious ;
although it led many into the practices of dire ascetics, and
an undue separation from Gentiles and non-Pharisees, on
account of the laws of Levitical cleanness.
20. The Political Parties.
The spirit of the age manifested itself in the three par-
ties in correspondence with their respective fundamental
principles. The Essenes standing aloof from the political
idea were forced into the contemplative life, the rigid
practice of Levitical cleanness, and, not counterpoised by
either philosophical thought or political ideals, descended
into the depth of mysticism, with a peculiar angelology
and fantastic cosmology, a mystic-allegoric method of ex-
pounding Scriptures, claims of superior holiness, the gifts
of prophecy, oneirocritics and therapeutics ; but exercised
no visible influence on the government and legislation of
the nation. Among the Sadducees, with whom the political
idea predominated, the establishment of a strong inde-
jjendent government, Avith a rigid penal code to support it,
was the main object. They opposed the progressive legisla-
tion of the Pharisees, and maintained the Law of IMoses
and the customs of the fathers rigidly enforced to the very
THE EPOCH OF POPULAR GOVERNMENT. 151
literal sense of " Eye for eye," etc. (22), were sufficient to
govern tlie nation, and to place its prince in an independent
position. The Pharisees, with whom the religious idea
predominated, did not wish a strong government and any
concentration of power in one person. They started from the
fundamental laws and principles of Moses and the fathers,
repealed or amended existing laws, changed the penal laws
of Moses to suit a more advanced civilization, and strictly
adhered to the principle, that in the Kingdom of Heaven all
men are equal, all amenable to the same law, with equal
duties, rights and responsibilities. This was averse in
principle and practice to the theory of a strong government
Avith an idolized prince at its head, and was the main point
of difference between Sadducees' and Pharisees, although
many other points and observances on which they differed
evolved in course of time. At this period this point of
difference came to the surface.
21. Hyrcan Turns Sadducee.
All sources agree that John Hyrcan was an eminent
man and a worthy heir of his ancestors' glory and dignity
(23). Like his people, he was intensely pious and patriotic,
so that posterity ascribed to him the gift of prophecy
by the medium of the Bath-Kol (24). He governed, with
the Sanhedrin, a democratic people, in strict obedience to
the laws and customs of the nation. Having governed a
long time in domestic tranquility, and with so many bril-
liant successes in the field, he, like many other successful
rulers, felt the desire of extending his jjower and elevating
his personal dignit3^ He had assumed the title of High-
priest of the Most High God (25) to distinguish him from
the rulers of various petty nations who bore the title of
highpriests. But this added neither to his power nor to his
dignity at home. He had the fighting men on his side,
supported a corps of mercenary troops, and could rely upon
the Sadducees, who, like the aristocracy everywhere, would
support him in any attempt of personal aggrandizement.
Therefore, an incident, apparently insignificant, sufficed to
change his domestic policy. After his victory in Samaria
(22) Meguillatii Ta'anith iv.; Joseph. Antiq. xiii., xi., 6 and
paral. passages in the two Talmuds.
(23) I. Maccab. xvi. 23 ; Joseph. Antiq. xiii., xi. 7 ; Berachoth 29 a,
and paral. passages.
(24) Josephus, ibid.; Yerushalmi, Sotah xi. 14. Bath-Kol
"daughter-voice," is an inner voice in the intelligence, produced like
an echo by an outer voice or noise, interpreted by the recipient.
(25) Eosh Htishanah, 18 b.
152 THE EPOCH OF POPULAR GOVERNMENT.
and a successful campaign against the black inhabitants of
the wilderness (26), Hyrcan nivited his admirers to a grand
banquet. Having entertained them munificently, and
being in a good humor, he asked them to tell him frankly
whether he had done any wrong. The Pharisees attested
unanimously to his righteousness and piety. One of his
guests, however, whose name was Eleazar b. Poira (or Je-
huda b. Gedidia), a man of evil intentions, embraced this
opportunity to rouse his ire against the Pharisees, and he
said that it was reported that his mother had once been a
captive among Gentiles, in consequence of which he was
not lawfully entitled to the high priesthood, and he should,
therefore, resign this office and be satisfied with his secular
power and dignity. The story was false, says Josephus ;
Hyrcan was provoked against Eleazar, and the indignation
of all the Pharisees against him was very great. The
falsity of the slander being exposed, the question was : What
punishment should be inflicted on the slanderer? A Sad-
ducean friend of Hyrcan, whose name was Jonathan (27),
embraced this opportunity to convince him how inadequate
the penal laws of the Pharisees were, and how their peculiar
legislation placed him on a level with any other man in Is-
rael. Hyrcan asked the i)rominent Pharisees why Eleazar
should not be punished with death ; and they replied : " He
deserved stripes and bonds, but it did not seem right to
punish reproaches with death." This was strictly accord-
ing to Pharisaical principle. They would not admit that
capital punishment could be inflicted in any case except
where the Laws of Moses expressly command it. This lim-
itation of power and the accusation made by Jonathan that
this was the opinion of all Parisees, and that all of them
wished to see him resign the high priesthood, changed the
mind and policy of Hyrcan. He abandoned the Pharisees
and embraced the political principles of the Sadducees.
This put an end, for the time being, to popular government.
The Pharisees were driven from the offices and out of
the Sanhedrin, and Sadducees appointed in their place.
Whether any of the Pharisees were slain and Joshua b.
Perachia, with his disciple, Juda b. Tabbai, fled to Egypt
with other prominent Pharisees, as is maintained in the
Talmud, can not be established as an unquestionable fact,
as the Talmud confounds Hyrcan and Alexander Jannai.
It appears, however, from Josephus (28) that there was an
(26) Kiddashin, 66 a.
f27) The Talmud calls him Eleazar, and the first man Juda b. Ge-
dida. (28) Antiq. xiii., xi. 7.
THE EPOCH OF POPULAR GOVERNMENT. 153
insurrection which had to be quelled, hence it must have
cost lives. It is certain that this incident, with its se-
quences, made an end of popular government and elevated
to power the Sadducees, their policy, and their method of
literalism and rigor, especially in the penal laws. When
Hyrcan asked, ^^llat will become of the Thorah if the
Pharisees are put down? his friend replied: "Let it be
rolled up and placed in a corner, and whoever wishes to
learn let him come and learn," i. e., we need no more
laws ; let everybody understand them to suit himself, so
also the prince and the rulers to suit themselves.
154 THE EPOCH OF ROYAL USURPATION.
CHAPTER XV.
The Epoch, of Royal Usurpation {108 to 78 B. C).
1. The Last Years of John Hyrcan.
Both Josephus and the Tahnud agree that John Hyrcan,
toward the end of his administration, abandoned, the Phari-
sees and embraced the policy of the Sadducees (1). Com-
paring the beginning of the fifth with the close of the third
paragraphs in Josephus, it appears tliat this change was
made shortly after the victory over Antiochus Cyzicenus,
hence in the winter of 109 to 108 b. c. Whenever it was
made, it was a step toward oligarchy in the government of
the Hebrews. The will and claims of the majority were
subjected to the interests of the minority, which for years
to come was a source of calamity to the Hebrews. A mili-
tary force was necessary now to support the government,
and Hyrcan maintained foreign troops as all kings did after
the example of Alexander the Great (2). He introduced the
pernicious policy of relying upon his wealth, army, de-
pendent officers and a subservient Sanhedrin, instead of
the will of his people. " The Jews envied Hyrcan," says
Josephus, "and the 'Pharisees w^ere the worst disposed
toward him ;" simply because they were theocratic demo-
crats.
2. The End of John Hyrcan.
Hyrcan had five sons, Aristobul, Antigonus, Alexander,
Absalom, and one whose name is unknown. He hated
Alexander and had him educated in Galilee, while the war-
like Aristobul and Antigonus were his favorites. Before his
(1) Berachoth 29 a.
(2) Josei>h. Antiq. xiii., viii. 4.
THE EPOCH OF EOYAL USUEPATION. 155
death, it appears, he repented his misstep in preferring the
Sadducees to the Pharisees, and made the attempt to divide
the highest power. He appointed his wife his successor as
prince of the nation and liis son, Juda Aristobul, as high-
priest. After he had made this last will, John Hyrcandied,
in the autumn of the year 107 b. c, leaving behind him the
name of a great ruler, highpriest and prophet.
3. The First Asmonean King.
The widow of John Hyrcan did not succeed in assuming
the reins of government. Her oldest son and highpriest,
Juda Aristobul, overpowered her, perhaps before his father's
will was made known, threw her and three of her sons into
prison, and had himself proclaimed king of Judea, although
one of his coins still extant bears the plain inscription,
"Juda, the high priest and unificator of the Jews;" the
others bear also the Greek inscription of " Basileus " (3).
It was reported that he starved his mother to death in her
prison, but this appears to be an invention. If this had
been true, why should he not have disposed in a similar
manner of his brothers. The ancient Hebrews were enemies
of the royal title and prerogatives, and had much to say
against the first usurper, Abimelech, son of Gideon
(Judges ix.). They most likely did the same to Juda
Aristobul. He kept with himself his brother Antigonus
only, who had been his companion in arms. He called him-
self Phil-helen, ''friend of the Greeks," and they lauded
him particularly as a man of candor and modesty.
4. Juda Aristobul's Reign.
The reign of the first Asmonean monarch was brief
(106 to 104 B. c), and the Hebrew sources, except Josephus,
have preserved no notice of it. From the policy of John
Hyrcan to his son's usurpation, there was but one light
step. He continued his father's domestic policy and did
the same in the field. Carrying on a war with the Itureans
(afterward Trochonites) in' the Northeast, he partly sub-
jected them to his sway. Because they were descendants
of Abraham (by Ishmael) he compelled them either to be
circumcised or to leave the country ; and they preferred the
former. He was a sickly man, and being obliged to return
to Jerusalem before the work was completed, he left the
armv in charge of his brother Antigonus.
(3) M. A. Levy, Juedische Muenzen p. 55; Josephus' Antiq.
xiii., xii. 1.
156 the epoch of eoyal usurpation.
5. The End of Juda Aristobul.
Antigonus, successful in tlie conquest of Iturea, had hi»
enemies at the royal court, and perhaps also m the secret con-
claves of the Essenes, as one of them, whose name was Juda^
prophesied that prince's assassination at Strato's Tower.
That city and Dora having revolted and established a gov-
ernment of their own, under Zoilus, it appears that the in-
tention was that Antigonus should go there to overthrow it^
instead of which he came to Jerusalem to celebrate the
Feast of Tabernacles, by the command of his jealous
brotlier. Having appeared in the full splendor of his arma-
ment in the temple, the young warrior proceeded to present
himself before the king. The subterranean passage be-
tween the temple and the Asmonean j^alace was also called
Strato's Tower. There Antigonus was assassinated by the
king's guard. Aristobul outlived his brother only a few
days. The death of these two brothers is shrouded in vays-
tery. The tale found credence among the people that the
king ordered the assassination of his brother in case he
should attempt to appear before him armed. His messen-
gers to Antigonus, summoning him to his presence, mali-
ciously told him the contrary. Therefore he was assassi-
nated. When the king heard it, he repented, and his sick-
ness became alarming. He A'omited blood. A servant^
carrying it away, stumbled w^here Antigonus had been slain
and the spots of his blood still remained. The king's blood
w^as spilt on those very spots, a cry of horror alarmed the
palace, reached the ears of the king, and lie was so shocked
that remorse and agony seized him violently and ended his
life. This appears to have been an invention of the popu-
lar resentment against the usurper.
6. Alexander Jannai Succeeds his Brother.
After the death of Aristobul, his childless widow, Sa-
lome, opened the prison gates of the captive princes and
married the oldest of the surviving sons of John Hyrcan,,
as the Laws of Moses ordain (4). His name was Jonathan
Alexander, the first of which was mispronounced Janneus^
and then Jannai. He assumed the reins of government
with the title of king, and then also of high priest (5). On
(4) Dent. xxv. 5.
(5) Leviticus xxi. 14. As highpriest he could not Tiiarry a widow.
Having betrothed her and then l)eing made liighpriest, the marriage
is legitimate. ]\Iishnah, Jebamoth vi. 4. The laws of the Mishnah con-
cerning the king certainly had no existence then, as there was none
before Aristol)uI, and laws are made when needed.
THE EPOCH OF ROYAL USURPATION. 157
his first coins he was still called " Jonathan, the highpriest
and unificator of the Jews." But on his later coins he is
called " Jonathan, the king " (Basileus) (6). The first Avas
a concession to the anti-royalistic Hebrews, which was
dropped as he sat more firmly on his throne.
7. Opening of the Four Years' War.
What Antigonus, perhaps, was destined to do, had he
not been assassinated, to reduce to obedience the revolting
seaports, Alexander Jannai undertook at once. He sent
part of his army to Ptolemais, and another against the cities
of Dora, Strato's Tower and Gaza. He defeated the army
of Ptolemais and besieged it. ►^yria, still divided, could
not assist Ptolemais, and Egypt, under Cleopatra, was
friendly to the Hebrews. Cleopatra had driven away her
son, Ptolemy Lathyrus, and associated with herself her son
Alexander. Lathyrus was king of C^^prus. The Ptolemais-
ians applied to him for assistance, and he came to Phoenicia
with a large army. The Ptolemaisians fearing Lathyrus
worse than the martial Hebrews, on account of his hostile
mother, did not receive him in the city and refused his sup-
port. However, Zoilus and the people of Gaza invited him
and he landed his army there. This necessitated Alexan-
der Jannai to raise the siege of Ptolemais, and to operate with
his whole army against Lathyrus. Unable to overcome him,
Alexander played a double game of politics. He treated
wdth Cleopatra to secure her support against Lathyrus, and
promised him four hundred talents for the person of Zoilus
and the cities under his government. Lathyrus was ready
to do this, Avhen he learned the double dealings of the He-
hrew king, and broke off all friendship and alliance with
him.
8. Disastrous Defeat of the Hebrews.
Next year (104 (or 3) b. c), Lathyrus opened a vigorous
campaign. One part of his army undertook the siege of
Ptolemais, and he, with the main army, invaded the in-
terior of Palestine. He took Asochis and Sepphoris, in
Galilee, and marched across the country to the banks of
the Jordan. Meanwhile Alexander had raised an army of 50,-
000 men, with which he confronted the enemy. A battle
ensued, and Alexander was defeated with a loss of 30,000
of his men. This disaster exposed Palestine to the mercy of
Lathvrus, who ransacked it and massacred the inhabitants
(6) Levy, Juedisclie IMuenzen ibid.
158 THE EPOCH OF ROYAL USURPATION.
most barbarously. The fortified cities alone saved it from
utter ruin after that battle. The next spring, Cleopatra landed
an army in Pha'nicia under the command of her two Hebrew
generals, Chelkias and Ananias. Lathyrus quit the siege
of Ptolemais, which was continued by xVnanias, with a por-
tion of Cleopatra's army, and the other, under Chelkias,
marched after Lathyrus to Coelosyria. Chelkias lost his
life on the march. Lathyrus took advantage of this inci-
dent and marched with his entire army to Egypt to over-
throw his mother, and Alexander gained time to re-organize
an army, in which he was very slow. Next year, Lathyrus
was defeated in Egypt, and retreated back to Gaza.
9. A Narrow Escape.
While the war Avas carried on in Egypt, Ananias took
Ptolemais, and Palestine was now exposed to the mercy of
Cleoj)atra as it had been to that of Lathyrus. She came to
Ptolemais. Alexander went to see her and brought her rich
presents. He gained her favor. But her counselors ad-
vised her to kill him, to seize Palestine, and annex it to
Egypt again. There was, however, another power behind
the throne, and that w^as Ananias and the Egyptian He-
brews, with whose loyalty, influence and power she could
not dispense. Ananias admonished the queen that such
treachery committed on a confiding friend would alienate
from her cause all the Hebrews in the world, and bring
upon her the condemnation of all honest men. He plead
vehemently the cause of his kinsmen, and succeeded.
Alexander returned in peace to Jerusalem. The same year
Lathyrus went back to Cyprus and Cleopatra to Egypt, and
Alexander Jannai was king once more.
10. Conquests of Gaza, Raphia and Anthedon.
After a siege of ten months Alexander took Gadara, and
shortly thereafter, also the strongly-fortified Amathus,
wdiich protected the frontiers of Coelosyria. In the latter
place he captured the treasures of Theodores, prince of
Philadelphia. He, however, surprised Alexander and his
army, killed ten thousand of them, retook his treasures,
captured all of Alexander's baggage, and sent him back to
Jerusalem in disgrace. Still the disaster did not dis-
courage him. Lathyrus having returned to Cyprus, Alexan-
der went with his army to repossess himself of the sea
coast. He opened this campaign by taking Raphia and
Anthedon, southeast of Gaza, which he then besieged for
THE EPOCH OF EOYAL USURPATION. 159
two successive years, and after he had sustained great
losses, he finally took it (97 b. c.)- His conduct toward this
city and its heroic defenders was barbarous. He took
bloody revenge on them who had called in Lathyrus and
had cost his army so many lives. He left the city in ruins
when he returned to Jerusalem. Still he was again master
of the whole sea coast, and the revenues derived from an
extensive traffic. In all these wars the people did not en-
gage as they did under the predecessors of this king. He
fought his battles mainly with mercenary troops, many of
whom were foreign adventurers, officered by Sadducees.
His soldiers lacked the valor and zeal of the Maccabees,
and he the skill and talent of the Asmoneans, both in the
field and in the cabinet. However, notwithstanding all the
disasters, he was fortunate and successful in the main, and
might have gained the affections of his people if he had
not wantonly misused his opportunities.
11. Riot and Revenge.
As long as the king and highpriest refrained from in-
terference with the religious prejudices of the Pharisees,
they did not interfere with his affairs, although the govern-
ment was not conducted, and the laws were not admin-
istered, to their satisfaction. They could stand a Sadducean
government, while they would not tolerate a Sadducean
highpriest in the temple. There were in the temple estab-
lished customs which Avere looked upon as inviolable and
holy, and some of them as the criteria of Pharisean
orthodoxy. Among the latter, there was the libation of
Avater and wine upon the altar during the Feast of Taber-
nacles, which was a ceremony of particular solemnity (7).
The Feast of Tabernacles is the time, they maintained, when
the Almighty decrees rain and dew for the coming year, to
be plentiful and seasonable or otherwise (8). This belief
was old, it being referred to by an ancient prophet (9).
Tliis libation, at least on the "first day of the feast, was
made by the highpriest and under the eyes of the assem-
bled miiltitute of the pilgrims. It was during this feast in
the year 95 b. c, when Alexander Jannai appeared in the
temple in the sacerdotal robes. At the solemn moment
when he had received the bowl of water to be poured upon
the altar, he poured it out at his feet. This was sacrilege,
(7) MiSHNAH, Succah iv. 9.
(8) ]\IisHNAH, Rosh Hnshanah i. 2.
(9) Zuchariah xiv. IG to 19.
160 THE EPOCH OF ROYAL USURPATION.
it was an affront to the Pharisees, and the indignation of the
multitude was enkindled. They pelted him with the
citrons {Ethrogim) which they had in their hands (10),
reviled and exasperated him. His body-guard of mer-
cenaries came to his rescue, and slaughtered in and about
the temple no less than six thousand men. Ever after that
melancholy event, he was surrounded by a foreign body-
guard, and a partition wall of wood was made across the
inner court of the temple, behind which only the priests
were permitted to go ; so that the people should never again
come near the higbpriest (11). This massacre made Alexan-
der Jannai the most hated and most miserable man of his
people. He was now entirely in the hands of the Sadducees,
and his body-guard bore the deadly hate of the masses, and
he was without a friend. It appears that his own family
was against him, for his wife, his oldest son and his brother-
in-law, Simon ben Shetach, were uncompromising Pharisees.
12. Conquest and Disaster Beyond Jordan.
Confusion and civil war rendered Syria impotent. An-
tiochus Gryphus being assassinated, his son, Seleucus, suc-
ceeded him, and having defeated and slain his uncle, Anti-
ochus Cyzicenus, reigned over all Syria until the son of
Cyzicenus, Antiochus Pius, or Eusebus, defeated him and
drove him out of Syria. After his death his two brothers,
Antiochus and Philij), made war upon Antiochus Pius.
The first was slain. Philip prevailed, and reigned over a
p^art of Syria, while another of his brothers, Demetrius
Eucerus, "by the aid of Ptolemy Lathyrus, meanwhile
reigned at Damascus. Both maintained themselves in
power after the death of Antiochus Pius, which took place
shortly afterward. Alexander Jannai had nothing to fear from
either Syria or Egypt, and therefore could think of
new conquests. Having terrified his people at home, he
again crossed the Jordan to make war upon the Arabs. The
first year's campaign (94 b. c.) was eminently successful.
Moab and part of Gilead were made tributary 'to Palestine.
The second year's campaign completed the subjection of
Gilead and ended with the capture of Amathus, taken and
lost eight years before. The third year's campaign, how-
ever, proved disastrous to the Hebrew king. He had in-
vaded Gaulonites, east of the lake of Tiberias, where King
I
(10) Leviticus xxiii. 10.
(11) Josephus' Antiquities xiii., xiv. 5 ; Succah 48 6.
THE EPOCH OF EOYAL USURPATION. 161
Obedas reigned, and, after losing the greater part of his
army, he fled back to Jerusalem in disgrace.
13. Six Years of Civil War.
The defeated king having lost also the victor's prestige,
his enemies among his own people rose against him in a
fearful rebellion, which lasted six years. From the year 92
to 89 B. c, the two parties fought without any decisive
result on either side. Thousands of human lives were sac-
rificed by the embittered combatants. In the year 89 b. c,
Alexander Jannai earnestly appealed to his people for
peace, and offered them any terms they could reasonably
demand. They placed no confidence in the king's promises,
and sent him word that peace would be restored whenever
he committed suicide. In order to overcome him and his
party, the infuriated Pharisees summoned to their aid De-
metrius Eucerus, king of Damascus, Avho came with 40,000
infantry and 3,000 cavalry. Alexander met him in the
vicinity of Shechem with 6,000 mercenary troops and 20,000
of his own people, and was routed in a pitched battle. He
lost all his mercenary troops and about 10,000 more of his
men, and fled with the rest to the mountains. Now his vic-
torious enemies either pitied him or feared the victorious
king of Damascus, and 6,000 of them joined Alexander's
army in the mountains. This frightened Demetrius and he
retreated back to his own country. Still Alexander Jannai,
fearing a revolt in the East also, was obliged to give back
Gilead and Moab to the king of Arabia. Next year (88
B. c), Alexander Jannai continued the civil war with more
success, although his enemies were not discouraged by de-
feat and losses. The vear after (87 b. c.) he forced them to
a pitched battle and defeated them. The survivors sought
refuge in the fortified city of Bethoma, which the king
closely besieged nearly one year, and having taken it, he
brought eight hundred of its defenders to Jerusalem.
Eight thousand of the rebels escaped, and sought refuge
abroad. A catastrophe, bloody and monstrous, closed the
civil war (86 b. c). Alexander gave a hilarious feast to his
concubines and courtiers at a spot outside of the city,
Avhere those eight hundred captive Pharisees were crucified,
and while they were lingering between life and death on
the crosses, their wives and children were slaughtered before
their eyes ; the king and his riotous company ate, drank
and were merry. This outrageous barbarity l^rought Alex-
ander Jannai the name of Thracidas, the Tln-acians being
then considered the most infamous people. It was in the
162 THE EPOCH OF ROYAL USURPATION.
same year, when Sylla, with a Roman army, defeated
Mithridates in Greece, and next year the civil war com-
menced in Rome. In the same year the works of Aristotle
were found and seized by Sylla at Athens, carried to Rome,
copied there by T3'rannion, and then published for the first
time by Andronicus Rhodius.
14. Conquests in the Northeast.
No sooner had the civil war been brought to a close than
Alexander Jannai planned new conquests. He could not
prevent Antiochus Dionysius, the king of Damascus, suc-
cessor to Demetrius, from marching with his army through
Palestine, in making war upon Aretas, king of Arabia.
When soon after Aretas was made king of Coelosyria and
invaded Palestine, Alexander lost the battle of Addida ; but
a treaty of peace was made, and Aretas withdrew. And
now (84 B. c.) many cities in the East having revolted dur-
ing the civil war, Alexander again crossed the Jordan to en-
force his authority; in this he was successful. He then
pressed onward into the Valley of Antioch, and within three
years (from 84 to 81 b. c.) he took the cities of Pella, Dio,
and Gerasa, with the treasures of Theodorus, Golan and
Seleucia, and at last also the fortress of Gamala and several
other cities. He destroyed Pella because its inhabitants
refused to embrace Judaism. All the other cities and dis-
tricts, it appears, were Judaized, and many cities like
Macherus (Wars vii., vi. 3) were fortified (12). Palestine
now embraced the land from the border of Egypt up to
Ptolemais, where Queen Selen now governed ; beyond
Jordan from the boundaries of Moab to the Syrian Desert
np to the Valley of Antioch, with an open caravan route to
the Euphrates ; southward, including Idumea, to the end
of the Sinai Desert ; and to the north beyond the ancient
Dan, including Gaulonites and Trachonites, to the north-
(12) The fortifications and citadels built by Jonathan, Simon,
Hyrcan and Jannai are mentioned occasionally in subsequent history
witliout any records of their builders. Many of these fortifications
were on Tar Malka " Kinj^'s Mountain," called so because the royal
family and also the governing family preceding it had their planta-
tion there (Bemchoth 44: a; Yerushalmi, Toanith iv. 8.), a district of
a thousand towns. It was near the Mediterranean Sea {Bfrdcholh,
ibid.) in tlie neighborhood of Caesaria (Yerushalmi, D^nai II. i.),
including Antipatris (Toseputa Ibid. I.) ; hence 7ur Malka is not
Mount Ephraira as Graetz maintains ; it is that chain of mountains
which runs from the vicinity of Samaria northeast to Caesaria and
ends in Mount Carinel, including the m.aritiiiie district between
Joppa and Caesaria.
THE EPOCH OF EOYAL USURPATION. 163
east. The land was nearly as large now as it had been in
the palmy days of David and Solomon. During the king's
absence from Jerusalem, the home government, conducted
most likely by the queen and her brother, Simon b. Shetach,
was administered with moderation and prudence, so that
the king returning to the capital (81 B.C.) was well received
b}^ the people.
15. Simon b. Shetach and Alexander Jannai.
As heartless a warrior as Alexander Jannai was in time
of war, in time of j)eace he led a riotous life, spending his
time in debauchery and excesses. At the age of forty-
seven his health was undermined. He suffered of quartan
ague, and found no relief through his medical advisers.
Therefore, the home government was not disturbed by him,
and Simon b. Shetach succeeded by sagacious arguments
in the Sanhedrin in exposing the ignorance and incon-
sistency of some of the Sadducean senators, who, one after
the other, were thus compelled to resign, and to see their
places filled by Pharisees, until at last the majority of that
body was again Pharisean (13). Although Simon b.
Shetach was obliged once to leave Alexander Jannai's court
(14), perhaps in the time of the civil war; still the sources
mention no political difficulties as the cause thereof, and
his return to court was brought about without any change
of policy. Alexander Jannai certainly was the president
of the "Sanhedrin, represented in this office by Simon b.
Shetach, who Avas distinguished for strict and impartial
justice no less than for superior wisdom and learning (15).
He yielded to the severity of the Sadduceesin imposing
capital punishment, and ordered the execution of eighty
women in one day in the city of Askalon for witchcraft or,
perhaps, idolatry (16), although the Pharisean laws would
not permit more than one execution on the same day and
place, or the hanging of a woman (17) ; and refused to save
his own son, condemned on the testimony of false witnesses,
because it had been done according to the letter of the
(13) Megillath Taanith x. i • i
(14) Berachoth 48 a and Yermhalmi ibid. vH. 2, translated m the
Americnn Israelite, October 26, 1877. .
(15) He was considered a second Ezra, mci"? minn Ttnnv He
restored the traditional law " ( Kiddmhin 66 a). The Karaites, there-
fore, maintain that Fimon b. Shetach was a base impostor, (bee
Orach ZaddiivIM by Simchah Isaac b. Moses, edit. Vienna 1830, 18a.)
(16) MiSHXAH in S'whedrin vi. 4.
(17) Ibid, in the Mishnah.
1G4 THE EPOCH OF ROYAL USURPATION.
liiAv (18). He succeeded, however, in modifying the Saddu-
cean penal code by abolishing the convicting force of cir-
cumstantial evidence, in cases of capital crime, without the
direct testimony of at least two witnesses who had seen
the commission of the crime (19). To this, in all cases
except murder, there was added afterward the necessity of
" forewarning " the criminal before the commission of the
crime, by informing him of its magnitude and the punish-
ment threatened by the law, so that it be certain that the
crime was committed with malice and forethought (20).
This Simon b. Shetach is credited with two important re-
forms. He made a change in the marriage contract by
securing thy wife's dowry as a first lien upon her husband's
property ; while in former days it was merely promised and
not secured ; now it was deposited with the bride's father ;
then it was deposited with the bridegroom's ftxther. But
all these customs proving barriers to marriages, or causes
of frivolous divorces, this reform was introduced (21). He
made attendance in the public schools compulsory (22),
and was the first man recorded in history as making such a
law. All these reforms must have been carried through the
Sanhedrin during the last six years of Alexander Jannai's
government; because they bear the name of Simon b.
8hetach, who could not have been Nassi after Alexander's
death, with his own sister as queen. Nor could they have
been adopted during the civil war on account of their Phari-
sean tendency. Nor is it likely that Simon b. Shetach, be-
fore that period, could, on account of his youth, have been
acknowledged as an authority either in "the Sanhedrin or
among the people. It is evident, therefore, that the policy
of conciliation was introduced immediately after the civil
war.
16. Anecdotes of Simon b. Shetach.
The maxim of this chief scribe preserved in the
Mishnah (23) bears evidence that he was engaged chiefly
in matters of public law. He said : " Examine the witnesses
(18) Yerusiialmi Sanhedrin vi. 5.
(19) Sanhedrin 37 a; Ibid. Mishna iv. 1,5.
(20) nxinn Mishnah Sanhedrin v. 1., appears to be of a later
origin. In regard to the witnesses he succeeded in having established
the law, tliat in penal cases no witness having given his testimony
once be ])ermitted to testify again in the same case and court against
the culprit.
(21) Yerushalmi, Kethuboth viii. 10, and Babli, ibid. 82 b.
(22) Yerushalmi, ibid. ISDH n*n^ T::i^)n nipii'nn VHB'I,
(23) Aboth i. 9.
THE EPOCH OF ROYAL USURPATION. 165
thoroughly, and be cautious with thy words, not to suggest
falsehoods to them." Therefore, he could maintain himself
at his post in the Sanhedrin, although a Pharisee, during
the reign of Alexander Jannai. One of his cotemporaries
and colleagues was Onias (^jyo 'Jin), a man of miracles,
kiiown to his cotemporaries as a special favorite of the
Almighty. When he prayed for rain, it did rain, although
he prayed in an uncouth manner, which appeared blas-
phemous to the polite and refined courtier. Simon b.
Shetach sent him word : " If thou were not Onias we
w^ould decree excommunication upon thee. But what can
be dune with thee who conducted thyself before God like a
spoiled son before his father, who after all does his will?"
(24) He was no less outspoken and bold against the
king who being called as a witness before the Sanhe-
drin, because one of his servants had killed a man, Simon
demanded of the king to stand while testifying. He ob-
jected, "Not as thou sayest, but as these say." But none
of the Sanhedrin had the courage to support Simon, and
he severely rebuked their cowardice in violating the law out
of fear (25). We have before us the representative of the
Pharisean principle : "Whatever the political state may
be, uphold the law and it will uphold society." _ Neverthe-
less he opposed asceticism. Persecution intensifies fhere-
ligious sentiment and produces ascetics. In the Syrian
persecution the Nazarites increased (26), and that was the
original form of Hebrew asceticism. The Pharisees being
persecuted in the days of Alexander Jannai, the number
of Nazarites increased. Three hundred of them came at
one time to Jerusalem to fulfill their vows. Simon was
enabled so to construe the law that it was unnecessary
for one-half of them to make the prescribed sacrifices, and
that the king donated to them the three hundred animals
needed (27). Most likely it was he who advanced the
idea that the sacrifice of the Nazir was a trespass offering,
on account of his sin in abstaining so long from wine and
other gifts of God. He said that he only once ate of a
Nazir's sacrifice, which Avas that brought by a beautiful
youth, who in sincere devoutness had cut off his opulent
tresses to escape worldly allurements (28). He appears
(24) Taanith iii. 8.
(25) Sanhedrin 19 b.
(26) I. Maccabees iii. 49.
(27) Yeeushalmi ,Berachoth vii. 2, Genesis Eabbah 51, and Ecdesiasies
Rabbah 3.
(28) SiPHRi Nasa 22, which was also said of Simon the Just.
166 THE EPOCH OF ROYAL USURPATION.
like a lone star at the court of Alexander Jannai. In re-
gard to the property of heathens, it was reported of him
that he had bought an ass of one, and found a costly gem
hidden in the hair of the animal. He returned it at once,
and the heathen receiving it said : " Praised be the God of
the Jews " (29). He had thus declared that the heathen's
right to property was no less inviolable than the Hebrews';
and that there was a better method of converting heathens
than the one adopted by Hyrcan, Aristobul and Jannai.
Posterity said of him that in his and Queen Alexandra's
time, it rained every Sabbath night ; every grain of wheat
was as large as a sheep's kidney (30) ; so much was God
pleased with them.
17. The End of Alexander Jannai.
In his sickness also, Jannai preserved his martial spirit.
In the hope of overcoming his disease by exertion and
exercise, he marched with his army across the Jordan, and
conducted the siege of Ragaba. His wife followed him and
was with him when his sickness became critical and he felt
his end approaching. The queen wept at the dying man's
couch, and bewailed the lot of her children, who would have
no protector and be among those who hated their father.
The king's admonition was : " Be not afraid of the Phari-
sees, be not afraid of the Sadducees, be afraid only of the
painted ones, who do the deed of Simri and claim the re-
ward of Phineas (Sotah 22 b) ;" referring to hypocrites and
time-serving politicians. Then he advised her to conceal
his death from the soldiers till Ragaba was taken, after
which she should return in triumph to Jerusalem, and place
■ the Pharisees in power. "Expose to them my body," said
he, " and give them perinission to dishonor it or even refuse it
a burial, and they will inter it with the highest honors, and
thou wilt reign in safety." He appointed her queen of the
realm, and died in peace, before * Ragaba, in the year 79
B. c, fifty years old, after a reign of twenty-seven years.
His last will was the same as his f;ither had made twenty-
nine years before. Had it been carried into effect, it would
have saved to the country a hundred thousand lives and
avoided the calamities of a protracted civil war. It took
twenty-nine years to discover the fatal mistake of changing
the republic into a kingdom and replacing the democracy
by an oligarchy.
(29) Deuter. RahbnhS; Yerushalmi, Baba Mrzin ii. 5.
(30) Leviticus Rabbah 35 ; also in Saphra and Talmud.
THE EPOCH OF PACIFICATION. 167
CHAPTER XVI.
The Epoch of Pacification.
1, Queen Salome Alexandra.
The reign of a queen over the Hebrews was a new fea-
ture in their history. Altliougli woman's position in the an-
cient Hebrew State was fully equal to that of the man (1),
still no woman had reigned or occupied a very prominent
position in the Hebrews' Second Commonwealth. There
loomed up from gray antiquity the classical figures of Mir-
iam and Deborah, counterpoised, however, by the records
of Bath Sheba, Athalia and Jezebel. Jephtah's daughter,
Kuth, Hannah and Abigail, who, like the poet's Sulamith,
are lovely personifications of sublime virtues without direct
influence on the nation's political affairs. A queen upon
the Asmonean throne was a novelty. Queen Salome (Ni'j3^t»>)
was nearly sixty-four years old at her husband's death,
when she assumed the name of Alexandra. Only two of
her sons are known. Hyrcan and Aristobul. Her genealogy
is unknown, and besides her brother Simon b. Shetach, none
of her relatives are mentioned.
(1) She was dispensed from complying with such commandatory
laws of the Bible, which depend on a iflxed time ; from appearing as a
Avitness before any criminal court, and as long as married, from paying
any damages, if she wounded a man or destroyed any property. She
could hold property in her own name, and dispose of it without her
husband's consent, if she acquired it after her marriage by inheritance
or otherwise; while her dowry and the husband's additions made
thereto, remained a first lien upon his property. She was not expressly
enfranchised, but there existed no law to debar her from holding public
offices, although the customs of the country and the prevailing con-
ceptions of chastity would not pei'mit it.
168 THE EPOCH OF PACIFICATION.
2. HyRCAN II. HiGHPRIEST.
Alexandra did exactly as her deceased husband had
ordered. Ragaba was taken, and the soldiers returned in
triumph to Jerusalem without any knowledge of the king's
death. She assembled the heads of the Pharisees, put in
their charge the government and her husband's dead body.
This had the predicted effect. Those leaders persuaded the
people that the deceased monarch was a righteous man, and
all his wickedness was forgiven and forgotten. " So he had
a funeral more splendid than any of the kings before him "
(Josephus), and Alexandra Avas safely enthroned in Jeru-
salem. She appointed her oldest son, Hyrcan II., high-
priest, and it was an excellent choice, because he was a
man of peace, less passionate, ambitious and warlike than
his Asmonean ancestors ; and this was the Pharisean ideal
of a highpriest (Aboth i. 12).
3. The New Sanhedrin.
The political prisoners were released and the fugitives
returned from foreign lands. Among the latter was also
Juda b. Tabbai, the disciple of Joshua b. Perachia, who, it
is reported, had gone with his teacher to Alexandria. The
Pharisean heads assembled in Jerusalem, appointed him
Nassi, and sent him a written summons to Alexandria,
upon which he returned to Jerusalem and accepted the
presidency of the Sanhedrin, with Simon b. Shetach as
chief-justice and vice-president (2). All this, of course, was
done with the sanction of the queen.
4. The Work Done by this Sanhedrin.
The first work done by this Sanhedrin was the repeal of
the penal code and all laws of the Sadducees based upon
literalism. They had established a code of capital punish-
ments, which they could not support by biblical arguments.
They enforced literally, eye for eye, tooth for tooth, etc., all
of which were repealed, and the day when this was accom-
})lished, the 14th day of Tamuz, was made a national holi-
day (3). The entire penal law, as preserved in the Mish-
nah and elsewhere, in undisputed paragraphs, was either,
re-introduced from former traditions or enacted by this
Sanhedrin, with the proviso that the laws should not be
(2) MisHNAH, Aboth i. 8, 9, and Chagigah ii. 2; Yerushalmi Cha-
gigah ii. 2.
(3) Megillath Taanith iv.
THE EPOCH OF PACIFICATION. IGO*
written in books, in order not to assume equal importance
with the Laws of Moses. The written law being tauglit
and read in the synagogues and schools by the Scribes from
manuscripts, was called xipjo or x"ip , " The Reading ;" and
the traditional law being taught orally and repeated by the
students, was called xn-Jno or n3B>0, " The Repeated Matter."
In regard to capital punishment, the main principles were :
1. The penalty of death can not be imposed except in
cases expressly stated in the Laws of Moses, to be pun-
ished with death (4).
2. This highest penalty could not be imposed except
by order of a regular court of twenty-three, called " The
Lesser Sanhedrin " — with the exception of a few cases re-
served for " The Great Sanhedrin " — established and ac-
knowledged as such by the latter body, and only after the
regular procedure prescribed by law (5).
3. The modus of the procedure to be direct and verbal
accusation before that court, and not by inquisition, except
in case of manslaughter (6).
4. The evidence must be based on direct testimony and
supported by circumstantial evidence, and, except in the
case of manslaughter, the commission of the criminal deed
must have been preceded by a " forewarning " (7).
5. The penalty to be imposed on false witnesses to be
the same as their testimony, if true, would have brought on
the culprit.
6. The pleading for the defense may be done by any of
the members of the Sanhedrin in session, or any authorized
assessor, or the culprit himself and at least one of the
court. The pleading for the accusation must be done by
one of the sitting judges, the day after the defense has
closed its plea (8).
7. A plain majority of the judges, in their final vote,
may acquit the culprit ; the verdict of guilty must be pro-
nounced by a majority of at least two, to be valid (9).
This Sanhedrin also established the rights, privileges and
duties of the great and lesser Sanhedrin ; the laws of
social and domestic relations and protection ; the laws of
property ; and many ritual laws, as preserved in the para-
(4) SiPHRi Shophefim 154 ; Yerushalmi Sanhedrin vii. 3.
(5) MiSHXAir Sanhedrin i. 4, 5.
(6) Ibid iii. 6 and Deuter. xxi. 9.
(7) MisHNAH Sanhedrin iv. and v.
(8) Jbid. V. 4.
(9) Ibid. V. 5.
170 THE EPOCH OF PACIFICATION.
graphs of the Mishnah (10). Tlie Sadducean customs in
the temple were abolished and the Pharisean introduced
(11). Laws of Levitical cleanness, in which the parties dis-
agreed, were established by senatorial enactment (12). Of
the particular laws made and enforced n'^pn^ bv p!?^ N'Vini?
*' to counteract the opinions of the Sadducees," one is re-
corded which is characteristic of Juda b. Tabbai's tenden-
cies and character. He ruled to impose capital punishment
on one false witness out of two, who had testified against a-
man accused of homicide, in order to counteract a law of
the Sadducees, who maintained that false witnesses should
not be put to death unless the culprit had been executed in
consequence of their false testimony. Simon b. Shetach
maintained that his colleague had shed innocent blood ; be-
cause the sages before them had established the law that
false witnesses are not punished as the Laws of Moses pre-
scribes, unless both of them have given false testimony.
This was the cause that Juda b. Tabbai after that never de-
cided an important case except in presence of Simon b.
Shetach; and that he often sat upon the grave of the
executed man and cried painfully on account of his fatal
error {Hagigah 16 b).
5. The Reign of Queen Alexandra.
The nine years of Queen Alexandra's reign were a period
of blessing to the Hebrews. There was peace, although
she maintained two standing armies. No enemy crossed
the borders. She held hostages from the petty nations
around Palestine, who dreaded her power and popularity.
The Pharisees who governed the country for her, gave her
(10) The main laws of these categories appeared finished and
established to the sages of a later period, also in the controversies of
the Hillehtes and Sliamraaites.
(11) Graetz A^ol. III. Note 9, B, counts seven particular points in
this connection, of which the most important are that the Sadducees
maintained that the daily sacrifices were to be made from the dona-
tions of private individuals, and the Pharisees maintained that they
must be from the public funds; the former held Pentecost must be
celebrated on the seventh Sabbath after the one in the Passover feast,
and the latter maintained that it nmst be celebrated on the fiftieth
day after the first day of Passover.
(12) Mishnah, Jedaim iii. 5 and iv. 6, 7, 8. Most remarkable is the
riDirifS ''i'D bv TiTJ, in Yerushalmi, Kelhuhoth viii. 10 and Babli, Sah-
balh 15 h, viz., that metallic vessels of capacity having became Leviti-
cally unclean, if broken and recast, are unclean again. This question
was so decided to Queen Salome, perhaps in order to discourage the
use of golden and silver vessels.
THE EPOCH OF PACIFICATION 171
considerable trouble by prosecuting and bringing to punish-
ment those of the Sadducean leaders who were concerned
in the persecution and bloodshed under the reign of her
husband, and especially those who counseled the king to
crucify the eight hundred prisoners of Bethome. Diogenes,
and several more of those men, had been slain already. A
deputation of Sadducees, headed by the queen's second son,
Aristobul, came to the queen and begged protection. Most .
■of the Sadducees having been Jannai's soldiers and civili
■officers, the queen committed all the fortresses, except
three, to their care, where they were well protected against
violence, and most likely the legal prosecutions were dis-
continued. She retained the fortresses of Hyrcania, Alex-
.andrium and Macherus, where her principal treasures were.
This arrangement secured domestic peace, and afforded the
leading men the opportunity to restore respect for the law.
6. Capture of Damascus.
At Chalcis, a country at the foot of the Lebanon, Ptol-
■emy was prince. He was a vexatious neighbor, and the
queen resolved upon suppressing him. She sent her army,
under command of Aristobul, to the north. He captured
Damascus (71 b. c), but made no further use of that vic-
tory. It was his object to gain the affections of the army,
and having succeeded in this, he returned to Jerusalem to
watch his chances.
7. TiGRANES Before Ptolemais.
The Syrians, tired of the civil war and their native
princes, who waged it, offered the crown to Tigranes, king
of Armenia, who came into Syria (83 b. c.) and made an
end of the Seleucidan dynasty. He took possession of the
whole country except Ptolemais, where Queen Selen main-
tained dominion. Gradually she succeeded in adding sev-
eral other cities to her kingdom. In the year 70 b. c,
Tigranes came to Syria, governed by his lieutenant, and
besieged Ptolemais. Queen Alexandra sent embassadors
and presents to Tigranes and they were well received ; per-
haps, because he had no time to spare, the Romans having
invaded his country, and the peace of Palestine was not
■disturbed.
8. Death of Alexandra.
Soon after this, however, Alexandra, being seventy-three
years old, became very ill, and her recovery appeared improb-
172 THE EPOCH OF PACIFICATION.
able. Aristobul traveled rapidly from one fortress to the-
other to win the Sadducees in his favor. He was eminently
successful, and the rulers in Jerusalem were alarmed. They
took the wife and children of Aristobul and held them as
hostages in the castle Baris. The members of the Sanhedrin^
headed by the highpriest, came to the queen, and asked
her decision as to who should be king after her. She dele-
gated this power to the Sanhedrin, not wishing to disturb
herself any more with worldly affairs, and died in peace.
The country had been well pacified, but this uncertainty as
to the succession precipitated it again into confusion, which
ended with the loss of independence. All that is left now
of that excellent woman is her place in history and a few
coins extant bearing the inscription of " Queen Alexandra.'^
THE brothers' FEUD AND FOREIGN INTERVENTION. 173
CHAPTER XVil.
The Brothers' Feud and Foreign Intervention.
1. State of the Country.
Salome Alexandra left Palestine in a flourishing condi-
tion. It extended from Macherus to Damascus, and from the
walls of Ptolemais to Rhinocolura on the boundaries of
Egypt, a land flowing with milk and honey. The public
treasury was filled, and the army Avell organized (1). The
temple was the center of piety for the Hebrews of all coun-
tries where they dwelt as Avell as in Palestine, and its treas-
ury was replenished not only by the half-shekel tax, but
by the gifts sent from foreign lands in great abundance (2).
The people were law-abiding, profoundly religious, and, in
consequence of their religion and literature, highly intelligent,
industrious and frugal. There were public schools, acade-
mies and synagogues in every town all over the land. The
poor, the needy, the orphan, the widow, the stranger, were
protected and supported as the Laws of Moses ordain. All
were equal before God and the law, none stood above or be-
yond it. The ethical principles of the nation were purer,
loftier and broader than those of anv other. As the temple
on Mount Moriah stood alone among all the temples of the
world, a monument of Monotheism and pure humanity, so
was Palestine a lone oasis among the countries and moral
corruption of the Gentiles. Had that people been un-
molested, it would have solved the highest problems of
civilization, long before the European nations thought of
them. But as one hundred years before that time the
aristocracv of Jerusalem had brouafht miserv on their
(1) Josephus' Antiquities xiii., xiv. 5.
(2) Shekalim in Tosefta II. and Talmud 6 a ; Antiq. xiv., vii. 2.
174 THE brothers' FUED AND FOREIGN INTERVENTION.
country, so they did again after the death of Salome
Alexandra.
2. Hyrcan and Aristobul.
After the death of Alexandra, her eldest son and high-
priest, Hyrcan, was crowned as her successor with the con-
sent of the Sanhedrin and the Pharisean part3^ His
brother Aristobul, however, with the Sadducees on his side,
protested against the succession, and soon came at the head
of an army to enforce his own claims. Hyrcan, with his
army, marched out to meet him on the plains of Jericho.
The hatred and fanaticism between Pharisees and Sadducees
had subsided, and a martial spirit predominated. Aris-
tobul was a soldier and Hyrcan was none ; so many of his
men went over to Aristobul. Hyrcan venturing a battle
nevertheless was defeated, fled to .Jerusalem, locked himself
up in Castle Baris,andwas besieged by his brother. Hyrcan
being a good, peaceable man and averse to bloodshed, offered
his resignation to his brother, which was at once accepted.
Both brothers met in the temple, Aristobul received the
crown and high priesthood, they swore solemn oaths of
peace and friendship, embraced each other in the presence
of the assembled multitude, and then Hyrcan retired into'
private life, and Aristobul II. assumed the reins of govern-
ment.
3. The Reign of Aristobul II. — Shemaiah and
Abtalion.
Six years and six months, from 69 to 63 b. c, Aristobul
II. reigned over the Hebrews. His government was un-
popular, as the sequel will show. The priests and the mili-
tary chiefs, it appears, were his only friends ; although
nothing of importance against the will or interests of the
people was done by him except, that he Avas accused by his
enemies of violence and disorder, and especially of incur-
sions made into neighboring countries and piracies com-
mitted at sea (3), which may have brought upon him popu-
lar indignation. It is certain that the democratic feeling
spread rapidly under his reign (4), and the Asmonean name
lost prestige among the multitude. The Sanhedrin was
Pharisean and democratic. After the demise of Juda b.
Tabbai and Simon b. Shetach, it was presided over by She-
maiah and Abtalion, called by Josephus Sameas and Polion
(3) Josephus' Antiquities xi v., ill. 2.
(4) Ibid.
THE brothers' FUED AND FOREIGN INTERVENTION. 175
(5), who were believed to be descendants of proselytes. An
anecdote preserved in the Talmud goes far to show the un-
popularity of Aristobul. The Day of Atonement was very
solemnly observed in the temple. The highpriest, after
seven days' seclusion and preparation, presided in person
and performed all the ceremonies prescribed in the Law.
After the last sacrifice of the day had been made, he went
from the temple to his residence followed by a stately pro-
cession of senators, priests, state officers and other promi-
nent people ; and he gave a great feast to his friends,
because he had entered the sanctum sanctorum and
returned from it without an accident. Closing one Day of
Atonement, Aristobul left the temple, and so did the heads
of the Sanhedrin, Shemaiah and Abtalion. The people
left the highpriest and followed the heads of the Sanhedrin.
The highpriest felt offended, and said to the parting heads
of the Sanhedrin : " Farewell to the sons of Gentiles."
They replied, however : " The sons of Gentiles who do as
Aaron did may fare well; but the sons of Aaron, who do
not like Aaron, may not fare well." (Yoma 71 h.) Accord-
ing to another anecdote preserved in the Talmud, Aristobul
made himself obnoxious also to the students, by imposing
upon them a tax which had to be paid daily to the door-
keeper by every one on entering the academy (6).
4. The Intrigues of Antipater.
The most intriguing and unscrui)ulous enemy of Aris-
tobul was his brother's confident, an Idumean, whose name
was Antipater. He had been governor of Idumea under
Alexandra, and had lost his office under Aristobul. He
stirred up the most influential men of the nation against
Aristobul, whom he stigmatized as an usurper, and advocated
the restoration of Hyrcan to the throne. Hyrcan was too
kind and indolent to listen to Antipater's treacherous
schemes, although he told him repeatedly that his life
was in danger, as Aristobul's friends advised him to slay
Hyrcan. However, Antipater repeated his terrifying story
to the timid Hyrcan so often and so solemnly that he
began to believe it, and Hyrcan consented to flee from
Jerusalem to Aretas, king of Arabia, Avho had his residence
at Petra, provided that that king should promise him pro-
(5) Ibid, xiv., ix. 4 ; also xiv., xv. 1, and xv., x. 4, only that in the
two latter eases he pnta the disriple of Abtalion, whose name was
Shammai, in the placp oi the older Shemaiah.
(6) Joma 35 b ':i JpTH 7pn py IION-
176 THE brothers' fued and foreign intervention.
tection against his brother. Antipater went stealthily to Pe-
tra, negotiated with Aretas, who promised protection to Hyr-
can. .In the early part of the year 65 b. c, Hyrcan followed
Antipater at night, out of Jerusalem, and both of them
arrived safely at Petra.
5. The Brothers' War.
Hyrcan, now entirely in the power of Antipater and
Aretas, was too pliable to resist the treachery of his friend.
Antipater persuaded Aretas to invade Judea to restore the
throne to Hyrcan, and promised him the twelve cities on
the southeastern border which Alexander Jannai had
taken from the Arabs, besides other valuable presents.
Aretas invaded Judea with an army of 50,000 men to en-
throne Hyrcan, who was with the army. In the first battle
Aristobul was defeated, many of his men deserted and
joined the ranks of Hyrcan. Aristobul fled to Jerusalem,
the enemy followed him. He sought refuge behind the
strong walls of the Temple Mount ; the assault made upon
it Avas repulsed, and a protracted siege followed, Aristobul
within the temple inclosure and Hyrcan, with Aretas, Avith-
out, in possession of the cit}' of Jerusalem. Some of the
principal citizens left the country and fled to Egypt.
6. Brutalities Committed.
Superstition and brutality almost always go together.
The troops besieging the temple proved this. Onias (pn
N2njn) grandson of the one mentioned in the fifteenth chap-
ter (7) who also was believed to have moved heaven by his
prayer for rain in a time of drought, was the man now in
demand by those warriors. They believed that if he would
curse the besieged garrison it would speedily perish. They
sent for the saint. He hid himself, but Avas discovered and
brought to Jerusalem, and the soldiers commanded him to
curse the besieged garrison. The man, it appears, Avas
neither an impostor nor a fanatic. He prayed : " God,
king of the Avhole Avorld ! since those Avho stand now Avith me
(7) Taanifh 23 a and b. The family of this Onias, he and his two
grandsons, Abba Helkiah and Onias the Hidden, were noted for
working miracles by prayer. Wlien rain was needed, they prayed,
and it came. The grandfather Avas an older cotemporary of Simon b.
Shetach. The grandson mentioned on this occasion was called
Hani'chhn "the Hidden," for which Josephus gives one reason and
the Talmud another. Tliis story here refers not to the grandfather
Onias, for if he had been slain he would not have become the hero of
the legend, according to which he slept seventy years.
THE brothers' FUED AND FOREIGN INTERVENTION. 177
are thy people, and those that are besieged are also thy priests,
I beseech thee that thou will neither hearken to the prayers
of those against these, nor bring to effect what these pray
against those." These words of peace and good will so ex-
asperated the fanatical warriors that they assassinated the
defenseless man. Another barbarity committed by those
rude men was the following : The Feast of Passover ap-
proached, and those in the temple had no animals with which
to make the prescribed sacrifices. The}^ promised to the
besieged as much money as should be asked for the re-
quired animals. They agreed, the money was sent, and the
animals were not delivered. This impiety and breach of
promise, like the death of Onias, brought down upon
Hyrcan's friends the indignation of the people, so that
Aristobul soon found better support. A hurricane swept
over the whole country and destroyed the ripening cereals,
and a modius of wheat was sold for eleven drachmas. This,
■of course, was looked upon as a just punishment for the
harbarities committed. (Antiq. xiv., ii. 1 and 2.)
7. Roman Interference.
But another plague was soon to come worse than any
endured before, and that was the interference of Roman
usurpers, who succeeded in overthrowing the Roman re-
public and the independence of Palestine. In the year 66
B. c. Pompey was sent to the East to supersede Lucullus in
the command of the Roman army operating against
Tigranes and Mithridates. Meeting with decided success
east and northeast of Palestine (65 b. c), Syria was made a
Roman province. Scaurus reduced Coelosja-ia and Da-
mascus, and Gabinius, the eastern portion of that country
as far as the Tigris. Scaurus, under Pompey, was the
Roman commander, whose army was encamped nearest to
Palestine. Therefore, both Aristobul and Hyrcan sent am-
bassadors to him at Damascus, praying for his support.
Aristobul sent a bribe of four hundred talents (8) to the
greedy Roman and three hundred to Gabinius, and thereby
gained their favor. Scaurus sent imperative orders to
Aretas to raise the siege at once. Had those petty kings
had the good sense to form a coalition and present a united
front against Scaurus, history would have taken another
turn. But they lacked both patriotism and foresight.
Aretas raised the siege and marched homeward with
Hyrcan and Antipater and the small body of Hebrews sup-
(8) Compare Josephns' Antiquities xiv., ii. 3 and Wars i., iv. 3.
178 THE brothers' feud and foreign intervention.
porting them. Aristobul, with his men, pursued them, his
cause was espoused by many of the people who augmented
his force, to cliastise a barbarous enemy, and he defeated
the retreating army with great shiughter at Papyron.
Among the slain there was also Phalion, the brother of
Antipater. Hyrcan remained in possession of a few cities
on the southern line, and Aristobul was again master of
the situation.
8. PoMPEY Annuls the Treaties,
Shortly after Pompey came into Damascus, Aristobul
sent him the vine of gold, worth four hundred talents^
which had ornamented the temple gate. This vine was
afterward deposited in the temple of Jupiter, at the capitol
in Rome. Pious Hebrews replaced it in the temple at Jeru-
salem under the reign of Herod (9). Pompey, being other-
Avise engaged, left Syria, and a year of peace followed.
In 64 B. c, he returned to Coelosyria. Antipater, in behalf
of Hyrcan, and Nicodemus, in behalf of Aristobul, appeared
before the mighty Roman to plead the cause of their re-
spective lords. Pompey heard their arguments, dismissed
them with ambiguous promises, and ordered the two kings
to appear in person before him. So another year of peace
was secured, Pompey being still engaged in his war against
Mithridates. Meanwhile, Aretas invaded Syria with de-
cided success, Mithridates died on his Avay to invade Italy,
and Pompey, in 63 b. c, came to Damascus, with the deter-
mination of invading Arabia. He took Petra and King
Aretas, and then returned to Damascus, where both Aristo-
bul and Hyrcan appeared before him to plead each his own
cause. There appeared also representatives of the Hebrew
people, who protested against both the pretenders and the
monarchical form of government. In behalf of the nation,
they demanded that their democratic theocracy be restored.
But the Roman chief before whom they stood was the enemy
of his own republic, and was even then prepared to usurp
the highest powers of State at home ; he hardly gave the
representatives of the people a hearing, the less so since
they had come without gifts or bribes. He listened only
to the pleas of the two hostile brothers. They were no lon-
ger the people's choice. Once, in a similar critical moment,
Jonathan appeared at Ptolomais, accompanied by the most
prominent elders and priests. Now Hyrcan appeared with
an intriguing politician, Antipater, to plead his cause ; and
(9) MisHNAH, 3Iiddothi\l 8; Joseph. Antiquities xv., xi. 3.
THE brothers' PUED AND FOREIGN INTERVENTION, 179
Aristobul was surrounded b}' a number of young and inso-
lent fellows, clad in purple garments and decked with
jewels. There was no Asmonean majesty in the appear-
ance of either. The representative of Aristobul, a year
before this, had provoked the ire of Pompey by charging his
subordinates, Scaurus and Gabinius, with the crime of
having been bribed, and Pompey himself never refused a
bribe. Now, Hyrcan had brought him rich gifts, and
Antipater was moje submissive and pliable than Aristobul,
whose violent temper afforded a good pretext for his re-
moval, especially as Hyrcan, by the right of primogeniture,
was tlie legitimate king of Judea. Aside, however, from all
these considerations, Pompey had the ambition of carrying
the Roman standards clear to the Red Sea, and any pretext
sufficed him to annul all the treaties of Rome and Pales-
tine, to break the solemn promises and pledges of former
days, and to add one more country to his conquests.
Honor, integrity and liberty were no longer the motives of
Roman commanders. Selfishness and a boundless greedi-
ness of power and wealth had overcome all other consider-
ations. Human lives and human rights had become equally
worthless in their estimation. Therefore, Pompey, having
heard the pleas of the two brothers, dismissed them with
ambiguous words, promised to settle their dispute by the
by, led each of them to believe that he was the favored
man, and made preparations for the instantaneous invasion
of Judea. Aristobul's conduct was the next pretext ; for
he had concentrated some troops at Delius and marched
into Judea. Pompey, with his legions, followed him at
once, marched through Galilee and Samaria without any
resistance, and reached Corea, at the northern frontier of
Judea proper ; and there, in the fortress of Alexandrium,
Aristobul was ready to dispute his progress.
9. Pompey in Jerusalem.
By false promises, Aristobul was brought out of Alex-
andrium and persuaded to surrender it to Pompey. Aristo-
bul retired to Jerusalem and prepared for war, and Pompey
led his legions to Jericho. Aristobul, not certain of his
people's support, repaired to Pompey as a penitent, prom-
ised him money and to receive him into the city of Jerusa-
lem if he would do in peace all he wished to do. He con-
sented, sent Gabinius, with a force, to take possession of
the money and the city; but the people closed the gates of
Jerusalem against both Gabinius and Aristobul, who was
now cast into prison by his disappointed and treacherous
180 THE brothers' fued and foreign intervention.
protector. Pompey sent Piso, with an adequate force, to
Jerusalem. An insurrection broke out in the city. The
people, not caring much about the quarrel, resolved to re-
ceive Pompey 's men and treat them hospitably, which the
friends of Aristobul refused to accede to, because he was a
prisoner. At last the Aristobulites gained possession of
the temple, broke down the bridges and prepared for a
siege ; and the citizens of Jerusalem opened the gates to (]
Piso, received and treated him well. He took possession of
the royal palace, fortified the houses near the temple, and
garrisoned all important points. He offered terms of peace
to the besieged, which were refused. Then he commenced
the construction of a wall to shut them up, in which
Hyrcan assisted him, while Pompey came up with the
main force and took his position north of the temple, where
it was most vulnerable.
10. Capture of the Temple.
Three months the defenders of the temple defied the
entire army of Pompey supported by Hyrcan and his
friends, although they were provided with the best siege
engines. A deep ditch which they had cut north of the
temple protected it against the siege engines. This ditch,
Josephus tells us, was filled up on the Sabbath days, when
those inside the temple walls would not disturb the work,
holding, as they did, to the Sabbath law established by Mat-
tathia, which the Pharisees afterward abolished. Gradually
the ditch was filled up, an embankment Avas raised, the
engines placed in position, one of the two northern towers
was battered down, a breech was made into the wall, and on
a Sabbath day the Romans poured in, a terrible carnage
ensued, twelve thousand Israelites lost their lives, Absalom,
the uncle of Aristobul, was taken captive, and the temple,
covered with the dead bodies of its defenders, fell into the
hands of Pompey. The officiating priests, notwithstanding
the carnage around them, remained steadfast at their re-
spective posts, and performed their duties in the face of
death, until their services were finished or they were dead.
11. The Temple Service Uninterrupted.
Pompe}' and his men went over the temple in all its
apartments without regard to the laws and customs of the
Hebrews; and this sacrilege was deeply regretted by his
friends. Still he pleased them in another way. He took
none of the numerous golden vessels, the costly spices,
THE brothers' FUED AND FOREIGN INTERVENTION. 181
or the vvo thousand talents left in the treasiir}^ of the
temple. He appointed Hyrcan highpriest. Next day the
temple was cleansed and the services continued as hereto-
fore. The priests and Levites who had escaped the
slaughter were most likely few in number, and the slain
were many ; but Hyrcan II. went over their bodies, and Avas
again highpriest.
