Ill
 
 AN 
 
 HISTORICAL SURVEY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 FRENCH COLONY 
 
 IN THE 
 
 ISLAND OF ST. DOMINGO; 
 
 COMPREHENDING 
 
 A SHORT ACCOUNT OF ITS ANCIENT GOVERNMENT, 
 
 POLITICAL STATE, POPULATION, 
 
 PRODUCTIONS, AND EXPORTS; 
 
 A NARRATIVE OF THE CALAIMITIES WHICH HAVE DESOLATED 
 THE COUNTRY EVER SINCE THE YEAR 1789, 
 
 triTH SOME REFLECriONS ON TMEIR CAUSES AND 
 PROBABLE CONSERVE NCES; 
 
 AND 
 
 A DETAIL OF THE MILITARY TRANSACTIONS 
 OF THE BRITISH ARMY IN THAT ISLAND TO THE END OF 1794. 
 
 By BRYAN EDIVARDS, Esq. M.P. F.R.S. &c. 
 
 AUTHOR OF THE HISTORY OF THE BRITISH COLONIES IN THE WEST INDIES. 
 
 LONDON! 
 PRIKTED FOR JOHN STOCKDALi, PICCADILLY, 
 
 1797.
 
 A
 
 -t F 
 
 CONTENTS. p^(A 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 nOLlTlCAL State of Saint Domingo, previous to 
 the Year 1789 - - - _ Page j 
 
 CHAP. ir. 
 
 Trom the Revolution of \y^(), to the Meeting of the Firji General 
 Colonial Afetnbly - - - - _ j^ 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Proceedings of the General Colonial Afembly until its fnal Dijfo- 
 lution, and Embarkation of the Members for France, Auguji 
 1790 - - - - - - 25 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Rebellion and Defeat of Oge, a free Man of Colour - 39 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Proceedings in France — Majfacre of Colonel Mauduit m St, Do- 
 mingo — and fatal Decree of the National Affembly of the 1 ^th 
 May 1791 - - • - - 5* 
 
 A 2 CHAP. 
 
 902732
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Confeqiicnccs i?i St. Domingo of the Decree of the i^th of May^ 
 Rebellion of the Negroes in the Northern Province, and Enor- 
 mities cofnmitted by them— Revolt of the Midattoes at Mirebalais 
 —Concordat or 'Truce bctiveen the Inhabitants of Port an Prince 
 and the Men of Colour of the iitb of September — Proclamation 
 by the National AJJembly of the 20th of September - 63 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Of the Motives which induced the People of Colour to join the re- 
 volted Negroes — ConduSl of the Britijl) Ajjhciation for the 
 Abolition of the Slave Trade, and of the Society in Paris called 
 Les Amis des Noirs — Letter from Abbe Gregoire to the People 
 of Colour — Repeal of the Decree of the i^th May ijgi — 
 EffeSls of that Meafure — Civil War with the Midattoes re- 
 newed — Port au Prince dejlroyed by Fire — Cruelties exercifed 
 by both Parties — Arrival at Cape Francois of the Civil Com- 
 mifjioners - - - - - -8i 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Reception and Proceedings of the Civil CommiJJioners, and their 
 Return to France — National Decree of the \th of April 1792 
 — Appointment of a 7iew Governor [Motif. Defparbes) and 
 three other CommiJJioners (Santhanax, Polverel, and Ailhaud) 
 — Their Fmbarkation _ and Arrival, with a feleSt Body of 
 Troops — Their violent Proceedings — Appointment , by the Exe- 
 cutive
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 cut he Council, of M. Galbaiid as Chief Governor , in the Room 
 of Defparbes — His Arrival, and Difputes with the Commif- 
 f oners — Both Parties proceed to Hojlilities — T^he revolted Ne- 
 groes called in to the AJJiJlance of the CominiJJioners — A general 
 MaJJacre of the White Inhabitants, and Conflagration of the 
 Town of Cape Francois - - - - 102 
 
 CHAP. IX, 
 
 Situation, Extent, and general Tiefcription of St. Domingo — Origin 
 of the French Colony, and Topographical Defcription of the fe- 
 deral Provinces into which the French PoJfcJJions were divided 
 — Their Population, and Produce — Shipping and Exports — 
 Compared with the Returns of Jamaica - - 122 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Emigrations — Overtures to the Britip Government accepted—' 
 Situation and Strength of the Republican Party in St. Domingo, 
 and Difpoftion of the Inhabitants — Negro Slaveiy abolifl:ed by 
 the French CommiJJioners — Armament allotted for the Invafon 
 of the Country— r-Surrender of Jeremie and the Mole at Cape 
 St. Nicholas — Unfuccefsful Attempt on Cape Tibiiron — Further 
 Proceedings of the BritiJJ: Army until the Arrival of General 
 Whytc — Capture of Port au Prince - - - 139 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Sicknefs among the Troops, and the Caifes thereof— Reinforcement 
 —Dreadful Mortality — General Whyte isfuccecded by Brigadier 
 
 Geyieral
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 General Horneck—Leogane taken by the Rebels — Temporary 
 Succeffes of Lieutenant -Colonel Brijbane at Artibonke — Re'volt 
 of the Mulattoes at St. Marc— Attack of Fort Bizotton— Pre- 
 parations by Rigaiidfor a fecond Attempt on Tiburon — The Poji 
 attacked on Chrijimas Day, and carried— Gallant Defence and 
 Efcape of the Garrfon, and melancholy Fate of Lieutenant 
 Bajkerville — Lieutenant-Colonels Brijbane and Markham killed 
 — Obfervations and Stri5iures on the Condu5l of the War .161 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 Ancient State of the Spanijli Colony — the Town of St. Domingo 
 eJlabliJJjed by Bartholomew Columbus in 1498 — Pillaged by 
 Drake in 1586 — ConjeSlures and R^efeciions concerning its 
 prefent Condition, and the State of Agriculture in the interior 
 Country — Numbers and CharaSler of the prefent Inhabitants — 
 Their Animofty, towards the French Planters, and fealoufy of 
 the Englijl} — ConjeSlures concerning the future Situation of the 
 whole IJland; and fame co7icluding Reflediions - 177 
 
 Tableau du Commerce et de Finances de la Partie Francoife de St. 
 Domingue - - - - -195 
 
 Additional Tables - - - - 206 
 
 Additional Notes and Illujirations - -. » 213
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 COON after I had publifliecl the Hiftory of the 
 Britifh Colonies in the Weft Indies, I conceived 
 the defign of compiling a general account of the 
 fettlements made by all the nations of Europe in 
 that part of the New Hemifphere, but more parti- 
 cularly the French, whofe poffeflions were undoubt- 
 edly the moft valuable and productive of the whole 
 Archipelago. This idea fuggefted itfelf to my 
 mind, on furveying the materials I had colledled with 
 regard to their principal colony in St. Domingo; 
 not doubting, as the fortune of war had placed 
 under the Britifh dominion all or moft of the other 
 French iftands, that I fhould eafily procure fuch 
 particulars of the condition, population, and culture 
 of each, as would enable me to complete my deftgn, 
 with credit to myfclf, and fatisfidion to the Publick. 
 I an:i forry to obfcrve, that in this expcdation I 
 
 b have
 
 n PREFACE. 
 
 have hitherto found myfelf difappointed. The prc- 
 fent publication therefore, is confined wholly to 
 St. Domingo ; concerning which, having perfonally 
 vifited that unhappy country foon after the revolt 
 of the negroes in 1791, and formed connexions 
 there, which have fupplied me with regular com- 
 munications ever {ince, I poffefs a mafs of evidence, 
 and important documents. My motives for going 
 thither, are of little confequence to the Publick ; but 
 the circumftances which occafioned the voyage, the 
 reception I met with, and the fituation in which 
 I found the wretched Inhabitants, cannot fail of 
 being interefting to the reader; and I fla,tter myfelf 
 that a fhort account of thofe particulars, while it 
 confers fome degree of authenticity on my labours, 
 will not be thought an improper Introdudion to 
 my book. 
 
 In the month of September 1791, when I was at 
 Spanifh Town in Jamaica, two French Gentlemen 
 were introduced to me, who were jufl: arrived from 
 St. Domingo, with information that the negro ilaves 
 belonging to the French part of that ifland, to the 
 number, as was believed, of 100,000 and upwards, 
 
 had
 
 PREFACE. iii 
 
 had revolted, and were fpreading death and defo- 
 lation over the whole of the northern province. 
 Tliey reported that the governor-general, confider ng 
 the fitiiation of the colony as a common canfe among 
 the white inhabitants of all nations in the Weft Indies, 
 had difpatched commiflioners to the neighbouring 
 illands, as well as to the States of North America, 
 to requeft immediate afliftance of troops, arms, 
 ammunition, and provilions ; and that themfelves 
 were deputed on the fame errand to the Government 
 at Jamaica: I was accordingly defired to prefent 
 them to the Earl of Effingham, the commander in 
 chief. Although the difpatches with which thefe 
 gentlemen were furnifhed, were certainly a very fuf- 
 Hcient introdudlion to his lordTnip, I did not he- 
 iitate to comply with their requ ell; and it is fcarce- 
 ly neceflary to obfcrve, that the liberal and enhirged 
 mind which animated every part of Lord Effing- 
 ham's conduct, needed no felicitation, in a cafe of 
 beneficence and humanity. Superior to national 
 prejudice, he felt, as a man and a chriftian ought to 
 feel, for the calamities oi felloist) men', and he faw, 
 in its full extent, the danger to which every ifland 
 in the Weft Indies would be expofed from fuch an 
 
 b 2 example,
 
 iv PREFACE. 
 
 example, if the triumph of flwage anarchy over all 
 order and government ilioiild be complete. He 
 therefore, without hefitation, allured the com- 
 miflioners that they might depend on receiving from 
 the government of Jamaica, every afliftance and 
 fuccour M'hich it was in his power to give. Troops 
 he couid not offer, for he had them not; but he 
 faid he would furniHi arms, ammunition, and pro- 
 vifions, and he promifed to confult with the diftin- 
 guifhed Officer commanding in the naval depart- 
 ment, concerning the propriety of fending up one 
 or more of his Majefty's fhips; the commiiBoners 
 having fuggefted that the appearance in their har- 
 bours of a few vefTels of war might ferve to intimi- 
 date the infurgents, and keep them at a diflance, 
 while the neceffary defences and intrenchments were 
 making, to preferve the city of Cape Francois from 
 an attack. 
 
 Admiral Affleck (as from his known worth, 
 and general charadler might have been expected) very 
 cheerfully co-operated on this occafion with Lord 
 Effingham ; and immediately iffued orders to the 
 captains of the Blonde and Daphne frigates to pro- 
 ceed,
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 ceed, in company with a floop of war, forthwith to 
 Cape Fran9ois. The Centurion was foon afterwards 
 ordered to Port au Prince. The Blonde being com- 
 manded by my amiable and lamented friend Cap- 
 tain William Affleck, who kindly undertook to con- 
 vey the French commiflioners back to St. Domingo, 
 I was eafily perfuaded to accompany them thither; 
 and fome other gentlemen of Jamaica joined the party. 
 
 We arrived in the harbour of Cape Fran9ois in 
 the evening of the 26th of September, and the firft 
 object which arreftcd our attention as we approach- 
 ed, was a dreadful fcene of devaftation by fire. The 
 noble plain adjoining the Cape was covered with 
 aflies, and the furrounding hills, as far as the 
 eye could reach, every where prcfented to us 
 ruins flill fmoking, and houfes and plantations at 
 that moment in flames. It was a fight more ter- 
 rible than the mind of any man, unaccufl;omed to 
 fuch a -fcene, can eafily conceive. — The inhabitants 
 of the town being aflembled on the beach, direded 
 all their attention towards us, and we landed amidfi: 
 a crowd of fpedators who, with uplifted hands and 
 dreaming eyes, gave welcome to their deliverers (for 
 fijch they confidcred us) and acclamations of vhent 
 
 ^ei Angkis refounded from every cjuarter. 
 
 The
 
 VI 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 The governor of St. Domingo, at that time, was 
 the unfortunate General Blanchelande; 2imarechal 
 de camp in the French fervice, who has fince pe- 
 rifhed on the fcaffold. He did us the honour to re- 
 ceive us on the quay. A committee of the colo- 
 nial affembly, accompanied by the governor's only 
 fon, an amiable and accomplifhed youth *, had be- 
 fore attended us on board the Blonde, and we were 
 immediately conduced to the place of their meet- 
 ing. The fcene was ftriking and folemn. The 
 hall was fplendidly illuminated, and all the mem- 
 bers appeared in mourning. Chairs were placed for 
 us within the bar, and the Governor having taken 
 his feat on the right hand of the Prefident, the lat- 
 ter addrefled us in an eloquent and affeding oration, 
 of which the following is as literal a tranflation as 
 the idiom of the two languages will admit : 
 
 " We were not miftaken. Gentlemen, 
 when we placed our confidence in your 
 generoiity; but we could hardly enter- 
 tain the hope, that, befides fending us 
 
 • This young gentleman likewife peri/hed by the guillotine under the tyranny 
 of R'.b. rfpierre. He w,iS mafl'acred at Paris, on the 20th July X794> in the 
 twentieth year of his age. 
 
 1 fuccours,
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 fuccours, you would come in perfon to 
 give us confolation. You have quitted, 
 without reludance, the peaceful enjoy- 
 ment of happinefs at home, to come and. 
 participate in the misfortunes of ftrangers, 
 and blend your tears with our's. Scenes of 
 mifery (the contemplation of which, to 
 thofe who arc unaccuftoraed to misfor- 
 tune, is commonly difgufting) have not 
 fuppreffed your feelings. You have been 
 willing to afcertain the full extent of our 
 diftreffes, and to pour into our wounds 
 the falutary balm of your fenfibility and 
 compaflion. 
 
 *' The piaure which has been dravm 
 of our calamities, you will find has fallen 
 ftiort of the reality. That verdure with 
 which our fields were lately arrayed, is no 
 longer vifible ; difcoloured by the flames, 
 and laid wafte by the devaftations of war, 
 our coafts exhibit no profpecT; but that of 
 defolation. The emblems which we wear 
 on our perfons, are the tokens of our 
 grief for the lofs of our brethren, who 
 
 were 
 
 vii
 
 viii PREFACE. 
 
 were furprifed, and cruelly afraflinated, 
 by the revolters. 
 
 " It is by the glare of the conflagra- 
 tions that every way furround us, that we 
 now deliberate ; we are compelled to fit 
 armed and watchful through the night, 
 to keep the enemy from our fan6luary. 
 For a long time paft our bofoms have 
 been deprefled by forrow; they experience 
 this day, for the firft time, the fweet 
 emotions of pleafure, in beholding you 
 amongft us. 
 
 " Generous iflanders! humanity has 
 operated powerfully on your hearts; — you 
 have yielded to the firft emotion of your 
 generofity, in the hopes of fnatching us 
 from death ; for it is already too late to 
 favc us from mifery. What a contraft 
 between your condud, and that of other 
 nations! We will avail ourfelves of your 
 benevolence ; but the days you preferve 
 to us, will not be fufficient to manifeft 
 
 our
 
 PREFACE. ix 
 
 our gratitude : our children fhall keep it 
 in remembrance. 
 
 *' Regenerated France, unapprized 
 that fuch calamities might befal us, has 
 taken no meafures to proted us againft their 
 effeds : with what admiration will fhe 
 learn, that, without your afllftance, we 
 fhould no longer exift as a dependency to 
 any nation. 
 
 " The Commifiloners deputed by us 
 to the ifland of Jamaica, have informed 
 us of your exertions to ferve us. — Receive 
 the affurance of our attachment and fen- 
 fibility. 
 
 ** The Governor-general of this ifland, 
 whofe fentiments perfe£tly accord with 
 our own, participates equally in the joy we 
 feel at your prefence, and in our gratitude 
 for the afllftance you have brought us." 
 
 At this jundure, the French colonifts in St. Do- 
 mingo, however they might have been divided in 
 
 c political
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 political fentiments on former occafions, feemed to 
 be foftened, by the fenfe of common fuffering, into 
 perfedl unanimity. All defcriptions of perfons 
 joined in one general outcry againfl: the National 
 Affembly, to whofe proceedings were imputed all 
 their difafters. This opinion was indeed fo widely 
 difleminated, and fo deeply rooted, as to create a 
 very ftrong difpofition in all clafTes ot the whites, to 
 renounce their allegiance to the mother country. 
 The black cockade was univerfally fubftituted in 
 place of the tri-coloured one, and very earneft wiflies 
 were avowed in all companies, without fcruple or 
 reftraint, that the Britifh adminiftration would fend 
 an armament to conquer the illand, or rather to re- 
 ceive its voluntary furrender from the inhabitants.. 
 What they wifhed might happen, they perfuaded. 
 themfelves to believe was aftually in contempla- 
 tion; and this idea foon became fo prevalent, as 
 to place the author of this work in an awk- 
 ward fituation. The fanguine difpofition obfervabie- 
 in the French character, has been noticed by all 
 -who have vifited them ; but in this cafe their cre- 
 dulity grew to a height that was extravagant and 
 even ridiculous. By the kindnefs of the Earl of 
 
 Effingham,
 
 PREFACE. xi 
 
 Effincliam, I was favoured with a letter of intrO' 
 ■duel ion to the Governor-general ; and my reception, 
 both by M. Blanchclande and the colonial aflembly, 
 was fuch as not only to excite the publick attention, 
 but alfo to induce a very general belief that no com- 
 mon motive had brought me thither. The fug- 
 gcflions of individuals to this purpofe, became per- 
 plexing and troublefome. Affurances on my part, 
 that I had no views beyond the gratification of cu- 
 rioiity, had no other cffe6l than to call forth com- 
 mendations on my prudence. It was fettled, that I 
 was an agent of the Englifh miniftry, fent purpofely 
 to found the inclinations of the Colonifts towards the 
 government of Great Britain, preparatory to an inva- 
 fion of the country by a Britifh armament; and 
 their wifhes and inclinations co-operating with this 
 idea, gave rife to many ftrange applications which 
 were made to me; fome of them of fo ludicrous a 
 nature, as no powers of face could eafily withfcand. 
 
 This circumftance is not recorded from the vain 
 ambition of fhewing my own importance. The 
 reader of the following pages will difcover its appli- 
 cation; and, perhaps, it may induce him to make fome 
 
 c 2 allowance
 
 *.u 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 allowance for that confident expedation of fure and 
 fpeedy fuccefs, which afterwards led to attempts, by 
 the Britifh arms, againft this ill-fated country, with 
 means that muft otherwife have been thought at the 
 time, — as in the fequel they have unhappily proved, 
 ——altogether inadequate to the objed in view. 
 
 The ravages of the rebellion, during the time 
 that I remained at Cape Francois, extended in all di- 
 rections. The whole of the plain of the Cape, with 
 the exception of one plantation which adjoined the 
 town, was in ruins; as were likewife the Parifh of 
 Limonade, and moft of the fettlements in the moun- 
 tains adjacent. The Parifh of Limbe was every where 
 on fire; and before my departure, the rebels had. 
 obtained poffeffion of the bay and forts at I'Acul, as 
 well as the diftridls of Fort Dauphin, Dondon, and 
 La Grande Riviere. 
 
 Destruction every where marked their progrefs,, 
 and refiftance fecmed to be confidered by the whites 
 not only as unavailing in the prefent conjundlure,. 
 but as hopelefs in future. To fill up the meafure 
 
 of
 
 PREFACE. xiil 
 
 of their calamities, their Spanifh neighbours in the 
 fame illand, with a fpirit of bigotry and hatred 
 which is, I believe, without an example in the 
 world, rcfufed. to lend any affiftance towards fup- 
 prefling a revolt, in the ilTue of which common rea- 
 fbn fhould have informed them, that their own pre- 
 fervation was implicated, equally with that of the 
 French. They were even accufed not only of fupply- 
 ixig the rebels with arms and provifionSy but alfo of 
 delivering up to them to be murdered, many un- 
 happy French planters who had fled for refuge to the 
 Spanifh territories, and receiving money from the 
 rebels as the price of their blood. Of thefe latter 
 charges, however, no proof was, I believe, ever pro- 
 duced ; and, for the honour of human nature, I 
 am unwilling to believe that they are true. 
 
 To myfelf, the cafe appeared altogether defperate 
 from the beginning ; and many of the moft refpedt- 
 able and beft informed perfons in Cape Francois 
 (fome of them in high ftations) alfured me,, in con- 
 fidence, that they concurred in this opinion. The 
 merchants and importers of European manufaduresj 
 apprehending every hour the deftrudlion of the town.
 
 XIV 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 tis much from incendiaries within, as from the rebels 
 without, offered their goods for ready moiTey at half 
 the ufiial prices; and appHcations were made to Cap- 
 tain Affleck, by perfons of all defcriptions, for per- 
 niifTion to embark in the Blonde for Jamaica. The 
 interpofition of the colonial government obliged him 
 to rejedl their folicitations ; but means were con- 
 trived to fend on board confignments of money to a 
 great amount ; and I know that other conveyances 
 were found, by which effeds to a ccnfiderable value 
 were exported both to Jamaica, and the ftates of 
 North America. 
 
 Under thcfe circumftances, it very naturally oc- 
 curred to me to diredH: my enquiries towards the ftate 
 of the colony previous to the revolt, and collect 
 authentick information on the fpot, concerning the 
 primary caufe, and fubfcquent progrefs, of the widely 
 extended ruin before me. Strongly imprelTed with 
 the gloomy idea, that the only memorial of this once 
 flourifhing colony would foon be found in the re- 
 cords of hiftory, I was defirous that my own coun- 
 try and fellow-colonifts, in lamenting its cataftrophe, 
 might at the fame time profit by fo terrible an 
 
 example.
 
 PREFACE, XY 
 
 example. My means of information were too va- 
 luable to be negleded, and 1 determined to avail 
 myfelf of them. The Governor-general fiirnifhed 
 me with copies of ail the papers and details of 
 office that I folicited, with a politenefs that aug- 
 mented the favour. The fate of this unhappy 
 gentleman^ two years afterwards, gave me infinite 
 concern. Like his royal mafter, he was unfortu- 
 nately called to a flation to which his abilities 
 were not competent ; and in times when perhaps ik> 
 abilities would have availed him^ 
 
 The President of the colonial afiembly, at the 
 time of my arrival, w^as M. de Caducfli, who fome 
 time afterwards took up his refidencc, and held an 
 important office, in Jamaica. He was a man of very^ 
 diftinguifhed talents, and withal ftrongly and fin- 
 cerely attached to the Britiffi government, of which, 
 if it were proper, I could iurnirn unqueflionable 
 proof*. This gentleman drew up, at my rcqucft, 
 a flicrt account of the origin, and progrefs of the re- 
 
 * He afterwards accompanied General Williamfon back to St. Domingo,, and' 
 was killjd (cr, as I have heard, bafcly murdered) in a dud'at I'ort au I^rince, by one. 
 of liis Gouiitryrncn. 
 
 bdlion.j.
 
 XVI 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 bellion ; and after my return to England, favoured 
 me with his correfpondence. Many important fads, 
 which are given in tliis work, are given on his au- 
 thority. 
 
 To M. Delaire, a merchant of conlideration 
 in the town of the Cape, who has fince remov- 
 ed, I believe, to the ftate of South Carolina, 1 was 
 indebted for a limilar narrative, drawn up by himfelf 
 in the Englifh language, of which he is a very com- 
 petent mafter. It is brief, but much to the purpofe; 
 difplays an intimate knowledge of the concerns of 
 the colony, and traces, with great acutenefs, its dif- 
 afters to their fource. 
 
 But the friend from whofe fuperior knowledge I 
 have derived my chief information in all refpefts, is 
 the gentleman alluded to in the marginal note to 
 p. 1 1 2 of the following flieets ; and I fincerely re- 
 gret, that ill-fortune has fo purfued him as to render 
 it improper in this work to cxprefs to him, by name^ 
 the obligations I owe to his kindnefs. After a nar- 
 row efcape from the vengeance of thofe mercilefs 
 men, Santhonax and Polverel, he was induced to re- 
 « turn
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 turn to St. Domingo, to look after his property ; and, 
 I grieve to fay, that he is again fallen into the hands of 
 his enemies. He found means, however, previous to 
 his prcfent confinement, toconvey*Co me many valua- 
 ble papers; and, among others, a copy of that moft 
 curious and important document, the dying depofi- 
 tion or teftament of Oge, mentioned in the fourth 
 chapter, and printed at large among the additional 
 notes and illuftrations at the end of my work. Of 
 this paper (the communication of v^hich, in proper 
 time, would have prevented the dreadful fcenes that 
 followed) although I had frequently heard, I had 
 long doubted the exiftence. Its fuppreffion by the 
 perfons to whom it was delivered by the wretched 
 fufFerer, appeared to be an a6l of fuch monftrous and 
 unexampled wickednefs, that, until I faw the paper 
 itfelf, I could not credit the charge. Whether M. 
 Blanchelande was a party concerned in this atrocious 
 proceeding, as my friend aflerts, I know not. If he 
 was guilty, he has juftly paid the forfeit of his 
 crime ; and although, believing him innocent, I 
 mourned over his imtimely fate, I fcruplc not to 
 avow my opinion, that if he had poffeffed a thoufand 
 livps, the lofs of them all had not been a fufficient 
 
 d atonement, 
 
 XV u
 
 xviii PREFACE. 
 
 atonement, in {o enormous a cafcj to violated juP 
 tice ! 
 
 Such were the motives that induced me to under- 
 take this Hiftorical Survey of the French part of St- 
 Domingo, and fuch are the authorities from whence 
 I have derived my information concerning thofe ca- 
 lamitous events which have brought it to ruin. Yet 
 I- will frankly confefs, that, if I have any credit with 
 the publick as an author, I am not fure this work will 
 add to my reputation. Every writer muft rife or 
 iinkj in fome degree, with the nature of his fubjed: ; 
 and on this occafion, the picture which I fhall exhi- 
 bit, has nothing in it to delight the fancy, or to glad- 
 den the heart. The profpecls before us are all dark 
 and difmal. Here is no room for tracing the beau- 
 ties of unfuliied nature. Thofe groves of perennial', 
 verdure; thofe magnificent and romaiitick land- 
 fcapes, which, in tropical regions, every where in- 
 vite the eye, and oftentimes detain it, until wonder 
 is exalted to devotion, muft now give place to the 
 miferies of war, and the horrors of peftilenee; to 
 fcenes of anarchy, defolation, and carnage. We 
 have to contemplate the human mind in its utmoft 
 * deformity -
 
 P R E F A C Ec xix 
 
 deformity : to behold favage man, let loofe from re- 
 ftraint, excrciiing cruelties, of which the bare recitai 
 makes the licart recoil, and committing crimes which 
 are hitherto unheard of in hiftory^ teeming 
 
 ■ ■ ■■- all monftrous, all prodigious things. 
 
 Abominable, unutterable, and worfe 
 
 Than fdbles yet liave leign'd, or fear conceiv'dl 
 
 Milton. 
 
 All therefore tliat I can hope and expecl is, that 
 iwy narrative^ if it cannot delight, may at leaft vi" 
 jiruEi, On the fober and confiderate, on thofe 
 who are open to conviction, this afTemblage of 
 honors will have its effe<?c. It v/ill expofe the 
 lamentable ignorance of fome, and the monftrous 
 wickednefs of others, among the reformers of the 
 prefent day, who, urging onwards fchemes of per- 
 fedion, and projeds of amendment in the condition 
 of human life, fafter than nature allows, are lighting 
 "up a confuming fire between the different clafles of 
 mankind, which nothing but human blood can ex- 
 tinguifli. To tell fuch men that great and beneficial 
 modifications in the eftablifhed orders of focicty, cari 
 only be effeded by a progreflive improvement in the 
 
 d 2 fituation
 
 x^ PREFACE. 
 
 fituation of the lower ranks of the people, is to preach 
 to the winds. In their hands reformation, with 
 a fey the more deftruftiv^e than that of time, mows 
 down every thing, and plants nothing. Moderation 
 and caution they coniider as rank cowardice. Force 
 and violence are the ready, and, in their opinion, the 
 only proper application for the cure of early and 
 habitual prejudice. Their pradlice, like that of 
 other mountebanks, is bold and compendious j their 
 motto is, cure or kill. 
 
 These refledlions neceflarily arife from the circum- 
 ftance which is incontrovertibly proved in the follow- 
 ing pages, namely, that the rebellion of the negroes in 
 St. Domingo, and the infurrcdlion of the mulattoes, 
 to whom Oge was fent as ambaflador, had one and 
 the fame origin. It was not the ftrong and irrc- 
 fiftible impulfe of human nature, groaning under 
 oppreilion, that excited either of thofe claffes to 
 plunge their daggers into the bofoms of unoffending 
 women and helplefs infants. They were driven into 
 thofe exceffes — reludantly driven — by the vile 
 machinations of men calling themfelves philofophers 
 (the profelytes and imitators in' France, of the. Old / 
 
 * Jewry
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 j€wry affociates in London) whofe pretences to phi- 
 lanthropy were as grofs a mockery of human reafon, 
 as their condudl was an outrage on all the feelings 
 of our nature,, and the ties which hold focicty toge- 
 ther!. 
 
 It is indeed true, that negro-rebellions have here- 
 tofore arifen in this and other iflands of the Wefl In- 
 dies, to which no fuch exciting caufes contributed :- — 
 but it is equally certain, that thofe rebellions always 
 originated among the newly- imported negroes only; 
 many of whom had probably lived in a ftate of free- 
 dom in Africa, and had been fraudulently, or ior^ 
 cibly, fold into (lavery by their chiefs. That cafes 
 of this kind do fometimes occur in the flave trade, I 
 dare not difpute, and I admit that revolt and infur^ 
 rcdtion are their natural confequences. 
 
 But, in St. Domingo, a very confiderable part of 
 the infurgents were- — not Africans, but — Creoles, or 
 natives. Some of the leaders were favoured domef-- 
 ticks among the white inhabitants, born and brought 
 up in their families. A few of them had even re- 
 ceived thofc advantages, the perverfion of which, 
 
 under. 
 
 XXI
 
 xxii PREFACE. 
 
 under their philofophical preceptors, ferved only to 
 render them pre-eminent in mifchicf ; for having 
 been taught to read, thby were led to imbibe, and 
 enabled to promulgate, thofe principles and doftrines 
 which led, and always will lead, to the fubverfion 
 of all government and order. 
 
 Let me not be imderftood, however, as affirming 
 that nothing is to be attributed on this occafion to the 
 ilave-trade. I fcorn to have recourfe to concealment 
 or falfhocd. Unqucftionably, the v^aft annual im- 
 portations of enflaved Africans into St. Domingo, for 
 many years previous to 1791, had created a black 
 population in the French part of that illand, which 
 was, beyond all meafure, difproportionate to the 
 white ; — 'the relative numbers of the two clafles being 
 as fixteen to one. Of this circumftance the leaders 
 of the rebels could not be unobfervant, and they 
 doubtlefs derived encouraorement and confidence 
 from it. Here too, I admit, is a warning and an 
 admonition to ourfelves. The inference has not 
 efcaped me : — it conftitutes my parting words with 
 the reader, and I hope they arc not urged in 
 
 vain. 
 
 Having
 
 PREFACE. xxiii 
 
 Having thus pointed out the motives vi^hich in- 
 duced me to write the following narrative ; the 
 fources from whence my materials are derived, and 
 the purpofes which I hope will be anfwered by the 
 publication ; nothing farther remains but to fubmic 
 the work itfelf to the judgment of my readers, 
 which I do with a refpedful folicitude:- 
 
 LONDON, 
 
 December f 1796..
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 Fage 3, line 4, for its, read the. 
 
 4, note (a) for ordonateur, read ordonnateur, 
 
 5, line 16, for 52, xtzA fifty-one. 
 
 10, line 8, from the bottom : dele the words enJlavedNegi-6es, and place them 
 
 in the margin. The paflage, as it now ftands, is wholly unintelligible. 
 
 1 1, line I, for attending thisy read attending it. 
 13, laft line but one : read the chief aim. 
 
 20, line 2, for in the metropolis, read 0/ the metropolis, 
 
 24, line 4, for in exclujlon, read to the exclufion. 
 
 49, laft line ; far Machiavilian, read Machiavelian. 
 
 86, line i, for apprized, read believing. ~ 
 
 109, line 2, for eight, readyJx. 
 
 •——line 9, after governor, infert accompanied by a fleet of thirty tranfports. 
 132, line 10, ior fourteen, re:id fxteen. 
 
 135, line 5, from the bottom : after the word freighted, infert for Europe. 
 152, line I, inftead of the whole of that extenfive bay, read the windivard 
 paf[age, and the whole of that extenfive bay.
 
 A SHORT 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 French Colony in St. Domingo, &c. 
 
 c H A p. I. 
 
 Political State o/" St. Domingo previous to the Tear 1789. 
 
 TH E inhabitants of the French part of St. Domingo, 
 as of all the Weft Indian Iflands, were compofed of 
 three great clafles : ifl:, pure whites. 2d, people of 
 colour, and blacks of free condition. 3d, negroes in a ftate of ^ "^'■^' 
 llavery. The reader is apprifed that the clafs which, by a 
 ftrange abufe of language, is called people of colour, originates 
 from an intermixture of tha whites and the blacks. The 
 genuine offspring of a pure white with a negro is called a 
 mulatto; but there are various cafts, produced by fubfe- 
 quent connexions, fome of which draw near to the whites, 
 until all vifible diftinflion between them is loft ; whilft others 
 fall retrograde to the blacks. All thefe were known in St. 
 Domingo by the term fang-tnelees, or gens de couleur, (in com- 
 
 B mon
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 mon parlance they are colledively called mulattoes) and it niuft- 
 be attributed, I prelume, to the greater difcountenance which 
 the married flate receives from the national manners, that in 
 all the French iflands thefe people abound in far greater pro- 
 portion to the whites than in thofe of Great Britain. In 
 Jamaica, the whites out-number the people of colour as three 
 to one. In St. Domingo, the whites were eftimated at 30,000, 
 the mulattoes at 24,000, of whom 4,700 were men capable of 
 bearing arms, and accordingly, as a diftind: people, actuated by 
 , an efprit de corps, they were very formidable. Of the policy 
 which it was thought neceffary in St. Domingo to maintain 
 towards this unfortunate race, I lliall prefently treat ; but it 
 feems proper, in the firll place, to give fome account of the 
 fubordination in which, before the revolution of 1789, the 
 pareat country thought fit to hold the colony at large. 
 
 The government was exercifed by a Governor General, and 
 an officer called Intendant, both of whom were nominated by 
 the crown, on the recommendation of the minister of the marine, 
 and generally confidered as eftabliflied in their refpedive offices 
 for three years. Their powers, in fome cafes, were adminiflered 
 jointly ; in others, they poffefled feparate and diftin<ft authority, 
 which each of them exercifed without the concurrence or par- 
 ticipation of the other. 
 
 In their joint adminlftration their powers were unlimited; 
 comprehending every part of colonial government, and extend- 
 ing even to detail, in the minuteft branches of finance and 
 police. They enaded the laws, nominated to all vacant offices, 
 
 and
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 
 
 9nd diftrlbutcd the crown lands as they thought proper. They 
 refpedively prcfidcd at the fame time in each of the fupreme 
 councils, or courts of juftice in the dernier refort j and as 
 vacancies happened in thofe courts, by the death or removal of its 
 members, they filled up the vacant places. Againft the abufe 
 of powers, thus extravagant and unbounded, the people had no 
 certain protcdlion. Fortunately, it was rare that the governor 
 and intendant agreed in opinion on the exercife of their joint 
 authority, which therefore became neceflarily relaxed j and the 
 inhabitants derived fome degree of fecurity from the difputes 
 and dillenfions of the contending parties. In all fuch cafes, 
 however, the greateft weight of authority fell to the fhare 
 of the governor. He was, in truth, an abfolute prince, 
 whofe will, generally fpeaking, conflituted law. He was 
 authorized to imprifon any perfon in the colony, for caufes of 
 which he alone was the judge ; and having at the fame time 
 the fupreme command of both the naval and inilitary force, he 
 had the means of exercifing this power whenever he thought 
 proper. On the other hand, no arreft, by any other authority, 
 was valid without the governor's approbation. Thus he had 
 power to flop the courfe of juftice, and to hold the courts 
 of civil and criminal jurifdidtion in a flaviHi dependance on 
 himfelf. 
 
 The peculiar province of the intendant was that of regulat- 
 ing the publick revenues, or adminiftering the finances of the 
 colony. The colleftors and receivers of all duties and taxes 
 were fubjedl to his infpedion and controul. He pafTed or 
 rejected their accounts, and made them fuch allovv^ances as he 
 
 B 2 alone
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 alone thought proper. The application of all the publick 
 monies refled entirely with the intendant j — a province which 
 created fuch temptation to himfelf as no virtue could refift, and 
 furnidied fuch means of corruption, as overcame all oppofition 
 from others (aj. 
 
 For the better adminiftration of juftice, and the eafier col- 
 ledlion of the revenues, the colony was divided into three 
 provinces ; which werediftinguifhed, from their relative fituation, 
 by the names of the Northern, the Weftern and Southern. In 
 each of thefe provinces refided a deputy governor, or commander 
 en fecond, and in each were eftablifhed fubordinate courts of 
 jullice, both civil and criminal; from whofe determination 
 appeals were allowed to the fuperior councils, of which there 
 were two; one at Cape Francois for the Northern province, 
 the other at Port au Prince for the Weflern and Southern. 
 They were compofed of the governor-general, the intendant, 
 the deputy governors, the king's lieutenants fbj, a prefident, 
 
 (a) The taxes and duties were laid and modified, as occafion required, by a 
 court compofed of the governor general, the intendant, the prefidents of the 
 provincial councils, the attorney general, the commiflioner of the navy (ordonateur) 
 and the feveral commandants of the militia. This court v/as dignified by the 
 title of the Colonial AJfembly-, although the colonifts had not a fingle delegate in it. 
 
 {b) Thefe king's lieutenants were military officers refiding in the feveral towns, 
 commonly with the rank of colonel. There were alfo in each town majors and 
 aides-major. All thefe officers were wholly independent of the civil power, and 
 owned no fuperior but the governor-general, who could difmifs them at pleafure. 
 It may be proper to obferve too that the counfellors held their feats by a very un- 
 certain tenure. One of the governors (the Prince de Rohan) fcnt the whole 
 number ftate prifoners to France. They were feized on their feats of juftice, and 
 put on board a fhip in irons, and in that condition conveyed to Paris, and fhut up 
 tor a long tim^ in the Baftile, without trial- or hearing, 
 
 and
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 
 
 and twelve counfellors, four ajfejfeurs, or atTiftant judges, to- 
 gether with the attorney general and regifter. In thefe councils, 
 or courts of fupreme jurifdicfliGn, as in the parliaments of France, 
 the king's edifts, and thofe of the governor and intendant, were 
 regiflercd. Seven members conftitated a quorum for the hear- 
 ing of appeal caufes ; but a hint from the governor-general was 
 always fufficient to render much inveftigation unnccefiary : and 
 it is affcrted (with what truth I pretend not to determine) that, 
 bcfides their llavifli dependance on the executive power, the 
 members of thefe courts were notorioufly and fhamefully open 
 to corruption and bribery. An appeal however lay to the king-, 
 in the lafl; refort ; and candour compels me to obferve that, 
 on fuch appeals, fubftantial juftice was generally obtained (cj. 
 
 The number of the king's troops on the colonial eftablifh- 
 ment was commonly from 2 to 3,000 men ; and each of the 
 52 pari flies into which the colony was divided raifed one or 
 more companies of white militia, a company of mulattoes, and 
 a company of free blacks. The officers, both of the^egular 
 troops and the militia, were commiflioned provifionally by the 
 governor-general, fubjeft to the king's approbation ; but the 
 militia received no pay of any kind. 
 
 From this recapitulation, it is evident that the peace and 
 happinefs of the people of St. Domingo depended very much on 
 
 (c) In the year 1787 thefe two fupciior councils were confolidated into one, 
 which held its meetings at Port au Prince, this city being the feat of government in 
 time of peace. In the event of a war, the governor-general removed to Cape 
 Fran9oi«. The true, though not the oftenfible, rcafon for this jundion of the 
 council boards, was an idea that a fnigle board would be found more tradable in the 
 rcgiftry of cdiits and grdinances than two fep.iratc jurifdidions. 
 
 the
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 the perfonal qualities and native difpodtion of the governor- 
 general, who was always feleded from the arm}'. At the fiime 
 time it muft be honeftly admitted, that the liberality and mild- 
 nefs, which of late years have dignified and foftened the mili- 
 tary character among all the nations of Europe, had a powerful 
 influence in the adminiftratlon of the government in the French 
 colonies. It muft be allowed alfo, that the manifeft importance 
 to which, as mankind become diverted of ancient prejudices, 
 the commercial part of the community, even among the French, 
 has imperceptibly rifen, infured to the wealthy and opulent 
 planters a degree of refpeifl from perfons in power, which, in 
 former times, attached only to noble birth and powerful con- 
 nexions ; while the lower orders among the whites derived 
 the fame advantage from that unconquerable diftindion which 
 nature herfelf has legibly drawn between the white and black 
 inhabitants} and from their vifible importance, in a country 
 where, from the difproportion of the whites to the blacks, the 
 common fafety of the former clafs depends altogether on their 
 united exertions. 
 
 To contend, as fome philofophers have idly contended, that 
 no natural fuperiority can juftly belong to any one race of peo- 
 ple over another, to Europeans over Africans, merely from a 
 difference of colour, is to wafte words to no purpofe, and to 
 combat with air. Among the inhabitants of every ifland in the 
 Weft Indies, it is the colour, with fome few exceptions, that 
 diftinguifhes freedom from flavery : fo long therefore as free- 
 dom fhall be enjoyed exclufively by one race of people, and 
 flavery be the condition of another, contempt and degradation 
 X wiM
 
 ST. DOMING O. 
 
 vtill attacli to the colour by which that condition is generally 
 recognized, and Ibllow it, in Ibme degree, through all its varieties 
 and affinities. We may trace a Umilar prejudice among the 
 moft liberal and enlightened nations of Europe. Although no- 
 thing furely ought to refled: greater luftre on any man than the 
 circuniftance of his having rifen by induftry and virtue above 
 the difadvantages of mean birth and indigent parentage, there 
 are, nevertheljfs, but few perfons in the world who delight to 
 be reminded of this fpecies of merit. There is a confcioufnefs 
 of fomething difgraceful in the recoUedion j and it feems there- 
 fore reafonabJe to conclude, that if nature had made the fame, 
 diftindtion in this cafe as in the other, and flamped, by an inde- 
 lible mark, the condition and parentage on the forehead, the 
 fame, or nearly the fame, efifedl would have refulted from it, as 
 refults from the difference of colour in the Weft Indies. I 
 mean however only to account for in fome degree, not to de- 
 fend, the conduft of the whites of St. Domingo towards the 
 coloured people ; whofe condition was in truth much worfe. 
 than that of the fame clafs in the Britifli colonies, and not to 
 be juflified on any principle of example or reafon. 
 
 In many refpedls their fituation was even more degrading and Free Mu- 
 wretched than that of the enflaved negroes in any part of the ^"°^^' 
 Weft Indies -, all of whom have maftcrs that are interefted in 
 their prelervation, and many of whom find in thofe mafters 
 powerful friends and vigilant protedors. Although rcleafed 
 from the dominion of individuals, yet the free men of colour in 
 all the French iOands were ftill confidered as the property of 
 the pubiick, and as publick property they were obnoxious to 
 
 the
 
 8 HISTORYOF 
 
 the caprice and tyranny of all thofe whom the accident of birth 
 had placed above them. By the colonial governments they 
 were treated as flaves in the flridleft fenfe -, compelled, on at- 
 taining the age of manhood, to ferve three years in a military 
 eftabliihment called the marecbaujfee (e), and on the expiration 
 of that term they were fubjedl, great part of the year, to the 
 burthen of the corvees ; — a fpecies of labour allotted for the repair 
 of the highways, of which the hardships were infupportable. 
 They were compelled moreover to ferve in the militia of the 
 province or quarter to which they belonged, without pay or al- 
 lowance of any kind, and in the horfe or foot, at the pleafure 
 of the commanding officer ; and obliged alfo to fupply them- 
 felves, at their own expence, with arms, ammunition, and accou- 
 trements. Their days of mufter were frequent, and the rigour 
 with which the King's lieutenants, majors, and aides-major, en- 
 forced their authority on thofe occafions over thefe people, had 
 degenerated into the bafefl tyranny. 
 
 They were forbidden to hold any publick office, truft, or 
 employment, however infignificant ; they were not even allowed 
 to exercife any of thofe profeffions, to which fome fort of liberal 
 education is fuppofed to be necelTary. All the naval and mili- 
 tary departments, all degrees in law, phyfick, and divinity, were 
 appropriated exclufively by the whites. A mulatto could not 
 
 (e) It confifted of certain companies of infantry, which were chiefly employed 
 as rangers in clearing the woods of niaroft or runaway flaves. This efta- 
 blifhment was afterwards very prudently diflblved, and the companies difbanded ; 
 it appearing that the mulattoes acquired, by communication with each other, a fenfe 
 of common intereft and of common ftrength, which was beginning to render them 
 formidable to their employers. 
 
 be
 
 ST. DO U I i\' G 0. 
 
 be a prlcft, nor a lawyer, nor a phyfician, nor a furgeon, nor 
 an apothecary, nor a fchoolmaller. Neither did the diftindion 
 of colour terminate, as in the Britifli Wert: Indies, with the third 
 generation. There was no lav/, nor cuflom, that allowed the 
 privileges of a white perlbn to any defcendant from an African, 
 however remote the origin. The taint in the blood was incur- 
 able, and fpread to the latefl pofterity. Hence no white man, 
 who had the fmallert; pretenfions to charadier, would ever think 
 of marriage with a negro or mulatto woman : fuch a flep 
 would immediately have terminated in liis difgrace and ruin. 
 
 Under the preflure of thcfe accumulated grievances, hope 
 atfelf, too frequently the only folace of the wretched, was de- 
 nied to thefe unfortunate people ;. for the courts of criminal 
 jurifdicTlion, adopting the popular prejudices againll them, gave 
 ■effedl and permanency to the fyn;em. A man of colour being 
 profecutor (a circumftance in truth which feldom occurred) 
 muft have made out a flrong cafe indeed, if at any time he ob- 
 tained the convidion of a white perfon. On the other hand, 
 the whites never failed to procure prompt and fpeedy juftice 
 againft the mulattoes. To mark more ftrongly the diftindlion 
 between the two clafTes, the law declared that if a free man of 
 colour prefumed to ftrike a white perfon of whatever condition, 
 his right hand fliould be cut off i while a white man, for a 
 fimilar affault on a free mulatto, was difmified on the payment 
 (Of an infignificant fine. 
 
 In extenuation of this horrible detail, it may be faid with 
 truth that the manners of the white inhabitants foftened, in 
 
 C fome
 
 lo HISTORYOF 
 
 fome meafure, the feverity of their laws : thus, in the cafe laff 
 mentioned, the univerfal abhorrence which would have attended 
 an enforcement of the penalty, made the law a dead letter. It 
 was the fame with the Roman law of the Twelve Tables, by which' 
 a father was allowed to inflid the punirtiment of death on his- 
 own child : — manners, not law, prevented the exertion of a 
 power fo unnatural and odious. 
 
 But the circumftance which contributed moft to afforcJ the 
 coloured people of St. Domingo protedlion, was the privilege 
 they pofleifed of acquiring and holding property to any amount. 
 Several of them were the owners of confiderable eftates; and fo 
 prevalent was the influence of money throughout the colony, that 
 many of the great officers in the adminiftration of government 
 fcrupled not fecretly to become their penfioners. Such of the 
 coloured people therefore as had happily the means of gratifying 
 the venality of their fuperiors, were fecure enough in their per- 
 fonsj although the fame circumftance made them more pointedly 
 the objefts of hatred and envy to the lower orders of the 
 whites. 
 
 The next enflaved negroes, and loweft, clafs of people in the 
 French iflands were the negroes in a flate of flavery ; of whom, in 
 the year 1789, St. Domingo contained no lefs than 480,000. It 
 was in favour of this clafs that Louis XIV. in the year 1 685, pub- 
 lifhed the celebrated edidl, or code of regulations, which is well 
 known to the world under the title of the Code Noir ; and it muft 
 be allowed, that many of its provifions breathe a fpirit of tender- 
 nefs and philanthropy which refleds honour on the memory of its 
 6 author j
 
 ST. D O M 1 N G O. n 
 
 author ; — bat there is this misfortune attending this, and muil: at- 
 tend all other fyftems of the fame nature, that moft of its regu- 
 lations are inapplicable to the condition and fituation of the 
 colonies in America. In countries where flavery is eflabliflied, 
 the leading principle on which government is fupported, is fear ; 
 or a fenfe of that abfolute coercive neceffity, which, leaving no 
 choice of adlion, fuperfedes all queftlon oi right. It is in vain 
 to deny that fuch actually is, and neceflarily muft be, the cafe in 
 all countries where flavery is allowed. Every endeavour there- 
 fore to extend pofitive rights to men in this ftate, as between one 
 clafs of people and the other, is an attempt to reconcile inherent 
 contradidlions, and to blend principles together which admit not 
 of combination. The great and, I am afraid, the only certain 
 and permanent fecurity of the enflaved negroes, is the fhrong cir- 
 cumftance that the interefl of the mafter is blended with, and in 
 truth, altogether depends on, the prefervation, and even on the 
 health, flrength, and adlivity, of the flave. This applies equally 
 to all the European colonies in America; and accordingly the 
 adlual condition of the negroes in all thofe colonics, to whatever 
 nation they belong, is I believe nearly the fame. Of that con- 
 dition I have given an account in another place /^y : I have there- 
 fore only to obferve in this, that in all the French iflands the ge- 
 neral treatment of the flaves is neither much better nor much 
 worfe, as far as I could obferve, than in thofe of Great Britain. 
 If any difference there is, I think that they are better clothed 
 among the French, and allov/ed more animal food among the 
 En^lifh. The prevalent notion that the French planters treat 
 
 If) Hift. Civi] and Commercial of the Britifli Colonies. 
 
 C 2 their
 
 12 H I S T O R Y O F 
 
 their negroes with greater humanity and tendernefs than the 
 Britidi, I know to be groundlefs ; yet no candid perfon, who has 
 had an opportunity of feeing the negroes in the French iflands, 
 and of contrafling their condition with that of the peafantry in 
 many parts of Europe, will think them, by any mean?, the mofc 
 wretched of mankind. 
 
 On the whole, if human life, in its beft ftate, is a combi- 
 nation of happinefs and mifery, and we are to confider that con- 
 dition of political fociety as relatively good, in which, notwith- 
 ftanding many difadvantages, the lower clafTes are eafily fupplied 
 with the means of healthy fubfiftence ; and a general air of 
 cheerful contentednefs animates all ranks of people, — where we 
 behold opulent towns, plentiful markets, extenfive commerce, 
 and increafing cultivation — it muft be pronounced that the go- 
 vernment of the French part of St. Domingo (to whatever 
 latent caufes it might be owing) was not altogether fo pradli- 
 cally bad, as fome of the circumftances that have been ftated 
 might give room to imagine. With all the abufes arifing from 
 the licentioufnefs of power, the corruption of manners, and th^ 
 fyftem of flavery, the fcale evidently preponderated on the fa- 
 vourable fide- and, in fpite of political evils and private griev- 
 ances, the fignsofpublick profperity were every where vifible.. 
 
