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Early History of New England. 
 
 In 1862 I republished DR. INCREASE MATHER'S " Brief History 
 of King Philip's War," with an Introduction and Notes. I now pro 
 pose to republish his other work, (which covers the most interesting 
 period of the History of New England,) entitled "A RELATION op 
 THE TROUBLES WHICH HAVE HAPPENED IN NEW ENGLAND, BY 
 REASON OE THE INDIANS THERE, FROM THE YEAR 1614, TO THE 
 YEAR 1675." It was printed in Boston in 1677, in a small quarto 
 volume. 
 
 This work, abounding in important facts, has never been republished. 
 
 I propose to issue it in the small 4to form, printed with antique 
 type, uniform with the BRIEF HISTORY, with an Introduction and 
 Annotations. It will comprise about 300 pages. Price for copies in 
 paper, $3 00 ; full bound in cloth, gilt tops, $3 50. Ten copies will 
 be printed on large paper, at $10 00 per copy, in paper covers. 
 
 Subscribers names will be printed in the work. 
 Those desirous of the work will please give early notice to 
 
 SAMUEL G. DRAKE, 
 
 13 Bromfidd St. 
 BOSTON, June, 1863. 
 
EARLY HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 NEW ENGLAND; 
 
 BEING A RELATION OF 
 
 HOSTILE PASSAGES BETWEEN THE INDIANS 
 
 AND EUROPEAN VOYAGERS AND 
 
 FIRST SETTLERS: 
 
 AND A 
 
 FULL NARRATIVE OF HOSTILITIES, TO THE CLOSE OF THE 
 WAR WITH THE PEQJJOTS, IN THE YEAR 1637; 
 
 ALSO A 
 
 DETAILED ACCOUNT OF THE ORIGIN OF THE WAR WITH 
 
 KING PHILIP. 
 
 BY INCREASE MATHER. 
 
 iXssc'Urs*. i.:^er*rr^VWl > - "*M ^ ' ' 
 
 an Kntroftuction antr Note*, 
 
 BY SAMUEL G. DRAKE. 
 
 BOSTON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR THE EDITOR, 
 
 AND SOLD BY HIM AT NO. 1 3 BROMFIELD-STREET. 
 ALSO BY J. MUNSELL, ALBANY, N. Y. 
 
 1864. 
 
TO HIS EARLY AND CONSTANT FRIEND, 
 
 JOHN CARTER BROWN, ESQUIRE, 
 
 OF PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND, 
 
 Whofe extenfive and invaluable Colleftion of Works on the 
 whole Range of American Hiftory and Antiquities is a Monu 
 ment to his fine Tafte, Judgment and perfevering Induftry, 
 of which not only himfelf and his State mould be proud, but 
 New England likewife ; inafmuch, as through his Kindnefs 
 and Liberality his moft ufeful Collection is not a fealed one, 
 but is aiding in various Ways the Bibliographer and Hifto- 
 rian : To him, therefore, this Volume is, by permiffion, 
 refpeftfully Dedicated, by 
 
 THE EDITOR. 
 
INTRODUCTORY BY THE EDITOR 
 
 OR many Years I had con 
 templated publifhing Editions 
 of the two Works of Dr. Increale 
 Mather on Indian Hiftory ; they 
 having been for a long Time rarely to 
 be met with. The firft of thefe Works, in point 
 of Time of Publication, was the Brief Hiftory of 
 Philip's War, an Edition of which I ifTued laft 
 Year (1862). As foon as that was publifhed I 
 commenced preparing this to follow it. Various 
 Demands upon my Time have prevented its earlier 
 Appearance. Chronologically this fhould have ap 
 peared before the other Work ; but fo the Author 
 wrote and fo he publifhed them ; thus as it were 
 writing Hiftory backwards. But fome great Hif- 
 torians have fince either followed Mr. Mather's 
 
vi Introductory by the Editor. 
 
 Plan, or employed one fimilar ; for it was in this 
 Way Mr. Hume wrote and publiiLed his celebrated 
 Hiftory of England. 
 
 In refpect to thefe two Works of Dr. Mather, 
 while the Firft may be thought to be more im 
 portant to Hiftorians, the Latter is the more difficult 
 to be found. The former is a contemporaneous 
 Hiftory, while the latter is a Hiftory of a previous 
 Age ; chiefly drawn from Works fince as well 
 known as in the Time of this Author. This may 
 account in fome Degree for its having met with but 
 a fingle Impreflion in one hundred and eighty-fix 
 Years. 
 
 Being pofTefled of nearly all of Mr. Mather's 
 Authorities, I have been able to fupply numerous 
 ancl important Deficiencies in his Narrative. He 
 doubtlefs felt himfelf obliged to comprefs his Ma 
 terials as much as poflible, fo as not to make a 
 large Book; for in his Time there were but few 
 Buyers of even fmall Books. 
 
 There may be thofe difpofed to berate and under 
 value the Works of all the early Mathers, and to 
 confider them of little or no Account. To fuch the 
 Editor would fay, that with full Coniideration of 
 the Condition of Society in New England when the 
 Mathers wrote, he thinks they would change their 
 
IntroduSory by the Editor. vii 
 
 Opinion. We can have but a vague and indifferent 
 View of the State which our Ancestors pafled 
 through, except by their Works. By beftowing a 
 little Attention upon thefe we have in our Minds a 
 very good Picture of the Steps by which we have 
 arrived at our partially civilized Exiftence. To the 
 Mathers then we owe a great deal, and we can 
 acknowledge it without endorfing their peculiar 
 Tenets or fubjecting ourfelves to the Charge of fhar- 
 ing in the Superftitions and Bigotry of their Age. 
 But a faint and imperfect Opinion can be formed 
 of the Condition of New England from the brief 
 Chronicles of the Period of the Pequot War. The 
 Author is a good deal more Minute refpecting that 
 War than any of the early Writers upon it ; but even 
 from him we have a very incoherent Narrative. 
 He did not poffefs all of the printed Accounts 
 neither Underbill's nor Vincent's ; yet they are in- 
 difpenfable being both by Eye-witnefles of the 
 principal military Operations. Gardiner's Hiftory 
 was not published, and its Exiftence does not ap 
 pear to have been known to Mr. Mather. In 
 fome Refpects it is the moft valuable of the con 
 temporary Records of the War. It gives us a poli 
 tical View, and with an " old foldier's " -Honefty. 
 Mafon's Hiftory the Author pofl'effed, though 
 
viii Introductory by the Editor. 
 
 under another Name. It came into Mr. Mather's 
 Hands from Mr. John Allyn, then " Secretary of 
 " Connecticut Colony," who appears to have tran- 
 fcribed it with various Alterations and Additions, and 
 allowed it to pafs for his own Work. Mr. Mather 
 fays he prints it " without the lead Alteration as to 
 " Senfe, and very little as to the Words." As Mafon's 
 Work was afterwards printed as Mafon left it ; a 
 comparifon will mow what Liberties Mr. Allyn 
 took with it. Some of thefe Liberties will be 
 pointed out in the Notes. 
 
 We are told by the Author of a very important 
 manufcript Account of the Pequot War which he 
 found in the Library of a brother Minifter, but he 
 was not able to learn the Name of the Author ; and 
 as if to prevent Others from learning, he does not 
 tell us in whofe Library he found it. He feems to 
 have given us the Subftance of it, and that confirms 
 what he fays of its Importance. But had he been 
 at the Pains to collect Everything he could, manu 
 fcript and printed, and compofed a faithful Hiftory 
 from Materials fo collected, we might have had a 
 much better Hiftory of the Pequot War than we 
 now poflefs. He does not feem to have profited 
 at all by Correfpondence, and not much from Con- 
 veriation with thofe living in the Time of the War, 
 or their Defendants. In his Detail of Tranfactions 
 
IntroduBory by the Editor. ix 
 
 he is provokingly lilent refpecting thofe who per 
 formed them. This was a ferious Fault of nearly all 
 Writers of Hiftory of that as well as a previous Age. 
 Often no Name is mentioned but that of the Leader 
 of the Expedition ; and thus Oblivion hangs over 
 the Memory of thofe who expofed their Lives to all 
 the Dangers of a moft dangerous Service, for the Be 
 nefit of us who come after them; thus denying their 
 Pofterity the Gratification of honouring their 
 Names. 
 
 Perhaps we ought not to complain of Deficien 
 cies in our early Authors, but rather to be thankful 
 they have given us fo much as they have. But 
 the Reader of this Hiftory will not fail to obferve, 
 without our calling his Attention to fuch Facts as 
 the following -.That he hears Nothing of the 
 Agency of Roger Williams in preventing a Union 
 between the Pequots and Narraganfets for the 
 avowed Destruction of the Englifh ; Nothing about 
 the Efforts of Lieut. Gardiner in fecuring the 
 Friendship of the Long Ifland Indians; Nothing 
 about the DifTatisfadtion of Plymouth in regard to 
 the War ; Nothing about the Complaints of Con 
 necticut that MafTachufetts had unneceflarily 
 brought on the War ; and Nothing about the 
 relative Strength of the Colonies. And yet thefe 
 
 Subjects are as Pillars to a Superftructure. 
 B 
 
x Introductory by the Editor. 
 
 It is true that Writers near the Time of an Event 
 are necefTarily deficient in documentary Vouchers. 
 But few Letters were written at the Period of the 
 Pequot War, and of that few but a Moiety ever 
 come to Light. Important Letters pafled between 
 Governor Vane and Lieut. Gardiner, but none of 
 them have been preferved ; at leaft none have 
 been difcovered. Mafon perhaps never wrote one 
 while upon his Expeditions, nor was it neceflary, 
 as he returned Home about as foon as a MefTenger 
 could have performed the Service of Bearer of Dif- 
 patches. Captain Stoughton 1 from the Army fent 
 Home Letters. Officials at Home wrote Letters 
 about the War. Winthrop on the Part of MafTa- 
 chufetts. Winflow* on that of Plymouth. Roger 
 Williams wrote many. We have one, and but 
 one, from the benevolent Mr. John Humfrey.s 
 Among them all, faving thofe of Humfrey and 
 Williams, 4 we find no Expreffions counfelling Mild- 
 nefs, Forbearance or Mercy towards the Indians. 
 
 1 See Appendix A. peared, in which he fays, in refer 
 
 ence to the captive Pcquots "I 
 
 2 See Appendix B much rejoice [to learn by Captain 
 
 Patrick] that fome of the Chiefe 
 
 3 See Appendix C. [Men] at Quonihticut (Mr. Heynes 
 
 and Mr. Ludlow), are almoft averfe 
 
 4 Since the above was written, a from killing Women and Children." 
 Letter of Roger Williams has ap- Mafs. Hift. Colls. 36, 196. 
 
Introductory by the Editor. xi 
 
 Nor is this fo much to be wondered at, taking the 
 actual Condition of the Country into View the 
 very few white People then in New England, and 
 thofe fcattered along a vaft Extent of Sea-coaft for 
 two or three hundred Miles, with an unknown 
 Number of Indians on every Hand -all jealous of 
 thofe Intruders. Knowing that the Indians might 
 at any time combine and deftroy them while in 
 their Weaknefs, they thought it neceflary for their 
 own Prefervation to divide this jealous People as 
 much as poflible. And here it is fitting to remark 
 that Jealoulies always grow up, fpontaneoufly, as it 
 were, between Races or Sections, where one is 
 fuperior to the other in any Refpect. The more 
 ignorant Race or Section always fofters this Jealoufy 
 into Envy, and from Envy into deadly Hoftility. It 
 was thus arofe the prefent moft iniquitous Southern 
 Rebellion. The Indians were perfect Seceflionifts. 
 Their Philofophy of Liberty taught nothing 
 higher in the Scale of Government. Hence they 
 were conftantly breaking up into diftind: Commu 
 nities or Clans. Several of thefe Clans or Commu 
 nities were ufually called a Tribe ; and a Tribe 
 held together no longer than it fuited the Con 
 venience of its individual Members. Seceffion was 
 at all times imminent, and although the Parties were 
 
xii Introductory by the Editor. 
 
 conftantly reaping the bitter Fruits of Seceffion, 
 they had " no Power to prevent it," as was averred 
 by a recent Prefident of the United States, in 
 refpect to the American Union : thus virtually 
 acknowledging that the Government of the Union 
 was not in Advance of that of the Indians ! 
 
 All barbarous Nations are natural Seceders. In 
 capable of binding themfelves together by any 
 written Compact, the remedy for every Grievance, 
 real or imaginary, was Defertion or Seceffion of the 
 Party fo aggrieved. Thus, continually weakened, a 
 Tribe became nearly powerlefs to every foreign Foe. 
 No Confederacy could hold together any Length of 
 Time, becaufe private Ends were fuperiour to 
 publick Good. The Pequots feceded from an in 
 land Tribe, and no fooner were they permanently 
 feated upon the Borders of the River bearing their 
 Name, but a difaffected Party broke from them, 
 and became known as the Mohegans. 
 
 Precedents were never wanting for Seceffion 
 among a barbarous People. They acknowledged 
 no Law but that of the ftrongeft. Their Exiftence 
 depended upon their Ability to keep forcible Pof- 
 feffion of whatever Place they found themfelves 
 porTerTed of, or in their ability to difpofTefs a neigh 
 bouring Community. From Time immemorial this 
 
Introductory fy the Editor. xiii 
 
 had been their State of Exiftence, and they had no 
 other Traditions for their Guidance. Hence they 
 lived in continual Fear; always in Expectation of 
 an Attack from one difpoflefled Clan or another, as 
 their Progenitors, near and remote, had been. This 
 was the State of the Indians in New England when 
 the firft white People became acquainted with 
 them. When the Pilgrims came to Plymouth, 
 the Narraganfets were threatening the Wampa- 
 noags, and this was found to be the Secret of the 
 ready Compliance of the Latter to the Wifhes of 
 their white Vifitors ; and when thefe travelled to 
 the Bottom of the Bay they found the Country had 
 been defolated by a barbarous War between the 
 Maflachufetts and Tarratines. The Mohegans had 
 broken from the Pequots, and War exifted between 
 them. Other Wars doubtlefs exifted between other 
 Tribes. None of thefe Wars could be attributed to 
 the evil Influences of white Men. At trie fame 
 Time it is clear that in fuch a State of Exiftence 
 Seceffion was continually going on, and confequent- 
 ly Wars muft be perpetual. Yet fome modern 
 Writers have aflerted that Indians were peaceful 
 and not given to Treachery before they had been 
 learned to be fo through their Intercoufe with 
 Europeans. This Affertion is- pretty fully difpofed 
 
xiv Introductory by the Editor. 
 
 of by what has been fhown to have been the real 
 Condition of the Country at and immediately after 
 its Difcovery and Settlement by the Englim. That 
 the Wars among the Indians generally originated 
 in bad Faith is fcarcely to be doubted, it being con 
 ceded that Indians are much like other Races of 
 Men, and that they are made up of good and bad 
 Elements. 
 
 Roger Williams (and no man ever knew the In 
 dians better), relates this remarkable Cafe of 
 Treachery among them in his Vicinity in 1637: 
 " The laft Day of the Weeke [Saturday July loth ?] 
 " Wequafh the Pequt Guide neere Hand, flue his 
 " Countryman Saflawwaw, a Pequt, alfo Miantun- 
 " nomues fpecial Darling, and a kind of Generall of 
 " his Forces. There was Yefterday fome Tumult 
 " about it becaufe Wequafh Hues with Canounicus, 
 " and Miantunnomu purfues the Revenge and Juf- 
 " tice, &c." That is to fay, the Narraganfets required 
 Vengeance to be taken on that Pequot in Juftice for 
 Wrongs done them. Mr. Williams fpeaks of the 
 Juftnefs of the Execution thus : " Although We- 
 " quaih it may be haue treacheroufly allmoft, flaiii 
 " him, yet I fee the righteous Hand of the moft 
 " High Judge, thus : SarTawwaw turned to [joined] 
 " the Nanhiggonficks and againe pretends a Returne 
 
Introductory by the Editor. xv 
 
 " to the Pequts, gets them forth the laft Yeare 
 " againft the Nanhiggonficks and fpying Advantage, 
 " flue the chiefe Pequt Captain and whips off his 
 " Head, and fo againe [returns] to the Nanhiggon- 
 " fick : their Treacheries exceede Machiavills," &c. 
 
 In another Letter to the fame Party he recom 
 mends dealing with them wifely and juftly, as 
 with Wolves endowed with men's Brains. 
 
 That Civilization is not compatible with the 
 Indian Character has been clearly eftablimed by 
 Experiments oft repeated. The Exceptions in favor 
 of fome Tribes difappear with thofe Tribes. Some 
 two hundred years Experience has pretty conclu- 
 fively proved, that whenever a white or European 
 Colony locates itfelf near an Indian Community, 
 that Community melts away ; flowly perhaps, but 
 fteadily and furely. Well has Dryden fome where 
 expreffed the Indian Lamentation : 
 
 " Old Prophecies foretell our Fall at Hand 
 " When bearded Men in floating Caftles land." 
 
 Indians were always ready to " drive a Trade " 
 with any People who vifited them. Moft Euro 
 peans took what Advantages they could of their 
 Simplicity. The firft Settlers of Plymouth gene 
 rally dealt honourably and liberally with them. 
 Perhaps rather more Co than the other Colonifts of 
 
xvi IntroduElory by the Editor. 
 
 New England. But it mould not be pretended 
 that Trade was not an Object with them ; and yet 
 it is entirely true that it was not a paramount One 
 originally. 
 
 Indeed, with the Exception of Plymouth and 
 one or two others, Settlements were made with a 
 View to the Benefits arifing from Traffick with the 
 Natives. Perhaps it was more notorioufly fo with 
 the Spanifh Settlers. At all Events. the Author of 
 Hudibras has in his inimitable Way fettled the 
 Matter as far as Song can fettle Anything. The 
 following Lines were intended for his Hudibras, but 
 for fome Reafon were left out. The PafTage was 
 preferved by the celebrated John Aubrey, F. R. S., 
 and is as follows : 
 
 " No Jefuit e'er took in Hand 
 
 " To plant a Church in barren Land ; 
 
 " Nor ever thought it worth the While 
 
 " A Swede or Rufs to reconcile. 
 
 " For where there is no Store of Wealth, 
 
 *' Souls are not worth the Charge of Health ; 
 
 " Spain in America had two Defigns, 
 
 " To fell their Gofpel for their Mines. 1 
 
 " For, had the Mexicans been poor, 
 
 " No Spaniard twice had landed on their Shore." 
 
 At the Time the Relation was written, there 
 were but Few remaining who were cotemporary 
 
 i Wines in Aubrey's Mtfcels. ii, 264, 
 
Introductory by the Editor. xvii 
 
 with the Events of which the Author treats. In a 
 few Inftances he feems to have profited by Inform 
 ation obtained from fome of _ the A<ftors in the 
 Scenes of that Day : But I do not remember above 
 two or three Inftances. It is to be regretted that 
 he did not profit more by fuch Information. Per 
 haps he thought there might be Danger of draw 
 ing too freely from fuch Sources, not imagining 
 that that Kind of Information would be more 
 valued than moft other by fucceeding Hiftorians. 
 But when we take a near View of a Writer of 
 his own Times, and compare what he has done 
 with what is being done in our own, it may be we 
 {hall be found quite as delinquent as thofe who 
 have gone before us. For who of us does not 
 have Reafon to regret his RemifTnefs under fimilar 
 Circumftances ? Who has not neglected to inquire 
 of aged Relatives and other Predeceflbrs concern 
 ing family and other Memorials while they were 
 able to give Information ? In confidering this 
 Matter no one will fail to recur to our Want of 
 Knowledge refpedting our Progenitors in the Land 
 whence they came. Becaufe the almoft entire Lack 
 of this Kind of Information is quite remarkable ; 
 infomuch that fcarcely one Family in fifty of the 
 prefent Day has any Knowledge whence, or when 
 C 
 
xviii IntroduEiory by the Editor. 
 
 its Anceftors emigrated. In the Memorials they 
 have left us, fo feldom is Anceftry referred to that 
 we are led to doubt if it were not deiignedly fo. 
 We indeed fometimes find in Documents of a 
 bufmefs Nature the Country mentioned, as, " my 
 Kindred in Old England," and fimilar vague Ex- 
 preffions. 
 
 Notwithftanding Dr. Mather's Works are moftly 
 theological, and the greater Part of them were 
 produced folely to enforce theological Views, there 
 is neverthelefs fcarcely any of them into which he 
 does not bring fome valuable hiftorical Facts ; 
 either by Preface or Note. And although thefe 
 are fometimes very few, they are almoft the only 
 Parts of fuch Works of the leaft Value or Intereft 
 at this Day ; and but for thefe incidental Items 
 many of them would hardly have reached our 
 Times. And although Dr. Mather was a man 
 poffefled of highly refpectable Talents, there is in 
 deed a wonderful Contrail between his political 
 Sagacity and Wifdom, and his Details of certain 
 Affairs requiring the moft ftupid Credulity. Com 
 pare his Acts in bringing about the Revolution of 
 j688 with the following Details : " A poor Man 
 " being fufpected to have ftolen a Sheep was quel- 
 " tioned for it ; he forefwore the Thing, and wifhed, 
 
IntroduSlroy by the Editor. xix 
 
 " that if he had flolen it, God would caufe the 
 " Horns of the Sheep to grow upon him. This 
 " Man was feen within thefe few dayes by a Min- 
 " ifter of great Repute for Piety, who faith that 
 " the Man hath an Horn growing out of one 
 " Corner of his Mouth, juft like that of a Sheep; 
 " from which he hath cut feventeen inches, and is 
 " forced to keep it tyed by a String to his Ear, 
 " to prevent its growing up to his Eye. This 
 " Minifter not only faw but felt this Horn." 
 
 This Circumflance is faid to have happened in 
 1658, in Lifmore in Ireland; and though it came 
 fecond hand to our Author he believed the Story im 
 plicitly, and publimed it in his Remarkable Provi 
 dences. One other will fuffice for prefent Illustration. 
 In the fame curious Work, fpeaking of remarkable 
 Cafes of Thunder and Lightning, this is recorded : 
 " It is not Herefie to believe that Satan has fome- 
 " times a great Operation in cauling Thunder 
 " Storms. I know this is vehemently denied by 
 " fome : the late Witch Advocates [thofe who de- 
 " fended the fo called Witches] call it Blafphemy ; 
 " and an old Council did anathmatize the Men that 
 " are thus perfwaded ; but by their Favour an ortho- 
 " dox and rational Man may be of the Opinion 
 " that when the Devil has before him the Vapours 
 
xx Introductory by the Editor. 
 
 " and Materials out of which the Thunder and 
 " Lightning are generated, his Art is fuch as that 
 " he can bring them into Form. If Chymifts can 
 " make their a urum fulminous, what ftrange Things 
 " may this infernal Chymift efFedt ? The Holy 
 " Scriptures intimate as much as this cometh to. 
 " In the facred Story concerning Job, we find that 
 " Satan did raife a great Wind which blew down 
 " the Houfe where Job's Children were fafting. 
 " And it is faid that the Fire of God fell from 
 " Heaven and burnt up the Sheep and the Servants. 
 " This was no doubt Thunder and Lightning, and 
 " fuch as was extraordinary, and is therefore ex- 
 " prefled with the name of God, as is uiual amongft 
 " the Hebrews. Satan had a deep Policy in going 
 " that way to work, thereby hoping to make Job 
 " believe God was his Enemy." 
 
 There feems to have been no Teft by which it 
 could be fatisfactorily determined to which Power 
 an apparently mifchievous Phenomenon was to be 
 attributed. Hence there was Danger of charging 
 an Event to the wrong Party. But our Fathers do 
 not feem to have entertained many confcientious 
 Scruples about overcharging the Devil, and appear 
 willing to make him the Scape- goat in all dubious 
 Cafes, not giving him even the benefit of a Doubt. 
 
Introductory by the Editor. xxi 
 
 Among the Signers to a Commendation of our 
 Author's Cafes of Conference concerning Witch- 
 craft> publifhed in 1693, is that of the venerable 
 William Hubbard. How far he endorfed all the 
 Views exprefled in that Work cannot be certainly 
 known ; but the Fad: of his Signature being there 
 is prefumptive Evidence of his general AiTent to its 
 Principles. Including Mr. Hubbard, there were 
 fourteen Signers, and thefe were the principal Min- 
 ifters in this Part of New England. 
 
 Thefe Minifters fay, "That there are Devils 
 " and Witches ; the Scripture aflerts, and Experi- 
 " ence confirms that they are common Enemies of 
 " Mankind, and fet upon Mifchief, is not to be 
 " doubted : That the Devil can (by Divine Per- 
 " miflion) and often doth vex Men, in Body and 
 " Eftate, without the Inftrumentality of Witches, 
 " is undeniable." If the Commendators had left 
 the Matter here, their Credit would ftand much 
 better in this Age, but they go on : " That he 
 " often hath and delights to have the Concurrence 
 " of Witches, and their Confent in harming Men, 
 " is confonant to his native Malice to Man, and 
 " too lamentably exemplified : That Witches, 
 " when detected and convicted, ought to be exter- 
 " minated and cut off, we have God's Warrant for." 
 
xxii Introductory by the Editor. 
 
 It will be feen that thefe Obfervations are pretty 
 carefully worded, and that although the Exiftence 
 of Devil and Witches could not be denied, a grand 
 Queftion, very difficult to be difpofed of, naturally 
 prefents itfelf fuch as, if the Devil can ad: with 
 out the Agency of a Witch, how is it to be deter 
 mined when he employs their Agency ? 
 
 Neverthelefs thefe fourteen Minifters fay in Con- 
 clufion, " All that we are concerned in, is to afiert 
 " our hearty Confent to, and Concurrence with 
 " the Subftance of what is contained in the follow- 
 " ing Difcourfe." 
 
 In the Poftfcript to the Cafes of Conference, the 
 Author feems as far gone as his Son in the Witch 
 Delufion. Perhaps the Fourteen 1 did not include 
 the Poftfcript in their Commendation. Indeed it 
 is quite probable they knew Nothing of it until 
 
 i Their Names as figned to the Samuel Angier 
 
 original Commendation are very Nehemiah Walter 
 
 differently arranged in the printed [Thus far in Dr. Mather's hand. 
 
 Book ; and as they are partly Auto- The reft are Autographs^ 
 
 graphs, I infert them here as they James Allen 
 
 originally flood : Sam 11 Willard 
 
 Charles Morton William Hubbard 
 
 Michael Wigglefworth Samuel Phillips 
 
 John Bayly Jofeph Gerrifh 
 
 Samuel Whiting Jn Wife 
 
 Jabez Fox Jofeph Capen. 
 
IntroduElory by the Editor. xxiii 
 
 after the Book was printed. In that Addenda Mr. 
 Mather fays, if he had been one of the Judges at 
 the Trial of Mr. Burroughs, he could not have 
 acquitted him. And in the fame Poftfcript he 
 fays, " Some I hear have taken up a Notion that 
 " the Book newly published by my Son [Wonders 
 " of the Invifible World} is contradictory to this of 
 " mine : 'Tis ftrange that fuch Imaginations mould 
 " enter into the Minds of Men : I perufed and 
 " approved of that Book before it was printed." 
 Hence it is apparent that the elder Mather was at 
 heart as much inclined to punim Witches as the 
 younger. The only Difference being in their Tem 
 peraments : the elder was flow and cautious, while 
 the younger was fanguine and impetuous. 
 
 This Poftfcript, in which thefe ftrong Convic 
 tions are found, did not probably appear in the 
 original Edition of the Cafes of Conference. I have 
 a manufcript Copy of it (chiefly in the Autograph 
 of the Author) to which there is no Poftfcript. 
 
 As has been elfewhere obferved, that although 
 Dr. Mather's Works are chiefly Theological, almoft 
 all of them contain fome valuable Facts. He is 
 treated rather cruelly by Mr. Oldmixon in his ac 
 count of the Briti/h Dominions in North America, 
 which is duly noticed by his Biographer, and 
 
xxiv IntroduSiory by the Editor. 
 
 fcarcely requires to be alluded to here. All that 
 need be faid refpedting the fevere Attack of Old- 
 mixon is, that it principally relates to his preaching. 
 This Confideration alone renders his Criticifms of 
 no Value at this Day. 
 
 There is no Biography fo valuable and intereft- 
 ing as Autobiography. Under this Conviction I 
 have made the following Extracts from Dr. Ma 
 ther's Preface to a fmall Volume of Sermons, enti 
 tled Awakening Truths, &c., publifhed by him in 
 Bofton in an 18 mo Volume, 1710. He fays: 
 
 *' I was by my Parents devoted to the Service of 
 God in the Gofpel of Jefus Chrijl. What 
 " my Father was in Lancajhire in England, all 
 " New England knows. And many will blefs 
 ** God to Eternity, that ever they did know him. 
 " God has moreover been fo gracious as to give me 
 " to be born of a fingularly pious, praying, holy 
 " Mother. On her Death-bed, me delired to 
 " fpeak with me her youngeft Son : All that me 
 " faid to me, was, For the Lords fake do thou devote 
 " thyfelf to the Work of the Miniflry ; and remember 
 " that Scripture, They that turn many to Right eouf- 
 " nefs, Jhall Jhine as the Stars forever and ever. 
 " From that Day I refolved if the Lord would fpare 
 " my life, to obey that laft Advice of my Parent. I 
 
Introductory by the Editor. xxv 
 
 " was then a Youth, but fixteen Years old, having 
 " been in the Colledge but four Years. It is im- 
 " poffible for me to declare what Impreffion thofe 
 " laft Words of my dying Mother had upon my 
 " Spirit. God has been fo favourable to me, as to 
 " uphold me (the moft unworthy) in His Work, as 
 " a publick Preacher of His Word, for the Space 
 " of more than fifty Years ; and this occafionally 
 " in very many Congregations, and in four feveral 
 " Lands. In many places in England, in Gloucefter, 
 " and in many AfTemblies in Devon, and in Dorfet ; 
 " but efpecially in and near the City of London, in 
 " Ireland, in Guernjey ; in New England, very often 
 " to the young Students in Cambridge, when for 
 " many Years I prefided over them, but moftly in 
 " Bofton. It being now upwards of 48 years fince 
 " I began my publick Miniftry in this great Town, 
 " where I have ever fince been conftantly Labour- 
 " ing, excepting thofe 4 Years, when I was em- 
 " ployed in England in Service for the Churches in 
 " New England. 1 ' 
 
 This Preface is dated " Bofton Nov. 9, 1709." 
 
 " 'The prefent Generation in New England is 
 
 " lamentably degenerate. As fometimes Mofes fpake 
 
 " to the Children of Ifrael, Numb. 32. 14. Behold 
 
 '' ye are rifen up in .your Father's flead an increafe 
 
 D 
 
xxvi Introdu&ory by the Editor. 
 
 " of finful Men. So may we fay, the firft Genera- 
 " tion of Chriftians in New England, is in a Man- 
 " ner gone off the Stage, and there is another and 
 " more {inful Generation rifen up in their ftead. 
 " We have in former Years enjoyed a Sun-mine of 
 " Profperity, and that hath been attended (as ufeth 
 " to be) with great Apoftafy. It is an apt Simili- 
 " tude which fome ufe, that as the Heat of the Sun 
 " in Summer breeds a multitude of Infefts, fo doth 
 " the warmth of Profperity a Multitude of Apof- 
 " tates. Men are loth to hear on this Ear, but [64] 
 " if we mould deny it, the Lord doth teftify againft 
 " us that it is fo, as loel. i. 2. Hear this ye old Men 
 " and give Ear all ye Inhabitants of the Land, hath 
 " this been in your Dayes, or even in the Dayes of your 
 " Fathers, faith the Lord. Were there (faith the 
 " Prophet) fuch Judgements formerly as now there 
 " are, you may therefore conclude that you are de- 
 " parted from God, and by your Sins have provoked 
 " him fo to punim you. Thus may it be fpoken 
 " with reference to our State and Cafe, and the Dif- 
 " penfations of God towards us, you old Men that 
 " are here before the Lord this Day, what fay you 
 " to this Question, did you know fuch Judgements 
 " upon New England formerly, as of late we have 
 " feen ? was it fo in the Dayes of our Fathers ? 
 
Introductory by the Editor. xxvii 
 
 " were there iuch general and killing Difeafes? fuch. 
 " a long continuing Warr ? fo many hundreds cut 
 " off by the Sword, yea, fo many hundred Familyes 
 " brought to Ruine ? Candlefticks removed out of 
 " their Places, and Plantations made defolate ! In 
 " former Times we heard of little befides Settle- 
 " ment of Plantations, and gathering of Churches, 
 " but of late Years, in ftead of that, Ruins have been 
 " multiplied, yea, Mifchief upon Mifchief. God 
 " hath been fpending his Arrows, and heaping 
 " Mifchief upon this Generation. This Generation 
 " is not like the firft. How many ignorant Ones ? 
 " how many fcandalous Ones ? There is great 
 " Rudenefs amongft young Ones in this Land; and 
 " in that refpect degeneracy from the good Man- 
 " ners of the Chriftian World. And fuch Sins as 
 " were not formerly known in New England are 
 " now become common, fuch as fwearing, linful 
 " gaming, &c. yea, the prefent Generation as to 
 " the Body of it, is an unconverted Generation .... 
 " We may fee here and there one that hath much 
 " of his bleffed Father's Spirit and Principles, but 
 " how rare are fuch amongft us? Nay, the Intereft 
 " of New England is now changed, from a reli- 
 " gious to a worldly Intereft ; and in this Thing is 
 " the great radical Apoftafy of New England. Is 
 
xxviii Introductory by the Editor. 
 
 " not this to chufe a ftrange God ? Hence do we 
 " fee Warr in the Gates. And the Lord hath been 
 " letting this Generation blood in the right Vein, 
 " fince he hath taken the World away from them. 
 " Trade is almoft ruined. Farmes, Oxen, Mer- 
 " chandize, which Things have been fought after 
 " in the firft Place, how have they failed ? New 
 " England is not like this twenty Years, to be in 
 " that comfortable Eftate it was in but two Years 
 " agoe." P. 65. 
 
 The State of Families with refped: to Govern 
 ment is thus laid open in the fame Election Ser 
 mon in the before mentioned Volume : 
 
 "Families are the Nurceryes for Church and 
 " Commonwealth, ruine Families, and ruine all. 
 " Order them well and the publick State will fare 
 " the better ; the great Wound and Mifery of New 
 " England is that Families are out of Order. As 
 " to the generality of Houfeholders, Family Govern- 
 " ment is loft and gone ; Servants do not fear their 
 " Mafters, Children do not honour their Parents, 
 " in that refpect the Englijh are become like unto 
 " the Indians." P. 91. 
 
 The Author was quite as hopelefs of Old Eng 
 land as New feveral Years later, and in his Preface 
 to Ichabod thus difcourfes : " England (in whofe 
 
IntroduEiory by the Editor. xxix 
 
 " Peace we mall have Peace) feems to be ripe for 
 " Judgment. The grievous National Sins com- 
 " mitted in the late Reigns have not yet been ac- 
 " counted [atoned] for. Never was there a Nation 
 " in the World (the Jewim excepted) that finned 
 " againft the Light of the Gofpel fo as the Englifh 
 " Nation has." P. 8. This Train of Thought was 
 fuggefted to the Author's Mind in View of his 
 Apprehenfions that Popery had taken, or was about 
 to take PorTeflion of the Englifh Government. 
 His Fears were not only for England, as the fol 
 lowing ParTage mows : " Things at this Day, look 
 " with a Difmal Afpedt, on all Proteftant Churches 
 " throughout the World." 
 
 The Millenium had been confidently looked for 
 " about thefe Times," but rather defpairingly at the 
 Beginning of the laft Century, owing to the be 
 lieved Increafe of Popery. Mr. Mather fays : " So 
 " as that fome who not long fince hoped that the 
 " happy Dayes promifed to the Church on Earth, 
 " were at the Door, begin now to fear that the laft 
 " Slaughter of the Witneffes is yet to come." 
 
 About 1710 our Author publimed "A Difcourfe 
 " concerning Faith and Fervency in Prayer, and 
 " the Glorious Kingdom of our Lord Jefus Chrift, 
 " on Earth, now approaching. Delivered in feve- 
 
xxx Introductory by the Editor. 
 
 " ral Sermons ; in which the Signs of the prefent 
 " Times are confidered," &c. In this Work the 
 learned Author argued very much as the Followers 
 of the late William Miller argued reflecting the 
 End of the World. I have not feen a Copy of the 
 original Edition, and am indebted to the Kindnefs 
 of Mr. Thomas Waterman for the Ufe of a Copy 
 of the Work printed at Newry, in Ireland, as late 
 as 1820. It was republifhed " by Matthew Lank- 
 " tree, Minifter of the Gofpel among the Method- 
 " ifts." Mr. Lanktree fays in his Title-page, that 
 he has " carefully revifed and corrected it." For 
 its Reproduction in that iingular " Corner of the 
 World," we can only account by a Prefumption 
 that a millenial Excitement then prevailed there, 
 and that fome Accident threw a Copy of the Ori 
 ginal in the Way of Mr. Lanktree. Hence it ap 
 pears that "End of-the- world" Excitements are 
 no new Things, and are in a Manner periodical. 
 That of the greateft Note in modern Times, pro 
 bably, was about 1588, when the papal Powers 
 attempted the Conqueft of England, by the Armada. 
 In 1713 one of Dr. Mather's Sermons was re 
 printed in Edinburgh, 1 " by John Reid, in Liber- 
 
 1 The only Copy of this Sermon not contained in the Lift of Dr. 
 
 which has ever come to my Know- Mather's Works as publiftied by 
 
 ledge, is owned by Mr. W. H. his Son. There are alfo feveral 
 
 Whitmore, who remarks that it is others not found in the Lift. 
 
Introductory by the Editor. xxxi 
 
 ton's Wynd." Its Title is, " A Sermon {hewing, 
 <; that the prefent Difpenfations of Providence de- 
 " clare That wonderful Revolutions in the World are 
 " near at Hand ; with an Appendix, fhewing fome 
 " Scripture Grounds to hope, that within a few 
 " Years, glorious Prophecies and Promifes will be 
 " fulfilled." The Scotch Publimer prints the fol 
 lowing on the reverfe of the Title-page : " To the 
 " Reader. The Author of the following Sermon 
 " and Appendix, tho' little known in this Country, 
 " is much efteemed in other Places of the World, 
 " for his great Piety, Learning, and Solidity. For 
 " many Years he has been a burning and mining 
 " Light in the Church : Having published this 
 " Piece laft Year in Bofton, he lent a Copy thereof 
 " to his Correfpondent in Scotland, who, according 
 " to his Delire fignified in a Letter, doth offer it 
 " to Publick View, hoping it will not be unaccept- 
 " able to his Country Men." 
 
 A leading Feature in Dr. Mather's Time was an 
 almoft univerfal Belief in " Special Providences ;" 
 and the recording of them was no new Idea in the 
 Minds of the learned Men of that Day. There 
 had been, in the Colonial AfTembly of Plymouth, 
 an Agitation of the Subject, to which Mr. Mather 
 thus refers in his Election Sermon of 1 677. After 
 
xxxii Introductory by the Editor. 
 
 citing Pfalms Ixxviii 5 and 6, and cii, 18, he con 
 tinues : " I perceive that fome good Men are afraid 
 " left our too great Negleft in this Matter, may be 
 " one thing that God is offended at. And there 
 " be two Confiderations, which may caufe fuch 
 " Apprehenfions not to feem Groundlefs, one is in 
 " that this Thing hath been formerly urged. That 
 " faithful Shepard who fpake here in the Name of 
 " the Lord upon the like Occalion, five years agoe, ' 
 " infifted upon this very Thing, and yet the Matter 
 " remains unfinished to this Day. Moreover, whilft 
 " the Body of the firft Generation, whom God 
 " planted in this Wildernefs was alive, there were 
 ' Effays this Way, for it * was propounded to, and 
 " concluded amongft the Commiflioners of the 
 " United Colonies above thirty Years agoe 9 that 
 " there mould be a Collection of Special Provi- 
 " dences of God towards his New England People. 
 " And that Memorials being duly communicated, 
 " an Hiftory mould be compiled according to 
 " Truth, for the Benefit of Pofterity, that they 
 " might fee how God had been with their Fathers, 
 " in laying the Foundation of the Churches, and 
 " of the Common Wealth. Now that fuch Things 
 
 1 Thomas Shepard preached an 2 Records of the Commiffioners, 
 Election Sermon, 1672. Sept. 9, 1646. 
 
Introductory by the Editor, xxxiii 
 
 " mould be concluded, and yet never done, cannot 
 " pleafe God. P. 71. 
 
 A Belief in "Special Providences" is very near 
 akin to a Belief in Witchcraft, which is noticed as 
 a prominent Feature of that Age. 
 
 In 1718 Dr. Mather preached a Series of fifteen 
 Sermons, " on the Beatitudes, as they are commonly 
 "called," which was printed in Bofton in 1719. 
 The fame was reprinted in Dublin in 1721, in a 
 handfome octavo Volume. The Preface is dated 
 " Bofton, Auguft 8, 1718." In the Clofe of this 
 Preface he fays : " Now that I am entred on the 
 " eightieth Year of my Age, tranfcribing is irk- 
 " fome to my trembling Hand," &c. 
 
 At this Time he fpoke encouragingly of the 
 Succefs of Chriftianity among the Indians : " It is 
 " a great Thing," he remarks, " (although little 
 " confidered by the moft among us) that there are 
 " at this Day, not lefs than thirty Congregations 
 " of Indians, who commonly aflemble every Lord's 
 " Day, to worfhip God. And there are above 
 " thirty Indians who are Teachers and Preachers 
 " of the Gofpel to their Countrymen, who awhile 
 " ago were all Pagans. There are alfo Churches 
 " among them gathered according to the Order of 
 " the Gofpel, with Paftors and Elders of their own 
 E 
 
xxxiv Introductory by the Editor. 
 
 " ordaining with the Impofition of Hands. And 
 " fome of the Indians are, as to Religion beyond 
 " many of the Englifh among whom they live." 
 
 About eighteen Years earlier, 1 he however fpoke 
 with great Defpondency of the Indians and their 
 Religion. " Alas," he exclaims, " What can we 
 " think of, that has been the Peculiar Glory of 
 " New England, but the blafting Rebukes of 
 " Heaven has been upon it ! That Work of Gof- 
 " pelizing the INDIANS, has been one of the pe- 
 " culiar Glories of Afew England. I have in an- 
 <f other Part of the World, heard great and noble 
 " Perfonages, and thofe too of feveral Nations, 
 " fpeaking honourably of New England, in that 
 " there the whole Bible has been tranflated into 
 " the Indian Language : And in that there fome 
 " that a while fince were Pagans are now become 
 " Preachers of the Gofpel. I have received Letters 
 " from Men in Foreign Unherfities y fignifying the 
 " Refpecl: which their Divines had for New Eng- 
 " land on this Account. But fince the Death of 
 " that Apoftolical Man, Old Mr. Eliot, how has 
 " that glorious Work been dwindling and dying ? 
 " What is the Firfl Church that was gathered 
 
 1 In his Sermons entitled Icbabod, ing from N. England, printed 1701, 
 or, the Glory of the Lord is Depart^ fee Pages 66-7, Edition 1729. 
 
Introduftory by the Editor, xxxv 
 
 ". among the Natives come to P 1 There was of late 
 ." a Defign to divert thofe Supplies another Way, 
 " whereby the Preaching of the Gofpel has been 
 " fupported among the Indians in this Province, 
 " but thofe unhappy Propofals are at prefent hap- 
 " pily prevented from taking Effect: But how 
 " foon there may be new and fatal Attempts of 
 " that Nature who can fay? The greateft Num- 
 " ber of Indians who have given clear Evidences 
 " of real Converiion to Chrift, were in Martha's 
 " Vineyard, where there was of them a confiderable 
 " Number of ferious Chriftians, but God has fent 
 " Sicknefs amongft them which has fwept away 
 " moft of thofe in that Place who were of Reputa- 
 " tion for Godlinefs and real Chriftianity. As for 
 " many of thofe Indians who now make a Profef- 
 " fion of Chriftianity, Men who pafs under the 
 " Name of Englijh Protejlants have debauched 
 " them with Drink, and fo made them more 
 " brutifh, and inglorious Creatures ; yea, more the 
 " Children of Hell than they were before the Light 
 " of the Gofpel came among them. So then that 
 " Glory is dolefully departing." 
 
 1 This Firft Indian Church was Side of Charles River, in what is 
 at a Place called by the Indians, fince Newton. See Homer's Hift. 
 Nonantum. It was on the Couth Newton, p. 4. 
 
xxxvi Introductory by the Editor. 
 
 And ftill later, 1726, Dr. Cotton Mather wrote: 
 " It muft be confefled and bewailed, that if our 
 " memorable Eliot, when he lay in his dying Lan- 
 " guimments about fix and thirty Years ago, faw 
 " Caufe to mourn in that Complaint, ' There is a 
 " Cloud, a dark Cloud, upon the Work of the 
 " Gofpel among the poor Indians, the Lord revive 
 " and profper that Work, and grant that it may 
 " live when I am dead :' there has been a growing 
 " Occafion fince his Death forfuch a Complaint." 1 
 And the elder Mather thus 2 fpeaks of his untiring 
 Labours : " It was our blefled Eliot, who has by a 
 " great Man 3 been called, The American Apoftle." 
 
 The foregoing Extracts from the Author's own 
 Works not only fhow the Mind of one high in 
 publick Eftimation, but they fhow very clearly the 
 governing Sentiments of the greater Number of the 
 People of New England, at one of the moft inter- 
 efting Periods of its Hiflory. 
 
 It remains for the Editor to make his Acknow 
 ledgements to all thofe enough interefted in the 
 
 1 Atteftation to Mayhew's Indian 2 Awakening Truths, p. 80. 
 Converts by the United Minifters 
 
 of Bofton, p. xvii. This though 3 It does not appear how early 
 
 figned by the eleven Bofton Minis- Mr. Eliot received the Title of 
 
 ters, is pretty evidently the Work of Apojlle. Perhaps the great man 
 
 Dr. Cotton Mather. referred to conferred it. 
 
Introductory by the Editor, xxxvii 
 
 early Chronicles of New England, fo much to Aid 
 in their Republication as to become Subfcribers to 
 thofe he has undertaken, and to thank them for 
 their generous Encouragement, as well in another, 
 as in a pecuniary Way. To his Friend Mr. Charles 
 Deane he is indebted for the Ufe of a fine and per 
 fect Copy of the original Edition of the Relation, 
 by which the proof Sheets of the prefent Edition 
 have been corrected. 
 
 In the Introduction to the Brief Hiftory of King 
 Philip's War, confiderable Ufe was made of a large 
 Number of manufcript Letters, written by Samuel 
 Mather, D. D., to his unfortunate tory Son. Since 
 that Work was published I have met with the 
 following Notice of Dr. Mather, which as it illuf- 
 trates the Character of that remarkable Man, is 
 here introduced : 
 
 "Died [in Bofton, June 2yth, 1785], Samuel 
 " Mather, aged 79. He left poiltive Orders, that 
 " his Interment mould be private, and without any 
 " Ceremony alfo fignified his Defire, that he 
 " may not have any funeral Encomiums from any 
 " Quarter." Columbian Cent., 29 June, 1785. 
 
xxxviii Introductory by the Editor. 
 
 P. S. The fame Rule has been obferved in this 
 Reprint as in that of the Brief Hiflory ; namely, in 
 following the Orthography and in the Ufe of italic 
 Letters. In refpecl: to the Ufe of Capitals, there 
 being no Uniformity in the original Edition, the 
 Compofitor has been allowed to follow his own 
 Tafte in that Particular. The Pundtuation has 
 not been changed but very flightly. 
 
 The foot Notes are all chargeable to the Editor, 
 and are therefore unfigned. The fide References 
 in the laft Tracl: are the Author's. 
 
A RELATION 
 
 Of the Troubles which have hapned in 
 
 New-England, 
 
 By reafon of the Indians there. 
 From the Year 1614. to the Year 1675. 
 
 Wherein the frequent Confpiracyes of the Indians to cutt off the 
 
 Englijh, and the wonderfull providence of God, in 
 
 disappointing their devices, is declared. 
 
 Together with an Ht/iorical Difcorfe concerning the Prevalency of 
 
 PRAYER 
 
 Shewing that New England* late delivrance from the Rage of the 
 Heathen is an eminent Anjwer of Prayer. 
 
 By INCREASE MATHER 
 
 Teacher of a Church in Bofton in New-England. 
 
 Job. 8. 8. Enquire I pray tbee of the former age, and prepare thyfelf to the 
 
 fearcb of their Fathers. 
 Pfal. in. 2. The works of the Lord are great, fought out of all them that have 
 
 pleafure therein. 
 Joel. i. 3. Tell ye your Children of it, and let your Children tell their Children, 
 
 and their Children another Generation. 
 
 Hiftoria eft teftis temporum, nuntia vetuftatis, lux veritatis, vita memoriae, 
 magifta vitae. Cic. de Or at. 
 
 Aliuf alio plura invenire peteft, nemo omnia. 
 
 BOSTON; 
 
 Printed and fold by John Fofter. 1677. 
 

[P. Hi] 
 
 TO THE READER. 
 
 THE Occafion of my undertaking what 
 is here prefented, was a Letter which I 
 received from a worthy Perfon, who upon 
 the Perufal of that Brief Hiftorical Account of the 
 War with the Indians in New Eng/and,pub\i(hed the 
 laft Summer, 1 importuned me to write the Story of 
 the Pequot War ; taking his Motion into Confid- 
 eration, 2 it came into my Thoughts, that it would 
 be a Service and Benefit for Pofterity, if all other 
 general Troubles which have happened by the 
 Heathen in this Land, were recorded and made 
 known ; and the rather, in that as to thofe jirft 
 Motions and Commotions there are very few that 
 know any thing of them. 3 Wherefore I fet my 
 
 1 This Work was republilhed 
 with an Introduction and Notes by 
 the prefent Editor. It is a fmall 
 Traft in 410, as it originally ap 
 peared, and contained but about 
 lixty Pages. It was printed in Bof- 
 ton, by John Fofter, and reprinted 
 in London the fame Year, for Ri- 
 chard Cbifwell, \ 676. 
 
 2 The Writers of the Time of 
 
 F 
 
 our Author are remarkable for be 
 ginning to tell Something and end 
 ing in telling Nothing, on Occafions 
 like this. 
 
 3 Forty Years had elapfed fince 
 the Pequot War had clofed. The 
 Author himfelf was not born till two 
 Years after, and nearly all thofc 
 who had been concerned in it had 
 pafled away. 
 
To the Reader. 
 
 felf to make Enquiry into thofe Matters, and (hall 
 for the Satisfaction of the Reader, give him an 
 Account where and from whence I obtained, what 
 Light and Information touching thefe Indian 
 Troubles, I have been any Wayes able to arrive unto. 
 Such Books as I had by me, that relate to any 
 Thing of thofe Affaires J have been willing to re 
 volve, e. g. Johannes de Laet his Defcription of 
 America, written in Latin ; 4 Alfo feveral of Capt. 
 Smith his Books ; 5 And A Relation of the Difcovery 
 of New England, publimed by the Prelident and 
 Council of New England, Anno i622. 6 And the 
 Relation or Journal of the jirji Planters in Ply 
 mouth 7 together with feveral Letters which fome of 
 them wrote to England, foon after their firft com- 
 
 4 De Laet was a Man of Learn 
 ing, a Director of the Dutch Eaft 
 India Company. His Work on 
 America is ufually cited as Novus 
 Orbis. It was publifhed at Leyden 
 in 1633, in Folio. He was the 
 Author of feveral other Works, and 
 had a Controverfy with Grotius 
 upon the Origin of the Indians. 
 Mailer Benjamin Tompfon did not 
 forget him in his Lines upon Mr. 
 Hubbard's Hi/lory of the Indian 
 Wars: 
 
 " Purchafe wrote much, Hacluyt tra- 
 
 verfed far, 
 Smith and Dutch John de Laet famous 
 
 are." 
 
 5 Capt. Smith's Books are too well 
 known to need any Account of 
 them here. In fome late Works an 
 Attempt is made to caft Sufpicion 
 on Smith's Statements refpedling his 
 Difcoveries in Virginia, but I would 
 
 caution Writers and Readers not to 
 be too anxious to impeach a Char- 
 after fo well eftablifhed for Veracity 
 as is that of Capt. John Smith. 
 
 6 A Trad of great Rarity. The 
 only Copy I have ever feen is that 
 in the Britifh Mufeum. It is con 
 tained in Purchas, vol. iv, 1827-32. 
 
 7 Ufually cited as Mourt's Jour 
 nal, or Mourff Relation. It is re 
 printed in Young's Chronicles of the 
 Pilgrims. But that Compiler, be- 
 caufe he was not acquainted with 
 the Name of the original Publifher, 
 fet him down as a Myth; and a 
 cafual Examiner of his Chronicles 
 might almoft affirm it was not con 
 tained in his Book. It has alfo been 
 republifhed by Mr. Cheever in New 
 York feveral Years ago. He has, 
 like Mr. Young, I am forry to be 
 
To the Reader. 
 
 43 
 
 ing into this Countrey ; and Mr. Win/low (then 
 whom hardly any one that hath deferved more 
 eminently from New England) his Good News from 
 New England? [iv] published Anno 1624. which 
 Relations are in the Hands of but few in this 
 Countrey, and therefore I have been the larger in 
 excerping Things out of them. They are epito 
 mized in Purchafe his Pilgrims'* lib. 10. who de 
 clares that he had by him a Defcription of the 
 Voiage made by Capt. Hanbam to Sagadebock, and 
 the written Journals of Mr. Raleigh Gilbert, 11 and 
 of Mr. Harfy and Capt. Hobfon who were in this 
 Land before any Englifh Plantation was fettled 
 therein. I doubt not but in thofe Scripts a more 
 
 obliged to ftate, fadly marred the 
 Original ; both having changed the 
 Pilgrim Orthography to that of their 
 own ! Nothing can be more abfurd, 
 in my Opinion, than to change the 
 Orthography of an old Author, and 
 not change his Style. Why change 
 one and not the other ? I proteft 
 againft a Change in either Cafe. 
 
 8 This is alfo to be found re 
 printed in Young's Chronicles of the 
 Pilgrims. 
 
 9 The Author might as well have 
 ftated that the Articles to which he 
 refers are contained in the fourth 
 Volume of Purchas. Purchas's Vol 
 umes were published at different 
 Times and their Titles vary. The 
 firft was iflued 1613, in a {lately 
 Folio of 752 Pages. The Title 
 commences, Pvrchas his Pilgrim 
 age. Or Re/at ions of the World. 
 
 At the Time this Volume was pub- 
 limed the Author was " Minifter at 
 Eilwood in Eflex." 
 
 10 Different Writers give the 
 Name of this Captain, Hanam, Ha- 
 man and Hanham. He made a 
 Voyage to New England, 1606, in 
 company with Capt. Pring. His 
 Chriftian Name was Thomas. 
 
 11 Son of the renowned Sir Hum 
 phrey Gilbert, whofe Pedigree and 
 Family are pretty fully defcribed in 
 Prince's Worthies of Devon, and his 
 Authorities. 
 
 1 ' 2 Probably Edward Harley and 
 Nicholas Hobfon. See Prince and 
 his Authorities. In Dr. Drake's 
 Sbakefpeare and bis Times, is a 
 curious Omiffion of the Name of 
 Hobfom, by which the baptifmal 
 Name Hands for the Surname. 
 
4-4 
 
 To the Reader. 
 
 full and particular Account is given, of the Jirji 
 Concerns with the Indians here. 13 But I could not 
 come by the Sight of them, nor do I know cer 
 tainly whither thofe things are extant. 14 I have alfo 
 perufed Sr. Ferdinando Gorges Narration of original 
 Undertakings here. 15 Moreover J have read a large 
 Manufcript of Governour Bradford's (written with 
 his own Hand;) being expreffive of what the firjl 
 Planters in this Countrey met with, whether from 
 the Heathen or otherwise, from the Year 1620. to 
 the Year i6^.'/. 16 As for the Pequot Troubles, the 
 
 Plantations in the Parts of America. 
 Efpecially foe-wing the Beginning, 
 Progrefs, and Continuance of that of 
 New England. London : 1656. 
 A fmall 410. 
 
 16 This MS., until recently, was 
 fuppofed to have been irrecoverably 
 loft ; and there was good Reafon for 
 fuch a Suppofition. It could be traced 
 to Grov. Hutchinfon, and it was well 
 known that many of his Papers were 
 deftroyed by a Mob in the turbu 
 lent Times of the Stamp Aft. But 
 Bradford's MS. was not deftroyed, 
 though it was doubtlefs taken to 
 England with many other Papers 
 and Documents in Hutchinfon's 
 pofleffion which did not belong to 
 him (fee Mather's Brief Hi/lory of 
 King Philip's War, p. 22-3). If 
 any one had even a Shadow of Faith 
 in its Exiftence, it was too much of 
 a Shadow to fend him upon a Search 
 in which a rational Being would 
 about as foon expeft to find the 
 Philofopher's Stone. But the long 
 defired MS. was difcovered; not 
 
 13 The " Scripts " here referred 
 to went probably with Purchases 
 Papers, but what became of his Col 
 lections is not fatisfaftorily known. 
 It is faid that Purchas died " at his 
 own Houfe in London in 1628," 
 and that he died in debt, owing to 
 his great Outlays in publifhing his 
 Pi/grimes. Betides pofleffing the 
 great Collection left by Hakluyt, he 
 no doubt had a vaft one of his own, 
 for like Hakluyt he travelled, into 
 different Seaports to fee thofe Cap 
 tains who had been on important 
 Voyages. Thus he tells us that in 
 1 6 1 8 he faw Capt. John Winter at 
 Bath, and that Winter gave him im 
 portant Fafts concerning Sir Fran 
 cis Drake's Voyage, Sec. Pilgrimes, 
 iv, 1187. 
 
 14 If any at this Time are wifer 
 than our Author was then, fuch are 
 unknown to the Editor. 
 
 15 The Tide of the Work is 
 A Brief Narration of the Qriginall 
 Undertakings of the Advancement of 
 
To the Reader. 
 
 World is beholding to the Induftry of Mr. John 
 Allyn^ of Hartford (as is in the fubfequent Rela 
 tion acknowledged) for what is thus made publick, 
 refpe&ing the great Commotions which then hap 
 pened. Only I have been willing to add fome 
 Particulars out of a Manufcript Narrative of the 
 Pequot War, which I lately met with in Reverend 
 Mr. Davenports Library, 18 as alfo what Mr. John- 
 fon, 19 or Mr. Morton (out of Mr. Bradford* Manu- 
 
 by an American, but by a Gentle 
 man of the Manufcript Department 
 of the Britifh Mufeum, Mr. N. E. 
 S. A. Hamilton, as he himfelf in 
 formed me. He was rumaging in 
 the Lambeth Library, among a 
 Mafs of Manufcripts, and when he 
 detected this of Bradford he called 
 the Attention of the Librarian to it, 
 who allowed him to take it and to 
 caufe it to be repaired as it is now 
 feen. Thus but for Mr. Hamilton's 
 Intereft in old MSS., and his call 
 ing the Attention of the Bifhop of 
 Oxford to it, Bradford's MS. might 
 have (lumbered for an indefinite 
 Period beyond the prefent Genera 
 tion. The Bifhop having made 
 Extracts from it and publifhed them 
 in his Ecclefiaftical Work on the 
 Church in the Colonies, the Exift- 
 ence of the MS. became known in 
 this Country, and in due Time a 
 Copy was obtained, and we now 
 have it in print, as a Volume of 
 Hiftorical Collections by the Mafl". 
 Hiftorical Society, 1856. Why it 
 was not put forth on its own Merits, 
 independent of a Series of Hiftorical 
 Collections, thofe who managed the 
 Affair may explain. 
 
 17 Mr. Allyn was Secretary of 
 the Colony of Connecticut. He 
 was not the Author of the Paper 
 which he fent to Mr. Mather. He 
 merely copied and fent him Mafon's 
 Account of the Pequot War. He 
 probably varied his Copy fome from 
 the Original. Whether he intended 
 to pafs it off as his own, it is diffi 
 cult to fay. At all events Mr. 
 Mather appears to have been de 
 ceived. 
 
 is We are quite in the Dark 
 refpedting the Authorfhip of this 
 Manufcript. 
 
 19 Capt. Edward Johnfon of Wo- 
 burn, gives fome Account of the 
 Pequot War in his Wonder- War king 
 Providence, Sec., fometimes cited as 
 v^Hijiiry of New England. It was 
 printed in 1654, anonymoufly. See 
 Prince, Introduction to bis N. E. 
 Chronology. 
 
 20 tffw England's Memorial, ori 
 ginally publifhed in 1669. It is 
 very meager in all refpects, nor have 
 recent Editions been what they 
 mould be. 
 
46 To the Reader. 
 
 fcript) hath heretofore noted. Touching the Nar- 
 raganfets ; I have fearched the publick Records of 
 the Colonyes," and from thence excerped the Sub- 
 ftance of what as here related, as to former Troubles 
 from them or by their Means procured. The 
 Relation concerning Alexander and his Brother 
 Philip, wherwith this Narrative is concluded, I 
 received from the prefent Honourable Governour 
 of Plymouth (who fucceeds his bleffed Father, as in 
 Place, fo in Spirit) and from the faithful Secretary 
 of that Colony. lam lenfible that there is a Reality 
 in that which Erafmus doth (after his Manner) 
 wittily exprefs Adeo nunc in omnes et omnia grojjatur 
 comitata furiis '? Aia^qfoj ut non Jit tutum ullum 
 emittere librum, niji fatellitio munitum ; 2Z wherefore 
 [v] I thought it neceflary to give this particular 
 Account of the Authors from whom I received my 
 Information, refpecting PafTages infifted on. Nor 
 mall I feek for any other Guard againft thofe, 
 whofe Genius is to calumniate Endeavours of this 
 Kind. 
 
 I am not altogether ignorant of what is com- 
 
 21 The Records of the United that the Author's Convidlion as ex- 
 Colonies are thofe to which the prefled in the following Note had 
 Author probably refers. They were not happened before he wrote this 
 firft printed in Hazard's State Pa- Treatife : " The Reader will not 
 
 pen. A vaftly improved Edition 
 of them has recently been iffued at 
 the Expenfe of the State of Mafla- 
 chufetts, under the careful Supervi- 
 fion of Mr. David Pulfifer. 
 
 22 Thofe not familiar with He 
 brew, Greek and Latin will regret 
 
 find in thefe Sermons \4wakening 
 Truths, printed 1710] any ftudied 
 fine Phrafes, nor a Gingling with 
 Latin, Greek and Hebrew Senten 
 ces. I have long been of holy Mr. 
 ' Dod's mind, that ordinarily fo 
 much Latin is fo much Flefh in a 
 Sermon." 
 
To the Reader. 47 
 
 monly and truly obferved, viz. That thofe Hiftories 
 which are partly Chronological are the moft profit 
 able ; and that they that undertake a Work of this 
 Nature, fhould go by Prefcript of that fo much 
 celebrated Verfe, 
 
 Quis, Quid, Vbi, Ouibus auxiliis, Cur, Quomo/o QuatuTo. 
 
 which I have endeavoured to remember. Nor 
 hath that Maxim been wholly forgotten, Stylus 
 Hiftoricus quo Jimplicior eo melior. And J may ex 
 pect that Ingenuous Readers will act according to 
 that which a learned Man in his Hiftorica layeth 
 down as a Theorem, Hiftorici legantur cum modera- 
 tione et venia, h. e. cogitetur fieri non pojje ut in 
 omnibus circumjlantiis Jint Lyncei. J have done 
 what I could to come at the Truth, and plainly to 
 declare it, knowing that that is (as ufeth to be faid) 
 the Soul and Sun of Hiftory, whofe Property is, 
 
 As for what concerns the Story of the late War 
 with the Indians, there are who have propounded, 
 that fome meet Perfons might be improved in the 
 feveral Colony es to collect what of Moment hath 
 happened in each Colony fince this War broke 
 forth. 2 3 When GaJJiodorus compiled an Hiftory out 
 of the Collections of Socrates, Theodoret, Sozomen, 
 it was of great Ufe in after Ages, bearing the Name 
 of Hijloria Tripartita ; if fuch a Courie as hath 
 been intimated mould be attended, and the Defign 
 finimed, a Compleat Hiftory many (eavites ETtirlenoQety) 
 be compofed out of thofe Collections, which J know 
 
 23 This was an early Hint for the Formation of a Hiftorical Society. 
 
 
70 the Reader. 
 
 not but that it may derve the Name of Hiftoria Tri- 
 partita, and be no lefle beneficial to Pofterity, then 
 fome others have been. In the mean Time, the 
 Reader muft be fatisfied with what is already ex 
 tant. 
 
 The following Relation was written neer upon 
 a Year ago ; fince which a Reverend Author has 
 emitted a Narrative of the [vi] Troubles which 
 have happened by the Indians in New England, 
 whofe Pains and Induftry doth (in my Judgement) 
 deferve an Acknowledgment. 24 NeverthelefTe it 
 hath been thought needful to publifh this ; con- 
 (idering that moft of the Things here infifted on, 
 are not fo much as once taken Notice of in that 
 Narrative** And although the Pequot War be 
 therein defcribed (and that, as to the Subftance of 
 the Story, truely and impartially) it is not fo fully 
 done as is here to be feen. If this Endeavour mall 
 contribute any Light or Help in writing an Hi/lory 
 of New England,** I hope they whofe Hearts are 
 
 24 The Acknowledgment of an 
 Author's " Pains and Induftry," is 
 indeed a very cheap Commendation, 
 and in this Cafe appears only to 
 have been recognized for Condem 
 nation. The Reader does not re 
 quire to be told that the Rev. Wil 
 liam Hubbard of Ipfwich is refer 
 red to. 
 
 25 The Tide of Mr. Hubbard's 
 Work is, A Narrative of the 
 Troubles with the Indians in New 
 England, from the frft Planting 
 thereof in the Tear 1607, to this 
 frefent Tear, 1677. But chiefly of 
 
 the late Troubles in tbe two lajt 
 Tears, 1675 and 1676. To which 
 is added a Difcourfe about the Warrs 
 with the Pe quods in the Year 1637. 
 Bofton : printed by John Fofter, in 
 the -Year 1677. It is a clofely 
 printed Quarto of about 250 Pages. 
 A much improved and corrected 
 Edition appeared in London the fame 
 Year. The Title of the London 
 Edition begins, Tbe Prefent State 
 of New England. Being a Narra 
 tive, Sec., as in the other Edition. 
 
 2(5 The Author takes occafion in 
 feveral of his Works to fpeak of a 
 
70 the Reader. 
 
 49 
 
 upon feeking out and declaring the Works of God 
 in the Generation which he caft them into, will 
 accept of my Labour, however mean and incon- 
 fiderable. I mail do no more, but pray that the 
 Blefling of Heaven may be upon Undertakings of 
 this Nature. 
 
 Bofton N. E. 
 
 Sept. 14. 1677. 
 
 Increafe Mather. 
 
 Hiftory of New England. Not long he intended as fuch his well known 
 after this his Son commenced what Magnalia. 
 
RELATION 
 
 of the firft Troubles in 
 
 New-England, 
 
 by Reafons of the INDIANS there. 
 
 IT is now above jbventy Years, Jince that Part 
 of this Continent which is known by the Name 
 of NEW ENGLAND, was difcovered and 
 Pofleffion thereof taken by the Englifh. No Man 
 that made it his Concern to be acquainted with 
 Things of this Nature can be ignorant, that the 
 Northern (or to us Northeaft) P, rts of this Land 
 were the firft wherein were Englifh Inhabitants ; 
 whence it was for fome Years known by the Name 
 of the Northern Plantation, until fuch Time as 
 
[ 52 ] 
 
 King Charles the firft (then Prince of Wales) gave 
 it the Name of New Eng/and. 27 
 
 For in Anno 1602. and in the Year following 
 fome of our Countrymen made notable Difcoveryes 
 in that Land which lyeth North and by Eaft of 
 Virginia, between the Degrees of 43 and 45 north 
 ern Latitude. 
 
 Four or five Years after this that noble Lord, 
 Sir John Popham (then Lord Chief Juftice) lent 
 out a Ship into thefe Parts to make further Dif- 
 covery, who arriving at the Place defigned, quickly 
 returned, and made fuch a Report of what they 
 had feen, as did greatly animate the Adventurers 
 to go on with their begun Undertaking; where 
 upon in Anno 1607. a Gentleman [2] whofe Name 
 was Popham was fent into thefe Coafts, with two 
 Ships and one hundred Land-men and Ordnance, 
 and other Things neceflary for their Suftentation 
 and Defence, in order to the making Way for the 
 Settlement of a Plantation. But that noble Lord 
 being taken out of the World by fudden Death, 
 alfo the Planters here meeting with fad Difafters (for 
 in the Depth of Winter, their Lodgings and Stores 
 were burnt, and Capt. Popham dyed amongft them) 
 when the next Year a Veflel arrived bringing the 
 
 27 The Author is not quite right ing his Map to Prince Charles (af- 
 
 in this Statement. Smith himfelf terwards Charles the Firft), then a 
 
 named the Country New England, Boy of about fifteen, he, at Smith's 
 
 as he found it to lie " oppofite to Requeft, fubftituted Englifh Names 
 
 Nova Albion in the South Sea, dif- for the Indian. This appears to be 
 
 covered by the moft memorable Sir all the Agency Prince Charles had 
 
 Francis Drake in his Voyage about in naming New England ; both 
 
 the World, in regard whereof this whimfical and nonfenfical. See 
 
 is ftiled New England." On mow- Smith's Gen. Hiftorie, ii, 176, 179. 
 
[53 ] 
 
 News of the Lord Popbams Death, the whole Com 
 pany of the Englifh refolved upon a return home, 
 which proved the Death of the Englifh Plantation, 
 at that Time defigned in thefe Parts of the World. 
 Only S r Fr. Popham (Son to the Lord Chief juf- 
 tice) fent divers Times to thefe Coafts for Trade 
 and Fifhing. 28 
 
 As yet there was not (fo far as I can learn) any 
 Disturbance from the Indians, then the only Na 
 tives of this Land. 29 But not long after this, an 
 unworthy Ship- M after whofe Name was Hunt, 
 being fent forth into thefe Coafts on the Account of 
 the timing Trade, after he had made his Difpatch 
 and w r as ready to fail, (under Pretence of trucking 
 with them) enticed Indians into his Veftel, they in 
 Confidence with his Honefty went aboard, to the 
 Number of twenty from Patuxet, fince called Pli- 
 moutbj and feven from Noflet (now known by the 
 Name of Eftam) thefe did this Hunt feize upon, 
 ftovved them under Hatches, and carried them to 
 the Streights of Gibraltar, and there did he fell as 
 many as he could of them for 2o/. a Man, until it 
 was known whence they came ; for then the Friars 
 in thofe Parts took away the reft of them, that fo 
 they might nurture them in the Popifh Religion. 
 The pernicious and avaritious Felony of this Ship- 
 Mafter, in ftealing and felling the Indians to the 
 
 28 The Events glanced at in the the Author relates fome Troubles 
 preceding Paragraphs will be found between the Indians and Voyagers 
 minutely enough ftated by Hubbard, which muft have happened anterior 
 Prince, Holmes, and others. to this Period. See Smith's Defcript. 
 
 N. Eng. y \ 5, and his Gen. Hift. 
 
 29 It will be feen, however, that N. Eng>, ii, 194. 
 
[ 54- ] 
 
 Spaniards, as hath been expreffed, laid the Founda 
 tion to great Troubles which did, after that befall 
 the Englim, efpecially in the Nortb-eaji Parts of 
 this Land. Yea that inhumane and barbarous 
 Fact was the unhappy Occafion of the Lofs of 
 many a man's Eftate and Life, which the Barbari 
 ans in thofe beginning Times did from thence feek 
 to deftroy.3 
 
 For when the Gentlemen Adventurers 31 did 
 again difpatch a VefTel hither commanded by Capt. 
 in order to erecting a Plantation and fet- 
 
 " them, twentie out of this very 
 " Place [Plymouth] where we in- 
 " habile, and feuen Men from the 
 " Naufites." Mourt in Purcbas, 
 1849. Other Accounts fay twenty- 
 four was the Number of Indians 
 kidnapped No doubt fome were 
 killed, and thefe were reckoned by 
 the Indians, while the Englim reck 
 oned only thofe aftually carried off. 
 