12. The Loss of Independence.
After the friends of Aristobul had been slaughtered,
sent as captives to Rome, or had left the country, the walls
of Jerusalem and other cities had been demolished, the sea-
shore cities and also the inland cities, taken by Alexander
Jannai, had been made free cities and added to the Syrian
province, and Judea reduced to its own limits, Antipater
was appointed Roman procurator under the pro-consul of
Syria, and Hyrcan was appointed Etlmarch or Prince of
Judea, without the right of wearing the diadem, and an
annual tribute was imposed on the conquered land, in vio-
lation of all existing treaties, and in spite of the fact that
Pompey only conquered a small faction and one fortified
point. Jerusalem had lost its independence, and Rome its
integrity and honor. Antipater was a Roman servant and
Hyrcan the shadow of a prince. This was the beginning of
the end. Two hundred years of combat followed.
13. The Hebrews in Rome,
Aristobul, his son Antigonus, his two daughters, and
his uncle, Absalom, like many other captives, were brought
to Rome to grace the triumph of Pompey. Alexander, a
son of Aristobul, escaped and returned to Palestine, where
his mother also was. A large number of Hebrew captives
were brought to Rome and set free by their wealthy co-
religionists, who had established themselves in Rome long
before the time of Pompey. The ransomed captives were
called lihertines, settled on an island of the Tiber, also on
the left bank of that river, and upon the declivity of the
Vatican. Being Roman citizens they soon made themselves
felt among the multitude, especially as merchants,
mechanics, soothsayers and the representatives of a
religion, which had reached the most intelligent Romans by
the Greco-Hebrew literature. One only of their prominent
teachers, whose name was Theodoras, has become known to
posterity. Although the Hebrews had established them-
selves all over Italy, still they were most numerous in
182 THE brothers' feud and foreign intervention.
Rome. Four years later L. Valerius Flaccus was placed
before liis judges in Rome, by Laelius, for the oppression,
robbery and violence practiced in his province in Asia, and
one of the charges was that Flaccus stole the money which
the Hebrews had collected for the temple in Jerusalem.
Cicero was the advocate of Flaccus and was obliged to de-
base the Greeks and Jews in behalf of his client. He
characterized the Greeks as faithless and unreliable, and
the Jews as superstitious and seditious. We learn from
this oration (10) that the Hebrews were numerous, united,
and exercised a considerable influence in the public
meetings, disliked the Romans, their laws and their power,
etc. ; but he never calls tliem faithless, immoral or unen-
lightened ; because they were certainly the equals, if not the
superiors, of the Romans in all these points as well as in
bravery.
CIO) Oratio pro Flacc. Sees, iv., v. and xviii.
y. Palestine Under Roman Yassal Rulers.
While the Roman Republic was shaken to its foundations by its
matricidal sons, its power was extended over Europe to the Isles
of Britain, over Egypt and Western Asia. The whole civilized
world quaked under the footsteps of the Roman soldiery. The
rights and liberties of nations were extinguished, and their re-
ligions superseded by the Greco- Roman idolatry and the worship
of the emperor, as the son of God. Under the influence of con-
quest and military despotism, the Roman virtues gave way to
moral corruption in its worst form. The highest officers, with
rare exceptions, were sensual, ambitious, selfish, cruel and un-
scrupulous men. Their greed of power, wealth and sensual
'gratification were boundless. A haughtiness bordering on self-
deification caused them to despise every person, thought or insti-
tution not in harmony with their prejudices and perverted
conceptions of honor and religion. The governing class was sup-
ported by an army of automatons, recruited mostly among
semi-barbarous nations and the lowest scum of civilized people,
whose highest virtue was blind obedience. The governed class
groaned helplessly under the towers of corruption, and the world
appeared to have been given over to Roman soldiers. At the
same time, however, in Rome, Latin literature reached its golden
age, although her patricians were obliged to go to school to the
Greeks, and Athens became the alma mater. And yet Rome became
the reservoir to receive the various brooks of ancient cultures, to
send forth the broad stream of modern civilization . How did
the Hebrews resist that crushing power, and how were they
aflfected? What did they learn of the Romans and the Romans
of them? In the succeeding chapters we will answer these
questions. The period before us is called Palestine under Roman
vassal rulers, because the Hebrews maintained their independ-
ence in domestic affairs, while their rulers were vassals of Rome.
It is divided into three ages :
184 THE LAST OF THE ASMONEAN RULERS.
1. The Last of the Asmonean Rulers (63 to 36 B. c.)'
2. King Herod, the Idumean (37 to 3 b. c.)t.
3. Archelaus and the end (3 b. c. to 7 a. c.)t.
CHAPTER XVIIJ.
The Last of the Asmonean Rulers.
1
1. Hyrcan II., Antipater, and their Antagonists.
Upon the throne of Judea, there now sat (63 b. c.) a
prince without a diadem, governing a land without an
army, and witli a minister who was his superior in power
and mind. Hyrcan II. was highpriest and ethnarch, who,
witli the Sanhedrin, could administer the domestic affairs
of the Hebrews in Judea, as long as he paid the stipulated
tribute to the Romans. His minister and friend, Antipater,
was the Roman agent, the military governor of the land.
Although he apparently did everything by command of
Hyrcan, and in his interest ; yet Hyrcan commanded that
only which Antipater demanded. The policy of those two
rulers was to be faithful to Rome, and to bear gracefully
the foreign yoke. It was prudent, perhaps the best policy
under the circumstances ; yet large numbers of the people
were not willing to submit to the wrong perpetrated by
Pompey, and to give up the independence of their country.
This class of dissatisfied patriots, irrespective of old party
divisions and new geographical lines, was headed for the
next twenty-seven years by the dethroned Aristobul II. and
his two sons, Alexander and Antigonus.
2. Scaurus Invades Arabia.
Pompey left behind him Scaurus as the commander of
the Roman troops. He had orders to invade Arabia and
chastise Aretas. Antipater gave him permission to march
through Judea, and furnished the army with provisions.
But Aretas being the friend of Antipater, the latter was^
*Josephus' Antiquitips xiv , xvi. 4.
tJosephus' Wars I xxxiii. 8.
J Compare Antiquities xvii., xiii. 2 and Wars II. tU. S.
THE LAST OF THE ASMO^•EAX RULERS. 185
used as a mediator by Scaurus. While the Romans pillaged
the country, Antipater prevailed on Aretas to sue for peace,
and he did so. He promised Scaurus three hundred talents,
for which Antipater became surety. Scaurus left the
country, went back to Rome, was elected Aedile, and a coin
eternized his victory over the king of Arabia, although it
had been obtained by diplomacy. The successors of
Scaurus in Syria were jNIarcus Philippus and Marcellinus
Lentulus, who were defeated ))y the Parthians, and then
replaced by Gabinius, whom Cicero called a most infamous
extortioner.
3. Alexander's First Exploit.
;^^eanwhile the dissatisfied patriots were quiet, although
always ready to strike against the Roman i)arty when an
opportunity offered, as was the case when the Parthians had
defeated the two Roman commanders and were ready to
invade S3'ria. Alexander, the oldest son of Aristobul, who
was about ten years old when, in 63 b. c, he escaped and
came back to Palestine, was now the only Asmonean scion
in the country about whom the patriots could rally. His
mother, as well as his father, Avas an Asmonean. She was
the daughter of Absalom, now a captive in Rome. How or
when the patriots organized has remained a mystery. It
appears, that on the line of Arabia beyond Jordan,
this party had fortified Alexandrium, Hyrcanium and
Macherus, and there was the center for that party. In the
year 57 b. c, with Alexander at their head, tliey made an
incursion into Judea, and succeeded in taking Jerusalem (1).
They Avould have fortified it, if Gabinius and Marc Antony
had not come in time to the rescue of Hyrcan. He had
brought together a small force under Antipater, Pitholaus.
and Malichus, opposed by Alexander with ten thousand
infantry and fifteen hundred cavalry. Alexander was de-
feated with the loss of half his army, and the rest retreated
across the Jordan behind the walls of Alexandrium. Marc
Antony besieged this fortress, and Gabinius fortified the
cities inhaluted by Gentiles, which were to hold the He-
brews in check, as in the time of the Syrians, and then he
came with his forces to Alexandrium. 'Before an assault
was made, the mother of Alexander, who stood in high
esteem with the Roman, succeeded in obtaining amnesty
for her son and his men. after he had capitulated and the
three fortresses were demolished. Shortly after Alexander
married his cousin, Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcan.
(1) Josephus' Wars I. viii. 3, 4 ; Antiquities xiv. v.
186 the last of the asmonean rulers.
4. Partition of the Country.
Gabinius again installed Hyrcan II. in his office of
highpriest, but not as etbnarcli. His power was altogether
spiritual. In order to deprive the Asmoneans of all hope
of restoration, he divided the country into live districts,
and placed in each an executive council independent of the
others. The five capital cities were Jerusalem, Jericho,
Sepphoris, Gadara and Amatheus, which included all four
provinces of Judea, Samaria, Galilee and Petrea. This was'
intended to satisfy the democrats, but it did not, and had
certainly no practical consequences, and despite of them
the people of Israel remained a unit, and the rianhedrin in
Jerusalem was the supreme judiciary and legislature, the
expounders of the Law and the bearers of the traditions ;
and few, if any, had yet accepted the behef that the high-
priest was not the lawful sovereign. All these were rehgious
beliefs deeply rooted in the consciences of the multitudes,
and a mere geographical division could not change them.
5. Aristobul's Abortive Exploit.
Gabinius, believing all matters in Judea to be settled,
went with his army to Egypt. Scarcely had he gone, when
Aristobul, with his son Antigonus, having escaped from
Rome, appeared in Judea, and called his compatriots to
arms. The democratic element, it appears, gave him no
support ; for although Pitholaus, one of Hyrcan's principal
<3hiefs, came to him with one thousand men, he could not
get together more than eight thousand men, nor had he
the means to arm a greater number. He had come too
late, after his son Alexander had been vanquished and the
fortresses demolished. He succeeded in taking possession
of Alexandrium and refortifying it, and then made the at-
tempt of regaining Macherus. But on his way there he was
overtaken by the Roman force under Marc Antony and the
son of Gabinius, and lost in a battle five thousand of his
men. And yet with the shattered fragments of his little
army, Aristobul succeeded in reaching Macherus, and began
to fortify it. When the Romans overtook him, he fought
them desperately, until he was severely wounded and
•captured, together with his son Antigonus. They Avere
sent back to Rome. Gabinius having informed the senate
that he liad promised to the mother the liberty of her two
sons, Antigonus, who was (56 b. c.) a mere boy. was sent
back to Palestine, and Aristobul remained a prisoner in
Rome.
the last of the asmonean eulers. 187
6. Alexander's Second Exploit.
Gabinius marched with his troops to the East to attack
the Parthians. Meanwhile Ptolemy Auletes, King of Egypt,
was dethroned. He jiromised Gabinius a large sum of
money, and the avaricious Roman turned round to invade
Egypt. Antipater furnished him men and provisions, and
won in his favor the Hebrews below Pelusium who held the
passes near the Isthmus. Alexander improved the oppor-
tunity and (55 b. c.) called the patriots once more to
arms. He was more successful this time. A large army
came to his banners. He slew and drove out the Romans
and their compatriots in Galilee, and followed them to
-Mount Gerizzim, where they had intrenched them-
selves. Antipater was helpless. Gabinius returned
from Egypt. He sent Antipater as a messenger of
peace to the army of Alexander. By arguments and
threats he succeeded in pacifying many. Still Alexan-
der had left thirty thousand men to espouse his cause, and
lie ventured a pitched battle with the Romans near Mt.
Tabor. He was too young a man to successfully handle an
army of thirty thousand men against Roman veterans.
The battle was lost, ten thousand of his men perished, and
he fled mto_ the mountains, where, it appears, he main-
tained himself as the ruler of a portion of Galilee to the
year 48 b. c. Now peace was restored, Antipater was again
master of the situation, and the friends of Aristobul were
terrified. The same year Gabinius was recalled to Rome,
was tried for his crimes and extortions, found guilty, and
banished.
7. The Temple Ransacked by Crassus.
Marcus Lucinius Crassus, the triumvir with Pompey and
€8esar, the wealthiest citizen of Rome, was the successor
of Gabinius in the province of Syria. His apparent object
was to continue the war against the Parthians ; but his
actual aim was to gather as much wealth as could be
found. He plundered towns and temples, and came also to
Jerusalem. His object being known, the treasurer of the
temple, Eleazar, came to him with the request not to dis-
turb the temple, and promised him a piece of gold, which
none besides him could find, weighing seven hundred and
fifty pounds. Crassus consented, and swore an oath not to
disturb the sanctuary. The gold was delivered to him, he
took it, and then entered the temple, took two thousand
talents from its treasury and vessels to the value of eight
188 THE LAST OF THE ASMONEAN RULERS.
thousand talents, left the temple stripped of all its wealth
and vessels, and left the city, in all probability, before its
inhabitants knew what had been done. Then he marched
against the Parthians, who slew him like a mad dog, and
annihilated his army, of which Cassius, his quaestor, with
five hundred cavalry escaped into Syria (53 b. c).
8. The Extortions and Outrages op Cassius,
Cassius Longinus collected the fugitives from the army
of Crassus in Syria and made preparations to receive the
Parthians. He stood in need of money and extorted it
from the various nations, also from the Hebrews. Having
repulsed the Parthians, he came to Tyre, and went across
Galilee to put down the friends of Aristobul. Pitholaus,.
with his men, held the city of Taricha-a, on the southern
shore of Lake Tiberias. Cassius took the city, carried all
its inhabitants and defenders (30,000) into slavery, and, at
the request of Antipater, slew Pitholaus, because he had be-
trayed the cause of Hyrcan (52 b. c). Still this did not
bring the friends of Aristobul to terms ; Alexander held his
position, and must have lived in peace with his wife, the
daughter of Hyrcan, who, prior to 48 b. c, gave birth to
his two children, Mariamne and her brother, Aristobul,
whose tragic end disgraces the history of Herod. We have
to look upon Galilee as in a continual state of insurrection,
kept up by Alexander and other friends of Aristobul. Still
there was no particular disturbance from 52 to 48 b. c, be-
cause neither were the Romans nor was Antipater in a posi-
tion to do anything effectual with those warlike mount-
aineers.
9. JuLuis C./ESAR Changes the Situation.
While the Roman legions were defeated by the Parthians
Julius Caesar overthrew the independence of the various na-
tionalities at the western end of Europe, from the Rhine to the
Atlantic Ocean, Belgium and Britannia included. In Rome
Pompey was all mighty, and he was no less hated there than
in Palestine. After the death of Crassus he had but one
rival, and that was Julius Csesar. He was the expected
savior of the Romans. When he had accomplished it, he
was deified by his admirers, and the god Caesar was the
precursor of the god Jesus. In December, 50 b. c. CaBsar
crossed the Rubicon and arrived in Rome. Pompey, with
his warriors, fled across the Adriatic Sea to Epirus. Cajsar
reduced all Italy, so that he was in possession of the
■western, and Pompey of the eastern half of the Romaa
THE LAST OF THE ASMONEAX RULERS. 189
Empire. So the year 49 b. c. passed in making prepara-
tions.
10. The End of Aristobul II.
Caesar undoing in Rome all the measures of Pompey,
released Aristobul II. from his prison, gave him two
legions, and sent him back to Palestine to take possession
of his kingdom. Had this expedition been successful, it
would have restored the power if not the independence of
the Hebrew's, and outflanked Pompey in his rear. But it
was not successful. Partisans of Pompey found means to
poison Aristobul, and he died a sudden death. His body
was preserved in honey, till several years afterward, when
Marc Antony sent it to Jerusalem to be buried in the
sepulcher of his fathers.
11. The End of Alexander.
The news of Aristobul's change of fortune reaching
Palestine, Alexander was ready to initiate the campaign
against the forces of Pompey. Q. Metellus Scipio, the
father-in-law of Pompey, had succeeded Bibulus as Presi-
dent of Syria, and he overpowered Alexander, captured
him, brought him to Antioch, and there, by order of
Pompey, he was beheaded {48 b. c).
12. The Family of Aristobul.
The wdfe, two daughters, and one son (Antigon) of
Aristobul II. resided at Ascalon, hitherto protected by the
promise of Gabinius. But when Alexander had been
slain in spite of that promise, they were no longer secure
in Palestine. Ptolemy, the Prince of Chalcis, took the
family to his residence, and his son Philip married Alex-
andra, one of Aristobul's daughters. Afterward Ptolemy
fell in love with her, slew his owm son, and married her.
This event secured a place of refuge to the entire family.
13. C^sAR IN Egypt.
49 b. c. Csesar w^ts declared dictator, but resigned after
eleven days, and was elected consul 48 b. c. He defeated
Pompey at Pharsalia in Thessaly, who soon after was
assassinated in Egypt before the arrival of Csesar at Alex-
andria in pursuit of his dead eneni}-. When the news of
Pompey's death had reached Rome, Csesar was again
appointed dictator. Still he was in a precarious condition
190 THE LAST OF THE ASMONEAN RULERS.
in Alexandria, where he had come with but 8200 infantry
and 800 cuvahy, and there enraged the people against liini
by rigorously exacting the payment of a heavy debt, and
treating like a superior the two oldest children of the
king, Ptolemy and Cleopatra, who were making war on one
another about the succession. When at last he embraced
the cause of the unchaste Cleopatra, the Egyptians made a
fierce attack upon him, drove him into a i)erilous position,
and it was only with the utmost difficulty and heroism that
he maintained himself until reinforcements came from
abroad.
14. Antipater Assists Cjesar.
Among those Avho came to reinforce Ca3sar, there was
also Mithridates, of Pergamus, who had arrived with his
forces at Ascalon, but was unable to force his way into
Egypt. Antipater came to him with three thousand He-
brews and a number of Arabians, followed also by a con-
siderable number of Syrians. At Pelusium Antipater, with
his men, were the first to break through the walls, and the
city was taken. The Egyptian Hebrews of the Onias dis-
trict were ready to stop Mithridates ; but when Antipater
showed them letters from Hyrcan exhorting them to cultivate
the friendship of Csesar, they fraternized with him and
followed the host of Mithridates. By the same means the
Hebrews of Memphis also came over to Caesar's friends, and
enabled the army to press on toAvard Alexandria. Near the
Nile, at a place called the Jewish Camp, the Egyptian forces
under Ptolemy were encountered. A battle ensued, in
which Mithridates, commanding the right Aving, Avas pressed
back, and Avould have been routed, if Antipater, command-
ing the left Aving, had not defeated the enemy and come in
time to support Mithridates. MeauAvhile C»sar had been
reinforced Avith a legion Avhich came from Asia Minor by
sea, and effected a junction Avith the forces of Mithridates
and Antipater, and Hyrcan had also come there Avith 1500
men (2). The Egyptians Avere completel}^ overthroAvn.
Ptolemy lost his life in the Nile, Cleopatra Avas married to
her second brother, who was thirteen years old, and was
made Queen of Egypt Avith her brother as nominal king.
The friendship of Hyrcan, the heroic conduct of Antipater,
the Avounds he had receiA^ed in Caesar's cause, and the ser-
vices of the Egyptian Hebrews, endeared them to the great
Roman. Before leaving Alexandria, he demonstrated his
(2) Josephus' Antiq. xiv., x. 2.
THE LAST OF THE ASMONEAN RULERS. 191
appreciation of the Alexandrian Hebrews by a public
declaration that they were citizens of Alexandria. This
decree was engraved on brass pillars (3).
15. Restoration of the Hebrew State.
Soon after Julius Caesar came to Syria, where Antigonus,
the son of Aristobul, appeared before him. He accused
Antipater that by his instigation Aristobul was poisoned
and Alexander beheaded ; also that Antipater and Hyrcan
governed the nation b}^ violence, and did great injustice to
him. He asked of Caesar to be restored to the throne of his
fathers. It was too late. Antipater and Hyrcan had ren-
dered too valuable services to Csesar in time of need to be
abandoned by him. The remonstration of Antipater was
brief He accused Antigonus and his party of innovations
and seditions, defended the punishment inflicted on Aris-
tobul and Alexander, and then showed the scars of his
wounds received in the Egyptian campaign. Cai^sar's
decision was that Hyrcan should be highpriest and
ethnarch ; that all the provinces and cities taken from him
by Pompey and his successors in Syria should be restored
and be governed henceforth by the laws of the Hebrews ;
and that he should have the right to refortify Jerusalem.
Antipater was confirmed as Roman procurator {E'pitropos),
to govern the military affairs in behalf of Rome, with
the additional title of a Citizen of Rome. Ceesar made his
kinsman, Sextus Caesar, President of Syria (47 B. c), and
left the country (45 b. c).
16. Cesar's Decrees in Favor of the Hebrews.
The decision of Caesar was sent to Rome by an embassy
of Plyrcan, for the ratification and publication by the senate
and the consuls. In the various edicts bearing the name
of Julius Caesar, which Josephus has preserved (4), the fol-
lowing rights and privileges were granted to the Plebrews
of Palestine :
1. That Hyrcan II., he and his heirs after him, shall be
the hereditary highpriest and ethnarch of the Hebrews,
" according to the custom of their forefathers ;" and that
he shall decide all questions concerning Jewish customs,
consequently be the head of the Sanhedrin also.
2. That" Hyrcan and his people shall be known as the'
(3) Josephus' Antiq. xiv., xii; Contra Apion 11.
(4) Antiquities xiv. x.
192 THE LAST OF THE ASMONEAN RULERS.
confederates of Rome and the particular friends of Caesar;
that no Roman commanders, under any pretense whatever,
extort contributions from them ; tliat tlie city of Jerusalem
be fortified, and governed by the ethnarch's will only ; that
the tribute due to Rome shall not be let to farm, none be
paid for any Sabbath year, nor should it always be as high
as it was that year.
3. That all the land, towns and cities, excepting Joppa,
shall be subject and tributary to Jerusalem, as heretofore,
only the tribute of the city of Jop})a to belong personally
to Hyrcan and his heirs ; and that no Roman officer shall
have the right of raising auxiliary forces in Judea or of im-
posing a contribution.
4. The particular honors conf(>rrod on Hyrcan " and
his sons," or the embassadors sent by him, were to be
seated among the senators in the public games ; when
they desire an audience to be introduced to the senate by
the dictator or by the general of the horse ; and that any
decree concerning them be made known to them within ten
days after it had passed the senate.
5. But the most important of the Caesar decrees was,
that Hyrcan was appointed the highest authority of the
Hebrews, to determine all questions about Jewish custom,
with the same power over the Hebrews outside of Palestine,
" to defend those who are injured;" and that the Hebrews
outside of Palestine were declared Roman citizens, with
the particular rights to live according to their laws and cus-
toms and to be free of military duty. Their public gather-
ings and common meals in Rome and the provinces were
exempted from the decree against bacchanalian rioters.
17. Hyrcan Honored by the Athenians.
The services which Hyrcan rendered to the Athenians
are not specified in the sources. They acknowledged, in
general terms (5), that he bore good wilfto them in general,
to every one of their citizens in particular, and treated them
■with all manner of kindness w^henever they came to him,
as embassadors or in any other capacity. Therefore, they
voted him a crown of gold and a decree of honor, and
erected his statue of brass in the temple of Demus and of
the Graces.
(5) Ibid, xiv., viii. 5,
the last of the asmonean rulers. 193
18. The Home Government.
In Palestine the government was restored as it was
"under Queen Alexandra, with the exception of the tribute
paid to Rome and the military affairs governed by Anti-
pater. The service in the temple and synagogues remained
unchanged. The small number of priests and Levites who
liad escaped the massacre in the temple by Pompey, con-
tinued to conduct the temple service in the Pharisean style ;
and the Sopherim, whose numbers increased notwithstand-
ing wars and seditions, conducted the synagogues, schools
and courts. The Sanhedrin had undergone no change. It
remained in the power of the Pharisees under the presi-
dency of Shemaiah and Abtalion, while the Sadducees, with
the other fighting men, ever since 63 b. c, were most of the
time engaged in wars and seditions.
19. Shemaiah and Abtalion.
The policy and j^rovidentness of these two men is evi-
dent from their maxims left in Aboth I. Shemaiah said :
" Love labor, hate domination, and remain unknown to the
government." There are wealth, honesty and satisfaction in
labor, the loss of all three of them in domination and
threatening danger near the highest power, especially under
the perpetual changes which that sage lived to see. She-
maiah cautioned his people to remain industrious and
neutral, wealthy by their labor and free by not domineering
over others, which was a blessing to thousands, and kept
him at the head of the Sanhedrin. Abtalion, who was more
of a teacher and less of a statesman than his colleague,
said : " Ye wise men, be cautious with your words ; perhaps
ye might be condemned to exile, and driven to a place of stag-
nant water, and then the disciples succeeding you might
drink (of your misunderstood words ) and die, and so the name
of heaven would be profaned." He saw thousands leave
the country, compulsory or voluntary exiles ; and among
them were many of the Sopherim. In his time, the De-
rasha had its origin (6). The laws were completed, the
doctrines established, and the doctors began to seek the
origin of every custom, law or doctrine in the Bible, and
this research was called Deraslia. Shemaiah and Abtalion,
(6) 'J1 D'fjnj cit^mi n-hr^i, D^roi^n pc' jv^onsi n"y?^:^» ^ui N»:n
(Giiittino? b), D'ai^ min nop (Pesachim 70 b). It is said of none
laefore Shemaiah and Aljtahon that he was " a great Darshan," who
taught the Law to the public.
194 THE LAST OF THE ASMONEAN RULERS.
who stood at the head of the schools as well as of the San-
hedrin, withdrew the attention from politics and legislation
and gave this direction to susceptible minds. There may
have l)een advanced many an unripe thought in that research,
and it is against this that Abtalion cautioned the wise men.
No laws ( Ilalaclioth) bearing the names of these heads
of the Sanhedrin are reported, and only a few are recorded
by others in their name, viz., concerning the Sabbath (7)^
the posthumous child of a deceased priest (8), the bath of
purification (9), and the equality of the freed woman with
the Hebrew woman in regard to the "bitter water '^
{Sotah) (10). These few points show that the laws of the
country had been completed before that time. Two of
their cotemporaries, Juda b. Dositheus and his son Dosi-
theus, retired to the south of Palestine, because they disa-
greed with Shemaiah and Abtalion (11). The names of
their disciples, except Hillel and Shammai, have not reached
posterity.
20. Pacification of the Hebrews.
The influence of the Sanhedrin and Scribes upon the
excited parties was of great assistance to Antipater in re-
storing domestic peace. While in 44 b. c. the walls of Jeru-
salem were rebuilt, he traveled through the country and
made known the present situation, that Hyrcan would be a
father to the people and the Romans its friends, if the pub-
lic peace were not disturbed ; but Hyrcan would become a
tyrant and the Romans the people's enemies if their
authority was defied. This, it appears, had the desired
effect everywhere except in Galilee, where the friends of the
deceased Aristobul were not so ready to submit.
21. The Wife and Sons of Antipater.
Antipater had married an Idumean princess of the royal
family of Arabia. Her name was Cypros (Zipporah?). She
gave birth to four sons : Phasael, Herod, Joseph and
Pheroras, and one daughter, Salome. These sons had spent
most of their time in Arabia, and were estranged to the
HeVjrews by birth and education. After Caesar had put
(7) Beza 25 a.
(8) Jchnmoth 67 a.
(9) MisHXAii Edioth i. 3.
(10) llihl V. 6.
(11) 'Nmn p min^ in Pesachlm 70 b.
THE LAST OF THE ASMONEAN EULERS. 195
Antipater in power, they were recalled from Arabia and ap-
pointed to the highest positions. Phasael was made Gov-
ernor of Jerusalem and Herod Governor of Galilee. The
latter was, in 44 b. c, about twenty-three years old. This
Avas certainly an insult to jDrominent men, and a cause of
dissatisfaction, which was aggravated by the lawless conduct
of Herod in Galilee.
22. Herod's Violation of the Law. The Robbers.
While Phasael was very cautious in the exercise of his
authority in Jerusalem, and succeeded in gaining the peo-
ple's good will for himself and his father, Herod started
out a self-willed despot, careless of any law which inter-
fered with his will. The partisans of Alexander being after
his death without a leader, disbanded in guerrilla hordes,
held the mountain passes and caverns of northern and
eastern Galilee, and of Coelosyria, and subsisted on the
booty which they could take from Hebrews or Syrians. These
guerrillas were called robbers, and were a terror to the
peace^lble population. Herod pursued and captured
many of them, together with Hezekias, one of their chiefs,
and, instead of giving them a trial before a court of law,
had them executed by his own authority and command.
These summary proceedings alarmed many law-abiding
citizens, although it gained him the applause of many, of
Syrians especially, who had suffered from the incursions of
those guerrillas.
23. Herod Summoned Before the Sanhedrin.
The chief men of the Hebrews gave utterance to their
indignation before Hyrcan. The\" told him that he was no
longer the ruler, but Antipater and his sons were. The}' de-
manded that Herod be brought to trial for his defiance of
the law. Besides these, there were the mothers of Herod's
victims, who had come to Jerusalem, and in the temple
loudly clamored for justice in behalf of their slain sons.
At last Hvrcan was compelled to bring Herod to trial, al-
though he loved him paternally, and was sincerely attached
to Antipater. By order of Hyrcan, Herod was summoned
to appear before tlie Sanhedrin. His father advised him to
appear with a body-guard sufficient to protect him in any
emergency ; and Sextus Csesar wrote to Hyrcan that Herod
must be acquitted.
196 the last of the asmonean rulers.
24. The Trl\l and Flight of Herod.
In royal robes and decorations, and surrounded by
a large body-guard, Herod appeared (43 b c.) before tho
Sanhedrin. This novel and audacious spectacle confused
the high lords of law and peace, and their courage failed
them. Hyrcan presided over a fear-stricken body. One,
however, was bold enough to speak, and that was Shemaiah.
He gave utterance to his indignation that a man accused of
high crime should dare to appear before his judges in royal
pomp, as this man Herod had come with his body-guard
to intimidate the Sanhedrin ; and then he turned upon his
colleagues, upbraided them for their cowardice and sub-
serviency, and closed thus : " However, take you notice
that God is great, and that this very man, whom ye are
about to absolve and dismiss for the sake of Hyrcan, will
one day punish both you and your king himself." Now the
trial was opened and the senators appeared ready to do
justice to Herod. Hyrcan o1:»serving that his favorite's life
was seriously jeopardized, adjourned the Sanhedrin to the
next day. During the niglit Herod, as advised by Hyrcan,
left the city and went to Damascus, The indignation of
the Sanhedrin and the predictions of friends were in vain.
They could not move Hyrcan to any decisive action against
Antipater and his sons.
25. Herod Invades the Country.
Sextus Csesar appointed Herod general of the Coelosyrian
army, and he invaded Palestine. This placed his father
and brother in Jerusalem in a precarious condition. They
went out to Herod, and succeeded in persuading him to
leave the country and to be satisfied with the demonstra-
tion of power and rank he had made in the face of liis
enemies. Herod retired with his army and remained in his
office in spite of his being a fugitive from justice.
26. Cassius Again in Palestine.
Shortly after the return of Herod to Galilee, Cecihus'
Bassus, one of Pompey's partisans, slew Sextus Caesar, and
took possession of his province and army at Apamia. The
generals of Julius Cffisar concentrated their forces near
Apamia, and Antipater sent his sons with an army of He-
brews to assist them. JNIarcus was sent from Rome to suc-
ceed Sextus. Meanwhile Julius Ceesar was assassinated in
THE LAST OF THE ASMONEAN RULERS. 197
Rome (12), and one of his murderers, Cassius, came to
Syria to take possession of the East and the armies
stationed there Both Bassus and Marcus made peace and
went over to Cassius. A great war was pending between
the two parties in Rome, the Csesarians and the Republi-
cans. Cassius prepared for it and needed large sums of
money. He demanded of Palestine seven hundred talents;
Antipater and Malichus were appointed to raise that sum.
Herod was the first man who raised his share of one hun-
dred talents in Galilee, which gained him the favor of Cas-
sius. Antipater raised his full share, but Malichus could
not do it. Cassius reduced to slavery the inhabitants of
Gophna, Emmaus, Lydda and Thamna, and would have
killed Malichus, had not Hyrcan given the missing hun-
dred talents from liLs private purse.
27. Death of Antipater and Malichus.
Malichus and Antipater were Hyrcan's mightiest friends ;
only that the former believed the latter was becoming too
powerful. Meanwhile, Herod rose high in favor with Cas-
sius and Marcus, which confirmed Malichus in his belief that
Antipater and his sons were dangerous to Hyrcan. The
first attempt of Malichus to assassinate Antipater failed,
and was strenuously denied. But the second attempt was
successful. Dining in the palace with Hj-rcan, Antipater was
poisoned, and died (42 b. c). His sons were informed that
tlie misdeed was committed by Malichus, and Herod re-
ceived permission of Cassius to avenge his father's death.
He came to .Jerusalem with a band of foreign soldiers, still
he did not venture to slay Malichus there. Meanwhile,
Cassius had taken Laodicea, his vassals came to congratu-
late, and among them was Malichus. On his way thither,
before the city of T3^re, Roman assassins, sent by Herod,
slew him. Hyrcan was speechless on hearing of the assassi-
nation of his" friend ; but Herod made him believe it was
done by command of Cassius, because Malichus had in-
tended to raise a revolt and dethrone Hyrcan. Hyrcan
believed him.
28. Consequences of this Assassination.
Cassius and his army marched to Philippi and, with
the exception of a small Roman garrison under Felix, in
('12) Suetonius narrates that the Hebrew residents of Rome, night
after night visited the tomb of Julius Ceesar. Lives of the Emperors
in C. J. Csesar, chap. 84.
198 THE LAST OF THE ASMOXEAN RULERS.
Jerusalem, the land was without foreign soldiers. A brother
of Malichus took possession of several cities, and Herod
Avas ill at Damascus. In Jerusalem, the Roman commander,
supported by some of the citizens, attacked Phasael, and it
appeared that the sons of Antipater would be overcome.
But Phasael fought his opponents, shut Felix up in a tower,
and then dismissed him from the city. Herod recovered,
came with an army, in a short time retook the lost cities,
and restored peace. Hyrcan was as weak as usual in this
combat of the parties, and was accused by Phasael of in-
gratitude against the memory of Antipater. The weak
highpriest could not rid himself of the sons of Antipater,
and the next event delivered him entirely into their hands.
29. Antigonus in the Field — Herod Affiances
Mariamne.
The absence of the Romans from Syria and the insur-
rection of a party against the sons of Antipater, encour-
aged a foreign coalition in favor of placing Antigonus, the
youngest son of Aristobul II., upon the throne. The co-
alition consisted of Antigonus and his friends, Ptolemy,
his brother-in-law, who was the Prince of Chalcis, Fabius,
the Prince of Tyre, and Marion, the commander of the re-
maining Roman soldiers, who had been bribed by the
princes. They invaded Palestine from the north, and suc-
ceeded in taking several cities. A general insurrection of
the Hebrews which was expected, did not come to pass,
and Herod succeeded in repelling the invasion. So Hyrcan
was saved once more, and was so much more indebted to
Herod, who, coming to Jerusalem, was received with dem-
onstrations of gratitude and enthusiasm. Herod was mar-
ried, the name of his wife was Doris, by whom he had
several children. Still Hyrcan gave his consent to Herod's
betrothal of the beautiful Mariamne, his and Aristobul's
grand-daughter by Alexander and Alexandra. This made
the Idumean a member of the Asmonean family.
30. Marc Antony in Syria.
Meanwhile (42 b. c.) the fate of Rome was decided in
the battle of Philippi, in Macedonia. The republican army
was vanquished, Brutus and Cassius were dead, Octavius
Augustus and Marc Antony were the victors and Lirds of
the Roman Empire. After the battle Augustus went back
to Italy, and Marc Antony came into Syria. Having ar-
rived at Bithynia, in Asia Minor, the princes and repre-
i
THE LAST OF THE ASMONEAN RULERS; 199
sentatives of many nations, and among them also the friends
of Hyrcan, came to win the favor of the mighty chief.
They complained that Herod and Phasael were, in fact,
their kings, and Hyrcan was an impotent figurehead. But-
the sons of Antipater also had come to Bithynia, and
Herod had brought plenty of money for Marc Antony, who,
l^eing a friend of the deceased Antipater, Ijestowed his
grace on Herod, so that the Hebrews found no hearing.
When Antony had reached Ephesus, he was met by the
ambassadors of Hyrcan and the nation, who presented him
with a crown of gold. They were graciously received.
Their petition was to restore the liberty and property of the
inhabitants of those cities which Cassius had confiscated.
The petition was granted, decrees to this eflfect were pub-
lished, the Tyrians were commanded to restore all cities
and persons taken from the Hebrews ; and all the decrees
of the senate under Julius Ca?sar concerning the Hebrews
in and out of Palestine were renewed or reconfirmed by
Marc Antony and Dolabella (13) ; so that, as far as the
Romans were concerned, no cause of complaint was left to
the Hebrews. But the sons of Antipater had many ene-
mies among the aristocracy ; and one hundred of them
waited upon Marc Antony at Daphne, and in the presence
of Hyrcan, by their most eloquent orators, accused Herod
and his brother. Messala replied in behalf of the brothers,
and Hyrcan, interrogated by Marc Antony, decided in their
favor. The delegation was indignantly dismissed, and
fifteen of them were imprisoned. Herod and Phasael were
appointed tetrarchs (princes of a fourth of the land), which
merely added a title to their respective offices. This gave
rise to new tumults in Jerusalem, and a delegation of
one thousand men went to Tyre to meet Marc Antony.
Hyrcan and Herod had prayed them to abstain from the
demonstration, and accosted them again outside of Tyre
with the same prayer ; but they insisted upon their plan.
By order of Antony a body of soldiers attacked the delega-
tion, slew and wounded many of them. Still those who had
escaped raised their voices so loudly in Jerusalem, that
Antony was provoked, and he slew also the fifteen men
in bonds. However, while this struggle of the parties
was going on in Palestine, Hyrcan being the protector of
the Hebrews in the Roman Empire, succeeded in obtaining
for them the enjoyment of their rights as Roman citizens
and immunity from military service (41 B. c).
(13) Josephus' Antiquities xiv., x. and xii.
200 the last of the asmonean rulers.
31. Antigonus in Jerusalem.
Once more Syria changed masters. Pacorus, King of
Parthia, drove the Romans out of Syria (40 b. c.) and left-
there Barzapharnes as governor. Lysanius, the son of
Ptolemy, now Prince of Chalcis, and Antigonus succeeded,
by a promise, to this governor, of a thousand talents and
five hundred beautiful women, in inducing him to invade
Judea in order to enthrone Antigonus in Jerusalem. The
Parthian army invaded Palestine from two sides, half of it
came down the coast of the Mediterranean, and the other
half attempted to march through Galilee. The Galileans,
however, checked its progress. They had no knowledge of
the Antigonus scheme. A small corps of cavalry was
given to Antigonus by the Parthian commander to recon-
noiter in Palestine. He advanced with them to Mount Car-
mel, and was joined by a number of the inhabitants of that
district. As he proceeded his corps grew, so that, unex-
pectedly, he appeared in force before Jerusalem, and entered
it without opposition. Now, Herod and Phasael came out.
of Castle Paris to meet him, and a fight ensued. Antigonus
was beaten, but managed to reach the temple and to ex-
clude Herod. The priests and the embittered aristocracy,,
of course, favored Antigonus and strengthened his position,,
and they were supported by many of the citizens, as Herod
had soon an opportunity to discover. He had placed a.
posse of sixty men in houses, from which the movements in
the temple could be observed. A number of citizens set
those houses on fire, and the men perished in them. Herod
avenged this deed by an attack on the citizens, many of
whom were killed ; but it must have convinced him that he
could not hold out much longer.
32. Hyrcan, Phasael and Herod Leave Jerusalem.
Herod made one more attempt to dislodge Antigonus.
A large number of pilgrims came to the city to celebrate
Pentecost, Herod attempted to win them to his cause, but
they were divided into two parties ; a great deal of fighting
and bloodshed ensued, without any result, and Herod could
no longer govern the enraged parties in the city. He was
advised to admit the Parthian cavalry encamped outside
of the city to restore peace, and he did so. Now he was
persuaded to send Pliasael as an ambassador to the
King of Parthia, so that he might decide the matter. He
suspected the honor and the word of the Parthians, still he
consented to the proposition. Hyrcan and Phasael went to-
THE LAST OF THE ASMONEAN RULERS. 201
the King of Partliia. When they had reached the Parthian
arni}' of the north they were well received and courteously
treated. Too late, however, they discovered that the Par-
thians were the allies of Antigonus. As soon as it Avas
reasonably supposed that the other army might have
reached Jerusalem, Hyrcan and Phasael Avere put in
chains and sent to the King of Parthia. Herod being in-
formed of their fate saw himself surrounded by enemies
and his life in danger. His intended mother-in-laAV, Alex-
andra, a shrewd woman, convinced him that he could save
himself and the whole family only by speedy flight. In the
night, and with as many men as he thought were trust-
worthy, Herod took Mariamne, her mother and brother, his
mother and brother, and a son of Phasael, Avith all their
servants, and quietly left the city with them, to travel
soutliAvard into Idumea. He Avas attacked several times by
Parthians and Hebrews, especially at a spot eight miles
from Jerusalem, Avhere, in memory thereof, he built after-
Avard the fortress of Herodium ; but he always routed his
assailants, and conducted his train of people and baggage
to jMassada. HaA'ing taken possession of that city, he left
there eight hundred men under command of his brother
Joseph, together Avith the Avhole family and their servants,
proA'isioned the city, and then, in company Avith Phasael's
son, set out for Hume.
33. Antigonus King and Highpriest (40 b. c).
Hyrcan and the sons of Antlpater being disposed of,
Antigonus Avas proclaimed king and highpriest. The Par-
thians, having received a thousand talents, had to leave
without the fiA^e hundred beautiful women, Avho had escaped
from the hands of their captors. The Parthians plundered
the palace and the houses of the rich in and near Jeru-
salem, burnt doAvn hamlets and toAvns, and then left the
country. Apparently, all parties Avere satisfied, and peace
would have returned to the unhappy land, after thirty years-
of incessant combats betAveen the two branches of the
Asmonean family, if the Romans had not interfered again.
The Parthians had too many HebrcAvs in their provinces
not to be Avell disposed toAvard those in Palestine ; and Antig-
onus united in his person the glory of tlie Asmoneans and
the anti-Roman feelings, Avhich made him both popular and
admired. The Parthians sent him Hyrcan and Phasael.
He had Hyrcan's ears cut off so that he could be liighpriest
no more, and then he let him return to the Parthians.
20J THE LAST OF THE ASMONEAN RULERS.
Phasael was to be placed before a court-martial, but he com-
mitted suicide in his prison. Massada was besieged, but
not assailed, and this certainly was a grave mistake. On
the whole, Antigonus appears to have dealt very kindly
with his enemies.
34. Herod Crowned King of Judea.
The deathless ambition of princes has brought on the
nations most of the misery which they have suffered.
Herod, with Phasael's son, left Massada, went to Arabia,
whose king, Malchus, being a debtor to Antipater's ftimily,
did not permit him to enter it. He went to Rhinocolura,
where he was informed of his brother's death, and thence to
Egypt. Cleopatra wanted to keep him near her, but he in-
sisted, notwithstanding the stormy season, on going forth-
with to Rome. At Pelusium he took ship and set sail for
Italy. The storm shattered his vessel, but he was driven
on shore at Rhodus. Some of his rich friends there gave
him another ship, in which he arrived at Brundisium in
September. 40 b. c, and traveled by land to Rome. He
found Marc Antony in Rome, informed him of the situation
in Syria, and proposed Hyrcan's grandson, then thirteen
years old, as king or ethnarch of Judea. Rome, however,
needed the strong arm of a tried and faithful soldier in
Judea against the Parthians, and Plerod was the man. An-
tony and Augustus united on him, the senate gave its con-
sent, and Herod was led in state to the capitol. and was
solemnly crowned King of Judea. It was an outrage, but
done it was, and eight days after his arrival Herod left Rome
at the head of two legions, to return to Palestine, and to
take possession of its throne.
35. Herod Relieves Massada and Besieges
Jerusalem.
Near Ptolemais Herod landed his army, and the He-
brews of his party came to him in large numbers. While
Ventidius commanded the Romans in Syria against the '
Parthians, Herod began his operations by the capture of
Joppa, and the relieving of Massada. Meanwhile Silo, with
several legions, sent by Venditius, appeared before Jeru-
salem. A plentiful bribe convinced the Roman that
the cause of Antigonus was just, and he left Jerusalem.
The Hebrews followed him and pressed him hard, when he
was joined by Herod and persuaded to return to the siege
I
THE LAST OF THE ASMONEAN RULERS. 203
of Jerusalem. Both armies took positions west of the
city, where they were beaten repeatedly and with great
losses by the defenders of the city. Herod addressed a
manifesto to the people, in which he promised pardon to all
and generous governnient to the country if he were placed
on the throne. Antigonus replied in another document, in
Avhich he pointed to his inherited right and the usurpation
of Herod, and added that if the Romans hated him they might
appoint another Asmonean in his place, but not an Idumean
half- Jew. Silo, being promised more money, discovered
again that Herod was wrong, and acted accordingly. The
Homans ransacked Jericho and became unmanageable, and
Herod was obliged to raise the siege (39 b. c.) He sent his
brother, Joseph, to Idumea into winter quarters Avith a por-
tion of his army, and went with the remainder, and with
his family, to Samaria.
36. Subjection op Galilee.
While Joseph occupied Idumea, and his brother, Phe-
roras, repaired the fortifications of Alexandrium, Herod
placed his family and bride in safety at Samaria, and began
the reduction of Galilee. He took Sepphoris without re-
sistance, and was soon master of Lower Galilee. In Upper
Galilee, however, there were numerous guerrilla bands,
to which he had given the disreputable name of robbers.
They dwelt in the caves of wild and craggy mountains, and
could not be dislodged by ordinary means. The crafty
Herod invented means to reach them. Large wooden boxes,
filled with soldiers and provisions, were lowered by ropes
from the top of the steep declivities to the mouths of the
caves, and their inmates were dragged out with hooks fastened
to long poles, if they could not be reached otherwise. Some
surrendered, others were slain, again others, and among them,
one wlio slew his wife and seven children, committed
suicide, dying with imprecations on their lips upon Herod
-and Rome. Still he succeeded during the winter in the
subjugation of all Galilee.
37. The Prospects of Antigonus Improve.
The summer campaign of 38 b. c. was opened by the
Homan commander, Macherus, who, with two legions and
one thousand cavalry, supported Herod, and marched to
Jerusalem. Like Silo, Macherus also was not very eager to
assist Herod, who, besides the favoritism of Marc Antony,
204 THE LAST OF THE ASMONEAN RULERS.
had no claim on the throne of Judea, which, by decree of
Julius Csesar, was secured to Hyrcan II. and his heirs. So
Macherus took as much money as he could get from Antig-
onus, and was ready to leave, when the defenders of Jeru-
salem fell on his legions and inflicted a severe punishment
on them. The Romans retreated and slew Herod's friends
as well as his foes, so that Herod was obliged to retreat into
Samaria and to go once more to Marc Antony. He left his
brother, Joseph, in command of the forces in Judea. with
strict injunctions not to risk a battle. In violation of or-
ders, however, he attacked Pappus, one of the generals of
Antigonus, was defeated and slain with the legions of his.
command. Why Antigonus did not attack the forces of
Herod before his return, is not known. It appears he did
not inherit the Asmonean brilliancy of design and rapidity
of strategetical movements. Also in Galilee, the enemies of
Herod rose again, and cast many of his friends into the sea;
but they received no succor from Jerusalem.
38. Herod Supported by Marc Antony.
While Venditius defeated the Parthians, slew their king
and drove them out of Syria, Marc Antony revelled in
Athens, and brutally indulged in all the excesses of that
debased age and city, Avhere art and learning had become
the handmaids of the lowest sensuality. After a year of
degrading debaucher}', he was disturbed by Venditius, who
called him to the front. He went to Samosatha, which the
Romans besieged. Thither also went Herod, and brought
with him the friends and adulators of Antony, who lacked
the courage and skill to pass the hordes of Arabian robbers
infesting the country. This secured a friendly welcome to
Herod. Presents, promises and adulations reminded An-
tony that he had made Herod King of Judea, and Sosius
Avas sent with a large army to sup])ort him. Before this
army could reach Judea, Herod returned and, with his own
men, attacked Pappus, defeated his army, and slew him
with his own hands. When the winter approached, Antig-
onus saw himself confined to Jerusalem and its environs.
39. Jerusalem and Antigonus Captured.
Early in the spring of 37 b. c, the two large armies of
Herod and Sosius united before Jerusalem. Preparations
for a long siege had been made in the city, and one of the
most bloody conflicts was incessantly carried on betweea
THE LAST OF THE ASMONEAN RULERS. 205
tbe contending armies. Outside of the walls, there was
the superiority of numbers and generalship, and inside
death-defying bravery and infuriated hatred. However,
there were not a few Pharisees and Essenes in the city,
Abtalion and Shamniai among the former and Menahem
among the latter, who had prophesied the success of Herod,
and wanted to open the gates to him. Still their counsel
was disregarded by the warriors. A number of wonderful
escapes from imminent danger were made use of by Herod's
friends to show that he was heaven-sent and miracles had
been wrought in his behalf. This, undoubtedly, pacified
many and caused numerous believers in miracles to submit
to the apparent decrees of heaven. Still the defenders of
the city were resolved to fight to the last, and Herod was
obliged to build up slowly three lines of siege works under
incessant and bloody sallies from the city. While the siege
works were constructing he married Mariamne, Hyrcan's
grand-daughter, who was supposed to be the most beautiful
woman in her country. Eleven legions and six thousand
cavalry were encamped before Jerusalem. When the siege
works were constructed and the engines in position, the bat-
tering and storming commenced, and it took sixty days of
Lard fighting before the city was taken. The Romans poured
in like furies, massacred without discrimination, destroyed
and plundered, and none could stop them, not even Herod,
until he promised a special reward to each soldier for stop
ping the horrible work of destruction. Antigonus surren-
dered to Sosius and knelt before him praying for his life.
The haughty Roman called him Antigona, the woman, and
sent him to Marc Antony. After Sosius had received rich
presents and had made sacrifices in the temple to the God
of Israel, he left the city, and Herod, by the grace of Marc
Antony, was King of Judea.
40. The Crucified King of Judea.
Marc Antony intended to spare Antigonus and to bring
him to Rome to figure in his triumph. Herod, however,
was afraid the heroic and legitimate king might find friends
in Rome to plead his cause before the senate. Therefore,
he insisted that Antony should slay Antigonus,. and the
last of the Asmonean kings, b}' command of Marc Antony,
was crucified, 37 b. c. Strabo says he was beheaded, but
Plutarch, in his Life of Antony, and Dio Cassius (Book
XLix.), both state that he was crucified. Plutarch says that
this was the first king thus put to death by the Roman
206 THE LAST OF THE ASMONEAJT BULERS.
victor. Dio says, "Antony now gave the kingdom tcr-m^t^-
tain Herod, and, having stretched Antigonus on the cross
and scourged him, which had never been done before to a
king by the Romans, he put him to death." The sympa-
thies of the masses for the crucified King of Judea, the
lieroic son of so many heroic ancestors, and the legends
growing, in time, out of this historical nucleus, became,
perhaps, the source from which Paul and the Evangelists
preached Jesus as " The Crucified King of Judea."
HEROD AND HILLEL. 207
CHAPTER XIX.
Herod and Hillel.
1, Domineering Circumstances.
The victor had many admirers and many more feared
him. In the Sabbath year and on the Feast of Pentecost
(37 B. c), Jerusalem was captured. After all the carnage
by the Romans, Herod slew forty-five of the principal men
of the Antigonus party. The sons of Buta, kinsmen of the
Asmoneans, were also condemned to death, but they were
saved by one of Herod's officers (1). He gathered up all
the treasures he could find among the living or the dead,
and sent them to Marc Antony to secure to himself the
throne in Jerusalem. Pious souls saw in Herod the man
of destiny, but many more feared him, and trembled before
Rome's threatening sword. His title had been improved
through his marriage, for Mariamne and her brother were
the legitimate heirs to the crown according to the decree of
Julius Csesar and the more ancient grant of the Hebrews to
Simon and his heirs. But Hyrcan and his grand-son, Aris-
tobul III., were still alive, and Herod's title was that of an
upstart and usurper (2). He was either pious enough or suf-
ficiently prudent to protect the temple against every viola-
tion, and to have it honored also by Sosius, who dedicated
to it a golden crown ; still the priests must certainly have
been the enemies of him who caused the highpriest to be
scourged and crucified like a Roman slave. The Saddu-
cees and the entire aristocracy naturally hated and despised
(1) Josephus' Antiq. xv. 1. See Baba b. Buta ; Gitlin 57 ; Baha
Bathra .S ; Nednrhn 66 ; Kerithofh 97.
(2) Josephns calls Herod " the Great," which means " the Elder,"
as then the n:3~I was understood to distinguish one from the x-|»yT. the
second or third of the same name. Rapaport's Erech Mill in, p. 132.
203 HEROD AND HILLED.
him who took the power out of their hands and bestowed
it upon his favorites, most of them foreigners ; and among
the Pharisees the number of democrats and enemies of Rome
was certainly considerable. According to rabbinical tradition,
Herod slew all the rabbis, which is an exaggeration. Yet,
among the forty-five friends of Antigonus, who were slain,
there were, undoubtedly, also Phariscan senators. Under
such circumstances Herod mounted the throne of Judea to
govern a nation of democrats, soldiei's and personal enemies
of his. Under these circumstances only one form of gov-
ernment was possible, and that was absolutism. Herod's
cardinal crime, the imposition of absolutism, was the dic-
tum of circumstances.
2. Usurpations and Comtromises.
Herod, as far as possible, usurped all the powers of the
State. He took under his control the temple and the
priests. He appointed a personal friend of his, Ananelus,
an obscure Babylonian, highpriest, and organized a new
Sanhedrin under the elders of Bethyra, who appear also to
have been Babylonians (3). These elders were Pharisees,
although the doctors never acknowledged their authority as
bearers and expositors of the traditions, because they were
not sufficiently learned (4), and, perhaps, also because they
made a compromise with Herod in favor of absolutism, in
order to save some authority for the Sanhedrin. There are
on the Hebrew statute book three laws especially which
could have been enacted only by this Sanhedrin :
1. The king can not be a judge, hence no member of a
Sanhedrin, and can not be judged or tried for any crime;
he can not be a witness in any case, nor can anybody tes-
tify against him (5). This placed the king above the law.
2. The king may condemn to death b\' the sword, or
punish otherwise, without co-operation or interference of
any Court of law, any man who rebels against him (tiid
niD^oa), disobeys his commands, or pays not the taxes ; and
may cause to be slain any murderer, cleared by a Court of
justice on technical grounds (6). This justified the former
crimes of Herod and conferred on him absolute power.
(3) Bathyra, Josephus' Antiq. xvii., ii. 2.
^4) m^na '•^30 nJD^yns it na^n PesacMm 66 a, and paral. passages.
(5) MisHNAif, Sunhedrin ii. 2.
(6) Maimonides, Mishnah Thorah, Melachim iii. 8, 10 and iv. 1,
and sources in loco citate.
HEROD AND HILLEL. 209
3. The property of those condemned to death by the
king belongs to the king, while the property of all other
condemned criminals belongs to the proper heirs (7). This
justified all the robberies committed by Herod after the
capture of Jerusalem.
There are on record derived laws of this Sanhedrin
{Halaehoth)y but no legislative enactments {Teka-
noth) (8).
Herod being thus in possession of the fourfold power, the
executive, military, judicio-legislative and ecclesiastic, had
no objections to the continuation of the usual discharge of
duty by the Sanhedrin, scribes and priests, so long as none
interfered with the political affairs of his government.
Therefore all internal affairs of the country were apparently
undisturbed, although, for the first time since the days of
Antiochus Epiphanes, Judea was under the iron scepter of
absolutism.
3. Hyrcan Returns from Parthia.
Herod's throne was not secured yet. In the East, a
sister of Antigonus held Hyrcanium and the surrounding
country (9), which had to be taken from her by force of
arms. At home, his wife, her brother, and their mother
were the lawful heirs of the crown which he wore. Worst
of all, Hyrcan II., the king <^ejwre. was in the power of the
Parthians, who might place him on the throne of Judea, as
had been done with Antigonus. The fact that the ex-king
and highpriest was treated with kindness and distinction
by the king and the numerous Hebrews of Parthia, in-
creased Herod's suspicion. Therefore, b}" adroit manage-
ment, Hyrcan Avas persuaded to return to Jerusalem, and he
did so contrary to the advice of the Parthian king and
Hebrews, although the latter furnished ample means to
send him home in royal state. Herod received him affec-
tionately, and showered on him all the honors he could be-
stow, while in his heart he must have maliciously triumphed
in now having the whole family in his power.
(7) Maimonides ibkl iv. 9 and sources \hid. It is evident that these
laws did not exist before Herod, except No. 3, in the kingdom of
Israel (I. Kings xxi.) ; also that they were not enacted under Hillel
or any time thereafter.
(8) Sahhath 94 and 120; Pesachim 46 and 108; Guitlin 59;
Zebachim. 12 ; Menachoth 6.
(9) Jos. Wars I. xix. 1.
210 HEROD AND HILLEL.
4. Aristobul III. Appointed Highpriest and Slain.
Herod soon felt the influence of his mother-in-law,
Alexandra. She took it as an insult to her family, that an
obscure Babylonian was preferred to her son, who was the
lawful heir of the high-priestly dignity. She conspired
with Cleopatra, Queen of Egypt, and Herod was obliged to
depose his highpriest and appoint Aristobul III. in his
stead. When on the first day of the Feast of Tabernacles
(36 B. c.) the youthful Asmonean appeared at the altar in
the sacerdotal robes, the enthusiasm of the multitude
broke forth in loud and imprudent demonstrations. Herod
apprehended danger. He could not depose him, because
the young man's beauty and lawful claims might have
moved even Marc Antony in his favor. Herod kept Alex-
andra closely watched in his palace. She, nevertheless,
found opportunities to communicate with Cleopatra, and
was advised to come with her son to Egypt, to lay her
grievances before Antony. Preparations were made to
carry the mother and son out of Jerusalem in two coffins.
This was betrayed, the coffins captured and brought before
Herod, and when opened, Alexandra and her son stood be-
fore the king. The defense of Alexandra, confirmed by her
tears, was received by Herod in good grace, although the
doom of her son was sealed. He pardoned them and
treated them well. However, shortly after that, Alexandra
entertained the king and his courtiers at Jericho. The
highpriest was among the guests. In the afternoon the
young men went out to bathe in a fish-pond, the highpriest
was among them, and, as Herod had arrar ged it, he was
drowned by his companions. So perished Aristobul III.,
not quite eighteen years old. The lamentation of the
family was profound ; but Herod feigned to be the most
afflicted of all, he shed tears and broke forth in loud
lamentations over the irreparable loss. A magnificent
funeral, with royal pomp, covered the villainy of the king ;
but Alexandra communicated the facts to Cleopatra, and
she caused Marc Antony to take cognizance of the foul
assassination, Antony's legions had been defeated by the
Parthians, and he was obliged to join them in Syria; when
he was before Laoclicea. Herod was summoned to ajjpear
and defend himself.
5. Mariamne's Affection Alienated.
Guilty before his own conscience, Herod prepared (35
B. c.) for the possibilit}^ of a just punishment, which was
HEROD AND HILLEL. 211
death. He appointed his uncle, Joseph, regent in his
absence, with the particular charge to slay Marianme if
Antony should slay him. Joseph betrayed this secret to
the queen and her mother, who were amazed at the dis-
covery. The honeymoon was passed, Aristobul's death and
this horrid charge could only fill the queen's heart with
hatred and contempt for her husband. The ladies were
watched by the king's sister, Salome, who discovered their
intimacy with Joseph, and the change in Mariamne's con-
duct. A rumor being sj^read in Jerusalem that Herod was
tortured and slain by Antony, Alexandra desired Joseph
to send them to the Roman camp outside of the city, to
which he was not unwilling to give his consent ; and this
was also known to Salome (10). Meanwhile, letters from
Herod arrived, informing the queen how well his gifts,
adulation and plea were received by Antony, notwithstand-
ing Cleopatra's hatred ; and that Antony's decision was :
" It was not good to require an account of a king as to the
affairs of his government ; for at this rate he could be no
king at all, but that those who had given him that authority
ought to permit him to make use of it" (11) ; furthermore,
how Antony honored and distinguished him. Shortly after
Herod returned to Jerusalem and was informed by his
mother and sister of their suspicion. His sister accused
Marianme of criminal intercourse with Joseph. Being
treated by the queen with cold indifference, and learning
that she knew his secret orders to Joseph, Herod's jealousy
and anger were roused to fury. He was at the point of
killing her, and had Joseph executed without a hearing.
His domestic happiness was gone forever. He loved
M.ariamne passionately, and she hated him no less, and her
mother fully sympathized with her. On the other side,
there were Herod's mother and sister with their deadh^
hatred to the Asmoneans, and unshaken fidelity to Herod,
incessantly planning intrigues and poisoning the king's,
mind with malicious gossip.
6. Cleopatra Receives Jericho.
Cleopatra's friendship for Alexandra was not disinter-
ested. She intended to get possession of Palestine. This
failing, she obtained of Antony all the cities on the Medi-
terranean, except Tyre and Sidon, and also Jericho, with its-
(10) Antiq. XV., iii. 9.
(11) Ibid. Sec. 8. These last words refer distinctly to the com-
promise laws mentioned in our Section 2 of this chapter.
212 HEROD AND HILLEL.
balm plantations (12). Still, when returning from Syria,
whither she had accompanied Antony on his way to Ar-
menia, she was in Herod's power, he did not dare to kill
her, and agreed to farm for her Jericho and her Arabian
dominions, which proved a snare to cunning Herod, laid
for him by a still more cunning woman.