 Such were the condition and fituatlon of the French colony ia 
 St. Domingo in the year 1788 — an eventful period; for the feeds 
 of liberty which, ever fince the war between Great Britain and 
 her tranfatlantick pofleffions, had taken root in the kingdom of 
 France, now began to fpring up with a rank luxuriancy in all 
 
 part&
 
 i 
 
 V CHAP. 
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. ij 
 
 parts of her extenfive dominions j and a thoufand circumflances 
 demonftrated that great and important changes and convullions 
 were impending. The necellity of a fober and well-digefled 
 arrangement for correcting inveterate abufes, both in the mother 
 country and the colonies, was indeed apparent; but, unhappily, a 
 fpirit of fiibverfion and innovation, founded on vifionary fyftems 
 inapplicable to real life, had taken pofleffion of the publick mind. 
 Its efFedts in St. Domingo are written in colours too lafting to be 
 obliterated; for the pride of power, the rage of reformation, the 
 contentions of party, and the conflift of oppofing interefts and 
 paffions, produced a tempeft that fwept every thing before it. 
 
 To trace thofe efre(5ls to their proper caufes, to develop the 
 atrocious purpofes of pretended philanthropy, political fanati- 
 cifm, and difappointed ambition ; and to defcribe the vafl: and 
 lamentable ruin which they occafioned, thereby to furnifli a 
 profitable leflbn to other nations, is the aim of the following, 
 pages.
 
 14 H I S T O R \' O F 
 
 CHAP. IL 
 
 From the Revoluiion of lySg, to the Meeting of the Firji General 
 
 Colonial j/ijfembly.. 
 
 ON the 27th of December 1788, the court of France came 
 to the memorable determination to fummon the States 
 General of the kingdom; and refolved that the reprefentation of 
 the tiers etat (or commons) fliould be equal to the fum of the 
 reprefentation of the other two orders. 
 
 This meafure, as might have been forefeen, proved the bafis of 
 the great national revolution that followed ; and it operated with 
 4mmediate and decifive effedl in all the French colonies. The go- 
 vernor of the French part of St. Domingo at that period was 
 Monf. Duchilleau, a man who was fuppofed fecretly to favour 
 the popular pretenfions. He was allowed thtrefore to continue 
 unmolefled in the feat of government ; but the fceptre dropped 
 from his hand ; for when he attempted to prevent the parochial 
 and provincial meetings, which were every where fummoned, from 
 aflembling, his proclamations were treated with indignity and 
 contempt : the meetings were held in fpite of the governor, and 
 refolutions pafTed declaratory of the right of the colonifts to fend 
 deputies to the States General. Deputies were accordingly 
 
 elected
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. IS 
 
 ele(5led for that purpofe, to the number of eighteen (fix for each 
 province) who forthwith, without any authority cither from the 
 French minillry or the colonial government, embarked for 
 France, as the legal reprefentatives of a great and integral part of 
 the French empire. 
 
 They arrived at Verfailles the latter end of June, about a 1789. 
 month after the States General had declared themfelves the na- 
 tional affeaibly. But neither the minifter nor the national 
 aflembly were difpofed to admit the full extent of their claims. 
 The number of eighteen deputies from one colony was thought 
 exceffive ; and it was with fome difficulty that fix of them only 
 were admitted to verify their powers, and feat themfelves among 
 the national reprefentatives. 
 
 There prevailed at this time throughout the cities of France, 
 a very ftrongand marked prejudice againft the inhabitants of the 
 Sugar Iflands, on account of the flavery of their negroes. It was 
 not indeed fuppofed, nor even pretended, that the condition of 
 thefe people was worfe at this jundlure than in any former period: 
 the contrary was known to be the truth. But declamations in 
 fupport of perfonal freedom, and inved:ives againfi: defpotifm of 
 all kinds, had been thefivourite topicks of many eminent French 
 writers for a feries of years : and the publick indignation was now 
 artfully raifed againft the planters of the Well Indies, as one of 
 the means of exciting commotions and infurredions in different 
 parts of the French dominions. This fpirit of hoftility againfl 
 the inhabitants of the French colonies, was induftrioufly fomented 
 and aggravated by the meafures of a fociety, who called them- 
 felves
 
 i6 HISTORYOF 
 
 fcl\'es^//;//i ih's Nolrs (Friends of the Blacks) ; and it muft be ac- 
 knowledged, that the fplendid appearance, and thoughtlefs ex- 
 travagance,of many of the French planters refident in the mother 
 country, contributed by no means to divert the malice of their 
 adverfaries, or to foften the prejudices of the publick towards 
 them. 
 
 The fociety In France called Amis dcs Noirs, was I believe 
 originally formed on the model of a iimilar aflociation in London; 
 but the views and purpofes of the tv/o bodies had taken a dif- 
 ferent direction. The fociety in London /To/Y^t/ to have no- 
 thing more in view than to obtain an act of the legillature for 
 prohibiting the further introduction of African flaves into the 
 Britifli colonies. They difclaimed all intention of interfering 
 with the government and condition of the negroes already in the 
 plantations; publickly declaring their opinion to be, that a gene- 
 ral emancipation of thofe people, in their pi-efent flate of igno- 
 rance and barbarity, inftead of a blelTing, would prove to them a 
 fource of misfortune and mifery. On the other hand, the fo- 
 ciety of Amis (ies Noirs, having fecretly in view to fubvert the 
 ancient defpotifm of the French government, loudly clamoured 
 for a general and immediate abolition, not only of the flave 
 trade, but alfo of the flavery which it fupported. Proceeding 
 on abftrad reafoning, rather than on the adlual condition of hu- 
 man nature, they diftinguifhed not between civilized and unci- 
 vilized life, and conlidered that it ill became them to claim 
 freedom for themfelves, and withhold it at the fame time from 
 .■the negroes : it is to be lamented that a principle fo plaufible in 
 
 appearancf.
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 
 
 >7 
 
 appearance, fliould, in its application to this cafe, be vilionary CHAP. 
 and impra<fticable. H. 
 
 At this jundture, a confiderable body of the mulattocs from 
 St. Domingo and the other French iflands, were rcfident in the 
 French capital. Some of thefe were young people fent thither for 
 ■education : others were men of confiderable property, and many 
 of them, without doubt, perfons of intelligence and amiable 
 manners. With thefe people the fociety o^Atms des Noirs formed 
 an intimate connetftion ; pointed out to them the wretchednefs of 
 their condition ; filled the nation with remonfirances and ap- 
 -peals on their behalf; and poured out fuch invedtives againft the 
 white planters, as bore away reafon and moderation in the torrent. 
 Unhappily, there was too much to offer on the part of the mu- 
 lattoes. Their perfonal appearance too, excited pity, and, co- 
 operating with the temper of the times, and the credulity of the 
 French nation, raifed fuch an indignant fpirit in all ranks of 
 people againfl: the white colonifts, as threatened their total an- 
 jiihilation and ruin. 
 
 In this difpofition of the people of France towards the inha- 
 bitants of their colonies in the Wefl: Indies, the national aflem- 
 t)Iy, on the 20th day of Auguft, voted the celebrated declaration j^g^, 
 of rights ; and thus, by a revolution unparalleled in hiftory, was 
 a mighty fabrick (apparently eflablifiied by every thing that was 
 fecure and unaflallablc) overturned in a moment. Happy had it 
 been for the general interefts of the human race, if, when the 
 French had gone thus far, they had proceeded no farther ! 
 Happy for themfelves, if they had then known — what painful ex-r 
 
 D pcricnce
 
 tB H I s t O r y O f 
 
 CHAP, perience has fince taught tliem — that the worft of all govern- 
 II. ments is preferable to the miferies of anarchy ! 
 
 Perhaps a diligent obferver might have difcovered, even in 
 the iirfl proceedings of this celebrated aflembly, the latent feeds' 
 of that violence^ injuftice, and confufion which have fince pro-- 
 duced fuch a harveft of crimes and calamities.- Many of the 
 dodlrines contained in the declaration of rights feem to have 
 been introduced for no other purpofe than to awaken a mif- 
 chievous fpirit of contention and cavil, and to deftroy all fub- 
 ordination in the lower ranks of the people. Such, for inftance, 
 was the pofition, that " all men are born, and continue, free and 
 ** equal as to their rights/' according to which, there ought to 
 be no diftincflions in fociety, nor (if the poffeflion of property- 
 is a right) can any man have a right to poflefs or acquire 
 any thing to the exclulion of others; a pofition not only falfe, 
 but pernicious, and unfit for every condition of civilized life. 
 To promulgate fuch lefTons in the colonies, as the declared fenfe 
 of the fupreme government, was to fubvert the whole fyftem of 
 their eftablifhments. Accordingly, a general ferment prevailed 
 among the French inhabitants of St. Domingo, from one end of 
 the colony to the other. All that had palled in the mother 
 country concerning the colonifts, — the prejudices of the me- 
 tropolis towards them, — the efforts of the fociety of ^mi's des- 
 Noirs to emancipate the negroes, — and the condu*5l of the mu- 
 lattocs, — had been reprefented to them through the medium 
 of party, and perhaps with a thoufand circumftances of exagge- 
 ration and infult, long before the declaration of rights was re- 
 ceived in the colony j and this meafure crowned the whole. 
 6 They
 
 ST. DOMING O. 19 
 
 They maintained that it was calculated to convert their peaceful CHAP. 
 and contented negroes into implacable enemies, and render the n. 
 wliole country a theatre of commotion and bloodflied. 
 
 In the meanwhile, the French government, apprehensive that 
 diforders of a very alarming nature might arife in the colonies 
 from the proceedings iu France, had iffued orders to the gover- Sept, 1789, 
 nor general of St. Domingo, to convoke the inhabitants, for the 
 purpofe of forming a legiflative aflembly for interior regulation. 
 Thefe orders, however, being unaccountably delayed, the people 
 had anticipated the meafure. The inhabitants of the Northern 
 diftridl had already conflitnted a provincial aflembly, which met 
 at Cape Francois, and their example was followed in November 
 in the Weflern and Southern provinces j the Weflern alTem.bly met 
 at Port au Prince, the Southern at Aiix Caycs. Parochial com- 
 mittees were, at the fame time, every where eftabliflied, for the 
 fake of a more immediate communication between the people 
 and their reprefentatives- 
 
 A RECITAL of the conduct and proceedings of thefe pro- 
 vincial aflemblies, would lead me too much into detail. They 
 •differed greatly on many important queftions ; but all of them 
 concurred in opinion concerning the neceffity of a full and 
 fpeedy colonial reprcfentation ; and they unanimoufly voted, that 
 if inftruftions from the king for calling fuch an affembly fliould 
 not be received within three months thenceforward, the colony 
 fhould take on itfelf to adopt and enforce the meafure ; — 'their 
 immediate fafety and prefervation being, they faid, an obligation 
 paramount to all others, 
 
 D 2 During
 
 20 n r S T O R Y O F 
 
 Du."? IN G this period of anxiety and alarm, the mukttoes wcrS 
 not inadtive. Intruded by their brethren in the metropolis irv 
 tl;e nature and extent' of their ri^ht-;, and apprized of the fa- 
 vourable difpofition of the French nation towards them, they 
 became, throughout the colony, actuated by a fpirit of turbulence 
 and fedition ; and disregarding all confiderations of prudence, 
 \vith regard to time and feafons,. determined to claim, without 
 delay, the full benefit of all tlie privileges enjoyed by the whites. 
 Accordingly large bodies of thein appeared in arms in different 
 parts of the country ; but ad:ing without fufHcient concert, or 
 due preparation, they v/ere eafily overpowered. It is faid, that 
 the temper of the provincial affemblies at this juncture, — how 
 much foever inflamed againft the inlligators and abettors of 
 thefe people in the mother country,: — was not avene to mo-- 
 deration and conceflion towards the mulattoes themfelves. 
 Thus, when the party which had taken arms at 'Jacmel was 
 defeated, and their chiefs imprifoncd, the aflembly of the Weft 
 interpofed with effedl in favour of the whole number ; and at 
 Artibon'ite, where the revolt was much more extenfive and 
 alarming, a free and unconditional pardon was alfo chearfully 
 granted on the fubmiflion of the infurgents. 
 
 Against fuch of the whites as had taken any part in thefe 
 difturbances, in favour of the people of colour, the rage of the 
 populace knew no limits. Monf, Dubois, deputy procureur 
 general, had not only declared himfelf an advocate for the mu-- 
 lattoes, but, with a degree of imprudence which indicated in- 
 fanity, fought occafions to declaim publickly againft the flavery 
 
 of
 
 ST. DOMING O, 21 
 
 of* the negroes. The Northern aflcnibly arrcuCii his perfon, 
 and very probably intended to proceed to greater extremities ; 
 hut the governor interpofed in his behalf, obtained his releafe, 
 and fent him from the country. 
 
 MoNS. F errand de Beaudierre, a magiflratc at Pefit Goavc', 
 was not fo fortunate. This gentleman was unhappily ena-* 
 moured of a woman of colour, to whom, as flie poffefled a 
 valuable plantation, he had offered marriage, Apprehenfive 
 that by this ftep he might be difplaced from the magiftracy, 
 and being a man of a warm imagination, with little judgment, 
 he undertook to combat the prejudices of the whites aga;inil the 
 whole clafs. He drew up, in the name and behalf of the mu- 
 latto people, a memorial to the parochial committee, wherein, 
 among other things, they were made to claim, in exprefs words, 
 thefull benefit of the national declaration of rights. Nothing could 
 be more ill-timed or injudicious than this proceeding : it was evi- 
 dent, that fuch a claim led to confequcnces of which the mu- 
 lattoes themfelves (who certainly at this junfture had no wifll 
 to enfranchife the flaves) were not apprized. This memorial 
 therefore was confidered as a fummons to the negroes for a ge- 
 neral revolt. The parochial committee feized the author, and 
 committed him to prifon ; but the mob took him from thence 
 by force, and in fpite of the magiftrates and municipality, who 
 exerted themfelves to flop their fury, put him to death. 
 
 The king's order for convoking a general colonial aflembly 
 was received in St. Domingo early in the month of January January 
 J790. It appointed the town ol Leogane, in the Weflern pro- ^^^ 
 
 vincc.
 
 2i HISTORYOF 
 
 vlnce, for the place of meeting ; and inftruftions accompanied 
 the order, concerning the mode of eleding the members. Thefe 
 inftrudlions, however, being confidered by the provincial affem- 
 blies as inapplicable to the circumftances of the colony, were 
 difapprovedj and another plan, better fuited, as they conceived, 
 to the wealth, territory, and population of the inhabitants, was 
 adopted. They refolved alfo to hold the aflcmbly at the town 
 o( St. Marc inftead of Leoganc, and the 25th of March was 
 jfixed for the time of its meeting. It was afterwards prorogued 
 ,to the 1 6th of April. 
 
 In the meanwhile intelligence was received in France of 
 the temper of St. Domingo towards the mother country. The 
 inhabitants were very generally xeprefented as manifefting a dif- 
 pofition either to renounce their dependency, or to throw them- 
 felves under the protedlion of a foreign power ; and the planters 
 X)f Martinico were faid to be equally difcontented and difaffe(fled. 
 The trading and manufadluring towns took the alarm ; and pe- 
 titions and remonftrances were prefented from various quarters, 
 imploring the national aileinbly to adopt meafures for compoling 
 the minds of the colpnifts, and preferving to the French empire 
 its mod valuable dependencies. 
 
 On the 8th of March 1790, the national aflembly entered 
 into ihe confideration of the fubjed:, with a ferioufnefs and fo- 
 lemnity fuited to its importance; and, after full difcuflion, a 
 very large majority voted, " That it never was the intention of 
 ■** the ailembly to comprehend the interior government of the co- 
 '** lonies in the conftitutioji which they had framed for the mother 
 
 " country.
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 23 
 
 '* country, or to fubjedl them to laws which were Incompatible 
 ** with their local eftablifliments; they therefore authorile thein- 
 " habitants of each colony to fignify to the national affembly their 
 *' fcntiments and wiHies concerning that plan of interior legifla- 
 " tion and commercial arrangement, which would be moft con- 
 " ducive to their profperity," It was required,, however, that the 
 plan to be offered fhould be conformable to the principles which 
 had connefted the colonies with the metropolis, and be calcu- 
 lated for the prefervatiorr of their reciprocal interefts.: — To this 
 decree was annexed a declaration, " That the national affembly 
 *' would not caafe any innovation to be made, directly or indi- 
 ** redly, in any fyftem of commerce in which the colonies were 
 *' already concerned." 
 
 Nothing could equal the clamour which this decree occa- 
 fioned among the people of colour refident in the mother 
 country, and the philanthropick fociety of Amis des Noirs. The 
 declaration concerning commerce was interpreted into a tacit 
 fan(5tion for the continuance of the flave trade; and it was even 
 contended, that the national affembly, by leaving the adjuflment 
 of the colonial conftitutions to the colonifts themfelves, had dif- 
 charged them from their allegiance. It was faid that they were 
 no longer fu-bjedl to the French empire, but members of an in- 
 dependent ftate. 
 
 -Nevertheless, if the circumftances of the times, and the 
 difpofition of the French colonills at this jundlure, be taken into 
 the account, cnndour muft acknowledge that it was a decree 
 not only judifiable on the motives of prudence and policy, but 
 
 was
 
 24 HISTORY OF 
 
 was founded alfo on the ftrong bafis of moral necefiity. The 
 arguments that were urged againft it feem to imply that the be- 
 nefits of the French revolution were intended only for the people 
 refiding in the realm, in exxlufion of their fellow fubjedls in the 
 plantations. After that gregt event, to fuppofe that the inha- 
 bitants of thole colonies (with the fuccefsful example too of 
 the Englifli Americans recent in tjieir memories) would have 
 fubmitted to bf governed ai;d dir.e<5le,d in tlieir local concerns by 
 a legiflature at ihe dillance of 3,000 miles from them, is to ma- 
 nifeft a very flender .acquaintance with human nature. How 
 Jit.tle inclined the colonial aflembly was to fuch fubmiffion, their 
 proceedings, from the firft day of their meeting, to their final 
 diflblution, will demonftrate. — -Of thofe proceedings I lliall e.';-. 
 dcavour to furnifh a brief account in tl\e nc,\'t Chapter, 
 
 C H A ?.
 
 ST. DOMING O. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Proceedmgs of the General Colo7iial AJfembly until Its final Dtffblu* 
 tion^ and Embarkation of the Members for France^ Augufl 1790. 
 
 THE General Affembly of St. Domingo met on the i6th 
 of April, at the town of St. Marc. It was compofed of 
 213 members, of whom the city of Cape Francois eledted ^""TToa 
 twenty-four, Port an Prince fixteen, and Aux Cayes eight. Moil 
 of the other pariflies returned two reprefentatives each ; and it 
 is allowed that, on the whole, the colony was fairly, fully, and 
 moft refpeftably reprefented. The provincial aflemblies, how- 
 ever, continued in the exercife of their fundlions as before, or ap- 
 pointed committees to ad: during their intermiflion. 
 
 The feflion was opened by a difcourfe from the prefidcnt, 
 wherein, after recounting various abufes in the conftitution and 
 adminiftration of the former colonial government, he pointed 
 out fome of the many great objedts that feemed to require im- 
 mediate attention : among others, he recommended the cafe of 
 the mulattoes, and a melioration of the (lave laws. The affem- 
 bly concurred in fentiment with the orator ; and one of their firft 
 mcafures was to relieve the people of colour from the hardlhips 
 to which they were fubjedl under tlie military jurifdidion. It 
 
 E wa*
 
 26 HISTORY OF 
 
 was decreed, that in future no greater duty fliould be required of 
 them in the militia than from the whites ; and the harfh au- 
 thority, in particular, which the king's lieutenants, majors, and 
 aides-major, commanding in the towns, exercifed over thofe 
 people, was declared oppreflive and illegal. Thefe ads of in- 
 dulgence were certainly meant as the earneft: of greater favours, 
 and an opening to concihation and conceffion towards the whole 
 clafs of the coloured people. 
 
 The general aflembly proceeded, in the next place, to redify 
 fome grofs abufes which had long prevailed in the courts of judi- 
 cature, confining themfelves however to fuch only as called for 
 immediate redrefs, their attention being chiefly diredled to the 
 great and interefting objed: of preparing the plan for a new con- 
 ftitution, or fyflem of colonial government ; a bulinefs which 
 179^' employed their deliberations until the 28 th of May. 
 
 M. Peynier was now governor general, from whom the 
 partizans and adherents of the ancient defpotifm fecretly derived 
 encouragement and fupport. The whole body of tax-gatherers, 
 and officers under the fifcal adminiftration, were of this number. 
 Thefe therefore began to recover from the panick into which fo 
 great and fudden a revolution had thrown them, and to rally their 
 united flrength. Nothing could be more oppofite to their 
 wifhes, than the fuccefs of the general aflembly in the eftablifh- 
 ment of order and good government throughout the colony. 
 Nor were thefe the only men who beheld the proceedings of 
 this body with an evil eye. All the perfons belonging to the 
 courts of civil and criminal jurifdidion (and their numbers were 
 X confiderable)
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 27 
 
 confiderable) who were interefted in the maintenance of thofe CHAP, 
 abufes which the affembly had corredled, were filled with indig- ^^'' 
 nation and envy. To thefe were added mofl of the men who 
 held military commifllons under the king's authority. Habi- 
 tuated to the exercife of command, they indignantly beheld the 
 fiibverfion of all that accuftomed obedience and fubordinatioii 
 which they had been taught to confider as effential to the fupport 
 of government, and offered themfelves the willing inflruments 
 of the governor general in fubverting the new fyflem. 
 
 Such were the perfons that oppofed themfelves to the new 
 crder of things in the colony, when the Chevalier Mauduit, co- 
 lonel of the regiment of Port au Prince, arrived at St. Domingo. 
 He had not come direftly from France, but circuitoufly by way 
 of Italy ; and at Turin had taken leave of the Count d' Artois, 
 to whofe fortunes he was flrongly attached. He was a man of 
 talents j brave, adlive, and enterprizing ; zealous for his party, 
 and full of projedls for a counter-revolution. By his dexterity 
 and addrefs, he foon acquired an afcendancy over the feeble and 
 narrow genius of Peynier, and governed the colony in his name. 
 His penetration eafily made him difcover that, in order effec- 
 tually to diflurb the new fettlement, it was abfolutely neceffary to 
 prevent a coalition of interefls between the colonial affembly, 
 and the free people of colour. He therefore proclaimed himfelf 
 the patron and protedor of the mulattoes, and courted them on 
 all occafions, with fuch affiduity and fuccefs, as gained over the 
 whole body. 
 
 E 2 It
 
 28 HISTORYOF 
 
 It feems liowever extremely probable that the peace of the 
 country would have been prefer ved, notwithftanding the machi- 
 nations of Peynier and Miuduit, if the planters, true to their own 
 caufe, had remained united among themfelves. But, unfortu- 
 nately, the provincial aflembly of the North was induced, 
 through mifreprefentation or envy, to counterad, by all poffible 
 means, the proceedings of the general aflembly at St. Marc. 
 Thus, difcord and diflention every where prevailed; and ap- 
 pearances feemed to indicate an approaching civil war, even 
 before the plan for the new conftitution was publiflied. This 
 was contained in the famous decree of the general coknial 
 ?iTembly of the 28th of May ; a decree, wliich. having been the 
 fubjed of much animadverfion, and made the oftenfible motive,, 
 on the part of the executive power, for commencing hoflilitiesi 
 it is proper to ftate it at large. 
 
 May 179D. It conflfted of ten fundamental pofitlons, which are preceded 
 by an introductory difcourfe or preamble (as ufualin the French 
 decrees) wherein, among other confiderations, it is ftated, as an 
 acknowledged principle in the French conflitution, that the right 
 in the crown to confirm the adts of the legiflature, is a preroga- 
 tive, inherent and incommunicable : of courfe that it cannot bs 
 delegated to a colonial governor, whofe authority is precarious 
 and fubordinate. The articles are then fubjoined, in the order 
 and words following: 
 
 '* 1. The legiflative authority, in every thing which relates to 
 the internal concerns of the colony (regime interieiirj, is veiled
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 29 
 
 in the aflembly of its reprefentatives, which fliall be called the 
 General AJJ'embly of the French Fart of ^t. Domingo. 
 
 2. Ng a(5l of the legillative body, in what relates to the in- 
 ternal concerns of the colony, fhall be confidered as a law def~ 
 nitive, unlefs it be made by the reprefentatives of the Frenclf 
 part of St. Domingo, freely and legally chofen, and eonfirmed- 
 by the king. 
 
 '^. In cafes of urgent necefTity, a legiflatiVe decree of the ge-* 
 neral affembly, in what relates to the internal concerns of the 
 colony, fliall be confidered as a law provfional. In all fuch cafes, 
 the decree flivll be notified forthwith to the governor general, 
 who, within ten days after fuch notification, fliall caufe it to be 
 publiflied and enforced, or tranfmit to the general aflembly his 
 obfervations thereon'. 
 
 4. The ncceflity of the cafe on which the execution of fucli- 
 proviflonal decree is to depend, fliall be a feparate quefl:ion, and 
 be carried in the aflirmative by a majority ©f two-thirds of the 
 general aflembly; the names and numbers being taken down, 
 fPrfes par lappel nominal.) 
 
 5. If the governor g neral fliall fend down his obfervations on 
 any fuch decree, the fame fliall be entered in the journals of the 
 general aflembly, who fliall then proceed to revife the decree, and 
 confider the obfervations thereon in three feveral fittings. The- 
 votes for confirming or annulling the decree fliall be given ia 
 the words Tes or No, and a minute of the proceedings fliall be 
 figned by the members prefent, in which fliall be enumerated the- 
 votes on each fide of the queftion j and if there appears a ma- 
 jority of two-thirds for confirming the decree, it fliall be imme* 
 tliately enforced by the governor general,. 
 
 ,6. As>
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 6. As every law ought to be founded on the confent of thofe 
 who are to be bound by it, the French part of St. Domingo fliall 
 be allowed to propofe regulations concerning commercial ar- 
 rangements, and the fyftem of mutual connexion (rapports com- 
 merciaux, et autre s rapports communs), and the decrees which the 
 national affembly fliall make in all fuch cafes foall not he en- 
 forced in the colony, until the general ajjeinbly JJ:all have co7ifented 
 
 thereto. 
 
 7. In cafes of preffing neceflity, the importation of articles for 
 the fupport of the inhabitants fliall not be confidered as any 
 breach in the iyftem of commercial regulations between St. 
 Domingo and France ; provided that the decrees to be made in 
 fuch cafes by the general afl*embly fliall be fubmitted to the re- 
 vifion of the governor general, under the fame conditions and 
 modifications as are prefci'ibed in articles 3 and 5. 
 
 8. Provided alfo, that every legiflative aift of the general affem- 
 bly, executed provifionally, in cafes of urgent neceflity, fliall be 
 tranfmitted forthwith for the royal fandion. And if the king fliall 
 refufe his confent to any fuch adt, its execution fliall be fufpended, 
 as foon as the king's refufal fliall be legally notified to the gene- 
 ral affembly. 
 
 9. A new general affembly fliall be chofen every two years, 
 and none of the members who have ferved in the former af- 
 fembly fliall be eligible in the new one. 
 
 10. The general aflembly decree that the preceding articles, 
 as forming part of the confl:itution of the French colony in St. 
 Domingo, fliall be immediately tranfmitted to France for the ac- 
 ceptance of the national affembly, and the king. They fliall 
 
 likewife
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 
 
 Ilkewiie be tranfmitted to all the parilhes and diftrids of the co- 
 lony, and be notified to the governor general." 
 
 That a decree of fuch coifiprehenfivenefs and magnitude 
 (hould have excited very general difquifition in the colony, and 
 have produced mlfrcprelentation and clamour, even among men 
 of very oppofite fentimcnts and tempers, is no way furprifing. 
 It muft: be allowed, that fome of the articles are irreconcileable 
 to every juft principle of colonial fubordination. The refufing 
 to allow a negative voice to the reprefentative of the king, is 
 repugnant to all the notions which an Englifhman is taught to 
 entertain of a monarchical government, however limited : and 
 the declaration that no decree of the national affembly con- 
 cerning the colony, in cafes of exterior regulation, (hould be in 
 force until confirmed by the colonial afiiembly, was fuch an ex- 
 travagant affumption of imperial authority, in a fubordinate part 
 of the French empire, as I believe is without a precedent. 
 
 All that can be urged in extenuation, feems to be that the cir- 
 cumftances of the cafe were novel, and the members of the colo- 
 nial affembly unexperienced in the bufinefs of legiflation. That 
 they had any ferious intention of declaring the colony an indepen- 
 dent ftate, in imitation of the Englifli American provinces, it is 
 impoffible to believe. Neverthelefs, the decree was no fooner 
 promulgated, than this notion was induftrioufly propagated by 
 their enemies from one end of the colony to tbe other ; and when 
 this report failed to gain belief, it was pretended that the colony 
 was fold to the Englifli, and that the members of the general 
 
 affembly 
 
 3«
 
 ?2 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAP. afl*en:ibly had received and divided among themfelves 40 millions 
 III. of livres as the purchafe money. 
 
 If recent events had not demonflrated the extreme credulity 
 iind jealous temper of the French charafter, it would be difficult 
 to believe that charges, thus wild and unfupported, could have 
 made an impreflion on the minds of any confiderable number 
 of the people. So great however was the effect produced by 
 them, as to occafion fome of the Weftern parifhes to recal their 
 deputies ; while the inhabitants of Cape Franfois took meafures 
 ftill more dccilive : they renounced obedience to the general 
 affembly, and prefented a memorial to the governor, requeuing 
 liim to diffolve it forthwith, declaring that they confidered the 
 colony as loft, unlefs he proceeded with the utmoft vigour 
 and promptitude in depriving that body of all manner of au- 
 thority, 
 
 M. Peynier received this addrefs with fecret fatisfadlion. 
 It feemed indeed to be the policy of both parties to rejedl all 
 thoughts of compromife by negociation ; and there occurred at 
 this jundlure a circumftance which would probably have ren- 
 dered all negociation abortive, had it been attempted. In the 
 harbour of Port au Prince lay a fliip of the line, called the Leo- 
 pard, commanded by M. Galifoniere. This officer, co-ope- 
 rating in the views of Peynier and Mauduit, made a fumptuous 
 entertainment for the partizans of thole gentlemen, and by this, 
 or fome other parts of his condiidl, gave offence to his failors. 
 Whether thefe men had felt the influence of corruption (as 
 afferted by one party) or were adluated folely by one of thofe 
 
 jinaccountablc
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 33 
 
 unaccountable freaks to which fearmen are particularly fubjetfl, CHAP. 
 
 the fadl certainly is, that they withdrew their obedience from HI. 
 
 their proper officer, and declared themfelves to be in the inte- • 
 
 refts of the colonial affcmbly ! Their conduit became at length 
 
 fo turbulent and feditious, as to induce M. Galifoniere to quit 
 
 the fhip, whereupon the crew gave the command to one of the 
 
 lieutenants. The aflembly, perceiving the advantages to be 
 
 derived from this event, immediately tranfmitted a vote of thanks 27th July, 
 
 to the feamen for their patriotick conducft, and required them, 
 
 in the name of the law and the king, to detain the fliip in the 
 
 road, and await their further orders. The failors, gratified 
 
 with this acknowledgement, promifed obedience, and affixed 
 
 the vote of thanks on the main-maft of the ftiip. Some par- 
 
 tizans of the affcmbly, about the fame time, took poffeffion of 
 
 a powder magazine at Leogane. 
 
 A CIVIL war feemed now to be inevitable. Two days after 
 the vote of thanks had been tranfmitted from St. Marc's to the 
 crew of the Leopard, M. Peynier iffiied a proclamation to dif- 
 folve the general alTembly. He charged the members with en- 
 tertaining projedts of independency, and affertcd that they had 
 treacheroufly poflfeffed themfelves of 'one of the king's fliips by 
 corrupting the crew. He pronounced the members and all 
 their adherents traitors to their country, and enemies to the na- 
 tion and the king : declaring that it was his intention to employ 
 all the force he could colled: to defeat their projedls, and bring 
 them to condign punifliment; and he called on all officers, 
 civil and military, for their co- operation and fupport. 
 
 F IIis
 
 34 HISTORYOP 
 
 His firfl proceedings were diredled againfl the committee of 
 the Wefteni provincial airembly.~This body held its meetings 
 at Port au Prince, and in the exercife of its fubordinate functions, 
 during the interniiflion of that affembly, had manifefted fuch 
 zealous attachment to the general afTembly at St. Marc, as ex- 
 pofed its members to the refentment of the governor and his 
 party. It was determined therefore, at a council held the fame 
 day, to arrefl their perfons the following night, and M. Mau- 
 duit undertook to conduct the enterprize. Having been in- 
 formed that this committee held confultations at midnight, he 
 felecfted about one hundred of his foldiers, and formed a fcheme 
 to feize the members at their place of meeting. On arriving 
 however at the houfe, he found it proteded by four hundred of 
 the national guards fgj. A fls.irmifli enfued -, but the circum- 
 flances attending it are fo varioufly related, that no precife ac- 
 count can be given of the particulars j nor is it afcertained 
 which party gave the firfl: fire. Nothing further is certainly 
 known, than that two men were killed on the part of the af- 
 fembly, — that feveral.were wounded on both fides, and that 
 M. Mauduit returned without eifecling any purpofe but that of 
 feizing, and bearing away in triumph, the national colours ; — a 
 circumftance which afterwards (as will be feen in the fequel) 
 coll him his life. 
 
 The general afTembly, on receiving intelligence of this attack, 
 and of the formidable preparations that were making for di- 
 
 (s) '^he troops in St. Domingo, called the National Guards-, were originally 
 nothing more than the colonial militia. They were new organized in 1789, on 
 the model of the national guards in the mothei -country, and bore the fame colours, 
 and ailuined tlie fame name. 
 
 X reding 
 
 k
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 
 
 re(ftlng hoftilities againft themfelves, fummoned the people, 
 from all parts of the colony, to haften properly armed to pro- 
 tedl their reprefentatives ; and moft of the inhabitants of the 
 neighbouring pariflies obeyed the fummons. The (liip Leopard 
 was brought from Port au Prince to St. Marc's for the fame pur- 
 pofe. On the other hand, the Northern provincial affembly 
 joined the party of the governor, and fent to his afliftance a de- 
 tachment from the regular troops in that quarter, which was 
 joined by a body of two hundred people of colour. A much 
 greater force was collected at the fame time in the Weftern pro- 
 vince by M. Mauduit, and the preparations on both fides threat- 
 ened an obftinate and bloody conflict ; when, by one of thofe 
 wonderful eccentricities in the human mind which are feldom 
 difplayed except in times of publick commotion, a flop was put 
 to the immediate fhedding of blood, by the fudden and unex- 
 pedled determination of the general aflembly to undertake a 
 voyage to France, and juflify their conduft to the king and 
 the national aflembly in perfon. Their motives were thought 
 the more laudable, as all the Weftern and great part of the 
 Southern provinces gave a decided approbation of their conduifV, 
 and armed in a very fhort time two thoufand men in their de- 
 fence, which were in full march for Port au Prince. Their 
 refolution however was fixed, and accordingly, of about one 
 hundred members, to which the colonial aflembly was reduced 
 by ficknefs and defertion, no lefs than eighty-five (of whom 
 fixty-four were fathers of families) adtually embarked on board 
 •the Leopard, and on the 8th of Auguft took their departure for irg^' 
 Europe: — a proceeding which crcat^.d as much furprize in the 
 governor and his party, as admiration and applaufe among the 
 
 F 2 people
 
 36 H I S T O R Y O F 
 
 C H A P. people at large. Pcrfons of all ranks accompanied the members- 
 ilf- to the place of embarkation, pouring forth prayers for their 
 
 fuccefs, and flicdding tears of fenfibility and afFeftion for a 
 conduft which was very generally confidered as a noble proof 
 of felf-denial, and as fignal an inliance of heroick virtue and 
 chfiftian forbearance as any age has exhibited. A momen- 
 tary calm followed this event: — the parties in arms appeared 
 mutually difpofed to fubmit their differences to the wifdom 
 and juftice of the king and the national affembly, and M. 
 Peynier refumed, though with a trembling h^nd, the reins of 
 government. 
 
 Such was the iffiic of the firft attempt to eftablKha free con- 
 ftitution in the French part of St. Domingo, on the fyftem of a 
 limited monarchy ; and it affords occafion for fome important re- 
 fledlions. That the general colonial allembly, in their decree of 
 the 28 th of May, exceeded the proper boundary of their conftitu- 
 tional fundlions, has been frankly admitted. This irregularity, 
 however, might have been correfted without bloodfhed or vio- 
 lence i but there is this misfortune attending every deviation 
 from the rule of right, that, in the conflid; of contending 
 fadlions, the excefles of one party are ever confidered as the 
 fullefl: juftification for the outrages of the other. For fome parts 
 of their conducft an apology may be offered. The meafure of 
 fecuring to their interefls the crew of the Leopard, and the 
 feizure of the magazine at Leogane, may be vindicated on the plea 
 of felf-defence. It cannot be doubted that M. Peynier had long 
 meditated how beft to reftore the ancient defpotick fyftem, and 
 4- that>
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 37 
 
 that, jointly with M. Mauduit and others, he had niade prepa- CHAP, 
 rations for that purpofe. He had written to M. Luzerne, the ^'J* 
 
 niinifter in France, that he never intended to fuiFer the colonial 
 ailembly to meet ; and let it be told in this place, in juftice to 
 the French miniftry, that the anfwer which he received con- 
 tained a tacit difapprobation of his meafures ; for M. Luzerne 
 recommended moderate and conciliatory councils. The go- 
 vernor proceeded notvvithftanding in the fame career, and dif- 
 truftful perhaps of the fidelity of the French foldiers, he made 
 application (as appeared afterwards) to the governor of the Ha- 
 vannah for a reinforcement of Spanifh troops from Cuba. It 
 is evident therefore that he concurred entirely in the plans of 
 Mauduit for effecftuating a counter-revolution J and hence it is 
 reafonable to conclude, that the difcord and diilruft which pre- 
 vailed among the inhabitants, and above all, the fatal diflen- 
 tions that alienated the provincial aflembly of the North, from 
 the general affembly at St. Marc's, were induftrioufly fomented 
 and encouraged by M. Peynier and his adherents. Concerning 
 the members of the colonial aflembly, tlieir prompt and deci- 
 five determination to repair to France, and furrender their 
 perfons to the fupreme government, obviates all impeachment 
 of their loyalty. Their attachment to the mother-country was 
 indeed fecured by too many ties of intereil; and felf-prefervation 
 to be doubted. 
 
 Of their reception by the national alfcmbly, and the pro- 
 ceedings adopted in confequence of their arrival in Europe, I 
 fliall hereafter have occafion to fpeak. A paufe in this place 
 
 leems-
 
 3« 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAP, feems requifite j — for I have now to introduce to the reader the 
 I^I- mournful hiftory of an unfortunate individu il, over whofe fad 
 fate (however we may condemn his rafh and ill-concerted en- 
 terprize) 
 
 ^' One human tear may drop, and be forgiven !" 
 
 CHAP.
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 
 
 39 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Rebellion and Defeat of Oge, a free Man of Colour, 
 
 FROM the firfl; meeting of the general aflembly of St. Do- 
 mingo, to its diffolution and difperfion, as related in the 
 preceding chapters, the coloured people refident within the co- 
 lony remained on the whole more peaceable and orderly than 
 might have been expeded. The temperate and lenient difpo- 
 lition manifefted by the aflembly towards them, produced a be- 
 neficial and decifive effedl in the Weftern and Southern pro- 
 vinces, and although 300 of them from thefe provinces, had beea 
 perfuaded by M. Mauduit to join the force under his command, 
 they very foon became fenfible of their error, and, inflead of 
 marching towards St. Marc, as Mauduit propofed, they de- 
 manded and obtained their difmiffion, and returned quietly to 
 their refpe(flive habitations. Such of the mulatto people how- 
 ever as refidcd at that jundlure in the mother-country, continued 
 in a far more hoflile difpofition ; and they were encouraged in 
 their animofity towards the white colonifts by parties of very 
 different defcriptions. The colonial decree of the 28th of 
 May, 1 790, was no fooner made known in France, than it excited 
 univerfal clamour. Many perfons who concurred in nothing 
 elle, united their voices in reprobating the condutft of the inha- 
 bitants
 
 40 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAP, bitants of St. Domingo. The adherents of the ancient go- 
 IV. vernment were joined on this occafion by the partizans of de- 
 
 '^ mocracy and republicanitin. To the latter, the conftitution of 
 
 1789 was even more odious than the old tyranny; and thefe 
 men, with the deepeft and darkeft dcfigns, poflefTed all that 
 union, firmnefs, and perfeverance which were neceffary to their 
 purpofes ; and which, as the world has beheld, have fince ren- 
 dered them irrelillible. Thefe two factions hoped to obtain 
 very different ends, by the fame means ; and there was another 
 party who exerted themfelves with equal alliduity in promoting 
 publick confufion : thefe were the difcordant clafs of fpecula- 
 tive reformers, whom it was impoffible to reconcile to the new 
 government, becaufe every man among them had probably 
 formed a favourite fyftem in his own imagination which he was 
 eager to recommend to others. I do not coniider the philan- 
 thropick fociety, called udmis des Noirs, as another diftincfl body, 
 becaufe it appears to me that they were pretty equally divided, 
 between the democratick party, and the clafs lafl mentioned. 
 Strengthened by fuch auxiliaries, it is not furprizing that the 
 eflbrts of this fcciety fhould have operated powerfully on 
 the minds of thofe who were taught to confider their per- 
 fonal wrongs as the caufe of the nation, and have driven fome 
 of them into the wildefl excefTes of fanaticifm and fury. 
 
 Among fuch of thefe unfortunate people refident in France 
 as were thus inflamed into madnefs, was a young man under 
 thirty years of age, named James Oge : he was born in St. Do- 
 mingo, of a mulatto wcman who ftill pollefled a coffee planta- 
 tion in the Northern province, about thirty miles from Cape 
 
 Francois,
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 4« 
 
 Fran9oIs, whereon flie lived very creditably, and found means 
 out of its profits to educate her fon at Paris, and even to fupport 
 him there in fome degree of affluence, after he had obtained the 
 age of manhood. His reputed father, a white planter of fome 
 account, had been dead feveral years. 
 
 Oge had been introduced to tlie meetings of the Amis des 
 Noirs, under the patronage of Gregoire, Brillot (bj. La Fayette, 
 and Robcfpierre fi), the leading members of that focicty ; and 
 was by them initiated into the popular doftrine of equality, and 
 the rights of man. Here it was that he firfl learnt the miferies 
 of his condition, the cruel wrongs and contumelies to which he 
 and all his mulatto brethren were expofcd in the Weft Indies, 
 and the monftrous injuftice and abfurdity of that prejudice, 
 *♦ which, (faid Gregoire) eftimating a man's merit by the colour 
 *' of his fkin, has placed at an immenfe diftance from each other 
 ♦* the children of the fame parent; a prejudice which ftifles the 
 ** voice of nature, and breaks the bands of fraternity afundcr." 
 
 That thefe are great evils mufl be frankly admitted, and it 
 would have been fortunate if fuch men as Briilot and Gregoire, 
 inftead of bewailing their exiftence and magnifying their extent, 
 had applied their talents in confidering of the beft practicable 
 means of redrefling them. 
 
 But thefe perfons had other objects in view : — their aim, as 
 I have /hewn, was not to reform, but todeftroyj to excite con- 
 
 (h) Guillotined 31 Odobcr, 1793. (i) Guillotined 28 July, 1794. 
 
 G vulfions
 
 42 II I S T O R y O F 
 
 C H A P. viilHons In every part of the French emph-e ; and the Ill-fated 
 I"^''- 0"e became the tcol, and was afterwards the vidtim, of their 
 
 II 
 
 ouiltv ambition. 
 
 He had been led to believe, that the whole body of coloured 
 people in the French illands were prepared to rife up as one man 
 againft their opprellbrs ; that nothing but a difcreet leader was 
 wanting, to fet them into aftion ; and, fondly conceiving that he 
 pciTefTed in his own perfon all the qualities of an able general, he 
 determined to proceed to St. Domingo by the firfl opportunity. 
 To cherifh the conceit of his own importance, and animate his 
 exertions, the fociety procured him the rank of lieutenant- 
 colonel in the army of one of the German elediors. 
 
 As it was found difficult to export a fufficient quantity of arms 
 and ammunition from France, without attracting the notice of 
 the government, and awakening fufpicion among the planters re- 
 fident in the mother country, the fociety refolved to procure 
 thofe articles in North America, and it was recommended to 
 Oge to make a circuitous voyage for that purpofe. Accordingly, 
 being furnilLed with money and letters of credit, he embarked 
 for New England in the month of July 1790. 
 
 But, notwithftanding the caution that was obferved in this 
 inftance, the whole projedt was publickly known at Paris pre- 
 vious to Oge's embarkation, and notice of the fcheme, and even 
 a portrait of Oge himfelf, were tranfmitted to St. Domingo, 
 long before his arrival in that illand. He fecretly landed there, 
 from an American Hoop, on the 1 2 th gf Oi^lober J 790, and found 
 
 means
 
 ST. D O xM I N G O. 
 
 43 
 
 means to convey undifcovered the arms and ammunition which CHAP, 
 he had purchafed, to the place which his brother had prepared IV. 
 for their reception. 
 
 The firft notice which the white inhabitants received oi' 
 Oge's arrival, was from himfelf. He difpatched a letter to the 
 governor (Peynier) wherein, after reproaching the governor and 
 his predeceflors with the non-execution of the Code iVf///", he de- 
 mands, in very imperious terms, that the provifions of that cele- 
 brated llatute fliould be enforced throughout the colony; he 
 requires that the privileges enjoyed by one clafs of inhabitants 
 (the whites) fliould be extended to all perfons without diflinc- 
 tion ; declares himfelf the protedor of the mulattoes, and an- 
 nounces his intention of taking up arms in their behalf, unlefs 
 their wrongs fhould be redrelled. 
 
 About fix weeks had intervened between the landing of 
 Oge, and the publication of this mandate ; in all which time he 
 and his two brothers had exerted themfelves to the utmoft in 
 fpreading difaffedlion, and exciting revolt among the mulattoes. 
 AiTurances were held forth, that all the inhabitants of the mo- 
 ther country were difpofed to affill; them in the recovery of their 
 rights, and it was added, that the king himfelf was fiivourably 
 inclined to their caufe. Promifes were diftributed to fome, and 
 money to others. But, notwitiiftanding all thefe efforts, and 
 that the temper of the times was favourable to his views, Oge 
 was not able to allure to his flandard above 200 followers j and 
 cf thefe, the major part were raw and ignorant youths, unufed 
 
 G 2 to
 
 44 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAP, to difcipline, and averfe to all manner of fubordinatlon and 
 IV. order. 
 
 He eftablifhed his catnp at a place called Grande Riviere^ 
 about fifteen miles from Cape Fran9ols, and appointed his two 
 brothers, together with one Mark Chavane, his lieutenants. 
 Chavane was fierce, intrepid, adlive, and enterprizing ; prone to 
 mifchief, and thirfty for vengeance. Oge himfelf, with all his 
 enthufiafm, was naturally mild and humane : he cautioned his 
 followers againft the flicdding innocent blood j but little regard 
 was paid to his wifhcs in this refpedl : the firii wliite man that 
 fell in their way they murdered on the fpot : a fecond, of the 
 name of Sicard, met the fame fate; and it is related, that their 
 cruelty towards fuch perfons of their own complexion as refufed 
 to join in the revolt was extreme. A mulatto man of fome pro- 
 perty being urged to follow them, pointed to his wife and lix 
 children, affigning the largenefs of his family as a motive for 
 wifliing to remain quiet. This conduct was conlidcred as con- 
 tumacious, and it is affertcd, that not only the man himfelf, but 
 the whole of his family, were maflacred without mercy. 
 
 Intelligence was no fooner received at the town of Cape 
 Fran9ois of thefe enormities, than the inhabitants proceeded, 
 with the utmoft vigour and unanimity, to adopt meafures for 
 fuppreffing the revolt. A body of regular troops, and the Cape 
 regiment of militia, were forthwith difpatched for that purpole. 
 They foon invelted the camp of the revolters, who madelefs re- 
 finance than might have been expedted from men in their defpe- 
 rate circumflances. The rout became general ; many of them 
 
 were
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 
 
 were killed, and about fixty made prlfoners ; the reft difperfed 
 themfclves in the mountains. Oge himlell-j one of his brothers, 
 and Chavane his aflbciate, took refuge in the Spanish territories. 
 Of Oge's other brother no intelligence was ever afterwards ob- 
 tained. 
 
 After this unfuccefsful attempt of Oge, and his efcape from 
 juftice, the difpofition of the white inhabitants in general to- 
 wards the mulattoes, was fliarpened into great animofity. The 
 lower claflcs in particular, (thofe whom the coloured people call 
 les pctits blancs) breathed nothing but vengeance againft them; 
 and very ferious apprehenfions were entertained, in all parts of 
 the colony, of a profcription and maflacre of the whole body. 
 
 Alarmed by reports of this kind, and the appearances which 
 threatened them from all quarters, the mulattoes flew to arms in 
 many places. They formed camps at Artibonite, Petit Goaves, 
 Jeremie, and Aux Cayes. But the largeft and moft formidable 
 body aiTembled near the little town of Verctte. The white in- 
 habitants coUedled themfelves in confiderable force in the neigh- 
 bourliood, and Colonel Mauduit, with a corps of two hundred 
 men from the regiment of Port au Prince, haftened to their af- 
 fiftance j but neither party proceeded to aftual hoflility. M. 
 Mauduit even left his detachment at the port of St. Marc, thirty- 
 fix miles from Verette, and proceeding fmgly and unattended to 
 the camp of the mulattoes, had a conference with their leaders. 
 What pafTed on that occafion was never' publickly divulged. It 
 is certain, that the mulattoes retired to their habitations in con- 
 fequence of it ; but the filence and fecrecy of M. Mauduit, and 
 * his 
 
 45
 
 46 H I S T O R Y O F 
 
 his influence over them, gave occafion to very unfavourable 
 fufpicions, by no means tending to conciliate the different claffes 
 of the inhabitants to each other. He was charged with having 
 traiteroufly perluaded them not to defift from their purpofe, but 
 only to poftpone their vengeance to a more favourable oppor- 
 tunity; afluring them, with the utmofl folemnity and apparent 
 fipcerity, that the king himfejf, and all the friends of the an- 
 cient government, were fccretly attached to their caufe, and 
 would avow and fupport it whenever they could do it with ad- 
 vantage ; and that the time was not far diftant, &c. He is faid 
 to have purfued the fame line of condud; at Jeremie, Aux Cayes, 
 and all the places which he vifited. Every where he held fecret 
 confultations with the chiefs of the mulattoes, and thofe people 
 everv where immediately dilperfed. At Aux Cayes, a iTcirmifli 
 had happened before his arrival there, in which about fifty per- 
 fons on both fides had loft their lives, and preparations were 
 making to renew hoftilities. The perfuafions of M. Mauduit 
 effefted a truce; but Rigaud, the leader of the mulattoes in that 
 quarter, openly declared that it was a tranfient and deceitful 
 calm, and that no peace would be permanent, until one clafs of 
 people had exterminated the other. 
 
