)i >• - » C> ft -r c ) ^ ^ .Jl^ -n <- O u. ?3 C rivjjo>~' ) ivaan-^Ni^ ^v//, ^1 Ti o .^ME ViOdlWJ-JO"^^ ^ ^.OFCALIFO/?^ AOSANCEia >5- '^/^aiAINO 3V\V ^VOSANGElfj> A\tllBRARY6?/:, ^OFCAIIfOflV ^ r=- Ce ^^HOimyi^"^ ^ — '^ ^' "^■^ommm"^ ^^oxnvmn^ -< ^OfCAllF0/;^v ,-^OFCAllFO/?^^ , \WEl'NIVERi, N;lOSANCflfjv. - o ' ^OFCAIIFO/?^ ^OFCAIIFO/?^ ''c'Aaviiani^ ^(?AavaaniN' v^\lllBRARYQ^ ^ o ^^,OFCAIIFO% ^,0FCAllF0/?4^ ^OAJivaan-^ ^WE UNIVERV/, o >^^,iHV>iq!1# ^TilJONVSOl^ AINll3V\V .^WEUNIVERV// ,\WE xmmir^, 1^1 i -^^IIIBRARYQ^ ^*OJI1V3JO>^ \mm\y >vlOSANGElfj> .- C11A1!1N"-OUOSS. CONTENTS OF VOLUME 11. CHAPTEK XIII. THE CAPTIVES REACH KORATA. Theodore at Zag§ — Letters from — His inquiries about boat-building — An officer dispatched to Mai^dala to release the Captives — Candidates for the Royal Shirt — The Messenger Hailo — Application for Captives' confiscated property — The European artisans reach Korata from Gdfi"at — Royal present fur the Zoological Society — Royal Revenue — History of Kanti"ba Hailo, ex-Mayor of Gondar — Corres],x)ndence with the King — A diSiculty looming in the distance — Theodore proposes to invest the members of the Mission with the Royal Shirt — Intelligence of Dr. Beke's arrival at Massowah — Families of the European artisaus reach Korata — Arrival of the liberated Captives — Their reception by the Author Rage 1 ClIArTEil XIV. TRIAL OF THE CAPTIVES. Theodore decides on the trial of the Captives — His charges against them — His object — The Captives pleaen to Magdala — Death and burial of Theodore's sister — TransjKjrt of artillery — The Author sends dispatches to the British camp — Abyssinian mourning for the dead — Native and five European prisoners forwarder! to Mdgdala — Theodore's polite mes- sages and sjxH>ches — Sir Robert Napier's ultimatum — Theodore in }irus|)ect of the imix;nding invasion — He reaches the Dalanta plateau — I'.rcaks faith witii the Dalanta ])roj)le — The Amharas — Messengers arrive from the British camp — The Author released from his chains — Letter and present from Theodore — Communications to and from the British Camp — Tlicodorc reaches the plateau of Salamge .. .. 2rA ClI Al'T KJi XXV. THEODOItE AT mAcDAI-A. Thcwlorc enters Magdala — Tries two Priests for defamation and throe Chiefs for treason — lie returns to Salamgfi — His message to the Author about the advance of the liritisli troops — Ciianges the Magdala garrison — The Euroix-an Captives placed under strict watch — Bitwii8al of the Chiefs and people of Mdgdala — Contrast — Divine interven- tion — The Army of Rescue — Burial of Theodore — His son, 'Alamayo, made over by his mother to the care of the British — Dismissal of the Magdala Chiefs — The Author proceeds to Dalantawith the royal family — Magdala in flames — Review of the Expeditionary force' — Illness and death of the Queen Teru-Wark — Dismissal of all Abyssinian followers at Senafe — Arrival at ZooUa — Journey to Europe — Dispersion of the late EuroiJean Captives — On British soil once more — Reception by old friends — Recognition by Government of the services and sufferings of the Mission to Abyssinia — Conclusion Page 329 VOL. ir. LIST OF ILLUSTKATIONS IN THE SECOND VOLmiE. Action at Arogk Frontispiece. Order of thk Cross and Solomon's Seal Page 45 Captives' Quarters at Magdala „ 202 Magdala and Salamgk from the foot of Salassk Tofacepaije 279 The Great Mortar "Sevastopol" „ 804 Plan op the Amba Magdala „ 311 Storming of Magdala ,, 329 THE BRITISH MISSION TO THEODORE, KING OF ABYSSINIA. CHAPTEE XIII. THE CAPTIVES EEACH KORATA. Tlieodorc at Zage — Letters from — His inquiries aliout l)oat-building — All officer dispatched to Magdala to release the Captives — Candidates for tlie Royal Shirt — The Messenger Hailo — Application for Captives confiscated property — The European artisans reach Korata from (iaffat — IJoyal present for the Zoological Society — Roj-al Revenue — History of Kantiba Hailo, ex-Maj'or of Gundar — CorresiX)ndence with the King — A difficulty looming in the distance — Theodore proposes to invest the nieml)ers of the Mission with the Royal Shirt — Intelligence of Dr. Beke's arrival at Ma.ssowah — Families of tlie European artisans roach Korata — Arrival of the liberated Captives — Their reception by the Author, \\'e heard this afternoon that the King had come to Zage, the capital of Metcha, situated on a high promontory on the southern side of the Lake, about ten miles from Korata. No one seemed to know anything of his movements, beyond the I'aft that he had encamped at the bottom of a deep bay formed by the Zage peninsula — a long neck of land projecting about three miles into the Lake. The Abai enters the liakc ten miles to the north-west of Zage, runs through it in a strong current round tlie peninsula, and debouches on the south- eastern side of the bay, about the same distance below Zage, IGth. — To-day I received the following letter from the ]\ing, which was sent by water: — " In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost — ono God. " From tho King of kings, Thoodurus. 3Iay it reach Aito VOL. II. H 2 THE CAPTIVES BEACH KOEATA. Chap. XIII. Ilormuzd TJassain. ITow have you passed the time? I, God be praised, am well. How have your brothers [Dr. Blanc and Lieutenant Prideaux] passed the time? Ask them from me. After we parted, by the power of God, I found two lion cubs and one young antelope, which I send to you. I have come to Metcha expressly for the purpose of inquiring about your safe arrival at your destination. If God permit, I shall come to see you, by boat." (Without date.) This letter was brought by two courtiers, named Lij Kasa and Lij Abitu, together with a present from their royal master of two lion cubs and an antelope, which the soldiers had caught on the line of march, in Metcha. The King, having heard that Agafari Golam merely bent to me when we met, sent the poor fellow a severe reprimand, which obliged him, on coming to me for orders this morning, to kneel and kiss the ground. I told him that he might dis- pense with the ceremony, but he declared that it might cost him his life to disobey the Sovereign's order. To the foregoing letter from the King I replied as follows : — '' Kordta, 17th February, 1866. " Mosr Gracious Sovereign, " I had the honour of receiving your gracious letter yesterday, by Lijs Abttri and Kasa, and was glad to find from its contents that your Majesty was in perfect health. I pray Almighty God to continue Ilis blessings towards you, and to show me the light of your countenance soon. " The two lion cubs and the antelope, which your Majesty has been good enough to send mo, reached me safely, and I return you my best thanks for them, and for the other favours which your Majesty has shown me since I entered j-our country. By the assistance of our Heavenly Father, I trust never to prove unworthy of your great kindness. " By your favour, we arrived here safely from Wandige, by the Lake, on Thursday last, and were received hosi^itably by 1866. Yep. SUPPLEMENTARY MESSAGES. 3 Aito Kasa and Aito AVande, in ■\vhoso houses wo arc now residing. " My companions, Dr. P.lanc and ^fr. Prideaux, desire me to present to j'our INIajesty their respectful compliments; and in recommending you to the protection of our merciful Creator, I remain," &c. In accordance with the prevailing usage in the countr}-, I had to dispatch one of my o^^n followers, with the returning deputies, to inquire personally for me after the King's health. Being most anxious that Consul Cameron and his fellow- captives should be relieved of their chains as speedily as possible, and knowing, moreover, that Agafari Golam was already charged with the order for their release, I sent his Majesty a verbal message, begging that he would " gladden my lieart " by directing Agafari Golam to proceed to Mag- dala forthwith and bring the European liberated prisoners to me. I had already learnt enough of the King's character to put me on my guard against instating him. A letter might reach him when in an angry mood, and any request preferred at such a time was almost certain to be denied or wilfully misapprehended. Hence, I made it a rule, whenever I had any favour to ask which might possibly be refused, always to send the application through a verbal message, charging those who were intrusted with the same, whether my own followei-s or persons in the King's employ, not to deliver it unless his ^lajesty was known to be in good humour. For- tunately, all his immediate attendants were on the best terms with me, and readily co-operated in this plan of proceeding. The same courtiers returned the day after with the follow- ing answer to my message on this ocoasiou : — (After compliments.) "By tho power of God, when I beard of your safe arrival at Koruta I was extremely rejoiced. Bo of good cheer ; 1 liavo ij 2 4 THE CAPTIVES REACH KOIIATA. Chap. XHIl ordered Agafiiri Golam to proceed at once to release the prisoners and bring tliem to you, in order that I may send you to your country. " With respect to the four double-barrelled fowling-pieces and eight double-barrelled pistols, with their moulds and appurte- nances, which you have broiight to me, M. Bourgaud has written to me to say that he had sent to his brother and obtained them for the purpose of presenting them to me. I have therefore ordered 4,000 dollars to be paid to him by the Nagadnls of Tigre. " You told me that Mr. Munzinger entertained a sincere regard for me ; and, consequently, when you go T wish to send him by you a token of my esteem. Let me know what will be accept- able, in order that I may prepare it." (Without date.) A case containing the arms above alluded to was con- signed to me by Padre Delmonte, on our departure from Massowah, for the French armourer, M. Bourgaud. Not to excite suspicion in the King's mind, I had preferred taking the arms to him — stating at the same time how I became possessed of them — instead of sending them direct from Chalga to the consignee. His Majesty was highly gratified by this mark of deference, and, instead of leaving me to for- ward the case, he undertook to take charge of it himself for his " son " — the name whereby he invariably designated his Euroj)ean artisans. The reference to Mr. Munzinger arose out of the following circumstance. On my arrival at the Court, the King liad particularly requested me to tell him who were his friends and who his enemies at Massowah. I replied that his enemies were too many to be enumerated ; but that, to the best of my belief, Mr. Munzinger, now British Consular Agent at Mas- sowah, and the Nayib Mohammed, of Harkiko, were well- disposed towards him. This answer highly amused him, and was to him — so he said — a proof of my sincerity, inasmuch as i8cn. Fer. iioyal queries about boats. 5 Jie knew full well that all the Turks bated him. On that occasion he had promised to send the Xayib, through me, a fine mule, richly caparisoned ; the present for Mr. 3Iun- zinger was left for future consideration. I received two verbal messages from the King, together ■^vith the foregoing letter : one was to the effect that, before our departure out of the country, he wished to decorate with tlie Royal Shirt all those of my followers who had con- tributed to bring about our meeting, and had served as messengers between us ; in the other, his Majesty apprised me that he had directed his European artisans at Gafiat to build liim some wooden boats to ply on the Lake, instead of the ordinary native canoes made of bulrushes; and that having been told that fresh and salt water possessed diflerent *|ualities which affected the floating, he wished me to enlighten him on the subject. In consequence of this message, a rumour was circulated among the Europeans that the King had requested me and my companions to build boats for hini — an idea which 1 am certain he never entertained, neither was it his jwhcy to lower our dignity by supposing us capable of doing the work of artificers or mechanics. Besides, if such a thought had ever occurred to him, ho would certainly not have hesitated to broach it to mc. On referring to Agafuri Oolam, who was saiil to have originated the report, he assured mc that he must have been misunderstood, as he had only mentioned the inquiry wliich the King had made of me, through Lij Abitu, tliat s;ime clay. To ray infinite delight Agafari Golam started for 3Iag- dala this nn.niing. In accordance with thr King's request, I sent with him ^lohammed Sa'kl, one of my messengers, to see tiiat Consul C'aiiioron and liis jtarty wore well attended to on the road. 6 THE CAniVES KEACII KORATA, Chap. XIII.. 19fh. — I tlispatcbed the following to the King in reply to his last letter and its accompanying verbal messages : — "Kordta, 19th Fehruanj, 1866. " Most Geacious Sovereign, " I had the honour of receiving your letter yesterday by Lij Abitu and Hailo, and I was greatly pleased to learn therefrom of your well-being ; for which I offer my humble thanks to our Lord, the Most High. Thank God, both my companions and I are well, and by your Majesty's favour we are all happy. Dr. Blanc and Mr. Prideaux send their respectful compliments to your Majesty. " 1 beg to return you my most grateful thanks for sending Agafari Golam to Magdala for the purpose of releasing the European prisoners of their fetters, and bringing them at once to me ; and I^also thank you for the liberal payment you have made to M. Bourgaud for the guns and pistols which I brought from Massowah. " With regard to the present which your Majesty wishes to send to Mr. Munzinger, in consequence of what I had mentioned about his regard for you, I beg to inform j'our Majesty that that gentleman, I am sure, will appreciate any little token of esteem which you may be pleased to send him, were it only a few friendly lines to assure him of your good-Avill. I need not assure your Majesty that I shall be delighted to convey it to him. " With respect to the wooden boat which you wish to build to ply on the Lake Tuna, I beg to say that such a vessel would answer very well. The only ditfcrence between the Lake water and that of the sea to be taken into consideration in this case is, that the latter, being salt, is more buoyant. "I feel greatly obliged to your Majesty for the honour you intend to eonfer on some of my followers by decorating them with the Royal Shirt, for the good and faithful service they have rendered to your IMajesty and myself in our communications with each other. The men most deserving of this royal favour are llailo, VVald-Taklu, Mohammed Sa'id, and Mohammed Sihiiwy. The two latter are absent at present : one I had to send with our animals from Wandigu round the Lake, through Diimbca ; and the other I liavc sent to Mdgdala with Agafari Golam,. 18CG. Fed. MOHAMMED SIHAWY. 7 according to your desire. Mohammed Sihawy having com- mitted a fault, I feel it incumbent upon me to report it to your Majesty, and shall leave it to you, after you learn his offence, tu confer the royal distinction on him or not." Mohammed Siha\\ y, as the reader will remember, was the individual who had told me the falsehood about Cameron's release. I was compelled to include his name as a candi- date for the royal honour, because he was unquestionably the man who had brought about my meeting Avith the King, his Majesty having entrusted him with his letter of invitation to me. Moreover, as I had reason to suspect that Theodore himself was cognizant of the deception which had been practised upon me, 1 did not deem it advisable to manifest any animosity towards his accomplice. The messenger himself reporte 1 that the Nayib of Harkiko had instigated him to fabricate the story, which I believe to be another false- hood. However, I was determined that his Majesty should know what I had to complain of in the man before he was decorated ; hence my reference to his misconduct in the preceding letter, but I also sent him a full account of the case by verbal message. We were so tortured by vermin that we were obliged to leave the houses of our hospitable hosts, Aito Kasa and Aito Wande, and take to our tents, which we pitched in a liue on an eligible piece of ground near tlie Lake, just above the spot where the priests met us on our first lauding. The fresh breeze from the Lake, and the clear open sky, were luxuries after our sojourn in the filthy town. This side of the Lake being rocky, with a gravelly soil, is much healthier than the opposite or north-western side, where the ground is lvhich journey he was doomed never to return. When he reached Debra Tabor, on his way back, the whole country between that place and Magdala had risen in rebellion, which effectually prevented his progress as a bearer of a message from the King. He then fell sick, but was brought on when the royal army began to move towards Magdala, his Mnjesty intending to forward him to me as soon as he approached near cnougli to send him in safety. He expired one day before the disjjatch of the royal messengers whom he had hoped to accompany, and who were the first to make their way to us after a lapse of nine months. On his return from Zage to-day, accompanied by Lij Kasa and Lij Abitu, he brought me the following polite but extra- ordinary letter from the King, wherein his Majesty unequi- vocally expresses liis satisfaction at tlic fraud of which A86G. Feb. IIOYAL ETHICS. 9 3Iobammed Sihawy had Leen giulty, on the groimd that it had been perpetrated with a good intention : — (After compliments.) "I wish to decorate these servants [messengers] of youis, •who are present, Avith the Eoyal Shirt. Be not angiy with the servant who infurmed you of the release of Mr. Cameron, I thought that you [i. e., the English] hated me because I delayed answering your letter, sons of the English ; and in order that you might not fear, but come to me from tliat great Queen, he tried in this way to bring about the inter- view between me and you, Aito Hormuzd Kassam, who are a ■great man and my friend. It is necessary that this man should be brought to the notice of the Queen, and j^ou yourself must love him for my sake. I, on my part, on hearing of what he had done, by the power of God, entertained great uflection for him. If you had not come, who would have been able to release the prisoners? And if I had not met you, how could I have obtained your [/. e., the English] friendship? May our Creator from above love, for our sake,_ him who brought about our in- terview and made us friends, and those who are His creatures below will love him also. Please God, I shall reward him. 1 have sent Lij Abitu to Debra Tabor to bring to 30U my Euro- pean friends, in order that they might come and see you." (Without date.) Lij Al/itu left me to go. to Gaffat, near Debra Tabor, in order to bring all tlic European artisans to keep mo com- jpany — so he stated — until the arrival of the captives. I received another message from the King to-day, expressing a wish that I should send my interpreters to liim to be de- corated witli the Royal Shirt. 2']nl. — Dispatched the subjoined letter by 'Omar 'Ali and IMohammed Sihawy, togetlier witli llailo, whom the King has appointed a confidential medium of intercourse between him and myself: — 10 THE CAPTIVES EEACH KOEATA. Chap. XUL '^ Kordta, Tord Fehniurij, 18G6. " Most Gractous Sovereign, " I had the pleasure to receive your kind letter the day he- fore yesterda}' through Lij Abitu and Hailo, and I was exceed- ingly gratified to learn that your Majesty was quite well, and thinking of me and my companions. The latter desire to be respectfully remembered. " With regard to Mohammed Siha^y, he was doubtless the one who tried his best to bring about our meeting, which I was so anxious for, and on that account I forgave him the de- ception which he practised upon me. I was not a little grati- fied also on learning that your Majesty had also extended to him your mercy, and pardoned his ofience on account of his good intention of pleasing me. " I have also to thank jovir Majesty for the honour you in- tend to confer on my interpreters by presenting them with the Roj^al Shirt, and no one can be more worthy of your kindness than 'Omar 'Ali, whom I send to you with Mohammed Sihawy. The reason I am not able to send all those whom you wish to honour is, because I do not like to be left without interpreters, whose services are constantly required." To this I received a complimentary answer the following day, brought to me by 'Omar 'Ali and his companions. Having been given to understand that the King, subse- quent to its seizure by his orders, had restored jiart of the property belonging to Consul Cameron and the Missionaries, but had kept back all the books, watches, rings and other small articles, such as keepsakes, ke., which were of little or no value to his Majesty but might be liighly prized by the owners, I had determined to make an attempt to recover them. I did not venture to write to the King on the subject, lest my letter might roacli liiin N\hen he A\as in an angry mood. I tlierefore decided to employ Samuel in the matter, and in reply to a request on my i)art to that effect I received the King's permission to-day, through 'Omar 'Ali, to dispatch 186G. Fei!. CAPTIVES' CONFISCATED PROPERTY. 11 Lim on a message to his Majesty. I accordingly held a long consultation wth Samuel as to the terms which ho should use about the confiscated property, which was said to be partly deposited in the house of Nagadras Gabra-Madhan, at Gondar, and partly at jMagdala. Samuel's advice and con- duct on this occasion convinced me that he was a perfect master of diplomacy, and, moreover, that he was sincerely de- sirous of serving me to the extent of his ability. He left this afternoon with Dasta, my young interpreter, in charge of the following letter. Dasta's mission A\as to ask the King, from me, how he fared, and to receive the decora- tion of tlu' Eoyal Shirt. "Zoro/rt, 2ith February, 1866. " Most Gracious Sovekeigx, " I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Majesty's letter of yesterday's date, by 'Omar 'All, Mohammed Sihawy and Hailo, and I beg to return you my sincere thanks for the honour you conferred upon tUem by investing tliem with the Eoyal Hhirt. " Both my companions and myself are well, and we are glad to find that your Majesty is in perfect health. " Your Majesty has conferred a great favour upon mc by order- ing Aito Samuel to your Court, agreeably with my desire. His confidential positiou with your Majesty, and my reliance in him, have induced mo to intrust liim with a communication which I luive asked him to make to you. I hope you will not consider it amiss in me for having craved the boon which I have requested him to ask of you. After your great kindness and attention to me, I cannot but hope that you will extend your gracious favour in that behalf." In accordance w ith my rccpicst, Mr. Thul came to me from Gilffat this afternoon. After the King had ordered the release of CdusuI Cameron an0 THE CAPTIVES REACH KOEATA. Ciia?. XHI. singular coincidence that Theodore terminated his existence in the fourteenth year of his reign. ord. — I received the subjoined note from the King this morning by Wald-Gubir and my messenger Haiio : — (After compliments.) " The people [prisoners] whom you want, may the Lord bring to you, and may He cause you to reach your country in safety. May the Lord plant my fricudsliip and goodwill in 3'our hearts, and may He cause you to open my blind eyes. " Dated 24th of Yekatit." The messengers ought to have reached me yesterday, but owing to a storm they were driven to a place called Zan- zalima, to tlic north of the Abai outlet. A lady who was on her way to the royal camp ^^'as so terrified when she got near the coast that, fancying the canoe to be in shallow water, she threw herself into the Lake. Fortunately, the canoe-men, who were on tlio alert, rescued her from drowning. ■itJt. — Dispatched the following answer to the King this morning by Wald-Gabir and Hailo : — ''Eoruta, 4th March, 1866. " Most Gracious Sovereign, " I have received, Avith much pleasure, your gracious and kind letter by AVald-Gabir and Hailo, who only arrived here yester- day morning, owing to the Avinds and heavy sea they en- countered after leaving your coast the da,y before j'esterday. They were driven to the coast of Zanzalima, where Ihey had to spend the niglit. I oftcr my humble thanks to Almighty Cod for their safety. " I trust ihiit this letter will find your ^Majesty in perfect health, in which happy condition both my cojupanions and ni}-- self are at present. JJr. Blanc and Mr. Prideaux beg to be respect- fully remeinl)ered to your IMajcsty. " I return you my best thanks i'or the good wishes conveyed in your letter midcr reply, and I hope that by your favour and ISGO. March. A SUSPICIOUS INTDIATIOX. 21 through your prayers we sliall all reach our destinations safely. I need not assure your Majesty that I am ready to leave Abys- sinia for England as soon as I shall obtain your leave, -svhich I hope you will gi-ant mo before long, because I am most anxious that we should quit the Soodan country before the unhealthy season sets in. " News has reached this place of the arrival of Agafiiri Golam and his companions near Debra Tabor, and 1 doubt not that through your kindness they will soon join me here." lu the afternoon I received two notes from the captives — one from Consul Cameron and the otlier from j\[r. Stern — int'urmiug mo that they were released from their fetters on the 24th ultimo, and were on the way to join me, but lliat in consequence of physical debility they were obliged to travel verj' slowly. ijth. — Dispatched messengers to Consul Cameron with a su])ply of money. (jth. — Eeceived a startling letter from his Majesty to-day, wherein, for the first time since my arrival in Abyssinia, he expressed a wish to "consult" with me when the released captives joined me. It was as follows : — (After compliments.) " When the peojde [prisoners] reach you, wc will consult. I liave tried to find some nice silk amongst my property, and also in the market in this countr}', but did not succeed ; but of the silks with which you presented mo, I have sent lluec pieces, Avitli their lining. If th'-v will suit yoii, make shirts of them, and wear thorn for me ; but if you think they will bring any ob- htqtiy on mo — because what Inirts my reputation hurts yours — send mo an answer. "Dated 28th of Yekutit." In this communicaliun hi' also, for the first time, proposed to damo sub- ject, I had intrusted your confidant, Aito Samuel, with some matters which I hojiod he would have had an opportunity be- fore now (jf communicating in jterson to your ^Majesty. I trust, however, that when Agafi'iri G»">lam and his companions arrive here, he will be able, with your Majesty's permission, to come to you. " Commending you to the protection of our Heavenly Father, I remain," &o. Having left my explanation to bo mmlv by Samuel, I deemed it discreet to retain the silks until I received his ^lajesty's permission to return them. My instructions to Sanuud were to this efiect: that if we had the shirts made, and did not wear them before the King, such a course woidd hardly be becoming; that it was not usual in the Courts 24: TEIE CAPTIVES EEACH KORATA. Cii.vr. XIII. of Christian Po\\ ers for the representative of a foreign State to appear bsfore a Sovereign in any other than the uni- form of his own Government; that liad Ave been in his Majesty's service the case would have been different, but that as matters stood it would be derogatory to the King if we appeared before him in an uniform different from that which we were bound to Avear before our ON\n Queen. Dr. Schimper called on me tliis morning with some geolo- gical specimens ; also a sketch-map of the district of Baga- meder, which he] requested me to convey to the Eoyal Geographical Society. As the map A\as not completed as far as Korata, I got Samuel's permission for him to go up to the hills and make the necessary survey. I also obtained the King's sanction to his proposal to make a collection of the fish in the Lake to send to England. I heard sub- sequently that he wrote himself to his Majesty, soliciting pecuniary aid to enable him to carry out his project — an application which surprised the King not a little, as he could not conceive why he should take any interest in Dr. Schimper's ichthyological researches. Sth. — Mr. Mayer arrived this morning with four brass cannons which had been made at Gaffat by the King's European artisans. They were drawn by horses, and were mounted on the carriages of the guns that had been brought to the King by 'Abd-ur-Rahmau Bey from Egypt, the guns of which had been left at Magdala. As his Majesty is a great hand at making roads by forced labour exacted from the peasantry, these pieces of ordnance were trans- ported through the mountains to Korata witliout much- difficulty. Dabtera Dasta, the messenger I sent down to Massowalh 186G. March. DK. BEKE. Oj on the 12th of January with dispatches from Chalga, re- turned to-day with letters from Colonel Merewether and Mr. 3Iunzinger. He was the first to inform me of Dr. Beke's arrival at Massowah, and of the object of his visit. The messenger declared that he had entreated that gentleman, to keep quiet, and not to allow any intimation of his mission to reach the King, otherwise harm might befall us all; that he had taken special care to inform him of the pre- parations which his ^Majesty had made to give us a favourable reception, and that it was the general opinion in Abyssinia that the ca^itives would certainly bo released, and be allowed to leave the country with me ; but the only response ' he could elicit from the gentleman referred to was, that I had no chance of succeeding, and that he was the only person likely to effect the desired object. When the King heard of the arrival of my messenger from the coast, he sent for him immediately, and kept him at the Court four days, treating him very well, and decorating him with the lloyal Shirt. On his return, I inquired whether the King had questioned him respecting Dr. Beke's mission, lie rejilicd in the negative; nevertheless, I fully believe that he related everything he knew of the subject, but was afraiil to confess to me that he had done so. It will bo noticed tliat in the inllowing note which he brought me on the 15th from the King, his ^lajosty says that Dasta had accpiaiiitcd him with ''other matters" besides the state of alVair^ in 'i'i I Cameron ( (Late servant of Cx)nsun| \ Cameron / 1 .. ' Servant of Consul Cameron {Late servant of Consul 'I Cameron /, (■ Painter, and late teacher^ " \ of lanc^uages .. ../ H. A. Stern, Missionaiy Slissionarv County, &c. Inhabitant of. \. McKelvi, r. Macraire ). Pietro . V. BarJel . ^1 Southpark, (_ Aliascragh. Down .. .. Downpatrick. fDepartment oil ,.,. , < 11 . ni • / » hnau-va . \ Haute Rhin j Turin i, Hosenthal tlrs. K. Hosenthalj >Ir. T. M. Flad.. ilrs. P. Klad V, Ha.1 I ''r. Klad J children \ Flad ) W. SLiiger I leis Mi.«isionary Ireland . Ireland . France , Ibily . France . Cur-IIessen London. Mecklenburg .. Furstenberg .. London. Kngland .. ..i London .. .. London. Wurtembnrg ..| Rentlingen .., L'nlingen. Ifhcnihh Prussia Treves . . . . Saaibriick. Taveia. Department Meuse, Sampigny. Missionary Missionary >N';itui-al history colleciors/ (■Grand Duchy 1 \ of Baden J Diichy^ jf Baden Ditto Prussia . . Hun',';ny . . Lain-.. .. Wiesloch .. Posen O loiOiur- . . Langenwinkel. Baierthal. Posen. Neustadthal. After a little chat, I showed each party where to take up their quarters, and then returned to my tent to write the lollowing letter to the King, whicli I dispatched forthwith }»y Aito Samuel and two of my messengers: — ''Kordla, Vlth March, 18(1(1. • Most Gn.vcious SovERraax, *' I liavo had tlio honour of receiving yom- Majesty's kind letter of Iho Lst Mat!;al)it hy Kantiba llailo, and I was icjoiced to learn from itK bearer tliat he left yuu in pcrfoct health and prosjxirity. >May thi; Lord continue to keep you in tlic samo liappy condition. "I have tlio pleasure to inform your IMaje.sty that Con.sul ' 'amoron and Ids European companions, vho have been brought liom Miigilala b}' Agafuri Ciolam, reaelied this place tliis after- iKXjn ; and I return you my best thanks for the kindness and ittention shown them on the road liy your Jlajesty's servants, in accordance with your orders. 30 THE CArTIV]-:S REACH KORATA. Chap. XHL " Mr. Flad and liis companions "wlio were at Gaffat have also joined me here. " The rest of the news will be given to your Majesty by your servant, Aito Samuel, who is going to your Court with some oommuuications which I have desired him to make to you. " My companions join me in presenting your Majesty with my respectful salutations." The reader will probably have remarked that my reception of the captives was cold and formal. It was so undoubtedly in outward appearance, as it was also designedly, for I had been specially warned against any cordial demonstration of friendship towards them, lest the King migbt take umbrage thereat, and suspect me of siding with his "enemies." "If you desire to leave the country with them," was the advice of those who knew the King's disposition well, " keep aloof from them for the present." It was extremely painful to me to act with such reserve, even for a time, more especially towards Consul Cameron and the Eev, Mr. Stern, with whom I had been formerly acquainted, and above all when they had just been released from a long and horrible confinement ; but the safety of all, the members of the Mission included, obliged me to repress my own feelings in the matter. However, I directed my servants to supply them with every requisite ; and I hardly need add that when the Mission was disgraced, and there was no longer any object to be gained by humour- ing the King, I gladly threw off the assumed disguise, feeling tliat then we were all in the same pliglit, and must escape or perish together. 1866. March. 31 CHAPTEK XIV. TRIAL OF THE CAPTIVES. Theodore deciilcs on the trial of the Captives — His charges against theni — His object — The Captives plead culpable — !^fistranslation of Earl raisscll's and her Majesty's letters — A dilemma — Arrival of a mes- senger from Dr. Bekc — The Petition from the relatives of the Captives — The Order of " the Cross and Solomon's Seal " — Another present from Theodore — Dr. Bekc's mission injudicious — Una Mohammed invested with the "Royal Shirt" — Dabtcra Dasta in the royal garments — Visit to Theodore at Zage postponed — Alaka I'ngada, the royal Scribe — Reception of the Mission at Zago — Theodore's courtesy — Consults with his Chiefs about the departure of the Mission and Captives — His grievances against M. Lejean, the Coptic Patriarch, a German, and Mr. Speedy — His opinion of his own subjects — Our return to Korata. It took the King two days to decide how to act, for he evidently w avered between a desire to gratify me by acceding to my request, and an inclination to refuse what I had asked, and thereby to break witli me at once. The course he even- tually took was this : — he sent Alaka I'ngaiiri and Agafari Golam with Aito Samuel to say, that he wished me to hold a ( Viurt in my tent, and that in the presence of his European artisans and some Abyssinian ollicials the charges whicli he luid preferred against the released cai)tives should be read over to them, and they be asked whether they were true or not. On delivering the King's letter, Alaka I'ngada told nic, in the presence of the assembly and his colleagues, that his royal master felt hapi)y that the Court, wliich was to all intents and purposesMiis Court, was to be heUl in my tent, where 1 should .32 TRIAL OF THE CAPTIVES. Chap. XIV. represent bis Majesty ; that what the King wanted was to convince me that he had been badly treated by the released captives, and to obtain for him from them a " Feker-Kasa," or friendly indemnity ; that, on the other hand, if I found him to be in fault, he would indemnify them in any way I judged right. The following are the documents which were read on the occasion : — (After compliments.) *'By the power of God, and the fortune of Queen Victoria and myself, those people [prisoners] whom my friend [the Queen] asked me to release have reached you safely, and when I heard of it I Avas glad. AVhat my friend, the Queen, asked me to do I have, by the power of God, performed. In the letter which my friend the Queen sent, it is thus said : ' We have sent to you Mr. Hormuzd Eassam, who was Governor at Aden, and whom we esteem and trust; consult with him concerning what you require of us, and he will do it for you.' She saj-s that I am blind now, and what I require is a remedy, to give light to my eyes. As I have gladdened your heart, I wish you to gladden mine by sending and obtaining for me [such a remedy]. Of the trans- lation of the Queen's communication which you gave me, I send you a copy, in order that you may hear it. I wish you to ask the people [prisoners] whom you have, by the power of God, released, before your brothers and Mr. W^aldmeier's party, whether it be true that they had abused me or not. " Dated A.M. 7358, and a.d. 1858, in the year of St. Mark, on the 6th of Magabit." (I may mention hero that the translation of the Queen's letter to Theodore, of which I was the bearer, was made at the request of his Majesty with the assistance of Mr. Piidcaux, tlie royal Chief Scribe, Samuel, and one of my Abyssinian interpreters.) 1866. Mabch. charges AGAINST CONSUL CAMERON. 33 Charges against the Prisoners. After compliments : — " The charges against Cameron, who calls himself Consul, are tliese : — This gentleman and his agent Bardcl sent to tell me that they had come as messengers from the Queen, and wished me to receive them. By the power of God, I sent an escort to Massowah and brought him up. I was then at Debra Mai, in the district of Metcha. "When he arrived, I sent my nobles to meet him, and had a salute fired for him. According to the custom of my country, I decorated my house for his reception, and welcomed him therein, by the power of God. lie then gave me a letter, which he said was from the Queen ; after I had read the letter, he presented me with a double-barrelled gun and a pair of double-barrelled pistols, which he said were pre- sents from the (,)ueen. I bowed on receiving thcni, and thanked her Majesty for them. In the letter the Queen said that she wishes to be my friend and relation, and that she heard that I loved and bofiiended her on account of what I had done for Plow- den and his party against the people of my countiy ; that for- merly England and Abyssinia had an interest; and now she wislicd that lier Consul should remain with me, and that sports- men and merchants should be allowed to follow their avocations. He [the Consul] said to me that a Consul from me should go to England, and my sportsmen and merchants also, and that, by the power of God, we [the English] would protect them. I was glad at hearing this, and said, ' Veiy well.' " In accordance with the rules of my country, 1 treated him and I'ardel well. " 1 told the Consul that the Turks had taken my country, and were my enemies ; nor had I a ship to do my work, by the power of God, and I said that I wished that the Mission and presents which I intended to send to the Queen should be con- veyed safely. I gave him a friendly letter to the Queen and sent him away. The letter which he brought me, and tlie consultation which we had together, he abandoned, and went to the Turks, who do not love me, and before whom he insulted and lowered me. Ho stayed with them some time, and returtied to nie. I asked him, 'Where is the answer to the vol,. II. u 34 TRIAL OF THE CArTlVES. Chap. XIV. friendly letter I intrusted you with ; wliat have you come for?' He said to me, 'I do not know,' So I said to him, ' You are not the servant of my friend, the Queen, as you had represented yourself to be ; ' and, by the power of my Creator, I imprisoned him. Ask him if he can deny this. " The cliarge against Bardcl is this: that he told me that he wished to make me acquainted with the Emperor of the French. I said to him, ' Very well ; ' and sent him. He came hack and said that the Emperor refused to see him. I answered, ' Xever mind; I have my God.' After keeping silence, he asked me to release Macraire, a Frenchman. I replied that he had formerly told me that he wished to make me acquainted with the Emperor of the French, and on his return [from France] he had told me that he had been ignored. 