 31 Sir Ferdinando Gorges feems 
 to have been the chief Adventurer 
 in this bufinefs. 
 
 30 Hunt was with Capt. Smith in 
 his Voyage, and Smith gives us the 
 Particulars of the Manner in which 
 he kidnapped the Indians thus : 
 " But one Thomas Hunt, when I 
 1 was gone, thinking to prevent that 
 ' Intent I had to make there a 
 Plantation, thereby to keepe this 
 
 * abounding Countrey ftill in Ob- 
 ' fcurity, that onely he and fome 
 ' few Merchants more might enjoy 
 ' wholly the Benefit of the Trade, 
 ' and Profit of this Countrey, be- 
 ' traied foure and twenty of thofe 
 ' poore Saluages aboord his Ship, 
 ' and moft diflioneftly and inhu- 
 ' manely for their kinde vfage of 
 ' me and all our Men, carried them 
 ' with him to Maligo and there for 
 ' a little priuate gaine fold thofe 
 
 * filly Saluages for Rials of Eight ; 
 ' but this vilde Aft kept him euer after 
 ' from any more imploiment to thofe 
 ' Parts." Defcript.ofN Eng. See 
 
 more from Smith in Note 37. The 
 Indians told the Pilgrims in March, 
 1621, that Hunt took the Indians 
 " vender colour of trucking with 
 
 32 When Gorges had arranged to 
 employ Capt. Hobfon, he fays : 
 I knew the Captain had fome re 
 lation to Lord Southampton, and 
 I not willing in thofe Days to un 
 dertake any Matter extraordinary 
 without his Lordfliip's Advice ; 
 who approved of it fo well that he 
 adventured one hundred pounds 
 in that Employment, and his Lord- 
 fliip being at that Time Com 
 mander of the Ifle of Wight, 
 where the Captain had his abid- 
 
[ 55 ] 
 
 tling a Trade with the Natives here, Hunt's fore- 
 mentioned Scandal, had caufed the Indians to con- 
 trait fuch a mortal Hatred againft all Men of the 
 Englim Nation, that it was no fmall Difficulty to 
 fettle any where within their Territoryes. And 
 whereas there were two Indians called Epenow and 
 Manawet, who having been carried out of thefe 
 Parts of the World into England had learned to 
 fpeak Englifh, that were returned in Hobfons Vef- 
 fel, as hoping they might be fervicable toward the 
 Defign on foot, it [3] fell out otherwife; fince be 
 ing exafperated by what Hunt had done, they con 
 trived with their Country-men how to be revenged 
 upon the Englim. Manawet dyed within a fhort 
 Time after the Ships Arrival. Epenow fecretly 
 plotted to free himfelf out of the Englim Hands, 
 which he effected, though with great Hazard to 
 himfelf and other Salvages that were his fellow 
 Confpirato? s, which came to pafs after this Manner. 
 Upon the Ships Arrival, many of the Indians 
 (fome of them being Epenows Kinfmen) came 
 aboard and were kindly entertained by the Captain ; 
 at their Departure they promifed to return the next 
 Day, and bring fome Trade with them. Epenow 
 had not Liberty granted him to go on Shoar, only 
 much Difcourfe (and probably a Contrivement for 
 his Efcape) was between him and the other Indians 
 
 " ing under his Lordfhip, out of " Gentleman, one Capt. Hobfon, 
 
 " his Noblenefs was pleafed to fur- " who was willing to go that Voy- 
 
 " nifh me with fome land Soldiers, " age and to adventure one hundred 
 
 " and to commend me to a grave " pounds himfelf." P. 15. 
 
[56] 
 
 in the Veflel, which nobody but themfelves could 
 understand. The Indians returned at the Time 
 appointed with twenty Canoos, but were my of 
 coming aboard. Epenoiv cunningly called to them 
 as if he would have them come into the Veflel, to 
 Trade, and fuddenly did himfelf leap overboard : 
 He was no fooner in the Water, but the Indians 
 fent a Shower of Arrows into the Veflel, and came 
 defperately near to the Ship, and (in defpite of all 
 the Engliih Mufketiers aboard) went away with 
 their Country-man Epenow.^ 
 
 Divers of the Indians were then flain by the 
 
 33 It appears from Gorges own 
 Account that Epanow had made 
 great Pretenfions as to what the 
 Country contained, and at the fame 
 Time pretended that if he revealed 
 his Knowledge to the Englifh, " he 
 " was fure to have his Brains knock- 
 " ed out as foon as he came afhore." 
 But Gorges did not put implicit 
 Faith in him : " For," fays he, " I 
 gave the Captain ftrift Charge to 
 endeavour by all Means to pre 
 vent his Efcape ; and for the 
 more Surety, I gave Order to 
 have three Gentlemen of my own 
 Kindred (two Brothers of Stur- 
 ton's, and Mafter Matthews) to 
 be ever at hand with him, clothing 
 him with long Garments, fitly to 
 be laid hold on if Occafion mould 
 require. Notwithftanding all this, 
 his friends being all come at the 
 Time appointed, with twenty' 
 Canoes, and lying at a certain 
 Diftance with their Bows ready, 
 
 " the Captain calls to them to come 
 " aboard ; but they not moving, he 
 " fpeaks to Epenow to come unto 
 " him where he was, in the Fore- 
 " caftle of the Ship. He being then 
 " in the Waift of the Ship between 
 " two of the Gentlemen that had 
 " him in guard, ftarts fuddenly from 
 " them, and coming to the Captain, 
 " calls to his Friends in Englifh to 
 " come aboard ; in the interim flips 
 himfelf overboard ; and although 
 he was taken hold of by one of 
 the Company, yet being a ftrong 
 and heavy Man, could not be 
 flayed ; and was no fooner in the 
 Water but the Natives fent fuch a 
 Shower of Arrows, and came 
 withal defperately fo near the 
 Ship, that they carried him away 
 in defpite of all the Muflceteers 
 aboard, who were for the Num 
 ber as good as our Nation did 
 afford." P. 1 6. Confult Gorges 
 for other Particulars. 
 
[ 57 ] 
 
 Englijh, and the Matter of the Englijh Veflel and 
 feveral of the Company wounded by the Indians.^ 
 Hereupon the Captain and the whole Company 
 were difcouraged, and returned to England, bring 
 ing nothing back with them but the News of their 
 bad Succefs, and that there was a War broke out 
 between the Englijh , and the Indians.^ The Time 
 when thefe Troubles hapned, is controverted more 
 than the Things themfelves. 36 yobannes de Laet 
 in his Defcriptio Indies Occidental}*, writeth that it 
 was between the Years 1608 and 1615. So doth 
 Purchaje. Sr. Ferdinando Gorges relates that he 
 
 34 Gorges fays nothing about any 
 being killed or wounded. But Pur 
 chas fays " they wounded the Maf- 
 
 ter of our Ship, and diuers other 
 of our Company, yet was not 
 their Defign without the Slaugh 
 ter of fome of their People, and 
 the Hurt of others, compafled, as 
 appeared afterwards." Vol. iv, 
 p. 1829. Gorges complained that 
 the Voyage was unneceflarily aban 
 doned, as he had given Orders for 
 its Profecution elfewhere if this firft 
 Attempt failed. But if the Captain 
 and others were badly wounded it 
 is a good Reafon for the Return of 
 the Ship to England. See alfo the 
 Brief Relation of the Prejident and 
 Council of New England, as re 
 printed in Colls. Mafs. Hift. Soc., 
 ix, 2d Sen, p. 6. 
 
 35 Here our Author follows Pur 
 chas, but not with fufficient Care, 
 for the Readei is left in Doubt about 
 *' a War broke out," as to where 
 
 H 
 
 and when ; while Purchas is clear 
 
 and explicit, and in thefe Words : 
 
 Hereupon Captaine Hobfon and 
 
 his Company, conceuing the End 
 
 of their Attempt to bee fruftrate, 
 
 refolued without more adoe to 
 
 returne, and fo thofe Hopes, that 
 
 Charge and Voyage was loft alfo ; 
 
 for they brought home Nothing 
 
 but the Newes of their euill Suc- 
 
 cefle of the vunfortunate Caufe 
 
 thereof, and of a Warr now near 
 
 begun betweene the Inhabitants 
 
 of thole Parts and vs. A mifer- 
 
 ' able Comfort for fo weak Meanes 
 
 ' as were now left, to purfue the 
 
 ' Conclufion of fo tedious an En- 
 
 ' terprife." Pilgrims, iv, 1829. 
 
 Prince, Chronology, 4.1. 
 
 so This Sentence feems to have 
 been thrown in without Reflection, 
 as by a careful Comparifon of his 
 Authorities the Author would have 
 fe^n that Dates were available, to an 
 Extent fufficient for his Purpofe. 
 
[ 58 ] 
 
 fent Capt. Hobfon into thefe Parts in Anno 1614, 
 and what Hunt did was before that, as being the 
 grand procuring Caufe of the Broyle between the 
 Englifh and the Indians, which firft began in that 
 Year.37 
 
 After thefe Things another Veflel was fent into 
 thefe Northern Parts under the Command of Capt. 
 Rocraft, he defigned to winter there, but fome of 
 his own Ships Company confpired againft him, 
 intending his Death, he having fecret Intelligence 
 of this Plot againft his Life, held his Peace until 
 the Day was come wherein the intended Mifchief 
 was to be put in Execution, then unexpectedly 
 apprehended the Confpirators ; he was loth himfelf 
 to put any to Death, though they were worthy of 
 it. But therefore he refolved to leave them in the 
 Wildernefs, not knowing but they might haply 
 difcover fomething which might be advantageous. 38 
 
 [4] Accordingly he furnifhed them with Ammu 
 nition, and fome Victuals for their prefent Sub- 
 fiftence, and turned them Afhore to Socodehock, 
 
 37 This is according to Smith's 38 The Author omits much im- 
 
 Defcription of New England in his portant Matter refpefting Capt. 
 
 <7 General Hiftory, but in his New Edward Rocroft's Proceedings. On 
 
 ; England Trials, \ 6 (Force's Edit.), his Arrival on the eaftern Coaft, he 
 
 he fays the Place where Hunt kid- captured a French Veflel fifhing 
 
 napped the Indians was fo remote and trading there. This Veflel he 
 
 from that where Capt. Hobfon was went into himfelf, and fent home 
 
 attacked, that that Aft of Hunt the Men in his own Ship. After 
 
 could not have been the Caufe of the Mutiny above recorded, Rocroft 
 
 the Hoftility. " However it was went to Virginia, and there getting 
 
 " alleged for an Excufe." Purchas into a Quarrel was killed. Pretty 
 
 calls Hunt's " Sauage hunting of full Details may be read in Purchas, 
 
 " Sauages a new and Deuellifh Pro- 1 829-30. See alfo Belknap's Amer, 
 
 f 'jedl" Pilgrims, 1828. Biography, i, 361. 
 
[59 ] 
 
 himfelf with the reft of his Company departing to 
 Virginia. Thofe Englifh Mutineers got over to 
 the Ifland of Monhegin, three Leagues from the 
 Main, where they kept themfelves fafe from the 
 Fury of the exafperated Indians, until the next 
 Spring, when a VerTel that came on the Coaft on a 
 riming Voyage, found them all (except one Per- 
 fon that died of Sicknefs in this Interim) alive, and 
 carried them away back for England. 
 
 Not many Years after this, viz. in Anno 1619. a 
 Gentleman whofe Name was Darmer was fent to 
 profecute the Defign of planting and fettling a 
 Trade in New England, and to endeavour that a 
 right Underftanding of Matters between the Indians 
 and the Englifh might be accomplifhed. 
 
 He therefore brought with him an Indian called 
 Squantum, who was one of thofe that Hunt had 
 treacheroufly carried away from Patuxet, but was 
 bought by an Englim Merchant, and lived fome 
 Time with Mr. Slanyw a Gentleman in Cornbil, 
 until he could fpeak broken 'Englifh, and after that 
 at New-found-land, where Capt. Mafon was then 
 Governour, who was willing that Mr. Darmer 
 mould take Squantum with him to New England. 
 Upon hs Arrival here, he told his Country-men 
 very ftrange Storyes, giving them to underftand 
 what Kind of Ufage he had met with among the 
 Englim where he had been, and how much the 
 wicked Fact of that covetous Hunt was condemned, 
 
 39 Probably "Matter John Slany," for Squanto's being fent to New- 
 one of the Council of the Newfound- foundland. See Stow's Survey of 
 land Company. This will account London,^. 591, Edition folio, 1633. 
 
[60 
 
 fo that many of them began to converfe with, and 
 become friendly toward the Englifh, and Mr. 
 Darmer conceited that he and Squantum had made 
 a firm Peace between the Nations. But, manet alta 
 mente repoflum Indians are not wont to forget In 
 juries, when once they have fuftained any : fo did 
 that Gentleman find it to his after Sorrow : For 
 being near the Place where Hunt had formerly 
 betrayed the Indians aboard his VefTel, they treach- 
 eroufly fet upon him, and gave him fourteen 
 Wounds, fo that he had much adoe to efcape with 
 his Life. And though he got to Virginia after 
 this, fome write that he never recovered of thofe 
 Wounds which he received of the Naufit Indians.* 
 And Epenow (before mentioned) was the Caule of 
 Capt. Darmers being aflaulted, whom he hapned 
 to meet with at his firft landing in that Place : 
 The 'Indian being able to fpeak Englifh, reported 
 to Capt. Darmer the Story of his Efcape out of 
 Capt. Hobfons Veffel, laughing heartily at the 
 Conceit of it. The Captain told him that Sr. 
 Ferdinando Gorges was much troubled that he 
 mould meet with fuch ill Ufage as to put him upon 
 a Temptation to fleal away. This Salvage after 
 fome Enquiries about Sr. Ferdinando (and his 
 Family) with whom he had fometimes lived 
 in England, belike fufpecting that Capt. Darmer 
 
 40 There can be no Queftion as " and thereof dyed." Pilgrims, iv, 
 
 to the Death of Capt. Dermer in 1831. Dermer was well known to 
 
 Virginia, but not immediately from Purchas, who had received Letters 
 
 the Effeft of his Wounds, as may from him while upon his Voyage, 
 
 be feen in Purchas. " He fell ficke See his Pilgrims y \\, 1778-9, where 
 
 " of the Infirmities of that Place, a valuable one is inferted. 
 
[6t 
 
 had a Purpofe to furprize [5] him, he confpired 
 with fome of his Fellows to take the Captain, and 
 laid Hands on him, who did with his Sword man 
 fully defend himfelf againft thofe barbarous and 
 treacherous AfTailants. 41 What other particular 
 Mifchiefs were done by the Northern Indians (or 
 others) about this Time, I cannot learn : Only 
 Capt. Smith writeth that he met with many of 
 their Jilly Encounters (as he calls them) but with 
 out any Hurt. 42 Alfo a little before the nrft Plant 
 ers in Plymouth Colony arrived in this Land, three 
 
 41 Capt Smith makes this Sum 
 mary of Capt. Dermer's Adventures: 
 " Mailer Thomas Dirmire, an vn- 
 derftanding and induftrious Gen 
 tleman, that was alfo with me 
 amongft the French-men, hauing 
 liued about a Yeere in New 
 found-land, returning to Plimoth, 
 went for New England in this 
 Ship, fo much approued of this 
 Countrey, that he ftaied there 
 with flue or fix Men in a little 
 Boat, finding two or three French 
 men amongft the Saluages who 
 had loft their Ship, augmented 
 his Company, with whom he 
 ranged the Coaft to Virginia, 
 where he was kindly welcomed 
 and well refrefhed, thence re 
 turned to New England againe, 
 where hauing beene a Yeere, in 
 his backe returne to Virginia he 
 " was fo wounded by the Saluages, 
 " he died upon it." Vol. n, 219. 
 See alfo Gorge's Narration, p. 20. 
 According to Mourt(Purchas, 1849) 
 Dermer's Fight was about July, 
 1620. 
 
 42 The following is Smith's Ac 
 count of fome of his Skirmifhes with 
 the Indians. I fuppofe they hap 
 pened while he was furveying the 
 Coaft of Maflachufetts : " We found 
 ' the People in thofe Parts very 
 ' kinde, but in their fury no lefle 
 ' valiant, for vpon a Quarrell we 
 ' fought forty or fifty of them, till 
 ' they had fpent all their Arrowes, 
 ' and then we tooke fix or feuen of 
 ' their Canowes, which towards the 
 ' Euening they ranfomed for Beuer 
 ' Skins, and at Quonahafit [Cohaf- 
 ' fet now] falling out there but 
 ' with one of them, he with three 
 ' others crofled the Harbour in a 
 ' Canow to certaine Rockes where- 
 ' by we muft pafle, and there let 
 ' flie their Arrowes for our Shot, 
 ' till we were out of Danger, yet 
 ' one of them was flaine, and an- 
 ' other mot through his Thigh. 
 ' At Accomack [Plymouth harbor] 
 ' we fought alfo with them, tho 
 * fome were hurt, fome flaine, yet 
 ' within an houre after they be- 
 ' came Friends." It feems that 
 
[62 ] 
 
 Englifhmen belonging to S r Ferdinando Gorges, 
 were killed by thefe Salvages, and two more nar 
 rowly efcaped with their Lives. And thus far wee 
 have a Cold Account of the Defign refpedting the 
 Advancement of a Plantation in the Northern Parts 
 of New England.** 
 
 In Anno 1620. A Company of Chriftians be 
 longing to the Northern Parts of England, who pro- 
 pofed not fo much worldly as fpiritual Ends in 
 their Undertaking, ayming at the Converjion of the 
 Indians, and the Eftablifhment of the Worfhip of 
 God in purity, did therefore tranfport themfelves 
 and Familyes into this howling Wildernefs. The 
 firft Land they made was that of Cape Cod, Novemb. 
 9. Where they came to an Anchor, and went on 
 Shore, Novemb. 11. Perceiving the Incommodi- 
 oufnefs of that Place for planting, they refolved to 
 feek out for another that might be more accom 
 modate. But their Shallop not being in trimm to 
 be fent out upon Difcovery, fome were defirous to 
 improve the Time, in making what Searches they 
 could upon the Land thereabout. 44 
 
 thefe Affairs occurred but a fhort " eight moneths agoe [the Naufites] 
 
 Time before Capt. Hunt feized the " flew three Engliftimen, and two 
 
 Indians at and near Plymouth. " more hardly efcaped by Flight 
 
 " to Monhiggon." See Mourt in 
 
 43 The Author took little Pains Purchas, iv, 1849, who adds, "they 
 
 about his Chronology. When the " were Sir Ferdinando Gorge his 
 
 three of Gorge's Men were killed " Men." Ibid. 
 does not appear from any of the 
 
 Accounts ; but in a Conference with 44 The Author in this and what 
 
 the Indians held by the Pilgrims on follows relating to the Settlement of 
 
 the 1 7th of March, 1621, thofe Plymouth, takes his Narrative from 
 
 Indians told the Pilgrims that " about Mourt's and Bradford's Relations as 
 
[63 
 
 Novemb. 5. Sixteen Men well armed were fet 
 on Shore under the Conduct of Capt. Miles Stand- 
 i/h. After they had gone about a Mile near the 
 Shoar, they defcryed five or fix Indians, who like 
 wild Creatures ran away from them at the firft 
 Sight, they followed them, by the Trace of their 
 Footings, about ten Miles, til Night came on, but 
 could not come to any Speech with them. 45 
 
 At laft they met with a Kettle wherein was In 
 dian Corn, which after much Confultation they 
 feized upon, refolving that if they could come to 
 fpeak with Indians, they would return them their 
 Kettle, and give them full Satisfaction for their 
 Corn, which they intended for planting, not know 
 ing how elfe to be fupplyed. So did they return^ 
 the next Day, but loft themfelves awhile in the 
 Woods, and as they were wandering up and down, 
 they hapned to efpy a fmall Tree that was blown 
 down, and fome Acorns ftrewed underneath, whilft 
 they were viewing of it, and wondering what it 
 fhould mean, it gave a fudden Jerk, whereby one 
 
 abftrafted in Purchas's Pilgrims. 
 As thofe Works are acceffible entire, 
 in tolerable Reprints, few Notes will 
 be needed fo far as thofe are follow 
 ed. 
 
 45 This Paragraph is very much 
 abridged. When " they had march 
 ed about the Space of a Mile by 
 the Sea, they efpied flue or fix 
 People with a Dogge, comming 
 towards them, who were Sauages, 
 who when they faw them, ran 
 ' into the Woods and whittled the 
 
 ' Dogge after them. At fir ft they 
 ' fuppofed them to be Mafter Jones, 
 ' the Mafter andffome of his Men, 
 ' for they were a Shoare, and knew 
 ' of their comming ; but after they 
 knew them to be Indians they 
 marched after them into the 
 Wood, leaft other of the Indians 
 ' mould lye in Ambufh : but when 
 the Indians faw our Men follow- 
 ' ing them, they ran away with 
 ' Might and Maine." Mourt in 
 ' Purcbas, 1 843-4. See^alfoJBel- 
 knap's Amer. JBzog., ii, 194-5, 
 
[64] 
 
 of the Company was caught up by the Leg, it be 
 ing an Indian Deer Trap ; 46 the reft loofed him, 
 and at laft they found their Way to the Ship again. 
 
 After this their Shallop being fitted for the Pur- 
 pofe, they went a coafting [6] upon Difcovery, but 
 of fome Dayes could meet with no Indians. Albeit 
 they found old deferted Indian Forts, and more of 
 their Corn and Bafkets, and a Bottle of Oyle which 
 doubtlefs fome how was brought out of Europe. 47 
 
 About the tenth of December, they difcerned 
 the Track of Indians Feet upon the Sand, and fol 
 lowed it, till they perceived where it ftruck up into 
 the Woods, at laft they light upon an Indian Path, 
 which led them a great Way up into the Woods, 
 and faw where there had been Corn planted, and 
 *found Indian Graves &c. but no Man appeared. 48 
 
 So they returned to their Shallop, and fome 
 watching, others betook themfelves to their Reft. 
 But in the Night they were alarmed by the Senti- 
 
 4(3 " Stephen Hopkins faid it had 
 beene to catch fome Deere ; fo as 
 we were looking at it, William 
 Bradford, being in the Reare, 
 when he came looking alfo vpon 
 it, and as he went about, it gave 
 a fodaine lerke vp, and he was 
 
 " immediately caught by theLegge " 
 
 Ibid., 1845. 
 
 47 We marched to the Place 
 " where we had the Corne formerly, 
 " which Place we called Corne-bill, 
 " and digged and found the reft, of 
 " which we were very glad : we 
 " alfo digged in a Place a little far- 
 *' ther off, and found a Bottle of 
 
 Oyle. We went to another Place 
 which we had feen before and 
 digged and found more Corn, viz. 
 two or three Bafkets full of Indian 
 Wheat, and a Bag of Beans, with 
 a good many of faire Wheateares. 
 Whilft fome of vs were digging 
 vp this, fome others found another 
 Heape of Corne, which they dig 
 ged vp alfo, fo we had in all 
 about ten Buftiels." Mourt in 
 Pure has, 1845. 
 
 48 The " Indian Graves " are 
 minutely defcribed by Mourtj in 
 Purcbas, 1845, 1847. See alfo 
 Belknap's Amer. Biog., ii, 197. 
 
nels crying Arm, Arm, fuppofing Indians to be 
 near them. They heard a moft hideous Howling, 
 but one in the Company perfwaded the reft, that 
 it was the Noyfe of Wolves and Foxes, which ufed 
 (as he faid) to make fuch a Noife in New-found- 
 Land where he had been, too Gunns were mot off, 
 at which the Noife ceafed. 
 
 But betimes in the Morning, 4 ? on a fudden, they 
 heard the fame Voices again, and one of the Com 
 pany cryed Indians, Indians, and immediately Ar- 
 rowes came pouring in upon them. This barbar 
 ous Salutation was amazing to the Englifh, but that 
 which did moft of all terrife was the horrid Cry of 
 thofe Salvages, whofe Note was after this Manner, 
 Woach woach ba hahoac woach. A ftout Indian who 
 was thought to be their Captain, ftanding behind 
 a Tree let fly his Arrows apace, and ftood three 
 Shotts of a Mufket, until one took full Aim at him, 
 and (as 'tis fuppofed) forely wounded him, upon 
 which he gave an extraordinary Shriek and went 
 away, and all the other Indians fled with him. 
 Providence fo ordered as that none of the Englifh 
 received any Hurt, though they gathered up 
 eighteen Arrows 50 (and many more were mot at 
 them) fome whereof were headed with Brafs, others 
 
 49 " About fiue a Clocke in the " Men, Indians, Indians; and withal 
 
 Morning we began to be ftirring, " their Arrowes came flying amongft 
 
 vpon a fudden wee heard a great " vs." 
 and ftrange Cry, which we knew 
 
 to be the fame Voices, though 50 " Wee tooke vp eighteene of 
 
 they varied their Notes ; one of " their Arrowes, which wee had 
 
 the Company being abroad came " Jent to England by Matter Jones," 
 
 running in, and cried, They are Sec. 
 
 I 
 
[66 ] 
 
 with Harts-horn, others with Eagles Claws, and 
 fundry of the Englifh had their Coats fhot through 
 and through.* 1 
 
 December 1 9. The Englifh landed and refolved 
 to endeavor the fetling of a Plantation, at that 
 Place which is now called Plymouth. No Indians 
 then as yet appeared to give them any Difturbance : 
 yea though Ibme were lent to feek after them, they 
 could find none. 
 
 There were not many Dayes* 1 after this, two 
 Englimmen* 3 who being by the Side of a Pond 
 hapned to fee a Deer, and having Dogs with them, 
 they purfued the Deer until fuch Time as they loft 
 themielves in the Woods, where they were forced 
 to lodge that Night, and were terrified with the 
 Yelling (as it feemed to them) of two Lions, who 
 
 51 1 do not find this mentioned in furniflied with a Copy containing 
 Mourt or any other earlier Writer Erafures and verbal Alterations, 
 than our Author. But Mourt does Capt. Edward Johnfon, who came 
 fay, f ' thofe Arrowes wee found over ten Years after the firft Ply- 
 " were almoft couered with leaues ; mouth Settlers, was doubtlefs inti- 
 " yet by the fpeciall Prouidence of mate with fome of the firft that came 
 " God, none of them either hit or there, and heard from their own 
 " hurt vs." Purchas, 1 847. Yet Lips fome of the Circumftances of 
 in the feparate Work of Mourl we their Settlement. See his Wonder- 
 read, " though many [Arrows] Working Providence, Pages 17, 1 8, 
 " came clofe by vs and on euery Ed. 4 London, 1654. See alfo 
 " Side of vs, and fome Coates which Bradford's Hiftory, 85 and 86, who 
 " hung vp in our Barricade were agrees exactly with Mourt, though ] 
 " mot through and through." in fome Inftances he is more par- 
 It is not ftrange that there mould ticular, and in others lefs fo. 
 be found fome Variation in the dif 
 ferent Narratives. Purchas is faid 52 January I2th, 1621. 
 to haue abridged Mourt's Relation. 
 
 We know there is more in the Re- 53 " lohn Goodman and Peter 
 
 lation as originally printed than in " Browne." Mourt, Goodman 
 
 Purchas. But he may have been died foon after Bradford. 
 
[67 
 
 roared exceedingly, and [7] a third that they 
 thought very neer them : they betook themfelves 
 to a Tree purpofing if the Lions mould come to 
 climb that for their Security ; but they faw none. 54 
 The next Day they perceived that Indians had 
 made Fires thereabouts, but it was wel they met 
 not with any until they came home, being then 
 unarmed and not fit for Encounter with fuch 
 Enemies. 
 
 Now it was that a fpecial Providence of another 
 Nature hapned : For the Englim having built an 
 Houle in Plymouth, a Spark of Fire flying into the 
 Thatch, it was inftantly burnt down. Mr. Carver 
 and Mr. Bradford were then fick, yet if they had 
 not rifen with good fpeed, they had been blown up 
 with Powder. The Houfe was full of Beds as 
 they could lye one by another, and their Muikets 
 charged, yet (through the good Providence of God) 
 no hurt done. 55 
 
 54 Several of the early Writers 
 imagined that Lions were found in 
 New England. Thofe Writers do 
 not feem to have known that the 
 Lion could not exift fo far north. 
 Wood, Joflelyn, Johnfon, Vander- 
 donk, and it may be others, write 
 of the Exiftence of Lions in New 
 England. The firft named Author 
 fays : " I will not fay that ever I 
 faw any myfelf ; but fome have 
 heard fuch terrible roarings, as 
 have made them much aghaft ; 
 which muft be either Devils or 
 Lions." But Morton, the Ma 
 ligner, was probably more of a 
 Naturalift than any of the Writers 
 
 above named. He fays there are 
 no Lions in New England. " It is 
 contrary to the Nature of the 
 Bead to frequent Places accuf- 
 tomed to Snow; being like the 
 Catt, that will hazard the burn 
 ing of her Tayle rather than abide 
 from the Fire." New Englijb 
 Canaan, Pt. ii, Chap. v. 
 
 55 This Calamity befel them on 
 the 1 4th of January, 1621. " The 
 Houfe was fired occafionally [ac 
 cidentally] by a Sparke that flew 
 into the Thatch, which inftantly 
 burnt it all vp, but the Roof flood 
 and little hurt ; the moft lofle was 
 
[68 ] 
 
 Febr. 1 6. An Englifh-man that had gone forth 
 upon a fowling Difign, efpied twelve Indians 
 marching towards the Englifh Plantation and heard 
 the Noife of many more not far off, he lay clofe 
 until they were gone by, and then with all Speed 
 returned home and gave the Alarm, but no In 
 dians followed, only they took away the Tools of 
 the Englifh that had been at work in the Woods. 
 
 The next Day two Indians prefented themfelves 
 at the Top of an Hill,* 6 two Englifh went out to 
 parly with them, 57 but they ran away, and the 
 Noife of a Multitude of them was heard on the 
 other Side of the Hill. 
 
 In the Beginning of March, an Indian called 
 Samofet came boldly along the Houfes which they 
 had built in Plymouth, and to their great Amaze 
 ment fpake to them in Englifh, faying Welcome 
 Englijhmen : This Indian was a Sagamore belonging 
 to the Northern Parts about Monbiggen,^ where he 
 had often converfed with Englifh Fifhermen, and 
 he had learned to fpeak broken Englifh ; Hee was 
 the firft Indian that they of Plymouth had oppor 
 tunity to difcourfe with. Hee could tel them of 
 the Huggery (as he called it) i. e. Fight, which the 
 Englifh had with the NauJ/et^ Indians ; and that 
 
 ' Matter Gamer's and [Mr.] Wil- ^ Capt. Standifh and Stephen 
 
 ' liam Bradford's, who then lay Hopkins. Mourt. 
 
 ' ficke in Bed, and if they had not 
 
 ' rifen with good Speed, had been 5S Monhegan, an important and 
 
 ' blowne vp with Powder." Mourt well known Ifland on the Coaft of 
 
 ' in Purcbafe, iv. 1848. Maine. It was varioufly written, 
 
 which has confufed fome Authors. 
 *s Since called Watfon's Hill. Its 
 
 Indian Name was Cantaugcanteeft. 59 The Affair with the lamented 
 
[69 
 
 the Name of that Place was called Patuxet where 
 a Multitude of Indians had formerly lived, but they 
 were all dead of the Plague which had been there 
 a few Years before the Englifh came. 60 This 
 
 Dermer. A Letter written by him 
 within a Month of his Difafter is 
 preferved by Gov. Bradford in his 
 Hiftory. Bradford fays it was given 
 him by a Friend. No doubt by 
 Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 
 
 00 It happened in 1617, or per 
 haps 1616-17. The moft authen 
 tic Account of it is given, by Capt. 
 Dermer, in a Letter dated at Vir 
 ginia, 27 Dec. 1619, "to his Wor- 
 ' Ihipful Friend, M. Samvel Pvr- 
 ' chas." He fays, he failed from 
 vlonhegan May igth. " I patted 
 ' alongft the Coaft where I found 
 ' fome ancient Plantations, not long 
 ' fince populous now vtterly void ; 
 ' in other Places a Remnant re- 
 ' maines, but not free of Sicknefle. 
 ' Their Difeafe the Plague, for we 
 ' might perceiue the Sores of fome 
 ' that had efcaped, who defcribed 
 ' the Spots of fuch as vfually die. 
 ' When I arrived at my Sauages 
 ' native Country [afterwards Ply- 
 ' mouth] (finding all dead) I tra- 
 ' uelled alongft a daies lourney weft- 
 * ward, to a Place called Nummaf- 
 ' taquyt [fince Middleborough] 
 ' where finding Inhabitants," &c. 
 Purchas, 1778. Gov. Bradford 
 fays under Date of 1621, the In 
 dians about Plymouth " not many, 
 " being dead and abundantly wafted 
 " in the late great Mortalitie which 
 " fell in all thefe Parts about three 
 " Years before the coming of the 
 
 " Englifh ; wherein thoufands of 
 " them dyed, they not being able 
 " to bury one another. Their 
 " Sculls and Bones were found in 
 " many Places lying ftill above 
 " Ground, where their Houfes and 
 ' Dwellings had been. A very fad 
 " Spectacle to behould. But they 
 " [the Indians] brought Word 
 ' that the Narighanfets lived but 
 ' on the other fide of that great 
 ' Bay, and were a ftrong People, 
 ' and many in Number, living 
 ' compare together, and had not 
 " been at all touched with this 
 " wafting Plague." Bradford's Hifi. 
 Plymouth, 1 02. Thomas Morton 
 thinks the Difeafe was the Plague, and 
 intimates that it was his Belief that 
 " the Hand of God fell heavily 
 " upon them" for their Cruelty to 
 the Crews of the Ships they had 
 taken ; and relates, that when one 
 of their Captives told them God 
 would deftroy them for their Wick- 
 ednefs, boaftingly replied that they 
 were too ftrong for him ; in other 
 Words, " they were fo many God 
 " could not lull them." But fays 
 that Author, " the Hand of God 
 " fell heavily upon them, with fuch 
 " a mortal Stroake, that they died 
 " on Heapes, as they lay in their 
 " Houfes ; and the Living that were 
 " able to fhift for themfelves would 
 " run away and let them dy, and 
 " let there Carkafes ly above Ground 
 " without buriall. And the Bones 
 
[ 70 ] 
 
 Samofet within a few Dayes after his Departure 
 returned again, and brought Squantum (whom that 
 wicked Hunt had flolen away and fold for a Slave) 
 along with him : which Squantum was born in 
 that Place. Samofet and Squantum made it their 
 Bufinefs to bring the Englifti into Acquaintance 
 with the next neighboring Indians i 6l where 
 fore they undertook to bring MaJJafoit (Father to 
 that Philip who began the War with the Englijh 
 lun. 24. 1675.) to treat with the Englijh at Ply 
 mouth. 
 
 [8] Accordingly, March 22. MaJJafoit with his 
 Brother >uadequina came accompanied with about 
 fixty of his Men ; and an Agreement of Peace be 
 tween the Englijh and Indians was then concluded 
 
 " and Skulls upon the feverall 
 
 " Places of their Habitations, made 
 
 fuch a Spectacle after my coming 
 
 into thofe Parts, that as I travailed 
 
 in that Forreft, nere the Mafla- 
 
 chufetts, it feemed to me a new 
 
 found Golgotha." New Englijh 
 
 Canaan, iii. 
 
 01 The firft friendly Interview 
 between the Pilgrims and the In 
 dians is graphically and quaintly re 
 lated in Mourt's Journal. It was 
 omitted by Mr. Mather, becaufe the 
 Prefence of Indians at the Time he 
 wrote was too common a Thing to 
 be of any Intereft to his New Eng 
 land Readers. But no valid Excufe 
 could be given for its Omiffion in 
 thefe Times. 
 
 " On this Day [Sunday, March 
 " 1 8] came againe the Sauage, and 
 " brought with him fiue other tall 
 
 " proper Men, they had euery Man 
 
 " a Deeres Skin on him, and the 
 
 " Principal! of them had a wild 
 
 " Cat's Skin, or fuch like, on the 
 
 " one Arme: they had moft of them 
 
 ' long Hofen vp to their Groynes, 
 
 ' clofe made; and aboue their 
 
 ' Groynes to their Waft another 
 
 ' Leather, they were altogether 
 
 ' like the /rj^-troufes ; they are of 
 
 ' complexion like our Englifti Gip- 
 
 ' feys, no Haire or very little on 
 
 ' their Faces, on their Heads long 
 
 " Haire to the Shoulders, onely cut 
 
 " before ; fome trufled vp before 
 
 " with a Feather, broadwife, like a 
 
 " Fan, another a Fox Taile hang- 
 
 " ing out: thofe left (according to 
 
 " our Charge giuen him [Samofet] 
 
 " before) their Bowes and Arrowes 
 
 " a Quarter of a Mile from our 
 
 " Towne." Mourt in Purcbafe, 
 
 iv, 1849. 
 
on. This Peace was in more Refpects then one 
 fingularly advantagious to the Englijh, whilft they 
 were thus but few in Number, and Strangers in 
 this Land. 62 
 
 And as for the Reafons inducing Maffafoit to 
 this Accord with the Englifh, there were feveral 
 Things that prevailed with him thereunto ; For 
 Squantum 6 * had told him what a great Prince King 
 James was, and how well he would take it if his 
 Subjects were kindly entertained, and how ill if 
 
 c> ' 2 Maflaflbit's Vifit to Plymouth, 
 and the Treaty then entered into 
 between the Englifh and Indians, 
 forms one of the moft interefting 
 Chapters in the Hiftory of New 
 England. As Juftice to the Subjeft 
 can hardly be done in a Note, and 
 as many Works are acceflible 
 containing the full Details, a Re 
 ference to them muft here fuffice. 
 See Bradford's Hiftory, Morton's 
 Memorial, Hubbard's 'Narrative, 
 Prince's Annals, Holmes's Annals, 
 Cheever, and Young's Edition of 
 Mourt's Journal, &c., &c. 
 
 63 His Name is given in the early 
 Accounts Tiffquantum ; in fome of 
 the later ones Squando, and Squanto. 
 He was one of the five Natives car 
 ried from New England by Capt. 
 Weymouth in 1605. He had been 
 fo much with the Englifh that he 
 was a very tolerable Interpreter to 
 the Pilgrims in their early Inter- 
 courfe with the Indians. But he 
 was a mifchievous Fellow and caufed 
 much Trouble between the Englifh 
 and his Countrymen, by circulating 
 falfe Reports. So much were they 
 
 incenfed againft him for his evil 
 Practices, that MafTaflbit directed 
 that he mould be put to Death. 
 But the Pilgrims knew not how to 
 fpare him he had made himfelf fo 
 ufeful to them as well in other re- 
 fpefts as an Interpreter. They 
 managed however to appeafe his 
 Wrath, and Squantum efcaped 
 Death at that Time. He was born 
 in or near Plymouth, and was the 
 only one belonging to that Place 
 who efcaped the Plague before 
 fpoken of. In Nov. 1612, he ac 
 companied the Englifh to the fouth- 
 erly Part of Cape Cod to procure 
 Corn, of which they flood in great 
 need. Through Tifquantum's In 
 tervention eight Hogfheads were 
 obtained. This Tranfaftion was 
 at a Place called by the Indians 
 Manamoycke, fince by the Englifh 
 Monamoy, now Chatham. Here 
 Tifquantum was taken fick of 
 Fever and in a few Days died. 
 Bradford fays he died of " an In- 
 " dean Feavor, bleeding much at 
 " the Nofe (which the Indeans take 
 " for a Simptome of Death)." 
 Hi/}. Plymouth, 128. 
 
otherwife, and how eafy it was for him to fend over 
 Ships and Men enough to deftroy Maffafoit and all 
 his People. At that Time alfo there was Enmity 
 between Maffafoit and the Narraganfets, fo that he 
 hoped the Engli/h might be a Defence to him 
 againft them. Thus did the Feud which was kin 
 dled amongft the Indians, one againft another, ad 
 vantage the poor Church in Plymouth. Sic Canes 
 lingunt ulcera Lazari. 
 
 Moreover the Confideration of the Guns, and 
 other warlike Weapons which ours brought with 
 them was terrible to the Indians, yea, they had 
 more formidable Apprehenfions thereof, than there 
 was real Caufe for : They imagined that the Engli/h 
 could by their great Guns caufe the Trees to fall 
 down and kill the Indians. Furthermore Sqantum 
 did wickedly poflefs them with one Delufion about 
 the Englifh, which had difmal Impreffions upon the 
 Minds of thefe ignorant Barbarians ; For whereas 
 the Plague (a Difeafe which was never known in 
 this Land before or fince) had newly been raging 
 amonft them, whereby many of their Towns 
 were totally depopulated, and defolated : he made 
 them believe that the Englifh kept the Plague in a 
 Place under Ground, and that they could let it 
 loofe upon the Indians when they would. An 
 Indian called Hobbomock one of Maffafoits Counfel- 
 lors, obferving in one of the Englifh Routes a kind 
 of Cellar, where fome Barrels of Powder were be- 
 ftowed, enquired of Squantum what that was. To 
 whom he replyed, that there the Englim kept the 
 Plague that he told them of, which they could let 
 
[ 73 ] 
 
 loofe upon Indians at Pleafure. When this Hobbomock 
 become acquainted with the Englifh, he ferioufly 
 afked them whether they had any fuch Power, they 
 anfwered him truly that they had not, but withall 
 added that the God whom they ferved had Power 
 to fend that or any other Difeafe upon thofe that 
 fhould doe any Wrong to his People. The Conlid- 
 eration of that alfo, was fome Terror to the Indians. 
 In the Month of "June 1621. The Englifh fent 
 MefTengers 64 with a Prefent to Maffafoit at Poca- 
 noket y ^ By the Way they were accofted, with fev- 
 eral of the Indians, who having them at an Advan 
 tage as they pafled [9] through a River, 66 were 
 ready to moot at them : Only having Indian 
 Guides Interpreters in their Company, who gave 
 them to underftand that they were Friends, no 
 hurt was done. 67 Being come to Maffafoit, they 
 
 64 Stephen Hopkins and Edward 
 Winflow. They fet out June i oth. 
 
 65 " Partly to know where to find 
 them, if Occafion ferued, as alfo 
 to fee their Strength, difcouer the 
 Countrey, preuent Abufes in their 
 diforderly coming vnto vs, make 
 Satisfaction for fome conceiued 
 Iniuries to be done on our Parts,, 
 and to continue the League of 
 Peace and Friendfhip betweene 
 them and vs. And hauing a fit 
 Opportunitie by Reafon of a 
 Sauage called Tijquantum (that 
 could fpeak Englifh) coming vnto 
 vs : with all Expedition prouided 
 a Horfeman's Coat of red Cotton, 
 and laced with a flight Lace for 
 a Prefent, that both they and their 
 
 K 
 
 " Meflage might bee more accepta- 
 " ble amongft them." Mourt in 
 Pur chafe, 1851. Bradford's Hift., 
 p. 1 02. 
 
 68 Probably Tehticut River. 
 ' Being willing to haften our lour- 
 " ney we went, and came thither 
 ' at Sunne fetting, where we found 
 ' many of the Namafcheucks (they 
 ' fo calling the Men of Namafk- 
 ' chet) fifhing vpon a Ware which 
 ' they had made on a Riuer which 
 ' belonged to them, where they 
 ' caught abundance of Bafle/' 
 Pur chafe, ib. 
 
 07 Our Author has given us fuch 
 a miferable Abftradl of his Author 
 ities at this Point, that I mould feel 
 
[74 ] 
 
 prefented him with a red Cotton Coat, whereon 
 was fome Lace, this he accepted with great Thank- 
 fulnefs, and having put it on (faith my Author) He 
 was not a little proud to behold himfelf, and his Men 
 alfo to behold their King fo bravely attired. He 
 then promifed to continue in Amity with the Eng- 
 lifh, and to take Care that his Men mould not be 
 injurious. 68 
 
 that I had done Injuftice were I to 
 omit the following remarkably in- 
 terefting Paflage : 
 
 " The next Morning [June I ith] 
 ' wee brake our Faft, tooke our 
 ' leaue and departed, being then 
 ' accompanied with fome fixe Sau- 
 ' ages, hauing gone about fixe Miles 
 ' by the Riuer fide, at a knowne 
 1 fhoale Place, it being low Water, 
 ' they fpake to vs to put off our 
 ' Breeches, for wee muft wade 
 ' thorow. Here let mee not for- 
 ' get the Valour and Courage of 
 ' fome of the Sauages, on the op- 
 ' pofite Side of the Riuer, for there 
 ' were remainining aliue onely two 
 ' Men, both aged, efpecially the one 
 ' being aboue threefcore : Thefe 
 ' two efpying a Company of Men 
 ' entring the Riuer, ran very fwiftly 
 ' and low in the Grafle to meet vs 
 ' at the Banke, where with fhrill 
 ' Voyces and great Courage, ftand- 
 ' ing charged vpon vs with their 
 ' Bowes, they demanded what 
 ' wee were, fuppofing vs to be Ene 
 mies, and thinking to take Ad- 
 ' uantage of vs in the Water : but 
 ' feeing wee were Friends, they 
 ' welcomed vs with fuch Food as 
 ' they had, and we beftowed a 
 
 " fmall Bracelet of Beads on them. 
 " Thus far we are fure the Tide 
 " ebbes and flowes." Mourt in 
 Purcbafe/w, 1851-2. The Point 
 at which they crofled is not clearly 
 afcertained. 
 
 68 When Hopkins and Winflow 
 
 arrived at Maflafoit's town, the 
 
 Chief was not at home. He was 
 
 immediately fent for, " and being 
 
 come we difcharged our Peeces, 
 
 and faluted him, who after their 
 
 Manner kindly welcomed vs, and 
 
 tooke vs into his Houfe, and fet 
 
 vs downe by him, where hauing 
 
 delivered our Meflage and Pre- 
 
 fents, and having put the Coat on 
 
 his Backe, and the Chaine about 
 
 his Necke, he was not a little 
 
 proud to behold himfelfe, and his 
 
 Men alfo to fee their King fo 
 
 brauely attired." Among other 
 
 Things he faid his Men mould 
 
 no more annoy the Englifh at 
 
 Plymouth by their ill timed In- 
 
 trufions. He then deliuered " a 
 
 " great Speech" to his Men, fetting 
 
 forth his Importance, naming " at 
 
 " leaft thirtie Places " as belonging 
 
 to him, to which they aflented. 
 
 The Speech appeared to delight 
 
[75 ] 
 
 About this Time it was that an Englifh Lad (one 
 lohn Billington) loft himfelf in the Woods, living 
 five Days upon Berries untill he fel into the Hands 
 of the Indians. Some were (upon MaiTafoits In 
 formation) fent to Noflet to feek after him, 69 when 
 they came thither the Indians flocked together, 
 many not having feen Englifhmen before: Amongft 
 others there was an old Woman, judged to be an 
 hundred Years old, who when me faw the Englifh 
 fel into an extream Paflion of bitter weeping, the 
 
 the Indians, but very tedious to 
 the Englifhmen. He then "light- 
 " ed tobacco for them and fell to 
 " difcourfing of England, and of the 
 " King's Maieftie, maruelling that 
 " he would liue without a Wife." 
 Mourt in Purchafe, iv, 1852. Thefe 
 Englifh MefTengers had a moft un 
 comfortable Sojourn with MafTaf- 
 foit : " For what with bad lodging, 
 " the Sauages barbarous Singing (for 
 " they ufe to fing themfelves afleepe), 
 " Lice and Fleas within Doores, 
 " and Mufkeetoes without, wee 
 " could hardly fleepe all the Time 
 " of our being there." Ibid. 
 
 69 The Author as in numerous 
 other Cafes throughout his Relation, 
 does great Injuftice to his Authori 
 ties ; often rendering it difficult to 
 fupply his Defefts in the compafs of 
 a Note. The Englifh firft hear of 
 their loft Boy at Cummaqutd, and 
 with ten of their Number proceed 
 thither with their two Indian 
 Friends, Tifquantum and Tokama- 
 hamon. Here they learned " that 
 " the Boy was well, but that he 
 
 ' was at Naufet ; yet fince we were 
 
 ' there they of [Cummaquid] de- 
 
 ' fired vs to come afhore and eat 
 
 ' with them : which as foone as 
 
 ' our Boate floated we did : and 
 
 ' went fixe afhoare, hauing foure 
 
 ' Pledges for them in the Boate. 
 
 They brought vs to their Sachem 
 
 or Governour, whom they call 
 
 lyanough, a Man not exceeding 
 
 twenty fix Years of Age, but very 
 
 perfonable, gentle, courteous, and 
 
 faire conditioned, indeede not like 
 
 " a Sauage, faue for his Attyre : his 
 
 " Entertainment was anfwerable to 
 
 " his Parts, and his Cheare plenti- 
 
 " ful and various." Purchas, 1853. 
 
 Cummaquid was at the Bottom of 
 
 Barnftable Bay, fometimes called 
 
 Cummaquid Bay. 
 
 Refpefting lyanougb, Amos Otis, 
 Efq., the Antiquary and Hiftorian 
 of Barnftable, remarks that it is his 
 Opinion, that from lyanough comes 
 Hyannis ; that lyanough's Town 
 was that Part of Barnftable called 
 Hyannis. Hyanna is early found 
 on the Records. MS. Letter, 9 
 March, 1863. See APPENDIX, D. 
 
C 76 ] 
 
 Reafon whereof being demanded, Anfwer was 
 made, that me had three Sons once living in that 
 Place, but they were all flolen away by that Hunt 
 (before mentioned) and now me had no more left 
 to releeve her in her old Age : The Englifh were 
 much greived to fee the poor Creature in inch a Paf- 
 fion but telling her that it was only one wicked Man 
 who did that Fad:, and that they abhorred it, and 
 withal giving her fome Trifles me was fatisfied. In 
 fine the Englifh Lad was brought al bedecked with 
 Peag, and the Sacbim of that Place (called Afpinet) 
 made Peace with the Englifh. 70 
 
 Now it was that an Indian called Coubatant 11 
 
 70 " After Dinner we tooke Boate 
 for Naufet [fmce Eaftham], lya- 
 nough and two of his Men ac 
 companying vs. Ere we came 
 to Naufet, the Day and Tide 
 were almoft fpent, in fo much as 
 we could not go in with our 
 Shallop ; but the Sachim or Gov- 
 ernour of Cummaquid went afhore 
 and his Men with him, we alfo 
 fent Tifquantum to tell Afpinet, 
 the Sachem of Naufet, wherefore 
 we came. After Sunfet Afpinet 
 came with a great Traine, and 
 brought the Boy with him, one 
 bearing him through the Water : 
 he had not lefle then an hundred 
 with him, the Half whereof came 
 to the Shallop fide vnarmed with 
 him, the other ftood aloofe with 
 their Bowe and Arrowes. There 
 he delivered vs the Boy behung 
 with Beades, and made Peace with 
 vs, we beftowing a Knife on him, 
 and likewife on another that firft en 
 tertained the Boy." Purcbafe, ib. 
 
 71 Coubatant. Winflow calls him 
 Combitant. Purchas, iv, 1861 ; 
 and Bradford Cor bit ant. The Affair 
 about to to be related took place in 
 Auguft, 1621. The Machinations 
 of Corbitant were difcovered on the 
 Return of the Expedition to Naufet. 
 Winflow fays, " Word was brought 
 " unto us that Coubatant, whom 
 ' they ever feared to be too con- 
 verfant with the Narrohigganfets, 
 was at Namafchet, fpeaking dif- 
 dainfully of us, ftorming at the 
 Peace between Naufet, Cumma 
 quid and us, and at Tifquantum, 
 the Worker of it ; alfo at Toka- 
 mahamon and one Hobbamock, 
 two Indians our Allies, one of 
 which he would treacheroufly 
 have murdered a litttle before, 
 being a fpecial and trufty Man of 
 MafTafoyts." Mourt in Young, 
 219. 
 
 Tifquantum and Hobbamock 
 were fent to Namafket to learn 
 Corbitant's Intentions. Tifquan- 
 
(who, though a petty Sachem under MafTafoit, 
 fecretly confpired with the Narraganfets againft his 
 Matter) occafioned fome Difturbance, feeking to 
 deftroy thofe Indians that were Friends to the 
 Englifh, efpecially Hobbomock and Squantum, faying 
 if thefe were dead the Englim had loft their Tongue, 
 watching his Advantage at a Time when thofe 
 Indians were at Namajket, Coubatant took Squan~ 
 turn Prifoner, and held a Knife at Hobbomocks Breaft, 
 who broke from him, and gave the Engliih at 
 Plymouth to understand what had hapned ; where 
 upon 1 4.7* Men were fent armed to Namajket, in 
 order to revenge Squantum's fuppofed Death. They 
 furprized the Houfe where Coubatant was thought 
 to be, declaring the End of their coming, and that 
 they would hurt no Man but him, charging all 
 others not to ftir at their Peril til they had fearched 
 for their Enemy ; Confternation and Trembling 
 feyzed on the Indians : yet fome of them violently 
 brake away, whence they were wounded (and after 
 wards [10] healed) by the Englim, 7 ^ Coubatant 
 was not there, but fled to another Place, but within 
 a while ^quantum was brought forth alive and fet 
 
 turn was taken Prifoner, and was 73 " As for thofe that were wound- 
 fuppofed to be killed, for Corbitant ed, we were forry for it, though 
 had faid " if Tifquantum was dead, themfelues procured it in not ftay- 
 " the Englim had loft their Tongue." ing in the Houfe at our Corn- 
 But Hobbamock made his Efcape mand ; yet if they would return 
 and arriving at Plymouth gave the home with vs our Svergeons mould 
 Alarm. heal them. At this Offer one 
 
 Man and a Woman that were 
 
 72 Ten Men, fays Window, un- wounded went home with vs." 
 
 der the Command of Capt. Stand- Winjlow. 
 ifh. 
 
[ 78 ] 
 
 at Liberty. After this divers other Sachims fent 
 gratulations to the Englim ; yea thofe of the Ifles 
 of Capawack entreated their Friendfhip. Coubatant 
 ufed the Mediation of MafFafoit to make his Peace. 
 
 *i/ *f 
 
 Things being brought to this peaceable State, fo 
 did they continue for a little Space, the Church in 
 Plymouth being preferved by a Miracle of Provi 
 dence, like a Flock of Sheep amidft a thoufand 
 Wolves; much what as Luther faith the Church 
 fhouldbe pictured. Their next Neighbours amongft 
 the Heathen did (as hath been expreffed) of Ene- 
 myes become their Friends, not mewing any Acts 
 of Hoftility. 
 
 Only in the latter End of the next Year, Canonicus 
 the Narraganfet Sachim, fent an Indian to them, 
 who enquired for Squantum, at that Time gone 
 fomewhither elfe, whereupon the Indian left a 
 Bundle of Arrows, wrapped in a Rattle Snakes 
 Skin, and departed. When Squantum was return 
 ed, he informed the Governour that the Rattle 
 Snakes Skin fignfied Enmity, and that the Deiign 
 of this bruitifh Salutation was to intimate a Chal 
 lenge, wherefore the Governour filled the Snakes 
 Skin with Powder and Shot, and fent it back again, 
 withal giving Canonicus to underftand, that if he 
 had Shipping at hand, he would endeavour to beat 
 him out of his Countrey. 74 The Indians durft not 
 let the Powder and Shot continue in their Houfes, 
 but every one was afraid to meddle with it, and at 
 
 74 This Meflage was fent by an " as it was no fmall Terror to the 
 " Indian, and delivered in fuch Sort, " Savage King." Ibid. 
 
[79 ] 
 
 laft it came back again to Plymouth. 7 * And there 
 was an End of that Matter. Only they at Plymouth 
 were by this Bruit awakened to impale their Town, 
 and fortify, left there fhould be an Onfet from the 
 Enemy. 76 
 
 In the meanwhile Hobomock (who refided with 
 the Englifh) informed that there was Reafon to 
 fufpect that the Maffachufet Indians were Confede 
 rate with the Narraganfets in their bloody Defigns; 
 and Squantum in wicked Subtilty, laboured to 
 make the Engli/h believe that Maffafoit was falfe to 
 them. Capt. Standijh with ten Men 77 was fent to 
 Maffachufets : they had no fooner turned the Point 
 of the Harbour 78 but there came an Indian running 
 to fome of the Englijh that were from home, hav 
 ing his Face wounded, and the Blood frefh on the 
 fame (Zopirus 79 -like) calling to them to repair 
 home, and of looking behind him, as if he had 
 been purfued by Enemyes, faying that at Namajket 
 there were many of the Narraganfets, and Coubi- 
 
 75 Canonicus " would not once 77 " With ten Men, accompanied 
 ' touch the Powder and Shot, or " with Tifquantum and Hobba- 
 ' fuffer it to flay in his Houfe or " mock." Winflow was doubtlefs 
 ' Country. Whereupon the Mef- one of the Party, as he writes of the 
 ' fenger refufing it, another took it Affair in the firft Perfon. The 
 ' up ; and having been pofted from Time is the Beginning of April, 
 'Place to Place a long Time, at 1622. We thus make up the Num- 
 ' length came whole back again." ber nearly as in the Text. 
 
 Ib. 
 
 7:5 Called the Gurnet's Nofe, but 
 
 76 The fortifying the Town oc- wherefore does not appear. Per- 
 cupied all of the Month of February, haps from Gurnards in the Ifle of 
 1622 " and fome few Days ; taking Wight. 
 
 " in the Top of the Hill under 
 
 " which our Town is fituated." Ib. ~ 9 Zopiro ? 
 
tant, and that MaJJafoit was Confederate with them, 
 purpofing to aflault the Town in the Captains 
 Abfence, profeffing that he had received that 
 Wound in his Face, becaufe he had fpoken on the 
 Englim their Behalfe. [n] Whenas all this was a 
 Piece of artificial and miichievous Diffimulation, 
 whereby the Englim were put into a fad Fright, 
 and the Great Guns were difcharged to remand 
 the Captain back again, who immediately returned. 
 Hobbomock was confident that that Indian diflembled, 
 for he was allured of Maffafoit's Fidelity ; however 
 that he would not engage in a Thing of that Nature, 
 without confulting him who was one of hisPdTz/Vj'j-, 80 
 i. e. Champions and Counfellors, and it was againft 
 the Indian Cuftom for a Sacbim to involve himfelf 
 in War without them. Wherefore Hobbomock pri 
 vately, upon the Governour's Advice fent his Squaw 
 to Maffafoit at Pocanoket, who feemed to be much 
 troubled that the Englifh, and he himfelf mould be 
 fo abufed. And upon Enquiry it was found to be 
 Sqantum's Knavery, who fought his own Ends and 
 plaid his own Game ; for he would in a clandeftine 
 Way, make the Indians believe that the Englijh 
 were refolved to cut them off, only he could pre 
 vent it, and fo would obtain Gifts from his Coun- 
 tryemen to prevent their Deftrudlion by the Englijh, 
 infomuch that the blind Salvages began to have 
 him in greater Veneration then their Sacbim; taking 
 him for their Proteftor. And he would deal with 
 
 80 " One of his chiefeft Champi- low, ib. The Word was exten- 
 " cms or Men of Valour." Winf- fively ufed by the Indians. 
 
[8! ] 
 
 no leffe Falfnefs towards the Englifh then towards 
 thofe of his own Nation. 
 
 When Maffafoit underftood thefe Things he re 
 paired to the Englifh Plantation, endeavoring to 
 clear his Innocency, defiring the Governour that 
 Squantum, who had thus abufed both Englifh and 
 Indians, might be put to Death for his Treafon. 
 The Governour pacified him as much as he could 
 for the prefent, and though he deferved to dy, both 
 in refpect of Englifh and Indians, yet defired he 
 might be fpared, becaufe they mould want an In 
 terpreter. 81 
 
 But not long after this, Maffafoit fent divers In- 
 dians,vf\\o brought to the Governour, their Sachim's 
 own Knife (according to the Indian Mode) that 
 his Enemyes Head and Hands might be cut ofF 
 therewith. 
 
 At that Inftant when the Governour was about 
 to deliver Squantum into the Hands of his Execu 
 tioners, a Boat was feen at Sea, and there being 
 even in thofe Days Jealoufies, that the French 
 would join with the Indians to Mifchief the Eng 
 lifh ; and fome fuppofing it might be a French 
 Veflel, he told the Indians he would fee what that 
 was before he delivered Squantum up to them. So 
 did they go away difpleafed. 82 
 
 81 " For thefe and like Abufes, 82 Winflow fays thefe Meflengers 
 
 " the Governour fharply reproved were " mad with Rage and depart- 
 
 " him; yet was he fo neceflary and " ed in great Heat." Indeed it muft 
 
 " profitable an Inftrument, as at be owned they had good Reafon for 
 
 " that Time we could not mifs their Anger. It was a Breach of 
 
 " him " Win/low. good Faith his not being given up, 
 
 L 
 
[ 82 ] 
 
 But this wrought well for the Englijh ; for it 
 made Squantum be honeft whether he would or 
 no ; inafmuch as his own Countreymen fought his 
 Life ; he law it was his Intereft to adhere to the 
 Englijh. 
 
 As for the Boat mentioned it proved to be one 
 that belonged to a Ship that was timing about 
 Monbiggen. 
 
 Thefe [12] Things hapned in May, 1622. in 
 which Year it was that Mr. \Tbomas] Wefton (a 
 Merchant of good Note in London] attempted the 
 advancing a Plantation in this MaJJacbufets Bay** 
 He fent over two Ships, and about lixty Men to 
 make a Beginning. The moft of them were for 
 the prefent refrefhed at Plymouth, whilft fome few 
 Carters went out to feek a convenient Place to fit 
 down in. They pitched upon a Place within 
 Maffachufets Bay, then called by the Indians Wef- 
 Jegufquajet** st this Day known by the Name of 
 Weymouth. 
 
 Mr. Win/low (who was afterwards Governour of 
 Plymouth Colony] reports that the Weftonians, in- 
 ftead of proving an Help to the other Englijh 
 Colony, had like, within a few Months, to have 
 brought Ruine. not only upon themfelves, but upon 
 
 as by the Treaty between Maflaflbit by the early Writers. Winflow 
 
 and the Englifh (hows. But it was fays it was in the End of June or 
 
 a angular Cafe, and the great Ne- Beginning of July, 1622. 
 ceffity of the Englifh muft be their 
 
 Juftification. S4 This Indian Name finally fet 
 tled down into WeJfaguJJ'et. It is 
 
 83 The precife Time of the Arri- capable of great Variation, as will 
 
 val of Wefton's Colony is not ftated readily be perceived. 
 
their Friends alfo : For Complaints were quickly 
 brought to Plymouth, that the Rnglijh at Weffeguf- 
 quafet did abufe the Indians by ftealing their Corn 
 from them, yea and one of them was fo brutifh as 
 to turn Indian?'* 
 
 Others of them were of fuch fervile and ilavim 
 Difpofitions, as that they became Servants to the 
 Indians, who would hire them to work with them 
 in making Canoos, which Canoos were intended 
 for the Surprizal of the Englifti Ship, in the Day 
 when they would execute their defigned MafTacre. 
 Some of the Theeves were ftockt and whipt, yea, 
 one of them was at laft put to Death to fatifie the 
 Indians, but it was then too late. 86 
 
 By the End of February, they had fpent all their 
 Bread and Corn, not leaving any for Seed, nor 
 would the Indians be induced to lend or fel them 
 any, upon any Terms, hoping they would be ftarved 
 to Death. 
 
 Wherefore, they purpofed to take away the In 
 dians Store from them by Violence, and therefore 
 made Preparations accordingly. Only fome of the 
 Company (at leaftwife one of them who is yet alive) 
 
 85 " w e heard many Complaints " might with Diligence haue gotten 
 
 both by the Indians and fome " enough to haue ferued them three 
 
 others of belt Defert amongft " or four Times." Win/low in 
 
 Mafter Wefton's Colony, how Purcbafe, iv, 1863. This was about 
 
 exceedingly their Company abafed the End of February, 1 622-3. 
 themfelves by vndireft Meanes, 
 
 to get Viftuals from the Indians, ^ This Execution furnifhed But- 
 
 who dwell not far from them, ler with the Hint out of which he 
 
 fetching them Wood and Water, made his fcurrilous Rhymes in Hu- 
 
 &c., and all for a meales Meate, dibras, too well known to be here 
 
 whereas in the meane Time they quoted. 
 
84 
 
 being more honeftly minded then others were, 
 advifed 'John Saunders their Overfeer to write to 
 Plymouth before they did actually attempt anything, 
 which being done, they received Letters from the 
 Governour there, fignifying. great Difapprobation 
 of their intended Proceedings; whereupon they 
 defifted. 
 
 Thefe Motions muft needs cauie ill Blood be 
 tween the Nations : fo that the Indians grew very 
 infolent in their Carriage, and there were fecret 
 Confpiracyes to cut of the Englijh. And inafmuch 
 as they thought, that if they mould deftroy the 
 Weftonians, and leave the Plymoutheam (who had 
 not wronged them) alive, thefe would take an 
 Opportunity to be revenged for thofe : wherefore 
 they concluded to kill all before them, as was after 
 wards revealed by Maffafoit, and by another Sachim 
 [13] called Waffapinawet} 1 brother to Qbtakieft, the 
 then Sachim of Maffachufets. 
 
 The Englijh of Plymouth as yet being ignorant 
 of the bloody Mifchief which the treacherous 
 Hearts of the Indians had concluded againft them, 
 attended their Occafions as formerly. 
 
 Upon a Time Capt. Standi/h going with fome 
 Men in a Shallop, to buy Corn of the Indians at 
 NoJJet, one of them ftole certain Trifles out of the 
 Shallop ; whereupon the Captain repaired to the 
 Sacbim, and told him, that if he did not imme 
 diately reftore thofe Things, he would revenge it 
 
 87 " Who had formerly fmarted Winflow, ibid. His Refidence is 
 " for partaking with Coubitant." not known. 
 
[ 85 ] 
 
 before his Departure, and fo took Leave for that 
 Night. 
 
 The next Morning the Sacbim came accompa 
 nied with his Train of Salvages, faluting the Cap 
 tain in fuch a Manner as was hugely ridiculous to 
 the Englifh ; for he put out his Tongue that one 
 might fee the Root of it, and fo licked the Cap 
 tain's Hands, al his Men doing the like, and en 
 deavouring (according to the rude Information they 
 had received from Squantum) to make him a Leg, 
 he did peform his Ceremony after fuch an odd 
 Manner, as the Englifh were hard put to it to re 
 frain from open Laughter. 
 
 Speftatum adrtiiflirifum teneatii Amid? 
 
 After thefe Complements were over, he reftored 
 the Things that were loft ; withal declaring, that 
 he had much beaten the Indian that did Commooten 
 (i. e. fteal) the Trifles mentioned. 
 
 But not long after this, the Captain was in no 
 fmall hazard of his Life in another Place ; for going 
 to Manomet (now called Sandwich] and being en 
 tertained in the Houfe of Kunacum** the Sachim 
 there, the Indians defigned tut off him and his Men. 
 
 There was with him at this Time a Cape-Indian 
 called Paomet, who pretended Friendfhip to the 
 Englijh, but was fecretly joined in the bloody Con 
 federacy. That he might not be fufpedted he pro- 
 fefTed fpecial Affection towards the Captain, and 
 
 88 The Author's Authorities all from them we fee no Reafon. 
 fpell the Name of this Chief begin- Winflow writes Canacum (in Pur- 
 ning with a C. Why he departed cbas, iv, 1866.) 
 
[86] 
 
 would, as a Gift beftow fome Corn upon him, and 
 help him to carry the Corn to his Boat, and would 
 lodge in the Wigwam with Capt. Standifh, to mani- 
 feft what Love and Honour he did bear towards 
 him, having in the mean Time promifed the Indians 
 to kil him that Night, and when he was killed 
 the reft were to difpatch his Men. 
 
 Alfo whilft he was entertained in the Sachims 
 Houfe, there came in two Majfachufet Indians, be 
 ing defperate bloody Villains. The Name of the 
 Chief of them was Wittawamat, who took a Dag 
 ger from about his Neck, and prefented it to the 
 Sacbim, and made a Speech to him (which the 
 Captain could not underftand) boafting of his own 
 Valour, [14] and how he had been the Death of 
 Chriftians both French and Engli/h and what pit- 
 tifull weak Creatures they were, that when they 
 were killing, they died crying, and made fower 
 Faces, more like Children then Men, and that 
 whereas they were determined to kil the Englifo 
 (who had injured them) of Mr. We/tons Plantation, 
 the beft way for their own Security was to kill 
 them of Plymouth too, now their Captain being in 
 their Hands, having but fix Men with him, two or 
 three in the Wigwam, and no more in the Shallop, 
 it was a good Opportunity to begin. 
 
 The murderous Counfel of this audacious Bloud- 
 fucker was highly applauded; and the Indians 
 waited when Capt. Standijh woulcJ fall aileep, that 
 they might attempt the bloudy Tragedy. But 
 God fo ordered that he could not fleep that Night. 
 Alfo an Indian fecretly ftole fome Beads from him; 
 
[ 87 ] 
 
 which when the Captain perceived, he immedi 
 ately called his fix Men together, and they befet 
 the Sacbims Houfe profeffing to him that as they 
 would not doe Wrong to him, fo neither would 
 they receive any, and therefore, as they valued their 
 Lives, they mould forthwith reftore the ftolen 
 Goods. Hereupon the Sachim beftirred himfelf 
 to find out the Thief; and having done fo, he 
 cometh to the Captain defiring him to look into 
 his Boat, if the Beads that he had miffed were not 
 there, who looking found them lying openly on 
 the Cuddy, the Indians having flily conveyed them 
 thither. However, this did fo daunt the Courage 
 of the treacherous and cowardly Indians, that they 
 attempted not their defigned Mifchief. 
 
 All this while, they of Plimouth Colony had no 
 certain knowledge of the Evil that was intended 
 againft them by the Heathen, albeit the Confpiracy 
 Was very ftrong, for the Indians at NoJJet, Paomet, 
 Saconet, Manomet, Matachiejl, Agaivam, were all 
 in this Confederacy to cut off the Englifh. But 
 God who hath a fpecial Eye of Providence over his 
 People, did at that Time fo order, that Maffafoit 
 fell fick ; whereupon the Governour that then was, 
 defired Mr. Wmjloiv and another Gentleman to give 
 the fick Sachim a Vifit, and adminifter fome Phyfic 
 to him. As they were upon their Journey toward 
 Pocanoket, the Place of Ma/Jafoits Refidence, the 
 
 *4J */ 
 
 Indians by the 'Way told that he was dead and 
 buried ; which caufed Hobbomock (their Guide 
 through the Woods) to break forth into bitter 
 Lamentations, crying out " Neen womafu Sagimusl 
 
[ 88 ] 
 
 " O my loving Sachim, O my loving Sachim, thou 
 " waft no Lyar, not cruel like other Indians, thy 
 " Paffion was foon over, thou wouldft hearken to 
 " Reafon from the meaneft Subject, thou didft love 
 " Englifhmen ; among Indians I mail never know 
 " the like to thee." 
 
 [15] So that it would have made the hardeft 
 Heart to have relented to hear him. Yet they 
 proceeded in their Journey, being come fo far as 
 Metapoifet t they underftood that Majfafoit was not 
 quite dead, but little Hopes of his Life. 
 
 When they came to Pokanoket, they found the 
 Indians Pol/yawing about Majfafoit , making fuch a 
 hellifh Noife as was enough to make a wel Man 
 fick, and was therefore very unlikely to make him 
 that was lick wel. 89 
 
 Hobbomock told him that the Governour of Ply 
 mouth had fent fome Friends to vifit him in his 
 Sicknefs, and that they had brought fome Majkitt, 
 i. e. Phyjick, for him. Upon the receipt of which, 
 he fuddenly and ftrangely revived, and before their 
 Departure gave them great Thanks for their Love, 
 faying, that now he faw that the Englifh at Ply 
 mouth were his real Friends. 
 
 As they were ready to return home, he privately 
 told Hobbomock of the Plot amorig the Majfacbufets 
 
 80 As Mr. Winflow's Account ' for vs. There were they in the 
 
 fuffers fomewhat in the Text, I give ' middeft of their Charmes for him, 
 
 it here in his own Words : " When ' making fuch a hellifh Noife, as it 
 
 " we came thither, we found the ' diftempered vs that were well, 
 
 " Houfe To full of Men, as we could ' and therefore vnlike to eafe him 
 
 " fcarcc get in, though they ufed ' that was ficke." Purchafe, 1861. 
 
 *'* their beft Dilligence to make Way Lefs particular in Bradford, 131. 
 