 In November 1790, M. Peynier refigned the government to 
 the lieutenant-general, and embarked for Europe ; — a circum- 
 ftance which proved highly pleafmg to the major part of the 
 planters; — and the firft meafure of M. Blanchelande (k), the new 
 commander in chief, was confidered as the earneft of a dccilive 
 
 {k) Guillotined at Paris, 1793. 
 
 and
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 
 
 47 
 
 and vigorous adminifliration. He made a peremptory demand 
 of O^i^e and his aiTociates from the Spaniards ', and the manner in 
 which it was enforced, induced an immediate compliance there- 
 with. The wretched Oge, and his companions in mifery, were 
 delivered over, the latter end of December, to a detachment of 1790, 
 French troops, and fafely lodged in the jail of Cape Fran9ois, 
 with the prifoners formerly taken ; and a commilTion was foon 
 afterwatds iil'ued to bring them to trial. 
 
 Their exaniinations were long and frequent j and in the be- 
 ginning of March 1791, fentence was pronounced. Twenty of 
 Oge's deluded followers, among them his own brother, were con- 
 demned to be hanged. To Oge himfclf, and his lieutenant 
 Chavane, a more terrible puniiliment was allotted : — they were 
 adjudged to be broken alive, and left to perifli in that dreadful 
 fituation, on the wheel: — a fentence, on which it is impofiible 
 to reflecSt but with mingled emotions of (hame, fympathy, indig- 
 nation, and horror ! ' 
 
 The bold and hardened Chavane met his fate with unufual 
 finnnefs, and fuffered not a groan to efcape him during the extre- 
 mity of his torture : but the fortitude of Oge deferted him alto- 
 gether. When fentence was pronounced, he implored mercy 
 with many tears, and an abjeifl fpirit. He promifed to make 
 great difcoveries if his life was fpared, declaring that he had an 
 important fccret to communicate. A refpite of twenty- four hours 
 was accordingly granted j but it was not made known to the pub- 
 lick, at that time, that he divulged any thing of importance. His 
 fecret, if any he had, was believed to have died with him. 
 
 It
 
 48 ' H I S T O R Y O F 
 
 It was difcovered, however, about nine months afterwards, 
 that this moft unfortunate young man had not only made a fuU 
 confeilion of the fails that I have related, but alfo difclofed 
 the dreadful plot in agitation, and the miferies at that moment 
 impending over the colony. His laft folemn declarations and 
 dying confeflion, fworn to and figned by himfelf the day before his 
 execution, wore actually produced j wherein he details at large 
 the meafures which the coloured people had fallen upon to excite 
 the negro Haves to rife into rebellion. He points out the chiefs 
 by name, and relates that, notwithftandinghis own defeat, a ge- 
 neral revolt would adtually have taken place in the month of 
 February preceding, if an extraordinary flood of rain, and confe- 
 quent inundation from the rivers, had not prevented it. He 
 declares that the ringleaders flill maintained the fame atrocious 
 projeft, and held their meetings in certain fubterranean paflages, 
 or caves, in the parilh of La Grande Riviere, to which he offers, 
 if his life might be fpared, to conduct a body of troops, fo that 
 the confpirators might be fecured. 
 
 The perfons before whom this confeffion and narrative were 
 made, were the commilfioners appointed for the purpofe of 
 taking Oge's examination, by the fuperior council of the Northern 
 province, of which body they were alfo members fl). Whe- 
 ther this court (all the members of which were devotedly at- 
 tached to the ancient fyftem) determined of itfelf to fupprefs 
 evidence of fuch great concern to the colony, or was direfted on 
 
 (I) Their names were Antoine Etienne Ruotte, and'Francois Jofeph de Ver- 
 tierres. 
 
 this
 
 S T. D O M r N G O. 4^ 
 
 this occafion by the fuperior officers in the adminiflration of the 
 government, has never been clearly made known. SupprefTed it 
 certainly was, and the miferable Oge hurried to immediate exe- 
 cution; as if to prevent the farther communication, and full dif- 
 clofure of fo weighty a fecret ! 
 
 Christian charity might lead us to fuppofe that the com- 
 miffioners by whom Oge's examination was taken, difregarded 
 and negleded (ratiier than fupprefled) his information ; con- 
 fidering it merely as the fliallovv artifice of a miferable man to 
 obtain a mitigation of the dreadful punilbment which awaited 
 him, and utterly unworthy of credit. It does not appear, how- 
 ever, that the commiffioners made this excufe for themfelveS; 
 and the caution, circumfpe(5lion,and fecrecy which marked their 
 condud:, leave no room for fuch a fuppofition. The planters at 
 large fcrupled not to declare, that the royalifls in the colony, 
 and the philanthropick and republican party in the mother 
 country, were equally criminal ; and themfelves made viilims to 
 the blind purpofes, and unwarrantable paflions, of two defperate 
 and malignant fadions. 
 
 Of men who openly and avowedly aimed at the fubverfion 
 of all good order and fubordination, we may eafily credit the 
 worft ; but it will be difficult to point out any principle of ra- 
 tional policy by which the royalifts could have been influenced 
 to concur in the ruin of fo noble and beautiful a part of the 
 French empire. Their condudl therefore remains wholly in- 
 explicable, or we mufl admit they were guided by a fpirit of 
 Machiavilian policy — a principle of refined cunning, which al- 
 
 H ways
 
 ■5«> 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 ways defeats its own purpofe. They muft have encouraged the 
 vain and fallacious idea that fcenes of bloodflied, devaflation, and 
 ruin, in different parts of the French dominions, would induce 
 the great body of tJie people to look back with regret to their 
 former government, and lead them by degrees to co-operate ia 
 the fcheme of effedling a counter-revolution ; regarding the- 
 evils of anarchy, as lefs tolerable than the dead repofe of defpo- 
 tifm. If fuch were their motives, we can only afcribe them to 
 that infatuation with which Providence (as wife men have ob- 
 ferved, and hiftory evinces) blinds a people devoted, to deJhuSlion^ 
 
 CHAP.
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 51 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Proceedings in France — Majfacre of Colonel Mauduit in St. Do- 
 mingo — and fatal Decree of the National jijjembly of the i ^th 
 May 1791. 
 
 IN detailing the tragical flory of the miferable Oge, I have 
 chofen to continue my narrative unbroken : but it is now 
 time to call the reader homewards, and dired; his attention 
 to the meafures adopted by the national affembly, in confequence 
 of advices received from all parts of St. Domingo, concerning 
 the proceedings of the colonial aflembly which met at St. 
 Marc's. 
 
 The eighty-five members, whofe embarkation for France has 
 already been noticed, arrived at B reft on the 13th of September 
 1 790. They were received on landing by all ranks of people, and 
 even by men in authority, with congratulation and ftiouts of ap- 
 plaufe. The fame honours were fhewn to them as would have 
 been paid to the national aftembly. Their expences were de- 
 frayed, and fums of money raifed for their future occafions by a 
 voluntary and very general fubfcription ; but thcfe teftimonies 
 of rcfpedl and kindnefs ferved only to encreafe the difappoint- 
 ment which they foon afterwards experienced in the capital ; 
 
 H 2 Nvhere
 
 $2 
 
 HISTORY Qjr 
 
 where a very difTerent reception awaited them. They had the 
 mordiication to difcover that their enemies had been beforehand 
 with them. Deputies were already arrived fro.m the provincial 
 alTembly of the North, who, joining with the agents of Peynier 
 and Mauduit, had fo effedlually prevailed with M. Barnave f^aj, 
 the prefident of the committee for the colonies,, that they found, 
 their caufe prejudged, and their condudl condemned, without a 
 hearing. The national alTembly had ilTued a peremptory order, 
 on the 21 ft of September, diredling them to attend at Paris, and 
 wait there for further diredllons. Their prompt obedience to 
 this order procured them no favour. They were allowed a fingle 
 audience only, and then indignantly difmilTed from the bar. 
 They folicited a fecond, and an opportunity of being confronted 
 with their adverfaries : the national aflembly refufed their re- 
 queft, and diredled the colonial committee to haften its report 
 concerning their condudl. On the nth of Odtober, this re- 
 port was prefented by M. Barnave. It comprehended a detail 
 of all the proceedings of the colonial alTembly, from its firfl 
 meeting at St. Marc's, and cenfured their general condudl in 
 tenns of great afperity ; reprefenting it as flowing from motives 
 of difaffedilon towards the mother country, and an impatience of 
 fubordination to conftitutional authority and good government. 
 The report concluded by recommending, " that all the pre- 
 " tended decrees and adls of the faid colonial affembly, fhould be 
 " reverfed, and pronounced utterly null and of no effed ; that 
 " the faid aflembly fhould be declared diflblved, and its mem- 
 " bers rendered ineligible and incapable of being delegated in 
 
 (a) Guillotined December r, 1793. 
 
 ** futiu-e
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 
 
 ** future to the colonial afTembly of St. Domingo ; that tcfti- 
 ** monies of approb.i.tion (hould be tranfmitted to the Northern 
 " provincial afTembly, to Colonel Mauduit and ihe regiment of 
 ** Port au Prince, for refifting the proceedings at St Marc's ; that 
 *' the kinglliould be requcfted to give orders for the formbg a new 
 '* colonial allembly on the principles of the national decree of 
 " the 8th of March 1790, and inftruftions of the 28th of the 
 " fame month ; finally, that the ci-devant members, then in 
 *' France, fliould continue in a ftate of arrell, until the national 
 *' allembly might find time to fi2;nify its further pleafure eoncern- 
 " ing them." A decree to this cffcdt was accordingly voted on the 
 I2th of 0>5tober, by a very large majority; and the king was re- 
 quefted, at the fame time,, to fend out an augmentation of force, 
 both naval and military, for the better fupporting the regal au- 
 thority in St. Domingo, 
 
 It is not ea{y to defcribe the furprize and indignation which 
 the news of this decree excited in St. Domingo, except among 
 the partizans of the former government. By them it was re- 
 garded as the firfl ftep towards the revival of the ancient fyftem ; 
 by moft other perfons it was confidered as a derelidlion by the 
 national afTembly of all principle; and the orders for eledling a 
 new colonial afTembly were fo little regarded, that many of the 
 parifhes politively refufed to choofe other deputies until the 
 fate of their former members, at that time in France, fliould be 
 decided ; declaring, that they ftill confidered thofe perfons as the 
 legal reprefentatives of the colony. One immediate and appa- 
 rent efTedl of this decree was, to heighten and inflame the po- 
 pular refentment againfl Mauduit and his regiment. The 
 reader has already been made acquainted with fome particulars 
 
 concerning
 
 54 
 
 HISTORYOF 
 
 concerning this officer; and to what has been faid of his ge- 
 neral charader, and his intemperate zeal for the re-eftablifli- 
 ment of the regal authority in its fuUeft extent, it may be added, 
 that he Was the more dangerous, becaufe he was generous in his 
 difpofition, and even profufe in his bounty towards his foldiers. 
 In return, the attachment of his regiment towards his perfon 
 appeared to exceed the ufual limits of obedience and dnty f/>J. 
 
 The maflacre of this man by thofe very troops, a fliort time 
 after the notification of the aforefaid decree, affords fo flriking an 
 inftance of that cruel and ungovernable difpofition, equally im- 
 petuous and inconftant, which prevailed, and I am afraid fliU 
 continues to prevail, amongfl: the lower claiTes of the people 
 throughout all the French dominions, that I conceive a brief re- 
 cital of the circumftances attending his murder will not be 
 thought an unnecefiary digreflion. 
 
 I HAVE, in a former place f'cj, given fome account of the pro- 
 ceedings of M. Peynier, the late governor, againft certain perfons 
 who compofed what was called the committee of the Weftern 
 provincial aflembly, and of the attempt by M. Mauduit to feize 
 by force the individuals who compofed that committee. This 
 happened on the 29th of July, 1790; and I obferved that the 
 circumflance of M. Mauduit's carrying off the colours from a 
 detachment of the national guards on that occafion, ultimately 
 terminated in his deftruclion. 
 
 (b) After his example they had rejected the national cockade, and wore a white 
 feather in their hats, the fymbol, or avowed fignal, of the royal party. 
 
 (c) Chap. iii. p. 34. 
 
 J The
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. ss 
 
 The cafe was, that not only the detachment from whom their 
 enfign was taken, but the whole of the national guards through- 
 out the colony, confidered this adt as the mofl outrageous and 
 unpardonable infult that could pollibly be offered to a body of 
 men, who had fworn fidelity to the new conftitutioa ; and no- 
 thing but the dread of the fuperior difcipline of the veterans 
 eompofing the Port au Prince regiment (which Mauduit com- 
 manded) prevented them from exercifing exemplary vengeance 
 on the author of their difgrace. This regiment therefore, being 
 Lnplicated in the crime of their commanding ofhcer^ was re- 
 garded by the other troops with hatred and deteflation. 
 
 On the 3d of March 1791, the frigates Le Fougueux and Le 
 Boree arrived from France, wich two battalions of the regiments 
 of Artois and Normandy; and when it is known that thefe 
 troops had been vifited by the crew of the Leopard, it will not 
 appear furprizing that, on their landing at Port au Prince, they 
 fhould have manifelled the fame hoftile difpofition towards 
 Mauduit's regiment, as was fhewn by the national guards. 
 They refufed all manner of communication or intercourfe with 
 them, and even declined to enter into any of their places of 
 refort. They confidered, or affedled to confider them, as ene- 
 mies to the colony, and traitors to their country. This con- 
 dudl in the new-comers towards the ill-fated regiment foon 
 made a wonderful imj. refhon on the minds of both otiicers and 
 privates of the regiment itfelf j and mutual reproach and accu- 
 fation fpread through the whole corps. The white feather was 
 indignantly torn from their hats,.and dark and fullen looks to- 
 wards
 
 56 II I S T O R Y O F 
 
 wards their once-loved commander, indicated not only that he 
 had loft their confidence, but alio that he was the objedl of me- 
 ditated mifchief. Mauduit foon perceived the full extent of his 
 danger, and fearing to involve the governor (M. Blanchelande) 
 and his family, in the rain which awaited himfelf, with great ge- 
 ncrofity advifed them to make the heft of their way to Cape 
 Fran9<jis, while they could do it with fafetyj and Blanchelande, 
 for which he was afterwards much cenfured, followed this ad- 
 vice. Mauduit then harangued his grenadiers, to whom he had 
 always fhewn great kindnefs, and told them that he was willing, 
 for the fake of peace, to reflore to the national troops the colours 
 which he had formerly taken from them ; and even to carry 
 them, with his own hands, at the head of his regiment, and de- 
 polit them in the church in which they had been ufually lodged ; 
 but he added, that he depended on their affedion and duty to 
 protecft him from perfonal infult, while making this ample apo- 
 logy. The faiihlefs grenadiers declared that they would pro- 
 ted: him with their lives. 
 
 The next day the ceremony took place, and Mauduit reflored 
 the colours as he had promifed, before a vaft croud of fpedators. 
 At that moment, one of his own foldiers cried aloud, that he miifi 
 ajk pardon of the national troops on his knees ; and the whole 
 regiment applauded the propofal, Mauduit ftarted back with 
 indignation, and offered his bofom to their fvvords : — it was 
 pierced with a hundred wounds, all of them inflidcd by his own 
 men, while net a fingle hand was lifted up in his defence. The 
 fpeftators flood motionlefs, either through hatred to the man, 
 or furpiize at the treachery and cowardice of the foldiers. Such 
 
 indeed
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 57 
 
 indeed was the bafenefs of thefe wretches, that no modern lan- 
 guage can defcribe, but in terms which would not be endured, 
 the horrible enormities that were praftifed on the dead body 
 of their wretched commander. It was referved for the prefent 
 day to behold, for the firfl: time, a civilized nation exceeding in 
 feats of cruelty and revenge the favages of North America. I 
 grieve to add, that I have many dreadful inftances yet to recite 
 in confirmation of this remark fcj. 
 
 While thefe fhameful enormities were pafling in St. Do- 
 mingo, the focicty of yimis des Noirs in the mother country 
 were but too fucccfsfully employed in deviling projedls which 
 gave birth to deeds of ftill greater horror, and produced fcenes 
 that transformed the moft beautiful colony in the world into a 
 field of defolation and carnage. 
 
 Although it mufl have occurred to every unprejudiced mind, 
 from the circumflances that have been related concerning the 
 
 (c) The following anecdote, though fliocking to humanity, I have thought 
 too extraordinary to omit. It was communicated to me by a French gen- 
 tleman who was at St. Domingo at the time, and knew the fa£t ; but decency 
 has induced me to veil it in a learned language. Mauduito vlx rmrtiio^ umu de 
 tnilitibus., dum cadaver calidurn^ ct crmre adhuc Jluente madidum-, in pavwifiitiim ec- 
 ctefia epifccpalis jacu'tt, ftcam dljlringens, genitalia coram poptdo ah/cidit, et membra 
 iruncata in cijiam compoiiensy ad feminam tiobilem, quam amicam Maudiiitojhiimt, ut 
 Ugatum de mortuo attulit. It may afford the reader fome confolation to find that 
 the murder of their commanding officer by his own regiment, excited in all the 
 «ther troops no other fentinicnts than thofe of indignation againll his murderers. 
 They were compelled to lay down their arms, and were fent prifoners to France ; 
 but I fear they efcapcd the punifhment due to their crimes. 
 
 I behaviour
 
 58 HISTORYOF 
 
 CHAP, behaviour of the mulattoes refident in the colony, that the ge- 
 ^'- neral body of thofe people were by no means averfe to conci- 
 
 liation with the whites, yet it was found impoffible to perfuadc 
 tlieir pretended friends in Europe to leave the a^'airs of St. Do- 
 mingo to their natural courfe. Barnave alone (hitherto the moft 
 formidable opponent of the prejudices and pretenfions of the co- 
 lonifts) avowed his conviction that any further interference of 
 the mother country in the queftion between the whites and the 
 coloured people, would be produflive of fatal confequences. 
 Such an opinion was entitled to greater refpedl, as coming from 
 a man who, asprefident of the colonial committee, muft be fup- 
 pofed to have acquired an intimate knowledge of the fubje<3:i 
 but he was heard without convidlion. There are enthufiafts in 
 politicks as well as in religion, and it commonly happens with 
 fanaticks in each, that the recantation of a few of their number 
 ferves only to flrengthen the errors, and animate the purpofes of 
 the reft. It was now refolved by Gregoire, La Fayette, Briflbt, 
 and fome other peftilent reformers, to call in the fupreme le- 
 giilative authority of the French government to give effetft to 
 their projedts ; and that the reader may clearly underftand the 
 nature and complexion of the mifchief that was meditated, and 
 of thofe meafures to which the ruin of the French part of St. 
 Domingo is immediately to be attributed, it is neceflary, in the 
 fir ft place, to recal his attention to the national decree of the 
 8th of March 1790, of which an account was given in the fe- 
 cond chapter. 
 
 By that decree, as the reader muft have remembered, the na- 
 tional aflembly, among other things, difclaimed all right of in- 
 terference
 
 ST. DOMING 0. 59 
 
 terference In the local and Interior concerns of the colonies; and 
 it cannot be doubted, that if this declaration had been faithfully 
 interpreted and afted upon, it would have contributed, in a very- 
 eminent degree, to the reftoration of peace and tranquillity in St. 
 Domingo. To render it therefore of as little efFedl as potrible> 
 and to add fuel to the fire which perhaps would otherwile have 
 become extinguiflied, it had been inlldioully propofed in the na- 
 tional afTembly, within a few days after the decree of the 8th of 
 March had pafTed, to tranfmit with it to the governor of St. Do- 
 mingo, a code, or chapter, of inflrudions for its due and pundlual 
 obfervance and execution. Accordingly, on the 28th of the fame 
 month, inflrudions which were faid to be calculated for that 
 purpofe, were prefented and decreed. They confifled of eighteen 
 articles, and contained, among other things, a direftion " that 
 *• every perfon of the age of twenty-five and upwards, pon'efTmg 
 ** property, or having refided two years in the colony, and paid 
 " taxes, fhould be permitted to vote in the formation of the co*- 
 " lonial afTembly." 
 
 The friends of the colonifls having at that time feats in the 
 national affembly, oppofed the meafure chiefly on the ground of 
 its repugnancy to the decree of the 8th ; it being evidently, they 
 urged, an interference in the local arrangements and interior re- 
 gulations of the colonial government. It does not appear (not«-'- 
 vvithflanding what has fince been afTerted to the contrary) that 
 they entertained an idea that the mulatto people were direiSly 
 or indiredly concerned. The framers and fupporters of the mea- 
 fure pretended that it went only to the modification of the 
 privilege of voting in the parochial meetings, which it was well 
 
 I 2 known
 
 6o HISTORYOF 
 
 CHAP, known, under the old government had been conftituted of white 
 ^- perlbns only. The coloured people iiad in no inftance attended 
 
 thofe meetings, nor fet up a claim, or even expreffed a defire, to 
 take any part in the bufinefs tranfadtcd thereat. But thefe in- 
 ftrudtions were no Iboner adopted \^ the national aflembly, and 
 converted into a decree, than its framers and lupporters threw 
 off the malk, and the mulattoes refident in the mother country, 
 as well as the fociety of ^ms des Noirs, failed not to apprize their 
 friends and agents in St. Domingo, that the people of colour^ 
 not being excepted, -^ere virtually comprized in it. Thefe, 
 however, not thinking themfelves fufficiently powerful to en- 
 force the claim, or, perhaps, doubting the real meaning of the 
 decree, fent deputies to France to demand an explanation of it 
 from the national aflembly. 
 
 In the beginning of May 1791, the confidcration of this fub- 
 jedl was brought forward by the Abbe Gregoire,, and the claim 
 of the free mulattoes to the full benefit of the inftrudions of the 
 28th of March 1790, and to all the rights and privileges enjoyed 
 by the white inhabitants, citizens of the French colonies, was 
 fupported with all that warmth and eloquence for which he was 
 diftinguifhed. Unfortunately, at this jundture the news of the 
 miferable death of Oge arrived at Paris, and raifed'a florm of 
 indignation in the minds of all ranks of people, which the 
 planters refident in France were unable to refift. Nothing was 
 heard in all companies but declamations againfi: their oppreffion 
 and cruelty. To fupport and animate the popular outcry againft 
 them, a tragedy or pantomine, formed on the flory of Oge, was. 
 reprefented on the publick theatres. By thefe, and other means, 
 
 the
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 6i 
 
 the planters were become fo generally odious, that for a time CHAP, 
 they dared not to appear in the ftreets of Paris. Thef; were the V. 
 
 arts by which Gregoire, Condorcct, La Fayette, Briffot, and ' ^' ' 
 Roberfpierre difpofed the publick mind to clamour for a new and 
 explanatory decree, in which the rights of the coloured people 
 fliould be placed beyond all future doubts and difpute. The friends 
 and advocates of the planters were overpowered and confounded.. 
 In vain did they predict the utter deflruction of the colonies if 
 fuch a propofal fhould pals into a law. ♦' Pcrifh the colonies," 
 faid Roberfpierre, " rather than facrifice one iota of our prin- 
 " ciples."" The majority reiterated the fentiment, and the fa- 
 mous decree of the 15th of May 1791 was pronounced amidft 
 the acclamation and applaufe of the multitude. 
 
 By this decree It was declared and enaded, " that tiie people of 
 colour refident in the French colonies, born of free parents, were 
 entitled to, as of right, and fliould be allowed the enjoyment of, 
 all the privileges of French citizens, and, among others, to thofe 
 of having votes in the choice of reprefentatives, and of I'eing 
 eligible to feats both in the parochial and colonial ajjemblies." Thus 
 did the national alTembly fweep away in a moment all the laws, 
 ulages, prejudices, and opinions concerning thefe people, which 
 had exifted in the French colonies from their earlicft fettlement, 
 and tear up by the roots the firft principle of a free conftitution :; 
 — a principle founded on the cleareft didstes of reafon and 
 juflice, andexprefsly confirmed to the inhabitants of the French 
 Weft Indies by the national decree of the 8th of March 1790; 
 I mean, the fole and exclujive right of pajjijig laws for their local 
 endinterior regulation and government. The colonial committee,.
 
 62 H I S T O R Y O F 
 
 of which M. Barnave was prelident, failed not to apprize the 
 national affembly of the fatal confeqiiences of this meafure, and 
 immediately fufpended the exercife of its fundlions. At the 
 fame time, the deputies from the colonies iignified their purpofe 
 to decline any farther attendance. The only effedl: produced by 
 thefe meafurcs however, on the- national affembly, was an order 
 that the three civil commiffioners, who had been appointed in 
 February preceding for regulating the affairs of the colonies on 
 the fpot, fliould immediately repair thither, and fee the national 
 decrees duly enforced. The confequences in St. Domingo will 
 be related in the following chapter (dj. 
 
 (d) It has been confidently afTerted, that La Fayette-, in order to fecure a majority 
 on this queftion, introduced into the national aflembl) no lefs than eighty perfons 
 who were not members, but who fat and voted as fuch. This man had formerly been 
 poflTeffed of a plantation at Cayenne, with feventy negro fiaves thereon, which he had 
 fold, without any fcruple or ftipulation concerning the fituation of the negroes, the 
 latter end of 1789, and from that time enrolled himfelf among the friends of the 
 blacks. The mere Englifti reader, who may be perfonally unacquainted with the 
 Weft Indies, will probably confidcr the clamour which was raifed on this occafion 
 by the French planters as equally illiberal and unjuft. The planters in the Britifh 
 Weft Indies will perhaps bring the cafe home to themfelves ; and I have no hefita- 
 tion in faying, that, fuppofing the Enghfli parliament fliould pafs a law declaring, 
 for inftance, the free mulattoes of Jamaica to be eligible into the affembly of that 
 iAand, fuch a meafure would prove there, as it proved in St. Domingo, the decla- 
 ration of civil war. On mere abftracl rcafoning this may appear ftrar.ge and unjuf- 
 tifiable ; but we muft take mankind as we find them, and few inftance; occur in 
 ■which the prejudices of habit, education, and opinion have been corrcded /'y/irrf. 
 
 CHAP.
 
 S T. D O M I N G O^ ti 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Confcquenccs in St. 'Domingo of the Decree of the i^t/j of May — 
 Rebellion of the Negroes in the Northern Province, and Enor- 
 rnities committed by them — Revolt of the Mulattoes at Mircbalais 
 —Concordat or Truce between the Inhabitants of Port au Prince 
 and the Men of Colour of the i ith of September — Proclamation 
 by the National AJfembly of the zoth of September. 
 
 I A M now to enter on the retrofpeft of fcenes, the horrors 
 of which imagination cannot adequately conceive nor pen 
 defcribe. The difputes and contefls between different clafles of 
 French citizens, and the violences of malignant fadlions to- 
 wards each other, no longer claim attention. Such a pifture of 
 human mifery i — fuch a fcene of woe, prefents itfelf, as no other 
 country, no former age has exhibited. Upwards of one hun- 
 dred thoufand favage people, habituated to the barbarities of 
 Africa, avail themfelves of the filence and obfcnrity of the night, 
 and fall on the peaceful and unfufpicious planters, like fo many 
 famiflied tygers thirfling for human blood. Revolt, conflagra- 
 tion and maflacre, every where mark their progrefs -, and death, 
 in all its horrors, or cruelties and outrages, compared to whicli 
 immediate death is mercy, await alike the old and the young, 
 the matron, the virgin, and the helplcfs infant. No condition, 
 
 age.
 
 64 HISTORYOF 
 
 Age, or fex is fpared. All the fhocking and fliameful enor- 
 mities, with which the fierce and unbridled paffions of favage 
 man have ever conduifled a war, prevail uncontrouled. The 
 rage of fire confumes what the fword is unable to deftroy, and, 
 in a few difmal hours, the moft fertile and beautiful plains in the 
 world are converted into one vaft field of carnage ; — a wilder- 
 nefs of defolation ! 
 
 There is indeed too much feafoh to believe, that thefe mlfe- 
 i-ies would have occurred in St. Domingo, in a great degree, 
 even if the proceedings of the National AfTembly, as related in 
 the latter part of the preceding chapter, had been more tem- 
 perate, and if the decree of the 15th of May had never palled 
 into a law. The declarations of the dying Oge fufficiently 
 point out the mifchief that was meditated, long before that ob- 
 noxious decree was promulgated. But it may be affirmed, 
 with truth and certainty, that this fatal meafure gave life and 
 adlivity to the poifon. It was the brand by which the flames 
 were lighted, and the combuftibles that were prepared fet into 
 adlion. Intelligence having been received of it at Cape Fran- 
 Z791. fois on the 30th of June, no words can defcribe the rage and 
 indignation which immediately fpread throughout the colony j 
 and in no place did the inhabitants breathe greater refentment than 
 in the town of the Cape, which had hitherto been foremofl in pro- 
 feffions of attachment to the mother country, and in promoting 
 the fpirit of difunion and oppofition in the colonial aflembly. 
 They now unanimoufly determined to rejed: the civick oath, 
 although great preparations had been made for a general fede- 
 ration on the 14th of July. The news of this decree feemed to 
 
 unite
 
 8 T. D O M I N G O. 65 
 
 unite the mofl: difcordant interefts. la the firft tranfports of 
 indignation it was propofe'd to feize all the fliips, and confifcate 
 the effects of the French merchants then in the harbour. An 
 embargo was adually laid, and a motion was even made in the 
 provincial aflembly to pull down the national colours, and hoifl 
 the Britifh ftandard in their room. The national cockade was 
 every where trodden under foot, and the governor-general, who 
 continued a forrowful and filent fpecfbator of thefe exceffes, 
 found his authority, as reprefentative of the parent country, to- 
 gether with every idea of colonial fubordinatioa in the people, 
 annihilated in a moment. 
 
 The fears and apprehenfions which the governor felt on this 
 occafion have been well defcribed by that officer himfelf, in a 
 memorial which he afterwards publiflied concerning his admi- 
 niflratioii. " Acquainted (he obferves) with the genius and 
 ** temper of the white colonifts, by a refidence of {even years in 
 *' the Windward Iflands, and well informed of the grounds and 
 " motives of their prejudices and opinions concerning the peo- 
 *' pie of colour, I immediately forefaw the diflurbances and 
 ** dangers which the news of this ill-advifed meafure would in- 
 " cvitably produce ; and riot having it in my power to fupprcfs 
 ** the communication of it, I loft no time in apprizing the 
 " king's minifters of the general difcontent and violent fermen- 
 " tation which it excited in the colony. To my own obferva-> 
 " tions, I added thofe of many refpe^flable, fober, and difpaf- 
 " fionate men, whom I thought it my duty to confult in fo 
 *' critical a conjuncture ; and I concluded my letter by expref- 
 •' fing my fears that this decree would prove the death-warrant 
 
 K " of
 
 66 HISTORYOl?* 
 
 " of many thoufands of the inhabitants. The event has mourn- 
 *' fully verified my predictions !" 
 
 On the recommendation of the provincial aflembly of the 
 Northern department, the feveral parifhes throughout the co- 
 lony now proceeded, vi^ithout further hefitation, to the eledlion 
 of deputies for a new general colonial affembly. Thefe de- 
 puties, to the number of one hundred and feventy-fix, met at 
 Leogane, and on the 9th of Auguft declared themfelves the 
 general ajfembly of the French part of St. Domingo. They tranf- 
 afted however but little bufinefs, but manifefted great unani- 
 mity and temper in their proceedings, and refolved to hold 
 their meetings at Cape Fran9ois, whither they adjourned for 
 that purpofe, appointing the 25th of the fame month for open- 
 ing the felTion. 
 
 In the mean- while, fo great was the agitation of the publick 
 jnind, M. Blanchelande found it neceflary not only to tranf- 
 mit to the provincial affembly of the North, a copy of the 
 letter which he mentions to have written to the king's minifters, 
 but alfo to accompany it with a folemn affurance, pledging him- 
 felf to ftifpend the execution of the obnoxious decree, whenever it 
 Jljould come out to him properly authenticated ; a meafure which 
 too plainly demonftrated that his authority in the colony was at 
 an end» 
 
 Justly alarmed at all thefe proceedings, fo hoflile towards 
 
 them, and probably apprehenfive of a general profcription, the 
 
 mulattoes throughout the colony began to colledl in different 
 
 "^ place}
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. ^y 
 
 places in armed bodies ; and the whites, by a mournful fatality, 
 fuffered them to affemble without moleftation. In truth, every 
 man's thoughts were diredled towards the meeting of the new 
 colonial alTembly, from whofe deliberations and proceedings the 
 extindlion of party, and the full and immediate redrefs of all 
 cxifting grievances, were confidently expecfled. M. Blanche- 
 lande himfelf declares, that he cheriihed the fame flattering and 
 fallacious hopes. " After a long fucceffion of violent ftorms, 
 " I fondly expefted (he writes) the return of a calm and ferene 
 ** morning. The temperate and conciliating condu6l of the 
 " new affembly, during their fhort fitting at Lcogane, the cha- 
 *' rafters of mofl of the individual members, and the necefllty, 
 ** fo apparent to all, of mutual concelTion and unanimity on this 
 ** great occafion, led me to think that the colony would at 
 ** length fee the termination of its miferies ; when, alas, the 
 ** florm was ready to burft, which has fince involved us in one 
 " common dellrudion !" 
 
 It was on the morning of the 23d of Auguft, jufi: before day, 1791. 
 that a general alarm and confternation fpread throughout the 
 town of the Cape, from a report that all the negro flaves in the 
 feveral neighbouring parifhes had revolted, and were at that 
 moment carrying death and defolation over the adjoining large 
 and beautiful plain to the North-eaft. The governor, and mofl 
 of the military officers on duty, aifembled together j but the re- 
 ports were fo confufed and contradiftory, as to gain but little 
 credit ; when, as day-light began to break, the fudden and fuc- 
 ceflive arrival, with ghaftly countenances, of perfons who had 
 with difficulty efcaped the mafiacre, and flown to the town 
 
 K 2 fcttr
 
 6Z HISTORYOF 
 
 CHAP, for pi'oteftion, brought a dreadful confirmation of the fatal 
 VI. tidings. 
 
 The rebellion firll broke out on a plantation called Noc', ia 
 the parifh of y^cu/, nine miles only from the city. Twelve or 
 fourteen of the ringleaders, about the middle of the night, 
 proceeded to the refinery, or fugar-houfe, and feized on a young 
 man, the refiner's apprentice, dragged him to the front of 
 the dwelling-houfe, and there hewed him into pieces with, 
 their cutlafles : his fcreams brought out the overfeer, whom they 
 iiiftantly Ihot. The rebels now found their way to the apart- 
 ment of the refiner, and maflacred him in his bed^ A young man 
 lying fick in a neighbouring chamber, was left apparently dead of 
 the wounds inflidlcd by their cutlafies : he had ilrength enough 
 however to crawl to the next plantation, and relate the horrors 
 he had witnefiTed. He reoorted, that all the whites of the eftate 
 which he had left were murdered, except only the furgeon; 
 whom the rebels had compelled to accompany them, on the- 
 idea that they might fland in need of his profeffional afliftance. 
 Alarmed by this intelligence, the perfons to whom it was com- 
 municated immediately fought their fafety in flight. What be-- 
 came of the poor youth I have never been informed. 
 
 The revolters (confifting now of all the flaves belonging to 
 that plantation) proceeded to the houfe of a Mr. Clement, by 
 whofe negroes alfo they were immediately joined, and both he 
 and his refiner were raafl^acred. The murderer of Mr. Clement 
 was his own poftillion, a man to .whom he had always fhewn 
 great kindnefs. The other white people on this eftate con- 
 trived to make their efcape. 
 
 At
 
 S T. D O iM I N G O. 69 
 
 At this jundlure, the negroes on the plantation of M. Fla- 
 viUe, a few miles diftant, likewife rofe and murdered five white 
 perfons, one of whom (the procureiir or attorney for the eilate) 
 had a wife and three daughters. Thefe unfortunate women, 
 while imploring for mercy of the favages on their knees, beheld 
 their hufband and father murdered before their faces. For 
 themfelves, they were devoted to a more horrid fate, and were 
 carried away captives by the aflaffins. 
 
 The approach of day-light ferved only to difcover fights of 
 horror. It was now apparent that the negroes on all the 
 eftates in the plain adled in concert, and a general maffacre of 
 the whites took place in every quarter. On fome few eftates 
 indeed the lives of the women were fpared, but they were re- 
 ferved only to gratify the brutal appetites of the ruffians -, and. 
 it is fliocking to relate, that many of them fufFered violation 
 on the dead bodies of their hufbands and fathers ! 
 
 In the town itfelf, the general belief for fome time was, that 
 the revolt was by no means an cxtenfive, bat a fudden and par- 
 tial infurreftion only. The largeft fugar plantation on the plain 
 was that of Monf. Gallifet, fituated about eight miles from the 
 town, the negroes belonging to which had always been treated 
 with fuch kindnefs and liberality, and pofrfllcd fo. many advan- 
 tages, that it became a proverbial expreffion among the lower 
 white people, in fpeaking of any man's good fortune, to fay il 
 ejl heureux comme un negre de. Gallifet (he is. as happy as one of 
 Gallifet's negroes). M. Odeluc, the attorney, or agent, for this 
 plantation, was a member of the general alfembly, and being 
 4 fuller
 
 70 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAP, fully perfuaded that the negroes belonging to It would remain 
 ^'^- firm in their obedience, determined to repair thither to en- 
 courage them in oppoling the infurgents ; to which end, he 
 defired the afliftance of a few foldiers from the town-guard, 
 which was granted him. He proceeded accordingly, but on 
 approaching the eftate, to his furprife and grief he found all the 
 negroes in arms on the fide of the rebels, and (horrid to tell !) their 
 Jlandardwas the body of a 'white infant, which they had recently im- 
 paled on a Jiake ! M. Odeluc had advanced too far to retreat 
 undifcovered, and both he, and a friend that accompanied him, 
 with moft oi the foldiers, were killed without mercy. Two or 
 three only of the patrole, efcaped by flight ; and conveyed the 
 dreadful tidings to the inhabitants of the town. 
 
 By this time, all or moft of the white perfons that had been 
 found on the feveral plantations, being maflacred or forced to 
 feek their fafety in flight, the ruffians exchanged the fword 
 for the torch. The buildings and cane-fields were every where 
 fet on fire ; and the conflagrations, which were vifible from the 
 town, in a thoufand difl:erent quarters, furniflied a profpedt more 
 Shocking, and reflecftions more difmal, than fancy can paint, or 
 the powers of man defcribe. 
 
 Consternation and terror now took pofleffion of every 
 mind} and the fcreams of the women and children, running from 
 door to door, heightened the horrors of the fcene. All the citi- 
 zens took up arms, and the general allembly vefted the gover- 
 nor with the command of the national guards, requefting him to 
 give fuch orders as the urgency of the cafe feemed to demand. 
 
 One
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 71 
 
 One of the firft meafures was to fend the white women and 
 children on board the fhips in the harbour ; and very ferious 
 apprehenfions being entertained concerning the domeftick ne- 
 groes within the town, a great proportion of the ablell men 
 among them were likewife fent on Clipboard and clofely 
 guarded. 
 
 There ftill remained in the city a confiderable body of free, 
 mulattoes, wlio had not taken, or affedted not to take, any part 
 in the difputes between their brethren of colour and the white 
 inhabitants. Their fituation was extremely critical j for the 
 lower clafs of whites, confidering the mulattoes as the imme- 
 diate authors of the rebellion, marked them for deftrucSion ; and 
 the whole number in the town would undoubtedly have been 
 murdered without fcruple, if the governor and the colonial af- 
 fembly had not vigoroufly interpofed, and taken them under 
 their immediate prote<fl;ion. Grateful for this interpofition in 
 their favour (perhaps not thinking their lives otherwife fecure) 
 all the able men among them offered to march immediately 
 againft the rebels, and to leave their wives and children as 
 hoftages for their fidelity. Their offer was accepted, and they 
 were enrolled in different companies of the militia. 
 
 The afiembly continued their deliberations throughout the 
 night, amidft the glare of the furrounding conflagration?; and the 
 inhabitants, being flrengthened by a number of feamen from the 
 fhips, and brought into fome degree of order and military fubordi- 
 nation, were now defirous that a detachment fhould be fent to at- 
 tack the flrongefl body of the revolters. Orders were given ac- 
 cordingly j-
 
 72 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 cordingly ; and M. de Touzard, an officer who had iliftinguifhed 
 himfelf in the fervice of the North Americans, took the com- 
 mand of a party of militia and troops of the Hne. With thefe, he 
 marched to the plantation of a M. Latour, and attacked a body 
 of about four thoufand of the rebel negroes. Many were de- 
 flroyed, but to little purpofe ; for Touzard, finding the number 
 of revolters to encreafe in more than a centuple proportion to their 
 Icffes, was at length obliged to retreat; and it cannot be doubted, 
 that if the rebels had forthwith proceeded to the town, defence- 
 lefs as it then was towards the plain, they might have fired it 
 without difficulty, and deitroyed all its inhabitants, or compelled 
 them to fly to the Shipping for refuge. 
 
 Sensible of this, the governor, by the advice of the alTembly, 
 determined to acl for fome time folely on the defenfive ; and as 
 it was every moment to be apprehended that the revolters would 
 pour down upon the town, the iiril meafure reforted to was to 
 fortify the roads and pafles leading into it. At the eaftern ex- 
 tremity, the main road from the plain is interfered by a river, 
 which luckily had no bridge over it, and was croffed in ferry 
 boats. For the defence of this paffage, a battery of cannon was 
 raifed on boats laihed together -, while two fmall camps were 
 formed at proper diftances on the banks. The other principal 
 entrance into the town, and contiguous to it towards the fouth, 
 was through a mountainous diftrifl, called /e Hatit du Cap. 
 PolTcffion was immediately taken of thefe heights, and confi- 
 derable bodies of troops, with fuch artillery as could be Jpared, 
 were ftationed thereon. But thefe precautions not being thought 
 fufficient, it was alfo determined to furrcund the whole of the town, 
 
 except
 
 ST. DOMING O. 
 
 except the fide next the fea, with a ftrong paliiadc and c/jcvaux 
 de frize ; in the ereding and completing of which, all the inha- 
 bitants laboured without dilHnftion or intenniirion. At the 
 fame time, an embargo was laid on all the fliipping in the har- 
 bour; a meafure of indifpenfible necelTity, calculated as well to 
 obtain the afliftance of the feamen, as to fecure a retreat for the 
 inhabitants in the laft extremity. 
 
 To fuch of the diflant parifhes as were open to communication 
 either by land or by lea, not^ice of the revolt had been tranfmitted 
 within a few hours after advice of it was received at the Cape ; 
 and the white inhabitants of many of thofe parilhes had therefore 
 found time to eftabliOi camps, and form a chain of polls, which 
 for a fliort time feemed to prevent the rebellion fpreading be- 
 yond the Northern province (a). Two of thofe camps how- 
 ever, one at Grande Riviere, the other at Dondon, were attacked 
 by the negroes (who were here openly joined by the mulattoes) 
 and forced with great flaughter. At Dondon, the whites main- 
 tained the contefl for feven hours; but were overpowered by the 
 infinite difparity of numbers, and compelled to give way, with the 
 lofs of upwards of one hundred of their body. The furvivors 
 took refuge in the Spanifli territory. 
 
 These two diftriifls therefore; the whole of the rich and ex- 
 tenfive plain of the Cape, together with the contiguous moun- 
 
 (a) It is believed that a general iiifurreftion was to have taken place throughout 
 the colony on the 25th of Auguft (St. Louis's day); but that the impatience and 
 irapetuofity of fome negroes on the plain, induced them to commence their opera- 
 lions two days before the time. 
 
 L tains. 
 
 73
 
 74. H I S T O R y O F 
 
 CHAP, tains, were liow wholly abandoned to the ravages of the enemy, 
 "VI. and the cruelties which they exercifed, uncontrouled, on fuch of 
 the miferable whites as fell into their hands, cannot be remem- 
 bered without horror, nor reported in terms ilr.ong enough to. 
 convey a proper idea of their atrocity. 
 
 They feized Mr. Blen, an officer of the policci and having; 
 inailed him alive to one of the gates of his plantation, chopped 
 \)ff his limbs, one by one, with an axe. 
 
 A POOR man named Robert, a carpenter by trade, endea- 
 vouring to conceal himfelf from the notice of the rebels, was 
 difcovered in his. hiding-place ; and the favages declared that he 
 Jhould die in the nvay of his occupation : accordingly they bound., 
 him between two boards, and deliberately fawed him afunder. 
 
 M. Cardineau, a planter of Grande Ri'oiere, had two na- 
 tural fons by a black woman. He had manumitted them m 
 their infancy, and bred them up with great tendernefs. They 
 both joined in the revolt ; and when their father endeavoured 
 to divert them from their purpofe, by foothing language and 
 pecuniary offers, they took his money, and then ftabbed him to 
 the heart. 
 
 " ' "All the white, and even the mulatto children whofe fathct* 
 had not joined in the revolt, were murdered without exception, 
 frequently before the eyes, or clinging to the bofoms, of their 
 mothers. Young women of all ranks were firft violated by a 
 whole troop of barbarians, and then generally put to death, 
 "i-- Some
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 75 
 
 Some of them were indeed referved for the further gratification CHAP, 
 of the luft of the favages, and others had their eyes fcooped out '^^• 
 with a knife. 
 
 In- the parilh of L/w/v, at a place called the Great Ravine, a 
 venerable planter, the father of two beautiful young ladies, was 
 tied down by a favage ringleader of a band, who ravifhed the 
 eldeft daughter in his prefence, and delivered over the youngeft 
 to one of his followers : their pafllon being fatlsfied, they 
 Slaughtered both the father and the daughters. 
 
 Amidst thefe fccnes of horror, one inftance however occurs 
 of fuch fidelity and attachment in a negro, as is equally unex- 
 pedted and affedling. Monf. and Madame Baillon, their daughter 
 and fon-in-law, and two white fervants, refiding on a mountain 
 plantation about thirty miles from Cape Franfois, were apprized 
 of the revolt by one of their own flaves, who was himfelf in the 
 confpiracy, but promifed, if poflible, to fave the lives of his mafter 
 and his family. Having no immediate means of providing for their 
 efcape, he conduded them into an adjacent wood; after which he 
 went and joined the revolters. The following night, he found an 
 opportunity of bringing them provifions from the rebel camp. 
 The fecond night he returned again, with a further fupply of pro- 
 vifions } but declared that it would be out of his power to give 
 them any further afliftance. After this, they faw nothing of the 
 negro for three days ; but at the end of that time he came again ; 
 and direded the family how to make their way to a river which 
 led to Port Margot, afliiring them they would find a canoe on a 
 part of the river \\hich he defcribed. They followed his di- 
 
 L 2 redions,
 
 76 HISTORYOF 
 
 regions ; found the canoe, and got fafely into It ; but were overfet 
 by the rapidity of the current, and after a narrow efcape, thought 
 it beft tO' return to their retreat in the mountains. The negro, 
 anxious for their fafety, again found them out, and directed them 
 to a broader part of the river, where he afTured them he had pro- 
 vided a boat ; but fud it was the laft effort he could make to 
 fave them. They went accordingly, but not finding the boat, 
 gave themfelves up for left, when the faithful negro again ap- 
 peared like their guardian angel. He brought with him pigeons, 
 poultry, and bread ; and conduded the family, by flow marches 
 in the night, along the banks of the river, until they were 
 within fight of the wharf at Port Margot ; when telling them 
 they were entirely out of danger, he took his leave for ever, and 
 went to join the rebels. The family were in the woods nineteen 
 nights. 
 
 Let us now turn our attention back to the town of the Capei 
 where, the inhabitants being at length placed, or fuppofed to be 
 placed, in fome fort of fecurity, it was thought necefiary by the 
 governor and afiembly, that offenfive operations againft the rebels 
 fhould be renewed, and a fmall army, under the command of 
 M. Rouvray, marched to the eaftern part of the plain, and en- 
 camped at a place called Roucrou. A very confiderable body of 
 the rebel negroes took pofieflion, about the iame time, of tlie 
 large buildings on the plantation of M. Gallifet, and mounted 
 fome heavy pieces of artillery on the walls. They had pro- 
 cured the cannon at different {hipping places and harbours along 
 the coafl, where it had been placed in time of war by the go- 
 vernment;, and imprudently left unprotedted ; but it was a mat- 
 ter
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. ']^ 
 
 ter of great furprize by what means they obtained ammuni- 
 tion (b). From this plantation they lent out foraging parties, 
 with which the whites had frequent fkirmiHies. In thefe en- 
 gagements, the negroes feldom ftood their ground longer than to 
 receive and return a fingle volley, but they appeared again the 
 next day j and though they were at length driven out of their 
 entrenchments with infinite flaughter, yet their numbers feemed 
 not to diminifh : — as foon as one body was cut off, another ap- 
 peared, and thus they fucceeded in the obje6l of haralling and. 
 deftroying the whites by perpetual fatigue, and reducing the 
 country to a defert. 
 
 To detail the various conflidts, fkirmiflies, maffacres, and 
 fcenes of flaughter, which this exterminating war produced, ."ere 
 to offer a difgufting and frightful pidlure ; — a combination of 
 horror-: ; — wherein we fhould behold cruelties unexampled in 
 the annals of mankind ; human blood poured forth in torrents; 
 the earth blackened with aflies, ' and the air tainted with pefti- 
 lence. It was computed that, within two months after the re- 
 volt firfl began, upwards of two thoufoiid white perfons, of all 
 conditions and ages, had been mallacrcd ; — that one hundred and 
 eighty fugar plantations, and aboi.it nine iKindred coffee,, cotton, 
 
 (h) It was dlfcovercd afterwards, that great quantifies of powder and ball were 
 ftolen by the negroes in the town of Cape Francois from the king'.s arfenal, and 
 fecretly conveyed to the rebels. Moft of the fire-arms at firft in their poifcllion 
 were fuppofed to have been part of 0*^'S importation. But it grieves me to- add, that 
 the rebels were afterwards abundantly fiipplied, ^by frrral! veffels from North Ame- 
 rica; the mafters of which felt no Icruple to receive in' payment fugar and runu 
 fromeftatesof which the owners had been murdered by the men wich whom thty 
 trafficked. 
 
 and
 
 ^ H I S T O R Y O F 
 
 and indigo fettlements had been deftroyed (the buildings thereofl 
 being confumed by fire), and one thouland two hundred chriftian 
 faniiHes reduced from opulence, to fuch a ftate of mifery as to 
 depend akogether for their clothing and fuilenance on pubUck 
 and private charity. Of the infurgents. it was reckoned that 
 upwards of ten thoufand had perhhed by the fword or by famine ; 
 and fome hundreds by the hands of the executioner j — many of 
 them, I grieve to fay, under the torture of the wheel ;— a lyrtem 
 •of revenge and retaliation, which no enormities of favage life 
 could juftify or excufe (c). 
 