1 said then, ' For whose sake shall I release him ? ' and I refused to do so. He was angry at what I said; and in my Court he ungirt himself and covered his head with the cloth.* I was annoyed at this, and, by the power of my Lord, I imprisoned him. Ask him if he can deny this." Charges against the rest of the Prisoners. " The other prisoners have abused me, I am well aware. I used to love and honour them, A friend ought to be a shield to his friend, and they ought to have shielded me. Why did they not defend mc ? On this account I disliked them. "Now, by the power of God, for the sake of the Queen and the British people and yourselves, I cannot continue my dis- like towards them. I wish you to make between us a recon- ciliation from the heart. If I am in fault, do you tell me, and I will requite tliem ; but if you find that I am wronged, I wish you to get them to requite me." When the letter was read I noticed that the King had only sent charges against Consul Cameron and JM. Bardel, and as the latter had introduced himself to Theodore — so the King A mark of insnlt in AViyssinia, especially before a Sovereign. «• ~ '^ 186G. M.vnrn. "FEKER-KASA." 35 asserted — as a servant of the British Queen, it v as quite evi- dent that his Majesty was intent on raaking political capital out of his present proceedings ; since even Mr. Stern, whom he had always accused of having abused hira, was not men- tioned by name in the list now sent of his i rievances. Towards the end of the document, however, an implied charge, which caused me no little uneasiness, was made against all the released captives, together with a hint — aiven for the first time — that he wished them to give him a friendly indemnity, or, in plainer terms, substantial damages. I liad hitherto laboured under the mistaken notion that the King simply wanted them to forgive and forget, and to pro- mise him their lasting friendship in future ; but Messrs. Flad and Waldmeier disabused me of that idea, by explaining that FeJcer-Kiisa meant something more substantial. j\roney, of course, the Xing would not demand, as that would be beneath his dignity to receive ; still he might insist on their sending to Europe for any articles he might ftincy, and the chances were that he would detain them until tliey arrived, and when they came that he would ask for more. I deemed it advisable, therefore, to make no allusion whatever to the Ftkcr-Kdm in my reply, but put myself forward as answerable for the whole party, wishing, if possible, to prevent his ]\rajesty from bullying the old captives again, which he was evidently aiming at. The Court was convened in my tent at eleven o'clock. wJion I caused the charges to bo read out. As Consul Cameron was rather weak, I took upim myself to permit lii?ii to bo sc:itcd during the trial, telling the Commissioners that I felt sure the King would not object ; if he did, tliat I would take the blame. They replied at once that they were certain what pleased me would please his Majesty. But the whole n 'J 36 'i'lllAL OF THE CAPTIVES. Chap. XIV. thing Avas a farce, as there was neither judge nor jury present, and none of the captives would have dared to disjDute the King's assertions, even if he had accused them of vhe most inconceivable criminality ; consequently, it was unanimously agreed that they should all admit having done wrong and beg his Majesty's forgiveness. Mons. Bardel had come into my tent before tlie opening of the proceedings, and on the arrival of the King's Commissioners seemed disposed to create a disturbance, by calling upon his fellow released captives and the Gaffat Europeans to prove the charges which they had always alleged against him. On my pointing out to him, however, that it was unbecomiug to moot such ques- tions then, begging him at the same time to postpone all these and similar matters of discussion until we were fairly out of the country, he at once desisted. ^Ye discovered now that the letter which Consul Cameron had brought from Earl Kussell, as also the letter from her jMajesty which I had the honour to convey to the King, both of which Mere quoted in the foregoing communica- tions from his Majesty, had been sadly garbled in the Amharic version, and made to state things which were con- trary to fact. For my own part, I felt certain that the additions and alterations were made after the royal letter was translated ; but as I was told that it would be useless, and might perhajis do mischief, if I brought the matter to the King's notice, I was constrained to hold my peace. It was not true, moreover, that her IMajesty the Queen had sent a letter to Theodore by Consul Cameron. The letter of wliich he was the bearer was written by Earl Kussell, and the following copy of the original will show how strangely its contents had been mistranslated or perverted to suit the King's views : — 1866. Makcii. earl RUSSELL'S LETTER TO THEODORE. 37 Earl Rmsell to King Theodore of Abyssinia. " Sir, ''Foreign Office, London, Feb. 20, 1862. " The Queen my Sovereign has been infonned by her servants in the East of the exertions which your Highness kindly made to recover the remains of her late Consul, Mr. l*lowden, and of your generosity in declining to accept repayment of the sum of money which you paid for that pui-pose. Her Majesty com- mands me to assure your Highness that she views your conduct in regard to this affair as a proof of friendship towards herself and the British nation, of which she is duly sensible. " In order more partictilarly to manifest her Majesty's thank- fulness for these your Ilighness's services, and to show her re- gard and friend.ship for you personally, her Majesty requests your acceptance of a rifle and a pair of revolver pistols, as a present from herself. Her Majesty has intrusted these articles to Captain Charles Duncan Cameron, whom she has appointed her Consul in Abyssinia, as the successor of the late Mr. Plow- den, and who has lately taken his departure for his post ; and I take this opportunity of introducing him to your Highness, and of requesting your protection and favour in his behalf. He is well acquainted with all that concerns the interests of both countries, and will, I am confident, do all in his power to make himself acceptable to your Highness, and to promote your welfare. " I thank your Highness for the letter which you .addressed to me, informing mo of the steps which you had taken to punish the men who murdered Mr, Plowden and Mr. Pell ; and with my best wishes for your uninterrnpted health and happiness, I recommend you to the jtrotection of the Almighty. " Your faithful friend, (Signed) " Russell." (L.S. The largo Signet.) That siiiiihir liberties had been takou with her ]\[aj('sty'8 letter to Theodore, of whicli I was the honoured iM'ar.r, will bo evident on comparin*^ the subjoined transcript with tlio iiitorprctation which tlie King, either willully or othtrwisc. had |>ut uj»oii it : — 38 TRIAL UF THE CAlTlVEy. Chai'. XIV. Her Majesty the Queen to the King of Abyssinia. " May 26, 186-1. '' VicroiUA, by the grace of God, Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c., &c., &c., to Theodore, King of Abyssinia, sendeth greeting. We have duly received the letter which your Majesty delivered to Our servant Cameion, and We have read with pleasure the friendly expressions which it conveys. We learn with satisfaction that Your Majesty has successfully established your authority in the country over which you rule, and We trust that you may long continue to administer its a£Fairs in peace and prosperity. Our servant Cameron has no doubt conveyed to you the assurance of Our friendship and goodwill, and ^Ve are glad to learn by your letter that he had been duly received by j-our Majesty. Accounts have indeed reached Us of late that your Majesty had withdra^\^l your favour from Our servant. We trust however that these accounts have originated in false representations on the part of persons ill-disposed to your Majesty, and who may desire to pro- duce an alteration in Our feelings towards you. But your Majesty can give no better proof of the sincerity of the senti- ments which yoTi profess towards Us, nor ensure more effectually a continuance of Our friendship and goodwill, than by dismissing Our servant Cameron, and any other Europeans who may desire it, from your Court, and by atibrding them ever}- assistance and protection on their journey to the destination to which they desire to proceed. With the view of renewing to you the expression of Our friendship, and of explaining to you our wishes respecting Our servant Cameron, We have directed Our servant Hormuzd Eassam, First Assistant to the Folitical Kesident at Aden, to proceed to your residence, and to deliver to you this Our Eoyal letter. We have instructed him to inform your Majesty tliat if, notwithstanding the long distance which separates Our dominions from those of your Majesty, you should, after having permitted Our servant Cameron and the other Europeans to take their leave and depart, desire to send an Embassy to this country, that Embassy will bo very well received by Us. And HO, not doubting that you will receive Our servant EavSsam in a favourable manner, and give entire credit to all that he shall say 18GG. Maech. a dilemma. 39 to you on Our part, as well as comply with the requests which he is instructed to make to you, We recommend you to the protec- tion of the Almighty. " Given at Our Court at Balmoral, the Twenty-sixth day of May, in the year of Our Lord 1864, and in the Twenty-seventh year of Our reign. " Your good Friend, (Signed) " Victoria 11." (L.S. The large Signet.) (Not countersigned.) Superscribed : " To Our Good Friend Theodore, " King of Abyssinia." Towards evening, Messrs. Flad and Waldmeier as well as Sainiiol expressed their unanimous opinion that as they understood the King's letter received during the day, it was evidently his Majesty's intention to get me to write to England for artisans to be employed in his service, and in the mean time to detain us in the country. What was to be done under this unlooked-for dilemma? Was I to refuse the request at once and stand the consequences, even to the risk of our all being consigned in chains to IMagdala? Or, was I to consent? in whicli case, we should all have to remain in the country as hostages. Either alternative was objectionable ; however, as I was told that the King intended to invite me to spend a day or two with him at Zage, when I should have an opportunity of explaining to him verbally liow important it was that I should leave Abyssinia, together with all the Euroj)ean party, as soon as possible, and might then manage to elicit his consent to our speedy departure, 1 made but slii^dit allusion to this subject in my next com- munication. Tile letter was written on the Kith, but owinir to a violent storm w hich raged over the Lake the messengers 40 TRIAL OF THE CAPTIVES. Chap. XIV. who conveyed it were unable to proceed to Zage till the day following : — ''Kordta, 16th March, 1866. "Most Gracious Sovereign, "I have had the honoiiv of receiving your Majesty's letter dated the 6th of Magabit, and I was glad to learn from your servants, Alaktl I'ngada and Aito Samuel, that yon were enjoying perfect health. " In accordance with your jMajesty's request, I summoned to my tent yesterday morning Mr. Cameron and the rest of the Euro- peans who came from Magdala, and had the charges which yon had preferred against them read to them before your sei"vants Kan- tiba Hailo, Aito Samuel, Xagadras Gabra-Madhen, Alaka I'ngada and others, and also in the presence of your European servants of Gatfat. They all confessed that they had done wrong, and hoped that, as your Majesty had been good enough to release them for the sake of your friendship to our Queen, you w^ould extend to them the forgiveness due from one Christian to another. " With regard to your Majesty's wish that I should gladden your heart, as you have done mine, by writing to England and obtaining for you a scientific person to teach your people the arts, be assured that nothing w^ould please me better than to be of service to yon, especially after the great kindness I have received from your Majesty. I should consider myself ungrate- ful and unfriendly were I not to be honest in all my dealings with 3'ou, and acquaint you with what would strengthen your friendship witli my Queen, and prove of material service to your Majesty's benefit and happiness hereafter. " j\Iy Queen sent you a most friendly letter, which your Majesty received in a cordial and honourable manner. To that letter you have written a most courteous answer, showing the friendly sentiments with which your heart was inspired. That letter shall bo conveyed by me to her Majesty. " Whatever service you wish me to render yoTi, I could not do it better than for myself to be on the spot, and aid you in everything which my Queen can do for j'ou ; but if your Ma- jesty desire otherwise, I shall l)e happy to comply wdtli your wishes." I dispatched tliis letter by Aito ISaniuel, Alaka I'ligmla, 1866. March. DR. BEKE'S LETTER. 41 Agcifari CJolam and one of my messengers. I requested them all to speak to the King about the dangerous course he was pursuing, because, although he intended to keep me in his country, as a friend, until the arrival of the " scientiiic man," yet that such a step would in Europe be construed to moan that he kept me as a hostage. I begged that he ^^ ould trust me, and abandon the idea that I should forget him after I had left Abyssinia. As will be seen from the contents of the letter, I was very guarded in the expressions which I used respecting the admission which the captives had made when the King's charges were read over to them. I merely reported that all had confessed that they had done wrong, and begged his Majesty to forgive them, as one Christian ought to forgive another ; and not that they had confessed themselves to bo guilty, and begged him- as a King sitting in judgment to pardon them. But the whole thing was a pretext got up by the wily Monarch to veil his real object. The die was about to be cast, and whether it was to be favourable to us or the con- trary depended entirely on the whim of the royal gamester. On the day of the mock trial a messenger came to me with a letter, which he said was from Dr. 13eke, addressed to the King. I asked the messenger if there was with it any letter for me ; he replied in the negative, saying that Dr. Beke had not intended him to come to me, but luvl told him to go straight to the King. lie said he had not done so, because lie was afraid to take the letter to the King, and thought it would bo better to bring it to me. Ho tohl me that he had been obliged to remain four days at Gondar, having been too tired to come on at once. \Vh('n this letter came to hand, 1 was asked i)y some of my follow-Kuropeans to sup- press it, as it wa8 apprehended that it« receipt might prove 42 TRIAL OF THE CAPTIVES. Chap. XIV. a stumbling-block to our departure from Abyssinia. This, of course, I refused to do, and accordingly sent it on to the King. 18th. — Aito Samuel, accompanied by two of the royal deputies, returned from Zage this morning, bringing me the following satisfactory answer from the King : — (After compliments.) " ^^'ith regard to the aifair of Cameron and his party, I used to reckon them as my friends, and honoured them, and it has been proved to you that they have wronged mo. For the sake of our Lord, and, below him, for the sake of the great Queen, my friend, Yietoria, I have forgiven them. The contents of your letter have made me glad, by the power of God ; I wish to bow my head and kiss your hand and foot. I w^ant you to come to me, in order that we may consult together. " The relations of Cameron and his imprisoned companions have written to me in sorrow about them. By the power of God, and for the sake of my friend, the great Queen Victoria, I have been reconciled to them, and by the power of our Creator wo wdll consult on all matters when we meet. " Dated Sunday, the 10th of Magabit." When the King dictated the last paragraph in the fore- going communication, he had, of course, perused the petition of the relatives of the captives, and also Dr. Beke's letter which accompanied it; nevertheless, he does not mention that he was moved by either to the announced reconciliation. It is by no means improbable, however, that when he read the petition, wherein the petitioners " humbly, at the feet of your Majesty, plead for mercy and pardon for the wretched Europeans," and understood Irom Dr. Beke himself, "the Englishman," that he was commissioned on the part of the petitioners to " supplicate your Majesty in their names for their [the captives'] pardon and release " — in fact, that the said "Englishman" j)roposed to come up to him with a verdict of guilty in his hand against those whom the King de- 1800. March. MH. WALDMEIER'S TESTIMONY. -13 signated liis " enemies " — that his Majesty began to think he had let the captives oflf too cheaply, and was more than ever disposed to exact satisfaction in some shape or other. That tlic King, as he states in his letter, had intended to " consult" me on this matter, there can be no doubt. That he never did so was in all probability owing to an after-suspicion that I was cognizant of Dr. Beke's mission, and that it \\as a trick to overreacli him. The success of the ^Mission up to this point is thus de- scribed by jMr. Waldmeier, in a letter addressed to Bishop Gobat, dated Koruta, 20th ^larch. 18G(), and published in tlic London lleconl of the 11th July of the same year : — " ^Ir. liussam has so fiir perfectly succeeded. The King lias delivered all the liberated prisoners into his hands, saying that he did it fur the sake of friendship between England and Abys- sinia ; to which he added, ' the friendship between Abys.sinia and I'^ngland has been disturbed by the Europeans who came to my land with the devil in their hearts, who abused me, speaking all kinds of evil against me ; but now the great Queen of England liaving sent a great man, Mr. Rassam, to me with a friendly hitter, 1 have sot Mr. Cameron and all the Europeans at liberty, desiring a cordial and solid reconciliation.' . . . The King has invited us (the Scripture Headers), together with Mr. Kassani, to go to him at Zage, to consult together about several particu- lai-H. . . . We expect that in about three weeks Mr. Rassam will take his departure, together with the librratcd Europeans. At ail}' rate, it wcjidd be a dangerous thing if tluy were obliged to spend the rainy season in this country. I fear, in that case, that the peace and friendship whieh have been so wisely restored by Mr. Ii'assam might sulfei", wliich wciuld bo most painful to us. We shall, therefore, do our utmost to forward Mr. Itassam's iler of the Ciioss axd Solomon's Skai. to be conferred on Ra> Tajurga, the Commander-in-Chief of all the I\Iusketcers, Dr. Blanc and Lieutenant I'rideaux. Who was to be invested with the third Order had not been decided on. So anxious was the King to decorate my companions and myself before we left, that he sent daily to IMr. Zander to hurry on the work. On the same day hi.s Majesty sent me, from the royal Ticasiiry, aiiotlnr present of 5,000 dollars liiroiigh the Kun- tiba, which I nductantly accepted; not thai I was in want of tlie money, but because, under existing ciicuinstanees, I deemed it advisable to give the King no excuse for car[)ingat my conduct. He also sent fifty milch cows, with their keepers, it having been reported to liim tliut I fouiir. Diane, Lieutenant Prideaux and me, "Come along, and let us have a chat." The King and I walked hand in hand until we reached the audience-hall, where we found carpets had been spread tor all the lOuropeans. My eompanious and I sat near the King, but the artisans occupied places at some distance on our left. After some friendly conversation, in wliich the King could not help alluding to his old grievances, Kas 3Iusbisha, the eldest illegitimate sou of Theodore, came in, 58 TKIAL OF THE CAPTIVES. Chap. XIV, v.eariiig a sliirt of the Lyons silk that I had presented to his father. As soon as we saw him come in we stood up, and the King said, "Mashisha, draw near, and shake hands with my English friends in the English fashion, as I want you to become one of them." After he had shaken hands with my companions and myself, he sat down next to us, by his father's directions. The King then turned round to me, and said, " Mr. Eassam, I wish this son of mine, and another at Magdala (Dajjaj 'Alamayo), to be adopted children of the English ; and when you go back to your country, I want you to recommend them to your Queen, in order that, when I die, they may be looked after by the English, and not be allowed to govern badly." When this ceremony was over, different kinds of muskets and pistols were shown us, the King exhibiting them to us singly, relating the history of each weapon — from that which had been presented to him by Mr. Plowden, to those which I had brought from Massowah for M. Bourgaud, the French gunsmith, for the King's use. We sat together about two hours discussing different topics, Theodore making casual allusions to the Bishop, Consul Cameron and Mr. Stern in the course of the conversation. We were then dismissed, the King ordering Eas Mashisha, Eas I'ngada, and all the European artisans to escort us to our tents. Early next morning, 26th of March, it was reported to me that the King had summoned all the great Chiefs to con- sult them about our departure for the coast, and that the European artisans were also ordered to attend. First, he consulted Aito Samuel and Wald-Gabir, the valet and con- stant attendant on the King, and when they advised him to send me to my country with jo)', he told them that they 18G6. M.vncn. A MULTITUDE OF COUNSELLORS. 59 were asses and blockheads, and did not know what they were saying. The European artisans were called next, and on their unanimously advising him to send me away, the King- said, " But what surety have I in my hand ? " Mr. Zander now came forward, and taking up her Majesty's letter of the 26th May, 186-1, which was before the King, he first opened it, and then placing his hand on the royal signature and seal, exclaimed, " Trust to these, your Majesty ; they are a true voucher to the word of the English Queen, who never breaks her word." Thereupon the Europeans were told to go out of the room and wait outside. The King had now only the native Chiefs to depend upon for the decision which he desired. They were, I believe, about eighty-five in number, and of the highest rank. When they had all assembled, the King asked them whether he ought to allow me to return to England, or keep me until the friend- ship of my Government had been proved to him by external evidence. They all, without a dissenting voice, answered, " Let Ml'. Eassam go." " But what have I in my hands ? " was the rejoinder. One of the Eases, named Tagga, replied, " We beg your JMajesty to let Mr. Eassam depart in peace ; and if he behaves falsely to you, let God be judge between him and you. Trust in God ; He is enough for us." Another Chief said, " If your Majesty does not trust the English, make Mr. Eassam swear on the Bible, before you permit him to go, that he will lujt prove false to you ; because the English are very scru})ulous in keei>ing an oath taken on the Bible." These arguments silenced the King for a time, but they did not satisfy him. After all the counsellors were dismissed, the King sent for nic by Eas rngadu and Kautiba Jlailo, the ex-^Iayor of (Jondar, to communicate to me the result of that morning's >60 TRIAL OF THE CAPTIVES. Chav. XIV. council. As usual, I repaired to the audience-cliamber with my compauions, and found that all the native Chiefs had gone, but the European artisans were standing outside the door. As soon as we entered, the King called out to them to join us. This time they sat in front of us. On going in I noticed that the King was not in the best of moods, and the first thing he said, after we had sat down, was: "I have this morning called all those people in whom I trust, Europeans as well as Abyssinians, and I inquired of them whether it would be better to let you go back to your country at once, or keep you with me until I obtained a token ■ of friendship from England. They all said that I ought to send you away, and you shall depart as soon as our Easter is over ; but," he continued, " how can I trust any European now after the ill-behaviour of those whom I have treated like brothers ? " He then proceeded to relate his grievances against different Europeans, the names of some of whom I -had never heard before. He began to inveigh against the Bishop, whom he accused of having taken liberties with the Queen, and who had given him trouble both in political and domestic affairs. M. Lejean was the next subject of the royal displeasure. He said, " A man came to me riding on a donkey, and said that he was a servant of the great Emperor of the French, and that he had come to my country for the sole purpose of establishing friendship between me and his Sovereign. I said, ' I do not object to making friends with great Christian Kings ; you are welcome.' The next day he said he wished to see me on business, and I assented ; but to my astonishment he came to me \^itll a bundle of rags [patterns of silk]. I asked him A\]iat those were. He replied that the French had a large town in their country where they made sill had commissioned him to bring them to me for the sake of barter. I said to myself, ' what have I done that these people insult me thus by treating me like a shopkeeper ? ' I bore the insult then, and said nothing. Another day, while I was out on a war expedition, this Frenchman sent to say that he wished to see me. I told the messenger that I was very busy just then and could not see him. On receiving my message he rushed out of his tent, dressed in his uniform, and said, that as he was wearing his King's robes, he could not disgrace them by taking them off before he had had an interview, and that I must see him. On hearing this I said, ' Who is his father? seize him ! ' and I put him in chains in the very dress of liis King. After a short time I had pity on him, as I thought the man was not in his right senses; so I ordered him to be unfettered and sent out of the country. All the time he was with me I treated him kindly and hospitably ; and when he reached MassoAvah he icwarded my kindness by sending me an insulting letter, in which he abused mo most grossly." I afterwards learned from the late ]\[r. Dufton that it was he, and not his fellow- traveller M. Lojean, who came to the royal camp riding on a donkey. It appears that when M. Lejcan arrived at Massowah, after his disgrace, he wrote what he called *• a protest" to the K'iiig, in which he commented very strongly upon his Ma ji sty's conduct towards him. It was very well for M. J>-j(!an to say what he liked to a crazy monarch while he was safe out of his reach ; he ought to have known, however, that such a letter could do no good, but jnight endanger the safrty of the Europeans who were still in the power of the despot. I believe that letter did a good deal of harm. The King then commenced his complaints against the G2 TRIAL OF THE CAPTIVES. Chap. XIV. Egyptian Government, and said that they had sent him a man who called himself a Patriarch, to whom, as the head of the Abyssinian Church, he had accorded a good reception, and had condescended so far as to carry his chair in public. The King concluded by saying, " This did not content the man, because the next day he asked me to give him the crown." ' What,' said I, ' do you want to take my crown and give it to the Turks ? Is this the mission on which you have come ?' After that, I was compelled to watch his movements; and, for a few days, I did not allow him to leave his house." I heard through a reliable authority that the Patriarch of the Copts had never presumed to ask Theodore for the crown, but only begged for a bishop's mitre, thinking it Avould look well when he went back to Egypt if he wore a mitre, which he could say had been given to him by a Chris- tian King, who was one of his flock. In Amharic, there is only one word for mitre and crown ; and as the King wished to have a case against the Patriarch, he accused him of having come to Abyssinia to give his country to the Turks. He thought it was very hard that one bishop should take possession of his wife, and another covet his crown. Although these charges were utterly unfounded, the King seems to have worked himself up into believing them. The King then continued the statement of his grievances, saying that after the Patriarch had left, the Egyptian Government sent him a Turk, named 'Abd-ur-Eahnicin Bey, to establish good friendship between him and the Egyptian Government, and that this Mohammedan had scarcely been a year in the country before he began to play all kinds of tricks, and plunder the inhabitants ; that one day, while the Ambassador was at Gondar, tlie King gave a feast to his 1866. March. THEODORE'S GRIEVANCES. 63 ' soldiers, and, in accordance with Abyssinian custom, the Chiefs commenced a war-dance after the entertainment was over ; that thereupon the Turkish Envoy came out of his tent and ridiculed the royal troops before thousands of people ; that when the King heard of this, he sent to tell 'Abd-ur- Kahman Bey that he could not put up with his imperti- nence any longer, and that he must pack up and leave the country at once ; that when the Turkish Envoy reached Chalga, on the western frontier of Abyssinia, he began his old pranks again, ordering his people to plunder ; that he even went so far as to carry off some girls, but that the villagers fell upon him and his people and took the girls and the other spoil away from them. The King then spoke of what he called the ingratitude of a German and an Englishman. The former, he said, who was tlie Austrian Consul at Khartum, had come to Abyssinia and made a treaty with him, which, on his return, he tried to turn to the benefit of the Turks. The latter, whose name was Fallake (Mr. Speedy), had stayed some months with him, and he had in every respect treated liim well ; but when he went down to Massowah he had abused him before the Turks, and called the Abyssinians " asses." The King finished by saying, " You see how I have been treated by people who ought to have requited me differently. How am I to know that you will act differently ? You may not abuse me when you leave my country, but still you may forget me." I replied that it would not be becoming in me to praise myself by saying that I should behave better tlian others. I only begged him to try mo, and judge from my future conduct what kind of a person I was. He said, " Very well, I will try yon ; and may you reach your country ^Mf.ly." G4 TRIAL OF THE CAPTIVES. Chap. XIV. After this, he reverted to the rebellion, and asked me to advise liim how to stop it. As I did not wish to meddle in siieli a delicate affair, and yet did not deem it advisable to vex him by telling him that it was not my business to mis myself up in matters which did not concern me, I related to him the history of the Indian mutiny, and how her Majesty the Queen had ultimately granted an amnesty to all those who had been implicated in it. On saying this the King smiled, and said, " Do you think the Abyssinians are like other people ? They are bad and will not listen to reason. To show you that I am right, I will instantly proclaim a general amnesty to all the rebels, and you will find that no one •will give heed to me." He then asked me to send my inter- preter to hear the proclamation by the herald. The crier was accordingly ordered to announce the amnesty, and one of my interpreters had to witness the ceremony. On this day the King did not refer to Dr. Beke's letter, but that gentleman's messenger received orders that he was to return with me to Massowah, without an answer. I began then to hope that the King had put Dr. Beke's mission out of his mind. Our interview lasted more than two hours, and on dis- missing us the King said he wished me to return to Korata that evening, and that I was to prepare myself to start from Abyssinia with my companions and the released captives. He said he would sec me again, because he wanted me to come and bid him good-bye before I finally left Abyssinia. Towards evening, the European artisans came to ask me to remain until the following morning, as it was hardly pleasant to cross the Lake at night ; or, if I did not like to do so on my own responsibility, to request liis Majesty's j)ormission to that efl'ect. As I was given to understand that the King 18GG. March. RETURN TO KORATA, '65 was not in the best of moods, I declined to alter the original plan, unless the jn-oposal came from the King himself. Kantiba Hailo repaired accordingly to the royal presence to request permission to depart, and on his rejoining us we started, Eas I'ngada, as usual, escorting us as far as the boats. He said, on wishing me good-bye, " I hope to escort you much farther next time ; " meaning, that when I went again to Zage, according to appointment, to take leave of the King, he would have to travel with me some distance from the royal camp. I truly believe that he meant what lie said. VOL. II. 66 OUR EXODUS SANCTIONED. Chap. XV. CHAPTER XV. OUR EXODUS SANCTIONED. Fresh difficulties — M. Bardel and I'ugada, Wark — Intestine troubles — The European artisans — Dr. Beke's mission — Theodore's suspicions aroused — Favourable prognostications — Theodore and his Shirts — Men-milliners — The King's Dispatch box — Directions given for home- ward route — Eeasons for preventing a final meeting between the King and the Captives — Theodore dispenses with the interview — Orders our immediate departure — Arrangements made to re-arrest the Captives. Two or three days after my return to Korata, I found fresh troubles looming in the distance. Every day messengers from I'ngada Wark were going to and fro between Zage and Korata, visiting M. Bardel. I also heard that the latter had a document in his possession, by the use of which he threatened to prevent Consul Cameron from leaving the country. It appears that when Consul Cameron was a prisoner at Magdala, before I went to Abyssinia, he had given a kind of passport to a number of rebel Chiefs who were then confined in the same place with the Europeans,, promising them British protection and rewards in case of war with England. Afterwards, however, it was feared that the existence of such papers involved great rislv, for if the King heard of them, the safety of Consul Cameron and his fellow- prisoners would be compromised. The passports Mere there- fore recalled and destroyed ; but M. Bardel managed to ob- tain a copy through Consul Cameron's secretary, and kept it concealed, in order that he might use it against us when 18GC. JlAucn. MISCHIEF-MAKERS. 07 it suited him. The said copy was eventually burnt at Korata, which relieved us from any further anxiety on that score. Soon after the return of the Mission from Zage, one of the courtiers sent to apprise me of a report having reached the Court that some of my party had requested Messi's. Schimper and Waldmeier to furnish them with an outline of the I'ormor sufierings of the captives, as they ha(l, " W'baf have we to fear? Have we not come into this country depending a 2 84 DISGRACE OF THE MISSION. Chap. XVI. upon the word of a King, and one who calls himself a Chris- tian? And where are we now but in the house of the very person w ho ought to afford us protection ? But why this insult .and disgrace ? Is this the way to receive the messengers of a friendly Sovereign, who came for the sole purpose of esta- blishing friendship ? " No sooner were these w^ords trans- lated to the King's Commissioners, Eas I'ngada and Kantiba Hailo, who were appointed by the King to carry our messages backwards aud forwards, than all the Rases cried out, " Mal- cam ! ]\[alcam ! " — well said ! Kantiba Hailo, who was the spokesman, then returned with Ras I'ngada and told me that the Chief Scribe had a paper which contained some charges against me, and that the King's order was that they should be read over to me, and I must answer each charge separately. The scribes were also ordered to put down in writing what I said. The Chief Scribe then produced the document and began to read, first, the pedigree of Theodore, who was the offspring of Solomon and David by the Queen of Sheba. To this I made no objection, but said I was delighted to learn that he was descended from so wise a King. After this the history of my Mission was read : how I had arrived at Massowah and had come to Abyssinia on the invitation of the King, who had received me graciously and released his enemies, the European captives, for my sake. I replied that I fully admitted all that had been said on that point, and had already proclaimed our good reception to the world. Now came the charge that, while I knew that the King hated the European captives, I had sent them towards Ma- tainma without reconciling him to them. I replied, that I did not understand why the King made such a charge against me, when he himself, in a letter to me, had given the released 18GC. April. THE AUTHOR ARRAIGNED. 85 captives permission to depart, which letter, if his Majesty uould allow me, I would produce ; and, besides, Lij Abitu had been sent to escort them by order of the King. '* As for the reconciliation," I continued, " I took it for granted when the King wrote to me that he had forgiven the European captives, that he really meant what he said ; and the only reason why I preferred their going away from Korata instead of coming to Zage was, because I had heard from different people, one of whom was Aito Samuel, that the King disliked the released captives, and did not wisli to see them. But if his Majesty really wished to have them here, why did he not write to mo to say so ? I had always been honest in ray transactions with the King, and his jMajesty ought also to have dealt with me in the same manner." Aito Samuel broke down before I had half finished, and obtained per- mission to be seated. A native of Adwa was then brought to translate, and before he had acted as dragoman five minutes he also had to retire, after disputhig with the writers as to the way of recording my words. ^^'h('U this man sat down, it was found that even the writers had got somewhat frightened, and could not proceed with their occu- })ation. At last the King, who must have understood every word I said, as he knew Arabic well, sent to say that the scribes might dispense with writing what I said, but that the Commissioners shouhl communicate to him all my answers. The Jung now ordered two other interpreters to come forward — one a native of Tigie and tlie other a Copt. In the beginning of the sham trial the European artisans were closeted with the King, and wliile the mock Court was b •iii;^ held they came in and sat down below the liases. The document, which was in charge of tiie Chief Scribe, not half of which had been read, was now ordered to be 86 DISGRACE OF THE MISSIOX. CnAr. XVI. folded up and placed in the tin box ^vliicli I had given to the King. The hist charge was, that I had sent letters to the coast without the King's permission, and that his Majesty had not been told what I had written. I said, first, I did not know it was agjainst the rules in Abyssinia to communicate with one's friends without the sanction of the King. Secondly, that I had dispatched the letters through the Governor of Koiata, with the sanction of Aito Samuel, whom he had given me as Baldaiaha, and that none of his officials had objected to my having done so. Moreover, the letters were from myself and fellow-Europeans, wherein we gave our friends an account of the good reception of tlie Mission by the King and the release of the Magdala captives. This I had already com- municated to his Majesty. Aito Samuel was first interrogated whether he had assisted me in sending letters to the coast; and on his answering in the affirmative, the King sent to say that he did not remember my having written to him about these letters. I referred him to the Chief Scribe, who, after a long hesita- tion, corroborated my statement. Then I concluded by saying, "But supposing I had really committed an unin- tentional error, was it right of the King to insult my com- panions and myself as he had done that afternoon ? Did 1 not ask him the first day I met him to i'orgive any mistake iny companions or I might commit during our stay in his country, and did he not promise to do so? Is tliis the way that he keeps his word?" No sooner had I finished this sentence than some of the Eases cried out again " Malcam ! " Even Mr. Zander joined tliis time in expressing his approval of v hat I had said. After this the King thought it best not to jirocced uith 1 1866. April. THEODORE APOLOGIZES. 