[89 ] 
 
 and other Indians to deftroy the Englijh? and how 
 they had follicited him to join with them, but he 
 faid that neither he, nor any of his Men were in 
 that Combination. He advifed that the Governour 
 of Plymouth would, without delay, fend and take 
 off the Principal Aftors in this wicked Defigne, 
 and then the reft would be afraid. And whereas 
 the Governour had fometimes faid they would not 
 begin with the Indians, until the Indians began with 
 them, he earneftly counfelled him not to ftay for 
 that left it mould be too late.9' 
 
 The firft Day whilft on their Journey back again, 
 they were accompanyed with Coubitant the Sachim 
 of Metapoyfet (before mentioned) who was a politick 
 and jocofe Indian, and ftil fufpected to be falfe to 
 the Englijh. He afked Mr. Win/low, how they, 
 being but two, dared to truft themfelves amongft 
 fo many Indians ? Anfwer was made that Love 
 was without Fear, and they wished wel to the In 
 dians, and therefore did not fear Evil from them. 
 
 90 " At our coming away, he " warn [War-sham], and the Ifle of 
 
 " called Hobbamocke to him, and " Capawack .[Martha's Vineyard]. 
 
 1 priuately (none hearing faue two Window in Purcbas, 1862. 
 * or three other of his Pueefes, 
 
 ' who are of his Counfell) reuealed 91 This favage Advice of the In- 
 
 ' the Plot of the MafTacheufeucks dians, was as will be /een, adopted, 
 
 ' before fpoken of, againft Mafter though with reluftance, well know- 
 
 ' Wefton's Colony, and fo againft ing it could be juftified only upon 
 
 ' vs, faying that the People of Nau- the Gro.unds of Neceffity. It is 
 
 1 fet [Eaftham], Paomet [about hard to fay at this Day that the De- 
 
 ' Truro], Succouet [perhaps Fal- cifion was wrong, in View of all 
 
 'mouth], Mattachieft [Barnftabk], the Circumftances ; it was this Af- 
 
 ' Manomet [Sandwich], Agoway- fair that much grieved Mr. Robinfon. 
 
 M 
 
[90] 
 
 But then, faid the Indian, what is the Reafon, that 
 when we came to Patuxet you held the Mouthes 
 of your Guns againft us; he was told, that was the 
 Engli/h, Manner of entertaining their Friends. At 
 which the Sachim fhaked his Head, withal declar 
 ing that he did not like fuch Salutations. 92 The 
 next Day Hobbomock acquainted the Englijh with 
 what Ma/Jafoit had revealed to him. 
 
 *t/ */ 
 
 So then being returned to Plymouth it was March 
 27. 93 refolved, to hearken to Mafia foits Advice: 
 
 +j x/ *J 
 
 many other Things at that Juncture appearing, 
 which confirmed the Truth of what was by him 
 difcovered. [16] And confidering that there was 
 no dealing with Indians (as other Nations do with 
 another) above board, it was thought moft expedi 
 ent by Policy, to catch them at unawares, as they 
 are wont to do by others. 94 Wherefore Capt. 
 Standijh made Choice of eight Men to go with 
 him to Wefegufquafet, pretending to Trade with 
 
 92 " By the way," fays Window, 
 ' I had much Conference with him, 
 ' fo likewife at his Houfe, he being 
 ' a notable Politician, yet full of 
 ' merry lefts and Squibs, and neuer 
 ' better pleafed then when the like 
 ' are returned againe upon him." 
 Purcbas, iv, 1862. 
 
 03 March 23d, 1622-3. "The 
 " three and twentieth of March be- 
 ' ing now come, which is a yearly 
 ' Court Day, the Governour hauing 
 ' a double Teftimony, and many 
 Circumftances agreeing with the 
 Truth thereof, not being to vnd'er- 
 
 " take Warre without the Confent 
 " of the Body of the Company, 
 " made knowne the fame in pub- 
 " lique Court." Winflow in Pur 
 cbas, ib. i 863. This was probably 
 the firft Declaration of War by the 
 white People in New England. 
 
 94 " Becaufe (as all Men know that 
 haue had to doe in that Kinde) it 
 is impoflible to deale with them 
 vpon open Defiance, but to take 
 them in fuch Traps as they lay for 
 others ; therefore he [Capt. Stand- 
 ifh] mould pretend Trade as at 
 other Times." Ibid. 
 
[9' ] 
 
 them, and then to take his Opportunity to feyze 
 upon the Ringleaders amongft the Confpirators. 95 
 
 Being arrived at the Maflachufets Bay, two prin 
 cipal Confpirators behaved themfelves very info- 
 lently. One of them called Pickfuot, who was a 
 Panees or Counfellour, jeered at Capt. Standifh be- 
 caufe he was a Man of little Stature, and yet a 
 Captain. Another, called Wittawamat (before 
 mentioned) caft out bloody Expreffions, mewing a 
 fharp Knife, which had a Womans Face pictured 
 on the Handle, faying that he had killed French 
 men, and Englifh too with that Knife, and that he 
 had another Knife which had a Mans Face pictured 
 on it, and his two Knives mould marry mortly, and 
 that by and by it jhould eat though not f peak. Like- 
 wife another Indian, and Wittawamats Brother, 
 
 95 The Author here makes an 
 important Omiffion. Capt. Stand- 
 ifb was inftrufted to repair firft to 
 Wefton's Men at WHTaguflet, " ac- 
 ' quaint them with the Plot, and 
 ' the End of his owne coming, that 
 ' comparing it with their [the In- 
 ' dians] Carriages towards them 
 ' [of WeflagufettJ he might better 
 ' iudge of the Certainty of it, and 
 ' more fitly take Opportunity to 
 ' reuenge the fame : but mould 
 ' forbare, if it were poffible till fuch 
 ' Time as he could make fure of 
 ' Wituwamat, that bloudy and bold 
 ' Villain, whofe Head he had Or- 
 ' der to bring with him, that hee 
 ' might be a Warning and Terrour 
 ' to all of that Difpofition." Ibid, 
 Standifh was allowed to take as many 
 Men as he defired. He "made 
 
 " Choice of eight, and would not 
 " take more becaufe he would pre- 
 " uent lealoufi." That is, he took 
 a fmall Number, that his Defign 
 might not be fufpe&ed, " knowing 
 " their guilty Confciences would 
 " foone be prouoked thereunto." 
 Ibid. 
 
 But on the next Day, March 24th, 
 before Standim began his March, 
 " came one [Phinehas Pratt] of 
 " Mafter Wefton's Company by 
 " Land vnto vs, with his Packe at his 
 " Backe, who made a pittifull Nar- 
 " ration of their lamentable and 
 " weake Eftate, and of the Indians 
 " Carriages, whofe Boldnefle in- 
 " creafed abundantly, infomuch as 
 " the Viftuals they got, they would 
 " take it out of their Pots and eat 
 " before their Faces ; yea, if in any- 
 
[92 ] 
 
 who in Bloodinefs was like unto him, being pre- 
 fent ; Capt. Standi/h lhatched Pickuots Knife from 
 about his Neck, and killed him with his own Knife. 
 At the fame Time his Men fell upon Wittaisoamat 
 and the other Indian, and flew them, and took 
 Wittawamats Brother, and hanged him. 
 
 After this they fet upon another Company of 
 Indians and killed two or three of them, feeking 
 ftil after more* At length they efpied a File of 
 Indians making towards them, but as the Engli/h 
 came to the Encounter, they (i. e. the Indians] ran 
 behind the Trees, and Shot at Capt. Standifh, until 
 one, as he was mooting, had his Arm broke by a 
 bullet from one of Capt. Standijh his Soldiers ; 
 whereupon he and the reft fled into a Swamp. 
 
 thing they gaine-faid them, they 
 were ready to hold a Knife at their 
 Breafts ; but to giue them Con 
 tent they had hanged one of them 
 that ftole their Corne> and yet 
 they regarded it not : that another 
 of their Company was turned 
 Sauage, that their People had moft 
 forfaken the Towne, and made 
 their Rendeuous where they got 
 their Victuals, becaufe they would 
 not take Paines to bring it home : 
 that they had fold their Clothes 
 for Corne, and were ready to 
 ftarue both with Cold and Hun 
 ger alfo, becaufe they could not 
 indure to get Vidluals by Reafon 
 of their Nakednefle ; and that 
 they were defperfed into three 
 Companies, fcarce having any 
 Powder and Shot left. As this 
 Relation was grieuous to vs, fo it 
 
 " gaue vs good Encouragement to 
 " proceede in our Intendments." 
 Ibid. 
 
 On Pratt's leaving Weflaguflet an 
 Indian was fent after him to kill him 
 on the Way; but Pratt loft his 
 Path, and thus the Indian miffed 
 him This intended Murderer went 
 to Plymouth, " pretending Friend- 
 fhip and in Loue to fee vs, but as 
 formerly others, fo his End was 
 to fee whether wee continued ftill 
 in Health and Strength, or fell 
 into Weakenefle like their Neigh 
 bours, but here the Gouernour 
 ftaid him, and fending for him to 
 the Fort, there gave the Guard 
 charge of him ; fo he was locked 
 in a Chaine to a Staple in the 
 Court of Guard, and there kept 
 till Capt. Standifh mould return." 
 Ibid, 1864. 
 
[ 93 ] 
 
 The Captain dared the Sachim to come out and 
 fight like a Man, but in vain. 
 
 At the Time of thefe Skirmimes, there was an 
 'Indian Youth, who notwithftanding the Slaughter 
 made amongft his Countreymen, came running to 
 the Englijh, defiring that he might be with them. 
 He confefled that the Indians had reiblved to cut 
 off Mr. Wejlons Men, and that they only flayed for 
 the finishing of two Canoos more (which if Capt. 
 Standijh had not fo unexpectedly come upon them 
 had been finimed) that were intended for the Sur- 
 prifal of the Englijh Ship in the Harbour. 
 
 Alfo an Indian Spye, 96 who was taken Prifoner 
 and detained at Pilmouth, when he faw Capt. 
 Standijh return with Wittawamats Head, looked on 
 it with a guilty gaftred Countenance, and then 
 confefled the Plot that was in Hand to deftroy the 
 Englifh, and that Pickfuot and [17] Wittawamat, 
 together with three Powaws, were the principal 
 Confpirators.w He was releafed and fent to Okta- 
 kieft, the Sachim of the MaJJacbufets, to fignify 
 what he muft look for, in cafe he mould continue 
 in Hoftility againft the Englifh. The Sachim be 
 ing amazed and terrified with the Eng/i/h Succefles, 
 humbly begged for Peace, pretending that he could 
 
 96 The Prifoner mentioned in the 
 laft Note. 
 
 97 " Now was the Captain re- 
 " turned and receiued with loy, the 
 " Head being brought to the Fort 
 " and there fet vp, the Gouernours 
 
 ' went vp the fame further to exa- 
 ' mine the Prifoner, who looked pit- 
 ' tioufly on the Head ; being afked 
 ' whether he knew it, he anfwered 
 ' yea. Then he confefled the Plot, 
 ' and all the People prouoked Obta- 
 1 kieft their Sachim thereunto." 
 
 " and Captaines with diuers others Winflow in Purtbafe, iv, 1865. 
 
[94 ] 
 
 not keep his Men in Order, and that it was againft 
 his Will that Evil had been done to, or defigned 
 again ft the Englijh. 
 
 Furthermore, the Effect of thefe Things was, 
 that the reft of thefe Indians were ftriken with fuch 
 Terror and Dread of the Englifh, that they left 
 their Houfes and betook themfelves to live in un- 
 healthful Swamps, whereby they became fubject to 
 miferable Difeafes that proved mortal to Multi 
 tudes of them. Particularly Kunacum, Sachim of 
 Manomet ; Afpinet, Sachim of No/Jet ; Janowgh, 
 Sachim of Mattachieft : Thefe all fell lick and died. 
 
 This laft Sachim faid that The God of the Eng- 
 lifh was offended at the Indians, and would deftroy 
 them in -his Anger. 
 
 And thefe fignal Appearances of God for his 
 Church in Plymouth, muft needs be a great Con 
 viction to the Heathen. Howbeit thefe Motions 
 ended in the Subverfion and Ruine of Mr. Weftons 
 Plantation ; God who determines the Bounds of 
 Men's Habitations, having appointed that another 
 People out of England mould come afterwards and 
 poflefs that Place, as at this Day. 
 
 And thus far is Mr. Winjlows Relation of thefe 
 firjl Troubles by Indians in thefe Parts, which I take 
 to be undoubted Verity : For he was one that had 
 particular Knowledge of thofe Things, and a Man 
 of Truth and Confcience, that would not for the 
 World willingly falfify in any Particular. 
 
 There is an old Planter^ yet living in this Coun- 
 
 08 This old Planter was Phinehas Pratt, before mentioned. 
 
[95 ] 
 
 trey, being one of thofe that were employed by 
 Mr. We/Ion, who alfo hath given fome Account of 
 thefe Matters.99 
 
 He doth relate and affirm, that at his firft com 
 ing into this Countrey the Englifh were in a very 
 diftrefled Condition by reafon of Famine and Sick- 
 nefs which was amongft them, whereof many were 
 already dead ; and that they buried them in the 
 Night that the Indians might not perceive how 
 low they were brought. 
 
 This Relator doth moreover declare, that an In 
 dian P antes, who fecretly purpofed bloody Deftruc- 
 tion againft the Englifb and made it his Defign to 
 learn the Englijh Tongue to the End he might 
 more readily accomplim his hellifh Devices ; IO told 
 him that there had been a French VefTel caft away 
 upon thefe Coafts, only they faved their Lives and 
 their Goods, and that the Indians took their Goods 
 from them, and made the French men their Servants, 
 and that they wept very much, when [18] the In 
 dians parted them from one another, that they 
 made them eat fuch Meat as they gave their Dogs. 
 Only one of them having a good Matter, he pro 
 vided a Wife for him, by whom he had a Son, and 
 
 99 The exceedingly crude Narra- of the Editor. Thefe Mr. Richard 
 
 tive of Pratt isftillin Exiftence, but Frothingham edited and they were 
 
 in a very imperfeft and damaged printed in the 4th Volume of the 
 
 State. It is in the Hands of David 4th Series of Cols. Mafs. Hiftorical 
 
 Pulfifer, Efq., the well known Editor Society. 
 of the Colonial Records of Mafla- 
 
 chufetts and Plymouth probably 10 Pratt gives his Name as Pex- 
 
 the fame ufed by Mr. Mather, foutb, and Winflow Peckfuot. The 
 
 There is another Paper extant by fame killed by Stand ifh as juft re- 
 
 Pratt, called a Petition, in Pofleffion lated. 
 
[96] 
 
 lived longer then the reft of the French men did ; 
 and that one of them was wont to read much in a 
 Book (fome fay it was the New Teftament) and 
 that the Indians enquiring of him what his Book 
 faid, he told them it did intimate, that there was a 
 People like French men that would come into the 
 Countrey and drive out the Indians, and that they 
 were now afraid that the Engli/h were the People of 
 whofe coming the French man had foretold them. 101 
 And that another Ship from France came into the 
 Majfachufets Bay with Goods to Truck, and that 
 Indian Panics propounded to the Sachim, that if 
 he would hearken to him, they would obtain all 
 the French mens Goods for nothing ; namely, by 
 coming a Multitude of them aboard the Veflel, 
 with great Store of Beaver, making as if they would 
 Truck, and that they mould come without Bows 
 and Arrows, only (hould have Knives hid in the 
 Flappets which the Indians wear about their Loins ; 
 and when he {hould give the Watchword, they 
 
 101 The Following is Pratt's Ac- " gave them fuch Meat as our Dogs 
 
 count of Pekfuot's Narrative : "He " eate. One of them had a Booke 
 
 " imployed himfelf to learn to fpeak " he would often read in. We 
 
 " Englim, obferving all Things for " afked him what his Booke faid. 
 
 *' his bloody Ends. He told me he *' He anfwered it faith there will a 
 
 " loued Englifhmen very well, but " People like French-men come 
 
 ** he loued me beft of all. You fay " into this Cuntry and drive you all 
 
 *' French men doe not loue you, " a way, and now we thincke you 
 
 ** but I will tell you what wee haue " are thay. We took away their 
 
 " done to them. There was a Ship " Clothes. They liued but little 
 
 " broken by a Storm. They faued " while. One of them liued longer 
 
 " moft of their Goods and hid it in " than the reft, for he had a good 
 
 rt the Ground. We maed them tell " Mafter and gave him a Wiff. 
 
 " vs wheat h was. Then we made " He is now dead but hath a Sonn 
 
 " them oar Sarvants. Thay weept " aliue." 
 " much. When we parted them we 
 
[97 ] 
 
 fhould run their Knives into the French mens Bellyes, 
 which was accordingly executed by the Indians, 
 and all the French men killed, only Monfier Finch 
 the Mafter of the Veflel being wounded, ran down 
 into the Hold, whereupon they promifed him that 
 if he would come up, they would not kill him ; 
 notwithftanding which, they brake their Word and 
 murdered him alfo ; and at laft fet the Ship on 
 Fire. loa 
 
 Some enquiring of him how long it was fince 
 the Indians firft faw a Ship, he replied that he could 
 not tel, but fome old Indians reported that the firft 
 Ship feemed to them to be a floating Ifland, wrap 
 ped together with the Roots of Trees, and broken 
 off from the Land, which with their Canoos they 
 went to fee, but when they found Men there and 
 heard Gunns, they hafted to the Shore again, not 
 a little amazed. (Some write that they mot Ar 
 rows at the firft Ship they faw thinking to kill it.) 
 
 This Relator doth alfo affirm, that after Jealouf- 
 ies began between the Englifh of Mr. Wejlons 
 
 102 Peckfuot's Account as detailed " thruft your Knives in the French 
 
 by him to Pratt is thus : " An other " mens Belly s. Thus we killed them 
 
 " Ship came into the Bay with much " all. But Mounfear Finch, Mafter 
 
 " Goods to Trucke. Then I faid " of thayr Ship, being wounded, 
 
 " to the Sacham, I will tell you how " leped into the Hold. Wo bid 
 
 " you mall haue all for nothing. " him come vp, but he would not. 
 
 ' Bring all our Canows and all our " Then we cut their Cable and the 
 
 ' Beauer and a great many Men, " Ship went Amore and lay vpon 
 
 ' but no Bow nor Arrow, Clubs, " her Sid and flept there. Finch 
 
 ' nor Hatchits, but Knives vnder " came vp and we killed him. 
 
 ' the Scins [Skins] about your Lines " Then our Sachem devided thayr 
 
 ' [Loins] . Throw vp much Beauer " Goods and fiered theyr Ship and 
 
 ' vpon thayr Deck. Sell it very " it maed a very great fier." 
 
 ' cheep, and when I giue the Word, 
 
 N 
 
[98 ] 
 
 Plantation and the Indians, they built divers of their 
 Wigwams at the End of a great Swamp, near to 
 the Englijh, that they might the more fuddenly and 
 effectually doe what was fecretly contrived in their 
 Hearts : and an Indian Squaw faid to them, that 
 ere long Aberkieji would bring many Indians that 
 would kill all the Englim there and at Patuxet. 
 After which the Sachim with a Company of his 
 Men came armed towards them, and bringing 
 them within the Pale of the Englijh Plantation, he 
 made a Speech to the Englijh with [19] great 
 Gravity, faying, " When you firft came into this 
 " Land, I was your Friend. We gave Gifts to one 
 " another. I let you have Land as much as we 
 " agreed for, and now I would know of you, if I 
 " or my Men have done you any Wrong." Unto 
 whom the Englijh replied, that they defired, that 
 he would firft declare whether they had injured 
 him. I0 3 
 
 103 The fame as told by Pratt : 
 Som tim after this thayr Sachem 
 cam fudingly upon us with a great 
 Number of armed Men ; but 
 thayr Spys feeing us in a redinefs, 
 he and fome of his chif Men 
 terned into one of thayr Howfes 
 a Quarter of an Our. Then we 
 met them without the Pale of our 
 Plantation and brought them in. 
 Then faid I to a young Man that 
 could beft fpeke thayr Langwig, 
 Afke Pexworth whi they come 
 thus armed ? He anfwered, our 
 Sacham is angry with you. I faid, 
 Tell him if he be angry with us, 
 wee be angry with him. Then 
 
 ' ' faid thayr Sachem, Englimmen, 
 when you com into the Country, 
 we gaue you Gifts and you gaue 
 vs Gifts, we bought and fold with 
 you and we weare Friends ; and 
 now tell me if I or any of my 
 Men haue don you Rong. We 
 anfwered, Firft tell us if we haue 
 don you any Rong. He anfwer 
 ed, Some of you Steele our Corne 
 and I have fent you Word 
 Times without Number and yet 
 our Corne is ftole. I come to 
 fee what you will doe. We an 
 fwered, It is one Man wich hath 
 don it. Your Men have feen vs 
 whip him divers Times, befides 
 
[ 99 ] 
 
 The Sachem roundly rejoined, that either fome 
 or all of them had been abufive to him ; for they 
 had ftolen away his Corn, and though he had given 
 them Notice of it Times without Number, yet 
 there was no Satisfaction nor Reformation attained. 
 
 Hereupon the Englifh took the principal Thief 
 and bound him and delivered him to the Sachim, 
 withall declaring, that he might do with him what 
 he pleafed. Nay (faid he) Sachim do Juftice 
 themfelves upon their own Men, and let their 
 Neighbours do Juftice upon theirs ; otherwife we 
 conclude that they are all agreed, and then fight. 
 
 Now the Indians, fome of them, began to trem- 
 ble ; and beholding the Guns which were mounted 
 on the Englijh Fort, they faid one to another (in 
 their Language) that little Guns would (hoot 
 through Houfes, and great Guns would break down 
 Trees, and make them fall and kill Indians round 
 about. So did they depart at that Time diffatisfied 
 and enraged. 104 
 
 other Manor of Punifhments, and 
 now, here he is, bound. We 
 give him vnto you to doe with him 
 what you pleafe. He anfwered, 
 That is not juft Dealeing. If my 
 Men wrong my nabur Sacham, 
 or his Men, he fends me Word, 
 and I beat or kill my Men ac 
 cording to the Ofence. All Sa- 
 chams do Juftis by thayr own Men. 
 If not we fay they ar all agreed, 
 and then we fite ; and now, I fay, 
 you all fteele my Corne." 
 
 104 Pratt's Account: "At this 
 
 Time fom of them feeing fom of 
 our Men upon our Forte, begun 
 to ftart, faying, Machit Pefconk, 
 that is nawty Guns. Then look 
 ing round about them, went away 
 in a great Rage. At this Time 
 we ftrenthened our Wach untell 
 we had no Food left. In thes 
 Times the Salvages oftentime did 
 crep upon the Snow, ftarting 
 behind Bournes and Trees to fee 
 whether we kepe Wach or not. 
 [Many] Times I have rounded 
 [gone the Rounds] our Planta 
 tion, untell I had no longer 
 
The Englijh now perceiving that the Indians 
 were fully purpofed to be revenged on them, they 
 refolved to fight it out to the laft Man. 
 
 As they were marching out of the Fort, feven 
 or eight Men flood ftill, faying this is the fecond 
 Time that the Salvages had demanded the Life of 
 him that had wronged them, and therefore they 
 would have him firft put to Death, and if that 
 would not fatisfy, then to fight it out to the laft, 
 wherefore he was put to Death in the Sight of the 
 Heathen ; after which the Englifh marched out 
 towards them, but they difperfed themfelves into 
 the Woods. 10 * 
 
 This Relator endeavored to give Notice to them 
 in Plymouth, how that the Indians had contrived 
 their Ruin, but he miffed his Way between Wey- 
 mouth and Plymouth ; and it was wel he 'did fo ; for 
 by that Means he efcaped the favage Hands of 
 thofe Indians, who immediately purfued him, with 
 a murderous Intention ere he could reach Ply 
 mouth, they were informed by Majfafoit (as hath 
 
 ' [Strejnth. Then in the Night, " ender being bound, we lett him 
 ' goeing into our Corte of Card, I " loufe, becaufe we had no Food 
 
 ' to giue him, charging him to 
 ' gather Ground-nitts, Clams, and 
 ' Mufells, as other Men did, and 
 ' fteel no more. One or two Days 
 ' after this the Salvages brot him, 
 ' leading him by the Armes, fay- 
 ' ing, Heare is the Corne. Com 
 ' fee the Plafe where he ftole it. 
 ' Then we kep him bound fom few 
 
 fee one Man ded before me, an- 
 " other at my writ Hand, and an- 
 " other att my left, for Want of 
 " Food. O, all the People in New 
 " England that mall heare of thefe 
 " Times of our week Beginning, 
 " confider what was the Strenth 
 " of the Arm of Flefh or the Witt 
 " of Man." 
 
 < Days." 
 
 io 5 Pratt's Account : " The Of- 
 
been declared) concerning what was plotted 
 amongft the Indians. 6 
 
 Finally there were (as this Relator teftifieth) three 
 feveral Skirmifhes with the Indians. One at Wefe- 
 
 106 The Efcape of Phinehas Pratt, 
 although before mentioned, is one 
 of thofe perilous Adventures calcu 
 lated to excite in all Readers in all 
 Times a Defire to know every Par 
 ticular concerning it. Our Author 
 altogether failed to give it in a Man 
 ner which its Intereft deferves. I 
 therefore give it in Pratt's own 
 Words : The Men of Weflaguflet 
 having difcovered that the Defign of 
 the furrounding Indians was to de- 
 ftroy all the Englifh, beginning with 
 them firft, " I would have fent a 
 " Man to Plimoth, but non weare 
 " willing to goe. Then I faid if 
 " Plimoth Men know not of this 
 " treacherous Plot, they and we are 
 all ded Men. Therefore, if God 
 willing, tomorrow I will goe. 
 That Night a yong Man, want 
 ing Witt, towld Pexworth yearly 
 in the Morning. Pexworth came 
 to me and faid in Einglifh, Me 
 heare you go to Patuxit. You 
 will loofe your felf. The Bears 
 and the Wolfs will eate you. But 
 becaufe I love you I will fend my 
 Boy Nahamit with you, and I 
 will give you Vicktualls to eat by 
 the Way, and to be mery with 
 your Friends when you come 
 there. I faid, Who towld you 
 foe great a lye that I may kill him ? 
 He faid it is noe lye. You fhall 
 not know. Then he went whom 
 to his Howfe. Then came fiue 
 Men, armed. We faid, Why 
 
 come you thus armed ? They 
 faid, We are Friends. You cary 
 Guns wheare we dwell, and we 
 cary Bowe and Arows wheare 
 you dwell. Thes attended me 
 feven or eight Days and Nights. 
 Then thay fupofeing it was a lye, 
 weare carlis of thayr Wach near 
 two [hjours on the Morning. 
 Then faid I to our Company, 
 Now is the Time to run to Pli 
 moth, Ts ther any Compas to be 
 found ? Thay faid, None but 
 them that belong to the Ship. I 
 faid, Thay are to bigg. I have 
 borne no Armes of Defence this 
 feven or eight Days. Now if I 
 take my Armes they will miftruft 
 me. Then they faid, The Salvages 
 will plhue after you and kill you, 
 and we mail never fee you agayne. 
 Thus with other Words of great 
 Lamentation we parted. Then 
 I took a How and went to the 
 Long Swamp neare by thayr 
 Howfes, and diged on the Ege 
 thereof, as if I had bin looking 
 for ground Nutts. But feeing no 
 Man, I went in and run through it. 
 Then looking round about me, I 
 run fouthward tell three of the 
 Clock ; but the Snow being in 
 many Places, I was the more dif- 
 treffed, becaufe of my Foot fteps. 
 The Sonn being beclouded, I 
 wandered not knowing my Way ; 
 but att the goeing down of the 
 Sonn, it apeared red. Then 
 
I02 
 
 gufquafet, before mentioned; another at a Place 
 where the Town of Dorcbefler is fince planted ; and 
 laftly at the Bay of Agawam or Ipfwicb ; in all 
 which Engagements the Indians [20] were notably 
 beaten, and the Englifh received no confiderable 
 
 ' hearing a great Howling of Wolfs, 
 1 I came to a River; the Water 
 ' being depe and cold, and many 
 1 Rocks, I pafled through with 
 much adoe. Then was I in great 
 Diftrefs. Faint for want of Food, 
 : weary with running, fearing to 
 ; make a Fier becaufe of them that 
 ' plhued me. Then I came to a 
 depe Dell or Hole, ther being 
 ; much wood falen into it. Then 
 I faid in my thoughts, This is 
 God's Providence, that heare I 
 : may make a Fier. Then haveing 
 maed a Fier, the Stars began to 
 a pear, and I faw Urfa Magor 
 and the [north] Pole. The Day 
 I began to trafell . . . but being 
 unable, I went back to the Fier. 
 The Day fallowing I fet out again, 
 the] Sonn fhined, and about three 
 of the Clock I came to that Part 
 of Plimoth Bay, wher ther is a 
 Town of later Time [called] 
 Duxbery. Then paffing by the 
 Water on my left Hand, cam to 
 a Brook, and ther was a Path. 
 Having but a fhort Time to con- 
 fider, [went on] fearing to goe 
 beyond the Plantation, I kept 
 running in the Path. Then pair 
 ing through James Ryuer, I faid 
 in my Thoughts, Now am I as a 
 Deare chafed [by] the Wolfs. If 
 I perifh, what will be the Con- 
 dischQjn] of diftrefed Englifhmen! 
 
 " then finding a Peec of a [ ] I 
 " took it up and caried it in my 
 " Hand. Then finding a [Peec] 
 " of a Jurkin I caried them under 
 " my Arme. Then faid I in my 
 " [Thoughts] God hath giuen me 
 " thefe two Tokens for my Com- 
 " fort ; that now he will giue me 
 " my Live for a Pray. Then run- 
 " ning down a Hill I [faw] an 
 " Englifhman coming in the Path 
 " before me. Then I fat down on 
 " a Tree, and riling up to Salute 
 " him, faid, Mr. Hamdin, I am 
 " glad to fee you aliue. He faid, 
 " I am glad and full of Wonder to 
 " fee you aliue. Let us fitt downe. 
 " I fee you are weary. I faid, Let 
 " [me] eate fom parched Corne. 
 " Then he faid, I know the Caufe 
 " [of your] coming. Maflafoit hath 
 " fent Word to the Gouernor to let 
 " him [know] that Aberdikees 
 " [Aberkieft] and his Confederates 
 " haue contrived a Plot hoping to 
 " [cut off] all Englifh People in 
 " one Day." [Owing to Mutila 
 tions nothing can be made of a few 
 Lines which follow J\ 
 
 The News which Pratt brought 
 to Plymouth fully confirmed the 
 People there, that what Maflafoit 
 had communicated was true, and 
 hence the immediate Adion of 
 Standifh already related. 
 
I0 3 
 
 Damage ; fo that the Sachims entreated for Peace ; 
 nor were the Englifh (provided it might be upon 
 Terms fafe and honorable) averfe thereunto, Pacem 
 te pofeimus omnes. 
 
 Thefe dark Clouds being thus comfortably dif- 
 pelled and blown over, the firft Planters in this 
 Country received no confiderable Disturbance from 
 the Indians a long Time. It is true, that foon 
 upon thefe Motions (viz. in Auguft, Anno 1623), a 
 Gentleman arrived here out of England (namely, 
 Capt. Robert Gorges] being attended with many 
 Servants, as purpofing the Settlement of an Englijh 
 Plantation in this Bay of Majj'achufets, and although 
 that Plantation was quickly deferted and duTolved, 
 other Things, and not any Anoyance from the Na 
 tives here caufed thofe Defigns to prove abortive.* 07 
 
 The like is to be affirmed concerning Mr. Wol- 
 lajions Plantation : For whereas he with feveral 
 others, being Perfons of Quality, did (in the Year 
 1625) with a Multitude of Servants come into this 
 Majfachufetts Bay, as intending to fettle a Planta 
 tion therein, they met with fuch crofs Providences 
 as did difcourage them, and at laft diffipate them ; 
 yet nothing from the Indians. 10 * 
 
 107 Pratt thus fpeaks of Gorges' " Thus was Famine thayr final over- 
 Colony : " Thus [our] Plantation " throw. Moft of them that liued 
 ' being deferted, Capt. Robert Gore " returned for England." 
 ' [Gorges] cam [into] the Country 
 
 ' with fix Gentlemen atending him, 10 f Of the next Colony Pratt thus 
 
 ' and diuers Men to doe his Labor, remarks : " The Oforfeers of the 
 
 ' and other Men with thayer Fa- " third Plantation in the Bay was 
 
 ' milys. They took Pofleffion of " Capt. Woolifton and Mr. Rofdell. 
 
 ' our Plantation, but thayr Ship " Thes feeing^the Ruing of the 
 
 ' fuply from Eingland came to late. " former Plantation, faid, We will 
 
I have been informed, that this Gentleman, con- 
 lidering the unhappy Cataftrophe's attending Mr. 
 Wefton and Mr. Gorges, their Plantings at Wefeguf- 
 quajet, conceited that the Indian Powas had brought 
 that Place under fome Fafcination, and that Eng- 
 lifhmen would never thrive upon 'Enchanted Ground, 
 and therefore they would pitch down their Stakes in 
 a Place nearer to Bofton ; even where the Town of 
 Erantree has fince flourimed, but the Difficultyes of 
 a Wildernefs were too hard for them, that Mr. 
 Wollajton removed a great Part of his Servants to 
 Virginia, not having (fo far as I can understand) 
 received any Moleftation from the Indians here. 10 ? 
 
 In Anno 1628. Mr. Endecot (who deferves to 
 be honorably mentioned, as having been a Patriot in 
 New England) arrived here with a Patent 110 for the 
 Government of the MaJJachufets. 111 He and others 
 
 " not pich our Tents heare, leaft remarks (in his Braintree Addrefs 
 
 ' we mould doe as thay have done, of 20 July, 1858) rather facetioufly : 
 
 ' Notwithftanding thefe Gentlemen " What became of him nobody 
 
 ' wear wifs Men, they feemed to " knows; I am fure we do not care 
 
 ' blame the Oforfeers of the formur " to know." This the Editor is far 
 
 ' Companies, not confidering that from endorfing. The Place where 
 
 ' God plants and pull vp, bilds and he fettled was named Mount Wollaf- 
 
 pull down, and terns the Wifdom ton. It was three Miles north of 
 
 of wifs Men into Foolifhnefs. Weflaguflet. Wood, N. Eng. Pro- 
 
 Thefe caled the Name of thayr fpeft, 31, ed. 4, 1635. 
 Place Mount-woolifton. They 
 
 continued neare a Yeare as others uo The Author mould have faid 
 
 " had don before them ; but Famin Commiflion. The Patent remained 
 
 " was thayr final aforthrow." with the Company in England. 
 
 109 Nothing appears to be known in And yet, with aftonifliing Per- 
 of Capt. Wollallafton, or Wallafton verfity it has been aflerted that En- 
 further than is contained in this dicott was not a Governour at this 
 Paragraph. We have not even his Time ! that he was nothing but a 
 Chriftian Name. And Mr. Adams Captain ! Serious Argument againft 
 
with him fat down at a Place called Nahumkeik (as 
 in a Parenthefis let me here obferve, that that 
 Indian word is alfo Hebrew mro Nahum fignifieth 
 Confolation, and p'n Keik is Hebrew, for Boofome, or 
 Haven, and it fo fals out, that the Englifh have 
 hapned to call that Place by another Name which 
 is alfo Hebrew, viz. Salem}. There did they enjoy 
 Peace. Howbeit there are Antient Planters, who 
 teftifie that the Indians being poiTefled with fome 
 Fears left the Englifh mould in Time take their 
 Countrey [21] from them, were confpiring to de- 
 ftroy them. And the fmall Handful! of Chriftians 
 then in Salem, were alarmed with the Report of 
 no lefs than a thoufand barbarous Natives, coming 
 to cut them off; and that upon a Lord's Day, 
 whereupon they difcharged feveral great Guns, the 
 fmall Shot wherein made fuch a terrible Rattling 
 among the Trees a far off, that the amazed Indians 
 returned not a little affrighted. 112 And it was a 
 wonderfull Providence of God, now to reftrain the 
 Heathen, fince it fo hapned, that about this Time 
 there were fome Tumults about the Englifh them- 
 felves." 3 For whereas Mr. Wollafton and his Part 
 ners left fome of their Servants here, and gave 
 
 fuch abfurd Nonfenfe will hardly be ten Accounts ; perhaps from Roger 
 
 expefted. See N. Eng. Hift*-Gen. Conant, as he was living when the 
 
 Reg. for Oft., 1853, and Jan. 1854. Author wrote, See Dr. Felt's Annals 
 
 Or Review of Savage's Wintbrop' s of Salem, i, 154. 
 Journal, 18-22. 113The ^^ ^ Reference) 
 
 1 ' - This Affair happened in April very probably, to the Troubles 
 
 and May, 1630 The Author no between Gov. Endicott and the 
 
 Doubt had his Information refpedt- Browns. See Annah Salem, \, 87, 
 
 ing it from fome of the early Settlers, 136, &c. Hiftory and Antiquities 
 
 as it differs from the earlier writ- of B oft on, Pages 65, 73. 
 
 o 
 
Order that a Man whofe Name was Flicker, mould 
 command and overfee them. There was another, 
 whofe Name was Thomas Morton. He would 
 needs take upon him to be Lord oj Mif-rule ; and 
 having gained much by trading with the Indians, 
 this Morton and his drunken Companions quickly 
 wafted all in riotous Living." 4 
 
 This was the Man that taught the Indians in 
 thefe Parts the Ufe of Gunns ; how they mould 
 charge and difcharge them, and imployed them in 
 hunting for him : and when they were inftrufted 
 in the Ufe of thefe Inftruments of Death, they 
 would purchafe them at any Rates ; whereby the 
 Safety of the Englijh was not a little hazzarded. 
 
 In Conclufion, the Englifh at Plymouth and Sa 
 lem, agreed to feyze upon this Morton, which was 
 
 114 The Story of Thos. Morton Things of that Day. Onenotknow- 
 and his Merry -Mount Companions ing quite as much as its Author 
 has been too often told to be in- about the Country then, would tin- 
 troduced here. Morton was a re- derftand but little of his Meaning, 
 markable Chara&er, poflefled of he employs fo many Enigmas and 
 Learning, and perhaps was about fingular Allufions. He entitled it 
 half as a bad a Fellow which New Englijh Canaan, and it was 
 would leave him quite bad enough printed in 1637, in 410, in London. 
 as the People of Plymouth and Some Copies have a Title purport- 
 Salem report him to be. He ing it to have been iflued at Amfter- 
 was a Churchman, and feemed de- dam the fame Year. It is not pro- 
 termined " to have a good Time bable there were two Editions at 
 " generally," in fpite of his auftere that Period. It is reprinted in 
 Neighbours. It does not appear Force's Trafts. The Original is of 
 that he went out of his Way to an- great Rarity. For many Years but 
 noy them, or that he interfered with one Copy was known in New Eng- 
 them in any Way, unlefs indireftly land, and that belonged to John 
 by furnifhing the Indians with Fire- Quincy Adams. To that Gentle- 
 arms. He publifhed a curious Book man I was indebted for an early Ufe 
 about New England, which is indeed of his Copy. Many other Copies 
 a Curiofity among the curious are now in this Country. 
 
I0 7 
 
 done w et armis, and he was fent over to England, 
 there to receive fuch Punifhment as by the Honour 
 able Council for New England mould be thought 
 meet. 11 * 
 
 All thefe Tumults notwithftanding, the over 
 ruling Providence of God kept the Indians quiet. 
 
 It is to be wondered at, that the Church in 
 Plymouth mould be preferved when other Englifh 
 Plantations could not lubiift in this Countrey ; but 
 either the Indians, or the Lords own Hand brought 
 them to a fudden End from time to time. But God, 
 who faw that they deiigned fomething betier than 
 the World in their planting here, brought it to pafs 
 by iuch Wayes as thefe : 
 
 1. MaJ/afoit (as was hinted before) was per- 
 fwaded by Squantums Information, that if the 
 Englijh mould be his Friends, he need not fear any 
 Enemies in the World : ib did he become a Wall 
 to the Englifh at Plymouth againft other Indians. 
 The Earth helped the Woman that was fled into 
 the Wildernefs, whom the Dragon would have 
 fwallowed up. 
 
 2. The Lord made them very fuccesfull in their 
 Expeditions againft thofe Enemies that firft fought 
 their Deftrudtion." 6 
 
 115 He returned however, foon there were not enough of his Fol- 
 
 after, no Notice having been taken lowers left to get up a Dance about 
 
 of the Complaints againft him, but it if it had been {landing, 
 his Days for troubling the Puritans 
 
 were pretty nearly ended. Although 1 1 o Reference is here made to Stan- 
 he went to his former Place of Re- dim's fummary Campaign againft 
 fidence at the Mount, his Maypole the Maflachufetts with eight Men, 
 was cut down and deftroyed, and already detailed. 
 
[22] 3. They prevailed with God by Failing 
 and Prayer to look upon them and blefs them with 
 fpecial Mercy when it was a Time of need, which 
 did greatly affed: and aftonifh the Indians. Some 
 of them, therefore, conceiving high Thoughts con 
 cerning the Engli/h-mans God, and his Love to his 
 People, that truly fear and ferve him. That which 
 Mr. Winjlow (and fince him another) doth pub- 
 lickly teftifie concerning this Matter, deferveth 
 Commemoration, namely, that whereas after the 
 Firfl Indian Troubles were over, there was a fore 
 Drought on the Land continuing for the fpace of 
 fix Weeks; infomuch that it was judged by fome 
 that the Corn was withered and dead, paft recovery, 
 the Church in Plymouth fet themfelves by Fafting 
 and Prayer, to feek Mercy from the Lord in this 
 Thing. And though in the Morning when they 
 affembled themfelves, the Heavens were clear, and 
 the Drought as likely to continue as ever, yet be 
 fore their folemn fervice was ended, the Heavens 
 grew black with Clouds, and the next Morning 
 thefe Clouds diftilled Rain, and for the Space of 
 fourteen Days together there were moderate Show 
 ers ; fo that the drooping Corn was revived to 
 Admiration." 7 
 
 A friendly Indian before mentioned, known by 
 the Name of Hobbomock> living in the Town of 
 Plymouth, enquired why the Englijh met together 
 in that Manner, it being but three Days after the 
 
 117 Befides the Account in Winf- Smith's New England Trials, and 
 low's Relation, of this fevere Drouth, Morton's Memorial. Drouths have 
 other Particulars may be found in not been uncommon in all Times. 
 
Sabbath; and being informed of the true Caufe 
 thereof, and obferving the gracious Effects that fol 
 lowed, he was greatly affected, and told other In 
 dians of it, who were alfo fmitten with deep Con 
 viction, and the more in that, albeit in Times of 
 Drought the Indians are wont to Powaw and cry 
 to their Gods, fometimes for many Dayes together; 
 yet if Rain follow, it is wont to be accompanied 
 with terrible Thundering and Lightning and Tem- 
 pefts, which often do more hurt than the Rain doth 
 good ; when as it was other wife with refpect to the 
 Showers which at this Time came from Heaven, 
 in Anfwer to the Prayers of the Church in Ply 
 mouth ' II8 fo that the Heathen confeffed that the 
 Englifh mans God was better than theirs. And 
 fome amongft the Indians became faithfull to the 
 Engli/h, though as yet but very few, 
 
 Apparent rari Nantes in Gurgite vafto.^ 
 
 There having been (as was faid) a Patent for the 
 MaJJacbufets Government by royal Grant obtained, 
 many out of England flocked into this Country 
 almoft every Year. And for the moft Part, not fo 
 much on the Account of Trade, or to profecute 
 any worldly Intereft, as on the Account of Reli 
 gion. Thele did God own, having wonderfully 
 made Way for their Planting here by calling out 
 
 118 This ingenious Turn of "the powwowing had to Thunder and 
 
 Author has doubtlefs caufed many a Lightning, it is rather ridiculous to 
 
 Smile upon the intelligent Reader's fuppofe, that it caufed them. 
 Face, and will without doubt caufe 
 
 many more upon the Faces of others. 119 This is from Virgil, but its 
 
 Whatever Affinity or Similitude Appofitenefs is not very apparent. 
 
the Heathen before them, [23] with mortal Dif- 
 eafes ; efpecially by the Plague amongft the Indians 
 in Plymouth Colony, and the Small-pox among the 
 Maffacbufets. 
 
 In Anno 1631. new Jealoufies arofe concerning 
 the^treacherous Indians. Capt. Walker one Eve 
 ning had two Arrows (hot through his Coat, which 
 caufed an Alarm at Lyn, then known by the 
 Name of Sawguji : but no Lives were loft ; nor is 
 there any Certainty to this Day who fhot thofe 
 Arrows, whereby the Captains Life was fo eminently 
 endangered. 121 
 
 About the fame Time the Indians began to be 
 quarrelfome touching the Bounds of the Land which 
 they had fold to the Engli/h ; but God ended the 
 Controverfy by fending the Small-pox amongft the 
 Indians at Sauguft, who were before that Time 
 
 120 The Ravages of the Small 
 pox are pretty minutely defcribed 
 in Winthrop's Journal, The Book 
 of the Indians, and Johnfon's Won 
 derworking Providence. The latter 
 fays : " The Mortality among them 
 ' was very great, infomuch that the 
 ' poor Creatures, being very timor- 
 ' ous of Death, would faine have 
 ' fled from it, but could not tell 
 ' how, unlefle they could haue gone 
 ' from themfelves. Relations were 
 ' little regarded among them at this 
 Time, fo that many who were 
 ' fmetten with the Difeafe died 
 ' helplefle, unlefle they were neare 
 ' and known to the Englifh. Their 
 ' Powwowes, Wizards, and Charm 
 
 ers were pofleft with the greateft 
 Feare of any." Page 51. 
 
 121 " Once, about Midnight, En- 
 
 lign Richard Walker, who was on 
 
 the Guard, heard the Bufhes break 
 
 near him, and felt an Arrow pafs 
 
 through his Coate and buff Waift- 
 
 coat. As the Night was dark, 
 
 he could fee no one, but he dif- 
 
 charged his Gun, which being 
 
 heavily loaded, fplit in Pieces. 
 
 He then called the Guard, and 
 
 returned to the Place, when he 
 
 ' had another Arrow fhot through 
 
 ' his Clothes." Lewis's Hift. Lynn, 
 
 x 76. See alfo Johnfon, p. 50. 
 
exceeding numerous. 122 Whole Towns of them 
 were fwept away, in fome of them not fo much as 
 one Soul efcaping the Deftruction. There are 
 fome old Planters furviving to this Day, who 
 helped to bury the dead Indians, even whole Fami- 
 lyes of them all dead at once. In one of the 
 Wigwams they found a poor Infant fucking at the 
 Breaft of the dead Mother ; all the other Indians 
 being dead alfo. 123 
 
 Not long after this, when the Town of Ipfwich 
 was firft planted it was vehemently fufpected that 
 the Tarratines (or Eaftern Indians] had a Defign to 
 cut off the Engli/h there. For a friendly Indian 
 called Robin came to an Engli/hman whofe Name 
 is Per kens 1 ** acquainting him that fuch a Thurfday 
 there would come four Indians to draw him to the 
 Water fide under Pretence of trucking with him, 
 and that they had prepared forty Canooes which 
 mould ly out of Sight under the Brow of an Hill, 
 full of armed Indians to cut off the Englim. The 
 four Indians came at the Time, and to the Perfon 
 mentioned. He inftead of going to the Water fide 
 to truck with them, fpoke roughly to them, and 
 caufed an Alarm, fo they immediately returned, 
 perceiving their Plot was difcovered, and prefently 
 
 1 2 '- Lewis fays the Englifh bought various Sources, that the Indians had 
 the Town of the Indians, for which but vague Notions of felling Land. 
 
 they paid them i6:io.r, and lived IOOT-M r i T c L- -NT 
 
 n , ., Tj-a T This painful Part of his No- 
 
 narmomoufly with them. Hilt. Lynn, c , V, . , 
 
 76. This was before the Purchafe Oce ' f , , the S ,mall-pox, the Author 
 
 was made. They took Land where Fbably took from Johnfon. See 
 
 they pleafed and the Indians made Wmd ' **** 5*- 
 no Objefton. It is evident from ia4 Sergeant John Perkins, 
 
fourty fuch Canooes as the friendly Indian had 
 given Warning of, were difcovered. 11 * 
 
 Befides the Particulars which have been infilled 
 on, I cannot underftand that there was any general 
 Difquietment raifed by the Indians, untill the Year 
 1636. It is true that fome particular Mifchiefs 
 and private Murthers were committed before that, 
 after the forementioned Troubles were allayed. 
 For Mr. We/ion, who himfelf (under another Name 
 and the Difguife of a Black- Smith) arrived here not 
 long after his Plantation was ruined, fuffering Ship 
 wrack near Pafcataqua hardly efcaped with his Life, 
 in refped: of the Indians, who took his Goods from 
 him, and ftripped him of his very Cloathes to the 
 Shirt on his Back." 6 
 
 [24] About eleven Years after that, Capt. Sfone, 
 Capt. Norton, with all their Ships Company, were 
 
 125 A Narrative of this Affair fell into the Hands of the Indians, 
 was drawn up by the Rev. Thomas This was in 1623. By what Means 
 Cobbett of Ipfwich and fent to our he efcaped out of the Hands of the 
 Author. I made a Copy of the Barbarbarians is not mentioned. It 
 original Paper and printed it in the is probable that when they had 
 N. Eng. Hift.-Gen. Reg., vii, 211- ftripped him of everything they fuf- 
 12. Seealfo Hi/}, and Antqs. Bof- fered him to efcape, and he found 
 ton, 198. his Way to the Englifh at Pafcataqua. 
 
 There he borrowed a Suit of Clothes 
 
 126 The Trials and Misfortunes and found Means to get to Plymouth, 
 of Capt. Thomas Wefton are mi- " A ftrange Alteration there was in 
 nutely dwelt upon by Gov. Brad- him," fays Bradford, "to fuch as had 
 ford in his Hiftory of Plymouth " known him in his former flourifh- 
 Colony. He was a Man of con- " ing Condition." P. 133. The 
 fiderable Credit and in good Stand- fame Author tells us that from Ply 
 ing when he undertook to make a mouth he " fhaped his Courfe for 
 Plantation in New England, but " Virginia," and that " he dyed at 
 Fortune was againft him. One Dif- " Briftoll in the Time of the Warrs, 
 after after another overtook him, " of Sicknefs." P. 154. We have 
 until at laft he was fhipwrecked and yet no Wefton Family Hiftory, 
 
C "3 ] 
 
 barbaroufly murdered by the Pequot Indians (as in 
 the Sequel more fully related.) 
 
 And two Years after that, Mr. John Oldham was 
 maffacred by the Indians of Muniffes, now called 
 Elock-Ijland ; which Things made Way for the 
 Pequot War, whereby the whole Englifh Intereft 
 (yea the Intereft of Chrift, who had ere that taken 
 PolTeffion of this Land, and glorioufly began to 
 erect his own Kingdom here) was threatened and 
 endangered. 
 
 Great Pitty it is, that although it be now fourty 
 Years fince thofe Motions, and albeit the Works 
 which God then wrought for his People were ad 
 mirable, yet that no Compleat Memorial thereof 
 hath been publimed to this Day. 127 It is then high 
 Time that fomething more mould be done therein, 
 that fo both we and our Children after us, may fee 
 what great Things, the Lord God of our Fathers 
 hath done for them and for us. 
 
 And there is a Gentleman in this Countrey 
 (namely Mr. "John Allyn, who is Secretary to the 
 Council at Hartford, and one of the worthy Magif- 
 trates of that Colony) .who hath been induftrious 
 in gathering up the Truth of Things, about thofe 
 Troubles, being under peculiar Advantages there 
 unto, by Informations from him, who was princi 
 pally inftrumental in righting the Lords Battels at 
 that Time againft the Heathen. 
 
 127 The Author does not appear 1638. When the Text was writ- 
 
 to have known anything of the Pub- ten Mr. Hubbard's Hiftory, includ- 
 
 Jications of Underhill and Vincent ; ing a very good Account of the 
 
 both were printed in London in Pequot War, was alfo publifhed. 
 
 P 
 
[ "4 ] 
 
 This Narrative of Mr. Allyns I {hall here infert 
 and publifh, as I received it, without making the 
 leaft Alterations as to the Sence, and very little as 
 to the Words. It is that which followeth. 1 * 8 
 
 Some Grounds of the W^ar again/I the 
 Pequots. 
 
 ' In or about the Year i633. I2 9 One Capt. Stone 
 
 * arrived in the MaJ/achufetts, in a Ship from Vir- 
 
 ' ginia, who fometime after was bound for Virginia 
 
 ' again, in a fmall Bark, with one Capt. Norton, 1 * 
 
 who failing up Connecticut River, about two 
 
 Leagues from the Entrance, caft Anchor ; there 
 
 coming to them feveral Indians belonging to that 
 
 Place, whom the Pequots tyranized over, being a 
 
 potent an da warlike People, they being accuftomed 
 
 128 The Writer was miftaken 
 about the Authorfliip of the Narra 
 tive fent him by Mr. Allen. The 
 Author of it was Capt. John Mafon. 
 It is hardly poflible but that Mr. 
 Allen knew who the real Author 
 was. Had he communicated the 
 whole of it Mr. Mather would have 
 known that it was Mafon's Work ; 
 but he omitted to fend the prefatory 
 Matter, and hence Mr. Mather's 
 Miftake. Capt. Mafon lived at 
 Norwich, and in or before 1736, 
 his Grand-fon put the original Ma- 
 nufcript into the Hands of the Rev. 
 Mr. Thomas Prince, who edited 
 and publifhed it in the Year above 
 named. Mr. Prince fays, in his 
 Introduction, " I have been more 
 " than ufually careful in correcting 
 
 " the Prefs according to the Ori- 
 " ginal." It will be feen by com 
 paring Mr. Prince's Edition with 
 this in our Text, that Mr. Allen, 
 in making his Copy took the Liberty 
 to make many verbal Alterations; 
 probably thinking them Improve 
 ments. 
 
 129 About the 
 Prince's Edition. 
 
 Year 1632." 
 
 1 30 1 have been led to ftate the 
 Chriftian Name of Norton Wal 
 ter. Hift. Bofton, 1 66. Savage gives 
 it William. The Editors of the late 
 (36th) Vol. of Mafs. Hift. Colls. 
 would not commit themfelves by 
 giving Norton a Place in their In 
 dex. 
 
[ "5 ] 
 
 ' fo to deal with their neighbouring Indians. Capt. 
 
 * Stone having feme Occafion with the Dutch, who 
 
 * lived at a Trading houfe, near twenty Leagues up 
 ' the River, procured forne of thofe Indians to go 
 ' as Pilots with two of his Men to the Dutch ; but 
 ' they being [25] benighted, before they could 
 ' come to their defired Port, put the Skiffe, in 
 ' which they went, aihore ; where the two Englim- 
 ' men falling afleep, were both murdered by their 
 
 * Indian Guides, there remaining with the Bark, 
 ' about twelve of the aforefaid Indians, who had in 
 ' all probability, formerly plotted their bloody De- 
 ' figne, and waiting an Opportunity when fome of 
 ' the Englim were on Shore, and Capt. Stone 1 * 1 
 
 * afleep in his Cabbi'n, fet upon them and cruelly 
 ' murthered every one of them, and plundered 
 ' what they pleafed, and afterward funk the Bark. 
 
 ' Thefe Indians were not native Pequots, but had 
 
 131 Capt. John Stone. He was to the Connecticut River and was 
 
 murdered in the Autumn of 1633, there murdered. The Fine of 100 
 
 the News of which was brought to was remitted about five Years after 
 
 Plymouth 21 Jan., 1634. See Hift. his Death. The Circumftances of 
 
 and Antiqs Bofton, 166. He is the Murder are particularly detailed 
 
 doubtlefs the fame of whom we find in Winthrop's Journal, i, 1 48. See 
 
 this Record in the Proceedings of alfo Bradford's Hift. Plymouth, 349- 
 
 the General Court : Sept. 1633. 50. Much Intereft for Capt. Stone 
 
 Capt. John Stone, for his Outrage feems to have grown up long after 
 
 comitted in confronting aucthori- his Death, and every Effort was 
 
 ty, abufeing Mr. Ludlowe, both made to ferret out his Murderers, 
 
 in Words and Behavour, aflalting Among others the Narraganfets 
 
 him and calling him a iuft as, &c., were employed. On the 3 1 ft of 
 
 is fined C, and prohibited come- Auguft, 1637, they fent to Bofton 
 
 ing within this Patent without the Hands of three Pequots, one was 
 
 leaue from the Gourmt, vnder the aflerted to have been the chief Mur- 
 
 Penalty of Death." In confequence derer of Capt. Stone. Winthrop's 
 
 of this Banifhment Capt. Stone went Journal, i, 237. 
 
[ n6 
 
 * frequent Recourfe to them, to whom they ten- 
 
 * dered fome of thofe Goods, which were accepted 
 ' by the chief Sachim of the Pequots : and fome of 
 ' the Goods were tendered to the Sachim of Nian- 
 ' tick who alfo received them. 1 ** 
 
 ' The Honoured Council of the MaJJachufetts 
 
 * hearing of thefe Proceedings of the Pequots, fent 
 ' to fpeak with them, and had fome Treatyes, but 
 ' no Iffue was made to Satisfaction. 1 * 3 
 
 ' After which, Capt. John Rndicot was fent forth 
 4 Commander in Chief, with Capt. Underbill, Capt. 
 ' Turner and about an hundred and twenty Men, 
 ' who were firftly deligned againft a People living 
 ' on Block I/land, who were Subjects to the Nara- 
 ' ganfet Sachim, they having faken a Barke of Mr. 
 ' John Oldham, murthering him and his Company. 
 
 * They were alfo to call the Pequots to an Account 
 
 * about the murthering of Capt. Stone : who arriv- 
 
 * ing at Pequod 1 ^ had fome Conference with them, 
 
 * but little was effected, only one Indian flain, and 
 
 * fome Wigwams burnt. 
 
 * After which the Pequots grew enraged againft 
 ' the Englim who inhabited Connecticut, being 
 
 132 In Mafon's Hiftory it is : " and Block-Hand againft the next 
 " Other of faid Goods were ten- " Seflion of this Courte." But a 
 " dered to Nynigrett Sachim of Treaty was made. See Book of the 
 " Nayanticke," &c. Indians, B. ii, p. 1 66. Hubbard's 
 
 Narrative, 1 1 7, where the Articles 
 
 133 Nothing further than this ap- may be feen. 
 pears on the Colonial Records : 
 
 Dec. 1636. "The Court did in- l31 New London. The River on 
 
 " treate the Govern 1 " and Counfell which New London ftands was call- 
 
 " to confider about the Profecution ed Pequot River. Probably from 
 
 " of the Warrs againft the Pecoits its Mouth to Norwich. 
 
[ "7 ] 
 
 but a fmall Number, about two hundred and fifty 
 who were there newly arrived, and alfo about 
 twenty Men at Seybrook under the Command of 
 Lieut. Lion. Gardner^ who was there placed by 
 feveral Lords and Gentlemen in England. 
 ' The Pequots obferving Lieut. Gardner going to 
 Fire the Meadows about Haifa Mile off the Fort, 
 with ten Men with him, was violently aflaulted 
 by the Pequod Indians, fo that fome were flain, the 
 reft were refcued by the Souldiers iffuing out of 
 the Fort upon the laid Pequots who fled.'s 6 They 
 
 135 Gardiner wrote a Hiftory of 
 the War fo far as he was perfonally 
 concerned in it, which laid in MS. 
 until 1833, when it was printed as 
 a Paper in a Volume of the Mafs. 
 Hifl. Colls., Vol. 3., Third Ser. It 
 was drawn up about twenty-three 
 Years after the War, " having," he 
 fays, " rumaged and found fome old 
 " Papers then written, it was a great 
 " help to my Memory." Mr. Ro 
 bert Chapman, Thomas Hurlburt 
 and Major Mafon having urged him 
 to do it. 
 
 136 " j n tne 22( j O f February, I 
 " went out with ten Men and three 
 " Dogs, half a Mile from the Houfe, 
 " to burn the Weeds, Leaves and 
 " Reeds, upon the Neck of Land, 
 " becaufe we had felled twenty 
 " timber Trees, which we were to 
 " roll to the Water fide to bring 
 " home, every Man carrying a 
 " Length of Match with Brimftone- 
 " matches with him to kindle the 
 " Fire withal. But when we came 
 ** to the fmall of the Neck, the 
 
 Weeds burning, I having before 
 this fet two Sentinels on the fmall 
 of the Neck, I called to the Men 
 that were burning the Reeds to 
 come away, but they would not 
 until they had burnt up the reft 
 of their Matches. Prefently there 
 ftarts up four Indians out of the 
 fiery Reeds, but ran away, I call 
 ing to the reft of our Men to come 
 away out of the Marfti. Then 
 Robert Chapman and Thomas 
 Hurlbut, being Sentinels, called to 
 me, faying there came a Number 
 of Indians out of the other Side 
 of the Marfti. Then I went to 
 ftop them, that they fhould not 
 get [to] the Woodland ; but 
 Thomas Hurlbut cried out to me 
 that fome of the Men did not fol 
 low me, for Thomas Rumble and 
 Arthur Branch threw down their 
 two Guns and ran away; then the 
 Indians (hot two of them that were 
 in the Reeds, and fought to get be 
 tween us and home, but darft not 
 come before us, but kept us in a 
 half Moon, we retreating and 
 
[ "8 ] 
 
 ' alfo feized fome that were paffing up Connefticut 
 ' River, and tortured them in a moft cruel Manner, 
 ' with moft barbarous and inhuman Crueltyes ; 
 
 * roafting'of them alive, &c. 137 
 
 ' They alfo lay fculking about the Fort almoft 
 ' conftantly, that the Englim could not go out of 
 ' the Fort, but they were aflaulted by the Pequods, 
 ' fo that ConneSiicut out of their fmall Numbers, 
 ' conftrained [26] themfelves to fend Capt. John 
 ' Mafon with twenty Men 138 to fecure the Place. 
 ' But after his coming, there did not one Pequod 
 < appear in View for a Moneths Space about the 
 ' Fort, which was the Time he there remained. 
 
 ' In the Interim, many 13 ^ of the Pequods went to 
 
 * a Place now called Wetbersfield on Connt&icut, 
 
 * and having confederated with the Indians of that 
 ' Place (as it was generally thought) they lay in 
 
 * Ambum for the Englim People of that Place, 
 ' and divers of them going to their Labour in a 
 
 " exchanging many Shot, fo that Tilley." See Underhill's Hiftory, 
 
 1 Thomas Hurlbut was fhot almoft p. 15, and Gardiner, 147 (of Hift. 
 
 ' through the Thigh, John Spencer Co/If., iii, in Ser.) 
 ' in the Back, into his Kidneys, 
 
 ' myfelf into the Thigh, two more 138 " Out of their fmall Num- 
 
 ' fhot dead. But in our Retreat I " bers," fays Mafon. It mould be 
 
 ' kept Hurlbut and Spencer ftill remembered that Connecticut had 
 
 ' before us, we defending ourfelves been fettled by the Englifti fcarcely 
 
 ' with our naked Swords, or elfe two Years ; that in the Emigration 
 
 ' they had taken us alive." of 1635, but about fixty Men, Wo- 
 
 Gardiner does not mention by men and Children compofed the 
 
 what Numbers he was furrounded, Colony. This Murder was about 
 
 but Underhill fays there were " a the Middle of Oftober, 1636. 
 
 " hundred or more." 
 
 139 Certain Pequots, about one 
 
 137 This has Reference to the "hundred." Mafon. The Numbers 
 
 horrible Torture of " Matter John of the Enemy were ufually magnified. 
 
[ "9 ] 
 
 ' large Field adjoyning to the Town, were fet upon 
 ' by the Indians, nine of the Englim were flain 
 ' upon the Place, and fome Horfes, and two young 
 ' Women were taken Captive. 140 
 
 * The Pequods at their Return from Wethersfield, 
 c came down to the River of Connecticut, (Capt. 
 
 * Mafon then being at Saybrook Fort,) in three or 
 ' more Canooes, with about an hundred Men, the 
 ' Englifh efpying of them, concluded they had 
 ' been acting f me Mifchief again ft us, and there- 
 ' fore prepared one of their great Gunns, and made 
 
 * a Shot at them, which Shot ftroock off the Head 
 
 * of one of their Canooes, wherein the two Captives 
 ' were, although the Shot was made at them at a 
 ' great Diftance, near three Miles: 141 but feing it 
 ' was fo placed, they haftned to the Shore, and 
 
 * drew their Canooes with what Speed they could 
 ' over a narrow Beach and fo got away. 
 
 ' The Englifh of Connecticut being fo alarmed 
 ' by thefe Infolencyes of the Pequods, faw meet to 
 
 140 Mitigating Circumftances often " who came up the River and killed 
 
 come to Light in the Lapfe of Years, " fix Men." Lothrop's Cent. Ser. 
 
 which render A&ions lefs atrocious, at W. Springfield, 1796, p. 23-4. 
 
 than they feem by a partial Recital Mr. Goodwin, Geneal. Foote Fam. 
 
 at the Time of their committal. Int p. xxi-ii, gives the Names of 
 
 " Sequin, a head Man of the two of the Men killed Abraham 
 
 " River Indians, gave Lands on the and John Finch. One of the Girls 
 
 " River to the Englifh, that he might taken was a Daughter of William 
 
 " fit down by them and be pro- Swain. See Gardiner's Hiftory, p. 
 
 " tefted. But when he came to 147. The Name of the Indian who 
 
 " Wethersfield [then called Water- commenced the Murder of the Eng- 
 
 " town] and fet up his Wigwam, lifh at Wethersfield was Wauphanck. 
 
 " the People drove him away by Williams. 
 " Force. Refenting the Wrong, 
 
 " but wanting Strength to revenge ]ai The "near three Miles" is 
 
 " it, he fecretly drew in the Pequots, not in Mafon. 
 
' call a Court, which met in Hartford upon Con- 
 ' necJicut the firft Day of May, 1637, who ferioufly 
 
 * confidering their Condition, which did look very 
 ' fad, fince the Pequods were a great People, forti- 
 ' fied, cruel, warlike, munitioned, &c. and the 
 ' Englifli but a Handful in Comparifon of them. 
 
 * But their outrageous Violence againft the Englifh 
 
 * (having murthered about thirty of them) their 
 ' great Pride and Infolency, and their conflant 
 ' Purfuit in their malicious Courfes, with their 
 ' Endeavours to ingage other Indians in their 
 ' Quarrel againft the Engli/h, who had not offered 
 ' them the leaft Wrong. 
 
 ' Thefe Things being duly confidered, with the 
 ' eminent Hazard and great Perill the People of 
 ' Connecticut were in, it pleafed God fo to ftir up 
 ' the Hearts of all Men in general, and the Court 
 ' of Connecticut in fpecial, that they concluded it 
 ' neceffary that fome Forces mould be fent forth 
 ' fpeedily, againft the Pequots, their Grounds being 
 ' juft, and Neceflity enforcing them to engage in 
 ' an ofFenfive and defenfive Warr, with the good 
 ' Succefs the Moft High was pleafed to crown his 
 
 * People withall, we are nextly to relate.- 
 
[27] A 
 
 BRIEF HISTORY 
 
 of the W^ar with the Pequot Indians in 
 New-England; Anno 1637. 
 
 142 
 
 * In the Beginning of May, 1637. there were 
 fent out by Connecticut Colony ninety Men under 
 the Command of Capt. John Majon (afterwards 
 Major Majbn, and Deputy Governor of Connefti- 
 cut Colony) againft the Pequots, with whom 
 went Uneasy 1 ** an Indian Sachem of Moheag^ who 
 was newly revolted from the Pequots. 1 ** 
 
 1 This fmall Army was fhipped in one Pink, one 
 Pinnace and one Shallop, fbme of which VefTels 
 in their ParTage down Connecticut River, fell on 
 Ground, by Reaibn of the lownefs of the Water, 
 and the unfkilfulnets of the Englijh in the Chan- 
 
 1 4 2 An Epitome or brief Hiftory 
 " of the Pequot War." Mafon. 
 
 i43Onkos." Mafon. Our Au 
 thor made ufe of the Form which 
 has prevailed, but his Place of Refi- 
 dence Mafon lays was at Mobegan. 
 
 Uncas proved faithful during the 
 Expedition. When the Army were 
 marching on the Pequot ftrong hold, 
 and were near to it, Capt. Mafon 
 inquired of him if the Narraganfets 
 would fight the Pequots, as they had 
 made great Speeches as to what they 
 
 ft 
 
 would do. Uncas faid he could not 
 depend on them : " and fo it proved. 
 ' For which Expreffions and fome 
 ' other Speeches of his, I ftiall never 
 ' forget him. Indeed he was a 
 ' great Friend and did great Ser- 
 ' vice." 
 
 141 The Indians and other bar 
 barous Nations continually practiced 
 Seceffion. The more barbarous a 
 People is, the greater their Propen- 
 fity to this Kind of Self-deftruaion. 
 See Introduction, 
 
I22 
 
 ' nel. 145 The Indians not being wonted to fuch 
 ' Things with their fmall Canooes, and alfo being 
 ' impatient of all Delayes, defired they might 
 ' be fet on Shore, promifing they would meet our 
 ' Army at Seybrook ; which Requeft of theirs was 
 
 * granted : and they being fet at Liberty haftning to 
 
 * their Quarters at Saybrook, met with about thirty 
 ' or fourty of the Pequots near Seybrook, and en- 
 ' gaged them, and flew feven of them upon the 
 ' Place, and had only one of their own wounded, 
 ' who was conveyed back to Connecticut in a SkifFe. 
 
 ' Capt. Vnderhill hearing of the Approach of the 
 ' Army, went and met them and informed them 
 
 * what was performed by Vncus and his Men, which 
 ' News was welcome to them, and looked upon 
 ' as a fpecial Providence ; for before they were 
 ' fomewhat doubtfull of the Fidelity of their Indian 
 
 * Volunteers. 146 
 
 * Capt. Vnderhill hearing of the Defign our 
 ' Army was upon, very freely offered his Service 
 ' with nineteen Men to go along with them, if 
 ' Leiut. Gardner would allow of it (who was chief 
 
 * Commander at Seybrook Fort) which Motion was 
 ' no iooner propounded to Lieut. Gardner, but he 
 ' readily approved of it, 147 and our Councill of War 
 
 145 " Capt. Mafon having fent 146 It is not eafy to account for 
 
 "down a Shallop to Seybrooke Fort, Mafon's Want of" Knowledge re- 
 
 ' and fent the Indians over Land fpefting Lieut. Gardiner's Agency 
 
 ' to meet and rendezvooufe at Sea- in this Aft of Uncas's Men. See 
 
 ' Brooke for, themfelves came down Gardiner, 149. 
 ' in a great mafly Veflel, which was 
 
 ' flow in coming, and very long 147 Gardiner's Account does not 
 
 ' detained by crols Winds " Gar- agree very well with this. He fays: 
 
 diner, 16. " Soon after came down from Hart- 
 
123 
 
 ' accepted of it alfo ; who in Hew of thofe twenty, 
 ' immediately lent back [28] twenty of theirs to 
 
 * Connecticut to help guard the Women and Chil- 
 
 * dren, &c. 
 
 ' Upon a Wednefday our Army arrived at Sey- 
 ' brook, where they lay Wind-bound till Friday, in 
 ' which Time the Councill of War confulted how 
 ' and in what Manner they mould proceed in their 
 
 * Enterprize, which was accompanied with much 
 ' Difficulty; their Commiffion ordering them to 
 ' land their Men in the Pequot River, againft 
 ' which were thefe Difficultyes. 
 
 * Firft, The Pequods kept a continual Gaurd 
 
 * upon the River, Night and Dey in a conftant 
 ' Courfe. 
 
 * Secondly, Their Numbers far exceeded ours ; 
 
 * they had alfo fixteen Gunns with Powder and 
 ' Shot, befides their Indian Artillery, as our Councill 
 ' of War was informed by the two- captive Maids 
 
 * (mentioned where we declared the Grounds of 
 
 * this War) who were redeemed by the Dutch, and 
 
 " ford Major Mafon, Lieut Seely, " unlefs we, that were bred Sol- 
 
 " accompanied with Mr. Stone and " diers from our youth, could fee 
 
 " 80 Englifhmen, and 80 Indians, " fome likelihood to do better than 
 
 " with a Commiffion from Mr " the Bay-men with their ftrong 
 
 " Ludlow and Mr. Steel, and fome " Commiffion laft Year." He next 
 
 " others. Thefe came to go fight doubted the Fidelity of Uncas and 
 
 " with the Pequits. But when Capt. his 80 Mohegans, who were fo 
 
 " Undrill and I had feen their Com- lately Pequots ; but, on adlual Trial 
 
 " miffion, we both faid they were he found them faithful. " And 
 
 " not fitted for fuch a Defign." But " having ftaid there five or fix Days 
 
 the Major faying the Government " before we" could agree, at laft we 
 
 could do no better : " then we faid " old Soldiers agreed about the Way 
 
 " that none of our Men mould go " and Adi, and took 20 fufficient 
 
 " with them, neither fhould they go " Men from the 80," &c. 
 
reftored now to us at Seybrook, 148 which was a 
 very friendly Office, and not to be forgotten. 
 