7. War with Arabia.
Returning now to Herod, we find him in time of peace
collecting men and money in order to be prepared for the
threatened rupture between Antony and Augustus. Cleo-
patra, however, had laid a snare for him. The King of Ara-
bia did not pay the imposed tribute. For some time Herod
paid it for him, but then he informed Antony of that king's
shortcomings. Cleopatra, hoping to become mistress of
either Arabia or Judea by a war between the two kings,
persuaded Antony to reject Herod's support, and to com-
mand him to invade Arabia, which was done, and Herod,
with his usual good fortune, was not engaged in the battle
of Actium. However, serious misfortunes were in store for
him at home. He invaded the Arabian territory and de-
feated the Arabs at Diosopolis. When at the point of de-
feating them a second time in the battle of Cana, Athenio,
the commander of Cleopatra's corps, unexpectedly turned
against him, and he was routed. This raised the spirit of
the defeated Arabs ; they rallied and fought Herod with
success, took his camp, slew many of his men, and -forced
him to retreat to the mountains, and then back to Jeru-
salem. At the same time the whole countr}^ was shaken
by an earthquake, in which about ten thousand persons and
a large number of cattle perished. The accounts of this
event being exaggerated and embassadors having been sent
to them by Herod to make peace, the Arabs presumed it
was easy now to take the whole country. Therefore, they
slew the embassadors and invaded Galilee. The Hebrews
were discouraged. The earthquake was taken to be an in-
dication of God's anger against his people. Some believed
the Avhole Avar unjust. It was waged on the Arabs because
they refused to pay a tribute to a foreign power. Herod
addressed his men assemljlod in Jerusalem (13). He spoke
like a bold warrior and prudent statesman, full of religious
sentiment and patriotic feeling. Most remarkable in that
(12) Ibid. Chap. iv.
(13) Antiquities xv., v. 3. undoubtedly taken from Herod's own
Commentaries.
i
HEROD AND HILLEL. 213
speech, perhaps, is the statement, " Although it was not
reasonable that Jews should pay tribute to any man living,"
etc., showing the position which he apparently occupied
between his people and the Romans. \V hen the sacrifices
had been made in the temple, Herod marched with his army
across the Jordan to meet the Arabs. He met and defeated
them in several battles ; seven thousand of them fell. The
survivors at last were besieged in their own strongholds,
and forced to surrender. The Arabs appointed Herod tbeir
governor, and he was made lord of the very country which
liad threatened his destruction.
8. Hyrcan's Death — Herod's Departure to Meet
Augustus.
This victory and conquest gained Herod many friends
and admirers, and made him so much more formidable to
his enemies. Still his misfortunes were not all over.
Meanwhile, Antony had been defeated by Augustus. This af-
forded the advantage to Herod, in that the surviving Asmo-
neans had no succor to expect from abroad ; but it also put his
crown in jeopardy, because he was the friend and supporter
of Antony to the last, and was now exposed to the mercy
of Augustus. His friends trembled at coming events, and
his enemies rejoiced over the probability of a change. Fear-
ing the latter might take advantage of the situation and
proclaim the hoary Hyrcan king, Herod, improving the
moment of his popularity, resorted to falsehood and forgery,
produced a letter ol Hyrcan to INIalchus, the King of Ara-
bia, written at the time that enemy liad the advantage over
Herod, in which Hyrcan proposed to leave Jerusalem and
seek refuge with the King of Arabia. The letter was deliv-
ered to Herod by Dositheus, the confidant of Hyrcan.
Alexandra was also implicated in the treacherous plot.
The document was shown to the Sanhedrin, and must have
called forth bitter indignation against Hyrcan from those
who believed in its authenticity. But it was a forgery.
Herod had cunningly appealed to prevailing feelings, and,
without trial or ceremony, the hoary Hyrcan, who had been
his and his father's benefactor, and had elevated them to th'^
highest positions, was slain (14). Neither the Sanhedrin
nor the people had the right to interfere in this case, as
Hyrcan stood accused of high treason (15). With the
(14) Josephus' Antiq. xv., vi. 2 and 3.
(15) See Section 2, Point 2d, of this chapter.
214 HEROD AND HILLEL.
blood of two highpriests and his own uncle on his conscience,
Herod made preparations to meet Augustus and his own
fate. He appointed his brother, Pheroras, regent in his
absence, sent his mother and sister to Massada, his wife,
Mariamne, and her mother, Alexandra, to Alexandrium,
placed this castle under the command of his treasurer,
Joseph, and Sohemus, of Iturea, and commanded them to
kill both of them in case any mischief should befall him ;
then he started for Rhodes (30 b. c).
9. HiLLEL AND MeNAHEM ElEVATED TO THE PRESIDENCY
Over the Sanhedrin.
The Pharisean savants seized upon this opportunity to
depose the Bethyra rulers of the Sanhedrin, and to elevate
Hillel and Menahem to the presidency thereof. It was in
the year 30 b. c, the first day of the Passover being on
Sunday, the question arose as to the time when the paschal
lambs should be slaughtered, which the Bethyra senators
either did not know, or, what is more likely, they could
give no reasons why the Sabbath might be profaned on ac-
count of that sacrifice. As Simon b. Shetach had done in
the days of Alexander Jannai to the Sadducean senators, so
the Pharisees did now to the Bethyrians : they forced them
to resign. The elevation of Hillel and Menahem was an-
other compromise with Herod. Menahem, the Essene,
was the king's favorite (16), and Hillel was too meek and
humane a man, a Babylonian without family connections in
Palestine, to become formidable to Herod. Menahem held
that position only a short time. He and his disciples were
appointed to executive offices by the king (17). He was
succeeded by another ftivorite of Herod, Shammai or Sameas,
the disciple of Abtalion (18). These two men presided
over tlie Sanhedrin, Hillel as JVassi, and Shammai as
Ah-£eth-Din, to a time after the death of Herod. Hillel
outlived Shammai (19), and, according to the Talmud, pre-
sided forty years. These two men opened a new period in
the history of literature and religion, and became the
founders of two schools called Beth Hillel and Beth
Shammai, with whom begins the scholastic rabbinical
(16) Josephus' Antiq. xv., x. 5. Menahem was considered a
prophet. Like Socrates to Alcibiades, he prophesied the crown to
the boy Herod.
(17) Hagitra 16 a and 6.
(18) Josephus' Antiq. xv., i. 1.
(19) Bezah20n; Hillel in Bruell's Mebo Hamishnah.
I
HEROD AND HILLEL. 215
period, the source of rabbinical Judaism with its vast
Talmudical literature, and of primitive Christianity with
its New Testament Scriptures. Therefore, it is necessary to
give some account of Hillel and Shammai.
10. Hillel's Origin.
Hillel became the ancestor of a line of princes of the
mind, whose influence on the Hebrews to the fifth century,
A. c, and, through them, on the civilized world, was very
important. Yet we know nothing of his youth. He was by
birth a Babylonian Hebrew (20), and a descendant of King
David, by one of his daughters (21). He came to Jeru-
salem to study the Law under Shemaiah and Abtalion (22),
and did so consistently, although lie was very poor (23).
Afterward his brother, Shabna, who was a merchant, sup-
ported him (24), and he became a great teacher in Israel.
He went back to Babylonia and then returned to Palestine
(25). as posterity said of him : " When the Law was being
forgotten in Israel, Hillel, the Babylonian, came up and re-
established it" {Succah 20), after the death of Shemaiah.
In Palestine, he had eighty disciples, among whom Jona-
than b. Uziel was most prominent, and Jochanan b. Saccai
least, although the latter mastered all the learning of his
age {SuGoah 28 a). Jericho, for centuries a priestly center,
was now under the protection of Cleopatra, hence, not
under the exclusive control of Herod. The men of learn-
ing met at Jericho and devised means to better the public
affairs. They met in the hall of Ben Gorion. INIost promi-
nent among them was Hillel, the meek Babylonian, distin-
guished no less for profound learning than humility and
humanity. One day, while the savants were assembled in
that hall, so the rabbis maintain (26), the Bath-Kol an-
nounced to them that there was one among them worthy to
receive the Shekinah, as did Moses of yore, only that his
generation was unworthy thereof; and all turned their eyes
upon Hillel. This signifies, in modern phraseology, that he
was looked upon as the greatest man of his age, worthy to
(20) Pesachmi 66 a.
(21) Sanhedrinb a; Horioth 11 6; Sabbath 56 a; Bereshith Rabba 98
*inD ^^n ; Yerushalmi Taanith II. ; Seder Hodqroth Art. Hillel.
(22) Pesachim, Ibid.
(23) Joma 34.
(24) Sotah 21.
(25) Mebo Ilamishnah p. 34
(26) Sanhedrin 11. DH'^y njnji inn'n xmj n^n n^pyn * * *
«tc, D-'Dtrn p h'\\> ni.
216 HEROD AND HILLEL.
be the Nassi of the Sanhedrin ; and his generation stood
in need of reforms.
11, HiLLEL AS A Teacher.
With Hillel begins the humanitarian and logical school
in Palestine, and he was its founder. The Hebrew mind
had already been turned to the Derashah, by Shemaiah
and Abtalion, i. e., to discover all the truth embodied in the
Hebrew Scriptures, traditions and history, and to find the
Scriptural basis for the various laws, customs, doctrines
and maxims handed down traditionally by the fathers.
The first difficulty was to master the traditional matter
which was too vast and unsystematical to be retained. It
was preserved partly in the protocols of the Sanhedrin
and partly in the private scrolls of teachers (onno n^Ji'.:i)>
grouped, perhaps, about Bible passages, from which it was
respectively derived, as is yet the case in the books Me-
CHiLTA, Saphra and Siphri ; but it was chiefly retained by
the memory of the scribes. Hillel began the work of codi-
fication. He laid down the outlines of the code, as accom-
plished two hundred years later in the Six Orders of the
MiSHNAH. He began the construction of general laws or
paragraphs from a number of particular decisions and
opinions in the syllabus form, called Halachah Peshutah,
" an abstract law," or Mishnah, '' a theorem," to serve as
mementoes to the traditional matter and the groundwork,
to systematical codification (27). Whether and how any
law, custom, doctrine or general principle was based upon
the Bible, was a main question with the learned. There-
fore, Hillel formulated the hermeneutics of the fathers in
seven rules of interpretation (28), to be the touchstone for
the existing material, and the guide for future interpreta-
tion. So he became the founder of the logical school.
12. The Humanitarian School.
With the death of Hyrcan II. the third phase of the
Kingdom of Heaven closed. The first phase, with the
proi)het as the visible head of the Kingdom, closed with the
prophet Samuel. The second phase, with a Davidian prince
at its head, closed Avith Nehemiah. The third phase, with
the highpriest at its head, closed with Hyrcan II. Herod
represented a foreign power. Now the fourth phase, to-
(27) Sed. Haddoroth Art. Hillel.
(28) Yerushalmi Pesachim vi. 1. Tosephta iv. Babli Ibid. 66 a^
HEROD AND HILLEL. 217
which Ezra had already laid the foundation, asserted itself
in the minds of the people, viz., the Law governs the
Kingdom of Heaven, and its legitimate expounders are the
highest authority in the Kingdom of God. The Pharisean
doctrine, with the religious idea to lead, and the political
one to be secondary, gained the ascendancy.' So it mattered
not whether Herod or another person collected the taxes
and fought the battles. But witliin the Law as man's
sovereign guide, the question arose, Which is most import-
ant, its ritual or its humanitarian contents? Hillel preferred
the latter. He maintained that the object of law is peace
and good will ; therefore, the principal law is, " Thou shalt
love thy neighbor as thyself," which he expressed in the
negative form, "Whatever would hurt thee thou shalt do
to none," and added thereto the most exj^ressive words,.
" This is the principal, the rest (of the Law) is its com-
mentary ; go and finish" {Sahhath 31 a). It is man's duty
to overcome selfishness, to increase his knowledge, to guard,
against vanity and haughtiness, and to use well his time in
perpetual self-improvement { Ahoth i. 13, 14). He admon-
ished his disciples not to seclude themselves from the cdm-
munity on account of Herod's government or the imagined
wickedness of the world ; not to place too much reliance in
one's own virtue and piety before the very day of death ; to
condemn none before one has placed himself in the situation
of the supposed sinner; and to speak clearly and intelligibly,
not in dubious or deceptive language (Ibid ii. 4). He gave
prominence to the ethical and humane contents of the
Books of Moses and the Prophets as the eternal element,
without opposition to the laws of the land and the customs
of the people ; and did so in practical life both as a private
man and as Nassi (29). Tlierefore, he made many prose-
lytes by mild suasion, without any attempt at miraculous
or mystic practices and words, was venerated as a saint, and
called by posterity a disciple of Ezra.
13. Hillel's Legislation.
The Hillel Sanhedrin must have enacted the laws gov-
erning the appointed high priests (30), as after the death of
Hillel, with the exception of a few years under Agrippa I.
and from 67 to 69 b. c, no Sanhedrin existed ; and the
Pharisean customs ruled at the temple, and were cautiously
(29) Sabbath 30 h and 31 a ; Kethnhoth 67 h.
(30) Yoma I ; Sanhedrin II., and the like.
218 HEROD AND HILLEL.
practiced also by Sadducean highpriests (31). To this cate-
gory must be counted the games during the Feast of
Booths (naNiCJTi rr'a nrratr) (32). These games in the
Court of Women, performed daily, except the first day of
the feast, after the close of the evening sacrifice, under
brilliant illuminations, music and song, in which gymnas-
tics and the artistic flinging and catching of knives and .
flambeaux were prominent, all of which being of Greek
origin, were introduced by Hillel, he, at least, is the first
man connected with them in the traditions, as an ofi"set to
Herod's introduction of the Greek games in Jerusalem, and
became very j^opular among all classes. Legislation for
the temple led afterward to mortifying difficulties raised by
the Shammaites against Hillel (33). Vowing animals and
things, or their value, to the sanctuary having become too
frequent, Hillel legislated against it, and it was established
that none must vow anything to the sanctuary {Korhan) (34),
except at the sanctuary, where the vow was to be fulfilled
at once (35). In regard to commerce two laws of Hillel are
recorded : First, the Prosbole, protecting creditors by a
legal instrument against the forfeiture of a debt in the
Sabbath year, as prescribed in Deuter. xvi. (36) ; and
the second, amending Leviticus xxv. 29, if one having
sold a house in a city, and after a year, as was his right,
wished to return the purchase-money and reclaim his
property, but the purchaser could not be found, that the
money be deposited with the legal authorities and the con-
tract annulled (37). The Courts kept records of all titles
and mortgages. A Sabbath law was also enacted by
Hillel. There was a dispute pending, whether apparent
labor {t\\2^) was prohibited on the Sabbath, and Hillel de-
cided it was not, and so it was held after him in regard to
the temple (jj^npon ni3cy ;\s) ; although outside thereof four
such apparent labors were prohibited on Sabbath and holi-
days, viz., to climb a tree, to ride an animal, to swim or to
make a noise by dancing, striking or hand-clapping in
(31) Yoma 19 h 'K -pn^^n nC'VO-
(32) Succah iv. and Talmud ibid. 53 a.
(33) TosEPHTA Hagigah II. closing passage and paral. passage.
(34) Marc vii., ii. Nedarim 25.
(35) Nedarim 9 b.
(36) Guitin 36 a.
(37) ErechinSlb. There is also recorded that Hillel eptablished
the law that bills of divorce to be legal must have the consent of the
woman to be divorced.
1
HEROD AND HILLEL. 219
hilarious amusements (38). In regard to the ordination of
judges and senators (na^no) the custom prevailed that
qualified judges, teachers and senators in a Court of three
could qualify others, who were then authorized judges and
teachers, eligible to the said offices and qualified to ad-
vance from Court to Court up to the Sanhedrin (39). But
in the days of Hillel it was established that such ordina-
tion could be bestowed only by the Nassi, or a person duly
authorized by him, and in the presence of the Ah- Beth-
Din (40). Physicians, however, could be licensed by the
Court of their respective homes. One more institution of
Hillel must be noticed ; he gave legal force to documents
informally written by laymen, and sanctioned the vulgar
dialect in legal documents as well as in public teaching
(41), which, up to his days, had to be done in Hebrew.
Therefore, this was the time when the Methurgam, " the
translator," was introduced in the synagogue to translate into
the popular dialect the passage read from the Law, and
Hillel's disciple, Jonathan b. Uziel, furnished a Syriac
translation of the Prophets, and an anonymous scribe fur-
nished a Syriac translation of the Law to assist the public
translators (42). During the life-time of Hillel the de-
cisions and enactments of the Sanhedrin were called after
him, as he was the Nassi, and but a few differences between
him and Shammai remained undecided. Not because
Hillel had said so, but because the Sanhedrin established it
so, it was a law. Some of Hillel's Hnlachnth were also re-
jected by his Sanhedrin (MiSHNAH ^a&a il/gs^«v. 9) (43).
(38) Baha Mezm i. 6.
(39) Hagigah ii. 2, Yerushalmi ibid., and Tosephta ibid. Bezah
y. 2. All other additional Sabbath laws (nn".^) are of a later origin.
(40) Sanhedrin 82 b ; Tosephta Shekalim end, and Hwjigah ii.
(41) Maimonides in Sanhedrin iv. 5. Baba Mezia 104 a; Aboth
i. 13.
(42) The translations mentioned must, of course, have been
Syriac and not Aramaic. The original translations must be sought in
the Peshito, of which the Onkelos and Jonathan Turgumrm to
Pentateuch and Prophets are later transcripts made for the Baby-
lonian Jews in the beginning of the third century. The tradition
that O.vKELos translated the Pentateuch in Hillel's time is old, and lias
found its way into Seder Had-doroth (See Hillel Huzakan), and to
Azariah De Ras.si's Mear Enai/nn. The word Onkelos need not be a
corruption of Aquila or Aquilas. It may have originally been
^yt:hp'^^ {Baba Bathra 0)% b and Tosephta III.), which signifies "a
writer," or Onmklos (21L3 DK*), which signifies "an anonymous person
of a good name," in either case the Mem is dropped.
(43) Tosephta Hagigah end of II. ; Edioth I. and Sabbath 15 a. See
Mebo Hamishnah.
220 HEROD AND HILLEL.
After the death of Hillel the difficulties of the two schools
had their beginning.
14. Shammai as a Teacher.
After the return of Herod, Menahem was replaced by
Shammai, of whose youth nothing is known except that he
was a disciple of Abtalion and a supporter of Herod. He
was a representative of the inflexible, rigid and thorough-
going Pharisees. He held to his master's maxim, "Let the
Law penetrate the mountain " (44), and so, in his expound-
ing the Law, he went to the extreme logical sequences (45)
of the written Law and the hermeneutic principle applied.
He held in his hand the twenty-four inch gauge (pjin nox)
like a scepter, as the insignium of strict justice and his
position among the highest of the Bo7iim, or Haherim (46).
In regard to the acceptance of j^roselytes, he was no less
rigid than in other points, and went to the extreme in the
laws on Levitical cleanness (47). Although he was high-
tempered and prone to anger, he advanced this maxim :
" Make thy (study and practice of) Law a fixed matter, say
little and do much, and receive every man with a friendly
countenance " (48). Shammai was of the opinion that the
Law, strictly and logically expounded and rigidly enforced,
was the only source of salvation, especially in his time, and
insisted upon the literal application of every Law of Moses
exactly as the terms of the Pentateuch suggest (49).
15. Hillel and Herod.
In temperament, Hillel was the direct opposite not only
of Shammai, but also of Herod. The latter was impetuous^
ambitious, high-tempered and haughty, while Hillel was so
gentle that nothing roused his temper (50), so placid that
men's whims never disturbed him (51), so meek, humble
and pliable, that he rather yielded to antagonists than mor-
tified them (52). Herod's ambition engendered in him that
ever-vigilant suspicion which led him from crime to crime ;
(44) S'lnhedrin 6 b.
(45) ToREPKTA, Erubin III. and Babli Sabbath 19 a. nm"l IV-
(46) TosKi'MTA Demni II.
(47) Kelliii xxii. 4; E'iioth i. 7 and 11.
(48) Aboth i. 15.
(49) Yoma 77 ; Succah 21 ; Yebamoth 15 ; Nazir 23.
(50) Sabbalh 31 and 32.
(51) Sabbnth ibid.
(52) Erubin 13.
HEROD AND HILLEL, 221
Mhile Hillel's meekness made him extremely confiding in
Ood and man (53). Hillel's ambition was learning for the
benefit of his fellow-men, and Herod's ambition was to ac-
quire power and glory (54). Therefore, Herod was under
the dire necessity of grasping large sums of money from
the people's wealth, and Hillel, always content, stood in
need of nothing (55), and yet could always aflbrd to be un-
commonly charitable (56). Herod represents the animal
intellect and Hillel the purest ethical intelligence. They
were natural evolutions of two parties among the Hebrews.
Herod was the product of the party of war, conquest, mili-
tary glory and dominion; and Hillel was an off"spring of
the Law, the party of the historical mission to the nations,
whose sole object was Monotheism, justice, charity and in-
telligence, the preservation, exposition and promulgation
of the Law.
16. Herod's Return.
All the reforms mentioned in the previous sections were
efiected in the reign of Herod. He returned to Jerusalem
confirmed in his dignity and power, his possessions en-
larged by the cities of Gadara, Hippos, Samaria, Gaza, An-
thedon and Joppa, and with Cleopatra's body-guard, pre-
sented him by Augustus. His friends rejoiced, his enemies
were silenced. He accepted the changes made by the Phar-
isees, appointed the Essenean Menaliem and his disciples
to high executive offices ; and Shammai was placed, with
Hillel, at the head of the Sanhedrin, so that, apparently, all
parties were satisfied. In the temple, too, it appears, he
made a compromise with the Pharisees. After the death of
Aristobul III., he reappointed Ananelus to the high priest-
hood, but removed him from office, and appointed in his
place Joshua (Jesus), a son of Fabus, and this was a Phar-
isean family of distinction. So Herod opened the second
period of his government evidently with the intention to
become just and give satisfaction to his people.
17. Death of Mariamne.
Mariamne made no secret of her hatred to her husband,
for Sohemus had divulged to her the secret orders of Herod
(53) Bprnchoth 60 a.
(54) Ahoth i. 12, 13, 14.
(55) Bezah 16.
(56) Kethuboth 67 h.
222 HEROD AND HILLEL.
Avhen he had left her and her mother prisoners at Alexan-
driuni. His love, however, was as violent as her hatred.
The king's sister and his mother never ceased irritating his-
wrath against his wife, and his domestic peace was lost for-
ever. In a fit of madness, to which he was subject, Herod
had Sohemus slain, convoked his slavish courtiers to a
council, and the sentence of death was passed on Mariamne,.
which the king, under the evil influence of his sister and
his mother, executed. Alexandra, to save her own life, re-
proached and insulted her innocent daughter as she went
fortli to meet her fate. But the last daughter of the As-
moneans, in greatness of soul and firmness of mind, equal
to her most valorous ancestors, died " without changing the
color of her face" (Josephus). Aristobul II., his sons,.
Alexander and Antigonus, Hyrcan II., and their grand-
children, Aristobul III. and Mariamne, rested now in peace ;
and Herod lived the miserable life of a wretched criminal in
remorse and self-contempt (29 b. c).
18. Death of Alexandra and Castoborus.
Shortly after Mariamne's death a terrible pestilence
broke out in Palestine, Herod left Jerusalem and went to
Samaria. Some of his best friends died. Remorse, violent
affection for his murdered wife, misery and superstition
tormented and reduced him to a raving skeleton. Alexan-
dra, hearing of his critical condition, schemed a plot to
save the kingdom for Herod's children, as she said, and de-
manded of the respective commanders possession of several
fortresses, which was at once reported to Herod. He slowly
recovered his health, but never again his temper, returned
to Jerusalem, and, without trial or delay, ordered the execu-
tion of Alexandra, and the last head of the Asmoneans was
laid low (28 b. c). Then Herod raged furiously against his
own friends, and slew also his brother-in-law, Castoborus,
the husband of Salome, from whom she had, contrary to
law, divorced herself, and then accused, together with other
friends of Herod, of plotting against him with Cleopatra.
Besides, Castoborus had rescued tlie sons of Buta, who were
also of the Asmonean race ; they were now betrayed by
Salome and slain with Castoborus (28 b. c), except Baba b.
Buta, who, being a disciple of Shammai, was spared, but
was deprived of his sight.
19. Innovation and a Revolt.
Having disposed of all the Asmoneans, and believing
himself secure on his throne, Herod began to imitate
HEROD AND HILLEL. 223
Menelaus and Jason by the introduction of foreign customs
and games. He built a theater in the city and an amphi-
theater on the plain, and appointed solemn games every
fifth year in honor of Csesar. He promised royal prizes for
the victors in chariot races, in the contests of gladiators
and naked wrestlers, beast fights and beastly combats of
condemned criminals, and to the best musicians. He dis-
played Caesar's trophies and inscriptions of his valorous
deeds, invited all nations by proclamation to come to the
games, and spent the people's money most pompously and
audaciously. But it all came to nothing; the childish and
barbarous ostentation and brutality of the Greeks would
not take root among the Hebrews. They were too earnest
and too manly for it. The citizens of Jerusalem rose
against the innovations. When they had been pacified or
overawed, ten men conspired against Herod's life, and
would have assassinated him in the theater, had not one of
his spies informed him in time, and kept him out of harm's
reach. The conspirators were arrested and put to death,
but soon after the spy was also caught and torn to pieces by
the populace, which led to the torture of women and the
extermination of whole families by the king, in his bloody
revenge. Still the Grecian games were suppressed in Jeru-
salem in spite of Herod's power and wealth.
20. Herod's Architecture.
Unable to Romanize his people in Jerusalem to please
his mighty patrons, Herod did it abroad at the expense of
his people, and especially by monuments of architecture,
while at home he gave to every new structure, also to the
rooms in his palace, an Augustan name. Providing first
for his own safety, he strengthened the fortifications of
Jerusalem, built himself a new palace at Acra, near its
northern wall, rebuilt three northern towers of Zion, and
called them respectively Hippicas, Mariamne and Phasael,
with another palace adjoining this latter tower, and en-
larged the old castle Baris in the north-eastern corner of
Mount Moriah, which he called Fort Antonio. These build-
ings placed Jerusalem and tlie temple under his control.
Apprehending that, nevertheless, he might one day be
ejected from his capital, he provided for the emergency- He
rebuilt and strongly fortified the city of Samaria, which he
called Sebaste, and did the same with Guba in Galilee,
which was the place of rendezvous for his cavalry. He also
enlarged and fortified Strato's Tower with its harbor, on the
224 HEROD AND HILLEL.
Mediterranean, and called it Csesaria. He placed in all
those new cities a large Heathen population, to rely upon
ill case the Hebrews should reject him. Thus secured be-
hind sti'ong walls and citadels, commanding the respective
cities, surrounded by a standing army and a host of vigi-
lant spies, he considered himself safe at home, and feared
no attacks from abroad except from Rome, where Augustus
and his wife were his mighty patrons. In the erection of
all these structures, however, Herod was guided by an ex-
cellent taste and sense of the beautiful. He erected for
himself architectural monuments. He also built Herod-
ium, a fortress near Jerusalem, Antipatris on the plain, and
Castle Cypros near Jericho. But he spent much more
money in foreign countries in the erection of 'architectural
monuments, water-works, fountains, parks, groves and ar-
cades, and encouraging the Olympian games, wliich made
him famous among foreigners for taste and munificence,
although his people had to pay oppressive taxes and de-
rived no benefit from the vast sums squandered in foreign
lands. Syrians and Greeks praised him as a benefactor,
and Augustus said of him, that he was worthy to wear the
crown of Syria and Egypt. He gave no little oftense to his
people by the erection of Heathen temples in Palestine and
outside thereof, while Hebrew soldiers under Alexander the
Great, at the risk of their lives, refused to assist in the re-
building of a Baal Temple. To please and appease the
Hebrews, Herod also rebuilt the temple of Jerusalem in the
grandest style, as we shall narrate further on.
21. The Famine.
While Herod was thus engaged in squandering the peo-
ple's money (24 b. c), a prevailing drought destroyed the
fruit, and a distressing fiimine prostrated the whole coun-
try, and swept away many victims. The public treasury
was exhausted and Herod was obliged to sell all the silver
and gold vessels he possessed to purchase grain in Egypt
for his starving people. He did it most munificently and
also assisted the Syrians, who suffered by the same calam-
ity. This benefaction, says Josephus, wiped out the old
hatred which his violation of the nation's customs had pro-
cured for him (57), and the famine turned out to his great
advantage.
(57) Antiq. xv., ix. 2.
herod and iiillel. 225
22, He Assists Augustus and Marries Again.
The same year Herod sent five hundred chosen men of
liis guard to assist Aelius Gallius in a war against the
Arabs, few or none of whom ever returned. Meanwhile,
tlie king fell in love with a priest's daughter. Her name
was Mariamne, her father's name was Simon, son of
Boethus. hailing from Egypt. Herod deposed the high-
priest of the house of Fabus and placed the Boethite in the
lofty position, and then married his beautiful daughter.
The Boethites were Sadducees. Four of them were liigh-
priests between 24 b. c. and 42 a. c, and they became the
theological expounders of Sadduceeism on Helenistic prin-
ciples. Therefore, the Sadducees were frequently called
Boethites (oTiirr'n) (-58). The Sadducees, deprived of polit-
ical power, became, through the teachings of the Boethites,
a religious sect.
23. Three Provinces Added to Palestine.
Herod's three sons by Mariamne, the Asmonean, were
his special favorites. He lavished all possible care and ten-
derness upon them. He sent them — Alexander, Aristobul
and Herod — to Rome to be educated. The last-named
died, and the survivors were placed in the house of Pollio,
one of Herod's intimate friends. But the emperor took
them to his palace, and afforded them all the advantages of
a princely education. He was so favorably impressed with
the lads, that he wrote to Herod that he might choose
either one of them as his successor, and his choice was con-
firmed in advance. At the same time, Augustus added to
Herod's kingdom the three provinces of Trachonitis, Aura-
nites or Iturea, and Batanea. which included the largest
portion of Coelosyria up to Damascus, and then north-east
beyond the 34° n. 1. to the Mediterranean, including the
seaport of Berytus (22 b. c). One Zendoborus had been
farming part of these provinces for the Romans, after An-
tony had slain Lysanius, its prince ; but that man had
made common cause with the numerous robbers who in-
fested those mountains. Herod overcame them and kept
the country under his iron sway, although Zendoborus was
alwa3's busy in stirring up sedition among his party. The
dissatisfied ones reached Augustus, and gave utterance to
their grievances. The emperor sent his friend, Agrippa, to
the East to govern the Asiatic provinces and to look into
(58) Yerushalmi, Yoma i. 5 ; Tosephta, Ibid. I.
226 HEROD AND IIILLEL.
into the affairs of the Coelosyrians. He took up his resi-
dence at Mitylene, on the Island of Lesbos and Herod went
there to defend his course. He succeeded well with the
Roman, who was his personal friend, and returned to Jeru-
salem. When he was gone, ambassadors of the people of
Gadara came to Agrippa to seek redress ; but he sent them
in chains to Herod, who had the moderation this time to let
them go unpunished (21 b. c.)- Next year Augustus came
to Syria. Again the parties complained, and again in vain.
He received Herod like a brother, and Avhen shortly after
Zendoborus died, the emperor presented the estates of the
deceased, Ulatha and Panias, to Herod. It was in this latter
place that the Hebrew king erected a temple to Augustus,
the god-emperor. It was not in Palestine proper, and tho
Hebrews could not oppose it ; although Herod's hypocrisy
and adulation must have rendered him contemptible among
honest men.
24. The Temple in Jerusalem Rebuilt.
Baba b. Buta, whom Herod had blinded, gave him the
advice to rebuild the temple on Mount Moriah, in order to
atone in j)art for the wrongs he had inflicted on his peo-
ple (59). Although he had been eminently successful with
Augustus, who also bestowed a tetrarchy upon Pheroras,
Herod's brother, he nevertheless knew that his people was
dissatisfied, and could not be governed altogether against
its will. He released his subjects of a third part of the
taxes without gaining in their favor. He prohibited all
public meetings, surrounded them with spies, imprisoned
many in the citadel of Hyrcania, where not a few were put
to death ; but it did not change the outspoken antagonism
against him. He demanded an oath of allegiance from his
subjects. However, not only the principal Pharisees, to
the number of six thousand, and among them also Hillel,
Shammai and their disciples (60), and all the Essenes re-
fused to take the oath ; but even his own brother's wife
secretly paid the fines imposed on them (61). He had
ample cause to know that something of extraordinary im-
portance had to be accomplished in order to overcome the
popular indignation. He obeyed the counsel of Baba b.
Buta to rebuild the temple. The people were neither ready
nor willing to assist him in this work. He made a very
(59) Baba Bathra 3 6 and 4 a.
(60) Josephus'Antiq. xv., x. 4.
(61) Antiq. xvii., iii. 4.
HEROD AND HILLEL. 227
flattering address to them, and yet many feared his craft
and hypocrisy. He promised not to tear down the old
building till the materials for the new were on the spot. In
one year and six months the priests built a new temple
upon the spot of the old, which was looked upon as the
n^ost gorgeous and most costly building of the age (19 to
17 B. c), and then the cloisters, corridors, towers and
arcades were rebuilt in the same magnificent st3de, all
much larger and loftier than in the old temple. Herod did
not forget to build a subterranean passage from Fort
Antonio to the eastern gate of the temple, and to put up a
golden eagle over the main portal to please Rome, and to
have easy access to the temple in case of need. It did not
rain at daytime, as long as the work was progressing, says
Josephus (62), so well was the Almighty pleased with that
sacred enterprise. However, neither this historian nor
Nicholaus, of Damascus, Herod's historiographer, tells us of
any particular enthusiasm among the people when that
gorgeous structure was dedicated to the service of the Most
High. The holy reminiscences connected with the old
building, now over five hundred years old, could not be re-
placed by a profusion of marble, gold or architectural
beauty, produced by the will of a despot. The spirit of
piety was missing in the beautiful forms of the new temple.
Herod decorated the interior of the temple with all the gold
and silver he could find, and replaced the golden vine at
the entrance. The anniversary of his ascension of the throne
was appointed as the day of dedication, the people and
numerous foreigners were invited to the gala day, hecatombs
were slaughtered, the altar was crimsoned with blood, and
the guests were royally entertained ; but no fire came from)
heaven, no enthusiasm from the heart of the dissatisfied peo-
ple ; the new temple was a mass of cold marble and gold.
Still thousands, and especially the priests, were well pleased
with the gorgeous structure, which was admired by all (63).
25. The Foreign Hebrews.
No Israelite was considered a foreigner in Palestine. It
was his country, and he was a citizen thereof, whenever he
claimed that right, although he w^as also a Roman, Alex-
andrian or Parthian citizen at his respective home. The
term " Foreign Hebrews " must be understood in regard to
(62) Antiq. xv., xi.
(63) Dibre Malchuth Baith Sheni.
228 IIEROD AND IIILLEL.
domicile. Those Israelites Avho lived outside of Palestine
looked upon the new tcmj^le Avith the same veneration as
they did upon the old one. They sent their annual con-
tributions as heretofore (G4). and came to Jerusalem, espe-
ciall_y on Passover, in very large numbers. Still, all over
the Roman Empire they maintained their rights as Roman
citizens, with freedom of worship, as Julius Caesar had
granted to Hyrcan IL, and Marc Antony had confirmed
after Caesar's death. Augustus also found occasion to re-
confirm their privileges, especially to those of Ionia, Libya,
Cj'rene and elsewhere, when the Greeks, disliking the Mono-
theism of the Hebrews, attempted to interdict their worship
and to prevent their sending of money to Jerusalem. But
the edicts of Julius Ca}sar Avere also enforced by Augustus.
In one case the decision was rendered by Agrippa in Ionia,
in presence of Herod, Nicholaus, of Damascus, pleading the
cause of the Hebrews. The other cases were decided in
Rome on presentation of the case by a deputation of He-
brews from Cyrene (65).
26. A Settlement of Babylonians.
Herod was no less hated in Trachonitis than in Pales-
tine. The robbers and guerrillas there, in sympathy with
the Arabs and with their own people, gave him much
trouble. When he was in Rome for a short time it was
given out that he was dead, and that whole province rose in
an insurrection against his authority. Returning from
Rome, he drove the robbers and guerrillas into their moun-
tain fastness, where they defied him. He slew the relatives
of those men all over the country, which made the evil
worse. This also involved him in a quarrel with Obedas
and Aretas, his successor. King of Arabia, and finally led
him to rashly invade that country. Augustus being in-
formed thereof was very angry at Herod, and it took all
the eloquence of Nicholaus, of Damascus, to restore
Herod in the favor of Augustus (66). In order to keep
(64) Josephns' Antiq. xvi., ii. and vi.
(65) Remarkable in the decree of Augustus, preserved by Jose-
phus (Antiq, xvi.. vi. 2), is the passage, "That the Jews have "^liberty
to make use of their own customs according to the laws of their
fathers, as they made use of them under Hyrcan, the iiigiipriest op
Almighty God," etc., these last words being a wonderful admission
by a heathen emperor, unless they refer to the title assumed by John
Hyrcan jv'iy ^x^ pD
(66) Josephus' Antiq. xvi., ix.
HEROD AND IIILLEL. 229
Trachonitis quiet Herod invited Zamaris, a Babylonian He-
brew, and his followers, to settle down in a position which
enabled them to keep the Trachonites peaceable. This
Zamaris was an exj^ert horseman and archer, and so were
all his followers, as well as most of the Parthians. He had
come with a hundred men to Syria, and the Roman gov-
ernor, Saturninus, had given them a new home at Valatha,
near Daphne. Herod invited this man and his followers to
settle in or near Trachonitis, in order to protect the pil-
grims to Jerusalem from the East. They were given land
in Batanea free of taxes and with considerable autonomy,
and built there the fortified village of Bathyra, which they
held to a time long after the fall of Jerusalem, a people
famous for valor and candor, no less than for expert horse-
manship.
27. Death of Mariamne's Sons,
Having narrated the public acts of Herod, we return to
his domestic life. This was a series of intrigues, cabals,
conspiracies, malicious accusations, hatred, torture of ser-
vants and friends, of misery and wretchedness to Herod,
horror and death to his courtiers and three of his sons. In
the year 16 b. c. Herod went to Rome and came back to
Jerusalem with his two sons by the Asmonean Mariamne,
Alexander and Aristobul. Thereupon Alexander married
Glaphyra, daughter of Archelaus, King of Cappadocia, and
Aristobul married Bernice, Herod's niece, the daughter of
Salome. The hopes of the nation Avere centered in these
two young princes. Therefore, they were hated by Herod's
family ; for Salome, no less than Pharoras, entertained
hopes of securing the succession. On the other hand, there
were Herod's first wife, Doris, and her son, Antipater, who,
by right of primogeniture, was the future King of Judea.
Nor was the second Mariamne, with her son, Herod, inac-
tive in her own behalf So the intrigues, treacheries and
mutual denunciations began in Herod's palace. The two
princes, who were mere children when their mother was be-
headed, had, nevertheless, learned of it in Rome, and looked
upon their father as the murderer of their mother and her
whole family, and disliked him heartily and frankly. This
roused Herod's suspicion against them, and he saw the
specters of his own guilt in his sons. Salome understood
the diabolical art of poisoning Herod's mind, and he soon
saw nothing but fratricides and regicides. Herod having
again taken Doris and Antipater into his palace, the con-
230 HEROD AND HILLEL.
spiracies of the women and the wickedness of Antipater
were unbounded, till he accused Alexander, the heir ap-
parent, of having attempted to poison his father. Herod
took Alexander to Rome before Augustus, who declared him
innocent, and reconciled the father and son. The ingenuity
of the conspirators was not yet exhausted. Again they
found means to arouse Herod's suspicion, and Alexander
was put in chains again after Pheroras and Salome had been
pardoned for their part in a plot against the king. Arche-
laus, the father-in-law of Alexander, came to Judea, and by
his prudent management he succeeded in reconciling father
and son, and in persuading Herod that his evil inclination
to suspect everybody and to give credence to every ma-
licious gossip was the cause of all his troubles. It did not
last long. A wicked man, Eurycles, conspiring with Anti-
pater, being well paid by the latter, ingratiated himself with
the king, won his confidence, and cautioned him against his
sons, Alexander and Aristobul, who, he said, were anxiously
awaiting an opportunity to assassinate their father. They
were arrested and put in bonds. Augustus gave permission
to have them tried at Bery tus, where a Court of Roman and
Syrian dignitaries heard Herod's violent accusations. The
sons and their advocates were not heard, and the Court con-
demned them to death. An outcry of horror shook the
land. An old soldier, Tero, had the moral courage to tell
the king that justice was trampled under foot, truth was de-
fied and nature confounded. But he and many others were
arrested, and another plot was spun by the three furies,
Salome, Pheroras and Antipater, a number of soldiers, and
Trypho, the barber, were slain. The two princes were sent
to Sebaste, and there put to death by strangulation, and
their remains were sent to Alexandrium (6 b. c). So Herod
destroyed first the Asmonean and then his own dynasty ;
for with the death of these princes the hopes of his family
among the Hebrews were destroyed.
28. Pheroras and his Wife Banished.
One of the conspirators at Herod's Court was his brother,
Pheroras. and his wife, who had paid the fines for the Phari-
sees. They had prophesied to her and her successors the
crown of Judea, which had cost their lives. Herod de-
manded of his brother to abandon his wife, which he re-
fused to do. The king then commanded his son, Antipater,
and his mother, to hold no intercourse with Plieroras and
his wife, and enjoined upon the latter to avoid the company
HEROD AND HILLEL. £31
of the women at Court. Still Antipater and Pheroras, with
his wife, frequently met at the rooms of Antipater's mother,
iind it was given out that he had criminal intercourse with
his aunt. The actual cause of their intimacy, however, was
not yet known. Antipater, at his own request, was sent to
Rome with rich presents and the last will of Herod, which
appointed Antipater his successor, and in case of this
prince's untimely death, the throne should be inherited by
Herod Philip, the son of the second Mariamne. Pheroras
^nd his wife were banished from Jerusalem, and he swore
never to see the king again. Shortly aftei-, however, Phe-
roras fell sick and Herod came to his residence. Soon after
the banished prince died, and Herod brought back his re-
mains to Jerusalem, and had them interred with high
honors. The death of Pheroras became the cause of Anti-
pater's downfall.
29. The Fall of Antipater and the Highpriest.
Antipater. was his father's equal in wickedness, and on a
level with Salome in designing intrigues and plotting con-
spiracies. When the three conspirators had succeeded in
disposing of the sons of the Asmonean Mariamne, the con-
spirators operated against one another ; this time Salome
against Antipater and Pheroras. The end was the journey
of Antipater to Rome and the banishment of Pheroras.
His death was unfortunate for his wife, for she was accused
of having poisoned him. A searching investigation fol-
lowed, the torture was applied, and the discovery made, that
Doras and her son, Antipater, hated the king, and were
anxiously awaiting his death ; and that the poison dis-
covered in possession of Pheroras' wife had been sent to
her by Antipater, while on his way to Rome, to be
administered to Herod. These facts being established,
Doras was driven from the palace, and epistles dispatched
to Rome to bring back Antipater, under the pretense that
the king was very sick and desirous of seeing him. Also the
second Mariamne was found guilty of conspiracy and driven
trom the palace, her son was disinherited, her father re-
moved from the high priesthood. This office was given to
Matthias, son of Theophilus, who was replaced shortly after
by Eleazar, son of Boethus. Antipater returned, was ar-
rested and tried before Quintilius Varus, then President of
Syria. Nichnlaus, of Damascus, was the accuser and prose-
cutor, and Antipater was condemned to death. He was
bound and sent to the royal castle at Jericho, and the whole
232 HEROD AND HILLEL.
matter was referred to Augustus. Augustus said he would
rather be Herod's swine than his son. The last will of
Herod was changed, and he himself approached his end.
80. Special Sins of Herod.
A special sin of Herod was that he took it upon himself
to sell burglars as slaves to foreign countries, which, like
the eagle upon the temple, violated the laws of the country
(67). This, being a direct interference with personal rights
and freedom, was considered one of his most unpardonable
sins. His next special sin was that he opened and entered
the sepulchre of King David (68). He stood in need of
money, had heard that there were treasures in that sepul-
chre, 23art of which only John Hyrcan had taken out, and
went down to secure the remainder. Naturally enough, he
found nothing except a few golden ornaments, which he
took, and escaped with empty hands and a distressing
fright. He built a propitiatory monument of white stone
at the entrance of that ancient structure, which did him
no good, for the people were convinced that his domestic
miseries, which made him the most wretched man in Is-
rael, came upon him with renewed violence in consequence
of that sacrilege. Polygamy, which had become extinct,
at least among the kings and princes, was reintroduced by
Herod, who had no less than nine wives, six of whom were
blessed with children. Another of his special sins was the
reintroduction of the Olympian games, this time in the
heathen city of Sebaste (8 b. c), when all the buildings of
that city were completed. Under tlie most disgusting pomp^
ostentation and extravagance, to which also Julia, the wife
of Augustus, contributed her share, the revolting displays
of naked brutality tainted by Grecian art were enacted
before a hilarious company of foreigners and domestic adu-
lators and slaves (69). The games were established by the
king, to take place every fifth year, but it did not come ta
pass. If anything more had been necessary to disgust the
people with the hoary sinner these games would certainly
have been sufficient.
31. The End of Herod.
Herod had grown old. Although he spent much of his
time in corporeal exercises, dyed his hair and beard, painted
(67) Antiq. xvi. 1.
(68) Antiq. xvi., viii.
(69) Antiq. xvi., v.
HEROD AND HILLEL. 233
his face and changed domicile frequently, his health and
strength failed. The baths of Callirhoe afforded him no
relief. His disease grew on him. He was always hungry,
and every bite of food gave him terrible pain. His body
was swollen, and emitted a pestilential stench. The bath
of perfumed oil did him no good ; there was no relief for
him either bodily or spiritually ; he was the most wretched
man in his country. All his crimes loomed up in his mind
and tormented him,Avhile he suffered the most intense phys-
ical pain (70). Yet the list of his crimes was augmented
in the last days of his life. Two Pharisean teachers, Judas
b. Saripheus and Matthias b. Margoloth, falsely informed
of the king's death, excited their disciples to a rash act of
public disturbance. They threw down the golden eagle
from the temple gate. The two teachers and forty young
men were arrested and condemned to death by Herod for
sacrilege. They died heroically on the pyre, and left to
Herod's successor a terrible legacy of popular hatred.
Shortly after, Herod, under the influence of tormenting
pains, attempted suicide, which was thwarted by his ser-
vants. The noise to which this event gave rise in the
palace at Jericho, reached Antipater's prison. Believing
his father dead, he made seductive promises to his jailer to
set him free. Herod learning how his son rejoiced over the
liews of his father's death, ordered his immediate execu-
tion, Augustus had decided not to interfere, and the head
of plotting Antipater fell five days before the death of
Herod. The last villainy of Herod was, that he had cap-
tured many of the most prominent men, kept them cap-
tives in the hippodrome at Jericho, to be slain after his
death, so that the nation should mourn for them, as he
knew none would mourn for him. But this act of barbarity
(70) Matthew's story of the massacre of the babes in Bethlehem
can not be true. No other book of the New Testament or outside
thereof mentions this atrocious deed. Herod's misdeeds were not
committed in direct violation of Jewish law, and tliat slaughter
would have been an exception so shocking in its nature that it must
have been recorded. The story of Matthew is based upon an astro-
logical superstition, with a star moving from east to M^est. Mattliew
misinterprets a passage of Jeremiah and then turns it to a fact, so
that his intention to write a legend for public use can not be misun-
derstood. Besides all this, Luke directly contradicts Matthew's gen-
ealogy of Jesus and the story of his nativity, which lie replaces by
another legend ; so that John rejected both, and no other New Testa-
ment writer refers to the birth of Jesus or any circumstances con-
nected with it. Perhaps Matthew intended to refer (hke Luke) to
Archelaus, who was also called Herod.
234 HEROD AND HILLEL.
was not executed. A few days after (3 b. c. (according to
Jewish count 4 b. c), in the year 751 of Rome), on the
second day of Shebat (71), after a reign of thirty-four
years (72), and at the age of seventy, died the most wicked
and most Avretched king of the Hebrew people, cursed by
many and himented by none. Herod was great as a soldier
and statesman. He enlarged the boundaries of Palestine,
improved the country, advanced the arts of civilization,
and gained Rome's respect and good will for the Hebrew
people. But he was the assassin of the Asmoneans, the
executioner of his kinsmen and friends, the heartless des-
pot of his antagonists, as all Roman rulers of his time
were, and a most abominable fury in his old age. Yet he
respected the religion, worship, laws, customs and private
rights of his people ; so that aside of his family and cour-
tiers, none but political offenders were maltreated by him,
and the complaints against him rose not only from the
heavy burdens of taxes which he imposed, as they had also
risen against King Solomon after his death ; they rose
chiefly from the offense which he had given to the moral
feelings of many, the general antagonism against the for-
eign power and the imposition of despotism on the Hebrew
people, which made his name odious among his people.
And yet there was in Judea a party of Herodians after his
death who gratefully remembered the great services he had
rendered to his country.
(71) Meguillatpi Taanith xi., which was made a half holiday.
(72) Josephus' Antiq. xvii , viii. 1 ; Wars I. xxxiii. The Evange-
list Matthew was the only cause why Christian writers, contrary to
all sources, gave to Herod a reign of thirty-seven or thirty eight
years, so that he must have died in the year after the birth of Jesus
of Nazareth. But tliere are the following objections: 1. The begin-
ning of the Christian era fixed by the Dionysius Exiguus, in the
sixth century, is now generally admitted to be inaccurate liy four
years (See Chronology in Harper & Bros.' Cyclopfedia of Biblical
Theology, etc.), so that it is supposed Jesus was born 4 b. c, which is
no less an error, while it is certain that the eclipse of the moon in the
year of Herod's death was March 13, 4 b. c. (Josephus' Antiq. xvii.,
vii. 4). 2. According to Luke, Jesus being born in tlie year of a Roman
census, it must have occurred in the year 6 or 7 a. c, when the cen-
sus described by Luke was taken (See Prideaux's Old and New Testa-
ment, etc., in Anno 5 B. c. and 8 a. c).
I
THE FRUITS OF DESPOTISM. 235
CHAPTER XX.
The Fruits of Despotism.
1. Herod's Last Will and Burial.
Herod left by his nine wives, besides the grandchildren
of the Asmonean, Mariamne, also the following children :
By Mariamne, daughter of the highpriest, Herod, Philip,
and three more children ; by Malthace, Archelaus and An-
tipas ; by Cleopatra, Philip and two more children ; by
Pallas, Phedra and Elpis, one child each ; and three of his
wives were childless. Archelaus married his deceased
half-brother's (Alexander's) wife, Glaphira, whose children
b}'- Alexander were Alexander II. and Tigranes. Herod's
last will was that Arclielaus should inherit Judea, Idumea
-and Samaria ; Philip should receive Auronitis, Trachonitis,
Paneas and Batanea ; and Antipas, Galilee and Perea; the
income of the cities of Jamnia, Ashdod and Phasaelis, with
a sum of 500,000 drachma?, he willed to his sister Salome.
He also made provision for the rest of his children, and
willed most all liis money, precious vessels and garments to
Augustus and his wife. Herod Philip, the son of the
second Mariamne, was given a legacy but no claims in the
succession. Therefore, immediately after the death of
Herod, Archelaus assumed the royal authority. AMien Sa-
lome's husband, Alexa (1), had dismissed the captives in
the hippodrome at Jericho, and Herod's letter to the army
had been read, arrangements were made to bur}', in royal
pomp, the half rotten bod}' of the deceased king ; and it
Was carried out with all the barbarous luxury and ostenta-
tion, as if Herod himself, with all his vainglory, had ar-
(1) This Alexa, called in the Talmud N'DD^N or NDD^, an abbre
"viation of Alexander, died at Lvdda, where great honors were be-
stowed on him by the savans of his day {Chagiga 18 a).
236 THE FRUITS OF DESPOTISM.
ranged the matter. He was buried at Herodium, and then
followed seven days of mourning. The patriots declared
the day when the captives were dismissed from the hippo-
drome a half holiday {Meguillath Taanith xi.).
2. Archelaus Accepted.
The Hebrew people were willing to submit to Archelaus,
and expected reforms. When after the days of mourning
he Avent to the temple, he was received with demonstrations
of loyalty. A throne of gold had been placed on a plat-
form in the temple court, which Archelaus mounted and was
received with popular acclamation. He returned thanks,
and informed the multitude that he could not accept the
diadem before it was granted him by Augustus. He ex-
pressed his hopes that this would be done and his promise
to be " better than his father." The people believed him,
and demanded the release of all political prisoners, and a
reduction of taxes. Archelaus promised all this and much,
more, in order to keep them attached to his cause.
3. The Dissatisfied Party.
The two teachers, and their forty disciples, slain by
Herod and buried like brutes, had left too man}' friends and
disciples in the city to be forgotten in so short a time. The
teacher had become the highest and most sacred personage.
He was the highpriest of his disciples, their living library
and prophet, who was to be honored above all men ; as the
sage was considered higher in authority than the prophet,
and the learned bastard preferable to the ignorant high-
priest. The head of a school was looked upon as the high-
est of all mortals. But Herod had two of them and forty
of their disciples slain and buried like condemned rebels ;
and the survivors demanded retribution. They assembled
in groups and lamented their loss, till many sympathized
witii them. Then they demanded of Archelaus the punish-
ment of those who were connected with that execution, and
the removal of the Boethite highpriest, Joazar, whose the-
ology was abominable to them, and whose predecessor
in office, Matthias b. Theophilus, was removed on account
of his complicity in that affair, which cost those tenrhers'
lives (2). Archelaus was embarrassed. He did not like ta
(2) Antiq. xvii., vi 4; ix. 1. Matthias, the teacher, had beea
biirnt alive, and that very niplit therft was an eclipse of the moon.
Did not the Evangelists imitate this situation?
I
I
I
THE FRUITS OF DESPOTISM. 237
exercise any sovereign authority before he had obtained
the Roman sanction to his father's testament ; and had a
sedition before him in Jerusalem. Tlierefore, he promised
to do all they had demanded as soon as he should be con-
firmed in his office by Augustus. But those men did not
care for promises, they demanded speedy action. They
■would not listen to the king's messengers, and continued
their public meetings and clamors in the temple, and the
number of sympathizers grew rapidly, augmented by the
usual number of seditious persons. They kept up the ex-
citement to the Passover Feast, when they found numerous
sympathizers among the pilgrims. Archelaus sent soldiers
to the temple inclosure to arrest the leaders, but they over-
powered the troops He ordered an attack in force upon the
pilgrims inside the temple inclosure, while those outside
thereof were prevented by cavalry from assisting them.
Three thousand of the multitude were slain, and the rest
iled in dismay, carrying all over the land the tidings of the
bloody deed, which was the signal for one of the worst in-
surrections in the history of the Hebrews.
4. All go to Rome.
The city being quiet again, Archelaus appointed his half-
brother, Philip, regent, and left Jerusalem accompanied by
his mother, Nicholaus, of Damascus, and other friends and
advocates, to go to Rome. At Csesarea he met Sabinus, the
treasurer of Augustus, who had come to take possession of
Herod's treasury. This was momentarily prevented by
Varus, the Governor of Syria. Now Archelaus started for
Rome. But he was followed by Salome and her children,
Antipas and his mother, with his advocates, each claiming
the crown from the hands of Augustus. Besides, there
came afterward to Rome fifty ambassadors of the Hebrew
people encouraged by Varus, and they were supported by
eight thousand Hebrew residents of Rome, to remonstrate
against the whole Herodian family, and to obtain the liberty
of living according to their own laws (3), or to be joined to
the province of Syria (4). This embassy was also followed
by Philip, who had some hopes of receiving the crown. The
greatest orators of the age were engaged. by the contesting
parties, and all sorts of intrigues were enacted. It took
Augustus a long time before he could decide. The people's
(31 Antiq xvii , xi.
(4) Wars TI. vi. 2.
238 THE FRUITS OF DESPOTISM.
ambassadors, of course, were overruled in Caesarian Rome.
At last the various parties were disappointed and Herod's last
will was confirmed, although it was also partly opposed by
Varus and Sabinus. Archelaus was confirmed as ethnarch
of Judea, Idumea and Samaria, with the exception of the
three cities of Gaza, Gadara and Hippose, which being in-
habited by foreigners, were taken to Syria. Galilee and
Perea were given to Antipas. Philip received the four
northern principalities. Salome received what Herod had
bequeathed to her and a royal palace at Askalon. The
money willed to Augustus was given to Herod's daughters,
and he gave them in marriage to the sons of Pheroras.
Before this decision was rendered the following bloody
drama was enacted in Palestine :
5. A Second Cause of Rebellion.
Varus had accepted the task of keeping Jerusalem quiet.
He came to the city and found its citizens peaceable. He
left a Roman legion there and returned to Antioch. A few
days later Sabinus, contrary to his promise given to Varus
to await the decision of Augustus, seized the citadels of
Jerusalem and searched for money, wherever he thought
there was any to be found, to satisfy his notorious avarice.
This outrage on the rights of a people roused a bitter
hatred in the country against the foreign robber. The
Feast of Pentecost approaching, people from all parts of
the land came in large numbers, and an organization was
effected. Divided in three corps, they took such positions
that Sabinus and his soldiers were beleaguered. Sabinus
fled to the tower of Phasael, wrote urgent letters to Varus,
and then commanded an attack on the Hebrews. The
latter were defeated, but immediately rallied again and drove
the Romans and Herodians from their positions. Sabinus
succeeded in setting fire to the temple cloisters, so that the
whole building was in danger. This carried confusion and
death into the ranks of the Hebrews. The Romans rushed
into the temple, seized its treasury, and achieved a
momentary victory. The Hebrews mllied again, a number
of Herod's soldiers fraternized with them, and they jDressed
Sabinus into the royal palace, where they besieged him.
They demanded that he and his men should leave the city,
or else all of them should be burnt in the palace. Expect-
ing the arrival of Varus, he did not capitulate, and the
siege was vigorously pressed until the approach of Varus,
several weeks after, terrified the multitude, which left the
THE FRUITS OF DESPOTISM. 239
city and afforded the citizens of Jerusalem the opportunity
of denying every connection with tlie rebels.
6. Detached Rebellions.
The people all over the land were exasperated by the
bloody work done in Jerusalem during Passover and Pente-
cost, and the whole land was ripe for rebellion. It broke
out simultaneously in all parts of the country, without
fixed design or unity of action. In Idumea, two thousand
of Herod's veterans, most likely those who had fraternized
with the people in Jerusalem, raised the standard of rebel-
lion, forced Achiabus, Herod's cousin, with his corps to re-
treat into the fastnesses of the mountains, and succeeded
in organizing a force of ten thousand men with relations of
Herod among their commanders. The real object of this
party is unknown. Meanwhile a slave of Herod, Simon,
excited an insurrection in Perea, collected a considerable
force of fighting men and crossed the Jordan. He burnt
the royal palace at Jericho and other royal edifices, after he
had plundered them, and had been proclaimed king by his
followers. In the north two disconnected parties rose in
rebellion and did terrible execution. One was the gigantic
shepherd, Athronges, with his four brothers, who was pro-
claimed king. He came down from the Upper Jordan, de-
feated the Romans, and drove them as far as Sebaste. Mean-
while the Galilean democrats raised their standard under
Jucla, of Gamala, the son of the so-called robber, Ezekias,
whom Herod had slain. He took Sepphoris with the arms
and treasures stored there, and earnestly strove to restore
the republic. Besides these, smaller parties of guerrillas rose
and ransacked the country. All these parties fought the
Romans and Herodians, although they also afflicted many
non-combatant citizens, and plunged the whole country into
miser}^ without hope of success, on account of the selfish-
ness of the various leaders. Had Juda, of Gamala, been
the man to unite the rebellious factions, a new epoch might
have opened. The reign of absolutism had demoralized
the Hebrews.
7. The Campaign of Varus.
The Roman legion and the royal troops were helpless
amid those commotions. Varus, on receiving the letter
of Sabiniis, immediately concentrated his two legions and
the auxiliary troops at Ptolemais, and marched with
three columns into Palestine. The various parties were
240 THE FRUITS OF DESPOTISM.
successively overthrown or checked, Sepphoris was burnt
and its inhabitants sold into slavery, Enimaus and other
cities suffered a similar fate, and Varus arrived at Jerusa-
lem in time to save Sabinus with all his stolen treasures.
Besides all the cities burnt and the people sold as slaves,
two thousand Hebrews were crucified, and the relatives of
Herod engaged in the rebellion were punished in Rome.
Still the insurrection was not entirely overcome. Athronges
held out a long time after that event. Now Varus gave his
permission to the popular party to send an embassy to
Rome, as mentioned above. But a nation's woes and a
dynasty's crimes did not weigh much in Caesarian Rome,
where selfishness and sensuality over-balanced every an-
cient virtue. The brief and bloody campaign {Polermi^)
of Varus not only cost thousands of lives, and millions of
property destroyed and stolen by Romans and marauding
Arabs, but also a portion of the archives in the temple were
destroyed with the burning cloisters (5). The nation bled
from a thousand wounds. Now the sons of Herod could
return to take possession of the down-trodden country,
8. Dissolution of the Sanhedrin.
The campaign of Varus, which was twenty-six years
after Egypt had been a Roman province, and the last
vestige of the Greco-Macedonian supremacy had disap-
peared (6), closed also the Hillel Sanhedrin, and opened in
the history of Rabbinism the eighty j^ears of the two
schools of Beth Hillel and BethShammai (□^iiroK' bv pm
njB'). No Sanhedrin is mentioned any more in the sources,
except under Agrippa I. and during the war before the fall
of Jerusalem. The Shamaites began their opposition to
Hillel and his school by re-enacting the laws of Jose b.
Joezer, declaring all foreign countries and imported vessels
unclean, as a barrier between Hebrews and Gentiles, and an
inducement to immigration from foreign countries. Hillel
had yielded to Shammai and his school in many points re-
lating to Levitical cleanness (7), and was obliged also to
yield to that extreme measure, for the Shamaites were in
the majority, and so fanaticized that the sword was drawn,
and Shammai proposed measures still more extreme. But
Hillel left his seat, and, like an humble disciple, sat down at
(5) Joseph. Contra Apion i. 7. See Graetz Vol. III. Note 21.
(6) Abodah Sarah 8 h and paral. passsages.
(7) Sabbath 14 b wTn bv nNOlC iin hhn) "XOt*^
THE FRUITS OF DESPOTISM. 241
the feet of Shammai, which assuaged the excited cham-
pions, and the Sanhedrin quietly dissolved itself into two
schools. " This day," saj^s the chronographer, " was as un-
fortunate to Israel as was the one when the golden calf was
made " (8). Shammai died three years and a half after this
event (9), hence 2 a. c. Then the Bath-lcol announced that
the laws should be practiced according to the Hillel de-
cisions ; but the Shamaites did not yield (10). It is not
ascertained how long after that Hillel died. The connec-
tion of these violent disputes with the rebellions after the
death of Herod is certain. The Shamaites were partisans
of Juda of Gamala, and ready to initiate a revolutionary
movement as in the time of Mattathia and his sons ; while
the Hillel men were the advocates of peace and moderation.
9. The Sons of Herod.
In the same year (2 b. c.) the sons of Herod returned
from Rome. Archelaus took up his residence in Jerusalem.