87 the other charges — two of which, I was told afterwards, were, first, that I had supplied arms to Consul Cameron and the IMissionaries ; and, secondly, that after he had warned me against using the money he gave me in any \vay " unpleasing to the Lord," I had given large sums to his enemies, the captives. (He discovered afterwards that the arms were pur- chased from his European artisans, and that the money which I had given to the released captives was from my own funds, and not from the sum with which he had pre- sented me.) Thereupon the King began to change his tactics and apologized for his misbehaviour towards us. After the last answer had been delivered to him he sent to say, that he hoped I would not take to heart his treatment of us that afternoon, because he had always loved me and held me in high esteem, and that he was very much vexed with those Europeans who had always abused him and treated him with contempt ; that he could not allow them to leave the country before they had been tried before me, there- fore he had sent for them, and they would be at Zage in a day or two ; until then wo were to remain with him, and his European artisans were to act as our Buldaialjas. Tiic latter arrang<'inent, however, was subsequently cancelled. \\ ith regard to our arrest and the disarming of Dr. Blanc and Lieutenant Pritleaux, the King said that he had ordered it because he was afraid that we might kill oiuselves from vexation when the charges were read to us, as he had heard that Europeans very often committed suicide when they got into difliculty. On hearing this I exclaimed, ''What! I »o( s the King tjiiiik that we do not bejievi' in eternal salva- tion, that we .should put an end to our lives in that uu-Ciu-istian manner?" The Tigre interpreter was afraid to translate 88 DISGRACE OF THE MISSION. Chap. XVT, my answer, but the others came forward, including Aito Samuel, and said that the Assembly ought to know what I had said, and the Copt recommended that I should add that I was not so wicked and impure as the Magdala captives. I objected to this addition, and at last my former answer was translated. On this occasion only two Eases and Mr. Zander showed their approbation by saying " ]\Ial- cam." By this time the King had got over his angry mood and began to look somewhat placid. He sent and dismissed all the officers in attendance, but kept two Eases, Wald- Maryam and Gabrie, with a few followers to watch us. They were to be our jailors while we remained at Zage. They behaved very civilly to us all the time we were in their charge. Tliese two Eases were afterwards chained and imprisoned by the King, merely because he was afraid to trust them at large. They were ultimately released by Sir Eobert Napier, after the taking of Magdala. At the end of the trial we found that all the baggage had been brought to Zage and submitted to the King's inspection. His jMajcsty sent to say that, as he could not trust his soldiers, he was obliged to see if all our things were right ; and he asked us to send him the keys of our boxes in order that he might not be obliged to break them open. At the same time ho promised to return everything to us in perfect order. 1 began to fear that he was going to search our papers, as in the case of the IMissionaries. After a while we were informed that he was looking for concealed arms, as he was afraid that we should kill ourselves in case we had any with us. He took possession of every article of defence that ho cuuhl lay his eye upon, even to the kitchen-knives; but he overlooked Dr. Blanc's formidable case, of dissecting 1866. April. OUR BAGGAGE RANSACKED. 89 instruments, wliich he returned. One of my interpreters was called to witness the overhauling of our kit, aud the King said to him jocosely, " 'Omar 'Ali, come and see that I do not steal any of your master's things." All the European artisans also were ordered by the King to attend the examina- tion, and had to note down everything the King chose to keep. He told them they were to act as witnesses between him and me. The King at first wished to imprison my companions aud myself in the iiiclosuro which had been constructed for us about ten days bol'ore ; but when ho had cooled down he thought he could not send his friends out of his sight, so he ordered one single white tent to be pitched for us at some distance from the hall, aud a black one for a kitchen, and as soon as ours was erected we were ordered into it, escorted by the two Rases. A strong guard was appointed to watch us, and we could not move a yard, cither within or without the tent, without a soldier scrutinizing our movements. Afterwards, all onr things were sent back to us, excepting the arms, silver trinkets and money. We were glad to find that none of our books or papers had been retained. This was satis- factory proof that the King's suspicions were not directed to anything which we had written. Dr. Blanc's and my servants were detained in the mean time by the soldiers in a corner of the audience-hall; and when the King went in, after we had left, and found them there, he asked them what they were about. On their rej)lying tliat they were confined by the soldiers, ho said, " What! who luis dared to imprison the servants of my friend, Kassam ? Do not think that I am angry with him. There is only a little disagreement between us, wiiich will soon bo got over." That evening he sent us ten jars of nif/ad, 90 DISGRACE OF TUE MISSION. Chap. XVI. and the same number of sheep, ■with butter and red-pepper sauce. The soldiers had strict orders not to interfere Nvith our servants, who were allowed to visit us and go out of the inelosure whenever they liked. We had no idea what was to befall us next, but fearing that our property might be seized again, and memoranda capable of being misconstrued to our greater risk found therein, we deemed it advisable to destroy every scrap of written paper we had. Some we attempted to chew, others we soaked in wash-basins, but were obliged to abandon both expedients, for the former was rather an unpalatable and the latter a slow process. The kitchen fire was finally resorted to as the best alternative, and by filling our butlers' pockets with them every time they were called to wait upon us, we soon got rid of all our written documents. The King sent us no compliments either that evening or the next morning, as had been his wont ; and Aito Samuel was kept at a distance from his master after the trial. The European artisans, as well as our Abyssinian acquaintances, were afraid to approach us, or even to send us their compli- ments. The only persons who ventured to communicate with us during our disgrace and rigorous confinement were, the lady — an old friend of the late Consul Plowdeu — to whom I had shown some slight attention on our journey through Agowmeder, and the Balambaras Gabra-31adhane 'Alam. AMien this lady heard that I was going to Zage to take a final leave of the King, she came to the royal camp to bid me larewell, and on finding that I had been imprisoned she sent me a present of eggs and fowls, and tried to encourage me. The other, the Governor of Wan- dige, who had been severely reprimanded by the King for purchasing honey for me, sent to tell me to-day that he bad 18GG. April. ARRIVAL OF CAMEROX AND TARTY. 91 it still in his possession, and asked if he should send it to me, offering at the same time to procure any other supplies that I might require. In the afternoon of the 14th the King sent us some fowls and eggA, but no message came with them ; so I asked Aito Samuel if he could go and thank the King for his present. He said it was dangerous for liim to do so without having first obtained the royal permission ; nevertheless, he would go at all hazards. Theodore at the time occupied a raised seat, near the audience-hall, hearing a case judicially; so Samuel went and stood before him. The King asked him, through his spokesman, what he wanted; and on Samuel answering that he had a message from me, he commanded liini to approach and communicate what he had to say. After my message was delivered he said, " Ah ! my friend, Aito Rii-ssam, why liave I ill-treated you thus?" Thereupon lie called his valet, Wald-Gabir, and directed him to accom- pany Aito Samuel and convey his compliments to my com- panions and myself. I was also told that I might send one of my interpreters every day with compliments to the King, as I had done heretofore. On the morning of the lotli we were allowed to pitch our tents, and the guard was ordered not to intrude upon our privacy, but to watch a short distance off. In the afternoon the King sent to inform me that Consul Cameron and his party had arrived from Korata, and, as he did not wish them to bo with the ^fission, he had ordered them to be placed in the inclnsurc, some distance from us. As the day was very h(4, anil I knew that Consul Cameron and the ladies must be very tired after what they luul undergone, I sent and asked the King if he would allow them to ride as far as the inclosure. IJo immediately gave his consent, and ordered 92 DISGRACE OF THE MISSION. Chap. XYI. three mules to be supplied from bis stable. He afterwards sent, through me, a cow, a basket of tej bread, and a jar of mead, for each of the European prisoners, with some butter and red-pepper sauce. After a while, when I heard that they had been allowed only one tent, I sent and requested his Majesty to permit me to send them another — one belonging to the Mission. As he made no objection, I sent it to them, with a few skins for bedding. Early on Monday, the 16th, all the Chiefs were ordered to attend the Court A\hich his Majesty had intended to hold on the European prisoners. About eight o'clock everything was in readiness for our reception, and the King sent to us to say that as he wished to receive my companions and myself as friends, we were to go to him iu uniform, at once, before he sent for the prisoners ; so \\ e dressed and repaired to his presence. We found the King sitting on a couch, on the left of the throne, at the door of the audience-chamber, and about 1,000 officers standing on the right and loft, while the Eases were sitting below him, on the left, with their backs turned to him, in accordance with court etiquette. The European artisans occupied a place about ten feet behind us. As soon as my companions and I appeared, he wel- comed us, and asked us to sit at the foot of the throne, on his right hand. He said he had sent for us before the captives came, in order to assure us of his unceasing friendship, and that we must not think he was going to place us on a par with them ; for it was quite impossible for him to have any ill-feeling against us. liefcrring to our arrest on the lijth, he said he was sorry for what had taken place, but he never meant that we should bo roughly handled ; it Avas true that ho had given Jiis soldiers orders to search us, but they had greatly exceeded their duty ; that my 18GG. April. A ROYAL ASSIZE. 93 companions ought not to have worn swords ; and that it was only through tlie stupidity of Samuel that they were allowed to appear with them on our first visit to him in Damot. As the morning was very hot, and we were sitting in the sun, the King provided us with umbrellas. In the mean time the imprisoned Europeans were sent for, and I was glad to find that ]\[rs. Ivosenthal and Mrs. Flad were not summoned with their husbands. Samuel having intimated that Consul Cameron was not well enough to walk, the King ordered him a mule from his own stable. After we had been more than an hour talking to the King upon different subjects, Consul Cameron and his party made their appear- ance, chained arm to arm, in coujiles. After the usual com- jiliments, they were told to approach, and directed to stand about twenty yards in front of the King. Consul Cameron was then called to come forward, and the King ordered him to be unfettered. Wlien freed from his chains, ho was told to sit with my companions and myself, the King turning towards me, saying, "Pie is one of you; let him sit down witli you." 'M. Bardel was then called forward; and after his chain had been removed, ho was told to take a seat next to us. I was not at all surprised to see this last act of clemency on the part of the King; my only wonder was that M. Ijardel had not been released before. Alter this the King told mo that some of tlio Europeans who were present had abused him and said that be was of low origin: whereas ho was n^idy to prove before me tluit he was desceuded from ncjbh' families both on the fatluir and mother's side. A number of ol 1 men wore called and nked different questions about the King's pedigree ; of course, lhER AEREST AT ZAG£. Chap. XYIL attempted to carry it out. He did indeed erect a great number of large rooms, in the ordinary Abyssinian style, and on our first going to Zage, subsequent to our disgrace, he talked of building us huts for the winter, but finding the place somewhat imhealthy he abandoned the idea of spending the rainy season there. For nearly a month he was engaged in building what he called an imitation of a steamer. Twa large boats, sixty feet long and twenty wide, midships, with wooden decks, and a couple of wheels affixed to the sides of each, to be turned by a handle like that attached to a com- mon gi-indstone, were accordingly constructed ; but although nearly a hundred men were taken on board, tlie wheels were only immersed about four inches. The day they were launched, he invited the members of the Mission to witness the experiment, and the vessel in which he had embarked luoved so rapidly after the bulrushes had got well soaked,, which made it subside deeper into the water, that he seemed almost frantic with joy, whilst the natives looked on with admiring wonder. He did not take us with him on the trial trip because, as he sent to tell us, he feared the boat might sink so deep that we should get wet. He proceeded to try how the vessel would behave against the wind, and on round- ing the peninsula encountered a strong breeze, which soon convinced him of the futility of his attempt. The incon- gruous materials of which the bt)at was constructed, one elastic and the other the opposite — no effort having been made to ensure an equal pressure upon them from without — began to give way after a little tossing, and his Majesty deemed it prudent to return as speedily as possible to the smooth water in the bay. From tliat time he appears to liave abandoned all idea of building a royal navy for the liuke of Dumbca. 18CC. April. A Js'ATlYE TOUENAMEXT. 121 On another occasion be invited the members of the Mission to witness the national pastime, called " Giiks " — a kind of tournament, in which he himself was to play a part. On our approach he left the field and came forward to welcome us ; then, placing ns in a convenient spot, he ordered his pages to .spread their shdmmas on the ground for us to sit upon, and left Eas Adilo, of YadjoAv, with us as a guard of honour, saying as he returned to the arena that he hoped we should enjoy the spectacle. Theodore himself opened the joust on horseback, but whotlier or not because they were pitted against the Sovereign, the feigned antagonists soon gave way before him and his party, who always came off victorious. Reeds were used instead of spears, and I noticed that the King made frequent jocular thrusts with this harmless Aveapon at his favourite warriors. When tired of riding, his Majesty dismounted, and ordered a sham fight on foot. This was certainly a wild and picturesque sight. Hundreds of gaily-dressed soldiers entered tlie lists with silver shields and glittering spears. The King chooses his party at random, and the officer on whom the high honour is conferred of coping with his Majesty does the same. When the opposing combatants are fully arrayed, about one hundred yards from each other, the side which represents the King's enemies is allowed to attack first. They rush to the onset with a loud yell, the royal party remaining in the mean time on the de- fensive. When tlie combatants meet hand to hand, a general outburst of screams and whoops ensues, intermingled with snatches of the native war-sonjr and the rinjjin": of the butt- end of lances on each others' shields — sucli a clash as baffles description. The King seemed to surpass all the rest in the agility of his movements and his dexterity in the use of th<' lance, and wherever ho appeared in person his adver- 122 UNDER ARREST AT ZAG£. Chap. XVII. saries gave way, until at length the royalists remained masters of the field. I could not help deploring on this occasion that Theodore, who had so many qualities calculated to make him the idol of his people, and especially of his army, should possess those qualities in conjunction with other characteristics which neutralized his influence for good, and rendered him the scourge of his subjects. On rejoining us he addressed me as follows : — " I hope, Mr. Eassam, you do not laugh at us for amusing ourselves in this barbarous style. Oh ! how I long to see your way of fighting." To this polite speech I replied that it would be altogether unbecoming in me to ridicule the usages of other nations. Every country had its peculiar mode of warfare, and his feelings, I was sure, were reciprocated by many in England, who would have been delighted to witness what we had seen that day. We rode back together, and on entering the royal courtyard the King dismounted and insisted on escorting me to my tent. On reaching it I said, " Now, as your Majesty has done me this honour, I cannot allow you to proceed to your residence without accompanying you thither ; and I beg you will grant me that favour." He laughed heartily at this, and remarked that if I went with him he must needs return with me again, and our mutual civility would be endless; "but, never mind," he added, " I shall not vex you by refusing your request to accompany me home." 186G. May. DEPARTURE FROM ZAGE. 123 CHAPTEE XVIII. FROM ZAGE TO DEBRA TABOR. Departure from Zage in rear of the royal troops — Theodore's courtesy and remorse — We cross the Abai — The King's fickleness — Arrival at Korata — Cholera in the royal camp — Start foi Debra Tabor — The Mission accompanies the King to Gaffat — Theodore and taxation — Abyssinian etiquette in drinking — The European artisans reach Gaifat from Korata — Theodore handles a broom — Loses his centre of gravity — The Mission" and Captives at Gaffat — The King pays the Author a visit and sips Hennessy's brandy — Claims Alexander the Great as well as Solomon as his progenitor — Abyssinian hagiogi-aphy — Theodore and the Bible — The Author arraigned again on fresh charges — The old charges against Consul Cameron and Messrs. Rosenthal and Stern re- jxated — Theodore suspects our Government — Dr. Beke's movements — The King detains the Author at Debra Tabor — Tame lions — Trial of a Chief for high treason. At the end of May, Zage began to be unhealthy, owing to the rain that had fallen during that month. Consul Cameron and Mrs. Kosenthal having suffered from the effects of the climate, I asked the King to allow them to go to Korata for change of air. I also obtained permission for Mr. Rosen- thal to go with his wife, and for Dr. Blanc to accompany them as medical attendant. The King had been tliinking of moving his camp to Korata from the beginning of May ; but for some cause or other he had delayed his departure until cholera and typhus fever broke out simultaneously amongst his troops. By the time he began to move, about one hundred persons were dying daily in camp. The King had already sent his female establishment by water to Korata, retaining only his favourite wife, the Itege Itanianyo, 124 FROM ZAGfi TO DEBRA TABOE. Cuap. XVIII. to keep liim company. At noon on the Cth, the King gave orders for his troops to march towards Korata, round the southern extremity of the Lake, and appointed Infaraz, about six miles from Zage, to be the halting-phice for the night. He himself, "\\ith the Itege, went thither by water. Prideaux, the rest of our European party and myself were left to bo escorted by Eas I'ngada and a cavalcade of other Chiefs. The King actually stood on the shore that day to superintend the embarkation of our luggage, and ho would not start until he was told that everything had been dispatched. At 1 p.m. Ras I'ngada was ready for us, and forthwith we accompanied him on our journey. AVe reached Infaraz after two hours' slow march. The King had also just arrived, and on hearing of our presence he sent a Eas and two Dajazmatshes with their men to pitch our tents. Being in very good spirits just then, he even ordered Mr. Stern's tent to be put up by an officer of high rank. An hour afterwards he sent us two very large boa- constrictors, each about fifteen feet long, which had been killed by his soldiers in the wood close by, and asked if we had any like them in our country. In the evening the King sent to tell me that he could not sleep the previous night from thinking about the unfortunate day on which he had arrested me and my companions (he alluded to the 13th April). He said, "I have in my time killed hundreds of people, but I liavo never had a feeling of remorse fur their death, because I knew I was doing the will of my Creator in punisliing them as they deserved ; but with regard to yourself, I feel that I have done you wrong, and my conscience lias suffered ever since." Early the next morning, 17th June, we heard that the (diolera had made great havoc during the night in the camp. 18C6. June. CHOLEEA IN CAMP. Uo and that 500 persons had been attacked, most of whom had died. When we began to move, soon after sunrise, it was obvious, from the litters which we observed borne by soldiers on all sides, that a great epidemic must have broken out amongst the troops. The King marched in front, and after we had gone on about an hour we came to a standstill, as his 3Iajesty had stopped and was waiting for something. As soon as we reached the royal body-guard, a messenger came to Aito Samuel and said that liis ]\Iajesty wished to see me. I imme- diately went to him with Lieutenant Prideaux. We found him sitting on a stone, and when he saw us he looked per- plexed and seemed at a loss what to say. He rose and asked Samuel by whose orders he had brought us. It turned out that the messenger had given Samuel a wrong message ; nevertheless, his 3Iajesty asked us to sit down. After he had inquired after our health, he told mc that in consequence of the number of sick amongst his troops, he was obliged to remain behind and see that all the sufferers were well attended to, and that I had better go on in front \Nith my European party. AVe then went on, crossed the Abai about 10 o'clock, and arrived at our halting-place, Gadiro, at IToO. The King did not arrive till four o'clock in the afternoon. He sent me no compliments, as he usually did on arriving from a journey, which seemed to me strange. At six o'clock ho summonod Aito Samuel, and, after a short time, sent him back with Wald-Gabir, with an indignant message to the effect that my companion and I had insulted him that day before all his people, by coming on without the horses which ho had presented to us. I answered, that we should not think of insulting even a servant of the King, much less his 3Iajesty. With regard to the groundless com- 126 FROM ZAG£ TO DEBRA TABOE. Chap. XVIII. plaint, I said that liis Majesty must be aware that although he had presented me and my companions with horses and mules, yet we had never had them in our possession, and they had always been in charge of the Master of the Horse ; that we had only got them when lie chose to give them to us to ride; and that I had been informed such was his Majesty's order; how, therefore, could he say that I had insulted him by not taking the horses with us, when the King himself had told us to go on in front ? When a great man travels in xVbyssinia, as I have already had occasion to remark, he generally rides a mule for ease, and has his richly-caparisoned horse led behind or in front of him. When the King presented my companions and myself with the horses, he sent to say that as we had no proper stable for them he would keep them for us, but we might send for them whenever we wanted them. On that occasion, when the King told us in the morning to go on in front, he himself sent for our mules, as we had to go before him on foot ; and it was he who ought to have ordered the borses to follow us. I have described this affair so minutely, because I wish to show how fickle and unreasonable Theodore was. One day he sends to say, that he could not sleep the night before, because liis late ill-treatment of me had troubled his conscience ; and the next he asks, in an angry tone, why I had insulted him, when I was all the while doing my best to gratify and to act courteously towards him. Aito Samuel and Wald-Gabir carried my reply to the King, and, after a little reflection, his Majesty sent to say that I ought not to take the message he had sent me to heart ; that he was quite certain I would never do anything to annoy him ; that all the misunderstanding had originated witli my Baklaraba, Aito Samuel, and Balambaras Tasamma, 1866. June. THEODORE'S FICKLENESS. 127 the Ma.stor of the Horse. " Had I knoN\Ti," he concluded, " that you woukl not bo angry with me for it, I would have given them both a severe flogging." He then requested that thenceforward I should order the Master of the Hoi-se, or any other royal groom, to do what I wanted ; and that I sliould reckon them in future as my own servants. He said that the horses must always be led before us, and that I ought never to ride any saddle but the gold one which lie had given me, in order that when the Abyssinians saw me they might know at once that I was the servant of the great Queen of England, and the friend and guest of the Emperor of Ethiopia. I tlien asked the King to forgive the Master of the Horse and Aito Samuel for my sake, and he afterwards sent them to thank me for having interceded for them. It will be seen from the foregoing that Theodore's out- bursts of affection and anger were like those of a spoilt child, or of a madman. The only way I could get on with him at all was by humouring him. The unfortunate Master of the Horse above referred to was put into chains a few months afterwards for having lost one of the royal mules, and forwarded on to Magdala, with other Chiefs, when the King was approaching that fortress. On the 8th of April, 18G8, he was unfettered, together witli six other prisoners ; and when the attack was made on our advanced guard, on the afternoon of Good Friday, he was one of those ordered to join in it NNitli spear and shield, accom- panied by about one hundred comrades, of whom not a man returned. The poor fellow camo to see me on the 9th — the day after his release — and seemed frantic with joy tliat bis chains had been removed. Next day he was numbered amon dcclini! living with us. Before I left Korata, botli ^Ir. Waldnu-icr and Mr. Moritz Hall had kindly dfTcred nic the use of tlu-ir 13J: FROM ZAGE TO DEBRA TABOR. Chai-. XVIII. houses during the Aviuter; and when we reached Gaifat, on hearing that the King had made up his mind to locate us in the residences of his European artisans, I told Samuel of this offer, and suggested that if the King knew of it he w^ould probably allow me to avail myself of one of the two houses. Samuel, however, judged it advisable that I should say nothing on the subject, as the King might be offended with the artisans for taking it upon themselves to allot their dwellings to whom they pleased, seeing that they themselves were merely tenants at the will of his Majesty. Their answer, it appears, vexed the Kiug, as he came early next morning and removed me to the large foundry, not wishing it to be supposed that he wanted to force the British Mission on any one. He left the rest of my party, however, iii theu* different abodes. The King swept the room himself, and he and M. Bardel carried the dust in their hands, and threw it out of the window. He then had the walls covered with cloth to hide the dirt, and, after carpeting the floor, placed his throne in the apartment. 19th. — Early this morning his Majesty paid me a visit at the foundry, and told me that ho could not sleep last night from thinking that I was uncomfortable. While with me, he sat on the throne, on my invitation, and as it was about four feet high I had to set one of my camp folding- stools to enable him to take his seat there. He went up all right, but on descending he placed his foot on an angle of the stool instead of the centre, and had I not rushed and held it firndy he would certainly have come down head foremost, and there was probably not an Abyssinian in the country, himself included, who would not have attributed the mishap to design on my part. I never saw a man so astonished as the Kiug when I ran and laid hold of the 18GG. Jl-xe. our quarters CHANGED. 135 stool. However., on learning the cause, he was much pleased with my attention. As the King wished to have all my European party to be near me, he said he would select proper houses for us to live in, until new ones could be budt for us. He then went to the quarters of the native artisans, below the European village of Gaffat, and, after fixing ujjon the house that I was to occupy, he ordered that all the houses in its immediate vicinity should be vacated for the use of my companions and their fellow-Europeans. The Kantiba and two other officers were ordered to have my room properly furnished, and the walls covered with cloth. He directed, also, that the throne sliould be placed as usual in my house ; but this I induced him to dis^jense with, on the i)lea that the room was too small. In the afternoon we moved to our respective abodes, seven in number, and in addition to these a few extra huts were allowed for our servants. Mr. Stern had to live in a tent, as no good house could be foimd for him near us. Mr. Flad and Messrs. Steiger, Brandeis, Schiller and Essler were permitted to occupy their old dwellings on an adjacent hill. IQth. — Tlie King came early this morning to the second foundry at Gaffat to inquire about some work then in pro- gress. On hearing of his arrival we put on our uniforms, in order to be in readiness to attend him, in case he desired our presence. As he did not, but merely sent his compli- ments, 1 dispatched a messenger to ask whether he would allow me and my com})anions to pay our respects to him. The foundry was not above fifty yards from our huts, and on his Majesty sending a reply to my message in the allirma- tivo, wo repaired to his presence. On reaching the inclosure of th<' foundrv, mc noticed all the courtiers standing in a 136 FROM ZAGfi TO DEBRA TABOR. Chap. XVIIT. very gloomy mood, wliicli augured uufavouraLly for our reception. We found the King busily engaged in giving angry orders to his European workmen, and looking quite black in the face with suppressed ill-humour. Without asking after our health, as was his wont, he looked straight at me, and said, " Is it not a great shame that I should put you in that dirty and inconvenient house, where you must be very unhappy ?" I answered promptly, "Pray don't say so ; for I feel that I have one of the best houses in Abyssinia, and, through your kindness, it has been so nicely decorated and carpeted by your servants that it is quite impossible to make it more comfortable." "Are you in jest or earnest?" he rejoined. "If your Majesty will deign to come and see it," I replied, " you will be convinced that I am in earnest, for you yourself will at once admit that it is most com- fortable, fit even for the residence of a King." " Very well ; I will come with you when I have finished with my people here," was his answer. Thereupon the frown on his counte- nance began to relax, and when he entered my dwelling, about half an hour afterwards, he was comparatively cheerful. He admired the way I had arranged my three muskets round one of the wooden pillars of the room, with the shield and spear whicli he had given me above them, and the gold saddle in front. I also took care to spread the Itege's Mdrgaf with which he had presented me over the table in the centre of my room. I offered him some Hennessy's brandy, which he drank, witliout asking any one to taste it first in order to prove tliat it was not poisoned. This he did, as he stated, to show his people how much lie trusted me, and the great respect lie entertained for my Queen and her Government, which ho (lid l>y sitting in their house — for such he considered it — and enjoying himself there. He then 18G6. June. THEODORE'S ALEXANDRIAN DESCENT. 137 spent half an hour talking of the love which he had for the English, asserting more than once that he had conceived that rejrard from childhood. 2l8t. — The King came down again to the factory this morning, and on receiving his permission to that effect wo paid him another visit. He was in excellent humour, and seemed highly pleased with my attention in having sent an easy chair, covered with red cloth, for his accommodation, which I begged him to occupy while superintending the European workmen. At this time he Avas busily engaged in making small gun-carriages, to be borne by mules, for his projected expedition against the rebels of Lasta, whom he intended to bring to accomit during the winter. He related the story of Diogenes and his tub, and asked me whether I thought the cynic was mad or merely eccentric. He then went far beyond my depth into the history of Europe, and told me that he was descended from one of its greatest kings, as well as from Solomon by the Queen of Sheba. On my seeking information from him on that point, he proceeded to narrate Ikjw an Abyssinian princess had visited Alexander the Great, just as Balkis did Solomon, and after staying with him some time she gave birtli to a child who, when he grew up, governed more than half the world. He then told me that Alexander the Great was held in the highest reverence by the Abyssinians, as being the only person who had visited Paradise during his lifetinio. On expressing my wonder how this could possibly be, he directed Ivantiba Hailo to go and fetch tho book wherein this astonnding fact was recorded, in order that I might be assured of that great man having really gone to Paradise and returned again to t-arth. Kantiba llailo, who believed in these legends as fully as he believed in the revelations of the Bible, brought the 13S FROM ZAGfi TO DEBRA TABOR. Chap. XVIII, book referred to, and was directed by the King to explain the pictures to me — it contained about thirty. He did so, as he sat by my side, and began describing their import to me one by one, through Samueh Anything more absurd can liardly be conceived. If I reHiember aright, the first picture represented the Empress Helena iu the act of praying that God would bless her with a male child. Her petition is heard, and Alexander the Great is born into the world. While yet a child, he prays to have a sight of Paradise; whereupon countless angels are employed in making pre- parations for his trip. He is then transported up to Heaven, where he is permitted to walk about and enjoy its delectable sights. Finally, he is brought back to earth, where dominion is given to him over all the sons of Noah. When the exposi- tion of the picture-gallery came to an end, the King asked me how I liked the history of Alexander the Great. I replied, " To tell the truth, your Majesty, I think Alexander was wise in wishing to obtain admittance into Paradise ; but I think he was a fool for returning to earth again. Had I been in his place, once permitted to enter that delightful abode, I should certainly have remained there." When this answer was translated to him, he burst into a fit of laughter, and nearly fell from the easy chair ; then turning to me, after his merriment had somewhat subsided, he said, "Do you imagine that I believe in this trash?" I replied, "No, your Majesty ; I am sure you have more sense." Poor Kantiba Hailo, M ho heartily credited the stupid fable, was struck speechless at such incredulity, but looked round upon the grinning spectators with a countenance which seemed to say, " How I pity your infidelity!" After spending two hours with the King, we Avere permitted to return to our respective abodes ; his- Majesty also went bade to Debra Tabor. 18GC. Jt-NE. THEODORE AND THE BIBLE. 13» 22nd. — We had another interview with the King under circumstances similar to those of yesterday. He was again in good spii-its, and it was certainly very pleasant to meet him when in that mood. After he had finished his work I asked leave to retire, but he insisted on escorting me to my dwelling. On reaching the hut I begged him to sit a few minutes with me, to which he readily assented. He honoured me again by drinking a few drops of brandy from a tumbler ; — on the former occasion he had used the metal cup attached to the flask. He was also gracious enough to allow some of the bystanders to taste the liquor, saying that it was useful in time of cholera, and that the weather was cold. On enter- ing the room he sighed, aneing well at the time, it was thought advisable to leave her behind with Mrs. Flad, at Debra Tabor, as we were not certain then where the King intended to take us. On the 7th July we travelled with his Majesty as far as Ibankab, a distance of about thirty miles from Debra Tabor, and nearly fifty from 31agdala. All the time we were with him he treated us with great consideration. One day he sent to tell me that he hoped I did not look upon the guard which slept by our tents as having been placed there to watch us : its duty, he said, was to protect the royal household, and our encampment being near his, the guard was obliged to be close to us. Samuel's services as Baldaraba were dispensed with, and my young interpreter, Dasta, was ordered by the King to act in his stead, as a temporary measure. For the first time after Samuel's disgrace, the King sent to him, on the 8th of July, to take me to a certain spot, and show me the large quantity of hailstones that had fiillen on the moun- tain of Guna, above Ibankab. When he heard that my companions, Dr. Blanc and Lieutenant Prideaux, and I were pleased with the sight, he sent to tell me that, if we liked, he would send us the next morning up to the high mountain, to see the hail nearer. On om- thanking him for his kind offer, he appointed a guard to escort us there and back — to protect us, as ho said, against robbers. Early on the 9th he sent for Samuel, and after telling him he was a " slave of the English " and loved me more than he loved him (the King), he bade him get ready and start at once to keep me company at jMagdala. Bitwaddad Tadla (the Chief who had arrested Consul Cameron and his party on the loth IGO FR0:M DEBRA tabor to MAgDALA. Chap. XIX. of April, after tliey had left Korata) was then appointed to take me and my party to Magdala, and to proceed thither forthwith. We were told to take very few things with us, on account of the difficulty of travelling, and that the rest of our luggage ■would follow us shortly. The King was very anxious that we should reach Magdala before the rise of the rivers Chetta and Bashilo, which lay in our way, as he wished us to be in a " safe place " during the winter months. We each took bedding and a few articles of clothing ; but after the first stage we found that I was the only one allowed to carry those necessaries. For nearly a week my fellow-captives had nothing to sleep upon except what I could provide them with ; as for clothes, we had to put up with what we wore. Our guard consisted of about 100 men, most of whom were either killed or imprisoned by the King before the year was over, and their Chief, Bitwaddad Tadla, was kept in chains at Magdala until he was released by Sir Robert Napier. The Europeans who were doomed to keep me company in bondage for nearly two years were seven in number — five of the old prisoners and two new ones. The former were : Consul Cameron, and Messrs. Stern, Rosenthal, Kerans and Pietro ; the latter, my companions, Dr. Blanc and Lieutenant Prideaux. We reached Magdala in the afternoon of the 12th of July, 1800, and after the ceremony of counting us had been gone through, and our names properly registered, we were ushered into an inclosure near the royal residence, which belonged to the chief minister, Pus Ingada. We were then shown into a room by the Commandant of Magdala, Dajjaj Kidana Maryam, where we a\ ere told to remain until further orders. This officer had been appointed by the King, through Bitwaddad Tadla, to act as my Baldaraba. The Bitwaddad also 18GG. July. THE CAPTIVES FETTERED. 