 Hitherto, my narrative has applied chiefly to tranfadtions 
 in the Northern province ; I grieve to relate, that the flames of 
 
 (c) Two of thefe unhappy men fuffered in this manner under the window of the 
 author's lodo-inp-s, and in his prefence, at Cape Francois, on Thurfday the 28th cf 
 September 1791- They were broken on two pieces of timber placed crofswife. 
 One of them expired on receiving the third ftroke on his flomach, each of his legs 
 and arms having been firft broken in two places; the iirft three blows he bore 
 without a groan. The other had a harder fate. When the executioner, after ' 
 breaking his legs and arms, lifted up the inflrument to give the finifhing flroke on 
 thebreaft, and which (by putting the criminal out of hif pain) is called le coup de 
 greue, the mob, with the ferocioufnefs of cannibals, called out arretez! (ftop) 
 and compelled him to leave his work unfinifhed. In that condition, the miferable 
 wretch, with his broken limbs doubled up, was put on a cart-wheel, which was 
 placed horizontally, one end of the axle-tree being driven into the earth. He 
 feemed perfeflly fenfible, but uttered not a groan. At the end of forty minutes, 
 fome Englifh feamen, who were fpedtators of the tragedy, ftrangled him in_ mercy. 
 As to all the French fpedators (many of them perfons of fafliion, who beheld the 
 fcene from the windows of their upper apartments), it grieves me to fay, that they 
 looked on with the moft perfedl compofure znii fang fr old. Some of t!ie ladies, as I 
 was told, even ridiculed, with a great deal of unfeemly mirth, the fympathy ma- 
 iiifefled by the Englifh at the fufFerings of the wretched criminals. 
 
 rebellion
 
 15 T. D O M I N G O. 7^ 
 
 rebellion foon began to break forth alfo in the Weftern divifion. 
 Here, however, the infurgents were chiefly men of colour, of 
 whom upwards of two thoufand appeared in arms in the parifh 
 of Mirebalais. Being joined by about fix hundred of the negro 
 flaves, they began their operations by burning the coffee plan- 
 tations in the mountains adjacent to the plain of Cul-de-Sac. 
 Some detachments of the military which were fent againfl: them 
 from Port au Prince were repulfed ; and the inCurgents conti- 
 Tiuc-d to ravage and burn the country through an extent of thirty 
 mile^, practid-ng the fame excelfes and ferocious barbarities to- 
 tvard<; fuch of the whites as fell into their hands, as were dif- 
 played by the rebels in the North. They had the audacity at 
 length to approach Port au Prince, with intention, as it was be- 
 lieved, to fet it on fire ; and fo defencelefs was the ftate of that 
 ■devoted town, that its deflrudion feemed inevitable. Many of 
 the mukno chiefs, Tioweve'r, finding that their attempts to gain 
 over the negro flaves on the fugar plantations in this part of the 
 countiy, were not attended with that fuccefs which they ex- 
 pefted, exprefled an unwillingnefs to proceed to this extremity j 
 'declaring that they took-up arms not to defolate the colorfy, but 
 -merely to fupport the national decree ^f the i'5th of May, and 
 ''that'they were not a-verfe" to a 'reconciliation. Thefe^fentiments 
 •coming to the knowledge of M. de Jiimec^urt, a planter of emi- 
 nence, he undertook the office of mediator, md through his well- 
 tamed -and powei^ful i liter po fit ion, a truce or convention, called 
 the rowfcr^/.!?/, Was agreed' tf^n the i ith'df "September, betWL-en 
 the free people of colour, and the white inhabitants of Pert au 
 Prince, of which the chief provifions were an oblivion of the 
 paft, and an engagement on the part of the whites, to admit in
 
 So 
 
 H I S 
 
 TORY OF 
 
 CHAP, full force the national decree of the 15th of May, fo often men- 
 VI- tioned; — certainly the oftenfible, though perhaps not the fole 
 and original caufe of the rebellion. 
 
 Instructed by this exarnple, and foftened, it may be pre- 
 fumed, by the loyal and temperate conduft of the free mulattoes 
 in the town of Cape Francois, as before related, the general af- 
 5791. fembly, by a proclamation of the 20th of September, declared 
 that they would no longer oppofe the operation of the fame de- 
 cree. They even went further, and announced an intention to 
 grant confiderable indulgences towards fuch free people of co- 
 lour as were not comprehended in it, meaning thofe who were 
 born of enflaved parents. They voted at the fame time the 
 formation of certain free companies of mulattoes, wherein the 
 4nen of colour of all defcriptions, pofTelTed of certain qualifica- 
 tions, fhould be allowed to ferve as commiffioned olHcers. 
 
 These conceffions, at an earlier period, would have operated 
 with powerful effedt in the falvation of the colony j but they now 
 came too late, and produced only a partial truce, a temporary and 
 fallacious cefTation of miferies. The wounds that had been in- 
 flidled were yet green and bleeding ; and the dark and fullen 
 paffions of difappointed pride, anger, malice, hatred and re- 
 venge, were fecretly burning in the gloomy minds of all .par- 
 ties. The flames were fmothered, not extinguiftied j foon to 
 break, out again, with aggravated violence and greater fury than 
 €ver. 
 
 CHAP.
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 8J 
 
 CHAP. vir. 
 
 Of the Motives ivhkh induced the People of Colour to join the re- 
 volted Negroes — ConduSi of the Britijh Afj'ociation for the 
 Abolition of the Slave Trade y and of the Society in Paris called 
 Les Amis des Noirs — Letter from Abbe Gregoire to the People 
 of Colour — Repeal of the Decree of the i^th May 1791 — Ef~ 
 feSis of that Meajure — Civil War with the Mulattoes re- 
 newed — Port au Prijice defroyed by Fire — Cruelties exercifed 
 by both Parties — Arrival at Cape Franpis of the Civil Co/n- 
 mifjioners, 
 
 BEFORE I proceed to a renewal of thofe difgufting fcenes 
 of devaftation, flaughter, and ruin, which my duty, as a 
 faithful hiftorian, calls upon me to defcribe (happy if they ferve 
 as an impreffive leffon to other nations !) it feems neceflary to 
 remove fome difficulties which may poffibly have arifen in the 
 mind of the reader, concerning the original and primary caufe 
 of the junction and co-operation of fo large a number of the 
 negro flaves, in this rebellion, with the men of colour. That 
 the whole body of the latter in St. Domingo had folid ground of 
 complaint and difTktisfiftion, cannot be denied. There is a 
 point at which oppreflion fometimes arrives, when forbearance 
 under it ceafes to be a virtue ; and I fhould readily have ad- 
 mitted that the adlual fituation and condition of the mulattoes 
 in the French iflands would have made refiftance a duty, if it 
 
 M ' did
 
 82 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 did not appear, from what I have already related, that the re- 
 drefs of their grievances occupied the very firll: deliberations of 
 the firfl: general aflembly of reprefentatives that ever met in St. 
 Domingo. Certainly, then, no j unification can be offered for 
 thofe peftilent reformers, who could perfuade thefe unfortunate 
 people to fcek that relief by rebellion and maffacre, which was 
 offered to them by the fupreme power of the country, as a fpon- 
 taneous and voluntary conceflion ; — the homage of enlightened 
 reafon on the altar of humanity. Concerning the enflaved 
 negroes, however, it does not appear that the condudl of ^ the 
 whites towards them was in general reprehenfible. I believe, on 
 the whole, it was as lenient and indulgent as was confident with 
 their own fafety. It was the mulatto people themfelves who 
 were the hard-hearted tafk-mafters to the negroes. The fame 
 indignities which they received from the whites, they direfted 
 without fcruple towards the blacks ; exercifing over the latter 
 every fpecies of that oppreffion which they loudly and juftly 
 complained of, when exercifed on themfelves; — and this is a true 
 pidlure of human nature. By what means, then, it will be 
 alked, were the negroes induced to forget their refentments, and 
 join with thofe who were the conflant objedts both of their envy 
 and hatred ? 
 
 In order to reply to this queftion, with as much accuracy and 
 precifion as the fubjedl will admit, it is neceffary to recur to 
 the proceedings of the two affociations, of which mention was 
 made in the Second Chapter of this Hillory ; namely, the Britiili 
 affociation for the abolition of the flave trade, which held its 
 meetings in the Old Jewry in London ; and the fociety called 
 6 Les
 
 S T, D O M I N G O. 83 
 
 Ties Amis des Ncirs in Paris. A fliort review of the condudb of 
 thefe focieties will ferve not only to leflen the furprize which 
 may be felt at the revolt of the negroes of St. Domingo, but alfo 
 raife a confiderable degree of aftonifliment that the enllaved 
 Jiegroes in the Britifh iflands had not given them the example. 
 
 I HAVE obferved, that the fociety in 'LonAon proj'ejfed to have 
 nothing more in view than to obtain an adl of the legiflature for 
 prohibiting the further introdud:ion of African flaves into the 
 Briti(h colonies. I have faid, that " they difclaimed all in- 
 ** tention of interfering with the government and condition of 
 ** the negroes already in the plantations j publickly declaring 
 ** their opinion to be, that a general emancipation of thofe 
 " people, in their prefent ftate of ignorance and barbarity, inftead 
 " of a bleffing, would prove to them the fource of misfortune and 
 " mifery." But although fuch were their oflenfible declarations 
 as a publick body, the leading members of the fociety, in the fame 
 moment, held a very different language ; and even the fociety 
 jtfelf (afting as fuch) purfued a line of condudt diredlly and im- 
 mediately repugnant to their own profefTions. Befides ufing 
 every poffible endeavour to inflame the publick of Great Britain 
 againft the planters, they diftributed at a prodigious expence 
 throughout the colonies, trafts and pamphlets without number, 
 the dired; tendency of which was to render the white inhabitants 
 odious and contemptible in the eyes of their own flaves, and ex- 
 cite in the latter fuch ideas of their natural i-ights and equality 
 of condition, as fliould lead them to a general ftruggle for free- 
 dom through rebellion and bloodfhed. In many of thofe writ- 
 ings, arguments are cxprefsly adduced, in language which can- 
 
 M 2 not
 
 H 
 
 CHAP. 
 VII. 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 not be mirunderftood, to urge the negroes to rife up and murder 
 their mailers without mercy. — '* Refiiftance," iay they, " is al- 
 " ways juftifiable where force is the fubftitute of right: nor is 
 " t&e commijjion of a civil crime pojfible in a Jiate of JJavery." 
 Thefe fentiments are repeated in a thoufand different forms; 
 and in order that they might not lofc their effedl by ahftraft 
 reafoning, a reverend divine of the church of England, in a 
 pamphlet addreffed to the chairm.an or prefldent of the fociety, 
 pours forth the moft earneft prayers, in the mofl undifguifed ex- 
 prefTions, that the negroes would deflroy all the white people, 
 men, women, and children, in the Wefl Indies : " Should we 
 " not, (he exclaims) approve their condudl in their violence ? 
 " Should we not crown it with eulogium, if they exterminate 
 *' their tyrants with fire and fvvord ! Should they even deliberately 
 *' injiiSl the mojl exquijite tortures on thofe tyrants, would they not 
 " beexcufable in the moral judgment of thofe who properly va- 
 " lue thofe iueftimable blefhngs, rational and religious li- 
 " bertyi^^^?" 
 
 Befides diftributing pamphlets of this complexion gratis, at 
 the doors of all the churches and places of worfliip in the king- 
 dom, and throughout the colonies, the fociety caufed a medal to 
 be flruck, containing the figure of a naked negro, loaded with 
 
 (a) This is a fair extra£t from a letter addrefled to Granville Sharpj Efq; chair- 
 man of the fociety in the Old Jewry, by the Reverend Percival Stoclcdale, A. M. 
 Of fuch writers the planters may well exclaim, " Forgive them, they know not what 
 " they do !" The fame ejaculation I applied to the learned and pious Samuel John- 
 fo'n, who poffefled a negro fervant, and before whom he frequently gave as a toaft, 
 " Afpeedy rebellion of the negroei in Jamaica, andjuccefs to than!" 
 
 chains.
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 85 
 
 chains, and in the attitude of imploring mercy ; thoufands of 
 which ahb they found means to difperfe among the negroes in each 
 of the fugar lilands, for the inftrutSion, I prefume, of fuch of 
 them as could not readj but, unhappily, this inftance of provident 
 caution was not requifi'e; for fo many negro domeflicks return 
 annuiiUy from Europe to the Weft Indies, as conftantly furnllh a 
 futhcicnt number of living inftrudlors ; and certain it Is (I pro- 
 nounce it from my o^vn knowledge refpedling Jamaica) that the 
 labours of the focitty on their behalf, as well as many of the 
 moil violent fpeeches in the BritKh parliament, wherein the 
 whole body of planters were painted as a herd of blood-thlrfty 
 and remorfelefs tyrants, were explamcd to the negro Haves, in 
 terms well adapted to their capacities, and fuited, as might have 
 been fuppofed, to their feelings. It will be difficult to fay what 
 other meafures the Old Jewry aflbclates could have taken to 
 excite a rebellion, except that of furnifhlng the objedls of their 
 folicitude with fire arms and ammunition. 
 
 Hitherto, this fociety had ferved as a model and exemplar 
 to that of Paris ; but a difpofition to ftop at half meafures con- 
 ftitutes no part of the French character ; and the fociety of 
 ^mis des Noirs reforted, without fcruple, to thofe meafures 
 which their fellow labourers in London ftUl hefitated to adopt : 
 beginning with the clafs of free mulattoes, becaufe they found 
 many of them in France, who became the willing inftruments 
 of their purpofes ; and who undertook to interpret to the ne- 
 groes in the French colonies the wiflies and wood intentions 
 towards them of their friends in the mother country. Thus an 
 opening was made towards conciliation and union between the 
 
 two
 
 86 H I S T O R Y O F 
 
 two clafles. The negroes, apprized that it was only through 
 the agency of the mukttoes, and the connections of thofe people 
 in France, they could obtain a regular fupply of arms and am- 
 munition, forgot or fufpended their ancient animofities ; and the 
 men of colour, fenfible that nothing but the co-operation of 
 the enflaved negroes (docile, as they fuppofed them to be, from 
 their ignorance, and irrefiftiblc from their numbers) could give 
 iuccefs to tlieir caufe, courted them with fuch affiduity as gained 
 jover at lead: nine-tenths of all the flaves in the Northern pro- 
 vince of St. Domingo. 
 
 There feems however to have been fome apprehenilons en- 
 tertained by the leading men among the yimis des Noirs, that 
 the decree of the national affembly of the 15th of May, confined 
 as the benefits of it were to the people of colour exclufively, 
 (and of thofe, to fuch only as were bo."n of free parents) might 
 give rife to jealoufies and fufpicions, deftrudtive of that unani- 
 mity between the difterent dalles, the maintenance of which 
 was an objedl of the laft importance. To obviate any mifap- 
 prehenfions on this account, as well as to keep the mulattoes 
 firm to their purpofe, the Abbe Gregoire wrote and publi£hed 
 his celebrated circular letter ^ — a performance which, if the in- 
 tentions of the writer liad been as pure as hi5 expreflions are 
 eloquent, would have refledled lufire on his abilities fbj. 
 What efFeft this diftinguhhed piece of oratory may have had 
 on the rugged and unenlightened minds of favage people, 
 
 (b) The reader will find a .tranflation of this letter at the end of the prefent 
 Chapter. 
 
 I pretend
 
 L 
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 87 
 
 I pretend not to afcertain. It is certain, that the Abbe Gre- CHAP, 
 goire was confidered by the negroes in St, Domingo as their VII. 
 great advocate and patron ; a fort of guardian angel or tutelary 
 deity J of the good effects of whofe benevolent interpofition 
 and friendly offices their mafters unjuftly deprived them, and 
 on whofe fupport and affiflance they might confidently rely, in 
 the attempt, through rebellion and murder, to obtain juftice for 
 themfelves» 
 
 Both claifes of people being thus infl:rud:ed and prepared, 
 the decree of the 1 5th of May was the fignal of revolt, the war- 
 hoop of maflacre. Fz'om the clamour which it excited amongft 
 all orders of the whites in St. Domingo (the lower clafles efpe- 
 cially) the people of colour, as I have fliewn, had reafon to ap- 
 prehend that mifchiefs of an extenfive and alarming nature were 
 meditated againft them. They were thus furniflied with a 
 plaufible, and, had they meant to have adled folely on the de- 
 fenfive, a juftifiable caufe for reforting to arms ; but, unhappily* 
 the ftrong tide of popular prejudice which prevailed in the mo- 
 ther country againft the planters, and the great majority which 
 voted for the fatal decree in the national affembly, were circum- 
 ftances that infpired them with fo dangerous a confidence in 
 their own refources, as overpowered all confiderations of pru- 
 dence,, policy, and humanity. 
 
 It muft be confidered, at the fame time, that the enflaved 
 negroes (ignorant and depreiTed as we fuppofe them to be) could 
 not poflibly be unobfervant of thefe combined and concurring 
 circumftances. They beheld the coloured people in open hofti- 
 
 lity
 
 88 HISTORYOF 
 
 lity againft the whites. They were affured, that the former 
 had the fullefl fupport and encouragement from the fupreme 
 legiflature of the mother country. They were taught to beheve, 
 that themfelves alfo were become the objects of the paternal 
 fohcitude of the king and the national affembly, who wiflied to 
 refcue them from the dominion of their maflers, and invefl: them 
 ^with their cftates. It appeared from indifputable evidence, 
 that aflurances of this nature were held out to the enflaved 
 negroes ; — aflurances which could not but excite their attention, 
 awaken their faculties, and rouze them to action. Whoever 
 fliall calmly deliberate on thefe, and the other fidls that have 
 been ftated, will find no difficulty in accounting for the dread- 
 ful extent of this infurredlion ; or in affigning it to its proper 
 caufe, and tracing to the fountain-head thofe rivers of blood 
 which ftill continue to flow in this unfortunate and devoted 
 colony fcj ! 
 
 (c) In September 1791, when the author was at Cape Francois, he dined with 
 a large company, on board the frigate In PrudenU, commanded by Monf. Joyeufe 
 (atprefent a diftinguifhed admiral in thefervice of the new repubiick, by the name 
 of nilaret) when, in the midft of the entertainment, a loud exclamation from the 
 crew announced that the gunner ivas returned. This man, who had been miffing 
 fonie weeks, was immediately brought forward, and gave the following account of 
 the caufe cf his abf;nce. He faid that, haviiig gone on fliore, to collect green 
 meat for the pigs, he was furrounded by the rebel negroes, who were about putting 
 him to death, when Jean Francois, the chief, finding that he was an officer in 
 the kin 's fervice, ordered that his life fhould be fpared, alledging that the king 
 ivas their friend. They detained him however as a prifoner, and compelled him to 
 load and point th^ir artillery in the attack at M. Gallifet's plantation before- a en- 
 tioned. On the d.Teat of the rebels in that engagement, he fortunately made his 
 cfcape from them. Some of the fliocking enormities and cruelties inflided by the 
 rebels on their white prifoncrs, as rtiated in the preceding pages, were comn.ittcd 
 ill this man's prefence. 
 
 But
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 89 
 
 But it is now time to advert to the proceedings which oc- C H a ?, 
 curred in France, where we left Gregoirc, La Fayette, Rober- VII. 
 fpierre, and the reft of the fociety of Amis des Noirs, exulting in 
 the triumph they had obtained on the 15th of May; and per- 
 haps waiting, in the ardent hope and expecflation, that their ob- 
 noxious decree of that date, would produce thofe verj' evils 
 which adually refulted from it. It was not until the beginning 
 of September that information arrived at Paris concerning the 
 reception which the account of this decree had met with in St. 
 Domingo. The tumults, diforders, and confufions that it pro- 
 duced there, were now reprefented in the flrongeft colouring, 
 and the lofs of the colony to France was univerfally appre- 
 hended. At this time, however, no fufpicion was entertained 
 concerning the enflaved negroes; but a civil war, between the 
 whites and the mulattoes, was believed to be inevitable. The 
 commercial and manufidluring towns, predicfting the ruin of their 
 trade and fliipping, and the lofs of their capitals from exifting 
 dangers, prefented remonftrances and petitions to the national 
 aflembly, urging the neceffity of an immediate repeal of all the 
 decrees by which the rights of the planters were invaded ; that 
 of the 15th of May efpecially. The conftituent national aflem- 
 bly was now on the point of diflblution, and perhaps wirtied to 
 leave every thing in peace. At the fame time the tide of po- 
 pular prejudice, which had hitherto ran with fuch violence againfl 
 the colonifts, was beginning to turn. Mofl of thofe members 
 whofe opinions in colonial concerns, a few months before, had 
 guided the deliberations of the national affcmbly, v/ere now 
 either filently difregarded, or treated with outrage; — a ftrong 
 and ftriking proof of the lightnefs and verfatility of the French 
 
 N charader.
 
 >o 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAP. 
 VII. 
 
 1791. 
 
 charadler. At length, a motion was made to annul the ob- 
 noxious decree, and (ilrange to tell!) on the 24th of September 
 its repeal was adlually voted by a large majority ! — At this re- 
 markable change of fentiment in the fupreme leglilature, it is 
 necefTary to paufe, and remind the reader of what was doing at 
 the fame time in St. Domingo ; where, as we have feen, on 
 the nth of that very month, the concordat, or truce, took place 
 between the people of colour and the \Vhite inhabitants of Port 
 au Prince; and on the 20th, the colonial affembly of Cape 
 Fran9ois publiflaed the proclamation mentioned in the latter part 
 of the preceding Chapter. Thus, almoll in the very moment 
 when the juftice and neceffity of the decree were acknowledged, 
 and its faithful obfervance promifed by the colonial alfembly, its 
 repeal was pronounced by the national legiflature in the mother 
 country ! 
 
 To fuch repugnancy and abfurdity muft every government be 
 driven that attempts to regulate and diretfl the local concerns of 
 a country three thoufand miles diftant. Of the two meafures that 
 have been mentioned, it is difficult to fay which produced the 
 greateft calamities; the decree of the 15th of May in the firft 
 inftance ; or its unexpected repeal, at the time and in the manner 
 related ! Doubts had already arifen in the minds of the mulattoes of 
 the fincerity and good faith of the white people, with refpedl to the 
 concordat. Their fufpicions and apprehenfions had indeed grown 
 to fuch a height, as to induce them to infift on a renewal and 
 confirmation of its provifions ; which were accordingly granted 
 them, by a new inftrument or treaty of the 1 1 th of Odtober, and 
 a fupplementary agreement of the 20th of the fame month : 
 
 but
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 91 
 
 but no fooner was authentick information received of the pro- 
 ceedings in France, in the repeal of the decree, than all trufl: 
 and confidence, and every hope of reconciliation and amity be- 
 tween the two claffes, vaniflied for ever. It was not poffible to 
 perfuade the mulattoes that the planters in the colony were in- 
 nocent, and ignorant of the tranfacftion. They accufed the 
 whites of the moft horrid duplicity, faithlefsnefs and treachery; 
 and publickly declared that one party or the other, themfelves 
 or the whites, mufl: be utterly deftroyed and exterminated :— 
 There was no longer, they faid, an alternative. 
 
 In this difpofition, exafperated to frenzy, the coloured people 
 throughout the Weftern and Southern provinces flew to arms. 
 In the Southern province, a body of them became mailers of 
 Port St. Louis ; but the inhabitants of Port au Prince, having 
 been reinforced, a fhort time before, by the arrival of fome troops 
 from Europe, were better prepared, and drove the revolters from 
 the city with great flaughter. They took pofl: in the parifli of 
 Croix des Bouquets; but found means, however, before their re- 
 treat, to fet fire to the city, and a dreadful conflagration enfued, 
 in which more than one-third of the buildings were con- 
 fumed. 
 
 Open war, and war in all its horrors, was now renewed. 
 All the foft workings of humanity — what Shakefpeare calls the 
 compunBious vijitings of nature — were now abforbed in the raging 
 and infatiable thirfl: of revenge, which inflamed each clafs alike. 
 It was no longer a conteft for mere vidlory, but a diabolical 
 emulation which party could inflid the moft abominable cruel- 
 
 N 2 ties
 
 pa H I S T O R Y O F 
 
 ties on the other. The enflaved negroes in the dillrid calleti 
 Cid de Sac having joined the mulattoes, a bloody engagement 
 took place, in \\hich the negroes, being ranged in front, and 
 adling without any kind of discipline, left two thoufand of their 
 number dead on the field. Of the mulattoes about fifty were 
 killed, and feveral taken prilbners. The whites claimed the 
 vicftory; but for want of cavalry were unable to improve it by 
 a purfuit, and contented themfelves with fatiating their revenge 
 on their captives. Every refinement in cruelty that the moft 
 depraved imagination could fuggeft, was pradlifed on the perfons 
 of thole wretched men. One of the mulatto leaders was unhap- 
 pily among the number : him the vidlors placed on an elevated 
 feat in a cart, and fecured him in it by driving large I'piked 
 nails through his feet into the boards. In this condition he was 
 drawn a miferable fpeftacle through the city. His bones were 
 afterwards broken, and he was then thrown alive into tlie 
 flames ! 
 
 The mulattoes fcorned to be outdone in deeds of vengeance, 
 and atrocities fliameful to humanity. In the neighbourhood of 
 yeremie a body of them attacked the houfe of M. Sejourne, and 
 fecured the perfons both of him and his wife. This unfortunate 
 woman (my hand trembles while I write !) was far advanced in 
 her pregnancy. The monlT:ers, whofe prifoner fhe was, having 
 lirfl murdered her hufband in her prefence, ripped her up alive, 
 and threw the infant to the hogs. — They then (how fhall I relate 
 
 it !) fewed up the head of the murdered hufband in I ! ! 
 
 —-Such are thy triumphs, philanthropy ! 
 
 With
 
 ST. DOMING O. 
 
 93 
 
 With thcfb enormities terminated the difaftrous year 1791. C H A P» 
 Juft before Chriftmas the three civil commiflioners nominated ^'^f- 
 by the national aflcmbly for St. Domingo, arrived at Cape Fran- 
 9ois. Much was expected from their appointment by the friends 
 of peace and good order ; but the fequel will flievv that they 
 effe<5ted very little towards reftoring the peace of the country^ 
 
 Tra}i/latio7i of the Letter 0/' Abbk Gregoire, Bijhop of 
 the Department of Loire and Cher, Deputy of the Na- 
 tional Afjemhly, to the Citizens of Colour in the French 
 Wejl Indies, concerning the Decree of the i t^th of May 
 
 FRIENDS L 
 
 jL O U 'Si-ere MEN ; — you are now CITIZENS. Rein- 
 flated in the fulnefs of your rights, you will in future participate of the 
 fovereignty of the people. The decree which the national affembly has 
 juft publifhed refpefting you, is not a favour -, for a favour is a privilege: 
 and a privilege to one clafs of people is an injury to all die reft. — 
 They are words which wUl no longer difgrace the laws of the French. 
 
 In fecuring to you the excrcife of your political rights, we have ac- 
 quitted ourfelves of a debt:— not to have paid it, would have been a 
 crime on our part, and a difgrace to the conftitution. The legiflators 
 of a free nation certainly could not do lefs for you than our ancient 
 defpots have done. 
 
 It is now above a century that Louis the XlVth folemnly acknow- 
 ledged and proclaimed your rights 5 but of this facred inheritance you. 
 have been defrauded by pride and avarice, whicii have gradually increafcd 
 
 your burthens, and embittered your exiftencc. 
 
 Ths
 
 9+ 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 The regeneration of the French empire opened your hearts to hope, 
 whofe cheering influence has alleviated the weight of your miferies : 
 miferies of which the people of Europe had no idea. While the white 
 planters refident among us were loud in their complaints againft mhii- 
 Jlcrial tyranny, they took efpecial care to be filent as to their own. Not 
 a hint was fuggefted concerning the complaints of the unhappy people 
 of mixed blaod j who, notwithltanding, are their own children. It is 
 wc, who, at the diftance of two thoufand leagues from you, have been 
 conftraincd to protedt thefe children againfl the negleft, the contempt, 
 the unnattiral cruelty of their fathers ! 
 
 But It is in vain that they have endeavoured to fupprefs the juflice of 
 your claims.' Your groans, notwithftanding the extent of the ocean 
 which feparates us, have reached the hearts of the European French- 
 men ; — for they have hearts. 
 
 God Almighty comprehends all men in the circle of his mercy. His 
 love makes no diftindion between them, but what arifes from the dif- 
 ferent degrees of their virtues. Can laws then, which ought to be an 
 emanation of eternal juflice, encourage fo culpable a partiality ? Can 
 that government, whofe duty it is to proteft alike all the members of 
 the fame great family, be the mother of one branch, and the ftep-mother 
 only of the others .'' 
 
 No, gentlemen: — you could not efcape the folicitude of the national 
 afiembly. In unfolding to the eyes of the univerfe the great charter of 
 nature, your titles were traced. An attempt had indeed been made to 
 expunge them j but happily they are written in charafters as indelible 
 as the facred image of the Deity, which is graven on your countenances. 
 
 Already had the national aflembly, in the inftrudions which it pre- 
 pared for the goverjiment of the colonies, on the 28th of March 1790, 
 comprized both the whites and people of colour under one common 
 denomination. Your enemies, in aflerting the contrary, have publiHied 
 a forgery. It is inconteftibly true, that when I demanded you fliould 
 be exprefsly named, a great number of members, among whom were 
 2 fevcral
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 95 
 
 fcveral planters, eagerly exclaimed, that you were already comprehended 
 under the general words contained in thofe inftruftions. M. Barnave 
 himfelf, upon my repeated inftances to him on that head, has at length 
 acknowledged, before the whole aflembly, that this was the fa£l. It 
 now appears how much reafon I had to apprehend that a falfe con- 
 ftruftion would be put upon our decree ! 
 
 New oppreffions on the part of your mafters, and new miferies on 
 yours, until at length the cup ofaffliition is filled even to the brim, have 
 but too well juftified my apprehcnfions. The letters which I have re- 
 ceived from you upon this head, have forced tears from my eyes. 
 Pofterity will learn, with aftonifhment and indignation, tliat a caufe like 
 yours, the juftice of which is fo evident, was made the fubjeft of debate 
 for no lefs than five days fuccefllvely. Alas ! when humanity is obliged 
 to ftruggle fo long againft vanity and prejudice, its triumph is dearly- 
 obtained ! 
 
 It is a long time that the fociety of Amis des Noirs have employed 
 themfelves in finding out the means to foften your lot, as well as that 
 of the flaves. It is difficult— perhaps impoffible, to do good with entire 
 impunity. The meritorious zeal of this fociety has drawn upon them 
 much obloquy. Defpicable writers have lanced their poifonous (hafts at 
 them, and impudent libels have never ceafed to repeat objedions and ca- 
 lumnies, which have been a hundred times anfwered and refuted. Flow 
 often have we been accufed of being fold to the Englifh, and of being 
 paid by them for fending you inflammatory writings and arms ? You 
 know, my friends, the weaknefs and wickednefs of thefe charges. Wc 
 have incelTantly recommended to you attachment to your country, re- 
 fignation and patience, while waiting the return of jufllce 1 Nothing has 
 b':en able to cool our zeal, or that of your brethren of mixed blood who 
 are at Paris. M. Raimond, in particular, has devoted himfelf mofl 
 heroically to your defence. With what tranfport would you have feen 
 this diflinguiflied citizen, at the bar of the national aflembly, of which he 
 ought to be a member, laying before it the afTefling pifture of your 
 
 miferies.
 
 9^ HISTORY OF 
 
 mlferies, and ftrenuoudy claiming your rights ! If that afiembly had 
 facrificed them, it would have tarnifhed its glory. It was its duty to 
 decree with jiiftice, to explain itfelf clearly, and caufe its lav/s to be 
 CKecuted with firmnefs: it has done foj and if (whicli God forbid!) 
 feme event, hidden in the womb of futurity, fhould tear our colonies 
 from us, would it not be better to have a lofs to deplore, than an in- 
 jullice to reproach ourfelves with ? 
 
 Citizens ! raife once more your humiliated countenances, and to the 
 dignity of men, aflbciate tlie courage and noblenefs of a free people. 
 The i5di of May, the day in which you recovered your rights, 
 ought to be for ever memorable to you and to your children. This 
 epoch will periodically awaken in you fentiments of gratitude tov/ards 
 the Supreme Being j and may your accents afccnd to the vault of 
 heaven, towards which your grateful hands will be extended ! At length 
 you have a country. Hereafter you will fee nothing above you but the 
 la-w ; while the opportunity of concurring in the framing it, v.'ill afliire to 
 you that indefeafible right of all mankind, the right of obeying your- 
 felves only. 
 
 You have a country: and it will no longer be a land of exile, where 
 you meet none but tyrants on the one hand, and companions in mif- 
 fortune on the other j the former diftributing, and the latter receiving, 
 contempt and outrage. The groans of your affliiflions were punifiied 
 asThe clamours of rebellion; and fituated between the uplifted poinard, 
 and certain death, thofe unhappy countries were often moiftened with 
 your tears, and fometimes flained with your blood. 
 
 You have a country : and happinefs will fhine on the feat of your 
 nativity. You will now enjoy in peace the fruits of the fields which you 
 have cultivated without compulfion. Then will be filled up diat interval, 
 which, placing at an immenfe diftance from each other, the children of 
 the fame father, has fuppreffcd the voice of nature, and broke the bands 
 of fraternity afundtr. Then will the chafte enjoy m.ents of conjugal 
 union, take place of diofe vile fallies of debauchery, by which the ma- 
 
 jcfty
 
 ST. DO M I N G O. 
 
 jefty of moral fentiment has been infulred. By what ftrange perverfion 
 of reafon can it be deemed difgraceful in a wliite man to marry a black 
 or mulatto woman, when it is not thought difhonourable in him to 
 be connefted with iier in the moft licentious familiarity ! 
 
 The lefs real worth a man pofTefles, the more he fecks to avail hiiii- 
 felfof the appearances of virtue. What can be more ablurd than to make 
 the merit of a perfon confift in different (hades of the (kin, or in a 
 complexion more oriels fallow? The man who thinks at allm.uftfome- 
 times blufli at being a man, when he fees his fellow-creatures blinded 
 byfuch ridiculous prejudices ; but as unfortunately pride is one of thofe 
 failings we mod unwilHngly part with, the empire of prejudice is the 
 moft difficult to fubvert : man appears to be unable to arrive at truth, 
 until he iias exhaulled his ftrength in travelling through the different- 
 paths of error. 
 
 This prejudice againft the mulattoes and negroes has however no 
 exiftence in our Eaftern colonies. Nothing can be more affecting than 
 the eulogium made on the people of colour, by the Inhabitants of that 
 part of the world, in the inftruttions given by them, to thofe they have 
 appointed their deputies to the national alfembly. The members of the 
 academy of fciences pride themfelves in reckoning a mulatto ofthelfle 
 of France in the number of their correfpcndents. Among ourfelves, a 
 worthy negro is a fuperior officer of the diftrift of St. Hypolite, in the 
 department of Gard. We do not conceive that a difference of colour 
 can be the foundation of different rights among members of the fame 
 political fociety. It is therefore we find no fuch defpicable pride among 
 our brave national guards, who offer theinfelves to embark for the Weft 
 Indies to infure the execution of our decrees. Perfeftly concurring in the 
 laudable fentimcnts manifefted by the inhabitants of Bourdeaux, they ac- 
 knowledge with them, that the decree refpefting the people of colour, 
 framed under the aufpices of prudence and wifdom, is an homage ren- 
 dered to reafon and juftice. While the deputies from the colonies have 
 endeavoured to calumniate your intentions, and thofe of the mercantile 
 
 O part 
 
 97
 
 98 il I S T O R V O F 
 
 part or" the nation, the condudl of thofe deputies is perfeclly contrra- 
 dictory. Ardently foliciting their ownadinirnon among us at Verfaillest 
 Iwcaring with us in the Tennis Court not to feparate from us, until the 
 conditution fliould be eftabliflied, and then declaring, when the decree 
 of the 15th of May v/as pafTed, that they could no longer continue to 
 fit with us ! This defertion is a defcrtion of their principles, and a breach 
 of their folemn paths. 
 
 All thofe white inhabitants of the colonies who are worthy the name 
 of Frenchmen, have haftened to abjure fuch ridiculous prejudices, and 
 iiave promifed to regard you in future as brothers and friends. With 
 what delightful fenfations do we cite the words of the citizens of Jacmel. 
 " We fwear to obey, without referve,the decrees of the national aflfembly 
 " refpefting our prefent and future conftitution, and even fuch of them 
 " as may fubftantially change it!" The citizens of Port au Prince tell 
 the national affembly the fame thing, in different words. " Conde- 
 " fcend, gentlemen," fay they, " to receive the oath which the muni- 
 " cipality has taken to you, in the name of the commons of Port au 
 " Prince, punftually to obey and execute all your decrees, and never to 
 " fwerve from them in any refpedl whatfoever." 
 
 Thus has philofophy enlarged its horizon in the new world, and foon 
 w ill abfurd prejudices have no other fupporters than a few inferior ty- 
 rants, who wifh to perpetuate in America, the reign of that defpotifm 
 which has been aboliflied in France. 
 
 What would thefe men have faid, if the people of colour had en- 
 deavoured to deprive the whites of their political advantages ? With 
 "what energy would they not have exclaimed at fuch an oppreffion ! In- 
 flamed into madnefs at finding that your rights have been pointed out to 
 you, their irritated pride may perhaps lead them to make every efix)n: 
 to render our decrees ineffeftual. They will probably endeavour ta 
 raife fuch difturbances, as, by wrefting the colonies from the mother 
 country, will enable them to defraud their creditors of their juft debts» 
 They have inceflTantly alarmed us with threats that St. Domingo will be 
 
 loft.
 
 u. 
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 99 
 
 loft, if juftice be rendered to you. In this aflTertion we have found no- CHAP, 
 thing but falfehood ; we pleafe ourfelves in the belief^ that our decree ^'^^i- 
 •will draw the bands ftill clofer which unite you to the mother country. 
 Your patriotirm,your intercft, and your afFeftions, will concur in inducing 
 you to confine your connmercial conne6lions to France only ; and the 
 reciprocal tributes of induftry will eftablifli between her and her co- 
 lonics a conftant interchange of riches and good offices. If you aft 
 unfaithfully towards France, you will be the bafeft and mod: aban- 
 doned of the human race. But no ! generous citizens, you will not 
 become traitors to your country : you fhudder at the idea. Rallied, 
 with all other good Frenchmen, around the ftandard of liberty, you 
 will defend our glorious conftituiion. The day fhall arrive, when the 
 reprefentatives of the people of colour will crofs the ocean to take 
 fheir feats with us, and fwear to live and die under our laws. The 
 day ftiall arrive among you when the fun will (hine Oti none but free- 
 men; when the rays of light fhall no longer fall on the fetters of flavery. 
 It is true, the national afTembly has not yet raifed the condition of the 
 enflaved negroes to a level with your fituation; becaufe fuddcnly 
 granting the rights to thofe who are ignorant of the duties of citizens, 
 might perhaps have been a fxtal prefent to them : but forget not, that 
 they, like yourfelves, are born to freedom and perfeft equality. It is 
 in the iirefiftible courfe of things that all nations, whofe liberty has been 
 invaded, fliall recover that precious portion of their indefeafible inhe- 
 ritance ! 
 
 You are accufed of treating your flaves much worfe than the wliices : 
 but, alas ! fo various have been the detradions witii which you have 
 been afperfed, that it would be weaknefs in us to credit tiie charge. If, 
 however, there be any foundation for what has been advanced on this 
 head, fo conduft yourfelves in future as to prove it will be a fliamef'ul 
 calumny hereafter. 
 
 Your oppreflbrs have heretofore endeavoured to hide from their 
 flaves the lights of chriflianity, becaufe the religion of mildnefs, cqua- 
 
 O ^ lity,
 
 100 HISTORYOF 
 
 CHAP. Hcy, and liberty, fuits not with fiicli blood-thirfty men. May yoiar 
 ^^^- condudtbe the reverfe o^ thiirs. Univerfal love is the language of the 
 gofpel ; your paftors will make it heard among you. Open your hearts 
 to receive diis divine fyftem of morality. We have mitigated your 
 misfortunes, alleviate, on your part, thofe of the unhappy vi6lims of 
 avarice, who moiften your fields with their fweat, and often with their 
 tears. Let the exiftence of your flaves be no longer their torment; 
 but by your kind treatment of them, expiree the crimes of Europe ! 
 
 By leading them on progrefTively to liberty, you will fulfil a duty : 
 you will prepare for yourfelves the mofl: comfortable refledions: 
 you will do honour Lo humanity, and infure the profperity of the co- 
 lonies. Such will be your conduft towards your brethren, the negroes; 
 but what ought it to be towards your fathers, the whites ? Doubtlefs 
 you will be permitted to fhed tears over the allies of Ferraiid de 
 Bai'.diere, and the unfortunate Oge, afl^affinated under the forms of law, 
 and dying on the wheel for having wifhed to be free ! But may he 
 among you perilTi, who ftiall dare to entertain an idea of. revenge againft 
 your perfecutors ! They are already delivered over to the ftings of their 
 own confciences, and covered with eternal infamy. The abhorrence 
 in which they are held by the prefent race of mankind, only precedes 
 the execration of pofterity. Bury then in eternal oblivion every 
 fentiment of hatred, and tafte the delicious pleafure of conferring be- 
 nefits on your oppreflbrs. Reprefs even too marked expreffions of 
 your joy, which, in caufing them to refledl on their own injuftice towards 
 you, will make their remorfeftill more pungent. 
 
 Strictly obedient to the laws, teach your children to refped them. 
 By a careful education, inftruft them in all the duties of morality ; fo 
 fliall you prepare for the fucceeding generation virtuous citizens, ho- 
 nourable men, enlightened patriots, and defenders of their country ! 
 
 How will their hearts be affefted when, conducing them to your 
 fhores, you dire£t their looks towards France, telling them, " be- 
 ♦* yond thofe feas is your parent country; it is from thence v/e have 
 
 " received
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. loi 
 
 « received juftice, proteftion, happinefs, and liberty. There dwell our 
 " fellow citizens, our brethren, and our friends : to them we have 
 " fworn an eternal friendlTiip. Heirs of our fentiments, and of our 
 " affeftions, may your hearts and your lips repeat our oatlis ! Live to 
 " love them J and, ifneceflary, die to defend them!" 
 
 Signed, 
 
 G R E G O I R E. 
 
 Paris, 8 th June, 1791. 
 
 CHAP.
 
 102 H I S T O R Y P F 
 
 CHAP. VIII, 
 
 Reception and Proceedings of the Civil CommiJJioners, and their Re- 
 turn to France — National Decree of the \th of April 1792 — 
 Appointment of a new Governor (Monf Defparbes) and three 
 other CommiJJioners fSanthonax, Polverel, and Ailbaud) — 'Their 
 Embarkation and Arrival^ with a feleEl Body of "Troops — Their 
 violent Proceedijigs — Appointment, by the "Executive Council, 
 of M. Galbaud as Chief Governor, in the Room of Defparbes — 
 Mis Arrival, and Difputes with the Com/nijfioners — Both Par~ 
 ties proceed to Hojlilities — The revolted Negroes called in to the 
 Afiftance of the Co?}imiJJioners — A general Majfacre of the 
 White Inhabitants, and Coffagration of the Town of Cape 
 Franpis. 
 
 CHAP ' I ^ H E civil commifiioners who were to reflore peace and 
 
 VIII. A fubordination in St. Domingo, and whofe arrival there 
 
 "— ; — ^— ' was noticed in the laft Chapter, were named Mirbeck, Roome, 
 
 January ^ 
 
 1792. and St. Leger. Mirbeck and Roome had formerly been known 
 as advocates in the parliaments of Paris ; and St. Leger, who 
 was a native of Ireland, had pradlifed many years in France as 
 a furgeon. Although the confufion of the times had elevated 
 thefe men to power, not one of them was diflinguiflied for ex- 
 traordinary abilities, and their rank in life was not fuch as to 
 command any great degree of confideration from the planters. 
 f They
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 
 
 103 
 
 They were received however, from refpcdl to their appointment, CHAP, 
 with politenefs and lubmilTion, both by the governor and the VIII. 
 inhabitants. Mihtary honours were lliewn them, and they were 
 led in pubhck proceffion to the cathedral, where the bleffing 
 of the Almighty was devoutly implored for fuccefs to their 
 miflion. 
 
 Their firfl proceeding, after announcing the new conftitu- 
 tion and form of government for the mother country, as con- 
 firmed by the king, was to publilh the decree of the 24th of 
 September 1791, by which the fatal decree of the 15th of May 
 was annulled. So far all was well : but a few days after- 
 wards they took upon them to proclaim a general amnefty and 
 pardon to fuch people, of all defcriptions, as ihould lay down 
 their arms, and come in, within a certain prefcribed time, and 
 take the oaths required by the new conflitution. This meafure 
 loft them the confidence of all the white inhabitants : a general 
 amnefty to the men of colour and revolted flaves, was confidered 
 as a juftification of the moft horrible enormities, and as holding 
 out a dangerous example to fuch of the negroes as preferved 
 their fidelity; and it loft its effedt on the mulattoes, by being 
 accompanied with a repeal of their favourite decree. With 
 what contempt and indignity it was received by the latter, the 
 following circumftance will demonftrate. At Petit Goave, the 
 mulattoes were mafters, and held in dole confinement thirty- 
 four white perfons whom they referved for vengeance. On 
 the publication of this amnefty, they led them to execution :' 
 but inftead of putting them to immediate death, they caufcd 
 eacli of.them 10 be broken alive; and in the midft of their tor- 
 tures.
 
 104- H I S T O R Y O F 
 
 CHAP, tiircs, read to them, in a ftrain of diabolical mockery, the procla- 
 VIII. mation aloud; afT.tling to confider it as a pardon for the 
 cruelties they had juft committed. 
 
 The unlimited and indefinite authority which the commif- 
 fioners feemed to claim, alarmed the colonial affembly, who 
 defired to be informed of the nature and extent of their powers. 
 To this requefl no fatisfaftory anfwer being given, the commif- 
 fioners loft ground in the publick opinion daily j and their per- 
 fonal conduct, as individuals, contributed by no means to acquire 
 them refped:. Mirbeck fpent the greateft part of his time in 
 the pra(flice of low debauchery, giving indulgence to his 
 vicious propenfities without reftraint or decency. St. Leger 
 confidered his appointment as an authority to exadl money. 
 In which he was little fcrupulous, and laid the few mulatto 
 people who remained faithful, under a moft unmerciful contribu- 
 tion. Roome alone conduced himfelf without reproach : he 
 was a well-meaning inoiFenfive man, and attempted, though 
 Avithout eiFedl, to aft the part of mediator between the different 
 faftions which defolated the country. This praife at leaft was 
 given him— /i^«/ if be did no good, he did no harm. 
 
 After a fhort ftay at Cape Fran9ois, the commiffioners 
 vifited other parts of the colony; but finding themfelves every 
 where very lightly regarded, and having no troops to iupport 
 their authority, they returned feparately to France in the 
 months of March and April. 
 
 Troops 
 » .... J 
 
 [*■
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 
 
 105 
 
 Troops however, as I have obferve'fl/ haid arrived from France CHAP. 
 to the number in the whole of about four thoufand ; but, in the Vlli. 
 fpirit of the times, they manifelled very little obedience either 
 to the civil commifiioners, or to the governor of the colony ; 
 yet they ferved as a check to the revolters, who would other- 
 wife, in all probability, before this time, have become mafters 
 both of Cape Franfois and Port au Prince. In the Northern pro- 
 vince, the rebel negroes indeed were fuppofed to be confiderably 
 reduced by difeafe and famine. Having deftroyed all the pro- 
 vifion grounds, and devoured the cattle of all kinds on the plain 
 of the Cape, they had now taken pofTeffion of the furrounding 
 mountainous dirt:ri(5ts, and were compelled by their chief leader, 
 'Jean Francois, a negro of great fagacity, to plant provifions for 
 their future fubfiflence ; a meafure which has kept the flames 
 of rebellion alive to the prefcnt hour. 
 
 In the mean time, the ftate of publick affairs in the mother 
 country was tending to a great and ominous change. Ever fincc 
 the flight and feizure of their unhappy king, in the month of 
 June 1 79 1, the fadllcn was hourly increafing in numbers which 
 was foon to lay the kingdom in ruins, and bring the monarch 
 himfelf to the fcaffold. The Jacobin party, headed by a blood- 
 thirfty triumvirate (^fly/, were becoming all-powerful; and the 
 fociety of Amis des Noirs had once more acquired a fatal afcen- 
 dency in the legiflative body. On the 29th of February, one of 1792. 
 them, named Garmi de Coulon, after a long and inflammatory ha- 
 rangue againfl the planters in general, propofed the form of a 
 
 (a) Danton, Robefpicrre and Marat, 
 
 P decree
 
 io6 H I S T O R Y O F 
 
 CHAP, decree for abrogating that of the 24th of September, declaring as 
 VIII. general amnefty throughout all the French colonies; and enact- 
 ing, that new colonial allemblies fliould be formed, which fliould 
 tranfmit their fentiments not only on the fubje(!l of the internal 
 government of the colonies, but aljo on the bejl method of effeSling 
 the abolition of negro Jlavery in to to. 
 
 Frantick as the new legiflature /^/'^ had fliewn itfclf on 
 many occafions fince its firft meeting, a majority could not at 
 this time be found to vote for fo fenfelefs and extravagant a pro- 
 pofition ; but in about two months afterwards, this affembly 
 paffeJ the famous decree of the 4th of April 1792, of which it 
 is neceilary the reader Ihould be furnilhed with a copy at large j, 
 and it is conceived in the words following : 
 
 " The national aflembly acknowledges and declares, that the 
 people of colour and free negroes in the colonies ought to enjoy 
 an equality of political rights with the whites; in confequence of 
 which it decrees as follows : 
 
 Article ift. Immediately after the publication of the pre- 
 fent decree, the inhabitants of each of the French colonies in 
 the Windward and Leeward Illands fhall proceed to the re- 
 eled:ion of colonial and parochial affemblies, after the mode pre- 
 fcribed by the decree of the 8th of March 1790, and the inftruc- 
 tions of the national affembly of the 28th of the fame month. 
 
 2d. The people of colour and free negroes fliall be admitted 
 tQ vote in all the primary and eledcral aifemblies, and fhall be 
 
 (h) The former aflembly is generally known by the name of the Conjiltuent 
 AfTembly. The new one met the ift of Oflober 1791, and called itfclf the Firft 
 
 Lfgijlati-ui AfTemlJy, 
 
 elieible
 
 S T. D O M 1 N G O. 107 
 
 •eligible to the legiflature and all places of trufl, provided they c H A P. 
 poflefs the qualifications prefcribed by the 4th article of the VII I. 
 aforefaid inftruiTtions. 
 
 3d. Three civil cominifTicners ihall be named for the colony 
 of St. Domingo, and four for the iflands of Martinico, Gua- 
 daloupe, St. Lucia, and Tobago, to fee this decree enforced. 
 
 4th. The fiid commiflioners fliall be authorized to diflblve 
 the prefent colonial aflemblies ; to take every ineafure necefl'ar^ 
 for accelerating the convocation of the primary and eledloral 
 afiemblies, and therein to eftablifh union, order, and peace : as 
 well as to determine provifionally (referving the power of ap- 
 peal to the national affembly) upon every queflion which may 
 arife concerning the regularity of convocations, the holding of 
 afiemblies, the form of eledions, and the eligibility of citizens. 
 
 5th. They are alfo authorized to procure every information 
 poflible, in order to difcover the authors of the troubles in St. 
 Domingo, and the continuance thereof, if they ftill continue; to 
 fecure the perfons of the guilty, and to fend them over to France, 
 there to be put in a flate of accufation, &c. 
 
 6th. The faid civil commiflioners fliall be diredled for this 
 purpofe to tranfmit to the national aflembly minutes of their 
 proceedings, and of the evidence they may have colledled con- 
 cerning the perfons accufed as aforefaid. 
 