Herod Antipas rebuilt Sepphoris and Bethramphta, calling
the latter Julius, and making the former his residence, till
after the death of Augustus, when he built the city of
. Tiberias on lake Genesareth. There and in the neighboring
Emmaus were the hot springs. Tiberias being built upon
a spot of many sepulchres, the Hebrews refused to dwell
there, so that Antipas was under the necessity of popu-
lating it with foreigners, and forcing Hebrews to take up
their residence in that unclean city (11). Philip took up
his residence at Paneas, at the fountains of the Jordan,
where he built the city of Cajsarea (Philippi). He also
made a city of Bethesda, at the head of lake Genesareth,
and called it Julia. Among these princes Philip proved to
be the best and Archelaus the worst.
10. The Government of Archelaus.
Archelaus, on his return to Jerusalem, divorced his wife
Mariamne and married Glaphyra, his brother's widow, who
had children by her first husband. This, although no direct
(8) Sahhnth 17 a. Tosephta IhicJ. I. refers to a later date as the
time when those extreme measures were adoi:)ted, as a momentary
compromise of the two schools.
(9) ^bni -"Nn:^ f^^hn^ nvn?01 D^JEJ* \:h^* is the correct version,
Eruhin 13 6.
(10) Bezah20a.
(11) Antiq. xviii., ii. 3.
242 THE FRUITS OF DESPOTISM.
violation of law, was detestable to the Plebrews (12).
He removed from office the highpriest, Joazar, and ap-
pointed in his stead his brother, Eleazar Boethus, who was
also deposed in a short time and replaced by Jesus, son of
Sie. It appears, however, that he also ^^as removed, and
Joazar was reappointed (13), so that the respect for the
temple and its ancient culte was weakeiied, and decreased
steadily. The highpriests were Sadducees and the people
Pharisean. Like the Sadducean magistrates, they were
obliged to conform to Pharisean customs and laws (14) and
to play the hypocrite. Archelaus made an end of the re-
bellion. He overpowered Athronges, captured him, and his
brother surrendered. He also had a plantation of palms,
for which he stole the water from the village of Neara, and
built a town on his plantation which he called Archelaus.
But this is all that is known of him, except that he was a
barbarous and licentious despot, hated by many and loved
by none.
11. A Spurious Alexander.
A young Hebrew, brought up in the house of a Roman
freedman at Sidon, resembled INIariamne's son, Alexander.
On the strength of this resemblance he claimed to be tliat
very man, and maintained that he was saved when his
father had condemned him to die with his brother. He
now claimed the crown of Judea. Many believed his story
and gave him support, especially the Hebrews of Crete and
Melos, who enabled him to make his appearance in Rome^
where also the Roman Jews gave him their support and re-
ceived him with royal lionors. Anybody but Archelaus was
acceptable to the Hebrews in and outside of Palestine.
Augustus, however, did not believe the story. Investiga-
tion, and finally self-confession, exposed the spurious Alex-
ander, wlio was sent to an imperial ship " to row among
the mariners," while those Avho had designed the plot were
put to death, and the deluded people escaped with a mere
disappointment.
12. Archelaus Banished to Vienna.
Nothing, however, could save Archelaus, who continued
his despotic misrule and barbarity in Jerusalem. His own
(12) Antiq. xvii., xiii. 1. It appears that Glaphyra died shortly
after this marriage, in consequence of a dream, in which her first
husband severely rebuked her faithlessness; although the dream
may have been a i)opular invention.
(13) Antiq. xviii., i. 1.
(14) Antiq. xviii., i. 4.
THE FRUITS OF DESPOTISM. 243
kinsmen, together with an embassy of prominent men from
Judea and Samaria, gave utterance to the people's griev-
ances before Augustus, which must have been very aggra-
vating and conclusive; for Augustus ordered Archelaus, by
his Roman resident, to appear before liim immediately.
Archelaus had a dream, as despots do, and Simon the
Essene, interpreted it, as Essenes. informed of current
events, knew how to interpret dreams (15) ; and the dream
of wicked Archelaus proved a prophecy. The message of
Augustus was delivered to him while feasting with his
friends, and he was obliged to leave the country without
adequate preparations. Arrived in Rome, Augustus heard
his case and found him guilty. He was banished to Vienna
in France, his treasures Avere confiscated by Augustus, and
the three provinces of Judea, Samaria and Idumea were
added to the Roman province of Syria, nine years after
Herod's death (6 a. c). Herod's murderous policy bore its
legitimate fruit. Sixty-nine years after the capture of
Jerusalem by Pompe}^, the Hebrew people were sufhciently
demoralized by military despotism, that its aristocracy
surrendered the independence of a liberty-loving people to
Rome without offering any resistance. It was not the peo-
ple, it was its aristocracy, that betrayed it, which sur-
rendered to Rome.
(15) It is reported in the Talmud {Berachoth 55 b) by Rabbi Banah,
most likely Banus, the teacher of Josephus (Life 3), that there were
in Jerusalem twenty-four interpreters of dreams. He once went to
all of them, told them the same dream, and received twenty-four dif-
ferent interpretations, each of which was fulfilled in his after life;
simply, we add, because he interpreted the interpretation.
yi. Period— The Rule of the Procurators.
During the reign of the five emperors, Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula,
Claudius and Nero (7 to 68 a. c), thirteen Roman Procurators,
under the President of Syria, governed Judea and its annexed
provinces, exceptiDg only the short period under Claudius, when
Agrippa I. was king. All Roman provinces, organized by Augus-
tus, were either senatorial or imperial, the former of which were
governed by the senate and the latter by the emperor, i. e., the
latter were under direct military rule. So was Syria and so was
Judea, where the legions engaged in making war on Parthia, or
watching it, were stationed. A military government is always
despotic. The rights of man are of secondary consideration.
The will or whim of the commander is law. Therefore, Syria,
hence also Judea, was one of the most oppressed provinces of the
Roman Empire. Besides, the wealth of Syria, and especially of
Judea, was another cause of continual oppression, bloodshed and
irritation of the masses to riots, in order to have a preterse for
slaying the rich and confiscating their property, or despoiling
public institutions. The Hebrews, with their democratic laws
and institutions, and their inflexible attachment to law and
liberty, were not easily bent under the lawless foreign yoke.
Therefore insurrections, on a small or large scale, were perpetual
during this period, and led at last to a general war of indei)end-
ence. There were in the provinces three superior officers: First,
the Proconsul, or President, whose power, except in senatorial
provinces, was absolute, and who was responsible to the emperor
only ; second, the Praetor, who was the actual civil governor and
chief justice of the province under the Proconsul ; and third, the
Procurator, who governed a part of the province under a Pro-
consul. The governors of Judea under the Proconsul of Syria
had diflerent titles at different times, but wei-e always the com-
manders of the troops, the financial agents of the emperor and
the chief judges of the country. The people had no share what-
ever in its own government. How this irritated and demoralized
the Hebrews, will be narrated in the following chapters :
THE MESSIANIC COMMOTION. 245
CHAPTER XXI.
The Messiaiiio Commotion.
1. The Census.
Rome began its dominion in Judea with the confiscation
of the property and treasures of ArcheUius, and taking a
census of all people and property to be taxed. Coponius
was appointed Procurator and P. Sulpicius Quirinus
(Cyrenius), was sent to take the census (1). It took the
whole influence of the highpriest, Joazar Boethus, to per-
suade the majority of the people to submit quietly to this
innovation, which changed independent Palestine into a
Roman province. A minority, however, viewed it in its
proper light, as an introduction of slavery. Juda of
Galilee (2), supported by a Pharisean teacher, whose name
was Zadok, stood at the head of this party and counseled
resistance to that aggression. They met with no success in
regard to the census, which was taken anyhow, but they
succeeded in establishing the party of Zealots (d'n:p)) which
(1) According to Luke this was the time when Jesus of "Nazareth
was born (Lukeii.), while according to First Gospel of the Infancy,
first chapter, he was bora 309 of the s. e., ten years before this. But
Luke's date is also uncertain, because: a. The narrative is connected
with the appearance of an angel to some shepherds, and reports
other niirac'es, which, if true, Matthew or other evangelists must
have narrated, h. It makes Jesus a son of David, which he denied
being (Mark xii. 35 to 37). c. The whole story of Jesus being born
in Bethlehem and not in Nazareth is spurious, in order to fulfill a
Scriptural passage, misunderstood alike by Jews and Gentiles (Micah
v. 1. See Tarqum Joriaihan). It is not known when or where Jesus
was born ; although Matthew, referring to Herod, may have meant
Archelaus, as all successors of Herod were also called Herod.
(2) Judah the Gali'ean, Judah the Gaulanite, and Judah of
Gamala, are identical. It appears that he was born in Gamala, west
of lake Genesareth and lived in Galilee.
246 THE MESSIANIC COMMOTION.
never submitted, but nourished and promulgated implaca-
ble hatred of Rome, its agents and partisans. Included in
these hated classes were all those who held office under the
Romans, as well as the publicans and their collectors, foreign
harlots and abused men, called " sinners," together with all
other camp-followers of the Romans.
2. The Sects.
Political i^arties, in consequence of the reign of abso-
lutism, degenerated into sects and schools. The Sadducees,
under the tuition of the Boethites, gradually denied im-
mortality, future reward or punishment and Providence.
They became Stoics, who adhered to the Laws of Moses and
some of the ancient traditions and practices. The Essenes
had become sanctimonious mystics, who maintained they
knew all about the angels and secret arts, to heal the sick,
to expound dreams, and to prophes}'. They cultivated the
soil, raised medicinal plants, wore the Levitical garments,
practiced the entire Levitical laws in their private lives,
baptized themselves every morning by immersion, and
washed their hands before every meal as the priest did on
entering the sanctuary, looked upon their tables as altars,
their meals as sacrifices, and each imagined himself to be
prince, priest and prophet. Tliey sent gifts to the temple,
but made no sacrifices, and kept aloof from all other Israel-
ites whose food and persons they considered unclean. Thej''
had introduced in their order secrets of three grades, sub-
jected new-comers to hard jirobations and tutelage, and
were extreme Pharisees with severe practices and sancti-
monious mysteries. They claimed to be in possession of
ancient traditions reaching up to Moses, which was cer-
tainly not the case, as they originated in the Maccabean
revolution, and remained unnoticed to the time of Jonathan.
They believed in the existence of angels, the immortality
of the soul, and the exclusive control of Providence over
all human actions. They had nothing in common with any
class of Gentile philosophers, grew out of the Hebrew mind
entirely, and were the extreme asceticists given to a . con-
templative life and mystic and allegoric expounding of
Scriptures. With them the Kahhala originates, but the
precise nature of their teachings is unknown. Besides the
Sadducees and Essenes, there were the Ilerodians, who, per-
haps, were merely a political party that wanted a Herodian
at the head of the Hebrew monarchy. But all these sects
were mere abnormities, whose influence upon the Hebrew
THE MESSIAXIC COMMOTION. 247
people in Palestine and outside thereof was insignificant.
The Hebrew people were Pharisean (3).
3. The Two Pharisean Parties.
The Sanhedrin being dissolved the Pharisean scribes
were divided into the two schools of Beth HiLLELand Beth
Shammai. There was no authority left to decide their con-
troversies or to ordain teachers, and each school did it on
its own account, so partisans, unprepared for this dignity,
received_ the ordination (4). Although, in the main, they
did not impose upon the people, or even upon themselves,
the laws on which they diflered (5) ; nor did they discuss
laws of vital importance to the public. They were chiefly
engaged in scholastic discussions to find Scriptural grounds
for existing customs. Still tliey promulgated uncertainty
in private life, especially in religious observances and
formulas, marriage laws, and the all-important question of
Levitical cleanness (6). With the census under Quirinus,
the two schools, already divided in political opinions, as-
sumed the character of two political parties. The Hillel
Pharisees were the men of peace, humanity and j)atience.
Like their master, they looked upon humanity as the main
object of the law, and like the older Pharisees, they did not
care too much about the political afiairs of the country.
The profane business of governing the State and collecting
the taxes was with them a question of minor importance.
The maintenance of the peace, the mission of Israel to ^Jre-
serveand promulgate the Kingdom of Heaven, the study of
the Law and the practice of liumane deeds, were paramount
with them. Therefore, with the Sadducees and Essenes
they maintaiJ^d the pe'ace when the census was taken. The
Shammai men, however, wlio took the whole Law and
traditions with all their remote logical sequences as the
Israelite's divine guide, the preservation and promulgation
thereof as his paramount duty, looked upon every submis-
sion to foreign rulers, and every payment of tribute or
(3) Josephus' Antiq. xiii., V. 9; xviii., i. 2. Wars II. viii. 2. J.J.
13ellermann's Essaer and Therapeuten. Dr. Zachary Frankel's
MoNATsscHRiFT 1846, 1855; Dr. Ah. Geiger's Ursciirift p. 104, a'so
his Pharis. and Sadd. J. AVellbausen's Pharisaeer and Sadducaeer.
(4) Sanhfdria 88 h, historical report of R. Jose \rhp'' nnZlDK'O
refers to the abolition of the ordination by the Nassi and his as-
sociates.
(5) MisHNAH Yehamoth i, 4.
(6) Darkei Ham-mishnah p. 55,
248 THE MESSIANIC COMMOTION.
taxes to a foreign prince, as a flagrant violation of
the Law, which must be resisted with all means at
the nation's command, at all hazards and sacrifices.
Therefore, they identified themselves with the demo-
crats led by Juda of Galilee, and also resisted the-
taking of the census, as the introduction of a foreign
government and the abolition of the Kingdom of Heaven.
Failing in this attempt, they still remained a politi-
cal party of distinct and stern principles, whose main
object was the restoration of the Kingdom of Heaven, also
in its political principles ; God to be the only Ruler and
Lord of Israel, and His Law the sovereign guide of all.
The loss of property or life could be of no consideration in
the combat for Ihe highest and holiest treasure of Israel ; as
the Kingdom of God is in heaven and eternity as well as in
time and on earth, and death is a mere transition from time
to eternity. This doctrine made of them champions of
liberty, death-defying heroes, glaring fanatics and uncom-
promising patriots, whose hatred against foreign customs,
laws, languages and persons grew violently with the progress
of the Roman oppression and the incursions of Syrians.
Therefore they were called Zealots ( o^^jp), although, like
the Hillel men, they were Pharisees.
4. The Temple and its Officers.
The temple was entirely in the poAver of the Roman?
procurator. He held Fort Antonio, which commanded the
temple and contained the sacerdotal vestments of the high-
priest as a sort of hostage. If the highpriest was to pre-
side over the services, his official vestments had first to be
obtained of the commander of Fort Antonio. Besides, the
procurator appointed and removed the highp|iest, hence all
the offices in the temple were under his control and de-
pendent on his will, and could have been Roman tools
only. Traditions concerning the highpriests and chief-
priests of this period are very severe. With the exception
of the house of Fabi, they were denounced as wicked men
(7) ; although there certainly were some good and faithful
men among them and their subordinates. In consequence
of their ignorance, they surrounded themselves with scribes
learned in the laws and customs, and were watched by the
" Commoners " (noyo ''K'Jn), who were Pharisees. Therefore,
the authors of the New Testament story group to-
gether in the temple priests, scribes and Pharisees. These
(7) SiPHRi, Phineas; Yerushalmi, Yoma i. 1 ; Pesachim 57 a from
TOSEPHTA.
THE MESSIANIC COMMOTION. 249
Pharisean Commoners, however, were replaced every
\veek by other colleagues. The sanctuary and the sac-
rificial culte gradually lost their influence so that a
short time after Hillel the temple was frequently with-
out any visitors (8). In the same ratio, however,
the authority of the scribes grew among the people ; the
teacher took the place of the priest (9) and the study
of the Law replaced the sacrifices (10). Still, during the
high feasts, the pilgrims crowded the temple, the city and
suburbs, and the priests, as also did Josephus Flavins, con-
tinued to consider themselves, the temple, and the sacri-
ficial culte the soul of Israel ; and their power and influence
were great to the very last, especially among the pilgrims.
5. Procuratoes Under Augustus.
Augustus (from 7 to 14 a. c.) sent three Procurators to-
Judea — Coponius (7 a. c), M. Ambivius (10 a, c.) and
Annus Rufus (14 a. c). No acts of particular violence by
these Procurators have been recorded. The country was
quiet. This was also the case in the other provinces of
Palestine under the government of Antipas and Philip, wha
spent their time and treasures in building cities, as we
have mentioned before. Under the administration of
Coponius some sectarian Samaritans played a malicious
trick on the Hebrews. It was customary that on Passover
the priests opened the gates of the temple shortly after
midnight. Some of those Samaritans came early to the
temple and threw human bones about the cloisters. This
did not disturb the divine service, as the Samaritans, per-
haps, believed it would; still it gave rise to the unjust
mandate on the part of the priests to exclude all Samari-
tans from the temple. Under the administration of
Ambivius, Salome, the sister of Herod, died (12 a. c).
She willed her possessions to Julia, the wife of Augustus,
and to her countrymen she left the memorial of her
infamy.
6. Procurators Under Tiberius.
In August, 14 A. c, the emperor Augustus died, and on
the nineteenth day of that month his stepson, Tiberius
(8) Yerushalmi, Hagiriah ii. 3 and Tosephta ibid.
(9) Yerushalmi, Beraclwth end D^Jiyn whv D"'2")rD D'^Opn "'T'oijn;
Peah, Mishnah i ; Aboth iv. 12 and iii. 2 to 9 ; jBaba Meziah ii. 11.
(10) Tosephta, Demai ii., ^Ji DIpD hv ".ilV-l X^^V (D"'3n3n) fXti' pDU
Mechilta, Bachodesh '31 CEHpn PDN^ ^N"it^' ^D Vn J^IXt
250 THE MESSIANIC COMMOTION.
Nero, the son of Julia, succeeded him as Roman Emperor.
Like Julius Ca3sar, the dead Augustus also was deified,
priests were apjjointed to worship him, and his statue was
erected everywhere among the other idols (11). However
vile, profligate and despotic Tiherius became during the
second period of his reign, he started out with noble inten-
tions. " In the provinces no new burdens were imposed,
and the old duties were collected without cruelty or extor-
tion. Corporal punishment was never inflicted, and confisca-
tion of men's effects was a thing unknown " (12). Therefore,
the first Procurator he sent to Judea, Valerius Gratus, was
a man of probity, who left no record of maladministration,
nor was there any sedition among the peoj^Ie during the
eleven years of his official term, although he appointed and
deposed no less than five highpriests. But after a few
years of a tranquil reign, Tiberius threw off" the mask. By
acts of cruelty he harrassed the people 'of Rome as well as
of the provinces, and by his authority encouraged the
tyranny of his subordinates. A wicked man, Aelius
Sejanus, ingratiated himself in the emperor's favor and
confidence, and rose to supreme power as his prime minis-
ter. Sejan put in power his own coadjutors and most
obedient tools, bwth in Rome and the provinces. One of
the latter was Pontius Pilate, supposed to have been a na-
tive of Vienna in France, Avhom he sent to Judea to replace
Oratus as Procurator of that country (25 a. c). With this
Sejan-like representative of the foreign ruler the misfor-
tunes of the Hebrews in Judea increased rapidly.
7. Character op Pontius Pilate.
A cotemporary of Pontius Pilate was the Hebrew phil-
osopher, Philo, of Alexandria. He left the following de-
scription of that Procurator (13) : " One day representations
were made to him (Pilate) ; but as that man was of an
impetuous and stubborn disposition, he would not listen.
He was then told, with suggestive stress, to desist from
irritating to sedition and war, abstain from making peace
imjwssible. It is the will of Tiberius that our laws be re-
spected. If thou art in possession of a new edict or epistle,
let us know it, and we Avill instantly send a deputation to
(11) Tacitus Annals I, liv., Ixxiii. and Ixxiv.
(12) Ibid, iv., vi.
(13) Philo, De virtut. et legal. Cai.
THE MESSIANIC COMMOTIOX. 251
Kome. These words provoked the Procurator so much
the more, since he aj)prehended that an embassy to Rome
must expose all his crimes, the venality of his sentences,
his rapacity, the ruin of whole families, all the infamies
whose author he was, the execution of many persons with-
out process of law, the excess of cruelties of all descrip-
tions." No law was in his way, no princii)le of honor or
integrity incumbered him, treaties and secured rights were
no limitations to him ; he did anything to satisfy his greed
and rapacity, to abolish or override the laws and customs
of the land, and to irritate seditions for the sake of pre-
tenses for carnage and confiscation, and for demoralizing
and bending the popular will to servile submission.
8. Abolition of the Law.
Pontius Pilate began his administration in Judea with
an attempt "to abolish the Jewish law," exactly as Tiberius,
or his minister, Sejan, did in Rome. The religion and laws
of the Hebrews had rapidly spread over the Roman Empire
by the Greco-Hebrew literature and by the numerous He-
brew colonies all over the empire, to Avhom the edicts of
Julius Cffisar had secured the Roman citizenship and the
free exercise of their religion. The influence of Judaism
upon declining Heathenism became evident everywhere and
especiiillv in Rome, by the large numbers of proselytes who
publicly or privately confessed Judaism, and the numerous
"devout Gentiles" all over the empire. The more one class
of Gentiles inclined to Judaism, the more, on the other hand,
the fanaticism and jealousy of the Pagans were aroused
against the Hebrews and their laws. This spirit broke
forth in various cities, as we have seen before, and became
afterward the source of calamity to the Hebrews, especially
in Alexandria, and other centers of ancient Paganism
Hitherto the Roman emperors and the Jewish kings
(Hyrcan and Herod) had protected the foreign Hebrews.
But Tiberius turned against them, and none was left to
protect them. Therefore, Pilate initiated his administra-
tion in Judea with the attempt to abolish the Jewish
laws (14). He removed the army from Ca^sarea to Jeru-
snlem, and it entered the city in the night time, and dis-
played all its ensigns with the effigies of the deified Caesars,
(14) Josephus' Antiq. xviii., iii.
252 THE MESSIANIC COMMOTION.
the crucified man (15) and tlie various symbols of idolatry.
The citizens of Jerusalem were amazed and exasperated at
the audacious affront and violation of law and treaties. In
large numbers they went to Cajsarea to remonstrate with
Pilate, but he would not listen to them. On the sixth day
of their remonstrance, when they appeared again before-
Pilate, they were surrounded by soldiers, and immediate
death was threatened to the petitioning multitude if they
Avould not leave instantly. " But they threw themselves
upon the ground, and laid their necks bare, and said they
would accept death very willingly, rather than see the
wisdom of their laws transgressed." Pilate yielded. He
commanded the images to be carried back from Jerusalem
to Csesarea. The garrison, it appears, remained in Jerusa-
lem, and the laws of the land remained suspended as long
as Pilate was Procurator. This is the period called in the
traditions, " Forty years before the destruction of the tem-
ple," when the administration of the penal law was taken
entirely out of the nation's hands and held by the Procu-
rator and his officers ; when the two lesser Sanhedrin alsa
left the temple mount. No Sanhedrin existed any longer^
although Simon, Hillel's son, may have been the recognized
head of the Hillel school, and considered by that party the
JVassi and expositor of the traditions. The destruction
of the temple was then prophesied by those who understood
the political situation, as did Rabbi Jochanan b. Saccai, and
knew that in the struggle thus initiated, either Judaism or
Heathenism would have to succumb at last ; and Rome
was all-mighty (16).
9. A Massacre of Non-Combatants.
The hatred of Pilate and the people was mutual and
violent. He missed no opportunity for massacre and con-
fiscation, and drove people to seditions because each offered
him a fine harvest. Private estates being insufficient ta
gratify his rapacity, he seized the temple treasures under
the pretext of improving the water-works of Jerusalem ;
(15) See our " Martyrdom of Jesus of Nazareth," p. 101. " Your
victorious trophies not only represent a simple cross, but a cross with
a man ui)on it " (Reeves' Apologies Vol. I. p. 139), a Christian teacher
said afterward to the Romans. Rebels were crucified, therefore, the
cross and the man on it was one of the Roman troi^hies, which was
in aftertimes adopted as a Christian trophy. This must have been
esiiecially repugnant to the Hebrews, because it reminded them of
the fate of the last Asmonean kiug, Antigonus, crucified by Marc
Antony.
(16) Yoma 39 b.
THE MESSIANIC COMMOTION. 253
although that money did not belong to the city, and he, in
his official capacity, had no right to interfere with either.
The people loudly remonstrated against the sacrilege and
abuse of authority. "When he came to Jerusalem, many
appeared before his judgment seat, and gave free utterance
to their grievances. Pilate responded by another crime.
He commanded his soldiers and spies to wear the national
cloaks, to hide under them heavy clubs, and use them
freely at a given signal. When next day the multitude
again approached the judgment seat, the signal Avas given,
and the clubs were freely used upon the unarmed and un-
prepared multitude. A large number of them were trampled
to death under the feet of the amazed and terrified multi-
tude, and another number of them died in consequence of
the blows received (17.)
10. Slaughter op Samaritans and Galileans.
The outrages perpetrated by Pilate gave rise to many a
prophet and savior besides John the Baptist and Jesus of
Nazareth. One of them, a Samaritan, Avhose name is not
recorded, (18), roused the people, " not in order to revolt
against the Romans, but to escape the violence of Pilate," as
his advocates maintained. He called the patriots to Mount
Gerizzim, and promised them as a proof of his divine mis-
sion, to show them the sacred vessels and the ark made by
Moses, which, according to the Samaritan tradition, were
buried on Mount Gerizzim (19). Many of them, both
Samaritans and Galileans, came thither armed, and met at
the village of Tirathaba, Avith the intention of ascending
Gerizzim in a grand procession. Pilate sent to the spot his
soldiers, who took possession of the strategic points, at-
tacked the pilgrims in the village Avhile they made sacrifices,
slew a number of tliem and put the others to flight. Many
of them Avere captured, and the principal men Avere exe-
cuted by order of Pilate. This, hoAvever, Avas one of the
last of Pilate's crimes. An embassy of Samaritans (20)
(17) Wars ii., ix. 4. Antiq. xviii., iii. 2.
(18) Compare Josephns' Antiq. xviii., iv. 1 to Luke xiii. 1.
(19) Ac(X)rding to II. Maccabees ii 4 to 7 the Prophet Jeremiah
Lid the ark in tlie cave upon Mount Nebo. Otlier oj)inions on this
subject in the Talmud Yoma 53 b.
(20) Josephus mentions in this connection a Samaritan senate, a
body of wliich neitlier he nor any Samaritan source has an account.
Then lie drops the embassy and speaks only of the " accusation of the
Jews" auainst Pilate. It appears, therefore, that the embassy came
from Sebaste, which Avas inhabited l)y Pagans, Avlio supported the
HebreAVS in their accusation against Pilate.
254 THE MESSIANIC COMMOTION,
supported the Hebrews before Vitellius, the jiresident of
Syria, and Pilate was ordered to Rome to answer before the
emperor for his outrages (21). But it was not his very last
crime, as we shall narrate below, after we shnll have re-
viewed the fate of the Roman Hebrews under Tiberius.
11. Expulsion of the Hebrews from Rome.
The number of Hebrews in Rome had been largely
augmented by captives of war sent there, who were ran-
somed by their brethren, and by immigration from tlie
various provinces ; so that there were actually two classes
of them, citizens and freedmen. They made use of the
privileges granted them by Julius Csesar, not only in adhering
to their religion and laws, but also in making proselytes from
among all classes of Romans ; so that Horace speaks of
" proselytizing Jews," and of their Sabbath which his
friend, Fuscus, would not violate because he was " one of
the many " who observed it. Ovid also, in his Art of Love,
speaks of the Jewish Sabbath as being largely observed by
Roman women ; and Seneca found it necessary to censure
the observance of the Sabbath as a useless institution, al-
though he felt bound to admit of the Hebrews, " the con-
quered have given laws to the conquerors." It was no rare
case with Roman women of high rank to send gifts to the
temple at Jerusalem. It will not appear strange that with
the great number of Hebrews coming to Rome there were
also hagglers, chaffers, beggars, soothsayers, interpreters of
dreams, men and women who worked miracles, and other
mercenary impostors. One of them, says Josephus (22),
who had been driven out of his country by charges for
transgressing the Law, assumed in Rome the airs of a great
teacher of the Law, and, in company with three other
rogues, persuaded Fulvia, a Roman proselyte, to send
jjurple and gold to the temple at Jerusalem ; but the im-
postors kept those gifts. The husband complained to
(21) Tiberius died March 16, 37 a. c, before Pilate reached Rome,
hence the latter left Palestine in the fall of 3fi a. c. He was ordered
to Rome by Vitellius after the massacre at Tirathaba, and partly in
consequence thereof. According to Luke xiii. 1, Jesus heard of "that
massacre, which must have taken place in the autumn of 35 or early in
thesprii'g of 36 a. c. ; consequently the death of Jesus must have
occurred in the spring of 36 a. c, when he, according to Luke, was
about thirty years o'd (Luke iii. 23), for there can be no doubt that
he was put to death shortly after his disciples had proclaimed him
the Messiah.
(22) Josephus' Antiq. xviii., iii. 5.
THE MESSIANIC COMMOTION. 255
Tiberius, and this, says Josephus, was the cause of the
Hebrews' expulsion from Rome. But this narration does
not agree with those of Suetonius and Tacitus (23). With
them tl:ie cause was simply the rapid spread of Judaism
by Palestinian and Egyptian Hebrews, which caused the
senate to enact a decree against them. Four thousand of the
young Hebrews and proselytes were sent to the pestilential
Island of Sardinia, and the remaining worshipers of
Jehovah were ordered, at a certain day, to depart out of
Italy, unless before that time they renounced their religion,
and burnt the vestment and vessels used in their sacred
rites. Slavery was threatened to all who violated the man-
date. So the decrees of Julius Caesar were set at naught in
the capital, and the Hebrews all over Italy, together with
all their proselytes, were outlaAved. This fact must be taken
in connection with the malicious attempts of Pontius Pilate
in Judea to abolish the LaA\ and to crush the people, in
order to comprehend the popular perturbation caused by
John the Baptist and Jesus of Nazareth.
12. Causes of Rigid Asceticism.
The Kingdom of Heaven being thus assailed and en-
dangered from without and Avithin, its sanctuarj' being the
citadel of the invader and its priesthood the tool of foreign
rulers, its laws defied by soldiers and pubHcans, and its
faithful children reviled and oppressed both abroad and at
home ; the self-conscious spirit of the Hebrews broke forth
in many violent eruptions. The first question naturally
was. Why does God bring all this misery on Hi^ chosen
people? On account of its sins, was the first reply of rigid
teachers who held the doctrine, " No death without sin, no
pain without iniquity." The restoration of the Kingdom
of Heaven, therefore, depends on repentance and the ex-
tinction of sin; so that the cause of the present afflictions
be removed, the grace of God regained, and His kingdom be
restored. The rehgious enterprise of rousing_ people to re-
pentance of misdeeds and atonement of sins was of a
patriotic origin. The Levitical priesthood and the sacrifices
being no longer considered efficient, other means were
adopted ; and those other means were practices oi stern
righteousness and asceticism, rigidness in devotions and
mortifications, to which the Hebrews always inclined in
times of public calamities.
(23) Suet, in Tiber xxxvi. and Tacitus in Annals II. Ixxxv.
256 the messianic commotion.
13. John the Baptist.
One of those who preached this doctrine was John the
Baptist (24). He was of priestly extraction, and had his
home at Bethahra, beyond Jordan. There in a retired spot
he taught his dire asceticism as the means of restoring the
Kingdom of Heaven. He prayed and fasted much, wore
coarse garments, and tauglit his disciples to do the same.
Bathing in cold water was considered one of the mortifica-
tions by which sin is overcome (nni:j> >Sy3 n^'3o)- Bathing
in the Jordan had the particular advaalago of having been
recommended to the leprous Naaman by the prophet
Elishah, and the man was healed of his disease (II. Kings v.).
Besides, all pious men of that age, Essenes and Ilaherim
(25), all who adhered to the laws of Levitical cleanness,
frequently bathed their bodies in wnter. Some did so
every morning, and were called Tohlei Shacharith. There-
fore, one of John's ascetic practices Avas baptism, bathing
in the Jordan. Like many other men of the same secluded
and ascetic life, .John became known and renowned as a
prophet, which signified with them an austere man who re-
nounced the charms of life and spent his time in practices
of devotion and mortification — a saint. With the hostile
measures against the Kingdom of Heaven in Rome and
Jerusalem, the resistance of the Hebrews and the number
of John's disciples increased. Galilee, under the govern-
ment of Herod Antipas, enjoying a certain degree of inde-
pendence and liberty under the Law, the meetings of those
patriots, supported also by Roman proselytes (26), were" held
there. The bulk of the Hebrews, however, and espe-
cially the Hillelites, were no ascetics and no visionaries.
They did not admit that they were sinners worse than their
fathers, or that by any fault of theirs Tiberius, Sejan and
Pilate were hostile to the Kingdom of Heaven as they were
to the liberties of the Roman people ; and looked upon
John with his followers, their prophecies and their austerity,
as the outgrowth of a morbid imagination. This irritated
John to harsh words, and he called his opponents a genera-
(24) Josephus' Antiq. xviii., v. 2. Josepho'n, chapter 63, and
Seder Had-doroth, Art. R. Gamliel Haz-zakon, copied their John
story partly from the Gosj^els
(25) Associates, who ate their common food in the same state of
cleanness as that in which the sacrificial meat was eaten.
(26) Roman proselytes to Judaism (D>iQTi D^"IJ) are frequently
noticed in the Ta niud ; for instance, Yeeushalmi Pesachim, end of
section 8 and Tosephta ibid. Section 7.
THE MESSIANIC COMMOTION. 257'
tion of vipers (27). Mutual denunciations only increased
the influence and popularity of the ascetic teacher, and the
religious revivals at the Jordan assumed the aspect of a
threatened rebellion. This alarmed Herod Antipas, who,
for his own sake, had good cause to dread seditious demon-
strations in his territory. In order to prevent this, John
was captured and sent to INIachaerus, which now belonged to
the King of Arabia, the father-in-law of Antipas, and there,
outside of the Hebrew territory and beyond the reach of
his friends, the innocent fanatic was put to death. The
people condemned the bloody deed, but had no power to
prevent it. However, the commotion thus started was not
decapitated with John at Machaerus Tlie sect that believed
in John's teachings remained (Acts xviii. 25, and xix. 2 to 4),
and Jesus of Nazareth continued in his spirit.
14. Misalliance, War and Defeat.
One of the grand-daughters of Herod I. and the Asmo-
nean Mariamne, Herodias, was married to her uncle, Herod
Philip, who was the son of Herod I. and the Boethite
Mariamne. They lived in Rome in retirement, which
Herodias disliked. She was ambitious, was desirous of
wearing the diadem, but her husband made no attempt to ob-
tain one. It happened that her other uncle, Herod Antipas,
came to Rome and fell in love with her. She consented to
leave her husband and marry Antipas. In consequence of
this secret understanding, she sent lier husband a divorce,
contrary to Jewish law, although according to Roman law,
without his consent. Meanwhile, Antipas had returned to
Galilee, and there his wife, who was the daughter of Aretas,
King of Arabia, happened to receive information of her
husband's intended faithlessness. She begged his i)€rmis-
sion to go to Machaerus, which he granted. She went to
Machaerus and from there to her father, and informed him
of the faithlessness of Antipas. Antipas married his
brother's wife, and Aretas made war upon him to avenge
the honor of his daughter (28). The armies of Antipas
and Aretas met in battle, and Antipas, by the treachery of
some of his men, was disastrously defeated. People said
(27) Matthew iii. 7; Luke iii. 7.
(28) The Elijah character of John which is given him in the
Gospels is unhistorical, because neither Josephus nor any other an-
cient source had any knowledge thereof, ai'd the former fully reports
in the account of his caieer the cause of his death. The story of
John sending from his prison messengers to Jesus is no less spurious
258 THE MESSIANIC COMMOTION,
the defeat was God's punishment to Antipas for the inno-
cent blood of John the Baptist. Antipas, however, wrote
to the emperor that Aretas had made war upon him, and
the emperor commanded ViteUius to invade Arabia and
bring to Rome Aretas or his head.
15. First Teachings of Jesus.
John the Baptist had sent forth a number of active dis-
ciples, who preached his doctrine of repentance, asceticism,
and baptism, to restore the Kingdom of Heaven. Promi-
nent among these discii)les was one Jesus of Nazareth, in
Avhose mind the religious patriotic idea had taken deep
root. Neither the place nor the year or day of his birth
Avere known to his biographers (29), except that in rabbini-
cal sources he is always called ("n^u) Notzfi^ " one born at
Nazareth," a town in Galilee. In fact, if it were not for those
rabbinical notices of Jesus, and especially one (30), there
Avould not be any evidence on record that such a person
ever lived. Nothing is known with certainty of his parent-
age and his youth. Contrary to his own statements (31)
his biographers made him a son of David, and, in their
eagerness to make him also a son of God, they branded
him as a bastard, according to modern conceptions,
as the captive was sent away out of the country to prevent a sedi-
tion, which was certain y done hurriedly and secretly het'ore his dis-
ciples could save him. The whole story of John rebuking Antipas
on account of his misalliance with Herodias, together wich the dan-
cing of her daughter, etc , is fictitious; because Jolin was dead before
Antipas married Herodias. Macherus belonged to Aretas (Ai tiq.
xviii,v. 1) The wife of Antipas and daughter of Aretas left her
husband on discovering his intended faithlessness, before he brought
Herodias to Tiberias. This was the beginning of hostilities on the
part of Aretas. Antipas could not have had John beheaded in a city
which belonged to, and was garrisoned by, his enemy. Consequently
John must have been beheaded before that second marriage of
Antipas.
(29) The four canonical Gospels were written between 120 and 170
A. c. in the following order: Mark, Matthew, Luke and John, and
the Apocryphal Gospels were written much later. Compare Dr.
Sepp's Lebeii Jesu, Dr. F. Muller's Briffe iieher die ChriMHche Religion,
Dr. Karl August Credner's Zur Geschichte des Kanons, and our
Martyrdom of Jesus of Nazareth.
(30) Yekushalmi Snbboth xii. 4, also in Tosephta and Babli. R.
Eliezer b. Hyrcan, a cotemjiorary of the apostles, says: p abm
(31) Compare Mark xii. 3.5-37 and paral. passages with Epistle of
Barnabas, London, 1820, in the Apocryphal New Testament xi. 13.
1
THE MESSIANIC COMMOTION. 259
although among Pagans it was no rare case that a woman
was supposed to have conceived by some imaginary deity
(32), or that such distinction was claimed for or by some
hero like Alexander the Great. According to the Talmud,
Jesus spent some years in Egypt with a teacher called
Rabbi Joshua, and learned there also the art of necro-
mancy (33). If the healing miracles of Jesus, recorded in
the Gospels, are based upon any facts, he must have learned
in Egypt the art of Horus and Serapis, as practiced there
by the priests, which the Hebrews could call Egyptian
necromancy only (34). He came back to Palestine as a
phj^sician, and was by nature an enthusiast and Hebrew
patriot. When John's preaching excited idealistic minds,.
Jesus also went to that teacher and was inspired by him to
l^romulgate his doctrine, notwithstanding his youth and
lack of experience (35). Jesus started out as a public
orator and teacher with the doctrines of John, and in that
capacity referred exclusively to his authority, as every
public teacher then had to be ordained by some acknowl-
edged authority (36).
16. Jesus in Galilee.
As long as John was at large, Jesus, in the capacity of
an itinerant teacher and physician, roused the people of
Galilee to repentance of sin, to bring about the restoration
of the Kingdom of Heaven. He met with the same opposi-
tion that John did, from those who would not admit that
they were more sinful than their progenitors or neighbors,
or that asceticism was the proper means for the restoration
(32) Josephus' Antiq. xviii., iii. 4.
(33) See Matthew ii 14 and Gospel of Pseudo Matthew, chapters
xvii. to xxiii. in Cowper's edition xxii., e. s
(34) Compare Dr. Joseph Ennemoser's GescMchte der Magie, the
chapter ^Uigie. bei dm Egyptern, with Sueton in Vespasiam vii. 1 ;
Tacitus History iv. 8, and Talmud Sabbath 108, about heaHng by
touch, contact, sleep, spittle, etc., which were ail Egyptian supersti-
tions.
(35) We can only adhere to Luke's dates, viz.: that Jesus was
born 6 or 7 A. c, after tlie banishment of Arche aus, and was exe-
cuted 36 A. c , when he was scarcely thirty years old. John viii. 57:
" Thou art not yet fifty years old,' reads in several MSS. "forty,"
and refers to the Jewish adage : ny^'^ D'y^iJ^ ]2 "With the fortieth
year reason begins to ripen." The Jews told Jesus that he was not
old enough to be very wise.
(36) Mark i. 14, lo ; xi. 27 to 33. Matthew iv. 17 ; xxi. 23 to 27
and paral. passages.
260 THE MESSIANIC COMMOTION.
of the Kingdom. He met with some success among the
lower classes, also among foreign harlots, Sodomites, publi-
cans and other Roman agents ; but the intelligent portion
remained cold to his enthusiasm. The cures \Ahich he per-
formed appeared miraculous to the vulgar, impious to the
religious, and ridiculous to the intelligent. While the}''
were aggrandized by the believers, they proved repulsive to
the sober and reflecting minds (37).
17. The Religion of Jesus.
Soon, however, Jesus rose above the narrow standpoint
of John, and embraced that of the Hillelites, presenting
most conspicuously the humanitarian contents and cosmo-
l>olitan spirit of Judaism ; and he did it in almost the same
words as Hillel had done it (Mark xii. 28 to 34, and Mat-
thew vii. 12). Like all Hillelites he believed in one eternal
God, His general and special providence (38), the resur-
rection of the dead being taught in the Law (39), in future
reward and punishment (40), in the revelation and the
divinity of the Law and the Prophets (41), in the election
of Israel by the Almighty (42), in the eternity of God's
laws and promises (43), in the superior importance of the
humanitarian over the ritual laws and doctrines, without
wishing to abolish the latter or even the traditional laws
(44). The natural result of these first principles w^as, that
he disregarded the laws of Levitical cleanness, which were
so important to Shammaites and Essenes, and so unim-
portant to Hillelites, and ate with unclean sinners, publicans
a,nd lepers, and permitted harlots to touch him, while his
disciples also did not wash their hands before meals (45).
Furthermore, he looked upon the whole Levitical institu-
tion, temple, sacrifice and priesthood included, as being
necessary no longer, and not worth the blood shed about
and around the temple (46). This was certainly also
(37) Mark iii. 21 to 23 ; Matthew ix. 3, 4 ; xii 24.
(38) Mark iv. 24 ; Matthew vii. 2 ; x. 29, exactly like the Talmud;
Luke vi. 38.
(39) Mark xii. 19 to 27 ; compare Sanhedrin 90 b.
(40) Mark ix. 43 to 48.
(41) Matthew v. 17 to 19 ; Luke xvi. 17.
(42) Wliich was the Kingdom of Heaven to be restored.
(43) Mark x. 18 to 21.
(44) Mark i. 44; Matthew xii. 7; Mechilta, ki-Thissa; Matthew
xxiii. 1 e. s.
(45) Mark ii. 15.
(46) Mark xi. 15; John ii. 13; see our "Jesus Himself," chapter
iv. in Israelite of 18()9.
THE MESSIANIC COMMOTIOX. 261
the opinion of the most prominent Hillelites, who
prophesied the speedy destruction of the tem])le, and
placed the repentance of sin, the study of the Law, the
practice of charity and benevolence, the education of the
3^oung, and good will to all, above all Levitical observances
(47). He abandoned the asceticism of John, lived, ate and
drank like other men, was cheerful among the cheerful,
synipathetic among the suffering, loved the company of
women, who were among his most faithful disciples, and
became a popular man among his people (48). Now he had
ample opportunity to chastise those to Avhom rigorous ob-
servances and outward performances were more holy than
the humanitarian laws and practices, and the quibbling
scholasts whose wisdom consisted of wit and sophism ; to
convince them of their blindness, sinfulness and self-
complacency ; to admonish them to sincere re])entance,
and the restoration of the Kingdom of Heaven (49).
18. Style and Contents of his Speeches.
Jesus spoke in the sententious and parabolic style, al-
ways relying on Scriptures as the highest authority, as was
the Midrash style of the Scribes of those days, viz. : a
maxim expressed in the style of Solomon or Sirach's son,
based upon a verse of Scriptures and illustrated by a
parable, without resort, however, to the allegoric method of
the Egyptian Hebrews. He uttered many good 'and wise
sayings, which were not new to the learned, being taken
from the so-called floating wisdom of the nation, found
abundantly in the ancient rabbinical literature (50) ; but
they were new to his disciples and audiences, who ad-
mired them exceedingly. Jesus was not distinguished
for either learning or originality, and this enabled him the
more easily to make himself intelligil)le and accepta-
ble to his audiences. He was distinguished for ardent
sympathy with his people and its cause, strong con-
victions and moral courage to utter them, and that
(47) Yoma 86; mj^lpn h'yO DSL*'0'l HpIV 'hv 3^3n Shekalim;
Succah 49 b ; Meguillah 16 6.
(48) Mark vi'i. ; ii. 18 e. s. ; Matthew xi. 18, 19 ; Luke vii. ?>?> to 35.
(49) The Anti-Pharisaic speeches in Matthew xv. and xxiii. are
productions of the second century a. c. ; compare to Luke xi. 37 e. s. ;
xiii. 34 and Mark vii.
(50 1 The numerous parallel passages of the New Testament and
the Rabbinical literature were compiled by Lightfoot, tlcrse Hehrai-
cx et TulmudU'iv, etc ; F. Nork, Rahhinnrhr QueUen und, Parallelrn, etc.;
Zipser, Die Bftgpredigt in Talmwl ; Wunsche, Neue Beitne.ge, etc.
Gruenebaum, Isidor Kalisch, and in our Origin of Christianity.
2G2 TlIK MESSIANIC COMMOTION.
nervous eloquence which inspires confidence. Irrespective
of even common i)oliteness or any social forms, he cared
not for his own mother and brothers, traveled in company
of eccentric women, subsisted with his disciples on his
friends' property, upbraided men of learning and promi-
nence, and evinced not the slightest regard for the practical
affairs of man, which, under the prevailing excitement,
only increased his popularit}'.
19. The Policy of Jesus.
Success matured the belief in Jesus that the Kingdom
of Heaven was at hand, and he changed his tone from the
promise to the fulfillment, opening thus the third phase of
his l)iography. He assumed the prophetic title of the " Sou
of Man," as Ezekiel and Daniel (viii. 17) had called them-
selves, and as the latter had called the head of the restored
Kingdom of Heaven (vii. 13 Bar Anosh). According to
the Laws of Moses (Deut. xviii. 15 to 22), it was not the
king of the house of David or of any other dynasty, nor the
highpriest who was to be the head in the Kingdom of
Heaven ; the prophet was to be the chief ruler, who must
be obeyed. Jesus presumed that the Kingdom of Heaven was
re-established and himself its chief ruler. He had the
peculiar idea of going back in history one thousand years
and resuming its form of government as left by Samuel.
This met with approbation among his disciples and fol-
lowers, who were visionary enough to apply ancient Bible
conditions to modern emergencies ; but it roused the op-
position of those who did not believe in the authorit}^ of
the Paraclete or Bath-Kol, had no faith in a form of gov-
ernnaent overcome in history, and had enacted stringent
laws against proplietical pretenders (51). Jesus preaching
in this sense, and sending out some of his disciples with
the same message to the ])cople, his policy was attacked
more than his doctrine. Here are the Romans, the lords
of the land, was the main question, how will you overcome
them? Jesus replied with the ancient Pharisees and the
Hillelites, it matters not who holds the political power and
collects the taxes, you pay at any rate nothing but Ca:>sar's
money, money unlawful to you on account of its idolatrous
effigies. If the Kingdom of Heaven and God's grace are
restored to Israel, He will also settle your political affairs.
You can not conquer the Romans, convert and love them
(51) Sanliedrin 89 a; Yicki.shai.mi ibid. xi. 7; Sii'iiui 177 and 178.
THE MESSIANIC COMMOTION. 263
and they are your enemies no longer. Their administra-
tion of the hiws is unjust and oppressive; have nothing to
do with their judges, and the}' can not wrong 3'ou. ^' If any
man will sue thee at the law, and take away thy coat, let
him have thy cloak also," etc. (Matthew v. 40-47) (52).
Have patience and faith, wait till God changes this state of
affairs. Your temple is in the hands of Roman soldiers
and Hebrew hirelings ; stay away, pray in your closets, un-
derstand what it means: "I delight in grace and not in
sacrifice." This is a time of affliction and tribulation ; bear
it with patience as the punishment for your sins. All de-
pends on the restoration of the Kingdom of Heaven and
God's grace to Israel ; this accomplished, Providence will
heal all wounds. It is the same policy which Jeremiah in
his time advanced and advocated, and to which 'the
Hillelites adhered to the very last. But the party of action
and the Zealots no less consistently and patriotically op-
posed this policy as visionary and unmanly. Therefore,
while it placed Jesus in conflict with the officiating priests,
Sadducees, Shammaites and Zealots, it certainly met with
the indorsement of thousands whose feelings and aspira-
tions were less political and more religious.
20. Jesus a Fugitive.
The arrest of John was a warning to Jesus. Herod
Antipas had good reason to believe him as dangerous as
was John, who had been beheaded, of which Jesus, it ap-
pears, was never informed (Matthew xiv.). Jesus, perhaps,
cautioned by his mother (Markiii. 21), or by the Pharisees,
who were his friends (Luke xiii. 31), became a fugitive. He
was now among the Gadarenes, east of Galilee (Mark v. 1),
and then " departed privately into a desert place by ship "
{Ibid. vi. 32). We find him in Bethsaida, in Philip's terri-
tory {Ibid. vi. 45), then in the borders of T_vi"e and 8idon
{Ibid. vii. 24), in the coasts of Decapolis {Ibid. viii. 31),
inliahited chiefly by Gentiles, then again at Dalmanutha
{Ibid. viii. 10), east of Galilee, and at last at Ca^sarea
Philippi {Ibid. viii. 27), at the extreme north of that
(52) The Sermon on the Mount was never delivered. No man
ever delivered an address on so many different subjects. Therefore,
none besides Matthew lias that .sermon, and the other Evangelists
have various portions of it in diff'erent places and times. It is en-
tirely misunderstood. It contains maxims of Jesus in reference to
that particular a<:e and those particular circumstances, wliicla liave
been changed into moral principles.
264 THE MESSIANIC COMMOTION.
country. He spent his time as a fugitive, now in the
desert then on the hike, now at this and tlien at the other
border of Galilee, nearly always in Philip's territory, which
had become (84 a. c.) a Roman province under the mild
government of Vitellius ; and he never appeared again in
the populous centers of Galilee. He exclaimed, " The foxes
have holes, and the birds of the air have nests ; but the
Son of man hath not where to lay his head " (Matthew
viii. 20). Some of his disciples, it appears (Luke ix. 54),
lost their patience and were ready for acts of violence, but
Jesus told them, " The Son of man is not come to destroy
men's life, but to save " (lives). However, persecution is an
incitement to enthusiasm, and martyrdom rouses the com-
passion and sympathy of the multitude. So also in this
case, the martyrdom of John and the supposed persecution
of Jesus by Antipas only increased the popularity of the
Son of man, elevated him in his own convictions and in the
opinion of his disciples, and brought about the fourth
epoch in his history.
21. Jesus Proclaimed the Messiah.
Early in the year 36 a. c. (53), when Jesus and his dis-
ciples were sojourning in the towns about Chpsarea Philippi,
Peter proclaimed Jesus the Messiah or Christ. Jesus pro-
tested emphatically against that royal title, rebuked Peter,.
"■ Get thee behind me Satan, for thou.savorest not the things
that be of God, but the things that be of men," and
charged his disciples not to tell any man, as the assump-
tion of that title must bring on him great suffering, lie
would be rejected by the Hebrew authorities and killed (cru-
cified) by the Romans (Mark viii. 27 to 33). But the word
was out, the disciples seized it, and against his will, with
inevitable death before his eyes, Jesus was proclaimed the
Messiah. Messiah or Christ signifies "the annointed one"
(54), and in the Hebrew records only the highpriest or his
proxy (Levit. iv. 3; v. 16), the king of all Israel (55) and
Cyrus were called Messiahs. The Hebrews then and al-
ways thereafter, who believed in the coming of a Messiah,
expected him to be the King of Israel, who would gather
(53) See Section 11 Note 3.
(54) From n^'O to annoint.
(55) Compare I. Samuel ii. 10, 35; xii. 3, 5; xv. 6 ; xxiv. 7, 11;
xxvi. 9, 11, 23; II. Samuel i. 14, 16; xix. 22; xxiii. 1 ; Isaiah xlv. 1 ;
our Origin of Christianity, p. 180, and our Jesus Himself, chapter 3
in Tlie hradite, August 13, 1869.
THE MESSIANIC COMMOTION. 2G5
the Hebrews from all lands to Palestine, and there reign
over them as their political king. The expectation of a
coming Messiah was not a doctrine of the Hillelites, so
that one of their last representatives, Hillel II., declared
directly against that belief • (^xnc*^^ n>L"0 I'n)- In the
Palestinean literature there is no evidence at all that the
Hebrews, prior to the hnal destruction of the temple, enter-
tained such a belief or held such a doctrine ; although some
enthusiasts may have believed in the future restoration of
the Urim and Thumim and true prophecy, but their num-
ber was certainly insignificant. There 'existed, however,
such Messianic hopes and speculations among the Greco-
Roman Hebrews, who expected a Messiah would come and
regather the Hebrews from all lands. These hopes and
speculations were also imposed on the Septuagint, found
expression in the Sybiline poems of that and subsequent
ages, and formulation in the semi-m^'stic speculations of
Philo (56). The Roman edict against the Hebrews, under
Tiberius and Sejan, may have excited again, among the
Greco-Roman Hebrews, the hope and expectation of a
Messiah. Thousands of them undoubtedly came to Pales-
tine, and other multitudes were expected to come to
Jerusalem, as usual, to celebrate the Passover. Those were
the main persons, upon whose belief and support Peter and
the other men of action among the disciples of Jesus, relied
when they proclaimed him the Messiah.
22. The Failure.
Being completely in the hands of over-excited enthusi-
asts, Jesus followed them down from Casarea Philippi to
Jericho, crossing and recrossing the Jordan at various
points, being proclaimed the Messiah, and performing feats
of Thaumaturgy which his followers magnified and ag-
grandized. Death was constantl}^ before his eyes, and it
was inevitable. Still his enthusiastic and patriotic disciples
could not imagine that the contemplated rising of the peo-
ple, supported by publicans and other Roman agents, could
prove a failure. They came with him to Jerusalem shortly
before the Passover feast, roused the enthusiasm in the
suburbs, where most of the pilgrims were encamped, and
then entered Jerusalem in triumph. He rode on an ass as
the coming Messiah was expected, and, under the acclama-
tions of the excited multitude, he was proclaimed the
(56) Philo, De Excralionibus.
266 THE MESSIANIC COMMOTION.
restorer of the Kingdom of David (Mark xi. 10). He was
lead to the temple, Avhere another popular demonstration
greeted him, and he began with exercising sovereign
authority and accusing the. priests of having made of the
temple a den of thieves. He argued with priests and
scribes, addressed the masses, reviewed in brief his entire
scheme of salvation ; still he was no longer the same en-
thusiastic and self-confident man. No angels and no
miracles came to his aid, and his chosen disciples were
helpless as children. The learning of Jerusalem and the
prevailing unbelief in paraclete, new prophets, supernatural
aid, ]\Iessiahship and other products of enthusiasm, unde-
ceived and confused him, so that he denounced them all,
and prophesied misery and affliction to all. His disciples
would not let him stay over night in Jerusalem, fearing he
might escape them or be captured, and so he was kept in
secluded quarters on Mount Olive among lepers. He must
soon have discovered that the Hebrew authorities afforded
him no protection, and that Pontius Pilate certainly would
not spare the man who had been publicly proclaimed the
King of the Hebrews.
23. Capture and Death.
Caiphas, the highpriest, was not merely a Roman tool,
which he must have been, or else he could not have main-
tained himself in his office all the time with Pontius Pilate.
He was also the mediator between the people and the Ro-
man authorities. He and all responsible men in eTerusalem
must have dreaded an insurrection in the city, and espe-
cially during the feast, which would have afforded to Pilate
a welcome pretext for carnage and plunder. Therefore, he
and his few coadjutors concluded upon abandoning Jesus
into the hands of Pilate without exciting the multitude,
and disavowing every sympathy with the Messianic com-
motion (John xi. 45 to 50). The disciples, however, had
Jesus formally annointed, and kept him well secluded and
secured at night time, so that he could not well be cap-
tured without exciting the tumult which was dreaded. The
insurrectionary demonstration was ripe, and ready to l)reak
out on the Passover feast. Jesus was well aware that this
would cost the lives of thousands without effecting any
good. Bloodshed and worldly power were contrary to his
teachings and repugnant to his nature. Therefore, he re-
solved upon delivering himself into the hands of the
authorities and dying the martyr's death before the demon-
THE MESSIANIC COMMOTION. 267
stration could take place, in order to save his own friends
and followers, with hundreds of others, from certain death.
By prudent hints he encouraged Judas Iscariot, one of his
disciples, to betray his secret retreat to the priests, and
Judas did so witliout supposing that Jesus would be
put to death. In the night of Passover the soldiers of
, Pilate surprised Jesus and his companions in their secret
retreat, and early in the morning, without ceremony or
trial, Pilate ordered him to be put to death as the " King of
the Jews," before his friends could have the least knowledge
of his fate (57). He died a ma-rtyr to save his friends and
many more innocent men. The Messianic drama ended
with the death of its hero, and his disciples, dismayed and
-disappointed, left Jerusalem to be quiet for some years (58).
24. Pontius Pilate Banished.
If the crucifixion story of the Gospels is true in regard
to the end of Jesus, then it is certain that Pilate treated
him with special cruelty. He not only imposed on his victim
the worst of all Roman punishments, viz. : crucifixion, but
-also scourged him, and then had him mocked b}^ his
soldiers before he was crucified. Scourging and crucifixion
were inflicted in Rome only in exceptional cases and on
slaves only, and on rebels in the provinces. But this was
Pilate's last outrage committed in Judea. We have no
doubt this execution was one of the points advanced
against him by the Hebrews and Samaritans before Vitel-
lius (59). In the fall of 36 a. c, Vitellius sent Marcellus
(57) See our Martyrdom of Jesus of Nazareth.
(58) Jesus was no Essene, did not alegorize Scriptures, had no in-
tention to establish a new relij:ion, or even to oppose the Hillelites.
He was too young to see his mistake in time, that a nation can not go
back a thousand years to reinstitute a form of government which
had outUved itself. Stern realities wi 1 not submit to idea's, how-
ever lofty. His disciples proclaiming him the Messiah, forced him
into the embrace of death, and Pi ate was the executioner. His
martyrdom, dke his teachings, was gravely misunderstood.
(59) To which Philo refers in his charges against Pilate "the exe-
cution of many persons without process of law" (See Section 8 of
this chapter). It api^ears that Josephus did mention this fact in
Antiquities xviii., iii 3; but some tmie ])etwecn 250 and 325 a.c.
that paragraph was changed into its present form, of which Origenes
in 250 A. c. had iio knowledge, and Eusebius in 325 a. c. mentions
for the first time. The same appears to be the case with Antiquities
XX , ix. 1, where the words "who was called Christ " were made of
the phrase " whom his disciples called Christ." Forgeries of Ihat
kind were not uncommon at that time, when quite a number of
268 THE iMI-;SSIA\IC COMMOTION.
to Judca to take charge of that country, and commanded
Pilate to goto Rome and defend himself before the emperor.
Pilate left his post in disgrace and hastened to Rome. But
Ix'fore he reached it Tiberius died (March 16, 37 a. c).
Still Pilate was tried, found guilt}', and banished to Vienna^
where he ended (some say in Switzerland) in suicide.
25. ViTELLius IN Jerusalem.
The next Passover (37 a. c.) Vitellius came to Jerusa-
lem and made a successful attempt to pacify the Hebrews,
which quelled the Messianic commotion. He restored the
highpriest's vestments to the custody of the priests, and
removed Caiphas from office. Jonathan, the son of Ananus,
was appointed in his place (60). Another evidence of his
good will was this : According to the command of Tiberius,
he made ready to invade Arabia, and intended to let his
legions march through Judea. The Hebrews prayed him
not to do it on account of the idolatrous ensigns, and he
changed the route of march for the soldiers. Next Pente-
cost he came to Jerusalem with Herod Antipas, removed
from office Jonathan, who, it appears, did not wish to
be highpriest, and appointed in his place his brother,
Theophikis. While in Jerusalem, Vitellius was in-
formed of the death of Tiberius, and in consequence of
which he did not invade Arabia, but returned to Antioch.
For a short time there was again peace in Palestine.
pseudonimic books were forged, with the avowed intention to prove
the existence of Jesus and liis crucifixion, which were denied by
heretics and others, and to sett'e the responsibility of the master's
deatln upon the Jews (See Gospel of Nicodemus and the others fol-
lowing in Cowper's edition).
(00) Josephus' Autiq. xviii., iv. 3.
AGEIPPA I. AND HIS TIME. 269
CHAPTER XXII.
Agrippa I. and Jiis Time.
1. Agrippa's Youth.
One of the grandson's of Herod I. by the Asmonean
Mariamne, was Agrippa, son of Aristobul and Berenice, the
daughter of Salome. Berenice being a particular friend of
Antonia, the mother of Germanicus, sent her son to Rome,
and he was educated there in the imperial family with
Drusus, son of Tiberius. Extravagance was one of the
vices which young Agrippa contracted at that Court, and
levity was another. Although he married a very affection-
ate and prudent scion of Herod, Cypros, these' vices had
the mastery over him all his life. As long as his mother
lived he was kept within bounds. When she was dead he
continued borrowing and squandering large sums of money,
till at last he was obliged to leave Rome in order to escape
prosecution by his creditors. At Malath in Idumea, he
contemplated committing suicide, an intention which his
wife frustrated. She wrote to his sister, Herodias, the wife
of Herod Antipas, and he appointed Agri})pa his minister
of commerce with a considerable salary. Agrippa could
not long be his uncle's servant, he soon left him and went
to Flaccus, where his brother, Aristobul, whom he disliked,
also was. He also soon lost the favor of Flaccus, and went
to Ptolemais with the intention of going back to Italy. His
freedman, Marsyas, obtained the money for him, he went to
Anthidon, hired a ship, Init was arrested for debt to the
imperial treasury. Released on parole he sailed to Alexan-
dria, where a rich co-religionist, Alexander Lysimachus (1),
(1) He was alabarch of the Alexandrian Hebrews and President
of the Imperial Salt-works ; he had been before the steward of An-
tonia (Josephus' Antiq. xix., v. 1).
270 AGRIPPA T. AND HIS TIME.
tlie brother of the pliilosopher, Pliilo, furnished him with
the means to reach Italy, where he i^rovicled him with other
sums of money. Drusus was dead, and Agrippa went
directly to Caprea, where the emperor resided temporarily.