161 told me that the orders of liis master were, that whatever I required would be attended to by the Commandant. Next to the room, or hut, referred to, there was another, which was also made over to us, for the use of our servants and Aito Samuel. On our arrival at the fortress I found that Samuel's position with me was quite anomalous : the King had neither said that he was to be treated as a prisoner, nor that he was to act as agent between him and me ; but I was told confidentially that he was sent with me as a spy. After considering the matter carefully, I concluded that he would be more useful to us if I availed myself of his services in communicating with the local authorities. This I did a few days after, by sending friendly messages by him to different Chiefs, which gained him and me their confidence. On the 16th the Chiefs of Magdala came to us and said that as the King had not sent definite orders about our imprisonment, they were obliged to be on the safe side, and must therefore put fetters on our legs. They accordingly hammered on the chains which they had brought for that purpose. After they had finished with my fellow-captives they began on me, but as one of the rings broke while it was being riveted, I was not chained till next day, the 17th. The Chiefs tried to assure me that the chains were not a sign of ill-will, as they were certain that their master was my friend, and they hoped that before many days had elapsed everything would be right again. When Bitwaddad Tadla — the Chief who escorted us to Magdala — was about to return to Debra Tabor, he came to me for a message to the King, as botli ho and thcIMagdala Chiefs judged it expedient that ho should not go back witliout one, and tliat a pleasant communication from me might induce his VUL. II. M 1C2 FEOM DEBRA TABOR TO MAGDALA. Cuap. XIX. Majesty to relent. AVlicn the man came into my room on this errand, I felt very much disposed to give him no answer, as some of my fellow-captives had led me to understand that he was a bad man at heart, and held all Europeans in great aversion. I found out afterwards, however, that he really in- tended to do me a service. I was in low spu-its at the time, and not in the least disposed to concoct a hollow message, for I began to think that our lives hung ujDon a thread ; so I said to him, " Tell the King that my fellow-prisoners and I have reached this jail in safety, and that when this act of his becomes known, it will doubtless serve to increase his fame ; especially when people hear that a great Sovereign has im- prisoned a man merely because he was his friend." On my re- peating these words to Samuel he became ashy pale, and said, " I will certainly not translate what you have uttered, but will send a message suitable to the occasion." He then turned towards Bitwaddad Tadla, and told him that I wished him to convey my best compliments to the King, and to say that, by his Majesty's favour, I had reached Magdala in safety, and hoped ere long to have the pleasm-e of seeing him. When the Bituaddad reached the King, the first question the latter asked was, how he had left me, and what I had said on finding myself confined to Magdala. His reply was, that I felt highly favoured in having so exalted a locality allotted to me during the rainy season, and one so near his Majesty's Ilfing ; that my only regret was being so far from the royal presence, but that the thought of soon meeting the King again was a source of great consolation to me. Thereupon his Majesty sighed und merely remarked, "Poor Rassam, ho is still friendly towards mo, and when I go to IMagdala, which will be in the course of a few days, I will release him and treat him better than ever." a8GG. July. OUR FIRST QUARTERS AT MAGDALA. 103 When the messenger, Lih, who accompanied Bitwaddad Tadia from Debra Tabor together with us, returned to the King after seeing us cliained, he told his Majesty, on being questioned on the subject, that I had not manifested any vexation, but had simply remarked that whatever came from the King was acceptable to me, from a gauntlet to a fetter round the leg. "Very well," replied his Majesty, "I will soon make him happy, but before then I must send a letter to comfort him; and remember, Lih, when you return to Magdala you must not forget to take a letter from me to my .friend Kassam." The King had written to tlie Chiefs to say that Eas I'ngada's two huts should be occupied by my fellow-captives and their servants, and that another hut next to them, belong- ing to Fit-awrari Gabrie, should be appropriated to me, and that my o\Nn personal servants and Aito Samuel should be pro- vided with two separate rooms near me. For a week, however, my seven fellow-captives and I had to live day and night in one round hut, not more than fifteen feet in diameter; but when we were cliained and considered safe, the Chiefs allowed us to be separated as follows: I had the room assigned to me by the King ; Dr. Blanc and Lieut. Prideaux the little hut which had been provided for my servant — after the permission of the Chiefs was obtained ; and IMessrs. Kcrans and rietro occupied a part of the room, or hut, which had l)een turned into a kitchen. AVhcn the messenger was sent l)y the Chiefs to Debra Tabor to report to the King that wo were safely shaclded, they directed him to tell his IMajesty what they had said to me about the fetters, in the hope tliat he would order us to be relieved of them. I was told that when the courier delivered the message, the King said, " Do those asses of M 2 161 PROM DEBRA TABOR TO MAGDALA. Chap. XIX. Magdala Chiefs think that ^Ir. Eassara is such a fool as to believe that any person could put him in chains without my special order? The thing is now done, and he must wait until I go there myself." When we left the King at Ibankab, on the 0th, he had intended to follow in four or five days. He was only waiting for the concentration of his troops, which, since the middle of June, had been disjiersed in different parts of Bagaraeder, on account of the cholera. He subsequently changed his mind and went back to Debra Tabor. I was told that on two later occasions he had moved in our direction, but for some unknown reason he returned to Debra Tabor, after two or three days' march. "When we were sent to Magdala the King had ordered — so I was told — that I should be allowed to have all my servants with me, but tliat my fellow-captives should only have one female servant each, in accordance w'ith the dis- cipline of the fortress. I Avas also to be allowed rations from his own establishment ; but, as for the rest, he did not care what became of them. The Cliiefs, who were very exact in obeying every command from their master, were somewhat reluctant to include my companions in the order about the rations and servants. Samuel, however, made their con- sciences easy at once by assuring them that we three had come to Abyssinia on the same erranrl, as friends of their King, and that consequently we were all one, and that when- ever the King spoke of me he meant the three combined. The rations, whicli consisted of a few loaves of bread not enougli for five persons, I declined ; but a small jar of tej\ generally so sour as to be undrinkable, I accepted for some time, to please the Chiefs. When honey became scarce^ •CiiAP. XIX. OUR QUAETERS ENLARGED. 165 and the communication between the royal camp and Magdala was interrupted, the t^ was stopped. During our incarceration at Magdala the Chiefs never failed to seud me, on every great Abyssinian feast, one or two cows, in accordance with orders from their master. On many occasions when they were badly off for cattle they felt bound to present me with the usual offering, though they had none to spare for the royal establishment. The Chiefs became more friendly every day, and never failed to render us a variety of services, whenever they could do so safely. They soon allowed extra servants to our fellow-captives, and before many months had passed they enlarged our iuclosure to nearly three times its original extent, and permitted us to build within it as many rooms for our servants as we could. After a while, they permitted Consul Cameron to have a hut of his own, and ultimately they allowed Mr. Stern to occupy a separate apartment day and night. They never interfered with the ingress or egress of our messeugers, except on a few occasions, when they thought it advisable, for tlieir safety and ours, to show that they were on the alert. Aito Samuel never once hesitated to serve me, even at the risk i)i his life. He was tliu lirst who undertook to scud our letters to the coast, by one of his own servants, with the report of our incarceration at ]\ragdala. Being thoroughly acquainted with Arabic and Amharic he was on all occasions of material service to me. As he was still styled the King's Laldaiabu, Chiefs, messengers and others could vi>it him without giving rise either to jealousy or fear. Having always kept open house for me when wo were provided with ratioHs from the King, I thought it advisable to allow him to con- 166 FROM DEBRA TABOR TO mAGDALA. Chap. XIX. tiniic the same course of hospitality, notwithstanding our altered circumstances. His frequent entertainment of Abys- sinian parties, on my behalf, enabled me to keep up former- intimacies and to cultivate new acquaintances among the influential natives, whose friendship proved of essential ser- vice to us during our imprisonment at Magdala. Chap. XX. THE MAGDALA COUNCIL. 1G7 CHAPTER XX. OUR GUARDIANS AT MAGDALA. The Mdgdala Council — Ras Kidana Maryam, the Commandant — Eas Bisawwir — Bitwaddad Damash — Bitwaddad Hailo — Bitwaddad "Wasi — Bitwdddad Bahri — Dajjaj Gojje — Bitwaddad Bakal — Bitwaddad Hailo, of Chalga — Bitw^idad Dhafar — Our Warders :— Aba-Falck — Basha Bisdwwir — Yashalaka Adam — Yashdlaka Warke. Before proceeding with the narrative of our captivity at Mairdala, I must introduce the reader to the different Members of Council \\ho kept watch and ward over us during our incarceration. Formerly, Magdala had only a Commandant, who was charged with the civil and military administration of the place, but when the King removed the political prisoners from the Sar Amba, in Chalga, to that fortress, he appointed nine Chiefs to various posts there, who were to constitute a Council — the Commandant, how- ever, retaining summary power, subject only to the superior authority of the Sovereign. All the Chiefs were to be con- sulted on ordinary matters, but more important subject- were to be referred to five only, who were privileged to know the King's secrets. On our arrival at IMagdala, all the Members of Council, including the Commandant, held the honorary title of " Dajazmatsh ;" but shortly after they had become our jailors, his Majesty raised the Commandant to the rank of "Eas," and the other nine Chiefs to that of " Bitwaddad." Has Kidana Maryam, the Commandant and President of 168 OUR GUARDIANS AT MAGDALA. Chap. XX. the Council, was an hereditary Chief of Bagameder, and in the time of Eas 'Ali he, ^vith the other leading men of his family, aided the Chiefs of Gojjam against the Galla ascend- ancy, which Eas 'Ali represented ; but when Theodore appeared in the field, they forsook their former allies and attached themselves to him. He was very gentlemanly in manners, and had the reputation of being a humane and just man, and would never allow an act of cruelty to be perpe- trated, unless ordered by the King. Apathy and indecision were his greatest faults, and he was never known to settle a case, unless backed by the Bitwaddads Bisawwir or Dam ash, A\ ho were far more energetic. Had he wished to rebel against the King, he might have done so easily, as he was beloved by every one in the fortress, and held the command of five hundred Lancers, forming one-third of the garrison. As his Majesty wished to destroy his native province of Bagameder, and was afraid to leave ]\Iagdala in his hands the meanwhile, he threw him into chains, on the pretext that he had heard of his having held communication with Menilek, King of Shoa. The jioor man ended his days in prison, at Debra Tabor, and when on the point of death he called all his relations, and in their presence appointed me his executor. He wrote me a letter just before he expired, assuring me that God had put it into his heart that I should be saved. He besought me, when I was safe, to look after his wife and children. This poor man behaved very civilly to my fellow- captives and myself while he remained in charge, and never failed to do us an act of kindness whenever it lay in his power. BiTWADDAD Bie^AWWiK, tlic noxt in order, was a nephew to Theodore, and commanddl lialf llie Musketeers of the gar- rison consisting of 500 men. AVlien Eas Kidana Maryam Chap. XX. BITWADDAD BISAWWIR. 169 was removed, the King made Bisawwir a " Eas," appointed him Commandant in his room, and placed under his orders the 500 Lancers of his predecessor; hence, as the nominal strength of the garrison was reckoned at 1,000 Lancers and 500 Musketeers, one-half the entire number was subject to his control. Bisawwir was a native of Infaraz, lying between Bagjimeder and Dambea, and his father, who was the CJbief of the place, had married Theodore's aunt — another daughter of the Eas of Ambara-Seint. His family were so wealthy in cattle and land that hundreds of poor people resorted to them for alms. The district where they resided was reputed for rearing the finest vines in Abyssinia, and its wine was sent to Gondar and other places for sale. He was so much given to chanting psalms that he was nicknamed *• Dabtera," or Clerk, and so transported with the services of the Church that he danced at them, in public, like the priests and monks. He was the first Chief sent to Magdala after its capture from the Gallas, and he retained command of the tr(jops until a few days before the place fell into our hands, ilc befriended me and my fellow-captives from our first arrival there until we left on the 11th of April, 1868, and never on any occasion refused me a favour, unless he judged it unsafe to grant it. The King had such perfect confidence in him that he made him overseer to his female establishment, which r to Slioa or Lasta, to bo conveyed from thence to the coast. On my M:hap. XX. BITWADDAD WAST. 177 Tepresenting to him tliat I could not possibly avail myself of his kind offer, leaving my fellow-captives behind, he con- sulted with the parties who were to have cooperated in the attempt, and they agreed to include Dr. Blanc and Lieut. Prideaux, but not a man more, otherwise detection would be inevitable, and all would fall in one common mas- sacre. As I gave him to understand that it was utterly out ■of the question for me to take advantage of his kindness, at the risk of the life even of one of our Indian followers, the subject was dropped. When the King came to 3Iagdala, in March, 18G8, Bitwaddad Plailo was in such dread of encoun- tering him, that he escaped by a ladder, hung over a pre- cipice. The way he managed was this : his mother had come to see him at the time, and was then at Salamge — the plateau below Magdala — whither he sent his wife and child to visit her, and by a preconcerted arrangement the three met him during the night, just as he effected his descent from the heights, and then all proceeded together to join the Gallas. On the arrival of the British force, he took refuge with Sir Robert Napier, and according to the latest reports he was admiuistcring the government of his native province, Wandige, and the adjoining districts. Bitwaddad Ilailo used his utmost endeavours while we were at ^lagdala to induce me to marry, offering, on gaining my consent, to send for his niece, the accomplished belle of Wandige, and to present her to me as a bride. 3[y excuse was, that a man in fetters could hardly think of offering himself as a bride- groom. It was hinted to me at the time that the suggestion originated with the King, who would have been delighted had I fallen into any such entanglement. BitwAddau WAsi, the fifth member of the Trivy Council, was a Kamaut, and a native of Cbalga. He was a VOL. II. N 178 OTJR GUARDIANS AT MAGDALA. Chap. XX.. man of imblemisliecl character, and so devoted to the King that he regarded the least reflection on any of the royal acts as akin to blasphemy. He was always forward to do me a kindness, provided that it in no way interfered with his loyalty to Theodore ; but as his Majesty always designated me as his " friend " in his letters to the Council, and directed that all its members should visit me and attend to my wants, he was not backward to stretch a point now and then to serve me. So averse was he from receiving presents from any of the prisoners, that before sending him the customary contribution of a cow, bread and mead, towards the wake which he was about to give in memory of his mother, whose death had just been reported from Chalga, I deemed it prudent to ask whether the offering would be agreeable to him. His message in reply was, that he could receive nothing fi'om me while I was a prisoner and he my warden, begging me at the same time not to send him anything ; if I did, he would be compelled to return it, however much it might pain him to do so. When the mourning was over, he came to apologize for having declined my proffered gift, praying that I would not consider the refusal as indicative of ill-feeling on his part, inasmuch as he entertained a high regard for me. Conscientious scruples, he said, forbade his receiving any donation from a prisoner; "but," he added, " lest you may still misunderstand me, I will not leave your house until you let me know how I can serve you, in order that I may have an opportunity of proving the sincerity of my friendship to my son's friend." His son, Lij Tasho, one of our- Chalga escort, had written to secure his father's good ofTiccs for me when we Avere transferred to Magdala. I accordingly asked him to procure me a supply of cash from our agent at Matdmma, A\hich he undertook to do at once,. CuAP. XX. BITWADDAD BAIIRL 17i> but before the messenger whom he dispatched could return, the whole' country between the Lake and 3Iagdala had risen in rebellion, and although the man made two efforts to join us, he found it impracticable to do so safely, with a large sum of money in his possession. One day in Easter, Samuel sent him a bottle of arrack and an European shirt; the Bitwaddad returned them immediately, and wished to know why I had acted as I had done, after the explanation which he had given me of his scruples in such matters. The articles were sent into my room an ith the rude message, " Did I not tell you that you were a prisoner ? " As Samuel had taken this stop without my knowledge, I reprimanded him for it, and insisted on his going forthwith to explain to Bitwadda'l Wasi how the case stood. Samuel went to the Council, which was then convened to discuss the payments due to the soldiers, and complained of the message which the Kamant Bit\Naddad had sent me. Thereupon the members came to me in a body, begging me to overlook the rudeness of their colleague, who was then sent for and made to apologize, and to declare that I was not a prisoner, but the King's " friend." We were on the best terms ever after, until we parted on the ca2)ture of Magdala. BitwAddad Baiiri, the sixth member of Council, was a native of Agowmeder. His sole business was to take charge of the Treasuiy, and to see that nothing was allowed to leave it without an order from the King. He was an upright man, never intermeddled in matters which did not concern him, and was never known to utter an unkind word to any one. He was particularly gracious to me, and although he had presented mo with cows on several occasions, he absolutely refused any return until the approach of the King, when ho accepted a tilk shirt from me for himself, and a suitable dress N 2 180 OUR GUARDIANS AT :\rACTDALA. Chap. XX. for his ^Aife. Bitwaddad Giiinti Bisawwir, auotlier member of the Council, was associated with him in the charge over the Treasury; and there was a Deputy-Treasurer besides, named Bajirwand Wald-Tukle, a native of Tigre. Dajjaj Gojj£, the next member, was a native of Waggara. He was an inoffensive old man, much addicted to mead, and consequently very much attached to those who treated him to the favourite beverage. I was on very friendly terms with his wife, and, although we never met, compliments passed between us every day ; but as she resided within the precincts of the Ilfing, she was unable to pay me a visit, because those who are privileged to hold intercourse with the royal concubines are not allowed to associate with strangers. The Dajjaj commanded 500 Lancers of the garrison, and although he held an important post at Magdala, the King, for some reason or other, had omitted him when he raised his colleagues to the rank of " Bitwaddad." The eighth member was Bitwaddad Bakal, another harm- less old man, whose only fault was excessive devotion to his master. He was one of the guardians of the Ufa^g, charged with seeing that the eunuchs attended to their duties and did not neglect their royal mistresses. He was very intimate with me, and, from the date of our arrival at IMagdala until our release, his wife, daughter and niece were among my constant visitors. He did all in lii.s power to oblige me in every way, and w henevcr he heard that wc were in ^\ ant of money, he presented us witli a cow. He disliked the Bishop exceedingly, holding that as a subject it did not become him to abuse the " Lord's Anointed." He stuck to Theodore to the last, and when I entered Magdala with Sir Robert Napier, after the capture of the place, I saw him in the agonies of death, near the gate, where he had CiiAP. XX. OUn WARDERS. ISl been shot. I caused his body to be made over to hi> family for interment, and dei)l()red the poor ohi man's fate the more for having sacriticed his life in the cause of one who was unworthy of such unswervinf:^ attachment. The exclusive duty of 13itwaddad Hailo, a native of Chalga, the ninth member of Council, was to watch over the native prisoners, in conjunction with Bitwaddads AYasi and the other Ilailo. Though timid and quiet, he succeeded in maintaining order among the hundreds of unfortunate bein^-s who were placed under his charge for jiolitical offences. He died in 1SG7, durincj an epidemic wliich raged among the native prisoners for several months. His son, Lij Tasamma, was appointed by the King to succeed him as warder, but witliout a scat at the Council. BiTwiDDAD Gainti Bisawwir was a native of Gliiut in Bagaraeder. As already mentioned, he was colleague to Bit^^addad Bahri over the Treasury. He was specially re- sponsible for the cash deposits, and not a dollar could be issued without his sanction. BiTWADDAD DiiAfak, the last memuer of the ^fagdala Council, was a native of Chalga. He was a confirmed tojier, and when the mead, or tij, got into his head he was fit for nothing. Ho liad ch;irge of the native prisoners con- jointly with Bitwaddads Wa>i and Ilailo. He had a filthy habit of expectorating, which his colleagues endeavoured to ristrain, will iH'Vcr tlicy visitfil me in his company. If thi'ir injun»ti(tns were unheeded, they generally sent liini 111 line under an escort. Having described the Chiefs of Magdala, I must now introiluco our official door-keepers, or warders, who h'M a nio.^t important position with regard to ourselves dur- 182 OUR GUAEDIAXS AT mIGDALA. Chap. XX. iug our impri.sonment. For tlie first "week of our captivity they were selected from the guard, which used to be changed every twenty-four hours ; the consequence was that we were subject to different treatment every day, some of the men being comparatively lenient, while others went so far as to jirohibit our Indian servants from leaving the house, and would not allow others to enter. This interference became so intolerable in a short time that Eas Kidana Maryam, in conjunction with the other members of the Council, appointed four officers to keep ward over us, two and two in rotation. They were accordingly duly introduced to me, and placed under Samuel, who was to receive his instructions fi-om me as to the persons to be allowed to enter or leave our premises. The names of these men were Aba-Falek, Ba-^ha Bisawwir, Yashalaka Adam, and Yashalaka Warke. Aba-Falek was cordially hated by every soul on the moun- tain, and he considered it his bounden duty to reciprocate the general sentiment. He was the most subtle and crafty Abyssinian I ever met with, but at the same time inviolable in his secrecy. He was faithful to me from first to last, and obeyed aU my orders with alacrity. My fellow-captives were the objects of liis intense dislike, as were also all the Magdala Chiefs, especially Ivas Kidana Maryam, against whom he used to send stories to the King, and was known to declare openly, on several occasions, that he hoped to live long enough to see the Commandant disgraced. He was between sixty and seventy years old, but as robust and strong as a man of thirty. One day he had a quarrel with the Chiefs in my room, and told them that they had no business there without his jier- mission ; and when the Eas bade him hold his tongue he abused him and his colleagues most grossly, saying that he recognized no one's authority but the King's, and, after the Chap. XX. ABA-FALEK. 183 King'.s, mine, as being Lis Majesty's frienegged that I would not think of them until further supplies reached mc. The third doorkeeper, YashAlaka Adam, had attained, according to his own reckoning, the age of fourscore years, lie was a harmless kind of man, who never gave himself or others any trouble so long as his stomach was well filled with hrundo and mead. His worst propensity was begging : if he received five dollars in the morning, he would come again at noon and tell you tliat his wife's hair required a little butter, or that her shirt was worn out and slio wantdl a new one. He hated Aba-Falek most cordially, and never lost an (tpportunity of abusing him — beliiud his back. YasiiAlaka Wauk£, the comrade on watch with the formor, was really a good man, who never annoyed any one — European or native. Warko was liked by all on the luoimtain as mucli as Aba-Fiilok was disliked. AVlicn lie was on guard, no one knew that such an official was in the house. The only occasion on which I found him strict in the cxrcutiitii of liis dutv was wluu the King doscendrd with all his troops to attack our advanced guard, lb- was him- self in groat dread of being killed either by iht; Kinir "i- by l{^6 OUK GUARDIANS AT mIgDALA. Chap. XX. our troo2>-:. I am bouiitl to say, however, that the four warders behaved with the greatest fidelity towards me. All commu- nications from the native jail came to me through them, and whenever any of the chief political prisoners sent mes- sengers to me, they always allowed them to pass, and, in fact, Avere the first to rcj)ort their arrival to me. After we had been acquainted several months, they even admitted the Bishop's messengers, though if this had come to the King's knowledge they would probably have forfeited their lives. They never interfered with our messengers or servants, although it was their duty to sec that the discipline of the fortress was in no way infringed. In fact, had Aba-Falek and Basha Bisawwir wished to annoy us, they might have done so in a thousand ways ; and had they not been faithful to their promise never to do me or my party an injury, they might have placed us in serious danger before the King's arrival. After these two men had been A\it]i us for some time, the Chiefs wished to substitute others in their stead ; but even the brave Damash hesitated to remove them, fearing to excite their animosity. Hence, when the matter was discussed before the Council, all the members concurred that the best course would be to leave them under my management, confident that I should be able to keep them from doinir mischief. Chap. XXI. OCR DOMESTICS. 187 CHATTEli XXL LIFE AT MAGDALA. Our domestics — A coraplinicntary letter from the King — Pvclaxation of prison discipline — Samuel and a Tigrfi Chief at locfgerhcads — Duties of the petty Chiefs — The Guards at the Gates — Meditated escape — Escape impracticAble — The MetroiX)litan, Al>tives' menage — Entertainment of public guests — Society and sympathy — Native lady vi-sitors — Water at Magdala — Soil and climate — Birds — Religious inquiry among the native soldiery — Reform movement — Conversions to Christianity from Isliim — Christian names — Our own worsliip. Till-: orders which the King liad sent when we were taken to Magdahi were, that I should have all my servants with me, but that my fellow-captives should be restricted to one female servant each, in accordance with tlic rules of the fortress in such cases. Tlie Chiefs added, that a mistress would be alLjwed to each, if the captives chose to avail thtmselves of that boon. This statement may seem as in- credible as it is shocking to many of my readers; neverthe- less, such is th(! lamentable state of social morality among the Abyssinian Christians generally, that a proposition of this nature comes from tlum as a matter of course, unaccom- panied with the least idea of its degradation. As Samuel and I had succeeded in convincing the Chiefs that Dr. Blanc and Lieutenant Prideaux were associated with me in the same friendly mission to the King — in fact, that tlicy ^\ero 188 LIFE AT ^lAGDALA. Chap. XXT. to be considered as one \\illi myself — tliey vrere allowed to have as many servants as they wished ; but when I pleaded for the same privilege in belialf of Consul Cameron, they replied that they could not make any difference between him and the other old captives, who were reckoned among the King's enemies, and that it was only by special favour on the part of his Majesty that they were permitted to be located with us, near the royal Ilfing, seeing that their proper place was the common jail. Eventually, however, after repeated solicitations, I induced Eas Kid ana Maryam to allow the Consul the services of a lad, \\\\o was to be nominally my milk-boy. On the 9th of August the King sent me a letter containing nothing but compliments ; nevertheless, although it consisted of no more than three lines, it created a great sensation on the mountain. "What think you?" one gossip would say to another ; " the King has written to Mr. Eassam, who is a prisoner! Surely, therefore, his Majesty does not regard him as an enemy, but must really love him." The Chiefs, who were well-disposed towards me from the outset, com- municated the foct to the petty Chiefs of the garrison, and as the former had also received instructions from the King to visit me frequently, and to see to my comfort, inasmuch as I was his " friend " and not his enemy, they caused his ^Majesty's letter to me to be read in open court, in the Treasury, before the assembled officers of the fortress. Such a thing, in fact, was unparalleled, that the great Theodore should condescend to write to a prisoner, when every soldier of the garrison knew that even his Holiness, the Abiina, had never received a line from him since his imprisonment at. IMagdala, and that whenever his Majesty wished ;to communi- cate with him he did so through the Chiefs. From that day Chap. XXI. rRISOX DISCirLIXE. 189 forward the latter were more disposed tlim ever to serve me, and, at my solicitation, to extend their fiivour to my fellow- captives; but all my efforts to convince them that my fellow-captives and I were to be regarded in the same light — having one common feeling towards the King — signally failed. Whenever I expressed these sentiments to Eas Bisawwii-, Tlieodore's nephew and the foremost in the Council before he was appointed Commandant, he used to smile, wink his eye, and look at me as much as to say, " We know better." However, as his Majesty had given tliem such positive instructions to attend to all my wants, they thought them- selves justified in stretching a point to please me, as regards concessions to my fellow-captives. They accordingly allowed them extra servants, and by making friends with the petty Cliiefs who kept the night-watch, I induced them to relax the prison discipline, which requires that all prisoners shall retire to their rooms at sunset, there to be strictly guarded imtil the morning. Eventually, this watch became a mere sham, for those of my fellow-captives who chose to employ or amuse themselves till very late at night were seldom interfered with. Occasionally, however, some of tlio petty Chiefs who were at variance with Samuel used to turn restive, and insist on enforcing the prison rules by making all my fellow-captives sleep together in one room. After exhausting every other argument in vain, Samuel would fall back u[)on " the King's friend," and say to the refractory Chiefs, " Very well ; you want all the captives to sleep in one room ; so be it. I must first send and tell ^Ir. Rassam to begin to move, and then I will summon the rest." Thereui»on his toniientdrs doelaro that they never mentioned my name, and did not iiili'iid to include me in tli<' iiiiiiiber. Sainucl. ijui<-kly per- ceiving the advttuUigc which ho has gained, swears " by llio 190 LIFE AT MAGDALA. Chap. XXT. death of the King " that all the cajitivcs must be watched collectively or not at all. On one occasion, the alterca- tion between Samuel and a Tigrean Chief, on this same sub- ject, attained such a pitch that they both proceeded to tlio Council by night to argue the case before them. Samuel, finding that he could not stop the Chief's impetuous garrulity, called out to his confidential servant, and said, " Go and tell Mr. Eassam to prepare to sleep in Mr. Stern's room for the night, in company with the other captives ; because a great Chief has come forward to defy the King by ordering him, the King's friend, to betake himself where this grand man may watch him." This sarcastic message put the petty Chief into an awful rage, which he vented on his antagonist by callino; him a liar and a villain — a man who had sold himself to the FrmiclwUh for a glass of mead and a fijie sMmma. The fracas, which was now at its height, might have resulted in a few broken heads had not Bitwaddad Damash, Avho lived next door, suddenly made his appearance. However, the obstinate Chief would not be silenced ; and as he swore " by the death of the King " that he would not be satisfied until he knew whether he or Samuel was responsible for the dis- cipline in the prison-house of the Em-opeans, the contending parties were obliged to go before the Commandant. Ras Bi.sawwir, who was never at a loss in such contingencies, silenced the Chief at once by telling him that as the King had appointed me Baldaraba to all my fellow-captives, and had specially deputed Samuel to assist me, the night-watch was merely nominal ; that Samuel and I only were respon- sible for the rest of the captives ; and that the duty of the Chief in charge of the night-guard was simply to see that none of the prisoners left their rooms at night. This decision, as may be imagined, did not tend to soothe the feelings of Chap. XXI. OUK GUAPiDS. 191 the exasperated Tigrean, for whenever his turn came to take the watch, which was once a fortnight, he never lost an opportunity of annoying Samuel, either by prohibiting his servants to leave our indosure after a certain hour, or preventing others from entering it to join their masters. Ultimately, however, the Magdala Chiefs brought about a reconciliation betNveen the parties, who' afterwards became so intimate that they used to call each other " brother." The petty Chiefs, who ranked next after the Members of Council, were nominally in command of a hundred men. " Basha " was the j^roper title of a captain of Musketeers, and " Yashalaka " of Lancers ; but when the King raised the members of Council to the dignity of " Bitwaddad," he made all the Bashas and Yashalakas " Dajazmatsh." The duty of the latter was to watch personally over the Ilfin(/, our quar- ters, the Treasury, and the Bishop ; over the native prison and the two gates of Magdala tliey might either mount guard themselves, or depute their lieutenants with a certain number of men to each post. At first, the order was that wo were to be guarded every night by fifty men, but as some of the captains had not above half that number under their command, it frequently happened that we were left with only three privates and their captain. Two old Chiefs invari- ably went to sleep as soon as they came, and wo might have walked out and disported ourselves on the mountains to any extent, for all they cared. Tliu ililTiculty with us, as regards • fTocting our escape, was not how to get beyond the inclosuro \\liich surrounded our pri.- mitted that the ^nly way he could assist us wiis by my aiding him to escape first, and, once free, he would summon all the Aby.>lii)iili. I>hincand Lieutenant Prideaux's fetters, hoping that eventually the remainder (tf our fellow -cajjtives might share in the l.iMMi. At lir.>t, the Chiefs promised to do all they 198 LIB^E AT MAGDALA. Chai-. XXL could to accede to the request, but after meeting in council three times to discuss the matter, they came to the conclusion that by granting the same concession to my companions they might incur the King's displeasure, with the additional risk that his ]\Iajesty might order their chains to be made more unbearable than they were before. It was discovered afterwards that the Chiefs had not acted \\holly on their own responsibility in this instance, the King having sent them ex[)re.ss instructions to render my imprisonment as light as possible in every respect. It was owing to a similar order that I was allowed to have a separate room, and was not to be guarded at night, like my fellow-captives, who were all condemned to sleep in one apartment, and to be strictly watched. Fortunately, the Chiefs were well-disposed from the outset, and did what they could to alleviate the restric- tions imposed upon my fellow-captives. They felt that they might stretch a point in favour of Dr. J>lanc and Lieutenant Prideaux, who were my associates in the Mis- sion, while I was regarded as the King's "friend;" but with respect to the other captives, who had formerly been lodged in the common jail, and were generally called the " enemies of Theodore," they felt bound to keep up a certain show of enforcing the prison discipline of the fortress. AYith the exception of a few months, therefore, before the end of our captivity, when the Chiefs became somewhat more ven- turesome, and allowed me to build a separate apartment for Consul Cauuiron and another for 3[r. Stern, wliich they were pcniiitt<(l to occupy without a watch being set over them, tliose two gentlemen, together with Mr. Rosenthal, were obliged to live in one room day and night, under a guard. Prior to that, the Chiefs had given their consent to my erect- ing a couple of huts for Mr. Kerans and Signer Pietro ; Chap. XXI. ABYSSINIAN OFFICIALISM. 