 7th. The national affembly authorizes the civil commiflioners 
 to call forth the publick force whenever they may think it ne- 
 ceffary, either for their own protedlion, or for the execution of 
 fuch orders as they may iffue by virtue of the preceding articles. 
 
 8th. The executive power is direfted to fend a fuflicieat force 
 to the colonies, to be compofed chiefly of national guards. 
 
 P 2 9th. Thf
 
 io8 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAP. 
 VIII. 
 
 9th. The colonial affemblies, immediately after their forma- 
 tion, ihall lignify, in the name of each colony refpedlively, their 
 fentiments refpefting that conftitution, thofe laws, and the ad- 
 minilhation of them, which will bell promote the profperity 
 and happinefs of the people ;, conforming themfelves neverthe- 
 lefs to thofe general principles by which the colonies and mother 
 country are connedted together, and by which their refpedive 
 interefts are beil fecured, agreeably to the decree of the 8th of 
 Maixh 1790, and inftruftions of the 28th of the fame month. 
 
 loth. The coloriial affemblies are authorized to fend home 
 delegates for the purpofes mentioned in the preceding article, in 
 numbers proportionate to the population of each colony, which 
 proportion fhall be forthwith determined by the national af- 
 fembly, according to the report which its colonial committee is 
 direfted to make. 
 
 nth. Former decrees refpecfling the colonies fhall be in 
 force in every thing not contrary to the prefent decree." 
 
 It may be fuppofed that the men who (rejeding all preten- 
 fions to ccnfiflency, and defpifmg the leflbns of experience) firlt 
 propofed this decree, and finally prevailed in carrying it through 
 the legiflative aflembly, had duly confidered of the means for 
 enfuring its execution in the colonies, and were provided with 
 fit inftruments for that purpofe. The new commilhoners no- 
 minated for St. Domingo were MefTrs. Santhonax, Polverel,. 
 and Ailhaud, all of them among the moft violent of the Jacobin 
 faftion ; and it was refolved to furnifli them with fuch a force 
 as (if properly employed) would, it was alledged, not only ef- 
 tabliih their authority, but put a fpeedy end to all the diftur- 
 
 bances
 
 109 
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 
 
 bances which had fo long afflided and defolated the colony. 
 Eight thoufand men, fulecfted with great circumfpedlon, from 
 the national guards, with officers whole piinciples were well 
 known to their employers, were accordingly ordered to embark 
 forthwith for St. Domingo. M. Blanchelande, the governor- 
 general, was recalled, and a new commiffion of commander in 
 chief given to a Monf. Defparbes. 
 
 Thus appointed and provided, the civil commiffioners and 
 the new governor took their departure from France in the month 
 of July, probably in much the fame difpofition of mind towards ija2, 
 the coloniils, as was manifefted by the Duke D'Alva and his 
 Spanifli and Italian troops in 1568, towards the inhabitants of 
 the Low Countries. Inflamed like them with a fpirit of avarice, 
 fanaticifm, and revenge, they meditated on nothing but on the 
 benefits to arife from feizure and confifcation 3 on fchemes of 
 mifchief and projeds of vengeance. 
 
 They landed at Cape Francois on the 1 3 th of September, and 1-92. 
 finding M. Blanchelande at great variance with the colonial 
 aflembly, thftcommiHioners took the fliortefl: courfe pofilble to 
 terminate the difpute, by forthwith dillolving the alfembly and 
 fending the unfortunate Blanchelande a ftate prifoner to France, 
 where, as to be accufed was to be condemned, he foon afterwards 
 periflied by the guillotine fcj. 
 
 Dismay and terror now prevailed throughout the colony. De- 
 legates were fent to the civil commilhoners from all quarters, to 
 
 (c) 7th April, i79i. 
 
 demand
 
 no H I S T O R Y O F 
 
 CHAP, demand an expofure and explanation of their views and intentions. 
 VIII. Sufpicions were already gone forth concerning the projed:, which 
 the comniiflioners afterwards avowed, of declaring a general 
 emancipation of the negro flavesj and all parties, as well among 
 the republicans as the royalifts, concurred on this occafion in re- 
 probating the folly and iniquity of the meafure. So general was 
 the clamour on this account, that if a firm and extenfive coali- 
 tion of interefts among the planters could at this time have been 
 effecfted, it is probable the commilTioners might have found that 
 all the force they had brought with them would have proved in- 
 ufHcient for the purpofes which they meditated. Difiimulation 
 therefore was thought neceffary for the prefent. They declared 
 (and confirmed the declaration with the folemnity of an oath) 
 that they had no wilh or intention to make any change in the 
 fyftcm of colonial government concerning the Haves ; avowing 
 the fuUeft conviftion that the emancipation of thofe people, 
 under exifting circumftances, was imprailicable. — Their views, 
 they faid, extended no farther than to fee the decree of the 4th 
 of April, in favour of the free people of colour, properly enforced ; 
 to reduce the llaves in rebellion to obedience, and to fettle the 
 future government and tranquillity of the colony on a folid and 
 permanent foundation. 
 
 These, and fimilar, declarations filenced, though they did 
 not fatisfy, the white inhabitants ; who foon perceived, with 
 unavailing indignation, that the commiflioners held fecret com- 
 munications with tlie chiefs of the mulattoes in all parts of the 
 colony. By the co-operation of thofe people, the commillion- 
 ers foon found their ftrength fufficient to avow themfelves openly 
 
 the
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. Ill 
 
 the patrons and protedors of the whole body of the free ne- C 11 A P. 
 groes and mulattoes : and they now made no fcruple of feiz- ViU. 
 ing the perfons and effeds of all fuch of the whites as oppofed 
 their projedts, fending great numbers of them in a ftate of ancll 
 to Europe, to anfwer before the national affembly to the 
 accufations which they pretended to tranfmit againft them. 
 Among the perfons thus imprifoned and tranfported to France, 
 were comprehended the colonel, lieutenant-colonel, and many 
 other officers of the Cape regiment. 
 
 The white inhabitants now called aloud for the eledion of a 
 new colonial aifembly, and hoped that the necelllty of levying 
 taxes would induce the commiflloners to illue orders for that 
 purpofe J but inflead of complying with the publick requeft, 
 they fubflituted what was called u/te commijfion intermediaire, by 
 nominating twelve perfons, fix of whom had been members of 
 the lafl affembly, to adl as a fort of legiflative council : the 
 other fix were mulattoes. To this motley board, the commif- 
 fioners delegated authority to raife money from the inhabitants ; 
 referving to themfelves, however, the right of appropriating and 
 expending it, as they alone fliould think proper. 
 
 In the meanwhile the new governor (Defparbes) began to 
 manifeft fome figns of diffatisfadion and impatience. He com- 
 plained that he was confidered as a mere cypher in the govern- 
 ment, or rather as an inftrument in the commiflioners' hands. 
 His complaints were anfwered by the arreft of his perfon, and 
 he foon afterwards followed his predeceffor, M. Blanchelande, 
 ftate prifoner to France. 
 
 Q Four
 
 112 HISTORYOF 
 
 CHAP. Four members out of the fix whites that compofed a moiety 
 ^'I^I- of the commijjion intennediaire, met with fimilar treatment. They 
 
 ' ' ventured to offer their opinion on a meafure of finance, in op- 
 
 pofition to that of M. Santhonax. The commiflioners com- 
 mended their franknefs, and M. Santhonax invited them to a 
 fupper. The invitation was accepted j but at the hour ap- 
 pointed, they found themfelves furrounded by a detachment of 
 the militarj', which conveyed them to very forry entertainment 
 in the held of a fliip, and there left them as flate prifoners fdj. 
 
 The commiflioners, in the next place, fell out among them- 
 felves; and Santhonax and Polverel determined to get quit of their 
 allociate Ailhaud. Prudently judging, however, that the publick 
 degradation of one of their own body would refletfl fome degree 
 of ignominy on them all, they perfuaded him to be content with 
 a proportion of the common plunder, and filently quit the 
 country. Ailhaud fubmitted with a good grace to what he 
 could not avoid. 
 
 By thefe, and other means, above all by the pracflice of be- 
 flowing largefles on the troops, and the acquifition of a defperate 
 band of auxiliaries, compofed of fome of the revolted Haves, and 
 vagabonds of all colours and defcriptions, moftly colle(fled from 
 the jails, Santhonax and Polverel, in the beginning of the year 
 
 (d) To one of thefe gentlemen I am indebted for more valuable and extenfive 
 information than 1 have been able to colled: through any other channel. In his 
 voyage to Europe, the fhip in vv'hich he was confined was (fortunately for him) 
 captured by an Englifli frigate, which brought him to England, where I had the 
 happinefs to render hini fome acceptable fcrvicc. 
 
 1793.
 
 S T, D O M I N G O. 113 
 
 r793, found themfelves abfolute mafters of the colony. The lives CHAP, 
 and properties of all the white inhabitants lay at their mercy, and __. 
 
 the dreadful fcenes which were at that time pafling in the mother 
 country, enabled thefe men to profecute their purpofes, and gra- 
 tify their vindidlive and avaricious paflions, without notice or 
 controul from any fuperior. 
 
 But the tragedy which was adtlng in France, was no fooner 
 brought to its cataftrophe, by the foul murder of their amiable 
 and unoffending fovereign, and war declared agalnft Great Bri- 
 tain and Holland, than the perfons who compofed what was 
 called the executive council, thought it necefTary to pay fome 
 little attention to the fafety of St. Domingo. Not having how- 
 ever leifure or inclination to enter into a full inveftigation of the 
 complaints received from thence, they declined to revoke the 
 powers exercifed by the civil commiliioners, and contented 
 themfelves with appointing a new governor, in the room of M. 
 Defparbes. Their choice fell on a Monf. Galbaud, an officer of 
 artillery, and a man of fltir charadler, whom they diredted to 
 embark for his new government without delay, in one of the 
 national frigates, and put the colony into the befl flate of de- 
 fence againfl a foreign enemy. 
 
 Galbaud, with his fuite of attendants, landed at Cape Fran- ,7^3. 
 9ois on the 7th of May, to the great joy of the white inhabi- 
 tants. At that period, the civil commifTioners, with mofl of 
 their troops, were in the Weflern province, endeavouring to quell 
 an infurrcdion there which their tyranny had created j fo that 
 Galbaud was received with acclamations and fubmlffion by the 
 municipality of the town of the Cape ; to whole place of meet- 
 
 Q^ ing
 
 114 HISTORY OF 
 
 ing he repaired with his attendants, took the neceflary oaths, 
 and entered cii his government without oppofition. He de- 
 clared, at the fame time, that he was not dependent on the 
 civil commiflioners, and not l:ound to execute, at all events, their 
 proclamations. 
 
 A VERY quick interchange of letters took place between the 
 new governor and the commiflioners. He defired them to re- 
 pair immediately to the Cape, that he might communicate the 
 inftruftions he had received from the executive council. They 
 anfwered that he was an entire ftranger to them; that they had 
 feen no decree of the national convention by which they them- 
 felves were fuperfeded, and that being vefted with authority to 
 lufpend or appoint a governor, as they alone might think proper, 
 he could only be confidered as an agent fubordinate to them- 
 felves : — They added, that they were then affembling an army 
 to fupprefs a rebellion in the town and neighbourhood of Port 
 au Prince j but that as foon as the bufinefs was at an end, they 
 would repair to the Cape, and examine into the validity of his 
 pretenfions. 
 
 On the loth of June the civil commiflioners, having reduced 
 Port au Prince and Jacmel, arrived at the Cape. The ftreets were 
 lined with troops, and they were received by Galbaud with atten- 
 tion and refpeft. A very ferious altercation however immediately 
 took place between them, highly difadvantageous to the governor. 
 There exifted, it feems, a decree of the national aflembly, enadt- 
 ing that no proprietor of an cflate in the Weft Indies fhould 
 hold the government of a colony wherein his eftate was fituated j 
 and M. Galbaud was poflefled of a coflfee-plantation in St. Do- 
 * mingo. 
 
 1793-
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 
 
 "5 
 
 mingo- Wlien therefore he was alked why he had not ac- c H A P 
 quainted the executive council with this circumftance, he was VIII. 
 utterly difconcerted and had no reply to make. 
 
 On the 13th, the commiffioners ordered M. Galbaud to em- 
 bark forthwith on board the floop of war La Normande, and 
 return to France. At the fame time they fent inftru^flions to 
 Monf. de la Salle, whom tlicy had left commandant at Port au 
 Prince, to repair to the Cape and receive from them, in the 
 name of the French republick, the command of the colony. 
 
 The feven following days were fpent on both fides in in- 
 trigues and preparations for hoftilities, Galbaud's brother, a 
 man of fpirit and enterprize, had colledted from among the in- 
 habitants, the Cape militia, and the feamen in the harbour^ 
 a ftrong party to fupport the governor's authority. On the 
 20th, the two brothers landed at the head of one thoufand 
 two hundred failors, and being joined by a conliderable body oi** 
 volunteers, immediately marched in array towards the govern- 
 ment houfe, in which the commiflloners were flationed. Th^ 
 latter were defended by the people of colour, a body of regulars, 
 and one piece of cannon. The conflid: was fierce and bloody. 
 The volunteers maniferted great firmnefs, but the feamen get', 
 ting pofTeflion of a wine cellar, foon became intoxicated and 
 ungovernable ; and the column was obliged to retire to the royal 
 arfenal, where they remained the enfuing night unmolefled. 
 
 The next morning many fkirmidies took place in the ftreets, 
 with various fuccefs, in one of which Galbaud's brother was 
 taken prifoner by the commiffioners' troops ; and in another, the 
 
 Q2 feamen
 
 u6 HISTORYOF 
 
 ilnmen that were fighting on tlie part of Galbaud made captive 
 Polvcrcl's Ton ; and now an extraordinary circiimftance occurred. 
 The governor lent a Rag propofing to exchange the commif- 
 fioner's fon for his brother; but Polverel rejedled the propofal 
 with indignation ; declaring in anfwer, that his fon knew his duty, 
 and was prepared to die in the fervice of the republick. 
 
 But a fcene now opens, which, if it does not obUterate, ex- 
 ceeds at kail:, all that has hitherto been related of faftious 
 anarchy, and favage cruelty, ia this unfortunate colony. On the 
 firft approach of Galbaud with fo large a body of feamen, the 
 commiirioners dil'patched agents to call in to their affiftance the 
 revolted negroes ; offering them an unconditional pardon for paft 
 offences, perfect freedom in future, and the plunder of the city. 
 The rebel generals, yean Francois and Biaffou, rejed:ed their offers=j 
 but on the 2 ifl, about noon (juil: after that Galbaud and moft cf 
 his adherents, finding their caufe hopelefs, had retired to the 
 fiiips) a negro chief called Macaya, with upwards of three thou- 
 fand of the revolted ilaves, entered the town, and began an uni- 
 verfal and indifcriminate flaughter of men, women, and children. 
 The white inhabitants fled from all quarters to the fea-fide, in 
 hopes of finding fhelter with the governor on board the fhips in 
 the harbour ; but a body of the mulattoes cut off their retreat, 
 and a horrid butchery enfued, a defcription of which every heart 
 fufceptible of humanity muft be unable to bear. Suffice it 
 to fay, that the flaughter continued with unremitting fury from 
 the 21ft:, to the evening of the 23d; when the favages, having 
 murdered all the white inhabitants that fell in their way, fet fire 
 to the buildings ; and more than half the city was confumed by 
 X- th« 
 
 "1
 
 ST. DOMING (). 
 
 ir; 
 
 the flames. The commiffioners themfelves, either terrified at C H A l\ 
 beholding the lamentable and extenfive mifchief which they had VUl. 
 occafioned, or afraid to truft their perfons with their rebel allies, 
 Ibught protection under cover of a (liip of the line. The pro- 
 clamations which they publiflied from time to time in pallia- 
 tion of their condudl, manifeft a confcioufnefs of guilt which 
 could not be fuppreifed, and form a record of their villanies, for 
 which the day of retribution awaits, but ftill lingers to overtake 
 them ffj ! 
 
 Such was the fate of the once flourilhing and beautiful ca- 
 pital of St. Domingo! — a city which, for trade, opulence, and 
 magnificence, was undoubtedly among the firft in the Well In- 
 dies,— perhaps in the new world : and here I fhall clofe for the 
 Drefent, the difgufting detail of confpiracies, rebellions, crimes, 
 cruelties, and conflagrations (a uniformity of horrors !) through 
 which the nature of my work has compelled me to travel; — • 
 rejoicing that I have at laft 
 
 Efcap'd the Stygian pool, tho' long detain'J 
 In that obfcure fojounij— — 
 
 MiLTO.V. 
 
 And have the pleafing taflc to perform of rendering due homage 
 to the gallant and enterprizing fpirit of my countrymen in their 
 noble — butalas! hitherto unavailing — endeavours to reftore peace, 
 fuhordination, and good government on this theatre of anarchy 
 and bloodlhcd. Previous to which, however, it will be a relief and 
 
 (f) When this was written, the author did not know tliat Santhonax alone fur- 
 yives. Polverel died in 1794, in fome part of St. Domingo. Santhonax has 
 btely appeared before the national aflembly, and been pronounced guiltLfs ! 
 
 fatisfadlion.
 
 ii8 
 
 C H A P. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 fatisfadlion to the reader to be prefented with a pi(fture or ftate of 
 the colony, as it exifted in the days of its profperity; — its cul- 
 ture, population, and produce; — its growing importance and com- 
 mercial value. Hitherto, we have contemplated notl ling but fcenes 
 of defolation. — We iliall now behold a pleafing contraft in the 
 bleflings of regular government : due fubordination, focial or- 
 der, extenfive commerce, peaceful induftry, increafing cultivation, 
 fmiling plenty, and general happinefs ! The conclufions to be 
 drawn from the contemplation of fcenes fo different in their na- 
 ture are of importance to all mankind. 
 
 "The Account given above of the DeJlru5lion of the City of Cape' 
 
 Frangois, 'u.as draivn up with as much Cautioti as the Cafe 
 
 Jeetned to require j from hformation tranfmitted to the Author 
 
 by Perfofis in famaica and St. Dot}ii?igo, fonie of whom 
 
 dijfcred in many ejfential Circumjlances from others. He had 
 
 afterwards an Opportunity of C07iverf7ig perfonally on the Sub- 
 
 jeB with a Gentleman of St. Domingo, on whofe Veracity and 
 
 Honour he could place thefiillejl Dependance, by whom he was 
 
 favoured with the following Notes c?r. Memoranda in Writings 
 
 which he thinks bejl to lay before his Readers verbatim. 
 
 Notes sur I'Evenement bu Cap. 
 
 I iE General Galbaud avoit mande au Cap les comminaircs 
 Santhonax et Polverel, de la maniere la plus imperieufej les com- 
 miflaires fe font determines a s'y rendre par terre de S. Marc, d'ou lis 
 
 font
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 119 
 
 font partis le 8 Juin, accompagnes de 400 miilatres et 200 blancs, et C H A P.. 
 compiis leurs coupe tcte les dragons d'Orleans. lis ont fait leur entree VIII. 
 ail Cap d'une maniere aflez audacieufe pour en iinpofer. 
 
 Galbau!) avait deja indifpofe les habitans du Cap par une addreffe, 
 ou proclamation, qui ordonnait une contribution de 450 mille livres, 
 dont la perception a etc faite de la fagon la plus violente, et qui tenait 
 plus du pillage que d'une contribution. 
 
 Le General Galbaud n'avait fait aucune di'pofitions pour fe preferver 
 des refolutions er des entreprifes des commifliiires, qui entrerent cepen- 
 dant d'une maniere menagante, 
 
 A LA premiere entreviie des General Galbaud et des commlfiaires, en. 
 la maifon de la commiflion (le gouvernemcnt) apres les premiers com- 
 plimentS; il y eut explication fur les pouvoirs du general ; les com- 
 miflaires liii opoferent un decret qui deffendait qu'aucun proprietaire 
 dans la colonic put y commander ni y avoir d'autorite ; et accuferent 
 M. Galbaud d 'avoir diflimule au confeil executif qu'il avait des pro- 
 prietes. 
 
 Pendant ce demGle, qui dura prcs de deux jours, les agents des com- 
 miflaires preparaient les efprits a les lailTcr faire, et a ne point fe meler de 
 la difcution, dans laqudle Santhonax prenait cependant une grande pre- 
 ponderance. 
 
 Galbaud, voyant que perfonne ne s'emprefTait a le foutenir, et pre- 
 voyant fans doute une chute humiliante, demanda aux commilTaires de 
 s'en retourncr en France, preferant la retraite, a des pouvoirs conteftcs ; 
 ce qui lui fut accorde fur le champ, et 11 s'embarqua le 14. 
 
 Le 17 Galbaud rciinit tous les matelots de la rade ct ccux des 
 vaifleaux de guerre, et projette de defcendre a la ville du Cap ; il fait fon 
 debarquement le 18, et marche au gouvernemcnt, ou logeaicnt Ics com- 
 miffaires, qui inftruits des mouvemens dc Galbaud, reiinircnt les trouper. 
 qui leurs etaient devouees, et particulierement les mulatres, et les em- 
 bufquerent derriere les murs du gouvernemcnt, dans toutcs les ifsiies; 
 ' fur
 
 I -20 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAP. Tm- les teiraiTes, &c. Auffitot que les matelots furent a portee de pill:oler, 
 VIII. on fit des decharges, qui en tuerent et bleflerent un grand nombre, ncan- 
 moins les mulatres furent ebranles deux fois ; mais le defordre dans les 
 matelots determina le General Galbauda faire fa retraite a I'arfenal; la, 
 il fit une proclamation pour inviter les bons citoyens a fe rciinir a lui, 
 pour chaffer les commiffaires, qui voulaient ufurper le gouvernement. 
 Des-lors les commiffaires rciinirent aux mulatres tous les negres dela ville, 
 qui avaient deja pris parti dans ra(n:ion en affaffinant dans la ville ; toutes 
 les troupes qui kurs avaient fervis a leur expedition, et les placerent par 
 pelotons a chaque coin des riies, et dts qu'un blanc voulait fortir de chez 
 lui, ou paraiffait aux fenetres, il etait fufilir. 
 
 Pendant ce terns, et des que les commililiires eurent appris les mouve- 
 mens de Galbaud, lis avaient depeche des expres aux chefs des brigands, 
 pour les engager a venir a leur fecours, et leurs offraient le pillage de la 
 ville. 
 
 Le 19 Galbaud capltule a I'arfenal, et fe rend abord : il y en mis en 
 etat d'arreftation, ainfi que I'Amiral Cambis, et le Contre-Amiral Sercey, 
 qui font depouilles de leur commandement. 
 
 Une proclamation des commiffaires avaitprecedamment a cet' cvene- 
 ment, mis a contribution ^7 negociants, ou riches particuliers, pour une 
 fomme de 67 5 mille li vres, qui parrait avoir ete exigee et payee fur I'heure. 
 Le 19, au foir, le 20, le 21, les brigands entrent de toutes p-arts dans la 
 ville du Cap, ayant a leur tete leurs chefs, et on affure que M. de Grade 
 s'y eft trouve auffi. Le pillage, les maffacres, les flammes deviennent 
 effroyables ; les hommes, les femmes, les enfans font affaffines, maflacres, 
 et eprouvent toutes les horreurs imaginables. lis ont eu la barbaric de 
 rcniermer et de bruler dans une maifon plus de 300 perfonnes toutes 
 vives. 
 
 Les malheureux de tout fexe, de tout age, qui cherchaient a fe fauver 
 en gagnant des cmbarcations, ou a la nage, etaient fufjles meme dans 
 i'eau. 
 
 Jl
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 12X 
 
 II parrait que dans le maflacre les ncgres ont Trapes indiftinftement CHAP. 
 Cous les paitisj blancs, mulatres, et que les blancs fe font deffendus contre VIII. 
 tous avec un grand acharnement j neanmoins il parrait certain, que la 
 population blanche a ete entierement detruite, et qu'il n'a pas refte un 
 feul blanc au Cap; on eftime que, s'il s'eft fauve 12 a 1500 perfonnes 
 abord, c'efl plus qu'on n'oie I'efperer. 
 
 Le convoi eft fortie du Cap le 23 pour rAmerique, la majeure partic 
 ayant trcs peu de vivres, tres peu d'eau, et plufieurs fans etre prepares 
 a ce voyage, fans mats ni voilles, & ceux qui ont re^u les malheureux 
 qui fe font fauves abord, n'y auront trouve aucune fubfiftance. 
 
 La ville incendiee, detruite, fes habitans maflacres, on alTure qu'il nc 
 refte que le gouvernement, une parde des cafernes, I'arfenal, et les 
 maifons du Petit Carenage; — I'eglife etles fontaines detruites. 
 
 Les commiffaires ont refte fpedlateurs tranquilles pendant le carnage 
 et le maflacre ; dans leur maifon on a vu Santhonax ferrer et prefler dans 
 fes bras les chefs des brigands, les appeller fes fauveurs, et leur temoigner 
 leur reconnaiflance. 
 
 Le 23 proclamation des commiflaires, qui invite et appelle tous les 
 bons citoyens a le reiinir autour d'eux, etde laifler partir les fcelerats, qui 
 vont aller fubir le jufte chatiment de leurs criines, le coijvoi en parti le 
 jour meme, & la viUe fumait encore. 
 
 R CHAR.
 
 122 
 
 HISTORY OP 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Situation, Extent, and general Defcr/ption of St. Domingo — Origin 
 of the French Colony, and 'Topographical Defcription of the fe- 
 deral Provinces into which the French PoJJeJJions ivej'c divided 
 '—Their Population, and Produce — Shipping and Exports — Com" 
 pared with the Returns of Jamaica. 
 
 THE iflaid of St. Domingo is fituated in the Atlantick 
 Scean, about three thoufand five hundred miles from 
 the land's end of England ; the eallern point lying in north la- 
 titude 1 8° 20', and in longitude 68° 40' W. from Greenwich- 
 The ifland extends about one hundred and forty miles in the 
 broadeft part, from north to fouth, and three hundred and 
 ninety from eaft to weft. In a country of fuch magnitude, di- 
 verfified with plains of vaft extent, and mountains of prodigious 
 height, is probably to be found every fpecies of foil which nature 
 has affigned to all the tropical parts of the earth. In general, it 
 is fertile in the higheft degree ; every where well watered, and 
 producing almoft every variety of vegetable nature, for ufe and 
 beauty, for food and luxury, which the lavifh hand of a boun- 
 tiful Providence has bellowed on the richeft portion of the globe- 
 In that part which conftituted the French territory, the quan- 
 tity of unproductive land bears no manner of proportion to the 
 
 whole;
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 123 
 
 whole; and the liberality of nature was laudably feconded by the 
 induftry of the inhabitants. Until thofe ravages and devaftaT- 
 tlons which I have had the painful tafk of recording, deformed 
 and dellroyed, with undiftinguifliing barbarity, both the bounties 
 of UHture, and the labours of art, the pofleffions of France in 
 this noble ifland were confidered as the garden of the Weft In- 
 dies ; and for beautiful fcenery, richnefs of foil, falubrity and 
 variety of climate, might juftly be deemed the Paradife of the 
 New World. 
 
 Of the territories which remained exclufively in pofleflion of 
 the original conquerors, the Spaniards, my information is very 
 imperfedl. I ihall hereafter give the bed account I have beea 
 able to colled; concerning them. On the fouthern coaft, more 
 efpecially in the neighbourhood of the ancient city from which 
 the ifland derives its prcfentname, the lands are faid to be amon? 
 the beft, and without doubt a very large proportion of the re- 
 mainder requires only the hand of the cultivator to become very 
 produdlive. The interior country contains extenfive favannahs, 
 or plains, many of them occupied only by wild fwine, horfes, 
 and horned cattle -, for the Spaniards having exterminated the 
 fimple and unoffending natives, fupplicd their place with herds 
 of domeftick animals, which running wild, fooa multiplied be- 
 yond computation. Thus does the tyranny of man convert the 
 ^'uitful habitations of his fellow- creatures into a wildernefs for 
 beafts ! In the prefent cafe, however, the crime foon brought 
 down its own puniifiimeat ; — a puniilimerit which almoft re- 
 venged tlie wrongs of the helplefs Americans j — and who docs 
 
 R 2 not
 
 124. HISTORYOF 
 
 CHAP. iTOt '^viHi that avaricCj ambition, and cruelty may be thus always 
 entangled in their own projeds ? 
 
 The reader is doubtlefs apprized that I here allude to the 
 eftablifliment in St. Domingo of that daring and defperate band 
 of adventurers, the Bucaniers; — an affociation conftituted of men 
 of all '.ountries and defcriptions, but of whom it may truly 
 be faid that, if felf-prefervation be a law of nature, the hofti- 
 lities which they maintained for upwards of fifty years againfl 
 their opprefiors, were more juftifiable and legitimate in their 
 origin, than all the wars which the pride and ambition of king- 
 doms and nations have occalioned, from the beginning of the 
 world to the prefent hour. As the cruelty of the Spaniards firit 
 compelled thefe men, from a fenfe of common danger, to unite 
 their ftrength, fo the blind policy of flocking with cattle a coun- 
 try of fuch extent, became their fupport j for the flefh of thofe 
 animals fupplied them with food, and they purchafed arms, am- 
 munition, and clothing with the fkins» 
 
 Of the rife of thefe people, and the primary caufe of theiy 
 combining together to make reprifals on the Spanifli fettlements, 
 a fhort account may be necefl'ary. I have elfewhere treated the 
 fubjed: more at large faj. — They confifted originally of a body^ 
 of French and Englifh planters, whom, in the year 1629, a Spa- 
 nidi armament had expelled from the ifland of St. Chriftophcr, 
 with circum fiances of outrageous barbarity. Driven from thence, 
 by a force which they could not refifl, as the only alternative of 
 
 (a) Hill, of the Britifti Colonies, Book ii. C. 2. 
 
 cfcaping;
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 
 
 efcaping from (laughter or ilavery, they fled in open boats with 
 their families, and pofl^effed themfelves of the fmall unoccupied 
 ifland of Tortugin, fituated within a few miles of the northern 
 coaft of St. Domingo. Here they were joined by a confiderable 
 number of Dutch emigrants from Sa}ita Crux, whom the ava- 
 rice and cruelty of the Spaniards had compelled, in like manner, 
 to roam over the ocean for fhelter, after having witnefled the 
 jnaflacre of many of their number, even to the women and chil- 
 dren. Companions in adverfity, their misfortunes probably 
 taught thefe poor exiles mutual forbearance ; for, although they 
 were compofed of three different nations, they appear to have 
 Jived for fome years in perfecft harmony with each other. Their 
 mode of life contributed to produce the fame beneficial effedl : 
 finding a country of immeafurable extent in their neighbourhood 
 abounding in cattle, their time was chiefly occupied in hunting; 
 an employment which left no leifure for diflenflon, and afforded 
 them both exercife and food. The plains, of St. Domingo were 
 confidered, however, merely as their hunting grounds : Tortuga 
 continued their home,, and place of retreat. Here their women 
 and young people cultivated fmall plantations of tobacco (an herb> 
 of which, in hot and moift climates, the practice of inhaling the 
 fmoke, feems to be pointed out by nature) ; and as the coall was 
 rugged, and of diflicult approach, they fondly hoped that their 
 obfcurity would protecft" them from further pcrfecution. 
 
 If the government of Spain had been aduated at this time by 
 
 motives of wifdom, it would indeed have left, thefe poor people 
 
 to range over the wildernels unmoleflcd. It ought to have 
 
 known, that the occupation of hunting diverted thern from pro- 
 
 "* jedls 
 
 125
 
 i.2d HISTORY OF 
 
 jeds of vengeance, and deeds of greater enterprise ^ but tyranny 
 is without forefight, and the reftlefs and reniorfelefs bigotry of 
 the Spanifli nation allowed the fugitives iio refpite. An arma- 
 ment was colledted, and preparations made to efFedt their utter 
 extermination; the commanders of which, taking occalion when 
 the ableft of the men had reforted to the larger ifland in their 
 ufual purfuit, landed a body of foldicrs at Tortuga, and making 
 captives of the women and children, the old and infirm, cauled 
 them all to be maflacred without mercy. 
 
 It does not appear that the miferable people who were thus 
 purfued to deftrudion, like beafts of prey, had hithsrto been 
 guilty of any outrages or depredations on the fliips or fubjtdts of 
 Spain, which called for fuch exemplary vengeance. Neither was 
 it imputed to them as a crime that they had pofleffed themfelves 
 of Tortuga, or that they roamed about the defarts of St. Do- 
 mingo in purfuit of cattle which had no owners. Their guilt 
 confifled in the circumftance of being born out of the Spanifh 
 territories, and prefuming neverthelefs to venture into any part of 
 the New World j for the arrogant prefumption and extravagant 
 felfiflinefs of this bigotted nation, led them to appropriate all the 
 countries of America to themfelves. They claimed even the 
 fole and exclufive right of failing on any fuch part of the main 
 ocean as, in their judgment, conflituted a portion of the nevvly- 
 difcovered hemifphcre ; and drift orders were ilTued to all their 
 commanders, by fea and land, to feize on the fliips and fubjedts of 
 all other people that ihould be found within tl^e boundaries 
 which they had prefcribed, and to puniih the intruders with 
 6 flavery
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 127 
 
 iTavery or death.— We have feen in what manner thofe orders CHAP, 
 were executed. I^- 
 
 It is evident, therefore, that no alternative remained to the oc- 
 cupiers of Tortuga, but to turn on their purfuers, and wage 
 ofFenfive war on thofe who would allow of no peace with them. 
 If the juftice of their caufe be ftill a queftion, let the records of 
 time be confulted ; let an appeal be made to that rule of con- 
 ducft, which (to ufe an eloquent expreffion of Lord Coke) is 
 'wriiten by tloejinger of God on the heart of man ; and let hiilory 
 and reafon determine, whether any inflance of hoftilit)', in the 
 annals of mankind, can be defended on better grounds. To fuch 
 men, in fuch a caufe, no dangers were too formidable, no ob- 
 ftacles too great. Inured by their mode of life to the vicilli- 
 tudes of the climate, united among themfelves, and animated by 
 all the motives and paffions which can inflame the human mind 
 to great exertion^ they became the moft formidable antagonifts 
 which the Spaniards had ever encountered, and difplayed fuch 
 deeds of valour and fuccefsful enterprize, as (all circumflances 
 confidered) have never been equalled before or fince. 
 
 From a party of thefe adventurers (chiefly natives of Nor- 
 mandy) the French colony in St. Domingo derived its origin. By 
 what means they were induced to feparate from their afl"ociates 
 in danger, to relinquifh the gratification of revenge and avarice, 
 and exchange the tumults of war for the temperate occupations 
 of hufljandry, it is neither within my province nor ability to ex- 
 plaiji. Many of them, without doubt, were men who had been 
 driven, from Europe by indigent circumflances and deiperate for- 
 
 " tunes I
 
 .128 HISTORY OF 
 
 G H A P. tunes ; fome by the cruelty of creditors ; and others, perhaps, 
 IX. by the confcioufnefs of their crimes. Captivated by the renown, 
 
 ^'' ' and alkired by the wealth of the Bucaniers, they joined in their 
 
 expeditions againfl the Spaniards from no better motives than 
 thofe of plunder and rapine ; and to fuch men mufl be imputed 
 thole outrages and exceiles which have ftamped the proceedings 
 of the whole alTociation with infamy (h). But there is a time 
 
 (b) I conceive, however, that thefe have been wonderfully magnified and ex- 
 ao-gerated. The narrative called The HiJIory of the Bucaniers, publifhed towards 
 the latter end of the laft century, which has been quoted by writers of all defcriptions 
 ever fince, as of unqueftionable authority, was originally written in Dutch, by one 
 John Efquetncling, who confelles that he had been one of the Bucaniers, and was 
 expelled from their fociety. The reports of fuch a writer ought to have been re- 
 ceived with great caution ; but there is a ftiil flronger circumftance to excite fuf- 
 picion ; and it is this : The Englifh woric is not taken from the Dutch original, but 
 from a Spamjh traiijlution ; and to fuppofe that a Spaniard would fpeak favourably 
 of the Bucaniers, is the very excefs of human credulity. Not having the original 
 book to refer to, I cannot pronounce with certainty; but I am of opinion, that 
 many of the tragical ftories concerning the torture of the Spnnifh prifoners, and 
 the violation of the women, are interpolations of the Spanifh tranflator. I form this 
 conclufion from the malignity difplayed towards the charafter of the famous Sir 
 Henry Morgan. If we may believe the account given of this gallant commander, 
 he was the moft inhuman monfter that ever cxifted. Yet this very man (who 
 b\' the way afted under a regular commiflion and letters of reprizal from govern- 
 ment) after he had quitted the fea, was recommended by the earl of Carlifle to be 
 his fucceffor in the government of Jamaica, and was accordingly appointed lieute- 
 nant-governor in the earl's abfence. He afterwards received the honour of knight- 
 hood from King Charles II. and paffed the remainder of his life on his plantation in 
 Jamaica. By the kindnefs of a friend in that ifland, I have had an opportunity of 
 perufuig fome of Sir Henry Morgan's original private letters; and this I will fay, 
 that they manifeft fuch a fpirit of humanity, juftice, liberality, and piety, as prove 
 that he has either been grofsly traduced, or that he was the greateft hypocrite living ; 
 —a character ill-fuited to the frank and fcaikfs temper of the man. 
 
 for
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 129 
 
 jfbr all things ; and the change of life in thefe men confirms 
 the obfervation of an elegant writer, " that as there is no foil 
 " which will not fliew itfelf grateful to culture, fo there is no 
 " difpofition, no characfter in mankind, which may not, by 
 " dexterous management, be turned to the publick advan- 
 " tage fcj." It was a happy circumftance in the infancy of their 
 eftablilliment, that while they were too obfcure for the notice of 
 the government, they had no check given to their induftry by 
 the chill influence of poverty. To a fortunate exemption from 
 the hand of power, and the facility with which they were fup- 
 plied with the common neceflaries of life, they were indebted 
 for their prefervation and profperity. A mediocrity of condi- 
 tion, and equal freedom, excited the fpirit of emulation among 
 them ; but oppreflion would have produced difcouragement, 
 and penury is the parent of floth. 
 
 Of the progreffive purfuits of thefe people in extending the 
 footing which they had obtained, until the French government 
 accepted their fubmiflion, acknowledged them as faithful fub- 
 jedls, and availed itfelf of their labours, — and the final ceflion 
 to France of the weftern part of St. Domingo, by the peace of 
 Ryfwick, the reader will find an ample account In the hiftory of 
 this ifland by Pere Charlevoix. It is therefore unnecefTary to 
 detail what an author fo well informed in the ancient tranfac- 
 tions of the colony, has written. All that the Englilh reader will 
 expedt from me, is an account of the political and topographical 
 ftate of the colony ; its population, produce, and exports at the 
 
 (t) European Settlements, Vol. IL p. 109. 
 
 S time
 
 130 HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAP, time my Millory commences; and thefe particulars will be found 
 J^-X> in what remains of the prefent Chapter. 
 
 The pofleiTions of the French in St. Domingo, as I have elfe- 
 where obferved, were divided into three great departments, called 
 the Northern, the Weflern, and the Southern provinces. The 
 Northern province comprehended a line of fea-coall extending 
 about forty leagues, from the river Mailacre, to Cape St. Nicho- 
 las, and contained (including Tortuga) twenty-five pariflies. Its 
 population, in the beginning of 1790, confifted of 1 1,996 white 
 inhabitants of all ages, and 164,656 negro ilaves. The number 
 of fiigar plantations was 288, of which 258 made what is called 
 clayed, or foft white fugar, and 30 77mJcovado, or new fugar. It 
 reckoned 2,009 plantations of coffee, 66 of cotton, 443 of indigo, 
 and 215 fmaller eftablifliments, fuch as proviiion-polinks, cacao- 
 groves, tan-pits, potteries, brick-kilns, 6cc. 
 
 Of the towns and harbours in the Northern province, the 
 chief were thofe of Cape Franfois, Fort Dauphin, Port Paix, 
 and Cape St. Nicholas. I fliall treat only of the firfl and the 
 
 The town of Cape Francois (which in time of war was 
 the feat of the French government) would have ranked 
 among the cities of the fecond clafs, in any part of Europe, 
 for beauty and regularity. It confifted of between eight and 
 nine hundred houfes of ftone and brick, many of them hand- 
 fome and commodious, befides (hops and warehoufes ; and 
 it contained two magnificent fquares, ornanTented each with 
 6 a publick.
 
 S T. D M I N G O. J 31 
 
 a publick fountain. The chief publick buildings were the 
 church ; the Jefuits' college (converted after the revolution 
 into a governnient-houfe, and place of meeting for the colonial 
 and provincial aflemblies) ; a fuperb barrack for troops ; a 
 royal arfcnal ; a prifon ; a play-houfe ; and two hofpitals. The 
 number of free inhabitants of all colours, was cftimated at 
 eight thousand, e.xclufive of the king's troops and fea-faring 
 people. The domeftick flaves were faid to be about twelve 
 thoufand. The fituation of the town, however, was not to be 
 commended. It was built at the foot of a very high mountain, 
 called Li' Hunt du Cap, which abounds indeed with fprings of 
 excellent water, and furniflied a great fupply of garden vege- 
 tables, but it ferved as a fcreen from the land wind, and rever- 
 berated the rays of the fun. The town arofe to opulence 
 chiefly from the commodioufnefs of its harbour, and the ex- 
 treme fertility of the plain adjoining it to the eaft, a diftric^l 
 fifty miles in length, and twelve v\ breadth, appropriated folely 
 to the cultivation of fugar (the plantations of which were di- 
 vided from each other only by hedges of citrons and limes) and 
 yielding greater returns than perhaps any other fpot of the fame 
 extent in the habitable globe. 
 
 The town of Cape St. Nicholas confifts of about 250 
 hnufes, which are chiefly built of American wood. It is fituated 
 at the foot of a high bluff, called the Mole ; but having been a 
 free port, it was a place of confiderable trade, and particularly re- 
 forted to by the fhips of America. It is chiefly knowii, how- 
 ever, for the fafety and extent of its harbour, which is juftly 
 called the key of the Windward paflligc ; and the fortifications 
 
 S 2 towards
 
 132 HISTORYOF 
 
 towards the fea are reckoned among the ftrongelt in the Wefl 
 Indies. On the fide of the land they are overlooked by the 
 lurrounding heights, and hence it is conckided, that although it 
 might he difficult to take the place by an invading armament, it 
 would be flill more difficult to retain it afterwards, unlefs pof- 
 fefiion was obtained alfo of the interior country. 
 
 The Weflern province began at Cape St. Nicholas, and ex- 
 tending along the line of coaft which forms the bight of Leogane,. 
 for upwards of one hundred leagues, terminated at Cape Tibu- 
 ron. It contained fourteen pariflies, and five chief towns, namely. 
 Port au Prince, St. Marc, Leogane, Petit Goave, and Jeremie j- 
 befides villages, of which thofe of Gonaives, Arcahaye, and 
 Croix des Bouquets, are not inconfiderable. The only good 
 harbours in this great extent of coaft are thofe of Port au Prince 
 and Gonaives. All the other fliipping-places are open roads, 
 fometimes. much expofed» 
 
 Port au Prince (except in time of war, when the Gover- 
 nor General was direfted to remove to Cape Fran9ois) was 
 confidered as the metropolis of the colony. It was deftroyed 
 by a dreadful earthquake on the 3d of June 1770, and had never 
 been completely rebuilt. In 1790 it confifted of about 600 
 houfes, and contained 2,754 white inhabitants fdj. The fitu- 
 ation is low and mar/hy, and the climate, in confequence, very 
 unhealthy. It is furrounded moreover by hills, which command 
 
 {J) The free people of colour were efti mated at 4,000, and the enflaveJ 
 negroes at about 8,000 : but being comprehended in the general return for the 
 whole diftriil, they are no where afcertained with precifion. 
 
 both
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. J33 
 
 both the town and the harbour; but both the hills and the 
 vallies are abundantly fertile. To the eaft is fituated the noble 
 plain of Cul de Sac, extending; from thirty to forty miles in 
 length by nine in breadth, and it contained one hundred and 
 fifty fugar-plantations, moft of which were capable of being 
 watered in times of drought, by canals admirably contrived and 
 difpofed for that purpofe. The circumjacent mountains were 
 at the fame time clothed with plantations of coffee, which ex- 
 tended quite to the Spanifli fettlements» 
 
 The population and flate of agriculture in the Weftern pro- 
 vince were as follow: white inhabitants of all ages 12,798; 
 negroes in a ftate of Ilaverv 192,961 ; plantations of clayed fugar 
 135, of mufcovado 222. Plantations of coffee 894, of cotton' 
 489, of indigo 1952, befides 343 fmaller fettlements. 
 
 The Southern province, extending upwards of fixty leagues 
 from Cape Tiburon, along the fouthern coafl of the ifland to 
 L'Ance a Pitre, contained ten pariHies, and two chief towns, 
 Aux Cayes and Jacmel ; two places of which I fliall here- 
 after have occafion to fpeak. It pofTefTes no fafe harbours, 
 and its roads are dangerous. The fliipping that load at Aux. 
 Cayes take refuge during the hurricane feafon at La Baye des 
 Flamands. 
 
 The population in this department was compofed of 6,037 
 
 whites, and 76,812 negro flaves. Its eftabliihments confifted 
 
 of 38 plantations of white fugar, and no of mufcovado; 214 
 
 cofFee-plantations, 234 of cotton, 765 of indigo, and 1 1 9 fmaller 
 
 fettlements. 
 
 The
 
 '34 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 The quantity of l^nd in cultivation throughout all the pa- 
 riilies was 763,923 carreaux /^fy*, equal to 2,289,480 Englilh 
 acres, of which about two-thirds were fituated in the mountains ; 
 and that the reader may have a ftate of the agriculture at one 
 view, I lliall fubjoin a fummary of the preceding accounts, from 
 whence it will appear that the French colony contained, the be- 
 ginning of 1790, 
 
 431 plantations of clayed fugar, 
 '^62 - - - of mufcovadq. 
 
 Total - 793 plantations of fugar, 
 
 3,1 17 - - - of colfee, 
 789 - - - of cotton, 
 3,160 - - - of indigo, 
 
 54 - - - of cacao, or chocolate, 
 623 fmaller fettlements, chiefly for railing grain, 
 yams, and other vegetable food. 
 
 Making - ^'536 eftablilhinents of all kinds throughout the 
 
 colony. 
 
 The population in 1790, on a like fummary, appears to 
 have been 30,831 whites of both fexes and all ages (exclufive 
 
 (c) The caneau of land in St. Domingo is lOOyarJs fquare, of 3^ French feet 
 each; tlie fuperhcics 122,500 feet. The Paris foot is divided into twelve inches, 
 and each inch into twelve lines; wherefore, if we fuppofe each line to be divided into 
 310 parts, the Paris foot will be 1440 parts, tlie London 1 350. Thcfe proportions 
 were fettled by the Royal Academy of Scicn.ces. The Jamaica acre contains 4,3,560 
 Englifh feet fuperficial meafure ; which being multiplied by 1,750, and the total 
 divided by 1,440, gi\es 40,837 i, or one-third part of the French carreau. 
 
 of
 
 ST. DO M I N G O. 13^ 
 
 of European troops and fea-faring people), and 434,429 negro c II A P. 
 flaves. In this account, however, the domeftick flavcs, and IX. 
 negro mechanicks employed in the feveral towns, are not com- 
 prehended. They amounted to about 46,000, which made 
 the number of negro flaves throughout the colony 480,000. 
 
 Of the free people of colour, no very accurate account was 
 obtained. Monf. Marbois, the intendant, reported them in 
 1787 at about 20,000. In 1790, the general opinion fixed 
 them at 24,000. 
 
 The exterior appearance of the colony, as I have obferved m 
 another place, every where demonftrated great and increafing 
 profperity. Cultivation was making rapid advances over the 
 country. The towns abounded in warehoufes, which were 
 filled with the richeft commodities and productions of Europe^ 
 and the harbours were crouded with fhipping. There were 
 freighted, in 1787, 470 fliips, containing 112,253 tons, and na- 
 vigated by 1 1,220 feamen. Many of them were vefTels of very 
 large burthen ; and the following is an accurate account, from 
 the intendant's reports, of the general exports, on an average of 
 the years 1787, 1788, and 1789; viz. 
 
 AVERAGE
 
 130 
 
 23,061 — 
 
 2,767,320 
 
 2,6oo 
 
 312,000 
 
 N' 6,500 
 
 5,2000 
 
 N" 7,900 — 
 
 118,500 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 AVERAGE EXPORTS FROM THE FRENCH PART OF 
 ST. DOMINGO, BEFORE THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 Livrcs. 
 
 ■Qayed Aigar - - lbs. 58,642,214 — 41,049,549 
 
 Mufcovado - - lbs. 86,549,829 — 34,619,931 
 
 Coffee - - _ lbs. 71,663,187 — 71,663,187 
 
 Cotton _ - _ lbs. 6,698,858 — 12,397,716 
 
 Indigo _ _ - Hhds. 951,607 — 8,564,463 
 
 Molalles - - - Hhds. 
 
 An inferior fort of rum, cal- 7 ttu j 
 
 led taffia _ - J ^* 
 
 Raw hides - - 
 
 Tanned ditto - - 
 
 The total value at the ports of fliipping, in 
 
 livres of St. Domingo, was _ _ _ 171,544,666 
 
 being equal to ;^. 4,765,129 fterling money of Great Britain. 
 
 If this flatement be compared by the rule of proportion witli 
 tlie exports from Jamaica, the refult will be coniiderably in fa- 
 vour of St. Domingo, /. e. it will be found that the planters of 
 Jamaica receive fmaller returns from the labours of their negroes, 
 in proportion to their numbers, than the planters of St. Domingo 
 have received from theirs. For this difference various caufes have 
 been a{Iigned,and advantages allowed, and qualities afcribed to the 
 French planters, which I venture to pronounce, on full enquiry, 
 had no exiflence. The true caule arofe, undoubtedly, from the 
 fuperior fertility of the foil ; and, above all, from the prodigious 
 benefit which refulted to the French planters from the iyflem 
 
 § of
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 137 
 
 «f watering their fugar-lands in dry weather. This Is an ad- 
 vantage which nature has denied to the lands in Jamaica, 
 except in a very few places ; but has freely beftowed on many 
 parts of St. Domingo ; and the planters there availed themfelves 
 of it with the happieft fuccefs (f). 
 
 (f) Having made diligent enquiry into the average produce of the Frenck 
 fugar-lands while on the fpot, I venture to give the following cftimate, as nearly 
 founded in truth as the fubjeifl will admit. 
 
 In the North, the diftrids of Ouanaminthe, Maribaroux, and Quartier Dau- 
 phin, generally yielded from fix to feven thoufand pounds weight of mufcovado 
 fugar for each carreau in canes ; the average is - - 6,509 
 
 Jaquizi ------ 7,000 
 
 Limonade -_.,__ 9,000 
 Quartier Morin _ - - - _ 6,000 
 
 Plaine du Nord, Limbe, Petite Anfe 5 - - 5,000 
 
 The average of the whole is 6,700 lbs. each carreau.— This part of 
 St. Domingo was not watered. 
 