He was kindly received, but when the emperor was in-
formed of his debt to the imperial treasui-y, he refused to re-
ceive him again till tliat debt was paid. Antonia and a freed-
man of Tiberias, Thallos, helped him this time with large
sums of money, and he was reinstated at the Imperial
Court. Tiberius wanted him to befriend especially the son
of Germanicus, Caius Caligula, and so he became associated
with one of the most extravagant and most extraordinary-
fools of Rome.
2. Reduced to the Extreme.
Agrippa was now one of the most envied favorites of the
emperor, and an intimate friend of the Caesar. But the
tenure of such fortune is very uncertain. One day he was
alone with Caius, as he supposed, and told him that he
considered him more competent than the cruel Tiberius for
the throne, and wished that the emperor would soon vacate it.
His freedman, Eutychus, had heard this, and being after-
ward accused of theft by Agrippa, reported to the emperor
Agrippa's words with aggravating additions. Agrippa was
put in chains and sent out before the palace to stand there
among other captives. A slave, Thaumastus, was the only
person who gave him a drink of water, for which he prom-
ised him liberty, and he kept his word. A German captive
l)rophesied that Agrippa would yet mount the throne,
although he would die a sudden death five days after having
seen an owl over his head (2). The prince in purple and
chains was sent to a prison, where Antonia took good care
of him. One day a report reached Rome that Tiberius was
dead, and Marsyas carried the tidings at once to Agrippa,
and told him in Hebrew, ''the Hon is dead." His jailer ob-
serving that something very fortunate had occurred, per-
suaded Agrippa to tell him the news. He took off the
chains of his prisoner, and they sat down to a royal ban-
quet, when suddenly the news of the emperor's death was
(2) The Germans, like other heathens, were also very superstitious
before they embraced Christianity. The fact that Josephus makes
such extensive use of his owl story and tlie prophecy connected with
it, proves that he had embraced Roman notions oiE soothsaying and
aujiury, a fact which must be taken into consideration wherever he
speaks of projjhets.
AGRIPPA I. AND HIS TIME. 271
contradicted. The terrified jailer again put his prisoner in
chains and forced him back into his gaol. Next morning,
however, the death of Tiberius was officially announced.
Agrippa was freed of his chains and sent to his own house
to await there the orders of Caius Caligula.
3. From the Prison to the Throne.
After a few days Agrippa was called before Caligula, who
placed the crown upon his head and made him king of
Philipp's tetrarchy (37 a. c), in the north and northeast of
Palestine, which had been for three years part of Syria.
Agrippa remained in Rome one year longer, the boon com-
panion of the emperor, before he returned to Palestine, and
then at the express desire of the emperor he took his way
home via Alexandria, where the following melanchol}^ events
transpired (Josephus' Antiq. xviii., vi.) :
4. Rise of the Pagans Against the Hebrews.
The conflict between Heathenism and Judaism was a
literary feud no less than a sanguinary combat among its
respective champions. While the Hebrews employed their
pens and the Greek language to expound and promulgate
their religion, laws and history, Pagans, by the same means,
attacked and derided them. Foremost among the latter
were Apollonius Molo (90 b. c), Posidonius of Apamea (70
B. c), who was one of Cicero's teachers, Chaeremon (50 b. c),
Lysimachos (30 b. c), and Apion of Alexandria, in this
period, besides the Latin writers noticed. Apion was notor-
ious as a malicious demagogue, whose main fort was in im-
pudent lying, bragging and glittering sophistry (Josephus
contra Apion). Tlie ancestors of the Hebrews were defamed
as a number of leprous slaves driven out of Egypt, Moses
was aspersed as a rebel priest of Heliopolis, the Hebrews
were denounced as atheists who worshiped no gods and had
an ass in their sanctum sanctorum, and the enemies ot all
men who would not partake of the Heathen banquets (3).
As long as the edicts of Julius Casar were in force and a
Hebrew monarch enthroned in Jerusalem insisting upon
their execution, the conflicts in the various cities between
Heathen and Hebrew were brief and easily settled by
Roman authoritv. The edict of Tiberius against the
Italian Hebrews 'and Pontius Pilate's scornful oppressions
(3) John Gill's Notices of the Jews and their country by the classic
writers of Antiquity, London, 1872.
979
AGRIPPA I. AxND HIS TIME.
in Judea gave a fresh impetus to the hostility of the Pagans.
Tliis was the case especially in Alexandria, where the na-
tive Egyptian element always looked with hatred upon the
favored foreigners, and especially upon the Hehrews, who,
by their superior intelligence and their numerous connec-
tions in all foreign lands, were the most skilled artisans and
most successful merchants, held the most responsible pub-
lic positions (4), and counted among their men some of the
finest and most cultivated minds. A natural consequence
of all these advantages was their wealth, which irritated the
lower classes to envy and ripened in them blood}'- designs.
The evil grew when Flaccus, another creature of Sejan, was
sent to Egypt with the same policy with which Pilate had
been sent to Judea ; and Egypt, like Judea, groaned under
the barbarous despotism of Rome. This threatening fire
under the ashes began to break forth, when in Jul}', 38 a. c,
Agrippa came to Alexandria, and was enthusiastically re-
ceived by the Hebrews. The row began with a farce and
ended in terrible bloodshed. The ])opulace congregated
about the gymnasium, took hold upon an idiot, whose name
was Carobas, dressed him up fantastically with purple,
crown and scepter, placed him high upon a throne, and
saluted him as king, calling him by the Syriac title of
Maran, " our lord," and played a royal farce with the fool,
a burlesque of Agrippa and the Hebrews. This feeler
being successful, the populace rushed next morning into the
synagogues and erected there the emperors' statues, and
Flaccus, in imitation of the Tiberius edict, by proclama-
tion, deprived the Hebrews of the rights of citizenship, so
that he need protect them no longer. Now the bloodshed
and robbery began. The Hebrews were driven from the
four quarters of Alexandria into the Delta quarter, which
was besieged and their houses ransacked. None
could bring any provisions there, and those who did
venture out were slain or barbarously maltreated. Women
also were abused and tortured. Thirty-eight men of the
Council, by command of Flaccus, and on the emperor's
birthday were publicly scourged (August 31st), and a cen-
turion with soldiers was sent to the Delta quarter to search
the houses for arms, which was another pretense for vio-
lence and plunder. In the middle of September, however,
(4) Alexander, the Alabarch, was at this time the chief officer of
the salt-works, one of Rome's most important sources of wealth in
Egypt. He covered the temple gates of Jerusalem with gold and
silver, wrought in Alexandria.
AGRIPPA 1. AND HIS TIME. 27o
Flaccus was relieved by Bussus. and was afterward tried
and in exile put to death. Order was restored in Alexan-
dria ; but the question of rights could be settled by the
emperor only, who was now in distant Germany and
France (Philo contra Flaccus).
5. Baxish:\ient of Herod Antipas.
Agrippa left Alexandria and arrived soon after in his
kingdom. He was well received, and, like his uncle and
})redecessor, Philip, he governed with justice and generosity.
His sister, Herodias, ambitious and envious as she was,
persuaded her husband also to obtain the crown and title
of king from Caligula. Antipas gave his best support to
Vitellius when he invaded Parthia, and then made his ap-
plication in Rome, where he was ojiposed by both Vitellius
and Agrij)pa, the crown of Jiidea and ^'amaria being the
object of Agrippa's own ambition. Antipas was charged
with conspiring with Artaban, King of Parthia, and
Agrippa, who had come to Rome, informed Caligula that
his uncle had accumulated arms enough ibr 60,000 to
70,000 men, hence must have treacherous designs against
Rome. Antipas confessed that he had collected the aims,
and this, without any further investigation, was taken as
a proof of his treacherous intentions. He was banished to
Lyons in France, and his wife was given a pension by the
emperor and the liberty of choosing her luture place of
residence. Herodias, however, would not desert her hus-
band, and went with him into exile to Lyons and then to
Spain (39 b. c), after Antipas had governed his provinces
thirty-one years. These provinces were now added to the
kingdom of Agrippa. It is evident that neither Archelaus
nor Antipas went alone into exile; a considerable number
of the Hebrew nobility must have gone with them to France
and Spain, where Hebrew colonies existed before this
period.
6. The Alexandrian Embassy to Caligula.
The madness and arrogance of Caligula grew steadily
upon him, till at last he proclaimed himself god and ex-
acted of his subjects divine worship. The dead Julius
Cfesar, Augustus and Tiberius were also gods, but he was
the highest. The Pagan conceptions of Deity were so low
and crude that the lord of the empire was also accepted as
the highest god. The head of the 01ym])ian Jupiter was
cut off and that of Caligula placed on the statue. The
274 ACiRIPPA I. AND HIS TIME.
imperial edict was obeyed everywhere in the Roman Em-
pire, except, of course, by the Hebrews, and the slightest
opposition to this crazy whim roused Caligula to fury. The
Egyptian Hebrews were the first victims of this new phase-
of despotism. The Hebrews of Egypt, and of Alexandria
especially, liaving been robbed of their rights as citizens^
Avere continually maltreated and scorned by their Pagan
neighbors. Personal combats, riots and bloodshed were the
order of the day. The Pagan citizens of Alexandria sent
an embassy to Rome, under the leadership of wicked and
brilliant Apion, to obtain the emperor's consent to the edict
of Flaccus disfranchising the Hebrews. The Hebrews on
their part also sent an embassy to Rome under the leader-
ship of Philo, the philosopher, whose deptli of thought and
sentiment was equaled only by his elegance of diction and
nobility of character. He was born 1a. c. (and died 60 a. c.)
in Alexandria, a scion of the highest aristocracy. His
brother, Alexander, was the highest officer of the Egyptian
Hebrews, whose son, Tiberius, was afterward Procurator of
Judea, and occupied the highest offices of the empire.
Alexander was also among the embassadors. In a country
seat which he was inspecting, Caligula received the two-
embassies in a most unbecoming manner. Running from
one apartment to the other, criticising this and that, and
the embassies following him, he wanted to be informed of
the nature of their controversy. The Procurator in Egypt
had already informed him that the Hebrews refused to
acknowledge his divinity, and he had no ear for their pleas.
His first address to the Hebrew embassadors was : " So
you are the contemners of the gods, who would not acknowl-
edge my divinity and prefer to worship a nameless being,
while all besides you worship me?" Then he cursed and
blasphemed God in terms which Philo would not write
down. Being accused that the Hebrews made no sacrifices
for him, Philo showed that they did, and Caligula ejacu-
lated : " That may be, but what good does it do me, that
you make sacrifices for me and not to me?" He gave them
no chance to speak, asked them questions and ran to the
next apartment before an answer could be given, behaved
like a crazy man, so that he excited laughter, and at last
dismissed them with these words : " These men appear to
be less wicked than stupid, because they deny my
divinity." No decision followed, Alexander was thrown
into prison, and the embass}' returned broken hearted to
Alexandria. Philo wrote in five books "The Embass}" to
Caius," of which but two fragments are extant. The con-
AGRIPPA I. AND HIS TIME. 275
duct of that crazy emperor appears now very ludicrous and
barbarous; and yet it was no worse than that of many a
high prehite or prince in after times to those who refused
to aclcnovvledge the divinity of Jesus of Nazareth ; and yet
Jesus was no more a god than Caligula.
7. Caligula's Attempt to Supersede the God of
Israel.
Caligula was determined to be acknowledged and wor-
shiped as the highest God. The Hebrews, refusing to grant
him that honor, he appointed Publius Petronius President
of Syria to succeed Vitellius, and charged him with the
special duty to invade Judea, to carry the emperor's statue
to Jerusalem, and to erect it in the temple. Petronius con-
centrated his army at Ptolemais and made due preparations to
invade Judea the following spri]ig. The Hebrews came by the
tliousands to Ptolemais to convince Petronius that he could
not carry out the emperor's mandate as long as an}^ of them
were among the living; that they would fight to the last for
the honor of God and His laws. Petronius replied that he
was sent to Syria to enforce the emperor's will, which he
could not change, and the Hebrews insisted that they would
not see their laws transgressed from fear of death, so that a
war of extermination appeared inevitable. PeiLajTS this
was the determination of the Hebrews of Judea only, those
of Agrippa's kingdom might be of another opinion, Petronius
thought, and went to the city of Tiberius. However, he
found there the same determination ; they would not per-
mit the imperial statue to be erected even in their city,
much less in the temple at Jerusalem, and told him : "We
will die rather than see our laws transgressed." Aristobulus,
the brother of Agrippa (Agrippa was in Rome), and other
prominent Hebrews, persuaded Petronius to appeal to the
clemency of Caligula, and to present to him the state of
affairs as it was, the death-defying determination of the
Hebrew people in defense of their laws, and the dire
necessity of depopulating the whole land before the em-
peror's will could be carried into effect. This was a dan-
gerous enterprise for Petronius, it might have cost hini'
position, liberty and life ; yet he yielded, and sent a mes-
sage to the emperor to acquaint him fully with the state of
affairs, and to inform him that he was awaiting his instruc-
tions before commencing active hostilities. The Hebrews
were persuaded to return to their peaceful occupations, and
this advice and assurance by Petronius and the leading
276 AGRIPPA I. AND HIS TIME.
men at Tiberius were supported in Jerusalem by the chief
priest, Simon, son of Boethus, also called " The Just." He
admonished the people to keep quiet and to trust in God,
who would perform miracles for them as he had done for
their fathers (5). A Bath-kol afterward confirmed his
prophecy, and was recorded among the wonderful occur-
rences (6). Meanwhile Agrippa was not idle in Rome. As
the boon companion of the emperor, he understood how to
win his particular favor. He prepared for him a most
luxuriant banquet with royal pomp, and when Caligula's
stomach was well filled, and his senses half benighted, he
praised the excellent taste and royal generosity of his ex-
travagant friend, and desired him to ask any iiwor of him,
which he promised unconditionally to grant. Agrii)pa ap-
parently had nothing to ask for; but being repeatedly and
urgently encouraged by Caligula to ask of him something,
he asked of Caligula to revoke his command given to
Petronius. The emperor promised he would, although it
was the very Avorst that could have been asked of him.
When, however, the message of Petronius arrived inform-
ing Caligula of the .determined resistance of the Hebrews
to his will, and the apparent weakness of Petronius, which
looked like disobedience and treason, his wrath was bound-
less, and his command to Petronius to place the emperor's
statue at the temple of Jerusalem was renewed, even were
it necessary to exterminate half of that rebellious nation.
The ship bearing these dispatches sailed slowly, another
sailed faster, and this other bore to the east the news of
the assassination of Caligula in his own palace, by the
hands of Charea and his conspirators (January 24, 41 a. c).
The second ship arrived first. With the godhead of Caligula
the miseries of the Hebrews were overcome once more for
the time being. The twenty-second day of Shehat, the
date when this news reached Jerusalem, was made one of
-the national half-holidays.
8. Agrippa King of Palestine.
The pretorian guard seized upon the son of Drusus and
Antonia, Claudius, and proclaimed him emperor, while the
senate deliberated as to how to restore the republic and abolish
the imperial office. Agrippa was now the most important
man in Rome, and it was by his diplomatic intercession be-
(5) Megili.atii Taanitii xi.
(6) Ibid, and Talmud Sotah 33 a.
AGRIPPA I, AND HIS TIME. 277
tween the two parties that Claiidins was acknowledged
emperor. He thus paid part of the debt to his patroness,
Antonia. Agrippa was now overwhehned with honors and
power. The senate bestowed on him tlie consular dignity,
Claudius restored to him the whole kingdom of Herod I.,
adding to it the province of Abilene on the Lebanon, and
made a league with him, ^^hich was confirmed by oaths on
the forum in the city of Rome. The Alabarch of Alexan-
dria, Alexander L3'simachus, was released from his prison
and sent to Egypt, followed by the imperial decree which
restored to the Egyptian Hebrews all the rights and privi-
leges they had been granted before, and especially " that
they might continue in their own customs." A similar
edict was published reinstating the Hebrews all over the
Roman Empire in their rights and privileges as citizens
Avith special immunity " to keep their ancient customs with-
out being hindered so to do," and the coiftmnnd that the
edict be engraved and everywhere exposed to tbe public for
thirty successive days. Agrippa gave his daughter, Berence
to Marcus, the son of the Alabarch, who, however, died be-
fore he married her. The Hebrew government being re-
stored, and the edicts of Tiberius and Caligula revoked, it
appeared that a new era of prosperity to the Hebrews had
opened (Josephus' Antiq. xix., v.).
9. A Law-Abiding King.
The grandson of Herod I. was a law-abiding king — not-
withstanding the nugatory impressions he had received in
Rome, and the precedents set b}' his ancestors — and grate-
ful to his friends who had stood with him in hours of
adversity. Arriving in Jerusalem he "offered all the sacri-
fices that belonged to him, and omitted nothing which the
law required." So did he afterward mixing with the multi-
tude that had come to offer up the first fruits in the tem-
ple ; bearing his own basket, like every peasant, he appeared
with them before the altar as the law ordains (7). When
in the year 42 a. c. the Sabbath year closed, on the Feast of
Booths, he read the Law to the assembled people according
to ancient custom. When he came to the passage which
ordains that no foreigner should be king of the Llebrews.
he wept on account of his Idumean extraction. But the
voice of the multitude exclaiming, " thou art our brother,"
assured him that he was not looked upon as a non-
(7) MiSHNAH Biccurivi iii. 4.
278 AGRIPPA I. AND HIS TIME.
Israelite (8). The highpriests whom he appointed were
men of known piety and patriotism. He appointed first
Simon Boethus, the man who had consoled and encouraged
the people in the time of calamity ; but soon removed him
again, perhaps because he was a Sadducee, and appointed
the worthiest priest of his days, Jonathan, son of Annas,
who had held that office a short time under Vitellius. But
this man declined the high honors, because, as he said,
" God hath adjudged that I am not at all worthy of the
liigh priesthood." He recommended his brother, Matthias,
of whom he said, that he was pure from all sin against God ;
and he was appointed highpriest. It is not stated why he
was removed, and his successor, Elioneus, son of Cantheras,
was appointed; but it is recorded that the latter also was a
pious and patriotic man (9), who was the first after John
Hj^rcan to sacrifice again the red heifer. Agrippa re-
established the Hebrew State upon the national laws, con-
sequently the Great Sanhedrin also, after a suspension of
thirty-five years (6 to 41 a. c), was reconvoked to the tem-
ple under the presidency of Gamliel (or Gamaliel), the son
of Simon, who was the son of Hillel, called Rabban Gam-
liel Haz-zakan.
10. The Gamliel Sanhedrin.
The restoration of the Sanhedrin with its political and
judicial powers was the main event in the reign of Agrippa,
because it was the restoration of the national form of gov-
ernment with all its civil and religious liberty, and made
him the most popular ruler in Israel since the days of John
Hyrcan, so that the rabbinical sources like Josephus are
profuse in his praise. It was a Hillel Sanhedrin, hence
liberal, reformatory and peaceable. The grandson of Hillel
presided over it and an immediate disciple of Hillel, Rabbi
Jochanan (John) ben Saccai, was its chief justice, because
Akabiah ben Mahalalel, who was considered the most
worthy man of his time, disagreed with the school in some
minor points, and perfect unanimity was considered essen-
tial (10). The two scribes of this Sanhedrin were John
and Nahum (11). There Avere among the prominent mem-
(8) Sotnh 41 a. See also Kethuboih 17 a.
(9) f)ipn p "iryin"'^S Mishnah Farah iii. 5.
(10) EdiMh V. G, 7; Aboth iii. 1; Berachoth 19 a; Sanhedrin 88 a.
His HALACHdTii are Sanhedrin 77 ; Sebachim 88; Bechorolh 26; Niddah
19 ; Negaim 72 and 78.
(11) Sanhedrin lib; Nazir56; Peah ii. 6.
AGRIPPA I. AND HIS TIME. 279
bers of this Sanhedrin Ishmael b. Fabi (Elishah) and
Joshua b. Gamala, afterward highpriests, Hanina (Ananiis),
highpriest proxy, afterward the head of the moderate party,
-find many of those teachers who were afterward counted
among the First Age of Tena'im. It is with them that
the titles of Abba, Rabbi and Rabbon or Rabbenu begin.
The hitter title, " Our Teacher," was conferred on the lawful
Nassi only, because he was considered the teacher of all
teachers.
11. The Gamliel Legislation and Teachings.
Little is known of the legislation of the Gamliel Sanhe-
drin on account of its brief existence. Laws were enacted
" for the preservation of society " (D!)'iyn |ipn DlC'o) in the
very spirit of Hillel ; such as, a widow may marry again if
any one witness testify to the death of her husband (12).
Ori)hans' funds loaned out need no PROZBOL-contract to set
aside the law of release (13). Persons who have gone be-
yond the Sabbath way on the day of rest in order to per-
form a higher duty, may then, like other people, walk two
thousand cubits in any direction (14). Bills of divorce
must be so written that no mistake can occur in regard to
names, place or date (15). A widow's dowry must be paid
-at once after her husband's death (16). "Sadducees and
Boethites lose none of their rights by their difference of
opinion (17), which included also the primitive Christians
(18). The law may be Avritten in Greek characters as well
-as in the Assyrian (19). Public schools must be supported
in every district, besides the high-schools in the district
towns, and all children between the ages of six and seven up
to sixteen or seventeen years must frequent them (20). The
first reforms in Jewish calendation belong to this Rabban
(12) Jebnmoth 115 a.
(13) Guittin 37 a.
(14) Bosh Hns'hannli 23 6.
(15) Guittin 32 a and 34 6.
(16) I hid.
(17) Eruhin 68 h.
(18) Acts of the Apostles v. 35 to 39.
(19) Compare Mishnah Meguillah i. 8 with Debarim Rabbah i.
r\'2v min iqd nins^ imrD
(20) Baba Bntlira 21 a. where this enactment is ascribed to Joshua
b. Gamala before he was highpriest, but it must naturally have been
enacted by the Sanhedrin, although it may have been proposed by
Joshua b. Gamala.
liSO AGRIPPA I. AND HIS TIME.
Gamaliel (21). Like the Chaldeans the Hebrews counted
223 synoclical revolutions of the moon in 6585 1-3 days,
Mhich made a lunar moon of 29 355-669 days (established
by the rabbis in 29 days 12 793-1080 hours) ; nor were they
ignorant of Menton's luni-solar cycle, and the discoveries
and corrections by Hipparchus of Bithynia (160-125 b. c).
The fractions of the lunar moon were intercalated by a
thirtieth day of the month, so that some months had 29 and
others 30 days ; and the luni-solar years were adjusted by
the intercalated thirteenth month of Adar Sheni in seven
out of everv nineteen years. (Established ])V the rabbis
to be the 3, 6, 8, 11, 14, 17 and 19 years of the cycle). This
work of establishing years and months, hence also the feasts,
was done by the Sanhedrin, and from and after Rabbaii
Gamliel by the president thereof, assisted by some col-
leagues. According to ancient custom, the new moon had
to be seen, and the witness to testify to the fact before the
Wassi or his colleagues, before the new' moon day of any
month could be established, which gave rise to much con-
fusion. Rabban Gamliel introduced the astronomical tables
with the presentation of the various phases of the moon,
made use of a sort of telescope (22), and had an observatory
on the temple mount (n^^n "in H/yo) not only to control the
witnesses, but to estal)lish months and years according to
astronomical calculations, called afterward (-nnyn 1"id) "the
secret of intercalation " (23). This Rabban Gamliel, who wa&
so favorably disposed toward the Greek language and
literature, was, nevertheless, opposed to the Syrian transla-
tions of Scriptures, and commanded a Syriac version of the-
Book of Job to be so disposed of (Sabbath lib a) that it be not
put into public circulation. He was an opponent also of the
sacriticial polity, and maintained, as he also did in practice,
that the laws concerning the priests were given to all Israel,
and every one is his own priest, and must live like one,
according to the Law. (Bruil's J/eio, ]>. 51). His contro-
versies with Sadducees, Gentiles, philosophers and unbe-
lievers, as well as his enactments, extending the charity
(21) The second E. Gamliel, in all chronological matters, refers to
traditions which he rereived from his grandfather: DIL*'^ 'iX 'J^'^lprD
NDX "'HX n"'30 'J^mpO, Ro^^h Hashnnah, 23 and 25 n.
(22) That the ancient at^tronomers knew the telescope and its use,
has been ?stal)lished hy the anonymous author of the book "On
Mankind, their Origin and Destiny.'"' London, 1872, pp. 704, 705.
(23) Jv'<t<h JTaxhanah ii. 8 ; Sabbath 115 ; Erubin 43 ; Sanliedrin 11
and paral jiassages.
A-GRIPPA I. AND HIS TIME. 281
laws to the Heathens, shows that he was a liberal repre-
sentative of the Hillel school, who sought peace and con-
ciliation (24). As the cause of all the misfortunes under
which his generation suffered, he laid down this : " The
increase of false judges increases the number of false wit-
. nesses. The increase of calumniators increases confiscation.
The increase of insolence diminishes reputation, honor and
glory. B}' the corrupt doings of the nobility before their
Father in Heaven, a hypocritical government is raised over
them to punish them" (25). It is supposed that Rabban
Gamliel lived to 52 a. c, and when he died, the honor of
the Law, purity and piety, died with him.
12. The Reign of Agrippa.
The Kingdom of Heaven was restored in Israel, at all
events, to the satisfaction of all parties, except the extremely
vigorous Shammaites and zealots. The national laws were
in full force, the temple was under tlie superintendency of
pious and patriotic highpriests, peace prevailed, and the
good old times appeared to return. The young heathens of
Doris carried a statue of the Emperor into the s3'nagogue,
and erected it there, to the chagrin of the Hebrews.
Agrippa was prompt in suppressing the riot. He demanded
speedy action of Petronius, the President of Syria, and he
at once issued a decree against that Pagan enterprise, com-
manding peace and order in behalf of the Emperor, which
settled the matter. Agrippa paid close attention to the
fortifications of Jerusalem, a]id especially to its northern
walls, now separating Bezetha from the city. He was dis-
turbed, however, in this enterprise, by Marcus (or Marsus),
the successor of Petronius, who suspected Agrippa's motives,
and, perhaps, justly so, as his chances for more liberty were
favorable. Agrippa having inherited the building passion
of his grandfather, erected palaces and beautified cities.
He built also a grand and elegant theater, and a bath with
magnificent porticos, in the city of Berytus, and at heavy
expense introduced the games and shows in the Greco-
Roman style, in Berytus, Ctesarea and other Gentile cities.
Although this may have been done for political purposes
only, as will appear from the sequel, yet it gave offense to
the extremists, who would not tolerate any Heathen j^er-
(24) Sabbath 30 ; Abnrlah Sarah 54 and 65, with the captahi of
Agrippa's host, as it should read, viz.: Silas, see Josephus' Antiq. xix. 7.;
Sanhedrin 39 and 92 ; Guittin 59 b. Gl, and Yerushatmi ibid. v.
(25) Esther Rahba i.
282 AGRIPPA I. AND HIS TIME.
formance. One Simon (Haz-zenuah?) (26), who was a dis-
tinguished teacher, congregated a number of rigorous men
about him, and while Agrippa was in Caesarea, accused him
of an unholy and unworthy life. Being informed thereof,
the king sent for his opponent, and on his arrival in
Caesarea had him given a seat in the theater next to the mon-
arch, and there asked him, '' What is done in this place
that is contrary to the law?" This moderation and kindness
of the king overcame Simon's wrath and zeal. He hegged
the king's pardon, and received it. So he disarmed his
opponents, except one, Silas, the general of his horse, who
had been his faithful boon companion in former days, and
would now treat the king as he did formerly the frivolous
and fast-living prince. This man would not change his tone
and deportment, was exacting and insolent; so that after
repeated attempts to change his tone, Agrippa was obliged
to keep him in prison (27). His reign was prosperous, his
income was no less than 12,000,000 drachmse a year,
although he had remitted all taxes upon houses in Jeru-
salem.
13. Frustrated Coalition.
Herod, the brother of Agrippa, and by his intercession,
King of Chalcis, had nmrried Berenice, Agrippa's daughter.
Most of the kings in the neighborhood were of Herodian
descent, or related to that family by marriage; and there
existed a good understanding among them. A great enter-
tainment given by Agrippa at Tiberias, brought many
foreign guests thither, and among them also the kings of
Commagena, Emesa, Lesser Armenia, Pontus, and Chalcis,
all relatives of Agrippa. They had come, as they main-
tained, to witness the games, and to enjoy the royal enter-
tainments. But Marcus, who was an enemy of Agrippa, had
his suspicions. He unexpectedly appeared at Tiberias, and
had those kings advised to leave, which Avas done, and
Agrippa felt offended at this rude interference. Still, it ap-
pears, Marcus had good reason to apprehend the intimacy
of those six kings, headed by a monarch who was popular
among his people, and known in Rome as a shrewd and *-
successful statesman. There were in their rear two other
friends of the Hebrews, Izates, King of Adiabene, and a
(26)_ Not Simon ben Hilled who was certainly dead before his son
Gamliel, was made Nassi, and, according to the notices in the Talmud
of Agrippa's standing with the Pharisees, would not have opposed
him so rigorously and public' y.
(27) Josephus' Ant. xix., vi. and vii.
AGRIPPA I. AND HIS TIME. 283
new Hebrew State in Mesapotamia under two warlike
brothers at Xeerda (Xehardea). A coalition of those eight
States, backed, perhaps, by the Parthians, might have
proved too strong for Rome.
14. The Allies in the East.
There Avere two strong and populous cities on the
Euphrates, Neerda (or Nehardea) and Nisibis, inhabited
entirely or principally by Hebrews. These were central
points"for the Hebrews on^joth sides of the river. They de-
posited there their half-shekels for the temple in Jerusalem.;
Two brothers, Asineus and Anileus, weavers by trade, of Ne-
hardea, succeeded in collecting about them a number of
armed young men, who gradually became a terror to the prov-
ince thVough daring depredations. The Governor of Baby-
lonia, then a Partliian province, led a considerable force of
Parthians and Babylonians against those freebooters, at-
tacked them, and met with a very disastrous defeat. Arta-
banus, King of Parthia, on being informed of the valor of those
Hebrews, appointed Asineus Governor of Babylonia. This
upstart and his brother proved eminent warriors. Asineus
built fortresses and governed Mesapotamia fifteen years with
the best success. Mesapotamia was. to all intents and pur-
poses, a Hebrew State ( 28 ). North of it was Adiabene. There
Izates, the son of King ]Monobaz. had reigned since 37 a. c.
•Queen Helen, the wife of Monobaz, had embraced Judaism.
When he died his and Helen's son Izates was his successor,
and he also embraced Judaism, first secreth', but then openly
after he, his sons and his brother, Monobaz, had been cir-
cumcised. Queen Helen and her son Monobaz went to
Jerusalem, in order to worship in the temple of God. They
became afterwards great benefactors of the Hebrews.
Izates, a pious and faithful man, occupied the throne of
Adiabene, and was one of the mightiest vassals of the King
of Parthia. He restored Artiabanusto the Parthian throne
(51 a. c), when his governors conspired against him, and
fought with success against the rebels in his own country.
He reigned twenty-four years, and after his death was suc-
ceeded by his brother Monobaz (29) ; so that Adiabene also
(28) Josephiis' Ant xviii., ix.
(29) This Monobaz resided in Jerusalem before he mounted the
throne, and became famous among the Hebrews for his munificent
charity. Yeruslutlmi, Peah i. 1 ; Tosephta ibid, iv., and Babli Baba
Bathra 11 b.
284 A(JKIPPA I. AND HIS TIME.
could be counted among the Hebrew States (30), which
might have been united under the lead of Agrippa, whose
statesmanship and patriotism certainly inspired confidence.
15. The Death of Agrippa.
The festivities at Tiberias having been rudely disturbed
by Marcus, Agrippa prepared another grand entertainment at
Caesarea in honor of Claudius. That city, and that particular
time had been selected for the shows and games, because then
and there Agrippa's friends had arranged a festival " to
make vows for his safety;" "at which festival a great
multitude of the principal persons was gotten together, and
such as were of dignity throughout his province," Josephus-
remarks. Then and there, by the interference of Blastus,
the king's chamberlain, Agrippa was reconciled to the
Tyrians and tSidonians (Acts. xii. 20), who had been sup-
plied with food at the king's expense. It was a popular
demonstration, faintly covered by the shows and games in
honor of the emperor. On this occasion, when Agrippa
appeared in royal attire, the Heathens among his admirers
exclaimed : " Thou art a god " (equal to the emperor), and
he resented it not. Shortly after he saw the fatal owl, or
rather he was poisoned. Violent pain prostrated him. The
people lamented, and pr;iye I in sackcloth and ashes, still
Agrippa died after five days of violent pains, in the fifty-
fourth year of his life (44 a. c.) Superstition expounded
this event to please itself; but preceding and subsequent
events confirm the suspicion that Agrippa, having grown too
mighty for Rome's interests, was poisoned, as was quite
usual at the time, when vile Messalina, the infamous wife
of Claudius, with her freedmen, shed the best blood of
Rome, sold her charms and the offices to the highest bid-
ders, and had in Marcus, the President of Syria, one of her
most obedient servants. Perhaps it was an act of revenge
on the part of Marcus, who was shortly after removed from
office by Agrippa's infiuence over the emperor. When the
king was dead and buried, the Pagan inhabitants of
Csesarea and Sebaste gave vent to their hatred and brutality.
The soldiers entered the king's palace, stole tiie statues of
his daughters, and deposited them in the brothels, cele-
brated public frasts to Charon, drank, and conducted them-
selves in a beastly manner. The wrath of the Pagans had
been stifled, and broke forth with renewed fury after the
close of this brief period of national revival and glory. A
(30) Josephus' Antiq. xx, 2 to 4.
AGRIPPA I. AND ITTS TIME; 285
large number of coins is extant bearing the inscription,
" Agrijjpa, the Great King, Friend of Caesar," around the
crowned bust of Agri])pa ; with a standing Fortuna, bearing
the cornucopia, and leaning on an anclior, inscribed with
" Caesarea," or a flying Victoria, bearing a crown with both
hands, on the reverse. Coins of Herod of Chalcis, with
similar etiigies and inscriptions, are also extant (31).
16. The Acts of the Apostles.
Under the reign of Agrippa and the Gamliel Sanhedrin,
when civil and religious liberty was again respected, the
Disciples of Jesus of Nazareth had ample opportunity for
uniting and forming the nucleus of the future societ}^ of
Christians. The book, however, which contains the first
acts of the Apostles, is legendary (32). It appears that the
capture of Jesus, and his sudden death, made temporarily
an end of the Messianic drama and excitement (33). His
<iisciples fled to Galilee, and. perhaps, remained there to the
jear 41 a. c. (34). Recovering from their consternation, the
impressions which their master had made upon them, and
the lessons he had taught them, revived in their minds, to-
gether with the boundless veneration then felt for one's
teacher and his words. Every word of Jesus which they
could recollect became an oracle to them, as the words of
Hillel, Shammai, or any other teacher, had become to his
respective disciples ; and ever}^ word was carefully con-
sidered and expounded, to be understood or misunderstood.
They had, besides, the conviction that Jesus had died for
them ; that he had voluntarily sacrificed his life to save them
and many more, who would have become victims to the
Roman sword, if the sedition had not been prevented by
(31) Lenormani's Numismatique de rois grees, and the cabinet in
the Paris Library.
(32) Among the books of the New Testament, "The Acts of the
Apostles" is the least reliable as a historical source (See our Origin
of Cliristianity, Cin'innat', 18GS). Its author, supposed to be Luke,
contradicts tlie Gospels in his accounts of Judas Iscariot and the
ascension ; contradicts Paul's Epist'es in the life of that Apostle ; con-
tradicts the Pentateuch in his Stephen speech; and contradicts
Josephus in many points. The book is doctrinal and harmonizing in
its tendeiicj'', to cover over the differences existing between Peter and
Paul, the Jew and Gentile Christians ; it was written in the second
half of the second century, partly from Church traditions and partly
from notes of Paul's travels, marked " we ;" and was not finally ac-
cepted as canonical until the fifth century.
(33) Tacitus, Annals xv., xliii.
(34) Matthew xxviii. 16 ; John xxi.
286 AGRIPPA 1. AND HIS TIME.
the self-sacrifice of Jesus. These two fechngs, comhined in
men of siinpHcity, enthusiasm, creduHty and many eccen-
tricities, must have wrought up tlieir minds to a state of
mourning which is bewildering in itself; of ecstacy and
visions, which solves the most difficult problems as satis-
factorily to tlie excitable as the solution is unsatisfactory
to reas(Mi. The Bible, which was to the Hebrew tlie book,
in wliich all and everything must be contained, was con-
sulted in order to discover therein the words of Jesus, the
incidents of his life and death. Illiterate as those disci-
ples were, and in that peculiar state of mind, they natu-
rally found in the Bible what they did seek ; especially as
they did not distinguish between facts and tropes, and
where incidents did not exist they were easily developed by
amplification and personification, or existing ones shaped
" to fulfill Scriptures." The disciples of Jesus applied the
peculiar methods of expounding Scriptures allegoricall}',
superseding facts or laws by exotic precepts ; severing any
passage from its context, and imposing a foreign sense on
it ; making facts of poetical tropes ; and above all, chang-
ing the political history of the ancient Hebrews into a new
semi-divine fabric of government, a fantastic-political ap-
plication of a form of government, defunct for ten cen-
turies. All of which was illegitimate, unscientific, and
contrary to the juridical exegese of that age. Still, by
this method, they succeeded in discovering in Scriptures
their own ideas and wishes concerning their martyred mas-
ter, and came to these conclusions :
1. Jesus actually was the Messiah, who did die the
death of a malefactor in order to rouse the survivors to re-
pentance of sin, so that by sincere repentance the remission
of sins and the restoration of the Kingdom of Heaven
might come to pass.
2. Jesus, though slain, is not dead ; he has been caught
up to Heaven, and Avill shortly return to occupy the throne
of David in the restored Kingdom of Heaven.
3. Those who repent their sins, believe in Jesus, and
faithfully wait for his second advent, will be the first and
highest in the Kingdom of Heaven.
When Agrippa had mounted the throne of Judea, some
of them, styling themselves Apostles and witnesses of the
Messiah, could venture to Jerusalem, and eleven of them
did come, elected a twelfth man (Matthew), and established
a communistic and cenobitic society without a name, in
imitation of similar Essene colonies. A number of men
and Avomen, said to have been one hundred and twenty
AGRIPPA 1. AND HIS TIME. 287
lived together in one house and ate at one table, in a state
of ecstacy and paroxysm, which they called Holy Ghost,
Paraclete or Bath-kol. The twelve apostles were the rulers
of the society in its infancy, till atterward stewards and
evangelists were appointed to assist them. Those men,
preaching repentance, prophesying the speedy restoration of
the Kingdom of Heaven and the throne of David, and lead-
ing a retired and ascetic life, must have been looked upon
as benigiited fantasts by the enlightened citizens of Jerusa-
lem, altiiough the simple and ignorant among the citizens
and pilgrims must have considered them saints. Anyhow,
they were unmolested during the reign of Agrippa, and as
long thereafter as they did not interfere Avith the hiws of
the land. That one of the Apostles, James, was slain, and
Peter was arrested by Agrippa (Acts xii.) is, therefore, not
true, because the miracle and the massacre of the soldiers
connected with the release of Peter can not be true ; the
names James and Simon (Peter) are taken from another
story, reported by J'osephus (Antiq. xx., v. 2) ; and besides,
this is reported as the last persecution of the Apostles (Acts
xii. 17), when tlie first took place under the highpriest
Ananias (Acts iv. (>), who was the second highpriest after
the death of Agrippa (.Josephus ihid.). The author of the
Acts, in writing that notice, made a mistake of several years ;
for in the 3'ear 62 a. c, James, the brother of Jesus, was
slain, as we shall narrate hereafter. Agrip])a and the Gam-
liel Sanhedrin were certainly not guilty of the persecution
of any religious sect.
288 MILITARY DESPOTISM AM) ITS EFFECTS.
CHAPTER XXIII.
Military Despotism and its Effects (4-'j to 66 A. C),
1. The Procurator Again.
Agrippa left three daughters and one son. Bernice, six-
teen years old, was married to Herod of Chalcis ; Mariamne,
ten years old, had been espoused by Julius Archelaus
Epiphanes, and Druscilia, seven years old, by the King of
Commagena. The son, Agrippa II., seventeen years old.
was then in Rome, where he was being educated under the
care of the emperor. Claudius, in a decree, called Agrippa
Junior " my friend, whom I have brought up and now have
with me, and who is a person of very great piety " (1).
The friendship of Claudius for Agrippa I. and his family ap-
pears to have been sincere and consistent. Informed of
Agrippa's death and the shameless conduct of the soldiers
of Csesarea, he recalled Marcus from Syria, as Agrippa had
requested him to do, and sent him in his place Cassius
Longinus ; commanded that the legions of Csesarea and
Sebaste should be sent to Pontus ; and was willing to send
to Palestine Agrippa II. as successor to his father, and to
reconfirm the existing league by oath. But Claudius was
no longer the lord of Rome ; his wife and freedmen gov-
erned, and they knew how to persuade the weak emperor
not to intrust so important a kingdom to so young a man.
The policy against the Hebrews was not changed, the sol-
diers were not sent to Pontus and not punished otherwise ;
Cuspus Fadus was appointed procurator of Judea, and mil-
itary despotism again assumed its iron scepter over un-
happy Palestine (45 a. c). No reason is assigned for the
assassination of Silas, the late king's master of horse, in
(1) Josephus' Antiq. xx., i. 2.
MILITARY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS. 289
his prison by order of Herod, King of Chalcis, except per-
gonal enmity {Ihid. xix., viii. 3).
2. Doings of Fadus.
The Hebrews, for a number of years, had been used
again to the blessings of free government and the suprem-
acy of their national laws. These being suddenly replaced
by the military rule under a foreign master, dissatisfaction
and insurrection were sure to come again. Even at the
beginning of this administration, seditions broke out at two
diherent points. Some people at the eastern boundary of
Perea, having a quarrel with the Philadelphians about a
certain village on the line, seized it and defeated the Phila-
delphians. As in Cffisarea and Sebaste, so also at this
point, Fadus sided with the Pagans against the Plebrews,
had three of their leaders arrested, slew one of them, Han-
nibal, and expatriated the two others, Amram and Eleazar,
without calling the Pliiladelpliians to any account. Insur-
rectionary bodies forming again in various parts of the
country, whom Josephus calls robbers, Fadus put them
down by force of arms, captured and executed one of their
chiefs, Tolomy, although others escaped. Having thus
struck terror among the country people, Fadus began his
usurpations in Jerusalem. He demanded the sacerdotal
vestments of the highpriest and the king's crown to be
deposited again under his control in Fort Antonio, which
signified not only the assumption of the regal powers, but
also exclusive dominion over the temple and its treasury.
Longinus, the President of Syria, had come to Jerusalem
with a sufficioit military escort, to enforce the demands of
Fadus. The people, determined not to submit to the
usurpation, finally prevailed upon the Roman rulers to
grant them permission to send an embassy to Rome to have
this matter decided. Hostages were given to the procura-
tor and the embassy departed for Rome.
3. The Theudas Sedition.
The popular indignation was roused by the usurpations
of Fadus ; the belief in miracles had received a fresh im-
petus by the Messianic commotion under Jesus of Nazareth
and the teachings of his disciples ; and so, another prophet
could rise with pretensions to work miracles and save the
people. His name was Theudas. He congregated a num-
ber of credulous admirers at the Jordan River, which he
290 MILITARY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS.
promised to divide for them, and do other great and mar-
velous things. The number of his admirers was only about
four hundred (2), and their pretensions, it appears, were not
very dangerous (3). Still Fadus embraced this opportunity,
sent a troop of horsemen to the Jordan, slew and captured
many of the deluded visionaries, and among the latter, also
Theudas, who was beheaded, and his head exhibited in
Jerusalem. The second Messianic drama ended as did the
first, ten years before.
4. Herod of Chalcis, Chief Ruler of the Temple.
The embassy of the Hebrews Avas successful in Rome.
Agrippa interceded with Claudius in behalf of his people ;
an imperial decree was issued addressed to the '" magis-
trates, senate (4) and people, and the whole nation of the
.Tews," in which the emperor said : " I would have every
one worship God according to the laws of his own coun-
try," and granted the request of the Hebrews, as had been
done ten years before by Vitellius. Herod, the King of
Chalcis, was appointed chief ruler of the temple, and after
his death Agrippa II. exercised that authority. Fadus was
recalled and Tiberius Alexander succeeded him. Herod
began the exercise of his authority by appointing high-
priest Joseph, the son of Camus or Camydus (46 a. c.) to
supersede the last highpriest appointed by Agrippa. How-
ever, the son of Camus was not long retained in office ;
Herod appointed as his successor, Ananias, the son of
Nebedus (5).
5. Administration of Tiberius Alexander.
The successor of Fadus was Tiberius Alexander, the son
of the Alabarch of Alexandria, who had embraced Pagan-
isrn and advanced to the highest positions in the empire.
He began his administration with the capture and crucifix-
ion of James and Simon, sons of Juda, of Galilee. But
then Palestine was visited by a great famine, and the land
was as quiet as a graveyard. It was during this distressing
famine that Queen Helen, of Adiabene, who resided in her
own palace in Acra, as well as her sons, King Izates, and hia
(2) Acts of the Apostles v. 36.
(3) Josephus' Antiq. xx., v. 1.
(4) Hence the Sanhodrin had not been dissolved again.
(5) 47 A. c. Josephus Ibid, xx., v. 2, under whom the first prose-
cution of the Apostles took place.
MILITARY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS. 291
brother, Monobaz, distinguished themselves as the bene-
factors of the poor. She imported large quantities of corn
and dried figs from Alexandria and Cyprus which were
distributed among the needy. King Izates sent large sums
of money to Jerusalem for the poor, and his brother dis-
tributed all he had (6).
6. Conflict of the Apostles with the Authorities.
The conflict of the disciples of Jesus of Nazareth with
the authorities at Jerusalem took place after the Theudas
sedition (7) and when Ananias was highpriest (8), hence in
the year 47 a. c. The massacre following the Theudas
commotion must have caused those authorities to watch
carefully all pretended prophets and workers of miracles,
whose enterprise endangered the lives of credulous multi-
tudes. This was certainly also to the disadvant^ige of the
Apostles, who pretended to work miracles, and appealed to
those very masses whose credulity and excitability were
most to be apprehended. Those Apostles practiced thauma-
turgy and necromancy. They cured the sick, drove out
evil spirits in the name of Jesus, as others did in the name
of King Solomon (9), and healed wounds and sores by
whispering over them magic spells (10). All this was con-
trary to the Law of Moses (11), although in time of peace
and order, it was not strictly enforced, so that Essenes and
other thaumaturgists were looked upon as harmless men.
The Apostles, on their part, were obliged to procure the
means of subsistence for a whole congregation, and the year
47 A. c. was one of distressing famine. They did no kind
of work, and w^re obliged to exercise their practice of
thaumnturgy and necromancy for a living, as other He-
brews did in Rome and elsewhere. Therefore, and not on
account of preaching any doctrine, Peter and John were ar-
rested and placed before a council of priests. The judges
treated the prisoners very leniently. They merely warned
them not to excite the people and not to practice thauma-
turgy and necromancy (Acts iv.), and then dismissed them.
(j) Jopephus' Antiq. xx., ii. 5 ; Yerushalmi Peah i. 1, and parai-
lel passages.
(7) Acts V. 36.
(8) Jhld. iv. 6.
(9) Josei)lins' Antiq. viii., ii. 5 " Wars vii., vl. 3.
(10) HD':'-! hv K'n'h Pee the story of the Apostle James and the
nephew of Rabbi IsJTinael, Abockih Sar-ah, 27 6.
(11) Deut. xviii. 9-14.
292 MILITAKV DKSI'OTIS.M AND ITS EFFKCTS.
But tlie Apostles did not desist froiii the forbidden work,
and all of them were arrested. This time it was Kabban
Gamliel who defended them before their judges (Aets v.
34), and they were dismissed with the most lenient punish-
ment that could be inflicted for contenjjjt of law after a
forewarning ; they received stripes and another warning to
stop those practices (Acts v.). The Apostles, however,
looked upon that humiliation as a sacriflce to their cause,
and not only continued glorifying their martyred master
and proclaiming loudly their new doctrine, but also prac-
ticing thauinaturgy and necromaucv. They addressed
themselves mostly to foreign Plebrews sojourning in Jerusa-
lem (Acts ii. 9 ; vi. 9), who were more inclined to believe in a
coming ^lessiah than were the Hebrews of Palestine. They
continued their work in spite of all forewarnings, until it led
to a riot, in which one of the evangelists or stewards of the
congregation, whose name is said to have been Stephen,
lost his life (12). This man's blood innocently shed, it is
maintained, became the cause of Paul's conversion, to
which we refer in another paragraph of this chapter. It
stopped the work of the Apostles in Jerusalem, and broke
up the communistic society; although many of them re-
mained in Jerusalem and in close communication (Acts xii.
11). The Apostles and evangelists, however, began their
work outside of the city, and with more success, especially
iit Cttsarea, Joppe, Sebaste, Damascus and Antioch. " They
spake with tongues and ])ropliesied," not only the Apostles,
but also all baptized by them, which was a sign of having
received the Holy Ghost. This is explained by Paul (13) to
have been so ; the proselytes claimed or were persuaded to be-
lieve they possessed " gilts of grace " by their conversion, su-
perior faith, wisdom or eloquence, the gift of prophecy, the
power to work miracles, to heal the sick, to drive out evil si")ir-
its, to speak diverse tongues or to expound them. This speak-
ing with tongues or diverse tongues was a peculiar supersti-
tion. The medium, supposed to be under the influence of the
(12) The historical nucleus of Acts vi. and vii. can not possibly
be more than a vulgar row, as the numerous mistakes in those ciiap-
ters sliow, and as it is a matter of impossibility that the liighest
authorities ot" a civilized country sliould conduct themselves in the
manner described there. Besides, tlie name Stephen throws suspi-
cion on the wliole story ; for, like Simon and James, it is taken from
a narrative of Josephus (Antiq. xx., v. 4), that name occurs nowhere
else in Hebrew records : and from a rabbinical legend referring
to the conversion story of Paul, as does also this story. See our
-Origin of Christianity, Cliaj:). viii.
(lo) Corinthians xii.
MILITARY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS. 295
Holy Ghost in a state of violent ecstasy, did not speak in-
telligible words to his audience ; he ejaculated inarticulate
groans or shrieks, accompanied by wild gesticulations, and
then either he or another of the company expounded the
supposed revelation. Paul opposed this superstition among-
his proselytes in Corinth. It is not difficult to see that
pretensions of this kind could find credence among the
illiterate only, and how dangerous such practices are to that
class. Reason and intelligence are set at naught, imagina-
tion and self-delusion are wrought up to an uncontrollable
point, to believe or even see an^'thing almost in the realm of
impossibilities. And yet, if Paul is to be trusted, the Apos-
tles and Evangelists were engaged in giving such seances,
and made use of these pretensions and practices to convert
people to their own belief; only that the Holy Ghost could
not be brought upon the i)roselytcs except by one of the
Apostles themselves, and this alleged fact laid the founda-
tion to a new hierarchy. Nascent Christianity was a small
sect, and would have gone under with all the other sects in
the catastrophe, if it had not been for one young man,
known to us under the assumed name of Paul, '' the small
one," who seized upon this commotion and turned it into
an entirely different channel. But Ave can not review his
work here. We must tirst narrate the development of facts
in his age.
7. Agrippa II., King of Chalcis,
In the eighth year of Claudius, hence toward the close
of 48 A. c, Herod of Chalcis died. Although he left three
sons, Claudius gave that kingdom to Agri})pa II., who re-
mained in Rome and had that little country governed by
others. Four years later, Claudius gave Chalcis to the
oldest son of Herod, Aristobul, and a})pointed Agrippa
king of the tetrarchy of Phihp, together witli Batanea,
Trachonitis and Abila. He was also the chief ruler of the
temple. The four original provinces of Palestine, Judea,
Galilee, Samaria and Perea, remained an imperial province,
and Cumanus was sent there as procurator (48 a. c).
8. Crushing Slaughter on Passover.
To maintain the peace was the first object of the Ro-
man procurators, only they did not know how to do it
among an intelligent but dissatisfied people. They at-
tempted it by the usurpation of power and the application
of brute force, which made the evil worse with every pass-
294 MILITARY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS.
inj]; day. Cumanus lield the same erroneous views, which
led to the following horrible catastro]>hies. A vast number
of pilgrims assembled in Jerusalem to celebrate the Pass-
over (48 A. c). Cumanus was frightened by the immense
concourse of people, and apprehended mischief. He placed
a regiment on guard duty in and upon the temple cloisters,
which innovation must have chagrined the pilgrims. Still
everything passed off peaceably for three days. On the
fourth day, however, one of the soldiers outraged common
decency by making an indecent exposure of his body to
the multitude in the temple court. This enraged the wor-
shipers, who construed it as an affrontery offered to God
more tlian the Hebrews, and loudly maintained that Cuma-
nus had instructed his soldiers to insult the community.
Cumanus, instead of punishing the soldier and appeasing
the people, sent his whole garrison up to Fort Antonio, and
exposed the lives of tens of thousands to the hostile arms.
Before an attack had been actually made upon the people,
the multitude fled, panic stricken. The temple gates were
narrow, the crowd large, with the Roman arms glittering
behind it, thus one of those horrible catastrophics ensued
Avhich has so often repeated itself among horriued masses.
The jnultitude, crazed and unmanageable, crowded, thronged
and trampled one another under foot in a wild stampede,
which cost the lives of twenty thousand innocent men,
women and children, and threw the city into a state of in-
describable sadness and mourning. This, perhajDS, better
than any other event, tells the cause why Jesus of Naza-
reth was arrested before the feast, and Avhy his disciples,
together with all innovators and impostor?, were so much
dreaded by the authorities in Jerusalem. The lives of tens
of thousands depended on the maintenance of peace, and
those eccentric saviors, prophets, Messiahs, thaumaturgists
naturally created excitement, uproar and imprudent sedi-
tion, although their motives may have been religious and
patriotic.
9. The Thue Stephen Story.
As though the cup of Avoe had not been filled to the
brim, Cumanus added another outrage to the first. A man
Avas robbed near Jerusalem. His name was Stephen, and
lie was a servant of Caesar, Avho, perhaps, carried the booty
to a place of safety. That this must have been done by the
])ilgrims who denounced the soldier's indecency in the tem-
ple, wns the supposition of Cumanus. Instead of arresting
the guilty parties, he sent his soldiers to the neighboring
MILITAllY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS. 295
"villages to plunder them and to arrest their principal men.
The soldiers did terrible execution; they took or destroyed
all they could find, and one of them seized a scroll of the
Law and, Avith imprecations and scurrilities, tore it in
pieces before the horrified villagers. This sacrilege was
worse than the first in the estimation of the people, and
Cumanus was obliged to have that soldier beheaded, in
order not to appear implicated in those outrages.
10. The Quarrel with the Samaritans, 51 to 53 a. c.
The decline of power in Jerusalem always encouraged
the enemies abroad to acts of violence. This time the
Samaritans were the aggressors. Pilgrims from Galilee
were attacked at Ginea, a Samaritan village, and many
of them killed. In vain did the Galileans demand jus-
tice of Cumanus ; the Samaritans had bribed him, and he
was on their side. The injured men, however, resolved
upon taking the matter into their own hands and effected a
military organization under the lead of Elcazar ben Dineus,
a guerrilla chief of that neigliljorhood ; invaded Samaria,
plundered and burned several villages. Cumanus marched
against them Avith an adequate force. In the first conflict
many of the Galileans fell and others were captured. But
this might have served as a mere signal to a general insur-
rection, which the authorities in Jerusalem dreaded. They
sent some of their most eminent men to the Galileans to
l>eg for peace in behalf of the nation and the temple, whose
existence was threatened by the Romans. They succeeded ;
the Galileans laid down their arms. It appears that Cu-
manus also, perhaps by bribes, was persuaded to drop the
matter at that point. This again disi3leased the Samari-
tans. They went to Tyre, where they met Quadratus. now
President of Syria, and accused Cumanus of bribery and
neglect of duty, and the Hebrews of defying the authority
of Rome. Quadratus adjourned the case until he came to
Samaria, and there, Avithout giving a hearing to the Gali-
leans, he sentenced their captives in the hands of Cumanus
to be crucified. Next he went to Lydda and gave this mat-
ter a second hearing. On the testimony of the Samaritans
against Dortus, and four more principal men of the He-
brows, that they had urged their people to rebellion against
Rome, he condemned them to death; sent in chains to
Rome, Ananias, the highpriest (14), and Annas, the cap-
• (14) Ananias, the hicchpriest, is called in the Mishnah (Parah)
"^IVOn 7X!33n, who also sacrificed a red heifer, and a few years later
296 MILITARY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS.
tain of the temple, and ordered the representatives of both
the Hebrews and Samaritans, together with Cumanus and
Celer, the tribune, to appear before the emperor for a final
settlement of their differences. Next he went to Jerusa-
lem with the intention of continuing his bloody w^ork. But
there he found the multitude peaceably assembled to wor-
ship God on one of the high feasts.
11. The Emperok's Decision.
There was an abominable regime at the imperial court,
although Messalina had Ixsen publicly executed. Claudius
had married a second wife, Agrip])ina, the mother of Nero.
This woman and the freedmen ruled the en^)eror, and the}''
were encmi(>s of the Hebrews, and iriends of Cumanus and
the Samaritans. Still, Agrippa II., yet in Rome, succeeded
in winning the good will of Agrippina, so that she per-
suaded the emperor to give a hearing to the contesting par-
ties. Claudius decided the controversy in favor of the He-
brews. The Samaritan representatives were slain, Cuma-
nus was banished, and Celer, the tribune, was sent back to-
Jerusalem to be dragged through the city and then to be
slain (53 a. c). Still the priests remained captives in
Rome for several years after.
12. Felix, Procurator (53 a. c).
For the time being, the Hebrews were relieved and
avenged, but it was only for a short time. Claudius, it ap-
pears, wished to be just to the Hebrews, but his courtiers,,
who hated and feared them, always prevented him from
doing the right thing. Now, certainly, was the proper time
to give to Palestine its legitimate king, Agrippa II., who was
the only man to restore order and law in that country.
But instead of that, he sent there Felix, the brother of
Pallas, and gave to Agrippa the northern kingdom. How-
ever, Claudius was no moi'e mistaken in the man he sent tO'
Judea than was the highpriest, Jonathan (15), the immedi-
ate successor of Ananius, w^ho recommended Felix for the
procuratorship, although Jonathan's candor and patriotism
were subject to no doubt. The procuratorship of Felix was
a fresh source of calamity to the Hebrew.
another was sacrificed by Ishniael b. Fal)i, which shows how gene-
rally the laws of Levitical cleanness must have been observed, if
they needed the ashes of three red heifers in less than two decades-
(15) Josephus' Antiq. xx., viii. 5.
military despotism and its effects. 297
13. The Agrippa Family (54 a. c).
Claudius also, and shortly after his son, Britannicus,
like Agrippa I., were cut off by poison. His wife, Agrip-
pina, in order to secure the throne of the Ceesars to her son
(Domitian), the horrible Nero, disposed of her husband, as
afterward her son disposed of her and his own wife. Octavia,
and Nero was proclaimed emperor by the soldier}' of Rome
(54 A. c). In the first year of hisreign, he appointed Aristo-
bulus, King of Chalcis, Governor of Lesser Armenia, and
added to the kingdom of Agrippa II. portions of Galilee
and Perea, including Tiberias and Terichea west of the
lake, Julias, Gamala, and thirteen other places east of the
lake. The daughters of Agrippa I. also occupied high posi-
tions. Mariamne deserted her first husband and married
Demetrius, the alabarch of the Hebrews of Alexandria.
Berenice, after the death of her husband, Herod of Cbalcis,
in order to escape scandalous reports, married Polemo,
King of Cilicia, who had embraced Judaism, but she after-
ward left him and he left her religion. Drusilla was mar-
ried to Azizus, King of Emesa. But either shortly before
or after the death of her husband, she Avas persuaded by
Simon, the Cyrian magician, to marry Felix, the Procura-
tor, who was a Heatben, and this was considered a trans-
gression of the laws of her forefathers (16).
14. Internal Dissolution of the Commonwealth.
However prosperous the aristocratic families and the
populous cities looked, the commonwealth was fatally ix)is-
oned by the military despotism of the foreign master.
Ever since the Romans had imposed their iron scepter upon
Palestine, the Hebrew democrats protested and opposed it :
first, as patriots, then as zealots ; first, as guerrillas, then as
robbers, and in alliance with assassins. Three ger.erations
of patriots had been slain by Roman executioners, viz. :
Ezekias, his son Judah, of Galilee, and his sons, James and
Simon, and this is the index to the fate of the party. Those
men fought lion-like on the battlefield ; when defeated, they
retired to their natural fortresses in the clefts and caverns
of the mountains or inaccessible retreats in the wilderness^
and, hard pressed there for sustenance, they were forced to
live on booty taken from foes or friends, as necessity com-
pelled them. The hatred against Rome and the habits of
the guerrilla having been inherited from sire to son, a large
(16) Ibid. XX., vii. 2.
298 MILITARY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS.
portion of the fighting i)()i)uhition, })randed as robbers and
outhiu's, defied the kiws and undermined the groundwork
of society. The profound rehgious feelings of tlie Hebrews
and firm trust in Providence, tried by reverses, scorned by
heathens, and offended by impious tools of the foreign gov-
ernment, deteriorated into fanciful superstitions and blind
itmaticism. In the land of law and juridical speculations
there rose all sorts of theopathic and theo-roinantic necro-
mancers, thaumaturgists, prophets, Messiahs, saviors and
redeemers of all kinds, and brought anarchy and dissolu-
tion into the religious ieehngs of the people. The rabbis
of Beth Hillel and Beth Shaminai quibbled and quarreled
over unimportant minor topics. The whole fabric of society
was in a state of dissolution. As the corruption and de-
generation grew in Rome, despotism and cruelty, with their
horrors and dissolving efficacy, progressed in Palestine.
The speedy restoration of the Hebrew government and the
national laws was the only means to arrest the onward
march of dissolution ; but instead of that, Felix was sent
to Judea to make the evil incurably worse.
15. Treachery, Crucifixion and Assassination.
Felix began his career (54 a. c. ) in Palestine with a cam-
paign against the robbers, captured many of them and had
them crucified. Like all other despots, he believed ideas
could be crucified or crushed by a reign of terror. He
promised amnesty to the Galilean chief, Eleazar b. Dana,
who capitulated, but Felix, instead of keeping his promise,
sent him in chains to Rome. Still, during the first years
of Nero, the country was quiet. The highpriest, Jonathan,
whose influence upon the people and the Roman authori-
ties was equally potent, kept both Felix and the dissatisfied
people under control. Felix grew tired of that man of stern
righteousness who had brought him from Rome, and
Agrippa certainly would not remove him from the high
priesthood. As was then fashionable among the Roman
grandees, Felix resorted to assassination. By the wicked-
ness of a citizen, Doras, a number of robbers were hired,
who came to the city with concealed arms and assassinated
the highpriest. No arrests were made, and the last bonds
of society were rent in twain. The procurator in conspir-
acy with assassins and the highpriest dead — this taught
many a malicious man how to rid himself of his enemies
in the Roman style, and assassinations soon became as
MILITAIIY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS. 299
common in the streets of Jerusalem as duels afterward in
Christian communities.