199 but tliese they were only allowed to inhabit during the ilay, and were compelled to sleep in the kitcheu, where they were watched by a guard. To my repeated solicitations that this restriction might be removed, I received one and the same answer — that it was impossible. Eventually, Mr. Kosenthal also was allowed to live with his wife in a separate hut, with- out being watched during the night ; but when the King came to Magdala, he ordered us all, without any exception, to be guarded in our rooms at night-time. The order was soon rescinded as regards myself and the members of the Mission ; but thereafter Messrs. Stem, Rosenthal and Pietro hud to sleep in one room, with a guard. Consul Cameron and Mr. Kerans would also have been obliged to share it with them hail nut the Cliiet's, on my representation that the Consul was unwell and required some one to be near him, iiUowod them to occupy their own huts, whicii v/ere to be watched on the outside only during the night. No officials in the world can surpass the Abyssinians in red-tapism and [lunctilious adherence to routine. Shortly after our incarceration I instructed Saiuuel to assist my fellow-captives generally in all their requirements, and authorized him to use my name whenever ho had to refer to the Chiefs on their behalf. Nevertheless, on every such occasion, they insisted on his stating positively whether he was sent by me, alleging that on no other ground couM they justify their compliance with his requests, in tlie event of question by the King. One day Samuel fell into dire disgrace for asking their sanction to build an extra hut, without having previously received express directions from mo to that effect. !My apology in hi- defence — that I had empowere I him to ask for what was necessary — was of no avail ; thenceforward, th(^ (.'hiefs n^fused to listen to his 200 LIFE AT MAGDALA. Chap. XXI. applications, unless lie was attended by one of my inter- preters. Having already related how our respective quarters were allotted, I shall proceed to describe what mine was when first made over to me. It was a round hut — more like a barn than a dwelling — twelve feet in diameter, constructed of branches of trees, with a straw roofing, and was still being used as a kitchen by two native families on our arrival at Magdala. As the fire-places were in the centre of the room, and there was no other vent for the smoke but through the crevices of the walls, the whole interior was begrimed with soot. The floor had never been levelled, and was furrowed here and there to make stands for water- jars. In fact, every part of the place was wretched and filthy in the extreme. One of my first cares was to make my prison-house tidy. Then, in order to get rid of the dust and soot which fell from the thatch whenever there was a strong breeze, I caused the old roof to be replaced by a new one, in which work the Abyssinian soldiers, who were always ready to assist the humblest prisoners, lent me a helping hand. Eventually, I had the whole structure pulled down, and a better room erected on the site, which I con- tinued to occupy until the arrival of the British force. There was one great inconvenience, however, beyond effectual remedy. The ground where our general quarters were located was so low and soft, that when the rains began the water oozed through the floor in all directions, despite all my efforts to divert it by having trenches dug round all the huts, and the inclosure well drained. The floor of my room, in particular, \\m always as yielding as mud, although I took the precaution of having it laid with rubble; and the water which collected in the trenches made to convey it to Cmai'. XXI. SANITARY A'l'l'EMrTS. 201 the inuiu drain occasionally flowed day and night, as if issuing from a spring. I was not successful, however, in my eftbrts to keep the general inclosure clean, which was invariably so filtliy that the Chiefs frequently complained to me of the state in which it was allowed to remain. At first, I imder- took tlie office of sanitary inspector myself, but was obliged to relinquish it on Samuel's representation that it would lower nie in the estimation of the natives. I then ap- pointed the interpreters to see that the public walks were swept, and kept clear of all nuisances. But the opposi- tion which they encountered neutralized all their efforts. Next, I trieil the doorkeeper, who were charged to insist that all rubbish should be carried to the edge of the plateau and thrown over the precipice; but the arrangement gave rise to so many .squabbles that I finally commissioned Aito Samuel to try his hand at the duty. He was eminently successful at the outset, by dint of an indiscriminate use of the whip, but on my strictly forbidding any such treatment of a female he resigned the task, saying, " How can I effect what you wish, when you will not allow me, after our own custom, to flog the women, who are as obstinate as mules, to nuike them do their work properly ? " I never allowed a domestic of mine to have a hut within the inelo.sure of my house, or any Abyssinian male or female servants to Htuy there. ^Vhellever the latter were employed on any special work Mt( . by tl.e Int.Tpr^tors ; lantly by ^- ' "crvanis. Mr. iin.l Mm. Kosnitlial. ^Q- Ouard-riKmi. E. Dr. IJlnncand Li.ut. I'litlcaux. |R. Kntranco of tho first locality. P. HnmuerH oflldal room. S. Kntranco of tlio enlnrg. d indo- 8uro. 0, Snniiit I'h Iljing, or Female K«tab- li^thnicnt. H. Samuors rt>c(pti<)n-room. 1. Mr. StiTii. I Uio i-oftfjt of till! hut.s, '"'•''""■"*■ Tho blaok dot.s in A. <;. H. njiro- H. Samuors rt>C(pti()n-room. wnt tho wtKKlon pillar.M hupimrting 204 LIFE AT MAGDALA. Chap. XXI. which was occasionally followed by fish ; then two or four entrhs, then a joint, then a pudding or tart, winding up. with anchovy-toast, or cream-cheese — the latter made by our Indian servants. In lact, a millionnaire could not have lived better than we did, under similar circumstances. My two associates in the Mission, Consul Cameron, Mr. Stern and I boarded together till the beginning of 1867, when Mr. Cameron and Dr. Blanc preferred messing each in his own hut. Lieut. Prideaux, Mr. Stern and I shared the same table until we w-ere liberated. As to pecuniary and other means of living, we were much on a par, with the excep- tion of those whom I had to support on the public account, as distressed Euro]3eans. Whenever funds reached me from the coast, or by any other route, the amount was divided according to the requirements of each. Not one of the captives can justly complain that his im- prisonment, during my time, was aggravated by privations. It is true that we were fettered, to our no small discomfort ; but our worst trials consisted in mental anxiety, protracted for nearly two years ; in the ever-present consciousness that our lives hung upon a thread ; that a mere caprice on the part of the ruthless despot who hold us in his grasp might lead him to order us to be mutilated, or to be Imrled headlong from that fatal precipice, where hundreds as innocent as we were had met an untimely end. These fears w-ere shared alike by all, and mine, I need hardly say, were intensified by a weight of responsibility which at times quite overpowered me. The task of entertaining public guests, whose interest it was desirable to secure for the common benefit of all the captives, was undertaken by Samuel, to whom I had intrusted it since our first arrival at tlie Court of Theodore. Being a Chap. XXT. ENTERTAINMENT OF GUESTS. «JOG native of tho country, and holding a recognised position with the King, Samuel was the fittest person available to discharge the important functions which such hospitality involved in our case. My personal assistance in that respect was chiefly limited to receiving visitors, in w hich occupation I was often engaged for six hours at a stretch, and few can conceive how irksome tho duty was. As a rule, I offered every guest a cup of coflfee, and one or two small glasses of arrack — when I had a supply of the latter on hand; but tij 1 never allowed to be brought into my room until towards the end of 18G7, when I was advised to give it to my Abyssinian visitors, in order to cultivate a closer intimacy with them. The first time I permitted it to bo introduced was when an attack on Magdala was tln-eatened by several rebel Chiefs, at wliich juncture the local authorities used to assemble in my house to discuss the matter among themselves, and to settle certiiin disputes which Iiad arisen between some of the inferior Chiefs. It was a time when policy demanded that I should humour them as niu
  • lanc and j\[r. Prideaux were always ut h.md iind nudy to cooperate towards tlie common welfare of our little community, espe- cially in times of diniculty and danger. The Ilev. Messrs. Stern and Rosenthal, as well as nfhcr of inv fcllow-capf ives, 206 LIFE AT MAGDALA. Chap. XXI. were never backward to contribute to the same end. Mr. "Waldmeier, also, one of the most favoured of the King's European artisans, did us many a goorl turn. On our depar- ture from Debra Tabor for Magdahi, Theodore sent to inform me that if we wished to leave anything behind, My. Wald- meier would take charge of it, and that he had further directed that gentleman to act as my agent, after we reached the fortress. I accordingly availed myself of the King's offer, and Mr. Waldmeier frequently obtained money for us from his friends at Gaffat, against bills drawn on Europe, procured for us other necessary supplies, aided our messen- gers, and did all in his power to serve us until he and his fellow-artisans fell under the royal displeasure, in the begin- ning of 1867. On one occasion when the King heard that Mr. Waldmeier was sending me five hundred dollars— it was at a time when the roads to the fortress were unsafe — his Majesty took the money and sent me an order for the amount on the Magdala Treasury. I have much pleasure in bearing my grateful testimony also to Mr. llad's unwearied exertions in our behalf, and especially for having kept me informed, even at the risk of his life, of the King's movements — in- telligence which often pointed the clue what measures should be taken for the common safety. Isolated as we were from all other sources of aid from without, such exordial sympathy was like a silver lining to the dark cloud which perpetually hung over our prison-house at IMagdala. My evening visitors were for the most part ladies, the wives either of the local magnates, or of the attainted political Chiefs, who came to me from tlie native prison with news of their husbands. They \\ere not over clean, so that it was no great jdeasure to sit near thciii; but their sweet voices — Abyssinian ladies of rank are remarkable for soft- Chap. XXI. LADY-VISITORS. 207 ness of speech — and kindly sympathy alleviated my other- wise wearisome existence. They never entered the room without glancing at my fetters, and breathing a sigh of condolence ; whilst the wives of the political prisoners encouraged mo to bear my lot with fortitude, and not to forget the mercy of God, who had implanted an extraor- dinary affection for me in the breast of their Sovereign— a man bereft of every other trace of humanity. " Except that you are fettered," they would say, " your imprisonment, and that of your brother captives, is bliss compared with what our husbands have to endure; for if, in addition to vonr fetters, you were encumbered as they are with hand-chains fastened to your feet, life would be intolerable to you. Ask your brothers who were incarcerated in the native prison before you came, and they will tell you the difference between their circumstances now and what they were then." A ]>hotogra]ihic album which I iiad with me was a source of great interest to these lady-visitors. They often sent for it on their return home, in order to show it to their friends, and it was sometimes retained for a fortnight together. I alwavs lent it on condition that the portraits were not to be touched, t'ud that those who undertook to exhibit them sliould previously wash their hands. These injunctions must have been obeyed most scrupuhnisly ; for although the book was externally the worse for wear, not one of the portraits was soiled. While at Magdahi 1 received the carte of a lady-t'ricnd of mine in England, and as soon as the fact became known the new "pi<-ture" was in great request on all sides. Concluding that it was a portrait cither of my wife or my betrothed, these simple, good-hearted souls shed many a tear over it, and kissing it would say, "Oh, did you not weep when you lieard that Mi\ Kossum was in chains? ^lav the Lord 208 LIFE AT MAGDALA. Chap. XXT. comfort yon ! " Even the Chiefs were so ftnid of looking at this portrait that, to be rid of their importunity, I eventually fixed it to a pillar in my room. A plentiful downpour in the monsooij suffices to provide the garrison of Magdala with water the whole year round ; but as very little rain fell dnrinir the last two years of our captivity, the inhabitants generally suffered from drought. A hollow near the common jail, which used to be well replenished at the rainy season, and which served to supply the royal household throughout the summer with sufficient water for culinary purposes, as well as for making mead and beer, Mas nearly dry towards the end of 1867. Water is more abundant in the adjoining plateau of Salamge, where there are two perennial streamlets, whenever the monsoon rains fall copiously. These also ceased to flow about the same time, and the wells had to bo deepened before a supply could be obtained from them. The wells connected with the Mission stabling, which was situated below a cliff" about twenty feet high, were considered the best in Salamge. The stables were eventually appropriated by the King, and converted into a jail, and this locality was the scene of that general slaughter of the native prisoners which took place on tiie nth of April, 18(58, by order of the inhuman UKmareh. Most of the victims, on being thrown over the ledge of rock, fell first into our wells, from whence they were barbarously dragged by the soldiers, and then hurled down a much steeper precipice. The soil and climate of Magdala are favourable to vegeta- tion ; but the great diawback is scarcity of water for irri- gation during the hot season. Soon after our arrival there, 1 (»l)tained a l'(;\v lonialo shools from an Egyptian in the King's service, and |»lante(l them in front of my hut. In the Chap. XXI. SOIL AN1> CLIMATE. 21)9 course of a month they grew up like a vino ; in a few weeks more tliey formed an arbour large enough to shelter half-a- dozen persons, and, eventually, the luxuriant tendrils covered the entire frontage of the room. The most extraordinary feature was, tliat tliey bore fruit all the year round, wliicli enabled us to indulge in the luxury of tomato soup and cutlets. Subsequently, I sowed a quantity of the seed, and distributed the plants among the natives of the place. These thrived so well that just before the invading British force reached Magdala, tomatoes were so abundant that we did not know how to dispose of them. One of the jilants measured eighteen feet and a half in length. Green peas sprung up in front of my house eight ft^et five inches higli. Potatoes also throve well ; the beet and long radish were rather hard ; the turnip-radish grew too fast, and became spongy a fortnight after the seed was sown. Almost all herbs flourished, as also several kinds of lettuce ; French beans succeeded better than any other vegetable. As I fullv expected, when we were sent to ]\Iagdala, that we should remain there some time, I wrote to Colonel Merewetlu-r at Aden for a supjjly of seeds, smiling to myself as I did so at the idea wliich the request might convey — that I int(nided to make the {)lace my abode for an indelinitc period. However, I was not deterred by any such rcfitction, knowing that if we did not use the seeds ourselves, we might have thcni behind us for the benefit of the country. The seeds came to hand in due course, and were sown ; and not only did we eat of the pnMluce, but obtained fresh seeds from them, which we should have sown in turn, and again have partaken of the i'ruit. had not the scarcity of water discouraged the atfcinpt. One of my greatest sources of amusement, and one which aflorded me real jdcasure during our cajitivity, wa-^ to kee[» VOL. II. r 210 LIFE AT MAGDALA. Chap. XX f. open liouso for the beautiful little birds to be found at Mag- dala. A few casual visitors at the outset, venturing up to tlie door in quest of crumbs, were induced by a scattering of Uf grain to repeat the call, bringing companions with them of several other species. The entertainment provided for tlieui was so much appreciated, that in less than a month there were from fifty to sixty of these pretty creatures, of various hues and colours, warbling in my arbour all day long. They generally came to feed in batches, and as one party left it was succeeded by another, beginning at sunrise and ending at sunset, wlicn all sped away to their respective roosts. How I envied their freedom ! The ungrateful little things deserted me at harvest time, when they found abundant pro- vision elsewhere ; but, as water at Magdala became scarce, they recommenced their calls, evidently in search of it. I accordingly had a trough made for them, and in less than a week the drinking far outnumbered my eatiug guests, and among the former were several new sjjecies that fed on flies and insects, none of which had visited me before. They seemed to enjoy bathing even more than drinking, for on a hot day there was quite a scuffle among tlioni \\hich should have the first dip. The Abyssinians, who have a strong prejudice against washing themselves, used to be highly amused at the scene, and I generally took the opportunity of suggesting that the example was one which they might imitate with advantage. Among tlic birds Avere two hand- some species which changed their })lumage at different seasons of the year, the feathers assuming a variety of the most lovely hues during the transition — I counted as many as eiglit just as the change began. Another of my visitors, not larger than a goldfinch, was arrayed in red. 'i'hese used to come In dozens, and after narrowly watching their habits for some Chap. XXI. BIRDS. 211 time, I noticed a peculiar instinct in them which greatly- amused me. Wiien a male loses his mate and is on the look- out for another, he seizes a wisp of straw, or a twig, and hops about with it in his beak among the fraternity, as an indica- tion that he is a widower in want of a consort. On one occa- sion, there was evidently a widow present who was similarly- situated. The fact was soon apprehended by the widower, who proceeded forthwith to woo her, which he did by simply dropping the twig at her side. Her consent was unmistake- able, for she immediately joined him and both sped away on their honeymoon. As my occupations generally were duly reported to the King, my amusements also did not fail to reach his ears, and he seemed highly interested in my feathered visitors; for, whenever the couriers were charged to convey my respects to him, the first question he asked, if he chanced to be in a good humour, was, " How are Rassam's children ? " — meaniug my pet birds. When I became tolerably well acquainted with the dif- ferent classes of people at Mugdala, I was surprised to find tliat a great number of the more intelligent soldiers of the garrison were well versed in the Sacred Scriptures, knowing many passages by heart, and understanding their true import. They had accordingly abandoned the 8U})orstitious doctrines and ceremonies of their own church, and adhered simply to what they called the " Creed of the Bible," or, in other words, Protestantism. These results were due to the mis- sionary efforts of the Kev. Mr. Stern, in 1.SG5, when he was fir.>t sent as a prisoner to ]\Iagdala. It appears that during iiis incarceration he never lost an opportunity of imparting Scripture truth to such of the guard as were willing to listen to him. The subjects of his discourses, and the texts of Iloly Writ which he adduced by way of confirmation, were after- r 2 •212 LIFE AT MAGDALA. Chap. XXI. wards discussed by his hearers at their own homes, and even- tually they arranged to meet together once a week, in a private house, to peruse the Scriptures, referring to Mr. Stem to explain any difficulty whieli arose in their minds in the course of these readings. Their champion in the fortress was Ba=?ha Neguse, a devout Christian, and, by all accounts, a man wlio led a most exemjilary life. He was shot acci- dentally at the storming of Magdala on the 13th of April, 1868, as has been already stated. The private meetings above described had been discon- tinued before my arrival at the Amba, but the movement was kept up by Basha Neguse and several of his zealous colleagues, who used to go publicly from house to house preaching the Gospel to those who were disposed to re- ceive it. The priests did all in their power, by threats of excommunication and other ecclesiastical penalties, to arrest the good work, but as none lieeded their menaces, they eventually appealed to Eas Bisawwir, the Commandant, to prohibit the promulgation of the doctrines of the Francliotsh in the fortress. The only reply tbey received from the bluff Chief was, that as soon as it came to liis knowledge that the parties complained of taught anything contrary to the Word of God, he would certainly put a stop to their pro- ceedings ; in the mean time, however, he advised the priests to try and imitate the piety of Basha Neguse, for whom he had a gicat regard. Of course, a considerable number of the petty Chiefs and soldiers who attended the lectures of their devout countrymen did not wholly abjure the false tenets in which they had been brought up ; nevertheless, many of them so far profited by the truths inculcated that they endeavoured to lead a more moial life, and, as a first step in that direction, married their wives according to the Chap. XXI. PROSELYTES FROM ISLAM. 213 solemn rites of tlie Church, In consequence of this reform, the ]\ragdala garrison, made up of men from all parts of the country, comprised twice the number of duly wedded couples that were to be found in any of the most populous towns of Abyssinia. I give this statement on the best native authority. During our stay at Magdala, no less than eight of the Mussulman servants of the Mission embraced Christianity. Of these, the only conscientious convert was 'Omar 'Ali ; a love affair, or a desire to be reckoned among the members of the dominant community, were the chief motives which induced the others to abjure Islam. Their consequent duties and privileges as proselytes to the Abyssinian Church may be summed up as follows: — The hair of their heads was shaved, and a priest besprinkled them with a few drops of water; besides which, they were allowed to wear the " Mateb " — a cord made of blue silk, worn round the neck by Abyssinian Christians, to distinguish them from their non-Christian countrymen. They were never to address prayers to God in Arabic, or to praise Him in that language ; and they were expressly forbidden to partake of meat slaughtered by ]\Ioharamedans. Of course, their conversion necessitated a change of name : 'Omar was turned into Guargis — George ; ]\Ioliammed into Gabra-Yasus — the Man of Jesus ; 'Ali into Wald-Salasse — the Child of the Trinity; 'Amir into Wald-Maryam — the Child of Mary ; and so forth. As the Abyssiniuns, however, never call a man simply George, or I'cter, or John, without the prefix *'Wald" or "Gabra," Samuel's insistancc that 'Omar-'Ali should be baptized "(iuargis," and not " Wald-Guargis," gave rise to consider- able discussion. The Chiefs accordingly met together in my house to consult the Bible, in order to discover whether it was 214 LIFE AT MAGDALA. Chap. XXI. not a sin to call an ordinary man by tlio same name as a saint, vliifh, in tlieir opinion, uas equivalent to placing saint and sinner on a par. Samuel, however, carried his point by con- tending tliat the inference would be justified if it were pro- posed to give 'Omar 'Ali the name of " Saint George " — al- though it w^as quite possible, he argued, that the convert might hereafter attain to that dignity. Most of the prose- lytes having expressed a \\isli to receive Christian instruc- tion, the Eev. Mr. Stern appointed certain days in the week to catechize them. Divine Service, according to the ritual of the Emrlisli Church, was celebrated in my room every Sunday during our captivity at Magdala, by the Rev. Mr. Stern, one or two Sundays only excepted, when that gentleman was too ill to officiate. The Abyssinians always behaved with decorum, and never interrupted us while we were at prayers. On more than one occasion, royal couriers arrived with messages from the King, while we were so engaged, but they waited at Samuel's house until the conclusion of the service before seeking to communicate with me. Those who do not wish to bieak the continuity of the narrative may reserve perusing the succeeding chapter until they reach the conclusion of this volume. Chap. XXII. ABYSSINIAN MARRIAGES. 215 CHAPTER XXII. MARRIAGE AND ETIQUETTE. Abyssinian marriacjcs — Marriage according to the rites of tbe National Cliurch — How dissolved — Infidelity of the husbands — Continence of wives married sacramentally — Tlieodorc's canonical marriage with the daughter of Ras 'All — Obliges Mr. Boll to follow his example — His marriage with the daughter of Dajjfij Oobe — He gets tired of her — Marries Itamanyo, the wife of a Mussulman Galla — Itamanyo's con- version and devotion — Secondary marriages — Tliird-degree marriages — Native etiquette — " Girding " — The ^hdmma described — Various styles of wearing the same — Modes of Address — Etiquette in presenta- tion — In drinking — Covering the head, an insult — Privilege of priests, monks, and nuns. In the foregoing narrative, occasional mention lias been made of first, second, and third degree marriages — a phraseo- logy Avhich I have no doubt many of my readers have been at a loss fully to comprehend. The Abyssinians are a peculiar people in many respects, and, witli regard to marriage, I believe their customs to be unitiue, and withal 80 closely interwoven with their social and domestic lite as not to be readily understood by a foreigner. The same remark applies to tlie conventional formalities which prevail among them, and to which the highest importance is at- taciied by every class of the community. As much of the subjoineel information on these two subjects was acquired during my prolonged captivity, 1 insert it here as a sequel to uiir ' Life at jMdgdala.' The most binding marriage with the Abyssinians con- 216 MAP.RIAGE AND ETIQUETTE. Crap. XXTI. sists cf an interchange of vows between the bridegroom and bride, confirmed by their jointly partaking of the holy Eucharist; in fact, the union in this case is solemnized much in the same way as in other Christian Churches. Here, liowever, as elsewhere, certain breaches of their mutual vows by cither party dissolves the tie and ren- ders the transgressor legally obnoxious to punishment ; but as Abyssinian law in sadi matters has been disreiiarded for centuries, and IMight has taken the place of Eight, it follows that an offending husband generally escapes with impunity; so also does the guilty wife, if she happens to belong to the family of a powerful Chief. Hence, an un- principled husband, when tired of his wife, finds no diffi- culty whatever in getting rid of her ; and such repudiation is undoubtedly very common. Many cases of the kind fell under my own cognizance, and, in nearly all, the husbands were leading incontinent lives ; on the other hand, I never heard of a single instance of a wife who had been sacra- mentally married proving unfaithful to her husband, even after his repudiation of her. Most women so situated re- main single, and many become nuns. In consequence of this deplorable state of things, Abyssinian females generally entertain a great distrust of the ojiposite sex, and not one in twenty would willingly contract the more binding marriage. A case in point happened while I was at Magdala. The husband was in such dread of losing his partner, knowing that as he had been united to her by the secondary marriage only — to be described anon — she might leave him any day, that her refusal to accompany him to the altar, there to partake of the Lord's Supper with him, in token of their more indissoluble union, nearly drove him mail. The matter was eventually referred to the Abuna, my interven- Chap. XXIT. THEODORE'S MARRIAGES. '217 tion beinff also soufrht, and after considerable trouble we overcame the obstinacy of tlie lady, and induced her to con- sent to be sacramentally joined to her love-sick lord, in the holy estate of matrimony. The late King Tlieodore — who was devout, moral and humane, by fits and starts from boyhood to the end of his career — took it into his head, after he was crowned, to lead a virtuous life, and to imitate the Christians in the East and West by uniting himself to one wife. He accordingly espoused Tobet, the daughter of Ras 'All, and ratified the marriage by partaking with her of the holy Eucharist. On tliat occasion, moreover, he announced to the royal troops that they could not better manifest their regard for him than bv following his example in this respect ; but as the Abys- sinians are rathm- stubborn in sucli matters, he found very few proselytes among his own subjects. It is a curious fact, tluit the only person he actually compelled to do as he had done was the late Mr. Bell ; and, what is more extraordinary still, he obliged that gentleman to marry, not the wife who had already borne him four children, but another woman. On the death of Tobet, Theodore judged it iiolitic to ally himself to the faujily of L)ajjaj Oobe — the second greatest Chief in Abyssinia whom he had overthrown — by marrying his daughter Teru-AVark, according to the solemn rites of the Church, The Dajjaj, then a prisoner in the camp of his successful rival, was almost frantic with joy on hearing that the great Theodore had espoused the young Princess — she was only twelve years old at the time — very naturally inferring that such a union would restore him to his native province of Semen, and lead to his being re-invested with the regency over 'i'igie and the nortln'rn districts. He was set at larg'- for a short period, but when Theodore had gained his 218 MARRIAGE AND ETIQUETTE. Chap. XXII. object, be made tbe poor old man a closer prisoner than before, and althougli he repeatedly promised to liberate his sons — now tbe King's brotbers-in-law — be detained tbem in captivity at Magdala, wbere tbey were almost starved, nor were tbey released until tbat fortress fell into tbe bands of tbe Britisb. After a year, during wbicb be Mas constant to bis new Queen, Tbeodoro became dissatisfied witb ber cbarms and temper, and reverted to bis former j»ractice of making any woman bis wife to wbom be took a fancy. He allowed no religious scruples or any otber considerations wbatever to interfere witli tbe gratification of bis passions in that parti- cular. It signified little to bim wbetber tbe bride elect was married or single. If the busband objected, be could easily be intimidated into compliance ; if not, there were summary modes of chastising tbose who dared to stand in the way of the " Lord's Anointed." Still, I never beard of the late King having taken a Christian woman to wife during tbe lifetime of ber busband ; but be observed no such moderation towards Mussulmans. Itamanyo, who was bis favourite Itege, or Empress, while I was in Abyssinia, was tlio wile of a 'Mo- hammedan of the Yadjow Gallas. From the accounts which reached bim of ber beauty, be ordered ber to be brouglit to his Court, and prevailed on her to embrace Christianity, while tbe hapless liusband was glad to eifect bis escape in order to avoid the alternative of losing his life or alguiiug his creed. Itamanyo eventually became very assiduous in the performance of her religious duties, and spent much time in reciting prayers. The Abyssinians, like the Roman Catholics, use rosaries in their devotions, and, as a matter of course, the Queen adojjted tbe same practice. Tin's was scarcely a novelty to her, since Mohammedans generally use Chap. XXII. SECOND-KATE MARRIAGES. 219 a similar though much longer chaplet, but without any symbol attached, called a 3IusbaJiah, each bead serving the devotee as a tally in his enumeration of the names and attributes of God. Being unable to find a suitable rosary, Itamanyo applied to me, through Samuel, to assist her in procuring one. I accordingly directed a native craftsman to make a string of silver beads, with a large cross of the same metal appended, and had it presented to her. According to Abyssinian canon law, no man can contract a second sacra- mental marriage during the lifetime of a former w ifo, whether she be divorced from him or not. But for this prohibition — his wife Teiu-Wark being still alive — there can be no doubt that Theodore would have ratified his union witli Itamanyo by wedding her according to the ritual of the Church. In what, for want of a more appropriate designation, I call the "Secondary" or "Second-rate jMarriage" among the Abyssinians, the contracting parties simply swear, in the ])resenco of two witnesses, that they will live together as husband and wife. This bond may be dissolved at any time by mutual consent ; in that case, the wife is entitled to retain whatever property she possessed before wedlock, as also any presents which she may have received from her husband (luring coverture, unless a stipulation to tlie contrary was agreed to by both sides, on their union. Most Abyssinian marriages arc of this sort, and the generality of the respect- able classes so wedded live together as husband and wife until separated by death, few only among them reverting to the subordinate or third-defjree marriaire. Tliis last is little better than concubinage. The contract- ing parties merely engage to cohabit during pleasure, and while so living are regarded as hu.sband and wile. The children of such unions, however, have an equal right of 220 MAREIAGE AND ETIQUETl^E. Chap. XXIT. inheritance with the offspring of first- and second-rate mar- riages. The national Church, indeed, recognizes only tlie first as valid ; but the laity as a rule set all ecclesiastical law in such matters at defiance. Hence, a wealthy Abyssinian Christian, wlio is debarred by the two higlier degrees of wedlock from having more than one wife, may nevertheless have as many third-rate wives as ho pleases, and cohabit with them simultaneously. In the course of my inquiries into these matrimonial customs, and the laws affecting inheritances among this peculiar people, I applied to tlie Abuna to aid me in the research. His reply was, " My son, you have asked me questions Avhicli I am unable to answer. This only I can tell you; Abyssinian marriages, with few exceptions, are so abominably revolting that the issue are all bastards." With respect to etiquette — the remaining subject to be treated of in this short chapter — the Abyssinians are most punctilious. In fact, their adherence to conventional for- malities is extreme, and may be regarded as the offspring of that admixture of barbarism and civilization which characterizes tlieir social, religious, and political economy. It is confined to no class, and pervades all tlie relations of private and public life. The style in whicli a superior shoTild address an inferior, and vice versa, is with them a point of the highest importance; so much so, that the meanest peasant will stand upon his dignity in that parti- cular. In rank, tlio King of course occupies the liigliest place; next in order is the Abuna, or Metropolitan; but both claim to be addressed in the third person plural, whicli is the highest fin-mula. When speaking to each other, how- ever, the Sovereign assumes the subordinate position of "son" towards the Prelate *' father." The latter also addresses the Chap. XXII. " GIRDING." 221 former in the second person singular; whereas the King is bound to address the head of the Church as " they." Further, according to tlie letter of the ceremonial law, the Sovereign should gird himself in the presence of tlie Abuna — a token of deference which the latter is not expected to imitate. Whether this arises from the fact that the Metropolitans, being always Copts from Egypt, never adopt the Abys- sinian costume and consequently do not wear the loose native outer robe, I am unable to say with certainty. When the King and the Abuna enter the same room, tlie former may not be seated before the latter. Nevertheless, in all such observances, Theodore followed his own inclinations, and treated the Bishop accordingly. If in a good humour, he even condescended to kneel and kiss the Prelate's feet, in recognition of his "sonship" to the spiritual "father" of Ids people ; but if his temper happened to be rudHed at the time, he would exclaim, "Who is his father? If he is a ]ji-hop, he is a Turk notwitlistanding; whereas I am the olTspring of David and Solomon, and, withal, his Sovereign." Before proceeding further with this subject, I must explain what is meant by " girding," It refere to the different modes in which the native outer robe is worn, and involves niceties of etiquette far surpassing any connected with the ordinary salutations in vogue, either in the East or West. The robe, which is called a " Shamma," is common to all classes — the texture of course differing according to the means of the wearer. It is a long sheet of cotton clotli, (Inul)led, of native manufacture, with a broad rod stripe crossing tlie width at one end a short distance from the extremity. The size varies: one in my possession measures 30x2 yards. Thrown over the back, keeping the red stripe on the right side wliilc the utiier end is first brought over the left, then 222 MARRIAGE AND ETIQUETTP]. Chap. XXII. thrown over tlie right shoulder, under the striped end, which Is next cast over tlie left shoulder, so as to exhibit the coloured stripe falling perpendicularly down that side, from the shoulder to the loot — such is the highest style of wearing this vestment, and one so clad, who is not obliged to re- arrange it in deference to another person, is regarded as the superior of all present on the occasion. If, in addition to these lappings and over-lappings, the wearer can manage to muffle his chin, mouth and nose in the folds, he thereby adds to his consequence. Wearing the Shdmma as above, but with the red stripes downwards, like the hem of a sldrt, is also reckoned as dignified as the style just described. When two persons of equal rank meet, they move the corner of the robe from off the left shoulder with the concealed hand, and then replace it as it was before. This, however, is not called " girding," bat " dressing." When one so clad meets a superior, to whom he is bound to pay homage — Avhether in passing him, giving him a message, or taking leave of tiiin — he must move the red stripe from off his left shoulder and arrange the folds so as to exhibit it stretching in a horizontal line from shoulder to shoulder. This is reckoned the highest degree of " girding." The next in order, which is styled "girding at ease," because it simply indicates respect w'ithout obsequiousness or humiliation, consists in withdrawing the right arm and shoulder from under the robe. Theodore conferred upon all his European employ(5s and artisans the privilege of appear- in^ before him so girt; and on three different occasions, when his Majesty wished to make himself particidarly gracious, he received me with his right arm uncovered — a condescen- sion which he had never before manifested to any foreign official. Servants waiting on their masters, while on a Chap. XXir. "GIRDING." 