 In the Weft — St. Marc, L'Artibonlte, and Gonaives, each carreau 
 
 j-ielded __----- 8,500 
 
 Vazes, Arcahaye, Boucaflin - » - - 10,000 
 
 Cul de Sac »---«- 9,000 
 
 Leogane .»---- 6,500 
 
 The average is 8,500 lbs. the carreau. — All thefc diftrids were 
 watered. 
 
 33.5»« 
 
 34,00a 
 
 In the South — the diftri6ls of Grand-Goave, Aux-Cayes, Plaine du 
 Fond, L'Iflet, &c. which likewife were watered, yielded - - - 7,503 
 
 The general average, on the whole, is 7,500 lbs. from each carreau in canes ; 
 t* which add 8 i per cent, for the difference between the Englifh and French 
 wei^'hts, the total is 8,137 '^*' f"^"" every three acres Englifli, or 2,712 lbs. per 
 acre; being nearly two-thirds mere than the general yielding of alj the land in 
 eanes throuj^hout Jamaica. 
 
 T And
 
 ijS HISTORYOF 
 
 Akd fuch, In the days of its profperity, was the French 
 colony in the ifland of St. Domingo. I have now prefented to 
 my readers both fides of the medal. To Great Britain^ 
 above all other nations of the earth, the £id:s which I have 
 related may furnifh an important lelTon ; and it is fuch a one as. 
 requires no comment ' 
 
 I 
 
 CHAP.
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 159 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Et?iigrations — Overtures to the Britijlj Government accepted—* 
 Situation and Stre7igth of the Republican Party in St. Domingo, 
 and Difpojition of the Inhabitants — Negro Slavery aboliJ7:ed by 
 the French CommiJJioners — Armameixt allotted for the Invafion 
 of the Countty — Surrefider of feremie atid the Mole at Cape 
 St. Nicholas — Unfuccefsful Attempt on Cape Tiburon — Further 
 Proceedings of the Britifl: Army until the Arrival of General 
 Whyte^— -Capture of Fort au Prince, 
 
 THE deftruftion of the beautiful city of Cape Fran9ois, 
 and the maflacre of mofl of the white inhabitants, were 
 the fad events which terminated our hiftorical detail at the clofe 
 of the Eighth Chapter. It was obferved, however, that M. 
 Galbaud and his partizans, among whom were comprehended 
 many refpedable families, had fortunately embarked on the fhips 
 in the harbour, juft before the revolted negroes entered the town. 
 Happy to fly from a country devoted to ruin, they diredled their 
 courfe to the united flates of North America; and to the honour of 
 the human character (debafed as we have beheld it iji other fitua- 
 tions) they found there, what great numbers of their unhappy 
 fellow-citizens had found before them, a refuge from the reach 
 of perfecution, and an afylum from the preffure of poverty. 
 
 T 2 Emigrations
 
 140 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 Emigrations from all parts of St. Domingo had indeed 
 prevailed to a very great extent, ever fince the revolt of the 
 negroes in the Northern province. Many of the planters had 
 removed with their families to the neighbouring illands: fome 
 of them had taken refuge in Jamaica ; and it was fuppofed that 
 not lefs than ten thoufand had tranfported themfelvcs, at various 
 times, to different parts of the continent of America. Moft of 
 thefe were perfons of peaceable tempers, who fought only to 
 procure the mere neceffaries of life in fafety and quiet. The 
 principal among the planters, having other objefts in view, had 
 repaired to Great Britain. It is a circumftance within n:y own 
 knowledge, that fo early as the latter end of 1791 C^ong before 
 the commencement of hoftilities between France and England)- 
 many of them had made application to the King's minifters, re- 
 quefting that an armament might be fent to take poffeffion of 
 the country for the king of Great Britain, and receive the alle- 
 giance of the inhabitants. They aflerted (I am afraid with 
 much greater confidence than truth) that all clafles of the people 
 wifhed to place themfelves under the Englifh dominion, and 
 that, on the firft appearance of a Britifh fquadron, the colony 
 would furrender without a ftruggle. To thefe reprefentations- 
 no attention was at that time given ; but at length, after the na- 
 tional affembly had thought proper to declare war againft Great 
 Britain, the Englilh miniftry began to liften, with fome degree 
 of complacency, to the overtures which were again made to 
 them, to the fame effedt, by the planters of St. Domingo. In 
 the fummcr of 1793, a M. Charmilly (one of thofe planters) 
 was furnifhed with difpatches from the fecretary of ftate to 
 General Willjamfon, the lieutenant-governor and commander in 
 6 cliiei
 
 Ci»j It is fituated juft within the Bight of Leagant. 
 
 S T. D O xM I N G O. 141 
 
 chief of Janialca, fignifying the king's pleafure (with allowance 
 of great latitude however to the governor's difcretion) that he 
 fliould accept terms of capitulation from the inhabitants of fuch 
 parts of St. Domingo as folicited the protedlion of the BritiHi 
 government; and for that purpofe the governor was authorized 
 to detach, from the troops under his command in Jamaica, fuch 
 a force as (hould be thought fufficient to take and retain poffeffion 
 of all the places that might be lurrendered, until reinforcements 
 fliould arrive from England. M. Charmilly, having thus de- 
 livered the orders and inflrudlions with which he was entruflcd, 
 fent an agent without delay to Jeremie (a), a fmall port and 
 town in the diftridl of Grand Ance, to which he belonged, to 
 prepare the loyal inhabitants for a vifit from their new allies 
 and protedlors the Englifh. 
 
 But, before we proceed to detail the operations which followed 
 this determination of the Britlfli cabinet, it feems neceflary, as 
 well for the fatisfadlion of the reader, as in juftice to the gallantry 
 and good conduct of the officers and men who were afterwards 
 fent to St. Domingo, that fome account fhould be given of 
 the difficulties which were to arife, and the force that was to 
 be encountered in this attempt to annex fo great and valuable a 
 colony to the Britifli dominion. I am well apprized that I am 
 here treading on tender ground; but if it fliall appear, as un- 
 happily it will, that the perfons at whofe inftance and entreaty the 
 projedt was adopted, either meant to deceive, or were themfelves 
 grofsly deceived, in the reprefentations which they made to the 
 Englifli government on this occafion, it is my province and my 
 
 T 3 duty
 
 142 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 duty to place the failure which has enfued to its proper account. 
 The hiftorian who, in luch cafes, from fear, favour, or affec- 
 tion, fupprefl'e? the comn:iunication of fadls, is hardly lefs culpa- 
 ble than the fadlious or venal writer, who facrifices the interefts 
 of truth, and the dignity of hiftory, to the prej adices of party. 
 
 The republican commiflioners, as the reader has been in- 
 formed, had brought with them from France fix thoufand 
 chofen troops ; which, added to the national force already 
 in the colony, and the militia of the country, conflituted a 
 body of fourteen or fifteen thoufand effeftive whites; to whom 
 were joined the greatefl part of the free negroes and mulattoes, 
 befides a motley but defperate band of all complexions and de- 
 fcriptions, chiefly flaves which had deferted from their owners, 
 and negroes colled:edfrom the jails. All thefe, amounting in the 
 whole to about twenty-five thoufand effecflivcs, were brought into 
 fome degree of order and difcipline ; were well armed, and, what 
 is of infinite importance, were, in a confiderable degree, inured to 
 the climate. Being neceffarily difperfed, however, in detachments 
 throughout the different provinces, they were become on that 
 account lefs formidable to an invading enemy. Aware of this 
 circumflance, the commiflioners, on the firft intimation of an 
 attack from the Englifh, reforted to the moft defperate expedient 
 to ftrengthen their party, that imagination can conceive. They 
 declared by proclamation all manner of flavery abolifhed, and 
 pronounced the negro flaves to be from thenceforward a free 
 people, on condition of reforting to their flandard. From this 
 moment it might have been forefeen that the colony was loft to 
 Europe; for though but few of the negroes, in proportion to 
 the whole, joined the commiflioners, many thoufands choofing 
 3 to
 
 ST. DO M I N G O. 143' 
 
 fo continue (laves as they were, and participate in the fortunes of C K A ?. 
 
 their mafters, yet vaft numbers in all parts of the colony (appre- X. 
 
 henfive probably that this offer of liberty was too great a favour 
 
 to be permanent) availed themfelves of it to fecure a retreat to 
 
 the mountains, and poflefs themfelves of the natural fiftneff'is 
 
 which the interior country affords. Succeffive bodies have 
 
 iince joined them, and it is believed that upwards of 100,000 
 
 have eRablifhed themfelves, in thofe receffcs, into a fort of fivage 
 
 republick, like that of the black Charaibes of St. Vincent, wherf; 
 
 they fubfifton the fpontaneous fruits of the earth, and the wild 
 
 cattle which they procure by hunting j prudently declining offen- 
 
 live war, and trufting their fafety to the rocky fortreffes which 
 
 nature has raifed around them, and from which, in my opinion, 
 
 it will be no eafy undertaking to dillodge them (b). 
 
 Of the revolted negroes in the Northern province, many had 
 periflied of difeafe and famine ; but a defperate band, amounting 
 as it was fuppofed to upwards of 40,000, inured to war, and 
 pradifed in devaftation and murder, flill continued in arms. 
 
 Thefe 
 
 (h) The proclamation alluded to, was iiTued at Port au Prince the latter end 
 cf AugufV, and was figned by Polvcrcl alone, Santhonax being at that time in the 
 Northern province. It begins by declaring, that neither himfelf nor Santhonax are 
 recalled or difgraced. That, in order to encourage the negro flaves to allift in op- 
 pofing the meditated invafion of the Englifli, all manner of flavery is abolifticd ; 
 and the necroes are thenceforward to coniider themfelves as free citizens. It tlien 
 expatiates upon the neceflity of labour, and tells the negroes that they muft engage 
 to work as ufual, from year to year ; but that they are at liberty to make choice of 
 their refpeflive mafters. That one third of the crop fhall be appropriated annually 
 K> the piuchaC* of clothing and provifions for their maintenance) and that in the 
 
 pionth
 
 144. 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAP. Thefc were ready to pour down, as occafion might offer, on all 
 X. nations alike j and, inftead of joining the Englifli on their land- 
 
 ing, would rejoice to facrifice both the vidlors and the van- 
 qnillied, the invaders and invaded, in one common deftruc- 
 tion. 
 
 Concerning the white proprietors, on whom alone our de- 
 pendence was placed, a large proportion, as we have feen, per- 
 haps more than one half of the whole, had quitted the country. 
 Of thofe that remained, /ome there were, undoubtedly, who fm- 
 cerely wiflied for the refloration of order, and the bleffings of 
 regular government i but the greateft part were perfons of a 
 different charader: they were men who had nothing to lofe, 
 and every thing to gain, by confufion and anarchy: not a few 
 of them had obtained poffeffion of the effeds and eftates of ab- 
 fent proprietors. From people of this flamp, the moft deter- 
 mined oppofition was neceffarily to be expedledj and unfortu- 
 nately, among thofe of better principle, I am afraid but a very 
 fmall number were cordially attached to the Englifh. The ma- 
 jority feem to have had nothing in view but to obtain by any 
 means the reftoration of their efliates and poffeffions. Many of 
 them, under their ancient government, had belonged to the 
 
 montli of September in eaeh year they are at liberty to make a new choice, or to 
 confirm that of the preceding year. Such, to the bed of my remembrance (for I 
 fpeak from memory) arc the chief provifions of this celebrated proclamation, which 
 I think extended only to the Weflern and Southern provinces ; Santhonax being 
 empowered to m.ake what other regulations he might think proper for the Northern 
 province. The whole apptars to have been a matclilefs piece of abfurdity; be- 
 traying a lamentable degree of ignorance concerning the maimers and difpofitiens 
 cf the negroes, and totally impradticable in itfeif. 
 
 lower
 
 ST. DO M I N G O. 145 
 
 lower order o^ tioblejfe, and being tenacious of titles and ho- 
 nours, in proportion as their pretenfions to real diftinftion were 
 difputable ; they dreaded the introdudion of a fyftcm of laws 
 and government, which would reduce them to the general level 
 of the community. Thus, as their motives were felfilli, and 
 their attachment feeble, their exertions in the common caufc 
 were not likely to be very ftrenuous or efficacious. I do not 
 find that the number of French in arms, who joined us at 
 any one period (I mean of white inhabitants) ever exceeded 
 two thoufand. It were unjuft, however, not to obfprve, that 
 among them were fome diflinguiflied individuals, whofe fide- 
 lity was above fufpicion, and whofe fervices were highly 
 important. Such were the Baron de Montalembcrt, the Vif- 
 count de Fontagnes, Monf. Defources, and perhaps a few 
 others fcj. 
 
 From this recapitulation it is evident, that the invafion ot 
 St. Domingo was an enterprize of greater magnitude and diffi- 
 
 ^ (l) a (av! men of colour alfo diftiiiguiflieJ thcmfelvcs in the coinmon caufc ; 
 '*ji%. Monfieur Le Pohii, Lieutenant-Colonel of the St. Marc's legion, who, with 
 about 300 Mulattoes under his command, kept the pari(h of L'Arcahaye in com- 
 plete fubjc£tion for a confiderable time. 2. Boucquet, Major of the Milice Royale 
 of Verettes, a perfon much attached to the Englilh. 3. Charles Savory-, who 
 commanded a very important port in the plain of Artibonite, upon the river 
 D'Efterre. Great confidence was placed in this man by Colonel Brifbane, and 
 never was it abufed. All thefe men were well educated, and nourifhed deep re- 
 fentment againft the B'rench planters, on account of the indignities which the 
 clafs of coloured people had received from them. At Cape Tibiiron, three or 
 four hundred blacks were embodied very early, under a black general named lean 
 Kina, who ferved well and faithfully. 
 
 U culty
 
 146 HISTORYOF 
 
 culty than the Britifh government feem to have imagined. 
 Conlidering the extent and natural fbength of the country, 
 it may well be doubted, whether all the force which Great 
 Britain could have fpared, would have been fufficient to re- 
 duce it to fubjciftiion, and reftore it at the fame time to fuch 
 a degree of order and fubordination, as to make it a colony 
 worth holding. The truth feems to have been, that General 
 Williamfon, to whom, as hath been obferved, the diredlion 
 and diftribution of the armament was entrulled, and whofe 
 adlive zeal in the fervice of his country was em.inently con- 
 fpicuous, was deceived, equally with the King's mini{}ers, by 
 the favourable accounts and exaggerated reprefentations of 
 fanguine and interefted individuals, concerning the difpofition of 
 their countrymen, the white planters remaining in St. Domingo. 
 Inftead of the few hundreds of them which afterwards reforted 
 to the Britifli flandard, the Governor had reafon to expeft the 
 luppcrt and co-operation of at leaft as many thoufands. In 
 this fatal confidence, the armament allotted for this important 
 expedition was compofed of only the i 3th regiment of foot, 
 feven companies of the 49th, and a detachment of artillery,, 
 altogether amounting to about eight hundred and feventy, rank, 
 and file, fit for duty. Such was the force that was to annex: 
 to the crown of Great Britain, a country nearly equal in ex- 
 tent, and in nattiral ftrength infinitely fuperior, ^to Great Bri- 
 tain i'tfelf 1 Speedy and eifeftual reinforcements from England. 
 were, however, promifed, as well to replace the troops which' 
 were removed from Jamaica, as to aid the operations in St. 
 Domingo. 
 
 In
 
 
 S T. DOMINGO. 147 
 
 In the meantime, the firft ciivifion, confifting of fix hundred € H A 1'. 
 and Icvcnty-feven rank and file, under the command of Licute- •^• 
 nant-Colonel Whitelocke, failed from Port Royal the 9th of 
 September, and arrived at Jeremie on the 19th of tlie fame 1-93 
 month. They were eicorted by Commodore Ford, in the Eu- 
 ropa, accompanied by four or five frigates. 
 
 As the propofitions, or terms of capitulation, had been prcvi- 
 oufly adjuflcd between the people of Jeremie, by their agent A'Tr. 
 Charmiliy, ond General Williamfon, it only remained for the 
 Britifli forces to take poflefilcn of t'nc town and harbour. Ac- 
 cordingly, the troops difembarked early the next morning; the 
 Britifh colours were hoifted at both the forts, with royal falutes 
 from each, which were anfwered by the Commodore and his 
 fquadron, and the oaths of fidelity and allegiance were taken 
 by the refident inhabitants, with an appearance of great :: ■ ■ 
 and alacrity. 
 
 At the fame time information was received, that the gar- 
 rifoi) at the Mole of Cape St. Nicholas, were inclined to fur- 
 render that important fortrefs in like manner. As this was a 
 circumftance not to be negledled, the Commodore im.mediately 
 diredted his courfe thither, and, on the 22d, took pofTefiion of 
 the fortrefs and harbour, and received the allegiance of the offi- 
 cers and privates. The grenadier company of the 13th regi- 
 ment, was forthwith difpatched from Jeremie to take the com- 
 mand of the garrifon ; which was foon afterwards flrengthened 
 by the arrival of the fecond divifion of the armament ordered 
 from Jamaica, confiding of five companies of f)rty men each. 
 
 U 2 Tub
 
 148 HISTORY OF 
 
 The voluntary furrender of thefe places railed expedtations 
 in the people of England, that the whole of the French colony 
 in St. Domingo would fubmit without oppofition; but the ad- 
 vantages hitherto obtained, feem to have been greatly over- 
 valued. The town of Jeremie is a place of no importance. — It 
 contains about one hundred very mean houfes, and the country 
 in the vicinage is not remarkably fertile ; pfcducing nothing of 
 any account but coffee. At the Mole of Caps St. Nicholas, 
 the country is even lefs produdlive than in the neighbour- 
 hood of Jeremie j but the harbour is one of the fineft in the 
 new v/orld, and the fortifications vie with the flrongeft in 
 the Weft Indies : unfortimately, from the elevation of the 
 furrounding heights, the place is not tenable againft a power- 
 ful attack by land. The garrifon conlifted only of the re- 
 giment of Dillon, which was reduced by ficknefs or defer- 
 tion to about one hundred and fifty men. The town of St. 
 Nicholas adjoining, was ia the higheft degree hoftile : mod 
 of the inhabitants, capable of bearing arms, left the place 
 on the arrival of the Englitli, and joined the republican 
 army. 
 
 Zealous, however, to promote the glory of the BritiHi 
 name. Colonel Whitelocke determined that his little army 
 iliould not continue inaftive at Jeremie. It was reprefented to 
 him, that the acquifition of the neighbouring poft of Tiburon 
 would prove of the utmoft importance towards the fecurity of 
 Grand Ance, and a M. Duval pledging himfelf to raife five hun- 
 dred men to co-operate in its redudlion, an expedition w^as under- 
 taken for that purpofe, and Colonel Whitelocke, with moit of 
 
 the
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 149 
 
 the Britifli force from Jeremie, arrived in Tiburon Bay on the CHAP, 
 4th of October. X* 
 
 But, on this occafion, as on almoft every other, the Englifh 
 had a melancholy proof how little dependence can be placed on 
 French declarations and aflurances. Duval never made his ap- 
 pearance, for he was not able to coUedl fifty men ; the enemy's 
 force was found to be far more formidable than had been repre- 
 fented, and the gallantry of our troops proved unavailing againft 
 fuperiority of numbers. They were compelled to retreat, with 
 the lofs of about twenty men killed and wounded. 
 
 The defeat and difcouragement fuftained in this attack 
 were the more grievoufly felt, as ficknefs began to prevail 
 to a great extent in the army. The feafon of the year 
 was unfavourable in the highelt degree for military ope- 
 rations in a tropical climate. The rains were inceflantj and 
 the conftant and unufual fatigue, and extraordinary duty to 
 which the foldiers, from the fmallnefs of their number, were 
 neceflarily fubjedl, co-operating with the ftate of the weather,, 
 produced the moft fatal confequences. That never-failing at- 
 tendant on military expeditions in the Weft Indies, the yellow 
 or peftilential fever, raged with dreadful virulence, and fo many,. 
 both of the feamen and foldiers, periflied daily, that the furvi- 
 vors were ftricken with ailonifhment and horror at beholding 
 the havock made among their comrades ! 
 
 General Williamson, with his ufual humanity, exerted 
 himfelf to give them all the relief in his power. Unhappily he 
 
 had 
 
 1793-
 
 ijo HISTORY OF 
 
 liad no alternative but cither to withdraw the troops altogether 
 from St. Domingo, leaving our allies and new fubjefts, the 
 .French planters who had fworn allegiance to our government, 
 to the mercy of their enemies, or to fend, from an already ex- 
 haufted army, a fniall reinforcement of men, to perifli probably 
 in the fame manner as thofe had done whofe numbers they were 
 fcarccly fufficient to replace. 
 
 The latter mealure was adopted : in truth, the circum- 
 flances of the cafe admitted of no other. The remainder of the 
 49th regiment, the 20th, and the royals, amounting altogether 
 to feven cr eight hundred men, were therefore difpatch- 
 ed with all pofTible expedition ; and the fafety of Jamaica 
 was at length entrufled to lefs than four hundred regular 
 troops. 
 
 The fudden appearance in St. Domingo of a reinforcement, 
 though fmall in itfelf, produced however a confiderable effeil 
 among the French planters, by inducing a belief that the Britifli 
 government v\as now ferioufly refolved to follow up the blow. 
 In the beginning of December, the parishes of Jean Rabel, St. 
 Marc, Arcahaye, and Boucaflin furrendered on the fime con- 
 ditions as had been granted to Jeremie j and their example was 
 foon afterwards followed by the inhabitants of Leogane. All 
 tlie former parishes are fituated on the north fide of the Bight; 
 Leogane on the fouth. 
 
 The Britifh commanders now diredled their views once more 
 towards the capture of Tiburom. The defeat which our troops 
 
 had
 
 T794- 
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 151 
 
 Had fuftained in the late attack of that important pcfl, ferved C H A P. 
 only to animate them to greater exertions; but a confiderable _ ^ 
 
 time unavoidably elapfed before the expedition took place; the 
 interval being employed in fecuring the places which had far- 
 rendered. On the 2 1 ft of January, however, the Commodore 
 touched at Jeremie with the fqiiadron, and received the troops 
 on board ; and the whole arrived off Cape Tiburon on the even- 
 ing of the 2d of February. 
 
 The enemy appeared in confiderable force, and ieemed to 
 wait the arrival of the Britifh with great refolution; but a few 
 broadfides from the fhips foon cleared the beach. They came for- 
 ward however again, as the flank companies approached the 
 fhore, and directed a general difcharge of mufquetry at the boats; 
 but our troops landed and formed in an inftant, routed their line 
 with great Daughter, and immediately took pofieliion of the poil. 
 The gallantry of Major Spencer who commanded, and of the 
 officers and men who compofed, the flank companies, was par- 
 ticularly confpicuous. It feems, indeed, to have been a fpirited 
 and well condufted enterprize throughout ; and it was happily 
 effedled with the lofs of only three of the Englifh killed, and 
 feven wounded. Of the enemy, one hundred and fifty furrendered 
 prifoners of war ; and their magazines were found replete with 
 ammunition. 
 
 By the pofleflion of this poft on the fouth, and that of the 
 Mole at Cape St. Nicholas on the north- v/eftern part of the 
 ifland, the Britifli fquadron commanded the navigation of 
 
 the
 
 152 
 
 H I S T O R Y O F 
 
 the whole of tliat extenlive bay whicli foniiS the Bight of 
 Leoganc, and the .capture of the forts, fliipping, and town 
 of Port au Prince (the metropohs of the French colony) 
 feemed more than probable, on the arrival of a large ar- 
 mament now daily expeded, with much anxiety, from Eng- 
 land. 
 
 In the meanwhile (the reduced flate and condition of the 
 troops not adnntting of great enterprize) the commander in 
 chief conceived an idea of obtaining poflellion of the town 
 of Port Paix, an important ftation to the eaftward of Cape 
 St. Nicholas, by private Jiegodation. The town was com- 
 manded by Lavaux, an old general in the French fervice, 
 to whom Colonel Whitelocke addrefled himfelf by letter, 
 which he fcnt with a flag, and offered five thoufand pounds 
 to be paid to him in perfon, on his delivering up the poll. 
 Colonel Whitelocke ftems, however, to have miftaken the cha- 
 radler of Lavaux, who was not only a man of diftinguiflied 
 bravery, but of great probity. His anfvver is remarkable : " You 
 " have endeavoured (laid he) to diflionour me in the eyes of 
 '• my troops, by fuppofing me fo vile, flagitious, and bafe, as to 
 '* be capable of betraying my truflfor a bribe ; this is an affront 
 " for which you owe me perfonal fatisfadion, and I den:iand it 
 " in the name of honour. Wherefore, previous to any general 
 *' aftion, I offer you fingle combat until one of us falls ; leaving 
 " to you the choice of arms, cither on fcot or horfeback. Your 
 " lituation, as my enemy on the part of your country, did not give 
 ** you a right to offer me a perfonal infult; and as a private 
 8 " perfon,
 
 S T. D O M I N G O, 153 
 
 ** pcrfon, I afk fatisfacSion for an injury done me by an indl- CHAP. 
 
 <f 
 
 vidua Y^//" 
 
 This attempt therefore proving abortive, it was determined 
 (now that the fcafon was favourable) in order that the troops 
 might not continue inadlive, as well as to facilitate the medi- 
 tated reduflion of Port au Prince, to attack U Acid, an im- 
 portant fortrefs in the vicinity of Leogane. Accordingly, on the 
 19th of February, the flank companies, a detachment of the 1794. 
 royal artillery, and of the i 3th regiment, with fome colonial 
 troops, having two five half-inch howitzers and two four- 
 pounders, marched from thence under the command of Co- 
 lonel Whitelocke, at four in the morning. Baron de Mon- 
 talcmbert, with about two hundred colonial troops, and a 
 few of the Britifli artillery, were previoufly embarked on 
 tranfports, and ordered to land and attack the fort at "an hour 
 appointed. Captain Vincent, with the light infantry of the 
 49th, and about eighty of the colonial troops, took a mountain 
 road, while Colonel Whitelocke moved forward on the great 
 road, and took poft jurt: out of cannon fliot, waiting the united 
 attacks of the Baron and Captain Vincent's detachments, Tlis 
 enemy began to cannonade about feven o'clock, and continued 
 
 {d) Colonel Whitelocke, I fuppofe, rejedcd the challenge ; but the officei 
 who was font by him with the letter to Lavaux, had a fervice of danger: 
 for LavKux, having filently read the letter, compelled him to declare, upon the 
 honour of a foldier, whether he knew the contents of it. 'J'hc oflicer, as the ^.Adi 
 was, anfwered in the negative. The French general thereupon read the letter 
 aloud to the people who fiirrounded him, and told the Britifh ofRcer, tliat if l)o 
 had brought him fuch a propofal knovulngly., he would iiifiantly h;ivc caufci! him to 
 be executed on a gibtet. 
 
 X it
 
 154 H I S T O R Y O F 
 
 it with Intervals till eleven, when Colonel Whitelocke ordered 
 Captain Smith, with the howitzers and cannon, to advance and 
 fire upon the fort, fupported by the light infantry of the royals 
 and 1 3th regiments, under the command of Major Spencer, in 
 order to give time for the Baron's people to land. Unfortunatelji, 
 from the mifmanagement of one of the tranrports,the troops under 
 the orders of the Baron de Montalembert could not be landed. 
 Colonel Whitelocke, therefore, finding he had nothing to expedl 
 from them, the day being confiderably advanced, now came to 
 the determination of attacking the fort by ftorm; and detach- 
 ed Major Spencer, with the grenadiers of the 49th regiment, and 
 light infantry of the 13th, to join Captain Vincent, and ap- 
 proach the fort by the mountain road, while he himfelf marched 
 by the great road for the fame purpofe. At half pafi: four or five 
 o'clock, the two columns moved forward, and the moment the 
 enemy difccvered the march of Colonel Whitelocke's divifion, 
 they commenced a very heavy fire of cannon and mufquetry. 
 Orders were immediately given for the column to advance and 
 gain the fort, v/hich orders were gallantly and rapidly executed. 
 At this inftant. Lieutenant M'Kerras of the engineers, and 
 Captain Hutchinfon of the royals, were both woundedj but 
 they continued their exertions, notwithftanding, till the fort 
 was in quiet poffeflion of the vidlors. Our lofs was not great ^ 
 but Captain Morfhead (who had before received a fhot in the 
 body, when gallantly mounting the hill) with Lieutenant Tinlin 
 of the 20th grenadiers. Lieutenant Caulfield of the 62A regi- 
 ment, and fome privates, were unfortunately blown up from an 
 explofion which took place after the fort was taken j for the. 
 officer who commanded, finding he could no longer defend ^t,, 
 
 placed
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 155 
 
 placed a quantity of powder and other combuftibles in one 
 of the buildings, which was fired by an unfortunate brigand, 
 who periflied in the explofion. Captain MorHiead died the 
 next day, and was interred with miUtary honours, attended by 
 the British garrifon ; Lieutenant Caulfield hngered fome time 
 longer, and then followed him to the grave j but Lieutenant 
 Tinlin recovered. 
 
 The next enterprize of our gallant little army had a lefs fa- 
 vourable termination. It was diredled againft a flrong pofl and 
 fettleinent at a place called Bompard, about fifteen miles froni 
 Cap' St. Nicholas, wliere a hardy race of people, chiefly a 
 colony of Germans, had eftablillied themfelves, and lived in un- 
 ambitious poverty. A detachment of two hundred men, froni 
 the different corps, were ordered on this fervice in two divilions, 
 one of which was commanded by Major Spencer, the brave and 
 active officer already mentioned, the other by Lieutenant-Co- 
 lonel Markham. Of their proceedings during the attack, and 
 their retreat afterwards, I have not been furnifhed with the par- 
 ticulars. All that is known to tlie publick with certainty is, 
 that our troops were repuHed by fupcrior numbers, with the 
 lofs of forty men, but without any diminution of the national 
 charafter. It was allowed, even by the enemy, that they fought 
 bravely. They were defeated, not difmayed, by circumftances 
 probably which they did not foreiee, and againft which human 
 prudence could not provide. 
 
 This afHidling lofs was but 'ill compenfated, by tlie very 
 
 diflinguiflied honoUr whicli was fooh afterwards acquired by the 
 
 ■ 1 .. • X 2 few
 
 156 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 1794, 
 
 few Biitidi troops that had been left in pofleflion of Cape TT- 
 buron, who were attacked on the i6th of April, by an army of 
 brigands amounting to upwards of two thoufand. The enemy's 
 force was led on by Andrew Rigaud, a man of colour, who com-- 
 manded at Aux Cayes, and was compofed of revolted negroes, 
 and defperadoes of all defcriptions, rapacious after plunder, and 
 thirfting for blood. This favage horde furrounded the fort 
 about three o'clock in the morning. It was defended with 
 much fpirit until a quarter before nine, when the beliegeJ, 
 quitting the fort, aifailed the aflailants, and routed the be- 
 licgers with great flaughtcr, one hundred and feventy of their 
 number being left dead on the field ; but when it was difcovered 
 that no lefs than twenty-eight of our gallant foldiers had loft 
 tlieir lives, and that one hundred and nine others were feverely 
 wounded in this bloody conteft, the Ihouts of triumph were 
 fupprelfed by gloomy refiedions on the forlorn condition of the 
 army, it being mournfully evident that a few more fuch vicfto- 
 ries would annihilate the vidlors 1 
 
 The whole of the Britifh force at this time in all parts of 
 St. Domingo did not, I believ'e, amount to nine hundred effec- 
 tive men, a number by no means futHcient to garrifon the places 
 in our poffeffion ; and the rapid diminution which prevailed 
 among them, could not fail to attracfl obfervation among all 
 clafles of the French inhabitants ; to difpirit our allies, and en- 
 courage our enemies. Such, of the planters as had hitherto ftood 
 aloof, now began to declare themfelves hoftile ; and defertions 
 were frequent from moft of the pajifhes that had furrendered. 
 At Jean Rabell, a place which, a few months before, had volun- 
 tarily
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 157 
 
 tafily declared for the Britini government, the garrifon, confifling CHAP. 
 of two hundred and fifty of our fuppofed alUes, rofc on their ^• 
 officers, and compelled them to deliver up the poft to Lavaux, 
 the French general, and it was r^rcatly apprehended that, unlefs a 
 very powerful reinforcement fhould fpeedily arrive to ftrengthen 
 the Britiili army, many other places would follow their example. 
 
 Eight months had now elapfed fince the furrender of May 1794., 
 Jeremie, and in all that interval, not a foldier had arrived 
 from Great Britain ; and the want of camp -equipage, pro- 
 vifions, and neceffaries, was grievoufly fcit. The army feemed 
 devoted to inevitable deftru6tion, and difippointment and dif- 
 may were flrongly marked in the cou-^.t?nance of every man. 
 At length, however, on the 19th of M;iy, when expedation was 
 nearly loft in defpair, it was announced that his Majefty's Hiips 
 the Belliqueux and the Irr.efiftible, with the Fly floop,. had cafl 
 anchor in the harbour of Cape St. Nicholas, having on board the 
 22dj 23d, and 4 ill regiments of infintry, under the command of 
 Brigadier General Whyte. This event, as may well be imagined,, 
 afforded infinite relief and fatisfiicStion t ; tjie harafled and worn- 
 out troops on fliore ; and their animation on this occalion was 
 heightened by the confident hope antl expeftation that Port au 
 Prince v/ould be the ohjett of an immed;ate attack. It was 
 known that its harbour was crowded wuh Hiips, mofl: of which 
 AVere fuppofed to be laden with the ri(.heft produdions of the 
 colony; and although the regiments newly arrived did not ex- 
 ceed fixteen hundred men in fhf whole (of whom two hundred 
 and fifty were fick and conva'efcent) the deficiency of numbers 
 was no longer the fubjett of complaint. Every one anticipated
 
 15S HISTORY OF 
 
 C H A P. to hlmfelf the pofleffion of great wealth from the capture ; and 
 X. iuftly concluded that his fhare of the prize money would augment 
 or diminilh in an inverfc proportion to the number of captors. 
 
 The belief that Port au Prince would be the firll objefl of 
 attack, was well founded; and the road of Arcahaye was fixed 
 on as the place of rendezvous for the men of war and tranf- 
 ports. Accordingly, General Whyte, having landed his fick at 
 Cape St. Nicholas, and taken one hundred and fifty of the garrifon 
 in their room, proceeded on the 23d to the place appointed, to 
 concert meafures with Commodore Ford, and receive on board 
 fuch of the colonial troops as were to co-operate with the 
 Britifli in this enterprize. On the 30th the fquadron failed from 
 Arcahaye, and caft anchor off Port au Prince on the evening of 
 the fame day. It was compofed of four {hips of the line, the 
 Europa, the Belliqueux, the Irrefiftible and the Sceptre, three 
 frigates, and four or five fmaller veffels ; the whole under the 
 immediate command of Commodore Ford ; and the land forces, 
 under the orders of General Whyte, confifled of 1^465 rank 
 and file fit for duty. 
 
 The whole force being thus colleifled, and the neceffary 
 preparations made, a flag was fent, early the next morning, to 
 demand the furrender of the place; but the officer charged 
 with the difpatch, was informed that no flag would be admitted, 
 and the letter was returned unopened. It was now determined 
 to commence operations by the cannonade of Fort Bizotton, a 
 fortrefs fituated on a commanding eminence, well adapted to 
 guard the approach to the harbour, and defended by five hun- 
 dred
 
 ST. DO M I N G O. 
 
 dred men, eight pieces of heavy cannon, and two mortars. Two 
 line of battle fliips were ordered to attack the fea-front, and 
 a frigate was ftationed clofe to the fliore, to flank a ravine to 
 the eaftward. From thefe veflels a brifk and well-dire<fted fire 
 was maintained for fcveral hours; but no great impreffion appear- 
 ing to be made. Major Spencer, with three hundred BritiHi, 
 and about five hundred of the colonial troops, was put on 
 Ihore in the evening, within a mile of the fort, with orders to 
 commence an attack on the fide of the land. On their arrival 
 at a fmall diftance from the fcene of adion, about eight o'clock 
 at night, a moffc tremendous thunder-florm arofe, accompa- 
 nied with a deluge of rain, of which, as it overpowered the 
 found of their approach, the advanced guard, commanded by- 
 Captain Daniel, of the 41 ft, determined to take advantage. 
 Thefe brave men, fixty only in number, accordingly rufhed for- 
 ward, and finding a breach in the walls, entered with fixed 
 bayonets, and became inflantly maflers of the fortrefs ; the be- 
 fieged every where throwing down their arms and calling for 
 mercy. So rapid were the movements of this gallant band, and 
 fo unexpedted was their fuccefs, that Major Spencer, the com- 
 mander, had his fears for the fafety of the whole party, of 
 whofe fituation he was unapprized for fome hours. I grieve 
 to add, that Captain Daniel, who fo gallantly led the advanced 
 guard on this occafion, received a fevere wound in the attack,, 
 while his brave alTociate, Captain Wallace, the fecond in com- 
 mand, was moft unfortunately killed on the glacis. 
 
 The pofTefhon of Fort Bizotton determined the fate of the 
 capital, which was evacuated by the enemy on tiie 4th of June; 
 
 and^ 
 
 ^^9
 
 i6o 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 and the Britifli commanders were fo fortunate as to preferve, not 
 only the town itfelf, but alfo the fliipping in the harbour, from 
 conflagration, although the repubhcan commiffioners had given 
 orders and made preparations for fetting fire to- both. The 
 commiffioners themfelves, with many of their adherents, made 
 their efcape to the mountains. 
 
 Thus was achieved the conqueft of Port au Prince ; an event 
 which has proved not lefs profitable than honourable to fuch 
 of the officers and foldiers by whom it was effedied, as have 
 lived to enjoy the fruits of their vidtory ; for there were cap- 
 tured in the harbour, two-and-twenty top-fail veflels, fully 
 laden with fugar, indigo, and coffee, of which thirteen were 
 from three to five hundred tons burthen, and the remaining 
 nine, from one hundred and fifty to three hundred tons ; befides 
 feven thoufand tons of fliipping in baJlafl ; the value of all 
 which, at a m.oderate computation, could not be far fhort of 
 J[. 400,000 fterling. 
 
 CHAP.
 
 ST. D O M I N G O. i6i 
 
 CHAP. XL 
 
 Sicknefs among the 'Troops, and the Caufes thereof. — Reinforce- 
 ment. — Dreadful Mortality. — General Whyte is fucceeded by 
 Brigadier General Horneck. — Leogane taken by the Rebels. — 
 Temporary Succejfes of Lieutetiant-Colonel Brifhane at Artibo- 
 nite. — Revolt of the Mulattoes at St. Marc. — Attack of Fort 
 Bizotton. — Preparations by Rigaud for a fecond Attempt on 
 Tiburon. — The Pojl attacked on Chrijlmas Day, and carried.— 
 Gallant Defence and EJcape of the Garrifon, and melancholy 
 Fate of Lieutenant Bajkerville. — Lieutcmmt-Colonels Brijbane 
 and Markham killed, — Obfervations and StriBures on the Con- 
 duB of the War. 
 
 FROM the fuccefs which attended the Britifli arms in 
 the conqueft of Port aii Prince, it might have been hoped 
 that we were now to enter on the furvey of brighter profpedls 
 than thofe which have hitherto prefented themfelvcs to our 
 contemplation -, but a melancholy reverfe of fortune was fooii 
 to await the conquerors j for, immediately after pofleflion 
 was taken of the town, the fame dreadful fcourge — difeafe, 
 exafperated to contagion, which had been fo fatally prevalent 
 among our troops, in the preceding autumn, renewed its deftr ac- 
 tive progrefs ; and, on this occafion, it is not difficult to trace 
 the proximate caufes of fo terrible a calamity. The fituation of 
 
 Y the
 
 i62 H I S T O R Y .O F 
 
 the town of Port au Prince has ah-eady been noticed. Un- 
 healthy in itielf, it is furrounded by fortified lieights, which 
 command both the lines and the harbour ; and thefe heights are 
 again commanded by others. Here, the enemy, on their retreat 
 from the town, made their fland, in the v/ell-founded confi- 
 dence of receiving regular fupplies of men, ammunition, and 
 necefiaries from Aux Cayes, a fea-port on the fouthern coafl, 
 diftant only from Port au Prince by a very eafy road, about 
 forty miles (a)> No part of St. Domingo pofiefles a more ready 
 communication with the French Illands to windward, or with 
 the flates of America, than the port lafi: mentioned ; and from 
 both thofe fources, reinforcements were conftantly poured into 
 the enemy's camp. On this account the Britifli commanders 
 found it indifpenfibly necefTary to flrengthen the lines, and raife 
 additional intrenchments and works on that fide of the town 
 which fronts the mountains. Thus a moft fevere and unufual 
 burthen was impofed on the foldiers. They were compelled, 
 with but little intermiifion, to dig the ground in the day, and 
 to perform military duty in the night ; expofed, in the one cafe, 
 to the burning rays of the fun ; in the other, to the noxious 
 dews and heavy rains of the climate. Such extraordinary and 
 
 (a) The harbour of Aux Cayes %vas guarded by two fmall forts, each of which 
 was furniflied with only fix pieces of cannon, and a fmaller battery, which 
 mounted only five pieces. The number of white inhabitants belonging to the 
 town were computed at eight hundred; but the people of colour had taken poireflicn 
 of it the latter end of 1792, and Andrew Rigaud, a Mulatto, was made com- 
 mander in chief and governor-general of the fouth fide of the French part of St. 
 Domingo. His power was abfolute, and his brother, of the fame colour, was ap- 
 pointed next in command. Thefe men were invefted with this authority by the 
 two commiflioners, Polverel and Santhonax. 
 
 3 exceflive
 
 '^ ■»" > 
 
 ST. DO M I N G O. 163 
 
 cxceffive labour impofed on men, moft of whom had been CHAP, 
 adlually confined fix months on fliip-board, without frelh provi- XL 
 fions or exercile, co-operating with the mah'gn.incy of the air, 
 produced its natural confequences. They dropt hke the leaves 
 in autumn, until at length the garrifon became fo diminiflied and 
 enfeebled, that deficiencies of the guards were oftentimes made 
 up from convalefcentSj who were fcarcely able to ftand under 
 their arms (b). 
 
 It is true, that a reinforcement came from the Windward 
 Iflands, foon after the furrender of the town ; — but, by a mourn- 
 ful fatality, this apparent augmentation of the ftrength of the 
 garrifon, contributed in an eminent degree to the rapid encreafe 
 and aggravation of its miferies. On the 8th of June, eight 
 flank companies belonging to the 22d, 23d, 35th, and 41(1 
 regiments, arrived at Port au Prince, under the command of 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Lenox. They confifled, on their embarka- 
 tion, of about feventy men each, but the aggregate number, 
 when landed, was not quite three hundred. The four grena- 
 dier companies, in particular, were nearly annihilated. The 
 frigate in which they were conveyed, became a houfe of pejlt- 
 lence. Upwards of one hundred of their number were buried 
 in the deep, in the fhort paflage between Guadaloupe and Ja- 
 maica, and one hundred and fifty more were left in a dying 
 ftate at Port Royal. The wretched remains of the whole de- 
 
 (h) It was fortunate for the Britifli army, that the French troops fuffered 
 by ficknefs almoft as much as our own : Port ;iu Prince would otherwife have 
 been but a fhort time in our pofleffion. 
 
 y 2 tachment
 
 i64 H I S T O R Y O F 
 
 tachment difcovered, on their landing at Port au Prince, that 
 they came — not to participate in the glories of conqueft, but — to 
 perifh themfelvcs within the walls of an hofpital ! So rapid 
 was the mortalit}' in the Britifh army, after their arrival, that 
 no lefs than forty officers and upwards of fix hundred rank and 
 file met an untimely death, without a conteft with any other 
 enemy than licknefs, in the fhort fpace of two months after 
 the furrender of the town. 
 
 General Whyte, his health much impaired, and hope- 
 lefs, it may be prefumed, of further triumphs, with an army 
 thus reduced and debilitated, now folicited and obtained permif- 
 1 fion to return to Europe. He was fucceeded in the chief com- 
 mand by Brigadier-General Horneck, who arrived from Ja- 
 I794» maica about the middle of September ; and if the requilite qua- 
 lifications for fuch a ftation — firmnefs without arrogance, and 
 conciliating manners without weaknefs, could always enfure 
 fuccefs to the pofTefl'or, General Horneck would have brought 
 good fortune with him. But the difficulties which the former 
 commander would have had to encounter, had he remained in his 
 ftation, devolved with aggravated weight on his fucceiibr. The 
 only reinforcement which followed General Horneck, confifted 
 of fifty men from Jamaica. Whatever troops were promifed 
 or expedled from Great Britain, none arrived, until the expi-' 
 ration of feven months after General Horneck had taken the 
 command. Inftead, therefore, of attempting new achieve- 
 ments, he was compelled, by irrefiftible neceffity, to adt chiefly 
 061,1794. on the defenfive. The rebel Mulattoes, under Rigaud, even 
 became mafters of Leogane, and fatiated their vengeance by 
 
 putting
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 165 
 
 putttng to death all fuch of the French planters, our allies, as CHAP, 
 unfortunately fell into their power, XI. 
 
 On the other hand, the judicious exertions and rapid fuc- 
 ceffes of Lieutenant- Colonel Brifbane on the plain of Artibo^ 
 nite, had been for fome time the fubjed: of much applaufe, and 
 had given birth to great expectation. The French inhabitants 
 of the town and neighbourhood of St. Marc, had been all along 
 more heartily difpofed to co-operate with the Englifh, than 
 any of their countrymen. Mr. Briftane had not above four- 
 fcore Britifh under his command. The reft of his little army 
 was compofed of the remains of Dillon's regiment, ithe St. 
 Marc's legion, the militia of the neighbouring pariflies, and a 
 body of about three hundred reludlant Spaniards from Verette ; 
 the whole not exceeding twelve hundred men in arms. With 
 this force, properly diflributed, he had routed the republican 
 troops and rebel negroes in every quarter ; and even brought 
 the negro chiefs to folicit permiffion to capitulate. Eight or 
 ten thoufand of thefe deluded wretches, had aftually fubmitted 
 unconditionally, and many returned, of their own accord, to 
 the plantations of their maftcrs. But thefe promifmg ap- 
 pearances were of fliort continuance. While Colonel Brifbane 
 was following up his fuccefles in a dlftant part of Artibonite, 
 the men of colour in the town of St. Marc, feduced by the 
 promifes of the French commiffioners, and finding the town 
 itfelf without troops, had violated their promifes of neutra- 
 lity, and on the 6th of September taken up arms on the 
 part of the republick ; putting to death every man that fell in 
 their way, whom tiiey confidered as an enemy to the French 
 
 commifiloners.
 
 j66 history of 
 
 commiffioners.— The garrifon, confiftiug of about forty Britifli 
 convalefcents, threw themfelves into a fmall fort on the fea- 
 fliore, which they gallantly defended for two days, when a fri- 
 gate came to their relief from the Mole of Cape St. Nicho- 
 las. — The triumph of the Mulattoes, however, was tranlient. 
 Colonel Brifbane attacked tliem on the fide of the land, and 
 recovered the town -, making upwards of three hundred of the 
 infurgents prifoners, and driving the reft over the Artibonite 
 river j but the advantages which he had obtained on the plain, 
 were loll in the interim. The negro chiefs no longer folicited 
 to capitulate, but appeared in greater force than ever. Being 
 joined by the fugitive Mulattoes, they foon repafTed the river; 
 1794. and having, in the beginning of October, obtained pofTeflion of 
 two out-pofls (St. Michael and St. Raphael) they had procured 
 plenty of arms and ammunition, and now threatened fo for- 
 midable an attack on the town of St. Marc, as to excite the 
 moft ferious apprehenfions for its fafety. 
 
 I Such was the fituation of affairs in the weflern parts of St. 
 
 Domingo about the period of General Horneck's arrival. The 
 northern province (the Mole of St. Nicholas and the town of 
 Fort Dauphin excepted) was entirely in pofTefTion of the rebel 
 negroes ; and unhappily, in all other parts of the colony, the 
 weaknefs of the Britifh was fo apparent, as not only to invite 
 attacks from the enemy, but alfo to encourage revolt and con- 
 fpiracy in the pofls in our poffelTion fcj. Rigaud, who com- 
 manded 
 
 (c-) Colonel Brifbane had fcarcely driven the Mulattoes from St. Marc, and 
 rcflored order and tranquillity in the town, before a dark confpiracy was agitated 
 
 among
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 167 
 
 manded in the fouth, now determined to make a bold effort 
 for the recovery of Fort Bizotton, in which, if he had fuc- 
 ceeded, the lofs of the whole of the Britifli army at Port au 
 Prince would have been inevitable. The fort was attacked 
 early in the morning of the 5th of December, by three co- 
 lumns of the enemy, amounting in the whole to about two 
 thoufand men ; but they were defeated with great flaughter 
 on their part, and with little lofs on ours. Captain Grant, 
 however, and both his lieutenants, Clunes and Hamilton, were 
 feverely wounded early in the attack ; yet they continued their 
 efforts, and nobly fucceeded ; and General Williamfon bore 
 teflimony to their good condudt and valour. 
 
 Baffled in this attack, Rigaud refolved to make another, 
 and a more formidable attempt, for the recovery of Tiburon. 
 His intentions were known, and his projedt might have been 
 defeated, if any one Englifh fliip of war could have been 
 fpared to watch his motions off the harbour of Aux Cayes, 
 from whence he conveyed his artillery, ammunition, and provi- 
 fions. He proceeded, however, without interruption in his 
 
 among fome of the French inhabitants under the Britifli proteilion to cut him ofF; 
 but it was happily difcovered and defeated before it broke out into action. This 
 happened the beginning of January 1795 ; and a ftiU more daring and dangerous 
 plot was carried on a month afterwards in Port au Prince, to fcizc on the garrifon, 
 and put all the Englifli to death. This confpiracy alfo was fortunately difcovered, 
 and twenty of the confpirators being brought to trial before a council of war, com- 
 pofed of the principal commanders by fea and land (among whom were five French 
 field officers) they were all adjudged to faffer death, and fifteen of them were ac- 
 cordingly (hot on the i8th of February. 
 
 preparations
 
 I 
 
 68 HISTORYOF 
 
 L— V J 
 
 1794. 
 
 CHAP, preparations for the attack j and his armament failed from Aux 
 XI. Cayes on the 23d of December. His naval force confifted of 
 one brig of fixteen guns, and three fchooners of fourteen guns 
 each, and he commanded a body of near three thoufand men, 
 of all colours and defcriptions. The attack commenced on 
 Chriftmas day. The garrifon, confifting of only four hundred 
 and eighty men, made a vigorous defence for four days, when, 
 having loft upwards of three hundred of their number, and 
 finding the poft no longer tenable, the furvivors, headed by 
 their gallant commander. Lieutenant Bradford, of the 23d 
 regiment, with unexampled bravery fought their way for 
 five miles through the enemy, and got fafe to Irois. Lieu- 
 tenant Baikerville was the only officer who, by fome unfortu- 
 nate circumftance, was unable to join his companions in their 
 retreat j and this high-fpirited young man, with a refolution 
 which, though a Chriftian muft condemn it, a Roman would 
 have approved, to defeat the triumph of his favage enemy, 
 who would probably have made him fuffer a fliameful death, 
 put a period to his own exiflence, as Rigaud entered the 
 fort. 
 