16. Another Highpriest and Other Impostors
(57 TO 60 A. c).
Agrippa II. now appointed as highpriest Ishmael b. Fabi
(Elishah), who was a man of learning and patriotism.
Still the assassination of a highpriest was a burning sore
in the heart of the nation. A large number of proi)hets,
saviors, redeemers, Messiahs and impostors, under different
titles, rose to make an end of misery by miracles and fan-
tastic enterprises. Felix knew of no better remedy against
the evil than the sword and the cross. He had all those
deluded visionaries slain as fast as they could be caught,
which certainly made the evil worse. One of those impos-
tors, an alleged prophet from Egypt, succeeded in congre-
.gating a multitude on JMount Olives, where he promised to
perform miracles. Felix sent out his soldiers, who slew
four hundred and captured two hundred of the duped mul-
titude. The prophet luckily escaped, or else history might
have had another crucified savior. All those impostors,
however, as well as the robbers, were patriots ; only that
the latter appealed directly to the sword, and the former
did it indirectly through the religious feelings. Therefore,
with the commotion of the impostors, the robbers also re-
newed their activity ; stirred up the people to war with the
Romans and inflicted dire punishment on those who pre-
ferred peace (17).
17. The Sedition of the Highpriests.
The murderous executions by Felix did not restore re-
spect for law and order ; it could only foster violence and
anarchy, and it did that to so alarming an extent that the
city of Jerusalem, and in it the various ex-highpriests, were
seized by the destructive current. A feud of the various
€X-highpriests, wealthy and mighty men, was a novelty in
the holy city. They had each their partisans, armed ser-
vants and ruffians who, although not as bloodthirst}' as
the knights and prelates of medieval Christendom or the
Guelphs and Ghibellines, insulted and attacked one another
in the streets of Jerusalem, and there was no government
to stop them. Some of those parties went so far in their
(17) Josephu!^' Ant. xx., viii. 6.
800 MU.ITAUY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS.
lawlessness as to send tlieir rulfians into the country ta
take the titlies out of the hands of the husbandmen, so
that the peaceable priests got nothing and were reduced to
starvation (18).
18. Disfranchisement in C^sarea.
Under such conditions it is not surprising tluit the
Heathens again raised their heads and ventilated their
hatred against the Hebrews. This time it was in Cicsarea^
where the Syrians and Hebrews collided. The Hebrews
claimed something in preference to the S3'rians, Josephus
does not tell what, and this started a feud among the par-
ties. The ringleaders on both sides were punished and the
quarrel stopped. But soon after the wealthy Hebrews
started the same quarrel, which led to fights. Felix em-
braced the favorable opportunity to exercise his authority.
He sent his soldiers, who slew some, captured others, and
plundered the houses of the rich, which was the main ob-
ject in quelling disturbances. Shortly after that, Felix was-
recalled to Rome, and both Hebrews and S3'rians followed
him to lay their grievances before the emperor. In Rome,,
however, money and friends could accomplish anything,,
justice, nothing. Pallas protected his brother, Felix, and he-
escaped unpunished. Money purchased Nero's tutor, Burr-
hus, who obtained a decree from Nero to disfranchise the
Hebrews of Cajsarea, the city built by Herod and beauti-
fied by Agrippa with the money of the Hebrews. This,
Avhen a few years after it became known in Ca^sarea, exas-
perated the Hebrew citizens, and they became so much
more seditious till, at last, they became the very first cause
of the outbreak of the war.
19. Calamities of the Babylonian Hebrews.
Worse than all this was the calamity of the Babylonian
Hebrews. Asineus and Anileus, though feared as warriors,
soon lost the confidence of the Hebrews, because they led
profligate lives, and were hated by the Babylonians, whom
they ojjpressed. Anileus had married a Pagan woman,
against which the Hebrews loudly remonstrated. Fearing
the judgment of Asineus, the woman poisoned him, and
Anileus governed the province alone. He n)ade marauding
(18) Josephus' Ihkl. xx., viii. 8, and Talmud Pesachim, 57 a. Ish-
mael b. Fabi himself is described there as a good man, but his family-
was involved in the same feuds and acts of violence with the others.
MILITARY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS. 301
expeditions into the adjoining provinces of Mithridates,
the son-in-law of King Artabanus, who came with an army
to chastise him. This army was defeated and Mithridates
captured. He was spared and sent back to the king; but
his wife, ashamed of his defeat, pressed him hard to renew
the fight, and he did so. This time Mithridates was victo-
rious, and Anileus retreated to Nehardea. A band of ma-
rauders, gathered about him, did great damage to the Bab_y-
lonians, until finally, Anileus and his men fell into their
hands and were slain. Now the Babylonians turned their
arms against the Hebrews in the country, who were obliged
to seek protection in Seleucia. They lived there in peace
for five years, but then, in the sixth year, the Greeks and
Syrians of the city combined against "them and slew about
fifty thousand of them ; those who escaped sought shelter
in the city of Ctesiphon, but not being suffieientl.y pro-
tected there they went to the cities of Nisibis and Nehar-
dea. So it appears that the Hebrews of all Mesopotamia
were driven to those two large, strong cities. The chief
authority of Nisibis was the Tana, R. Judah b. Bethyra,
who resided there till he died, some j^ears after the fall of
Jerusalem (19).
20. Administration of Festus (61 a. c).
Porcius Festus was sent to Judea as the successor of
Felix. He found the country exposed to bands of guer-
rillas and robbers, and the city infested with assassins.
Especially terrible were the sicarians, men armed with
short, bent swords, somewhat like sickles, who did terrible
execution. The patriotic excitement of those zealots ran
very high. Whoever was loyal to the Romans was consid-
ered an enemy and treated accordingly. Villages were
burnt and plundered, men were driven from their homes
and their land was sold or otherwise disposed of. Another
pretending savior was at work, and promised freedom and
deliverance to his followers (20), and the procurator, like
his predecessors, could only wield his authority by military
executioners, by slaughter and confiscation, which could but
increase the evil. Nothing would convince the Roman
authorities that tlie Hebrews could be governed by their
own laws and institutions alone, and the military despot-
(19) Josephus' Antiq. xviii., ix ; Talmud Pesachim 3 and 109 ;
Sanhedrin 32 ; John b. Bag-Bag was his cotemporary (Kiddushin 10).
(20) Josephus' Antiq. xx., viii. 10.
302 MILITARY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS.
ism displacing them gradually and surely, produced the
entire demoralization and dissolution of society.
21. The Quarrel over Agrippa's Dining Room.
Agrippa II., in possession of the royal palaces in Jeru-
salem, spent much of his time there, although he had two
capitals, viz. : Tiberias and Csesarea Philippi. The old As-
monean palace was so situated on the Temple Mount that
it afforded a prospect of the city and the temple. Agrippa
built there a dining-room, from which he could look into the
inner court of the temple. This was considered unlawful^
and the rulers of the temple built an addition upon the
western wall of the inner court to intercept the prospect
from that dining-room, and of the western cloisters of the
outer court, where the Romans kei)t guards during the fes-
tivals. Agrippa was displeased, and Festus demanded of
those rulers to take down the wall. A de])utation was sent
to Rome consisting of twelve men, headed b}' the highpriest,
Ishmael b. Fabi, and Helkias, the treasurer of the temple.
Poppea, the wife of Nero, who, notwithstanding her wicked-
ness, " was a religious woman," embraced the cause of the
embassadors, and Nero decided in favor cf the new wall.
Ten of the embassadors were sent back to Jerusalein ; Ish-
mael and Helkias were held as hostages by Poppea. The
particular remark of Josephus, that Poppea was a religious
woman, conveys the information that, like many more Ro-
man women of high rank, she admired Judaism. However^
the personal beauty of that highpriest is highly lauded in
the Hebrew legend of the Ten Martyrs.
22. Ishmael's Doctrine of Atonement.
This Ishmael b. Fabi or Elisha, who must not be mis-
taken for Rabbi Ishmael b. Elisha, of the second century
A. c, taught in Rome the doctrine of atonement without
the medium of sacrifice, priesthood, redeemer, mediator, or
ransom of any kind, contrary not only to the teachings of
Paul, but also to the theories then generally accepted.
Based upon Scriptural passages, he advanced four degrees
of atonement, alwa^^s connected with sincere repentance of
misdeeds. He maintained (21) that there were four degrees
of sin. If one neglects the performance of a duty com-
manded in the Law, and then sincerely repents his negli-
(21) Mechilta, Bachodesh vii., and parallel passages in bothTal-
muds.
MILITARY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS. 303
gence, his sin is forgiven. If one violates a prohibitory
law of Scriptures, and then sincerely repents, it will ward
off the punishment, and the Day of Atonement will bring
him remission of sins. If one presumptuously transgresses
a law connected with the Scriptural threat of death or " to
be cut off," and then sincerely repents his misdeed, repent-
ance and the Day of Atonement will ward off the punish-
ment, but afflictions only will bring him remission of sins.
If one profanes the name of Heaven and then sincerely re-
pents this most grievous sin ; repentance, Day of Atonement,
and afflictions Avill only ward off the punishment, and only
his death in repentance can bring him atonement. This
doctrine of atonement, after the destruction of the altar
and tlie spread of Christianity, became so important to the
teachers that tlie principal rnbbi of Rome, Matthia b. Ha-
rash, went all the Avay to Palestine (to Lydda) in order to
ascertain of the then Associate Nassi, R. Eleazar b. Aza-
rinh, wlicthcr this doctrine had been accepted, and he was
told it was (22). The pretensions of this highpriest, made
by or for him, are the same as those made by or for Paul.
The latter maintained that God revealed to him " His
Son ;" and Ishmael conversed with " Suriel, the Prince of
the Countenance" (23), which is the same idea. Paul al-
leged that he Avas caught up to the third Heaven, or para-
dise, and there heard unspeakable words (24); Ishmael saw
Akathriel Jah Jeiiovah Zebaotii, " the crown and full
glory of the Lord of Hosts," upon a high and exalted throne
in the sanctum, sanctorum^ and the vision encouraged him
to pray. He pra;. ed that God's mercy for His children
might predominate over all His other attributes, and the
vision nodded assent, viz. : That this is the nature of the
Deity, and such should be man's prayer (25). Strange is
the remarkable coincidence that this highpriest, being a
hostage, was slain in Rome (2G) at the outbreak of the re-
bellion in Palestine, and was counted second among the
" Ten Martyrs " (27), the one who went up to Heaven alive
(22) ]\Lumon ides' Mishnaix Thorah, Teshubah i. 4.
(_';]) Ji.rachoth 51 a.
(24) II. Corinthians xii. 1, etc.
(25) Jicradi t'll n.
(26) ^DTlD n:X2 7S'D"*"' "l b'y "173;3TP (Chulin 123 n), is the correct
reading according; to Arucli, " Is'.niiacl's skull lays in Rome." Tlie
Kouians used skulls for ])urpo.sed of necromancy, and many weru
carried along by tlie legions on the marcli.
(27) The lirst is the Nassi, .Simon b. Gamliel, and Simon and Peter
are airain synonymous, and Peter ij tlie second martyr in Rome of
the Christian legend also.
304 MILITARY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS.
to hear the decree of the Ahnighty ; and Paul, according to
post-Evangehcal legends, also died a martyr in Rome. It
is difficult to say which is the original and which the copy.
Sure it is that those two men preached the opposite forms
of the doctrines of divine mercy, atonement and redemp-
tion, as held since their days in Christianity and Judaism.
28. Death of James and IIis Companions.
While the embassadors noticed above were in Rome,
Festus, the Procurator, died, and Nero appointed Albinus
as his successor. Three months elapsed between the death
of Festus and the arrival of Albinus in Palestine, during
which time the highpriest was Governor of Judea. Agrippa
II., in consequence of the opposition offered to him by the
Pharisean authorities of the temple, a[)i)ointed first the
Boethite, Joseph Cabi, son of Simon Boethus, and after a
few days, the Sadducean highpriest, Ananus, son of Ananus.
This Ananus, himself highpriest, had five sons successively
in that responsible office. This new highpriest, Ananus,
was very insolent, of a bold temper, and, like all other Sad-
ducees, " very rigid in judging offenders above all the rest
of the Jews " (28). When Festus was dead and before Al-
binus arrived, Ananus convoked a criminal court or Minor
Sanhedrin at Lydda (29), accused James, the brother of
Jesus, and some of his companions, of " leading astray to
idolatry " (Deut. xiii. 7), to which effect the doctrines of
Paul were understood. The accusation, it appears from the
Talmud, was produced by spies in an insidious manner.
James and his companions were found guilty, condemned
and put to death. This execution roused the indignation
of the law-abiding citizens. Hitherto the Roman procura-
tors only had slaughtered so-called impostors, to the cha-
grin of the Hebrews ; but now a highpriest and a quasi
Sanhedrin committing the same crime, the laws of the land
were outraged. They sent a deputation to Agrippa II. de-
manding him to stop the highpriest in his work of blood-
shed, and when Albinus came into the country, prevailed
with him to threaten punishment to Ananus for his unlaw-
ful convocation of a Sanhedrin, and Agrippa was obliged to
remove Ananus from his office (30) and appoint as his
successor Jesus, son of Damneus.
(28) Josephus' Antiq. xx., ix. 1.
(20) Yermhalmi Ykbamotu xvi. and Sanhedrin vii. 16, and paral-
lel passages.
(;>0) This is the fact which misled the author of the Acts of the
Apostles to report James slain by Agrippa I.
military despotism and its effects. 305
24. Administration op Albinus (62 and 63 a. c).
Albinus began his administration, like his predecessors,
with a chase after the so-called robbers and sicarians, whose
number and violence had not decreased. He slaughtered
many and imprisoned many more, without changing the
statu quo. Their number increased as the resolution of
resistance against Rome grew in the popular mind. Those
sicarii knew how to take advantage of the situation. The
ex-highpriest, Ananus, one of those who robbed no less
than the robbers did, bribed both the procurator and the
highpriest, and was second in power to none in Jerusalem.
His son, Eleazar, was the principal scribe of the temple.
The sicarii knew this, and on the evening before the feast,
captured him in the heart of the cit}^, took him to one of
their retreats, and sent word to Ananus that they would
exchange Eleazar for ten of their imprisoned men. Ananus
urged Albinus to accept the proposal, and Eleazar was ex-
changed. The consequences were that every now and then
servants and friends of Ananus, or other men of influence,
were captured by the sicarii to release their prisoners by
exchange, till the city and the country alike Avere terrorized
by them. Money purchased anything of Albinus ; so the
chief priests bribed him to allow them to go on with their
schemes of violence and robbery ; and the heads of robber
bands paid their shares to go on with their business
undisturbed. Heavy taxes were imposed on the country
and rigorously collected. Wealthy men were robbed
unless they purchased immunity of this procurator. So
while on the one side all bonds of society were weakened,
the number of the dissatisfied increased daily, and a
tremendous rebellion was rapidly preparing. Albinus en-
riched himself and dragged the countr}^ to the abyss of de-
struction. Before he left his post he took out of the prisons
all his victims, killed those who could not pay and set those
free who ransomed their lives, irrespective of the crimes
committed.
25. Unpopularity of Agrippa II.
No less unfortunate, at that particular time, was the
groAving unpopularity of Agrippa 11. He squandered in
foreign cities his people's money and his country's treasures
of art. He, like his predecessors, was plagued with the
building mania. He enlarged Ca?sarea Pliilippi, and called
it Neronias in honor of Nero. He built a theater in Bery-
tus and amused the people there with shows, at heavy ex-
306 MILITARY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS.
pense, distributed corn and oil in foreign towns, and trans-
ferred thitlier the ornaments which belonged to his country.
Since his quarrel with Ishmael b. Fabi about the dining-room,
he had appointed three unworthy highpriests, and now bribed
by a woman, Martha, a daughter of Boethus, he made her
husband, Joshua (Jesus) b. Gamala, liighpriest. He was a
worthy man, yet the other chief priests were opposed ta
him. This led to brawls and riots in the city, of which also
kinsmen of Agrippa took advantage. A state of anarchy
prevailed among the men in power; the aristocracy had
become riotous. Still Joshua b. Gamala sustained himself
in the highpriestship for some time. Agrippa added to all
this an innovation which was unpopular with the priests
and conservative laymen. With the aid of a special San-
hedrin, he bestowed upon the Levites, who were the singers
in the temple, the right to wear the same white linen gar-
ments that the priests wore. Nothing was more offensive
to the Hebrews than innovations in the temple. It appears,
however, that a labor question was the principal cause of
Agrippa's unpopularity. Eighteen thousand workmen
had been engaged to finish the buildings about the temple,
and their work was completed this year (64 a. c). It was
the desire of the workmen's friends to take down and re-
build the immense but very old structure called the porch
of Solomon, with its cloisters, built of white, square stones,
twent3^-one cubits square, and resting upon solid masonry
work clear down to the valley. The main object was to
give employment to those eighteen thousand artisans ; to
which Agrippa refused to give his consent. The artisans
were partly engaged in paving the city witli white stone ;
but this gave them scanty employment, and the dissatis-
faction ^\as general among them. Agrippa also removed
the liighpriest, most likely on account of his siding with
the laborers., and appointed as his successor, Matthias, son
of Theophilus, who was the fourth in two years.
26. Paul of Tarsus.
Under these circumstances, the growing demoralization
and despotism among the Heathens and the rapid advance
of political dissolution among the Hebrews, Paul laid the
foundation to Gentile Christianity, i. e., he remodeled the
Messiahism of the Apostles, afterward called Jewisli Chris-
tianity, to be made acceptable first to foreign Hebrews, and
then also to the Gentiles, whose Paganism had been de-
molished by advancing Judaism. Paul traveled and taught
MILITARY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS. 307
"under the fictitious name of " The Little Man." His proper
name has not reached posterity. The author of " The
Acts," by changing P into S, gave him the name of SauL
The rabbis called him Acher, " another," or properly " an
anonymous man " (31) or Elisha b. Abujah, which is also
fictitious and expressive of Paul's theology (32). He was
born in Jerusalem (28 or 29 a. c. ?), of wealthy parents of
the tribe of Benjamin (Romans xi. 1), who afterward emi-
grated to Tarsus, in Cilicia, where his father became a Ro-
man citizen (33). After he had received his first education,
also in Greek, he came to Jerusalem to sit at the feet of
Gamliel, as he says, which means to study the national
literature and traditions. In the acadeni}' at Jerusalem he
was noted as paying more attention to Greek poetry and in-
fidel books than to his studies (34) ; and disputing the
supernaturalism of Gamliel in regard to the future or post-
JVIessianic state of the world (35). Like many other
young men of his days, he studied little, believed less, and
was inclined to innovations. In consequence of his aver-
sion to supernaturalism he was opposed also to the Mes-
siahism of the Apostles, and says he persecuted them and
their disciples ; although he overdid his own wickedness
before the Gentiles in order to prove the magnitude of his
conversion. This gave rise to the overwrought stories in
the Acts. It must always be borne in mind that the Gos-
pels and the Acts of the Apostles were written from differ-
ent traditions before different authors, but chiefly from the
epistles and traveling notes of Paul ; and many an acci-
dental expression of his has been modeled by those writers
into an incident of his life or in the life of Jesus and his
disciples (36),
27. Turning Point in Paul's Life.
The transition from the orthodox Pharisean school to
Gentile Christianity was started by the wrongs and woes
(31) The identity of Paul and Acher has been established in our
book, "The Origin of , Christianity," p. 311, etc.
(32) ri'-nx p y:i'''-^S signifies "The godly savior, son of the
Father- God."
(33) Yeuushalmi Hagigah ii. 1 ; Eabbah to Euth v.; Yalkup
Shimoni 974.
(34) Hagigah 15 h: H-'HC nyt^a ® * * n'OISD pDQ \^h "•J"!'' "lOr
ip^no |n:;n3 1'yia ncD nain L^mon nnrj nm:;
(35) T'O^nn imx vhv ^^^ Sabbath 30 b, and elsewhere.
(36) See Die Entstehung der vler Evangelien und der Christus des
Apostels Paulus, BerUn, 1876.
308 MILITARY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS.
of that age. He saw tlie innocent Steplien stoned, says
the author of the Acts ; he saw the tongue of the shiiii
Judah Nachtum dragged about by dogs, narrates the Baby-
lonian Tabnud ; he saw a man on the phiin of Genesaretli
fulfill both commandments, to which Scriptures add the
promise of long life, fall down from the tree and meet with
instant death, the Jerusalem Talmud reports, and so he
"was forced to the conclusion, '' Tliere is no justice and there
is no judge " (pi n'^h TT n^^)- All those anecdotes convey
the same idea : He saw the wrongs and woes of his genera-
tion and his people, and no retribution, no redress from on
high, and, like many others of his age, he became a skeptic.
Minds like Paul's can not remain long in that painful state.
They seek an outlet from tlie labyrinth. Wlien they have
knocked in vain on every portal of eternity which the
philosophy and theology of the age point out, and none is
opened, no answer is given to the momentous question;
Why is it? Wherefore is it so? then, like King Saul, un-
der similar circumstances, many resort to superstition. So
did some of the best men under the pressure of public
calamities, resort to Gnosticism, the belief that knowledge
can be obtained from high Heaven by other than natural
means, by ecstatic meditation, the Paraclette the Holy
Ghost, the BatJi-hol; or by fasting, praying and tarrying
on a burial ground, in order to contract a prophes3'ing evil
spirit; or by transporting oneself into Paradise in order to
learn there the mysteries of existence. This latter state of
ecstasy was reached by seclusion and meditation, bathing,
fasting and praying, till the nerves were unstrung; and
then by sitting flat on the ground with the spine curved and
head bowed down between the knees, which excited the cir-
culation of the blood to madness ; then the gnostic saw
opened before him the small and the large palaces of
Heaven, and at last imagined himself transported into
Heaven or Paradise, where he saw the angels or even tlie
throne of glory, and heard answers to his questions ; to re-
turn then to the earth instructed in tlie mysteries of
Heaven and gifted with superior wisdom. The Talmud
mentions only four who thus went to Paradise, and one of
them was Paul, who tells the same story of himself (37),
viz. : that he was cauglit up to PToaven '' in the bod}- or out
•of the body," and there in Paradise, he heard unspeakable
(37) DTiE)!? 1D;z;3 riS?2"iN: HAOicAn, II. Perek, in both Talmuds;
Habrati to C:inticles ; compare to H. Corinthians xii. i., and Haya the
Gaon to the tirst patisage.
MILITARY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS. 309
words. So, through skepticism and gnosticism, Paul arrived
at his Christianity. He calls that " God had revealed his
Son to him," of which the author of The Acts made a
story, of how Jesus appeared to Paul on his way to Damas-
cus, of which Paul himself never speaks. He went through
these visions in Arabia, says Paul, as then the land east of
Perea, full of wild and secluded spots, was called.
28. The End and the Messiah.
In that state of mind, Paul invented nothing new ; he com-
bined and remodeled existing schemes and paradoxes to a
new fabric of salvation. The miseries and woes of the age ap-
peared to him incurable under the prevailing circumstances,
hence the end of that cycle of the earth and its inhabit-
ants must be at hand and might come to pass any day
(38). The end is nigh, was his keynote. Before the end
and the resurrection of the dead, the Messiah must come.
This was believed by those who believed in the coming of
a personal Messiah, although the two great epochs of re-
demption were kept far apart by some. Paul, believing the
end and the resurrection nigh, convinced himself that the
Messiah must have come. Among all the pretenders to
that dignity Avho had loomed up in those days, he consid-
ered Jesus of Nazareth to be the most eminent, and so he
became Paul's Messiah, as he was Peter's and the other
Apostles', althougli from entirely different motives. Why
was the Messiah slain?
29. The Corporeal Resurrection of Jesus.
Why was the Messiah slain? That he resurrect again
and prove thereby that he actually was the Messiah, that
the dead resurrect, that the universal resurrection is nigh,
and Jesus has arisen to forewarn all of the speedy approach
thereof. With Paul the corporeal resurrection of Jesus has
its beginning (Corinthians xv. 4 to 9), and on his authority
it was accepted in the Gospels. Tlie original Apostles
taught merely a spiritual and personal conservation of
Jesus, and not his resurrection in the body (39). Tlie idea
(38) I. Corinthians 1. 7, S ; iv. 5 ; xv. 19 to 51 ; x. 11 ; Titus ii. 13 ;
Philippians i. 6; iii. 20; Ephesiansi. 5 to 11 ; II. Timothy iv. 8; com-
pare to PiRKAi R. Eliezer, chapter 51, where Rabban Gamliel is
named as the originator of that doctrine ; also Mechilta to y^S '2K^
Vnnn and rr'pX 'm NJri Saxhedrin 92 a and 97 a, bottom of the
page, and R' A' B' D', in Teshubnh viii. 8.
(39) T lii is evident from "Revelations" and all epistles besides
310 MILITARY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS.
of vicarious atonement, that the blood of Jcsiis was shed to
atone for the sins of the behevers, never ripened in Paul's
mind, although some of his expressions led to that doc-
trine, and to statements of that kind in the Gospels. The
idea of human sacrifice was anti-Jewish and anti-Scrip-
tural (40). Those who have died with the Messiah, figura-
tively, and are dead to sin, resurrect with him to eternal
life, and thus escape death in the approaching catastroplic,
was Paul's doctrine. All who believe his doctrines, and
also their deceased relatives, will, at the approaching end,
either resurrect in incorruptible bodies or, if still living on
earth, their bodies will be so changed. Paul certainl}' did
not preach his resurrection doctrine to Jews, who were not
used to so unnatural a belief. He preached it to Pagans,
who knew of several such resurrections in their mythologies.
30. The Metathron — Son of God.
In the mind of Puul, another mystic doctrine of Gnosti-
cism was blended with the Messialiism of the Apostles ;
and this was the Metathron or Syndelphos speculation.
The highest of all angels, who is the prince of this world
and prince of the countenance, stands or sits before God,
whose name is also in that angel, receives the prayers of
man shaped into crowns, to place them on the head of the
Almighty, and is permitted to enter the merits of Israel in
the book of memorial ; this highest angel, whose name is
Metathron, Syndelphos, Suriel or otherwise, was a man
on earth, viz., Enoch or Elijah, and was transported to
Heaven. Elijah-Metathron's appearance on earth, they
maintained, was promised to precede the great and terrible
day of judgment; and Paul added, this Metathron has
appeared on earth in the person of Jesus of Nazareth, be-
cause the great and terrible day of judgment is nigh ; and
he has returned to Heaven to be the prince of the world
and the mediator for his believers ; to conduct the catas-
trophe on the last day of judgment. But after that bis
office ends and his dominion ceases, and God will be again
all in all. "While the Gnostic Hebrews called tliat Meta-
thron Syndelphos, God's confrere, or Jeshajahii, God's
Paul's, in none of which is the bodilj'^ resurrection of Jesus men-
tioned; and especially from II. Peter i. 16. Peter argues against un-
helievers and testifies in favor of the Messiah, but never mentions
his resurrection, which he must have done, as being his best point,
had he believed in it.
(40) Genesis xxii.; Exodus xxxii. 32, 33.
MILITARY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS. 311
savior, or Suriel, God's first one, Paul, to suit Gentile ears,
called him Son of God, with all the above epithets. The
theories were precisely the same. Paul's Christolog}' and
the Hebrew Kabbalah originated from the same source
(41). Paul, like every other Hebrew, believed in one God,
and his " Son of God " was a superior angel, commissioned
to announce, b}^ his death and resurrection, the speedy ap-
proach of the end of this world, the resurrection of the
dead, and the day of judgment ; to save those who believe
from the coming destruction, by their faith and his inter-
cession ; and to conduct the last judgment da}^ b}' the
power vested in him by God's appointment (42). It can
not be ascertained from Paul's Epistles or the Acts, how
long it took him to build up this departure from orthodox
Judaism, or at which particular time it was finished. It
certainly ripened in him gradually, while at work preach-
ing Gentile Christianity.
31. Paul Evangelizing the Gentiles.
With these and similar doctrines, Paul went forth to
preach Jesus crucified. He had no proofs, no evidence to
advance in support of his doctrines and allegations. He
had learned them of no one, not even of the Apostles,
nor was he appointed by anybody to be an Apostle ;
it was all revelation, as he called it, addressed simply
and exclusively to uninquiring faith, an absurdity to
the Greeks, and a stumbling-block to the Hebrews, as
he characterized it. AMiere he referred to Scriptures in
support of his teachings, it was done in a novel manner,
and without foundation in rational exegese. He had noth-
ing to do with reason, logic or philosophy, nothing even
with common sense ; he told a story and preached a doc-
trine to those who believed it, and no opportunity was of-
fered them to ascertain whether Paul believed his own
story. He commenced preaching in Damascus and failed
utterly (II. Corinth, xi. 32), although most of the women of
(41) Hagigah 1-5 a, * * "yrc^h ^*n1E^n r\'h xm'Tixt ]nt2t:5ro xrn
]n nvitj'"! -nK' Wn ayzV- Sanhednn 38 h, read for >pnV Christian,
and for Metathron, Jesus.
(42) Actsxvii. 22 to 29; Romans i. 9; ii. 16; vi. 10; viii. 11; I.
Corinthians v. 15 to 17 ; iii. 23 ; xi. 3 ; xv. 21 to 28 ; Origin of Chris-
tianity, p. 332, etc.; compare to Pirke R. Eliezer III. and Pesachi.m
54 c, about the name of tlie Messiah preceding the world's creation ;
and Pirke R Eliezer xi.; also Yalkut to I. Kings, 8ec. 211, " the
ninth king is the Messiah ;" then, as the tenth and last king, God
will reign alone as in the beginning, etc., exactly as Paul maintained.
312 MILITARY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFP^CTS.
Damascus were Judaized. The Apostles would not ac-
knowledge him, and the Hebrews did not believe him (GaL
ii. 1). He went to Antioch, and, in company of Barnabas,
started out to evangelize the Gentiles. He called his new
religion Christianity, and himself the Apostle to the Gen-
tiles. In Syria and Asia Minor, he found many devout
Gentiles ; such men and women who knew Judaism and
the Bible, and had been estranged to Paganism. It was
chiefly to them that he addressed his Messiah-Metathron
doctrine. He inspired terror by his earnest and emphatic
prediction of the approaching end of the world, the fearless
rehearsal of the crimes and corruptions among the Pagans,
and the certainty of their sudden destruction and annihi-
lation. Having thus crushed them, he opened for them the
mysteries of the Messiah-Metathron drama, a gospel of his
own, which promised salvation and happiness ; and many
believed. He made it easy for them, for he declared the
Law abolished with the coming of the Messiah, and all that
was required of them was love, hope and faith : faith in his
doctrines, hope in the speedy approach of the Son of God
to make an end of the present misery and this world, and love
to one another in these last days. He poured out for them
the great truths of the Bible and the floating wisdom and
profound ethics of the Hebrews, which edified and con-
verted them. Like the other Apostles, he persuaded his
converts that they had received the Holy Ghost and the
other gifts of grace, and succeeded in rousing that unrea-
soning enthusiasm which believes blindly and works itself
up to a state of ecstasy, where all arguments and human
speculations fall dead to the ground. He organized congre-
gations, appointed bishops, presbyters and deacons, and he
was their Apostle, their demi-god and mediator. He intro-
duced among them the common meals of the Hebrews,
with a form of divine worship (43), replacing tlie sacrificial
meals of the Pagans ; and added to it that at each of those
meals they should eat of the body and drink of the blood
of Jesus (figuratively) in memory of him, as he had so or-
dained at his last supper, so that they should eat, drink,
be merry and worship simultaneously. In fourteen years he
laid the foundation to Gentile Christianity, a peculiar amal-
gamation of Hebrew ethics and denationalized theology
with Gnostic mysticism and Pagan conceptions, destined,
however, to overthrow and supersede Greco-Roman Pagan-
(43) Josephus' Antiq. xiv., x. 8; Mishnah, BERAcnoTii vii.; I. Cor-
inthians xi. 2U; Martyrdom of Jesus, etc., p. 40.
MILITARY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS. 315
ism, to be then itself overthrown in its turn by the Logos-
speculations of the Alexandrian Christians.
32. Paul's Troubles with the Apostles.
Paul, of course, was grossly abused and maltreated by or-
thodox Pagans and orthodox Hebrews, although he kept him-
self on good ternis with the Roman authorities by preaching
submission to those who bear the sword, of the wife to her
husband, and the slave to his master. He never spoke of
liberty, human rights or such other subjects which might
have done him injury with the men in power. Denational-
izing Judaism and condemning the Jewish laws as he did,
he had nothing to say, not a word, of the woes and afflic-
tions of his people ; and, representing the present state as a
mere preparation for the approaching end of the world, he
could bestow no care and no reflection on matters and
things appertaining to this sublunar life. Still he was mal-
treated and abused by those who did not take him to be a
harmless and visionary fanatic. His greatest difficulties,
however, were with the Apostles and their flock in Palestine.
Although he glorified their Messianic master, and built up
their church among the Gentiles, he collected money for
them and sent it to tliem to Palestine, as the Pharisees did
to their teachers in the Holy Land (44) ; he was a man of
brilliant mind and rare energ}^ and they were humble fish-
ermen ; nevertheless, they could not consent to his teach-
ings and would not acknowledge him as one of their own
(Galatians i. and ii.). They could not do it ; for they obeyed
and he abolished the Law. Like Jesus, they were sent to the
House of Israel onl}'', and he went to the Gentiles with the
message, that with the death and resurrection of the Messiah
the covenant and the Law were at an end, and a new dispen-
sation, a new covenant, begins. They glorified their master,
whom they had seen and heard as a human being, and he pro-
claimed a pliantom, half-man and half-angel, entirely foreign
to the common man's conception. They had one Gospel
story and he had another. They spoke of the miracles and
teachings of Jesus, he never mentioned either, always re-
ferred to the Old Testament and his own wisdom, and con-
demned "' their fables and endless genealogies " in the
strongest terms (II. Timothy i. 3, 4) (45). They prophesied
the speedy return of their master from the realm of death to
(44) Yerushalmi Horiotii iii. 7, ^M) ilCi'yo ; Pesachim 53 b ; I.
Corinthians xvi. 1 to 3.
(45) See our Origin of Christianity, p. 363.
314 MILITARY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS.
restore the throne of David in the Kingdom of Heaven,
and he prophesied the end of the world and the last day of
judgment to be at hand. They preached repentance and
baptized penitent sinners, and he preached faith and was
not sent to baptize (I. Corinthians i. 17). They spoke of
Jesus hanged on a tree (Acts v. 30; x. 39; xiii. 29), and he
insisted on preaching him crucified (46). They forbid their
converts to eat unclean food, and especially of the sacrifi-
cial meals of Pagans, and he made light of both, as well as
of the Sabbath and circumcision (I. Corinthians viii.)-
They, like Jesus, believed in one God. the Almighty, and he
preached a God and a demi-God (nviL""i TiK'), having divided
the dominion among themselves. The Apostles, more so
than the other Hebrews, must have considered Paul an in-
novator and heretic, who made their beliefs odious with the
masses and criminal before the Law. To endeavor to abol-
ish the entire Law is certainly rank rebellion, and undoubt-
edly cost the lives of James and his compatriots. The
Apostles made repeated attempts to avert this danger and
to silence Paul. They held councils, adopted rules for the
conduct of proselytes, sent messengers after Paul to undo
his innovations and to reconvert his converts. Paul retali-
ated forcibly against the brothers of Jesus, Peter and the
other Apostles (47). He accused them of not leading the
most pure and pious lives, and Avas as fierce against his
colleagues in Jerusalem as he was in his denunciations of
the Law and circumcision. These difficulties increased
with Paul's successes, and so damaged both parties that he
at last found it necessary to go to Jerusalem and attempt a
reconciliation of the embittered parties.
33. Paul in Jerusalem.
Paul arrived in Jerusalem at that very dangerous time
when James, the brother of Jesus, and his compatriots, had
been put to death, and the nascent congregation was pre-
sided over by the other James, supi)osed to have been a
cousin of Jesus, the man who wrote the Epistle in which
Paulism is radically denounced. This James, called in the
Talmud, Jacob of Kaphersamia, was an orthodox Pharisee
who believed in the Messiah ship of Jesus and his second
advent, practiced necromancy with the name of Jesus, and
spent most of his time kneeling in the temple and praying
^' till his knees were become as hard and brawny as a
(46) The cause was stated above, end of Chapter xviii.
(47) I. Corinthians ix.; II. Corinthians xi., and elsewhere.
MILITARY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS. 315
■camel's." The situation of Paul was painful. He stood
before a synod of opponents, meeting in the house of James,
*' and all the elders were present." He explained to them
his Gospel to the Gentiles, and informed them that he had
also another Gospel which he preached " privately to them
which were of reputation." But the reply of the synod
was this : The Jew-Cliristians believe and are zealous of the
Law, and Paul teaches to forsake Moses and abolish cir-
cumcision ; Avere the multitude informed of his presence in
Jerusalem, he would not be safe among them (Acts xxi. 20
to 22). Therefore, they bid liiin recant, practicaUy, this
pernicious doctrine, to go through, with four of their Nazi-
rites, the ceremonies of puritication in the temple, " and be
at charges with them, that they may shave their heads ;
and all may know that those things whereof they were in-
formed concerning thee, are nothing ; but that thou thy-
self also walkest orderly, and keepest the Law " {Ihid.
xxi, 24). Paul submitted to the hypocrisy inflicted on him.
He went to the Temple Mount with the four men, to pass
through the whole ceremonial which he had denounced and
condemned so emphatically. Paul, under this pressure
of imposed hypocrisy, keenly felt the humiliation. Speak-
ing of that synod (Galatians ii.), he calls the heads thereof
*' those who seemed to be somewhat, whatsoever they were,"
and says of them that they added nothing to his knowledge.
The rabbis describe his feelings thus : Acher, or Paul, tells
of himself: " I once rode behind the temple, and I heard the
Bath-kol exclaiming : Return all ye froward children, ex-
cept Acher, who knows my glory and rebels against me."
However, a number of Asiatic Jews recognized Paul on the
Temple Mount, a disturbance ensued, and the Roman sol-
diers arrested him under the impression that he was the
Egyptian prophet who had made his escape sometime be-
fore. Being a Roman citizen and appealing to Caesar, he
was, after a few days, taken to Csesarea, to be sent to Rome
with other prisoners. Paul was certainly glad to escape
from the hands of his friends, and to go to Rome and before
his Gentile converts as an expatriated and persecuted man, ^
no longer one of the Jew-Christians. Three of the Apos-
tles acknowledged him an apostle to the Gentiles; not,
however, an apostle to the Hebrews.
34. Paul Sent to Rome.
Not before Felix, but before Albinus, Paul must have
had a hearing in Cfesarea, since the highpriest, Ananus, who
appeared as prosecutor against him, had been appointed,
316 MILITARY DESPOTISM AND ITS EFFECTS.
62 A. c, by Agrippa II. No very aggravated accusation was
preferred against Paul, especially as he had preached his
doctrines outside of Palestine, so that Agrippa XL, who alsa
heard his case, did not find him guilty ol' any punishable
deed. Like all other prisoners who came into the hands of
Albinus, Paul also was held in Csesarea without any further
notice to the close of that governor's administration, two
years, 62 and 63 a. c. (Josephus' Antiq. xx., ix. 5), and then
he was sent to Rome with other prisoners. In Rome,
where no Christian congregation was at the time, Paul was
again a Hebrew among HebreAvs. They had received no
letters out of Judea concerning him. nor had they any in-
formation to incriminate him, and so they treated him well,
as one of themselves. There was a tradition in the church
that Paul stood twice before Nero (II. Timothy iv. 22), but
it is uncertain. It is sure that he was in Rome two 3'ears
(64 and 65 a. c.) in his own hired house, and was not in-
cluded among the Christians persecuted by Nero, because
he was known there as a Hebrew and not as a Christian.
It is also certain that he returned from Rome to Asia, trav-
eled in Italy and Illyricum (Romans xv. 19), wrote his
Epistle to the Romans and other epistles after his return
from Rome and after the destruction of Jerusalem ((lala-
tians iv. 25), when his main work commenced. When Paul
came to Rome he was no older than thirty-six years, and he
had already done the work of a man. During the four
years of his captivit}'' in Csesarea and Rome, many of his
converts turned from his teachings. Some of them em-
braced Judaism, like Priscilla and Aqnila (Romans xvi.
3), while others embraced Jew Christianity ; so that on his
return he found much to correct, mnch to repent, and many
opportunities to amend what he had done or said in the
days of youth, zeal and eccentricity. After the fall of
Jerusalem, when Paul was about forty years old, his main
work as Apostle to the Gentiles was done. The stories of
his and Peter's martyrdom are certainly fictitious.
Period YI.— The Catastrophe.
This period, comprising less than six years, is, nevertheless, one of
the most remarkable chapters in history. A down-trodden peo-
ple, deserted by its own aristocracy, rises, lion-like, to fight for
its independence and bids defiance to mighty Rome, Death-
defying deeds, bravery and heroism, which the utmost suffering
could not bend, characterize the unequal combat of the Hebrew
patriots pitched against Rome's mighty legions and her numer-
ous allies. The mighty ones fell buried under the ruins of the
cities which they defended to the last ; Jerusalem and its glorious
temple, crimsoned with the blood of their champions, are laid
waste by a raging and barbarous enemy ; all the furies of destruc-
tion are let loose, over a million of lives are sacrificed, and tens
of thousands are sold into slavery, expatriated, or otherwise
driven into foreign lands, and the political existence of the He-
brews is drowned in the blood of its patriots. No nation closed
its political career more heroically than Israel did, none was
more patriotic ; because none had holier treasures to guard or
more glorious reminiscences by which to be inspired than Israel
had. Liberty or death was the parole in this mighty struggle ;
death was victorious and liberty was buried under the ruins of
Jerusalem.
318 PKEJ.UDES TO THE WAR.
CHAPTER XXIV.
Preludes to the War.
1. The Last of the Procueators (64-66 a. c).
The last of the thirteen Roman Procurators in Judea^
Gessius Florus, was also the worst. By a series of villain-
ous outrages he forced the Hehrews into the rebellion and
war which ended with the destruction of Jerusalem and
the political death of the Hebrews of Palestine. The Ro-
man government in the orient had become so much more
despotic and intolerable under Nero's misrule, and the mal-
administration of his President of Syria, Cestius Gallus,
on account of the threatening attitude of the Parthians^
and the prediction and wide -spread apprehension that the
orient was seeking predominancy over the Occident and
Rome. So Palestine also Avas subjected to continual suspi-
cion and martial law. The boundless and shameless avarice
and malice of Gessius Florus and of his wife, Cleopatra,
intensified the despotism to an unbearable degree. He
treated tlie Hebrews as though he had been sent to them
as an executioner to punish condemned malefactors, says
Josephus, and Tacitus (History x., v.) confirms it.
2. The Situation.
What Al])inus had done under the cloak of dissimula-
tion, Florus did openly and pompously, to secure all the
money of private persons or public institutions which could
be extorted by an abuse of authority, the aid of maraud-
ers, and the menaces of expatriation or death. Whole dis-
tricts ransacked by the Procurator's soldiers or robbers
were impoverished. No man of wealth was safe at any time
or place. Tliere was no protection of life or property. _ The
situation was aggravated by the despotism of the President
PRELUDES TO THE WAR. 319
of Syria, who would not permit an appeal for redress to
him. He came to Jerusalem on Passover (65 a. c.) and
was there petitioiied by the representatives of three millions
of people, said to have been assembled then in and about
Jerusalem. He promised much, did nothing, and left Florus
to give vent to his wrath against those who had dared to-
complain. Many of the wealthy citizens left the country,
but many more gave support to the Zealots, determined to
expel Florus from the land. Among the latter there was
the youth of the land, the flower of the fighting population,
inspired with a glowing patriotism not impaired by consid-
erations of probabilities, dangers or death. With the op-
pression the enchusiasm grew, and prudence gradually lost
its influence.
3. The First Conflict.
Interests, pride and principles tied many aristocratic
families, and among them also many Hillel Pharisees, to
the Roman government. They still desired peace, and
might have succeeded in frustrating the rebellion, if Florus
had not committed one treacherous outrage after another^
apparently with the avowed intention of forcing the He-
brews into rebellion and war, in order to fill his coffers, to
cover or justify his atrocities, and to satisfy his blood-
thirsty disposition. An outrage was committed at Ceesa-
rea. The Hebrews of that city, built by Herod I. with the
money of his people, had been ostracized by an edict of
Nero, as noticed above, and at this time the embassadors
returned from Rome with the edict. The Gentiles did their
worst to mortify the Hebrews. The latter had a synagogue
in the city, around which the ground was owned by a Greek.
He hemmed in the sanctuary by low shops and left but a,
narrow passage to it. The young Hebrews made a demon-
stration against the outrage, but they were restrained by
military force. Eight talents were collected and given to
Florus "in order to obtain justice from him. He took the
money, promised redress and protection, and then left the
city f-)r Sebaste. His absence encouraged the enemies of
the Hebrews. On Sabbath, while they were assembled in
the synagogue, a Greek sacrificed a bird at its door to insult
them"^, by" insinuating, as in Manetho's and Apion's story,
that the ancestors of the Hebrews were leprous.^ A fight
ensued which was stopped by mihtary intervention. The
Hebrews took their Scrolls of the Law and retired to the
neighboring town of Narbata, while a deputation of thirteen
went to Sebaste to remind Florus of his duty and promises.
S20 I-HKIA'DES TO THE WAR.
He threw them into a prif^on, did nothing for the outraged
Hebrews, and sent men to Jerusalem to bring him seven-
teen talents of silver from the temple treasury,
4. The Second Conflict.
The people of Jerusalem, exasperated by the conduct of
Florus at Csesarea and Sebaste, peremptorily refused his
demand for money. Some, to shame his avarice, went
round with cliarity boxes to collect money for the greedy
Procurator. He instantly came to Jerusalem and demanded
the surrender of the men who had insulted him. This
being refused, he ordered his soldiers to ransack the resi-
dences of the rich at the Upper Market. A horrible scene
of bloodshed and rapine ensued. Those who were caught
alive were scourged and crucified, among them women and
children, and also citizens of the equestrian rank. Three
thousand and six hundred persons fell on that sixteenth
day of lyar. In vain did Berenice, the sister of Agrippa
II., humiliate herself before the bloodthirsty man, suing for
mercy for the innocent ; nothing would arrest his fury.
The next morning the horrified multitude gathered at the
Upper Market, lamented over the slain ones, and cursed
their villainous murderer. The rulers and priests, dread-
ing a repetition of the scenes of the previous day, besought
and persuaded the people to disperse and keep quiet. Then
Florus sent for them and told them tliat, unless the people
turn out to salute the trooj^s coming in from Csesarea, as a
token of sul)mission to the Roman authority, he would con-
tinue the massacre and rapine. They exerted their utmost
influence to persuade some of the multitude, for the sake
of their city, country and sanctuary, to deprive the villain
of every pretext for the opening of a war, which might end
in utter disaster. ^Nlany went out to salute the cohorts
who, according to instructions, treated the Hebrews with
contempt. Some of the multitude giving vent to their
disappointment, the soldiers rushed upon the crowd of un-
armed men and assaulted them with clubs. A stnmpede
and a horrible slauglit(>r followed, at the suburb of Rozctha.
The race for the Temple Mount made by the people and the
soldiers simultaneously, was won by "the former. From
those positions the Hebrews turned" against the Romans,
galled them sorely and forced them to retreat to the palace.
Now the connection between the temple and Fort An-
tonia was broken down, and Florus was convinced that his
way to the temple treasury was barricaded. Seeing the
PRELUDES TO THE WAR. 321
main object of his villainies beyond his reach and himself in
imminent danger, he left a small garrison in the city and
returned to Cffisarea, followed by the curses of the mourn-
ing multitude.
5. Agrippa II. AS Pacificator.
Florus, eager to bring on the war, wrote to Cestius that
all the Hebrews were in a state of revolt against Rome.
However^ the rulers of Jerusalem and Queen Berenice also,
wrote letters to Cestius and informed him of the true state
of affairs. It was resolved in the council of Cestius to send
Neopolitanus to Jerusalem to ascertain the truth. He went
to Lydda to meet Agrippa II. The rulers of Jerusalem, and
members of tlie Sanhedrin also, came to Lydda to welcome
King Agrippa, who had just returned from Alexandria. The
representative men of the HebrcM's maintained that the
people were not rebellious against Ronie ; it was against
Florus that arms liad been taken up, and persuaded both,
King Agrippa and Neopolitanus, to go with them to Jeru-
salem in order to convince themselves of the peaceful dispo-
sition of its citizens, and their devotion to Rome. Sixty
furlongs distant from the city they were received by a
stately procession of people and escorted to the palace.
The city was quiet, orderly and under the complete control
of law. The popular men asked the privilege ot sending
an embassy to Nero to prove that they were not disposed
to revolt, and that Florus was the cause of the prevailing
dissatisfaction. Instead of granting this reasonable re-
quest, Agrippa called the multitude together and addressed
them in a most elaborate speech, which Josephus has pre-
served (Wars II. XV. 4). With his sister, Berenice, he ap-
peared before the people, described to them the vastness of
the Roman power, which to withstand successfully they
could have no reasonable hope. He predicted to them
the destruction of the temple and the city, the ruination
of the entire country and the overthrow of the Hebrew
nation, if they insisted on war with Rome and be the
losers in the end. He closed thus : " Have pity, therefore,
if not upon your children and wives, yet upon this your
metropolis, and its sacred walls ; spare the temple, and pre-
serve the holy house, with its holy furniture, for your-
selves," etc. " I call to Avitness your sanctuary and the
holy angels of God, and this country common to us all," he
saicl, " that I have not kept back anything that is for your
preservation," etc. Then he and his sister wept. The re-
322 PRELUDES TO THE WAR.
sponse was that they would not fight against Rome, but
against Florus. Agrippa told them that they were already
in a state of revolt against Rome by non-payment of the
tribute and the demolition of the galleries between the tem-
ple and the fort. His words impressed the people ; the re-
building of those galleries was commenced at once, and
messengers were dispatched to Florus to send a collector
to receive the tribute. It appeared momentarily, that the
danger of an immediate war with Rome was averted.
6. Two Hostile Events.
It was too late to reason with outraged men, who valued
liberty higher than life. The treatment received from the
Procurators after the death of Agrippa I. had driven many
to desperation, and changed law-abiding men into lions with
hearts of flint. They saw only the bloody wrong committed
by Rome, and their right to be free. The politicians and
statesmen of Jerusalem could contemplate chances, inter-
ests and probabilities ; the multitude felt the wrongs and
would not reason. Therefore, while momentary pacifica-
tion was acliieved in Jerusalem, a party of Zealots took
Masada, the armory of King Heroct, massacred its Roman gar-
rison and replaced it by their own men. Plenty of arms were
captured. Menahem, the grandson of Juda the Galilean, was
the leader of that party. He represented the fourth gen-
eration in revolt against the Roman usurpation. This vic-
tory re-echoed in the temple at Jerusalem. Its governor,
Eleazar, son of the ex-highpriest, Ananus, persuaded the-
officiating priests to receive no gift or sacrifice for the tem-
ple of any Gentile, and they rejected on this account alsO'
the usual sacrifice for the emperor. This, says Josephus,.
was the beginning of the war. It certainly was an unmis-
takable declaration of it. This appears to have been the
time when the stormy meeting of the Shammaites and Hil-
lelites took place in the hall of Ananus b. Chiskiah, over
one of the temple cloisters. Then the Eighteen Interdic-
tions were enacted, one of which was to refuse all sacrifices
and gifts of Gentiles for the temple, while the others pro-
hibited the purchase of oil, wine and other articles of luxury
of the Gentiles, to intermarry with any of them, or to speak
any of their languages, and laws concerning Levitical clean-
ness. The Shammaites, with swords in hand, forced the
Hillelites to sanction those laws, with the proviso that they
PRELUDES TO THE WAR. 32^
should never be repealed, in order to keep the Hebrews en-
tirely and forever separated from the Heathens (1).
7. The Outbreak of Civil War.
The moderate party called a meeting to the inner court
of the temple, and made one more attempt to maintain the
peace. It was proved by men of learning that the gifts
and sacritices of Heathens had always been accepted by
the rulers of the temple, and that Heathens had largely
contributed to its splendor and wealth. The contemplated
war with Rome was denounced as a national calamity, cer-
tain to bring destruction upon the nation, its capital and
temple. However, the leaders of the war party were deter-
mined to shake off the Roman yoke or to die in the at-
tempt, and gave expression to their resolution in unmistak-
able words. Unable to change the death-defying determi-
nation of the war party, and knowing that vengeance would
be meted out first on the rich and the men in power, they
sent embassies to Florus and Agrippa, praying them to send
sufficient military forces to the city to crush the rebellion at
once. Florus, who wanted war, took no notice of the peti-
tion ; Agrippa sent three thousand men to assist the mod-
erate party. This started the civil war in Jerusalem. The
war party seized upon the Temple Mount, and the peace
party, with the three thousand soldiers, took possession of
Mount Zion ; active hostilities were begun and continued
for seven days with bloody results, without advantage to
either party. Meanwhile, the fifteenth day of Ab, the prin-
cipal Xylophory (d''W \y^?) n.pproached ; a large number of
2:)ilgrims, and with them also many Sicarii, arrived, and
augmented the ranks of the war party. The partisans of
the peace party were rigidly excluded from the Temple
Mount, which roused their indignation, and brought on an
action in force on the fourteenth day of Ab. The men
from the Temple Mount, led by Eleazar b. Ananus, sallied
forth in force, routed the soldiers and drove them into the
king's palace on Mount Zion. Now the victorious party
began its work of destruction ; the palaces of Ananus,.
Agrippa and Berenice, and the city archives, were burnt,,
together with all the documents therein, so that every
(1) Sabbath 13 b ; Yerushalmi and Tosephta 1. The captain of
the temple, who took the lead in this matter, is called in the Mishnah
Orlak II. 12, HT'^n U'H "iTyV, who was a Shammaite. Josephus re-
ports only as much of those Eighteen Interdictions as referred to the
temple and public business. The Talmud reports the others.
324 PKEl.UDES TO TlIK WAK.
evidence of indebtedness was wiped out. The leaders of
the peace party were slain, except those who retreated with
the soldiers to the palace, and some others, like Ananus,
who sought refuge in vaults under the ground.
8, From the Fifteenth Day of Ab to the Sixth of
Ellul.
Next day, Fort Antonia was taken by Eleazer b. Ananus,
the garrison was slain and the citadel set on fire. Then
the palace was attacked, but could not be taken at once.
The war party was now reinforced by Menahem, the Gali-
lean, with his well-armed band of Zealots from Masada. He
seized upon the chief command, and began his operations
with the siege of the palace. He pressed it vigorously,
and the besieged capitulated. They were permitted to
leave the city, except tlie Romans, who mistrusted Mena-
hem. With considerable loss they reached the towers of
Hippicus, Phasaelus and Mariamne, leaving their camp
equipage and war engines in the hands of Menahem. The
city, with the exception of the three besieged towers, was
now entirely in the hands of the war party.
9. The Death of Menahem.
Previous to that day, a party of miners, digging under
the Willi of the palace, captured "the ex-highpriest, Ananus,
and his brother, hid in the aqueduct. Menahem had both
of them slain, although Eleazar was the massacred man's
son. After his victories, Menahem was also accused of be-
having like a king, endangering the liberty just won.
Eleazar, at last, succeeded in raising a sedition against
him on the Temple Mount ; he and his men were overpow-
ered, many of them were slain ; some, under Eleazar b
Jairus, escaped to Masada. Menahem 'fled to Ophel and
was slain there, leaving Eleazar b. Ananus master of the
situation.
10. Treachery ano Massacre.
Eleazar b. Ananus continued the siese of the towers
and the Romans at last capitulated and^left the citv un-
armed. Outside of the walls, however, all pledges and
promises were set at naught by the infuriated Zealots. They
lell upon the Romans and brutallv massacred them The
men of peace were no longer permitted to raise their voices
-Liie priests of the peace party heard a voice from the tern-
PRELUDES TO THE WAR. 325
pie, " Let us remove hence," and the terrible prophet of
woe who had raised his voice already in the time of Albi-
nus, cried aloud : " A voice from the east, a voice from the
west, a voice from the four winds, a voice against Jeru-
salem and the holy house, a voice against the bridegrooms
and tlie brides, and a voice against this whole people " (2).
The victors shouted in Jerusalem, but many were the pa-
triots who mourned. Once more Jerusalem was free.
11. Massacre op Hebrews and Gentiles.
The very same day and hour, says Josephus, Avhen the
Roman soldiers were slain before the wnlls of Jerusalem,
the Gentile inhabitants of Csesarea slew all the Hebrews of
that city. Twenty thousand men, women and children
were massacred in one day, and nothing was done by th(i
Roman authorities to prevent or avenge the horrid slaugh-
ter. The Hebrews, enraged by this bloodshed, rose in large
numbers all over the land, attacked the Syrinn and Tyrian
cities, including Ptolemais, Ca^sarea, Sebaste, Anthedon and
Gaza, demolished, burnt and plundered them and the vil-
lages protected by them, and took summary vengeance.
On the other hand the Gentiles committed the same bar-
barities. All over Sj-ria, except in Antioch and some
smaller cities where they were too numerous, a war of
extermination was Avaged against the Hebrews and the
Judaizers that dwelt among them. Thousands were slain
and other thousands put in chains. Two races raged
against each other in boundless fury. The corpses lay in
the streets unburied. In Scythopolis, the Hebrew inhabit-
ants had made common cause with the Gentiles, and the
hostile Hebrews who attacked the city were defeated. But
scarcely was the danger averted, when the Gentiles of Scy-
thopolis, in a most treacherous manner, destroyed all their
Hebrew fellow-citizens, about thirteen thousand. On this
occasion a terrible man and heroic warrior, Simon b. Saul,
distinguished himself in a horrible manner by slaying his
whole familv and then committing suicide, in order not to
fall into the hands of the treacherous enemy. Also in
Agrippa's dominion seventy distinguished men of Batanea/
were slain by his regent, Noarsus ; but Agrippa was in-
formed in time, and, "deposing Noarsus, prevented further
bloodshed. In the southeast of the land, the Hebrews suc-
ceeded in taking Machaerus which they garrisoned, and also
(2) Josephus' Wars vi., v. 3.
326 PRELUDES TO THE WAR.
Cypres, near Jericho, which they demolished; so that the
Romans had no foothold in the southern part of the land.
The worst treacher}', however, was committed on the He-
brews of Damascus. The women of that city were mostly
attached to the religion of Israel, and their husbands fear-
ing a conspiracy with the resident Hebrews, fell treacher-
ously upon the latter and cut the throats of about ten
thousand of those who were unarmed and could not defend
themselves.
12. The Massacre in Alexandria,
The Alexandrian Hebrews were most violently hated by
their Gentile neighbors, because they were more pros})er()Us.
The bloody scenes in Syria re-echoed in Egypt. The Alex-
andrian Gentiles became seditious against the Hebrews.
At a public meeting in the theater, to send a deputation
to Nero, a number of Hebrews were present. The populace
declared them spies, fell on them and killed several of them.
Three Hebrews were captured and dragged to the pyre.
Meanwhile, the others had been thoroughly alarmed and
came in large numbers to rescue their co-religionists, which
they did, and then threatened to set the theater on tire. A
bloody affray ensued and ail the furies were let loose. The
Hebrews were numerous and valiant, and the populace mad,
bloodthirsty and greedy for booty. The Gentiles were rein-
forced by five thousand Lybian savages. There were two
Koman legions stationed in the city, and they might have
restored order, but they were under the command of Tiber-
ius Alexander, the renegade, who sided with the poi^ulace.
He sent peacemakers first, and when they were unsuccess-
ful, the two legions reinforced the populace, and a terrible
conflict was fought out in the streets of Alexandria first,
then in the Delta quarter, inhabited by Hebrews exclu-
sively. Those Hebrews fought for several days that whole
furious crowd, but were finally overpowered and slain with-
out mercy, till the place was drenched with l)lood, and fifty
thousand dead Hebrew men, women and children covered
the streets of that city, half of the Hebrew^ houses were
ransacked and destroyed, and the fury and greed of the
populace had been satiated.
13. Cestius Attempts to Vanquish the Hebrews
(66 A. c).
This bloody conflict of the races might have been sup-
pressed either by securing to the Hebrews what they wanted
1
PRELUDES TO THE WAR. 327
and had the indisputable right to ask, viz. : free government,
as their laws, traditions, institutions, state of civilization, and
historical character required; or, by giving them, with
the foreign government, also the benefit of its protection,
as Julius Caesar had done. But Nero occupied the throne
of the Caesars, and every idea of justice was defunct in
Rome. Cestius Gallus governed Syria as Tiberius did
Alexandria, and as Gessius Florus tyrannized over Judea.
Instead of thinking of concessions and reforms to pacify
the excited multitude and assist the peace party in Pales-
tine, Cestius resolved upon making a speedy end of the re-
bellion by terror and slaughter. He concentrated the forces
of the petty princes, among them also Agrippa II., to re-
inforce the Roman legions, and made an excursion from
Ptolemais into the northern countr}'. The beautiful city of
Zabulon was the first to be surprised, but its inhabitants
had fled to the mountains. The city was ransacked and
partly destroyed. He overran the whole northern country
and gave it up to his bloodthirsty and rapacious hordes,
and then returned to Ptolemais, believing he had terrified
the victims of his bloody despotism. The fugitive Hebrews
in the mountains, however, seized upon the favorable mo-
ment, returned to their homes, especially at Zabulon and
Berytus, and slew two thousand of the invciders. Now Ces-
tius marched with his whole force from Ptolemais to Cses-
area, sent one detachment to Joppe, another, of horsemen,
into the populous district of Narbatene, and a third, under
Gallus, the commander of the Twelfth Legion, into Galilee.
Joppe was surprised, captured, ransacked, burnt, and eight
thousand four hundred of its inhabitants were slain. The
same implacable barbarities were enacted at Narbatene. In
Galilee, however, the peace party predominated at Sep-
phoris, and its gates were opened to the Romans, Avho were
received Avith acclamations of joy. The rebels fled to the
mountains, and concentrated about the Asamon range.
Gallus defeated and scattered them, and returned to Caesarea.
14. The Defeat of Cestius Gallus Before Jerusalem
IN THE Fall of 66 a. c.