 ' Thirdly, They were on Land, and being fwift 
 of Foot, might much impede the Landing of our 
 Men, and difhearten them, they continually 
 gaurding that River, and our Men not knowing 
 where to land nearer then Narraganfet. 
 
 ' Fourthly, It was alledged that if our Army 
 landed at Narraganfet, they would come upon 
 their Backs, and poffibly might Surprize them 
 unawares ; at worft they mould be on firm Land 
 as well as the Enemy. 
 
 J48 Gardiner fays he redeemed the 
 Maids at a Coft to himfelf of 10, 
 for which he had never even Thanks. 
 He employed fome Dutch Traders 
 to redeem them, " who brought 
 " them away almoft naked, putting 
 " on them their own linen Jackets 
 " to cover their nakednefs." P. 147. 
 Underhill has a much more circum- 
 ftantial Account than any of the 
 early Writers. See his Hiftory, p. 
 17-19. Winthrop in his Journal, 
 i, 223, gives an Account leaving out 
 the Agency of Capt. Gardiner en 
 tirely. It is likely, as Winthrop 
 fays, that the Dutch Governour fent 
 a Sloop and Men with Orders to 
 refcue the Captives " even at the 
 " Price of a War with the Pequots." 
 Thefe Girls were captured on the 
 23 of April, and brought to Say- 
 brook Fort to Capt. Gardner on 
 May 1 5th. Gardiner's Account is 
 doubtlefs perfectly correcl:. Mr. 
 Goodwin, in his Genealogy of the 
 Foote Family does not appear to 
 have profited by UnderhilTs Nar 
 
 rative. See Underbill, 17, 18. 
 
 Capt. Johnfon has fome Fadts 
 not contained in the other Authors 
 about the Captivity of thefe Maids : 
 Three Women kind they caught, 
 and carried away, but one of 
 them being more fearfull of their 
 cruell Ufage afterward then the 
 Lofle of her Life at prefent, be 
 ing borne away to the thickeft of 
 the Company, refilled fo iloutly 
 with fcratching and biting, that 
 the Indian exafperated therewith, 
 caft her down upone the Earth 
 and beate out her Braines with his 
 Hatchet" Wonder Working Pro 
 vidences, 115. "They did not offer to 
 abufe their Perfons [of the Maids] 
 as was verily deemed they would, 
 queftioned them with fuch broken 
 Englifh as fome of them could 
 fpeak, to know whether they could 
 make Gun-powder ; which, when 
 they found they could not doe, 
 their Prize proved nothing fo 
 pretious a Pearle in their Eyes as 
 before." Ibid. 
 
' Notwithstanding thefe Reafons, the Councill 
 
 * of Warr, all of them except the Captain, were at 
 
 * a ftand, and could not judge it meet to fail to 
 
 * Narraganfet. Capt. Mafon in this difficult Cafe, 
 ' went to the Reverend Mr. Samuel Stone, late 
 ' Teacher to the Church of Chrift at Hartford, 
 ' who was fent as Preacher to the Army, and de- 
 
 * fired him that he would that Night commend 
 ' their Cafe and Difficulties before the Lord, and 
 
 * feek Direction of him in the Matter, how and in 
 ' what Manner they mould demean themfelves. 
 
 * He retired himfelf from them aboard the Pink 
 
 * the remaining Part of that Day, and the follow- 
 
 * ing Night was not wanting in fpreading the Cafe 
 
 * before the Lord, and feeking his Direction, in 
 
 * the Morning he came on Shore to the Captains 
 ' Chamber, and told him he had done as he defired 
 4 him, and though formerly he had been againft 
 ' failing to Narraganfet and landing there, yet now 
 
 * he was fully fatisfied to attend it. 
 
 * The Councel being again called, and the Mat- 
 ' ter debated, and Reafons confidered, they agreed 
 
 * all with one accord to fail to Narraganfet, [29] 
 ' which the next Morning they put in Execution, 
 
 * which proved very fuccefsful, as the Sequel may 
 
 * evidently demonstrate. What (hall I fay ? God 
 
 * led his People through manifold difficultyes and 
 ' Turnings, yet by more than an ordinary Hand of 
 ' Providence, He led them in a right Way. 
 
 ' On Friday Morning, they in purfuance of their 
 ' Defign fet Sail for Narraganfet Bay, and on Sat- 
 
[ "6 ] 
 
 ' urday toward Evening they arrived at their de- 
 
 * fired Port, where they kept the Sabbath. I4 ? 
 
 * On Munday the Wind blew fo hard at Norweft 
 
 * that they could not go on Shoar, as alfo on Tuel- 
 
 * day till it was near Sunfet, but the Wind abating, 
 ' they and their Defign being commended to God 
 ' by Mr. Stone, Capt. Mafon and his Company 
 
 * landed, and marched up to the Place of the chief 
 ' Sachims Refidence, 150 and told him, that they had 
 
 * not an Opportunity before, to acquaint him with 
 " their coming around into his Country, yet they 
 
 * hoped it would be wel accepted by him, there 
 
 * being Amity between us and them, and alfo that 
 
 * the Pequots and they were Enemies, and that he 
 ' could not be unacquainted with thefe intolerable 
 ' Wrongs and Injuries, thofe Pequots had lately done 
 ' unto the Englifh, and that they were now come 
 ' (God affifting) to avenge ourfelves upon them, 
 
 * and that they did only defire free PafTage through 
 ' his Countrey. 
 
 ' The Sachim returned this Anfwer, that he did 
 
 149 May 23, 1637. It was to 
 the Arrival of the Maflachufetts 
 Men under Patrick, that Roger 
 Williams referred, doubtleis, in his 
 Letter to John Winthrop, dated, 
 " New Providence, this 4th of the 
 " Weeke, at early Dawn." See 
 Mafs. Hi}}. Colls., 36, 194. (They 
 fhould have given their Volume a 
 better Index, or none at all, as it is 
 
 ' you a mercifull refrefhing to vs. ... 
 ' He [Gallop] relates that there is 
 ' now riding below three Pinnaces 
 ' (the Names of the Matters Quick, 
 ' JigHes [Giggles ?] and Robinfon), 
 ' and the two Shalops, as allfo that 
 
 ' the other, whereof Jackfon 
 
 ' of Salem is Matter, was in com- 
 ' pany with them the Night be- 
 ' fore," &c. 
 
 deceptive.) Mr. Williams fays : 
 " John Gallop (blefled be the Lord) 13 Miantonimo was then the 
 
 " is fafely arrived at our Dores, and " great Sachem of Narraganfet," 
 
 " hath brought from the Lord and and this was on May 24th. 
 
* accept of their coming, and did alfo approve of 
 
 * their Defigne, only he thought our Numbers were 
 ' too Weak to deal with the Enemy, who were (as 
 ' he (aid) very great Captains, and Men fkilful in 
 ' War, thus he i'pake fomewhat flightingly of our 
 ' Men. 
 
 ' On Wednefday Morning they marched from 
 ' there to a Place called Niantick, it being about 
 ' eighteen or twenty Miles diftant, where another 
 ' of thofe Narraganfet Sachims lived in a Fort, it 
 
 * being a Frontier to the Pequots. They carried it 
 ' very proudly to our Men, not permitting any of 
 ' them to come into their Fort. 1 * 1 
 
 ' Capt. Mafon beholding their Carriage, and 
 ' knowing the Falfehood of the Indians, fearing 
 ' left they might difcover them to the Enemy, 
 ' efpecially the Indians having many Times fome 
 
 * of their neer Relations amongft their greateft 
 ' Foes, faw Caufe to fet a Guard about their Fort, 
 ' that no Indian might pafs in or out, and charged 
 ' the Indians not to pafs out upon the Peril of their 
 ' Lives. And there they quartered that Night, the 
 ' Indians not offering to ftir out all the while. 
 
 ' In the Morning came to the Army ieveral of 
 
 * Miantinomie his Men, who told them they were 
 ' come to affift them in the Expedition, which 
 ' encouraged divers Indians of that Place to engage 
 
 * alfo, who drawing [30] into a Ring, one by one, 
 
 * made lolemn Proteftation how gallantly they 
 .' would demean themfelves, and how many Men 
 ' they would kill. 
 
 151 Ninigret, then a young Man, was Sachem of that Tribe. 
 
C "8 ] 
 
 * On Thurfday, about eight of the Clock in the 
 ' Morning, they marched thence towards Pequot, 
 ' having about jfe hundred Indians with them. In 
 ' which March, through the Heat of the Weather, 
 ' and Want of Provifion, fome of our Men fainted ; 
 ' but when they had marched about twelve Miles, 
 
 * they came to Pawquatuck 1 ^ River, to a Ford, 
 
 * where the Indians faid the Pequots did ufually 
 
 * fifh. There they made a ftand and flayed Ibme 
 ' fmall Time ; but the Narraganfet Indians mani- 
 ' fefted great Fear, and many of them returned, 
 ' although they had defpifed our Men, and laid 
 ' they durft not look upon a Pequot, and vaunted 
 ' what great Things they themfelves would do. 
 
 * Capt. John Mafon faw Reafon then to acquaint 
 ' the Indians that they were come on Purpofe, and 
 
 * were refolved (God affifting) to fee the Pequots, and 
 ' to fight with them before they returned, although 
 
 * they perimed ; and then he enquired of Uncas 
 ' what he thought the Indians would do ; who faid 
 ' the Narraganfets would all leave them, but as for 
 
 * him (elf, he would never leave them, and fo it 
 ' proved. 
 
 * After they had there refrefhed themfelves with 
 
 * their mean Commons, they marched about three 
 ' Miles, and came to a Field which had been 
 ' planted with Indian Corn, where they made an- 
 ' other Alt : and fuppofing that they drew near to 
 ' the Enemy, who, as they were informed, had two 
 
 152 Pawcatuck, a Bay and River, part of the Boundary between it and 
 in Wefterly, R. I. The River rifes R.I. Parfons, Indian Names, z\. 
 partly in Conefticut, and makes This Name has many other fpellings. 
 
I2 9 
 
 ' Forts almoft impregnable, which did no Ways 
 
 * difcourage the Souldiers, rather animated them, 
 ' infomuch that they refolved to aiTault both the 
 
 * Forts at once; but the Council of War having 
 
 * confulted the Matter, underftood that one of the 
 
 * Forts, in which the bloodieft Sachim refided, was 
 
 * fo remote that they could not poffibly come up 
 
 * with it in Seaibn, and feeing fome of the Soul- 
 
 * diers fpent in the March with extream heat, and 
 
 * Want of Neceffaries, concluded and refolved to 
 ' afTault and ftorm the neareft Fort. 153 
 
 * Then they marched on in xjlknt Manner ; the 
 
 * Indians th< t remained, who in the March hith- 
 ' erto kept the Van, (being furprized with great 
 ' Fear) fell all into the Rear. 
 
 ' They continued their March till about an Hour 
 
 * in the Night, and then coming to a little Swamp 
 ' between two Hils, there they pitched their little 
 ' Camp, being much wearied with hard Tra- 
 ' veil ; fuppofing (by the Relations of the Indians) 
 ( they were near the Fort, which proved other- 
 ' wife. 154 The Rocks were their Pillows, yet Reft 
 ' was fweet and pleafant to them. They appointed 
 
 153 Capt Underbill thus defcribes Colls . of Connetticut, 3 1 2. 
 the Pequot Fort : " This Fort, or 
 
 " Palifado, was well nigh an Acre J54 The Officers, fuppofing that 
 
 " of Ground, which was furround- they were now near the Fort, pitch- 
 
 " ed with Trees and half Trees, fet ed their little Camp between or near 
 
 " into the Ground three feet deep, two large Rocks, in the prefent 
 
 " and fattened clofe to one another." Town of Groton, fince called Por- 
 
 The Hill is now called Pequot Hill, ter's Rocks. Trumbull's Hiji. Ct., 
 
 and lies eight Miles northeaft of New i, 83. A View of the Rocks may 
 
 London. There is a Reprefenta- be feen in Barber's Hift. Colls, of 
 
 tion of the Hill in Barber's Hift. Connefttcut, p. 313. 
 
 R 
 
their Guards, and placed their Sentinels at fome 
 Diftance, who heard their [31] Enemies, finging 
 in their Fort until Midnight, with great infulting 
 and rejoycing (as they were afterwards informed 
 by Wequajh a Pequot Captain, who was revolted 
 from the Pequots, and was one of their Guides 
 in this March) For they feeing our Pinnaces fail 
 by them a few Days before concluded they were 
 afraid of them, and durft not to come near them. 
 
 'Towards Morning Capt. Majon being awakened, 
 and feeing it very light, fuppoied it had been day, 
 and fo they might have loft their Opportunity, 
 haveing determined to make their Aflault before 
 Day and therefore immediately roufed up his 
 Souldiers, and briefly commended themfelves and 
 Defigne to the Guidance and Protection of the 
 Lord, and went to the Affault. 
 
 ' Their Indian Guide mowing them a Path, laid it 
 led directly to the Fort; they took the Path, and 
 marched on the beft Part of two Miles wondering 
 that they faw not the Fort; and fearing that their 
 Indian Guide might delude them, but coming to 
 a Place where Corn was newly planted at the Foot 
 of a great Hill, fuppofed the Fort was not far off, 
 a champion Country being round about them. 
 
 ' There the Captain caufed his Company to make 
 a Stand and gave Order that the Indians fhould 
 come unto him; at length Uncas and Wequajh 
 come up, of whom he demanded where the Fort 
 was ; they anfwered on the Top of that Hill ; He 
 alfo enquired where the Reft of the Indians were, 
 
' they anfwered, behind exceedingly afraid ; I5S he 
 ' then defired them to tel the Reft of their Follow- 
 ' ers that they fhould by no Means fly, but ftand 
 
 * at what Diftance they pleafed, an fee whether 
 
 * Englifh Men would now fight or not. Then Capt. 
 ' Underbill come, up into the Front, and after Capt. 
 4 Mafon had commended their Cafe to God there 
 
 * being two Entrences into the Fort, they divided 
 
 * their Men ; and Capt. Mafon lead up to that en- 
 
 * trance on the North- eaft Side, who approaching 
 ' within a Rod of the Entrence a Dog bark'd, and 
 ' an Indian cried Wanux wanux. 1 * 6 He commanded 
 ' his Souldiers to clofe up to the Fort, and fire 
 ' upon them through the Palizadoes, which they 
 c - did, the Indians being in a dead and indeed their 
 
 * laft Sleep. The Souldiers having fired wheeled 
 ' off and came to the main Entrence, which was 
 
 * blocked up with Bufhes about Breaft high, over 
 ' which Capt. Mafon very couragioufly leaped, and 
 ' ftood to make good the Entrance, and command- 
 
 * ed his Souldiers to follow him, one of which 157 
 ' endeavouring, was entengled in the Bufhes, but 
 4 getting back, pulled out the Bufhes and fo the 
 
 * Souldiers followed their Captain into the Fort 
 ' with their Swords drawn, for they had concluded 
 
 !55 " Of five or fix hundred In- ' off." P. Vincent's Hift. of the 
 
 " dians, not above half were left; Battell, 37. 
 
 " and they had followed the reft , _ 
 
 had not Capt. Underhill upbraid- .. nux! ,?TJ. whu * 
 
 ed them with Cowardice, and ' 1S En g hfhmen ' Enghfhmen!" 
 
 ' promifed them they fhould not a -' n ' 
 
 ' fight or come within (hot of the w " Lieutenant Seeley endavor- 
 
 ' Fort, but only furround it afar " ed to enter," &c. Ma/on, 
 
to deftroy them with the [32] Sword, and fo to 
 fave the Plunder. 1 * 8 
 
 ' The Indians as yet kept their Wigwams-, Capt. 
 Majon entered a Wigwam, and his Guard not 
 feeing him, pafled away from him, where he 
 was ftrongly aflaulted by many Indians, but he 
 bravely defended himfelf, and flew feveral of his 
 Oppofers; at laft William Heyden perceiving the 
 Place where the Captain went in, eflayed to go 
 in himfelf, but in his Entrance ftumbled upon a 
 dead Man, but foon recovering himfelf, he fel 
 upon the Indians. The Indians fome were 
 flain, fome fled, others crept under their Beds, 
 
 158 The following is Capt. Un 
 derbill's Account of the Onfet : 
 " Having our Swords in our right 
 " Hand, our Carbines or Mufkets 
 " in our left Hand, we approached 
 " the Fort. Mailer Hedge being 
 " {hot through both Arms, and 
 " more wounded. Though it be not 
 " commendable for a Man to make 
 " mention of anything that might 
 tend to his own Honour, yet 
 becaufe I would haue the Provi 
 dence of God obferved, and his 
 Name magnified, as well for my- 
 felf as others, I dare not omit, but 
 let the World know, the Deliv 
 erance was given to us that com 
 mand, as well as to private Sol 
 diers. Capt Mafon and myfelf 
 entering into the Wigwams, he 
 was mot, and received many 
 Arrows againft his Head-piece, 
 God preferving him from many 
 Wounds. Myfelf received a Shot 
 in the left Hip, through a fuffi- 
 cient buff Coat, that if I had not 
 been fupplied with fuch a Gar 
 
 ment, the Arrow would have 
 pierced through me. Another I 
 received between my Neck and 
 Shoulders, hanging in the Linen 
 of my Head-piece. Others of 
 our Soldiers were mot, fome 
 through the Shoulders, fome in 
 the Face, fome in the Head, fome 
 in the Legs. Capt. Mafon and 
 myfelf lofing each of us a Man, 
 and had near twenty wounded. 
 Moil courageoufly thefe Pequeats 
 behaued themfelves. But feeing 
 the Fort was too hot for us, we 
 devifed a Way how we might 
 faue ourfelues and prejudice them. 
 Capt. Mafon entering into a Wig 
 wam, brought out a Firebrand, 
 after he had wounded many in 
 the Houfe. Then he fet Fire on 
 the well Side where he entered. 
 Myfelf fet Fire on the fouth End 
 with a Train of Powder. The 
 Fires of both meeting in the 
 Centre of the Fort, blazed moil 
 terribly, and burnt all in the Space 
 Half an Hour. Many courage- 
 
' where they flept their laft; the Captain going 
 ' out of the Wigwams met with many of them 
 ' and put them to the Sword ; in which Time of 
 
 * Fight feveral Englifh were wounded. Capt. Ma- 
 ' fon perceiving his Men wounded, and the Enemy 
 ' not yet routed, faw Caufe himfelf to go into a 
 ' Wigwam, and fetch out a Firebrand, and putting 
 
 * it in one of the Mats with which the Wigwams 
 ' were covered; commanded one of his Souldiers 
 
 * to throw fome Powder upon it, which fet the 
 ' Mat on Fire, which the Wind taking, it was 
 ' quickly thoroughly kindled, which made the In- 
 ' dians run as Men moft dreadfully amazed. l & 
 
 ous Fellows were unwilling to 
 come out, and fought moft def- 
 perately through the Palifadoes, 
 fo as they were fcorched and 
 burnt with the very Flame, and 
 were deprived of their Arms in 
 regard the Fire burnt their very 
 Bowftrings and fo perifhed val 
 iantly. Mercy they did deferve 
 for their Valour, could we have 
 had Opportunity to have beftow- 
 ed it. Many were burnt in the 
 Fort, both Men, Women and 
 Children. Others forced [their 
 Way] out, and came in Troops 
 to the Indians, twenty and thirty 
 at a Time, which our Soldiers 
 received and entertained with the 
 Point of the Sword. Down fell 
 Men, Women and Children ; 
 thofe that efcaped us fell into the 
 : Hands of the Indians that were 
 in the Rear of us. It is reported 
 by themfelvesj that there were 
 : about four hundred Souls in this 
 Fort, and not above five of them 
 efcaped out of our Hands. Great 
 
 " and doleful was the bloody Sight 
 " to the View of young Soldiers 
 " that never had been in War, to 
 " fee fo many Souls lie gafping on 
 " the Ground, fo thick in fome 
 " Places that you could hardly pafs 
 " along." Underbill. 
 
 " But this is very remarkable, one 
 " of them being wounded to Death, a 
 " Thruft thorow the Neck with a 
 " Halbert, yet after all, lying groan- 
 " ing upon the Ground, he caught 
 '" the Halberts Speare [Blade] in 
 " his Hand, and wound it quite 
 " round." Johnfon, W. Prov., 115. 
 
 1 ' <) Mr. Allen has taken great 
 Liberties with the Original, and his 
 Liberty with this important Part of 
 the Narrative is intolerable. I there 
 fore extraft the Paragraph as Prince 
 has given it in the Words of Mafon : 
 Whereupon Capt. Mafon, feeing 
 no Indians, entered a Wigwam, 
 where he was befet with many 
 ' Indians, waiting all Opportunities 
 ' to lay Hands on him, but could 
 
And indeed fuch a dreadful Terror did the 
 ' Almighty let fall upon their Spirits, that they 
 ' would fly from the Sword, and caft themfelves 
 ' into the very Flames, where many of them per- 
 ' ifhed. 160 
 
 not prevail. At length William 
 Hey don efpying the Breach in 
 the Wigwam, fuppofmg fome 
 Englifh might be there entred; 
 but in his Entrance fell over a 
 dead Indian; but fpeedily recover 
 ing himfelf, the Indians, fome fled, 
 others crept under their Beds : 
 The Captain, going out of the 
 Wigwam, faw many Indians in 
 the Lane or Street ; he making 
 towards them, they fled, were 
 purfued to the End of the Lane, 
 where they were met by Edward 
 Pattifon, Thomas Barber, with 
 fome others, where feven of them 
 were flain, as they faid. The 
 Captain facing about, marched a 
 flow Pace up the Lane, he came 
 down, perceiving himfelf very 
 much out of Breath, and coming 
 to the other End near the Place 
 where he firft entred, faw two 
 Soldiers Handing clofe to the Pal- 
 lizado with their Swords pointed 
 to the Ground : The Captain 
 told them that we fhould never 
 kill them after that Manner : 
 The Captain alfo faid ' We muft 
 burn them ;' and immediately 
 ftepping into the Wigwam where 
 he had been before, brought out 
 a Firebrand, and putting it into the 
 Matts with which they were cov- 
 
 : ered, fet the Wigwams on Fire. 
 
 : Lieut. Thomas Bull and Nicholas 
 Omfted beholding, came up ; and 
 
 " when it was thoroughly kindled, 
 " the Indians ran as Men moft 
 " dreadfully amazed." 
 
 1 G!J The following is Vincent's 
 Ac.ount of the taking of the Fort: 
 " The Englifh went refolutely up 
 " to the Door of the Fort. What ! 
 " (hall we enter? faid Capt. Under- 
 hrll [This is denied by Under- 
 hill with an honeft Soldiers em- 
 phafis.] What came we for elfe ? 
 anfwered one Hedge a young 
 Northamptonshire Gentleman, 
 who advancing before the reft, 
 plucked away fome Bufhes and 
 entered. A flout Pequot en 
 counters him ; moots his Arrow, 
 down to the Head into his right 
 Arm where it ftuck. He flafhed 
 the Salvage betwixt the Arm and 
 Shoulder, who preffing towards 
 the Door, was killed by the Eng 
 lifh. Immediately Mafter Hedge 
 encountered another, who per 
 ceiving him upon him before he 
 could deliver his Arrow, gave 
 back ; but he ftruck up his Heels, 
 and run him through. After him 
 he killed two or three more. 
 Then about Half the Englifh en 
 tered, fell on with Courage, and 
 flew many. But being ftraitened 
 for Room becaufe of the Wig 
 wams, (which are the Salvage 
 Huts or Cabins,) they called for 
 Fire to burn them. An Englifh- 
 
' The Fort being fired, the Captain commanded 
 ' that all mould march out of the Fort, and fur- 
 ' round it ; which was readily attended by all, only 
 ' one Arthur Smith was fo wounded that he could 
 ' not move out of the Place, who was happily 
 ' efpyed by Lieut. ^Tho. Bu//, and by him refcued 
 
 * from the Flames, which otherwile had confumed 
 ' him. 
 
 * The Fire was kindled on the Northeaft Side to 
 ' Windward, which did fwiftly overrun the whole 
 ' Fort, to the extream Amazement of the Enemy, 
 
 * and great rejoycing of our Souldiers, fome of the 
 ' Enemy climbed to the Top of the Pallizadoes, 
 ' where they were mot down, others gathered to 
 ' the windward Side of the Fort, and lay pelting at 
 
 * our Men with their Arrows, who repaied them 
 ' with their fmall Shot, others of the ftouteft iflued 
 ' forth of the Fort, about fourty of them who fell 
 ' by the Sword. 
 
 ' Capt. Underbill and thofe with him acted their 
 ' Parts in this Tragedy, efpecially one Mr. Hedge 161 
 
 " man ftepped into a Wigwam, and hear nothing of any Feats of the 
 
 ' ftooping for a Firebrand, an In- latter. They were doubtlefs So- 
 
 ' dian was ready to knock out his journers in the Country for a fhort 
 
 ' Brains ; but he whipt out his Time only. Mafon fays, " a val- 
 
 ' Sword and run him into the Belly, " iant refolute Gentleman, one Mr. 
 
 ' that his Bowels followed. Then " Hedge, ftepping towards the Gate, 
 
 ' were the Wigwams fet on fire," &c. " faid, 'If we may not enter, 
 
 " wherefore came we here ;' " thus 
 
 161 Nothing feems to be known not corroborating what Vincent at- 
 
 of this " Matter Hedge," further tributed to Capt. Underbill. Mafon 
 
 than is reported by Vincent and moreover fays that the Indian which 
 
 Mafon. He is fuppofed to be a Hedge encountered at his Entrance 
 
 Volunteer in the Expedition, as pro- was killed by him and Sergeant 
 
 bably was Vincent alfo, though we Davis. 
 
C '36 ] 
 
 * who was the firft that entred that Gate to which 
 ' Capt, Underbill led up ; the Fire was no fooner 
 
 * kindled but the Smoke and Flames were fo 
 
 * violent, that they were conftrained to defert the 
 ' Fort and keep them in. 
 
 [33] ' Thus were they now at their Wits end, 
 ' who not many Hours before exalted themfelves 
 ' in their great Pride, threatning and refolving the 
 ' utter Ruin and Deftruction of all the Englifh, 
 ' exulting and rejoicing with Songs and Dances ; 
 ' but God was above them, who laughed his Ene- 
 
 * myes, and the Enemyes of his People to Scorn, 
 
 * making them as a fiery Oven ; thus were the 
 ' ftout hearted fpoiled, having flept their laft Sleep, 
 ' and none of their Men could find their Hands ; 
 ' thus did the Lord judge among the Heathen, fill- 
 c ing the Place with dead Bodyes. 
 
 ' And here we may take Notice of God's Judge- 
 ' ment upon this bloody Generation, in fending the 
 ' Night before the AfTault an hundred and fifty 
 ' Men from their other Fort to join with this Fort, 
 
 * who were defigning (as iome of themfelves have 
 
 * related) to go forth againfl the Englifh at that 
 s very Inftant when this Stroke came upon them, 
 
 * where the moft of them perimed with their Fel- 
 
 * lows, fo that the Mifchief they intended againfl us 
 ' came upon themfelves ; they were taken in their 
 ' own Snare and we through the Mercy of God 
 ' efcaped. And thus in little more than one Hours 
 ' Space was their impregnable Fort with themfelves 
 ' utterly deftroyed, to the Number of Jive or Jix 
 ' hundred, as hath been confefled by the Pequots 
 
' who efcaped. There were feven taken captive, 
 ' and about eight efcaped ; and of the Engli/h there 
 ' were twojlain 16 * outright and above twenty wounded. 
 ' Some of our Souldiers fainted for Want of fuch 
 ' Comforts and NecefTaries as were needful in fuch 
 
 * a Cafe. The Chyrurgion* 63 was much wanted, 
 ' who was left with the Barks in Narraganfet Bay, 
 ' with Order there to remain until the Night be- 
 ' fore they intended to AfTault. 
 
 * And thereupon grew many Difficultyes amongft 
 ' the Army, their Provilion and Ammunition being 
 ' neer fpent, and they in the Enemyes Country, 
 
 * who did far exceed them in Numbers, being 
 ' much enraged, and moft of our Indian Friends 
 ' having left them, and our Pinacnes a great Dif- 
 ' tince from them, and their coming uncertain. 
 
 * But as they were confulting what Courfe to 
 
 * take, it pleafed God to difcover our VefTels to 
 
 * them under a fair Gale of Wind failing into the 
 ' Pequot Harbour, to their great rejoicing. 
 
 ' They had no fooner diicovered our VefTels, 
 ' but immediately came up the Enemy from the 
 
 * other Fort, about three hundred of them. Capt. 
 ' Mafon led forth a File or two of Men to fkirmim 
 
 lfi2" One of them by our own bably Thomas Pell, who came over 
 
 " Muflcets, as is thought." Vincent, in 1635, i tne Hopewell; and 
 
 38. " In little more than an Hour went with Lt. Lyon Gardiner to 
 
 " betwixt three and four hundred Saybrook. " Our Chirurgeon," fays 
 
 " of them weree killed." Ibid. Underbill, " not accuftomed to 
 
 Mafon fets the Number flain at " fix " War, durft not hazard himfelf 
 
 " or feven hundred," while Gardi- " where we ventured our Lives, but 
 
 ner rates the killed at three hundred. " like a frefb water Soldier, kept 
 
 " aboard." Farmer feems not to 
 
 103 This " Chyrurgion " was pro- have found this Perfon. 
 
 s 
 
[ '38 3 
 
 ' with them, which ftopt their Carrier, and put 
 
 * them to a Stand, and then they prepared to march 
 ' towards our VefTels, but four or five of our Men 
 
 * were fo wounded that they were fain to be car- 
 ' ried, with the Armes of about twenty more which 
 
 * took up fo many of the Souldiers, that there was 
 ' not above forty [34] Men free, but at length they 
 ' hired feveral Indians to carry the wounded Men, 
 
 * who eafed them of that Burthen, and carried their 
 ' wounded Men for them. 
 
 ' And when the Souldiers had marched about a 
 ' Quarter of a Mile, the Enemy come to the Place 
 ' where the Fort had flood, and when they beheld 
 
 * the Runies thereof, and the Carcaies of their 
 
 * Friends lye fome upon the Earth, others fcorched 
 ' and fome almoft confumed with the Fire, they 
 ' ftamped and tore the Hair from their Heads, and 
 ' ran mouting down the Hill in their full Carreer 
 
 * and the Lofs they met withal made them wary 
 ' not to come near. 
 
 ' The Souldiers then meeting with a fmall Brook 
 ' at the foot of the Hil being very dry, fat down 
 ' and refrefhed themfelves, the Enemy being grown 
 ' by this Time fo wary they durft not come too 
 
 * neer, to difturb them. 
 
 ' Then they marched on towards Pequot Har- 
 ' hour, and meeting with feveral Wigwams in the 
 ' Way they burnt them ; the Enemy followed 
 ' them, and fome lay in Ambufh behind Rocks and 
 ' Trees, often (hooting at them, yet God fo covered 
 ' them, that not one of them was hurt, and when 
 ' they came to any Swamp or Thicket, they made 
 
' fome Shot, and cleared a PafTage, and fome of the 
 ' Enemy fell, which our Indians feeing, would 
 
 * give a great Shout and then venture to fetch 
 
 * their Heads, 164 and thus they continued, till they 
 ' came within two Miles of Pequot Harbour, 
 ' where the Enemy gathered theemfelves together, 
 ' and left our Army ; they marched on to the Top 
 ' of an Hill adjoining to the Harbour, with their 
 ' Colours flying, (as for their Drum, it was loft, 165 
 
 * or at lead left by their Drummer at the Place 
 ' where they kept their Randezvouze the Night 
 ' before) where they faw our VefTels riding at An- 
 ' chor to their great Rejoicing, and when they had 
 
 * marched to the Water Side, there they fat down 
 ' in Quiet. 
 
 ' Capt. Patrick*^ being there arrived (with our 
 ' Veffels) with forty Men fent by the Maffacbufetts 
 ' Colony upon fome Service againft the Block 
 ' Iflanders or Pequots, came to the Shore in a 
 ' Shallop, with fome of his Men, as he laid, to 
 
 * refcue our Army, fuppofing they had been pur- 
 
 104 "The Indians that then affifted 
 ' the Englifli, waiting the Fall of 
 ' the Pequets, (as the Dog watcheth 
 ' the Shot of the Fowler, to fetch 
 ' the Prey,) ftill fetched them their 
 
 Heads." Vincent, 38. 
 
 105 Mafon fays nothing about the 
 Drum being loft. He fays it was 
 left at the Place of their laft En 
 campment. The Reafon it was left 
 is obvious. They had no Ufe for 
 it. Every Man was wanted to wield 
 the Weapons of Definition. " The 
 
 Reafon why the Englifh wanted 
 Amunition was, becaufe they had 
 left that which they had for ftore, 
 with the Drum, at the Place of 
 their Confultation ; but found it 
 in their Return." Vincent. 
 
 166 Daniel Patrick. He marched 
 by Land to Providence, and arrived 
 in the Neighborhood of Mafon and 
 Underbill's Veflels juft in Time to 
 get on board, and go round in them 
 to meet the viftorious Forces. The 
 Time he marched is not mentioned. 
 
' fued, although there did appear no Sign of any 
 
 * fuch Thing. 16 ? 
 
 * But Capt. Patrick could not be prevailed with 
 ' by any Means to venture himfelf on Shore while 
 ' our wounded Men were carried on board, which 
 ' was troublefome, not only to our Souldiers, but 
 ' to his own Men alfo, who manifested their dif- 
 ' like of his Carriage ; at length our Men were 
 ' fetched aboard our Veflels, to the great rejoicing 
 
 * of their Friends, where they did with one Heart 
 ' blefs the Lord for his Mercy and Goodnefs unto 
 
 * them. 
 
 [35] * I might here relate a Conteft that fel out 
 ' between Capt. Underbill and Cap. Patrick, about 
 ' Capt. Under bits claiming an Intereft in the Bark 
 ' in which Capt. Patrick failed, which by the 
 ' Mediation of Capt. Mafon was iflued, 168 and that 
 ' being the Place of Randezvouze, where Veflels 
 ' were expected from the Maffacbufets, it was 
 ' agreed that Capt. Patrick mould there ride in 
 ' that Bark, and fecure the Narraganfet Indians 
 ' until our Veffel could carry our wounded Men 
 
 * to Seybrook, and our Pink return to carry home 
 ' the Narraganfet Indians. 
 
 107 Both Mafon and Underbill feverely and juftly cenfured for at- 
 feem to have looked upon Patrick tacking without the cooperation of 
 with Contempt or Envy ; and fo Patrick who was clofc at hand, 
 far as can now be perceived, with 
 out Caufe. Patrick feems to have 1(iS The Particulars are in the 
 done his Duty like a good Soldier ; original Mafon, but being of flight 
 not arriving in Time to be at the Intereft, hardly call for a Note, 
 taking of the Fort was not his Fault, further than to direft Attention to 
 and had the Attack refulted unfa- the falfe Manner of dealing with 
 vorably Mafon would have been the Work of Mafon by the Copyift. 
 
C HI 
 
 ' After this Agreement, Capt. Underbill fet Sail 
 ' for Seybrook in our Bark, but before he was out of 
 ' Sight, Capt. Patrick fignified by writing to Capt. 
 ' Mafon that he could not attend that Service he 
 ' had ingaged for he muft with his Company wait 
 ' at Seybrook, for fome VeiTels he expected from the 
 ' Bay, 169 advifing Capt. Mafon feeing he had ob- 
 ' tained the Honour of that Service, he would 
 ' compleat it in fecuring the Narraganfet Indians, 
 ' &c. Which indeed was a hard Tafk and difficult ; 
 ' for the Pink could not entertain them, and to 
 
 * march by Land was dangerous, it being near 
 ' twenty Miles, and in the Enemies Country, and 
 'their Numbers being fmall ; for they had fent 
 ' home about twenty Men to help ftrengthen the 
 ' Plantations on Connecticut, for Fear of the Pequods 
 ' invading of them, but at laft, feeing they were 
 ' neceffitated to inarch to Seybrook by Land, they 
 ' went Amoar with the Indians, and began their 
 ' March ; Capt. Patrick feeing what they were 
 ' about, came Amoar alfo with his Men ; and 
 ' although Capt. Mafon told him he did not delight 
 ' in his Company, yet he would and did march 
 
 * along with them. 
 
 * In this March about the Midway between that 
 ' and Seybrook, they fell upon a People called Nian- 
 ' ticks, l i belonging to the Pequots, who fled to a 
 
 109 The Force difpatched under to have ignored their Pequot Origin, 
 Capt. Ifrael Stoughton, which could and become, by Intermarriages with 
 not be got ready until after Patrick the Narraganfets, and having joined 
 had left, as will be feen. them againft the Pequots, a Part of 
 
 them. See Book Inds., 131. Nini- 
 
 170 Afterwards this Tribe appear gret was their Chief. 
 
' Swamp for Refuge ; but when they heard or faw 
 
 * this fmall Troop they fled, who purfued them 
 ' awhile by their Tracks as long as they kept to- 
 ' gether; but the Day being much fpent, Sabbath 
 ' drawing on, and themfelves much fpent with 
 ' their former Travel, and Service, they left their 
 ' Purfuit, and marched on towards Stybrook, 
 ' and about Sun-fet they arrived by Connetticut 
 1 River fide ; where they were welcomed by Leiut. 
 ' Gardner ; with many great Gunns, but were forced 
 ' there to take up their Quarters that Night. On 
 ' the Morrow Morning they were all fetched over, 
 ' where they kept the Sabbath, and were nobly en- 
 
 * tertained by Leivt. Gardner, from whom they 
 ' received meny Courtefies. 
 
 ' And when they had taken Order for the fafe 
 ' Conduct of the Narraganfet Indians to their 
 ' Country, Capt. Mafon with his Men returned to 
 ' Connecticut, the Place of their abode, where they 
 ' were entertained with [36] great Triumph and 
 ' Rejoycing and Praifing of God, for his Goodnefs 
 ' to us in fucceeding our Endeavours, in crowning 
 ' them with Succefs, and in reftoring our fmall 
 ' Army with fo little Lofs. 
 
 ' Thus was God feen in the Mount, crushing 
 ' his proud Enemies, and the Enemies of his People, 
 ' fo that they who were ere while a Terror to all 
 
 * that were round about them, who refolved to de- 
 ' ftroy all the Englifh, and to root their very Name 
 ' out of this Country, were by weak Meanes 171 thus 
 
 171 " Even feventy feven there OmiJJion of the Tranfcriber. Why 
 " being no more at the Fort." fuch an Omiffion ? 
 
H3 
 
 ' vanquifhed and deftroyed, and the Mifchief they 
 ' plotted, and the Violence they offered, was brought 
 ' on their own Heads in a Moment : for the Lord 
 ' burnt them up in the Fire of his Wrath, and 
 ' dunged the Ground with their Flem, it was the 
 ' Lords doing, and it was marvelous in our Eyes. 
 ' It is he that hath made His Work wonderful, and 
 
 * and therefore ought to be remembered. 
 
 * Suddenly after this, the whole Body of the 
 
 * remaining Pequots repaired to that Fort where 
 
 * Saffacous the chief S'achim did refide, and charged 
 ' him that he was the only Caufe of all their 
 
 * Troubles that befel them, and therefore they 
 ' would deftroy both him and his ; yet by the 
 ' Entreaty of his Counsellors, they fpared his Life; 
 
 * coniulting what Courfe to take, concluded there 
 ' was no Abiding any longer in their Country, and 
 
 * fo refolved to fly into leveral Parts. The greateft 
 ' Body of them went towards Manadus, 11 * and in 
 
 * their Paflage over Connecticut River, they met 
 ' with three Englimmen in a Shallop going for 
 
 * Seybroak, and fought them, who refitted them 
 ' ftoutly, and killed and wounded many of them, 
 
 * but their Shallop falling on Ground they were all 
 three flain.^s 
 
 172 Manbatance, in Prince's Ma- metjick. The three Men were going 
 
 fon. Manhattan, where the City in a Boat for Clay. One was killed, 
 
 of New York is now. the other two were tortured, but in 
 
 what Manner is not known pro- 
 
 173 1 have not been fortunate bably by burning them to Death in 
 
 enough to meet with the Names of a flow Fire. See R. Williams in 
 
 thefe Sufferers. One of the Pequot Mafs. Hijlorical Collections, 36, 
 
 Murderers of them was named Pa- 230-1. 
 
[ 144 ] 
 
 ' About a Fortnight after our Souldiers were 
 returned Home from Miftick Fight, we heard of 
 the Arrival of feveral Veflels from the Maffachu- 
 fetts Colony in Pequot River ; Capt. IJrael Stougb- 
 ton being Commander in chief, and with him 
 about 1 20 Men, who were fent by that Colony 
 to proiecute the War againft the Pequots ; and 
 although the main Body of the Pequots were fled, 
 yet fome Straglers remained in that Country, 
 fome of whom were difcovered by the Moheags, 
 and by them difcovered to the MafTachufetts 
 Forces, by whom they were both furprifed and 
 taken, and feveral of which, to the Number of 
 about twenty three, were put to Death ; the Reft 
 were fent to the Bay. 174 
 
 ' The Colony of Connecticut hereupon fent forth 
 Capt. Mafon again with forty Men, as alfo feveral 
 Gentlemen, (as the Honour'd John Haines and 
 
 174 F or an Account of the Opera 
 tions of the Maflachufetts Troops we 
 rnuft recur to Hubbard. The above 
 Paragraph is far more comprehend ve 
 thanthecorrefpondingone in Mafon, 
 and Hubbard has Fafts not in either. 
 His Paragraph runs thus : " It was 
 not long after Capt. Stoughton's 
 Soldiers came up, before News 
 was brought of a great Number 
 of the Enemy, that were difcov 
 ered by the Side of a River up 
 the Country, being firft trepan 
 ned by the Narhaganfets, under 
 Pretence of fecuring them, but 
 they were truly hemmed in by 
 them, though at a Diftance, yet 
 fo as they could not or durft not 
 ftir from the Place, by which 
 
 Means our Forces of the Maffa- 
 chufets had an eafie Conqueft of 
 fome hundreds of them, who were 
 there couped up as in a Pound ; 
 not daring to fight, not able to fly 
 away, and fo were all taken with 
 out any Oppofition : the Men 
 among them to the Number of 
 thirty were turned prefently into 
 Charrons Ferry boat, under the 
 Command of Skipper Gallop, 
 who difpatched them a little with 
 out of the Harbour ; the Females 
 and Children were difpofed of 
 according to the Will of the Con 
 querors, fome being given to the 
 Narhaganfets and other Indians 
 that aflifted in the Service." 
 Narrative, 127. 
 
C '45 ] 
 
 ' Roger Ludlow, Efqrs.) to meet with thofe of the 
 ' Majfacbufets to confult and determine what was 
 ' farther neceflary to be attended. Who meeting 
 ' with thofe of the Maffachufets in the Pequot 
 ' Harbour [37] after Confultation, concluded to 
 ' purfue the Pequots (who as you heard before 
 ' were fled towards the Menados] and fo began 
 ' their March after them, and difcovered feveral 
 
 * Places where they had rendevowed and lodged 
 ' not far diftant one from the other, for they could 
 ' make but little Hafte, by Reafon of their ancient 
 ' People and Children, and their Want of Provi- 
 ' fion, being forced to gather Clams, and fuch other 
 ' Things as the Wildernefs afforded for their Relief. 
 
 ' The Veffels sailed along by the Shore. In the 
 ' March fome were gleaned, but within the Space 
 
 * of three Dayes, or thereabouts, they arrived at a 
 ' Place then called ^uinipiag (now New Haven) 
 ' and there efpying a great Smoke in the Woods, 
 ' not far diftant, fuppofing the Pequots might be 
 ' there, they went to difcover them ; but they 
 ' quickly difcovered them to be Connecticut Indi- 
 ' ans. From them they fent a Pequot Captive 
 ' (whom they named Luz) upon Difcovery, who 
 ' brought them Tidings of the Enemy which 
 ' proved real. 
 
 * The Pequots were fo terrified in their Flight, 
 
 * that a Moheag Indian (named Jack Eaton) meet- 
 ' ing in this Perfuit with three Pequots, took two 
 ' of them and brought them to the Englifh. 
 
 ' But to return, they having Tidings where the 
 T 
 
' Pequots were, haftried towards the Place where 
 ' they heard they were, and at laft coming into a 
 ' Corn Field, feveral of the Englim efpyed fome 
 ' Indians, who fled from them. They purfued 
 ' them, and coming to the top of an Hill, faw 
 ' feveral Wigwams juft oppofite, only a Swamp 
 
 * intervening, which was almoft divided in two 
 ' Parts. One Serjeant Palmor ha fining with about 
 ' twelve Men (who were then under his Com- 
 ' mand) to furround the fmaller Part of the Swamp, 
 
 * that fo he might prevent the Indians flying. 
 ' But Lieut. Davenport, Serjeant yefferyes &c. going 
 ' up to the Wigwams were there aflaulted by the 
 ' Indians. In this Skirmim the Englim flew but 
 ' few, two or three of themfelves were wounded, 
 ' the Reft of their Army coming up, the Swamp 
 ' was iurrounded. 175 
 
 * Their Council being called, the Queftion was 
 ' propounded how they mould proceed ? Capt. 
 ' Patrick advifed that they mould cut down the 
 ' Swamp, (they having taken many Indian Hatch- 
 ' ets.) Others propounded to hedge in the Swamp, 
 ' which others judged would be to no Purpoie, 
 ' and therefore ftrongly oppofed it. Some other 
 ' advifed to Force the Swamp, having Time enough 
 
 175 The Pequots " flying into a 
 ' very thick Swamp, being unac- 
 ' ceffible, by Reafon of the boggy 
 ' Holes of Water, and thick Bufhes; 
 ' the Englim drawing up their 
 ' Company belagered the Swamp, 
 ' and the Indians in the mean Time 
 
 ' fkulking up and down, and as Page 115. 
 
 ' they faw Opportunity they made 
 
 ' Shot with their Arrows at the 
 
 1 Englim, and then fuddainly they 
 
 ' would fall flat along in the Water 
 
 to defend themfelves from the re- 
 
 talliation of the Souldiers Muf- 
 
 ' kets." Wond. Work. Providences, 
 
[ H7 ] 
 
 (it being about three a Clock in the Afternoon), 
 but that being oppofed, it was then proupounded 
 that the Men mould be drawn up cloie to the 
 Swamp, which would have leihed the Circum 
 ference, and then to fill up the open Paflages with 
 Bumes, that fo they might fecure them till the 
 Morning, and then confider farther about it. But 
 neither of thefe would pafs, fo different [38] were 
 their Apprehenfions, which was very griveous to 
 fome, who concluded that the Indians would 
 make an Efcape in the Night, as eafily they might, 
 and did, the Swamp being large and their Num 
 bers being fo fmall that they were forced to ftand 
 at a great Diftance one from another, which 
 made their Efcape more eafle. 
 ' Capt. Mafon took Order that the narrow Paf- 
 fage in the Swamp mould be cut through, which 
 mould much (horten the League, which was ac 
 cordingly attended and refolutely performed by 
 Serjeant Davis and fome others with him. 176 
 
 17G Johnfon fays the Decifion 
 
 upon a Plan of Dealing with the 
 
 enfwamped Indians was arrived at 
 
 by the following Circumftance : 
 
 " Some of the Englifh fpyed an 
 
 Indian with a Kettle at his Back 
 
 going more inwardly into the 
 
 Swamp, by which they perceived 
 
 there was fome Place of firm 
 
 ' Land in the midft thereof, which 
 
 ' caufed them to make Way for the 
 
 ' Paflage of their Souldiers which 
 
 ' brought this Warre to a Period." 
 
 Wond. Work. Prov. ; ibid. P. 1 16. 
 
 In the Purfuit of the Enemy the 
 
 following remarkable Feat, accord 
 ing to Johnfon, occurred : " As the 
 ' Souldiers were upon their March, 
 ' clofe by a great Thicket, where 
 ' no Eye could penetrate farre, 
 ' fome Souldiers lingering behinde 
 ' their Fellowes, two Indians watch- 
 ' ing their Opportunity, when they 
 ' fuppofed the laft Man was come 
 up, who kept a double, double, 
 double Diftance in his March, 
 they fudden and fwiftly fnatched 
 him up, hoifmg him upon their 
 Shoulders, ran into the Swamp 
 with him. The Souldier ftrove 
 
' Mr. Thomas Stanfon* 77 a Man well acquainted 
 with the Indians Language and Manners, per 
 ceiving the Counfell of War loth to deftroy Wo 
 men and Children, (as alfo the Indians of that 
 Place) freely offered his Service to go into the 
 Swamp and treat with them, which the Councel 
 were iomewhat backward to, by Reaion of fome 
 Hazard he might be expoled to, but his Impor 
 tunity prevailed, who going to them did in a 
 mort Time come to the Councel with near 200 
 old Men, Women and Children, who delivered 
 
 : to free himlelf ; but like a care- 
 ; full Commander, one Captaine 
 Davenport, then Lieutenant of 
 this Company, being diligent in 
 his Place to bring up the Reare, 
 coming up with them, followed 
 with Speed into the Swamp after 
 him, having a very fevere Cutlace 
 tyed to his Wrift, and being well 
 able to make it Bite fore when he 
 fet it on, refolving to make it fall 
 foul on the Indians Bones, he 
 foone overtook them, but was 
 prevented by the Buckler they 
 held up from hitting them, which 
 was the Man they had taken: It 
 was Matter of much Wonder to 
 fee with what Dexterity they 
 hurled the poore Souldier about, 
 as if they had been handling a 
 Lacedaemonian Shield ; fo that the 
 nimble Captaine Davenport could 
 not, of a long Time, faften one 
 Stroke upon them ; yet at laft 
 they caft downe their Prey, and 
 halted through the Thickets for 
 their Lives. The Souldier thus 
 redeemed, had no fuch hard 
 
 " Ufage, but that he is alive, as I 
 
 "fuppofe, at this very Day." [1654.] 
 
 Wond. Work, Prov., 116. See alfo 
 
 Hubbard, 129, who fays "Lieut. 
 
 ' Davenport was forely wounded 
 
 ' in the Body, John Wedgwood of 
 
 * Ipfwich in the Belly, was laid 
 
 ' hold on alfo by fome of the In- 
 
 ' dians." He was probably the 
 
 Buckler above mentioned by John- 
 
 fon. At the fame Time Thomas 
 
 Sherman, alfo of Ipfwich, was 
 
 wounded. " Others were in much 
 
 ' Hazard of being fwallowed by 
 
 ' the miery Bogs of the Swamp, 
 
 ' wherein they lluck fo faft, that if 
 
 ' Serjeant Riggs of Roxbury had 
 
 ' not refcued two or three of them, 
 
 ' they had fallen into the Hands 
 
 ' of the Enemy." Ibid. 
 
 177 We firft hear of this import 
 ant Perfonage by Lieut. Gardiner. 
 He came to Saybrook in 1636, as 
 an Interpreter; is probably the 
 Thomas Stanton who failed from 
 England for Virginia the Year be 
 fore. How he baca'me Mafter of 
 
[ 14-9 ] 
 
 ' themfelves to the Mercy of the Englifh, moft of 
 ' which brought their fmall Prefent with them, and 
 ' laid it down before the Councell. Now Night 
 ' drawing on, they did beleaguer the Swamp as 
 ' ftrongly as they could. 
 
 ' But above Halfe an Hour before Day the In- 
 
 * dians that were in the Swamp, attempted to break 
 ' through Capt. Patricks Quarters, but were beaten 
 ' back feveral Times. They made a great Noife, 
 
 * as their Manner is at fuch Times, which founded 
 ' round about the Leaguer; Capt. Mafon fent Serjeant 
 ' Stares 17 * to affift thofe againft whom the Pequots 
 ' preflcd to come out by, at which Time alfo Capt. 
 ' Trajk came in to their Affiftance, but the Tumult 
 ' encreafing, the Siege was raifed, and they marching 
 ' up to a Place at a Turning of the Swamp, the 
 ' Indians were forcing out upon them, but they 
 
 the Indian Language does not ap- " himfelf confeft to me at my 
 pear. He fettled in Stonington, and " Howfe." Ibid, 208. Wequaf- 
 died in 1678, leaving a Wife and chuck had married the Mother of 
 fome nine Children. In all Troubles Safacous. Genealogical Matters 
 and Controverfies between the Eng- among Indians muft have been very 
 lifh and Indians Mr. Stanton was uncertain. Numerous are the De- 
 depended upon to interpret between fcendants of Thomas Stanton at this 
 them, yet at one Time the Indians Day. Mifs Caulkins has laid them 
 greatly diftrufted him ; believing under many Objigations in this Be- 
 that he interpreted againft them. half. See her invaluable Hi/lory of 
 He was faid to have been " groflly New London, 296, and elfewhere. 
 " deluded " by the wily Wequaf- Hubbard fays " he was an exadt 
 chuck, " the Man (to my Know- " Interpreter." 
 " ledge) that flickered Audfah, the 
 
 " Murtherer of Mr. Oldham." R. *" Perhaps a Mifprint, as I do 
 
 Williams in Mafs. Hi/I. Colls., 36, not find the Name of Stares in any 
 
 208, 216, 234, 246. Williams of our Records ; yet Prince has the 
 
 alfo fays that Stanton was " groflly fame Spelling in his Edition of 
 
 " coufend and deluded by Wequaf- Mafon. Savage does not include him 
 
 " chuck, a Nayantaquit Sachim, as in his great Dictionary. 
 
[ '50 ] 
 
 ' fired upon them, and fent them back by their 
 ' fmall Shot. Then they waited a little for their 
 ' fecond Attempt, but the Indians facing about, 
 ' and preffing violently upon Capt. Patricks Quar- 
 ' ters, brake through, and To efcaped about feventy 
 ' of them, as the Indians informed ; the Swamp was 
 ' fearched; there were but few found flain. The 
 ' Captives that were taken were about an hundred 
 ' and eighty, which were divided between the two 
 ' Colonyes, and they intended to keep them as Ser- 
 ' vants, but they could not endure the Yoke, for 
 
 * few of them continued any conilderable Time 
 ' with their Mailers. 17 * 
 
 * Thus did the Lord fcatter his Enemyes with 
 ' his ftrong Arm. 
 
 ' The Pequots now become a Prey to all Indians : 
 ' happy were they [39] that could bring in their 
 ' Heads to the Englifh, of which there came almofl 
 ' dayly to Windfor or Hartford ; but the Pequots 
 ' growing weary hereof, fent fome of the Chief 
 ' that furvived to mediate with the Englifh, offer- 
 ' ing that if they might but enjoy their Lives, they 
 ' would become the Englifh VafTals, to difpofe of 
 ' them as they pleafed. 
 
 * Whereupon Uncas and Miantonimo were fent 
 ' for, who with the Pequots met at Hartford', the 
 
 * Pequots being demanded, how many of them 
 ' were then living, they anfwered about an hundred 
 4 and eighty or two hundred ; Then were there 
 ' granted to Uncas Sachim of Mobeag eighty, and 
 
 179 Hubbard fays the Swamp was Fairfield or Stratford now Hands. 
 a hideous one near the Place where Indian Wars, \ 29. 
 
' to Miantonimo Sachim of Narraganfet eighty, and 
 ' to Ninnicraft twenty Men, when he fhould fatisfy 
 ' for a Mare of Elwood Pomeryes, killed by fome of 
 ' his Men ; The Pequots like wife were by Cove- 
 f nant bound, that they fhould no more inhabit 
 ' their native Countrey; nor fhould any of them be 
 ' called Pequots but Moheags and Narraganfets for 
 
 * ever; Shortly after about forty of them went to 
 ' Moheag, others went to Long Illand, others fet- 
 ' tied at Pawcatuck, a Place in the Pequot Country, 
 ' contrary to their Covenant and Agreement with 
 ' the Englifh fo lately made, which Connecticut ta- 
 ' king into Confideration, and well weighing the 
 ' Inconveniences that might enfue ; for the Preven- 
 ' tion whereof, they Cent forth forty Men under 
 
 * the Command of Capt. Mafon, to fupplant them 
 4 by burning their Wigwams, and bringing away 
 ' their Corn, except they would defert the Place : 
 
 * Uncas with about one hundred of his Men in 
 
 * twenty Cannoes alfo went to affift them in the 
 ' Service ; as they failed into Pawcatuck Bay, they 
 ' met with three of thofe Indians whom they 
 ' fent to inform the Reft with the End of their 
 ' coming, and alfo to tell them that they deiired to 
 ' fpeak with them or fome of them, they promifed 
 ' to do the Meflage, and fpeedily to return ; but 
 
 * they forgot to keep their Word for they came 
 < not. 
 
 ' Then they went up into the River in their Vef- 
 ' fel, but by Reafon of Flats were forced to land 
 on the weft Side of the River, their Wigwams 
 ' being on the eaft Side, juft oppoiite; where they 
 
' faw the Indians running up and down, jefting at 
 ' them. 
 
 * Then they landed, and went up into a narrow 
 ' Place in the River between two Rocks, where 
 ' they drew up the Indian Cannooes, and got fud- 
 ' denly over the River, fooner than they were 
 ' expected, and marched up to the Wigwams, where 
 ' the Indians were all fled, except fome old People 
 ' that could not. 
 
 ' They were fo fuddenly upon them, that they 
 ' had not Time to convey away their Goods. 
 ' There was plenty of Corn, it being the Time of 
 ' Harveft, [40] and when they had viewed it, they 
 ' were paffing to the Water fide to the Pinnance, 
 ' Half of Uncas his Men being with them, the reft 
 ' were plundering the Wigwams ; and as they were 
 ' marching they loked behind them, and faw 
 ' about fixty Indians running towards them, untill 
 ' they came within forty Paces of the Indians, then 
 
 * they ran and met them, and fell on pell mell, 
 ' ftriking and cutting with Bowes and Hatchets 
 ' and Knives, &c., after their feeble Manner. In- 
 ' deed it did not deferve the Name of Fighting. 
 
 * They then endeavoured to get between the In- 
 ' dians and the Woods, that fo they might prevent 
 ' their flying, which the Indians perceived and 
 ' endeavoured fpeedily to get away under the Beach, 
 ' but our Men made no Shot at them, but they laid 
 ' hold on about feven of them, who were Ninni- 
 ' crafts Men, who grew very outragious ; the Cap- 
 ' tain told them if they were not quiet they mould 
 ' be made fhorter by the Head ; and when they 
 
' were going to put it into Execution, Of aft Sachim 
 ' of Narraganfet, and Brother to Miantonimo, ftep- 
 ( ped forth to Capt. Mafon, and told him, thofe Men 
 
 * whom he was going to execute were his Brothers 
 ' Men, who was a Friend to the Englifh, and if 
 ' their Lives might be fpared, he would engage to 
 ' deliver fo many MurthereTs Heads in lieu of them 
 ' to the Englim ; The Captain granted his Defire, 
 
 * and the Men were delivered to Uncas to be fecured 
 ' till Otafli his Engagement was performed. 
 
 ' Then they drew up their Bark into a Creek 
 
 * the better to defend her, there being fome hun- 
 
 * dreds of Indians within five Miles, waiting their 
 ' Motion. 
 
 ' But there they quartered that Night. In the 
 
 * Morning as foon as it was Light, there appeared 
 
 * in Arms at leaft three hundred Indians on the other 
 ' Side the Creek, upon which the Captain com- 
 
 * manded his Men to ftand to their Armes, which 
 
 * the Indians perceiving, fome of them fled, others 
 
 * crept behind the Rocks and Trees, not one of 
 ' them were to be feen. 
 
 ' They then called to them, faying, they defired 
 
 * to fpeak with them, and that they would lay 
 ' down their Armes for that End, whereupon they 
 ' flood up : The Captain told them that the.Pe- 
 
 * quots had violated their Promife and Covenant] 
 
 * with the Englim, in that they were not tKe"re to/ 
 
 * inhabit, and that he was lent to fupplant them; 
 
 * the Indians anfwered, the Pequots were good Men, 
 
 * their Friends, and they would fight for them and 
 ' protect them ; which Words moved the Captain, 
 
 U 
 
[ '54- ] 
 
 ' who told them it was not far to the Head of the 
 ' Creek, where he would meet them, and then they 
 ' might try what they could do ; [41 ] The Indians 
 ' replied, they would not fight with Englt/hmen, for 
 ' they were Spirits ; l8 but they would fight with Un- 
 ' cas. The Captain told them that he thought it was 
 ' too early for them to fight; but they might take 
 ' their Opportunity and fight when' they faw Caufe, 
 ' for they mould be burning their Wigwams, 
 ' and carrying their Corn aboard all that Day, and 
 ' prefently caufed the Drum to be beat up, and 
 ' fired their Wigwams in their View. But as they 
 ' marched along, there flood two Indians upon an 
 ' Hill jeering and reviling of them ; Mr. Stanton 
 ' the Interpreter marching at Liberty, defired leave 
 ' of the Captain to make a Shot at them ; the 
 ' Captain demanded of the Indians, who they were ; 
 ' they anfwered that they were Murtherers ; the 
 
 * Captain then gave Mr. Stanton leave to make a 
 ' Shot at them, who did fo, and mot one of them 
 ' through both his Thighs, which was to the Won- 
 ' derment both of Englim and Indians, it being at 
 
 * fuch a vaft Diftance. 
 
 ' They then proceeded and loaded their Bark 
 
 * with Indian Corn, and their Canooes, about thirty 
 ' of them, with Indian Trayes, Kettles, Mats, and 
 
 * other Luggage, and then went on Board, and 
 ' made homeward, and it pleaied God to profper 
 ' them, fo that in a fhort Time they all arrived in 
 ' Safety at the Place of their abode ; though they 
 
 180 It would have been gratifying of Spirits the Indians thought them 
 if the Writer had told us what Kind to be. 
 
' were in Hazard by the VefTels ftriking upon a 
 ' Rock, and {ticking thereon a while in their Re- 
 ' turn, yet the Lord bore them in his own Armes, 
 ' and preferved them from Danger. 
 
 * Thus we may fee how the Face of God is fet 
 ' againft them that do Evil, to cut off their Re- 
 ' membrance from the Earth. 181 
 
 ' Our Tongues therefore mail talk of his Right- 
 
 * eoufnefs all the Day long, for they are confounded, 
 ' they are brought to Shame that fought our Hurt, 
 ' BleJJed be the Lord God of Ifrael, who only doth 
 ' wondrous Things, and BleJJed be his holy Name 
 'forever, Let the whole Earth be filled with his 
 ' Glory ; for the Lord was pleafed to fmite our 
 ' Enemyes in the hinder Parts, and to give us their 
 ' Land for an Inheritance, who remembered us in 
 ' our low Eftate, and redeemed us out of our Ene- 
 ' myes Hands ; Let us therefore praife the Lord 
 ' for his Goodnefs, and wonderful Works to the 
 ' Children of Men. 
 
 ' Upon the whole it may not be amifs to gather 
 
 * out fome Specialtyes of Providence, that fo the 
 
 * Goodnefs of God may be taken notice of, and our 
 
 * Hearts enlarged in the Praife and Service of that 
 ' God who hath wrought fo wonderfully for our 
 
 ' Fathers and for us. J 
 
 * Thofe who were employed in this Service were 
 ' not many, their Commons were very mort, there 
 ' being then a general Scarcity throughout this 
 ' Colony of all Sorts of Provifion, it being upon our 
 
 181 Our Fathers were never at a which they fancied met each par- 
 Lofs for apt Scriptural Quotations ticular Cafe. 
 
[ '56 ] 
 
 ' very [42] Beginings on the Place, they had but 
 ' little Refreshment with them in their long March 
 ' from Narraganfet to Pequot ; but one Pint of 
 ' Liquor which was moderately dealt out to fuch 
 ' as fainted in the Way, by Reafon of the Extremity 
 ' of the Heat and fore Travel : after the Liquor 
 ' was fpent, the very fmelling to the Bottle was 
 ' effectual to the reviving of the fainting Souldiers. 
 ' They walked in an unknown Path, yet God 
 ' guided them in the Way they Jhould goe, though 
 ' they knew not where the Forts were, nor how far it 
 ' was to them, nor how far the Way that led to them 
 
 * otherwife than what they had from their Indian 
 ' Guides, in whom they durft not confide, and that 
 ' in their fo long a March among a treacherous 
 ' People, who had feveral Relations amongft our 
 
 * Enemies, and that in their March, and Allodge- 
 ' ment in the Enemies Country which was very 
 ' populous, they mould not be difcovered but 
 ' brought to their Enemies in the fitteft Seafon, 
 ' when none of them then ufually were together, and 
 ' that they mould be fo fucceeded in their Delign, 
 ' (as you have heard) is Matter of Wonderment. 
 
 ' What mall I fay ? God was pleafed to hide 
 ' them in the Hollow of his Hand. It was a fay- 
 ' ing of Mr. Hooker, that Man of God, in his 
 'Encouragements to the Souldiers, as they were 
 ' going forth to thofe Ingagements, that the Pequots 
 ' mould be Bread for them ; and the Lord made 
 ' good his Sayings. 
 
 ' It may not be amifs here alfo to remember Mr. 
 
' Stone 1 ** (the famous Teacher of the Church of 
 ' Hartford) who was fent to preach and pray with 
 ' thofe who went out in thofe Engagements againft 
 
 * the Pequots ; He lent his beft Affiftance and 
 
 * Counfel in the Management of thofe Defigns, and 
 
 * the Night in which the Engagement was, (in the 
 ' Morning of it) I fay that Night he was with the 
 ' Lord alone, wreftling with Him by Faith and 
 ' Prayer; and furely his Prayers prevailed for a 
 ' Blefling ; and in the very Time when our Ifrael 
 ' were ingaging with the bloud-thirfty Pequots, he 
 ' was in the Top of the Mount, and fo held up his 
 ' Hand, that Ifrael prevailed. 
 
 ' In thofe Ingagements fome Men had fpecial 
 ' Deliverances. There were two Men, being one 
 
 * Mans Servants, who were both mot in the Knots 
 ' of their Neck-cloathes about their Necks, and 
 ' received no Hurt. l8 3 Alfo Lieut. Siefy, 1 **. was 
 ' mot in the Eyebrow with a flat headed Arrow, 
 
 * the Point turning downward, the Captain himfelf 
 ' pulled the Arrow out. Lieut. Bu// lB s was alfo 
 ' mot in the Back with an Arrow, which met with 
 
 182 Rev. Samuel Stone. He came previous Note, 
 to Bofton in 1633, and refided at 
 
 Cambridge till 1636, when he went 184 Lieut. Robert Sieley, Sealy, 
 
 to Hartford and fettled, and died Seeley, or Seely. According to 
 
 there 20 July, 1663. He was a Savage, Capt. Nafbaniet-Seeley, Son 
 
 Native of Hartford in England, and of this Gentleman, was killed in 
 
 Hartford in Connecticut was fo Philip's War in the Narraganfet 
 
 named on that Account (in 1637). Fort Fight. 
 Trumbull, i, 77. 
 
 185 Lieut. Thomas Bull, before 
 
 183 Perhaps this refers to Wedge- mentioned. He came to N. England 
 wood and Sherman, mentioned in a in 1635, at me Age f 2 5- 
 
[ '58 ] 
 
 c an hard Piece of Cheefe and went no further, 
 ' which may verify the old Saying a little Armour 
 ' would ferve if a Man knew where to place it. 
 
 ' Thus the Lord did great Things for his People 
 ' among the Heathen whereof we are glad, Praife 
 
 * ye the Lord, 
 
 [43] * The Year following, the Colony of Con - 
 ' necticut being in great Want of Provifion, Indian 
 ' Corn being at twelve Shillings the Bufhel. The 
 ' Court of Connecticut imployed Capt. Mafon and 
 ' Mr. William Wadfworth, and Deacon Edward 
 
 * Stebbing y to make a Trial what Providence would 
 ' afford for their Relief, in this great Streight ; who 
 
 * notwithftanding fome Difcouragements they met 
 ' with fome Englifh, went to a Place called Pa 
 
 * comptuck^ where they procured fo much Corn at 
 ' reaibnable Rates, that the Indians brought down 
 ' to Hartford and Wind/or fifty Cannoes laden with 
 ' Corn at one Time, never was the like known to 
 ' this Day, fo that although the Lord was pleafed 
 ' to (hew his People hard Things in their Begin- 
 ' engs, yet did he execute Judgment for the 
 ' Opprefled, and gave Food to the Hungry, afford- 
 ' ing them 'his continued Protection and Bleffing, 
 ' in the bountifull Supply of the good Things of 
 4 this Life, with the Continuance of his Gofpel and 
 
 * Ordinances, and a plentifull Increafe of their 
 ' Number, from four Plantations which was then 
 ' the alone Number of the Colony of Connecticut ; 
 ' to twenty four Towns, 1 ^ which is the prefent 
 
 186 Or Pecomptuck, fince Deer- 187 It muft be remembered that 
 field. this is what Mr. Allyn fays and not 
 
[ '59 ] 
 
 * Number of Towns in this Colony, and from three 
 
 * Churches to nineteen, which is the Number now 
 fettled in this Colony." 
 
 Thus fair is Mr. John Allyn his Narrative of 
 the Pequot Troubles, which I take to be the moft 
 perfect Account thereof that is extant, or that will 
 probably be now attained. 188 fince few of thofe that 
 were perfonally concerned in that War and who 
 are fit to give a Relation thereof, are at this Day in 
 the Land of the Living. 
 
 Neverthelefs I have met with a Manufcript in 
 the Library of a learned and worthy Perfon de- 
 ceafed, wherein the Paffages of the Pequot War % are 
 defcribed. The Author of the Script I know not, 
 nor can conjecture, faving that it was one who had 
 a particular and perfonal Acquaintance with thofe 
 "Affairs. It doth in Subftance agree with that of 
 Mr. John Allyn: only in fome Particulars, a more 
 full Account of Proceedings is exprefled. For this 
 Manufcript Anonimus doth Relate as followeth, viz. 
 That in Anno 1634. a Bark wherein was Capt. 
 Stone, and Capt. Norton, with fix Men befides go 
 ing up Connecticut River were all killed by the 
 Pequot Indians, and the Bark funk near a fteep 
 Rock, which to this Day bears the Name of Capt. 
 
 Capt. Mafon, for the Captain was 188 This would be a fingular Re- 
 dead before the Towns in Con- mark for a Hiftorian to make in 
 nefticut had increafed to twenty- thefe Days, although I have heard 
 four. There appears to have been within my Memory, a very good 
 twentj-Jix Towns fettled up to and Writer of a Hiftory of one of the 
 including 1674. Mafon died " in important New England States, 
 " 1672 or 1673." Prince. make the fame. 
 
Stones Rock. In the Year following a Bark going 
 from the Bay, bound to Virgina, was by a Tempeft 
 caft away at Long Ifland, certain Pequots there 
 killed two Englifhmen, the reft efcaping. 
 
 [44] In Anno 1636. A Veflel going from Con 
 necticut towards the Bay, putting in at Block- 
 Ifland, the Indians coming aboard to Trade, killed 
 the Matter. 189 Another Veflel coming from Con 
 necticut, taken with a crofs Wind, intended to put 
 in at Narraganfet, but could not ; being therefore 
 forced upon Block-IJland, they faw a Bark with her 
 Sayls up, driving too and fro, they hailed her, but 
 no Anfwer was given ; perceiving her full of In 
 dians they fufpedted the Englifh belonging to the 
 Veflel were murdered, whereupon they difcharged 
 their Guns, mooting Bullets among the Indians, 
 who, many of them immediately leaped overboard. 
 The Mafter entered the Veflel, and lifting up a' 
 Gloth faw an Englimman dead, and diferning that 
 many Indians were ftill in the Hold, he returned 
 to his own Veflel again, from thence pouring in 
 fmall fhot upon the Indians, for a while, untill the 
 Wind coming fair ; he failed away to Bofton, inform 
 ing the Gouvernour and Council there, concerning 
 what he had feen, I9 whence about an hundred 
 
 iso T^ nas Reference to the Rev. Thomas Cobbet of Ipfwich ; 
 
 Murder of Capt. John Oldham, which Account Mr. Cobbet fays he 
 
 (See N. E. Hift.-Gen. Reg., VII, had from the Mouth of Capt. John 
 
 211), unlefs there was a previous Gallup, who was prefent when the 
 
 and fimilar Cafe and of which we Indians were taken by his Father. 
 
 have no other Account. Gobbet's Narrative was not printed 
 
 till 1853, when it was publifhed in 
 
 100 This correfponds with an the N. Eng. HiJt.-Gen. Reg., VII, 
 
 Account furnifhed the Author by the 209-2 1 9. 
 