 With this difaftrous occurrence terminated the year lyg/^fdj, 
 and here I iliall clofe my account of the military tranfadlions of 
 
 (d) Major General Williamfon, the latter end of the year, was appointed gover- 
 nor-general and commander in chief of his Majefty's poffeflions in St. Domingo; 
 and was foon afterwards honoured with the order of the Bath — a diftimSlion which 
 he had nobly earned. He arrived at Port au Prince, and took upon him the go- 
 vernment, in May 1795. 
 
 the
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 
 
 the Britifli army in St. Domingoj for, although hoftilities are ftill 
 continued in this ill-fated country, it is, I tliink, lutficiently ap- 
 parent, that all hopes and expedtations of ultimate fuccefs are 
 vanifned for ever ! The hiftorian who fliall recount the events of 
 1795, will have to lament the mournful and untimely deaths 
 of many brave and excellent young men who perilhed in this 
 fruitlels contell. Among the foremoft of thefe was Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Thomas Brifbane, of whom honourable mention is made 
 in the foregoing pages, and whofe gallantry and good condud 
 were not more the fubjed of univerfal admiration, than his un- 
 timely fate of univerfal regret. He was killed on a reconnoi- 
 tring party in February. By his death, his country was deprived, 
 at a moft critical jundure, of an able, indefatigable, and intelligent 
 officer, who had gained the affcdions of moft of the various de- 
 fcriptions of people under his com.mand by his kindnefs, and the 
 confidence of all by his courage (e). The fame fate, a month af- 
 terwards, awaited Lieutenant-Colonel Markham, who perillied in 
 attacking an out-pod of the enemy's forces which were at that 
 time laying fiege to Fort Bizotton. The out-pofl was carried; 
 the colours of the enemy, and five pieces of their cannon, were 
 taken, and upwards of fix hundred of their number flain on the 
 fpot i but the vidory was dearly obtained by the lofs of fo en- 
 terpri/iing and accompliflied a leader. Yet it affords fome con- 
 folation torefled, that thefe brave young men, though cut off in 
 the bloom of life, fell in the field of glory, nobly exerting them- 
 
 (e) He was a captain in the 49th regiment, and lieutenant colonel of the colo- 
 nial corps called the St. Marc'g Legion, 
 
 Z felves 
 
 ^69
 
 tyo HISTORYOF 
 
 CHAP, felves in the caufe of their country, and dying amidft the bleffings 
 , ^^' and applaufes of their compatriots. Alas, how many of their 
 youthful affociates, in this unhappy war, might have envied them 
 fo glorious an exit ! What numbers have perifhed — not in the 
 field of honour — but on the bed of ficknefs ! — not amidfl the 
 ftiouts of vidtory — but the groans of defpair ! — condemned to 
 linger in the horrors of peftilence j to fall without a conflict, and 
 to die without renown ffj ! 
 
 These refledlions, and the obfervations which I have made 
 in the preceding pages, on the infufficiency of the means to the 
 
 {f) The difeafe in which fo many gallant men have periflied, is commonly 
 known by the name of the ye/low fever. Two writers of great ability (Dr. Rufh 
 of Philadelphia, and Dr. Benjamin Mofeley of Pall Mall, Loudon) have treated 
 fully of this dreadful calamity. The pidture which ihe latter has given of an un- 
 happy patient of his in the Weft Indies, a young officer of great merit, in the laft 
 ftage of this difeafe, after four days illnefs, is drawn by the hand of a mafter. " I 
 arrived at the lodgings of this much-efteemed young man (lays the do(Stor) about four 
 hours before his death. When I entered the room, he was vomiting a black muddy 
 cruor, and was bleeding at the nofe. A bloody ichor was oozing from the corners of 
 his eyes, and from his ir.outh and gums. His face was befmeared with blood, and, 
 ivith the dulnefs of his eyes, it prefented a moft diflrefling contraft to his natural 
 vifage. His abdomen was fwelled, and inflated prodigioufly. His body was all 
 over of a deep yellow, interfperfed with livid fpo'ts. His hands and feet were of a 
 livid hue. Every part of him was cold excepting about his heart. He had a deep 
 ftrong hiccup, but neither delirium nor coma ; and was, at my firft feeing him, as 
 I thought, in his perfect fenfes. He looked at the changed appearance of his fldn> 
 and exprefied, though he could not fpeak, by his fad countenance, that he knew life 
 was foon to yield up her citadel, now abandoning the reft of his body. Exhaufted 
 with vomiting, he at laft was fufFocated with the blood he was endeavouring to 
 bring up, and expired." 
 
 Mofeley c?n Tropical Difeafes, 3d edit. p. 459. 
 
 objects
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 171 
 
 objeds in view, are not written in the fpirit of acculatlon agalnlT: 
 men in authority ; nor (if I know myfelf) is there any bias of 
 party zeal on my judgment. I am far from allerting, that the 
 fituation and refources of Great Britain were fuch as to afford 
 a greater body of troops for fervice in St. Domingo, at the pro- 
 per moment, than the number that was actually fent thitlier. 
 I prefume not to intrude into the national councils, and am well 
 apprized thatexifting alliances and pre-engagements of the flate, 
 were objedts of important confideration to his Majefty's mi- 
 nifters. Neither can I alhrm, that the delays and obftrudions, 
 which prevented the arrival at the fcene of adion of Ibme of the 
 detachments, until the return of the fickly feafon, were avoid- 
 able. A thoufand accidents and cafualties continually fubvert 
 and overthrow the bell laid fchemes of human contrivance. We 
 have feen confiderablc fleets detained by adverfe winds, in the 
 ports of Great Britain for many fucceflive months, and powerful 
 armaments have been driven back by fhorms and tempers, after 
 many unavailing attempts to reach the place of their deftination. 
 Thus much I owe to candour; but, at the fame time, I owe it 
 alfo to truth to avow my ophiion, that in cafe no greater force 
 could have been fparcd for the enterprize agalnfl St. Domingo, 
 the enterprize itfelf ought not to have been undertaken *. The 
 
 * If, from the ill fucccfs which has attended the attack of St, Domingo, a jufti- 
 fication of the original meafure (hall be thought ncccflary, it ought not to be over- 
 looked, that General Williamfon, among other motives, had alfo ftrong reafon to 
 believe, that attempts were meditated by the republican commiflioners on the 
 ifland of Jamaica. He therefore, probably thought, that the mod certain way of 
 preventing the fuccefs of fuch defigns, was to give tlie commifRoners fufficient 
 employment at home.— I write this note in juftice to a diftinguifhed officer, than 
 whom no man living has deferved better of his country. 
 
 Z 2 object
 
 172 HISTORYOF 
 
 objed: of the Bn'tilli minillers was avowedly to obtain pofieffiort 
 of the whole of the French part of the country. That they 
 placed great dependence on the co-operation of the French in- 
 habitants, and were grofsly deceived by agents from thence, I 
 believe and admit; but they ought furely to have forefeen, that 
 a very formidable oppofition was to be expected from the par- 
 tizans and troops of the republican government; and they ought 
 alfo to have known, that no confiderable body of the French 
 planters could be exped:ed to rifk their lives and fortunes in 
 the common caufe, but in full confidence of protection and 
 fupport. In my own judgment, all the force which Great 
 Britain could have fent thither, would not have been fufficient 
 for the complete fubjugation of the colony. It is afTerted by 
 competent judges, that not lefs than fix thoufand men were 
 neceffary for the fecure maintenance of Port au Prince alone ; 
 yet I do not believe that the number of Britifh, in all parts of 
 St. Domingo, at any one period, previous to the month of April 
 1795, exceeded two thoufand two hundred, of whom, except 
 at the capture of Port au Prince, not one half were fit for 
 adlive fervice ; and during the hot and fickly months of Auguft, 
 September, and October, not one third fg J. 
 
 Perhaps 
 
 (g) The following returns are authentick. 
 Return of the provincial troops in the fervice of the Britifh government at St.- 
 Domingo, ift January 1795. 
 Rank and file fit for duty. 
 At Port au Prince - - 49^ "~ 
 
 Mole St. Nicholas - - 209 — 
 
 St. Marc - - - - 813 - 
 
 J518 
 
 Sick. 
 
 
 Total. 
 
 
 48 
 
 — 
 
 54+ 
 
 
 38 
 
 — 
 
 247 
 
 
 321 
 
 407 
 
 
 1134 
 1925 
 
 Eletum
 
 S T. D O M I N G O, 17J 
 
 Perhaps the moft fatal overfigbt in the condu6t of the whole 
 expedition, was the flrange and unaccountable neglect of not 
 fecuring the town and harbour of Aux Cayes, and tbe little port 
 of Jacmel on the fame part of the coafl, previous to the attack 
 of Port au Prince. With thofe places, on the one fide of the 
 peninfula, and the poft of Acul in our pofleffion on the other, 
 all communication between the Southern and the two other 
 provinces would have been cut off; the navigation from the 
 Windward Iflands to Jamaica would have been fecure, while the 
 pofTeflion of the two Capes which form the entrance into the 
 Bight of Leogane (Cape Nicholas and Tiburon) would have 
 protedled the homeward trade in its courfe through the Wind- 
 ward Paflage. All this might have been accomplifhed and 
 fecured ; and I think it is all that, in found policy, ought to have 
 been attempted. As to Port aa Prince, it would liave been for- 
 
 Return of the Britifli forces in the ifland of St. Domingo, ift January 1795. 
 
 
 . Rank 
 
 ami file 
 
 effccftive. Sick. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Port au Prince 
 
 - 
 
 » 
 
 366 4&2 
 
 — 828 
 
 Mole St. Nicholas 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 209 166 
 
 — 375 
 
 Jeremie 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 95 — 59 
 
 — 154 
 
 Tiburon 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 34 — 18 
 
 — 52 
 
 St. Marc 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 48 - 33 
 
 — 81 
 
 752 — 738 — 1490 
 
 The next reinforcement from Europe arrived the latter end of April I795> antl 
 confifted of about fourteen hundred men (the 8ifl and 96th regiments) : a further 
 reinforcement (the 82d regiment) landed in Auguft following. All thefe corps, 
 the lafl efpecially, from its landing at fo unfavourable a feafon, fuffered pro- 
 digioufly. The 82d landed nine hundred and eighty men, of whom fix hundred 
 and thirty were buried within ten weeks. In one of the companies, three rajik. and 
 file only were able to do duty. 
 
 tvinate
 
 ^74 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAP, lunate if the works had been deftroycd, and the towa evacu« 
 
 XL 
 
 ated immediately after its iurrender. 
 
 The retention by the enemy of Aux Cayes and Jacmcl, 
 ■not only enabled them to procure reinforcements and Sup- 
 plies, but alfo moft amply to revenge our attempts on their 
 coafts, by repriials on our trade. It is known that upwards 
 of thirty privateers, fome of them of confiderable force, have 
 been fitted out from thofe ports, whofe rapacity and -vigi- 
 lance fcarce a v.eilel bound from the Windward IHandvS to Ja- 
 maica can efcape. The prizes which they made, in a few ihort 
 •months, abundantly compenfated for the lofs of their fliips at 
 
 Port au Prince f/jj.. 
 
 After 
 
 (h) The following is a lift of vefTels "bound to Jamaica, which were taken and 
 <:arried into Aux Cayes, between June X794 and June 1795, moft of them laden 
 ivith dry goods, provifions, and plantation ftores, and many of them of great value. 
 
 From 
 
 - - W^Marfhall - ^^,'5^.""^ }8''<^o'- 
 
 - - Rob' Hall - - July - - L. and Cork. 
 
 - - Tho* White - - _ _ . Liverpool. 
 
 - . W" Swan. 
 
 - - Peter Mawdflcy - 5thMar.i795, Africa, 300 negroes. 
 
 - - Geo. Brown - igth Ditto, Liverpool. 
 
 The Edward - - 
 
 Fame - -^ 
 Bellona 
 
 Hope - ~ 
 
 Molly - - 
 
 Hodge - - 
 
 William - - 
 
 Bell - - - 
 
 Buftler - - 
 
 Druid - - 
 
 •Martha - - 
 Alexander 
 Lovely Peggy 
 
 Swallow - - 
 a 
 
 Tho' Calloine 
 Arch* Weir 
 Sewell 
 Wilfon 
 W" Reid - 
 Benj" Moor 
 Peter Murphy. 
 Lachlaii Vafs 
 
 20th Ditto. 
 Ditto, 
 
 Greenock. 
 - - - - a tranfport. 
 14th March, Leith. 
 31ft March, London. 
 17th Ai)rilj Glafgow. 
 
 1 0th May. 
 
 Duomorc
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 
 
 >7jr 
 
 After all, though I have aflerted nothing which I do not 
 believe to be true, I will honeftly admit, that many important 
 fads and circumftances, unknown to me, very probably exifted, 
 an acquaintance with which is indifpenfably necefTary to enable 
 any man to form a corredl judgment on the meafures which 
 were purfued on this occafion. To a writer, fitting with com- 
 pofure in his clofet, with a partial difplay of fads before him, 
 it is no difficult tafk to point out faults and miftakes in the 
 conduft of publick affairs ; and even where miftakes are diico- 
 vered, the wifdom of after- knowledge is very cheaply acq lired. 
 It is the lot of our nature, that the hci\ concerted plans of hu- 
 man policy are fubjedl to errors which the meaneft obferver will 
 fomctimes deted. " The hand (fays an eminent writer) that 
 ** cannot build a hovel, may demolifh a palace," 
 
 But, a new fcene now opens for contemplation and refledion, 
 arifing from intelligence received fince I began my work, that 
 the Spanish government has formally ceded to the republick of 
 
 Dunmore - - 
 Maria - - _ 
 Minerva - - _ 
 General Mathew 
 
 A fchooner, name 
 
 forgot - - 
 Hope - . - 
 Caledonia - - 
 Molly - - - 
 Refolution - - 
 
 And feveral veflcls belonging to Kingfton, names forgotr 
 
 Stephen Conmick 
 
 26th May, 
 
 London. 
 
 Wilkinfon 
 
 _ _ . _ 
 
 Ditto. 
 
 Robeitfon 
 
 4th June, 
 
 Africa, 450 negroe?^ 
 
 Tho' Douglas 
 
 8tli Ditto, 
 
 London. 
 
 J Adam Walker - 
 
 22d Ditto, 
 
 Glafgow. 
 
 Hambleton 
 
 Ditto, 
 
 Ditto. 
 
 Hunter 
 
 25th Ditto, 
 
 Leith,lafl from London- 
 
 Simpfon - 
 
 27th Ditto, 
 
 Glafgow. 
 
 Taunton - 
 
 29th Ditto, 
 
 Hull, 
 
 France
 
 17^ 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 France the whole of this great and noble ifland In perpetual 
 fovereignty ! So extraordinary a circumftancc will doubtlefs give 
 birth to much fpeculation and enquiry, as well concerning the 
 value and extent of the territory ceded, as the prefent difpoiition 
 and general chara(fter of the Spanifh inhabitants. Will they re- 
 Hlh this transfer of theii- allegiance from a monarchical to a 
 republican government, made, as it confelfedly is, without their 
 previous confent or knowledge i or may reafonahle expectations 
 be encouraged, that they will now .cordially co-operate with the 
 Engliih, in reducing the country to the Bxitifli dominion ? Will 
 fuch ailiftance effeft the re-eftablifliment of fubordination and 
 good government amoDg the vaft body of revolted negroes ? 
 Thefe are deep queftions, the inveftigation of which will lead 
 to enquiries of Hill greater magnitude -, for, whether we con- 
 fider the polTeffion, by an adiive and induftrious people, of fo 
 vaft a field for enterprize and improvement on the one hand, 
 or the triumph o£ fuccefsful revolt and favage anarchy on the 
 other, it appears .to me that the future fate and profitable 
 exiftencc of the Britiih territories in this part of the world, are 
 involved in the i/Tue. On all thefe, and various collateral fub- 
 jeds, I regret that I do not poflefs the means of giving much 
 fatisfedion to the reader. Such information, however, as I 
 have colleded on fome of the preceding enquiries, and fuch re- 
 fledions as occur to me on others, will be found in the en- 
 jfuing chapter, which concludes my work. 
 
 CHAP.
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. i-n 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 Ancient State of the SpaniJJi Colony. — The Town of St. Domingo 
 ejiablijioed by Bartholonieiv Columbus in 1498. — Pillaged by 
 Drake in 1586. — Conjefltircs and Refc£iions concerning its 
 prefent Condition, and the State of Agriculture in the inte- 
 rior Country. — Numbers and Character of the prefent Inha- 
 bitants. — Their Animofity towards the French Planters, and 
 fealoufy of the Englijh. — ConjeSlures concerning the future Si- 
 tuation of the whole IJland; andfome concluding RefeBions. 
 
 TH E Spanilh colony in Hilpaniola (the name St. Do- 
 mingo being properly applicable to the chief city only) 
 was the earlieft eftablifhment made by the nations of Europe 
 in the new world j and, unhappily, it is too notorious to be 
 denied, that it was an eftabllfhment founded in rapacity and ce- 
 mented with blood ! The fole objedl of the firft Spanifh adven- 
 turers was to ranfack the bowels of the earth for filver and 
 gold ; in which frantick purfuit, they murdered at leaft a million 
 of the peaceful and inoffenfive natives ! As the mines became 
 exhaufted, a few of the more induftrious entered on the culy 
 tivation of cacao, ginger, and fugar ^ but the poverty of the 
 greater part of the inhabitants, and the difcovery of new mines 
 in Mexico, occafioned a prodigious emigration ; — the experi- 
 ence of paft difappointments not proving fufficiently powerful 
 to cure the rage for acquiring wealth by a Ihorter courfe than 
 that of patient indufcry. In lefs than a century, therefore, Hil- 
 paniola was nearly deferted, and r.othing preferved it as a co- 
 
 A a lony.
 
 178 H 1 S T O R Y O F 
 
 lony, but the eftablifliment of archlepifcopal government iit 
 its chief city, St. Domingo, and its being for many years the 
 leat of civil and criminal jurifdiftion, in cafes of appeal, fronx 
 all the territories cf Spain in this part of the world (a). 
 
 The fettlement of the French in the weftern part of the 
 ifland, of the origin of which I have already given an account, 
 though the primary caufe of hereditary and irreconcilable en- 
 mity between the two colonies, was liowevcr produdlive of good 
 even to the Spaniards themfelves. As the French fettlers in- 
 creafed in number, and their plantations became enlarged, they 
 wanted oxen for their markets, and horfes fcr their mills. 
 Thefe, their neighbours were able to fupply without much ex- 
 ertion of labour ; and thus an intercourfe was created, which 
 has continued to the prefent day ; the Spaniards receivings 
 through the French, the manufactures of Europe, in exchange 
 for cattle. The example too, before their eyes, of fuccefsful in- 
 duflry and growing profperitv, was not wholly without its effedl. 
 The cultivation of fugar, which had diminilhed nearly to no- 
 thing, was revived in different parts of the Spanhh territory, and 
 plantations were eftablifhed of cacao, indigo, ginger, and tobacco. 
 The quantity of fugar exported in the beginning of the prefent 
 century, is faid to have amounted yearly to 15,000 cheils each 
 of 7 cwt. 
 
 The country itfelf being evidently more mountainous in the 
 central and eaftern than in the weflern parts, it is probable^ 
 that the Spanifh territory is, on the whole, naturally lefs fer- 
 
 {a) The adminiftration of juftice throughout Spanifh America is at prefent 
 divided into twelve courts o{ audieticey one only of which is at St. Domingo. 
 
 tile
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 179 
 
 tile than that of the French ; but much the greater portion of 
 the ifland remained, until the late treaty, under the Spaniih 
 dominion ; and of that, by far the major part continues at this 
 hour an unprodudlive wildernefs. On the northern coaft, the 
 line of divifion began at the river Maffacre, and, crofTmg the 
 country fomewhat irregularly, terminated on the fouthern 
 iide, at a fmall bay called Lcs Ances a Pitre ; leaving about 
 two-thirds of the whole ifland in the pofleflion of Spain. Pro- 
 ceeding eaftward along the fliore from the boundary on the 
 north, the firft place of note is Monte Chrifti, a town which 
 formerly grew to importance by contraband tratiick with North 
 America, but is now reduced to a miferable village, the abode 
 of a few fifliermen, and the furrounding country exhibits a 
 melancholy profpedl of negled: and fterility. The river St. 
 Jago runs into the fea at this place ; on the banks of which, at 
 fome diftance inland, are grafs farms of confiderable extent. 
 From the mouth of this river, for the fpace of fifteen leagues, 
 to Punta Ifabella (the fcite of the firft fettlement eftablilhed by 
 Chriftopher Columbus) the foil, though capable of improvement* 
 exhibits no fign of cultivation. From Ifabella to old Cape Fran- 
 9ois (with the exception of Puerto de Plata) the coaft feems en- 
 tirely deferted J nor, after pafling the bay of Samana, does a much 
 better profpedl offer, until coafting round the eaftern extremity, 
 we reach a vaft: extent of level country called Los Llanos, or 
 the Plains ; at the weft end of which, on the banks of the river 
 Ozama, ftands the metropolis. 
 
 This city, which was long the moft confiderable in the new 
 world, was founded by Bartholomew Columbus, in the year 
 1498, and named after a faint of great renown in thofe days, St. 
 
 A a 2 Dominick.
 
 iSo H I S T O R Y O F 
 
 CHAP. Dominick. There is preferved in Oviedo, a Spanilh hiftoriani- 
 ^11- who refided here about thirty years after its firft ePcabUfliment, , 
 an account of its ftate and population at that period, which be- 
 ing equally authentick and curious, I fhall prefent to the reader, 
 at length. 
 
 " But nowe (fays the Hiftorian) to fpeake fumwhat of the- 
 " principall and chiefe place of the iflande, whiche is the citie- 
 *■■' of Sa?i Domenico : I fiye, that as touchynge the buildynges,. 
 " there is no citie in Spaine, (o muche, for. fd-rnuche (no not 
 " Barfalo?ia, whiche I have oftentymes feene) that is to bee.- 
 " preferred before this generallye. For the houies of SanDo:^ 
 " menico are for the mofte parte of fjtone, as are they of. 
 " Barfalona. The fituation is muche better tha ih^i oi Bar— 
 ** jalona, by reafon that tlie Ilreates are much larger and playner, 
 *' and without comparyfon. more; dir^dte, and ftrayght furth... 
 " For beinge buylded nowe in our tyme, befyde the comnio- 
 " ditie of the place of the foundation, the flreates were alfor 
 " diredled with corde compafe and meafare j werein it excellethi 
 *' al the cities that I have fene.. It hath the fea fo nere, that: 
 " of one fyde there is no more fpace betwen the fea and the 
 " citie, then the waules. On the other parte, hard by the- 
 " fyde and at the foote of the houfes, pafleth the ryver Ozamai, 
 " whiche is a marveylous porte ; wherein laden fhyppes ryfe.' 
 " very nere to the lande, and in manner under the houfe wyn-- 
 " dowes. In the myddeft of tlie citie is the fortrefle and' 
 " caftle ; the port or haven alfo, is fo fayre and commodious 
 *' to defraight or unlade fliyppes, as the lyke is founde but in; 
 " fewe places of the worlde. The chymineis that are in this citid- 
 " are about fyxe hundreth in number,, and fuch houfes as I have: 
 
 " fpokeni
 
 ST. DOMINGO. i8i 
 
 ** fpoken of before j of the which fum are fo fayre and large CHAP. 
 " that they maye well receave and lodge any lorde or noble ^^^* 
 
 " manne of Spayne, with his trayne and familie ; and efpecially 
 " that which Don Diego Colon, viceroy under your majeftie, 
 " hath in this citie, is fuche that I knowe no man in Spayne that 
 ** hath the lyke, by a quarter, in goodnelTe, confyderynge all the 
 " commodities of the fame. Lykewyfe the fituation thereof as 
 " beinge above the fayde porte, and altogyther of ftone, and 
 " havynge many faire and large roomes, with as goodly a pro- 
 " fpedt of the lande and fea as may be devyfed, feemeth unto 
 " me fo magnifical and princelyke, that your majeftie may bee- 
 " as well lodged therein as in any of the mode exquifitc huild- 
 " ed houfes of Spayne. There is alfo a cathedrall churche 
 " buylded of late, where, aswell the by (hop accordyng to his 
 " dygnitie, as alfo the canones, are wel indued. This church' 
 " is well buylded of ftone and lyme, and of good woorkeman- 
 ** fhyppe. There are further-more three monafteries bearyng 
 " the- names of Saynt Dominike, Saynt Frances, and Saynt 
 " Mary of Mercedes j the whiche are well buylded, although 
 " not fo curiouflye as they of Spayne.- There is alfo a very 
 " good hofpitall for the ayde and fuccour of pore people, 
 " whiche was founded by Michaell Palfamont, threafurer to 
 " your majeflie. To conclude, this citie fro" day to day in- 
 " creafeth in welth and good order, as wel for that the (zyd^-. 
 " admyrall and viceroy, with the lorde chaunceloure and coun- 
 " fayle appoynted there by your rnajeftie, have, theyr conti- 
 " nuall abydynge here, as alfo that the rycheft men of the 
 " ilandc refort byther, for thyre mofte commodious habitation 
 ■=* and trade of fuch merchaundies as are eyther brought owt of 
 
 " Spayne,
 
 i82 HISTORYOF 
 
 CHAP. " Spayne, or fent thyther from this Hand, which nowe Co 
 
 XII. *< abundeth in many thynges, that it ferveth Spayne with 
 
 ** many commodities, as it were with ufury requityng luch 
 
 " benefites as it fyrfl receaved from thenfe fl>J. 
 
 It is probable that St. Domingo had now attained the fummit 
 if its profperity. About fixty years afterwards (ift January 
 1586) it was attacked by Sir Francis Drake; a narrative 
 of whofe expedition, by an eye- witnefs, is preferved in 
 Hakluyt's Colledion ; from which it appears, that it was, even 
 then, a city of great extent and magnificence; and it is ihock- 
 ing to relate, that, after a month's poffeflion, Drake thought 
 himfelf authorized, by the laws of war, to deftroy it by fire. 
 " We fpent the early part of the mornings (fays the hiftorian 
 of the voyage) in fireing the outmoft houfes ; but they being 
 built very magnificently of ftone, with high loftes, gave us no 
 fmall travell to ruin them. And albeit, for divers dayes toge- 
 ther, we ordeined ech morning by day-break, until the heat 
 began at nine of the clocke, that two hundred mariners did 
 nought els but labour to fire and burn the faid houfes, whilft 
 the fouldiers, in a like proportion, flood forth for their guard ; 
 yet did we not, or could not, in this time, confume fo much 
 as one third part of the towne ; and fo in the end, wearied with 
 firing, we were contented to accept of five and twenty thoufand 
 ducats, of five fhillings and fixpence the peece, for the ranfome 
 
 of the reft of the towne fcj." 
 
 Of 
 
 (J>) From a tranflation by Richard Eden, printed, London 155S, in black 
 letter. 
 
 (c) The following anecdote, related by the fame author, is too flriking to be 
 •verlooked. I {lull quote his own words : During the ftay of the Englilh army 
 
 in
 
 ST. DOMINGO. 
 
 Of the prefent condition of this ancient city, the number 
 of its inhabitants, and the commerce which they fupport, I 
 can obtain no account on which I can depend. That it hath 
 been long in its dechne, I have no doubt -, but that it is wholly 
 depopulated and in ruins, as Raynal aflerts, I do not believe. 
 The cathedral and other publick buildings are ftill in being, 
 and were lately the relidence of a confiJerable body of clergy 
 and lawyers. The city continued alfo, while under the Spa- 
 nifli government, the diocefe of an archbifliop, to whom, it 
 is faid, the bidiops of St. Jago in Cuba, Venezuela in New 
 Spain, and St. John's in Porto Rico, were fufFragans. Thefe 
 circumflances, added to the fecurity, commodioufnefs, and ex- 
 tent of the port or harbour,, containing throughout not lefs than 
 
 in the city, " it chanced that the general fent on a meffage to the Spanilh governor, 
 a negro boy with a flag of white, fignifying truce, as is die Spanyards ordinarie 
 manner to do there, when they approch to fpeak to us ; which boy unhappily was 
 firft met withall by feme of thofe who had been belonging as officers for the king 
 in the Spanifh galley, which, with the towne, was lately fallen into our hands, 
 who, without all order or reafon, and contrary to that good ufage wherewith wee 
 had intertained their meilLngers, furioufly ftrooke the poor boy thorow the body> 
 with which wound the boy returned to the general, and, after he had declared the 
 manner of this wrongfull crueltie, died forthwith in his prefence; wherewith the 
 generall being greatly paffion'd, commanded — the provoft martiall to caufe a couple 
 of friers, then prifoners, to be carried to the fame place where the boy was ftroken,. 
 and there prefently to be hanged ; difpatching, at the fame inftant, another poor 
 prifoner, with the reafon wherefore this execution was done, and with this further 
 mefTage, that untill the party who had thus murdered the general's melTenger, 
 were delivered into our hands to receive condigne punifhment, there fhould no 
 day pafle wherein there fhould not two prifoners be hanged, until they were all 
 confumed which were in our hands. Whereupon the day following, hee that had 
 been captaine of the king's galley, brought the ofFcnder to thu towne's end, offering 
 to deliver him into our hands ; but it was thought to be a more honourable revenge 
 to make them there, in our fight, to performe the execution themfelvcs, which 
 was done accordingly." 
 
 ^ threr 
 
 185
 
 i84 H I S T O R Y O F 
 
 three fathoms of water, and proteded by a bar over which tlic 
 largeft veflels may pafs with fafety, have hitherto laved St. Do- 
 mingo from entire decay, and may pofnbly continue to fave it. 
 With this very defective information the reader muft be con- 
 tent. As little feems to be known concerning the ftate of 
 agriculture in the Spanifli poileffions in this illand, as of their 
 capital and commerce. A few planters are laid to cultivate ca- 
 cao, tobacco, and fugar, for their own expenditure ; and, perhaps 
 fome fmall quantities of each are ftill exported for confump- 
 tion in Spain. The chief article of exportation, however, 
 continues to be, what it always has been fince the mines were 
 abandoned, the hides of horned cattle ; which have multiplied to 
 fuch a degree, that the proprietors are faid to reckon them 
 by thoufands ; and vaft numbers (as I b:;lieve I have elfewhere 
 obferved) are annually flaughtered folcly for the fkins -f-. 
 
 It feems therefore extremely probable, that the cultivation of 
 the earth is almoft entirely neglected throughout the whole of the 
 Spaniib dominion in this illand; and that fome of the finelt 
 tradls of land in the world, once the paradife of a limple and 
 innocent people, are now abandoned to the beafts of the field, 
 .and the vultures which hover round them (d). 
 
 Of tills defcription, probably, is the country already 
 mentioned, called Los Llanos, which ftretches eaftward 
 
 t It is faid that a Company was formed at Barcelona in 1757, with exclufive pri- 
 vileges, for the re-eftablifliment of agriculture and commerce in tlie Spanifli part 
 .of 5t. Domingo; I know not with what fuccefs. 
 
 (^d) The Gallina-z.0^ or American vulture, a very ravenous and filthy bird that 
 feeds on carrion. Thefc birds abound in St. Domingo, and de/our the carcafles 
 ,of the cattle as foon as the fkins are ftripped ofi'by the hunters. 
 
 from
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 185 
 
 from the capital upwards of fourfcore Brltifli miles in length, 
 by twenty or twenty-five in width j and which, abound- 
 ing in rivers throughout, may be fuppofed adapted for the 
 growth of every tropical produdlion in the greateft perfec- 
 tion : It feems capable alfo of being artificially flooded in dry 
 weather. 
 
 Next to Los Llanos in magnitude, but fuperior, it is believ- 
 ed, in native fertility, is the noble valley to the north, called 
 Vega Real; through the middle of which flows the river Tuna, 
 for the fpace of fifty miles, and difembogues in Samana bay to 
 the eaft. Perhaps it were no exaggeration to fay, that this 
 and the former diftridis are alone capable of producing more 
 fugar, and other valuable commodities, than all the Britilh Wefl; 
 Indies put together. 
 
 These plains, however, though in contiguity the largefl:, are 
 not the only parts of the country on which nature has befl:owed 
 extraordinary fertility, Glades abundantly rich, eafy of accefs, 
 and obvious to cultivation, are every where found even in the 
 bofom of the mountains ; while the mountains themfelves con- 
 tribute to fertilize the vallies which they encircle. 
 
 In beholding the gifts of a bountiful Creator, thus lying 
 ufelefs and unimproved, and remembering at what an expence of 
 human blood, and by what inexpiable guilt the Spanifli nation 
 obtained the poflcflion of thefe countries from the rightful pof- 
 feflbrs, it is fcarce poflible to abflain from yery gloomy and 
 
 B b defponding
 
 1^6 HISTORY O P 
 
 CHAP, defpondiiig refledllons, or to fupprefs the exclamation, low in" 
 Jcriitable are the ways of Divine Providence I 
 
 Thus fcanty and uninterefling is the beft account I have to 
 give of the territory itfelf j nor is my information much more 
 perfedl concerning the number and condition of the people by 
 whom it is at prefent inhabited. The earliefl detachments 
 from Old Spain were undoubtedly numerous. Herrera, an 
 accurate and well-informed hill:orian, reckons that there 
 were, at one period, no lefs than 14,000 Caftillians in Hifpa- 
 niola. Such was the renown of its riches, that men of all 
 ranks and conditions reforted thither, in the fond expedta- 
 tion of fharing in the golden harveft. Its mines, indeed, were 
 very produ6live. Robertfon relates, that they continued for 
 many years to yield a revenue of 460,000 pefos (e). In con- 
 trafting this fadt, with an anecdote which I have elfewhere-f* 
 recorded, that the inhabitants, at the time of Drake's inva- 
 lion, were fo wretchedly poor, as to be compelled to ufe, in 
 barter among themfelves, //arj of leather as a fubflitute for mo- 
 ney, we are.furniflied with a ftriking proof, that the true way to 
 acquire riches, is not by digging into the bowels, but by improv- 
 ing the furface, of the earth. Not having any manufadlures, nor 
 the productions of agriculture, to offer in exchange for the ne- 
 ceffaries and conveniencies of life, all their gold had foon found 
 its way to Europe ; and when the mines became exhaufted, their 
 
 (t) Upwards of ^. 100,000 fterling. 
 
 t Hiftory of the Britiih Weft Indies, vol. i. 
 
 penury
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 187 
 
 penury was extreme ; and (loth, depopulation, and degeneracy, c H A P. 
 ^ere its ncceflary confequences (f). XII. 
 
 The introdu(5lion into this ifland of negroes from Africa, of 
 which I have ellewhere traced the origin and caufc (g), took 
 place at an early period. This refource did not, however, great- 
 ly contribute to augment the population of the colony ; for 
 fuch of the whites as removed to the continent, in fearch of 
 richer mines and better fortune, commonly took their negroes 
 with them; and the fmall pox, a few years afterwards, deftroy- 
 cd prodigious numbers of others. In 'ijijt the whole number 
 of inhabitants under the Spanifh dominion, of all ages and 
 conditions, enflaved and free, were no more than 18,410, and 
 fince that time, I conceive, they have rather diminiflied than 
 increafed. Of pure whites (in contradiftinftion to the people 
 of mixed blood) the number is undoubtedly very inconfiderable ; 
 perhaps not 3,000 in the whole. 
 
 (f) The grofs ignorance of confidering gold and filver as r/^/inftead oi artifi- 
 cial wealth, and the folly of neglecting agriculture for the fake of exploring mines, 
 have been well expofed by Abbe Raynal ; who compares the conduft of die Spa- 
 niards in this refpecS, to that of the dog in the fable, dropping the piece of meat 
 which he had in his mouth, to catch at the fhadow of it in the water. 
 
 (g) Hift. of the Britifli Weft: Indies, Book iv> c. 2. A curious circumftance 
 was, however, omitted. When the Portuguefe firfl: began the traffick in negroes, ap- 
 plication was made to the Pope to fandify the trade by a bull, which his Holinefs 
 iilued accordingly. In confequence of this permi/fion and authority, a very con- 
 fiderable flave-markct was eftublifhed at Lifbon, infomuch, that about the year 
 >539j from 10 to 12,000 negr»es were fold there annually. 
 
 Bb 2 Thi!
 
 i88 HISTORY OF 
 
 The hereditary and unextinguifliable animofity between the 
 Spanilh and French planters has already been noticed. It is pro- 
 bable, however, that the knowledge of this circumftance created 
 greater reliance on the co-operation of the Spaniards with the Bri- 
 tifh army than was juftified by fubfequent events. At the earnefl 
 and repeated folicitations of Lieutenant Colonel Briftane, in 1 794, 
 orders were indeed tranfmitted from the city of St. Domingo 
 to the Commandant at Verettes, Don Francifco de Villa Ncuva, 
 to join the Englifli with the militia of that part of the coun- 
 try J the Britifh garrifon at St. Marc undertaking to fupply them 
 with provifions and ammunition : but thefe orders were ill 
 obeyed. Not more than three hundred men were brought into 
 the field, and even thofe were far from being hearty in the 
 common caufe. The French loyalifts appeared in greater 
 numbers in the neighbourhood of St. Marc than in any other 
 diftridl ; and the Spaniards detefted the French colonills of all 
 defcriptions. It was evident, at the fame time, that they were 
 almoft equally jealous of the EngliOii betraying manifeft fymp- 
 toms of difcontent and envy, at beholding them in pofTeffion of 
 St. Marc, and the fertile plains in its vicinage. They proceed- 
 ed, however, and took the town and harbour of Gonaive ; but 
 their fubfequent conduct manifefled the bafeft treachery, or the 
 rankeft cowardice. The town was no fooner attacked by a 
 fmall detachment from the revolted negroes, than the Spaniards 
 fuffered themfelves to be driven out of it, in the moft unac- 
 countable manner j leaving the French inhabitants to the fury 
 of the favages, who maiTacred the whole number (as their 
 Z comrades
 
 S T. D O M I N G O. 189 
 
 comrades had done at Fort Daupliin) and then reduced the CHAP, 
 town itfclf to aflies (h). XII. 
 
 On the whole, there is reafon to fuppofe that a great pro- 
 portion of the prefent Spanifh proprietors in St. Domingo are 
 a debafed and degenerate race ; a motley mixture from Euro- 
 pean, Indian, and African anceftry ; and the obfervation which 
 has been made in another place (i), concerning the Spanifli in- 
 habitants of Jamaica, at the conqueft of that ifland in 1655, will 
 
 (h) In the northern province of the French colony, the inhabitants of Fort 
 Dauphin, a town fituated on the Spanifh borders, having no afliftance from the 
 Engiifli, and being apprehenfive of an attack from the rebel negroes, applied for 
 protedlion, and delivered up the town, to the Spanifh government. The SpaniQi 
 commandant, on accepting the conditions required, which were chiefly for perfonal 
 fafety, iflued a proclamation, importing, that fuch of the French planters as would 
 feek refuge there, fiiould find fecurity. Seduced by this proclamation, a confi- 
 derable number repaired thither ; when, on Monday the 7th of July 1794, 'Jean 
 Franfoisj the negro general, and leader of the revolt in 1791, entered the tov/n 
 with fome thoufands of armed negroes. He met not the fmalleft refiftance, either 
 at the advanced pofls, or at the barriers occupied by the Spanifli troops ; the inha- 
 bitants keeping their houfes, in the hope of being prote(£led by the commandant. 
 In an inftant, every part of the city refounded with the cry of " Long live the 
 king of Spain ! Kill all the French ; but ofFer no violence to the Spaniards;" and 
 agen--ral maffiicre of the French commenced, in which no lefs than 771 of them, 
 without diflindlion of fcx or age, were murdered on the fpot : the Spanifh foldiers 
 ftanding by, fpe£lators of the tragedy. It is thought, however, that if the Spaniards 
 had openly interpofed, they would have fharcd the fate of the French. It is faid that 
 Mont-Calvos, commander of the Spanrfli troops, moved by compaflion towards 
 fome French gentlemen of his acquaintance, admitted them into the ranks, dreflmg 
 them in the Spanifh uniform for their ftcurity ; others were fecretly conveyed to. 
 the fcrt, and feut ofF in the night to Monte Chrifti, where they got on board an 
 American veflel belonging to Salem. 
 
 (i) Hiftory of the Britifli Weft Indies, vol. i. 
 
 equally
 
 190 HISTORYOF 
 
 CHAP, equally apply to thefe. They are neither poliihed by focial in- 
 XII- tercourfe, nor improved by education ; but pafs their days in 
 gloomy languor, enfeebled by floth, and deprefled by poverty. 
 From fuch men, therefore, great as their antipathy is to the 
 French nation, and however averfe they may be to a change 
 of laws and government, I am afraid that no cordial co-operation 
 wdth the Britifli can ever be expedled. The beil families 
 am.ong them, rather than fubmit to the French dominion, 
 will probably remove to Cuba, or feek out new habitations 
 among their countrymen on the neighbouring continent; while 
 thofe Vv'hich remain will nectflarily fmk into the general mafs of 
 coloured people, French and Enghlh ; a clafs that, I think, iii 
 procefs of time, will become mailers of the towns and culti- 
 vated parts of the ifland on the fea-coaft ; leaving the interior 
 country to the revolted negroes. Such, probably, will be the 
 fate of this once beautiful and princely colony ; and it grieves 
 me to fay, that the prcfent exertions of Great Britain on this 
 blood-flained theatre, can anfwer no other end than to haften 
 the cataftrophe ! 
 
 I MIGHT here expatiate on the wonderful difpenfiitions of 
 Divine Providence, in railing up the enflaved Africans to avenge 
 the wrongs of the injured aborigines : I might alfo indulge the 
 fond but fallacious idea, that as the negroes of St. Domingo 
 have been eye-witneiTes to the benefits of civilized life among 
 the whites j — have feen in what manner, and to what ex- 
 tent, focial order, peaceful induftry, and fubmilTion to laws, 
 contribute to individual and general profperity (advantages 
 which were denied to them in their native country ;) fome fupe- 
 
 rior
 
 S T. D O M r N G O. 191 
 
 rior fpirlts may hereafter rife up among them, by whofe en- 
 couragement and example they may be taught, in due time, to 
 difcard the ferocious and fordid manners and purfuits of favage 
 life ; to corredl their vices, and be led progreflively on to civi- 
 lization and gentlenefs, to the knowledge of truth, and the 
 pradlice of virtue. This pidlure is fo pleafing to the imagina- 
 tion, that every humane and refleding mind muft wifh it may 
 be realized; but I am afraid it is the mere creation of the 
 fancy — " the fabrick of a vifion!" Experience has demon- 
 flrated, that a wild and lawlefs freedom affords no means 
 of improvement, either mental or moral. The Charaibes of St. 
 Vincent, and the Maroon negroes of Jamaica, were originally 
 enflaved Africans -, and iv&ai they now are, the freed negroes of 
 St. Domingo ivill hereafter be; favages in the midft of fociety — 
 without peace, fecurity, agriculture, or property j ignorant of 
 the duties of life, and unacquainted with all the foft and en- 
 dearing relations which render it defirable ; averfe to labour, 
 though frequently perifliing of want; fufpicious of each other, 
 and towards the reft of mankind revengeful and faithlefs, re- 
 morfclefs and bloody-minded j pretending to be free, while 
 groaning beneath the capricious defpotifm of their chiefs, and 
 feeling all the miferies of fervitude, without the benefits of 
 fubordination! 
 
 If what I have thus — not haftily, but — deliberately prcdidled, 
 concerning the fate of this unfortunate country, fhall be verified 
 by the event, all other refledions muft yield to the prefling 
 confideration how beft to obviate and defeat the influence. 
 which fo dreadful an example of fuccefsful revolt and trium- 
 phant.
 
 192 HISTORYOF 
 
 pliant aHarchy may have in our own iflands. This Is a fubje«5t: 
 which will foon force itfelf on the moft ferious attention of 
 Government ; and I am of opinion, that nothing lefs than the 
 co-operation of the Britifli parliament with the colonial legifla- 
 tures can meet its emergency. On the other hand, if it be ad- 
 mitted that the objedl is infinitely too important, and the means 
 and refources of France much too powerful and abundant, 
 to fufFer a doubt to remain concerning the ultimate accom- 
 plilhment of her views, in feizing on the whole of this ex- 
 tenfive country : if we can fuppofe that (convince at length, 
 by painful experience, of the monftrous folly of fuddenly eman- 
 cipating barbarous men, and placing them at once in all the 
 complicated relations of civil fociety) fhe will finally fucceed in 
 reducing the vaft body of fugitive negroes to obedience ^ and in 
 eftablifliing fecurlty, fubordination, and order, under a conllitu- 
 tion of government fuited to the atSual condition of the various 
 clafTes of the inhabitants : — if fuch fliall be her good fortune. It 
 will not require the endowment of prophecy to foretel the re- 
 fult. The middling, and who are commonly the moft induf- 
 trious, clafs of Planters, throughout every ifland in the Weft In- 
 dies, allured by the cheapnefs of the land and the fuperior fertility 
 of the foil, will aflluredly feek out fettlements in St. Domingo ; 
 and a Weft Indian empire will fix itfelf in this noble ifland, to 
 which, in a few fliort years, all the tropical pofl'effions of Eu- 
 rope will be found fubordinate and tributary. Placed in the 
 centre of Britifli and Spanifli America, and fituated to wind- 
 ward of thofe territories of either nation which are moft valu- 
 able, while the commerce of both muft exift only by its good 
 pleafure, all the riches of Mexico will be wholly at its difpofal. 
 
 Then
 
 ST. DOMINGO. ^93 
 
 Then will the humbled Spaniard lament, when it is too late, 
 the thoughtlefs and improvident furrender he has made, and 
 Great Britain find leifure to refledl how deeply flie is herfelf 
 concerned in the confequences of it. The dilemma is awful, and 
 the final iflue known only to that omnifcient Power, in whofe 
 hand is the fate of empires ! But whatever the iflue may be,— 
 in all the varieties of fortune, — in all events and circumftances, 
 whether profperofts or adverfe, — it infinitely concerns both 
 the people of Great Britain, and the inhabitants of the Britifli 
 colonies, — I cannot repeat it too often, — to derive admonition 
 from the flory before us. To Great Britain I would inti- 
 mate, that if, difregarding the prefent example, encourage- 
 ment fliall continue to be given to the peflilent doftrines 
 of thofe hot-brained fanaticks, and deteftable incendiaries, who, 
 under the vile pretence of philanthropy and zeal for the in- 
 terefls of fuffering humanity, preach up rebellion and murder 
 to the contented and orderly negroes in our own territories, 
 what ell'e can be expedted, but that the fame dreadful fcenes of 
 carnage and defolation, which we have contemplated in St. Do- 
 mingo, will be renewed among our countrymen and relations in 
 the Britifli Weft Indies ? May God Almighty, of his infinite 
 mercy, avert the evil ! To the refident Planters I addrefs my- 
 felfwith flill greater folicitude ; and, if it were in my power, 
 would exhort them, " with more than mortal voice," to rife 
 above the foggy atmofphere of local prejudices, and, by a gene- 
 rous furrender of temporary advantages, do tliat which the Par- 
 liament of Great Britain, in the pride and plenitude of imperial 
 dominion, cannot efFedl, and ought not to attempt. I call on 
 them, with the fincerity and the aflx'dtion of a brother, of them- 
 
 C c felves
 
 194 H I S T O R Y O F S T. D O M I N G O. 
 
 CHAP, felves to reftrain, limit, and finally abolifh the further introduc- 
 ^^^' tion of enflaved men from Africa ; — not indeed by meafures of 
 fudden violence and injuflice, difregarding the many weighty 
 and complicated interefts which are involved in the ilTue ; but 
 by means which, though flow and gradual in their operation, 
 will be fure and certain in their effeft. The Colonial Leoifla- 
 tures, by their fituation and local knowledge, are alone competent 
 to this great and glorious tafk : and this example of St. Domingo, 
 and the diftates of felf-prefervation like the hand-writing againfl: 
 the wall, warn them no longer to delay it ! Towards the poor 
 negroes over whom the ftatutes of Great Britain, the accidents 
 of fortune, and the laws of inheritance, have invefted them with 
 power, their general conduct for the laft twenty years (notwith- 
 ftanding the foul calumnies with which they have been loaded) 
 may court enquiry and bid defiance to cenfure. A perfeverance 
 in the fame benevolent fyflem, progreflively leading the objed:s of 
 it to civilization and mental improvement, preparatory to greater 
 indulgence, is all that humanity can require ; for it is all that 
 prudence can didlate. Thus will the Planters prepare a fliield of 
 defence againft their enemies, and lecure to themfelves that fere- 
 nity and elevation of mind, which arife from an approving con- 
 fcience; producing aiTurance in hope, and confolation in adver- 
 fity. Their perfecutors and flanderers in the meantime will be 
 difregarded or forgotten ; for calumny, though a great is a tem- 
 porary evil, but truth and juflice will prove triumphant and 
 eternal !
 
 TABLEAU 
 
 Du Commerce et des Finances de la partle Frangolfe 
 de St. D O M I N G U E 
 
 1791. 
 
 C c 2
 
 »^ The firft Four of the following TABLES were drawn up by order of the 
 Legiflative AfTembly of France, which met the ifl of Oftober 1791, 
 and feem to have been framed in the view of afcertaining the adual ilate 
 of the Colony, and its Commerce, immediately before the breaking out 
 of the rebellion of the Negroes^ in- the Month of Auguft of that Year. 
 The totals will be found to differ, in fome of the particulars, from the 
 ftatement which has been given in the preceding pages. The difference 
 arifes partly from the adlual change of circumflances, in the courfc- 
 of two years which intervened between the periods when each flatement 
 was made up, and partly, I am afraid, from errors and oraifHons of my 
 Own.
 
 No. I. 
 Etat General des Cultures ct des Manufadtures de la Partie Franjoife de S' Dominguc. 
 
 1791- 
 
 Chefs Lieux 
 
 ou 
 Jurisdictions. 
 
 fartie 
 du 
 
 Uord. 
 
 Le C-ip - 
 
 Le Fort- Dauphin 
 
 Le Port dc Paix 
 _Le Mole - 
 
 Port au Prince - 
 
 QyARTI>ERS OU Paroisses. 
 
 "Le Cap et dependances 
 La petite Ance et la plaine du Nord 
 L'acul, Limonade et S"= Suzanne 
 < Morin et la Grande Riviere 
 
 I Le Dondon et Marmelade 
 
 I A' Limbe et Port M argot 
 
 L,Plail'ance etle Borgne 
 
 f Le Fort Dauphin 
 
 < Ouanaitiinthe et Valliere 
 
 ^Le Terrier rouge et le trou 
 
 f Le Port dc Paix le petit S' Louis » 
 ( Jean Rabel ct le gros Morne 
 
 Le Mole et Botr.barde 
 
 Port au Prince et la Croix des Bouquets 
 L'Arcahaye 
 
 Mircbalais 
 
 Lecgane 
 ranic 1 
 
 de 1' j S' Marc 
 
 Partie ' 
 de 1' 
 Oueft. 
 
 P.irtie 
 
 d 
 
 Sud 
 
 Le peth Goave - 
 
 .Jeiemie 
 
 ■tie H'" '^">'" 
 
 J Le Cap 'I'iburon 
 
 LJacmel 
 
 Tcial 
 
 Sucreries. 
 