223 journey or at a grand feast, when strict ceremony is dis- j)ens('d with, or petty Chiefs in attendance upon their leader — otlier than the Sovereign — may also adopt this style. Winding lialf the robe round the waist, tying it in front, and thin tlirowing the other end over the right and left shoulders, so as to cover the body, and yet show the gird- ing, is tlic third mode of wearing the sMmma, and denotes inferiority. The lowest style is accomplished by taking the robe from the shoulders, winding it round the waist, tying it in a knot in front, and then tucking the ends within the girding. Every subject in the country, from the heir-apparent to the throne down to the lowest i)easant, is bound to ai)pear before the h»ove- reiffn " jrirded " in this manner. Moreover, throuffhout the JriiLith and breadth of the land, whenever a royal letter is read, or a royal message publicly proclaimed, all present must listen to the annoimcement standing, with the shdmma worn as just describcil. ilofore 1 was consigned to Magdala, no Abyssinian from a lias downwards could appear before me otherwise than in the same guise. My repeated attempts to induce visitors and others to dispense with the ceremony were always met with the objection, that it might cost the defaulter his life to disregard the Sovereign's order in that respect. On our way to Magdala, as prisoners, whenever I addressed J>itwudchid Ta;onnient. he had a cu[> lllled with mead, of which, agreeably with the j»revailing custom, he first drank a little himself, then rose slightly from liis sitting posture and presented it to me with both hands — a conde- scension on h\< ]);irt whicli I never exjiected from the hauglity 3Ionarch. An interior may not drink out of the same cuj) wliiih his snj)erior has used, or of the vessel iVom wliich he is about to VOL. II. Q 22G MARRIAGE AND ETIQUETTE. Chai-. XXIL drink ; but as the superior always expects that any beverage brought to liim should be first tasted by the domestic pre- senting it, on receiving the cup he pours a little into the hands of the latter, and after he has quaffed it the master of the house disposes of the remainder. According to the eti- quette which obtains among the higher classes, a fly or any other insect falling into the mead or beer renders the liquor undrinkable, and the cup has to be replenished. Envelojiing the head in one's robe, even by a superior in the presence of an inferior, is considered a gross insult. This was the charge brought by the King against M. Bardel at the trial on the 15th of March, 186G. Ladies who are obliged to go abroad during the day, either walking or riding — when, in accordance with conventional usage, they generally cover their heads — are expected, out of courtesy, to uncover on meeting a superior whom they recognize ; this, however, is not obligatory. A person who has shaved his head may cover it with a kerchief or cap, which he may wear in the presence even of royalty, without a breach of etiquette. All priests are privileged to wear turbans, and monks and nuns skull-caps. In travelling, the late King Theodore allowed considerable latitude in all these conventionalities, and he went so far as to annoimce that he did not wish ladies, on passing him, to uncover their heads. ISCC. Sept. THEODORE'S COURTESY. 227 CHAPTER XXIII. REBELLION AROUND MAGDALA. Thco lore's continued courtesy — He sacks Gondar — He receives her Majesty's letter sent by Mr. Flad — Sends it to the Author requesting Lini to write for the En^lisli artisans to be forwarded on from Massowali — His letter to that effect — The Author's re})ly — Theodore rei)eats his rcijuest — The peasantry between Debra Tabor and Ma;^dala become disaffected — The Commandant of Magdala sent in chains to Debra Tubor — Tlic district of Baganieder relx;ls — Intercourse between Mag- dala and the royal camp cut off — Rumours of Theodore's having fled to Kwara — His bloodthirstiness at this time — Horrible atrocity per- petrated by a band of rebels — The outrage avenged — Theodoi'e learns a new lesson in cruelty — Honesty and fidelity of Abyssinian servants illustrated — Native agents beyond the fortress protect the messengers of the Mission — How regular intercourse was kept up between the Mission and the coast — Scheme organised for rapid intercommunication between Slagilala and Massowah — Kindness makes friends — The devotion of ^Ir. Stem's native servants — Where is Theodore? — Rival candidates for the j^ssession of Magdala — Overtures from Ahmed, the Imam of the Wcllo-Gallas — Menilek the king of Shoa's futile display — l"he Wakshum Gobaze and his army retire on the approach of Theodore — The Wak.slium's friendliness towards the British Expeditionary force. In reply to tlic lung's Icttor which reached nic on the 9th of August, after our imprisonment at ^riigfhila, I sent him a few lines containing niy personal compliments, but I also commissioned the couriers to convey similar salutations to his ftLijesty from my fhip of our lelations will pass away on the return of Flad, and desiring that you should as soon as possible thereafter re- ceive the articles which we had proposed to send to your Majesty in token of our friendship, we have given orders that those articles should be forthwith sent to Massowah, to be delivered, for conveyance to your Majesty's Court, to the officers whom you may depute to conduct our servant Eassam, and our servant Cameron, and the other Europeans, so far on their way to our presence. And so we bid you heartily farewell. "Given at our Court at Balmoral, the 4th day of October, in the year of oui* Lord, 18G6, and in the thirtieth year of our reign. " Your good Friend, (The largo Signet.) (Signed) "VICTOEIA E." (Not countersigned.) Superscribed — "To Our rjood Friend I'hcodorc, King of Abyssinia." Tt wa.s roportod that tho King" was not displeased with tliis communication ; but lie a])poars to have tried, at the same time, to put a more favourable construction upon it than its tenor really warranted. Ilitwcvrr, he forwarded the copy to mo by my owu messenger, inclosed iu the following letter from himself: — '2Si REBELLION AROUND MAGDALA. Chap. XXIII. " In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost — one God. " From the King of hings, Theodorus. May this reach Mr. ITormiizd Eassam. How have you passed the time ? I, by the power of God, am well. Ask Dr. Blanc, Mr. Prideaux, Mr. Cameron and his parly, and Mr. Stern and his party, from me, how they have passed their time. " Your servant, whom you wished me to forward to Matamma, I have sent for you. I have ordered your things to be brought to Wahne, by camels, and from thence I have ordered my people to bring them hither, by the power of God. " Mr. Flad has returned to Massowah, and transmitted to me the inclosed letter. Peruse it, and wait till I arrive, as I am coming to you, by the power of God. I will consult with you as to the answer I shall send." (Without date.) — Eeceived December 28, 1866. The receipt of her Majesty's firm yet conciliatory letter by the King, and the announcement of his intention to consult me personally on the subject, led me to hope that I might be able to persuade him to convey us to Tigre, there to nego- tiate for our release. The pleasing delusion was of short duration, for, a few days after, I received the following letter from his Majesty, through Eas I'ngada, wherein he notifies his determination to retain me and my fellow-captives at Magdala until he had secured his object, requiring me at the same time to write and request her Majesty's Government to send up the artisans : — (After compliments.) " Mr. Flad has written to me again, and I send you herewith the letter which he has enclosed. "Now, in order to prove the good relationship between me and yourself, let it be shown by your writing and getting the skilful artisans and Mr. Flad to come, via Matdmma. This will be the sign of our fiiendship. When you hate my enemies and love my friends, and I shall piove wanting in my friendship towards you, leave me to God [as my judge]. Even Solomon, 1867. Jav. TUEODORE'S FRESU DEMAND. 235 tho son of David, the great King, God's created being and s^a^■e, when he wished to build the Temple in Jerusalem, was per- plexed [about finding skilful artisans]. Falling at the feet of King Tliram of Tyre, he begged him for carpenters and skilful artisans, who asbisfed in building the Temple. And now, when I used to fall girded at the feet of the great Queen, her nobles, peoples, and hosts, I found ^Ir. Stern and his party abused mo and lowered me. Also, when I sent a friendly letter to the great Queen of the English, the Defender of the Faith, the succour of the needy, tho friend of God, tho favourite of God — Victoria, Mr. Cameron refused me an answer. Also yi>u, Mr. Kassara, said that you were coming from the Queen, and came to me. Consenting to this, I received you in a friendly manner, and treated yuu to tho best of my ability. When I read the letter which you brought me, which asked mo to release and pardon all the Europeans whom I had hated and imprisoned, I consented, and sent and had them released at once, by the power of our Creator, before I passed the night. Before they came to mo I gave them over to you, in oider that the Queen and her Government might be pleased. Ihit you, before you asked them as to the crime Avhich they had committed, and which caused their impnsonmcnt, and without finding whether I was Avrong, in order that I might compensate them, or, if they were guilty, in order that I might obtain a favour from the Queen — before you brought them to me, you sent them away. " I had also heard that tho English and tho Turks had entered into an alliance. I kept my vexation fo niy.'-olf and said nothing. "Now Mr. Flad has sent mo a most friendly and pleasing letter. As Sulonion fell at tho feet of Ilirani, so I, under C!od, fill at the feet of tho Queen, and her Government, and her friends. I wish you to get them [tho skilful artisans] via Matdmma, in ord«;r that they may teach mo wisdom, and show mo clever arts. ^Vhen this is done, I shall make you glad, and send you away, by the power of G(jd. "Written in the year of St. T.uke, on Saturday the 28th day of tho month Tahsuss" [answering to January T), 18(37j. Received Januaiy 8, 18G7. To hiivc refused the Kinj^'s request in this case would liavo jJaccd all our lives in jeopardy; even Mr. Waldinoier wrote 236 REBELLION AROUND MAGDALA. Ciiap. XXIII. to me on behalf of his Majesty's European artisans, begging mc to accede to the demand for their sakcs as well as our own. Moreover, I Ivnow full well tliat I should be able to communicate twice or thrice with the coast before the letter which was to be sent throu2;h the King could reach its destination. My reply was as follows : — " Mihjdala, January 7, 1867. "Most Gracious Sovereign, " I have had the honour of receiving your Majesty's two letters : the first bj;- my servant, Ilailo, and the second by Eas I'ngada, together with a copy of my Queen's letter to you, which was forwarded to your Majesty from Massowah by Mr. Flad. " Agreeably to your Majesty's desire, I have written to my Government about Avhat you have communicated, and I hope that your request will be complied with. I send Mohammed Sa'id, one of my servants, with the letter, which I have given to him, open, in order that your M'.jcsty may have it read, if you please. Allow me to return you my best thanks for your Majesty's kindness in having sent to Matamma for the stores I required, and I trust that our Heavenly Father v.'ill reward 3'ou for your acts of friendship. Dr. Blanc, J\Ir. Prideaux, Mr. Cameron and his party, Mr. Stern and his party, desire to present their respectful compliments to your Majesty." I had just dispatched the foregoing, when another special courier arrived, bringing the subjoined extraordinary epistle from his Majesty, enclosing a note to my address from Colonel Merewether : — (After compliments.) " j\Ir. Flad has sent [wi-ittcn] to me as follows : — ' I had formerly sent to you Mr. Kassam in the aifairs of Cameron and his part}', and we heard that you had received him -with favour and with friendship. Wo had also consented to all the things you re- quired, and had given them over to Mr. Flad, but after that we heard that your friendship towards him had changed; but 18G7. Jan-. CORRESPONDENCE WITH THEODORE. 237 we hope that the friendship existing between iis and yourself will not be changed.' " That is what was sent to me, and I am going to reply as follows : — ' Formerly England and Ethiopia were on terms of friendship, and I also, having knowledge of this, used to love j'on ox( <■' dingly. But [since then] having heard that the}- [the Endi>h] have r-alumniated me to the Turk.';, who hate me, I said to myself, Can this be tine ? and I felt some misgiving in my heart. However, I tnist there is no enmity between Ethiopia and the Engli>h, but that there is friendship. "We do not esteem those who calumniate and hate the English ; so you, for our sake, should not esteem those who calumniate and hate the people of Ethiopia. jMr. lias.sam and his party, whom you sent to me, I Lave placed in my house, in my capical at Mdgdala, and 1 will treat them well, until I obtain a token of your fiiendship.' " I shall write the above to Mr. Flad, and I wish you also, for the sake of obtaining for me their [the English] friendship and lovo, to write at the same time to the proper authorities, and send the letter to mo, by the power of God. It is necessary that yoTi should send a man immediately to me, in order that he m.ty bring Mr. Flad to me quickly." (Without date.) — Ifeceived January 7, 18G7. Hero was a batch of complaints, reproaches and solicita- tions, all put together, in order to induce me to write for the tran.^mission of the artisans from Masisowah. As I liad anti- cipated, the letter wliich I aieg to infoi-m your Majesty that tlie things you so kindly forwarded to mo liavo reached safely. Allow mo to rctuiTi yon my grateful thanks for your kindness in having had thorn brought from Matamma, and for the trouble you have taken in transmitting them hither. " 1 take this opportunity of informing jour I^fajesty that when, on a former occasion, T asked j-our permission to obtain a snpj)]y of eatublcH and drinkables from Matamma, I was not aware that anything had arrived thoro for me, from Massowah ; but 240 REBELLION AROUND MAGDALA. Chap. XXIIL it appears that a few days Lefore my letter reached that place, some Avearing apparel had arrived for me and my companions, •vvliich -svas accordingly forwarded to me, together with what I had written for. Part of the former consists of a supply of calico and shirts, and as we have already more than we require of those articles, I trust your Majesty will allow me to send you ten pieces of calico and thirty shirts, for the use of your servants. I hesitate to send them by Ilailo, the bearer of this letter, before obtaining your sanction, which I hope you will be pleased to accord. "Dr. Blanc, Mr. Prideaux, Mr. Cameron and his party, and Mr. Stern and his party, beg to send your Majesty their ret^pect- ful compliments. Thank God, we are all well, and I trust this letter will find you in the enjoyment of perfect health." "When I wrote for the above-named articles in May, 1866, I bad intended some of the shirts and calico for the King, and as they had reached me through him, and he himself had actually seen them when they were re-packed, I could hardly do otherwise than malce him the offer which I did. Being a prisoner, however, I deemed it expedient to ask his con.>ent before sending the present. His reply, which came to hand on the 15tli of April, was characteristic : — (After compliments to all.) " I have received your communication, and thank you for it. It is not convenient for the present that I should receive any- thing from j-ou ; but, by the power of God, whatever you require I will give you. I am much obliged to you [for the proffered gift]; let your servants wear the articles for me. Oh! ni}- be- loved, send to me for Avhatcvcr you need, and I will supply it. Don't fear. " What I requiio from my friend, the Queen, and from you, my brother, is your friendship. >;ot that I can say that I am rich, and am in no want of worldly goods ; but, by the power of God, I am anxious that you should open my eyes, for I am a blind donkey." (Ji)]y once after this, subsequent to Mr. Flad's return from Chap. XXIII. THEODORE IN STRAITS. 241 England, was I able to correspond directly with tlie King through ray own messengers, as the whole of liagameiler had risen in rebellion and efTleetually cut off all communiration with Magdala. Dalanta and Dawunt, in the vicinity of the fortress, remained faithful to the royal cause till July, wlien they were driven, under compulsion, to join the Gallas for a time. For seven weeks, Theodore was unable to hold any intercourse with jMagdala, except through secret messengers obtained from among the native prisoners and peasants. For tlu'ee months, even these emissaries failed to accomplish their errands, and matters had come to such a deadlock that all kinds of conjectures were afloat as to what the upshot would be. The rumour that the King had been driven to such straits that he was obliged to take refuge in his native district, K\Aara, filled all the captives with joy, ami at one time there was not one amongst us who would not have wagered a hundred to one that we should never see his face again ; nevertheless, we were once more doomed to disap- pjiiitment. Were I to record a tithe of the exaggerated and unfounded reports which obtained temporary currency at that period, this narrative would cover many additional pages. There can be little doubt, however, that the pro- ceedings of Theodore, during the greater part of 18(j7, were characterized by a savage brutality quite diabolical. His thirst for blood luid attained such a pitch, that ho is said to have ordered one hundred thousand head of cattle to bo shot dead, between sunrise and sunset, on hearing that his soldiers, who had already plundered more cows than they knew what to do with, were selling them to the rebels for one dollar uacli. It appears, also, that ho had learnt from the rebels a more summary way of disposing of his captured enemies, namely, by committing them to the flames. A VOL. II. B 212 REBELLION AROUND MAGDALA. Chap. XXIIL petty insurgent of Davvunt, near Magdala, is stated to have been the first to perpetrate this horrible outrage, before that district revolted. The district was presided over by a Chief, named Aito Odisso, who was reputed to be upwards of a hundred years of age, and yet walked and rode with the energy of a man of fifty. 1 saw this venerable patriarch as we passed through Dawunt, on our way to Magdala, in July, 1866. He certainly did not look more than seventy years old, and yet the people assured me that he was a Chief of Dawunt in the time of Eas Guksa, the grandfather of Eas 'Ali, that is, about eighty years ago. This man was so devoted to Theodore, that he maintained the loyalty of the district to the royal cause when the whole country around was convulsed Avith anarchy, and on two occasions he repulsed the rebels who appeared in the immediate neigh- bourhood, and utterly routed them. One rebel, how^ever, with a party of about eighty followers, determined to get rid of the old Chief and his family. They accordingly concerted together to set his house on fire by night, and to massacre any of the inmates who attempted to run from the flames. The devilish scheme was carried out to the letter. Aito Odisso, who was the first to awake, rushed out of the burning house, and was speedily dispatched by the ruffians, who were on the look-out for him. Eight or ten members of his family were either burnt alive or speared ; the remainder, including his son and heir, managed to effect their escape under cover of the darkness. The marauders then collected all tlic booty they could from the village, including horses, mules and cattle, and by sunrise the fol- lowing morning reached that part of the Bashilo river which divides Dalanta from Dawunt, where, fancying themselves safe from surprise, they halted to have a feast on hrundo. Chap. XX III. AITO ODISSO. 243 Meanwhile, the son of the slaughtered Chief was busy at work, and swore that he would not bury his father before he had avenged him. The conflagration of the houses, and the resoundings of the war-cry during the night, brought all the Dawunt wan-iors to the spot, who, on seeing the mangled corpse of their Chief, took an oath that they would not return home until they had wreaked their vengeance on his murderers. About five hundred mustered to go in pursuit, and the scouts sent in advance to reconnoitre re- turning ^\itll the intelligence that the band had halted near the Bashilo, the young Chief divided his followers into two parties, one of which was placed so as to cut off the re- treat of the enemy, while the other attacked them. The rebel Chief fought bravely, and, refusing to surrender himself iilive, was almost hacked to pieces by the assailants ; where- upon his adherents, finding themselves surrounded on all sides, laid down tlieir arms. The corpse of their leader was then transported to the old Chiefs village in Dawunt, where it was left to rot in the fields, and about eighty of the cap- tured prisoners were sent to the King at Debra Tabor. So severely did Theodore feel the loss of Aito Odisso, that he is reported to have wept when he heard of his death, and kept himself secluded for a whole day. Even during the old man's lifetime, the King never exacted any taxes from I ho people of Dawimt ; the only burden imposed upon ihem was the duty of supplying the garrison at Magdala with a tenth of the grain raised in the district. Moreover, ho always addressed the houry-headed Chief in tlu! third person, as if speaking to a superior. The rebel prisonei*3 underwent a fair trial, and all pleaded guilty ; whcretipon the King adjudged tli.m to a death similar to that \Nhich they had devised for his dear and faithful friend. They were u 2 244 EEBELLION AEOUND MAGDALA. Chap. XXHI.. accordingly placed in a large hut, on tlie outside of which heaps of grass were piled by the executioners, who then set the whole on fire. Such was Theodore's first essay in this species of cruelty, and, finding that it was an expeditious way of dispatching those whom he styled " rebels," he thence- forward frequently adopted it. By all accounts, some hun- dreds of men, Avomen and children were subsequently burnt alive by his orders. An incident occurred on the murder of the old Chief of Dawunt which is worthy of being recorded, as illustrative of the honesty and fidelity of Abyssinian servants. When I was sent a prisoner to Magdala, the King instructed that Chief to act as my agent, and to assist me generally in my requirements. He also directed, that in case I wished to send mules belonging to the Mission to graze in Dawunt, he was to supply them with forage, and also to provide quarters for the muleteers and for any servants or messengers of mine who passed through his district. On the afternoon preceding the night of the outrage, one of my trusty messengers, named Golja, reached the Chieftain's house from Gaffut, with two companions, carrying no less a sum than 1,700 doUars — nearly 400Z. — for my fellow-captives and myself, which had been obtained from the King's European artisans against orders drawn on Europe. They Mere located, during the night of the attack, in a small hut just beyond the Chief's inclosurc. Lucidly, Golja happened to be awake when the first onset was made on the premises. Suspecting foul phiy, he roused his companions and hurried them out of the hut, bearing the money, and the tliree concealed themselves in a clump of bushes, away from the vilLage, until the morning. When everything was quiet, they pursued their journey, and arrived at the fortress without the loss of a dollar. Chap. XXII F. MESSENGERS AND GUIDES. 215 During the interval that the roads between Debra Tabor and ]\ragdala were closed by the rebels, I occasionally em- ployed the King's private messengers to bring letters and money from our friends at Gafifat. Though twice attacked by marauding parties, they never lost any of the parcels confided to tliem ; in fact, the readiness of these royal couriers to serve me, and their fidelity to the trusts they undertook, are beyond all praise. Aito Samuel also had two servants, named respectively Obishet and Dabaj, whose devotion to tlieir master induced them to risk their lives on our behalf. Any communication from a party who feared to make it through a third person generally reached me through Ubi-het, with unerring punctuality and truthfulness. As I never allowed the letters which we dispatched to the coast, or those sent up to us from Massowah, to be taken from !Magdala or to be brought there by the messengei'S charged with their conveyance, it was the joint duty of Obishet and my interpreter, Dasta, to carry them about their persons until they found a safe opportunity of delivering them to the parties selected to transmit them. Dabaj, on tlio otlier luind, was the principal medium of carrying on our com- munications with the royal camp during these critical times, and although well known to the King's courtiers, and even to Theodore, ho never hesitated to undertake my errands to Debra lubor or elsewhere. If seized, he was instructed io say that he had been sent by me to procure funds — the only j)lea which was likely to save his life. Once, when not another soul would venture betw(Mjn ^Idgdala ami Debra Tultor, owing to a stringent order that no stranger was to bo allowed either to enter or leave the eanip, lit; volunteered to visit Mr. Flad llw re, in onhr to t)btain a supply of money for us, of which we were in the greatest need. He travelled 2i6 REBELLION AROUND MAGDALA. Chap. XXIIT. with one of the King's private messengers, and after getting the money — about two hundred dollars — he consigned half of it to his companion, and both set out on the return journey together. On reaching the district of Gaint, in Bagameder, they were attacked by a party of rebels, who seized Dubaj, while the royal courier managed to escape. The latter brought us the sum which he carried, just as we had ex- pended our last few dollars ; the former was first bound by the marauders, and tlien lightened of his burden, with the exception of a sum of forty dollars, ^hich he had carefully secreted in his trousers. Two of the forty dollars he gave to one of the servants in the house where he had been confined, to connive at his escape, and he eventually reached us in safety with the balance by travelling only during the night. On finding that we were close prisoners at Magdala, I appointed agents at different places between the coast and the fortress, and also between the Amba and the King's camp at Debra Tabor, to protect my messengers and render them every assistance in their power. I found, also, that guides were necessary to insure the safety of the letters when they arrived near Magdala, and I accordingly employed a number of men on that service. These guides carried the letters when I did not think it safe to trust the messengers directly, lest they should be detected. The latter acquitted themselves from beginning to end most honourably, and only on a few rare occasions did they lose any of the money confided to them. Of all the assistance, however, which I received from the Abyssinians, none proved so valuable as the co-operation of the Chiefs of Dalanta. I'rkina, one of their number, never failed me in a single instance from the time I first employed Chap. XXIII. ABYSSINIAN FIDELITY. 217 him until wc finally left Magdala. During that interval, Dalanta changed its governor no less than six times, having been ruled alternately by the King, the Wakshura Gobaze, and the Gallas. I'rkina and his two brothers harboured my mes- sengers and afforded them protection, whenever it was needed. "Without them I could not have sent our mails regularly to the coast, nor could we have received, as we did, supplies of money from without, when the whole country was in a state of anarchy. Many a time did I'rkina retire to sleep in the most lonely spots, fearing lest the letters which he carried might be seized, in the event of his betrayal either to Theodore or to the Imam of the CJallas. On one occasion, when five batches of messengers arrived together on the borders of Dalanta from the coast, with several sums, amount- ing in all to 2,000 dollars, a large party of rebels concerted to attack and plunder them. On hearing this, I'rkina mustered all the ligliting-men from among his relations — seventy in number — and proceeded with them to the rendez- vous, took charge of the money, and brought it intact to Magdahi. lieforc the King reached the fortress I managed to main- tain a regular bi-moiithly communication with jMassowah. So trustworthy had 1 found the Abyssinians, that when news reached us of tlie landing of the British troops, I commenced organizing intermediate stations between ^lagdala and Sakota, to serve as a more expeditious lino of conveying intelligence between ourselves and the invading force. According to my calculations at the time, a letter might have been transmitted from I^Fagdala t(» tln' coa-t, aiul vice versa, in twelve days. 1 Imd ev- 248 EEBELLIOX AROUND MAGDALA. Chap. XXIII. for each, with which the letters passing through their hands were to be stamped. Four men were allotted to each station, who were to travel in couples, forty miles, once a fortnight. I had nominated the couriers, and the seals were being prepared, when the King's approach was announced, and the people of Wadala— the district where the two first stations were to have been established — suddenly left their homes and fled towards Lasta. This unforeseen occurrence of course upset my scheme, but I mention these incidents to show the trustworthiness of the Abyssinians generally, and their fidelity towards their employers and those who treat them with proper consideration. Nothing, indeed, that either my fellow-captives or myself experienced at their hands would warrant us in speaking otherwise of them. If a few isolated cases to the contrary are enough to brand a whole people with dishonesty, faithlessness and ingratitude, then, forsooth, no nation is free from the stigma. It is perfectly true that I did fall in with disreputable individuals in Abyssinia, especially among the common soldiers, who regarded me as an inferior being, because I neither More a sTidmma nor buttered my hair ; but such characters were comparatively few, and many of them were afterwards ^^on over by kindness to serve me with almost abject devotion. It should be remembered, moreover, that ours was a most anomalous position at Magdala ; we were, to all intents and purposes, " prisoners," and the soldiery regarded us as such. It is not to be wondered at, therefore, that we did not re- ceive from them those out\Aard tokens of deference which, under other circumstances, might have been expected. An European guard is not l)()und, and I believe not allowed, to salute its prisoners, whatever Ihcir i-imk may be; corre- .sponding discipline prevails in the Abyssinian army, and it 1867. ABYSSINIAN FIDELITY. 219 would be as unreasonable to inveigh against it in tlic one case as in the other. I offer no apology for adducing another eminent example of the fidelity of the Abyssinians towards their employers. When the Rev. Mr. Stern was brutally beaten, and two of his native attendants were flogged to death by the King's orders, simply because they were in that gentleman's service, not one of his remaining followers deserted him ; on the contrary, they stood by liini to the last, though they were imprisoned, tortured, and had a yoke hung round their necks by the cruel tyrant who had shed the blood of their innocent comrades. 3Ioreover, even wlien some among his o\\n country- men shunned the disgraced Missionary, his Abyssinian friends still clung to liini, despite the risk whicli they incurred by their sympathy, ^ly most ardent wish is that the poor Abyssinians could be provided witli better rulers and a more stable and equitable government, for I am persuaded that in the coui*se of a few years, under an enlightened adminis- tration, tlicy would make rapid advances, as well in morals as in civilization generally. They are without any caste prejudices, they are observant and shrewd, fond of learning, and by no means deficient in intellectual ability ; indeed, I um disposed to rank their natural powers in the latter respect as equal to those of most ICuropeaii races. A large portion of the educated and enlightened members of the community were sadly disappointed on finding that Eng- land's sole object in invading the country was the liberation of the captives, and that the British force would retire without taking any steps to intro, and thought it better to decamp in time. Menilek was much liked, and would have found many friends among the garrison, if he hud been bold enough to conimenee operations. Afte; 262 THEODORE REACHES MAGDALA. Chap. XXIV. Balambaras Tasdinma ; Bitwaddad Tadla, who had brouglit us as prisoners to Magdala ; T'issoo Hailo, the merchant who was afraid to accompany me on board the steamer at Mas- sowah at the end of 18G-1 (see VoL I. p. 36), and' a large number of courtiers who had incurred the royal displeasure for trivial offences. After the native prisoners were safely lodged in the com- mon jail, together with about four hundred inmates who had been confined there previously, Dajjaj Dasta, one of the petty Chiefs of Magdala, who was then in great favour with the King, accompanied by several other Chiefs, brought the European captives, each chained to an Abyssinian soldier, and made them over to me, in accordance with the King's orders. His Majesty, he said, had directed him to repeat th& following message to me : — " How are you ? How have you passed the time ? I send five of your coimtrymen whom I wish you to receive and keep with the other Europeans who are with you. Be of good cheer, my son ; I shall soon be with you." It appears that when the native prisoners were consigned to the Magdala Chiefs at the royal camp, the latter inquired where the five Europeans were to be lodged. After considering a little, his Majesty asked the Chiefs whether they thought I should feel hurt if they were located with the native prisoners in the common jail. On their replying in the affirmative, he directed them to be made over to me, with the foregoing message. With regard to Mrs. Rosenthal, he said, " Take her and deliver her over to her brother, and say from me, ' I send your sister, as you desired.' " The poor lady was detained at the gate of the fortress nearly two hours, and \sas not admitted until the Chief had terminated his task of delivering over, categorically, all the native prisoners to the local authorities, agreeably with a list which 1868. Jan. imprisonment OF NATIVE CHIEFS. 263 had been drawn up at the royal caroj). The exigencies of Abyssinian red-tape demanded not only that the prisoners shoidd be made over numerically, but the Jail Wardens must have each individual identified, lest a common convict should be substituted for an attainted political offender of rank. So apprehensive was Theodore of losing Wakshmn Tafare, that he sent him to Magdala with his hands shackled to his feet, and twenty trusty men, selected by the King himself, were appointed to keep watch over him day and night until he reached his destination. All the formalities over, seven guns were fired to announce that the i)risoners were safely lodged within the impregnable fortress. The King, knowing the time when they might be expected to arrive, sat on a hill awaiting the expected signal. On see- ing the smoke of the gims he breathed freely, and exclaimed " Thank God ! " As there were some thousands Amliara as well as Galla rebels in arms in the neighbourhood, and as he could only spare an escort of five hundred men to guard the captive Chiefs, he was in dread lest their rescue should be attempted. Tn this apprehension he seems to have over- looked the itict, that the smoke of his camp-fires was enough to scare the cowardly rabble from his path. News reached us to-day that the British force was being concentrated at Senafe. 21th. — Received a budget of letters from the coast ; also some newspapers. A short paragraph in one of the journals stated that " Calcraft had been engaged by her j\rajcsty's Government to accompany the Abyssinian Expedition " — a pleasant announcement to Theodore liad tlio paper fallen into bis hands and been rendered into Andiaric for him by a malevolent translator. The day following, all the offit'crs of tlio rf'tnruing detachment came to take leave of me. 261 THEODORE REACHES MAG DAL A. Chap. XXIY. 30th. — Dispatched other messengers to the British camp. I have now three guides and several agents between Mag- dala and the Takkaze river, to insure the safe transmission of letters out of the reach of the King. 1st February. — Theodore has been publicly talking about me and some of the other captives. Mr. Flad's version of the royal speech was as follows : — " IMi'. Rassam was my best friend before I sent him to Magdala, and although I put him in chains he is still my friend, and for that reason I esteem and love him, and shall do him good as long as I live, though those who are above him in England laugh at me, and deride my poverty ; but Messrs. Stern, Cameron and Eosenthal I cannot esteem more than my own Abyssinians." His remark about our Government having ridiculed him referred to a passage in one of Mr. Rosenthal's letters ^\hich has been explained in Vol. I. p. 301. Zrd. — After I had retired for the night, I was aroused by Aito Samuel, who came to inform me that couriers had ar- rived from the King w ith a message which they were ordered to deliver to me without delay. The message ran thus : — "(How are you? I must apologize for not having -written when I sent you the five EuroiJcans. I have been hard at work of late making a good road for the gun-carriages. I hope it will not be long before I ascend Dalanta, when I trust to have the pleasure of meeting you — a joy which has been long deferred. Ask your brothers how they are," &c. We were induced to infer from the tenor of this communi- cation, that as soon as the King reached the Dalanta plateau he would send for us and keej) us there. It was no small satistaction to us that lie never carried out that project, if he had ever intended it. '^th. — Almost every alternate clay since the 3rd, compli- 1868. Feb. BIR ROBERT NAPIER'S ULTIMATUM. 265 mentary messages have come to me from his Majesty. Ou the l.'jth there was a tremendous hailstorm, Nvhich partly destroyed the beautiful arbour in front of my hut. The day following a quaint message reached me from Theodore, which I must give in full : — " How are you ? How are you, my friend? Thank God, I am well; but the people of your country have made fools both of you and me. In a few days I shall be up with my guns in Dalanta, when I shall com- municate to you what I know." Tliis was quite a riddle to us, and the messengers were equally at a loss to know what the King meant. Thtj W'ukshum Gobaze forwarded me a copy of his Excel- lency Sir Robert Napier's ultimatum, addressed to the K'iiig. lie had opened and read it, and on ascertaining its j)urp()rt liad exclaimed, "Alas! for the poor Francliotali. •Should this lall into the hands of Kasa [the name which the rebels always gave to Theodore], he will certainly kill them all." He accordingly directed the messenger to bring the j»aj)er to me, in order that I iniglit decide whether it was to be forwarded to its destination or destroyed. To insure its reaching me first, he instructed his agents to see that the bearer came to me before going elsewhere. When it reached me, I submitted it to several of the intelligent natives who were in my confidence, and they unanimously agrofd that tl)e worst consequences might be apprehended if the document found its way to the King. I also referred the nuitter to those of ray fcllow-eaptives whose opinion I felt bound to consult in such a case, and as tlieir views con- curred witli my own I decided to arrest the dangerous missive. The following is a copy of the ultimatum : — " I Jim (•oramanded by lier Majesty the Queen of England to demand that the pribouei-a whom your Majesty luts wrongfully 266 THEODORE REACHES MxVGDALA. Chap. XXIV detained in captivity shall be immediately released and sent in safety to Ihe British Camp. Should your ^Majesty fail to comply •with this demand, I am further commanded to enter your Majesty's country at the head of an army to enforce it, and nothing will arrest my progress until the object shall have been accomplished. " My Sovereign has no desire to deprive you of any part of your dominions, nor to subvert your authority, although it is obvious that such would in all probability be the result of hostilities. " Your Majesty might avoid this danger by the immediate surrender of the prisoners. "But should they not be delivered safely into my hands, should they suffer a continuance of ill treatment, or should anj- injury befall them, your Majesty will be held personally respon- sible, and no hope of future condonation need be entertained." Ibth. — Eeceived a letter from Mr. Flad to-day, wherein he informed me that the King had broached the subject of the impending invasion to his European artisans. The feeling which pervaded Theodore's mind, in anticipation of that event, is so clearly indicated by his utterances on the oc- casion, that I shall give them in Mr. Flad's own words : — ^' Boyal Camp, Dalanta, 11th February, 1868. " You will be glad to hear that his Majesty informed Mr. Waldraeier, on Friday last, that he had received news from the coast that the English had disembarked at Zoolah ; and on Satur- day morning he called me aside and told me, ' The people of whom you brought me a letter, and of whom you said that they will come, have arrived, and disembarked at Zoolah, and they are coming up by the salt plain. Why did the}- not choose a better road? The road by the salt plain is very Tinhealthy.