Souldiers were forthwith fent to Block- I/land 1 ^ 1 As 
 they were landing, the Indians came down and 
 (hot violently at them, wounding one Man, but as 
 loon as one Englishman was landed, they ran away. 
 The Englifh purfued them two Dayes, burning 
 their Corn and Wigwams, but the Indians betook 
 themfelves to Swamps, thereby efcaping with their 
 Lives. After this they refolved for the Pequot 
 Country, having received fome Intelligence of the 
 Infolency and Outrage of thofe Indians. As they 
 were failing up the River, many of the Pequots on 
 both Sides of the River called to them, defirous to 
 know what was their End in coming thither, they 
 were told that they defired to fpeak with Saffacus, 
 one of their Sachims; the Indians faid he was gone 
 to Long I/land ; then it was demanded that Moma- 
 
 191 The Expedition was under 
 Endicott as General, and confuted 
 of about 100 Men, which failed 
 from Bofton near the End of Au- 
 guft, 1636. The other principal 
 Officers were Capt. John Underhill, 
 Capt. Nathaniel Turner, Enfigns 
 Jenyfon and Davenport. The Rev. 
 John Higginfon of Salem, went as 
 Chaplain. The Particulars of the 
 Expedition may be found in Capt. 
 Underhill's Hiftory, Winthrop's 
 Journal, Hubbard's Indian Wars, 
 120; but there is no Lift of the 
 Soldiers of which I am aware. I 
 find on the Colonial Records that 
 " George Munnings is granted five 
 " Pounds in regard of the Lofle of 
 " his Eye in the Voyage to Block 
 
 V 
 
 " Ifland.'' If an important Mem 
 ber of the Body was valued at 5, 
 it might be interefting to know what 
 the whole was valued at in thofe 
 Days. But it appears that Mun 
 nings had fome further Confidera- 
 tion on Account of his Eye, though 
 what it amounted to does not ap 
 pear, as it was contingent on certain 
 Fines, which might or might not 
 have been remitted, 
 
 When Gen. Endicott went to 
 chaftife the Pequots they fent their 
 Women and Children to the Mo- 
 hegans who protected them. This 
 Miantonimo aflerted to Roger Wil 
 liams to mow that the Mohegans 
 were not real Friends to the Eng- 
 lifh. 
 
[ '62 ] 
 
 nottuck 1 ^ another of their Sachems mould appear. 
 It was pretended that he was not at Home neither. 
 The Englim went Afhore, and required the Indians 
 to deliver up thofe that had murdered Capt. Stone. 
 It was anfwered that they were alfo gone from 
 Home, but they would fend after them, and de 
 liver them to Juftice, and that they might the 
 better keep the Englim in Parley, they faid that 
 their Sachim would prefently come and treat with 
 them. In the mean Time they tranfported Goods, 
 Women and Children to another Place. 
 
 At laft one of the Indians declared plainly, that 
 Momanottuck would not come. Immediately a 
 Skirmim followed, wherein one Indian was killed, 
 and an Englishman was wounded. The Indians 
 fled, the Englim purfuing, fet Fire to their Wig 
 wams, and deftroyed their Corn, fo did they return 
 to their VerTel. A few Days after this, going on 
 Shore [45 | again, as they were loading themlelves 
 with Corn, the Indians violently affaulted them, fo 
 that they were forced to leave their Corn and ftand 
 to their Arms. At this Time an Indian was killed, 
 and two Englimmen forely wounded. The Indians 
 attempted the Veflels, but were entertained with 
 fuch Volleys of fmall Shot, as made them afraid to 
 board any, fo the Barks arrived fafe at Say-brook 
 Fort. The next Day fome of the Fort going to 
 the River to fetch Hay, the Pequots privily came 
 
 I 92 Since ufually written Mono- 36, 192,262. It was the Wife of 
 
 notto. Roger Williams probably this Chief that faved the Lives of 
 
 means the fame Indian by Mauma- the Captives mentioned in Note 
 
 nadtucL See Mafs. Hi/t. Colls., 148. 
 
upon them took one Man and afterward roafted 
 him alive, another mot with five Arrows lived 
 fourteen Weeks and dyed, the reft efcaped with 
 much Danger. 19 * After this the Pequots came near 
 the Fort and deftroyed many of the Englim Cattel. 
 About two Miles diftant from the Fort there was 
 an Englim Houfe wherein were Souldiers. Their 
 Commander charged them not to go out of doors, 
 yet three of them would venture, and as they were 
 a Mufket mot from the Houfe, the Indians en- 
 compafled them, and took two of them alive, the 
 third being wounded did with his naked Sword 
 efcape through them to the Houfe, relating to the 
 Company the fad Event, and that one of thofe 
 Englim that were taken did firft kill two Indians. 
 The next Day all the Englim deferted that Houfe, 
 and repaired to the Fort. The Indians then quickly 
 burned that, and two other Houfes. They made 
 towards the Fort as if they would have done fome 
 great Matter; but a great Gun being difcharged at 
 them, they went quite away, and were no more 
 'feen at Say-brook for the greateft Part of that 
 
 103 Old Mr. Mitchell," fays out of the long Grafs, killed three 
 
 Gardiner, "was very urgent with me of them and took captive the Bro- 
 
 " to lend him the Boat to fetch Hay ther of Mr. Mitchell, Minifter of 
 
 " from the Six Mile Ifland." Gardi- Cambridge, and roafted him alive, 
 
 ner remonftrated, faying he had not Gardner, 142-3. His Name was 
 
 Men fufficient, but was finally per- Butterfield. Savage fays his Chrift- 
 
 fuaded to let the Boat go, and fev- ian Name was Samuel. Perhaps it 
 
 eral Men fet off. Part of them was, but he gives no Evidence. The 
 
 were enjoined to keep Guard, while Place where Butterfield was taken 
 
 the reft loaded the Hay. This was was known for a Time as Butter- 
 
 neglefted, and all went together on field's Meadow. It was on what is 
 
 Shore. Suddenly the Indians rofe fince called Calves Ifland. Barter. 
 
164 
 
 Winter.' 94 Only two Miles up the River two Men 
 going in a Canoo to (hoot Geefe, the Indians hear 
 ing the Report of their Guns, came upon them. 
 Thofe two Englifh fought to fave their Lives by 
 padling, but the Indians purfued them with an 
 other Canoo (hot at them and wounded one in his 
 Head, who fell overboard, the other mot floutly at 
 the Indians, but at laft being wounded and wearied, 
 the Indians overtook him, he with his Paddle cleft 
 one of the Indians Heads, but the reft took him, 
 and tortured him to Death. 195 
 
 Feb. 22. The Lieut, with nine Souldiers well 
 armed, went out of the, Fort to burn the Woods 
 thereabouts, being gone Ha'f a Mile from Home 
 they were befett with about feventy Indians, who 
 let fly their Arrows very fiercely ; the Englifh re 
 treated, one Man prefently was fhot in the Neck, 
 and then did they lay Hands on him, he drew his 
 Sword, but that was taken from him ; Then would 
 he (as the Indians afterwards teftified) have killed 
 himfelf, with his own Knife, but that alio did the 
 Indians deprive him of, and cut off his Nofe and 
 Hands, and put him to a cruel Death ; they fhot 
 down another Englimman with three [46] Arrows, 
 and a third had one of his Ribs cleft ^with an Arrow, 
 fo that he died immediately. A fourth was mor 
 tally wounded, and though he got Home alive, he 
 
 194 This feems like an Abridge 
 ment of Gardiner's Hiftory, without 
 the Particulars. 
 
 .195 
 
 Shallop coming down 
 " the River in the Spring, [1636] 
 
 having two Men, one whereof 
 they killed at Six-mile Ifland, the 
 other came down drowned to us 
 A more at our Doors, with an 
 Arrow fhot into his Eye through 
 his Head." Gardiner, 143. 
 
died within fourteen Hours, a fifth was forely 
 wounded, but afterwards recovered, and lived (the 
 next Year) to behead that very Indian who had 
 mot an Arrow into him. Yea, the Leiut. himfelf 
 was wounded in this Skirmim. After this the In- 
 dians kept Leaguer before Say-brook Fort. 196 
 
 March 9. A Body of Indians, confifting (as 
 was conjectured) of two or three hundred come 
 within Mufket mot of the Fort, challenging the 
 Englifh to come out and fight, mocking and up 
 braiding them with fuch Words as the Englim ufed 
 when by them tortured to Death, and bragged that 
 
 1!);; Gardiner's Account of this 
 defperate Adventure and furious 
 Attack of the Pequots fhould be read 
 in Connexion. " In the 2zd of 
 " February I went out with ten Men 
 " and three Dogs, Half a Mile 
 " from the Houfe [Fort] to burn 
 " the Weeds, Leaves and Reeds, 
 " upon the Neck of Land, becaufe 
 " we had felled twenty timber 
 " Trees, which we were to roll to 
 " the Water-fide to bring home, 
 " every Man carrying a length of 
 " Match with Brimftone-matches 
 " with him to kindle the Fire withal. 
 But when we came to the fmall 
 of the Neck, the Weeds burning, 
 I having before fet two Sentinels 
 on the fmall of the Neck, T called 
 to the Men that were burning the 
 Reeds to come away, but they 
 would not until they had burnt 
 up the reft of their Matches. 
 Prefently there ftarts up four 
 Indians out of the fiery Reeds, 
 but ran away, I calling to the reft 
 of our Men to come away out of 
 
 the Marfii. Then Robert Chap 
 man and Thomas Hurlbut, being 
 Seutinels, called to me, faying 
 there came a Number of Indians 
 out of the other Side of the Marfh. 
 Then I went to flop them, that 
 they fhould not get [to] the Wood 
 land ; but Thomas Hurlbut cried 
 out to me that fome of the Men 
 did not follow me, for Thomas 
 Rumble and Arthur Branch, threw 
 down their two Guns ran away ; 
 then the Indians fhot two of them 
 that were in the Reeds, and fought 
 to get between us and Home, but 
 darft not come before us, but 
 kept us in a Half-moon, we re 
 treating and exchanging many a 
 Shot, fo that Thomas Hurlbut 
 was fhotalmoft through the Thigh, 
 John Spencer in the Back into his 
 Kidneys, myfelf into the Thigh, 
 two more were fhot dead. But 
 in our Retreat I kept Hurlbut and 
 Spencer ftill before us, : we de 
 fending ourfelves with our naked 
 Swords, or elfe they had taken us 
 
C '66 ] 
 
 they could kill Englifh men all one Fly es : but two 
 great Gunns loaden with Carthages of Mufket 
 Bullets being fired at them, away they went, and 
 hearing that the Narraganjets were invading their 
 Country, they viiited Sey brook no more. 197 
 
 After thefe Things, a Shallop coming down from 
 Coneclicut, with three Men rowing, was fet upon 
 by feveral Canoes of Indians, the Englim fought 
 ftoutly fo long as they could, but one of them be 
 ing (hot through the Nofe, fo as the Arrow went 
 out at the Crown of his Head, fell overboad and 
 dyed ; The other two were taken by the Indians, 
 who ripped them up from the Bottom the Belly 
 to the Throat, and cleft them down the Back 
 
 " all alive, fo that the two fore 
 " wounded Men, by our flow Re- 
 " treat, got home with their Guns, 
 " when our two found Men ran 
 " away and left their Guns behind 
 " them. But when I faw the Cow- 
 " ards that left us, I refolved to let 
 " them draw Lots which of them 
 " mould be hanged, for the Articles 
 " did hang up in the Hall for them 
 ' to read, and they knew they had 
 been publiflied long before. But 
 at the Interceffion of old Mr. 
 Mitchell, Mr. Higgiflbn, and 
 Mr. Pell, I did forbear. Within 
 a few Days after, when I had 
 cured myfelf of my Wound, I 
 went out with eight Men to get 
 fome Fowle for our Reliefe, and 
 found the Guns that were thrown 
 away, and the Body of one Man 
 ftiot through, the Arrow going in 
 at the Right Side, the Head flick 
 ing faft, Half through a Rib on 
 
 " the Left Side, which I took out 
 " and cleanfed it, and prefumed to 
 " to fend it to the Bay [Bofton] 
 " becaufe they had faid that the 
 " Arrows of the Indians were of no 
 " Force." Hift. oftbePequot War, 
 143-144. 
 
 " That very Indian " who was 
 beheaded " the next Year" by the 
 Man then defperately wounded, was 
 named Kifwas, as will be elfewhere 
 feen. 
 
 1 - ' This brief Epifode is told at 
 great Lengih by Gardiner in his 
 Hiftory too long for a Note in 
 this Place. Gardiner mentions that 
 Anthony Dike brought him a Letter, 
 being " fent by Mr. Vane," then 
 Governor, who required Gardiner 
 to " prefcribe the beft way to quell 
 " the Pequots, which I alfo did, and 
 " with my Letter fent the Mans 
 " Rib as a Token." 
 
'67 
 
 throughout, and afterwards hung them up by the 
 Neck on a Tree by the River fide, that the Eng 
 lifh might fee them as they pafied by ; the Shallop 
 they drew a Shore and fet on Fire. 198 
 
 May 15. 1637. Some of Uncas his Men being then 
 at Saybrook, in order to amfting the Englifh againft 
 the Pequots efpyed feven Indians, and flyly encom- 
 paffing them, flew five of them, and took one Pri- 
 foner, and brought him to the Englifh Fort, which 
 was great Satisfaction and Encouragement to the 
 Englifh, who before that Exploit had many Fears 
 touching the Fidelity of the Moheag Indians. 1 " 
 He whom they took Prifoner was a perfideous Vil 
 lain, one that could (peak Englifh well, having in 
 Times paft lived in the Fort, and knowing all the 
 Englifh there, had been at the flaughtering of all 
 the Englifh that were flaughtered thereabouts ; he 
 was a continual Spy about the Fort, informing 
 Safacus of what he faw or could learn. When 
 this bloody Traitor was executed, his Limbs were 
 by Violence pulled from one another, and burned 
 to Ames : fome of the Indian Executioners barbar- 
 oufly taking his Flefh, they gave it to one another, 
 and did eat it, withal finging about the Fire. 200 
 
 19; ; This Shallop is that mentioned 20 The Indian thus barbaroufly 
 by Gardiner as belonging to " Mr. executed was named Kifwas, men- 
 Michel," I fuppofe ; and the Man tioned before. He had lived a Time 
 fo barbaroufly ripped in two was at the Fort with Lt. Gardiner, as 
 Mafter Tilly, of whom mention is above remarked, but when the Ex- 
 already made. pedition againft the Pequots under 
 
 Gen. Endicott came to Saybrook, 
 
 199 The Mohegan Indians broke he ran away ; hence Gardiner called 
 
 from the Pequots in the Year 1636. him a Traitor. The marked dif- 
 
 Gardiner. ference in the Narratives of this War 
 
C 168 ] 
 
 It is alfo reported that before the Mi/lick Fight, 
 a friendly Indian [47] that was lent thither as a 
 fecret Spy, brought Word that the Pequots were 
 finging, and dancing, and bleffing their God, in 
 that they fuppoied the Englifh were gone from 
 them ; and that in the Night the Englifh came 
 upon them, they were fallen into a deep Sleep, by 
 Reafon of their long Dancing the Night before, 
 and their Sentinel was gone out of his Place to 
 light a Pipe of Tobacco, juft as the Englifh fur- 
 prized them, and when our Souldiers gave Fire 
 there was not one that miffed ; the Pequots fo 
 alarmed, in Horrour and Amazement crying Wan- 
 nocks Wannocks* i. e. Englishmen, Englifhmen ; 
 fome of the old Men taking hold of others that 
 were willing to run away, and faying, as we have 
 lived together, fo let us dy together, the Wigwam 
 which was firft fet on Fire, being to the wind 
 ward Side carried all before it, (as is in the Narra 
 tive intimated). At that Time there were two 
 Englifh men flain, (one of which was thought to be 
 {hot by an Englifh man) and twenty four wounded, 
 
 is obfervable throughout, and it is fays Capt. Underhill finifhed the 
 
 very apparent that the Jealoufies Execution by " {hooting a Piftol 
 
 between the Heads of the different " through him to defpatch him." 
 
 Colonies came near deftroying them A True Relation of the late Bait ell, 
 
 all ; and the Man whom Hiftory 36. 
 may decide faved them all, was the 
 
 Founder of that Colony hated by 2(U In Mafon's Hiftory the Pe- 
 
 all. But of this I have taken No- quot Word of Alarm is " Owanux, 
 
 tice in the Introduction. " Owanux" Why Mr. Allyn 
 
 The Account of the Execution of changed the Orthography, he does 
 
 Kifwas in Vincent's Traft corre- not inform us. Mr. Prince in his 
 
 fponds with this in our Text, though Edition of Mafon's Work fets the 
 
 it is more horrible, if poffible. He Matter right. See Note 156. 
 
i6 9 
 
 whereof one dyed within few Dayes. aoa Alfo fourty 
 Indians that were Friends to the Englim were hurt 
 in that Engagement. It was fuppofed that no lefs 
 than five or lix hundred Pequot Souls were brought 
 down to Hell that Day. 203 Moreover it is therein 
 added, that as the Englim marched towards their 
 Veflels in the River, ftill as they came near any 
 Swamp, they fent in a Volley of Shot left the Enemy 
 mould haply be in Ambum in thofe dark Places of 
 the Earth, and fome Indians have related that the 
 Englim did by that Means kill more Men of War 
 in their marching away, than in the Fight at the 
 Fort, whereby alfo Saffacous his Plot to cut off the 
 Englim as they pafled by Swamp-ambufhinents 
 was utterly and happily fruftrated. 
 
 It is further faid, that an Indian called Wequafh 
 did direcl: the En glim to the Fort at Miftick* 
 
 202 Underbill mentions a very 204 The other Hiftorians of the 
 remarkable Circumftance connected War do not give this Indian Credit 
 with the firft Attack on the Fort for this moft important Service. He 
 that at the Word Fire every lived till about 1643, and was in 
 Gun went off at the fame Moment great Favor with Roger Williams. 
 which he thus relates: "Sore- See his Key, P. 22 (R. I, Hift. 
 
 ' markable it appeared to us, as we Colls., i). See alfo Book Indians, 
 
 ' could not but admire at the Pro- 166. It appears from Roger Wil- 
 
 ' vidence of God in it, that Soldiers liams's Letters, that there was an- 
 
 ' fo unexpert in the Ufe of their other Indian named Wequafchuck, 
 
 ' Arms, mould give fo complete a whofe Name with the Englifh flid 
 
 ' Volley, as though the Finger of into Wequam Cook, and became 
 
 ' God had touched both Match confounded with that of Wequafli. 
 
 ' Flint," P. 23. But Wequam was a Pequot, and 
 
 Wequamchuck was a Nyantick, 
 
 203 This feems to have been a and " the Man," fays Williams, 
 favorite Expreffion of our Author. " to my Knowledge, that flickered 
 It will be met with again in the " Audfah, the Murtherer of Mr. 
 Courfe of the Work. " Oldham. Mafi. Hift. Sot. Colls., 
 
 w 
 
which Wequajhvfi& by birth a Sachim of that Place 
 but upon ibme Difguft received he went from the 
 Pequots to the Narraganfets, and became a chief 
 Captain under Miantonimo ; and that there were 
 with thofe eighty Englifh Souldiers, who engaged 
 in this Expedition againft the Pequots, at firft four 
 hundred Indians, whereof three hundred were 
 Narraganfets. The Day before the Fight there 
 was fome Agitation which Fort fhould be firfl 
 aiTaulted, whether that of Miftick, or another eight 
 Miles further, where Saffacus himfelf refided. The 
 Englim were an End to be upon Saffacus , but the 
 Indians were afraid faying, that Sajfacus was all one 
 God, and nobody could kill him ; this made the 
 Englifh yet more defirous to try what Power was 
 in this imaginary Deity, and that was the Conclu- 
 fion, whereupon many of the Narraganfets with 
 drew and returned all Home, reporting that the 
 Englim were cut off by the Indians ; the Fame of 
 which was quickly at [48-] Bofton ; to the great 
 Affliction of the Englim untill fuch Time as the 
 Truth of Things was certainly known. z 5 In this 
 Interim one of Capt. Underbids Souldiers fell lame, 
 
 36, 208, 242 For other curious 25] came News from the Narra- 
 
 Particulars in the Life of Wequajb, ganfett, that all the Englim, and 
 
 fee Ibid, 198. See alfo Note 177. two hundred of the Indians 
 
 Mr. Williams recommended We- were cut off in their Retreat, for 
 
 quafh for a Guide in the Expedition. Want of Powder and Victuals. 
 
 Many other interefting Fads re- Three Days after, this was con- 
 
 fpecYtng this Indian are brought to firmed by a Poft from Plimouth, 
 
 Light by the newly publimed Let- with fuch probable Circumflances, 
 
 ters of Williams. as it was generally believed." 
 
 Winthrop, Journal, i, 225. See 
 
 BOS " Prefently upon this [May alfo Bradford, 358-359. 
 
not being able to go fo far as the Place where 
 Saffacus was fuppofed to be ; whence the Captain 
 changed his Purpofe, and determined for Miftick? 06 
 and Capt. Mafon was not willing they mould part 
 afunder, fo did they agree to make their AfTault 
 there ; few or none of the Indians which were in 
 the Fort efcaped, whole Companyes of them 
 gathered together and were burnt to Death ; thofe 
 that efcaped the Fire, the Englim without the Fort 
 flew them with the Sword, fo that round about 
 the Fort, dead Men lay hideous to behold. 
 
 The Indians Goliab, even their only Champion, 
 being a Man of huge Stature was then (lain, he 
 brake through the Souldiers, and although one 
 Sergeant ftroke him on the Neck with his Cut- 
 lam, he got by him and by five Souldiers more, but 
 the fixth killed him.* ? 
 
 And thofe that efcaped the Sword, the friendly 
 Indians that encompafled the Englifh took as Cap 
 tives to the Number of eighteen. 208 
 
 This was done upon Friday, May 26. Anno 
 1637. A memorable Day. 209 
 
 Upon this notable Victory, SaJJacus his Heart 
 failed him, his Men of War being many of them 
 
 200 If this were true, it would be in Note 158. 
 very remarkable indeed, that through 
 
 the Failure of a fingle Soldier the 208 This does not agree with the 
 
 Plan of the Campaign was changed, other Accounts as will have been 
 
 feen. 
 
 27 This was the Namelefs " flout 
 
 " Indian " mentioned by Vincent. 209 Winthrop records the Attack 
 
 See Note 160, and 161. Johnfon on the Fort on May 25th; but the 
 
 alfo heard fomething about the Feat 26th is doubtlefs the aftual Date, 
 
 of this Indian Goliab, as is mown Bradford does not give any Date.' 
 
cut off, fo that he fled his Country, breaking down 
 his Forts, and burning his Wigwams himfelf, he 
 marched away by Land, with fome Men, Wo 
 men and Children, their Goods being fent away 
 in the Cannons. The Englifh at Say-brook had 
 Notice of the Cannoos, and an Advantage to ftop 
 their PafTage, but Capt. Kilpatrick 2 - 10 delayed until! 
 the Opportunity was gone, fo that Saffacus with 
 his routed Train, coming up to his Cannoos fix 
 Miles from Say- brook Fort, was tranfported over 
 the River, and fled towards ^uinipiack. Being 
 now inraged he follicited his Men of War, that 
 they might go, and fall upon the Englifh at Con- 
 nefticut, but fome of them not confenting, that 
 Defign was not put in Execution $ he therefore 
 fled to the Mohawks, who (being as is fuppofed 
 excited thereto by the revengefull Narraganfets] 
 cut ofFhis Head. 211 
 
 Many of the Pequots before SaJJacus his Death 
 
 210 Why Capt. Daniel Patrick's ' Mohawks for Shelter, with their 
 Name is thus transformed muft be ' Wampum, (being to the Value of 
 left to conje&ure. ' 500,) were by them furprifed 
 
 ' and flain, with twenty of their 
 
 211 It appears that the Mohawks ' beft Men." Journal, i, 235. 
 fent the Head and Skin of Saflacus Records of the Reception at 
 to the Englifh ; for Winthrop fays, Bofton of the Heads and Hands of 
 under date of Auguft 5, that Mr. the Indians feems to have been made 
 Hooker, Mr. Stone, Mr. Wilfon, as coolly as almoft any other matter- 
 Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Pinchon, and of-courfe Affairs. Yet there were 
 about twelve more arrived at Boiton fome in the Land who did not ap- 
 from Connecticut by way of Provi- prove of fuch Barbarities. '* Thofe 
 dence, bringing with them as a Tro- " dead Hands,/ wrote Roger Wil- 
 phy, " a Part of the Skin and lock liams, " were no pleafing Sight. . . . 
 " of the Hair of Saflacus and his " I have alwaies fhowne Diflike to 
 " Brother and five other Pequot " fuch difmembering the Dead." 
 " Sachems, who being fled to the Mafs. Hiji. Colls., 36, 207. 
 
[ 173 ] 
 
 returned to their Country again; but Souldiers 
 being fent from the Maffachufets the returned 
 Pequots were prefently difrefted, ours ranfacking 
 their Country, and fetling a Garrifon therein, 
 quickly came back to Sey -brook, with one of the 
 Pequot Sachims, and other Indian Captives. After 
 which a Supply of Men from Connecticut coming to 
 the MafTachufets Souldiers, they failed Weftward in 
 Purfuit of the Pequots who were fled that Way, 
 failing along to the Weftward of Mononowuttuck? 
 the [49] Wind not anfwering their Defires, they caft 
 Anchor, where two Sachems from Long- -I/land? 1 * 
 came to them, defiring Peace and promiiing to 
 deliver up whatever Pequots mould fly to them for 
 Shelter, fome fcattering Pequots were then taken 
 and flain, as alfo the Pequot Sachem, before ex- 
 prefled, had his Head cut off, whence that Place 
 did bear the Name of Sachems Head* 1 * Being 
 
 212 Like moft other Indian Names, that Day, and has faithfully narrated 
 this has been varioufly written, it in his Hi/lory of the Pequot War, 
 Ufually now Menunkatuc ; the pre- 153, et feq. 
 fent Town of Guilford in Connec 
 ticut. In two Years after this pur- 214 Though moft of the Forces 
 fuit of the flying Pequots 1639 went from the Fort at Saybrook by 
 it was fettled by the Englifh. Roger Water, a Number of Soldiers with 
 Williams, writing in Sept. 1637, Uncas and his Indians fcoured the 
 fays the Place where the laft Fight Shores near the Sea, left any of the 
 was, was called Safquankit. See Pequots mould lurke there. Not a 
 Mafs. Hift. Colls., 36, 213. great Way from this Harbor they 
 
 came acrofs a Pequod Sachem with 
 
 213 Thefe Long Ifland Indians a few Indians, whom they purfued. 
 
 are very (lightly parted over, while As the fouth Side of the Harbor is 
 
 their Services probably faved the formed by a long narrow Point of 
 
 Englifh Settlers from Deftruftion, if Land, the Pequods went on to this 
 
 Lieut. Gardiner may be allowed to Point, hoping their Purfuers would 
 
 have known the Indian Policy of have pafled by them. But Uncas 
 
[ 174] 
 
 come near to <j%uinipiack* l $ obferving a Smoak, it 
 was conjectured that the Enemy might be there 
 abouts, whereupon Indians were fet on Shore to 
 hunt after them, but they could find no more then 
 two, one of which was the Sachems Son of that 
 Place, fuppofed to be Confederate with the Pequots. 
 They promifed to conduct the Englifh to the 
 Enemy, but failed in Performance. After that 
 they took another Indian Captive, who likewife 
 engaged to lead the Englifh upon the Pequots, but 
 he directed them into a quite contrary Way, for 
 which his Life was defervedly taken from him.* 16 
 But an Indian called Luz, who was before taken 
 Captive by our Souldiers in the Pequot Country, 
 with two other Indians that were his Kinfmen, 
 promifed that if the Englim would give him and 
 his Kinfmen their Lives, he would conduct them 
 
 knew Indian's Craft, and ordered received three Years after the War, 
 fome of his Men to fearch that namely, in 1640. Hoadly's New 
 Point. The Pequods perceiving Haven Records, i, 40. It does not 
 they were purfued, fwam over the appear why this Name was made 
 Mouth of the Harbor, which is Choice of, yet very likely it was 
 narrow; but they were way-laid, conferred in Remembrance of New 
 and taken as they landed. The Haven in Suflex, England. The 
 Sachem was fentenced to be (hot to Englim began the Settlement at 
 Death. Uncas mot him with an Quinipiack late in the Fall of 1637, 
 Arrow, cut off his Head, and ftuck and the next Year bought the Lands 
 it up in the Crotch of a large oak thereabouts of the Indian Claim- 
 Tree near the Harbor, where the ants. 
 Skull remained for a great many 
 
 Years. Thus from this extraordi- 21<5 It is not very conclufive Evi- 
 
 nary Incident, the Name of Sa- dence that thefe Indians favored the 
 
 chems Head was adopted to the Pequot Murderers, becaufe they 
 
 Harbor. Ruggles's Hi/}. Guilford, failed to lead the Englim to their 
 
 in Barber's Hift. Colls., 216. hiding Places ; but a Thirft for In 
 dian Blood is rather more conclu- 
 
 215 New Haven, which Name it five, now that their Hand was in. 
 
*75 
 
 to the Enemies they fought after. He did fo, the 
 Pequots with other Indians belonging to thofe 
 Parts, were found near a Swam, into which they 
 did betake themfelves for Safety, upon the Approach 
 of the Englim Souldiers. After a while, an Indian 
 came out of the Swamp unarmed, with a Prefent 
 of Wampam. The Englifh declared to him that 
 they came not to take away the Lives of the In 
 dians nor their Goods, if they would deliver up the 
 Murtherers that were amongft them. After which 
 ninety nine came forth with their Sachim, who 
 offered as a Prefent all the Eftate he had to difpofe 
 of, and that was nothing but the Coat on his Back, 
 being a Bears Skin. He was fent into the Swamp 
 again to fignify to the Pequots there lurking, that 
 if they would bring forth the Murderers it fhould 
 be better for them, which they would not do, but 
 at laft profefled they had lived together, and would 
 dy together. 
 
 There were about feventy or eighty Indians in 
 the Swamp, amongft whom there were twelve 
 Murderers. So then the Englim befett the Swamp; 
 and mot in upon them, and the Indians at them, 
 fome of which were furnifhed with Guns. 217 One 
 in Ipecial that was climbing up a Tree to moot at 
 the Englim, was efpyed by a Souldier, who fent a 
 Bullet into him before the other could make his 
 Shot. In the Night time the Indians brake away. 
 Diligent fearch was the next Day made in the 
 
 217 It was afcertained that the Quantity of Ammunition. The 
 Pequots had, in all, among them, Englim fay they were fupplied by 
 about fixteen Guns, and a due the Dutch at Manhattan, 
 
Swamp for dead Indians. Not many (as fomc 
 have made Narration) but feven, and no more could 
 be found. As for the Captives a [50] Guard was 
 appointed to look after them, they were charged 
 upon Peril of their Lives not to Attempt running 
 away ; yet one of them betook himfelf to his Heels, 
 but a Souldier {hot after him, and killed him, which 
 ftruck a Terror into the Reft of the Captives, that 
 no Man durft make an Offer to efcape. Thefe 
 |Things do I find related by Anonymous. There is 
 not much more additional to what is exprefled in 
 I Mr. Allyns Narrative. Some of thefe Particulars 
 infifted on confirming the Truth of that. Only 
 one Thing more is contained therein which I have 
 not elfewhere met with, which therefore it may 
 not be amifs here to take Notice of. It is this, 
 whereas on April 23. i637. 218 The Indians com 
 ing upon the Englifh at Wethersfield, killed nine 
 Perfons, and took two young Women alive, and 
 carried them away Captives, Means were ufed to 
 effect their Deliverance, but at firft, in vain. 
 
 On May 8. A Dutch Sloop eame by Say brook 
 Fort, having on board an Indian Captive, who faid 
 fhe was Momonottocks Squaw. The Englifh there 
 defired the Dutchmen to let them have the Squaw 
 in order to redeeming the Englifh Captives, offer 
 ing to give them to the Value of two hundred 
 Pound, provided that thofe Captives might be fet 
 at Liberty. The Dutchmen hoping to gain much 
 by fuch an Indian were fome of them loth to part 
 
 213 Sec Note 148. 
 
[ 177 ] 
 
 with her. In Conclufion Capt. Underbill (who 
 then commanded the Fort) having obtained the 
 Confent of the Mafter of the VefTel, did vt et armis 
 take the Squaw out of the Sloop. Afterwards 
 when the Moheags came to Say brook that Squaw 
 appeared to be one belonging to them, whom the 
 Pequots had captivated, and me made the Dutch 
 believe me was Momonottucks Squaw, hoping that 
 thereby me mould obtain the more courteous Ufage 
 amongft thofe into whofe Hands me was fallen, fo 
 that the Conteft between the Englim and Dutch 
 about her was needlefs. In the Interim the Dutch 
 Governour fent another Sloop, with Order to re 
 deem the Engim Captives if poffible, and thofe 
 Dutch did in Conclufion wilily accomplish their 
 Defign. For being arrived in the Pequot Country, 
 certain Indians coming aboard to trade with them 
 after they had been Trafficking they were clapt 
 under Hatches, and told they mould not be fet at 
 Liberty, except they would deliver the Englim 
 Maids that were captivated, and prefently hoyfted 
 Sayle, as if they would be gone. The Pequots on 
 Shore called to them, declaring that if they would 
 come to an Anchor, the Englim Captives mould 
 be brought to them, which was done, and the Men 
 whom the Dutchmen had fecured in their Sloop 
 given in Exchange for the Englim Captives, who 
 were alfo brought fafe to Saybrook, May 16. when 
 our Souldiers waited for a Wind to carry them to 
 engage with [5 1 ] the Pequots, and that Wind which 
 for a few Dayes kept the Englim from going upon 
 X 
 
C '78 ] 
 
 their Expedition, brought that Dutch Sloop to re 
 deem thofe Captives, concerning whom there was 
 no other Hope (and that was a Trouble to fome) 
 but that the Englim would be neceffiteted to deftroy 
 them amongft the Indians, in the Day when their 
 Fort mould be attacqued. 
 
 Some have thought that in thefe Narratives, 
 there is not due Notice taken of what was done 
 by the MaJJachufets Forces. The Truth is, the 
 Conqueft obteined over the Pequots was wonder 
 fully the Lords doing, nor may we afcribe much to 
 Man therein, yet muft it be acknowledged (and the 
 Narratives deny it not) that Capt. Vnderbill (and 
 thofe under his Command) who was fent from the 
 Maffachufets did acquit himfelf worthily, when 
 the Indians at Mijlick Fort were cut off. It muft 
 alfo be owned that the Maffacbujets Souldiers did 
 glean the Pequots after that, (and we know who, to 
 pacify thofe that were unrealbnably diffatisfied, was 
 ready to fay, Is not the Gleaning of Epbraim better 
 than the Vintage of Abiezer ;] Likewife they had 
 an equal Hand with others in the Service done at 
 the Swamp, where fuch a Multitude of Indians 
 were either {lain or taken as Captives.* 1 ? 
 
 And betides thefe Things iniftead on, there are 
 who have taken Notice of fome other Specialtyes of 
 Divine Providence relating to thofe Commotions 
 
 2i'" Our Author feems to have counts, that the Connecticut Men 
 learned in fome Way, that Jealoufy were not very modeft in their 
 had prevailed among the Men who Claims of the Honor of deftroying 
 were fent againft the Pequots, It thofe Indians, as is fnfficiently ap 
 is apparent from the different Ac- parent from Mafon's Story. 
 
which have been of momentous Confiderations, to 
 the People inhabiting this Wildernefs, which it 
 may not be amifs here to remark. It is then 
 worthy our Obfervation, that the guilty bloody 
 Pequots after they had treacheroufty murthered 
 Capt. Stone and his Company, brought Prefents of 
 Wampum and Bever to the Englim at Bofton, defir- 
 ing their Friendfhip, pleading that Stone had (who 
 was like enough to do it) offered fome Abufe to 
 them, in furprizing divers Indians, and binding 
 them, and forcing them to mew him the Way up 
 the River, &c. 2ZO wherefore a Peace was con 
 cluded upon Condition they would fuffer the 
 Englim who defired to inhabit Connecticut, there 
 quietly to live, and alfo deliver up thofe Men who 
 had been guilty of Stones Death. Thefe Things 
 were not performed by the Pequots. The Reafon 
 why they were the more willing to have Peace with 
 the Englim was, in that they were fallen out with 
 the Dutch at Monbatus, as alfo with the Narra- 
 ganjetts who were then potent and numerous ; and 
 at firft they thought Scorn to make Overtures of 
 Peace to them, proudly defigning the Subjugation 
 of all their neighbor Indians, which wrought well 
 for the Englim. Howbeit not unlike him that 
 faid : Flectere Ji nequeo fuperos Acheronta movebo. 
 When they faw they could not attain [52] their 
 
 220 This agrees with Winthrop's " fidence and Gravity, as, having 
 
 Record as found in his Journal, i, " no Means to contradict it, we 
 
 148. The " &c." in our Text is " inclined to believe it." Thomas 
 
 thus explained in the fame Place: Dudley was Governor of Maflachu- 
 
 " This was related with fuch Con- fetts, at that Time (1634). 
 
Ends with the Englim, except they would let Juf- 
 tice have a free PafTage, and having contracted frefh 
 bleeding Guilt upon themfelves by new and outragi- 
 ous Murthers, and Crueltyes, they earneftly folicited 
 the Narraganfets to joyn with them in their wicked 
 Confederacy againft the Englifh, Satan fuggefting 
 to them fuch Arguments as did almoft prevail. 
 For they told the Narraganfets that if they joyned 
 with the Englim, they did but make Way for their 
 own Ruine, fince after the Pequots were conquered, 
 they would find an Occalion to fall upon the Nar 
 raganfets, and that they fhould not need to come 
 to open battel with the Englim, only fire their 
 Houfes and kill their Cattel, and lye in Ambum to 
 moot them as they went about their Occafions, fo 
 would they quickly be forced to leave this Country, 
 and the Indians in the mean while not expofed to 
 any great Hazard/ 21 Had the Narraganfets been 
 overcome by thefe Arguments, it would have occa- 
 fioned far greater Trouble and Hazard to all the 
 
 231 The above is very fimilar to * ered what an Advantage they had 
 
 what Hubbard had ftated, in his ' put into their Hands by Strength 
 
 Hiftory of the War, p. 121. But ' and Favour of the Englifh, to take 
 
 that elegant Writer inimitably adds : ' a full Revenge of all their former 
 
 " Michiavel himfelf, if he had fat ' Injuries upon their inveterate 
 
 in Counfel with them, could not ' Enemies : the Thought of that 
 
 have infinuated ftronger Reafons ' was fo. fweet, that it turned the 
 
 to have perfwaded them to a ' Scale againft all other Confidera- 
 
 Peace. It is faid, that fo much ' tions whatever." Ibid. 
 
 Reafon was apprehended in thefe Neither our Author nor Mr. 
 
 Motives, that the Narraganfets Hubbard was aware probably, of 
 
 were once wavering, and were the perilous Efforts of Roger Wil- 
 
 almoft perfwaded to have granted liams to prevent the Alliance of 
 
 an Ear to their Advice and Per the Pequots and Narraganfets. See 
 
 fwafion, and joyned all againft the Hiftory and Antiquities of Eofton, 
 
 Englim; but when they confid- 204. 
 
C 8i 
 
 Englfh Colonyes, newly fettled in this Land. But 
 therefore God in Mercy to his People prevented it. 
 Commiffioners were then fent from Bo/ion into the 
 Narr aganfett Country, to endeavour that thofe In 
 dians might be kept from Complyance with the 
 Enemy. There is one who having a little enquired \ 
 into thefe Things, doth Relate that the old Kano- ) 
 nicus did difTwade the Pequots from War, advifing 
 rather to deliver up the Murderers. They made 
 believe as if they would do fo, and when a Band 
 of Souldiers was fent into the Pequot Country for 
 that End, they bid them flay awhile and the Mur 
 derers mould be brought to them, and certain In T 
 dians converfing with our Souldiers, did very much 
 obferve the Armor which was upon them, and 
 would point where they mould hit them with their 
 Arrows, notwithstanding. In fine, when a great 
 Body of Indians appeared on an Hill not far off, 
 thofe that were with the Souldiers went over to 
 them, when they all came together, they gave a 
 fcornful Shout, and fo ran all away, making their 
 Boaft to others, how they had deluded the Eng- 
 lifh ; fo that Canonicus his . Advife to the Pequots 
 took no Effect. After which the Narraganfets 
 were not only prevailed with to decline joyning 
 with the Enemy, but (as is intimated in the above 
 written Narrative) they pretended they would fight 
 for the Englifh ; albeit when it came to in good ^ 
 earned, they proved themfelves Cowards, doing 
 little againft the Enemies, except in unmanly In- 
 fultations when they faw them in Mifery : For 
 whereas it was cuftomary with the Pequots, when 
 
[ '82 ] 
 
 they had overcome their Enemies, infultingly to 
 triumph, faying, O brave Pequots ! The Narragan- 
 fets feeing them wounded or confuming to Death 
 in their burning Wigwams, would taunt [53] at 
 them and vaunt over them, faying, O brave 
 Pequots I O brave Pequots I The more of a Divine 
 Hand is there to be taken Notice of in overcoming 
 the Pequots by a fmall Number of Englifh and 
 Indians. Alfo the Pequots were more furnimed 
 with Armes then before times thev had been : fince 
 
 J 
 
 the Dutchmen had fold fome Guns to them ; and 
 befides their Bowes and Arrows they had an 
 Abundance of fmall Hatchets, and Mohawgs- ham 
 mers 2 " made of Stone, yet God would not fuffer 
 them to find their Hands. 
 
 What fpecial Ats of Valour were manifefted by 
 any of our Commanders or Souldiers in this Expe 
 dition, beyond what is exprefled in the fore -men 
 tioned Narrative, I am not able to Relate ; Nor 
 am I (though willing that Mens Vertues fhould be 
 duly acknowledged) difpofed to fay much on thofe 
 Accounts, refpecting fuch as are yet alive, as know- 
 Ing that however it may pleafe fome by nourifhing 
 a proud Humour, it would be naufeous to others, 
 and deemed adulatory by wife and impartial Read 
 ers. 
 
 Only I remember Capt. Davenport (th/;t good 
 
 222 Doubtlefs what are fince called maining thus for two or three Years 
 
 War-clubs. Thefe were fometimes the Wood would become tightly 
 
 made by forcing a well wrought Stone bedded into a groove made in the 
 
 of fome four Inches in Length, of a Stone, and thus a very formidable 
 
 conical Form into a fmall green Weapon was produced. Different 
 
 Tree near the Roots. After re- Tribes had different War Clubs. 
 
Man, who was afterwards Commander of the Caftle 
 at Bofton, and there flain by Lightning) 22 ^ once told 
 me, that himfelf with two or three more, engaged 
 with no lefle than thirty Indians, and that there 
 were feventeen Arrows mot into his Coat, but 
 having on a Coat of Male, none of thofe Arrows 
 hurt him, only one that happened to ftrike where 
 he was not defended by his Coat. y 
 
 Alfo he refcued a poor Souldier, that was in ex- tf 
 tream Danger of being devoured by thofe Wolves ; * 
 For two Maftive-Indians that lay in Ambufh, as a 
 Party of Souldiers pafled by, fuppofing they had 
 all paft, fnatched hold of him whom they thought 
 to be the laft Man, and were running away with 
 him upon their Shoulders, Czpt. Davenport followed 
 them with his drawn Cutlam, but ftill as he lifted 
 up his Hand to ftrike at them thefe Gigantine Sal 
 vages held up the poor Man they were running 
 away with, whereby for a while they fecured their 
 own Bodyes from the Blow, until at laft mfling 
 the Englishman, Capt. Davenport fmote one of the 
 Indians, whereupon they threw down their Prey, 
 and ran for their Lives. 224 
 
 (ft^ that giveth Account of this laft PafTage, 
 doth alfo Relate another Particular no leffpleafant; 
 namely, that whereas the Pequots obferved, that 
 the Englim, being willing to fhow as much Mercy 
 as would ftand with Juftice, did only captivate and 
 not kill the Squaws, fome great Indian Boyes would 
 
 22:; He was killed as he lay upon Heat of the Day. 
 his Bed, July I5th, 1665, aged 59; ^ 
 
 having lain down to Reft in the \*3&ee anie > Note 176. 
 
cry, / Squaw, I Squaw, thereby to efcape with their 
 Lives."5 
 
 [54] But to be Serious, That which Governour 
 Winthrop writeth in his Letter, publifhed by Mr. 
 Morton 6 is very memorable, 'viz. that in one Fight 
 though the Indians coming up clofe to our Men, 
 fhot their Arrows thick upon them, fo as to pierce 
 their Hat brims, and their Sleeves, and Stockings, 
 and other Parts of their Cloaths, yet fo miracu- 
 loufly did the Lord preferve them, as that (except 
 ing three that rafhly ventured into a Swamp after 
 them) not one of them was wounded. And truly 
 to fet afide cafual Confederations, there were two 
 Reafons obvious, that may be affigned as Caufes of 
 that glorious and fpeedy Succefs, which God gave 
 to the Euglifh againft the Pequot Indians. 
 
 1. Blafphemy of thofe Enemies. For fome of 
 them faid, that Englifh mans God was one Flye, 
 which execrable Blafphemy the bleffed God would 
 not bear from thofe his Enemies. Alfo when fome 
 Englifh were cruelly tortured to Death by them, 
 they would in a Way of Diverfion bid them call 
 upon God now, and blafphemoufly mock at them 
 when they did fo. Therefore did the Lord bring 
 thofe bloody Blafphemers in a Moment down to 
 Hell, yea, and damned them above Ground, when 
 they lay frying in the Fire that was kindled in their 
 Houfes, and making horrible outcries. 
 
 2. There was a mighty Spirit of Prayer and 
 
 ess With Mourt's Relation before That it might have happened again 
 
 him the Author could have feen that is not altogether improbable. 
 this Story had its Origin feveral 
 Years before the Pequot War. ' 2 ' 26 In Morton's Memorial. 
 
Faith then ftirring, both in thofe that ftaid at 
 Home, and in fome that ventured their Lives in 
 the high Places of the Field. That -Reverend Man 
 of God Mr. Wilfon, (who excelled in thofe Graces 
 of Faith and Love) went forth with the Souldiers 
 that went from this Colony. I think I have my- 
 felf heard him fay, (or if I have not, others have) 
 that he 'was before he 'went out, as certain that 
 God would give the Englifh the Victory over thofe 
 Enemies, as if he hadfeen the Vittory already obteined. 
 Such great Faith did the Lord ftir up in the Heart 
 of that Holy Man, and of other his Servants ; and 
 by Faith did they turn to Fight the Armyes of the 
 Aliens. So then, thofe Enemies being fubdued, in 
 fuch Wayes and by fuch Means as hath been ex- 
 preiTed, the Terror of God fell upon all the Heathen 
 round about, and the Englifh were dreadful to 
 them : when they heard that the Englim had (lain, 
 and taken Captive feven hundred Indians, and 
 killed thirteen Sachims (who are their Kings) there 
 was no more Spirit left in them. The Pequots beft 
 Friends were afraid to receive fuch as fled to them 
 for Refuge. But happy was he counted that could 
 make Friendmip with the Englim, ib that two of 
 the Sachims in Long- I/la no* 227 came to that worthy 
 Gentleman Captain (afterwards Lieut. Colonel) 
 
 ~~ 7 Thefe were the Sachems, with 
 out Doubt, induced to aid the Eng 
 lifh by Lt. Gardiner. The Name 
 of one of them was Waiandance. 
 Winthrop fays, " the Indians about 
 " fent in ftill many Pequot's Heads 
 
 Y 
 
 ' and Hands from Long Ifland and 
 
 ' other Places, and Sachems of 
 
 ' Long Ifland came voluntarily, and 
 
 ' brought a Tribute to us of twenty 
 
 Fathom of Wampum, each of 
 
 them." Journal, i, 247. 
 
[ '86 ] 
 
 Stougbton " 8 entreating that they might be under 
 our Protection. Alfo two of the Napannet Sachims, 
 addrefled themfelves to Governour Winthrop, [55] 
 feeking to be in Favour with the Englim. Thefe 
 Things deferve to be mentioned among the Mag- 
 nalia Dei, which he hath wrought for his New- 
 England- People. 
 
 Matters being again reduced to this peaceable 
 State, that Land refted from War, and that for the 
 Space of almoft forty Years together. Howbeit 
 Jealoufies amongft the Englifh grounded upon 
 Treacheries and Confpiracies amongft the Indians, 
 (and fome particular AcT:s of Hoftility and Out 
 rages by them committed) there have been, more 
 than once or twice, fince the Pequot- Troubles were 
 ended. 
 
 For in Anno 1638, the publick Peace was en 
 dangered by Occafion of a Murder committed by 
 an Englim man upon an Indian. Thus it was, 
 One Arthur Peach a young Defperado, who had 
 been a Souldier in the Pequot War, and done notable 
 Service, being bold and forward in any defperate 
 Attempt, after he was returned Home he was loth 
 to go to Work, wherefore he refolved to go to the 
 Dutch Plantation, and enticed three Perfons, that 
 were other Mens Servants, to run away with him. 
 As they were travailing through the Woods, they 
 met a Narraganfet' Indian y and defired him to take 
 
 229 fjjs Lieut. Colonelcy was turn again to New-England. He 
 
 obtained in England; he having re- was Father of William Stoughton, 
 
 turned to that Country and ferved Ll. Governor and Chief Juftice of 
 
 in the Civil War. He did not re- Maflachufetts. 
 
[ '87 ] 
 
 a Pipe of Tobacco, which the Indian was willing 
 to do, Peach told his Comrades, he would kill him ; 
 they were afraid to do that, but let him alone to 
 do as he would. When he faw his Time, he ran 
 the Indian through with his Rapier, and took away 
 his Wampam from him, fuppofing he had left him 
 dead, but after they were gone, the Indian made a 
 Shift to get Home, where he dyed of his Wound 
 within few Dayes ; But told other Indians that fuch 
 and fuch Englim-men had mortally wounded him ; 
 The Sacbims therefore prefently found out thefe 
 Men (only one of them efcaped) who had done the 
 Murder, and carried them away to the English at 
 Aquidnet Ifland, where they were examined and 
 committed. In the mean Time the Narraganfets 
 were about to rife in Arms, fome of them conceiv 
 ing that they mould find the Pequots Words true, 
 that the Englim would fall upon them, now the 
 other were vanquished. To be (hort, the Murder 
 being confefled by the Partyes guilty, the Court in 
 Plymouth did by Advice from Magiftrates and 
 Elders in the Bay, condemn and fee Execution 
 done upon thofe three Eng/t/b men for murdering 
 that one Indian ; whereupon the other Indians 
 magnifyed the Juftice which they law among the 
 Englifhy and Peace was continued. 229 Yet after 
 this new Fears and Troubles did arife upon other 
 
 220 The three Englifhmen were An exceedingly interefting Letter 
 
 executed at Plymouth, Sept. 4th, of Roger Williams, detailing the * 
 
 1638. Their Names were Arthur Particulars of the Murder maybe 
 
 Peach, Thomas Jackfon and Rich- feen in the Ma/s. Hift. Colls., Vol. 
 
 ard Slinnings. 21, p. 170, &c. 
 
Accounts. For although the Narraganfefs, and 
 the Moheags did Anno 1638. come under folemn 
 Promife that they would not engage in a War, 
 either amongft themfelves, or with other Indians, 
 until they had advifed with, and obtained Approba 
 tion [56] from the Englim. Nevertheleis Mianto- 
 nirno, the chief Narraganjet Sachim, was continually 
 picking Quarrels with the Moheags, defigning to 
 make them become his VaiTals. Some (viz. Mr. 
 Gorges and Mr. "Johnfonf^ have related that Mian- 
 tonimo was fet on by certain vagabond Englifh, 
 known by the Name of Gortonians^ 1 who being 
 deep Apoftates from, and bitter Enemies unto the 
 Wayes of Chrift, profefled by our Fathers, might 
 eafily be induced to animate Motions of that 
 Nature. However Miantonimo chofe rather to ac- 
 complim his Ends upon the Moheags by Treachery, 
 *" than by open War; and hired a Pequot Indian who 
 was fubjected to Vncas (the Moheags Sacbim) to 
 afTaffinate him that was become his Lord, which 
 the Indian attempted accordingly; infomuch as on 
 a certain Evening as Vncas was paffing from one 
 Wigwam to another, he was (hot into the Arm by 
 
 230 This Confufion of Authors Reference as if there were two 
 
 * requires fome Elucidation. John- Works. See Prince, Preface to his 
 
 fon's Wonderworking Pr evidence, Ann ah 
 &c., printed in London in 1654, 
 
 appears to have been taken by Sir a31 For a rational View of the 
 
 Ferdinando Gorges the younger, much abufed Gortonians and the 
 
 who by cancelling its Title-page and more abufed Narraganfet Chief Mi- 
 
 fubftituting one with his own Name antonimo, the Reader is referred to 
 
 as Author, impofed upon the Public, the able and lucid Pages of the Hif- 
 
 It would feem that our Author was tory of Rhode IJland, by Gov. Ar- 
 
 aware of the Fal, and yet makes a nold, Vol. i, 115, et,feq. 
 
an Arrow, but recovered the Houfe he intended 
 without receiving further Hurt.** 2 
 
 The Indian who was fufpected about this Matter, 
 being called to an Account about a great Sum of 
 Wampam-peag, by him poffefled, could not give any 
 tolerable Account, how he came by his Money, 
 which augmented Jealoufies of his being hired by 
 Miantonimo to kill Vncas. Vncas then made his 
 Complaint to the Englim ; the Iffue was, that 
 Miantonimo and the fufpected Indian came to Bofton, 
 where he was examined, at firft in the Prefence of 
 Miantonimo, by whofe Help he had framed an 
 Artificial Lye, faying that one Night as he came 
 out of a thick Swamp, Vncas defired him to fay that 
 he was hired by Miantonimo to kill Vncas, and that 
 therefore he cut his Arm with the Flint of his Gun, 
 that Men might think he had been (hot with an 
 Arrow. This pittiful Story made the Englim fufpect 
 Miantonimo more vehemently than ever, and upon a 
 further private Examination (much againft Mian- 
 tonimo's Mind) they faw Caufe to believe that he 
 was fecretly defigning Mifchief againft the Englim, 
 as well as againft Vncas. Neverthelefs, it was 
 thought beft to difmifs him for the prefent, only 
 with an Engagement to remit the fufpe&ed Pequot 
 
 32 It is fcarcely neceflary to re- Perfecutors of Roger Williams and 
 
 mark, after the Reference in the laft his Followers, becaufe he was always 
 
 Note, that from exifting Documents ready to do their Bidding, right or 
 
 the Reverfe of what our Author has wrong ; while Miantonimo adhered 
 
 delivered is the Truth ; Uncas was to the Treaty he had made at Bof- 
 
 the Scamp and Miantonimo was the ton, in the Beginning of the Pequot 
 
 upright and honourable Man. But War. There mould be written a Life 
 
 Uncas's Sins were forgiven by the of the much injured Miantonimo. 
 
to his Matter Fncas : He contrary to his Promife, 
 as he was returning Home cut off the poor Pequots 
 Head, whereby he was made uncapable of difcover- 
 ing any thing further about Matters between 
 Miantonimo and him. 
 
 Being come Home, he forthwith refolveth to be 
 revenged upon Vncas, and with a thoufand Narra- 
 ganfets gave him Battel, but the Moheags (though 
 not half their Number) worfted the Narragansets, 
 and took Miantonimo ', their chief Sachem, Pri- 
 ioner, and brought him to the Town of Hartford^ 
 defiring Advice from the Englim concerning the 
 Difpoial of him. The Commiffioners of the United 
 Colonyes [57] conlidering that Miantonimo had 
 fhed Blood by railing an unjuft War againft the 
 Mobeags their Friends, to whom they had engaged 
 Protection, and that he was treacherous to the 
 Engliih, and Peace not like to be fettled among 
 the Indians, nor continued with the Englim except 
 he were difpatched (together with fome other 
 Reafons, more fully exprefled in the Declaration 
 publimed by the Commiffioners, Anno i645-) Z33 
 they counfelled Tineas to put him to Death, withal 
 prohibiting him to ule any Crueltyes in the Manner 
 of his Execution, it being cuftomary with barbar 
 ous Indians (who like their Father the Devil are 
 delighted in Crueltyes) to put their Enemies to the 
 
 a33 This " Declaration" may be &c. It would feem that the Com- 
 
 feen in the Records of the United miffioners publifhed it at the Time, 
 
 Colonies, i, 50, &c., as printed by but if fo I have never met with a Copy. 
 
 the State of Maflachufetts, 1859; It is by no means the conclufive 
 
 alfo in Hazard's tiift. Colls., ii, 48, Argument for which it was intended. 
 
greateft Tortures they can devife, when they kill 
 them. 23 * The Advice was followed. Vncas led 
 away Miantonimo as if he would carry him to an 
 other Place, for Cuftody and Safety, and by the 
 Way very fairly cut off his Head, as he not a Year 
 before had ferved one of Vncas his Men.* 3 * Thefe 
 Things hapned Anno 1643. 
 
 234 1 apprehend it will not be diffi 
 cult for future Hiftorians to deter 
 mine which had the largeft Share of 
 the Devil in them, thofe who ad- 
 vifed the Murder of Miantonimo or 
 thofe who committed it. The Re 
 cord of the Dealings againft the 
 noble Indian Chief by our People, 
 forms one of the blackeft Pages in 
 the Hiftory of New England. Mr. 
 Arnold fays (Hift. R. /., i, 117), 
 " A juftly fevere Criticifm on the 
 " Authors of the Outrage is penned 
 " by Mr. Savage [in his Edition of 
 ' Wintbrop's Journal]. The fcath- 
 ' ing Remarks of the Editor, hon- 
 ' curable alike to himfelf and to 
 ' humanity, come with a better 
 Grace from a Maflachufetts Man 
 ' than any Comments from a Son 
 ' of Rhode Ifland could do who 
 ' will find enough befides to de- 
 ' nounce in the Conduft of the 
 ' Puritans towards his State, although 
 ' nothing more needleflly cruel than 
 ' the clerico-judicial Murder here 
 * recorded." See alfo Gov. Hop- 
 kins's Remarks in Mafs. Hift. Colls., 
 xix, 202. 
 
 My own Comments, with all the 
 Particulars of this Tranfaftion and 
 the Caufes which led to it, will be 
 found in the Book of the Indians. 
 
 235 X ne fince well known Sachems 
 Plain near Norwich is the Place 
 of the Murder of Miantonimo, as it 
 was the Place where the Battle was 
 fought in which he was taken Pri- 
 foner. A fquare Block of Granite 
 marks the Spot where it is fuppofed 
 he was buried. For many Years 
 after the rude Interment of the noble 
 Chief, a conical Heap of Stones 
 marked the Site of his Remains. 
 That Monument was raifed by the 
 Indians, who, from the Time of 
 Miantonimo's Death to a compara 
 tively recent Period, always in pafl~- 
 ing his Grave placed a Stone upon 
 the Pile. But when the Englifli 
 fettled about Norwich, the Land 
 was cleared, and the Monument 
 to Miantonimo was removed and 
 ufed in creeling a ftone Fence. I 
 vifited Sachem's Plain many Years 
 ago, and fought for the Sachem's 
 Grave, but nothing marked its Site. 
 On inquiring of a neighboring 
 Farmer if he could tell me where 
 the Grave of Miantonimo was, faid 
 " he could not, but he had heard 
 " that an old Indian was buried 
 " over there fomewhere "- point 
 ing to an indefinite Part of the Plain. 
 It is quite remarkable that our 
 Author takes no Notice of the War 
 
In the next Year the Peace of two of thefe 
 Colonies, viz, thofe of Connecticut and New Haven 
 was difturbed by the Indians** 6 
 
 For, firft an Englim man running away from his 
 Matter, out of the Majfacbujets was murdered in 
 the Woods near Connecticut by an Indian ; and 
 about fix Weeks after was difcovered by another 
 Indian, a Sagamore in thofe Parts promifed to de 
 liver the Murderer bound to the Englim; and 
 having brought him to Vncaway a Connecticut 
 Sachim, he was there unbound it leems by their 
 joynt Confent, and left to Shift for himfelf where 
 upon ten Englim men, who were forthwith fent by 
 Mr. Ludlow to the Place, feeing the Murderer was 
 efcaped, laid hold on eight Indians there prefent, 
 amongft whom there was a Sagamore or two, and 
 kept them in hold two Dayes, until four Sagamores 
 ingaged themfelves within one Moneth to deliver 
 the Malefactor to Juftice ; About a Week after 
 which Agreement an Indiam came prefumptuoufly, 
 and in the Day time murderoufly afTaulted an 
 
 of 1643, in which Mrs. Hutchinfon " New Haven for fome of his Con- 
 
 and her Family were maflacred. I " du6l in the Pequot War." And 
 
 have given the Events in the Book Mr. Goodwin has copied a Court 
 
 of the Indians, and it is therefore un- Record fliowing that the Indian 
 
 neceflary to recount them here. See hanged was named Nepaupuck, and 
 
 alfo Dr. O'Callaghan's Narrative. that he was proved to have been one 
 
 of thofe who committed the Murders 
 
 236 The Records of Connefticut at Wethersfield in April, 1637, 
 
 and New Haven appear to be filent which brought on the Pequot War. 
 
 refpefting any Troubles of the Na- See Foote Genealogy, xxv. See 
 
 ture here indicated ; but Dr. Dwight Note 138. The Indian called 
 
 fays in his Hifl. of N. Haven, 35 : Wampbanck by Roger Williams is 
 
 " Sept 30, a Pequot is hanged at doubtlefs the fame as Nepaupuck. 
 
Englim Woman in an Houfe in Stamford and by 
 three Wounds (fuppofed mortal) left her for dead> 
 and robbed the Houfe. z 37 The Indians generally 
 in thofe Parts demeaned themfelves after an hoftile 
 Manner, refufed to come to the Englifh* or to attend 
 Treaties of Peace, departed from their Wigwams, 
 left their Corn unweeded, and mot off Guns near 
 fome Englim Plantations in a tumultuary Way, 
 and fome Indians informed that there was a Pur- 
 pofe to fall upon the Englim ; fo that there was 
 Watching and Warding Day and Night. New- 
 Haven and Hartford were fent unto, that Relief 
 might be afforded the weaker Towns, alfo Appli 
 cation was made to the other Colonyes for Affift- 
 ance. At laft the Indians were perfwaded to 
 deliver the Murderers up to Juftice. So did thefe 
 dark Clouds blow over. 
 
 [58] Neverthelefs, in this Year (viz. in Anno 
 1644.) the Rage of the Narraganjets againfl the 
 Moheags did break out again in greater Violence 
 than ever before, infomuch that Vncas was forced 
 to betake himfelf to a Fort, and was there fur- 
 rounded with Multitudes of thofe Indians. 2 * 8 The 
 Englim thought it their Concern, not to fuffer 
 
 237 According to a Record made in the End of Auguft, 1 644. 
 by Winthrop in his Journal, this 
 
 was a moft foul Attempt to murder 238 A pretty cdfrecl: Notion of the 
 
 an unfufpefting Woman by an Indian Severity of the Fighting between the 
 
 named Bujheage. He was after- Narraganfets and Mohegans may be 
 
 wards tried and executed, though obtained from a Letter of Thomas 
 
 the Woman furvived her Wounds, Peters, printed from the original 
 
 but loft her Senfes. Hoadley's MS, in the Book of the Indians, 133. 
 
 New Haven Col. Records, i, 135, See alfo Johnfon, Wonder Working 
 
 146. This Attempt at Murder was Providences, 184-5. 
 
 z 
 
him, to be fwallowed up by thofe Adverfaryes, 
 fince he had (though for his own Ends) approved 
 himfelf Faithful to the Englifh from Time to Time. 
 The Narraganfets perceiving that the Englifh did 
 (as they had Reafon to) favour Tncas, began to be 
 high and infolent in their Expreflions and Actions, 
 threatning to deftroy the Englifh (only as to the 
 Englifh at Povidence and Rhode-IJland the Narra- 
 ganfet Sacbims concluded a Neutrality) as well as 
 the Moheags* 
 
 Before thefe Things, there being four Colonyes 
 of Englifh Inhabitants fettled in this Country, viz. 
 Maffacbufets, Plymouth, Connecticut and New-Haven, 
 (which is fince become a Part of Connecticut 
 Colony) who were fenfible of the common Danger 
 they were expofed unto, by Reafon of Indians 
 throughout this Land, as alfo in that Dutch and 
 Swedes, and French had feated themfelves not far 
 off, who might fome of them probably prove evil 
 Neighbours, and withal confidering that, as he in 
 the famous Poet expreffeth. 
 
 2ufjwpeprj (Taper*) ireXsi av<5p<3 xa/ fjuxXa \wypuv 
 Nwi SI xaiY ayadoio'iv' sifisan^s<f6a 
 
 Vis unita fortior, if they were all Confederate it 
 would tend to the Safety of the Whole : Articles 
 
 239 It was fufficient Caufe for 
 Maflachufetts to declare War againft 
 the Narraganfets, that the latter 
 were the Friends of the People 
 of Rhode Ifland and Providence. 
 Upon the fad Conclufion of this 
 
 tonomi and his Uncle, the fage 
 Canonicus, who furvived him four 
 Years, Rhode Ifland owes more 
 than to all others, Chriftian or 
 Heathen, for the Prefervation of 
 the Lives of her Founders." 
 
 War, and the Death of Miantonimo, Hift. Rhode IJland, i, 1 1 8. This 
 Mr. Arnold remarks : " To Mian- Dccifion will probably (land. 
 
[ '95 ] 
 
 of Confederation were agreed upon, whence thefe 
 were called the Vnited Colonyes : a4 And now was 
 there an Opportunity for them to Acl: as became 
 fuch ; wherefore each of the Colonyes did propor- 
 tionably firft fend out Souldiers to keep Garrifon 
 with Vncas, and after that raifed an Army in order 
 to War with the Narraganfets** 1 
 
 When a War was with good Advice 24 * con 
 cluded on, forty Men were immediately fent out of 
 the Maffachufets to relieve Vncas, who upon the 
 departure of ConneEiicut Souldiers (their Time ap 
 pointed them to keep Garrifon with Vncas being 
 expired) was prefently fet upon by the Narraganfets; 
 but further Attempts upon him were prevented by 
 the coming of thofe from the Maffachufets. Alfo 
 before the other Colonyes could expedite what 
 concerned the whole Defign, Forces were fent out of 
 Plymouth under the Command of Capt. Standijh, 
 and marched as far as Rehohotb, that being near the 
 Borders of the Enemy. 
 
 That worthy Commander, Major Edward Gib- 
 
 240 Deputies from the four Colo- and William Collyer were fent as 
 
 nies met at Bofton, and the Articles Commiffioners from Plymouth, and 
 
 of Confederation were figned on the thofe for the other Colonies were 
 
 I pth of May, 1643. Thofe Depu- the fame as before. Winthrop was 
 
 ties were JOHN WINTHROP, Gov- Prefident. 
 ernor of Maflachufetts, THOMAS 
 
 DUDLEY, GEORGE FENWICK, THE- 241 It was ordered by the Com- 
 
 OPHILUS EATON, EDWARD HOPKINS, miffioners of the United Colonies, 
 
 and THOMAS GREGSON. that Maflachufetts mould raife 100 
 
 At the Meeting of the Commif- Men ; the other Colonies each 45. 
 fioners at Bofton on the yth of Sept. 
 
 following, the Fate of Miantonimo 242 This has Reference to the 
 
 was determined. Edward Winflow Advice of the Miniftcrs. 
 
[ '96 ] 
 
 was appointed a General. Mr. 
 Paftor of the Church in Braintree, being in [59] 
 diverfe Refpe<5ts eminently fitted for fuch a Service, 
 was to found the filver Trumpet along with this 
 Army. They did folemnly take their Leave of their 
 Friends, and were folemnly commended to the 
 Bleffing of the God of Armies : But as they were 
 juft marching out of Bofton, (their Baggage being 
 fent before towards the Enemies Quarters) many of 
 the principal Narraganfet Indians, viz, Pejficus, 
 MexanOy and Witawajk Sagamores, and Awafequin 
 Deputy for the Nianticks ; thefe with a large Train 
 came to Bo/Ion, fuing for Peace, being willing to 
 fubmit to what Terms the Englifh mould fee caufe 
 to impofe upon "them. 24 * 
 
 It was demanded of them that they mould de 
 fray the Charges that they had put the Englifh to, 246 
 
 243 Gen. Gibbons was in New the Poet and Mathematician. There 
 England in 1639, but how, whence is a Pedigree of the Family in the 
 or where he came is not certain. New Eng. Hift. and Gen. Regifter, 
 He appears to have been among the xv, 112-116. William Tompfon 
 Colonifts who came early to the died 10 Dec., 1666. 
 
 fbuth Shore of Maflachuietts Bay, 
 
 poflefled a good Eftate for thofe 245 Some Additions to thefe Fafts 
 
 Times. Settled in Bofton where may be found in the Book of the 
 
 he held various honorable Offices, Indians, 133-4. 
 and had a Family of Children. He 
 
 died 1654. Johnfon gives him a 246 This feems to have been a 
 
 high Charafter. See Won. Work, prepofterous Demand, as the Indians 
 
 Prov. 191. were notorioufly without any Means 
 
 to perform fuch Obligations. In 
 
 244 Members of this Family ufually Cafe of War with them Johnfon 
 fpelled their Name Tompfon. Mr. fays : " The naked Natives have 
 Tompfon was one of the moft dif- " neither Plunder nor Cam to bear 
 tinguifhed Minifters in New England. " the Charges." Wonder Working 
 He was the Father of the not lefs Prov., 182. Perhaps their Land 
 diftinguifhed Benjamin Tompfon, was in Profpeft. 
 
[ '97 ] 
 
 and that the Sachims fhould fend their Sons to be 
 kept as Hoftages in the Hands of the Englifh until 
 fuch Time as the Money fhould be payed. AH! this 
 did the Narraganfets yeild unto. 
 
 Mel in ore, verb a lactis Pel in corde fratls in faff is.. 
 
 Notwithftanding the Narraganfets have dif- 
 fembled Friendfhip with the Englifh, yet Venome 
 hath been in their Hearts ever fmce thefe Motions : 
 Nor was there any other then Fides* Grteca ob- 
 ferved by them,, in the performance of their 
 Engagements. 
 
 In the firft Place they endeavoured to play 
 Leger de main in their fending Hoftages. For inftead 
 of Sachems Children, they thought to fend fome 
 other, and to make the Englifh believe thofe bafe 
 Papoofes, were of royal Progeny, but they had thofe 
 to deal with, who were too Wife to be fo eluded. 
 After the expected Hoftages^ were in the Hands of 
 the Englifh, the Narraganfets, notwithstanding 
 that, were flow in the Performance of what they 
 flood engaged for. And when upon a partial Dif- 
 charge of the Debt, their Hoftages were reftored 
 to them, they became more backward than form 
 erly, until they were by hoftile Preparations again 
 and again terrified into better Obedience. ' At laft 
 Major Atherton, (then Capt. Atherton] of Dor- 
 chefter 247 was fent with a fmall Party of Englifh 
 Souldiers to demand what was due. He at firft 
 
 247 Major Atherton was acci- Home from a military Parade, June 
 
 dentally lulled by his Horfe ftum- i6th, 1661. See Hifi. and Antiqs. 
 
 bling over a Cow in the Dufk of Bojlon, 361 ; N. Eng. Hift. Gen.- 
 
 the Evening, as he was returning Reg., ii, 382 ; v, 393. 
 