Now Cestius, again concentrating his forces, marched on
Jerusalem. He stopped at Antipatris to fight those who
had sought refuge in the tower of Aphek, but they had fled
and dispersed before his arrival. Then he stopped at Lydda,
which he found deserted ; its inhabitants had gone to Jeru-
salem to celebrate the Feast of Tabernacles. This, however,
328 PRELUDES TO THE WAR.
did not prevent him from ransacking and burning the city^
and slaying the forty men who had been left behind to
guard tlie homes of the pilgrims. Then he marched to
Gabao, thirty-five thousand feet distant from Jerusalem. It
was on the tSabbath and a high feast, and Ccstius thought
he might take the city without trouble. But the citizens
and pilgrims rushed to arms, made a daring and impetuous
attack on the forces of Cestius, and routed them. The
cavalry saved them from utter destruction, still they lost
five hundred and fifteen men. Among the most valiant
leaders on that occasion were Monabaz and Kenedius,
kinsmen of the King of Adiabene, Niger, of Perea, and
Silas, of Babylon ; the latter had been the commander of
cavalry in King Agrippa's army. The Hebrews were obliged
to retreat back to the city, because the}^ had no cavalry;
and Cestius marched back to Beth-Horon. His rear, how-
ever, was attacked by Simon 1). Gorion's band, who cap-
tured many beasts loaded with arms. The Hebrews inside
of the city and on the eminences around it, now prepared
for resolute resistance. Agrippa II., who was with Cestius,
tried once more to persuade the people to submission, and
sent two embassadors to the city; one of them, however,
Avas killed outside of the walls, and the other fled, severely
wounded, which roused the anger of the people against the
murderers, who were beaten with stones and clubs and
driven into the city. Next day Cestius attacked and re-
pulsed the Hebrews and advanced to Scopus, forty-nine
hundred feet distant from the city. Four days later, the
thirtieth day of Tlshri^ he took Bezetha. and set it on fire,
and had arriveil before the northern wall, oj)i)osite the royal
palace. His adjutants advised him not to attempt the as-
sault, and he desisted. An invitation from some leaders in
Jerusalem under Ananus b. Jonathan, to take possession of
tlie city by a gate to be opened for him, was also refused.
The intended treachery of Ananus was discovered, and he
was hurled down over the wall. After considerable delay,
an attack was made on the wall, and repeated on five suc-
cessive days without any efiect. On the sixth day an
attack on the northern wall of the temple was also unsuc-
cessful. The Romans had commenced to undermine that
wall, whicli created a momentary panic in the city. However,
Cestius, weakened as his army was, began to retreat to his
camp at Scopus. He was immediately pursued by the be-
sieged, and attacked in the rear and flanks by archers. So
the Romans were fought all the way back, also to Gabao,
Avhere they arrived in disorder after a severe loss in men
PRELUDES TO THE WAR. 329
and baggage. Their mules were killed, and the march con-
tinued to Beth-Horon, which they reached in despair ; half
of the Roman army had been slain and destruction threat-
ened the other half. It was by strategy that Cestius out-
witted the Hebrews and, during the night, got a consider-
able distance ahead of them before they discovered his
flight. They pursued the wreck of the invading army to
Anti]jatris and then returned in triumph to Jerusalem.
Nearly ten thousand Romans had lost their lives in a few
days, the whole camp equipage, war engines, arms, provis-
ions and money, which Cestius had in his train, fell into
the hands of the Hebrews. The whole land re-echoed their
shouts of triumph, the victory was great, the land was ap-
parently rescued from the clutches of a hated invader.
330 THE FIRST PERIOD OF THE WAR.
CHAPTER XXV.
The First Period of tJie War {67 and 68 A. C).
1. The Moderate Party Victorious.
After his defeat, Cestius Gallus returned to Antioch, re-
ported his disaster to Rome, and fell sick. An embassy of
loyal Hebrews was sent to Achia to defend the party of
obedience before Nero, and to lay all the blame on Florus
and his outrages. But the emperor was most ridiculously
engaged in public games, and a momentary suspension of
hostilities followed in Judea. The victory achieved over
the Romans made the Zealots, for a Avhile, masters of the
situation. They insisted upon raising the standard of in-
dependence. The doctrine of Judah of Galilee, that it was a
shame and crime to be subject or to pay tribute to any for-
eign potentate, was the parole of the part}', and its resolu-
tion was to tight the enemy to the bitter end of liberty or
death. They pointed to numerous events, especially to the
records of the Maccabees, when God protected Israel's cause
by a mere handful of resolute and patriotic warriors, and
maintained that what had happened so often might occur
once more to men of courage and patriotism, if they put
their trust in the same God and in the holy cause of Israel.
But if the worst should come, it is better to die for a boh'
cause than to live a slave or a renegade. The Romans, they
maintained, had defied the HebreAvs' laws, rights, liberties and
religion ; the worst that could possibly be done Avas to submit
any longer to the oppressive usurpation. The other ex-
treme party, however, fearing the vengeance of Rome, fol-
lowed the defeated Romans to Antioch or went to the dis-
tant western settlements of the Roman Empire, especially
to Spain (1). The moderate party could no longer prevent
(1) Mishnah Baba Bathra iii. 2. Any vacant estate of such emi.
THE FIRST PERIOD OF THE WAR. 331
"the war, and opposed only its main object. A defensive
war, to obtain more favorable conditions from Rome for the
Palestinean Republic, and to remain, nevertheless, loyal to
the empire, Avas their object. This party comprised most
■of the priestly and lay aristocracy, the prominent states-
men and doctors, and all those who liked to be Romans and
Israelites. Under the prevailing excitement and roused
spirit of liberty, it was dangerous to express moderate
views ; and so this party was obliged, momentarily, to sub-
mit to the Zealots. Still those leaders understood how to
manage the populace so well, that the most important
•offices were filled by the men of their choice. The doctors
of the Hillel and Shammai schools contributed largely to
the i:)atriotic enthusiasm by enactments and harangues, and
■especially by writing popular books on the Maccabees and
iheir combats against Syria ; so that the heroic figures of a
glorious past loomed up in the excited imagination, and
stimulated emulation.
2. Organization of the Defense.
The reorganization of the Sanhedrin as the central
authority was the first step taken to govern and defend the
country. Simon b. Ganiliel, the great-grandson of Hillel,
had been at the head of that body since 52 a. c, although
it had been powerless. It was now restored to its lawful
place and powers under its legitimate Nassi. The country
was divided into seven districts, viz. : 1. Perea, east of the
Jordan, from Macherus in the south to Gadara in the north ;
2. Upper and Lower Idumea, between the Dead Sea and
the Mediterranean in the extreme south. North thereof
were : 3. District of Jericho, 4. Of Jerusalem, and 5.
Of Thamna, between the Jordan and the Mediterranean.
North thereof were : 6.. District Acrabatene, covering the
pass between the Jordan and the central mountains, the
■communication with Galilee ; on the other side of which
was the part of Samaria held by the Romans ; and 7. Up-
per and Lower Galilee, which had revolted from Agrippa
II., and made common cause with the nation. The following
governors were appointed for the various districts : Ananus
and Joseph b. Gorion, both descendants of highpriests, were
appointed Governors of Jerusalem with the special charge
grants the law secured to the occupant after an undisputed possession
thereof of three consecutive years, provided the owner was in any
foreign country or the property was not at all claimed within the
three years.
332 THE FIRST rKRIOI) OF THE WAR.
of fortifying luid provisioning tho city. Ananus (2) was the
actual President of tlie .Sanhedvin and chief-ruler of the
land. Manasseh was appointed for Perea. Eleazar b.
Ananus, the principal agitator and soldier, and Jesus b.
Sapphias, both descendants of highpriests, were sent to
Idumea to govern the district conjointly with Niger, its-
officiating governor. Joseph b. 8inion was appointed for
Jericho, and John, the Essene, for Thamna, which included
Joi)pa, Lydda and Enmiaus. Joseph (Flavius, the histo-
rian) 1). Mattbias was appointed Governor of Galilee, and
John h. Matthias, of Acrabatene. The chief men were
aristocratic priests of no military fame and, perhaps, like
Josephus, young men without practical experience. AIL
these military governors were charged Avith the duties of
enforcing the law, organizing the militia, fortifying the
cities, and obeying the Sanhedrin and central authority
in Jerusalem. The leaders of the actual Zealots and ex-
treme war party, it appears, were excluded from the highest
executive offices (3) or put under the control of colleagues^
as was the case with Eleazar b. Ananus. The moderate
part}^ was master of the situation. Still the governors and
people of Jerusalem went to work with energy and enthusi-
asm. The fortifications of the city were repaired, strength-
ened and enlarged ; provisions were stored in the city ;
arms were forged in all shops, and all able-bodied men were
armed and drilled, so that the whole city became one large
fortified camp, where hoary men, women and lads vied with
valiant men in patriotism, enthusiasm and love of lib-
erty (4).
(2) This R Hananiah is also reported in Sipiiri (Naso 42) to have
said: " Peace is as weighty as the rest of God's creation." Dlb'J'" ^Hl
(:5) Josephus does not mention the name of Simon b. Gorion, who
was appointed to some lower command, it appears, at Acrabatene.
(4) It is not known who had a seat in that Sanhedrin. B.'sides
Simon b. Gaudiel, Joclianan b. Saccai, President and Viee-President,
none is mentioned 1)y name except Aristeus of Emmaus, who was
one of its scribes (Josej)hus' Wars v., xiii. 1). The disciples of R.
Joehanan conld have no seat in the Sanhedrin with their master.
Ananus, the principal Governor of Jerusalem, and virtually the head
of the Sanhedrin, appears to Ijo identical with R. CnvxiNAU Skgan
HAK-Kon.\Ni.M of the Mishnah, whose policy is expressed in hia
Minhmih (A BOTH iii. 2): "Pray for the peace of the government."
His sou, R. Simon b. Has-segan, was prominent in the next genera-
tion. Joshua 1). Gamala, ex-highpriest (Josephus' Life, 41), R. Za-
dok, who fasted forty years that the temjtle might not be destroyed,
R. Necliunia b Ilak-kanah, Nachuni Ham-modai, and all the })romi-
nent teachers which are counted among the "First Generation of the
the first period of the war. 333
3. Defeat at Ascalon.
The governors repaired to the various districts to carry
out the orders of the Sanhedrin. To recover the seaports
was the first object to be achieved. Therefore, three valiant
leaders, Niger, of Idumea, John, the Essene, and Silas, the
Bablylonian, led an expedition to capture Ascalon. Their
intention was betrayed, and the Roman commander in that
city, Antonius, gave them a Marm reception. The impetu-
osity and valor of the Hebrews in the open field proved in-
adequate against the armament, tactics and coolness of
Roman veterans, especially the cavalry, against which the
Hebrews could not protect themselves; so they were disas-
trously defeated under the walls of Ascalon. John and
Silas, with several thousand of their men, lost their lives
in that battle, and Niger retreated into Sallis in Idumea.
Shortly after he made another attack upon Ascalon and
was defeated again. He and many of his warriors sought
refuge in the tower of Bezedel, which the pursuing Romans
set on fire and then withdrew. Niger and some of his men
were saved, however, in a subterranean passage. This was
the first disaster, and a very ominous one, because it proved
the inability of the Hebrews to cope with the Romans in
the open field or to wrest the seaports from them.
4. Simon b. Gorion.
Shortly after, one of the most daring and violent parti-
sans, Simon b. Gorion, who, like others of his party, sus-
pected and disliked the men in power, succeeded in collect-
ing a band of guerrillas in Southern Idujtiea, and moved
northward to put himself and his party in power, ravaging
the country as he advanced. Ananus sent an adequate
force from Jerusalem to check him. He evaded it and suc-
ceeded in reaching Masada, near the Dead Sea west, which
was in the hands of the extreme Zealots, commanded by
Eleazar b. Jairus. This was another ominous disaster. It
roused the suspicion of the extremists against the mode-
rates and opened the horrid fountain of civil war and self-
destruction. The hostilities of Simon b. Gorion were effect-
ively continued from Masada, as shall be narrated hereafter.
5. Josephus in Galilee.
Galilee was, at this moment, the most important portion
of Palestine, because it was the most populous and most
Tena'im," may have been members of that Sanhedrin, but it is not
stated expressly that they were.
334 THE FIRST PERIOD OF THE WAR.
loyal district, and the enemy was obliged to come through
that mountainous countr}-, whicii a skilled and experienced
general could have defended longer than the Romans were
prepared to wage war. One telling victory in Galilee might
have roused the Parthians and the petty princes of the East
to espouse the cause of the Habrews. But Galilee was gov-
erned by Josephus, who was too voung for the position, had
no experience in warfare, was the friend of Agrippa II., and
an admirer of Rome. He tells us in his autobiography that
he was a descendant of Jonathan the Asmonean, by one of
his daughters, hence of the highest aristocracy of the land;
that his father, Matthias, was a distinguished citizen of
Jerusalem ; and that he was very successful in the schools
of all sects, especially of the Pharisees, whose cause he
espoused at the age of nineteen. He was born 37 a, c, and
up to his twenty-sixth year had done nothing to dis-
tinguish himself, although he was one of the most accom-
plished scholars in the Greek as well as in the national lit-
erature. In the year 63 a. c, he went to Rome to liberate
the priests sent there by the Procurator and kept as cap-
tives. He was shipwrecked, and with eighty men out of
six hundred, saved his life and reached Puteoli. A Hebrew
stage actor, Aliturius, introduced him to Poppea ; and he
succeeded in liberating those priests and in being deeply
impressed with the glory and power of Rome. On his re-
turn to Jerusalem, he always sided with the peace party
and the friends of Rome. After the defeat of Cestius Gal-
lus and the slaughter of the Hebrews in the various cities
of Syria, he, like his compatriots, disguised his real opin-
ions and intentions and espoused the cause of the mode-
rate party. When he was about thirty years old, without
having any military record, he, with two legates, was sent
to Galilee as governor of that important province, and came
to his post more with the intention of disarming the vete-
ran enemies of Rome and Agrippa II., in order to obtain an.
honorable peace, than to win the independence of his people.
" My first care was," says Josephus, " to keep Galilee in
peace " (Life 14), in which he proved a shrewd and resolute
man, a man of courage and circumspection. He made
compacts Avith the so-called robbers, and paid them wages
to remain inactive in their mountain fastnesses and make
no expeditions ; also not against the Romans, unless called
upon to do so. He asked seventy hostages of the princi-
pal parties in the revolt, kept them about himself as a sort
of Sanhedrin, and established the authority of the law in
the revolted districts and cities. He succeeded admirably
THE FIRST PERIOD OF THE WAR. 335
in making peace, and was always eager to imitate Moses
and to enforce his laws. He was soon suspected of treason.
For, arrived at Sepphoris, he sided at once witl^ the Roman
party in that city, protected it against the threatened attack
of the patriots from without, left both the city and its forti-
fications in the hands of Roman partisans ; and this was
one of the most important strategic points of Galilee.
Here the first blow was struck in the coming \^ar. He did
no better in Tiberias, near which, in Bethmaus, he had
fixed his residence. This city having but recently declared
against Agrippa II. and embraced the national cause, had
its political parties, one of which was opposed to the inno-
vation, and with the leaders of that very party Josephus
consulted first. He had brought the decree of the Sanhed-
rin to the people of Tiberias to take out of Agrippa's palace
all the ornaments and furniture, as some of them repre-
sented idols. Still finding the Agrippa partisans opposed
to it, he proposed to send all valuables taken from the
palace to Agrippa, who was then the declared enemy of the
country. The people of Tiberias revolted, the governor ran
away to Upper Galilee, and a number of Agrippa partisans
were slain before the decree of the Sanhedrin was enforced.
Worse than this he behaved in the Dabaritta case. A lady
of Agrippa's court had the afFrontery to travel through the
revolted district in royal pomp and display. The soldiers
of Dabaritta captured her, took all her valuables, and let
her go in peace. The spoil was brought to Josej^hus and he
promised to send it to Jerusalem to be applied to the forti-
fication of the capital ; but he at once informed the king's
confidants that he would send him the whole spoil. This
being betrayed, became the cause of a formidable revolt,
and might have cost the life of Josephus, if he had not ex-
tricated himself by a cunning fabrication of falsehoods,
and finally, by a villainous treatment of his fiercest oppo-
nents. He protected those who Avere considered spies and
enemies of the country (Life 31), although it was known
that the partisans of Agrippa were in continual corre-
spondence with him, and Josephus boasts of sixty-three
letters of Agrippa to himself He betrayed his own incli-
nation and feelings too freely to escape detection, so that
all Galilee was filled with the rumor, he narrates, that their
country was about to be betrayed by him to the Romans
(Life 27). His intentions, like those of his party, to pre-
vent the war, were certainly patriotic in his and their opin-
ions. But he was not in sympathy with the cause and its
champions, which he had ofiicially espoused ; was obliged
S36 THE I'lKST PKKIOU OF TlIK WAR.
to play a double game, and could not escape suspicion and
hatred. The military preparations of Josephus proved a
decided failure. He fortified, as he narrates (Life 37),
Gamala on the Lake, a number of places in Gaulonitis,
which liad revolted from Agrippa, and built walls around
Seleucia and Soganni. He also built walls around cities
and villages in Upper Galilee, especially Jamnia, Meroth
and Achabare. In Lower Galilee he fortified, or rather per-
mitted the fortifying of Tarichaia, Tiberias, Gischala, the cave
of Arbela, Bersobe, Selamin, Jotapata, Ca])hareccho, Sigo,
Jepha and Mount Tabor. However, notwithstanding the
death-defying heroism of the defenders of those places, not
one of the hnrriedly -constructed fortifications withstood,
successfully, the Roman attacks. When the enemy ap-
proached in force, Josephus provided the cities with arms
and provisions and organized the militia. Two hundred
thousand men were enrolled and four hundred thousand
men could have been enrolled ; half of them were kept in
garrisons and drilled in the use of arms and submission to
discipline. That which was most necessary, to organize
and drill an army to cope with the Romans in the open
field, and to make proper use of the advantages of the Gal-
ilean terrain, was not at all attempted ; on the contrary,
those so-called robbers, the most available forces for this
purpose, and the veteran fighting men of the country, were
partly disarmed and partly kept under pay and oath not to
fight. Wlien the enemy did come, the defending forces
were scattered all over the land in the fortified placeS; Avith-
■out any plan of co-operation. The military preparations
of Josephus were intended to make peace and not to make
war. It will always be difficult to decide whether it was in-
ability or unwillingness to defend the country efficiently,
which must be charged on Josephus and his party in Jeru-
salem (5).
(5) However eminent a scholar and historian he Mas, and his eru-
dition was great, like his historic )grapliic talent, he was not honest in
liis luinative of the last war and the presentation of his opponents.
When alter his " Wars," etc., had been written under the eyes of
Titus and Agrippa in Rome, and Justus of Ti))erias and several others
(Life ()•')) had also written the sauie history without beiug under ob-
ligations to Titus or Agrippa, Josephus wrote his "Life," in which
many of his statements in his "Wars" are considerably modified,
and appear in an entirely different light. Those works must have
considerably damaged the narrative of Josepiius and his partisan
standpoint. Tiie student must control his statements made in his
" Wars" by those made in liis "Life," and must bear in mind that
he wrote in the palace of the Ca;sar.s.
the first period of the war. 337
6. The Opponents of Josephus.
Most prominent among the opponents of Josephus in
Oalilee was John of Gischala, called John b. Levi. He
wab the friend and companion of tlie Nassi, Simon b. Gam-
liel (Life ob), and the most competent man of the war party
(Wars ii., xxi.). He, perhaps, was not the first to suspect
the want of ability or hdelity of Josephus, still he was the
lirst to say so to the Sanhedrin in Jerusalem, and to i^ro-
pose the removal of Josephus from the responsible office.
John sent his brother, Simon, with Jonathan b. Sisenna and
one hundred armed delegates, to Jerusalem. They suc-
ceeded in convincing the Nassi, who was already opposed
to Josephus, that Josephus should be removed from office.
The Nassi convinced Ananus and his advisers that this
ought to be done speedily. A commission of four distin-
guished men was appointed, sufficient money and an armed
force placed at their disposal, to send Josephus to Jeru-
salem, if he would obey voluntarih', or to kill him if he of-
fered resistance to the decree of the central authority.
Josephus, informed of the decree, refused to obey. Both
parties fearing the outbreak of a civil Avar if an attempt
should be made to settle the matter by the force of arms,
maneuvered against each other for a considerable time.
Josephus outmaneuvered the commission, and it failed to
enforce the decree. Josephus and his party in Galilee were
now virtually in a state of rebellion against the central
authority in Jerusalem. He went to Tiberias and assem-
bled his "friends to a Sanhedrin (Life 66) and consulted as to
what he should do to John of Gischala. They advised war
upon him, which Josephus was not prepared to undertake.
He offered amnesty to all of John's men who would at once
return to their allegiance to him, which necessitated John
to remain quiet in Gischala, and Josephus remained Gover-
nor of Galilee by usurpation. However, not all submitted
quietly. A party in the two capitals, Tiberias and Sep-
phoris^, made the attempt to have Josephus deposed. The
people of Tiberias were determined that the decree of the
central authority in Jerusalem should be enforced. Justus
b. Pistus, known as Justus of Tiberias, the historian, it
appears, was the prime mover in this matter. However,
Josephus came, with eleven thousand men, against the city
to enforce his authority ; a civil war was feared })y its
rulers, and they submitted to his authority. Shortly after,
however, the king's party got the upper hand in that city;
chosing the least between two evils, Agrippa was invited by
338 THE FIRST PERIOD OF THE WAR.
Justus to take possession of the city. The king was too
slow, his messenger was caught and brought before Jose-
phus, who, by strategy, took Tiberias and again enforced his
authority ; then he let the king's messenger escape unpun-
ished. In Sepphoris, too, no sooner had it become known
that Josephus was deposed by the central authority than
the rulers sent messengers to the President of Syria, and
asked of him to come instantly or to send them a protect-
ing garrison. Cestius Gallus could, at that moment, do
neither, and Josephus took Sepphoris; his men ransacked
the city till he got them out of it by a false alarm of ap-
proaching Romans. Josephus, in his autobiography, nar-
rates all this in his own defense against Justus and the
other historians, and certainly reported the facts as favor-
ably to himself as he possibly could. Nevertheless, they
proved conclusively that he Avas lawfully deposed, that a
large portion of the people wanted him to obey, and he, by
unlawful means, continued to hold the office for which he
had neither the ability and experience nor the heart and
sympathy, and became, as Justus said of him, the main
cause of Israel's disaster. Before the legates of the San-
hedrin came back to Jerusalem to report, it was too late ;
for the war had been commenced by Josephus himself.
Cestius Gallus had sent Placidus, with seven thousand men,
to assist Sejiphoris, and Josephus attempted to take the
city by storm. After he had partially succeeded in this
attempt, he Avas driven out again and forced to a battle in
the plain, which he lost, and the Romans remained in pos-
session of Sepphoris. At the same time, some of Agrippa's-
forces, under Sylla, approached the northern shore of the
lake, and encamped before Julias, holding the roads toCana
and Gamala. Josephus attacked and routed the king's
forces, but could not follow np his victory because he was
thrown from his horse and had to be brouglit to Caper-
naum. He was then removed to Tarichsea, where he was at-
tacked and routed by Sylla. Ho saved his men and him-
self b}' a sudden move on Julias, to come into the rear of
the enemy, who was thus obliged to retreat. So the war
had commenced with two defeats for Josephus, and mean-
while, Vesj)asian had come to Tyre ready to tal:e the fiold.
It was too late eith.er for Josephus to resign or for the San-
hedrin to remove him from office. Justus of Tiberias, was
with Agrippa in Tyre. He was accused before Vespasian
by people of Dccapolis for having burnt their villages and
condemning mnny to death; but Agrippa saved him and
he was put in irons for some time.
the first period of the war. 339
7. Defeat of Placidus Before Jotapata.
From Sepphoris, Placidus made expeditions into the
country, slaying the defenseless, plundering and burning
as he proceeded. The people fled into the fortified cities.
He proceeded as far north as Jotapata, which he schemed
to take by surprise. The defenders of that city, however^
received him outside of their fortifications, gave him battle^
and forced him to retreat with considerable loss. The
heavy armament of the Romans saved them. They
marched back to Sepphoris. and Josephus had no army
there to molest them. Sepphoris and the rich plain at the
sea side were lost to the national cause, although the people
of Jotapata heroically defended their city, and the fate of
Galilee was virtually decided before the arrival of Vespasian.
8. Vespasian and Titus in Palestine.
"When Nero had learned the defeat of Cestius, he was
alarmed. The loss of the Asiatic portion of the empire
appeared certain, if the Hebrews overthrew the Roman
power in their land. He summoned the man whom he
most disliked among his generals, because he had fallen
asleep wlien Nero recited his own poetical productions,
Titus Flavins Vcspasianus, and appointed him commander-
in-chief of a large and picked army to subject and crush
Palestine. The founder of the second Roman dynasty was
of humble origin. He had distinguished himself as a sol-
dier in Thrace, Africa, Germany and Britain, and especially
in forcing the Roman yoke on free-born men. With Ves-
pasian, came also his son, Titus, to Ptolemais (in the spring
of the year 63 a. c), where tlie army of invasion was organ-
ized, while JIucianus succeeded Cestius Gallus as President
of Syria. The army consisted of the Fifth, Tenth and Fif-
teenth Legions, with a large quota of cavalry, augmented
by the armies of the surrounding petty princes, Agrippa
II. included, to the number of 60,000 regulars, and a large
number of irregulars, who always went with tlie Roman
armies as traders of all kinds when their miltary service
was not needed. It was supported in Palestine by the
Heathen population and many Hebrews who remained
loyal to Rome. The main strength of that army was in its
heavy armament and scientific discipline, the skill and ex-
perience of its officers, the utter heartlessness, brutality^
rapacity, bloodthirstiness and blind obedience of its sol-
diers, and the hatred of the Heathens against the Hebrews.
But all these combined forces might have been overcome, if
340 THE FIU!>T I'KUrOl) OF THE WAU
tlie Hebrews had been united in the resolution to shake oir
the Roman yoke, and tlie men of decisive action, instead of
those who wanted to win a patched-up. peace, had been
from tlie start at the head of the revolution. Their patriot-
ism, zeal and bravery were certainly adequate to the emer-
gency.
9. The Fall of Gadara.
Without any molestation, Vespasian marched from Ptol-
emais to Gadara (Gabara), situated between Giscala and
Jotapata, and took it without resistance, because its de-
fenders had left it at the approach of the enemy. The
defenseless inhabitants, lads, women, children and old peo-
ple, were mercilessly massacred, the city and the villages
around it were pillaged and burnt. Only those persons
were spared who were considered saleable as slaves ; all the
others perished {Nissan Q'i a. d.). The barbarities of the
invader roused the Zealots to fury and prompted Josephus
to leave his post in Tiberias, as under the circumstances,
his life must have been in danger. He locked himself up
with his men in Jotapata, which he must have known to be
the next objective point of the enemy, simply because it
was necessary for him to win, surrender or die. He sent
messengers to Jerusalem to inform the central authority
that unless they sent him an army he could not success-
fully defend Galilee. The army was not sent and Galilee
was lost.
10. Jotapata and Josephus Taken.
Early in the month of Iyai\ Josephus had arrived in
Jotapata, and shortly after, Vespasian surrounded the city.
It offered a desperate and well-conducted resistance. Dur-
ing the siege of Jotapata, one detachment of the Roman
army took the neighboring city of Japha (25th of Slvan)^
and another defeated the Samaritans on Mt. Gerizzim (•27th
of Sivan), pillaging, burning and slaughtering or selling
into slavery without regard to age or sex, as had been done
in Gadara. Meanwhile, the defenders of Jotapata, by a
siege of fort3'-seven days, were so exhausted that they
could offer no effectual resistance to an attacking army. A
deserter informed Vespasian thereof, and during the next
night, which was foggy and dark, his men succeeded in scal-
ing the wall, taking the citadel and cutting down all who
were in the city (1st of Tannuz). The city was demolished
and its fortifications burned. Forty thousand Hebrews lost
THE FIRST PERIOD OP THE WAR. 341
their lives in and about Jotapata. However, among those
who had sought refuge in subterranean hiding-phices, there
was also Josephus, with one hundred men, in a den adjoin-
ing a deep pit. Escape being impossible, those hundred
men and Josephus resolved to slay one another. Josephus
knew how to manage the afi'air so that he and Kicanor were
to die last. Ninety-nine died the voluntary death, then
Josephus and Nicanor escaped and delivered themselves up
to Vespasian. Before Vespasian, he played the role of a
prophet, he says, predicting to him that he would be the next
em])eror of Rome (6), which prophecy the Talmud claims
for R. Jochanan b. Saccai. It is not difficult to see why
Vespasian spared the man who had always been a friend of
the Romans, and had done his best to deliver Giililee up to
their authority. From and after this day, Josejdius re-
mained among the Romans as an informer, the Hebrews
maintained; in chains and as a pleader and pacificator, he
maintains. His foes and friends at home denounced him as
a traitor, who had never intended to fight the Romans. He
went to Jotapata to be captured, as he could no longer
maintain himself in Galilee, and could not return to Jeru-
salem. He made such a heroic defense there, because he
dared not do otherwise, as he feared his own warriors. He
prophesied the fall of the city many days before it took
place, hence he knew the object of his coming to Jotapata.
11. JoppA Taken and Tiberias Surrendered.
Vespasian left the depopulated region with its corpses
and ruins, and pressed on westward. In Joppa, however,
the Hebrew mariners were organized and carried on a mari-
time war against the Romans and Syrians. A band of
Romans, sent by Vespasian, surprised the city at night and
many of the inhabitants fled to their ships. A stcrni
dashed the vessels against the rocky shores and many per-,
ished. Joppa remained in the hands of the Romans and
the patriotic enterprise of the mariners was frustrated.
Many of them, undoubtedly, fled to European and African
shores. Meanwhile, Vespasian went to Agrippa's capital,
Csesarea Philii^pi, to be feasted and lauded there. Then he
marched to Tiberias to retake it for Agrippa. After some
resistance, the Zealots and their compatriots Avere obliged
(6) He certainly did not dare to predict this before the death of
Nero had been known in the camp. That death occurred June, 68
A. c., about the same time, and could not have been known yet in
Palestine.
342 THE FIRST PERIOD OF THE WAR.
to leave the city and seek refuge in the neighboring Tari-
chcea. Tiberias surrendered to the Romans and submitted
again to the autbority of Agrippa II.
12. Fall of TARicHiEA — Bloody Treachery of
Vespasian.
Tarich£3ea, at the south-western end of the lake, was well
fortified and favorably located for defense. It was now tbe
center of fugitives from all the destroyed and surrendered
cities, reinforced by patriotic men from all parts of the
upper country. Between this city and Tiberias, the Romans
constructed a fortified camp. Jesus b. Sapliat, command-
ing tbe fugitiV'CS from Tiberias, provided with boats, came
upon the Romans from the coast, drove away the work-
ing men, destroyed the walls of the camp, and retired to
the vessels. The Hebrews retreated before the enemy, ap-
proaching in force, far enough into the sea that their pro-
jectiles could reach the enemy, who could make no attack
on them. At a distance, the Hebrews were superior to the
Romans with their heavy armament. Titus commanding
there, was obliged to send for reinforcements. When a part
of them had arrived, he attacked the Hebrews outside the
walls of Tarichaea, and forced them to retreat. Vespasian
prepared a fleet to fight the Hebrews on the lake, and suc-
ceeded in destroying their whole fleet, and the sea was full
of dead bodies and destroyed vessels. The engagement
was a most desperate one and cost many lives on both
sides. Meanwhile, Titus had taken the city with the as-
sistance of its original inhabitants, who bad been promised
pardon by Vespasian. Still, after the victory had been se-
cured, the mighty Roman gave permission to his brutal
hordes to kill one thousand and two hundred old and dis-
abled people, sent six thousand of the young and strong to
Nero " to dig through the Isthmus " (Wars iii., x. 10), and
sold 30,400 of them into slavery, besides those whom he
presented to Agrippa {EUul, 68 a. c). Only a Roman
could be so treacherous and barbarous. Every feeling of
humanity and every sense of justice had been suffocated
among the brutalized Heathens of that age; and among
all Heathens, the worst were, undoubtedl}', the Roman
Grandees.
13. The Last Stronghold's Fall.
After the fall of Taricha^a, the cities of Galilee surren-
dered to the Romans, and the rest of the fighting men fled
THE FIRST PERIOD OF THE WAR. 343
to Mt. Tabor, which was Avell fortified, to Gischala and to
Gamala, west of the lake, besides those who escaped into
Judea and Perea. Mt. Tabor was taken by Placidus, who
had made treacherous promises to the warriors, to bring
them down to the phiin, where they were massacred in cold
blood. The defenders of Gamala, however, offered the most
heroic resistance to the entire Roman army. Agrippa had
been beaten before the walls of the city, and Vespasian,
with his whole force, besieged it. Many Romans lost their
lives there while erecting siege works, and in the first as-
sault upon the city they sustained such terrible losses that
the entire army was in danger, and Vcsi)asian saved his life
by personal bravery. The city was short of provisions and
water, so many Avere obliged to leave. When half the pop-
ulation was gone, another assault was made on the city and
then on its citadel, which would not have been taken had
not a violent storm on the top of that mountain favored the
Romans. The twenty-seventh day of TisJiri^ the city and
its citadel fell, and those of its inhabitants who had not
escaped by subterranean passages were massacred. With
Gamala, the last hope of the patriots in Galilee vanished.
Gischala capitulated, after John and all his men had left.
Galilee was conquered, Agrippa II. was again lord of his
kingdom, the heroes of Jotapata, Tarichsea and Gamala
were in their graves, and, as far as Galilee was concerned,
the war w^as over.
14. State of Affairs in Jerusalem.
The central authority in Jerusalem, under Ananus,
Joseph b. Gorion and the Sanhedrin, gave no assistance to
Galilee, and during the years 67 and 68 a. c. did nothing to
prepare for the war, besides the abortive attack on Ascalon,
the fortifying of Jerusalem and some other cities, arming
the defenders of those cities and storing provisions in tiiem,
•exactly as Josephus had done in Galilee (7). While the
Roman army was engaged in Galilee and Samaria, nothing
was done in Judea, Perea and Iduraea to weaken the enemy,
to divert his attention or to divide his forces. Therefore, it
(7) Tlie Talmud GuHin, 56 a, and the Miilrash Rabba to Lamenta-
tion, furnish the story of the four rich men in Jerusalem, Ben
Zizith, Ben Gorion, Ben Nakdhnon and Ben Kalba Shebua, who liad
laid up provisions enough to last the city ten years or longer. How-
ever, when the Zealots took possession of the government they, by
one of tlieir captains, Ben Bntiah, a nephew of R. Jochanan b. 8accai,
buri^i all the provisions in order to force the population to fight or
StS^v'v;,
344 THE FIRST PERIOD OF THE WAR.
could not be doubtful to anybody tbat the policy of th&
central authority was precisely the same as that of Josc-
plius, to keep the peace, and to obtain favorable conditions.
The conquest of Galilee and the comfort of Josephus in
the Roman camp could not fail to convince the Zealots that
they were betrayed by the party in power, although they
had not the strength in Jerusalem or the provinces to super-
sede their opponents. But after the conquest of Galilee,
there came to Jerusalem John of Gischala, with all his
armed men and^the fugitive Zealots from all Galilee, and
they were received with enthusiasm by their compatriots.
They imbued many of the young men with the itlea that
fighting in the weak cities of Galilee after the strongest
places had been lost, was a waste of lives, which had to be
saved for the defense of Jerusalem, the impregnable city,
never to be taken by the Romans. In a short time the Zea-
lots were in possession of sufficient power to take the reins of
government into their own hands. They began (68 to 69 a.
c.) by taking possession of the temple. They deposed all the
old officers, and in order to overcome the historical riglit of
primogeniture in filling those offices, they went back to the
old practice of deciding by the lot. . Having accomplished
that, they deposed also the highpriest, Matthias b. Theo-
philus, and appointed as his successor, one of their demo-
cratic men from the country, Phanneas (Pinchas) b. Sam-
uel. The temple was now the headquarters of the Zealots.
The aristocratic party was roused to appreciate the danger
of the situation by the eloquence of Ananus, Joseph b.
Gorion, Simon b. Gamliel, and other men of the highest
authority. In a public meeting, it was resolved to set
bounds to the dominion and excesses of the Zealots, and a
body of militia volunteered to effect that purpose.
15. Outbreak of Civil War.
The Zealots being informed of the resolution of Ananus,
met on the Temple INIount, and John of Gis(;hala, who had
a seat in the council of Ananus and was sent to pacify the
Zealots, roused them to speedy and energetic resistance to
the lawful authority. He impressed upon them two points,
viz. : that they need expect no pardon from their oppo-
nents, and that the latter were about to call in the Romans
to their assistance. He counseled resolute resistance to
the authorities and the speedy invitation of armed succor
from other parts of the country. His counsel prevailed.
The leaders of the Zealots, who were the priests, Eleazar b^
THE FIRST PERIOD OF THE WAR. 345
Simon and Zachariah b. Phalek, gave the alarm, " Ananus
has imposed upon the people and was betraying the metrop-
olis to the Romans." They dispatched secret messengers
to Idumea, asked instant reinforcement, and made ready
for self-defense. The militia led against them was superior
to them in- number and alacrity, but they Avere superior in
arms and discipline. The first conflict was very obstinate
and murderous on both sides, until the citizens of Jerusa-
lem were thoroughly aroused ; but then they overpowered
the Zealots, took the cloisters, and drove the Zealots into-
the Court of Women, which the latter closed and defended
from the parapets. Ananus did not wish to break through
the gates or to lead his men into the interior of the temple
courts without being first Levitically cleansed, and submit-
ting to ritualistic })rejudices, he stopped short with the
work half done. He selected six thousand men to besiege
the Zealots in the interior courts, and thought the work
was done. So the citizens of Jerusalem thought, and the
rich sent paid substitutes to the temple cloisters to prevent
the escape, of the Zealots. But unexpectedly, twenty
thousand armed men from Idumea, well organized, under
four zealous leaders, John and Jacob b. Sosas, Simon b.
Cathlas and Phineas b. Clusothus, appeared at the gates of
Jerusalem to reinforce the Zealots.
16. The Idumeans in Jerusalem.
When the messenger of the Zealots had come to Idumea
with the exciting message, the rulers of that province
alarmed the impetuous mass of patriots, and twenty thou-
sand of them rushed to arms at once to save the metropolis
and the republic. Ananus closed the gates of Jerusalem
against them, which only enraged and confirmed them in their
belief that he Avas a traitor Avhose intention it was to deliver
the metropol's into the hands of Rome (8). In vain did Joshua
b. Gamala address the Idumean warriors to make them un-
derstand the situation and to persuade them to keep the
peace. Neither his age and dignity nor his eloquence and
argumentation changed the minds of those champions of
independence. Simon b. Cathlas answered in their behalf:
" You are traitors and we have come to protect liberty, and
will hold to our arms until you repent of what you have done
(8) In fact it is difficult to ascertain what was, at that time, the ac-
tual intention of Ananus and liis party. It is not unlikely that a,
speedy peace with Rome was their i)rofrranniie, l)elieving that th&
fall of Galilee must have changed the popular mind.
346 THE FIRST PKllIOl) OV THE WAR.
against it." The Zealots in the temple took advantage of a
very stormy night; some of their boldest men, provided
with proper implements, made their escape from the tem-
ple, reached the city gate, and quietly opened it for the
Idu means, whom they persuaded to proceed quietly and
rapidly to the Temple Mount and to raise the siege. This
they did ; they took the six thousand men there by sur-
prise ; the Zealots in the tenjple sallied out, and a terrible
-conflict and carnage ensued. The besieging militia fought
bravely, the city was thoroughly alarmed, and the fight
became general and furious. At last the citizens were over-
powered, the outer temple was drenched in blood, and the
Zealots were in possession of the entire mountain. Now
the victorious party turned against the cit}^, plundered and
massacred indiscriminately, cut down the principal men of
the part}"- in power, and slew both Ananus and Joshua b.
Gamala. Then they convoked a Sanhedrin of seventy of
their compatriots, drove the lawful Sanhedrin out of the
temple (9), tried and executed those who were suspected of
conspiracy with Rome, and committed all the barbarous
excesses of fanatical and enraged partisans. Eight thou-
sand and five hundred men fell that day. Terror reigned
in Jerusalem, and the beginning of its final destruction was
made.
17. Reign of the Zealots in Jerusalem — Escape of
R. JOCHANAN B. SaCCAI TO JaMNIA.
The fury of the Idumeans being spent, they began to see
(9) Josephus does not report Simon b. Gamliel among the slain of
that terriljle day. although he was certainly one of the principal
leaders of the moderate party, and the rabbis maintain that he was
slain by the Romans after the fall of Jerusalem which is not con-
lirmi'd by Josephus, although it is so adopted by Josephon (chapter
xcvii.). Still his name is mentioned no more in any of tiie records.
Josephus merely records that the Zealots set up "fictitious tribunals
of justice;" that among the most eminent men who were slain at
that time was Zicliariah b B.iruch ; "Moreover, they struck the
judges with the l)acks of their swords, by way of abuse and tiirust
them out of the court of the temple " An ancient tradition recorded
in the last section of IMeguuxath Taanitii, maintains that on the
twenty-filth day of Simn, there werp slain Simon b. Gamliel, Ish-
mael b Elishah an I Haninah Segan Hak-kohanim. The latter being
identical with Ananus and Ishmae' to be amended by Joshua b. Ga-
mala it would appear that >^imon also was amof^g the victims of that
bloody twenty-fifth day of Sivan in the year 69 a. c., of which it is
said also in Dihrei Malchuth Bavitii Siieni, that many of the most
pious men in Israel 6x"l*L^'"' "TDH) were slain that day.
THE FIRST PERIOD OF THE WAR. 347
the wickedness of their doings. Repentance came too late,
the dead could not be reanimated. No enemy approach-
ing the capital, and the accusation of treason against the
•slain men lacking evidence, the Idumeans quietly left the
city to the surprise of the parties left behind. The Zealots
being now in undisputed possession of the power, contin-
ued the blood}^ work by cutting down all prominent men
whom they suspected of loyalty to the overthrown party.
Among the latter, there Avere two men of great prominence,
viz. : Gorion and Niger, the ex-Governor of Idumea, whose
body was full of scars of wounds received in the service of
Lis country. The rich people fled, although the Zealots
guarded every passage out of the city, and slew the fugi-
tives ; yet their guards were bribed by some, while others
escaped their vigilance. Among the latter, there was also
R. Jochanan b. Saccai, the Chief-Justice and Vice-President
of the Sanhedrin. His disciples. Eliezer b. Hyrcan and
Joshua b. Hananiah, carried a coffin out of the city for
hurial, in which, instead of a corpse, there was the venera-
ble and hoary disciple of Hillel. Ben Batiah, the nephew
■of R. Jochanan, being on duty at that gate, the coffin was
not searched. They succeeded in reaching the Roman
headquarters, and R. Jochanan obtained a hearing of Ves-
pasian, to whom he prophesied both the downfall of Jeru-
salem and its temple, and Vespasian's elevation to the
throne of the Caesars. The Roman general being well dis-
posed to the fugitives, and especially to the hoar}^ savan
who represented the intelligence of his country, the rabbi
•asked of him the favor to be given Jamnia (Jabneh) as a
place of refuge for himself and his disciples, to continue
there, in peace, the teaching of the Law, as he had formerly
-done at Berur Chol. This being granted, the rabbi and his
•disciples went to Jamnia, re-opened its ancient academ}'',
•and there laid the foundation to the reconstruction of Juda-
ism out of the ruins of its ancient polity and politics. In
Jerusalem, however, with the death and flight of her most
■eminent citizens, a reign of terror was maintained by men,
of whom Josephus reports (Wars iv., vi. 3), that they tram-
pled upon all the laws of m;in, laughed at the laws of God,
and ridiculed the oracles of the prophets as the tricks of
jugglers ; although it can not be doubted that he exagger-
ates, in order to defame his enemies and to justify, par-
tially, the Roman barbarities.
348 the first period of the war.
18. Vespasian's Further Conquests.
Meanwhile, Vespasian continued liis conquests in the
north and west of Jerusalem almost without resistance.
He had reduced all Acrabatene, also Jamnia and the whole
sea coast down to Gaza. His captains wanted him to march
at once to Jerusalem and take it, as he had been invited^
and he would certainly have been welcomed as a redeemer
by the bulk of the population. But he refused to do it,,
and thought the partisans of the capital would destroy one
another fast enough. While the Zealots were doing noth-
ing for the protection of the country, and their compatriots-
all over the land imitated their acts of violence in various
cities, the inhabitants of Gadara, east of the Jordan, a re-
sort of a large number of very rich people, cnlled on Ves-
pasian for protection. Placidus came with sufficient force
to frighten the Zealots out of Gadara. But the fugitives,,
reinforced by the country people fleeing before the ap-
proaching enemy, took a stand at Bethenrabris, and gave
battle to the enemy. Their courage and enthusiasm were
counteracted and overcome by the strategies of the Romans,
their superior tactics and arms, and the fighting Hebrews-
were defeated and their stronghold burnt. They fled to-
ward the Jordan, followed by many thousands of the terri-
fied country people, and ])ursued by the Roman cavalry..
The massacre and destruction of property were horrible.
The Jordan being impassable, another dis.astrous battle was
fought, and only those who swam the Jordan or fled to the
wilderness, escaped. 150,000 of the defenders of Perea lost
their lives and 2,200 were taken prisoners. Perea down ta
Macherus was again subjected to the Roman sway. Mach-
erus and the country around it could not be taken by Placi-
dus. Meanwhile, the best part of Idumea was also over-
run, the cities burnt, the inhabitants slain without mercy,,
and wliatever could not be carried ofl" by the brutal invad-
ers was destroyed. Like the city' of Gerasa, which was
totally ransacked and destroyed by L. Annius, cities and
villages, whatever their population professed, were swept
away and their population massacred like wild beasts or
sold to slave dealers. Trajan was the name of th(! hyena
that raged in Idumea. He boasted of having slain 10,000,.
and bringing 1,000 prisoners. Near Jericho, he met Ves-
pasian. That city capitulated without resistance. All
these slaughters, however, did not secure the country to
Vespasian. The mountains, with their natural fastnesses,
caverns, steep and narrow i)asses, were as so many dangerous
THE FIRST PERIOD OF THE WAR. 849
points for the invader, and Vespasian was obliged to build
forts and castles in many jDoints of the land to secure him-
self against the concentration of the patriots and the sur-
prise of his army on the plains, as had been done often
before. Finding the whole land swarming with rebellious
patriots, who, defeated in their cities, sought refuge in the
mountains,- he could not venture the siege of Jerusalem
before he was master of the land, which was a difficult task,
and took considerable time. Meanwhile, Nero had made
an end of his miserable life and reign (June 11, 68 a. c),
and a period of confusion followed in Rome under the suc-
cessors of Nero — Galba, Otho and Vitellius — all in one year
(68 A. c. to July of 69). Meanwhile, the armies of the
East proclaimed Vespasian Emperor of Rome. From Jeri-
cho, he, in company with his son Titus, and also Josephus,
released from his chains, went to Alexandria, and some of
the best legions followed them. The struggle for the throne
of the Csesars against Vitellius and his party was con-
ducted on the part of Vespasian from Alexandria, and
€nded with his victory; so that in July, 69 a. c, he was
proclaimed emperor in Rome. He became the founder of
the Flavins dynasty, which name Josephus was also given,
in addition to his Hebrew name. He remained in Alexan-
dria till the Judean war was over, in order to return as vic-
tor and conqueror of the Orient.
350 THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM.
CHAPTER XXVI.
The Destruction of Jerusalem.
1. Jerusalem Before its Destruction.
Jerusalem was, after Antioch, the largest city of the
East. It had within its walls over 600,000 inhabitants, and
was capable, with its suburbs, to give shelter to two mil-
lions and even three millions of people, a number which
did sometimes assemble, including the pilgrims from all
parts of the then inhabited earth. The city embraced now
within its walls Zion in the south-west, Acra directly north
thereof, and Bezetha directly north of Acra, the suburb of
Bezetha east of Bezetha, the Temple Mount south thereof
and Ophel south of the temple. The city, with its one
hundred and sixty-four towers, rising thirty-two feet above
the wall, with its numerous cupolas and minarets within^
presented a most picturesque and imposing prospect from
the highest point of Mt. Olives. The streets of Jerusalem
were narrow, paved with white stone, well drained and ex-
tremely clean ; but besides one rosary, tliere was neither
garden, park nor tree in the city. Its fortifications were no
mean evidence of the Hebrews' achievements in architect-
ure and mechanics. No city was better fortified than
Jerusalem before its fall. It consisted of six fortified places
with citadels in each, and the temple was a citadel within
a citadel, with all possible obstacles to an advancing enemy,
with its lirass gates, its parapets and towers. Rich people
occupied cloisters and lodges about the temple, where they
not only came to worship, but also deposited there their
treasures for safe keeping (it never occurred that anything
was stolen in or about the temple, that a building was
struck by lightning, or that a fire broke out accidentally) ;
so that an immense wealth was gathered around and in the
temple treasury. The city was well-provisioned until the
THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. 351
Zealots destroyed the provisions to force the citizens to
starve or fight. It was supposed that Jerusalem was im-
pregnable, and besideSj it was believed by many that God
would not permit the holy city and temple to be taken^
although others had prophesied its destruction long before.
2. The Zealots in Jerusalem.
After the death of Ananus and the victory of John of
Gischala and the Idumeans, many citizens fied from the
city. Still the expeditions of Vespasian north and west of
Jerusalem, also in Perea and Idumea, drove so many more
fugitives to the cnpital, some to save their lives and treas-
ures, and others to fight for the city and the temple. The
fugitives increased the forces of the Zealots and augmented,
especially, the number of John's adherents, while the Zea-
lots of Jerusalem acknowledged Eleazar b. Annus as their
head. No Banhedrin and no centrnl authority are men-
tioned any longer. The most propitious time, when Ves-
pasian and Titus, with the best portion of the Roman
legions had left the country, and the whole Eoman Emjjire
was shaking under the violence of its armies and emperors,
was wasted by the leaders in Jerusalem in fortifying their
own power and holding the peaceable citizens in subjecticn.
Now was the time either to strike a decisive blow or to win
the favor of Vespasian, neither of which was done, and the
year 68 a. c. passed awa}'' without anything being done ex-
cept sending messengers to Mesopotamia and Parthia to
obtain succor from that side, Avhich proved a failure.
3. Simon b. Gorion.
Simon b. Gorion, prominent among those who had
fouglU Cestius Gallus, and aiterward among the opponents
of Ananus, had been driven with his men into Messada.
He was a patriot and soldier of uncommon courage, bodily
vigor and' military talent. The men of Messada did not
trust him, and after they had been driven out of Jerusalem,
were unwilling to engage again in any warfare except in
defense of their city. After the death of Ananus and the
fall of his party in Jerusalem, Simon left Messada, retired
into the mountains, proclaimed freedom to the slaves, and
succeeded in collecting an army about him. He fortified
a town called Naix and the caves in the valley of Pharan.
The Zealots of Idumea being alarmed by the progress of
Simon, met him at their borders, and gave him battle.
Without being defeated, Simon went back to Nain, reor-
352 THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM.
ganized his army and marched to Thecoa, from whence he
sent an embassy to the garrison of Herodiuin. demanding
the surrender of that place. His embassador, Eleazar, was
killed. Still one of the Idumean chiefs espoused Simon's
cause, and he succeeded in taking Hebron and overrunning
Idumea from that point. The Zealots of Jerusalem, jeal-
ous of Simon's growing power, and unable to give him bat-
tle, laid ambushes in the passes, and succeeded in capturing
his wife, whom they took to Jerusalem. Instead of bring-
ing Simon to terms, as the intention was, it made him
furious. He marched up to the very walls of Jerusalem,
maltreated or killed whomsoever fell into his hands, and
threatened destruction to everybody, until the frightened
Zealots liberated his wife. He returned to Idumea, driving
the people before him to seek refuge in Jerusalem.
4. Simon b. Gorion in Jerusalem, and the Army of
Defense.
When Vespasian was gone and the danger of an imme-
diate siege averted, the Zealots in the city behaved them-
selves outrageously against the citizens and pilgrims, not
only by vulgar and immoral conduct, but also by con-
stant feuds, fights and bloodshed. Some of them mixed
among the crowd in women's attire, and assassinated their
enemies. They appropriated for themselves the first fruits
and tithes brought to Jerusalem, and lived in high glee on
other people's property. At last a fight broke out among
the Zealots, the Idumeans attacked John's men and broke
into the Grapta palace at Ophel, where John had his treas-
ury and headquarters. While John rallied his men on the
Temple Mount, the priests and citizens embraced the cause
of the Idumeans, and sent for Simon b. Gorion to come to
their assistance. He came and took possession of the city,
and the Zealots held the temple. The two parties attempt-
ing to dislodge one another, destroyed houses and maga-
zines, so that the Temple Mount was environed with ruins.
Mauy warriors and non-combatants lost their lives, and
many a store of provisions was consumed by fire. At last
the Zealots on the Temple Mount also disagreed. Eleazar,
Avho had started the war, saw himself under the command
of John of Gischala, whom he disliked. He persuaded a
number of leaders to revolt against John, and they fol-
lowed him to the interior of the Temple Court, in Avhich
they Avere secure against attacks from John, and took the
material stored near by for raising the temple wall twenty
THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. 853
■cubits, and constructed four towers to protect themselves
against attacks from Simon b. Gorion. Now citizens and
pilgrims coming to the temple ran the risk of being plun-
dered twice, once by John's and once by Eleazar's men.
All attempts to make peace among the three factions, in
which the late highpriest took the lead, proved a failure ;
each of the three chief men claimed the highest authority,
and they jealously watched each' other's movements. So
the most precious time, from 69 (to the spring of 70 a. c,
was wasted, men, buildings and provisions were destroyed,
many of the citizens were forced' to leave, while others
wished for the approach of the Romans in order to direct
the warrivi'rf' attention abroad. There were now in the city
24,000 warriors : 3,000 under Eleazar and Simon b. Jair,
6,000 under John of Gischala, 5,000 Idumeans under Jacob
b. Sosa and Simon b. Cathla, and 10,000 under Simon b.
Gorion. Had those 24,000 impetuous heroes, together with
the Zealots of Massada and elsewhere, been in the field
when Vespasian marched into Galilee, which could have
been the case, and their number could have been largely in-
creased, if the moderate party had been earnest in their pur-
pose to make war, history would have taken quite a differ-
ent turn ; but now it was too late. One city with but a
small strip of country around it could not effectually resist
the Roman colossus, had every man, woman and child
therein been a Maccabean hero ; as Rome, to save its honor
and its dominion in the East, was obliged to crush the He-
brews.
5. Titus Approaches Jerusalem.
Vespasian having secured the throne of the Caesars,
Titus was appointed commander-in-chief of the army in
Judea. The festivities over in Rome and Alexandria, Titus
came with an . army to Caesarea. His legions and aux-
iliaries amounted to no less than 80,000 men, provided with
all war engines known in Rome and every facility which
science had invented. Two distinguished Hebrews were in
his camp, the apostate Tiberius Alexander, Avho was a gen-
eral under Titus, and Josephus, supposed to have been used
as a mediator between Romans and Hebrews, although the
latter considered him a renegade, traitor and spy. It was
possible yet to save the city and temple. Titus was madly
in love with Berenice, the sister of Agrippa II., although
she was ten or fifteen years his senior and had been the
wife of two husbands. She was not without patriotism and
piety. It was easy to win her for the cause of her people,
854 THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM.
and it was in her power to influence Titus in its favor. But
this circumstance, perhaps, was unlcnown, and the Zealots
would not have violated their oatli of liberty or death. So
Titus marched without any molestation from Csesarea to
Jerusalem.
6. The Zealots' First Victory.
Titus, on approaching the city, went with six hundred
cavalry from the main body of his troops to reconnoiter
the northwestern corner of the fortification. When he ap-
proached the tower of Psephinus, suddenly a number of
Hebrews rushed forth from the places, called the Women's-
Towers and surrounded Titus and his men, so that the
commander of the army saved his life only by his personal
bravery and the skill of his cavalry. After this lesson,
Titus knew he had to deal with a valiant enemy, and began
to be cautious. Three camps were to be fortified for the
besieging array, one at Scopus, opposite the northeastern
wall of the suburb of Bezetha; another camp was to be
laid out at the other end of the fortifications, viz. : behind
the sepulchre of the Kings of Adiabene, opposite the north-
eastern wall of Bezetha ; and another camp for the Tenth
Legion, coming via Jericho, was to be located on Mount
Olives. When the Tenth Legion went to work to construct
the camp, the Hebrews sallied forth from their fortifica-
tions and attacked them with such impetuosity that they
were thrown into a state of disorder and confusion, from
which they recovered but slowly, to turn and attack the
Hebrews. But the latter fell on the Romans with renewed
fury, and would have crushed the Tenth Legion, if Titus
had not come with succor from the northeastern camp. So
the beginning was made and it augured success to the be-
sieged, who had thus twice worsted the over-confident
enemy, whose approach had suddenly united all the fac-
tions m the city, although they did not give up their re-
spective positions within, and watched each other with the
same jealousy as heretofore.
7. Assassination in the Temple.
The beginning of the siege occurred a few days before
Passover, with a vast concourse of pilgrims in the city. On
the Feast of Passover, Eleazar opened the temple "for the
worshipers. Among them there came also the men of John,
with arms_ concealed under their garments, and suddenly
appeared in armor among the crowd of pilgrims. The
THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. 355
Eleazar men discovering the treacheiy, leaped down from
tlie battlements and sought refuge in the subterranean pas-
sages of the temple. The pilgrims stood amazed, were
driven from place to place, many were beaten, trampled
upon, and not a few were slain. After the pilgrims were
out, John seized upon all the engines Avhich Eleazar had
constructed or captured, and began an attack on Simon and
the city. Many lost their lives on that last Passover in the
Temple ; still the two factions on the Temple Mount were
reunited, and Jerusalem had only two factions under Si-
mon and John.
8. The Romans Beaten Again.
This state of affairs becoming known in the Roman
camp, Josephus was sent to invite the jjarties to surrender,
but he could get no decisive answer from anybody. The
besieged made the best use of the information obtained
from the enemy. Titus being engaged with moving the
camp down Mount Olives, in an air line with the walls of
the temple, and leveling the valley betAveen, a party of
Hebrews came out of the walls and behaved as if they had
been ejected from the city, and those upon the wall appar-
ently attacked those below to drive them hence. The Ro-
mans were deluded into the belief that one hostile faction
had driven the other out of the city, and rushed to the at-
tack. When the Romans had been drawn near enough to
the fortifications, the Hebrews, reinforced from the city, at-
tacked them and drove them clear back to their old fortifi-
cations. Titus, after this third defeat, would have been
inclined to a reasonable peace. One Nicanor, together with
Josepbus, approached the wall near enough to discourse
with tbe sentinels, and to offer terms of peace to the lead-
ers. The answer was a shower of darts and stones. Ni-
canor was wounded, and Titus was forced to prepare for a
long and tedious siege.
■ 9. Another Successful Sally.
The siege progressed steadily. Places were leveled, em-
bankments thrown up, engines put in position and three
towers were erected to overlook the walls. Once more the
Hebrews sallied out in force and engaged the enemy with
the intention of destroying the siege works and burning
the engines and towers. It was a desperate struggle, en-
gaging the entire Roman force to save the engines ; still a
large portion of the siege works was destroyed, and one of
356 THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM.
the three towers came down at night with a terrible crash,
alarming and frightening the whole camp. This last sally,
however, exhausted largely the strength of the Hebrews in
the city, especially as on the same day they lost one of
their principal captains, the Idumean John, and tliey could
no longer prevent the rams from l)attering down the north-
eastern wall of the suburb of Bezetha.
10. The First Wall Takex.
On the seventh day of If/ar (70 a. c), the first wall was
taken by the Romans, without much, resistance, which
placed the suburb of Bezetha in their power. The camp
was moved to that suburb, where once the Assyrians had
been encamped. The wall between that suburb and Be-
zetha was now defended vigorously by Simon's men, and
John's force attacked the enemy from Fort Antonia and
the temple wall. The Hebrews roused from a momentary
lethargy, defended that wall most persistently, and made
such impetuous sallies on the Romans that they. worked
and fought under constant dread, slept on their arms at
night, and the presence of Titus was constantly necessary
to encourage them in order to hold their own ; for a retreat
e)i masse, which the Romans were several times on the point
of making, would have proved as disastrous to the army
of Titus as it did to that of Cestius Gallus. The Hebrews'
impetuosity, valor, swiftness and death-defying fury, com-
bined with the natural shrewdness of the race, shari^cned
by danger and excitement, proved too much for the Romans,
and it was only by their vast superiority in numbers and
arms that they maintained their position. When a ram
had been put in position opposite a tower in the north of
the wall and the battering commenced, negotiations were
opened with Titus by one upon the tower, whose name was
Castor, which, it appears, were broken off by misunder-
standing and the cowardice of Josephus, who was afraid
to come near the wall ; and so, after an interval of a few
hours, the attack was continued.
11. The Contest About Bezetha.
The twelfth da}^ of lyar a breach had been battered into
the wall of Bezetha, and the Romans proceeded to take
possession of that part of the city with the promise, Jose-
phus informs us, not to demolish it, but to protect the life
and property of the citizens. The warriors, however, over-
awed the men of peace and drove the Romans again out of
THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. 357
the city. Three days longer the Hebrews kept the Romans
at bay before the walls of Bezetha, but on the fourth they
were overpowered and forced back behind the walls of
Acra. Bezetha was given up to the Romans after every
inch of ground had been heroically contested on both sides.
12. Overtures of Peace.
Josephus does not inform us how many Romans had
been slain bcfoi-e the walls of Jerusalem before Bezetha had
been taken. Yet their losses must have been very heav}',
for Titus made another attempt to get possession of the
city by treaty. In the first place, lie held a grand parade
of his whole army at a spot whero the whole maneuver
could be seen from the walls and roofs of the city. He
paid off the soldiers, all of v/hom appeared in full and daz-
zling armor, which the Hebrews in tho city saw for four
successive days. This was a terrifying spectacle for those
who had before their eyes part of the city captured and the
rest threatened by famine, and an enemy apparently in-
vincible. Then Josephus was sent to persuade the defend-
ers of the city to surrender, and to ofi'er them the right
hand of Caesar for their security. But there were certainly
not many in the city who placed any confidence in the
words of Josephus, nor could they trust in Caesar's word
after they knew what had been done in Galilee, Samaria,
Idumea and Perea, by Vespasian and his generals, who
slaughtered thousands to whom sacred promises of security
had been given. Nor could anything change the oath of
the Zealots to fight for liberty or death, and their estab-
lished principle to die as freemen is preferable to living as
slaves. Non-combatant citizens, however, embraced this op-
portunity and left the city with more or less hidden treas-
ures, and were permitted by Titus to seek other homes.
The Zealots stopped this emigration by rigorous measures^
although the famine was already upon them.