* I said, that as they bring their troops from India, they could not take a better road than this. From the sea-coast they would, in three or four days, reach the alps of Agamay ; and that with little difficulties, as already, at the time of King Fasil, the rortuguese had made a way up, and the salt plain they would leave to their left. He then said, ' Wo are making roads, and what will it be to them but playing to make roads 18G8. Feb. DALANTA ATTAINED. 267 everywhere ? Well,' he said, ' it seems to mo to be the wtU of God that they come. If He who is above does not kill me, none will kill me ; and if He says, yon must die, no one can save me. Iiemember the history of Hezekiah and Sennacherib.' His Majesty did not say more, but this he said most solemnly. To-day he said to Messis. AValdmcier, Saalmuller and Bender, ' T long for the day on which I shall have the pleasure to see a disciplined European army. I am like Simeon who would rejoice, having the Saviour in his arms ; but he was old and died, and I am old too, but I hope God will spare mo to see them. I am no more proud of my soldiers. A\'e are nothing in comparison to a disciplined army, where thousands of men act on the command of one man.' " On Friday he said to ^Ir. ^^'aldmeicr, ' "We liave a pro- phecy that the time will come when an European King will meet with an Abyssinian King in this country; and the Europeans will then take their mouthful and speak the tnith before the people of this country; and after this time a great King will reign in Abyssinia, as great as none will have been before him. This time has come.' Ho said, 'but I don't know whether I shall be that great King, or some one else.' From all he now and then says, the Europeans here maho their conclusions, that he is glad that they are coming, and that ho thinks only of a re- conciliation, and that nothing is to bo feared for any Europeans in his hands." In the afternoon, messengers arrived from the royal camp to announce the King's arrival on the Dalauta plateau, with all his guns and mortars. They brought me a most polite message from his ^[ajesty, and I was cUlightod to find that lio had not sent for us. A salute was fired from the fortress on the receipt of the foregoing intelligence. If Theodore's circumstances and prospects hardly warranted such a fcu- Je-Juii'^ the feat of having transported liuge pieces of artillery through the deep and difTicnlt valley of the Chetta, witii tliousands of rebels liovering around him, certainly did. Ujth. — Unlike all other Churches, the Al)yssinians begin '268 THEODORE REACHES ^lAGDALA. Chap. XXIV. their Lent on Monday ; consequently, those who up to yester- day (Simday) feasted on raw beef and mead, or beer, look rather downcast this morning. Messengers, escorted by my Dalanta agents as far as the fortress, reached me from the coast to-day, with money. 11th. — Dispatched letters to the British camp tliis morn- ing, under the protection of the same escort. Three hours after they had started, the astounding news reached Mag- dala that the King had broken faith with the Dalanta people, wlio, since accepting his amnesty, had done all in their power to assist him. Not only had they helped in trans- porting the guns and heavy baggage through the Chetta valley, but tliey had fed the royal army from the beginning of January. I deplored this fresh outrage, especially on .account of my agents, I'rkina and his cousins, who had left their families to the tender mercies of the ungrateful King, to accompany the messengers bringing the money. The intelligence reached them just as they were entering Dalanta ; nevertheless, they sent to tell me, by a special courier, that the letters were safe, and that I was to be in no anxiety about them. " Although our property has been plundered, and our families probably slain" — so said they to the mes- sengers who were going down to the coast — " we may not neglect Mr. Rassam's business by sending you back to Mag- dala with the letters. God's will be done! but we shall be faithful to our benefactor." ISi/t. — The road between ]\rag(lala and the royal camp is entirely closed by the peasants of J )alanta and Dawuut, who have taken up a position in the Uashilo, and sworn to kill any one attempting to convey coniniunications between the King and the Magdala garrison. On the morning of the 20th, the messengers whom T had dispatched to collect what infer- 1808. Fef,. submission OF DALAXTA. 269 mation they could respecting tlic proceedings at the royal camp, and the fate of my agents' families, returned to report that the Dalanta people had fought bravely, and killed a number of the royal troops, when attacked by the latter ; but that his Majesty had seized a number of helpless women and children, among whom were several of I'rlcina's relatives. I was glad to learn, three days after, that these captives had been released by Theodore. The circumstances connected ^vitll this contest were as follows : — the Wakslmm Gobaze -having fiiiled to render the Dalanta people any assistance, the only alternative they had was to submit. All the Chiefs accordingly went to Theodore in a body and asked forgiveness. They were received most courteously, and the King called them his beloved children, and said, " IIow can I blame you for submitting to the rebels, when I rendered you no protection ? Can I forget the assistance you have always rendered to my JMagdala garri- son ? Would they not have starved, if you had not provided them with food? Come nearer to me, all of you, my children and friends, as I cannot see too much of you. I shall treat you all well for your good conduct to-day, that the world may Iniow how well you have deserved my gratitude." The Dawiint people subsequently followed their example. After these people had submitted, tin- King ^\as able to communicate freely with 3Iugdala. lie made them transport all his heavy baggage, and by their assistance managed to send all his prisoners to the fortress, and to go on with his road-making and moving the guns. At the same time they had to ferd his nhiio-t faniish('it\\addad Wasi, were to be deprived of their commands. At about 10 P.M. Bitwaddad Hasani came within our iuclosure, bringing orders from the King that all my fellow-captives were to sleep in one room, and to be strictly guarded, and tliat I also should be watched in my 1868. March. WE ARE STRICTLY GUARDED. 285 hut during the night. Luckily, Mrs. Eosenthal was not in- chided in the arbitrary order. It was clear that our fortunes were entering a new phase, and that still greater trials awaited us. The King sent me no message to-day, so that altogether our prospects Avere very gloomy. As one hut was not large enough to contain the twelve captives, they were located in the hut of my companions, and in that of Messrs. Stern and Rosenthal. Two of my old acquaintances were appointed to watch me, and as Samuel had been ordered to keep me company, he also considered himself in the light of a prisoner. My watchmen gave me no trouble ; they were exceptionally clean in their dress, and never used butter on their heads, which they kept close shaved ; and as Samuel generally washed his hair with hot A\ater and soap, I was spared the usual disagreeable odour arising from the per- sons of the natives. The men ensconced themselves near the door, as far from my bedstead as possible, and fell asleep as soon as I re-occupied it. There were at least one hundred soldiers on guard over us during the night, and not one of our servants was allowed to stir from his place. By way of consolation, Bitwaddad Hasani sent to tell me, before his return to the royal camp, that I was not to attribute the stringent measures which he had taken to the King ; they had emanated entirely from himself, as the party respon- sible for our safe custody. The message was kindly meant, but I was fully aware at the time that he would as soon have cast himself over the Magdala precipices as place a guard within my room without special orders from his master. The fact is, the friendly disposition of the Chiefs generally led them to do all in their power to prevent an open rupture between mo and the King, while there was still a chance of matters beiujr broujirht to a favourable termination. 286 THEODORE AT MAGDALA. Chap. XXV. 29i7i. — By the advice of the old Chiefs and Aito Samuel, 1 sent a message to the King, informing him that I had slept well and hoped he had spent a comfortable night. To this I received a prompt reply, assuring me that, owing to my good wishes, his Majesty was in excellent spirits. At about 2 P.M. it was announced that Theodore was coming to the fortress, and as the people generally expected anything but a propitious visit from their Sovereign, especially after their experience of his proceedings on the last occasion, we were anxious to rid ourselves of all documents likely to compro- mise us in any way, to prevent their possible seizure by his Majesty's orders. Accordingly, each began secreting what papers he could in the thatch of the roof, burning those which could not well be disposed of in that manner. At this time I had some most dangerous letters in my posses- sion, and that same afternoon a messenger had arrived with a missive from Menilek, King of Shoa, inclosing Lord Stanley's dispatch to him of the 19th of August, 1867, which he wished me to translate. I had also a letter from the Wakshum Gobaze, referrmg to different subjects con- nected with the march of the British troops; and another from Imam Ahmed, the Chief of the Wello-Gallas, request- ing me to surrender the fortress to him, and promising, in the event of my acceding to the proposal, to conduct me to the coast with honour and safety ! I tried at first to conceal all these papers in the roof of my hut, but my Abyssinian friends advised me not to trust to such an expedient, assuring me that if Theodore intended to institute a search, the roof would not stand in his way. I accordingly committed the whole to the flames, together with the English document. At 3 P.M. his Majesty entered the fortress, and on passing our liouse he sent Mr. Flad to say that he had come up on 1868. Maech. another OF THEODORE'S MOTIVES. 287 'business, and if possible he would call upon me. I said in reply that I should be happy to meet him. Mr. Flad re- turned immediately after with the following answer : — " I am going to visit the church of my country. I have been called ' Frank ' by some of my priests. I am not ashamed of the name, because both you and I believe in one Trinity, which is the foundation of the Christian faith. Had I been accused of being a ^Mohammedan, or of any other sect of un- believers, I should have acted differently towards those bad priests. I would rather lose my head than hold any other faith save that in Christ. Prepare yourself to meet me." Soon after Mr. Flad, Mr. ]\Iayer was sent with the sub- joined message : — " The reason I have ill-treated you was because I wanted the people of your country to come to me. I am glad they are coming. Whether they beat me or I beat them, I shall always bo your friend. I wish to have an interview with you on the plain outside your house, and I want you to appear before me in the same dress in which you used formerly to come to me. I will send for you when I am ready." I lost no time in putting on my uniform, and was barely dressed when Bitwaddad Hasani appeared with a summons for me to repair to the King's presence. ]\Icssrs. Flad and Mayer, and Aito Samuel, accompanied me to the royal pavilion. Thoro were as many as five hunch'ed officers in attendance, all anxiously waiting to witness my reception by their Sovereign — who it appears had been in a bad humour throughout the day, and just before my arrival had worked himself into a towering rage by recalling to mind tlie late Metropolitan and some of my fellow-captives, swearing in liis fury that lie would pierce the latter through and through with the lance which he held in his hand ; and then, suiting the action to the word, aimed at a new carpet and drove the 288 THEODOEE AT MAGDALA. Chap. XXV. weapon into it. Under these circumstances, tlie bystanders augured anything but a favourable reception being accorded to me ; but on my arrival his ]\Iajesty immediately changed his demeanour, and appeared quite gay. The same tent in which he had received the Mission on our first interview with him in Damot, at the end of January, 1866, was pitched in front of our prison-house for the occasion, and about 2,000 square yards of ground in the immediate vicinity were covered with carpets. When I left our inclosure, the King Avas inside the tent, together \vith all his European artisans, but on my approach he walked towards the tent door to welcome me. I was glad to notice a smile on his countenance, and as I deemed it prudent to put the best face upon our misfor- tunes, I endeavoured to look as pleased as if I had never been l)ut into chains by the despot, and were not even then his prisoner. He received me most courteously, with his shcimma thrown loosely over his shouldei-s, extending his right arm to shake me by the hand, remarking that, on that day, " we must all be English." As soon as we had sat down, I on his Majesty's right hand and the European artisans on his left, in a circle round the tent, the King told me that the reason he had dis- pensed with his throne on that occasion was, that he wished to sit on the same level with me, his friend, and the represen- tative of the Queen of England. He then looked pointedly at me, and said, "Why, ]\Ir. Eassam, I heard that you had become quite gray ; but I do not see one gray hair on your head. Look at me, and see how gray I have become since we parted." I was certainly surprised to see what a great change had ttdccn plac(! in tlic colour of his hair, and also in his countenance, since my last interview with him at Debra Tidjor, at the end of June, 1806. There were only a few gray 18G8. March. INTERVIEW WITH THE KING. 289 hairs visible then ; now the gray largely predomiuatcd, and he looked altogether ten years older. To give the subject a jocular turn, I replied, " It is not to be wondered at that your Majesty has grown gray, considering that you have been enjoying the happiness of wedded life, whereas I am still unencumbered with the trouble and care of a wife." The banter contained in this reply drew a smile from the King, and placing his hands over his face he remarked, " There you hit me hard, my friend Rassam." Tej was then brought, and served in the tumblers which I had presented to him. The first glass filled was handed to him ; after tasting it, in accordance with Abyssinian usage, he rose a little and handed it to me, saying, "In our country drinking tej to- gether is a sign of friendship." His politeness on that occasion was extreme, and he was all smiles, except when alluding to the Bishop, Consul Cameron and the Ifev. Mr. Stern. I endeavoured to soothe him when he broached these topics, and succeeded in cooling him down. He referred several times to the impending war, sometimes saying that ho would fight even at the risk of being beaten ; and, then, that it would be absurd in him to think of encountering a disciplined army. In either case, he said, I should re- main his friend. " One day," he added, " you may see me (lead ; and wiiilc; you stand by my corpse, it may be that you will curse me for my bad conduct towards you. You may say then, * This wicked man ought not to bo buried ; let his remains rot above ground ; ' but I trust to your generosity." I again expressed a hope that, as I had come to his country as a friend, I should leave him in peace; and with reference to what he had said about his dealh, I be^rKcd that ho would not mention such a calamitv. I may record here, as another proof of Theodere's excos- VOL. II. u 290 THEODORE AT MAG DAL A. Chap. XXV. sive condescension on this occasion, that before the European artisans sat down he requested me to alloAV them to be seated. In spite of my remonstrance that it was his IMajesty's prerogative and not mine to give such directions, he in- sisted on my doing so, and then joined me in according the necessary permission. The King then alluded to a report which had reached him of the English having invented a variety of improved guns and other fire-arms, and that such muskets as his own soldiers carried were out of date, and regarded as " rubbish " by the British Army. " However," he added, "■ as your troops are coming to take you away, I must watch over you, for I cannot let you leave me. It is true that I have put you in fetters, after the barbarous usage of my country — which I admit to be a bad custom ; but have you seen a hand-chain ? That, I assure you, is still worse to bear." He then went on to say that his only reason for detaining me was that he wanted my countrymen to come and " open his eyes." After this, he suddenly asked me who were the sons of Abraham. I replied, Isaac and Jacob. '• AVho were their sons?" was the rejoinder. Guessing what the royal catechist was driving at, I skipped over all inter- mediate genealogy, and said, '• David and Solomon." " And who was their son ? " was the next question ; to which I made answer, "From what I have heard, your Majesty is their offspring." Thereupon he laughed, and remarked that he wished for nothing more, and that if his enemies and those who abused him would only acknowledge him as such, he was ready to forgive them all. His IMajesty then intro- duced me to my old acquaintance, Afa-Negus Bahri, who was one of my guards the previous night, telling me that he had served under Ea^ 'Ali, and knew Plowden ; " and, being a very 18GS. March. THE KING IS MERRY. 291 old man," Theodore went on to say, '• lie will be able to tell you that the former Emperors of Abyssinia and the independent Chiefs very rarely saw a European — some of them, indeed, never saw one in the whole course of their lives, whereas I like them so much that I keep a number of them about me " — pointing to the six artisans, including 31. Bardel, who were sitting in the tent. I replied that in former times Abyssinia was only read of in books, but that his Majesty's name had become so notorious that even children knew who Theodore was. He then gravely asked, " Why ? " " Because," said I, " your Majesty has put me in chains." Xo sooner had I uttered this speech than he burst out laughing, and, looking towards the European artisans, exclaimed, " Hear what Eassam says ! Hear what Eassam says ! " One of them, named Zander, remarked, " ^Ir. Eassam has forgotten to mention America also." I rejoined, "If his ]\Iajesty will allow me, I will add the other two quarters of the globe as mcU." Thereat the King was so convulsed with laughter that all he could say was, " Oh, my friend, Eassam ! my friend ! " After a wliile, he proceeded to observe that two persons had accompanied me for whom he had neither love nor hatred ; but inasmuch as they had come to Abyssinia with me he would unfetter them for my sake, provided I stood security for them. I replied, that as they were my companions he would gratify me greatly by unchaining them, and that I would hold myself responsible for whatever Dr. Blanc and Lieutenant Prideaux might do. On his requesting me to send and have them unshackled, I begged Mr. Flad and Aito Samuel to go on the errand. Tliey accordingly went, accompanied by Bitwuddad Ilasani, and allcr removing their fetters returned with the two oflicers, agreeably with the King's orders. His Majesty received them well, and assured u 2 292 THEODORE AT MAGDALA. Chap. XXV. tliem they had nothing to fear, -whatever tiie upshot of the war might be. " You three be of good cheer," he continued, " because you are my chiklren, and came to me when you knew of my having imprisoned 3Ir. Cameron, and had heard of his doings." Then, turning to me, he likened himself to a woman with child, wlio might either bring forth a son or a daughter, or might die of miscarriage, and said that he looked to me to assist him in giving birth to a son ; to which he added, that a person might die either in youth, or old age, or in the prime of life, and expressed a hope that the last would not be his lot. Referring next to his European employes, Theodoras remarked that they were compelled to make the cannons and mortars which he liad brought to Magdala, adding-, " They were as much obliged to cast them as you were to remain in Abyssinia ; indeed, I forced them to perform the task." Then, turning to Mr. Waldmeier, he stated that that esteemed servant of his had lost no opportunity of speaking to him in my favour, and that the only time he had been angry with him was when he had ventured to recommend that he, the King, should assume a friendly attitude towards the invading British force. (We had heard of this fact when it occurred, and that Mr. Waldmeier had narrowly escaped a beating for having presumed to offer such advice.) In the course of the interview Theodore, regarding me with a dis- consolate look, said in a subdued tone, " I hope, Mr. Kassam, that wlicn your peo})le [tlie liritish troops] arrive, they will not despise me because I am black ; God has given us all the same faculties and heart." Then, remembering what he had said to me at Zage, on the 25th of March, 18G6, about the guardianship of his sons, he inquired whether Dajjaj 'Alamayo luid been introduced to me. On my replying in the negative,. 18CS, Mauch. prince 'ALAilAYO. 293 he said to the lad, '' 'Alaiuayo, why do you not go to your father, Rassam ? " AVhereupon the boy approached and hissed the pillow on which I was leaning. After some further friendly conversation my companions and I were dismissed, his ]\[iijesty directing the young Prince and the European artisans to escort us back to our prison-house. Before his return to Salamge he ordered that no guards were to sleep either in my room or in that of my companions ; the remainder of tlic 'captives were to be watched as before. As Consul Cameron was unwell, the Chiefs, at the intercession of Samuel, allowed him to sleep in his own apartment, with ]Mr. Kerans to attend upon him ; but ^Messrs. Stern, Rosenthal and Pietro \sere obliged to sleep in one room, under a guard, until we were released. Wo were told afterw ards that the reason the King had caused us to be so strictly guarded the preceding night was owing to certain evil-disposed persons having reported that some of my party had been overheard boasting of the approach of the Pritish troops, and that his Majesty had conserpiently come up that afternoon with no friendly feelings towards the captives. Luckily, something hajDpened to please him after ho entered the fortress, which led him to treat me with unusual affability. On reaching Salaingu, however, he had another access of ill-humour. Seating himself on a rock in front of the royal tent, ho summoned all the old ]\[agdala Chiefs before him, and began abusing them indiscriminately. The burden of his objurgation was that they were "asses," and did not untler- staud uui ; that they had allowed me to do as I pleased on the mountain, without any check ; that they had repeatedly sent to tell him that I was his friend, whereas I was in daily correspondence w ith my Government, urging them to dispatch an army to chastise him. *' You asses antl slaves," he went 29J: THEODORE AT MaGDALA. Cuap. XXY. Oil to say, " Mr. Kassam has made fools of you and of me likewise by his professions of friendship for me. Did either you or your forefathers ever hear of a friend sending for troops to slaughter his friend's valiant men, ravish their wives, and reduce his people to bondage? Nevertheless, such a friend is Mr. Eassam, who, by playing upon your imagination, has managed to ingratiate himself into your favour. And yet the fiiult is mine, for I behaved unjustly towards him ; he came to me as a friend, and I treated him as an enemy. Tell me, however, if you are prepared to fight Eassam's brothers, who are coming against you with guns that dazzle the sight, and muskets that shoot and stab simul- taneously ? We must keep Eassam with us at all risks, and watch him with every eye, until I see what is about to happen." The disconcerted Chiefs were at a loss what to say to this diatribe : they hesitated to abuse me, fearing that Theodore might then turn against them and take my part ; they accordingly restricted themselves to assuring their liege lord that nothing would daunt them from carrying havoc into the ranks of the " white b d asses, who had dared to leave their own country to invade the dominions of the mighty King of kings." Poor Damash, who was imprudent enough to open his mouth on the occasion, received a severe rebuff from Theodore for having ventured to brag against the "sons of the English," whereas, as his Majesty con- temptuously reminded him, he was not a match even for the cowardly Gallas, wlio liad despoiled him of his arms and horses. This sneer levelled against the unfortunate Chief was in allusion to a sally made by a detachment of the IMagdala garrison upon the Woroliaimano, a sub-tribe of the AVello-Gallas, on the morning of the Gth of Sejitcmber, 18G7. As the affair occurred during our caj^tivity, and was attended 1807. Sept. THE KIXG'S CHARMED RIFLE. 295 •with a variety of circumstances illustrative of the mutual relations subsisting between the Amharas and their Galla neighbours, a succinct account of its origin and results may not be uninteresting to the reader. Two days previous to the date above-mentioned Eas Bi.-awwir, the good-natured Commandant, under the pretext that they wanted to weed their adjacent corn-fields, had permitted a young Afa-Negus, named Masliisha, and Bajir- wand Kaufu, an officer attached to the Treasury, to go beyond the gates of the fortress. It was soon discovered, however, that both had deserted to one of the Galla villages on the south-east of 3Iagdala, and that Bajirwand had robbed the Treasury of a pair of pistols and a ride, which he made oflf with, the former secreted in a bag of chick-peas, which he told the guards at the gates he was going to sow, and the latter ostensibly as his own. The rifle belonged to the King, and was highly prized by him. It had been his companion from boyhood, and he alleged that he had borne it in all his battles. lie looked upon it as a talisman, and for greater security had sent it to ]\Iagdala at the end of 186G, believing — so it is said — that its possession would secure him greater renown than any of his predecessors. He entertained a similar notion with regard to ]\Iagdala itself, and the super- stition was shared by a number of his Chiefs, that even if despoiled of all his otlier territories, yet if he succeeded in retaining that Amba he would eventually go forth from thence, and reconquer his lost dominions, and subdue half the world besides. ^ly firm belief is, that this persuasion induced Theodore to repair to ^lagdala on hearing of tlie approach of the British force. As far as our interests were concerned, his credulity in this respect contributed in no small degree to the favourable termination of all our Abys- 290 THEODORE AT MAGDALA. Chap. XXV. sinian difficulties ; for if, instead of spending three months in the neighbourhood of that fortress, he had carried us off to some distant stronghold — his native Kwara, for instance — the war would have been indefinitely prolonged, and not one of the captives would have been rescued alive. "When the 3Iagdala Chiefs found that the charmed rifle had been taken away, and that there was a chance of its being conveyed to King Menilek, in case the deserters succeeded in reaching Shoa, they decided to pursue the runagates to their hiding-place, which had been revealed to them by some Galla spies. This step, however, was in direct violation of the King's orders, who had forbidden the garrison to leave the fortress on any warlike expedition, and restricted their duties to protecting his family and guarding his throne and crown, which were deposited in the Treasury ; or, in plainer terms, they were to act on the defensive only. Of the two evils likely to incur the royal displeasure — the loss of the rifle and an interdicted raid — they chose the most hazardous ; for had the G alias been apprised of their approach, in the course of a couple of hours they might have mustered a body of live thousand horse, who would have effectually cut oif their retreat, and slaugh- tered and mutilated them wholesale, ere they retraced their steps over the fifteen miles of Wellu-CJalla plateau ^^hieh separated them from 3Iagdahi.* Luclcily for the assailants. * The Gallas generally arc notorious for mntilalii)g all male prisoners, taken in war, in a most horrible manner. The same barbarous custom prevailed among the professedly Christian people of Shoa in the time of Sahela ScldssG, but was abolished by Theodore wlieu he conquered that country. In the present instance, the special grievance of the Amharas was enhanced by a desire to jjunisli the Worohaimano, for having killed many helpless women and children who had gone beyond the gates of Mdgdala to collect wuud and grass. These outrages occurred during the period of our cajitivity. 1867. Sept. A RAID ON THE GALLAS. 297 their enemies, who had ceased keeping watch since the King left the neighbourhood at the end of 1865, were fast asleep; ior who, thought they, among the Amharas would dare to cross the deep chasm which lay between them and Magdahx but the dreaded Theodore ? The expeditionary force, ^\hich was headed by Bitwaddad Wasi, consisted of 150 Musketeers and 250 Lancers, the former commanded by Bitwaddad Damash, and the latter by Dajjaj Gojj6. They left Magdala at sunset, and before joining his detachment Damash called to take leave of me, and begged that in the event of his death I would look after his family. The wretched man evidently believed that ho was going ou a forlorn hope. They reached the village about midnight, and halted in a hollow till daybreak. It had been originally intended to surround the place at once, but just as they began to move some one reported that he heard a noi>:e ; of course, every one thought the same when the words of command " Listen ! " " Silence ! " were given. A council of \\ar was then held by the three members of C'ouucil and tlie petty Chiefs who were to load the assault, and it was unanimously decided that operations should com- mence forthwith. When within two hundred yards of the first hut, however, a squabble arose among the soldiers which of them should luvcst the Nillagc, ami whicli should engage in the attack — all bring ('(pially anxious to lake the latter duty, which allbrded a bettor prospect of plunder. Mtaiiuhilo, Afa-Xogus Mashisha and his companion, Avho had passed the niglitwith the local (Jalla Chief in a snudl hut at the other end of the village, situated in a wooded ravine, overhearing the wrangling among the soldiers, ami suspecting that something was in the wind, hurried out into the cover, where thoy awaited their hobt, who had mounted a 298 THEODOEE AT MAGDALA. Chap. XXY. horse and started off at full gallop towards another large Galla village, about three miles distant, to give the alarm. The Magdala Chiefs, on the other hand, finding all their efforts to maintain discipline unavailing, ordered the entire party to push on together. As the Galla Chiefs house was thought to contain the most desirable prizes, including the Chief himself, the two deserters, and the most valuable booty, a combined rush was made in that direction. After seizing and securing two of the Chief's cousins, his brother, wife and sister, together with three children, who were all fast asleep at the time, a general search was made for plunder and the two runaway officials. One hut where the Chief's horses were kept was attacked by a Christianized Galla, and two men showing fight in defence of their master's property were speared down by the assailant. Three others were killed in the village while attempting to escape ; the remainder, to the number of thirty-one souls, including women and chil- dren, who had not managed to get out of the way before day- light, were captured. It was then resolved by the Council to dispatch the prisoners in advance, together with all the cattle, horses and mules that had been seized, in charge of Dajjaj Gojje's Lancers, while Bitwaddad Damash and his Musketeers were to bring up the rear, to ward off pursuit. The Magdala warriors were in the highest spirits, congratu- lating themselves ujion having taught the Gallas a lesson which they were not likely soon to forget ; but their exulta- tion was premature. They continued their homeward journey for three hours without noticing any movement on the part of the enemy, when suddenly Galla horsemen were espied galloping towards them from every direction. At this junc- ture, Damash, who was about two miles behind the Lancers, judging that the Gallas would first attempt to rescue the 1867. Sept. THE AMIIARAS DEFEATED. 299 captives and the plunder — never dreaming that they would venture to attack a party armed with mnskcts — ordered liis men to push on and overtake their comrades. In less than half an hour about twenty horsemen approached, headed by th(3 Chief of the village, who was heard calling out to his followers to attack the Christian " Kafirs " and seize their muskets. In the mean time the assailants were receiving fresh additions to their numbers, the Gallas for twenty miles round having been apprised that something was amiss by the light of three burning houses whicli the jMagdala detachment had fired before they left the village. On recognizing the Galla Chief, the Musketeers bawled out, "Shoot him down!" whereupon a native of Kwara aimed at him and shot him dead. A couple of horses, also, were killed by the fire of the 2)arty, and five horsemen were wounded, tNvo of whom died shortly after. The lifeless body of the Chief was immediately picked up and borne away on horseback by his men, to the great relief of Damash, who was glad to see his deadly enemies retreat. This incident checked the Gallas for a time, and enabled the wary Gojje and Bitwaddad Wasi to descend into the valley with the j^risoners and booty, where they were safe from jiursuit. Meanwhile the Gallas had re-assembled in force, and poor Dam ash, who could not boast of being a good soldier, much less a leader, lost his wits. He was then about a mile from the difficult pass leading- down to the valley which surrounds Magdala, and instead of [)lacing his men whore they might easily have protected the rear of the Lancers and kept the Gallas at bay at the same time, he ordered them to " run." Thereupon, as might have been expected, a regular panic ensued among the soldiers ; all trie" that they would be safer in ]\ragdala, deserted him and re- turned to the fortress, only twelve persons accompanying him, including Kas rngada, Bitwiiddad Ilasani, Eas Barrako, and A\'ald-Gubir, the royal valet. AVhile Theodore was gallop- ing about and challenging our troops to single combat, one of his party was shot in the arm, which induced the rest to entreat his Majesty to relinquish the rash demonstration and return to the defence of i\Iagdala. On reaching the fortress, he again appealed to the garrison to assist him in defend- 3^4 ALL'S WELL THAT ENDS WELL. Chap. XXVIL ing it; but all his solicitations Averc in vain. He succeeded, however, in securing the help of Kus Bisawwir and Bitwaddad Damash, and their relatives, to pile huge stones behind the wooden gates ; but before the task was accomj)lished the cannonading from our side began, which scared all the hands away, excepting the few persons who had gone up with him from Salamge, and those Chiefs who liad joined him in the fortress. Three of tlie former were killed by the explosion of a shell, and another by a rocket. As soon as Theodore saw one man fall, he went and seated himself in a passage cut between two rocks below the second gate, and bade those who remained with him depart, if they liked, and seek shelter elsewhere. None, however, would leave him, and all swore that they would remain where they w-ere and die with him. "When the storming-party began the ascent, Theodore re- joined his few remaining adlierents, and with five of them ojiened fire upon the advancing column. Four of his men, besides Eas I'ngada and the Eas's brother, were shot dead by our troops. On seeing that the latter had attained the first gate, the King retired to the inner gate, bidding his dimi- nished band follow him. Damash and another Chief were wounded while effecting this movement, and were imme- diately carried to their respective homes. Perceiving now^ that our troops had surmounted the wall of tlie outer gate, and that a few of them were apjiroaching the spot where he stood, Theodore drew a pistol from his belt, and said, " Sooner than surrender into the liands of the Franks, I will shoot myself! " lie forthwith put the muzzle of the pistol to his mouth and fired, the bullet coming out at the back of his head. Falling instantly on his back, he breathed his last. Thus ended the career of Theodore, Avho had swayed the 1868. April. TPIEODORE'S CHARACTER. 335 Abyssinian sceptre for nearly fourteen years, during wliich time, as he himself told me, he had not enjoyed one day's rest. A warrior from boyhood, and elevated to the highest dignity by personal energy and dauntless courage, his early successes made him the idol of friends and the terror of foes. Had he possessed the requisite qualifications, Theodore might have consolidated his power over the feudal Chiefs, whose misrule had kept the country in a state of anarchy for centuries, fostered peaceful arts and sciences among his people, developed the resources of his kingdom, and made Cliristian Abyssinia a blessing to the sm-roundiug heutlien and barbarous races. The reforms which he initiated shortly after his accession to the throne show that he was capable of appreciating these and similar advantages. But he utterly lacked the talent for administration ; or, if ho possessed any, it was completely neutralized by inordinate military ambi- tion and a thirst for martial fame. His eflforts to carry out his schemes of conquest and aggrandizement excited first the passive, tlicn the active resistance of his subjects, wlio banded together under their old leaders to withstand the oppressor. But his proud spirit could not brook opposition, and rivalry drove him to pei-petrate those deeds of atrocity and cruelty which eventually stirred up Chief and peasant to compass his downfall. J\[y own sincere conviction is, that this antagonism, perpetuated and intensified by the unwise measures which he took to repress it, so unsettled the mind of the haughty monarch that, at times, he was decidedly mad. On no other su])position can I account for his extra- ordinary conduct towards the Mission from first to last; al- though, when he ultimately decided to retain us as liostages, iio most i)robably calculated on striking a bargain for our release, which he fondly hoped would have enabled him to 336 ALL'S WELL THAT ENDS WELL. Chap. XXYIL regain his lost ascendancy. That there were a few loyal men who stood by him to the bitter end, evinces that Theo- dore must have had some noble qualities worthy of such devotion ; that he was abandoned by all but that valiant little band, and died hemmed in on an isolated mountain, surrounded by thousands of his own people up in arms against him, proves that he had forfeited all claim to their allegiance, and deserved the fate which rid them and their country of an infatuated tyrant. Theodore left three sons and three daughters, the Prince 'xVlamayo being the only one, however, who was born in wed- lock, his mother Teru-Wark, the daughter of Dajjaj Oobe, having been married to the late King in the church, and the marriage confirmed by both parties receiving the holy Eucharist together. The other five were the issue of mothers who were married without any religious ceremony; conse- quently, according to Abyssinian Canon law, Dajjaj 'Alamayo is the only legitimate child, althougli the present Civil law recognizes the secondary marriages as valid. Theodore's eldest son, Eas Mashisha, now about twenty-three years of age, went away from Magdala with a few followers, intending to make his way to Shoa, the day Magdala was taken, but he eventually changed his mind and took refuge with his grand- mother's family in Amhara-Seint. Hailo Kasa, the youngest son, was loft in Tigre with his mother, a Galla concu- bine, on the return of the Lritish force to the coast. His eldest daughter, about twenty years old, who had been married to Mcnilek, King of Shoa, was made over by her father to a Tigrc Chief, named Earia, when Menilek escaped from Magdala and returned to his native province. Ilis other two daughters, one about five and the other three years of age, were taken by their mothers to Bagameder. 