C '98 ] 
 
 entered into the Wigwam where old Ninnigret (the 
 Nyantick Sachim) refided, with only two or three 
 Souldiers, appointing the Reft by Degrees to follow 
 him, two or three dropping in at once, when his 
 frnall Company were come about him that Indians 
 in the meantime fuppofing that there had been 
 many more behind, he caught the Sachim by the 
 Hair of his Head, and fet a Piftol to his Breaft, pro- 
 tefting who ever elcaped, he mould furely dy, if he 
 did not forthwith comply with what was required. 
 Hereupon a great Trembling and Confternation 
 furprized the Indians, albeit Multitudes of them 
 were then prefent, with fpiked Arrows 248 at their 
 Bow firings ready to let fly. The Event was, the 
 Indians [60] fubmitted and not one Drop of Blood 
 was fhed; nor was there (fo far as I am informed) 
 after this any open Difcovery of Enmity in the 
 Narraganfets againft the Englifti until fuch Time 
 as Philip began his great Rebellion. Yet it is 
 evident that there hath been Treachery, and fecret 
 Treaibn againft the Englifh, amongft them. 
 
 Aftutum vapido fervant fub peflore Vulpem. 
 
 I have been told that a Man of God (viz. Mr. 
 StreetJ-w who formerly lived not far from thofe 
 Parts) obferving the Perfidioufnefs of thofe Narra- 
 
 248 After the Indians became ac- mentioned in the Text. 
 quainted with Europeans they pro 
 cured of them by Purchafe whatever 249 Mr. Nicholas Street of New 
 they could of Iron. Nails, Spikes, Haven was early fettled in Taunton, 
 iron Hoops were greatly coveted. Maflachufetts, but removed to New 
 They foon found the Superiority of Haven, and died there, April 22d, 
 their Arrows when pointed with 1674. Emery's Mini/try ofTaun- 
 Iron. Hence the " fpiked Arrows," ton, i, 156-7. 
 
ganfets, and their Enmity againft the Gofpel, 
 publickly declared that he forefaw the Destruction 
 of the Narraganfet Nation, folemnly confirming 
 his Speech in laying, If God do not deftroy that 
 People^ then fay that his Spirit hath not fpoken by me. 
 
 Surely that holy Man was a Prophet, Mdrftg 
 y aptaJoa ogtcr ewcaet xaXc5$. %ui bene conjiciet hunc 
 Vatem. And this is a fummary Account of what 
 hath in former Years hapned between us and the 
 Narraganfets. 
 
 Confidering that the Narraganfet troubles have 
 been of no fmall Concernment, it would be worth 
 the while a little more fully to relate the Truth 
 about thofe Motions. Only it is already done in 
 good Part by that Declaration which was publifhed 
 by the Commiflioners of the United Colonies, 
 Anno. 1645. (together with the Articles then con- 
 fented unto, arid fubfcribed by the Narraganfet 
 Sachims 2 * ). Who fo pleafeth to confult thofe 
 Things will receive Satisfaction concerning the 
 War which was at that Time fully intended, but 
 not actually profecuted by Reafon of the Indians 
 Complyance as hath been fpecified. 
 
 In Anno 1646. They failed in the Performance 
 of their Covenants, above exprefled, as to every 
 Particular therein contained. 2 * 1 
 
 It is alfo evident that they had by prefents ot 
 Wampam been practicing with the Mohawks, and 
 
 250 Contained in Plymouth Co- Comings of the Indians are fet down 
 lony Records, ix, 47-8. in the Records of the Commijjioners 
 
 of the United Colonies, Plymouth 
 841 All the Allegations of the fhort Col. Records, ix, 75-6. 
 
[ 200 ] 
 
 other Indians to engage them againft Vncas, unto 
 whom they knew the Englifli had promifcd Pro 
 tection. So that the Englifh according to the 
 Rules of Righteoufnefs, might have righted them- 
 felves by the Juftice of War, yet being defirous 
 rather to manifeft Long-fufFering towards thefe 
 Barbarians, the Commiffioners of the United Colo 
 nies contented themfelves with fending a Declara 
 tion to the Narraganfet and Niantick Indians, 
 fignifying that they mould no longer delay the 
 Performance of what they had bound themfelves 
 unto, as ever they would not be look'd upon as a 
 treacherous and perfidious People, no more to be 
 treated with.* 52 
 
 252 At the Meeting of the Com- 
 miflioners of the United Colonies at 
 Bofton on the 26th of Jnly, 1647, 
 they fay : " One principal! Caufe 
 ' of their meetinge together at this 
 ' Time being to confider what 
 ' Courfe mould be held with the 
 ' Narraganfett Indyans and their 
 * Confederates who haue not onely 
 ' broken their Coven* folemnly 
 ' made at Bofton A 1645, But as 
 ' the Commiffioners haue been en- 
 ( formed credibly, haue bene plot- 
 tinge by p'fents of Wampam, in- 
 ' gaging the Indyans rounde aboute 
 ' to combine with them againft 
 ' the Englim Colonies in War." 
 Therefore it was refolved to fend 
 Meflengers to them, who were in- 
 ftrufted to afcertain why they had 
 not fulfilled their Agreement. The 
 Meflengers were Thomas Stanton, 
 Benedict Arnold, and Seargeant 
 Waite. On the 31 ft of July they 
 
 made their Report : That they had 
 feen Paflacus, the Chief of the Nar- 
 raganfets, and that he made divers 
 Excufes for not performing his En 
 gagements. One of the moft rea- 
 fonable feems to have been, that 
 when he mode them, he did not 
 dare to do otherwife, as an Army 
 flood ready with Guns in their 
 Hands to compel him ; that he did 
 not meet the Commiffioners at New 
 Haven as they allege he was ordered, 
 becaufe he had no Notice of the 
 Meeting ; and becaufe he was ill 
 and had left the whole Affair to 
 Ninigret. " In which Anfwere the 
 " Commiffioners founde feuerall 
 " Paflages of Vntruth, and were 
 " vnfatisfied." 
 
 On the 3d of Auguft Ninigret 
 and fome of the Nianticks, and two 
 of Peflacus's Men came to Bofton. 
 Being queftioned by the Commif- 
 fioners, Ninigret did not corrobo- 
 
[ 201 ] 
 
 This Year alfo there was Trouble and Fears raifed 
 in the Country, by Reafon of the River- Indians, at 
 Waranoke?^ and Norwoottuck,^ who it feems were 
 fecretly contriving the Death of thofe famous Wor- 
 thyes [6 1 ] Mr. Hopkins ', Mr. Hains, and Mr. Whiting, 
 Magiftrates in Connecticut Colony. For I find upon 
 publick Record, that Complaints and Informations 
 about that Matter (in September, 1646) were 
 brought before the Commiilioners then afTembled 
 at New-haven, where an Indian teftified that Se- 
 quaffon the Sacbim of Waranoke, had given him a 
 Sum of Money on Condition that he would mur- 
 ther the Gentlemen mentioned.*^ 
 
 rate Peflacus's Statements ; and to 
 their gueftion, " Why they (the 
 " Narraganfets) had not paid the 
 " Wampan to the Englifh according 
 " to Covenant, he being by his 
 " Deputy one of the Covenanters ?" 
 He expreffed Ignorance of the Co 
 venant, and afked " For what the 
 " Narraganfets fliould pay fo much 
 " Wampam ?" He faid " he knew 
 " not that they were indebted to the 
 " Engliih." See more of this on 
 ward. 
 
 From all which it is pretty evi 
 dent that the Indians underftood 
 but little about Covenants and pe 
 cuniary Obligations, efpecially when 
 they had received nothing for which 
 Payment was demanded. 
 
 253 Weftfield in Maflachufetts. 
 It is found fpelled feveral different 
 Ways. Waranot and Warranok, 
 in Recs* CommiJJionen U. Col/s.. i, 
 67, 69. 
 
 Aa 
 
 254 Probably the fame abridged 
 to Nonatutk, Northampton. See 
 Williams's Hift. Northampton. 
 
 255 What the Records of the U. 
 Colls, afford relative to this Matter 
 of an Attempt to murder " thofe 
 " famous Worthyes," may be feen 
 in Vol. i, 66, &c. 
 
 Complaints of all Shades were 
 continually made againft the Indians. 
 The following is a Specimen of many 
 of them : " Mr. Pelham on behalf 
 of Richard Woddy [Woody or 
 Wooddy] and Mr. Pincham 
 [William Pinchon] by Letter 
 complayned of fome Thefts com 
 mitted by forne of the Narragan- 
 fett Indyans ; the like Complnt 
 was alfo made by Mr. Browne 
 in the Behalfe of Wm. Smith of 
 Rehoboth, but in the Abfence 
 of the Indyans nothing could 
 p'ceede." Records of the C. U. 
 C., i, 80. 
 
202 
 
 Before the Commiflioners convened, Mr. Haines 
 had twice fent to SequaJJbn, but he neglected to 
 make his Appearance : Wherefore "Jonathan Gil 
 bert was fent to him again, to fignifie from the 
 Commiffioners that they expected Sequaffons Ap 
 pearance before them, and to anfwer what he was 
 accufed with, and they promifed him free Paflage 
 both to and from Newbaven, withall intimating 
 that his withdrawing himfelf would greatly augment 
 the Sufpition of his Guilt. 
 
 The Meflenger quickly returned, bringing Word, 
 that he could not fpeak with Sequajfbn, who he 
 fuppofed had received Notice of his coming by 
 other Indians, and was thereupon fled. 
 
 But a few Days after, Nipmjbit and Naimetaybu^ 
 two Sagamores, came with fome other Indians to 
 Newbaven, declaring that they were Friends to 
 SequaJ/bn, and pretended great Refpecfl to the Eng- 
 lim, and that they had brought Sequajfbn to clear 
 himfelf, and that although one of them had him 
 by one Arm, another by the other, when he was 
 come near the Town, a 57 he brake from them and 
 was efcaped. 
 
 The Commimoners told them they intended 
 SequaJJbn no Hurt; but defired to bring him and 
 his Accufers Face to Face, that he fhould have a 
 juft Hearing in their Prefence. 
 
 256 In the Records thefe Names " Fence, he brake from them." 
 are Nepinfoyt, and Naimataigue. They added alfoe, that " he was 
 
 " aftiamed to come becaufe he had 
 
 as? Yet when he was neare " brought no Prefent." Records, 
 " New Haven, almoft at the Towne ib, i, 67. 
 
2 3 
 
 Some other Indians informed that Sequaffbn was 
 within a Mile of Newbaven, and it was conceived 
 that he would gladly make his Peace by fome other 
 Means, rather then by a due Examination and Trial. 
 The two Sagamores faid he was much afraid, and 
 durft not come, though they confefled it was juft 
 he mould come and clear himfelf, if innocent; 
 all which being confidered, the Commiflioners 
 conceived that Sequaffbn whether guilty or afraid 
 of the Englim, would ftill be Plotting againft them 
 and fo prove dangerous ; wherefore they thought 
 fit, and ordered that all juft and prudent Means 
 mould be ufed (his Life being preferved) to bring 
 him to a Tryal, that the Matter might be fome 
 Way ifTued. In the mean Time they thought 
 good to examine Wotchlborow^ a Pocatuck Indian, 
 Sequajfons Accuier, who waited to give in Evidence 
 againft him. He (being warned by 'Thomas Stanton 
 the Interpreter, to fpeak nothing but Truth) af 
 firmed, that being this laft Spring at Waranoke, in 
 a Wigwam with Sequaffbn, and ready to depart, 
 SequaJJbn perfwaded him to [62] ftay three Days, 
 thence he drew him to the Falls above Mr. 
 Pinchons ; when they had been there four Dayes, 
 Wotchiborow would have been gone to Moheag, to 
 fee fome Friends ; SequaJ/bn told him it was dan 
 gerous Travelling that Way, he would be killed, 
 walked along with him to a Spring, and there told 
 him if ever he would doe the faid SequaJJbn a Kind- 
 
 MP Watcbibrok, Wontibrou and is Potatuke. Now Pawcatuck or 
 Wotchibrough in the Records. See Paugatuck. Wefterly in Rhode 
 Vol. i, 68. Pocatuck in the Records Ifland. 
 
nefs now was a Time, he was almoft ruined, and 
 the Englifh at Hartford, the Cauie of it : He 
 mould therefore go to Hartford and kill Mr. Hop- 
 kins, Mr. Hains and Mr. Whiting and he would 
 give him a Reward, and thereupon pluckt out of 
 his Bag, three Girdles of Wampam, and gave them 
 to him, with a Piece of a Girdle of Wampam to 
 play, and promifed him much more. Wotchiborow 
 faid it was dangerous to kill an Englifh Sacbim, 
 they would find out the Murderer and purfue him 
 to Death, what could then Wampam doe him good? 
 Sequajjon faid he had Store of Wampam, when the 
 Thing was done they would fly to the Mohawkes, 
 but in the Way, when they came to the Wampeag- 
 Indiansfw he mould give it out that Vncas had 
 hired him for fo much Wampam, and that would 
 fet the Englifh againjl Uncas, and then he the faid 
 Sequajfin mould rife again. 
 
 He further told this Examinate, that Naymetayhu, 
 one of the forementioned Sagamores that came on 
 the Behalf of Sequajfbn, and his Father, knew and 
 approved of the laid Murther. 
 
 Wotchiboroiv further faith that having taken the 
 aforefaid Wampam, he remembered that himfelf 
 had formerly taken Bujheag,^ and brought him to 
 the Englifh, who for a murderous Attempt at 
 Stamford was put to Death at Neivbaven, that if 
 he mould kill any Englifh Sachim, he mould goe 
 
 259 There was a Place called to the Wampanoags, or othe Indians, 
 
 Wamkeag, two Miles N. E. of it is uncertain. See Parfons, 29. 
 Greenville in R. I. But whether 
 this refers to Indians living there t or 26 See Note 232. 
 
2 5 
 
 in Fear of Death all the Dayes of his Life, and 
 that for bringing in Bujheag, he had a Gratuity 
 from the Englifh, and for the Difcovery of this 
 Plot he mould have their Favour, and he thought 
 the Favour of the Englifh with Security would be 
 better to him than SequaJ/ons Wampam with Fear 
 and Danger ; he therefore came firft to Tunkfus** 1 
 and the next Day to Hartford, and difcovered Se~ 
 quaffions Practice. 
 
 He faid further that Sequajpon hearing of the 
 Difcovery, fpake to Romanoke an Indian, and he lent 
 another Indian called Sixpence to this Examinate, 
 defiring him to hide and conceal as much of the 
 Plot as he could and not to lay all open, but he in 
 Anger bade the faid Sixpence hold his Peace, he 
 had difcovered it, and would hide nothing. 
 
 Thus much do I find upon Record, relating to 
 Sequaffons Plot. What afterwards came of this 
 Buiinefs, or how it lifted, I cannot fay. 26 * There 
 was alfo another Trouble about the Indians this 
 Year. 
 
 [63] For whilft the Commiffioners were fitting 
 
 261 Tunxis Farfliington in Con- ' Englifti in what they have re- 
 nedticut. ' quefted" " they thought meet 
 
 ' that an Anfware bee returned to 
 
 262 It would feem by the " A3s ' this Purpofe, That the Englifh 
 " of the Commiffioners" of Sept. ' neither formerly haue nor yet doe 
 1650, that Sequafon had fled to the ' p'hibite his Returne, foe that hee 
 Mohawks for Protection, and that 'carry himfelfe inoffenciuely, for 
 at their Requeft " that he might ' the Future hee may come at his 
 " haue Libertie without Offence to ' Pleafure, and that they are now 
 " returne to his former Habitation, ' the more free for it being requefted 
 " alledging how reddy and willing ' by them." Records Commiffton- 
 " they haue been to gratify the ers U. C., i, 170. 
 
[ 206 ] 
 
 at Neivhaveriy Petitions were prefentcd from a6 3 
 Edward Elmere and fome others, complaining that 
 Indians had willfully and malicioufly burned fome 
 Quantity of Pitch, and Tarr of theirs, together 
 with fome Bedding, and a Cart with its Furniture, 
 and Tools &c. in Value about an hundred Pounds. 
 And particularly they complained of one Wafemofe, 
 a Waranoke^* Indian as guilty therein, as by fuffi- 
 cient Evidence they thought they could prove; and 
 that he hath fince avoided all the Englifh Planta 
 tions ; and that he being fent for by a Warrant 
 from one of the Magiflrates of Gonnetticut, fled ; 
 but being overtaken and feized by fome of the 
 Englim, he was refcued by fome of the Indians, 
 and the Englifh by them jeered and abufed, and 
 particularly by Cbickwallop Sachim of Norwootuck. 
 Whereupon Jonathan Gilbert and John Griffin^ 
 were fent to Chickwallop and Manafanes. 
 
 At their Return, they informed that they could 
 not meet either with Chickwallop or Manafanes, 
 but the Sagamores and Indians at Waranoke car 
 ried it infolently towards the Englim, vaunting 
 themfelves in their Arms, Bows and Arrows, 
 Hatchets and Swords, fome with their Guns ready 
 charged, before and in the Prefence of the Englim 
 Meflengers, they primed and cockt them ready to 
 give Firei and told them, that if they mould offer 
 to carry away any Men thence, the Indians were 
 
 * r >s " John Griffin, Edward El- 2C1 " Wahannos a Waranot In- 
 mar and others. A8s of the Com- dian." Ibid. In the fame Page 
 mijfioner}, i, 69. Wanbannos is called Mabanoje. 
 
[ 207 ] 
 
 refolved to Fight,* 6 * yet the next Morning the 
 Sachim with fome others offered the Englifti Mef- 
 fengers eight Fathom of Wampam, towards Satis 
 faction, and promifed to provide more. The 
 MeiTengers not having any thing to that Purpofe 
 in their Commiflion, advifed the Sachim to fend to 
 the Commiflioners, but he refufed. Hereupon, 
 Naymetayhu 3 -^ one of the Sagamores of Wananoke, 
 who, as before, came on SequaJ/ons Behalf, was 
 queftioned by the Commiflioners about thefe 
 proud Affronts to the Englim ; At firft he denyed 
 what was charged, and excufed fome Part, but one 
 of the Englim Meflengers being preient, and he 
 hearing the Reft mould be fent for, he fell under 
 moft of the Charge, profefling that he intended 
 no Harm to the Englim. Thus concerning Dif- 
 turbance by the Indians in the Year, i6^6. 167 
 
 In Anno, 1647. New Fears and Troubles arofe 
 by Reafon of the Narraganjet Indians, there being 
 credible Informations that they were Plotting, and 
 by Prefents of Wampam, ingaging the Indians 
 round about to combine with them againft the 
 
 265 And if they fliould flay but an evil Spirit conftantly (Hired up 
 ' one Night at the Englifh trading Uncas to do Mifchief. Having laid 
 ' Houfe [with a captured Indian] the Connecticut and Maflachufetts 
 ' neare all the Country would Englifh under fingular Obligations, 
 ' come to refcue any fuch Indian they had to fhuffle very adroitly to 
 ' feized." Ibid, p. 70. keep their Temper with that mif- 
 
 creant Indian. It is a defperate 
 
 ace Noynetacba. Game which requires the employ 
 
 ment of a Rogue to play an import- 
 
 867 Befides this there, are numerous ant Part of it. Indian Hiftory fcarcely 
 Entries in the Records fhowing that affords a Parallel in Perfidy to Uncas. 
 
[ 208 ] 
 
 Englim Colonyes, infomuch that a Meeting of the 
 Commiffioners was called before the ordinary Time; 
 Being therefore convened at Bofton, July 26. A 
 Meflenger was fent to Narraganfet, fignifying to 
 Peficus and other Sacbims there, that the Englim 
 Commiffioners expected their Appearance at Bojlon, 
 and that if they [64] did refufe or delay, they 
 {hould no more be fent unto, withal promifing 
 them fafe Conduct, in Cafe they only attended. 
 The MeeiThger being returned informed that Pejicus 
 excufed his not meeting the Commiffioners at New 
 Haven the laft Year, from his Ignorance of the 
 Time, when he fhould attend, though that was falfely 
 pretended by him. He alfo defired Excufe for his 
 riot appearing at this Time, becaufe he faid he was 
 fick and not able to come, (but the Meflengers 
 could not perceive that he was fubjedr. to any fuch 
 Sicknefs or Difablement) Neverthelefs, he had 
 given full Power to Ninnigret to act on his Behalf. 
 Moreover, he excufed his not performing the Arti 
 cles he had fubfcribed at Bofton, two Years before, 
 by pretending that he was frighted into that En 
 gagement, with the Sight of the Englim Army, 
 which was then ready to invade the Narraganfet 
 Country, and he thought they would follow him 
 Home, and there kill him if he did not promife to 
 do as the Englim would have him. 
 
 Auguft 3. Ninnigret with fome Niantick In 
 dians, and too of Pejficus his Men came to Bojion. 
 At firft he (though againft his Confcience) made 
 as if he were ignorant, and had never been in- 
 
[ 209 ] 
 
 formed of the Covenants which the Indians had 
 made to the Englifh, and feemed to wonder that 
 the Englifh mould afk fuch a Sum of Wampam, 
 faying that he knew not that the Indians were in 
 the Englimmens debt. He was then put in mind, 
 how that formerly Satisfaction had been demanded 
 of the Indians for the Breach of Articles ; and how 
 the Englifh Meflengers had been ill intreated by 
 them, and particularly by himfelf, who had ufed 
 threatening and infolent Language, faying to the 
 Meflengers, that he knew the Commiffioners would 
 endeavor to keep them from warring upon Vncas, 
 but they were refolved they would do it for all that, 
 and nothing but Vncas his Head mould fatisfy them ; 
 and that if the Englifh did not withdraw their 
 Garrifons from the Defence of Vncas> they would 
 heap up their Cattel as high as their Wigwams, and 
 that he was the Man that had given out that an 
 Englimman mould not ftep out of Doors to pifs 
 but they would kill him. Ninigret not being able 
 to deny thefe Charges, and fomewhat appalled 
 thereat, began to comply with the reafonable 
 Demands of the Englifh.* 6 * A Dayes Time was 
 
 269 The Author has omitted as 
 important a Part of the Records as 
 that he has given, but the Omiffion 
 is too long for a Note. See Records 
 of the Commiffioners, i, 88. But in 
 order to underftand the Refources 
 of the Indians the following Extract 
 is given. I imagine however that 
 fome allowance mould be made as 
 to their Ability to pay a large Sum, 
 for it does not appear that this Debt 
 
 Bb 
 
 was ever cancelled. " Ninigret not 
 able to deny this Charge [that 
 an Englimman fhovld not ftep out 
 of Doores," &c.] " pretended 
 that the Englifh Meflengers pro 
 voked him, but that appeared a 
 falfe and weake Excufe. He 
 affirmed that the Some was fo 
 great, that the Narraganfets had 
 not Wampam enough to pay it 
 it being well knowne to the Co- 
 
[ 210 ] 
 
 allowed him for Confideration and Advice with 
 the Reft of the Indian Deputyes that were then in 
 Bo/ion. 
 
 The next Day he declared that he was refolved 
 to give the Englifh Colonies due Satisfaction in all 
 Things, and that he would forthwith fend fome of 
 his Men to gather up the Wampam which was yet 
 behind hoping that within ten Dayes it might be 
 obtained, and that himfelf [65] would ftay with 
 the Englifh as Security, untill the Money was paid. 
 Accordingly he difpatched his MefTengers home 
 for that End, who not many Dayes after, came 
 back to Bofton, bringing with them two hundred 
 Fathom of Wampam, towards Satisfaction of what 
 they owed to the Englifh. This falling very much 
 fhort of what was expected, Ninigret pleaded that 
 his perfonal Abicence from Home was the Caufe of 
 that Defect, and therefore defired Liberty to go 
 Home, withal adding, that if the Whole were not 
 paid by next Spring, the Englifh fhould take his 
 Head, and fieze his Country. The Commiffioners 
 let him depart, and fince he pretended fo fair, did 
 deliver to him the Children which were kept as 
 
 ' miffioners that the Narraganfets " temptible fum," and was refuted, 
 
 ' are a greate People, and can reafe fo the Meflenger fold the Kettles to 
 
 ' a greater Quantity of Wampam Mr. Samuel Shrimpton for 14:5. 
 
 ' vpon a mort Warninge when they In our View this was not fo " con- 
 
 ' pleafe." Finally, Ninigret, fee- temptible" a Sum as might be ima- 
 
 ing that pleading Poverty would not gined. This laft Amount being raifed 
 
 overcome Cupidity, agreed to fuch from the Sale of the brafs Kettlei 
 
 Terms as was demanded of him. taken from the Families of the 
 
 What had been offered by Peflacus Indians'! The Weight of thefe 
 
 was in Kettles and Wampam, in all, Kettles was 285 Ibs. See Book of 
 
 17:9:6, but it was called "a con- Indians. 
 
[211 ] 
 
 Hoftages, expecting from him, the more Care to 
 fee Engagements performed ; and if they did find 
 him real, that then former Neglects mould be 
 charged upon Peficus, and that they mould expect 
 his Affiftance, when it mould be required, in re 
 covering the whole Remainder from Peficus ; all 
 which Things were cheerfully accepted by Nini- 
 
 This Year other Troubles hapned by fome of 
 Vncas his Indians, who committed feveral Outrages 
 upon the Englifh in the Pequot Country. Mr. 
 John Winthrop, and fome with him, complained 
 
 270 The Failure of the Chief to 
 
 perform his Promife fhows plainly 
 
 enough two Fadls : firft, that the 
 
 Indians were unable to raife fo large 
 
 an Amount of Money ; and fecond, 
 
 that a Sachem's Power to compel 
 
 his People |to part with what they 
 
 poffefled did not amount to anything 
 
 like arbitrary Power. The Com- 
 
 miffioners were evidently fully aware 
 
 of thefe Fafts, and wifhed to ufe 
 
 their own Power to keep the Indians 
 
 under their Control. The original 
 
 Records add : " Not thinking it meet 
 
 ' to begin a pr'fent War, if Satisfac- 
 
 ' tion (though with a little forbear- 
 
 ' ance may be had otherwife) by 
 
 ' their Interpreter acquainted Nina- 
 
 ' gratt, that fince he p'tended the 
 
 ' Wampam had bene gathered and 
 
 ' paid, if himfelf had been at home, 
 
 ' they would giue him free leaue to 
 
 ' returne, and twenty Dayes more 
 
 1 from hence to colledl and fend 
 
 ' the Refidue yet behinde ; and 
 
 tho' 500 Fathome of the Wam 
 pam now due mould fall fliort in 
 his Payment 20 Dayes hence, 
 they would forbeare it till next 
 planting Time ; and in the meane 
 ' Time accept both the 200 Fathom 
 ' now brought, and the 105 F. 
 intended for a prefent, in pt. 
 ' Paymt, but if they brought not 
 ' 1000 Fathome more within 20 
 ' Dayes, the Comiflr 8 . would fend 
 ' no more Meflengers, but take 
 ' Courfe to right themfelves as they 
 ' fee Caufe." This is accompanied 
 with the further Threat, that if they 
 mould refort to Armes, the Indians 
 need not expeft to efcape Vengeance 
 as hitherto, by a little Wampam ; 
 that though they (the Englifh) would 
 be juftified in putting the Hoftages 
 to Death, they " would forthwith 
 " deliver the Children to Ninegratt, 
 " expefting from him the more Care 
 " to fee Ingagements fully fatisfied." 
 Records U. C., i, 106. 
 
2I2 
 
 that Wowequay* 11 (Vncas his Brother) with about 
 forty Mobeags, behaved themfelves infolently, 
 hovering againft the Englifh Plantation in a fufpi- 
 cious Manner, to the Afrightment of the Inhabit 
 ants there ; Alfo, although Vncas at firft feemed 
 gladly to entertain the Englim Plantation at Pequot, 
 yet his Carriage fince was fuch as if he defigned by 
 Alarums to difturb and break that Plantation. In 
 fine Vncas was cenfured, and required to acknow 
 ledge his Fault to the Englifh Plantation, (which 
 he did) and pay an hundred Fathom of Wampam 
 to make amends for Wrongs fuftained.* 7 * 
 
 In September 1648. New Complaints were 
 brought before the Commiffioners of the United 
 Colonyes, (then fitting at Plymouth} againft the 
 Narraganfet Indians. Henry Bull of Rhode- I/land 
 petitioned for Relief, informing that thofe Indians 
 had beaten him, and other Wayes been injurious 
 to him. Alfo Meflengers from the Town of 
 Warwick came with Complaints in Behalf of the 
 whole Town,* 73 alledgeing that their Neighbour 
 Indians did kill their Cattel, 274 abufe their Servants 
 when they took them alone, and fometimes would 
 
 271 Written Nowequa in the Re- Randall Houlden and Mr. John 
 cords. Warner. They had " a Writing 
 
 ' vnto vs [fay the Commiffioners] 
 
 272 The Records here are too ' from the Towne or Plantatio of 
 much abridged to give the Reader ' Warwicke, as they call it, fub- 
 a correct Idea of the Tranfaftions ' fcribed by Mr. John Smith, Af- 
 intended to be noticed. As they ' fiftant in behalfe of the whole 
 cannot be abridged intelligibly the ' Towne, dated the 4th of the 7th 
 Reader is only referred to them. ' Mo. 1648." 
 
 See Records Corns. U. C. i, 101-2. 
 
 274 And " about a hundred hoggs," 
 2? 3 The Meflengers were Mr. &c. 
 
2I 3 
 
 make forcible Entry into their Houfes, yea, and 
 ftrike the Mafters thereof, and fteal and purloyn 
 their Goods at Pleafure. At the fame Time, In 
 formations were brought before the Commifiioners, 
 that the Narraganfet Indians inftead of paying the 
 Wampam that was due to the Colonyes, had im 
 proved their Wampam to hire Indians to invade 
 Vncas, and in Cafe the Englim mould defend [66] 
 him, to fight with them alfo. Particularly, that 
 Ninigret had given, out that if the Englim did pro 
 tect Vncas t he would quickly burn the Houfes at 
 Connecticut. The Narraganfets were withdrawing 
 their old Men, Women, and Children into Swamps, 
 hiding their Corn, &c. The mercenary Mohawks 
 were faid to be about four hundred in Number, all 
 armed with Guns, and three Pound of Powder for 
 every Man. 
 
 Thefe Counfils were fo far ripened and prepared 
 for Execution, as that 'Thomas Stanton and other 
 Meffengers from Connecticut, goeing to the Indians 
 to enquire into, and (if might be) ftop Proceedings, 
 found them met at Pacomptuck their Rendezvouze, 
 who acknowledged that they had received Wampam 
 from the Narraganfets to invade Vncas, and that 
 they were met together to that Purpofe, expecting 
 Mohawks and other Indians to make up their full 
 Numbers : But hearing that two Mohawk Sachims, 
 were lately killed by the Eaftern Indians, and that 
 the Englim, who, they thought were a juft and 
 warlike People, would defend Vncas, they did 
 therefore ftop their intended Proceedings at this 
 Time. But thefe Things made it yet more evident, 
 
that the Narraganfets were a falfe and treacherous 
 People, rtot to be trufted, nor worthy to be treated 
 with. 
 
 Anno 1649. Nfwbdtven Colony was in apparent 
 Danger of being involved in Trouble by Reafon of 
 the Indians there : For at Stamford a Man going 
 forth to feek his Cattel returned not home as was 
 expected, nor could be found by the Englifh that 
 fought for him ; but quickly after the Son of a 
 Sagamore who lived near Stamford, came into the 
 Town, and told the Englifh that John Whitmore 
 was murthered by an Indian called Toguaffos, and 
 to prove it, told them that Toquattos had fome of 
 his Cloathes; and particularly his Shirt made of 
 Cotton-linnen. Hereupon the Englifh and fome 
 Indians went into the Woods to feek the murthered 
 Body for burial, but though they beftowed much 
 Time and Labour, they could not find it. Diverfe 
 of the Englifh at Stamford fufpected the Sagamores 
 Son to be either Author or AccefTory to the Mur- 
 ther, but had not fatisfying Grounds to feize and 
 charge him. 
 
 About two or three Months after, Vncas coming 
 to Stamford, calling the Indians thither, and en 
 quiring after the murdered Body, the forementioned 
 Sagamores Son, and another fufpected Indian called 
 Ke/ioron* 75 fell a trembling, and hereby confirmed 
 the Sufpition of the Englifh, and wrought a Sufpi- 
 tion in fome of the Mohegin Indians, fo that they 
 faid thefe two Indians were Matchet, meaning they 
 
 275 Reboron, according to the nowhere elfe mentioned, under either 
 printed Records. I find this Indian Name. 
 
C 2I 5 
 
 were Guilty. Notwithftanding the Indians there 
 abouts excufed the Sagamores Son, and accufed [67] 
 'Toquattos, and intimated that if the Sagamores 
 Son mould upon Sufpition be feized on by the 
 Englim, the Indians would doe the like by fome 
 Englim, untill he mould be fet at Liberty.*?* 
 
 Likewife at South-hampton in Long-IJland, the 
 Englim were expofed to great Difficulties and 
 Dangers by Reafon of a Murder committed in that 
 Town, fo that they were neceffitated to arm them- 
 felves and ftand upon their own Defence for many 
 Dayes ; the Indians being gathered together in an 
 hoftile Pofture. z 77 
 
 This Year alfo Vncas renewed his Complaints 
 againft the Narraganfet Indians, that notwithftand- 
 ing all former Engagements, they are ftill under 
 mining his Peace, and feeking his Ruine, and in 
 particular that to their late Endeavour to bring the 
 
 276 The Comiffioners being 
 minded [July 1649] that Afquafti, 
 a Murtherer of an Englifhman 
 fome Yeares fince in or neare the 
 Bounds of Fairfield lived yet (ac 
 cording to general Report) among 
 Indians neare to fom of the Eng 
 lim Plantations in thofe Parts, and 
 that the non p'fuite of fo notorious 
 a Malefa&or is like to proue pre- 
 iudiciall to the Englim by giveing 
 incurragment to the Indians in 
 other malicius and murtherous 
 Attempts. It is therefore thought 
 fitt that the two weftern Colonies* 
 vfe the beft Means they can to 
 take him, and then p'ceed with 
 him according to Righteoufnefs." 
 
 Records of the CommiJJioners, i, 142. 
 
 277 " An Information being alfo 
 given of fom Indians at Long 
 Bland that (by the Accufation of 
 a Native that fuffered lately at 
 Hartford for a Murther) are 
 guilty of the Death of fom Eng 
 lim who fuffered boatwracke fome 
 Yeares paft in a Veflell belonging 
 to one Cope at or near Long 
 Ifland. It was defired and thought 
 expedient that all Opportunities 
 p'fenting bee improved for mak 
 ing Inquiry and fearching after 
 the Truth and (if Evidence ap- 
 peere) the Murtherers be profe- 
 cuted to Juftice." Ibid, i, 142. 
 
2I6 
 
 Mohawks upon him, when that failed, they Ibught 
 by Witchcraft to take away his Life. A Narra- 
 ganfet Indian (called Cuttaquin) in an Englim Vef- 
 fel in Mobegin River,* 78 ran a Sword into Vncas 
 his Breaft, whereby he received to all Appearances 
 a mortal Wound, which murderous Adi:, the Affail- 
 ant then confeffed, he was for a confiderable Sum 
 of fTampam, by the Narraganfet and Niantick 
 Sachems hired to attempt. Ninnigret when ex 
 amined utterly denyed his having an Hand in that 
 Fa<5t but, affirmed that Cuttaquin, who accufed 
 himfelf, and the other Sachims, was drawn there 
 unto by Torture from the Mobeags* 7 *) 
 
 278 A p ar t of Pequot River, pro 
 bably that Part of the Thames above 
 Montville. 
 
 27!> The Records continue : " but 
 he was tould that the Aflalent 
 before hee cam into the Hands 
 of the Moheges, p'fently after the 
 Fa& was comited, layed the charg 
 vpon him [Ninnigret] with the 
 Reft, which hee confermed the 
 Day folowing to Captaine Mafon 
 in the p'fence of the Englifh that 
 were in the Barkque with him . . . 
 that hee was p'fented to Vncas 
 vnder the notion of one apper 
 taining to Vflamequin wherby hee 
 was acknowlidged as his Frend 
 and no Provocation giuen him." 
 , . . . " Theire Indeavours to dif- 
 turbe the Peace by theire Con- 
 federafy with the Mowhawkes* 
 was fo euident by Mr. John Win- 
 thrope and Mr. Williams Rela 
 tion the laft Year, together with 
 
 " the Confeffion of the Mowhawks 
 
 " themfelves to Thomas Stanton." 
 
 The Commiffioners then recount 
 
 the Indebtednefs of Ninigret, and 
 
 " exprefled themfelves altogether 
 
 ' vnfatisfied in the whole Frame of 
 
 ' his P'ceedings," and recommended 
 
 ' to all the Colonies to bee in con- 
 
 flant Readinefs either for Defence 
 
 or Offence as the State of Occa- 
 
 fions may call for, which is like 
 
 to be terbulent and difficult, which 
 
 they the rather p'fent to concid- 
 
 ' eration from an Information thay 
 
 ' receved fence theire fiting, of a 
 
 ' Marriage fhortly intended be- 
 
 ' twixt Ninegrets Daughter and a 
 
 ' Brother or Brothers Soone of 
 
 ' Saflaquas, the mallignant furious 
 
 ' Pequot, wherby p'bably their 
 
 ' Aimes are to gather together and 
 
 * reunite the fcattered conquered 
 
 ' Pequates into one Body and fett 
 
 ' them vpp againe as a diltin6t 
 
 ' Nation which hatk alwayes been 
 
2I 7 
 
 About four Years after this (viz. in Anno 1 65 3.) 28 
 there were great Troubles, and Commotions railed 
 in the Spirits of Men with reference to the Indians, 
 it being generally believed that there was an horrid 
 Confpiracy amongft the Indians throughout this 
 Land to cut off all the Englim, and that they were 
 animated thereto by the Dutch ; there being at that 
 Time war between England and Holland. 281 An 
 Indian Squaw was fent by other Indians (that pro- 
 feffed Love and Friendfliip) to one in Wethersfield 
 on Conneffiicut informing that there was a Con 
 federacy between the Dutch and the Indians, to 
 deftroy the Englifh Colonyes, and that the Day of 
 
 " wittnefed againft by the Englifh, 
 " and may haffard the Peace of the 
 " Colonies." Here Affairs appear 
 to haue refted for that Time. 
 Whether the fearful Marriage took 
 place we are not informed, although 
 an Inference that it did is drawn 
 from the Commiffioners' Records 
 of the next Year (1650), i, 169. 
 
 Yet the Commiffioners do not 
 feem to have troubled themfelves 
 about Uncas's Marriages, one of 
 whofe Wives was Sifter to Saflacus. 
 
 280 Notwithftanding the Author 
 (kips nearly four Years, there were 
 conftant Troubles with the Indians 
 during that Time ; one Tribe com 
 plaining of another to the Englim. 
 At the Meeting of the Commiffion 
 ers in Sept. 1 650, Uncas complained 
 that " the Mohanfick Sachem in 
 " Long Ifland had killed fome of" 
 his Men, " bewitched diuers and 
 " himfelf allfo," and defired that 
 
 Cc 
 
 he might be " righted therein." But 
 the Complaint could not be acted 
 on becaufe the Long Ifland Sachem 
 was not prefent to anfwer or defend 
 himfelf. So it was advifed that the 
 Governor of Connecticut commif- 
 fion Capt. John Mafon, Mr. Howell, 
 Mr. Gofmer and Thomas Benedict 
 of Southhold to attend to the Cafe. 
 What the Cmmiffioners thought of 
 Uncas being bewitched they do not 
 inform us; but from their Silence 
 on that Point it may reafonably be 
 concluded that they thought the 
 Devil had more to do with him 
 than Witches. 
 
 ssi Whatever Grounds there may 
 have been for fufpe&ing a Combina 
 tion of Indians with the Dutch 
 againft the Englifh Colonifts at this 
 Period, there feems not to be found 
 any reliable Fads of fuch Combina-^ 
 tion or Confpiracy. All the Tefti- 
 mony elicited is vague and uncertain. 
 
[ "8 ] 
 
 Election of Magiflrates in the feveral Jurifdi&ions 
 was intended for Execution, becaufe then the 
 Towns would be left naked and lefs able to defend 
 themfelves. This Squaw moreover defined the 
 Englifh to remember, how dear their flighting of 
 her former Information of the Pequots coming had 
 coft them.* 82 
 
 Alfo, Vncas addreffed himfelf to the Governour 
 of Connecticut Colony declaring that Ninnigret had 
 that Winter been at Manhatos, and that he had 
 given the Dutch Governour a great Prefent of 
 Wampam t and received from him twenty Gunns, 
 with Powder and Shot anfwerable; [68] and that 
 during his flay in thofe Parts, he went over Hud- 
 Jons River, gathered as many Sacbims together as 
 he could, made ample Declaration againfl the 
 Englifh, defiring their Aid and Affiftance againfl 
 them. 
 
 Yea moreover, there were no lefs than nine In 
 dian Sagamores, who lived near Manhatos, did 
 voluntarily without any Notice or Reward from 
 the Englifh, fend their MefTengers to Stamford de 
 claring and affirming (even after they were urged 
 by the Englim to teflifie nothing but the Truth) 
 that the Dutch had follicited them by promifing 
 them Gunns, Swords, Powder, Wampan, Waft coats 
 and Coats to cut off the Englifh. The MefTengers 
 added that they would not lye, and were as the 
 Mouth of the nine Sagamores, who All fpeak they 
 no lye y they would affirm it to the Dutch Govern- 
 
 282 This refers to the Maflacre at thersfield), and to the Agency of 
 Watertown (afterwards called We- the Wife of Mononotto, probably. 
 
C 2I 9 1 
 
 ours Face, and if the Dutch were angry, and mould 
 fight with them, No Force &c. The next Day, 
 one of thofe Sagamores, with the Son and Brother 
 of another of them came themfelves to Stamford, 
 and confirmed what their Meflengers in their 
 Names had before reported. 
 
 This Spring alfo the Indians in the northern 
 and eaftern Parts generally grew infolent, and their 
 Cariage very Sufpitious, and they gave out threat- 
 ning Words, fo that many Alarms were made, the 
 Peace of the Englifh through the whole Country 
 disturbed, they weaned with extraordinary Watch- 
 ings and Wanderings, hindered in their Plowing, 
 Sowing, preparations for Planting and other Occa- 
 fions, to their exceeding great Damage. Thefe 
 Things caufed many fad Thoughts of Hearts, and 
 fome warlike Preparations ; but when the Partyes 
 accufed were enquired of about thefe Matters they 
 would own nothing ; as for Ninigret he pretended 
 that his wintering amongft the Dutch was on the 
 Account of his Health, and not at all out of Defign 
 againft the Englifh. The Reft of the Narraganfet 
 Sacbims made themfelves very ignorant of any 
 Plot; the Dutch Governour likewife profefled great 
 Abhorency of fo vile a Thing as that would be, to 
 hire barbarous Indians to murder Chriftians ; 
 withall adding, that if the Colonyes fell upon him 
 on that Account, the righteous Judge would be 
 his Defence,* 8 * and that, 
 
 Hie murus aheneus efto 
 
 Nil eonfcire Jibi nulla pallefcere culpa. 
 
 *" - Peter Stuyvefant was Gov- ernor of the Dutch at New Am- 
 
[ 220 ] 
 
 Alfo glad Tidings of Peace between the Nations 
 at Home arrived here; fo did theieTroublesvanim.* 84 
 
 Albeit not many Years after thefe Things, the 
 Indians in thofe Parts made an horrible Slaughter, 
 not of Englim-men but Dutch-men, who were 
 treacheroufly maflacred by them.* 8 * 
 
 [69] In the latter End of this Year it was that 
 the Montauket or Long-IJland Indians who were 
 Friends and Tributaryes to the Englifh, complained 
 that Ninnigret and the Nianticks had affaulted 
 them, killing and taking captive diverfe of them. 
 They were fo far hearkned unto, as that the Com- 
 
 fterdam (N. York) and there has 
 nothing fince been difcovered in the 
 Character of the Dutch Governor 
 to warrant any other Conclufion, 
 but that he was malignantly tra 
 duced by the vagabond Indians. 
 Plymouth, Connecticut and New 
 Haven feemed inclined to believe 
 the Stories; but Maflachufetts, lefs 
 interefted, did not credit the Tales. 
 
 284 The Treaty of Peace with 
 Holland was figned the 5th April, 
 1654; the News of which was re 
 ceived in Bofton, 23d June follow 
 ing. See Holmes, Annals, i, 301. 
 
 28 New England has never feen 
 fo diftreffing a Time as was experi 
 enced by the Dutch Settlers adverted 
 to in the Text. Tolerably minute 
 Accounts may be read of thofe 
 Troubles in O'Callaghan and Brod- 
 head's Hiftories and their Authori 
 ties indicated. The Invafion by the 
 Indians is faid to have began on the 
 
 1 3th of September, 1655. But if 
 fo there muft have been another 
 Invafion the fame Year ; for, on the 
 fame Day the Commiffioners of the 
 United Colonies, who had met at 
 New Haven on the 6th of Sept., 
 1655, fay, that on " the 15 of the 
 ' p r fent September, by the Rcturne 
 ' of the Meflengers whom they had 
 ' fent forth for Inquiry, received 
 ' certaine Intelligence of a great 
 ' MafTacar perpitrated by the Wam- 
 ' peage and other Indians vpon the 
 ' Dutch at the Monhatoes,"who had 
 taken feventy of the Dutch Prifon- 
 ers ; that as they were about to take 
 Means to ranfom the Captives, Mr. 
 Allerton's Ketch arrived at New- 
 haven from Manhattan, bringing 
 News that the Indians had offered 
 to make Peace, and a Treaty was 
 entered upon. They therefore 
 thought any Aftion on their Part 
 unneceflary Records Commijjion- 
 ers U. C., ii, 144. See alfo A Nar- 
 rative\u& iffued byDr. O'Callaghan. 
 
[ 221 ] 
 
 miffioners of the United Colonies did apprehend 
 themfelves called of God to wage War again ft 
 Ninigret and fuch Indians as fhould adhere to him 
 in his bloudy Proceedings, and accordingly did by 
 Vote conclude and determine the fame, and that 
 two hundred and fifty Souldiers mould be forth 
 with raifed, and fent forth by the feveral Colonies. 
 But the Council of Bo/ion not concurring in thofe 
 Conclufions, the intended Expedition failed at that 
 Time; 186 Neverthelefs the next Year, it being 
 known that Ninnigret perfifted in his warring upon 
 the Long Iflanders, and that he brake his Covenant, 
 refufing to pay Tribute for thofe Pequots that were 
 by the Englifh formerly placed under him, and 
 that the Lenity of the Colonies was abufed to 
 heighten his Pride and Infolency ; upon thefe 
 Coniiderations it was agreed by the Commiffioners 
 that there mould be two hundred and feventy Foot 
 Souldiers, and forty Horfe, raifed out of the feveral 
 Colonyes, in order to reducing Ninnigret to Sub 
 jection and better Obedience. Accrdingly Forces 
 were forthwith levied, and a fmall Army fent forth 
 under the Chriftian and Couragious Major Willard 
 as Commander in Chief. 287 
 
 286 if thofe who are now main- " General Court to join in an 
 
 taining the abfurd Doftrine of Se- " offenfive War." This Proceed- 
 
 ceffion only knew how Matters flood ing on the Part of Maflachufetts 
 
 in the United Colonies in 1653, came near breaking up the Con- 
 
 they might ufe the Fafts to fortify federacy ; and that probably would 
 
 their Pofition The General Court have been the Refult had Affairs 
 
 praftically nullified the Aftion of turned out as the Majority of the 
 
 the Commiffioners by a Refolution Colonies fuppofed they would, 
 that " no Aft of theirs, though they 
 " mould all agree, mould bind the 287 There was ftrong Diflatisfac- 
 
[ 222 ] 
 
 Upon the Approach of the Englim Army, Nin- 
 nigret fled from the Place of his ufual Refidence, 
 and got into a Swamp, where it was not eafie to 
 purfue him. Moft of the Pequots under his Jurif- 
 diction then deferted him, and came to the Eng- 
 glim. z88 MeiTengers were fent to demand a Treaty 
 with him, but he was afraid to appear. 
 
 In fine, two Gentlemen, viz. Capt. Davis and 
 Capt. Siely went to him requiring the Delivery of 
 the Reft of the Pequots ; to whom he replyed that 
 they were gone on Hunting, but ingaged that 
 within feven Dayes they mould be delivered to Mr. 
 Winthrop.^ He was moreover charged to forbear 
 
 tion with Major Willard's Proceed 
 ings againft Ninigret. It was un 
 accountable to the war Party that 
 he fhould have returned from his 
 well planned Expedition, having 
 inflicted no Chaftifement on the 
 Nianticks ; when as Ninnigret fled 
 on his Approach leaving his Coun 
 try, Corn and Wigwams unpro 
 tected, which might have been de- 
 ftroyed without Moleftation. It is 
 evident that the Major did not think 
 fuch a Courfe was the beft one; 
 and that Ninigret and his Nianticks 
 did not deferve fuch Severity ; and 
 although he was gravely cenfured at 
 the Time by fome, and perhaps 
 even by a Majority of the Englim, 
 yet Pofterity will doubtlefs fuftain 
 him. He did excellent Service 
 afterwards in the War with Philip, 
 and died in the Midft of it. See 
 Mather's Brief Hiftory, 153. His 
 Report of the Expedition, and the 
 Action of the Commiffioners upon 
 
 it may be feen in the Records of the 
 United Colonies, ii, 145-9. The 
 Epedition fet out from Bofton the 
 pth of October, 1654, anc ^ returned 
 on the 24th of the fame Month. 
 
 288 About one hundred of them, 
 according to Maj. Willard's official 
 Report. Thefe all fubfcribed cer 
 tain Conditions drawn up for that 
 Purpofe. The Subftance of faid 
 Conditions are contained in the 
 Major's Report, but the Originals 
 are probably not preferved. 
 
 2 ~ : ' ; This Interview tranfpired on 
 the 1 8th of Oftober, 1654. The 
 Number of Englifhmen fent to treat 
 with Ninigret was fix. He refufed 
 to meet them becaufe they were fo 
 many, but fent Word that he would 
 meet two of the Englim. Accord 
 ingly Capt. [William] Davis and 
 Capt. [Robert] Seily were met by 
 the Chief, who inquired " Why 
 
all Acts of Hoftility againft the Long- Iflanders, or 
 any other Indians that were in Amity with the 
 Englifli ;*9 and plainly told, that if he did not 
 hearken to the Advice and Charge laid upon him, 
 he muft expect that ere long his Head would be 
 fet upon an Englifh Pole.** 1 
 
 So did the Meflengers return and the Army alfo. 
 Thefe Things hapned in October Anno 1654. 
 
 After the Englifh Forces were withdrawn, Nin- 
 nigret did according to his ufual Manner, obferve 
 Fidem punicam in keeping the Promifes which at 
 that Time he made and fet his Hand unto. 
 
 [70] Not many Years after this the Indians in 
 
 " do you demand the Pequots ? You 
 " have them already. I have but 
 " three or four. The reft are abroad 
 " hunting and elfewhere." Finally 
 the " feven Days " Arrangement 
 was made, as mentioned in the Text 
 
 290 Ninigret had been made war 
 upon by the Long Ifland Indians, 
 who had killed feveral of his Chiefs 
 and other Men. He therefore 
 thought it fingularly unjuft Interfer 
 ence on the Part of the Englifh that 
 he mould not be allowed to " right 
 himfelf ;" while at the fame Time 
 the New Haven People had been 
 fending Powder and Shot to his 
 Enemies, the Long Iflanders. And 
 we do not wonder that when he 
 was told that he muft defift from 
 attacking thofe Indians, that " he 
 " was filent for a Time, but after, 
 " faid this ' Shal fuch a Prince 
 " and two Captains lofe theire Lives 
 " and theire Bloud not to bee re- 
 
 " venged ?' " The Englifh again 
 repeated the Command, but Nini 
 gret faid no more. They next 
 demanded that he mould defray the 
 Expenfe of the Expedition upon 
 which they had now come. To 
 this he anfwered, in Effeft, that he 
 had not caufed the Expedition; 
 that if it was on Acconnt of the 
 Long Iflanders they might look to 
 them. Here the Matter appears to 
 have refted, fo far as payment for 
 the Expedition was concerned. See 
 Records Corns. U. Cols., ii, 147. 
 
 291 Ninigret was living in the 
 Time of Philip's War, and rendered 
 fome Service againft thofe Indians 
 who brought it on ; but he muft at 
 that Period have been very old, for 
 we hear of him as early as 1632. 
 The Time of his Death is not known. 
 Several Anecdotes concerning him 
 will be found preferved in the Book 
 of the Indians. 
 
the fouthern and weftern Parts of this Land were 
 involved in Broyles amongft themfelves, raging 
 with implacable Feudes and Wars one againft 
 another. The Nianticks, Mauntaukets, Mohegins, 
 Norwootucks, all engaged in cruel and bloody 
 Quarrels. And the Peace of thefe Colonyes was 
 not a little difturbed and endangered thereby, inaf- 
 much as the Indians would purfue one another to 
 the Englim Plantations, and fometimes into the 
 Englifh Houfes, and there kill one another. 2 ? 2 
 Some Englim at Wetbersfield, and fome inhabiting 
 in the Moheag Country were by Means hereof put 
 into fad Frights. 293 In fpecial, in Anno 1 658. fundry 
 
 292 ^ was nO an uncommon 
 Thing, when Difpqtes and Diffi 
 culties occurred among the Indians 
 themfelves, that one Party would 
 fly to the Neighborhood of the 
 Englim, thinking thereby to efcape 
 the Fury of the other Party. But 
 this did not often fhield the Fugi 
 tives ; for if the Englim had the 
 Ability to fhield them, they could 
 know nothing as to who was the 
 originally agrieved Party. Hence 
 deadly Skirmifhes took place fome 
 times in the very Enclosures of the 
 Englim, and Bullets often pafled 
 through their Houfes. Sometimes 
 even one Indian has purfued another 
 into their Houfes and Murders were 
 committed on the Floor and before 
 the Eyes of the Family. An In- 
 ftancc of this Kind once occurred 
 in Cambridge. 
 
 293 Sometime in the Month of 
 May, 1660, the Government of 
 
 Connecticut fent a Letter to the 
 Commiffioners of the United Colo 
 nies, dated June pth, faying, among 
 other Things, that " not many 
 Weeks now paft, wee are by fuf- 
 ficient Information certified, that 
 one Night, at the new Plantation 
 at Munheage, fome Indians (as 
 will appeare) of the Narraganfets 
 fhot eleven Bullets into a Houfe 
 of our Englim there, in Hopes, 
 as they boafted, to have flain him 
 ' whom we have Caufe to honour," 
 who appears to have been Deputy 
 Governor Major Mafon. " As alfo 
 " flew another at Robert Layes, 
 "to the great AfFrightment and 
 " Terror of Goodwife Lay. We 
 intreat you to confider how jn- 
 cogruous and crofs it would haue 
 bin 20 Yeares agoe to an Englim 
 Spirit to beare fvch Things as 
 now we are forct to beare, or 
 whether the Indians would not 
 haue expedled a Vifltation upon 
 
22 5 
 
 Englifli in divers Places were difquieted by the In- 
 folence and Outrage of the Pacumptick Indians.* 94 
 
 ' lefs Occafions then thefe that haue 
 
 ' of late bene met with by feveral 
 
 ' of ours. We cannot but conceaue 
 
 ' it is high Time to renew vpon 
 
 ' the Memory of thefe Pagans the 
 
 ' obliterate Memorials of the Eng- 
 
 ' lifli." At the next Meeting of 
 
 the Commiflloners it was refolved, 
 
 in View of thefe Complaints, " to 
 
 " require and force the Narrogan- 
 
 " fetts to a juft Satisfaction." See 
 
 Trumbull's Col. Recs. Ct., i, 576-7. 
 
 Conformably to this a Demand was 
 
 made on the Narraganfets for " att 
 
 " leaft foure of the chiefe of them 
 
 " that fhott into the Englifh Houfe," 
 
 or to pay 500 Fathom of Wampum. 
 
 The Matter appears to have been 
 
 fettled by the Wampum. 
 
 At the fame Time a Complaint 
 was confidered about an Outrage 
 committed at the Houfe of Mr. 
 Brewfter by thofe Indians who be- 
 fieged Uncas, " by theire forcable 
 " attempting to enter his Houfe and 
 " theire violent Intrufion and taking 
 " away fom Goods and Healing his 
 " Corn." Befides, the laft Spring 
 (1659) " fom Narraganfett Indians 
 " did aflault and kill a Mohegan 
 ' Indian in his Seruice who flying 
 ' to Miftris Brewfter for Succor; 
 ' yet they violently tooke him from 
 ' her and fhott him by her Side to 
 ' her great AfFrightment." The 
 Commiffioners faid this was "an 
 " intolerable and impudent Mifcar- 
 " riage," and for which they de 
 manded 80 Fathom of Wampum. 
 Recs. U. Cols., ii, 227. The Po- 
 
 Dd 
 
 cumtucke Indians were concerned 
 in the Siege of Uncas's Fort, one of 
 whofe Chiefs was a principal Leader. 
 Ibid, 223. The Brewfter Family 
 fo vaguely mentioned in the Records, 
 was probably that of Mr. Jonathan 
 Brewfter, eldeft Son of Elder Wil 
 liam of the Pilgrim Band. Mr. 
 Brewfter eftablifhed a Trading houfe 
 on the Thames in 1 649, at a Point 
 on the eaft Side of the River, ftill 
 called Brewfter's Neck. Of this he 
 had a Deed from Uncas, dated 25 
 April, 1650. His Wife's Name 
 was Lucretia. See Mifs Caulkins's 
 New London, 66, 331, &c. Mr. 
 Brewfter was one of the Defenders 
 of Uncas, and was with him in his 
 Fort when it was attacked by the 
 Mohegans, and thus was faved the 
 Life of the deceitful Uncas. His 
 Fort was at the Head of Nahantick 
 River. See Ibid, 127. 
 
 294 In the Records of Connecticut 
 mention is made of the Seffion of 
 the General Court in April, 1 65 7, of 
 "a horid Murder committed by 
 " fome Indians at Farmington." 
 (Trumbull, Col. Rec. Ct., \, 294.) 
 But on whom the Murder was com 
 mitted no mention is made. I infer 
 from fubfequent Actions of the Court 
 that the Murder was among the In 
 dians themfelves, and that during the 
 Affair a Houfe was burnt ; " and 
 " though Mefapano feems to bee 
 " the principall After, yet the Ac- 
 " ceffbries are not yet clearly dif- 
 " coured, and none brought to a 
 
[ 226 ] 
 
 But when the Sachims were called to an Account 
 about it, they pretended that they were ignorant 
 of what Diforders were committed by their Men, 
 nor allowed of by them who defired to live in 
 Amity with the Englifh, and were willing to give 
 Satisfaction for paft Injuryes, and to prevent the 
 like Abufes for the Future. So did thofe Troubles 
 pafs over. Not very long before this, at South- 
 Hampton in Long-IJland fome Houfes had been 
 burned by a wicked Indian (and a Negro Woman) 
 who it feems after he had done this Wickednefs, 
 defperately killed himfelf, to prevent juft Execution. 
 It was at firft thought that more of the Indians 
 there had had an Hand in that burning, whence 
 they were condemned to pay feven hundred Pound 
 in feven Years, but afterwards that Penalty was 
 taken off, lince it was judged unreafonable that 
 thofe Indians who were not proved to act in, or 
 confent to the Mifchief that was done, mould be 
 made to fuffer as Guilty. 
 
 In Anno 1662, Plymouth Colony was in fome 
 Danger of being involved in Trouble by the Wam- 
 panoag Indians. After Maffafoit was dead, his two 
 Sons called Wamfutta and Metacomet, came to the 
 Court at Plymouth pretending high RefpecT: for the 
 Englifh, and therefore defired Englim Names 
 might be impofed on them, whereupon the Court 
 there named Wamfutta (the elder Brother) Alex- 
 
 " legall Triall." At the Seffion in " by Mefupeno " (as he is then 
 
 Auguft of the fame Year the Tunxis called) eighty Fathom of Wampum, 
 
 Indians agreed to pay for the Damage " well ftrungd," for feven Years. See 
 
 done at Farmington, " occafioned alfo Trumbull's Hi/}. Conn., i, 230. 
 
[ 227 ] 
 
 ander, and Metacomet (the younger Brother) Philip ; 
 this Alexander (Philips immediate Predeceflbr) was 
 not fo faithful and friendly to the Englifh as his 
 Father had been. z 95 For fome of Bofton having 
 occafionally been at Narraganfet wrote to Mr. 
 Prince who was then Govern our of Ply mouthy that 
 Alexander was contriving Mifchief againft the 
 Englifh, and that he had folicited the Narraganfets 
 to ingage with him in his defigned Rebellion. 
 Hereupon Capt. Willet (who lived near to Mount 
 Hope, the Place where Alexander did refide) was 
 appointed to fpeak with him, and to defire him to 
 attend the next Court in Plymouth, for their Satis 
 faction, and his own [71] Vindication, he feemed 
 to take the MefTage in good Part, profefling that 
 the NarraganJ'ets who (he faid were his Enemies) 
 had put an Abufe upon him, and he readily pro- 
 mifed to attend at the next Court. But when the 
 Day of his Appearance was come, inftead of that, 
 he at that very Time went over to the Narraganfets 
 his pretended Enemies ; which compared with other 
 Circumftances, caufed the Gentlemen at Plymouth, 
 to fufpedt there was more of Truth in the In 
 formation given, than at firft they were aware of. 
 
 295 The Treaty made with Philip " y c -B VNCOMPOWETT, 
 
 at this Time may be feen in the " Vnkell to the abouefaid Sachem. 
 
 Plymouth Col. Records, iv, 256. " Witnefle, John Safomon. 
 
 The Subftance of it is alfo con- " The Marke of n Francis, 
 
 tained in Morton's Memorial, Sub. " the Sachem of Nanfet. 
 
 an. 1662. But Morton omits Part " The Mark of Nimrod '-' , 
 
 of the Signers of the Treaty. They " allis Pumpafa, 
 
 are thefe: "The Marke ^ " Marke -r- of Punckquaneck, 
 
 "PHILLIP, allis METACUM, " TheMarke 3 of Aquete- 
 
 " Sachim of Pocanakett, The Marke " quefh." 
 
Wherefore the Governour and Magiftrates there, 
 ordered Major Winjlo'w (who is fince and at this 
 Day Governour of that Colony) to take a Party of 
 Men and fetch down Alexander. The Major con- 
 fidering that Jemper nocuit differre paratis, he took 
 but ten armed Men with him from Marjhfield y in 
 tending to have taken more at the Towns that lay 
 nearer Mount Hope. But Divine Providence fo 
 ordered, as that when they were about the Midway 
 between Plymouth and Bridgewater, obferving an 
 hunting Houfe they rode up to it, and there did 
 they find Alexander and many of his Men well 
 armed, but their Guns ftanding together without 
 the Houfe, the Major with his fmall Party, pof- 
 fefed themfelves of the Indians Arms, and befet 
 the Houfe ; then did he go in amongft them, 
 acquainting the Sachim with the Reafon of his 
 coming in fuch a Way, defiring Alexander with his 
 Interpreter to walk out with him, who did fo a little 
 Diftance from the Houfe, and then underftood what 
 Commiffion the Majorhzd received concerning him 
 The proud Sachim fell into a raging Pafiion at this 
 Surprife, faying that the Governour had no Reafon 
 to credit Rumors, or to fend for him in fuch a 
 Way, nor would he go to Plymouth but when he 
 faw Caufe. It was replyed to him, that his Breach 
 of Word touching Appearance at Plymouth Court, 
 and inftead thereof going at the fame Time to his 
 pretended Enemies, augmented Jealoufies concern 
 ing him. In fine, the Major told him that his 
 Order was to bring him to Plymouth, and that (by 
 the help of God) he would do it, or elfe he would 
 
[ 229 ] 
 
 dy on the Place ; Alfo declaring to him that if he 
 would fubmit, he might expect refpective Ufage, 
 but if he once more denyed to go, he mould never 
 ftir from the Ground wheron he flood, and with 
 a Piftbl at the Sacbims Breaft, required that his 
 next Words mould be a pofitive and clear Anfwer 
 to what was demanded. Hereupon his Interpreter 
 (a difcreet Indian, brother to John Saujamari) be 
 ing fenfible of Alexanders paffionate Difpolition 
 entreated that he might fpeak a few Words to the 
 Sacbim before he gave his Anfwer. The prudent 
 Difourfe of this Indian prevailed fo far as that 
 Alexander yielded to go, only requefting that he 
 might go like a Sachim, with his Men attending 
 him, which (although [72] there was fome Hazard 
 in it, they being many, and the Englifh but a few) 
 was granted to him. The Weather being hot, the 
 Major offered him an Horfe to ride on, but his 
 Squaw and diverfe Indian Women being in Com 
 pany, he refufed, faying he could go on Foot as 
 well as they, entreating only that there might be a 
 complying with their Pace, which was done, and 
 refting feveral Times by the Way, Alexander and 
 his Indians were refreshed by the Englifh ; no 
 other Difcourie hapning while they were upon their 
 March, but what was pleafant and amicable. The 
 Major fent a Man before, to entreat that as many 
 of the Magiftrates of that Colony as could ; would 
 meet at Duxbury ; wherefore having there had fome 
 Treaty with Alexander, not willing to commit him 
 to Prifon, they entreated Major Win/low to receive 
 him to his Houfe, untill the Governour (who then 
 
[ 230 ] 
 
 lived at Eaftham) could come up. Accordingly he 
 and his Train were courteoufly entertained by the 
 Major. And albeit not fo much as an angry Word 
 patted between them whilft at Marjhfield; yet proud 
 Alexander vexing and fretting in his Spirit, that 
 fuch a Check was given him, he fuddenly fell fick 
 of a Fever. He was then nurfed as a choice Friend. 
 Mr. Fuller (the Phyfitian) coming providentially 
 thither at that Time, the Sachim and his Men 
 earneftly defired that he would adminifter to him, 
 which he was unwilling to doe, but by their im 
 portunity was prevailed with to doe the beft he 
 could to help him and therefore gave him a Potion 
 of working Phyfick, which the Indians thought 
 did him good ; but his Diftemper afterwards pre 
 vailing, they entreated to difmifs him, in order to 
 a return Home, which upon Engagement of Ap 
 pearance at the next Court was granted to him, 
 foon after his being returned Home, he dyed. 2 ? 6 
 
 And this is the Truth and Subftance of what 
 concerns Tranfactions with Alexander, concerning 
 which fo many fabulous Storyes have been fpread 
 abroad.* 97 
 
 Alexander being dead, his Brother Philip (of late 
 
 296 Judge Davis has a long Note to inc tide Mr. Hubbard's Account 
 in his Edition of Morton's Memorial 9 among the " many fabulous Storyes" 
 on this Affair of Alexander, in which which had been in Circulation is 
 he compares the various Accounts not pofitive, but probable ; and yet 
 of the Tranfa&ion, indulging in what Mr. Hubbard does relate is 
 fome probably juft Criticifms upon much to the fame Purport as this, 
 them. and his Work had juft been pub- 
 
 liftied. Perhaps it had been out 
 
 297 Whether the Author intended near fix Months. 
 
curfed Memory)* 98 rofe up in his ftead, and he was 
 no fooner ftyled Sacbim, but immediately in the 
 Year 1662. there were vehement Sufpitions of his 
 bloudy Treachery again ft the Englifh : yet he pro- 
 fefTed otherwife, and making his perfonal Appear 
 ance at a Court holden at Plymouth, renewed that 
 Covenant which his Father and Brother had con 
 firmed with the Englifh there. a 99 This Covenant 
 he perfidioufly brake: For in Anno 1671. it was 
 evident that he with other of his Confederates 
 had been confpiring againft the Colony, under 
 whofe Protection and Jurifdidtion he had fubmit- 
 ted himfelf. He then armed himfelf and acted like 
 a Rebel that intended a fpeedy Rifing, yea, he 
 ordered (as fome Indians [73] have lince confefled) 
 that if the Englifh did fend MefTengers to treat 
 with him, if above four came in Company together 
 they mould be mot down, and appointed fome to ly 
 in Ambufh for that End ; and behaved himfelf after 
 a furly and provoking Manner towards MefTengers 
 that defired Treaty with hinV 00 and refufed to 
 appear, and give Anfwer for his Infolencyes, his 
 
 298 "The Idea was too much 299 This has Reference to the 
 
 cheriflied, that they [the firft Set- Treaty in the Plymouth Col. Recs. 
 
 tiers] were themfelves the People as before cited in Note 295. It 
 
 of God the chofen Ifraelites, was doubtlefs owing to the Death of 
 
 and that the Natives, being Hea- Alexander, that Philip gave Occa- 
 
 then, were in the Situation of the lion for the Authorities of Plymouth 
 
 Canaanites whom the Children to fufpeft him of a treacherous De- 
 
 of Ifrael had a Right, by the fign againft the Colony. 
 Command of God, to extirpate 
 
 them;" Rev. John Taylor of 3o This Matter of the Treat- 
 
 Deerfield, in his Appendix to Wil- ment of Meflengers is touched upon 
 
 lizms's Redeemed Captive, Ed, 1800, in the Brief Hiftory, p. 220. 
 p. 199. 
 
[ 232 ] 
 
 Covenant notwithftanding. Neverthelefs, he at 
 laft conceded to meet the Governour and Magif- 
 trates of Plymouth, at Taunton, where fundry 
 Commiffioners of Bofton were defired to be, and to 
 hear the Matters of Difference between the Eng- 
 lifh of Plymouth and this Philip Sachim. This 
 Meeting was attended in April, 1 67 1 . when Philip 
 confefled his Breach of Covenant, and that he had 
 groundleflly taken up Arms againft them, whom 
 he had always found friendly to him ; And fur- 
 rendered fome of his Arms, engaging for the 
 delivery of the Reft in due Time.* 01 The Englifh 
 being tender of medding Blood, let him go upon 
 Promife of better Behaviour for the Future. Soon 
 after this, Philip (with fome of his Counfellors) re 
 paired to Bojlon, endeavouring to poflefs the Eng 
 lifh there, with lying Informations about Injuryes 
 done to him by thofe of Plymouth. Wherefore 
 the Council of that Colony entreated that Com 
 miffioners from Bofton, and from Connefticut alfo 
 might be fent to Plymouth, that fo a fair Hearing of 
 Differences before all the World might be attended. 
 So then in September following the Governour of 
 Connecticut, and feveral Magiftrates from the 
 Maffachufetts, and fome other Gentlemen met at 
 Plymouth,* * where Philip appeared, and all his 
 
 301 The Treaty of Taunton is Names of thofe appointed to treat 
 given in the Brief Hiftory, p. 223. with Philip were Gov. John Win- 
 It is alfo contained in Hubbard's throp of Connecticut, Maj. General 
 Narrative, 11-12. Jt bears Date, John Leverett, Mr. Thomas Dan- 
 April loth, 1671. forth and Capt. William Davis of 
 
 Maflachufetts. The Names of 
 
 30a Thefe Proceedings are entered " fome other Gentlemen," do not 
 
 upon the Records of Plymouth. The appear in the Records. 
 
2133 
 
 Allegations were heard to the Conviction pf Philip 
 himfelf, and great Satisfaction of all that Audience. 
 The Conclufion was, Philip acknowledged his 
 Offence and wa? appointed to give a Sum of Mony 
 to defray the Charges which his infolent Clamours 
 had put that Colony unto, The Particulars which 
 Philip then covenated to were thefe. 
 
 1. That he would for the Future be fubje<3 to 
 the Government of Plymouth, and to their Laws, 
 
 2. He engaged to pay the Colony an hundred- 
 Pound towards reparation of fuch Wrong as they 
 had fuftained by his Mifdemeanors. 
 
 3. He was under Obligations to fend five Wolves 
 Heads every Year to the Governour of Plymouth 
 in Token of his Fealty, 
 
 4. That he would not make War with any with 
 out the Approbation of that Government, 
 
 5. In Cafe any future Difference fhould arife be 
 tween him and the English, he would repair to the 
 Government there to rectify Matters, before ingag- 
 ing in any hoftile Attempts. 
 