13. Barbarous Outrages.
There were many non-combatants in the city who would
not leave because they surely believed God would not de-
liver the holy city and temple into the enemy's power;
and others who could not leave with their wives and chil-
dren and would not desert them. The scarcity of food
compelled many, especially of the jDOorer class, to leave tho
city for the purpose of collecting food. Instantly, a cav-
alry camp was established at the junction of the Gihon.
358 THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM.
and Kedron Creeks, to capture those who came out of the
city. As many as five hundred were captured in one day,
all of whom were scourged and crucified before the eyes of
those upon the walls and roofs of the city. This was only
one more of the barbarous outrages which will forever stain
with infamy the Roman name, and more especially the
names of Titus and Vespasian. The Zealots made use of
that occurrence to prove that no Roman's promise was re-
liable, and that desertion from the city was to run into the
jaws of inevitable death.
14. The Romans Once More Defeated.
jNIeanwhile, the construction of siege works was steadily
continued by the enemy, and the Zealots lost none of their
daring bravery. The young King of Cammagena came
with a band of young warriors to assist the Romans. He
thought it was easy for his warriors, Avho were trained in
Macedonian tactics, to take the city, and tried his skill by
an assault upon the wall. But he soon discovered that
those upon the wall were his superiors in the figlit, and see-
ing his men wounded and falling in large numbers, he was
forced to beat a retreat. Nor had the Romans the courage
to take any portion of the walls by storm. After fifteen
da3's' hard work, the Fifth and Twelfth Legions had suc-
ceeded in raising two embankments opposite the wall con-
necting Fort Antonia with the eastern wall near the Fish-
pond, while the Tenth and Fifteenth Legions erected simi-
lar works near the Acra wall at the northeastern pond.
Now the engines were mounted and all was ready for the
attack. John, however, had constructed a mine from
within to a point under the Roman works, filled it with all
kinds of combustibles, and set it on fire. The embank-
ments, men and engines fell down with a terrible crash,
and in a few minutes all was enveloped in flames. So this
scheme to take the Temple Mount proved disastrous to the
Romans. Two days later, Simon made an attack on the
other works of the enemy, and a most furious engagement
was fought, which ended with the destruction of the Ro-
mans' works and engines, and a severe chastisement in-
flicted on them. They were very much discouraged by the
furious bravery and alacrity of their enemies, and the sud-
den destruction of all the works raised with so much sacri-
fice and exertion.
THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. 359
15. A Wall to Isolate the City.
A council of war was convoked by Titus, in which his
opinion prevailed, that the city could not be taken and its
inhabitants could not be prevented from bringing ^^^'ovi-
sions into it, as the area was too large to be blockaded, and
the subterranean passages too many to be guarded. It was
resolved that famine only could overcome the defenders of
Jerusalem, and therefore, a wall to encompass the whole
city was necessar3^ A hundred thousand or more of men
went to work to erect the wall. The work progressed rap-
idly, as it was built at a distance from the city, not to be
reached by any of the three hundred and thirty engines
worked upon the wall. As the wall progressed, so did the
famine in the city. The warriors became unable to under-
take any more sallies. Persons died in large numbers from
starvation, and the dead bodies were thrown over the wall.
Graduall}^ this also was neglected, the dead remained in the
city and added to the many miseries, the stench and pesti-
lence from the decaying bodies.
16. Terror Within and Slaughter Without.
When Titus saw that the crucifixion of deserters did him
no good, he again permitted them to pass through his lines.
A rumor was started that the Hebrew deserters leaving
their homes swallowed gold and gems to get them out of
the city, the Arabs and Syrians captured the deserters and
ripped them open to seek treasures in their bowels. So
hundreds, or perhaps thousands, lost their lives, till Titus
prevented it and gave free passage to all deserters. No
doubt large 'iiumbers made use of that privilege, although
the Zealots treated the captured deserters or their remain-
ing families with merciless rigor. One of the ex-high-
priest's sons deserted, and this highpriest, Matthias b.
Theophilus, was the very man Avho opened the gates of Je-
I'usalem for Simon and his men. Yet this very Simon or-
dered the execution of Matthias b. Theophilus and his
three remaining sons. Many rich men, Josephus maintains,
were executed on this or that pretext to get hold of their
wealth. Terror, anarchy, pestilence and famine, undoubt-
edly, drove many out of the city, although more of the
non-combatants remained in the city than a prudent com-
mander would have kept there. One wealthy woman ate
the flesh of her own child which she had seen perish of
starvation, and when the hungry warriors came to her
360 THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM.
house for food, she angrily threw the remains of her child
before them, which shocked even the men used to bloodshed
and death. It was said of another ver}'- wealthy woman,.
Martha, the wife of the slain highpriest, Joshua b. Gamala,
that she picked barley grains from the dung of the horses
in the valley to preserve her life. The most horrid scenes
Avithin the city passed unnoticed, as none wrote of them
and few escaped to tell the tales of woe. The seventeenth
day of Tammuz^ however, was considered the most mem-
orable, for on that day the dail}?- sacrifices in the temple
were stopped for ever. There was nothing left to be sacri-
ficed, and there were no men to attend to the divine ser-
vice ; many of them were slain and the survivors were en-
gaged in the defense of the temple. The defenders of the-
temple had consumed whatever there was in the inner court,
wine, oil or flour ; and John had sold most of the costly
vessels and utensils to sustain himself.
17. A Useless Breach in the Wall.
Under all these miseries, however, none was permitted'
to speak of surrendering. The Romans had raised new em-
bankments opposite the wall of Fort Antonia, and John
with his men made another attempt to destroy them, but
failed in accomplishing it. The heavy rams played against
the wall and one night part of it fell down. But to the
utter amazement of the Romans, the Zealots had erected a
new wall right behind the one battered down. It was a:
severe disappointment, and Titus himself began to despair
of success. Some courageous soldiers attempted to scale
the wall, and were terribly chastised by the defenders
above. Several other similar attempts were equally unsuc-
cessful.
18. The Romans on the Temple Mount.
About the time when the daily sacrifice in the temple
had been stopped, Titus began to undermine Fort Antonia,
and made another attempt, with the aid of Josephus, to
persuade the Zealots to surrender the city. He failed in
this latter attempt, but succeeded in bringing a number of
chosen men into the tower of Antonia who, under the com-
mand of Cerealis, made the daring attempt of surprising
the guards of the temple. They were not found asleep, and
a furious battle Avas fought from three to eleven in the
morning. It was a drawn battle, says Josephus ; still the-
Romans retired Avithout any success. MeauAvhile, however^.
THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. 361
a wide breach was made in the tower, and the legions
inarched up to the Temple Mount and began to throw up
embankments against the temple.
19. The Temple Cloisters Destroyed,
Next day an attempt was made by a body of the de-
fenders of the temple to cut their way through the enemy
on Mount Olives. A hard-fought battle ended with the re-
treat of the Hebrews back to the Temple Mount. The
cloisters of the temple on the Avest and north were now the
breastworks of the Hebrews. They filled them with com-
bustibles and retreated into the first temple court (Court
of Women). Many of the Romans with ladders mounted
the cloisters to take possession of the position. When tho
roof was well crowded, the cloisters were fired and envel-
oped the Romans in a sheet of flames, in which many
perished. The next day the Romans burnt down the eastern
cloisters also.
20. The Destruction of the Temple.
On the eighth day of Ah, the embankments being fin-
ished, Titus gave orders to set on fire the four gates on the
west side and to bring into action the heaviest rams against
the outer buildings, as six days' battering with lighter rams
had made no impression on the masonr}-, and digging under
the northern gate had proved fruitless, the foundations
being too deep and too broad. Simultaneously with this,
a general attack was opened and became more furious and
irresistible with every passing moment. The flames spread
rapidly, and the warriors inside fought desperately for
every inch of ground, till every spot of the temple court
was covered with its slain champions and the corpses swam
in blood. Titus and his immediate lieutenants succeeded
in entering the main building from the east side, and in-
spected the sanctum sanctortim. Josephus maintains
that Titus was inclined to save the building, and gave
orders to the soldiers to put out the fire, but the Hebrews
fought those soldiers also, and by their furious and incess-
ant attacks so enraged the Romans that they became un-
manageable and set on fire the main bnikling also. How-
ever, the passage in Sulpicius Severus ( Chronicon xxx. 11,
6), which it is supposed belongs to Tacitus, contradicts this
statement of Josephus. It is maintained there that in the
council of war, Titus defended his opinion that the temple
o62 THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM.
should be deniolislied in order to extirpate the religion per-
petuated in tiiat structure (1). On the 10th day of Ah, the
whole Temple Mount was one lake of tire, and the Hebrews,
men, women and children to the number of ten thousand,
perished in the flames ; some by suicide, and most of them
under the swords of the enemy. Except those who, by
hunger and fatigue, Avere so exhausted that they could ofl'er
no resistance, the Hebrews made the most heroic defense to
the very last moment. One band of Zealots cut their way
through the Roman legions and reached the city. ]>ut the
iion-coml)atants, of whom no less than six thousand were
in the inner cloisters, were all massacred in cold blood ;
€very building on the temple mount was fired, every nook
and corner was searched for plunder, so that many Romans,
hi search of pre}^ perished in the flames. So God and
humanity were outraged by a horde of furious savages
under the treacherous and insatial)le Roman eagle ; and yet
Josephus has made the attempt to justify Titus, and to put
the blame chiefly on the Zealots.
21. The Lamentation of the Hebrews.
Five hundred and eighty-six years (516 b. c. to 70 a. c),
the sublime structures graced Mount Moriah. It was the
pride and center of all Israel, and the place, in the belief
of all, where God's glory was visible on earth. As a build-
ing, it was the most renowned in the world ; as a center of
intelligence, it was the only place where the great doctrine
of Monotheism and its sublime ethics were preserved and
promulgated. _ Princes, kings and emperors, philosopher^,
and men of piety, had honored and ornamented it ; millions
of all nations and tongues had knelt in its courts and wor-
shiped the ISIost High ; every spot of it was holy by his-
torical reminiscences and the sanctifving feelings of wor-
shiping multitudes. There stood on Mount Morijih the vic-
tory of genius, the triumph of spirit,, the glory of truth, the
pride and center of Israel. And now it was enveloped in
flames,_its ground covered with the blood and bodies of its
champions. The savage cries of the plundering and slay-
ing hordes, the moans and shrieks of the dying women and
children, mingling with the horrid lamentation resounding
from all parts of the city, were terribly re-echoed from the
mountains and valleys far and wide, as far as Mount Mo-
riah could be seen. The flood of tears shed was, perhaps,
(1) See Jacob Bernay's ueber die Chronik des Sulpicius Severus.
THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. 363
as large as the flood of blood, and the sorrows of the living
were more painful than those of the d^'ing. So on the same
day as the temple of Solomon was destroyed, from the
ninth to the tenth day of Ah, the second temple also fell;
and the people of Israel still fasts and mourns on the ninth
day of Ab.
22. The Fall of Ziox.
The bridge between the temple and Zion was broken off,
and the garrison of the city asked of Titus the privilege of
leaving with their wives and children for the wilderness.
This did not suit the bloodthirsty son of Vespasian, and he
refused; he demanded unconditional surrender, which
meant death or life-long slavery. The Zealots refused to
surrender. Some of the great men, and among them also
the Izatus famih^ of the royal blood of Adiabene, surren-
dered and were sent in chains to Rome. On the eleventh
and twelfth days of Ah, Ophel and Acra were set on fire.
The siege of Zion was continued to the twentieth day of
Ah, when the west side wall was attacked. Many of the
besieged fled, many were killed inside because they planned
a surrender, and the others offered as stout a resistance as
if pestilence and famine and fatigue had no influence on
their bodies. Under miseries and horrors indescribable,
Zion was defended to the eighteenth day of Ellul, when a
breach was made in the wall and the Romans entered Zion.
Now the carnage and plundering began, and fire finished
the work of horrid destruction. Next day Titus com-
manded not to slay non-combatants, but it was after all
"who were too old, too 3'oung or too infirm to be used as
slaves had been slain. The young men were sent into
the Egyptian mines, although eleven thousand of those cap-
tives perished from want of food, most of them voluntarilj^
preferring death to slavery. The most stately men were
carried captives with Titus to be preserved for the triumph
or the arena. Women, lads and men were sold to the slave
traders and dragged into various countries. Some of the
warriors escaped by subterranean passages, others failed in
the same attempt, and among the latter were Simon b. Gorion
and John of Gischala, both of whom were sent in chains to
Rome. Simon was preserved for the triumph and was then
slain, and John was condemned to imprisonment for life.
The whole number of captives taken during the war was
97,000, and the number slain was 1,100,000. There were
among them a very large proportion of Judaized Gentiles.
One-tenth of the whole Hebrew people, and one-sixth, per-
364 THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM.
haps, of the inhabitants of Palestine perished in that war.
Witli the numerous emigrants who had left the country dur-
ing that period, there were, perhaps, no more than four mil-
lions of Hebrews left in all Palestine. And now Zion and Je-
rusalem were deserted, and, mostly in ruins, the surround-
ing towns and plantations were no more, and the Hebrew
people bled from a thousand wounds. It was crushed, aix
object of hatred and scorn, and mourned hopelessly.
23. The Holy Vessels and Treasures.
Whatever was above ground on Mount Moriah, archives,
treasures, precious vessels, spices and costly materials, was
certainly consumed in the conflagration, with the excep-
tion, perhaps, of what the soldiers took as spoil. Some of
the vessels and treasures hidden under ground were deliv-
ered to Titus by a priest called Jesus b. Thebuthus and
Phineas, the treasurer, to ransom their lives. These _ tro-
phies, described by Josephus (Wars iv., viii. 3 and yii., v.
5), among them also a Scroll of the Law, were carried in the
triumph of Titus in Rome to the Temple of Jupiter Capi-
tolinus. It is maintained in the Talmud {MeHlaJi 17 b)
that R. Eliezer b. Jose, some time after 138 a. c, saw there
the curtain from the temple. Presentations of those vessels
are still on the Titus Arch in Rome.
24. Other Barbarities of Titus.
When the army found no more corpses to strip and no
more people to plunder and slay, says Josephus naively,
Titus ordered the demolition of the entire city, except the
western wall and three towers, left there the Tenth Legion,
under command of Trentius Rufus, rewarded and lauded
his soldiers, and then left for Ca^sarea, and then for Ca^sa-
rea Philippi, where he enjoyed the pleasures of games and
shows. The captives, to the number of twenty-five hun-
dred, were thrown before wild beasts or forced to kill one
another in wild combat. He next went to Berytus, where
tliose games were repeated, and a still larger number of
captives were sacrificed. That was Roman chivalry and
the lauded generosity of Titus. If the ruins of Jerusalem
and its temple, the "blood of the massacred thousands of
women, children and hoary heads did not give the lie to all
who praised Roman civilization and tlie humanity of Ves-
pasian and Titus, this outrageous slaughter of captives
must certainly have done it. Humanity revolts at the mere
recollection of the atrocious brutalism.
THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. 365
25. In ANTiof'H and Alexandria.
The fall of Jerusalem encouraged the enemies of the
Hebrews in Alexandria and Antioch, aiid they asked
Vespasian and Titus to ostracise the Hebrews of those
<;ities. In Antioch a plot and false accusation against
the Hebrew was enacted. But the new emperor and his
son did not grant those petitions, and the rights of the He-
brews there remained as they had been. Vespasian and
then Titus returned to Rome, and were honored there with
a triumph, which Josephus described with all the servile
adulation of a faithful slave.
26. Herqdion, Macherus and Masada.
When Titus had left Palestine the surviving Hebrew
warriors still held three fortified cities, viz. : Herodion, near
Jerusalem, Macherus, on the southern line of Perea, and
Masada, on the western shore of the Dead Sea. The first
governor of Palestine appointed by Titus, Cerealis, did not
take those places. His successor (71 a. c), Lucilius Bas-
sus, took Herodion, and after a desperate struggle also
Macherus, which was held by Eleasar, while the citadel was
commanded by Juda b. Jair, who had distinguished himself
in Jerusalem. The most desperate and most skillful com-
bat took place before Masada, conducted on the part of the
Romans by Flavins Sylva, the successor of Bassus, and on
the part of the Hebrews by Eleazar b. Jair. When the
last hope of successful defense had vanished, the nine hun-
dred inhabitants slew one another, and when, the next
morning, the Romans entered the city, they found their
corpses and but two old women alive. This was the last act
of the drama. It closed with the death of the heroes of
Masada, who would not violate their oath of freedom or
death.
27. After the Catastrophe.
Many of the Zealots fled to Parthia, Arabia, Egypt and
Cyrene, and continued to struggle against Rome. Nor did
tlie Hebrews of Palestine consider themselves vanquished.
They took up the mighty struggle again and again. At that
moment, however, the war was over for the time being.
Vespasian commanded that all the land of Judea, which in-
cluded Idumea and Perea, should be sold to the highest
bidders, who should hold it only as feudal land ; a large
portion thereof was given to Roman soldiers, to Josephus,
366 THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM.
and, perhaps, also to other favorites of the em})eror; tliat
no city shoukl be built again in that country; and that
the taxes paid to the temple of Jerusalem should hence-
forth be paid by the Hebrews to the Temple of Jupiter
Capitolinus. Shortly after, the Onias Temple in Egypt was
also closed for ever. Vespasian certainly believed that he
had destroyed both the political and religious existence of
the Hebrews. It was in his power to destroy temples, cities
and armies, but not tlie spirit, which remained the invisi-
ble and invincible rock and center of the Hebrew people.
Tliat spirit of truth outlived the house of Flavius, the Ro-
man Empire, and will outlive all dynasties and empires.
28. A Retrospect.
Whether Josephus was a traitor or a patriot will forever
remain undecided, although the favors bestowed on him by
Vespasian, the large estates given him by the emperor, and
the home he enjoyed in the imperial palace, perhaps prove
that he always served the interests of Rome at the expense
of his people. But his entire party did so right from the
beginning, and it can not be said that their motives were
not patriotic. Like his party, Josephus also deceived the
Zealots. The wrongs of Avhich he was personally guilty
were, that he did not lay down his command when the dele-
gates brought him the order to that effect from the central
authority in Jerusalem ; that he remained with Titus in the
dul)ious character of an informer or pacificator ; and that
he described the fall of Jerusalem and the temple more in
a triumphant than in the mourning tone of a Hebrew pa-
triot. Still, the man who afterward wrote the history of his
people with so much research, skill and affection can hardly
be branded as a traitor. The same may be said of Agrippa
II. and his sister, Berenice. They adhered to the peace
party from beginning to end, and remained in Rome the
favorites also of the imperial house of Flavius. Titus
would certainly have married Berenice, if the Roman
grandees had not been so bitterly opposed to it, and he was
finally forced to send her out of his palace and of Rome.
The same is true of Rabin Jochanan b. Saccai, his disci-
ples, the Hillel Pharisees and the House of Hillel. All of
them were opposed to the war, and left the Zealots to their
own fate. It is evident that they commenced the recon-
struction in Jamnia without molestation, hence the govern-
ment must have favored them directly or indirectl}' ; and it
Avas there and then that the Bathhol decided all disputed
halachoth (with a few exceptions) in favor of the Hillelites,
THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. 367
SO that the Shammaites and Zealots, whatever remained of
them, were excluded from the reconstruction of Judaism.
This was an effectual declaration that, like Josephus, Agrippa
and compatriots, the Hillelites did not sympathize with the
Shammaites and Zealots (2). Yet they could not justly be
called traitors, as they acted on inherited principles, viz. :
that the laws and religion of Israel were the main treasures
to be guarded and rescued ; it matters not who stood at the
head of the political machinery. Therefore, it must forever
remain undecided which party was the main cause of the
great calamity. Had the peace party, with its far-seeing
statesmen and its predominance of the religious idea, pre-
vailed, Jerusalem, the temple and the Hebrew common-
wealth might have been preserved to rise again to imj^ort-
ance. Had the peace party not weakened and obstructed
the Zealots and the war party, had the whole Hebrew peo-
ple been a unit and armed earnestly for a war of independ-
ence after the defeat of Cestius Callus, they might have
driven the Romans out of Asia, and history would have
taken quite another turn. At all events, none will dare
condemn those death-defying warriors who fought like lions
and died like demi-gods for an idea. Generation after gen-
eration suffered and submitted to the obnoxious foreign
yoke ; when the wrongs had become insufferable, they rose
like men, fought like patriots, and died like Hebrews. Who
will dare condemn heroic champions of a sublime idea in
their graves? Our feelings are with the Zealots, who would
certainly not have committed the outrages chronicled by
Josephus, for they fought for an idea, had not the peace
party betrayed them from the beginning and the foreign in-
vaders driven them to desperation. They were, perhaps,
wrong in principle, and laid too much stress on the political
idea; but they were great in the execution, great in fact.
Compare theni to the fighting men of Cromwell, the Amer-
ican and French revolutions, and condemn them if you can.
We honor their memory. They closed the history of the
Hebrew^s' second commonwealth with immortal glory.
(2) The story narrated in the Talmud, that Vespasian wanted to
slay Gamliel, the son of Simon b. Gamliel, but R. Jnehanan b. Saccai
saved him, is very uucertain, as is the denth of Simon by the Ro-
mans. Had not the Hillel family enjoyed the favor of Vespasian and
Titus, how could that very Gamliel have become Nnf^si a few years
alter 'the catastrophe? Or how did the family acquire the great
wealth for which it was distinguished? Gamliel's power and wealth
from and after 80 b. c, are noticed, Berachoth 27 h, Yerushalmi and
elsewhere.
368 THE INHERITANCE.
CHAPTER XXVI
The InJierltance.
1. Ruins and Recollections.
Eighteen hundred years have rolled over that classical
land since the fall of Jerusalem ; and 3'et every one of its
prominent spots has been retained in the memory of the
civilized world. There are Hebron, Jerusalem and -Jericho,
Bethel, Bethlehem and Shechem, Samaria, Tiberias, Csesarea
and Ptolemais, all well known to us to-day ; and there are
the numerous ruins identified or unidentified, all testifying
to the facts of history connected with the various spots, and
animating the hearts of thousands with sentiments of admi-
ration for a glorious past, never to be obliterated from the
memory of man, especially of those whose ancestors were
the actors in the grand drama. Why did the Hebrews,
in eighteen centuries of wrongs and miseries, not give up
their identity? Because truth preserves its own apostles ;
and because such recollections can never be forgotten. A
great history is the Hebrews' indestructible inheritance.
2. The Coins.
Other monuments which testify to the truth of history
are the coins preserved in various Numismatic collections,
described last by Dr. M. A. Levy (1). There are extant
coins of Simon, the Asmonean, and of his descendants,
viz. : John Hyrcan, .Juda Aristobul, Alexander Jannai.
Queen Salome and Antigonus ; the coins between the reign of
Queen Salome and that of her grandson are missing. Next
came the coins of Herod I., his three sons, Archelaus, Antipas
and Philip, and his grandsons, Agrippa I. and Herod of
Gcschichte der juedischen Muenzen, etc., Leipzig, 1862.
THE INHERITANCE. 369
Chalcis ; alsoof Agrippa's son, Marcus Agrippa, Kingof Chal-
cis. No coins are extant of Agrippa II. From the period
of the last war two kinds of coins are extant ; the one bears
the name of Eleasar, the priest, and the other of Simon,
the prince, dated the first or second year of the liberation
of Jerusalem. All effigies on these coins are either vessels
of the temple, the staff of Aaron, the vine, palm, or dates
in baskets; and all inscriptions are in Greek or ancient He-
brew letters, the wdiole alphabet of wliich has been recov-
ered from these coins, except the Tetli^ Samech and Pai.
All coins with the Hebrew square letters are counterfeits.
3. The Culture.
The culture of the Hebrews was not extinguished with
their national capital and sanctuary. The fugitives and
the deported ones carried out to Parthia, Arabia, Asia
Minor, to the Caucasus, as well as to Spain, the lower Dan-
ube and the Rhine, the rich culture of an ancient and
unique civilization, distinguished not only in advanced
agriculture and pomology, in the domestic arts of building,
Aveaving, dyeing, forging implements and arms, in medical,
juridical and political knowledge and experience : but also
in the highest ideas of man concerning God, duty, and the
destiny and dignity of man. Those fugitives and exiles
carried new elements of culture to the nations among
whom they came, and left their home, although vanquished
and largely devastated, in a state of high culture, with
many populous centers of industry and commerce, seats of
learning and religion, like Jamnia, Tiberias, Sepphoris,
Bethar, Usha, Lydda, Bene Berak. It was said of the peo-
ple of Bethar, that they rejoiced over the fall of Jerusalem,
so that Bethar might be the largest city in the country.
4. The Law.
The intellectual force of the Hebrews, especially from
and after the period of the revolution, was most actively
applied in the making of laws. That system of laws,
which was afterward compiled and expounded in the col-
lections called Mishnah, Tosephta, MecMlta, Sajyhra,
Siphri, and to a large extent also in the two Talmuds of
Jerusalem and Babylon, also called " The Oral Law"
(mQ hvy^ n-iin), had been produced and developed in the sec-
ond commonwealth by legislative enactments, juridical de-
cisions of officiating judges, and the opinions of learned
lawyers (/S'6>j9Aerim and To.^naHm). It was characteristic
370 THE INHERITANCE.
of the Hebrew people, and especially of the Pharisees, to
establish law, to press evxny duty of man in the form of
la\v, derived from or based upon the Law of Moses. That
which is true or good must be done, and whatever must be
done can not be left to the judgment of the individual; it
must be expressed in the form of law, obligatory upon all.
'This was the leading idea which led to thorough organiza-
tion and uniformity in society and the State ; but on the
other hand, it produced formalism, a paucity of free motives,
and that anxiety, to do everything so and not otherwise, in
that particular time, place and manner, which by a change
of circumstances often proved destructive to the very object
and purpose of the law. These national laws were pre-
served in the memory of the doctors and in " Private
Scrolls " (onnD m!?Jo)- Ii^ these private scrolls, the laws
and opinions were undoubtedly grouped about the Penta-
teuch passages, from which they were supposed to have
been derived (no^sn u^iid), to which were added the general
laws (nt3rj'2 n^bn) ^^s constructed by the doctors of law.
These private scrolls naturally must have contained a vast
number of private and conflicting opinions on subjects not
referring to public law. In Jamnia, however, where the
Bath kol abrogated the laws of the Shammaites, the
majority rule (monS D'3n ""inx) was established, so that all
laws, customs or observances had to be henceforth prac-
ticed according to the decision of the majority of the San-
hedrin. This deprived the private scrolls of their worth
and authority, and they were graduall}- suppressed and
lost, merged in the ancient rabbinical literature. This ma-
jorit}^ rule directed against prevailing sectarianism, and the
disputes of the rabbis of the last eighty years, brought
unity and uniformity to the surviving Hebrews ; but it was,
in many instances, hostile to free research and development.
It made of the remaining Hebrews a compact congregation,
and provided them with a portable Palestine, although it
,overruled private opinion and pressed the mind in the nar-
row forms of law. However, the public laws, inherited of
the Hebrews' Second Commonwealth, are the lasting monu-
ments of an advanced civilization. This is especially the
case with the criminal law, which is far superior to the Ro-
man law, and stands upon the height of humanitarian doc-
rine.
5. The Agada.
The Hebrew mind was not entirely ingulfed in the
law or halachaJi. The Prophets and afterward also the
THE INHERITANCE. 371
Hagiography, were read and expounded in the syna-
gogues and academies ; and in these books themselves is
the beginning of the Agada or Hagadah. The term is
derived from Nagad.. and in the Hebrew HipJiil or Ara-
maic A'phel form signifies to narrate, to tell, to communi-
cate. 1'lie noun which actually means narrative, that which
is told, communicated or spoken, has been adopted to des-
ignate speeches or addresses, on passages of scriptures or
events of history, to elucidate or illustrate religious and moral
doctrines. It is the homily or sermon delivered in the syna-
gogue or academy or also on particular occasions, of which,
in most cases, only the text and chief points (D'piQ 'C'Nn)
have been committed to writing. The Mcturgam, who
translated and expounded Scriptures for the audience, Avas
also the preacher. The skillful orators were called ^{^nJ^{ "~i?0)
" Masters of the Agada." The books or scrolls in which
the material was preserved were called NmJN nsD, " Books
of the Agada," afterward plainly sn"i3X or j>>-nj3. All forms
of poetry were resorted to for illustration and ornamenta-
tion, so that the Agada or Midrash graduall}'- became a
variegated flower garden of truth and fiction, sublime doc-
trines of religion and ethics, philosophy and science, framed
in fantastical fabrics of fiction. In aftertimes the Agada
was subjected to thirty-two hermeneutic rules by Kabbi
Eleasar, son of Rabbi Jose, the Galilean ; nevertheless, it
always remained more or less a free exercise of ingenuity
and wit, of religious, ethical or philosophical genius. The
authors of Aboth, Aboth of Rabbi Nathan, and Pirkei
Rabbi Eliezer, convey the idea that the system and main
material of the Palestinean Agada was a traditional inheri-
tance from the Hebrews' Second Commonwealth. This is
also evident by the numerous Agada productions of R.
Jochanan b. Saccai, his disciples and colleagues, and such
other teachers who lived and taught before and immediately
after the fall of Jerusalem. Their sayings and illustrations
are characteristic for strength and beauty, and bear the
stamp of antiquity. If the best portion of the Palestinean
Agada had not been inherited from the Second Common-
wealth, it would not have been adopted so largely in the
New Testament, not onh^ in the Gospels, but also in the
Epistles, and the system would not have so extensively in-
fluenced the fathers of the Church. Besides it is well
known that the Hillelitos and Shammaites also discussed
some of the main Agada problems (2). No Agada books
(2) Eruhin 13 h ; HoM'^ah 12 a; Rosh Hashanah 16 b; end of Aboth^
E. Nathan, and Ibid, end of Perek II.
<y,l THE INHERITANCE.
from the second commonwealth are now extant, except
those of the Apocrypha, Philo and the Alexandrian He-
))rew poets. Pikkei, Rabbi Eliezer, was re-written by Mar
Samuel in the third century ; Aboth Rabbi Natlian was
written at the end of the second century, and Ahoth itself
somewhat later. The inherited material is scattered through
the three Pesikta books, also Mechieta, Siphri and To-
sephta, Rabbah to Genesis, and other Midrashim ; and es-
pecially through the two Talmuds of Jerusalem and Balndon.
The names added to respective passages are criteria that
they did not originate later than the lifetime of that par-
ticular teacher; but this is no proof that any such pass-
age was not much older than the teacher who quotes or ex-
pounds the tradition, or attempts to base it on a Scriptural
passage. The main material of the Agada, as well as the
principal laws of the Halacha, was inherited from the
second commonwealth.
6. The Sects.
The Sadducees went under in the catastrophe. As a
class or sect, no trace is left of them after the fall of Jeru-
salem. Here and there a Sadducee is mentioned in the
Talmud in controversy with a rabbi, but the term is usually
taken in place of Min, sectarian, Jew-Christian, or dis-
senter. The Essenes, with the exception of their celebatic
colonies west of the Dead Sea and further to the north, also
went under in the catastrophe or were amalgamated with
the Pharisees. The celebatic Essenes were non-combatants,
would not even tolerate an armor among them, hated the
cities and kept at a distance from them, ate no animal
flesh, had no property, no families, hence had nothing to do
with the war. Philo says there were altogether four tliou-
sand of them (Mangey's edition, Vol. 11. p. 457-459). Plin-
ius, the Elder, in his Natural History (1., v. Cap. 16 and 17),
mentions these Essenes after the fall of Jerusalem. Poly-
histor (xxxv. 7-12) and Porphyrins, in the third century,
and Epipiianius, in the fourth, still mention them, but it is
not clear that they still existed, or else Eusebius must have
known it. In the Talmud frequent reference is made to
such ascetic and peculiar saints, but they are never called
Essenes. Hegesippus (Euseb. Eccles. Hist. iv. 22) men-
tions two more Jewish sects, viz. : the Homerobaptists,
identified with the nnnc^ ^^3iLD of the Talmud, who have not
become known as a sect ; and the Masbotheans, unknown
in Jewish sources. The Zealots and the Shammaites dis-
appeared after the catastrophe, at least in Palestine. Only
THE INHERITANCE. 373
here and there a Shammaite doctor is mentioned in the
Talmud. The Hillel Pharisees and the Christians only es-
caped from the catastrophe to become, afterward, two an-
tagonistic heirs of the same mother.
7. Literature.
The closing passage of Ecclesiastes (xii. 9-14) was added
to that book by the compilers of the third part of the
Canon, a fit epilogue to the whole collection ; hence it points
to the days of Simon, the Asmonean prince. In that epi-
logue are mentioned many Meshalim, poetical productions^
DiBREi Chachamim, philosophical pi'oductions, and Ba'alei
A-suPHOTH, compilers of books, or grammarians and critics,
authenticating and correcting old books, in connection with
a solemn warning against the making of many books.
Therefore, it admits of no doubt that a vast number of
books of that period have been lost, only a few of which
have been preserved in Greek and other translations. This
is also evident from the Antiquities of Josephus, who must
have had access to books unknown now. Epiphanius also
maintains that Ptolemy Philadelphus received from Jeru-
salem no less than seventy-two apocryphal books in addi-
tion to the Canon. It appears that no book of the Canon
has been lost, because Josephus {contra Apion i. 8) speaks
of twenty-two holy books, viz. : Five books of Moses, thir-
teen books of the Prophets, and four books of hymns and
precepts. These books Ave re : 1. Joshua; 2. Judges; 3.
Samuel ; 4. Kings ; 5. Ruth ; 6. Esther ; 7. Chronicles ;
8. Isaiah; 9. Jeremiah; 10. Ezekiel ; 11. The Twelve Minor
Prophets ; 12. Daniel, and 13. Ezra and Nehemiah, only
that he preferred the Apocryphal to the Canonical Ezra.
The other four books were Psalms, Proverbs, Job, Eccle-
siastes and Canticles and Lamentations, although it is not
evident that he knew Canticles. The rabbis shortlv after
Josephus mentioned the same books of the Canon (Saha
Bathra 14 h), only that they count five books of Moses,
eight of Prophets, and nine books of Hagiography, viz. :
Ruth, Psalms, Job, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes and Canticles and
Lamentations, Daniel, Esther, Ezra and Nehemiah, Chron-
icles, being also twenty-two books. There can be no doubt
that both sources refer to the same books. Therefore, it is
certain that no canonical book has been lost, although
passages of Prophets and Hagiography, not guarded with
the same vigilance and zeal as the Pentateuch, may have
been lost, changed or misplaced. The books lost were of
374 THE INHERITANCE.
the classes of the apocryphal and the profane literature.
Among the books lost must be counted : 1. " The Chroni-
cles of the Highpriests " (I. Maccabees xvi. 24), which were
the offijial records of history, as were the Chronicles of the
kings of Judah or of Israel in former days. 2. The five
books of Jason of Cyrene, on the history of the Maccabees
(II. Maccab. ii. 23). 3. The history of the Hebrews under
the Ptolerays, of which the third book of the Maccabees is
a fragment. 4. The Meguillath Ta'anith mentioned in
the Mishnah {Ta'anith ii. 8), a historical calendar, in
which were narrated the national events distinguishing cer-
tain days of thj year as national half holidays, when fast-
ing or public mournings were not permitted ; parts of this
lost book are in the Meguillath Ta'anith, written at a
later date. 5. The Records of the Sanhedrin, kept by the
two scribes of that body. 6. All the Meguilloth Yuch-
siN, the Genealogic Records, which were kept with particu-
lar care under the supervision of the Sanhedrin, not only
for the priests, but also for laymen. 7. The history of
Justus of Tiberias and other historians of that period (the
former was extant in the INIiddle Ages), mentioned by Jose-
phus (Life Go). 8. The Maccabean books of the Hillelites
a.nd Shammaites written during or previous to the last war,
of which the extant Meguillath Antioohtis appears to be
a fragmsnt. 9. The first work of Josephus, to be noticed
below (3). 10. Lastly, Ave mention among the lost books also
a, Greek history of the Jews mentioned by Alexander Poly-
histor, to which Josephus (Antiq. i., xv.) refers. He quotes
the words of Polyhistor, thus: "Cleodemus, the prophet,
who was also called Malchus, who wrote a history of the
Jews, in agreement Avith the history of Moses, their legis-
lator, relates," etc. This list of lost books in one depart-
ment of knowledge shows Avhat amount of poetical, philo-
sopliical and juridical literature must have been lost. We
record now the literature preserved.
8. The First Book of the Maccabees.
This book of sixteen chapters, added to the Septuagint,
Avas originally HebrcAv or Aramaic. Jerome reports that he
saw the HebrcAV original, and Eusebius preserved its title
as Sarbeth Sarbane El, which Avas, perhaps, originally
Sharbath Sar Benai El, " The Descendants (4) of the
(3) Concerning the lost work of Josephus, see preface to " The
Jewish AVar."
(4) See Fuerst in 2"lL'' II. and the Syriac Shraib.
THE INHERITANCE. 375
Prince of the Lord's Children," referring to the sons of
Mattathia, whose exploits the book describes. This book
contains, after a brief review of Alexander's conquests and
the division of his empire among his successors, the history
of the Maccabean revolution to the demise of Simon, with
all the chronological and geographical accounts. It is free
of the miraculous element, impartial in praise and censure,
brief and clear in style, and, according to Dr. Zunz (5), it
may be placed next to the prophetical books of Samuel and
Kings. Josephus and other historians have been led by
First Maccabees, and modern critics have accepted it as
the authentic source of that period of history. The origi-
nal and the name of its author are lost, because it had not
been accepted in the Canon, which had been closed before.
It was written during the lifetime of John H3^rcan, as the
end of the book shows, hence from the Daybooks of the
Highpriests, the primary and official sources. Had the
Canon not been closed before the book appeared, it would
certainly have been added to it.
9. The Second Book of the Maccabees.
This book of fifteen chapters, added to the Septuagint,
was originally Greek. It opens with an epistle addressed to
the Hebrews of Egypt and to Aristobul, tutor of the king,
by the people and Sanhedrin, concerning the Ilanukah
festival or Feast of Lights to be observed ; in which inter-
polations are detectable. The main part of the book pre-
tends (ii. 23) to be an abstract of the five books written by
Jason of C3'rene, and narrates the history from the coming
of Heliodorus to Jerusalem to the death of Nicanor. While
this book contains a number of particulars explanatory or
supplementary to the main facts in the First Maccabees, it
is given so much to the miraculous and dwells so often on
the supernatural, that its historical value is impaired.
Jason of Cyrene wrote at a considerable distance from Pal-
estine and from secondary reports, which he colored in the
style of the Egyptian Hebrews with the miraculous and
supernatural. Still Second Maccabees, as a supplement to
the first, is of historical value.
10. The Third Book of the Maccabees.
This book of seven chapters, added to the Septuagint,
is a fragment of a larger history of the Hebrews, and con-
(5) Gottesdienstliche Vortraege, p. 123.
376 THE INHERITANCE.
tains the histoiy of Ptolemy Philopator, his conduct and
discomfiture in Jerusalem, his persecution of the Egyptiart
Hebrews, and their final rescue by a miracle. It begins and
ends abruptly, and closes with a doxology. It contains
history with the Egyptian colophon, or the stamp of Asia
Minor.
11. The Fourth Book of the Maccabees (6).
This book, aJso called the Dominion of Reason, ascribed
to Josephus, is no history. It contains some narratives
from the Maccabean time, as the stories of the martyr
Eleazar, of Hannah and her seven sons, taken from Second
Maccabees. It is a Greek sermon, in the style of Philo's
ethical discourses, to harmonize Scriptural and philosophi-
cal ideas. It is artistically finished in style and construc-
tion, written and delivered before the fall of Jerusalem^
neither in Palestine nor by Josephus. The author's name-
and place are unknown. It is a monument of Hellenistic
Hebrew philosophy, eloquence and theological research, and
affords us a better knowledge of Jason of Cyrene, to whom
it frequently refers. This book was reviewed last by Dr. J..
Freudenthal (Breslau, 1869).
12. The Works of Josephus.
One of the most excellent legacies bequeathed to pos-
terity by the men of the Hebrews' Second Commonwealth
is the work of Flavins Josephus, consisting of four different
books, viz. : 1. The Jewish War ; 2. The Antiquities of the
Jews ; 3. The Life of Flavins Josephus ; and 4. Flavins
Josephus against Apion. Although all these books were
written after the fall of Jerusalem, yet the writer and the
material which he compiled eminently belong to the pre-
ceding period. The three books concerning the Jewish
opnnons about God and his essence, and about the laws,
and the revision of his Jewish War, with a supplement to
the year ninety-three, which he promised to produce (end
of Antiquities), were not written or have not reached pos-
terity. Josephus was an historian of a superior order. His
information was vast and varied. His presentations of
places, persons and occurrences are lucid, graphic, almost
approaching the plastic. His details are illustrative of the
main facts, which he always provides with topographical
and chronological support. His style is not as compact as
(6) Translated in German, Leipzig, 1867.
THE IJS'HKRITANCE. 377
that of Tacitus, nevertheless it is nervous and classical.
His work is no mean proof of what the Hebrew mind then
was in that particular department.
13. The Jewish War.
After Josephus had written, in the Hebrew or Aramaic
language, a history of the Roman war upon Judea, and had
sent it to the Hebrews of the East (this book was lost), he
translated it into Greek, because, as he says (Wars, Sec. 1),.
quite a number of books had been written which, in his
estimation, did not come up to the standard of truth. Those
books have been lost and the statements of Josephus can
be controlled only by his own confessions in his autobi-
ography. Although he boasts (Life 5) that the Emperor Titus
declared this the only authentic bock on the war in Judea,.
and Agrippa confirmed it. it is, nevertheless, evident that
he did flatter and lionize the Romans, and unjustly decry
and defame the so-called robbers and Zealots. The Greek
translation before us consists of seven books, each book is
divided into chapters, and each chapter into paragraphs. It
begins with the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, gives a brief
account of events to the time of Herod and his included^
furnishes a meager record of his successors, and begins a
detailed history with Florus (Book II., xiv.), who was the
immediate cause of the war. He closes his narratives with
the year 73, and published this work in the year 75. The
book was originally written Avhile that war Avas fresh in his
memory; he was under many obligations to Vespasian^
Titus, Agrippa and others, and full of strong prejudices
against the Zealots and those who denounced him as a
traitor. He partly confessed this in his autobiography and
by his promise to revise the Jewish War. He did atone
for his misdeeds by his other books.
14. Antiquities of the Jews.
This work consists of twenty books, each divided into
chapters and these into paragraphs. It contains the history
from the creation, according to the accounts of Moses, to
the coming of Florus to Palestine, so that his " Wars " is
the continuation of his " Antiquities." It appeared in the
thirteenth year of Domitian, hence in the year 94 a. c, at
the solicitation of Epaphroditus, a Roman doctor. It was
written Greek and for Greeks, to prove the antiquity and
expound the laws of the Hebrew people, not without a
proselytizing tendency, as the struggle of Paganism and
S78 THE INHERITANCE.
Judaism was then at its height in Rome. As far as the
Bible contains the history, Josephus transcribed it, with all
the miracles, except in the Esther, Ezra and Nehemiah
stories, where he was led by apocryphal sources, added
thereto information from foreign sources, also spurious
tales, as in the life of Moses, and was frequently led by the
Septuagint rather than the Hebrew original, because he
wrote for Greeks. From Nehemiah to Florus, his sources,
"besides the books of the Maccabees, are, for tlie most part,
unknown, and many of those that were known are lost.
He interpreted the laws of Moses by the practice and opin-
ions of his own days, deviating in a number of cases from
the accepted halachah. He, like other classical writers,
added speeches and prayers of liis own comjjosition, and
exercised no criticism on his original sources. With all his
philosophy he was superstitious, either in fact or pretension,
in regard to omens, predictions, dreams and exorcism, if
he did not cling to mysticism for the benetit of his Gentile
readers. Still he was not only a fiiithful historian, but had
evidently the intention to glorify his people in order to
atone for the sins committed in his " Wars," and is more
liberal in bestowing praise than censure. He did color
facts but never disfigured them. In his " Antiquities " Jo-
sephus is a patriot of profound feelings, and a ]^riest with
Avhom the temple, its priests and rituals are by far most
important. Like many historians, he neglects the life and
doings of the people, and narrates the fate of its rulers,
priests and soldiers. And yet the Hebrews have just cause
to be proud of having found such a historian, wliose words
have been so well preserved and rendered in all languages
of the civilized nations.
15. The Life of Flavius Josephus.
This book consists of seventy-six paragraphs, and gives
a full account of his life to that'time. It bears no date, but
its closing i)aragraph shows that it was written during the
lite of Domitian, who had made his land in Judea tax free,
punished his accusers, who appear to linve been quite
numerous, and even tlie Empress Domitian is mentioned as
having bestowed on him great favors. Josephus tells us that
he married, the first time, by commnnd of Vespasian, a
■captive Jewess, whom he divorced. She left him one son,
Hyrcan. Then he married a Jewess of Crete, of whom he
had two sons, .Justus and Simonides Agripna. This " Life,"
■which is an appendix to his " Antiquities," was written as
a sort of self-defense against the frequent accusations pre-
THE INHERITANCE. 379
ferred against liim as a traitor to both the Hebrews and the
Romans. He defends himself as well as the case would
admit, especially against Justus of Tiberias, and other his-
torians, and forgets not to prove his attachment and fidelity
to Judaism as a man and a priest. He did considerably
modif}^ his statements made in " ^V^ars " twenty years be-
fore, but he did not tell the whole truth ; nor did he refer
to his conduct at Jotapata.
16. Flavius Josephus against Apion.
If any proof were necessary that Josephus did not aban-
don Judaism and Avas not decapitated by Domitian, his
books against Apion prove both. Long after his " Life,"
about 100 A. c, he wrote those two wonderful books in de-
fense of his people. They were taken together under the
above head. But the first book of thirty-five paragraphs
was written against those Greeks to whom he refers in the
"Antiquities" xx., and especially against Agatharchides,
Manetho, Cheremon and Lysimachus, who denied the high
antiquity of the Hebrews and misrepresented their history
and laws. The second book of forty-two pnragraphs was
written in refutation of what the Alexandrian Apion, in the
time of Caligula, had written against the Hebrews. Re-
markable in these books is the earnest and calm tone as
well as the overwhelming force of the argument. Most re-
markable, however, in them is the eminent erudition of
Josephus in the classical literature. Quite a number of an-
cient authors have become known to posterity by the quo-
tations of Josephus. The spirit of these two books shows
that the question, at that moment, excited the minds for
or against Judaism, and in the closing paragraphs of the
second book he appears most forcibly as the advocate of
Judaism among the Gentiles. His epilogue is written in a
spirit of firm conviction that the w^orld must accept Juda-
ism as the rock of salvation, and that vast multitudes, as
w^ell as the philosophers of all ages, had embraced it ai-
Teadv, admired the laws and institutions of Israel, observed
the Sabbath and the dietary laws, and sought to imitate
the concord and justice of Israel. It is maintained that
Ihese books were written in Palestine, but none states pre-
•cisely where and when. Anyhow, they must have been
written a number of years after his "Antiquities " and " Life,"
hence about 100 a. t>. The influence on the Gentile mind
bv the works of Josephus can hardly be overestimated.
They exercised none on the Hebrews. Neither he nor his
380 THE INHERITANCE.
works are mentioned in Jewish sources. None before the
author of Josephon (7) in the Middle Ages, defended him.
He was a traitor in the estimation of his cotemporaries^
and in Rome he moved in the imperial circle too distant
from his co-religionists to be forgiven. Still, whatever his
conduct during the war and his misrepresentations in tho
history thereof ma}' have been, he did atone for all of them
by the works described. When and where he died has re-
mained unknown.
17. Philo Jud^us.
Philo of Alexandria (1-60 a. c), the brother of the Ala-
barch Alexander, the great disciple of Moses and Plato,
was an oak with its roots in Palestine and Greece, its trunk
in Alexandria, its branches and foliage stretching far away
into the regions of Judaism and Christianity. He was per-
fectly Hebrew in his feelings, hopes, faith and childlike
obedience to the laws and customs of Israel ; and perfectly
Greek by education and association, culture and learning.
He mastered with a wonderful energy all that Greece of-
fered in letters, sciences and philosoph}'- ; and loved enthu-
siastically the intellectual treasures of Palestine. Like hi&
master, Plato, to whose productions his were compared in
beauty and depth, he Avas poetically philosophical; and
like his other master, Moses, whose words he expounded,
he was a model of ethical depth and metaphysical sublim-
ity. Philo was the man in whom the diverging cultures of
Palestine and Greece were harmoniously blended. In him,_
who, like King Solomon, was called Yedid-yahh, " the be-
loved one of the Lord," the discursive and spontaneous
reason, the philosopher's and prophet's functions were uni-
ted in one human nature. To teach the great lesson of
reason and faith harmonized was the object of his existence.
It is thC' quintessence of all his writings. Besides the
prominence of his family, his embassy to Caligula, and his
two pilgrimages to Jerusalem, nothing is known of his life,
which must have been that of a secluded reasoner. who
occasionally appeared before a select congregation as a
teacher and orator. So much the better his writings have
become known to posterity.
. 18. The Works of Piiilo.
The v;orks ascrilied to Philo have not been sufficiently
studied to distinguisli the autlientic from the interpola-
(") pri'DV by pspudonymous Joseph ben Gorion, the priest, aa
quoted by Rashi, and others, in the twelftli century.
THE INHERITANCE. 381
lions (8). The Therapeuts, described and lauded in one of
Pliilo's books, have been taken by Eusebiiis to be Christian
monks of the second century. Passages have undoubtedly
been interpolated in other books of Philo by Christian
Avriters. Some of his books, like two on the Covenant and
four of the five books on '' What befell the Jews under
Caius," have been lost. Another number of his books are
found now in the Armenian onl}-, and have been published
with a Latin translation by John Baptist Aucher, Venice,
1822 and 1826. The Greek books ascribed to Philo are the
following : 1. On the Creation of the World ; 2. The Alle-
gories of the Law, three books, a hexaemeron ; 3. The Cher-
ubim and Flaming Sword ; 4. The Sacrifices of Cain and
Abel ; 5. On the Principle that " The worse is made to
serve the better;" 6. Of the Posterity of Cain; 7. Of the
Giants; 8. On the Immutability of God; 9. On Agricul-
ture; 10. The Plantation of Noah; 11. On Drunkenness;
12. On the words, " And Noah awoke ;" 13. The Confusion
of Tongues ; 14. The Migration of Abraham ; 15. Of him
wdio shall inherit Divine Things ; 16. On Assemblies for
Learning; 17. On the Fugitives; 18. On the Change of
Names ; 19. On Dreams, two books ; 20. On the Life of a
Political Man, or on Joseph; 21. The Life of Moses; 22.
On the Decalogue ; 23. Circumcision ; 24. On Monarchy,
two book ; 25. On the Rewards of the Priesthood ; 26.
On Animals Fit for Sacrifices ; 27. On Sacrifices ; 28. On
Particular Laws; 29. On the Week; 30. The Sixth and
Seventh Commandments ; 31. The Eighth, Ninth and
Tenth ; 32. On Justice ; 33. On the Election and Creation
of the Prince; 34. Fortitude; 35. Humanitv ; 36. Peni-
tence ; 37. Rewards and Punishments ; 38. JExecrations ;
39. Nobility; 40. Efforts after Virtue and Liberty; 41. The
Contemplative Life (the Essenes) ; 42. The Incorru]>tibility
of the World ; to which must be added, 43. A ^^'riting
against Flaccus ; 44. An Account of his Embassy to Rome ;
45. On the World ; and several fragments. These works
have been printed, Paris, 1552, and again, 1640, Geneva,
1613, London (Dr. Mangev), 1742, in two vols. Leipzig
(Richter), 1828-1830, in eight vols, and lastly by Tauclmitz,
1851, etc. The English translation, in four volumes, is in
Bohn's Ecclesiastical Library. Fragments of German trans-
lations exist ; a publication of the whole is now in process
in Vienna, viz., translated by Dr. Friedlander. Writers on
(8) Der juedische Alexandrismus erne Erfindung christlicher Lehrer,
«tc., by Dr. Kirschbaum, Leipzig, 1841.
382 THE IMIKUITANCK.
Philo are Dahl, Biyant, Gfroerer, Creuzer, Grossman, Wolff,
Ritter, Beer, Daeline, Bernhard Ritter (9), and three hun-
dred vears ago, Azariah De Rossi, or Mln Ha' adomim (10).
The works of Philo may be divided into tlie Philosophical,
Historical and Exegetical, the latter of which are most
numerous, and form, in their connection, a i^hilosophical-
liomiletic commentary to the Law of Moses.
19. The Hermexeutics of Philo.
In expounding the laws, Philo's hermeneutics differed
not from that of the Palestinean sages, although he often
differs from them in his conclusions [halachah), because
he followed chiefly the text of the Septuagint, the practice
of the law in Alexandria, which differed from that of Pales-
tine, and in many cases he gives his own independent opin-
ion, as did also -josephus. In other cases, the Palestinean
halachah may not have been fixed when he wrote. In his
ethical and philosophical expositions of Scriptures he, like
many others, adopted the allegoric method where it was
deemed necessary to harmonize Scriptures and philosophy,
and, like Aristobul, he adopted the hermeneutic rules of
the Stoics and of the Agada sages of Palestine (11). Nei-
ther the method nor the rules of interpretation were new.
Yet the material produced by this apparatus was new in
ethical depth and in harmonization of the intellectual
treasures of Greece and Palestine. His Agada is the same
as the Palestinean, only that it proved to the enlightened
Gentiles how all that is good and true in Grecian wisdom
is also contained in the great text-book of Monotheism,
only that the latter also contained the wisdom of wisdoms,
the theology of Moses and the prophets, of which the
philosophers and poets had only a faint knowledge.
20. The Theology of Philo.
In order to understand Philo (or also Josephus) correctly,
it must always be borne in mind that he spoke and Avrote
not for Plebrews ; he did so for Judaizing Gentiles who knew
and appreciated the Bible. Therefore, he made use of the
(9) Philo unci die Halacha, etc., which enlarges on the subject
treated on originally by
(10) Me'o7- Enayim, by Azariah, written (Hebrew) in Italy, 1571,
a book of various sections and subjects.
(11) See Carl Siegfried's Philo von Alexandrien als Ausleger des alien
Testaments.
THE INHERITANCE. 383
Septuagint and not of the Hebrew text. In that form the
Bible was known to the Gentiles. Therefore, in his the-
ology also, Philo accommodated himself to the philosophical
theories and terms to which his hearers and readers were
used. While he consistently teaches one incomprehensible
God, who is above all human descriptions and conceptions,
Yehovah, he called God in so far as he is manifested in the
material universe and has become Elohim, the Logos, as
did Plato and Zoroaster (by another word), the first born
son of God ; and in so far as God is manifested in human
history as Adonai, he hypostasized him as eternal Wihdom,
Goodness, Love, Mercy, etc. So he did with all attributes
and manifestations of Deity, to bring the ideas under Greek
terms and to shape them for the Greek conception, without
thinking for a n:ioment on a division of the substance.
Basing upon the loftiest conception of Deity, he expounded
Scriptures by this fundamental truth, and developed there-
from the most sublime views about Providence, immortality
of the soul and future reward, the final union of mankind,
the government of man by the principle of justice, etc., the
entire system of religion and ethics, which that one funda-
mental principle includes. Posterity misunderstood his
hypostases, and took poetic-philosophical terms for es-
sences ; still none could dim the brilliancy of his ethics and
profoundness of his love for man.
21. The Poets.
Egypt, Asia Minor and other Grecian countries pro-
duced a number of poets who were either Hebrews or Juda-
izing Greeks. We add to this class after Aristobul, the
writers of several Sibylline poems (12) ; Ezekielos, the
dramatic poet, of whose drama, " The Exode," a fragment
is extant (13); Philo, the Elder, an epic poet (14): Theo-
dotus, who wrote the history of Jacob (Eusebius) ; Phok}--
lides, a parapatetic reasoner and the author of Judaizing
gnomical poems (15) ; and a number of others, who Avrote
in the Eastern Grecian dialect, with the intention to glorify
the intellectual heroes, history, law and religion of Israel,
ill all popular forms of Grecian poetry. Whoever wishes to
understand the origin of Christianity must take into care-
ful consideration those Greco-Hebrew writers, and the dis-
(12) See Sibylline Books, published Amsterdam, 1689, and later in
Copenhagen, 1821-1822.
(13) See Franz DeJiizsch^s Zur Gexchi.cht''<Jer jue'lis^cJien Poesie, p. 211.
(14) Ludivig Philipp^on' s Ezechid und Philo, Berlin, 1830.
(15) Prof. Birnay's Ueber das Phokylides Gedicht.
'884 THE INHERITANCE.
pcrsion of Hebrews over Africa and Europe from and after
Alexander the Great, and especially after Pompey's con-
quests in the East.
22. The Liturgy.
The lituroy of the temple carried into tlio synagogues re-
mained unchanged, as introduced by the Great tSynod, and
has remained the groundwork of the Hebrew prayer-book
to this day. Its main elements Avere the Shema (Deut. vi.
4-9 ; xi. 13-21; to which was added Numbers xv. 37-41);
the Berachoth " benedictions," two before and one after
the Shema, which were much shorter than those in the
-common prayer-book (16), and the seven benedictions of
the Tephilah^ " daily prayer," changed afterward to eigh-
teen and nineteen, the fourth of which commenced pin nns,
" Thou bestowest knowledge upon man," etc., which was
replaced on Sabbath and holidays by nvn nt^ip, " the sanc-
tification of the day ;" the reading of the Law and the bene-
dictions before and' after; the reading of Prophets and the
sermon connected therewith, closed with the most ancient
benediction, the Kaddisii, from which was made the Chris-
tian prayer "■ Our Father, who art in Heaven," etc., ^y^Vi
D'DC^nC', which form is also preserved in the Talmud, and
has been changed into ^yzh^ IVnx, " Our Father, our King,"
etc. The additional benediction for Saljbaths, holidays,
new moons. New Year and Day of Atonement, have been
preserved in later compositions. The Berachah, in the
briefest form, to precede and succeed every enjoyment in
life, contains the Hebrew's articles of faith in so concise a
form that every one was bound to know them well. It was
impressed upon all as a safeguard against paganism, vice
and corruption. Its main words, like those of all an-
cient prayers, are taken from the Bible, and its object was
to remind the Hebrew, at all times and places, that his
God is Avith him, and Israel's law and covenant direct him.
The Psalms, Shir, were the next element of the liturgy
in temple and synagogue, as they are now. They were the
texts for tlie grand choruses of the Levites, for pilgrims and
domestic devotion. Besides tlie Canonical Psalms, there
were the exotic Psalms of David, of which Atapasius
counts over 3,000, and the Psalms of Solomon (17). INIost
(IG) Dr. Zunz, Gottesdienstliclie Vortraege der Juden, Berlin, 1832, p.
36:X
(17) Dcr Psaller S'domo's von Ehiard Eplir. Geiger; German by
J. Wellhausen, in Pharis. and Saclduc, p. Iu8.
THE INHERITANCE. 385
of them are products of the Grecian synagogue ; perhaps
of the great Basilika of Alexandria, which was the largest
in the world. Among the Psalms of Solomon, some are in
the Musivstyle, and appear to be of Palestinean origin.
Christian phrases have been interpolated in numerous cases.
The responses in the temple were almost exclusively from
the Psalms, except the Ijn dW^ ini3^0 Tina De; -] 1-13, which
was a Berachah, and most likely read, '' Praised be God
and the glory of His kingdom, for ever and aye," which the
people said in the temple as often as the tetragrammaton
was pronounced.
The Confession, Vidui, also of Biblical origin, was an-
other element of public worship. Three confessions of the
highpriest on the Day of Atonement are preserved in the
Talmud (18), and have partly been adopted in the com-
mon liturgy.
The Prayer, Tephillah, petition or supplication, was an
element of the public service ; but it was not written, as it
was held that prayer must be spontaneous (19). Only in
exceptional cases were such prayers written. Of these are
preserved, the prayer of the highpriest on the Day of
Atonement (Yerushalmi) ; the prayers for public fasts
(MisHNAH, Ta'anith II.); also the praj'er of Ishmael Fabi
[Berachoth 7 a).
The Reading of the Law was another element of public
service, the corresponding sections of each holiday at the
holiday (Mishnah, Yoma vii) ; one of the one hundred
and seventy-five sections in which the Pentateuch was
divided was read every Sabbath morning and evening, Mon-
day and Thursday (at least ten verses thereof), except on
four Sabbaths (nVKHQ y3"l^■')J between the Sabbath next to
the month of Adar and that before Passover, when other
sections were read (Meguillah iii. 4). On Hanukah.,
Purim^ new moon, public fasts, and the meetings of the
Commoners, sections of the Pentateuch were read. Men
were called to read ; the first opened with the benediction,
and the last reader closed with another benediction. The
entire groundwork of modern Jewish worship was estab-
lished during the Second Commonwealth.
(18) Yerusfialmi, Foma iii. 7 ; iv. 2; Mishnah, do., do. This
book of the Mishnah, treating on the temple service for the Day of
Atonement, it is reported ( Voma 14 b), was written by Simon, the
lord of Mizpah, hence before the destruction of the Temple.
(19) Mishnah Berachoth iv. 4.
386 the inheritance.
23. Other Literature.
The poets were silent; none did lament over the fall of
Jerusalem and the destruction of the temple. The age was
too rational and tragic for poetry. The Mashal, parable,
fable, personification, or also hyperbole, was the most com-
mon form of poetry, many of which are preserved in the
Talmuis and Gospels. The moral sentences, the song of
the maidens in the vineyards on the fifteenth day of Ab
and the Day of Atonement, and some more lyrical frag-
ments are extant (20). Of the Christian literature, besides
some epistles, it is the Revelation of John, which was writ-
ten during the last war, and the Book of Henoch (21),
which, about the same time, was written in Egypt. The
formjr was written by an outspoken Jew-Christian, lament-
ing over the fate of Jerusalem and prophesying the destruc-
tion of Rome ; while the latter was written by an Egyptian
Messiahnist, with all the pessimism which the catastrophe
of Jerusalem produced, and many of the mysterious super-
stitions which coursed among a certain class of mystics,
and found their way into various rabbinical works, espe-
cially during the Middle Ages.
And so my task is done. I have written this history
with the proud feeling that man is better than his history,
in which the onward march of enlightenment and humani-
zation is so often interrupted by barbarous multitudes.
The triumph of progress can not be fully achieved before
the civilization of the entire human family has become a
fact. Had the Hebrews not been disturbed in their pro-
gress a thousand and more years ago, they would have solved
all the great problems of civilization which are being
solved now under all the difficulties imposed by the spirit
of the Middle Ages. The world is not yet redeemed.
(20) Delitzsch, p. 193.
(21) 7)a.s Buck Bnioch,hy Dr. A. Dillmann, Leipzig, 185S ; also
Ad. Jelliuek, Beth JIamidrash, II., p. xxx.
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