1868. April. THE ALLEGED CURSE OF THEODOEE. 337 It was reported that before putting an end to his life, Theodore gnashed his teeth and invoked a malediction against Mr. Waldmeier and myself for having deceived him. I have never been able to discover how this story originated. Those who were in close attendance upon the King, from the evening of the 12th till the time of his death, assured me that they had not heard him utter a word either against me or any other person ; the only time he mentioned my name was when he sent Samuel down with a message to me, in the evening of the 12th. Among those whom I questioned on this subject was Wald-Gabir, the royal valet; his quaint answer was this : — " Master, why do you give heed to such reports ? The day of lies, when through fear of the King no one would dare to moot such topics, has gone by ; but Theodore is no more, and the English are here ; therefore, if Mr. Wald- meier has told you this story, ask* him to name the person who was with the King at the time, and related it to him (Mr. Waldmeier) and by that means you will arrive at the truth. I will pledge myself to become your slave for ever if, on inves- tigation, you discover that any such person exists." Even if the story were true, Theodore's malediction, being wholly undeserved, would cause me no compunction. When I told him that I " hoped " — the word which I always used in my verbal as well as written communications to him — that matters would end peaceably, I really meant what I said. It was not my fault that he rejected wise counsels and persisted in his determination to resist, crowning his headstrong folly by attacking the vanguard of our army on Good FrMay, tiie 10th of April, thereby causing the slaughter of so many of his hapless followers. My fellow-captives and I were shut up in ]\Iagdala, and knew nothing of what took place below the fortress from the morning of that day until the aftornoon of VOL. II. z 338 ALL'S WELL THAT ENDS "WELL. Chap. XXYIL the day following, when the King sent for us to Salamge and dispatched us to the British camp. I had repeatedly warned the obstinate Sovereign against driving her Majesty's Govern- ment to extreme measures, and on the occasion of my previous visit to him at Salamge I strongly urged liim to make over- tures to Sir Robert Napier. His reply to me, through Messrs. Flad and Waldmeier, was as already stated at p. 307. If Mr. Waldmeier credits the story referred to, he is per- fectly welcome to draw what inference he pleases from it ; for my own part, I utterly disbelieve it. I was the last person to whom the King sent a civil message on the evening of the 12th, the pith of which was that he knew I was then powerless to assist him ; and he also mentions my name in his last letter to the Commander-in-Chjef, without the slightest indication that he entertained other than the most friendly feelings towards me. Further, the testimony of those who were present with the unhappy Sovereign, from that time until his suicide, wholly acquits him of the charge of having cursed any one on the occasion. Besides which, it should be borne in mind, that when Samuel was sent down to me on the evening of the 12th, the King had already heard that his present had been rejected. In resuming my narrative I shall abstain from any attempt to describe the military operations of the campaign — a task which has already been so ably performed by Mr. C. R. ]\[arkham in his ' History of the Abyssinian Expedition ' — and shiill confine myself to matters connected with the cap- ture of j\ragdala and subsequent events in which I was per- sonally engaged. Through the courtesy of Sir Robert Napier, I was allowed to accompany him in his attack upon the fortress; and was glad to find that, in conjunction with Samuel, I was able to render his ICxcellcncy some sliglit service as the medium of communication between him and the refugees 1868. April. THEODORE'S REMAINS. 339 whom we met running down from Salamge towards A'roge. At 4*30 P.M. Magdala Avas captured, and the Commander-in- Chief entered the place in triumph, attended by his staff, myself among the number. On passing through the outer gate, I recognised Eas I'ngada and Bitwaddad Bakal among those who had fallen on the spot, and on proceeding to the plateau above the inner gate I was called to identify the corpse of the King. It was unmistakable ; there lay the " great Theodore," stretched on his back, with no other covering than a shirt and trowsers. On catching the first glimpse of the lifeless form I was strongly reminded of his strange speech, uttered on the 29th of March, just a fortnight before, when he said that ere long I might stand over his corpse, and begged that I would then forget his ill-treatment and see him decently interred. When Sir Kobert Napier had settled affairs at Magdala and was returning to the camp at A'roge, he appointed me to take charge of Theodore's remains, the Queens and their establishments, the Chiefs and the native political jmsoners, and also to assist Brigadier-General Wilby, who had been made Commandant of the fortress for the time being, in all his requirements. Our first duty was to remove the corpse of the late King to the inclosure of our old prison-house, where we saw it. deposited on Signor Pietro's couch, and jilaccd under an European guard. On going thence to in- quire after the Queens and the other members of the royal family, we found that they had left their residence, and had repaired for protection to mine, where they were received by Dr. Blanc, who happened to be in the house at the time. As it was the best iu the inclosure, it was allotted to the two (Juoens and Dajjaj 'Alamayo. Moreover, every available room within the fence, including Samuel's, was crowded with the male and fenude relatives — children and adults — of our z 2 340 ALL'S WELL THAT ENDS WELL. Chap. XXVIL old acquaintances, who liad taken refui^e tliere witli what jjroperty they could bring with them, and the entire inclosure was thronged with the horses, mules and cattle which they had conveyed thither for greater safety. After General Wilby had placed a guard over the premises to keep out intruders, we collected all the Magdala Chiefs and lodged them in Bitwaddad Damash's house for the night — also under a guard, to keep them together. We next notified to the rest of the inhabitants that they were to remain quietly in the open space until the morning, when all would be dis- missed to their homes. Poor Damash, who was still suffering from the wounds which he had received that afternoon, got somewhat anxious after I left, apprehending that all those who had fought against the English were to be executed the following day. After seeing that every arrangement had been made for the comfort of the royal family, I repaired again to Damash's house, and in the course of my visit assured him and his companions that they need be under no dread of retaliation on the part of the British Commander-in- Chief. Bitwaddad Wasi was the only one among them whose face wore a smile ; the remainder were absent, and looked like men who thought that their doom was sealed. I took Eas Bisawwir and Bitwaddad Hasani, the two ex-Commandants, to sleep in a room near the royal family, in order that their proximity might inspire the unfortunate Queens and their relatives with confidence ; — the former was cousin to the late King, and had always been intrusted with the royal Hfing. I also quartered with them the Etshege, or Superior of the monks, and two other priests who were held in great venera- tion at Magdala. ]\[r. Waldmeier kindly volunteered to assist in the several duties wliicli devolved upon me during our further stay in the fortress, and I feel bound to recognize his ready and valuable co-operation. 1868. Apkil. now AXD THEN. 341 The extraordinary changes which, in the course of a few eventful hours had succeeded each other so rapidly, kept me awake nearly the Avhole night. I was unable to realize the idea that the dreaded monarch who, only two days before, held the lives of so many Europeans in his power, was now a lifeless mass, sheltered within one of the Franehotsh's huts ; that the Chiefs who had been our jailors, and who from sheer timidity would not have hesitated, at the despot's fiat, to stain their hands with our blood, were at that moment guarded by British sentinels ; and that my old prison-house, where I had lingered out an anxious existence for twenty-two months, had been converted into an asylum for the royal family. Ever and anon I fancied myself in a dream ; then, again, I felt sure that we were free, and that the fear of an ignominious death had passed away. Truly, the deliverance was marvel- lous ; no wonder, therefore, that for a time it should seem doubtful. God moves in a mysterious way ; but the agency of His superintending Providence in the liberation of the captives was too manifest not to call forth from all a humble tribute of praise and thanksgiving for His merciful inter- vention. Of the rescuing array — ofScers and men, soldiers and sailors, British and Indian — through which that intervention was wrought out, England may justly feel proud. Bloodless as \\as the campaign ou our side, it was, nevertheless, sig- nalized by a display of the noblest qualities which can adorn the true warrior — self-restraint, patient endurance, and in- domitable perseverance. Incompetent as I am to make any remarks on the purely military conduct and manoeuvres of the Abyssinian Expedition, those are qualities alike appre- ciable by all, and, therefore, humble as the foregoing testi- mony may be, a deep sense of admiration and gratitude impels me to record it. 312 ALL'S WELL THAT ENDS ^YELL. Chap. XXYIL 14^//. — This afternoon Dr. Lumsdaine and Dr. Blanc having examined the bullet-wound in the head of Theodore's corpse reported oilicially that the King had died by liis own hand. The ball had passed outwards from the mouth, which was blackened and scorched by the charge, and the palate had been blown away. Sir Eobert Napier could not have conferred a greater com- pliment upon me than that of intrusting the remains of Theodore and the supervision of liis bereaved family to my care, thereby enabling me to prove to the Abyssinians that their late Sovereign had not vainly styled me his " friend." There was nothing, indeed, which the kind-hearted Com- mander-in-Chief would not have done to alleviate the sorrow and add to the comfort of the King's surviving relatives. I had only to submit a request on their behalf, either to him directly or through Colonel Merewether, and it was granted at once. Orders having been received after the post-mortem ex- amination that the King's remains were to be interred, I directed the Etshege, Aito Samuel, Theodore's confessor, and two other priests, to have the corpse prepared for burial, according to the Abyssinian custom, wrapped in a suitable shroud, which was generously provided by Samuel. It was an affecting sight to witness the reverence with which the dignitaries of the Church performed these last offices for their departed Sovereign. They approached the life- less body with their sMmmas girt ; and their whole behaviour on the mournful occasion proved that, even in death, Theo- dore had not wholly lost the affection of, at least, some of his subjects. The grave had been previously dug in the church at Mdgdala, and when all the preliminaries were completed, I made over the corjise to the old Chiefs, avIio accompanied the clergy to see it buried. Samuel and I were unable to be present 1868. April. DISMISSAL OF CHIEFS. 3i3 at the funeral, as Colonel Merewetlier had just come up to the fortress to make arrangements for the future movements of the Queens and the Prince Dajjaj 'Alamayo ; also to dis- pose of the political prisoners and the inhabitants of Mag- dala. In reply to Colonel Merewether's question, what her wishes were regarding her son 'Alamayo, the Itege Teru- Wark said, that as his father, when alive, had made him over to the English, through me, she preferred abiding by his wishes, and was herself ready to follow him wherever he went. The Itege Itamanyo, Theodore's favourite ex- Queen, expressed a desire to return to her native Yadjow, and would leave us in Wtidala, the nearest place to that district. I then accompanied Colonel Merevvether to wit- ness the dismissal of the old Magdala Chiefs and the poli- tical prisoners. The gallant Colonel had a kindly word for all, bade them not fear, and assured them, on the part of the Commaudcr-in-Chief, of a safe-conduct through the Gallas and other deadly enemies, of whom they were in great dread. He also promised to provide all with animals for themselves and their wives, in order to enable them to reach their respective homes with greater ease. Some evil- disposed person having had the cruelty to tell the Chiefs that they would be retained as prisoners, and that several of them would probably be hanged, this authoritative announcement was hailed by thcin with intense satisfaction. Early the following morning, I returned to Magdala from the head-quarters at A'roge, with instructions to provide the Chiefs and their families with the proper number of mules and horses from those which had been seized after the capture of the fortress. Almost the whole day was spent on this task, and when the hour came for starting towards A'roge, which was the route which I had been directed to take, we found the road so blocked up by a relief which was SU ALL'S WELL THAT ENDS WELL. Chap. XXYIL going on at tlie time between two European regiments, that I had to posti)one our departure till next day, l(jth. — Early this morning I Avas informed that one of the gateways leading to Salamge had fallen, and that we could not j5ass that way until the road was cleared. As the Com- mander-in-Chief had ordered that all the Abyssinians should leave the Amba as soon as possible, and as I was moreover anxious to see the royal family safely located at head-quarters, I determined to w^ait no longer. I accordingly took the Queens, who had been furnished with a guard of honour by General Wilby, and tried to escort them to A'roge by the Kafir-Bar Gate ; but on beginning the descent by the narrow path at its entrance, it was discovered that the loads carried by the mules were too bulky to pass that way, without being first discharged and then reloaded beyond the gate. As that process would have occuj)ied an hour or two, we retraced our steps to our old quarters, and on arriving there found that the Salamge Gate had been rendered passable. Thereupon I accompanied the cortege for some distance, and then leaving the Queens in Mr. Waldmeier's charge went to Salasse to distribute swords, shields and spears to the late inhabitants of Magdala, Sir Kobert Napier having most considerately ordered that they should be provided with these arms, in order to be able to defend themselves against attack on the way back to their respective homes. That done, I rejoined ]\Ir. Waldmeier and his charge within half a mile of the pickets, and reached head-quarters towards evening. My tent, which I had brought from Aden, and which was the largest in the camp, had already been pitched for me ; and having ushered the royal party into it, I gave them all the carpets with which the late King had presented me, and which now proved very useful. Meanwhile, the released native political prisoners, the Magdala i^eople, and 1868. April. MAGDALA IN FLAMES. 345 all other Abyssinians, were located beyond tlie pickets, between the camp and the Amba. 11th. — I received orders early this morning to proceed to Dalanta with the royal family, under the escort of a detach- ment Avhich was going thither, and there await the arrival of head-quarters. We reached the halting-place at Abbaba in the afternoon, and pitched our tents next to those of my liberated fellow-captives, and of some of the European artisans who had preceded us to the spot. On the way, while ascending the valley of the Bashilo, we had heard the loud consecutive reports caused by the blowing up of the gates of Magdala, and on turning round I saw the lurid flames ascending from that late abode of iniquity, tyranny and bloodshed, proclaiming to the surrounding country far and near that the sceptre of the oppressor of his people was broken, and his last r&fuge reduced to a heap of ruins. Thousands of widows and orphans probably gazed with wonder at the sight, and invoked a blessing upon their English deliverers, who, besides vindicating their own national honour, and adding a fresh trophy to British fame, had saved many a doomed victim from the fate which had been reserved for them by the ruthless Theodore. The two Queens and their attendants could not resist casting a glance behind them, and as the- cherished Itamanyo looked upon the glowing mass, she sighed and said, "Now tliat our lord has gone, may all Abyssinia be consumed by fire ! " Nevertheless, this lady was always cheerful, 8i)oke kindly to every one, and while she remained with us was a general favourite with the late King's followers. On the other haml, the Itege Teru-Wark, the de jure Queen Consort, was always silent and dejected, and on inquiring into the cause I was told tliat she was naturally taciturn and reserved, and had ever manifested a dislike for gossip. 346 ALL'S WELL THAT ENDS WELL. Chap. XXVII. In reply to an attempt wliich on one occasion I made to encourage and cheer her, assuring her that she could not have better protectors than the Britisli, she said that she entertained no doubt whatever on that jDoiut, but she felt that her days were numbered, for which she was not sorry ; and then added, " Mine has been a miserable existence since childhood, and I am now looking forward to that happiness which is promised me by our Savioui"." 18th. — All the troops which had remained behind at A'roge, together with the Commander-in-Chief and his Staff, reached Dalanta to-day, and on the 20th there was a grand review of the wdiole force, at which all the released captives were present. On the 21st the latter, myself excepted, were dispatched with the Second Brigade to Antalo, there to await the arrival of head-quarters. I remained behind in charge of the ex-Queens and the young Prince, and started with them on the 23rd, in the rear of the army. On the 24th we crossed the Chetta valley. Sir Eobert Napier having kindly attached an European guard to the royal suite, I was able to have a separate camp for them, outside that of the force, where all other Abyssinians also who were under the Commander-in-Chiefs protection located them- selves. While at Wadala, before crossing the Takkaze river, the Itege Itamanyo left with her retinue for her native district, Yadjow, under the protection of a new Chief who had rebelled against the Wakshum Gobaze. The day before we left Abbaba the Itege Teru-Wark fell sick, but as her ailment was reported to be nothing but a cold, no anxiety was felt as to the result. It turned out, however, that she was suffering from pulmonary disease. As soon as the Commander-in-CIiief was apprised of her indis- position, he appointed his Staff Surgeon, Dr. Lumsdaine, to attend her ; and as she felt rather weak the day after, a palan- 18G8. May. DEATH OF THE QUEEX. 317 quin was placed at her disposal, with bearers to carry her. In fiict, nothing was wanting on the part of Sir Eobert Napier to relieve and comfort her. Dr. Lumsdaine's assiduity and kindness towards his royal patient could not be surpassed, and the poor lady frequently expressed her gratitude to me for the sympathy and attention which she received both from her medical attendant and the Commander-in-Chief. Despite all our efforts, however, her health gradually declined. Now and then there was a slight rally, but she succumbed at last, and died almost suddenly on the evening of the 15th of May, at Haik-hallet, near Chelicut. I had noticed throughout the journey that the state of the atmosphere had a wonderful effect upon her : when it was fine, her health seemingly im- proved ; but wet or damp weather increased her malady and made her breathing more difficult. There was a heavy fall of rain the evening she died, and at about nine o'clock I ordered a basin of arrow-root with a little port wine to be prepared for her, but her attendant through whom I intended sending it, and who had just left the Queen, informed me that she was too ill to take any food. I then bade him go and ask whether she would like a little gruel ; he came running back immediately with the melancholy tidings that she had breathed her last during his short absence from her. I forthwith repaired to the tent, which was always pitched a few yards from mine, and founIelek, Coptic messenger, i. 1.54. 'Abd-iil-Kcrim, brother to the Nayib of Harkiko, i. 71, 85, 88. 118, 122", 132 ; leavL-s tlie Mission at Ciisala, 142. 'Abd-ur-Kahman Ry, Envoy from Egypt, i. 192 ; ii. 24. Ab-hau, i. 71. Ahitu, Lij, ii. 2, 95. Abiina .Salama, the Metropolitan, Autiior's letters to, i. 7, 78; his character and death at Magdala, ii. 193-5 ; his opinion of Abyssinian marriages, 220. Abu-Sill, Siieikh of Kclarif, i. 153. Abyssinian.s, cliarartcr of, ii. 249 ; their kindness to servants, 250. Aehattar, di.-triot, i. 232. 235. Adam, Yai^lwilaka. ii. 185. Adurdi, valley, i. 12S. Aden, dcpartiirf of ^lission from, i. 2 ; visit to, 113; return to Massowah from, 114. Adina, on lake Tftna, i. .308. Adjuration " by the death of Theodore," i. 101 ii. 50. Acity of an insurgent of, ii. 242 ; if.s submission to Theodore, 269 ; ho breaks faith with its people, 270. Debni Tabor. Thcorlorp at, ii. 131 ; holds an assize oti the Ca])tivcs at, 141 ; Mi.ssion confined at, 145 ; trial of rebels at, 148. Delmonte. Padre, i. 9, 2(;, 60, 113; ii. 4. Dhdfar, Bitwaddnd, ii. 181. vol,. II. G^VBE-LUKUM. Dharita, a shrewd Mussulman of, i. 51. Dissee, island, i. .37. Dust-storms, at Massowah, i. 9, 19, 91, 103 : at Casala, 141. Dwarkin, rivulet, i. 204. E. ; Earthquake, at Massowah, i. 30. 43. Eipperle, Mr., i. 163, 171, 178, 185. El-Agamat, i. 71. 1 El-'A'zazS, i. 151. i El-Bakhit, tribe, i. 129. I Elephants, i. 82, 128. El-Gaidat, i. 157. El-J'a'afara, i. 159. El-lSIadag, i. 156. El-Maradib, i. 187. Essler, Mr., imprisoned at Magdala, ii. 261. . Etiquette, Abyssinian, in eating, i. 228 ; I in riding, 245, ii. 126; in address, I 220, 224; in presentation, 225; in drinking, 226. Etshege, Superior of Monks, ii. 340-1. F. Fallake, see Speedy. Fanta, a Gondar merchant, i. 114. FarOhe, i. 309. Fiittam, river, i. 241. Fcker-Kasa, a friendly indemnity, ii. 35. Festival, of the Drum, at Matamma, i. 174. Fetteh-Ncgfist, code of Abyssinian law, ii. 104, 148. Fish, .d' Lake Tsina, i. 224 ; flying-fish at Massowah, 103. Flad, Mr., i. 50, 52 ; letters to Author from, 62, 75 ; joins Author at Korata, ii. 11 ; sent with letter to the Queen from Theodore, 103 ; testimony to his kind e.\ertions, 206 ; forwards Queen's nply to Theodore fnnu INlassowah, 231 ; his account of Theodore's views on the api)roach of the 15ritisli army, 266 ; is itllDWcd to reside at Magdala, 272 ; sent by Tlieodore to Sir llobert Napier, 319. G. Gdhana-WadgHnfalo, i. 125. Gftl*-I.ukam. 1. 127. 134. 2 A 354 INDEX. G^bra, ^uidc from Mataramn. i. 18fi. Gabra-Madhnne'Alam, Balambams, Go- vernor of Wandi'ge, i. 808 : ii. 74, 90 ; rebels against Theddore, '21G. Gabrie, Fit-awrari, ii. 27G. Gabrie, Ras, imprisoned at Magdala, ii. 261. Gabza, 1. 70. Gadaret, i. Sf., 90, 121. GMiro, ii. 128. Gaffat, i. 50; captives arrive at, ii. 131. Gainti Bisawwir, Bitwaddad, one of Magdala Conneil, ii. 181. Gallabat, inhabitants of, i. 1.57; govern- ment of, lo8; etymology of name, 1.58. Gallas, contemptible as assailants, ii. 251; raid on the, 295; their mutila- tion of captives, 29G. Game, nee Sport. Gastineau. M., i. 21. Gesho, a plant used in fermentation, ii. 119. Geta and Getotsh, import of the titles, 156-7. Gint, i. 205. "Girding," ii. 221-224. Gishen, i. 206 ; ii. 332. Goija, i. 221 ; ii. 76. Gajjamy Kasa, i. 196, 233-4. Gojje', Dajjaj, one of Magdala Council, ii. 180 ; on a raid against the Gallas, 297. Gondar, old capital, rumoured sack of, i. 35; glimpso of, 214; sacked bv Theodore, ii. 17. 230-1. Gon(ia,wa, river, i. 187. Greek priest, mission of, to Theodore, i. 77; ii. 144. Guang&l, ii. 192. Guinea-wonn, i. 151. G&ks, native tournament, ii. 121-2. Gumara, river, ii. 130. (u'lna, Mt.,ii. 159. H. Hagiography, Abyssinian, ii. 128. Haik-iiallet, death of the ex-Queen T('TU-Wark at, ii. 347. Hail, on IMount (iiina. ii. 159 ; hailstorm at Magdala, 265. Hallo, messenger, decorated with Royal Shirt, ii. 8 ; death of, 256. Hailo. Hitwiiddad, oiieofAIagdala Coun- cil, ii. 174-177 ; cscaiK's from Magdala, 276. Hailo, Bitwaddad, of Chalga, ii. 181. Hailo Kfisa, Tlieodore's youngest son, ii. 336. Haji Adam Korman. .story of his lost wife, i. 31 : his opinion of the Aby>;- sinians, 83 ; prognosticates the ill- suc-css of the I\Iis.pean arti.sans imprisonal at. 261 ; dismantled l)y TliLodore, 278 ; Theo- dore's entrance into, 279 ; Theodore's siijierstitious views respecting, 305; sturmed by I5ritish, 334 ; dismissal of Chiefs at; 343-4 ; in flames, 345. Miihabar, i. 121. Mahlal), i. 127. Marcopoli, Signor, i. 120, 130, 142. 178, 185. 2 A 2 o56 INDEX. mXrgaf. Margaf, robe, ii. 117. l\Iiirisn, dish, i. 1'j4. Markets, Abyssinian, i. 220. Markhani, Mr. C. R., bis ' History of the Abyssinian Expedition,' ii. 338. Marmadiyat, watercourse, i. 148. Marriages, Abyssinian. ii. 215-220; ^acra- mental, 210 ; second-rate, 219; third- rale, 219. Maryam-Wiiha, i. 185. Mashisha, Afa-Nepus, deserts to the Gal las from Magdala, ii. 295. Mashisha, Eas, eldest son of Theodore, ii. 45 ; introduced to the Autlior, 57 : escapes Irom Magdala, oolj. Mashlat, i. 89, 90. IVIasir i T2 Mastyat. Queen of Wello-Gallas, ii. 250. Maswiilia. stream, i. 237. Matanima. district, government of, i. 157; called by Arabs ' Suk-ul-Galla- bat,' 158 ; climate of, 165 ; produce, 167; fairs at, 167; slave-trade, 168; horses and cattle, ib. ; revenue and army, 169; review of troops, 171; Festival of the Drum at, 172; return of troops from a raid, 182. Mateb, cord, o, Aito, niussacrcd by rebels of Dawunt, ii. 242 ; Theodore's grief for him, 243. T)miir 'Ali, interpreter, i. 22. Ona Mohammed, see Mohammed Sihawy. Ondo, ii. 13i). Oo1k% Ras, late Chief of Tigre, d. feated by Theodore, i. 284; impriijoned by Theodore, ii. 217. Order, of the Cross and Solomon's Seal, ii. 44, 48. Order, of the Shirt, see Shirt. Palgrave, Mr. Gifford, i. 104, 111. 'Pantaloon,' H.M.S., i. 29, 61. I'ietro, Signor, ii. 154. I'lovsdi,'n, Consul, his Report on the military and political career of Theo- dore, i. 282-287. Prideanx, Lieut., associated with the Mission, i. 66, 70; sent with mtssago from Theodore to Sir Robert Napier, ii. 319. Pric.-its, trial of two Abyssinian, ii. 280. Purtoo Effuiidi, Lieut. -Governor of Massowah, i. 3 ; his opinion of Theo- dore, 4 ; of Massowaii, 25 ; kaves for the llijaz, 32 ; meeting with at Jiddah, 109. Purvis, Captain, i. 20, tJO. Queen, her Rritiinnir Majesty, letters to King Themlore from, ii. 38, 231. Queens, Tlicodorc's, ii. 33(5. See Itji- manyo and Toru-Wtirk. SEVASTOPOL. R. Raines, General, i. 113. Raro, i. 87. Ras Harb, i. 108. Reade, Consul, i. 111. Revenue, oi Abyssinia, ii. 16. Rosenthal, Rev. Mr., i. 78 ; Theodore's charges against, 300 ; ii. 306. Russell, Earl, suggests tliat a British officer should be attached to Mission, i. 65 ; his letter to Theodore by Consul Cameron, ii. 37. S. Sabdarat, i. 135 ; view from, 145. Sabunja, i. 237. Sahatee, i. 53, 60. Sakola, i. 276. Sahimge, plateau, Theodore reaches, ii. 27 ; his large mortar brought to, 303. Saliisse, attained by Theodore, ii. 277 ; watclies British camp from, 319. Samhar, the, i. 85, 90. Samuel, Aito, i. 244 ; liis cliaracter and history, 258 ; appointeil Biildarriba to the jMission, 260 ; his character vindi- cated, 262; his fidelity, 264; arraigned by Theodore, ii. 86, 1U5 ; takes part ■with the Cajitives, 145 ; accompanies Mission to INLigdaia, 159 ; his jtosition at, 161 ; services at, 165 ; death of his wife, 260 ; iu disgrace with Theodore, 278 ; restored to royal favour, 280 ; his visit to British camp and return to Magdala with Sir Robirt Napier's reply to Theodore's proffered present of catth', 327. Saraba, i. 208. Saraf-ul-Bawadra, wells, i. 151. Sar-Amb.i, i. 197, 206 : ii. 167. Sarmoutsli, creek, in Island of Dak, i. 315. Sar-wiiha. rivulet, i. 216. Schiller, Mr., imprisfmed at Magdala, ii. 261. . Schimjur, Dr., i. 52; letters from, 62, 75 ; his oj)inion of the Abyssinians, ii. 14 ; his .sketch map ul' BagiimiSder and ichtliyologieal researches, 24. Schwainfurth, Dr., i. 1()3. Scnafe, Abyssinian followers dismissed at, ii. 348. Servants, Abyssinian, fidelity of, ii. 244- 249. Sevastopol, Theodore's large mortar, ii. 303-4. 358 i:ndex. Sha'ab, i. 85, 91, 121. Slia'alah, i. 127. Sliajarut, i. 149. Shallaka-Shatiisli, i. 240. Shamma, etiquette in wearing, ii. 221- 224; enveloping liead in, an insult, 22tj. Shiinkelsi, slaves taken from tlie. i. 1G8. Sharo, Inj, i. 100. Sheikh Hasb-Allah, i. 150. Shells, between Casala and Kedarif, i. 150. Shirt, Abyssinian Order of tlie, i. 198 ; Theodore proposes to invest tl:e Mis- sion followers witii, ii. 5 ; Theodore and Em-opean shirts, 71. Shisharo, valley, i. 72, 73. Sliohos, the, i. (J6, 81. Shukry, tribe, i. 140; cameleers, 152. Slave-trade, at Massowah, i. Gl, G8 ; in Abyssinia, 287-8. Snakes, near Lake Tana, i. 226. Solib, i. 129. Soodan, mutiny in the, i. 141; etymology of name, 150. Speedy, Mr., Theodore's complaints against, ii. G3 ; regarded him as an enemy, 330. Spies, alleged, sent to Massowah, i. 42. Sport, i. 24, 54, 56, 73 ; near Lake Tana, 224. Staiger, Mr., imprisoned at Magdala, ii. 261. Stanton, Colonel, i. 110; his opinion of Dr. Bekes mission, ii. 47. Steamer, Theodore's imitation, ii. 120. Stem, Rev. Mr., letters from, i. G3, 73 ; Theodore's charges against, 299, ii. 305 ; his missionaiy Lbours at Mag- dala, 211 ; fidelit}' of his Abyssinian servants, 219. Suez, arrival of Mission at. i. 110; re- turn from, 111; homeward journey from, ii. 349. " Sugar," see Sukkar. Siikkar, Chief of the Atte'-Maryam, i. 87-89. 122. Suk-ul-Galla])at, sec Matiimma. Sunkwaha, i. 204. Surur, Mt., i. 132. Tabot, or Ark, i. 225-228 ; ii. 2(;(). Tacrarait, i. 129. Taiila, liitwaddad, sent to re-arrest old captives, ii. 80, IIG; in charge of (Captives sent to Magdala, 152; ini- l)ii.ioned at, 2G2. THEODORE. Tadla Gwalu, deserts from the royal camp and is proclaimed Chief of Gojjam, i. 238 ; battle between his followers and Theodore, 239. Tiigga, Ras, Commander of the Mus- keteers, ii. 45, 277. Taka, plain of, i. 145. Takkaze, river, i. 35, 63. Takroories, i. 157 ; etvmology of name, 158 ; disobliging, 170. Tana, Lake, passage across, i. 314-317 : shores of. ii. 7 ; shooting with Theo- dore at, 109, 114 ; artillerv-practico at, 111. Tankwal, i. 216. Tartar, i. 150. Tasiimma, Balanibaras, Master of the Horse, impi isoned at Magdala, ii. 262. Tasanima, Lij, i. 196, 200, 201, 202; his motlier, 213. Ta.sho. Lij, i. 196. Ttj, beverage, i. 19'>. Teru-Wark, daughter of Dajjai Oobc, married to Theodore, ii. 217," 277, 336 ; makes over her son, 'Alamayo, to the British, 343 ; her death, 347. Tigreau, dialect, used at Massowah, i. 14. T'issoo Gobaze, rebel Chief of Walkait, i. 35, 74, 102, 188. T'issoo Hailo, head of Abyssinian mer- chants trading to Jlassowah, i. 34, 35 ; is imjiri.soned at Magdala, ii. 262. Theodore, King, fir.st letter from to Author, i. 93, 115 ; his reception of the Mission, 248 ; his complaints against the old Captives, 248-251 ; orders their relciise, 265 ; his letter to the Queen, ib. ; knowledge of Arabic, 270 ; not a beneficent ruler, 278; his parentage and early youtli, ih.; earlv ex])l()its, 280 ; recJives a check at Kediirif, 281 ; marries Tobet, Eas 'All's daughter, 281 ; overthrows Has 'Ali and Eas Oobe, 282-284 ; is crowned Emperor, 284; his early reforms, 285-6; causes of his waning jiower, 288-9 ; his tits of niclauchdly, 290; rapidity of his marches, 291 ; care for his troops, 293; alleged rea.>ton for delaying answering the Author's letter, 295 ; sends order for release of old Captives, 297 ; his complaints against them, 299 ; otfers to make a treaty, 304 ; presents Author with 5000 doHars, 305; arrives at Zagc, ii. 1 ; his ethics, 9 ; agrees to departure of European artisans with Autlioi-, 12 ; used to believe in the black art, 19; writes that he wishes to "consult" Author, 21; pioposcs to INDEX. 359 decorate members of Mission with the Koyal Shirt, 22 ; intimates tliat the Captives are to be tried, 26 ; arrange- ments thereto, 31 ; seeks an indemnity, 32, 35: demands artisans from Eng- land, 39; forgives tlie Captives, 42; sends Author another 5000 dollars, 45 ; his reception of the Slissinu at Zage, 57 ; consults Chiefs and European artisans about dettiining the Mission, 58, 59 ; his complaints against the Coptic Patriarcli and the Egyptian Government, G2, 63 : against iiis own people, 64 ; directs Author to prepare to leave Abyssinia, 64 ; in European shirts, 71 ; returns a seized packet open to Author, 73 ; changes plan of our return jounu.-y, 76 ; agrees to Author's proposed route, 78 ; orders re-arrest of Captives on their way homeward, SO; his charges against the Author, 84-86; apologizes, 87,92; arraigns tlie Captives at Zage, 93; asks their pardon, 99 ; ciiuses tlie petition from the relatives of the Captives to be read, ib. ; his letter to Queen Victoria asking for artisans, 100 ; his presents to the members of the Mi.-^sion, 107 ; restores part of cash taken from old Captives, 107; visits tlie Author at Zage, 108; commemorates Queen Victoria's birth-day, 110; fellsa su[ipli;int with a billet of wood. Ill ; n counts his wars against Turks and (Jallas, 113; his cruelty at Zage, 115; pro])o.ses that the Author should wear a Mdnjaf, 117; attempts imitation of a steamer, 120; his views on taxation, 131 ; courtesy to Autlior at Gatfat, 132-3 ; his de- scent from Alexander, 137 ; praises the English for providing his people with Amharic bibles, 139; his charges against the Autlior at Debra Tabor, 141-2; claims India and half tlie world besides, 153; visits Captives at Debra Tabor, 155; believes himself mad, 15() ; proceeds with Captives to- wards Magilala, 158; sends Captives on t^) Miigdala, 159 ; his reiuarlfs on hearing that Author was fettered, 163; returns to Debra Tfilior, 164; his difl'erent marriages, 217-219 ; his first letter to Author at Miigdala, 228 ; forwards stores to Author, 229- 238 ; forwards Queen's letter to him for perusal, 23;;; notitics that lie will keep us at Miigilala, 231 ; deelim s a jiroHered present, 240; cut off from Miigdala, 241 ; his cruelties at thiit TOLKEATION. period, 241 ; receives copy of Sir Eobert Napier's proclamation, 254 ; reaches Beitahor, 256 ; death of his sister, 258 ; reaches Clietta valley, 260 ; his talk about the Author, 264 ; reaches tlie Dalanta plateau, 267; breaks fidth with the Dalanta people, 268 ; rciichcs the Bashilo, 271; speaks of a " blood bath," 272 ; sends his valuables to IMtigdala, 276; reaches Salamge, 277 : enters Miigdala, 279 ; tries two priests for defamation, 280 ; tries Chiefs for treason, 281 ; returns to Sahinige, 282 : visits IMiigdala again, 286 ; alleged reason for detain- ing the Mission, 287; summons the Author to an interview, ib. ; his altered appearance, ih. ; refers to the impend- ing attack by the British, 289; re- quests the Author to bury him in the event of his death, ih. ; another al- leged motive for detaining the Cap- tives, 290 ; unfetters Bl;mc iind Pri- deaux, 291 ; hopes the British will not despise him for his colour, 292 ; upbraids his Chiefs at Sahimge, 293 ; his charmed rifle, 295 ; his queries on European warfare, 304 ; recounts his troubles, 305 ; deplores the raggedness of his troops, 306 ; refuses to make overtures to Sir Robert Napier, 307 ; goes oil' on a plundering expedition, 308 ; is anxious to hear of the British army, 309 ; Wiitches for its move- ments. 310 ; harangues his troops, 313; is determined to let matters take their course, 314 ; orders massacre of native prisoners, 315 ; refuses to receive Sir R. Napier's letter, 317 ; attacks British advanced guard, 318 ; requests Author to open communica- tions with Sir R. Napier, 319; his letter to Sir Robert, 320 ; his anger iit the result of the dejiutatiou to Bri- tish camp, 319; his letter of apology to Sir Robert, 325 ; sends present of cattle to British camp, 330 ; prcpan s to de- camp, //;. ; his ('hiefs and peo])le re- fuse to obey him, 331; prepares fur defence, 332 ; attacks our ciivalry, 333 ; retires to tlie gates with a few followers, 334 ; shoots himself, ib. ; summary of his character, 335 ; his wives and issue, 336; his burial, 343. Ti'ibet, daughter of Rils 'Ali, marries Theodore, ii. 217. Toleration, Abyssinian religious, i. 319. 360 l^v'DEX. ToUs, ii. 16. Tournament, native, ii. 123. ' Victoria,' transport steamer, i. 48, 53, eO, 64, 104. W. Wadala, ii. 148, 270. Wahne, i. 188. Waitos, near Lake Tana, i. 814. Wai'zero Baritu, i. 218. Wiiizero Denke, i. 213, 219, 222, 310. Wai'zero Mi'nyen, mother of Ras 'Ali, i. 281. Waka, i. 187. Wak.sbum Gobaze, of Lasta, i. 35, 74. 81 ; proposes to attack Ma^dala, ii. 250 ; rctii-es from before Ma.i^dala, 251 ; bis friendliness to the British army, 252 ; designs to attack Theo- dore, 255 ; forwards copy of Sir Robert Napier's nltiraatum to Author. 2G5, Wak.slium Tafare, cousin to Waksbum Gobaze, ii. 239, 203. Wald-Gabir, Theodore's valet, i. 276; saw Theodore connnit suicide, ii. 327 ; denies that his master cursed on the occasion, 337. Wald-Gabriel, interpreter, i. 187; deco- rated with Royal Shirt, ii. 13. Wald-Maryam, lesser Cliief of escort, i. 196. Wal(l-]\Iaryam, messenger, i. 43, 48, 65, 77, 104, Waldmcier, Mr., bis testimony to first .success of Mission, ii. 43, 44 ; bis zealous co-operation, 206 : Theodore's testimony thereto, 292 ; escorts libe- rated Captives to British camp, 324 ; styled by Theodore his " best friend," 326 ; assists Author at Miigdala, 340. Wald-ul-'Ammas. i. 156. Wald-Salasse Gobaze. i. 69, 70, 231. Waldt-lNIdryam, a native Joan of Arc, i. 218, 317. Walkait, i. 35, ii. 74. Wande, Aito, is presented with one of Theodore's dismissed wives, i. 220, 317 ; is arraigned by Theodore, ii. 105. Wandige, district, i. 308. Wanzi'ge, village, i, 216. Warke', Yashalaka, a doorkeeper at Mag- dala, ii. 185. Wasi, Bitwaddad, one of Magdala Coun- cil, ii. 177; heads a raid uj)on the Gallas, 297. Wello - Gallas, Theodore's campaign against, i. 74. Wiiby, Brigadier-General, ii. 339, 344. Worohaimano, Gallas, raid upon, ii. 294-801. Y. Yadjow, Gallas, ii. 218 ; intended to sub- mit to Tluodore, 270. Yashalaka, a Captain of Lancers, ii. 191. Yasmala, i. 234, 808. Zaga, i. 130. Zage, capital of Me'tcha, ii. 1 ; reception of Mission at, 56 ; arrested at, 83 ; Theodore's cruelties at, 115 ; penin- sula of. its inhabitants and produce, 118-120. Ziinuab, 'Alaka, keeper of the royal arcliivcs, ii. 192, 349. Zanzalima. ii. 80. Zand!, ii. 315. Zoolla, visit to, i. 81 ; return to. ii. 349. 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