 [74] 6. That he would not difpofe of any of his 
 Lands but with the Approbation of the Englifh 
 Government there So was he difmiiTedJ 03 Some 
 
 303 Plymouth had now, in Pro- KOWPAHENITT; WUTTA- 
 
 mifes, all flic required of the Warn- KOOSEEIM ; SONKANUHOO; 
 
 panoags. In Cafe of Difobedience, WOON ASHUM, alias NIMROD; 
 
 (he had only to call upon -the Com- WOOSPASUCK, alias CAP- 
 
 miflioners to aid, if {he needed Aid, TAINE. The Treaty was figned 
 
 to coerce any refra&ory Spirit among 29 Sept. 1671. 
 
 her neighbouring Indians. Thofe On the 3<i of November follow- 
 
 who made their Marks to theTreaty ing Philip came again ,to Plymouth 
 
 were PHILIP, Sachem ; WOH- with the Sachem of Saconet, named 
 
 Ee 
 
of thefe Covenants were in Part obferved by him, 
 and fome Particulars not at all Thus did Things 
 reft between the Englifh and him, until the Year 
 1 674. when in January an Indian Preacher, known 
 by the Name of John Saufaman^ addrefled him- 
 felf to the prefent Governour of Plymouth, inform 
 ing him that the Indians were complotting the 
 Deftru&ion of the Englifh, and that not only the 
 Wampanoags, but the Narraganfets, yea, and the 
 Mohegins were involving themfelves in this Con- 
 fpiracy. This Saufaman was by Birth a Majfachufet, 
 his Father and Mother living in Dorchefter, and 
 they both died Chriftians. This their Son did for 
 fome Time apoftatize from his Chriftian Profeffion, 
 and lived like an Heathen, being Philips Secretary 
 (for he could write a very legible Hand) and one 
 of his Counfellors, untill at laft God convinced him 
 of his Mifery, and he manifefted fuch evident Signs 
 of Repentance as that he was, after his Return from 
 Pagan Philip, reconciled to the praying Indians 
 and baptized, and received as a Member in one of 
 the Indian Churches, yea and imployed as an In- 
 ftrudtor amongft them every Lords Day. Never- 
 thelefs, his Information (becaufe it had an Indian 
 Original, and one can hardly believe them when 
 they fpeak Truth) was not at firfl much regarded, 
 
 TAKAMUNNA, who alfo figned curity. Plym. Col. Recs., v, 67-80. 
 an Article binding him to the Ob- 
 
 fervance of the Treaty of the 2pth 304 His own Signature upon a 
 
 of September preceding. He alfo Document in my Pofleffion is Wuf- 
 
 agreed to pay one WolPs Head per faufman ; a Fac Simile of which 
 
 annum " into the Treafury of Ply- may be feen in the Hift. and Anti- 
 
 " mouth," Philip becoming his Se- ftiititf of Bo ft on, 397. 
 
2 35 
 
 untill by Relation of Circumftances, he made it 
 too apparent that Philip was really hatching Mif- 
 chief. The Effect was, the Governour of Plymouth 
 advifing with his Councill, refolved once more to 
 fend for Philip, and to enquire into the Truth of 
 Things : But before that could be accomplished, 
 an Indian called Tobias, with his Son, and another 
 Indian named Matta/hinnamy, meeting with John 
 Saujaman at a Pond, cruelly murdered him ; and 
 that their Villany might not be difcovered, they 
 cut an Hole through the Ice, and put in the dead 
 murthered Body, leaving his Hat and Gun upon the 
 Ice, that fo others might think that he had drowned 
 himfelf. It being rumored that Saufaman was loft, 
 the dead Body was fought after, and found in the 
 Pond, and taken up and buried. 30 * 
 
 Jealoufies being on the Spirits of Men that the 
 other Indians had murthered him, on Account of 
 revealing their Confpiracyes to the Englifh : The 
 Governour of Plymouth ordered the Conftable of 
 Mtddkburyv** (that being the neareft Town to the 
 Place where the Murther was committed) to caufe 
 John Saufamans Body to be taken up again, and 
 to empanel a Jury as a Coroners Inqueft, to make 
 Enquiry how he come by his Death : 3 7 And they 
 
 305 Affawomfet Pond in Middle- Midway between Plymouth and a 
 borough was the Place where Sau- noted Point on Taunton or Tehti- 
 faman's Body was foun,d. He was cut River. 
 
 murdered on the 2pth January, 
 
 1674-5. 307 The Names of the Jurymen 
 
 were WILLIAM SABINE, WILLIAM 
 
 306 Middleborough ; faid to have CROCKER, EDWARD STURGIS, WIL- 
 been fo called becaufe it was about LIAM BROOKES, NATHANIL WINS- 
 
[ 236 ] 
 
 found that he had been murthered, for his Neck 
 was broken by twifting of his Head round ; which 
 is the [^5] Way that the Indians fometimes ufe 
 when they practice Mufthers ; alfo his Head was 
 extreamly fwollen, and his Body was wounded in 
 feveral Parts of it, and when it was firft taken out 
 of the Pond, no Water iflued out of it, which 
 argued that the Body was not drowned, but dead 
 before it came into the Water. 
 
 Moreover, when Tobias, (the fufpected Mur- 
 therer) came near the dead Body, it fell a bleeding 
 on frefh as if it had been newly flain, albeit it was 
 buried a confiderable Time before thatJ 08 
 
 Afterwards an Indian called Patuckfon, came and 
 jteftified to their Faces that he faw Tobias and the 
 other Indians murthering Saufaman : He alfo him- 
 ielf before his Death had declared, that he was 
 
 LOW, JOHN WADSWORTH, ANDNEW 
 
 RfNGE, ROBERT VlXON, JOHN DONE, 
 
 JONATHAN BANGS, JONATHAN SHAW, 
 
 and BENJAMIN HIGGINS. 
 " Itt was judged very expedient by 
 the Court, that together with this 
 Englifh Jury aboue named, fome 
 of the moft indifferenteft, graueft 
 and 'fage Indians fhould be ad 
 mitted to be with the faid Jury, 
 and to help to confult and aduice 
 with, of, and concerning the 
 Premifes. Their Names are as 
 followeth, viz*, one called by an 
 Englim Name, HOPE, and MAS- 
 KIPPAGUE, WANNOO, GEORGE, 
 
 ' WAMPYE, and ACANOOTUS ; thefe 
 
 4 fully concurred with the aboue 
 written Jury in theire VedicV* 
 
 Plymouth Col. Rffs., v, 1 68. 
 
 308 The Praftice of this Method 
 
 for the Difcovery of a Murderer is 
 
 very ancient, and dates probably 
 
 near the Beginning of the human 
 
 Family. King James alludes to it 
 
 in his Dcmonolegy he fays, " if the 
 
 dead Carkafe bee at any Time 
 
 thereafter handled by the Mur- 
 
 therer, it will gum out of Blood, 
 
 as if the Blood were crying to the 
 
 Heaven for Reuenge of the Mur- 
 
 therer, God having appointed that 
 
 fecret fupernatural Signe for triall 
 
 of that fecret unnatural Crime." 
 
 This is certainly worthy of the 
 
 Author of the Demonology. 
 
 It may be prefumed that there 
 were few Occalions when this Teft 
 was required, or if required the 
 Murderer was not found. 
 
237 
 
 afraid thofc very Indians would at laft prove his 
 Murtherers. 
 
 They were therefore apprehended and kept in 
 Durance untill Plymouth Court, which was held 
 in June, 1675. and being found guilty of Saufa- 
 marfs Death, they were (one of them before his 
 Execution confefling the Murther) condemned and 
 executed. 30 * And then did Philip, being (as was 
 verily fuppofed) privy to what Tobias (his Counfel- 
 lor) and thofe with him had perpetrated upon John 
 Saufaman, fell to open Rebellion and bjoodmedding 
 amongft the Englim at Swanzy, who were his 
 next Neighbours. 
 
 But of the fpecial Occurrences attending the late 
 (and not yet ended) War between the Englim and 
 the Indians, I have elfewhere given a brief Account, 
 and therefore mall not here add anything, that not 
 comporting with my prefent Deiign. 310 
 
 The Particulars which have been mentioned, are 
 
 309 Their Names were Tobias, CounfeBors, whofe Death doubtlefs 
 
 Wampapaquan his Son, and Mat- exafperated Philip and his other 
 
 tafhunannamo. Tobias and his Son Chiefs, and was the immediate 
 
 were executed by being " hanged Caufe of the War that followed. 
 
 " by the Head," on June 8th, 1 675 . The Indians underftood very little 
 
 " But the faid Wampapaquan, on of Agreements made by a few 
 
 " fome Confiderations was reprieued Scratches upon Paper with Pen and 
 
 " vntil a Month be expired." He Ink. And they looked upon it that 
 
 was however mot within the Month it was no bufinefs of the Englifh to 
 
 probably owing to the Com- punUh one Indian for killing another, 
 
 menccment of Hoftilities by Philip ; See Old Indian Chronicle, 5-6. 
 for it will be remembered, that 
 
 within fixteen Days from the Time 310 The Author here refers to 
 
 Tobias and his Son were hanged, the Brief Hiflory which he published 
 
 the War began in Swanzey. To- the previous Summer or Autumn, 
 
 bias was a Chief and one of Philip's fo fully noticed in this Volume. 
 
C 238 ] 
 
 the chief (if not the only) Troubles 3 " which have 
 hapned by the Indians in New England, from the 
 firft Planting thereof by the Englifh till the late 
 Commotions. Some few private Murthers there 
 have been, which are not infifted on in this Nar 
 rative, as namely thofe at Nantucket, * l * and that by 
 Matoonas his Son, and that at Woburn^ but the 
 publick Peace was not fo endangered by thofe 
 clandeftine Revenges, as by the Confpiracyes, the 
 Relation whereof hath been defcribed. 
 
 It is eafy to obferve ; from the Hiftory of thefe 
 Troubles, that whereas there have been two Sorts 
 of Men defigning Settlement in this Part of America, 
 fome that came hither on Account of Trade and 
 worldly Interefts, by whom the Indians have been 
 fcandalized, others that came hither on a religious 
 and confcientious Account, having in their Eye the 
 Converfion of the Heathen unto Chrift ; the former 
 have [76] been attended with blafting ruining 
 Providences, 314 thefe latter have been fignally owned 
 
 311 This is hardly exprefled as it 313 " That by Matonas his Son, 
 fhould be by one who had read the *' and that at Woburn " I judge to 
 Records of the Commijfioners of the refer to the fame Tranfaftion. 
 United Colonies as the Author muft Compare what is faid in the Old 
 have done, as thefe Notes (how. Indian Chronicle, 137-8, with a 
 
 Communication of the Rev. Samuel 
 
 312 Perhaps the Nature of the Sewall, D. D., publifhed in the 
 Affair at Nantucket may be learned Book of the Indians, 698-9. See 
 from Macy's Hiftory of that Ifland. alfo Hubbard's Nar., 7. Accord- 
 See Macy's Work, 42-44. In the ing to the Cbronic!e>ti\e Murder at 
 Year 1665, King Philip purfued a Woburn was about 1669 or 1670. 
 Fugitive to Nantucket, putting the 
 
 Inhabitants into a great Fright. All 314 Had the Author been able to 
 
 that has been learned refpecling this extend his prophetic Vifion a hun- 
 
 Raid of Philip will be found in the dred Years in advance of his own 
 
 Book of the Indians, 202. Age, his Views refpeding the Ob- 
 
239 
 
 by the Lord Jefus, for the like hath been rarely 
 known in the World, that a Plantation fhould be 
 raifed out of nothing, and brought to fuch confid- 
 erablenefs in fo mort a Time, whereas in the Clofe 
 of the laft Century, there was not fo much as one 
 Chriftian in this Land, there are now above Four- 
 fcore Englifh, and^* Indian Churches, therein, be- 
 fides many other Congregations calling upon the 
 Name of the True God in Jefus Chrift, although 
 as yet not brought into Church eftate, according 
 to the Order of the Gofpel. 
 
 This is the Lords doing, and it is marvellous in 
 our Eyes. 
 
 jefts of our Fathers would have been 
 fomewhat modified. That any Set 
 tlement was, or could have been 
 made independent of Trade is pre- 
 pofterous. That the Plymouth Set 
 
 tlers were Traders, is as plain as 
 that they were generally a fuperior 
 Company of Emigants to fbme of 
 thofe who preceded, as well as many 
 who followed them. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
An 
 
 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE 
 
 Concerning the 
 
 PREVALENCY 
 
 OF 
 
 PRAYER. 
 
 Wherein is Jhown that Neiv-Englands Late Deliverance from the 
 Rage of the Heathen is an Eminent Anjwer to Prayer. 
 
 By INCREASE MATHER, 
 
 'Teacher of a Church in Bofton in New-England. 
 
 Pfal. 1 02. 1 8. This Jball be written for the Generation to come. 
 
 Jam. 5. 17. 1 8. Elias was a man Jubjefl to like paffions, as we are, and 
 be prayed earneftly that it might not rain, and it rained not on the 
 Earth by the fpace of three years and fix moneths ; and be prayed 
 again, and the heaven gave rain, and the earth brought forth her fruit. 
 
 Preces et Lachrimas funt Arma Ecclifiae Ambrofius. 
 Oratio eft vis Deo grata. Turtul. 
 
 Bofton, printed and fold by John Fofter. 1677. 
 
[iii] 
 
 TO THE READER. 
 
 MY Dejign in the Subfequent Difcourfe, is not to 
 enumerate all the Particulars which might 
 be mentioned, that doe evince New-Englands late 
 Deliverance to be a great Anfwer of Prayer : only 
 to take Notice of fome more eminent PaJ/ages of 
 Divine Providence, whereby it doth appear that the 
 God of our Salvation hath anjwered us by terrible 
 Things in Right eoufnefs, againft our Heathen Adver- 
 faryes. There is now Caufe for an Holy Sollicitude 
 left Security Jhould be the Effect of thefe Difpenfations ; 
 left we Jhould now fay, our Mountain is made ftrong, 
 and we Jhall never be moved. Howbeit there is little 
 Re af on for fuch Imaginations, if Things be duly laid 
 to Heart : we cannot but remember how near this 
 Tree was to cutting down a Tear or two agoe ; but 
 the Lord of the Vineyard hath at the earneft Inter - 
 cejjion of his Servants let it alone this Year alio. 
 But who can fay, how far the Lord may cut and lop 
 and mar our Vine branches before many Tears be 
 expired? To this Day we fee not the End of our late 
 bleeding Diftrejfes^ 1 * and when this Day of Trouble 
 
 315 It will be noticed that this riming Veflels had been furprifed and 
 
 Preface was written amidft Alarms their Crews carried into Captivity, 
 
 and Defolations. Philip had been and Men were killed at Black Point, 
 
 dead a Year, but there were fearful And, only a Month later, twenty - 
 
 Ravages in the Eaft and in the Weft, four People were killed and carried 
 
 Only in the previous July many away from Hatfield and Deerfield. 
 
244 To the Reader. 
 
 Jhallbe over, I for my part, muft folemnly profeff and 
 \ dec /are, that I look for another feven times greater, 
 \though 'what it Jhall be, or how it fhall come to pafs 
 \f cannot teil ; for I pretend not to any Revelation, 
 beyond what they that diligently compare the Word 
 and Works of God together, may attain unto. It 
 grieveth me not a little that I Jhould fo frequently 
 write and fpeak in fnch a Strain, but I cannot for 
 bear, the Lord hath fpoken, who can but prophecy ? 
 There ate many Confederations, which are enough to 
 caufe Jad Expectations of fome more fatal Changes 
 of Providence not far off, but efpe dally thefe two. 
 
 [ivl I. There is not a general Reformation in New 
 England fo much as in any one Particular, notwith- 
 ftanding the Lord hath tryed us by all Manner of 
 Wayes that may be thought of, even by lejfer and 
 greater Judgments, and by jignal Mercy es and De 
 liverances : and that which aggravateth our un~ 
 reformednefs, is, that in the Time of our Trouble we 
 have faid, arife and fave us. 
 
 2. There are Evil Is prevailing among ft us, which 
 if they be not reformed, the Lords Controverfy will 
 not be ended, Juch as notorious Self ' feeking, reigning 
 Pride, jhameful Drunkennefs, with the Occajions 
 Leading thereunto; wofull Apoftacy, the blejjed 
 Defign of our Fathers in coming into this Wilder nefs 
 not being minded and attended as ought to be : and as 
 Things are circumftanced, there is no Hope that thefe 
 and other Evils Jhould be reformed, untill God arife 
 and Jhake terribly the Earth. So that Nil nifi vota 
 fuperfunt. On thefe Accounts, it concerns us, to be 
 
To the Reader. 245 
 
 crying unto the Lord Day and Night. If wee look 
 abroad upon the Face of the Earth, in other Parts 
 of the World, the Children are come to the Birth, and 
 there is not Strength to bring forth. We behold 
 y ap%Y}v 'o>5tV&)u the Begining of travailing Sorrows, 
 evenfuch Things as Evidence that fome great Birth 
 is at Hand. And in our Horizon dark Clouds gather 
 apace, and the Heavens are covered over with black- 
 nefs. Surely in thefe Refpects, we may truly fay as 
 fometime that Martyr did, Pray, Pray, Pray, never 
 more need than now. And conjidering the blejjed 
 Encouragement God hath given us, whatever come on 
 us, let us be found fo doing. 
 
 BOSTON, N. E. 
 Auguft. 1 6. 1677. 
 
 Increase Mather. 
 
[I] An 
 
 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE 
 
 Concerning the Prevalency of 
 
 PRAYER. 
 
 IT was a great Word (and if rightly underftood, 
 a true Word) which Luther fpake when he 
 faid, Eft qutedam precum omnipotentia, there is 
 a kind of Omnipotency in Prayer ; and the Reafon 
 is obvious, viz. In that the Almighty doth luffer 
 himfelf to be prevailed upon and overcome by 
 Prayer. Had not Jacob in this refpect Power with 
 God ? Yea when he made his Supplication, he had 
 Power, and prevailed over the Angel, even that 
 Angel who is the Lord of Hofts, the Lord is his 
 Memorial. ' Where do we find in all the Books of 
 God a more wonderfull Expreffion, then that of 
 the Lord to praying Mofes, Now let me alone ? 
 That ever the eternal God fhould become thus a 
 see Mr Haii Petitioner to a poor mortal Man ! Feriendi 
 p/aim 82, p. Hcentiam petit a Mofe qui fecit Mqfen. 
 183, 184. p ra y er then is like the Sword of Saul, or 
 the Bow of Jonathan, which never returned empty 
 from the Battle. Prayer is ftronger than iron 
 
248 The Prevalency of Prayer. 
 
 Gates. At the Prayers of the Church the iron 
 Gates fly open, and the Apoftles Fetters fall off. 
 Sometimes the Prayers of one Man that hath an 
 eminent Intereft in God, are a Means to preferve a 
 whole Town, yea a whole Land from Deftruction, 
 ou r* we l might the Antient fay, Homine probo 
 
 Chryfoftom. TT r i- i A i 
 
 orante mml potentius. How tar did Abra 
 hams Prayers prevail for Sodom ? Did not Elijahs 
 Prayers open and fhut the Windows of Heaven ? 
 Did they not bring down Showers when the gafp- 
 ing Earth was ready to dy for Thirft ? When a [2] 
 fiery Drought had like to have devoured the 
 Land of Ifrael, and the Prophet Amos prayed and 
 cried to the Lord, faying, O Lord God, Ceafe I 
 befeech thee, by whom fhall Jacob arife ? for be is 
 fmall ; the Lord repented for this, and f aid this Jhall 
 not be. 
 
 Wars, when juftly undertaken, have been fuc- 
 cefsful through the prevalency of Prayer. 
 
 Mofes in the Mount praying, is too ftrong for 
 all the Armies in the Valley fighting. When the 
 Philiftines went up againft the Children of Ifrael, 
 Samuel ceafed not to cry to the Lord for Ifrael, and 
 the Lord thundered with a great thunder that Day 
 upon the Philiftines, and difcomfited them, that 
 they were fmitten before Ifrael. Jehojhaphat, when 
 furrounded by a Multitude of heathen Enemyes, 
 by Prayer overcame them. When Zera the 
 Ethiopian came againft the Lords People with an 
 Hoft of a thoufand thoufand Men, Afa by Prayer 
 and Faith overcome them all. Hezekiah and Ifaiah 
 by their Prayers brought an Angel down from 
 
"The Prevalency of Prayer. 249 
 
 Heaven, who flew an hundred and fourfcore and 
 five thoufand Aflyrians, in the Hoft of Sennacherib 
 in one Night. 
 
 And befides thefe and many Scriptural Examples 
 ciuverius in in ecclefiaftical Story, Instances to this 
 2KSif Purpoie are frequently obferved. The 
 Epitome, P . 304 History of the thundering Legion isfam- 
 oufly known. Thus it was. 
 
 The Emperour Marcus Aurelius going to war 
 againft the ^uads y Vandals, Sarmats and Germans, 
 who were nine hundred feventy and five thoufand 
 fighting Men ; The Imperialifts were fo cooped 
 up by their numerous Enemies, in flrait, dry, and 
 hot Places, that the Souldiers having been deftitute 
 of Water for five Days together, they were all like 
 to have perimed for thirft. In this exremity, a 
 Legion of Chriftian Souldiers being in the Army, 
 withdrew themfelves apart from the Reft, and fall 
 ing proftrate on the Earth, by ardent Prayers pre 
 vailed with God, that he imediately fent a moft 
 plentiful Rain, whereby the Army that otherwife 
 had perimed, was refrefhed and dreadfull Light 
 nings flamed in the Faces of their Enemies, fo as 
 that they were difcomfited and put to flight. The 
 Effect of which was, that the Perfecution which 
 before that the Emperour defigned again ft the 
 Chriftians, was diverted ; and that praying Legion 
 did afterwards, bear the Name of xepvvo(3oto$ the 
 Lightning Legion. 
 
 Conftantine the Great, being to join the Battle 
 Erefebuus in with the Heathen Tyrant Licinius, fingled 
 r out a Number of godly Minifters of [3] 
 
 Gg 
 
250 The Prevalency of Prayer. 
 
 Chrift, and with them betook himfelf to earneft 
 Prayer and Supplication, after which God gave 
 him a notable and glorious Victory over his Ene 
 mies. But Licinius himfelfe efcaped at that Time, 
 and raifed another Army, which was purfued by 
 Conftantine, who before he would engage with the 
 Enemy, caufed a Tent to be erected, wherein he 
 did fpend fome Time in Parting and Prayer, 
 being attended with a Company of holy praying 
 Men round about him, after which marching 
 againft his Enemies, he fought them, and ob 
 tained a more glorious Victory than the former, 
 and the Grand Rebel Licinius was then taken Pri- 
 foner. 
 
 Theodofius* 16 being in no fmall Danger by Reafon 
 Lego Theo- of the potent Army of Adverfaryes he had to 
 dofi mtam. do w ith, in his Diftrefs cryed unto Heaven 
 for Help, and behold ! the Lord fent fuch a terrible 
 Tempeft, as the like was not known, whereby the 
 Darts of the Enemy were driven back upon them- 
 AU uft De ^ ves to ^eir own Confufion, which 
 a-vitatcDci caufed Claudian the Poet, (though no great 
 Lib. s . 6.6. Friend to t h e Chriftian Name) to fay con 
 cerning Theodofius, 
 
 O nimium dilette Deo cut militat jEtber, 
 Et conjurati veniunt ad Claffica fenti.3 l 7 
 
 316 Theodofius, Senior. He died The Lines he intended to quote are : 
 
 397* O nimium dile&e deo, cui funditab antris 
 
 yEolus armatas hyemes, cui militat aether, 
 
 3 1 7 The Author has made Claudian Et conjurati veniunt ad claffica venti. 
 appear to great Difadvantage, by a. Claud. Pancg. Lib. vi. F. 123, Ed, 
 quoting him in a blundering Manner. Paris, 1530. 
 
The Prevalency of Prayer. 251 
 
 It is ftoried concerning the City of Nifibis that being 
 s m fon's ftraitty befieged by Sapores King of Perlia, 
 
 fs the diftreffed Citizens defired a devout and 
 ticaiHift. j^jy jyj an amon gfl. t hem (whofe Name was 
 
 James) to be earneft with the Lord in their Behalf. 
 He was fo ; and the Effect was, God lent an Army 
 of Gnats and Flyes among the Per/tans, which fo 
 vexed and tormented them, as that they were 
 forced to raife the Seige and depart. 
 
 Amongft the Waldenfes fometimes an inconfid- 
 erable Number have prevailed over their 
 
 Morland . 
 
 Hift. wd- popiih Adveriaryes. At one Time five 
 hundred of thefe poor praying Saints over 
 threw two thoufand and five hundred of their 
 Enemies who fcoffed at them becaufe they would 
 fall upon their knees and pray before they would 
 fight. 
 
 In the Land of our Father's Sepulchres, when 
 Ofwald (who fucceded his Father Ethelfride in the 
 Northern Kingdom) was aflaulted by Cedwalla and 
 Penda, two Heathen Kings, that raifed a great Army, 
 defigning the Ruin of Ofwald and his People, he 
 humbly and earneftly addrefled himfelf to the Lord 
 of Hofts, the great Giver of Victory, entreating 
 see Clark's him to fhew his own Power in faving and 
 Example, jw. protecting his People from the Rage of 
 idem eodem heathen Adverfaryes : which, joyning battle 
 with his Enemyes, [4] albeit their Army 
 
 31 s This Reference would fcarcely held forth in fame Tboufands of 
 
 be known at this Day. The Work Examples, &c. Printed in London 
 
 referred to is A Mirrour or Look- in 1671. Chapter C. is headed 
 
 ing-Glafs both for Saints and Sinners, Examples of the Power, and Preva- 
 
252 The Prevalency of Prayer. 
 
 was far greater than his, he obtained a wonderful 
 Victory, wherein Cedwalla himfelf was flain. 
 
 When England was invaded by the Danes under 
 the Conduct of their King Ofrick, who encamped 
 at AJhdon, King Ethelred betook himfelf to Prayer; 
 and marching againft the Danifh Army, put them 
 to flight, and flew the greateft Part of them. 
 
 Guftavus Adolphus the King of Sweden, nofooner 
 landed in his Enemies Territoryes, but he addrefled 
 himfelf to Heaven for Victory, and encouraged his 
 Counsellors and Commanders by faying The greater 
 the Army of Prayers is, the greater and more ajjured 
 Jhall be our Viftory. Yea it was his Manner when 
 the Armyes were fet in Battle array, to lift up his 
 Eyes to Heaven and fay, Lord projper the Battle of 
 this Day, according as thou feejt my Heart doth aim 
 at thy Glory, and the good of thy Church. And how 
 fuccefsful did God make that excellent Prince to 
 
 But what need we go far to find Examples con 
 firming the Truth of this Aflertion, that Prayer is 
 of Wonderfull Prevalency, fince our own Eyes have 
 feen it ? New England may now fay, if the Lord 
 (even the Prayer hearing God) had not been on 
 
 lency of Prayer. But the Author " made one fay, 
 
 has given a wrong Reference, for Vpon this Place the great Guftavus di'd, 
 
 there is nothing in the Chapter of Whilft Victory lay bleeding by his Side.' 
 
 Clarke's Examples referred to upon Re ^ flain b ^ ^^ 
 
 * ^ int e T eXt V, ee ' at Lutzen > November the 16 
 
 BnefHiJtory 161, for a Note upon . AnnQ Chrift} l6 and of his 
 
 the Author of the Examples. ( Ag ^ ^f Q ^^ Maf _ ^ 
 
 319 " His Army won the Day, row of Eccl. Hijt., Pt. n, p. 265, ) 
 " though they loft their King ; which Edit. 1 650. 4. 
 
The Prevalency of Prayer. 253 
 
 our Side when Men rofe up againft us, they had 
 fwallowed us up ; then the proud Waters had gone 
 over our Soul. And thus hath it been more than 
 once or twice, efpecially fince the late Infurrection 
 and Rebellion of the Heathen Nations round about 
 us. We cannot but acknowledge, and Pofterity 
 muft know, that we were in Appearance a gone 
 and ruined People,* 20 and had been fo ere this Day, 
 if the Lord had not been a God that heareth 
 Prayer. 
 
 And there are efpecially two Confederations that 
 doe evince, that New England* Deliverance from the 
 Rage of the Heathen is an eminent Anfwer of Prayer, 
 I. In that God hath gracioufly anfwered us as to 
 the very Petitions that have bin moftly infifi-d on, 
 as will appear to Admiration by inftancing in fome 
 Particulars. 
 
 i. Then, How often have we prayed that the 
 Lord would divide, infatuate andfruftrate the Coun- 
 files of the Heathen that fought our Ruine. As 
 ftfmetimes David when purfued by Abfalom prayed 
 faying, O Lord divide their Tongues. Pfal. 55. 9. 
 Again David faid, O Lord I pray thee turn the 
 CounfellofAchitophelintofoolifhnefs. 2. Sam. 15.31. 
 Thofe Requefts of David were heard, and therefore 
 AbfalomsCounfellours were divided,one giving this, 
 
 320 It is a well known Portion of vent it being anything but a Defert. 
 New England Hiftory, that the early Some of the Weft India Iflands 
 Settlers were importuned by their were ftrongly recommended to them 
 Friends in England to abandon the in the Time of Cromwell's Corn- 
 Country, as not fit for Habitation, monwealth. Some thirty Years later 
 Its fevere Winters and fterile Soil many " pulled up Stakes " and went 
 it was argued, would forever pre- to New Jerfey, and other Points fouth. 
 
254 The Prevalency of Prayer. 
 
 and another that Advice ; and the fubtle Counfell 
 of Achitoplel (which had it teen hearkened unto, 
 David and thofe with [5] him had perifhed) muft 
 not be followed. In like Manner hath the Lord 
 done for us ; we have heard how that after the 
 Fort fight, Decemb. 19. 1675. fome of the Indian 
 Counfellors advifed that they might purfue our 
 Army when upon their Retreat ;3 ZI which if they 
 had fo done, how fatal would the Confequence have 
 proved ? But therefore God divided their Counfells, 
 that others were of another Mind. 
 
 Moreover we have received Informations, con 
 cerning a great Confultation amongft the Indians, 
 loon after their Mifchief done at Sudbury in April. 
 1676.3" Had they then continued to moleft the 
 Englifh, our Cafe had been fad ; but they fuppofed 
 they had Time enough before them, and therefore 
 refolved to be quiet a Month or two, in order to 
 Attendance upon their own Planting and Fifhing. 
 
 We have alfo heard that the old crafty Serpents 
 amongft the Indians advifed that they might fhun 
 all Encounter with the Englifh Forces, and rather 
 difperfe themfelves into fmall Partyes, and fo fall 
 upon the Englifh Towns, burning their Houfes, 
 deftroying their Cattle &c. but that the young Men 
 
 3-21 This was reported by Cap- that Fight " rather like Dogs which 
 
 lives taken fometime after the Fight. have loft their Ears." And, 
 
 when they went they afted as if 
 
 322 Mrs. Rowlandfon who was a the Devil had told them that they 
 
 Prifoner among them at the Time mould gain a Viftory, and now 
 
 fpoken of, does not mention any they adted as if the Devil had told 
 
 " great Confultation " about follow- them they mould haue a Fall." 
 
 ing up their Viftory. On the other Captivity, 49. Ed. in Indian Nar- 
 
 Hand flic fays they returned from rativet. 
 
The Prevalency of Prayer. 255 
 
 thought it beft to cut off our Souldiers, and then 
 they fuppofed they might do what they pleafed 
 with our Towns. Thus were their Tongues 
 divided and Counfils turned into foolifhnefs. 
 
 2. How often have we prayed that God would do 
 for us as in the Days of Midian, by caufing the 
 Heathen to deftroy one another, and that the Egyptians 
 might befet againft the Egyptians. The Lord hath 
 anlwered that Requeft alio. For the Indians have 
 been wafting and killing one another, 3 * 3 yea not 
 only fuch Indians as do pretend Friendfhip to the 
 Enlifh, (e. g. the Natick and Punkapaog Indians, 
 and the Mohawks and the Moheags under Vncas t 
 albeit it is too evident that he was fecretely con- 
 ipiring with Philip in his defigned Mifchief, a little 
 before the War brok forth, but God turned him 
 about, 224 and made him a Friend to the Englim, 
 and an Enemy to Philip} but alfo fome of thofe 
 that were once in Hoftility againft us, did at laft 
 help to deftroy their own Nation, Friends and 
 Kindred, that fo they might do Service for us. So 
 
 323 This has been pretty fully wrote that "the Neepmucks are 
 
 illuftrated by Examples already " returned with three Heads of the 
 
 given. About July loth, 1637, " Wunnafhoatuckoogs, they flew 
 
 Roger Williams wrote to John " fix, wounded many, and brought 
 
 Winthrop " The laft Weeke is a " Home twenty Captives." Ibid. 
 
 ' Battell fought betweene the hither 204. But little is known of the 
 
 ' Neepmucks [thofe on the Upper internal Wars of the Indians. 
 ' Thames] and the further, the 
 
 ' Wunnamowatuckoogs [Nafliuas?] ;i24 Before the Reader confents to 
 
 ' &c. the Succefle is not yet knowne: accept Uncas into his Calendar as a 
 
 ' it will be of Confequence, for it Saint, he fhould read the Letters of 
 
 ' faid they fortifie, ioyning with Roger Williams, and the Records 
 
 ' fcattered Pequts." Mafs. Hi/}, of the Commiflioners of the United 
 
 Colli , 36, 197. On the 1 5th he Colonies. 
 
256 The Prevalency of Prayer. 
 
 have they that fought to deftroy us, gone into the 
 lower Parts of the Earth, they are fallen by the 
 Sword. 
 
 3. How often have we prayed that the Lord 
 would take thofe his Enemies into his own aveng 
 ing Hand, pleading that though we know not how 
 to come at them, they had fuch Advantages in re- 
 fpeclis of Woods and Swamps and dark Corners of 
 the Earth to lurk in ; yet the Hand of God could 
 reach them, and that therefore he [6] would fcat- 
 ter them by his Power and bring them down and 
 let them wander up and down for Meat, and the 
 deftroying Angel amongft them. This Prayer 
 hath been heard ; For it is known that the Indians 
 were diftreffed with Famine, Multitudes of them 
 periming for Want of Bread ; and the Lord fent 
 Sickneffes amongft them, that Travellers have feen 
 many dead Indians up and down in the Woods, 
 that were by Famine or Sicknefs brought unto that 
 untimely End. Yea the Indians themfelves have 
 teftified, that more amongft them have been cut 
 off by the Sword of the Lord in thofe Reipects, 
 then by the Sword of the Englifh. 
 
 4. How often have we prayed that the Lord would 
 remember the Cruelty ', Treachery, and above all the 
 Blajphemy of thefe Heathen ? This Prayer hath 
 been heard in Heaven. As for their Cruelty, God 
 hath remembered that, many of them falling into 
 the Hands of the Mohawks or other Indians, who 
 fought in our Quarrel ufed their Enemies after their 
 own Kind; and it hath been obferved, that the 
 Vengeance from the Lord did purfue them prefently 
 
The Prevalency of Prayer. 257 
 
 upon the Perpetration of ibme horrid Afts of bar 
 barous Cruelty towards fuch as fell into their mur- 
 drous Hands' And as for the Treachery, God 
 hath retaliated that upon them ; as for the perfidi 
 ous Narraganfets, Peter Indian was Falfe and 
 Perfidious to them, upon a Difguft received amongft 
 them, and directed our Army where to find them. 325 
 Treacherous Philip, one of his own Men ran away 
 from him, and told Capt. Church where that grand 
 Enemy had hid himfelf, the Iffue of which was, 
 another Indian mot a Bullet into the treacherous 
 Heart of that Covenant- breaking Infidel. Yea 
 many of thofe bloudy and deceitful Indians who 
 were taken by Capt. Church, would frequently de- 
 ftroy and betray their bloudy and falfe-hearted 
 Comrades. Matoonas who was the firft Indian 
 that treacheroufly med inocent Englifh blood in 
 Maffachujets Colony, 326 he fome Years before pre 
 tended to fomething of Religion, being a Profeflbr 
 in general (though never baptized, nor of the in- 
 churched Indians) that fo he might the more 
 covertly manage the hellifh Defign of Revenge 
 that was harboured in his divelifh Heart ; but at 
 laft Sagamore John with fome of his Indians un 
 expectedly furprifed him, and delivered him to 
 Juftice. That abominable Indian Peter 
 
 3-"- See the Author's Brief Hij- Language by faying that the Calamity 
 
 tory, new ed., 105,249-51. After fell upon that Town becaufe "we 
 
 the War he went by the Name of " had not mended our Ways !" A 
 
 Peter Freeman. wretched Pun it muft be confefled. 
 
 32(! At Mendon. In the Brief 327 For a farther Account of 
 
 Hijlorj the Author could not for- " that abominable Indian," fee the 
 
 bear the undignified Torture of Book of the Indians, 265-7, 274. 
 
 Hh 
 
258 The Prevalency of Prayer. 
 
 y; .betrayed his own Father, and other Indians of his 
 
 //.//Tpecial Acquaintance, unto Death. Many of the 
 
 / / Nipmuck Indians, who were wont to lay Snares for 
 
 * * others, were at laft themfelves taken by a Stratagem, 
 
 and brought to deferved Execution. 
 
 [7] And as for their Blafphemy, God hath re 
 membered it, the moft notorious Blafphemers 
 amongft them have been made Examples of divine 
 revenging Juftice, Quanonchet^ Pomham, Monaco^ 
 all of them curfed Blafphemers ; the Vengeance 
 of Heaven hath not fufFered them to live. It is alfo 
 reported that an Englim-man belonging to one of 
 the weftern Plantations, being mortally wounded 
 by an Indian, the Indian upbraided him with his 
 Prayers, faying to him, Tou were wont to pray to 
 ye/us Chrtfty now pray to him, He cannot help you, 
 and withal added a moft hideous Blafphemy (not 
 fit to be named) againft our bleffed Lord Jefus 
 Chrift, imediately upon which a Bullet took him 
 in the Head and darned out his Brains, fending his 
 curfed Soul in a moment amongft the Devils, and 
 Blafphemers in Hell forever." 
 
 5. How often have we prayed that the Lord would 
 take away Spirit and Courage from thofe that have 
 
 328 Ufually written Canonchet. his Depredations were quite exten- 
 A thrilling Account of his Capture five, leading the Nipmucks at the 
 and Death may be read in Hub- Deftruftionof Medfield andGroton. 
 bard's Narrative. He fufFered on the Gallows " at the 
 
 " Towns end," Bofton, September 
 
 329 He was ufually known among 26th, 1676. 
 the Englifh as One-eyed John. 
 
 Confiderable Space is devoted to 33 I have not been able to afcer- 
 him in the Book of the Indians, tain who the Parties were, nor any 
 He lived at or near Lancafter, and Tranfadlion correfponding with it. 
 
The Prevalency of Prayer. 259 
 
 been in Hoflility againft us, and caufe thofe Haters 
 of the Lord to fubmit themfehes.. In this Thing 
 alfo the Lord hath had Refpedt to our Requefls. 
 For hundreds of Indians the laft Summer came and 
 furrendered themfelves to the Englifh, e. g. in Ply 
 mouth Colony the Squaw- Sac him of Saconet, wilh 
 above an hundred Indians fubmitted themfelves to 
 Mercy, 331 June 30, 1676. Not long after that two 
 hundred Indians more furrendered themfelves. And 
 in the eaftern Parts of this Colony (July 6.) there 
 were fix Sachims addreffed themfelves to the Eng 
 lifh in order to the obtaining Peace, bringing in 
 with them three hundred Men befides Women and 
 Children. 332 Likewife in the fame Month Saga 
 more John lubmitted himfelf with about one hun 
 dred and eighty Indians ; 333 and hundreds of them 
 came and fubmitted themfelves to the Englifh in 
 Connecticut Colony. Thefe Things came not to 
 pafs without the Finger of God, fo manifeft as that 
 the Enemy himfelf could not but take Notice of it. 
 For a flout Indian Captain who was afterwards 
 executed at Bojion, profefled to fome of our Soul- 
 diers, that they could never have fubdued the 
 Indians, But (faid he ftriking upon his Breaft) 
 Engli/hmans God maketh us afraid here. 
 
 6. How often have we prayed that God would in 
 fpecial look after thofe Places, which were in moft 
 
 331 Thefe were Awafhonks and Maj. Waldron. See Hubbard;\ 10. 
 her People. 
 
 333 He "came in" to Bofton 
 
 332 This doubtlefs has Reference July zyth, bringing Matoonas, Fa- 
 to thole Indians entrapped at Dover ther and Son. See Brief Hi/tory, 
 by Capts. Hathorne, Sill, Froft, and 1 84. 
 
260 The Prevalency of Prayer. 
 
 eminent Danger, as being above others expofed to the 
 Fury of the Enemy ? And we have had the Peti 
 tions we defired of him in that Refped:. What a 
 black Appearance of Death and Ruine was before 
 the poor People at Quaboag, 334 when they were all 
 cooped up in one unfortified Houfe, and furrounded 
 by a barbarous Multitude of cruel Indians, who 
 thirfted after their Blood? But [8] God by a 
 ftrange Providence fent Major Willard, who with 
 a fmall Party of Souldiers, came a few Hours or 
 Minutes before it was too late, by which Means 
 the remaining Inhabitants of that Place had their 
 Lives given them for a Prey. After that the weft- 
 ern Plantations, North -Hampton, Hadley, Hatfield, 
 &c. were in the eminentft Danger, by Reafon of 
 the Enemy taking up their Rendezvouze in thofe 
 Parts ; but God preierved and delivered them, in 
 Anfwer unto Prayer. That memorable Provi 
 dence ought not to be forgotten, how that in the 
 Begining of March, 1676. Our Army miffed their 
 Way (defigning to furprize the Indians about Wa- 
 chujet Hills) and were providentially led to North 
 Hampton. Alfo Major Treat with Souldiers under 
 his Command, did then take up his Quarters in 
 that Town, coming thither a Day fooner than was 
 intended ; the next Day a great Body of Indians 
 brake in upon the Town, and in probability had 
 laid it Waft, had there not been fuch a Supply of 
 Souldiers as hath been mentioned, which the good 
 Providence of God brought thither, in Anfwer to 
 
 334 Brookfield. See Brief Hijtory, 68. 
 
The Prevalency of Prayer. 261 
 
 the Prayers of his People. Moreover the whole 
 Colony of Plymouth was in moft apparent Danger of 
 being overrun and overwhelmed with the Enemy ; 
 efpecially in the Spring of the Year 1676. when 
 (as we have been informed) the Indians were de- 
 figning, with fifteen hundred Men to fall upon all 
 the fcattered Towns throughout that Jurifdiftion. 
 But God gave Men, yea a great Sac him, for the 
 Life of his dear People in that Colony. We have 
 heard that ^uanonchets Surprifal and Death, ftruck 
 an Amazement into the Heathen, and diverted their 
 purpofed Mifchief. May 8. 1676. when Bridg- 
 water was aflaulted, and in Danger of being laid 
 Waft, God fent Thunder and Rain from Heaven, 
 which caufed the Indians to turn back. And when 
 they attempted to make Taunton a Defolation, July 
 1 1. how wonderfully did the Lord fave that Town ? 
 So ordering by his Providence, as that a Captive 
 Negro efcaping from the Indians, informed of their 
 Purpofe to fall upon that Place, whereupon the 
 Inhabitants flood upon their Guard, and Souldiers 
 were timoufly fent in to them for their Relief and 
 Defence. 
 
 7. How often have we prayed for our poor Cap- 
 fives, that God would preferve them and return them ? 
 When fome of ours not many Years lince, were in 
 Captivity under Mahomet, what Prayer was made 
 for them continually? Efpecially it was fo in re- 
 fpedfc to Mr. Fojier and his Son, 335 the Church in 
 Charleftown fetting a Day apart to feek unto the 
 
 335 What Fofters thefe were I am does not feem to have Humbled on 
 unable to determine. Mr. Savage them ; if he has he did not know it. 
 
262 The Precedency of Prayer. 
 
 Lord by Fading and Prayer, that the Perfons 
 mentioned might be fet at liberty, and although at 
 that Time there was [9] no likelihood that ever it 
 mould be, the infidel King under whofe Power 
 they were, not being willing to accept of Money 
 for their Redemption, yet God brought it about 
 wonderfully, and rather then his Peoples Prayers 
 fhould not be anfwered, that Tyrant muft dy by a 
 ftrange and unexpected Providence. But I fpeak 
 now concerning thofe that have been Captives 
 amongft the Heathen in this Land. And God hath 
 heard us for them. Whereas upon the 9th of 
 May, 1676. the Magistrates and Minifters of this 
 Colony, and the Deputyes of the General Court, 
 fought the Lord together by Failing and Prayer, 
 and did in fpecial Manner beg that Captives might 
 be returned, as a Token for Good, and Pledge of 
 further Anfwers of Prayer, within a few Weeks 
 after this, neer upon twenty of our Captives were 
 fet at Liberty. For fome, Prayer hath been more 
 abudantly poured forth ; fo for Mr. Rowland/on his 
 Wife and two Children, and we have (een the Lord 
 returning them all again. And whereas in October 
 1676. Amongft others, the Son of that Man of 
 God, and Man of Prayer, Reverend Mr. Cobbet 
 (the faithful Paftor in Ipfwich) was furpriied in a 
 VefTel by the Northern Indians, and led away into 
 Captivity ; doubtlefs God did it, that fo glory might 
 be to his holy Name, and that the World might 
 fee how Prayer can prevail with him. Mr. Cobbet 
 no fooner heard what was befallen his Son, but he 
 called together about thirty of his Chriftian Neigh- 
 
Prevalency of Prayer. 263 
 
 bors (that being as many as could on the fudden 
 convene) and they fet fome Time apart to pray for 
 him that was now a Captive, after this his Fathers 
 Heart was fweetly quieted, believing that God had 
 heard them : Some others alfo that attended that 
 Service, were as confidently perfwaded that God 
 would return (and that in comfortable Plight) Mr. 
 Gobbets Son to him again as if he were already come; 
 Prayer alfo was made in publick Congregations in 
 particular for that young Man ; and in December 
 following, thofe Prayers were fully anfwered, the 
 Lord bringing it about in ftrange Wayes, the Par 
 ticulars and Circumftances whereof are too large 
 here to be infifted on." 6 
 
 Let me further take Notice here, that whereas 
 no longer then three Weeks fince, (viz, July 25. 
 1677.) the Church in Salem fet a Day apart to feek 
 the Lord in fpecial on Behalf of thofe belonging to 
 that Town lately fallen into the Hands of the In 
 dians ; whilft they were praying, God brought 
 Home one of the Veflels that the Indians had fur- 
 prifed, and two Perfons (who were Matters of 
 VefTels) that had been particularly prayed for in the 
 Morning, returned [10] folemn Thanks to God in 
 the after Part of the Day, in that he had in Anfwer 
 of the Prayers of his People, brought them out of 
 their CaptivityJ37 
 
 330 The Rev. Thomas Cobbet of 209-19. There is alfo an Account 
 
 Tpfwich gave the Author an Account in Mr. Hubbard's Indian Wars, Pt. 
 
 of the Capture and Liberation of ii, 57-8. 
 his Son, in a Letter of great Length, 
 
 which is publifhed in the N. E. i The Lord having allowed 
 
 Hi/i. and Gen. Regifter, Vol. vn, " the Indians to take no lefs than 
 
264 tte Prevalency of Prayer. 
 
 8. How often have prayed that God would cutt off 
 the Ring-leaders, and principal bloudy Promoters of 
 the late Troubles? That the Lord would doe unto 
 them as unto Sifera, as to Jabin at the Brook of 
 Kifon (which perifhed at Endor, they became as 
 Dung for the Earth) and make their Nobles like 
 Oreb and like Zeeb, yea all their Princes like 
 Zeba and Zalmunna. 
 
 Now in thefe Cryes to Heaven our God hath 
 heard us even to Admiration. Philip the grand 
 Enemy and Beginner of the War, is gone to his 
 own Place. It was obferved that a little before the 
 Deftruftion of that bloudy Foe, the Lord ftirred 
 up the Hearts of fome of his Servants, to be inftant 
 in Prayer againft that Enemy in particular, yea 
 and caufed them firmly to believe that it mould be 
 fo. Nor could they ceafe crying to the Lord 
 againft him, untill they had prayed the Bullet into 
 Philips Heart. And concerning what Prayers 
 have been in the Clofets about that Thing, we 
 mall hear more at the Day of Judgment when the 
 Lord Jefus will reveal it and reward it openly. 
 Are not all the Chieftains amongft the Heathen 
 who have been in Hoftility againft us cut off for 
 ever ? and their Memorial is periihed with them. 
 
 ' thirteen Ketches of Salem and " as a Faft." Salem Cb. Records 
 
 ' captivate the Men (though divers in Felt's Salem, 258. Nineteen 
 
 ' of them cleared themfelves and wounded Men had been fent in a 
 
 * came Home) it ftruck great Con- little while before, and fome of the 
 
 ' fternation into all People here, and Ketches arrived the fame day of the 
 
 ' it was agreed that Lefture-day, Faft. Hijt. Salem, Ibid. No Names 
 
 ' July 25th, 1677, mould be kept are given. 
 
The Prevalency of Prayer. 265 
 
 O thou moft High, Thou baft rebuked the Heathen, 
 thou haft put out their Name for ever and ever ! 
 
 We have heard of two and twenty Indian Cap 
 tains flain all of them, and brought down to Hell 
 in one Day, viz. Decemb. 19. i675. 338 And fome 
 of the Indians have confefled that at the Fall fight, 
 May i 8. 1676. "/they loft no lefs then three and 
 thirty of their Counfellours, which put them into 
 an abfolute Confuiion, that they were like Men 
 amazed ever after. 
 
 Where are the fix Narraganfet Sachims, with 
 all their Captains and Counfellors ? Where are 
 the Nipmuck Sachims, with all their Captains and 
 Counfellours ? Where is Philip and Squaw- Sachim 
 of PocaJJet with all their Captains and Counfel 
 lours ? 34 God doe fo to all the implacable Enemies 
 of Chrift and of his People in New England! 
 
 2. If we conjider the TIME when God hath ap 
 peared for us, it is manifeft that our Salvation is our 
 Anfwer of Prayer. It was a fatal happy Blow 
 
 338 The Author's Statiftics of the and there might be feveral others 
 Narraganfet Swamp Fight are no named. A larger Number of the 
 doubt too large, as they are of the Nipmucks might be reckoned up : 
 Deftruftion at the Falls. There were feveral Johns as John 
 
 Monaco, Stonewall John, Sagamore 
 
 339 The Fight at the Falls in the John, Old Jetbro, Mautamp, 
 Connecticut River. See Brief Hif- Sagamore Sam (Uflcuttugun), &c. 
 tory, 148. Then of the Wampanoags, Philip, 
 
 Annawan, Sam Barrow, Nimrod, 
 
 340 Thefe Queftions were eafier Totofon, Pebe, Watufpequin, Ak- 
 afked than anfwered in the Author's kompoin, Tokamona, Woofpafuck, 
 Time. The fix Narraganfet Chiefs &c., were the moft prominent; 
 or Sachems can be pretty eafily among thefe the Female Chief Wee- 
 made out : Canoncbet, Potock, Pum- tamoo was regarded next to Philip 
 bam, Quinnapin, Quaqualb, Cbicon, on fome Accounts. 
 
 li 
 
266 The Prevalency of Prayer. 
 
 which the Indians received at the Fort-fight in the 
 Narraganfet Country ; and a little before that, all 
 thefe Churches [i i] were folemnly by Fafting and 
 Prayer feeking to the Lord, that the Heathen 
 might be rebuked at that Time. When Quanon- 
 chet was taken and {lain it was an amazing ftroke 
 to the Enemy. And but a few Dayes before that 
 many Churches in England kept a Day of Failing 
 and Prayer for poor New-England. In the later 
 End of June. 1676, (and ever after that) Succeffes 
 againft the Enemy were wonderfull ; especially in 
 Plymouth Colony. Now on the 22. of June, all 
 the Churches in that Colony fet apart a Day of 
 folemn Humiliation, and renewed their Covenant. 
 And on the 29. of that Month, was a Day of 
 Thankf-giving throughout this Colony, the Prayers 
 and Praifes of which Day were fignally owned by 
 the Lord, who did then fet Ambumments againft 
 the Enemy and they were fmitten. Alib in this 
 very Moneth, the Churches in Dublin in Ireland 
 were folemnly feeking to the Lord on our Behalf. 341 
 Why mould not thefe Things be written and re 
 corded for the Generation to come ? Why mould 
 they not be made known to our Children, that 
 they might fet their Hope in God, and not forget 
 the Works of God, but keep his Commandments. 
 Some one perhaps will fay, did not God in the 
 Time of your late War feem to be angry with your 
 Prayers? Had you not the faddeft Tidings on 
 your folemn Dayes of Humiliation ? 
 
 341 Nathaniel Mather, the Author's Brother, was then Minifter in Dublin . 
 
The Prevalency of Prayer. 267 
 
 Aifw. This is true, and the Thoughts of it fhould\ 
 forever humble us ; yet we know, fometimes the I 
 Lord feems to be difpleafed with the Prayers of/ 
 his People only to try their Faith (as with the 
 Woman of Canaan) when as indeed they are his 
 delight. Moreover (alas !) it cannot be denied or 
 doubted of, but that the Lord faw Formality and 
 Hypocrify in the Prayers of many amongft us, 
 which he was offended at, howbeit there are fome 
 living Chriftians, that walk clofely with God ; a 
 few Names that have not defiled their Garments 
 with the Sins, and generally prevailing Temtations 
 of thefe Times ; unto them and to their Prayers hath 
 the Lord had Refpedt. It muft alfo be confefled, 
 that the Prayers of the Churches in Europe have 
 had no fmall Influence into our Mercyes. I can 
 affure the Reader, that the Churches in London, in 
 Suffolk, in Dorfef, in Devon, in Somerfet, in Lanca- 
 Jhire, have by Failing and Prayer, fought the Lord 
 for New-England, in the Time of our late Troubles. 
 And I doubt not but that the Lords praying People 
 in other Countryes, where I have no Acquaintance 
 or Correfpondence, have done the like. We are 
 infinitely indebted to that God, who having a Pur- 
 pofe to glorify himfelf by hearing Prayers, put into 
 their Hearts to be earneft in our Behalf. 
 
 [12] Who knoweth but that we may be again 
 involved in Trouble by the Remainder of the 
 Heathen, or otherwife. Let us then be encour 
 aged to take in Hand our old tried Weapons, even 
 preces et lacryme the Auntient Armes of the Church. 
 If Enemy es arife, let us pray them down again. 
 
268 The Prevalency of Prayer. 
 
 And that is the fpecial Improvement which mould 
 be made of what hath been difcourfed ; fince we 
 have feen what Prayer can do. The Confederation 
 of thefe Things Jhould jiir up an holy Resolution in 
 every one, to be ftncere, frequent, and conjiant in this 
 fo great and powerful a Duty. It is reported of 
 - Joachim (the Father of the Virgin Mary) that 
 Prayer was his Meat and Drink. And we know 
 what was David's Profeflion, Pfal. 116. i. 2. / 
 love the Lord, becaufe he hath heard my Voice, and 
 my Supplication, becaufe he hath enclined his ear to 
 me, therefore I will call upon him as long as I Jhall 
 live. 
 
 Wherefore to the Particulars already mentioned, 
 I mail (for how mould a man when writing upon 
 tuch a Subject, eafily break off) add a few more. 
 It would indeed fill a Volume, mould all the In- 
 ftances this Way be produced, which ftand upon 
 record in approved Authors ; nor have I prefent 
 leifure to revolve many books that treat upon this 
 Subjed: ; only fuch Particulars as do prefently occur 
 to Mind I mall relate, hoping it will not be un 
 profitable to the Reader, who poflibly hath not 
 had the knowledge of them. To proceed then, 
 
 There have been, whom Prayer hath brought 
 back from the Gates of the Grave, whenas to all 
 outward Appearance they have been otherwife paft 
 Recovery ; not to infift upon Scriptural Examples 
 here neither; It is a memorable PafTage which 
 a great Hiftorian hath noted concerning that 
 learned and religious, Sir John Cheek, who was 
 
The Prevalency of Prayer. 269 
 
 Tutor to our Englim Joliah, King Edward 
 .3* 2 
 
 Sir John being fick nigh unto Death, the King 
 Hif ^^ carefully enquire after his welfare every 
 
 of the Day ; at laft the Phyfitians told him that 
 ' 4 ' there was no Hopes of Life; Nay (faid 
 the King) he will not dye at this Time, for I have 
 this Morning begged his Life of God in my Prayers, 
 and obtained it ; which accordingly came to paffe ; 
 and foon after Sir John wonderfully recovered be 
 yond all Expectation. 
 
 Melancthon was taken defperately fick at Vinaria, 
 Mekhior as he was in a journey towards Hagenaw, in 
 ^ I y" / . order to a Conference with fome of the re- 
 anctkonis. formed Divines in Germany about Matters 
 of Religion, Luther hearing of it, haftned to vifit 
 him, and with Tears faying Alas! how [13] pre 
 cious and profitable an Inftrument of the Church, 
 is miferably weakned, and ready to perim ! and 
 falling upon his knees, he did moft earneftly wreftle 
 with the Lord for his Recovery, and prevailed, fo 
 as that Melancthon would afterwards confefs, that 
 idem in <vt- if it had not been for Luther 's Prayers, he 
 MyconH. had died by that Sicknefs. 
 
 At another Time, Myconius being fallen into a 
 deep Confumption, Luther was earneft in Prayer 
 to God for his Recovery ; and he wrote a Letter 
 
 312 Whofe Reign was from 1 547 tions fet down Kings as a fort of 
 
 to 1553. How much of a Jofiah Divinities. Edward was only fifteen 
 
 that puny Boy at nine Years of Years old when he died. Old 
 
 Age could have been is left for the Fuller was a blind Believer in the 
 
 judgment of thofe whofe Imagina- Saintihip of Kings. 
 
270 The Prevalency of Prayer. 
 
 to him, wherein he thus exprefleth himfelf, ' I 
 pray Chrift our Lord, our Salvation, our Health, 
 ' that I may not live to fee thee, and fome others 
 ' of our Colleagues to dye, and go to Heaven, and 
 ' to leave me here amongft the Divels alone. Fare- 
 ' well and God forbid that I mould hear of thy 
 ' Death whilft I live, fed te fuperftitem faciat mihi 
 ' Deus, hoc peto et vo/o, et fiat vo/unfas me a, Amen ! 
 ' quia bcec voluntas gloriam mominis Dei, certe non 
 ' meam voluptatem, nee copiam qucerit? A while 
 after Myconius recovered, and outlived Luther, ever 
 acknowledging that he was beholding to God for 
 putting it into the Heart of Luther ; fo to pray for 
 him, and inftrumentally to lengthen out his Life 
 feven Years beyond his own, and Friends expecta 
 tion. 
 
 Yea more, Divels and Powers of Darknefs had 
 id** in -vita fallen before the Power of Prayer. A def- 
 Luthcn. p era t e young Man in Germany, who in a 
 hellim Pang of Temptation had fold himfelf to, 
 and made an explicite Covenant with the Divil ; 
 having revealed his miferable Condition to Luther, 
 he called the Church together, they fafted and 
 prayed, fo that the Divil threw the Writing, which 
 he had received of the young Man in at the 
 Window, and a forlorn Soal was refcued out of the 
 Hands of that devouring Lion.3 How often have 
 
 343 This was quite up to the Spirit- Doubtlefs Mediums were common 
 
 writings of the prefent Day. An in thofe Days as well as at the pre- 
 
 Acquaintance of ours fome few Years fent Time, but it may be queftioned 
 
 ago went about exhibiting what whether thofe of that Day were 
 
 many believed to be the Devil's more under his Satanic Majefty's 
 
 Autograph, obtained by a Medium. Government than thofe of this Age. 
 
The Prevalency of Prayer. 271 
 
 poore Creatures under bodily PofTeffions been de- 
 Reftrtur in K vere d from that thraldom by earneft Prayer? 
 vitaAu- Aujlin by his Prayers caft out Divils. The 
 Hiftory of thofe feven poflefled in Lanca- 
 Jhire, in whofe DifpofTeflion Mr. Darrel and others 
 were by Parting and Prayer inftrumental, is well 
 known. 344 
 
 There was a Man that lived not far from Not- 
 Read Mr tingham, whofe Name was John Fox. This 
 Roth-weiis Man was pofTeffed by the Divel, who would 
 
 life -writ- -tii 1-1 11 
 
 ten by Mr. violently throw him down, and take away 
 the Ufe of every Member of his Body, and 
 was fometimes heard fpeaking when his Lips moved 
 not at all ; yea (albeit the Man could fpeak no 
 other Language befides his Mother Tongue) the 
 evil Spirit in him would frequently quote Script 
 ures out of the Originals, Hebrew and Greek, and 
 play the Critick, and back his Allegations with 
 Sayings out of the Fathers and [ 1 4] Poets. Among 
 others that came to pray with this poor miferable 
 Man, Mr. Rotbivel (a Minfter that was famous in 
 thofe Parts in thofe Days) was one. As he was 
 coming, the Divel told them in the Houfe with 
 the poffeffed Man, yonder is Rothivel a coming ; 
 and upon his entering into the Houfe, raged and 
 blafphemed, faying alio wilt thou go to Prayer, I'le 
 make fuch a Noife as mall diftract thee, and doft 
 thou think that God will hear diftracl:ed Prayers ? 
 Mr. Rotbwel replied, God heareth the Prayers of 
 
 344 If the Reader is inclined to fon's Hiftorical EJfay concerning 
 learn fomething more of Mr. John Witchcraft, Ed. London: 1720, 
 Darrel he may find it in Hutchin- 242, 262. 
 
272 'The Prevalency of Prayer. 
 
 the Upright, and hath promifed to give his Spirit 
 to help Infirmityes in Prayer, therefore in Confi 
 dence of his Promife, & powerfull Affiftance of his 
 Spirit, and in the Name of his Son Jefus Chrift, 
 we will go to Prayer. So he did. The Divel for 
 above a Quarter of an Hour made an horid Noife, 
 and roared at Mr. Rothwells Face, but at laft was 
 forced to be filent, and departed out of the Man, 
 who before the Prayer was ended, did to the 
 Amazement and Joy of all the Auditors prefent fay 
 Amen to the Petitions that were prefented before 
 the Lord on his Behalf. After Mr. Rothwel left 
 him, he was ftricken dumb for three Years together ; 
 at length by Prayer alfo, God opened his Mouth, 
 and reftored his Speech to him ; One ufing this 
 Petition, Lord open his Mouth, and his Lips mall 
 fhew forth thy Praife ; he anfwered in the Congre 
 gation, Amen, and fo continued to fpeak and fpake 
 gracioufly to his dying Day.345 
 
 I remember I have met with another Example 
 not unlike unto this but now mentioned. In the 
 Town of Barwick upon Tweed, there was a Man 
 (Steward to the Lord of Granfori) reputed Godly, 
 who was very much afflicted in his Mind. Mr. 
 
 345 The Author may not inten- " Gower of Dorchefter." But in 
 
 tionally intended to have evaded his Looking-Glafs for Saints and 
 
 Purfuit by referring to a Work not Sinners, ii, 166, the ridiculous Devil 
 
 publifhed except in Mr. Clarke's Story is told alfo, a brief AbftracT: 
 
 Martyrology. The Reader will there of which is in the Text. Brook, 
 
 find " Mafter Richard Rothwell " in his Lives of the Puritans, gives 
 
 among the " Army of Martyrs," that of Rothwell, but avoids the 
 
 And at the End Mr. Clarke tells us Devil Story, though he copies from 
 
 " This Life was drawn up by my the Martyrology. Clarke's Works 
 
 " reverend Friend Mafter Stanly are but little known at this Day. 
 
The Prevalency of Prayer. 273 
 
 Balfom (an eminent Preacher by whofe Miniftry 
 see Mr. Bai- in that one Town, fixty Perfons were (as 
 "/(!?" was judged) favingly wrought upon, did 
 ciark. feveral Times vifit him, and fought to ap 
 ply Words of Comfort to him, but nothing of that 
 Nature taking place, he whifpered the Steward in 
 the Ear to this Purpofe, / doubt there is fomething 
 within which you would do well to difcover ; where 
 upon immediately the mans Tongue fwelled out of 
 his Mouth that he was not able to fpeak, and to the 
 Aftonimment of thofe in the Room, a mrill Voice 
 was heard, as it were fpeaking out of his Throat, fay 
 ing, what doft thou talking to him of free Grace and 
 Promifes? he is mine. Mr. Balfom perceiving that it 
 was the Devil that fpoke, told him, he did not know 
 that Men were his as long as they were alive in this 
 World. To whom the Devil replyed, If God would 
 let me loofe, I would find enough in the beft of you 
 all to make you mine, and as for this Man he hath 
 given himfelf [ 1 5] to me. I will not (faid Mr. Balfom) 
 believe the Father of Lyes, but I will goe home and 
 pray for this poor Man, and get all the Force in 
 the Town I can to join with me, and I do believe 
 that thou Satan malt loofe thy hold before tomorrow 
 Morning. Mr. Balfom upon his return Home that 
 Night, found divers Chriftians in his Houfe, who 
 waited to fpeak with him, unto whom he declared 
 that he could not but admiringly take Notice of 
 the Providence of God in bringing them to his 
 Houfe, whom otherwife he had purpofed to fend 
 for ; and defired them to fpend Part of the Night 
 
 Kk 
 
274 Tht Prevalency of Prayer. 
 
 with him, in feeking to the Lord in the Behalf of 
 
 fuch a diftrefled poffeffed Man : which they did, 
 
 and the next Morning Satan had loft his PofTeffion : 
 
 and when Mr. Balfom enquired of the poor Man 
 
 how it was with him, He anfwered ; through the 
 
 goodnefs of God, I have overcome, and am now as 
 
 full of Comfort, as before I was full of Trouble. 346 
 
 I have alfo heard a worthy Divine in Dublin, 
 
 fpeak of a Man, that being under bodily 
 
 Dr. Winter. ^ . . O / 
 
 Poliemon by an evil Spirit, a Company of 
 praying Chriftians met together, to feek the Lord 
 in his Behalf; amongft them there was a precious 
 holy Woman, who kneeled behind the Door in 
 the Room where they were praying together, and 
 there were ftrong Actings of Faith in her Soul ; at 
 laft the Devil was forced to depart : only as he was 
 going out of the poffeffed Party, he cryed out. O 
 the Woman, the Woman behind the Door / 347 
 
 Some very learned and judicious Writers con- 
 Mr. Mode's clGVe > tnat Epi'/epttck and Lunatick Perfons 
 wrhin are thofe Domoniacks whom we read fo 
 i. Difeour. much of in the New Teftament. There is a 
 6f Deliratton that proceeds ex vi morbi, being 
 
 from or with a Fever, and another Kind of Delira- 
 
 346 This Story of "Matter Robert "mine." This certainly is pretty 
 
 " Balfom " is alfo told in the Mar- well for the old " Father of Lies," 
 
 tyrology of Mr. Clarke, ii, 1 79, &c. and mows that he could fometimes 
 
 His Converfation with the Devil in tell the Truth, 
 the poflefled Man is exceedingly 
 
 amufing. In the Courfe of the 347 Here we lofe much intended 
 
 Debate the Devil faid to Mr. Bal- for us by not being informed of the 
 
 fom : " If God would let me loofe Names of the Parties. The Name 
 
 " upon you, I mould find enough of " the Woman behind the Door," 
 
 " in the belt of you to make you all capable of doing what many thou- 
 
The Prevalency of Prayer. 275 
 
 tion which isjine Febre, when a Man having no other 
 Beza in Difeafe is crazed or diftraclied. Not they 
 Mat. 8. 16. that are fubjected to the former, but to this 
 latter have been accounted Evspyovfievot 
 poflefled Perfons. The Jews of old had fuch an 
 Opinion concerning mad Men. Joh. 10, 20. Con- 
 fider alfo Math. 17. 14, 15, 18. with Luk. 9. 39. 
 Whatever of Solidity may be in that Notion, is not 
 a Place here to difpute ; but this is certain, that dif- 
 tracted Perfons have been reftored to the ufe of their 
 underftanding again by Failing and Prayer. That 
 Mofes of his Time, Mr. Dod^* (concerning whom 
 Mr. Burroughs^ giveth this Teftimony, that he 
 Mr Bur- was ^6 meekeft Man upon the Face of the 
 roughs Earth) had a godly Son, whom it pleafed 
 
 Math. ii. . ' n TT . .0 J . r -r^ n 
 
 28. idpt. the Molt High to leave unto iore Deltrac- 
 *' 3s8 ' tion in his Mind, whereupon Mr. Dod 
 called fome of his godly praying Friends together, 
 who fet a Day apart folemnly to feek [16] the 
 Lord about that Matter, and whilft they were yet 
 fpeaking in Prayer, God heard them, fo as that the 
 diftracted Perfon was not only reftored to his right 
 
 fands of Men have failed to do, the youngeft of feventeen Children, 
 
 fhould be handed down to Pofterity. He lived to the great Age of 96, 
 
 An Author guilty of withholding dying in 1645, according to Clarke's 
 
 the Name of fuch a Perfon deferves Martyrology, ii, 168, &c. 
 the hearty Reprehenfion of all his 
 
 Readers. 249 Jeremiah Burroughs, another 
 
 noted Divine, who will be found 
 
 348 Mafter John Dod " is pro- duly noticed in Brook's Lives, iii, 
 bably referred to. He was a famous 1-6. He was at one Time Col- 
 Puritan, and the Author of feveral league with the Rev. Dr. Edmund 
 Works in much Repute formerly. Calamy at Bury St. Edmunds. 
 He was of a Chcfter Family and 
 
276 'The Prevalency of Prayer. 
 
 Mind again, but did himfelf conclude that Day of 
 Prayer with folemn Thankfgiving unto God. This 
 Information I received from a Reverend Minifter, 
 who was preferit in Mr. Dods Houfe, when that 
 Day of Fading and Prayer was there obferved, 
 upon the Occafion mentioned. 
 
 It is reported concerning that excelent Man and 
 s ee Mr. Lwif- famous Minifter in Edinborough, Mr. 
 "lg f t 's!rip- Bruce^ (concerning whom the Learned 
 turn. p. 431. Didoclavius hath given a moft honora 
 ble Teftimony) that divers Perfons that were dif- 
 tracted, and fome who were Epileptick, paft Hopes 
 of Recovery, were neverthelefs reftored to perfect 
 Health in Anfwer to Mr. Bruces Prayers. 
 
 But I have not met with any Inftance to 
 
 Fulfilling of J 
 
 the Script- this Purpofe more affecting than that which 
 ;7 'is (by an Author worthy of Credit) pub- 
 limed concerning Mr. Patrick Simpfon a learned and 
 very holy Minifter, fometimes of Sterling in Scot 
 land. The Story in brief is this. 
 
 Mr. Simpfons Wife (a gracious Woman) falling 
 fick, was forely affaulted by Satan, who told her 
 that (he mould be given over into his Hand. The 
 Temptation and AfFrightment prevailed fo far as to 
 refolve in a vifible Diftraction, that the good 
 Woman, moft unlike her former Way whilft me 
 was herfelf, would break forth fometimes with 
 dreadfull and horrid Expreffions ; This was (and 
 could not be otherwife) a moft bitter Affliction to 
 
 350 1 do not find the Chriftian tions a " Mr. Bruce " among the 
 Name of this Divine among the Eje&ed. The fame probably men- 
 Puritan Biographers. Cakmy men- tioned by Wilfon, iv, 62. 
 
The Prevalency of Prayer. 277 
 
 her precious hufband, who told thofe about her that 
 he was affured that Satans Malice fhould at laft re 
 ceive a mameful Foyle ; wherefore he retired him- 
 felf into his Garden, and fhutting the Door, betook 
 himfelf to Parting and Prayer. One Helen Garner 
 (a godly Woman) being follicitous for Mr. Simpfon, 
 as fearing that his Labours, Grief, Fafting might 
 be too hard for him, ufed fome Means to get over 
 into the Garden, where Mr. Simpfon was alone 
 wreftling with God ; being come near the Place 
 where he was, me was terrified with an extraor 
 dinary Noife which caufed her to fall upon the 
 Ground ; It was like the Noife of a great rufh- 
 ing of Multitudes together, and therwithal fuch a 
 melodious Sound as did make her know it was 
 fomething more than humane; fo that me fel to 
 Prayer, entreating the Lord to pardon her Rafhnefs 
 in fo coming thither, confidering it was Refpedt to 
 his Servant, who had been an Inftrument of Good 
 to her Soul, that did induce her. After going for 
 ward, (he found Mr. Simpfon lying upon the 
 ground; nor would he reveal what he had met 
 with, until [17] Promife was made not to fpeak of 
 it whilfl he was alive in this World. Upon this 
 he faid, O what am I being Duji and Afhes, that 
 the holy mintftring Spirits Jhould be fent by the Lord to 
 deliver a MeJ/age to me, and {hewed that Angels 
 from Heaven had by an audible Voice given him 
 Anfwer concerning that which he had been pray 
 ing about. [This was a Thing extraordinary, and 
 in no wife to be expected by Chriftians ordina- 
 
278 The Prevalency of Prayer. 
 
 rily] 351 and returning into his Houfe, he bid thofe 
 that were in the Room with his Wife, be of good 
 Comfort ; for he was afTured that within ten Hours 
 {he mould be delivered from that Diftraclion. 
 After this he went to Prayer by the Bedlide, and 
 as he was in Prayer, mentioning Jacobs wreftling 
 with God, his Wife fate up in the Bed, and cafting 
 afide the Curtain faid, Thou art this Day Jacob, 
 thou haft wreftled, and haft prevailed, and now God 
 hath made good his Word which he fpake to you this 
 Morning, for lam plucked out of the Hands of Satan, 
 and he jhall no more have Power over me. This 
 Interruption made him filent for a while, but after 
 in great Meltings of Heart he proceeded in Prayer, 
 magnifying the Riches of divine Grace and Love, 
 and from that Hour his Wife continued to dif- 
 courfe Chriftianly and comfortably even to her 
 dying Hour. 
 
 As for thofe fpiritual (which are worfe then 
 bodily Pofleffions) that Satan holds in the Souls of 
 ciark, uti Men, how often hath Prayer been a Means 
 Supra. to out him, anc j cau f e him (full fore againft 
 
 his will) to quit his ftrong Hold for ever. Prayer 
 hath (i. e. inftrumentally) converted many a Soul. 
 Peter Martyr was wont to pray much for the 
 Converiion35 2 of Bernard Gilpin, and the Lord an- 
 
 351 The Author can hardly be fimilar Delufions, yet with no more 
 
 laid to have improved his Account Light on his Mind, apparently, 
 by throwing in this bracketed Caveat. 
 
 He probably had not had Experi- 352 Peter Martyr was a Florentine, 
 
 ence with difordered or difeafed born at the City of Florence in 1500. 
 
 Imaginations in 1677, but lixteen Clarke has given his Life and Por- 
 
 Years later in Life he witnefled trait in his Marrow of Eccl. Htft, t 
 
The Prevalency of Prayer. 279 
 
 fwered his Prayers, and that Gilpin proved an emi 
 nent Inftrument of Gods Glory and of Good unto 
 his Church. 
 
 I have read of one who having a Brother that 
 fpent his Time in Hawking, Drinking and other 
 profane Vanityes, upon a Saturday, when his un- 
 Mr. white, godly Brother was gone upon an hawking 
 u, **.. Matc h, he fet that very Day apart by Faft- 
 ing and Prayer to beg of God that his Brother 
 might be converted. And the Lord anfwered his 
 Prayers wonderfully ; For within a Week after his 
 Brother was ftrangely changed, and did himlelf 
 (inftead of fpending his Time in Hawking and 
 Drinking) obferve many Days of iecret Humilia 
 tion between the Lord and his own Soul, on the 
 Account of the Sins he had been guilty of, in the 
 Days of Vanity, and made a very godly End at 
 laft. 
 
 That precious and famous Minifter of Chrift, 
 Mr. Welch^ being in a Journey, his Entertain 
 ment came to more than he expected, fo that the 
 next Morning he had not wherewith to pay for his 
 Horfe meat : the Hoftler fware and railed exceed 
 ingly for his Money: Mr. Welch [18] (hut his 
 chamber Door and went to Prayer and the Hoftler 
 
 201-13. He was obliged to fly the New World, published by Ri- 
 
 from his own Country to avoid chard Hakluyt. He was celebrated 
 
 Perfecution, and refided for a Period for his varied Learning, 
 in Devonfhire, England. The Bio 
 graphical Dictionaries are ample 353 Perhaps Mr. Henry Welfti, 
 
 upon him. He has fometimes been of whom Dr. Calamy gives fome 
 
 confounded with another Peter Account. See Nonconformifti Me- 
 
 Martyr, who wrote the Decades of morial, ii, 88. 
 
280 The Prevalency of Prayer. 
 
 ftanding at the Door overheard him, and was con 
 verted by that Prayer ; ever after that Time highly 
 refpedting Mr. Welch, and refuting to accept of 
 anything for his Entertainment, either then or at 
 any other Times afterwards, when Occafion was 
 offered. 
 
 I knew one, the Son of an holy and eminently 
 faithful Minifter, who in fome of the Dayes of his 
 Youth had been wild and vain, but was (through 
 the Grace of Chrift) converted in his young Years, 
 and after his Fathers death, perufing his private 
 Papers, he perceived, that not many Days before 
 he was in the Pangs of the new Birth, his Father 
 had been by fecret Fafting and Prayer feeking unto 
 the Lord that converting fanctifying Grace might 
 be beftowed upon that Son of his. 
 
 That notable Ifraelite, Mr. Hugh Kennedy, Pro- 
 MR.LIVISTON vofl of Air in Scotland, one Day being 
 'dtafpfw". l n g alone in Prayer, while fome of his 
 *4 a - intimate Friends ftayed a great while to 
 
 fpeak with him, upon their enquiry into the Reafon 
 why he made them wait fo long ; he told them it 
 was no wonder, for (faid he) / have this Day ob 
 tained Mercy for me and all mine. And fo indeed 
 it came to pafs ; for not fo much as one of his 
 Children, but evident Signs of Converlion and true 
 Godlinefs were obferved in them. This was that 
 Kennedy, who when he was dying could fay, If the 
 Wals of this Houfe could fpeak, they could tell how 
 many fweet Dayes I have had in fecret Fellowjhip 
 with God, and how familiar he hath been with my 
 Soul. This is he concerning whom Mr. Welch 
 
The Prevalency of Prayer. 281 
 
 once faid, ' Happy is that City, yea, happy is that 
 ' Nation that hath an Hugh Kennedy in it. I 
 * myfelf have certainly found the Anfwers, of his 
 ' Prayers to the Lord on my behalf.' There is 
 one Paflage recorded concerning him which is 
 exceeding ftrange. It is this. 
 
 One of his Sons being abfent at Sea, on a certain 
 Night he rofe early, before break of Day, and came 
 to his familiar Friend John Steward^ and defired 
 him to rife, and go with him into a room to 
 pray, for (laid he) my Son with the reft of our 
 Chriftian Friends now at Sea, are at the very nick 
 of periming. After he had fpent fome Time in 
 pouring out his Soul before the Lord, he rofe up 
 cheerfully, faying, now are they fafe, John Steward 
 being amazed thereat, writ this down, with the 
 Day and Hour, and at the Return of the Ship 
 made Enquiry, and found that in that very Hour 
 of that Night, they then were in a moft Danger 
 ous Place, fo that all Hope, that they mould be 
 faved was taken away, only they were by an extra 
 ordinary unexpected Providence then delivered. 
 
 [19] To draw to a Conclufion, let the World 
 beware, of doing any Wrong to a praying People. 
 Such blafting Strokes from God were upon thofe 
 that fet themfelves againft the reformed Churches 
 and Profeffors (who were called Piccardines] in 
 Bohemia of old that it became a proverbial Speech, 
 If any Man be weary of his Life, let him become 
 an Enemy to the Piccar dines. So I fay, If any 
 Man be weary of his Life, let him become an Enemy 
 
 LI 
 
282 The Prevalency of Prayer. 
 
 to a praying People^ fuch as (through Grace) many 
 in New England have been, and are to this Day. 
 And wo to that Man, whoever he be, upon whom 
 the Prayers of New England fhall fall. It were 
 better for that Man that a Mill-ftone were hanged 
 about his Neck, and he thrown therewith into the 
 midft of the Sea. It is faid concerning the Wit- 
 nefTes, Rev. 11.5. ft if any Man hurt them, fire pro- 
 " ceedeth out of their Mouth, and devoureth their 
 " Enemies, and if ^ny Man will hurt them, he 
 muft in this Manner be killed." Is not the Spirit 
 of Prayer that Fire ? That Scottifh Queen once 
 profefTed, that fhe was more afraid of Mr. Knox 
 his Prayers, then of an Army of ten thoufand 
 Men. 
 
 And it is noted concerning Leolin Prince of 
 Refer t[o] Wales, that being perfwaded by fome to 
 Dr. poweii. ta k e U p Arms againft a Prince that was 
 
 famous for Religion ; he replyed that he was afraid 
 of that Mans Prayers more then of Armyes. 
 
 Wherefore I fhall finifh this Difcourfe with the 
 folemn Expreffion of one (whom I have peculiar 
 Reafon to love) that was well known in this Place 
 Myiitffed feven and twenty Years agoe. 354 I had 
 %?&? rather (faith he] be environed with Armyes 
 in this fiats O f armed Men. and compa/fed round with 
 
 in hit Scrm- *J ' j T n r T-\ / 
 
 ant on 2. drawn bwords and Injtruments oj Death, 
 Kin gil %.*.p. 7 . then fhat the ^ p raying Saint Jhould 
 
 bend the Edge of his Prayers againft me ; for there 
 
 354 The Author refers to his Pedigree in the Brief Hijfory. See 
 Brother Samuel. See the Family alfo Hift> and Antiqs. Bojlon, 310. 
 
The Prevalency of Prayer. 283 
 
 is no ftanding before the Prayers of Saints, efpe dally 
 
 if they unite their Forces, and join together in the 
 
 fame Requefts. Rife up, O Lord, and let thine 
 
 Enemy es be fc after ed, and let them that hate thee, 
 
 flee before thee. 
 
A. 
 
 Capt. IJrael Stoughton to John Wintbrop. 
 [Not dated, but endorfed, " Red* 5, 6. " 1637] 
 
 HONORED S' 
 By y 8 Pinnace, being Giggles, 355 you fhall Receive 48 or 50 
 women & Children vnlefle there ftay any here to be helpfull & tn , 
 concerning which there is one I formerly 330 mentioned y* is y 6 faireft & 
 largeft y* I faw amongft them, to whome I haue given a coate to Cloath 
 her : It is my defire to haue her for a Servant if it may ftand w th yo r 
 good liking : ells not. There is a little Squa y l Steward Calacot defireth, 
 to whom he hath Given a coate Lifetenant Damport [Davenport] alfo 
 delireth one, to witt, a tall one, y* hath three ftroakes vpon her ftumach, 
 thus . 111 + : he defireth her if it will ftand with yo r good likeing : 
 Sofomon 357 y e jndian delireth a young little fqua w ch I know not. But 
 I leave all to your difpofe : He had one here for one of his men. 
 
 At prefent M r . Noyes, M r . Ludlo, Captayne Mafon & 30 men arc 
 w th vs in Pequid Riuer, & we fhall y e next weeke joyne in feeing w* we 
 can do ag st Safaco 8 , & an other great Sagamo r : Momowattuck : Here is 
 yet tuff worke to be done. And how deere it will coft is unknowne : 
 Safao 8 is refolued to fell his life & fo y e other with their Company as deere 
 as they cann : but we doubt not but god will giue him to vs ; we are in a 
 faire way. One of y e former y 4 we tooke (or y 4 was taken to o r hands 
 in a great meafure) is a great Sachem, y e third of y e pequids : whome we 
 referuc for a help, 158 & find Gods p r vidence derefted it well, for we are 
 all cleere he is like to do vs good : yet we are farr from giuing him aflur- 
 
 855 Roger Williams wrote his Name 
 Jiglies. There was a Thomas jfigglcs of 
 Bofton ; doubtlefs the fame Perfon. Mr. 
 Savage does not feem to have heard of 
 him. See our Note, 149. 
 
 854 There is a long Letter from Capt. 
 Stoughton dated after this, printed in the 
 Appendix to Winthrop's Journal, i, 398, 
 
 &c. That referred to in the Text is not 
 known to exift. 
 
 w Perhaps the fame killed by Philip' 
 Men juft before the War of 1675, as de 
 tailed in this Work. 
 
 "58 This 
 Wequafli. 
 
 is probably a Reference to 
 
286 Appendix. 
 
 ance of life. We fee fo much worke behind y l we dare not difmife more 
 men yet : 
 
 We hope to find a way to bring them in plentifully, and to get y 
 murderers too : & to make their aflbfiates tributary if they ftill adhere to 
 them : for we heare of a great Number vp y e Country among y e Neepe- 
 netts : but we fhall not deale with them with out yo r advice, vnlefs more 
 remotely. 
 
 We have fettled on a place for our randavooze : not full to o r Content 
 but y e beft we could for y e prefent : vpon y e mouth of Pequid Riuer ; on 
 y e Naanticot fide, where we haue 100 acres corne, if not z or 300 neere 
 at hand. & a Curio 8 fpring of water within o r Pallazado, & may by great 
 Gunns Command y e Riuer. 
 
 So y e Charg of keeping y e fort need not be great, feeing Corne, water 
 & wood are fo neare at hand : & fifhing & th . 
 
 I pray let not p r vifions be neglefted with y e firft, fuch as y e Country 
 affbrdeth fhall content vs : only w n we haue frends, as now, we could 
 beteeme them a peece of Beef ets : if we had it. y e Rudlet of Sack we 
 haue is fome comfort & credit : but many hands make light worke : and 
 in cafes of fayntings, ficknes &ts among a many, it cannot be but occafions 
 will happen of fome expence of fuch things as are a little better then 
 ordinary. 
 
 Thus w tlj my deereft Refpefts remembred to yo r felf with y e Councell 
 & 1S I take leaue Refting Yor 8 as in duty I am bound. 
 
 (. ISRAEL SroucHTON.) 359 
 
 B. 
 
 Edward Win/low to John Winthrop. 
 
 [Endorfed " Mr. Winflow about the Pequots."] 
 
 WORTHY S'. 
 Yo r L r by my wiues fonne I re d the 6 th day of the Jaft weeke 
 being very forry mine came fo unfeafonable to yo r hands, ffbr anfwerc 
 to yo rs Our Cowncell having weighty occafions this day to meete & con 
 fer about divers bufinefTes w ch much concerne us I impted yo r L r to the 
 Gov r and them, who feeing it impoffible for the Gov r or myfelfe to bee at 
 yo r Court to morrow requefted me to write by the bearer & thereby 
 falute yo r Gov r yo r felfe & affiftants. Concerning yo r prent bufnies we 
 conceiue it will be fimply neceflary for you to pceed in the war begun 
 w th the Pequots, otherwise the natiues we feare will grow into a ftronger 
 confederacy to the further prejudice of the whole Englifh. We are very 
 glad to heare that the Munheges are fallen from the Pequots & brought 
 to a pfefled war w* 11 them knowing their inueterate hatred & defire it 
 may be nourifhed by all good meanes, who are foldiers as well as the 
 
 389 A Fac-fimilc of Capt. Stoughton's Autograph iiin the HiJt.Antiqt. Bofton, 214. 
 
Appendix. 287 
 
 others. Thefe beft know the Pequots holds & holes & the fitteft inftru- 
 ments can be employed & fuch a people as will alfo well accord w th the 
 Narrohigganfets. But there is one thing of ill confequence w h we heare 
 from Conectncut viz 1 , that there are fome Englifh there that furnim the 
 enemy by way of trade having made a league w th them, If you enquire of 
 Mr. Jefop who came in the barke with Mr. Harding you may receiue 
 pticular informacon thereabout. That this will be ill taken I dowbt not, 
 yet durft not doe no other then informe you, yet let me comend one 
 thing to yo r confideracon how dangerous a thing it may proue if the 
 Dutch (who feeke it) & they mould clofe by reafon of the Pequots necef- 
 fity : I fpeake not this as defiring the benefit of their trade, for we are 
 waary of the worke as we are dealt w th all. Concerning things Eftward, 
 Capt. Standifh is returned who reporteth of the Royall entertainem* Shurt 
 hath given Dony 200 at Pemaquid. He faith (being commander Generall) 
 that if he receiue a Comiflion he muft take him, onely fix weekes before 
 he will giue him notice, and in lue thereof tis [ ] Mr. Shurt hath pro- 
 mifed him to informe him of whatever prepacon mall be made or in 
 tended againft them. He further faith that if his commiflion be to take the 
 Grand Bay (yo r felues) he will attempt it though he mould haue no other 
 veflell then a Canoe. But the Englifh are all his ffriends except Plimoth : 
 nor is he enemies to any other. Shurt hath undertaken to furnim him 
 w th powder {hot yea all manner of provifions, And to that end under a 
 colour of gathering vp fome debts is come to make provifions for them 
 till his owne fhip come. Tis alfo reported that S r fferdinando Gorges 
 hath written to Saco that the {French here are not fett out nor allowed by 
 the King of ffr. but a bafe people w ch their ftate difclaime, & therefore 
 ftirreth them up to informe both you & us that we might joyne together 
 to expell them. One thing more w ch I had almoft forgotten they have 
 loft their Gaily & a pinnafe at He Sable & brought away their people who 
 are at Penobfcot where they haue built a pinnafe of threefcore tunne. I 
 report thefe things fro Capt. Standifti but as the reports y* are familiar in 
 the Eftern pts, y l you may likewife make yo r ufe of them. The laft 
 news is this whereat I am moft grieved That all the late differencs betw. 
 m r Wheelwright & yo 1 felues in Church & Court are in writing at Rich- 
 munds He where Turlany 361 mewed him fix meets of pap full written 
 about them. The Lord in mercy look upon us and leaue us not to the 
 malice of Satan & wicked men his inftruments, but fo direft us, by his 
 fpirit as the end may redownd to his glory & our mutuall good. 
 
 S r howeuer I could not come at this fudden warning by reafon of our 
 publick occafions & the fowlenes of the latter pt of the weeke paft yet 
 neverthelefle if you conceiue my coming may be any furtherance in any 
 
 160 D'Aulney. It was within his Ter- xl No doubt Robert Trclawny, who 
 ritory. See Hutchinfon, i, iz%; Davit owned the Ifland. He died before loth 
 Morton, 1 80- 1, ^\l.. Oft., 1648. See Willw's Portland, 127. 
 
288 Appendix. 
 
 good accou God giving health & ability mine owne occafions (hall giue 
 place, & I fhall be ready to doe any fervice God {hall inable me In the 
 meane time & whileft I haue being my prs I hope mall be to the Throne 
 of grace for you & yo rs whom I falute in the Lord & reft. 
 
 Yo r aflured 
 Plym: the iyth of the 2 d mo. 1637. 
 
 EDW. WINSLOW. 
 
 If now after your Court you have any defire to 
 fpeake w*k me at goodman Stows of Roxbury you mall 
 heare of one that is to come foorthw th hither. 
 
 c. 
 
 John Humfrey to John Winthrop. 
 [Dated June 7th, 1637.] 
 
 M 1 
 
 [UCH honoured 
 
 Hitherto the lord hath beene w' h us, blefled for ever be his ever 
 blefled name. O r nation, the gofpel, the blood of thofe murthered per- 
 fons of o rs feems to triump in the p r {ent fuccefle ; now I onely defire to 
 fuggeft it to yo r wife & deeper confederations whether it be not p r bable 
 the confederates of the Pequots will not be glad to purchafe a fecure & 
 fearlefs condition to themfelves, by delivering up thofe men or their heads, 
 who have wrought & brought fo much miferie upon themfelves & theirs. 
 Or if not fo, whither (if they give good aflurance by hoftages &c.) the 
 blood fhed by them may not feeme to be fufficiently expiated by fo great 
 an inequalitie on their fides. Hitherto the hono r & terro r of o r peeple to 
 all the natives is abundantly vendicated & made good. If p r vidence for 
 o r humbling (as in regard of myfelfe I much feare) mould flefli them 
 [word worn off] by fome new cruelties upon anie of o 18 , how low wee 
 may be laide both in their, & the eyes of o r confederate Indians, & to 
 how great daunger to us, yea poffiblie o r pofterities, I leave to yo r graver 
 thoughts, if it be worth the confideration. Onely to my ftiallownes it 
 feemes confiderable whither it were not fafe pawfing to fee what effedt this 
 will or may work upon fuch a demaund, 362 2 d ly whither not beft to reft 
 in certaine viftorie & hono r acquired, upon fo fmall a lofle. 3 d ]y whither, 
 (if wee carrie away the greateft glory of thefe poore barbarous people in 
 o r triumphs over them,) the lofle of three men more (if we mould not 
 exceede) may not be paraleld w th fo manie hundreds more of theirs. 
 4 th ly whither we muft not be forced at laft (& it may be in worfe cir- 
 
 864 This has Reference to the Capture only eleven Days before this Letter was 
 of the Fort at Miftick, which was done written. See Page 
 
Appendix. 289 
 
 cumftances) to take this courfe unleffe divine iuftice will miraculoufly fhew 
 it fclfe in bringing them all into o> net, w c ' according to reafon is not 
 likely. 5 th ly, whether the dreadfulnes of o r maine Battallio (as it were) 
 be better to be meafured by their feares raifed on this laft, then to fee, 
 fay or thinke, that o r former victorie was not fo much of valo r as acci 
 dent w ch we o r felves do acknowledge p r vidence. 6' ; 'ly, if we refufe to 
 give or take fuch conditions now, they may not be likely to hold us to 
 worfe, or neceffitate us to a perpetual war if for o r owne eafe wee after 
 feeke them, & when they fee us (as they may) afraide in like manner. 
 
 Much more, & to as little purpofe might be faide. But if you con 
 tinue yo r refolutions to p r ceede according to former intentions you may 
 pleafe to confider whither thefe bottles to be ufed granado wife, may not 
 be of fome ufe ; and whither (if the fort 303 be fo difficile as it is reported) 
 into which they fhall for their laft refuge retire) it were not opera; preciu 
 to p r pare a petar or two to command entrance. Thus laying my low 
 thoughts and myfelf at yo r feete to be kicked out or admitted as you fee 
 good, being glad to hope of the continuance of yo r purpofe to fee us in yo r 
 way to Ipfwich, W tu my fcrvicc to you & yo !B I reft yet and ever yo r * 
 (anie thing) to ferve you. 
 
 Jo : HUMPHREY. 30 * 
 
 D. 
 
 YARMOUTH PORT [Mafs.], March 9, 1863. 
 OAMUEL G. DRAKE, ESQ. 
 
 ^ Dear Sir: I have delayed anfwering your letter of Feb. 12, in order 
 that I might thoroughly inveftigate the tradition in the Davis family, 
 that their anccftor Robert bought of lyannough a traft of land at the 
 north eaft corner of Barnftable for a brafs Kettle. 365 Robert Davis 
 bought lands of the Indians ; but it unfortunately happens, that the pur- 
 chafe was made after the year 1650, and was a part of the Indian 
 refervation. 
 
 It will not be juftifiable to depart from the authority of Winflow, with 
 out we can fubftitute a better. I think no fuch authority can be fubftituted, 
 and I fhall not therefore occupy fpace by quoting accounts more familiar 
 to you than to me. The defcription of the localities fo far as given by 
 
 863 It was not then known that the Antiquttiet of Bofton, p. 51. This Letter 
 ftrongeft Fort of the Pequots had been has never been publifhed before, entire, 
 abandoned, which fome feared was im 
 pregnable, and would never be expofed as 365 Mr. Otis wrote in a previous Letter, 
 the other was, to be furprifed. that there was a Tradition in the Davii 
 
 Family, that their Anceftor, " Robert 
 
 864 A Fac-fimile of Mr. Humfrey's " Davis, bought his Farm of Hyanna for 
 Autograph may be feen in the Hijiory and " a brafs Kettle." 
 
290 Appendix. 
 
 the early writers is accurate, and I fet it down as a hiftorical faft that 
 lyannough perifhed in a fwamp, as reprefented, and that the fwamp in 
 which he died is probably the one about half a mile eaft of his town. 
 There is an ifland in the fwamp where tents could have been built. The 
 " Dead Swamp," not far diftant, is almoft impenetrable to this day. It 
 is wet and muddy> and I do not think even an Indian would have at 
 tempted to refide in it. 
 
 Firft we will examine the queftion genealogically. In 1 620 lyannough 
 is reprefented as being only 25 years of age; if fo he could not have had 
 a fon of fufficient age in 1626, to fucceed him as Sachem. In 1639, the 
 territory of lyannough was owned, the northerly portion by Nepogtano 
 (who had by deed of gift conveyed one half to Tuacommicus), and the 
 foutherly portion (that portion of Barnftable now called Hyannis and all 
 the fouth part of Yarmouth) by an Indian Sachem whom Antony Thacher 
 calls Hyanna, and whofe name in the reecords is written H y an a, Hyanus, 
 Yana, lanna. Sampfon, fon of Mafhantampanu and his fifter claimed a right 
 in thofe lands ; but it was afterwards proved that they had no right, and 
 Nepoitan and Tuacomicus conveyed their lands to the proprietors, referv- 
 ing about 60 acres 'at 'Mattakees Swamp or lyannough's town. Hianna 
 and his fon John Hianna, fold that portion of their territory within the 
 prefent bounds of Barnftable to the proprietors, referving certain lands 
 and a tradl which fohn fays was given by his father Yano to Nicholas 
 Davis. Hiano fold to the proprietors of Yarmouth all the lands on the 
 fouth fide of the town of Yarmouth, referving certain lands in the vicinity 
 of Bafs River for the ufe of the Indians. 
 
 The deed of Nepoyetam to Barnftable is dated in 1641. He was 
 then of age, and could hardly have been a fon of lyannough, if the latter's 
 age is reported rightly. Yanno's deed is dated 1 9th July, 1664, m which 
 he makes the refervation to the Indians and Nicholas Davis. John Yan 
 no's deed is dated 7 Sep. 1680, and in it he names his father and Nicho 
 las Davis, both deceafed. Nepaiton and Yanno may have been fons of 
 lyannough, but if fo I think he was an older man than he was reprefented 
 to be, and in fad his teeth mow that he was probably older. There is much 
 preferved mowing the relationfhip of the feveral Indian Sachems who lived 
 in this vicinity between 1639 and 1680, and their individual hiftory can be 
 quite fatisfaftorily traced. I am entirely fatisfied that the ancient Indian grave 
 recently difcovered, was not that of Tuacomicus, Napoyetan (or his fuc- 
 ceflbr Keencomfet) of Paupmunmeeke, Sachem of Barnftable and Marfhpee, 
 of Yanno (or his fon John), of Mafantampaine (Sachem of Nobfcuffet), 
 of Sachemus (Sachem of South Dennis and part of Harwich) or of Mat- 
 taquafon, Sachem of Monamoiet (though his fon John Quafon claimed to 
 be an heir of Nepogetain. It is a more ancient grave, and after a very 
 careful examination of all the fadls, which I have not time to recapitulate, 
 I am entirely fatisfied that the Indian grave difcovered in Barnftable on 
 
Appendix. 291 
 
 the 1 8th of May, 1861, is the grave of that Indian Chief whom the 
 Pilgrim Fathers called lyanough. 
 
 The following are the fadb in relation to the finding of the grave : 
 
 On Saturday, May 18, 1861, Patrick Hughes an Irifhman, a hired 
 man of Mr. Enoch T. Cobb, and David Davis, a fon of Benjamin Davis 
 of Barnftable, aged 16, were ploughing in a field on the fouth of the 
 Great Swamp, which is fituate about half a mile eaft of Mattakeefe pond 
 or fwamp, now called the " Perch Pond " (on the borders of which in 
 1620 lyanough's town was fituate). While ploughing the plough ftruck 
 againft fomething that looked like metal. On examination they found it 
 to be a brafs kettle, lying bottom upwards, about feven inches below the 
 furface of the ground. They procured a pick-axe and dug around it, 
 and taking it up found it much rufted and decayed. Under the kettle 
 they found a fkull, and other bones. It was fo left for the night. Sunday 
 morning following David Davis and his brothers, Adolphus and Robinfon, 
 and their father, and Mr. Nathaniel Gorham, being provided with tools, 
 continued the excavation, and found the fkeleton of a man who had been 
 buried in a fitting pofture, an Indian peftle, an iron hatchet, a bowl, fomc 
 white and black wampum, feveral iron nails and one fpike. In making 
 the excavation traces in the earth were noticed in the form of a bow and 
 arrows. 
 
 The body was buried in a fitting pofture, the kettle placed over the 
 head, the peftle on his right arm, the hatchet and bowl at his feet ; dark 
 lines in the earth indicated that his bow and arrows had been placed 
 acrofs his breaft. 
 
 Thefe fads refpefting the exhuming of the remains, I obtained by a 
 perfonal and feparate examination of the parties who were prefent. All 
 the remains I had packed in a box and fent to the Pilgrim Society at 
 Plymouth, and the late James Davis, Efq., on whofe land the grave was 
 found, provided a fuitable cafe, and they are now depofited in the Hall 
 of that Society. 
 
 I believe I have now given you all the fads you will want in preparing 
 your article on lyanough. I have named his contemporaries and their 
 fucceflbrs. Nepogetam, Tuacommicus and Keencomfet, who refided at 
 the Indian village (lyannough's town) were Chriftianized Indians, and 
 would not have been buried in that pofture. In fa6l their burial place is 
 known, it was farther weft, and the Indian graves are named in ancient 
 deeds, and the lands referved in the fale. Yanno or Hianna refided at 
 Hyannis, where there is an ancient Indian burial ground containing one 
 acre, referved when the lands were originally laid out, and if he was brought 
 (after 1664) to the north fide of the town to be buried, it is probable that 
 he would have been entombed on the land fet apart for that purpofe. 
 
 Mafantampaine lived to be very aged and is buried at Nobscuflet. 
 Paupnummucke was probably buried at MafTapee (Marfhpee) of which 
 tribe he was Sachem. 
 
 Mm 
 
292 Appendix. 
 
 There is another confideration ; none excepting the chiefs had brafs 
 kettles and hatchets at that time, and if they had, they were too fcarce 
 and too valuable to be buried with a common man. 
 
 The remains indicate great antiquity, and the articles found indicate 
 with fome precifion the time of the burial. It was after the time that Capt. 
 John Smith and Hunt vifited Barnftable harbor, and before the time that the 
 Indians had laid afi.de the ufe of the bow and arrow, in their wars and in 
 hunting. It was before wampum had ceafed to pafs for money, and be 
 fore iron nails had become common, and ceafed to be regarded as articles 
 of high value. Perhaps the latter faft is the moft important in fixing the 
 time of the fepulchre. Taking this as the rule a later period than 1625, 
 can not be fafely named as the time of the burial. Very foon after the 
 fettlement of Plymouth, nails ceafed to be an article of value or curiofity 
 to the Indians. They wanted hatchets, knives or other articles of ufe. 
 
 In regard to an event which happened more than two centuries ago, 
 and of which no record was made at the time, it is unreafonable to expet 
 that the proof will be as ftrong as a mathematical demonftration. 
 
 I have drawn out this letter to an unreafonable length ; but I will re 
 peat that I have no reafonable ground to doubt that the grave of lyannough 
 has been difcovered, and that fome of his remains are now in Pilgrim 
 Hall, Plymouth. 
 
 Refpeftfully yours, 
 
 AMOS OTIS. 
 
INDEX 
 
 A BERK1EST, threatens to kill 
 
 f* all the Englifh, 98, 102. 
 
 Acanootus, an Indian Juror, 236. 
 
 Accomack, Plymouth Harbor, 61. 
 
 Adams, John Quincy, 1 06. 
 
 Agawams, conspiracy among, 87, 
 89; fight with, 102. 
 
 Akkompoin, uncle to Philip, 265. 
 
 Alexander, fucceeds Maflafoit, 227 ; 
 feized by order of Plymouth, 228; 
 his death, 230. 
 
 Allen, James xxii. 
 
 John, his connexion with 
 Mafon's Hiftory, viii ; communi 
 cates it to the Author, 45, 113; 
 the Author mifled by, 114; his 
 unwarrantable liberties with Ma 
 fon's Hiftory, 133, 140, 159, 
 1 68. 
 
 Anceftry, deficiency of data con 
 cerning, xvii. 
 
 Angier, Samuel, xxii. 
 
 Annawan, 265. 
 
 Aquidnet, Rhode Ifland, 1 87. 
 
 Aquetequefh, 227. 
 
 Armada, fent againft England, xxx. 
 
 Arnold, Benedict, Ambaffador, 200. 
 S. G . , on Miantonimo, 191, 
 194. 
 
 Afpinet, Sachem of Naufet, 76, 85 ; 
 dies, 94. 
 
 Atherton, Humphrey, 197. 
 
 Aubrey, John, F. R. S., xvi. 
 
 Audfah, the Murderer of Oldham, 
 149. 
 
 Auftin, caft out Devils, 27 1 . 
 Awafequin, at Bofton, 196. 
 Awaflionks, 259. 
 
 T> ALSAM, Robert, encounters the 
 
 Devil, 273-4. 
 
 Bangs, Jonathan, Juror, 236. 
 Barber, Thomas, 134. 
 Bayly, John, xxii. 
 Benedict, Thomas, 217. 
 Billington, John, loft, 75 j reftored, 
 
 76. 
 Block-Ifland, 1 1 3 ; the people Nar- 
 
 raganfets, 1 1 6; expedition againft, 
 
 1 60- 1. 
 Bradford, William, his Hiftory of 
 
 Plymouth, 44; how difcovered, 
 
 45 ; caught in an Indian trap, 64 ; 
 
 ficknefs, 67. 
 
 Branch, Arthur, 117, 165. 
 Brewfter, Jonathan, 125. 
 Brewfter's Neck, 225. 
 Brookes, William, 235. 
 Brown Qames], 210. 
 
 J. C., Dedication to, iii. 
 Peter, loft in the woods, 66. 
 Bull, Henry, 212. 
 
 Thomas, 135, 157. 
 Burroughs, Jeremiah, 275. 
 Bufheage, a murderer, 193 ; put to 
 
 death, 204, 205. 
 Butler, S., his Hudibras, xvi, 83. 
 Butterfield, S., burnt by the Pequots. 
 
 163. 
 
294 
 
 Index. 
 
 /^ALAMY, Edmund, 275, 276, 
 
 279. 
 Canacum, Chief of Manomet, 85 ; 
 
 his houfe attacked, 87 ; dies, 94. 
 Canonchet, 258, 265. 
 Canonicus, challenges the Englifh, 
 
 78 ; advifes the Pequots to keep 
 
 peace with them, 1 8 1 ; death of, 
 
 194. 
 
 Capawack, 78, 89. 
 Capen, Jofeph, xxii. 
 Carver, John, ficknefs and peril, 
 
 67. 
 Cafes of Confcience concerning 
 
 Witches, xxi, xxiii. 
 Caulkins, F. M., Hift. N. London, 
 
 225. 
 
 Chapman, Robert, 117, 165. 
 Charles Firft gives names on Smith's 
 
 map, 52. 
 
 Cheek, John, Sir, 268-9^ 
 Cheever, George B., his Mourt's 
 
 Journal, 43. 
 
 Chicon, a Narraganfet Chief, 265. 
 Chickwallop, Sachem of Norwoo- 
 
 tuck, 206. 
 
 Church, Benjamin, Capt., 257. 
 Cobbett, Thomas, 112, 262-3. 
 Cllacot, Richard, 285. 
 Commiffioners of the U. C. See 
 
 UNITED COLONIES. 
 Conne&icut complains that Mafla- 
 
 chufetts unneceflarily caufed the 
 
 Pequot War, ix ; Quonihticut, x ; 
 
 claims the chief honor of deftroy- 
 
 ing the Pequots, 178. 
 Cook, Wequafh. See WEQUASH. 
 
 Cope, , 215. 
 
 Corbitant, his Confpiracy, 76-78 ; 
 
 full of merry jefts and fquibs, 89. 
 Crocker, William, 235. 
 Cummaquid, 75, 76. 
 Cuttaquin, trouble with Uncas, 2 1 6. 
 
 FJANFORTH, Thomas, at Ply- 
 
 ^^ mouth, 232. 
 
 Darrel, John, 271. 
 
 Davenport, [Richard], goes againft 
 the Pequots, 161 ; again, 182-3 ; 
 exploit; ib. 146, 148, 285. 
 
 Davis, [William], 135, 147, 222, 
 232. 
 
 Deane, Charles, xxxvii. 
 
 D'Aulney, , 287. 
 
 De Laet, John, his Novus Orbis, 42. 
 
 Demonology, by King James, 236. 
 
 Dermer, Thomas, voyage to New 
 England, 59 ; mortally wounded, 
 60. 
 
 Devil, caufes thunder and lightning, 
 xix ; an infernal chemift, raifed 
 a great wind, xx ; " there are 
 Devils and witches," xxi; fug- 
 gefts arguments to the Pequots, 
 1 80; Father of the Indians, 
 190-1; in Uncas, 217; elates 
 and deprefles the Indians, 254; 
 Devils fall before Prayer, 270; 
 Autograph of, 270 ; caft out of 
 one, 271 ; another, 272 ; driven 
 out by a woman, 274 ; Father 
 of Lies, 273-4. 
 
 Dike, Anthony, 166. 
 
 Dodd, John, a Mofes, 275. 
 
 Done, John, 236. 
 
 Dorchefter, fight there, 102. 
 
 Drake, Sir Francis, names N. Eng 
 land, 53 ; his voyage, 44. 
 
 Drake, Nathan, Shakfpeare and his 
 Times, 43. 
 
 Drouth, how to manage one, 108-9. 
 
 Dudley, Thomas, 179. 
 
 Dutch, of New York, redeem Cap 
 tives, 177; accufed of felling 
 arms to the Indians, 175, 182; 
 of confpiring with the Indians 
 againft the Englifh, 217, 219; 
 war with the Indians, 220. 
 
Index. 
 
 295 
 
 , Jack, exploit of, 145. 
 Edward VI, a Jofiah, 269. 
 Elliot, John, xxxiv ; American 
 
 Apoftle, xxxvi. 
 Elmere, Edward, 206. 
 Endicott, Governor, arrives, 104; 
 
 goes againft the Pequots, 1 1 6, 
 
 161. 
 Epenow, kidnapped by Hunt, 55; 
 
 efcapes, 56. 
 England, ripe for Judgment, xxix ; 
 
 Armada fent againft, xxx. 
 
 "C*ALL Fight, killed over eftimat- 
 
 f ed, 265. 
 
 Farmington, mifchief done there, 
 
 225. 
 
 Finch, John, killed, 119. 
 Fox, Jabez, xxii. 
 
 John, poflefled of the Devil, 
 
 271. 
 
 Francis, Sachem of Nanfet, 227. 
 French mips deftroyed, 95-7. 
 
 /^ALLOP, John, 126; Execu- 
 ^-* tioner of Indians, 144, 160. 
 Gardiner, Lion, Hift. Pequot War, 
 
 vi, 117, 122, 173; fervices not 
 
 acknowledged, ix; wounded, 164; 
 
 1 1 8 ; redeems Captives, 1 24 ; 
 
 receives Mafon's men, 1 42 ; ie- 
 
 cures the friendfhip of the Long 
 
 Ifland Indians, 185. 
 Garner, Helen, her Miracle, 277. 
 George an Indian Juror, 236. 
 Gerriih, Jofeph, xxii. 
 Gibbons, Edward, appointed to 
 
 command in the Narraganfet 
 
 war, 196. 
 
 Giggles, [Thomas?], 126, 285. 
 Gilbert, Jonathan, 202, 206. 
 Gilbert, Raleigh, his Journals, 43. 
 Gilpin, Bernard, 278. 
 Goodman, John, 66. 
 
 Gorges, Ferdinando, Narration, 44, 
 
 54, 56, 60. 
 
 Gorges, Robert, arrives, 103, 188. 
 Gortonians, " vagabond Englifh," 
 
 188. 
 
 Gofmer, [John?], 217. 
 Griffin, John, 206. 
 Guftavus Adolphus, 252. 
 
 tJ AKLUYT, Richard, 42 ; his 
 Collections, 44. 
 
 Hamdin, Mr. , 102. 
 
 Hamilton, N. E. S. A., difcovers 
 Bradford's MS. Hiftory, 45. 
 
 Hanham, Thomas, voyages, 43. 
 
 Harding, Mr. , 287. 
 
 Harley, Edward, voyages, 43. 
 
 Haynes, John, averfe to the murder 
 of captive Pequots, x; a Com- 
 miffioner, 144; Indians confpire 
 againft, 201, 202. 
 
 Hedge, , 132; wounded, 134-5. 
 
 Hell, " Pequot Souls brought down 
 to," 1 69 ; more of them, 1 84 ; 
 Indians, children of, 35 ; others 
 fent to, 258; Indian Captains 
 brought down to, 265. 
 
 Heyden, William, 132, 134. 
 
 Higgins, Benjamin, 236. 
 
 Higginfon, John, Chaplain in the 
 Pequot War, 161, 166. 
 
 Hiftorical Society, one early recom 
 mended, 47. 
 
 Hobbomock, Counfellor to Mafla- 
 foit, 72-3, 76; his life attempted, 
 77 ; important fervices, 79, 87, 
 88, 108. 
 
 Hobfon, Nicholas, Voyages, 43, 
 
 54> 57-8. 
 
 Hooker, Thomas 156, 172. 
 Hope, an Indian Juror, 236. 
 Hopkins, Edward, Indians confpire 
 
 againft, 201, 204. 
 Hopkins, Stephen, vifit to Mafla- 
 
 foit, 73. 
 
296 
 
 Index. 
 
 Houlden, Randall, 212. 
 
 Howell, [Edward?], 217. 
 
 Hubbard, William, endorfes Ma 
 ther's Cafes of Confcience, xxi, 
 xxii ; his Hiftory, 48. 
 
 Hudibras on Jefuits & Indians, xvi. 
 
 Hume, Hiftory of England, vi. 
 
 Humfrey, John, Letter about the 
 Peqots, 288. 
 
 Hunt, Thomas, kidnaps Indians, 
 
 53-4, 58- 
 Hurlburt, Thomas. 117; fhot, 1 1 8, 
 
 165. 
 
 Humphrey, John, on the Pequot 
 War, x See HUMFREY. 
 
 Hutchinfon, Thomas, Bradford's 
 Hiftory traced to, 44. 
 
 Hyannes, 75, 290,; Hianna, 291. 
 
 INDIANS, perfeft Seceflionifts, 
 xi, xii ; early condition, xiii ; 
 treacherous, ibid: their wars 
 originated in bad faith, xiv ; a 
 remarkable example, xiv, xv ; 
 ' wolves with men's brains,' xv ; 
 Chriftianity among, xxxiii-xxxvi ; 
 of Martha's Vineyard, fwept 
 away, xxxv ; children of Hell, 
 ib.; ibme kidnapped, 53; war, 
 57 ; fight with Dermer, 60 ; with 
 Smith, 6 1 ; attack the Pilgrims, 
 65 ; the Plague among, 69, 1 10 ; 
 confpiracy, 87 ; no dealing with 
 as with others, 90; Indian Goliah, 
 171; Gigantine Salvage, 183; 
 Englimman's God all one Fly, 
 1 84 ; thofe of Long Ifland bring 
 tribute to the Englilh, 185 ; un- 
 derftood little of Covenants, 201 ; 
 horrid Confpiracy among feared, 
 217; Northern and Eaftern make 
 difturbance, 219; a general war 
 among themfelves, 224, 255; 
 
 apathy after a viftory, 254; 
 curfed blafphemers, 258 ; twenty- 
 two Captains flain, 263. 
 
 Ipfwich alarmed by the Tarratines, 
 in. 
 
 lyanough, Hyannis? 75 ; dies, 94 ; 
 his place of burial, reftdence and 
 defcendants, 289-292. 
 
 J 
 
 ACKSON, 
 
 -, 126. 
 
 Jackfon, T., executed at Ply 
 mouth, 187. 
 
 James, (King), his Demonology, 
 236. 
 
 Jefferyes, , 146. 
 
 Jenyfon, [William], 161. 
 
 Jeflbp, , 287. 
 
 Jethro, Peter, 257. 
 
 Jiggles, Thomas See GIGGLES. 
 
 Johnfon, Edward, Wonder Work 
 ing Providence, 45, 66, 188. 
 
 Joflelyn, John, on Lions, 67. 
 
 TT'EHORON See REHORON. 
 ** Kennedy Hugh, 280, 281. 
 Kilpatrick See PATRICK. 
 Kifwas, barbaroufly put to death, 
 
 1 66-8. 
 
 Knox, John, the Reformer, 282. 
 Kunacum See CANACUM. 
 
 T ANKTREE, Matthew, xxx. 
 
 ^ Lay, Robert, 224. 
 
 Leoline, Prince of Wales, 282. 
 
 Leverett, John, at Plymouth, 232. 
 
 Lions, fuppofed in New England, 
 66-7. 
 
 Ludlow, Roger, averfe to the mur 
 der of captives, x ; Commiffioner, 
 123, 145, 172, 192, 285. 
 
 Luther on Prayer, 247, 269. 
 
 Luz, a Pequot Captive, 1 45 ; Pilot 
 to the Englifh, 174. 
 
Index. 
 
 297 
 
 VfACHIAVEL, N., Indians as 
 
 * * treacherous, xv ; equalled by 
 Pequot Chiefs, 1 80. 
 
 Manafanes, a Norwootuck, 206. 
 
 Manawet kidnapped by Hunt, 55. 
 
 Manhattan (New York), 143, 145, 
 179, 218. 
 
 Manifles (Block Ifland), 113; peo 
 ple Narraganfetts, 1 1 6 See 
 BLOCK ISLAND. 
 
 Manomet (Sandwich), 85 ; Indian 
 Confpiracy there, 87, 89, 94. 
 
 Martha's Vineyard, Indians fwept 
 away, xxxv. 
 
 Martyr, Peter, 278. 
 
 Maflcippague, an Indian Juror, 236. 
 
 Maflachuietts, accufed of caufing 
 War, ix; fends an Expedition 
 againft the Pequots, 1 1 6 ; de 
 fence of, 178 ; fends Commiffion- 
 ers to the Narraganfets, 181 ; 
 commits an aft of Nullification, 
 
 221. 
 
 Maflachufett Indians at war with the 
 Tarratines, xiii ; plot to cut off 
 the Englifti, 79, 84 ; furprifed by 
 Standifh, 91-3 ; Small pox among, 
 no. 
 
 Maflafoit vifits the Pilgrims, 70; 
 treats with them, 71 ; vifited by 
 them, 74-5; at Plymouth, 81 ; 
 reveals a Confpiracy, 84 ; falls 
 fick, 87 ; a wall to the Englifti, 
 107; his fucceflbrs, 226. 
 
 Mafon, John, Hift Pequot War, 
 vii, viii ; no Letters of, x ; his 
 Hiftory attributed to Allyn, 114; 
 urges Gardiner to write a Hiftory, 
 117; fent to Saybrook, 1 1 8 ; 
 conducts the war againft the Pe 
 quots, 121 ; inverts a fort, 132; 
 fets it on fire, 133; returns home, 
 142 ; goes on a fecond Expedi 
 tion, 144-150; his operations, 
 
 151-156; procures corn, 158, 
 216; a fuppofed attempt to mur 
 der, 224, 285. 
 
 Matachiefts, confpiracy among, 87, 
 89 ; their Chief dies, 94. 
 
 Mather, Cotton, on Chriftian In 
 dians, xxxvi. 
 
 Mather, I., his Hiftories, vi-viii; 
 The "Relation," xvii; value of 
 his works, xviii ; Cafes of Con- 
 fcience, xxi ; endorfes the " Won 
 ders of the Invifible World," xxiii; 
 Awakening Truths, xxiv; his 
 Autobiography, xxiv-v, xxxiii ; 
 Reafons for writing the " Rela 
 tion," 41; deceived, 114; bad 
 citation, 250. 
 
 Mather, Nathaniel, 266. 
 
 Samuel, his death and orders 
 refpefting his interment, xxxvii. 
 
 Matoonas, 238, 257, 259. 
 
 Mattakees Pond, 291. 
 
 Mattafhinnamy, murders Saffamon, 
 235 ; executed, 237. 
 
 Matthews, , 56. 
 
 Mautamp, a Nipmuck Chief, 265. 
 
 Melanfthon, [Philip], 269. 
 
 Mendon deftroyed, 257. 
 
 Menunkatuck, Guilford, 173. 
 
 Mefapano, accufed of mifchief, 
 225-6. 
 
 Metacomet fucceeds Alexander, 226- 
 7 See PHILIP. 
 
 Metapoifet, 88, 89. 
 
 Mexano, vifits Bofton, 196. 
 
 Miantonimo, 126, 127, 150; (hares 
 the Pequot Captives, 151; friend 
 ly advice, 1 61 ; accufed of picking 
 quarrels, 188 ; vifits Bofton, 189; 
 executes a Pequot, j 90 ; captured 
 and flain, ib. 
 
 Middlebury, murder there, 235. 
 
 Millenium looked for, xxix-xxxi. 
 
298 
 
 Index. 
 
 Miller, William, his end of the 
 
 world, xxx. 
 
 Miftic Fort, captured, 171. 
 Mitchell, Mathew, 163, 166-7. 
 Mohanfick, on Long Ifland, 217. 
 Mohegans, origin, xii ; at war with 
 
 the Pequots, xiii ; Exploit of 
 
 fome, 1 22 ;protedl Pequots, 161 ; 
 
 once a part of them, 167; in 
 
 trouble with the Narraganfets, 
 
 1 88 ; defeat the Narraganfets, 
 
 190; new war with, 193; 
 
 threaten Uncas, 209 ; plotting 
 
 with Philip, 234. 
 Mohawk's, war-hammers, 182 ; 
 
 Narraganfets practice with, 199; 
 
 again fufpefted of entering their 
 
 fervice, 213, 216. 
 Monhegan Ifland, 62, 69, 82. 
 Monoco (One-eyed-John), 258, 265 
 Mononotto, a Pequot Chief> 162 ; 
 
 wife of, 176-7, 218, 285. 
 Montaukets, aflaulted, 220. 
 Morton, Charles, xxii. 
 
 Nathaniel, New England's 
 
 Memorial, 45, 184, 227. 
 Morton, Thomas, on Lions, 67 ; 
 
 the Indian Plague, 69 ; Lord of 
 
 Mifrule, 106. 
 Mount Wollafton, 104. 
 Mourt's Journal, badly reprinted, 
 
 4 2 -3- 
 Mannings, Geo., wounded, 161. 
 
 Myconius, 269, 270. 
 
 Peckfuot's boy, 
 101. 
 
 Namafchet, 69, 76, 77. 
 
 Nantucket, Indian Troubles, 238. 
 
 Nappannets apply for favor, 186. 
 
 Narraganfets efcape the Plague, 69 ; 
 challenge the Engliih, 78; aid 
 the Englifh againft the Pequots, 
 115; fome inhabit Manifles, 1 16; 
 fend Pequot hands to Bofton, 
 
 115; decried by Uncas, 121; 
 join the Englifh, 127 ; fhowfigns 
 of fear, 128-9; refill the Argu 
 ments of the Pequots to deftroy 
 the Englifh, 1 80 ; Cowards, 
 181 ; taunt enemies in their 
 dying agonies, 182; one mur 
 dered by an Englifhman, 186-8 ; 
 in trouble with the Mohegans, 
 188; war with, 193; war pre 
 vented, 196 ; play Leger-de-main, 
 197 ; practicing with the Mo 
 hawks, 199 ; threatened by the 
 Englifh, 200 ; threats in return, 
 209 ; further complained of, 
 212-13 > felfe an d treacherous, 
 214; fome murder a Mohegan, 
 225 ; plotting with Philip, 234; 
 their lofles, 265. 
 
 Nafhuas at war with the Nipmucks, 
 255. 
 
 Naufet Indians kidnapped, 54-5 ; 
 retaliate, 60, 76, 84 ; in a Con- 
 fpiracy, 87, 89, 94. 
 
 Naymetayhu, a Sachem, 202, 204, 
 207. 
 
 Nepaupuck, hanged, for murder, 
 192. 
 
 New Albion, New England named 
 from, 52. 
 
 New England, early condition of, 
 vii ; " lamentably degenerate," 
 xxv ; radical Apoftacy of, xxvii ; 
 its Families out of order, xxviii ; 
 peculiar Glory of, xxxiv ; origin 
 of the Name, 52 ; a black page 
 in its Hiftory, 191 ; its Deliver- 
 
 . ance an Anfwer of Prayer, 243 ; 
 yet not a General Reformation 
 in, 244; dark Clouds gathering, 
 245 ; unfit for habitation, 253 ; 
 Wo to him whom N. E. prays 
 againft, 282. 
 
 New Haven, why fo called and 
 when, 174. 
 
Index. 
 
 299 
 
 Nianticks, 127 ; Pequots, 141, 149; 
 fend a Deputy to Bofton, 196; 
 threatened, 200; aflault the Long 
 Ifland Indians, 220. 
 
 Nimrod, Counfellor to Philip, 227 ; 
 Signs a Treaty at Plymouth, 233; 
 265. 
 
 Ninigret, receives plunder of Mur 
 derers, 1 1 6 ; his tribe vifited, 1 27, 
 141 ; receives captive Pequots, 
 151 ; his men outrageous, 152; 
 goes againft Block Ifland, 161 j 
 feized by Atherton, 198; at 
 Bofton, 200 ; again, 208 ; over 
 awed to promife what he could 
 not perform, 209-11; marriage 
 of his Daughter, 216; aflaults, 
 Long Ifland, 220; war againft 
 determined on, 221 ; formidable 
 Expedition againft, 222 ; Englifh 
 threaten to fet his head upon a 
 Pole, 223. 
 
 Nipmucks enfnared, 258; their 
 Lofles, 265, 285. 
 
 Nipnifoit, a Sachem, 202. 
 
 Nobfcuflet, 291. 
 
 Nonantum, firft Indian Church 
 there, xxxv. 
 
 Norton, Walter, Capt., 112; mur 
 dered, 113-15, 159- 
 
 Norwootuck, Northampton 201. 
 
 Nowequa, brother of Uncas, 2 1 2. 
 
 Noyes, James, 285. 
 
 O BRAVE Pequots, 182. 
 O'Callaghan, E. B., 192. 
 Oldham, John, Murdered, 113, 
 1 1 6 ; his Murderer difcovered, 
 149, 1 60. 
 
 Old Jethro, a Nipmuck Chief, 265. 
 Oldmixon, John, on the Author, 
 
 xxiii. 
 Otafti, brother to Miantonimo, 1 5 3. 
 
 Nn 
 
 Otis, Amos, 75 ; Letter to the 
 
 Editor, 289. 
 Owanux, Englifhmen, 131, 168. 
 
 , war Parties at, 
 
 * 158, 213, 225. 
 
 Palmor, [Abraham] Serjeant, 146. 
 
 Pametfick, a Pequot murderer, 143 
 
 Panics, an Indian Champion, 80 ; 
 villainy of one, 96. 
 
 Paomet, 85 ; plan to kill Standifh 
 there fruftrated, 86; in a Con- 
 fpiracy, 87, 89. 
 
 Pattifon, Edward, 134. 
 
 Patrick, Daniel, ( 126; arrives at 
 Pequot, 139, 140; ill treated, 
 141 ; operations againft the en 
 emy, 146, 149, 150; 172. 
 
 Patuckfon, 236. 
 
 Patuxet, fince called Plymouth, 53, 
 69, 90. 
 
 Pawcatuck, 128; in the Pequot 
 Country, 151; Wefterly, 203. 
 
 Peach, Arthur, executed for murder, 
 1 86. 
 
 Pebe, Pecbe, or Thebe, 265. 
 
 Pelham [Herbert], CommifEoner, 
 201. 
 
 Pell, Thomas, Surgeon, 137, 1 66. 
 
 Pequots, their origin, xii ; com 
 mence murdering the Englifti, 
 113; grounds of the war with, 
 114; Expedition againft, 116; 
 aflault Saybrook, 117; attack 
 Weathersfield, 1 1 8 ; had 1 6 guns, 
 123; fort described, 129; def- 
 troyed, 1 30-6 ; many taken & put 
 to death ; others made flaves 1 44, 
 150; no more to be called Pe 
 quots, 151; anonymous account 
 of the war with, 159; protected 
 by the Mohegans, 161 ; their 
 (hocking barbarity, 1 64, 1 66 ; 
 
300 
 
 Index. 
 
 fouls bro't down to Hell, 1 69 ; 
 outwitted by the Dutch, 177; 
 conduft after their Murders, 179; 
 quarrel with the Dutch, ib. ; 
 counfelled by Satan, 180; fome 
 " in a moment brought down to 
 Hell," 184; one hanged, 192; 
 fears of their afierting again their 
 Nationality, 216; the Englifh 
 again demand thofe with Ninigret, 
 
 222. 
 
 Perkins, John, Sergeant of Ipf- 
 wich, ill. 
 
 Peflacus, vifits Bofton, I96;em- 
 baffay to, 200 ; another, 208 ; 
 Peter, a perfidious Narraganfet, 
 257. 
 
 Philip, origin of the war with, 227, 
 237 ; "of late curfed memory", 
 231 ; at Bofton, 232; convifted 
 at Plymouth, 233 ; hatching Mif- 
 chief, 235 ; a bullet prayed into 
 his heart, 264. 
 
 Phillips, Samuel, xxii. 
 
 Pickfuot, a Confpirator, 9 1 ; killed 
 by Standifh, 92 ; Pratt's account 
 of, 96, 98, 101. 
 
 Pilgrims, why befriended by the 
 Wampanoags, xiii ; dealt honor 
 ably with the Indians, xv. 
 
 Pinchon, William, 172, 201. 
 
 Plymouth, aveffe to the Pequot war, 
 ix; Indian names, 53,61,69; 
 fortified, 79 ; falfe alarm at, 80 ; 
 Commiffioners meet Philip, 232 . 
 To be fupported againft the Ind 
 ians, 233. 
 
 Plymouth Colony Records, 227, 
 231. 
 
 Pocanoket, 73, 87, 88. 
 
 Pomeroy, Eltwood, 151, 
 
 Pomham, 258. 
 
 Popham, Francis, Sir, fends (hips 
 to New England, 53. 
 
 Popham, John, Sir, fends a colony 
 
 to New England, 52; dies, 53. 
 Porter's Rocks, 129. 
 Potock, a Narraganfet Chief, 265. 
 Powas, 104; unable to manage a 
 
 Drouth, 1 09 ; or the Small pox, 
 
 no. 
 Pratt, Phinehas, his Narrative of 
 
 Wefton's Colony, 91-104. 
 Prince, Thomas, his edition of 
 
 Mafon's Hiftory, 1 14. 
 Prince, Thomas (Gov.), 227. 
 Pulfifer, David, Plymouth Records, 
 
 46. 
 
 Pumham, a Narraganfet, 265. 
 Pumpafa (Nimrod), 227. 
 Punckquaneck, 227. 
 Purchas, Samuel, his Pilgrims, 43 ; 
 
 his death, 44, 58. 
 
 QUABAOG, attack upon, 260. 
 Quadequina, brother of Maf- 
 faflbit, 70. 
 Quanonchet, a Narraganfet Chief, 
 
 258, 261. 
 
 Quinnipiack, fettled, 174. 
 Quonahafit, fight there, 61. 
 Quonihticut See CONNECTICUT. 
 
 T3EBELLION, the Southern, its 
 origin, xi. 
 
 Reid, John, xxx. 
 
 Rehoron, murders a man, 214. 
 
 Remarkable Providences, xix, xxxi- 
 xxxiii ; a compilation of, urged, 
 xxxii. 
 
 Rhode Ifland, hated, 1 68 ; deep 
 Apoftates of, 1 88 ; Indians friend 
 ly to, 194; people complain of 
 the Narraganfets, 2 1 2. 
 
 Riggs, Edward, exploit, 148. 
 
 Ringe, Andrew, 236. 
 
 River Indians, troublefome, 201. 
 
 Robinfon, [Nicholas?], 126. 
 
 Rocraft, Edward, 58. 
 
Index. 
 
 301 
 
 Romanoke, a Connecticut Indian, 
 
 205. 
 Rothwell Richard, encounter with 
 
 the Devil, 272. 
 
 Rowlandfon, Mary, 254, 262. 
 Rumble, Thomas, 117, 165. 
 
 CABINE, William, 235. 
 
 ^ Sachem's Head, 173. 
 
 Sachem's-Plain (Norwich), 191. 
 
 Saconets, confpiracy among, 87, 89. 
 
 Sagamore John, 259, 265 ; Sam, 265. 
 
 Salem, fettled, 105. 
 
 Sam Barrow, 265. 
 
 Samofet, appears at Plymouth, 68. 
 
 Safquankit, 173. 
 
 Saflacous, Chief of the Pequots, 143, 
 
 161, 285. 
 Saflacus, plot fruftrated, 1 69 ; all 
 
 one God, 170; efcapes from 
 
 Miftic, 172 ; killed by Mohawks, 
 
 ib.s his Sifter, wife of Uncas, 217. 
 Saflamon, John, 227, 229 ; reveals 
 
 Philip's plans, 234; murdered, 
 
 235, 285. 
 Saflawaw, murdered by Wequalh, 
 
 xiv. 
 
 Saugus (Lynn), alarmed, no. 
 Saunders, John, 84. 
 Savage, J., on the Murder of Mi- 
 
 antonimo, 191. 
 Say brook Fort befieged, 165. 
 Scceffionifts, their origin, xi, xii, 
 
 121. 
 
 Seeley, Nathaniel, killed, 157. 
 
 Robert, Lieut, under Mafon, 
 
 123, 131,- 157; Meflenger, 222. 
 Sequaflbn, Sachem of Waranoake, 
 
 201-2-3-4 5 fli gs to tne Mohawks, 
 
 205. 
 
 Sergeant, \Tbomas ?~], 171. 
 Sewall, Samuel, on Woburn Affairs, 
 
 238. 
 Shaw, Jonathan, 236. 
 
 Shepard, Thomas, xxxii. 
 
 Sequin, ill treated, 119. 
 
 Sherman, Thomas, wounded, 148, 
 
 , '57' 
 
 Shrimpton, Samuel, 210. 
 
 Shurt, Abraham, 287. 
 
 Simpfon, Patrick, Angular relief, 
 276-7. 
 
 Sixpence, in Sequafon's Plot, 205. 
 
 Slany, John, 59. 
 
 Slaves, Indian, 144; could not en 
 dure the yoke, i 50. 
 
 Slinnings, Richard, executed, 187. 
 
 Smith, Arthur, wounded, 135. 
 
 John, Capt., a late attempt 
 to difcredit, 42. 
 
 Smith, John, of Warwick, 212. 
 William, 201. 
 
 Sonkanuhoo, figns a Treaty at Ply 
 mouth, 233. 
 
 South-hampton, murders at, 215 ; 
 other troubles, 216. 
 
 Special Providences See REMARK 
 ABLE PROVIDENCES. 
 
 Spencer, John, mot, 118, 165. 
 
 Squantum, 59, 70 ; ordered to be 
 put to death, 71 ; interpreter, 
 73, 76, 78 ; a mifcreant, 79, 80 ; 
 narrow efcape, 8 1 ; his influence 
 over Maflafbit, 107. 
 
 Squaw Sachem (Weetamoo), 265. 
 
 Stamford, murder at, 214. 
 
 Standifh, Miles, 63 ; expedition to 
 Namafket, 77 ; to Naufet, 84 ; at 
 Manomet, 85 ; efcapes aflaffina- 
 tion, 86 ; goes againft the Mafla- 
 chufetts, 90-93 ; fent againft the 
 Narraganfets, 195, 287. 
 
 Stanton, Thomas, Interpreter, 148- 
 9 ; moots an Indian, 154; am- 
 baflador, 200, 213, 216. 
 
 Stares, Sergeant, 149. 
 
 Stebbing, Edward, 158. 
 
 Steele, George, Commiffioner, 123. 
 
302 
 
 Index. 
 
 Steward, John, 281. 
 
 Stone, John, Capt., 112; murdered, 
 
 113-15, 159, 172. 
 Stone, Samuel, Chaplain, 123 ; his 
 
 Prayers anfwered, 125, 157. 
 Stone-wall-John, a Nipmuck Chief, 
 
 265. 
 Stoughton, Ifrael, Letters of, x ; 
 
 Expedition againft the Pequots, 
 
 141, 144; takes many Prifoners, 
 
 ib. ; dies in England, 186 ; Letter 
 
 from, 285. 
 
 Stoughton, William, i 86-7. 
 Stow, John, 288. 
 Street, Nicholas, prophecy of, 
 
 198-9. 
 Sturgis, Edward, 235. 
 
 Sturton , 56. 
 
 Stuyveflant, P., his Efforts to redeem 
 
 Englifh Captives, 177, 219. 
 Sudbury, conduft of the- Indians 
 
 after the fight at, 254. 
 Swain, William, daughters captured, 
 
 119. 
 
 '"PARRATINES, at war with the 
 Maflachufetts Indians, xiii, n I . 
 
 Taunton, Treaty of at, 232 ; faved, 
 261. 
 
 Taylor, John, his Redeemed Cap 
 tive, 231. 
 
 Tchticut River, 235. 
 
 Thompfon, Benjamin, 42, 196. 
 
 Tifquantum See SQUANTO. 
 
 Tobias, murders Saflamon, 235 ; 
 convifted, 236 ; hanged, 237. 
 
 Tokamahamon, 75, 76;Takamun- 
 na, 234, 265. 
 
 Tomfpon, William, Chaplain, 1 96. 
 
 Toquattos, fufpefted of murder, 
 214-15. 
 
 Totofon, a Wampanoag, 265. 
 
 Treaty with Philip, 227, 232; at 
 Plymouth, 232-3. 
 
 Trelawney, Robert, 287. 
 Trumbull,]. H., Col., Records Ct., 
 
 225. 
 
 Tunxis, Farmington, 205, 226. 
 Turner, Nathaniel, goes againft 
 
 Block Ifland, 161. 
 Turner, William, fent againft the 
 
 Pequots, 1 1 6. 
 
 TJNCAS, joins the Englifh, 121 ; 
 Exploit of his men, 122; ad 
 heres to the Englifh, 1 28 ; (hares 
 Pequot Captives, 151; Exploit, 
 1 67 ; another, 1 74 ; fuppofed at 
 tempt to kill him, 188-9; a 
 Scamp, 189; kills Miantonimo, 
 190; Monument to, 191; be- 
 fieged in his Fort, 193 ; Plot 
 againft, 204; continually ftirred 
 up to Mifchief, 207 ; threatened 
 by the Mohegans, 209 ; again 
 trouble with, 2 1 1 ; a brother in 
 Mifchief, 2 1 2 ; at Stamford, 214; 
 complains of being bewitched, 
 216; family of, 217; accufes 
 Ninigret & the Dutch, 218; life 
 faved by the Engliih, 225 ; not a 
 Saint, 255. 
 
 Uncaway, Indian Sachem, 192. 
 
 Uncompowett, uncle to King Philip, 
 227. 
 
 Underhill, John, fent againft the 
 Pequots, 1 16 ; volunteers againft 
 the Pequots, 122 ; upbraids the 
 Indians for cowardice, 131 ; at 
 tacks the Pequot fort, 132 ; fets 
 it on fire, 132 ; contention with 
 Patrick, 140 ; feizes a Squaw, 
 177 ; acquitted himfelf, 178. 
 
 United Colonies, formed, 195 ; De 
 claration, 190 ; Charges againft 
 the Indians, 199 ; Proceed 
 ings, 200 ; at Bofton, 208 ; 
 
Index. 
 
 33 
 
 Plymouth, 2 1 2 ; Newhaven, 217, 
 220 ; Declare war againft Nini- 
 gret, 221. 
 
 Uffamequin, 216. 
 
 Ufkuttugun, a Nipinuck Chief, 265 . 
 
 WANE, Governor, x, 166. 
 * Vixon, Robert, 236. 
 
 WADSWORTH, John, 236. 
 Wadfworth, William, 158. 
 Waiandance, Sachem of Long Ifland, 
 
 185. 
 
 Wait [Richard], Ambaflador, 200. 
 Walker, Richard, fired upon, no. 
 Walter, Nehemiah, xxii. 
 Wampapaquan. executed, 237. 
 Wampanoags, why the early 
 
 friends of the Englifh, xiii ; 
 
 troubles with, 226, 
 Wampeag, Indians, 204. 
 Wamphanck See NEPANPUCK, 192. 
 Wampye, an Indian Juror, 236. 
 Wamfutta, fucceeds Maffafoit, 226. 
 Wannoo, an Indian Juror, 236. 
 War, firft declaration of, 90. 
 Waranoke, Weftfield, Mafs., 201, 
 
 203. 
 
 War-clubs defcribed, 182. 
 Warner, John, 212. 
 WafTapinewet, 84. 
 Waflemofe, a Waranoke, 206. 
 Watchibrow, of Paucatuck, 203. 
 Waterman, Thomas, xxx. 
 Watufpaquin, Wampanoag, 265. 
 Weathersfield, murders there, 1 1 8- 
 
 19, 176 ; an Indian hanged, 
 
 192 ; an incident of, 218. 
 Wedgwood, John, wounded, 148, 
 
 157- 
 
 Welch, Henry, 279, 280. 
 Wequafh's treachery, xiv ; pilots 
 
 the Englifh, 130, 169 ; fhields a 
 
 a murderer, 149. 
 
 Weffaguflet, fettlement, 82 ; trou 
 bles, 90 ; ruin of, 91-103. 
 
 Wefton, Thomas, his Colony, gz j 
 ruin of, 91-103 ; his misfortunes, 
 
 112. 
 
 Wheelwright, John, 287. 
 
 Whiting, Samuel, xxii. 
 
 William, Indians confpire 
 againft, 101, 204. 
 
 Whitmore, John, murdered, 2 1 4. 
 W. H., xxx. 
 
 Wigglefworth, Michael, xxii. 
 
 Willard, Samuel, xxii. 
 
 Simon, Expedition againft 
 Ninigret, 221-2; relief of Brook- 
 field, 260. 
 
 Willet, Thomas, defired to treat 
 with Philip, 227. 
 
 Williams, Roger, fervices not ac 
 knowledged, ix ; Letters, x ; re 
 lates a cafe of Indian treachery, 
 xiv ; confided in by them, 161 ; 
 difcourages barbarities, 172; pre 
 vents the Alliance of the Pequots 
 and Narraganfets, 1 80 ; detefts 
 murderers of an Indian, 187; 
 perfecuted, 189, 216 ; Informa 
 tion, 255. 
 
 Wilfon, John, 172; Chaplain, 185. 
 
 Winflow, Edward, on the Pequot 
 War, x; Good News, 43; vifits 
 Maffafoit, 73; again, 87; Expe 
 dition againft Caubitant, 77; 
 Letter to Winthrop, 286. 
 
 Winflow, Jofiah, feizes Alexander, 
 228. 
 
 Winflow, Nathaniel, 235. 
 
 Winter, John, about Drake's Voy 
 age, 44. 
 
 Winthrop, John, on the Pequot 
 War, x, 172, 184. 
 
 Winthrop, John, of Pequot, com 
 plains of Uncas, 211, 216 ; to 
 receive Pequots, 222; at Ply 
 mouth, 232. 
 
304 
 
 Index. 
 
 Wife, John, xxii. 
 Witawafh, vifits Bofton, 196. 
 Witches, their reality and office, 
 
 xxi, xxii, xxxiii ; trouble Uncas, 
 
 216, 217. 
 Wittawamat, urges the murder of 
 
 the Englifti, 86; killed by Stand- 
 
 ifh's men, 91-2, 
 Woburn, Indian Troubles, 238. 
 Wohkowpahenitt, figns a Treaty, 
 
 2 33- 
 Wollafton, , Plantation, 103-4. 
 
 Wolves' Heads to be paid by Philip, 
 233; by Takamunna, 234. 
 
 Wonders of the Invifible World, 
 xxiii. 
 
 Woody, Richard, 201. 
 
 Woonafhum See NIMROD. 
 
 Woofpafuck, 265. 
 
 Wowequay See NOWEQUA. 
 
 Wuttakoofeeim, figns a Treaty at 
 Plymouth, 233. 
 
 VANNO See IYANOUGH. 
 
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 SWETT, SAMUEL ; 
 
 TRASK, WILLIAM B. ; 
 
 TRUMBULL, J. HAMMOND, 
 
 TUCK, JOSEPH H. ; 
 
 TUTHILL, WILLIAM H. ; 
 
 WALES, GEORGE W. (Large Paper) ; 
 
 WARDWELL, W. H.; 
 
 WATERMAN, THOMAS ; 
 
 WENTWORTH, JOHN ; 
 
 Yarmouth Port, Mafs. 
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Lift of Subfcribers. 
 
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 WETMORE, SAMUEL ; 
 
 WHEELER, RICHARD A. ; 
 
 WHITMORE, W. H. ; 
 
 WHITNEY, HENRY A.; 
 
 WIGGIN, JOHN K. ; 
 
 WIGGIN, JOHN K. (Large Paper) ; 
 
 WIGGIN CHARLES P. ; 
 
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 WILLIS, WILLIAM ; 
 
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 New York, N. Y. 
 Stonington, Ct. 
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