 Leogane 
 
 S' Marc, la pcitite Riiiere 
 Les Vcrettcs ct ks Gonaivcs 
 
 :} 
 
 C.Le petit Goavc, le grand Goave, tt-lc for.d; 
 
 J des Negrcs 
 
 (_ L'Anic a Veau ct Ic petit troj 
 
 Jcremie etlc Cap Dan;e Marie 
 
 L,cs Cayes ct Torbcck 
 Lc Cap Tiburon tt Ics Cotcaux 
 S' Louis, Cavaillon ct Aquin 
 Jai.mcl, les Cayc.-, el Biyncl 
 
 I 
 
 43 
 
 •35 
 
 2C). 
 
 SO' 
 
 u 
 
 65 
 
 ' 1 
 
 3 
 
 27 
 
 5 
 
 I Paroilles 
 
 1 1 
 
 6 
 
 24 
 I 
 
 9 
 
 39 
 
 15''3M 
 
 
 U 
 
 <u 
 
 1- 
 
 S-, 
 
 C 
 
 4> 
 
 c 
 
 QJ 
 
 
 
 (4 
 
 
 
 J 
 
 U 
 
 2 
 
 _ 
 
 37 
 
 I 
 
 «57 
 
 3 
 
 ^s"; 
 
 z 
 
 216 
 
 : 
 
 272 
 
 5 
 
 324 
 
 2 
 
 71 
 
 2 
 
 15' 
 
 — 
 
 123 
 
 1 
 
 218 
 
 9 
 
 3' 
 
 '4 
 
 '5' 
 
 22 
 
 62 
 
 2.1 
 
 27 
 
 »9 
 
 58 
 
 18 
 
 298 
 
 3'5 
 
 s^ 
 
 '5 
 
 1 1 
 
 7 
 
 105 
 
 30 
 
 69 
 
 76 
 
 24 
 
 12 
 
 39 
 
 28 
 
 57 
 
 S;^ 
 
 ,8ic 
 
 '°> 
 
 o 
 
 00 
 
 5 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 1 1 
 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 37 
 
 ii2 
 
 36c 
 
 •5 — 
 
 48- 
 
 3" 
 
 /S 
 
 I/184 
 
 3'| — 
 >8< • 
 
 41 
 
 '75 
 
 .691- 
 
 129 - 
 
 3,09; 
 
 O 
 
 29 
 
 zi; 
 
 10 
 
 
 X 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 rt 
 
 
 
 
 u 
 
 rt 
 
 
 
 
 r3 
 
 
 u 
 
 3 
 
 i« 
 
 
 
 u 
 
 U, 
 
 
 2 
 
 — 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 7 
 
 I 
 
 32 
 
 I 
 
 2 
 
 — 
 
 3 
 
 — 
 
 3 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 4 
 
 18 
 
 26. 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 I 
 
 zo 
 
 — 
 
 23 
 
 z 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 M 
 
 1 12 
 
 73!'>9 
 
 9 
 9 
 
 14J 
 
 313 61 
 
 •5 60 
 
 21,613,. 
 
 I 1,122 
 
 I 9,876 • 
 
 Ji*.i5+- 
 
 17.37^ 
 1 5.97 « 
 ij.oiS 
 
 10,004 
 9,987 
 
 IS.476 
 
 29,540 
 
 3.' 83 
 
 42,8^S 
 
 18.5,-3 
 
 10,902 
 
 14,896 
 67,216 i 
 
 18,829 • 
 
 I3.Z29' 
 
 20,774- 
 
 3(B,917- 
 
 8.1 ';3 
 18,785 
 
 21,1^1: 
 
 45 5, COO
 
 X08 
 
 TABLEAU du COMMERCE. &c. 
 
 No. II. 
 
 Etat des Denrees de St. Domingue exportees en France depuis le i" Janvier 1791 au 
 
 31 Dec™ inclufivement. 
 
 
 Sucre. 
 
 Cafe. 
 
 Coton. 
 
 Indigo. 
 
 Cuirs. 
 
 Sirop. 
 
 
 
 Blanc. 
 
 Brut. 
 
 Tafia. 
 
 Departemens. 
 
 en Poil. 
 Banettes. 
 
 Tannes. 
 Coces. 
 
 
 
 Livres. 
 
 Livres. 
 
 Livres. 
 
 Livres. 
 
 Livres. 
 
 Boucauts. 
 
 Barique. 
 
 Panic du Nord. 
 
 43.864,552 
 
 8,609,258 
 
 473,b'oo 
 
 22,500 
 
 7,792,219 
 1,492,983 
 
 3.244.673 
 
 218,86b 
 
 19,804 
 
 4.375627 
 
 63,150 
 
 2 oco 
 
 48 266 
 
 1,517,489 
 
 1,639,900 
 824,^00 
 105,680 
 
 53,648,923 
 
 7,688,537 
 
 6,993,966 
 
 835.237 
 
 476,445 
 
 18,984.425 
 
 270,500 
 
 9,600 
 
 67,910 
 
 29,367,382 
 
 2,321,610 
 
 1,829,754 
 
 294,550 
 
 14,584,023 
 1,786,484 
 5.521,237 
 1,395,690 
 4.453.331 
 
 1,843,403 
 
 30'i,74o 
 90 706 
 
 4-357.270 
 
 1,200 
 
 38,752 
 29,236 
 
 1,370,021 
 
 154,084 
 
 3,008,163 
 
 84,865 
 
 189,194 
 
 720,770 
 
 34.325 
 42,497 
 
 613,019 
 
 195,099 
 
 2,005 
 
 61,472 
 
 6.294 
 
 176,918 
 12,520 
 
 357.53° 
 320 
 
 1,075 
 
 105,456 
 
 1,954 
 
 2,064 
 
 7,309 
 
 2,006 
 
 i>i34 
 
 120 
 
 31 
 1,601 
 
 I 12 
 
 100 
 
 J' 
 
 '5 
 
 6,975 
 160 
 
 752 
 7,887 
 
 10,654 
 2,731 
 
 272 
 84 
 
 8,350 
 
 95 
 
 73 
 
 206 
 
 6,938 
 99 
 
 
 Le Cap - - 
 I.e Fort Dauphin 
 ;Le Port de Paix 
 Le Mole - - - 
 
 Partie dc I'Oueft. 
 
 1 
 
 Le Port au Prince 
 
 Leogane 
 
 Saint Marc 
 
 Le Petit Goave - - 
 
 Jeiemie - - - 
 
 Partie du Sud. 
 
 36 
 
 45 
 
 49 
 
 (0 
 
 Les Cayes 
 
 Le C.ip Tiburcn 
 
 S' Louis - . - 
 
 Jacmel - - - 
 
 136 
 
 Total - - - 
 
 70,227,70!] 
 
 93-'77>5'2 
 
 6.J,i5i,i8o 
 
 6,286,126 
 
 930.016 
 
 5,186 
 
 29,502 
 
 303 
 
 Valcur
 
 dc 5T. D O M I N G U E. 
 
 No. II contimied. 
 
 199. 
 
 Valeur commune des Exportations et des Droits perfus dans la Colonie 
 
 far toutes les Denrees. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Du i" Janvier 1791 au 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3i'X'>"dela 
 
 meme annee. 
 
 
 liiciicaii- n de 
 
 Quoti'.e 
 en 
 
 Eftimation en 
 raifon du prix 
 
 
 
 Vend US 
 
 ]a nature 
 
 
 
 en 
 
 des Denrees. 
 
 nature. 
 
 Comniun. 
 
 Valeur 
 
 Droits 
 
 France. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Ce'.;irr':ne. 
 
 pergus. 
 
 
 f Banc ou terre - - 
 
 70,227.708 
 
 Livres 
 
 a 
 
 ^^ 
 
 IS 
 
 67,670,781 
 
 2,528,197 
 
 65,142,584 
 
 ^"'^'''^ JB.ut 
 
 93'>77.5' = 
 
 Livres 
 
 a 
 
 — 
 
 6 
 
 49.941,567 
 
 1,677,195 
 
 4,^,264,3 72- 
 
 Cafe - - - - 
 
 Oi> 151,180 
 
 Livres 
 
 a 
 
 — 
 
 ,16 
 
 51,800,748 
 
 1,226 720 
 
 50,664,038 
 
 Coton . - - . 
 
 6,c86,.26 
 
 Livres 
 
 a 
 
 2 
 
 — 
 
 17,572,252 
 
 785,766 
 
 16,786,486 
 
 indigo - - - . 
 
 930,016 
 
 L.vres 
 
 a 
 
 7 
 
 10 
 
 10,875,120 
 
 465,008 
 
 10.410,1 12 
 
 Cicao - - - - 
 
 150 000 
 
 Livres 
 
 a 
 
 
 16 
 
 1 20,000 
 
 — 
 
 1 20,000 
 
 Sirop . - - - 
 
 29,502 
 
 B lucauts - 
 
 a 
 
 66 
 
 — 
 
 1,947,132 
 
 ^21.27; 
 
 1,7-25,857 
 
 Tnfia . - - - 
 
 3=^3 
 
 B.i ■ 'jues - 
 
 a 
 
 72 
 
 — 
 
 21,8:6 
 
 1,82! 
 
 19,99s 
 
 Cuirs Tannes - - - 
 
 7.887 
 
 Cotes - 
 
 a 
 
 10 
 
 — 
 
 78,870 
 
 10.377 
 
 68,493 
 
 Cuirs en poll . - - 
 
 5.180 
 
 B-.nettes - 
 
 a 
 
 18 
 
 — 
 
 93.348 
 
 7,807 
 
 85,541 
 
 Caret (lortoife (hell) - 
 
 5,000 
 1,500,000 
 
 L vres 
 Livres 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 10 
 
 ^— 
 
 50,000 
 40,000 
 
 — 
 
 50,000 
 
 Gayac, Acajou, et Campeche 
 
 Eilimes 
 
 40,000 
 
 Total de Li \'aleur commune < 
 
 le toutes les ] 
 
 Denrees - 
 
 
 - 
 
 - - 
 
 200,301,634 
 
 6,924,166 
 
 >93.377'468 
 
 Obfervation eirentielle. 
 
 Tbotes les fommes dont i! eft queftion dans ce tableau font Argent des Co- 
 lonics. Le change y eft a 33 \, et la Livre Tournois comptee pour une livrc dix 
 fous. 
 
 \" E.KcmpIe. 
 
 Le montant des E.xportations s'cleve Argent des Colonies a la 
 
 iomme de ....-- 200,301,634 
 
 Rtduiic Argent dc France a - - - i33'534'4-3 
 
 DiiFercnce fur cet Article dc - • - 
 
 2'^' Exemple. 
 La totalite des denrees exportees, et vendues en France mon- 
 tani cnlemlile a la fomme de . . - 
 
 Reduite eu L.vres Tournois a - - - 
 
 Difiierence fur cet Article de - - 
 
 66,767,^11 
 
 "93.377.468 
 
 12 8,(;l8,3l2 
 
 64,459,156 
 
 On obtieiidra le meme rcfultat article par article ayant raitention de rtduirc 
 le, tiers i'ur chaquc fomme^
 
 JiOtO 
 
 TABLEAU du C O M M E R C E, &c. 
 
 No. III. 
 
 Apperfu des Richefles terrltoriales des habitations en grande Culture de la 
 
 Partie Francoife de St. Domingue. 
 
 Indication de la Nature des Capitaux. 
 
 Sucreries 
 
 ( en Blanc - - - - 
 
 I en Brut .... 
 Cafeteries . . . - - 
 
 Cotonneries - - . . - 
 Indigoteries . - . - - 
 
 GuUdiveries . . . . - 
 Cacaotieres . . . . - 
 Tanneries . . - . - 
 
 Fours a Chaux, Briqueries et Poteries - - 
 Negtes anciens et nouveaux, grands et petits - 
 Chevaux et Mulcts . - - - 
 £etes a cornes . - . - - 
 
 Noinbre. 
 
 +S« 
 
 34" 
 2,810 
 
 70s 
 3-097 
 
 173 
 69 
 
 3 
 
 374 
 
 455,000 
 
 16,000 
 
 1 2,000 
 
 Eftimation 
 particuliere 
 de chaque 
 Objet en 
 raifon du 
 prix moyen. 
 
 Total des Richeffes employees a la Culture 
 
 230,000 
 
 l8o,ODO 
 
 CO, 000 
 
 30,000 
 
 30,000 
 
 5,000 
 
 4,000 
 
 i6c,oco 
 
 15,000 
 
 2,500 
 
 - 400 
 
 - 120 
 
 Evaluation des Capitaux. 
 
 En Terres, 
 Batimens, et 
 Plantations. 
 
 103,730,000 
 
 61,380,000 
 
 56,202,000 
 
 21,150,000 
 
 92,910,000 
 
 865,000 
 
 275,000 
 
 480,000 
 
 5,510,000 
 
 342,500,000 
 
 En Negres 
 etanimaux em- 
 ployes a 1 'ex- 
 ploitation. 
 
 137,500,000 
 6,400,000 
 1,440,000 
 
 1,145,340,000 
 
 Totalite 
 de la 
 
 Vateur 
 Generale. 
 
 103,730,000 
 
 61,380,000 
 
 56,200,000 
 
 21,150,000 
 
 92,910,000 
 
 86j,uao 
 
 275,000 
 
 480,000 
 
 5,510,000 
 
 1,137,500,000 
 
 6,400,000 
 
 1 ,440,000 
 
 1,487,840,000
 
 de ST. D O xM I N G U E. 
 No. IV. 
 
 201 
 
 RECETTES ET DEFENSES, &c. 
 
 RECETTES. 
 
 DESIGNATION DES OBJETS. 
 
 CaifTe de la Marine. 
 
 1. Reftant en Caifle au 31 Decembre 1790 - - - - 
 
 2, Droits percus fur les Denrees exportees de la 
 
 Colonic en France pendant I'annee 1^89 - 6,924,166 
 A deduire Ics appointemens des Receveurs de 
 
 rOiSroi et frais de Bureaux - - 34,200 
 
 3. Impofition pour la capitition des Efclaves 
 
 A deduire les remilbs et moderations en faveur 
 des Contribuables, cy - - 
 
 581,035 
 25,286 
 
 4. Droits de 2 I pour C. fur les loyers des maifons 
 
 5. P>c^u de divers Debiteiirs au Roi - - - - 
 
 6. Loyers des Halles et maifons au profit de Sa Majefte 
 
 7. Objets vendus dans les m;igazins des divers Departemcnts 
 
 8. Rc^u de divers pour journecs employees a I'Hopital 
 g. Rembourfemens des avances faites a divers 
 
 10. Depot a charge de rembouifemens - - - 
 
 11. Montant des Lettres de change tirccs fur les Treforiers et Muni- 
 
 tioniiaires Generaux - - - - 
 
 Cailfe Generale. 
 
 1. Reftant en Caiffe au 31 Decembre 1790 
 
 2. Re^u de divers Coiiiptables en cxercile et a vaioir fur les debits 
 
 pendant les annees 1787, 1788, et 1789 
 
 3. Revenu dc la ferme du bac du Cap. - - 
 
 4. Revenu dc la ferme des Poftes - _ _ 
 
 5. Re^u des anciens Comptables, Ff rmier«, &c. 
 
 0. Rcmbourftmcnt d'un Prct fait a la Caifle Municipale 
 
 7. Rembourfement de cekii fait a la Cailfc dc la Maiine 
 
 8. Loytr dc ia Salle de Spectacle au I'ort au Prince 
 
 <j. Rembourfemens par divers Receveura dcs Droits domaniaux 
 10. Re^u des Curatcurs au\ SucceiTxons vacantcs 
 
 D d 
 
 Sommes. 
 
 935,160 
 6,889,966 
 
 55SJ49 
 
 376,143 
 229,403 
 
 30,453 
 i39'324 
 
 13.295 
 149.930 
 465,820 
 
 1,053,100 
 
 159,886 
 
 178,756 
 
 87,500 
 
 161,847 
 
 150,716 
 
 39,000 
 
 49,042 
 
 2,0C0 
 30,400 
 
 3^1,143 
 
 10,838,348 
 
 1,171,290 
 
 DESIGNATION
 
 202 
 
 TABLEAU du C O M M E R C E, &c. 
 
 No. IV. continued. 
 
 DESIGNATION DES OBJETS. 
 
 CaifTe des Liberies. 
 
 I. Reliant en CaifTe au 31 Decembre 1790 - - - 
 
 2^ 11 a ete verfe dans cette Caifle pour raffranchifTemeut de 297 Ef- 
 
 clavep pendant Tannee 1790 _ _ _ - 
 
 3. Remboiirftmens de divers Debiteurs a cette Caifle 
 
 4. A compte fur le produit de la vente dc divers Comeflibles 
 
 Caiffe des Droits Donianiaux. 
 
 1. Montant des Amandes « ■ - 
 
 2. Ne^res epaves vendus au profit du Roi 
 
 3. Succeffions a titre d'Aubaines, Bataidifes, &c. 
 
 4. Confifcations — - - - 
 
 5. Droits de 2 pour C. fur le niontant des ventes judiciaires 
 
 Caifle de I'Entrepot. 
 
 1. Droit d'un pour C. impofe fur les marchandifes qui font Im 
 portees et exportees par le Commerce etranger 
 
 1, Droit de 3'' Tournois par quintal fur le boeuf fale introduit dans 
 la Colonic par le Commerce etranger 
 
 3. Droits additionels impoies par arret du Confeil de I'annee 1786 et 
 1787 
 
 Caiffe des Confignations. 
 
 1. Reflant en Caifle au 31 Decembre 17QO _ - - 
 
 2. Configne par divers ; dans la caifle du Treforicr principal dei- 
 
 Colonies pendant le cours de I'annee 1789, pour la furete de 
 68 Efclavcs embarques pour France _ . _ 
 
 Invalides et fonds d'Armemens. 
 
 1. Recettcs faitcs pendant I'annee 1790 au profit des Invalides de la 
 
 Marine - - - - - 
 
 2. Montant des gages acquis aux equipages dont les batimens ont 
 
 etc defarmes dans la Colonic peiidant les 9 derniers mois de 
 J 789, et pendant I'annee 1790 _ - - 
 
 Total de la Recette - - 
 
 51,642 
 
 547,892 
 
 21,542 
 
 143,010 -J 
 
 I52>634 I 
 
 318,444 \ 
 
 51.343 
 
 114,869 I 
 
 82,503 
 
 I02,C00 
 
 Sommes. 
 
 654,9o6r 
 
 780,300 
 
 459>07^ 
 
 184,500 
 
 I 
 
 14,673,014 ij,673,oi4 
 
 DEFENSES,
 
 de ST. D O M I N G U E. 
 
 No. IV. continued. 
 
 203 
 
 DEFENSES. 
 
 DESIGNATION DES OBJETS. 
 
 I. 
 
 2. 
 
 3- 
 
 4- 
 
 5- 
 
 6. 
 
 7- 
 8. 
 
 10. 
 1 1. 
 12. 
 
 13- 
 14. 
 
 15- 
 
 It). 
 
 17- 
 ]8. 
 
 19, 
 
 Caiffe de la Marine. 
 
 Tmitemens ct Appointemcns des OfHciers de I'Etat Major ge- 
 neral, et particuliers des Places - _ _ - 
 Officiers de rAdminiftration _ _ _ . 
 Confcils et Jurifdiftions - _ _ - - 
 Officiers de Sante - - - _ . - 
 Appointemcns et Soldes des Troupes - - - 
 Subfirtenccs et Fournitures relatives aux Troupes 
 Journees d'Hopital _ - _ - 
 Fortifications et entretlens des Batimens publics 
 Achats des materiaux nece(Lires a la conftruilion des Edifices 
 publics _ _ - - . 
 Entretiens des Batimens de Mer fur I'ifle de la Gonave 
 Aux Entrepreneurs des Hopitaux - - - 
 A divers pour fournitures de Riz et de Bifcuit 
 Dcpenfes pour les chemins de communication 
 A divers Entrepreneurs de ma^onneric, charpentc, &c. 
 Krnis de voyages et avaries de mer. _ _ - 
 Rembourfcniens a la Caifle generale des Invalides - 
 A divers pour loyers des maifons, magafins, iScc. 
 Dtpenfe faite par les vaifieaux de S. M. en Station dans la Co- 
 lonic -.__._- 
 Frais de tranfports, journees d'Ouvri£rs,&c. - _ - 
 
 Caifle Gene'rale. 
 
 Traitcmerv^ et gnges affignes fur cette Caifle 
 A divers Entrepreneurs des Canaux, Fontaines, &c. 
 Pavt- aux Heritiers et Creanciers des Succeffions vacantes 
 Paye a la dceharge de la Caifle des Biens domaniaux 
 Indemiiitcs et gratifications a divers 
 
 CaiHe des Libertcis. 
 
 Penfions atix Peres et Mercs de 10 a 12 cnfaiis 
 Dtpenfe pour r;)chevement des rcmblais du quay du Roi 
 Tiavatix relatifs au chen iii de Jacniel 
 J;irdin du Roi au Poit au Prince et Plantes d'Afie 
 I'ravaux faits au dp , _ - 
 
 P iiireticns et c ndriufVions des Fontaines publiques 
 Abrevoirs ct L::voirs publics . _ - 
 
 A iliv'fis nniir t r,i nrnnrt"; ilps rnmrllihleS 
 
 Sommes. 
 
 580,000''' 
 
 670,000 
 
 710,000 
 
 183,547 
 i,2o6,co3 
 293,656 
 606,4.78 
 917,^60 
 
 851,193 
 
 9"^.' 35 
 196,000 
 
 120,000 
 586,102 
 235,061 
 142,064 
 511,520 
 233.679 
 
 1,204,650 
 119,720 
 
 202,775 
 229,403 
 192,794 
 307>'O9 I 
 109,575 J 
 
 I 
 
 71,765 
 
 7'-73' 
 86,t2i 
 50,912 
 70,464 
 ioi,8()6 
 65,058 
 
 QO,Q<;i 
 
 9,448,165 
 
 1,131,656 
 
 65i>3S4
 
 204 
 
 TABLEAU du COMMERCE, 6cc. 
 No. IV. continued. 
 
 \ 
 
 DESIGNATION DES OBJETS. 
 
 Sommes. 
 
 Caifle des Droits domaniaux. 
 
 1. Traitemens et gages des employes, rembourfemeiis des amandes, 
 
 taxations dc Temoins, et frais de voyages 
 
 2. Reclamation des Epaves veiidus au profit du Roi 
 
 3. Frais de juftice applicabies au prcduit des Succeffions vacantes 
 
 4. Paye aux denoiiciateurs, fur le produit des confifcatioiis pour fait 
 
 de Commerce interlope - - - 
 
 Caifle de I'Entrepot. 
 
 I. Traifemen'? des DIre<5teur=, Receveurs et Employes des Bureaux 
 2 Rembourfemms a divers p )ur les marchandifes re-cxportees 
 3. Verie dans la Caifle de la Marine a titre de Depot 
 
 Caiffe des Confignations. 
 
 J. Rembourfemens a divers confignataires pour leretourdans la Co- 
 lonic de 53 Efclaves cmbarques pour la France 
 2. Frais relatifs a cette comptabilite - _ _ . 
 
 Invalides et Ponds d'Armemens. 
 
 1. Montant des remifes a faire a la Caifle Generale des Invalides 
 •2. Remifes faites dans les difFerenis Ports pour les gages acquis aux 
 equipages pour les Dsfarmemens - - 
 
 Montant des Ponds non confommes au 3 1 Decembre 
 
 1791. 
 
 Par la CaifTe de la Marine - . _ 
 
 Par la CaiiTe Generale - _ . _ 
 
 Par la Cailie des Liberies - - _ _ 
 
 Par la Cailie des Droits domaniaux 
 
 Somme pareille a la Recette - - - , 
 
 482,550 
 46,521 
 
 1(30,848 
 12,461 
 
 .397 7 
 .653 3 
 
 112,397 
 
 344: 
 
 79,500 
 1,500 
 
 1.493.674 
 
 39>fc34 
 
 3.659 
 
 77.919 
 
 14,673,014 
 
 702,380 
 
 459.P70 
 
 81,000 
 
 584,592 
 
 1,614,886 
 
 14,673,014 
 
 Relcve
 
 de ST. D O M I N G U E. 
 
 No. IV. continued. 
 
 205 
 
 Releve General des Dettes aftives et paflives de St. Domlngue au 
 
 31 X'= 1791. 
 
 Dectes adlives en favcur des diverfes Caifles. 
 
 Indication de la nature des Creances. 
 
 1. Sommes dues a la Caifle de la Alarine par pro- 
 
 meffes, obligations, &c. _ _ - - 
 
 2. Sommes dues par divers Contiibuablts 
 
 3. Avances faites par la Colonie en faveur des 
 
 Troupes et des Efcadrts alliees - - - 
 
 4. Debits de comptes ou arrerages des Fermes 
 
 5. Sommes dues par divers particuliers _ - _ 
 
 Montant 
 
 de la 
 Creance 
 publique. 
 
 Recouvremens faits 
 
 6,576,838 
 2,5 '4,465 
 
 3?3^5,9i7 
 
 1,471,511 
 
 9-8,299 
 
 en 
 
 1789. 
 
 633,221 
 483,701 
 
 3,182,804 
 
 546,433 
 101,579 
 
 Total de la Creance publique dc la Colonie - 14,927,030 4,94.7,738 
 
 en 
 1790. 
 
 229,403 
 376,143 
 
 103,618 
 73,999 
 
 Sommes 
 
 dues 
 
 en 
 
 1791. 
 
 783,163 
 
 5,714,214- 
 I 654,621 
 
 203,113 
 821,460 
 802,721 
 
 9,196,129 
 
 Dettes pafTivcs a la charge de diverfes Caifles. 
 
 
 Montant 
 de la 
 Dette 
 
 Payements faits 
 
 Sommes 
 
 Indication de la nature des Dettes. 
 
 en 
 
 en 
 
 payer 
 
 
 publique. 
 
 1789. 
 
 1790. 
 
 en 1791. 
 
 I.. 11 eft du a I'Entrepreneur des Travaux du Roi 
 
 
 
 
 
 dans la Panic du Nord . _ . - 
 
 3,141,265 
 
 r, 446,8 14 
 
 334^451 
 
 1,360,000 
 
 2. 11 eft du a divers Fouriiillcurs, Entfepreneiirs, Pro- 
 
 
 
 
 
 prietaires et autres, tant pour Soldes d'entrc- 
 
 
 
 
 
 pri("eF, que pour avances par cux faites dans la 
 
 
 
 
 
 partie de I'Oueft _ . _ - . 
 
 1,140,530 
 
 1,070,072 
 
 ' 70=458 
 
 
 3. 11 eft du a divers Entrepreneurs, Fournifteurs, he. 
 
 
 
 
 
 dans la Partie du Sud . _ - - 
 
 543,220 
 
 533,889 
 
 7)395 
 
 1.936 
 
 *. 11 eft du aux Etats Majors des divers Batimens-du 
 
 
 
 
 
 Roi - - 
 
 U7^4'3i 
 
 88,341 
 
 29,060 
 
 
 Total dc la Dette publique de la Colonie - 
 
 4,942,416 
 
 ?,i39>"6 
 
 441,364 
 
 1,361,936
 
 t 206 3 
 
 ADDITIONAL TABLES, containing Information not 
 comprehended in the preceding j colledted by the Author 
 when at Cape Francois. 
 
 No. V. 
 
 TRADE of the French Part of St. Domingo with Old France. 
 
 Imports for the Year 1788. 
 
 
 
 
 Amount in Hifpaniola 
 
 Quantity. 
 
 Nature of Gcods. 
 
 
 Currency. 
 
 
 
 
 Liv. 
 
 186,759 
 
 Barrels of Flour, — 
 
 — 
 
 12,271,247 
 
 1,366 
 
 Quintals of Bifcuit, — 
 
 — 
 
 38,684 
 
 2^309 
 
 Ditto - - Cheefe, — 
 
 — 
 
 217,450 
 
 2,044 
 
 Ditto - - Wax Candles, 
 
 — 
 
 602,010 
 
 27,154 
 
 Ditto - - Soap, — 
 
 — 
 
 1,589,985 
 
 16,896 
 
 Ditto - - Tallow Candles, — 
 
 1,479,510 
 
 10,762 
 
 Ditto - - Oil, — 
 
 — 
 
 1,973,750 
 
 1.359 
 
 Ditto - - Tallow, — 
 
 
 55.770 
 
 121,587 
 
 Cafks of Wine, — 
 
 
 13,610,960 
 
 7,020 
 
 Cafes of D°, — 
 
 
 384,770 
 
 5,732 
 
 Caflcs of Beer, — 
 
 — 
 
 32^,175 
 
 6,174 
 
 Hampers of Beer, — 
 
 
 i57,3f'o 
 
 10,375 
 
 Cafes of Cordials, — 
 
 — 
 
 340,070 
 
 6,937 
 
 Ankers of Brandy, — 
 
 — 
 
 140,238 
 
 2,284 
 
 Ditto of Vinegar, — 
 
 
 23,7«4 
 
 19,457 
 
 Bafkets of Anifeed Liquor, 
 
 — 
 
 254,398 
 
 5^999 
 
 Quintals of Vegetables, 
 
 — 
 
 322,130 
 
 14.613 
 
 Cafes of preferred Fruit, 
 
 — 
 
 320,477 
 
 5,486 
 
 Quintals of Cod Filh, — 
 
 — 
 
 85,607 
 
 1,308 
 
 Ditto - - Salt Filh, — 
 
 — 
 
 26,700 
 
 17,219 
 
 Ditto - - Butter, — 
 
 ^- 
 
 1,650,150 
 
 24,261 
 
 Ditto - - Salt Beef, 
 
 — 
 
 998,300 
 
 14,732 
 
 Ditto - - Salt Pork, 
 
 
 i,'Oi,395 
 
 4,351 
 
 Ditto - - Ditto, — 
 
 — 
 
 376,560 
 
 1,627 
 
 Ditto - - Hams, — 
 
 — 
 
 177.340 
 
 
 Dry Goods, viz. Linens, Wc 
 
 .ol- 
 
 
 
 lens, Silks, Cottons, ;.nd Manu- 
 
 
 
 factures of all kinds. 
 
 — 
 
 39,008,600 
 
 
 Sundry other Articles, valued at - 
 Amount of all the Goods imported 
 
 8,685,600 
 
 
 06,414,040 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 Thefe
 
 ADDITIONAL TABLES. 207 
 
 No. V. continued. 
 
 Thefe Importations were made in 580 Veflels, meafuring together 
 189,679 Tons, or by Average 325 f Tons each Vefleli viz. 
 
 224 
 
 from Bourdeaux. 
 
 3 
 
 from Harfieur. 
 
 129 
 
 from Nantes. 
 
 1 
 
 from Cherbourg 
 
 90 
 
 from Marfeilles. 
 
 2 
 
 from Croific. 
 
 80 
 
 fiom Havre de Grace. 
 
 
 from Dieppe. 
 
 19 
 
 from Dunkirk. 
 
 
 from Rouen. 
 
 II 
 
 from St. Malo. 
 
 
 from Granville. 
 
 10 
 
 from Bayonne. 
 
 
 from Cette. 
 
 5 
 
 from La Rochelle. 
 
 J 
 
 from Rhedon. 
 
 Add to the 580 Veflels from France, 98 from the Coafl: of Africa, 
 and the French Part of Hilpaniola will be found to have employed 
 678 Veflels belonging to France in the year 1788. 
 
 No. VL 
 
 Foreign TRADE in 1788 (exclufive of the Spanifli.) 
 
 Imported by Foreigners (Spaniards excepted) to 
 
 the Amount of - - - - 6,821,707 Livres. 
 
 Exported by, the fame - - -4,409,922 
 
 Difference - - - 2,411,785 
 
 iV. S. This Trade employed 763 fmall Veflels, meafuring 55,745 
 Tons. The Average is 73 Tons each. Veflels from North Ame- 
 rica (American built) are comprehended in it j but there were alfo 
 employed in the North American Trade 45 French Veflels, mea- 
 furing 3,475 Tons (the Average 77 Tons each), which exported 
 to North America Colonial Produ^is, Value - 525,571 Livres.. 
 
 And imported in return Goods to the Amount of 465,081 
 
 Difference - . _ 60,490 
 
 Spanifli
 
 208—212 ADDITIONAL TABLES. 
 
 No. VI. continued. 
 Spanifh TRADE in 1788. 
 
 259 Spanifli VcO'els, meafuring 15,417 Tons, or 59 Tons each, im- 
 ported to the Amount of (chiefly Bullion) - 9,717,113 
 
 And exported Negro Slaves, and Goods, chiefly 
 
 European Manufaftures, to the Amount of - 5>587,5i5 
 
 Difference 
 
 - 4,129,598 
 
 N. B. This is exclufive of the inland Trade with the Spaniards, of 
 which there is no Account. 
 
 No. VII. 
 AFRICAN TRADE. 
 NEGROES imported into the French Part of Hispaniola, in 1788. 
 
 Ports of 
 Importation. 
 
 Port-au Prince 
 
 St. Marc - - 
 Leogane - - 
 Jcremie - 
 Cayes 
 Cape Francois 
 
 Men. 
 
 4.732 
 1,665 
 1,652 
 88 
 1,624 
 
 15.674 
 
 Women. 
 
 2,256 
 645 
 793 
 
 75 
 
 872 
 
 2,394 
 
 7,040 
 
 Boys. 
 
 Girls. 
 
 764 
 
 541 
 
 230 
 
 60 
 
 469 
 
 327 
 
 23 
 
 18 
 
 1,245 
 
 849 
 
 i>5i4 
 
 752 
 
 4>245 
 
 2>S47 
 
 Amount. 
 
 8.293 
 2,600 
 
 3.246 
 
 2 04 
 
 4j59o 
 10.573 
 
 29,506 
 
 Num. of 
 Veflels. 
 
 24 
 8 
 
 9 
 I 
 
 19 
 
 37 
 
 98 
 
 In 1787, 30,839 Negroes were imported into the French Part of St. 
 DomingO. 
 
 The 29,506 Negroes imported in 1788, were fold for 61,936,190 
 Livres (Hifpaniola Currency) which on an average is 2,099 liv. 2s. 
 each, being about £. 60. ftecling. 
 
 ADDITIONAL
 
 213 
 
 ADDITIONAL NOTES 
 
 AND 
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Chap. I. p. ii. 
 
 rHI S applies equally to all the European Colonies in America, CHAP. I, 
 and accordingly the aSlual condition of the Negroes in all p- n- 
 tho/e colonics y to -whatever nation they belongs is, I believe, nearly 
 the Jame, &c. 
 
 This is meant, however, rather as a |-^«^r^/ obfervation, than 
 a precife and accurate ftatement applicable to all cafes. Habit 
 alone has fo great an influence in national manners, as on feme 
 occafions to counteradl the plainefl di(ftates of felf-intereft. The 
 Dutch, for inftance, are, as I have heard, habitually a cruel and 
 unfeeling people. The ftate of flavery, therefore, in Surinam, 
 differs probably, in many refpedls, from the fame condition of 
 life both in the Britifli and Spanifh Weft Indies. Among the 
 Spaniards the fuperftitious obfervances of the Romifli Church 
 co-operate with the flothful difpofition of the white inhabi- 
 tants, to produce a great relaxation of difcipline. On the other 
 hand, the Dutch difregard all religious feftivals, and abhor idle- 
 nefs. Thefe cafes, however, are the oppofite extremes. 
 
 E e Chap.
 
 214 ADDITIONAL NOTES 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 p. 1 6. 
 
 Chap. II. p. i6. 
 
 T/je Society in France called Amis des Noirs, ivas, I Relieve, 
 originally formed on the model of a fimilar Affociation in Lon- 
 don, (3c. 
 
 Since the foregoing flieets were printed, I have met with a 
 work publifhed this prelent year (1796) at Paris, entitled, 
 Reflexions fur la Colonie de St, Domingiie ; the following paflagc 
 from which is given, as a ftriking illuflration of the foregoing 
 obfervation : fpeaking of the difcuffions which arofe in the 
 Britifli Parliament about the year 1789, concerning the Slave 
 Trade, the author continues thus : Les idees Anglaifes furent 
 un brandon lance au milieu de matieres combullibles, et elles 
 furent accueillies en France avec autant de fureur qu'on en 
 mettait precedemment a adopter fes ridicules et la forme dc 
 fes vetemens. Toute raifon de convenance et d'interet national 
 fut foulee aux pieds -, on fe precipita dans le pi^ge groflier tendu 
 a I'ignorance et a la prefomption, et Ton ne parut plus anime 
 que par la crainte d'etre precede par fes rivaux dans ce nouveau 
 champ de gloire. Soit que les imaginations malades ou forte- 
 ment ebranlees, fe repaiflent plus volontiers de chime'res que de 
 realite, foit que des agens fecrets fufTent charges de donner une 
 direftion a I'amour violent de la nouveaute, les cceurs refterent 
 fees & infenfibles au fpedlacle de la miiere dont les yeux etoient 
 journellement frappes, pour ne s'occuper exclufivement que de 
 
 maux 
 
 I
 
 AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 215 
 
 tnaux Imaginaires ou elolgnes, et fur lefquels on n'avoit que des CHAP. II. 
 idees vagues. Tous les maux de I'humanite furent I'ouvrage P- ^6. 
 des intrigans, de ces hommes mille fois plus funeftes a la fociete 
 que les brigands le plus feroces, &c. 
 
 Reflexions fur la Colonic de St. Domingue, torn. i. p. 72. 
 
 Chap. IIL p. 31. CHAP. III. 
 
 p- 3»- 
 AH that can be urged in extenuation^ feems to be that the cir- 
 
 cumjlances of the cafe were novel, and the Members of the Colonial 
 
 AJfembly unexperienced in the bufmefs of legijlation, &c. 
 
 A MOST able and elaborate defence of the Colonial Aflembly 
 was drawn up by one of its Members (Mr. de Pons) and pub- 
 liflied at Paris in November 1790, wherein (as far as general 
 rules will admit) the relation in which the Colony flood to the 
 Mother Country, and the rights that diftindlly appertained to 
 each party, confiftently with that due fubordination which was 
 due from the child to the parent, was clearly, and (with one 
 or two exceptions) I think very accurately defined. I fliall 
 prefent the reader with an extradl from this performance, not 
 only as illuftrating the cafe of St. Domingo, but as furnifl:iing 
 fome hints which the government and colonies of Great Bri- 
 tain may not find unworthy attention, if unhappily difputes fhall 
 hereafter arife between them, concerning the extents of jurifdic- 
 tion on the one hand, and the obligation to obedience on the 
 other. 
 
 Un
 
 ai'6 A D^D I T 10 N A L N O TE'S 
 
 CHAP^ill. Un principe d'cii foni^man^s tous les travaux de rAflembI&- 
 pv 31- dela Colonic,, iut. generalement adopte par tous fes Membrcs, 
 c'efl que les Colonies ne doivent interefler la Metropole, qu'ea 
 proportion des avantages qu'elles lui procurent. Cette confi- 
 deration-dut acquerir, dans I'elprit de tous les Colons, un ca- 
 radlere de legalits a tous les moyens qui pouvoient aflurer la.: 
 profperite da la Colonie,.6c augmenter fes rapports avec la mere- 
 patrie. 
 
 II auroit ete fans doute a ibuhaiter^ & II le ferolt blen plus 
 encore,, qu'une meme Loi put convenir a, tous les climats, a; 
 toute efpece de mceurs» a toutes les populations j mai$ mat- 
 heureufement les hommes ne font pas les memes par-tout;, 
 telle Loi qui convient dans un-endroit, feroit nuilible dans un 
 autre. 
 
 L'Affemblee gcnerale envifagea done la Conftitution de 
 Saint- Domingue fous trois rapports, toujours dirlg& d'apres fon 
 interet de refter unie a la Metropole> & d'apres la revolution de 
 J 'empire^ 
 
 1*. Coinine faifant partie integrante de rempire Frangols. 
 
 2*. Comme ebligec de concourir par fes produftions a li^ 
 profperite de I'Etat. 
 
 3T. Comme affujettie par la diflemblance de fon climat, de fe& 
 mceurs & de fa population, a des befoins particuliers & differens 
 d« ceux de la Metropole, 
 
 4. ! Division
 
 AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Division de la Constitution de Saint-Domingue. 
 
 Ces divers rapports firent divifer la Conftitiition convenable 
 a Saint-Domingue, 
 En Loix gcnerales j 
 En Loix communes, 
 Et en Loix particulieres. 
 
 Loix Generales. 
 
 Les Loix generales de I'empire, celles qui intereflent tous Ic5 
 Fran9ois, dans quelque coin de la terre qu'ils foient places, fu-^ 
 rent confiderecs comme obligatoires pour les Colonies, fans 
 aucun examen, fans aucune reftridlion. 
 
 Ces Loix font : la forme du Gouvernment, le fort de la 
 Couronne, la rcconnoiflance du Monarque, les Declarations de 
 guerre, les Traites de paix, I'organifation generale de la Police 
 6c de la Juftice, &c. &c. L'interet dcs Colonies fe trouvant a 
 cet egard confondu avec cclui de toute la Nation, I'Affemblee 
 Nationale a feule le droit de decreter ces Loix. 
 
 Loix Communes. 
 
 Les Loix communes font celles qui ont rapport aux relations 
 de la Metropole avec les Colonies ; c'eft un contrat par lequel 
 la France s'oblige de proteger & defendre les Colonies contre 
 les puifTimces etrangeres, de I'ambition defquelles elles devien- 
 iSroient I'objct. Cette protedlion ne devant ni ne pouvant etre 
 
 E f . gratuite. 
 
 CHAP. IIU 
 P- 31-
 
 2i8 ADDITIONAL NOTES 
 
 gratuite, les Colonies doivent en dedommager TEtat par les 
 aviintages du Commerce. Dela, le regime prohibitif dans ks 
 fers diiquel la deftinee les a condamncs a refter toujours ; & 
 quel que I'bit le degre de libertc dont jouiffe la Nation, les Co- 
 lonics feront toujours cfclaves du Commerce. Cell: une pofi- 
 tion politique abfolument inherente a leur pofition phylique, 
 ellcs n'en lailfent pas echapper le moindre murmure ; elles fa- 
 vent bien que leur qualite de Francois ne kur donne pas de 
 droit fur les deniers de I'Etat ; elles confentent done a ne rece- 
 voir que de la France tous les objets de confommation que fes 
 Manufactures & fon fol peuvent fournir ; elles foufcrivent en- 
 core a I'obligation de n'envoyer kurs denre'es qu'en France. 
 Ce qu'elles demandent, ce qu'on ne peut leur refufer, c'ell qu'en 
 confacrant ces conventions fondamentales, les abus que le re- 
 gime prohibitif en traine apres lui foient detruits. 
 
 LOIX PARTICUL I ERES OU REGIME INTERIEUR, 
 
 Les Loix particulieres font celles qui n'intereifent que les 
 Colonies. De grands motifs ont porte la Colonie de Saint- i 
 
 Domingue a s'en refer ver la formation : i'. il eft bien reconnu 
 que les Loix de Saint-Domingue ne peuvent etre faites ailleurs f, 
 
 que dans fon fein j cette verite fondamentale a echappe a fbn 
 ennemi le plus cruel. M. la Luzerne, dans fon memoire pre- 
 fente a I'AfTemblee Nationale, le 27 Odobre 1789, (N°. 2.) 
 difoit que les Colonies n'ont jamais pu etre regies par les memes 
 Loix que le Royaume, & qu'il a fallu toujours conferer le pou- 
 voira deux Adminiftrateurs de faire les Loix locales, parce qu'il 
 4 eft
 
 AND ILLUSTRATIONS. ai^ 
 
 .eft une infinite de convenances qu'on ne peut connoitre que fur CHAP. III. 
 Ics licux. p. 31. 
 
 Ce que I'Aflemblee generale s'eft refervee n'eft done que la 
 portion du pouvoir legiflatif qui refidoit, centre le droit des 
 hommes, dans les mains de deux fatrapes, que la Colonic n'in - 
 tereffe que par les richeflcs qu'ils en retirent pendant leur 
 triennat. 
 
 2*. II eft contraire aux principes conftitutionnels, que celui 
 qui fait la Loi n'y foit point affujetti. 
 
 Tous les hommes ont le droit de concourir a la formation 
 de la Loi a kquelle ils font aflujettis ; mais nul ne peut con- 
 courir a la formation de celle qui ne raffujettit pas. 
 
 Ce principe, feul egide dc la liberie individuellc, feul garant 
 de la bienfaifance de la Loi, n'a pas permis aux Colons de Saint- 
 Domingue de douter que I'Aflemble'e Nationalc, difpenfatricc 
 des bienfaits regenerateurs, n'approuvat cette difpofition qui af- 
 fure la profperite de Saint-Domingue. 
 
 En effet, il ne peut pas en etre des Loix locales des Sediions 
 cloignees de I'Empire, comme des Loix qui n'intereflent que la 
 France. 
 
 La Loi de'cretee pour le Royaume eft la meme pour tous les 
 Cantons. L'univerfalite des Deputes de rAiTemblce Nationale 
 eft intereifee a en examiner fcrupuleufement tous les rapports, 
 a en confiderer tous les avantages 6c tous les inconvenicns. De 
 forte que I'interet que tous ont a ce que la Loi, du vice de la- 
 
 F f 2 quelle
 
 220 ADDITIONAL NOTES 
 
 CHAP. III. quelle ils feroient eux- memos les vld:imes, ne fbit que le fnnt 
 P- 31- d'une longue meditation, & de reflexions longuement 6c foi- 
 gneufement difcutees, en aflure la QLgcffc 
 
 Les Loix particulieres de Saint-Domingue D'afTiijettifEint que 
 les habitans qui y refident ou qui y ont leurs fortunes, n'inte- 
 reffent dans rAffemblee Nationale q^ie les douze Deputes des 
 Colonies* 
 
 3°. Une des conditions eiTentlelles, a la bonte de la Loi, eft 
 que celui qui la fait, connoiife parfaitement les rapports qui doi- 
 vent la conftituer. Or, nul ne peut connoitre les particularites 
 locales que celui qui eft fur les lieux, parce q^ue ces memes par- 
 ticularites changent & varient ; & il faut que la Loi foit faite, 
 d'apres ces changemens, d'apres ces variations. 
 
 4°. II eft bien conftant que les liens de la Societe font les 
 pouvolrs etablis pour en fairc executer les conditions. 
 
 Le bonbeur de toute conftitution depend abfolument d'une 
 a6lion egale dans ces difl^erens pouvoirs ; c'eft cette ^galite feule 
 qui en maintient I'equilibre^ 
 
 II faut necefliiirement qu'il exifte a Sairrt-Dominque un pou- if 
 
 voir executif J car le malheur des Societes veut que la raifoa 
 n'aille jamais en politique qu'a cote de la foice^ Si ce pouvoir 
 n'eft balance par aucun autre, il finira par tout envahir, & par 
 fubftituer Toppreflion aux bienfaits de la regeneration a laquelle 
 la revolution aduelle donne a tous les Fran9ois le droit de pre- 
 tendre. II ne peut done etre eontenu dans fes bornes que par 
 
 una
 
 AND ILLUSTRATIONS. zzt 
 
 une mafTe proportionnee de -pouvoir legiHatif, dont il alt a re- CHAP. IK. 
 douter la furveillance. r- S'- 
 
 5°. Les prlncipes de rAflemblee Nationale s'oppofent a cs 
 qu'elle decrete la Conftitution particuliere de Saint- Dumingue. 
 Celle de la France a pour bafe la liberte, I'egalite ; celle de 
 Saint-Domingue rcpofe malheureufement fur la fervitude, & une 
 difliindlion de clalTes, d'ou depend la confervation de cette lu- 
 perbe Colonic. Tous les raifonnemens poflibles echoueront 
 centre cette verite. 
 
 Ces differentes obfervations, bien analyfe'es dans rAfTemble'e 
 generale, la railurerent fur la crainte qu'elle avoit de ne point fe 
 trouver d'accord avec les priiicipes de rAflemblee Nationale, 
 & de preter a la calomnie le pretexte dlnculper fes intentions. 
 
 Les difFc'rens Membres de rAflemblee generale etolent bien 
 eloignes de prevoir que I'heureufe revolution qui a porte la joie 
 6c I'enthouflafme dans les coeurs de tous les Franfois, finiroit 
 par porter a Saint-Domingue le deuil & la defolation. Qu'im- 
 porte a la France, quelque foit notre regime domeftique, pourvu 
 qu'il tende a augmenter les productions de la Colonic ? poufvu 
 que nous foyons aflTujettis aux Loix generales de I'Empire ? 
 pourvu que nous refpedlions les rapports commerciaux ? pourvu 
 que nous regardlons la lujetion de ne traiter qu'avec la France, 
 comme un jufl:e dedommagement de la prote(flion & des fecours 
 qu'elle nous accorde ? pourvu que nous executions les Decrets 
 de I'Aflemblce Nationale, en tout ce qui n'ell point contraire aui; 
 localite's. 
 
 II
 
 22^ ADDITIONAL NOTES 
 
 CHAP. Ill, II importe a la France que nous foyons heureux, que nou« 
 P' 31- ccnibmmions les denrees 6c les marchandijes qu'elle peut nous 
 founiir, &c que nous lui envoyions en echange beaucoup de 
 fucre, de cafe, d'indigo, de coton, de cacao, 6cc. Enfin, il lui 
 importe que la Conftitution de Saint-Domingue foit telle, 
 qu'elle unifTe pour jamais cette Colonic a la Metropole, & 
 qu'elle concoure, par fes richeffes, a la profperite de I'Etat. 
 
 D'apres ces reflexions, fimples & vraies, I'AfTemblee gene- 
 rale de Saint-Domingue pola fes bafes conftitutionnelles dans 
 fon Decret du 28 Mai (N°. 3.) 
 
 CHAP. IV. C II A p. IV. p. 49. 
 
 P- 49- } 
 
 Buppreffed it certainly was, and the miferable Oge hurried to im- v 
 
 mediate executioriy as if to prevent the further communication and 
 full difclofure of fo weighty afecret. 
 
 This is a very remarkable fa(5t, and leads to moil ferious re- 
 fledlions concerning the condudt of the French loyalifts in St. 
 Domingo; I lliall therefore prefent the reader with Oge's dying 
 declaration at length, as copied verbatim from the public re- 
 cords, when the difclofure was made nine months afterwards 
 to the Colonial AfTembly. 
 
 TESTAMENT 
 
 \
 
 AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 223 
 
 / CHAP. IV. 
 
 TESTAMENT DE MORT D'OGE. p.49. 
 
 ExTRAiT des minutes du Confeil Superieurdu Cap, Van mil 
 fept cent quatre-vingt-onze et le neuf mars, nous Antoine- 
 Etienne Ruotte, corfeiller du.roi, doyen au Confeil Superieur du 
 Cap, et Marie- Franfois Pourcherefie de Vertieres, aufli confeiller 
 du roiau Confeil Supeneur du Cap, commifTaires nommcs par la 
 cour, a I'effet de faire executer I'arret deladitecour,du 5 duprefent 
 mois, portant condamnation de mort contre le nomme Jacques 
 Oge, dit Jacquot, quarteron libre ; lequel, etant en la chambre 
 criminelle, ct apres le»Slure faite dudit arret, en ce qui le con- 
 cerne, a dit et declare, pour la decharge de fa confcience, fer- 
 ment prealablcment par lui.prete, la main levee devant nous, de 
 dire, verite. 
 
 Que dans le commencement du mois de fevrier dernier, fi les 
 rivieres n'avoient pas ete debordees, il devoitfe faire un attroupe- 
 ment de gens de couleur, qui devoient entrainer avec eux les 
 ateliers, et devoient venir fondre fur la ville du Cap en nombre 
 tres-confiderable; qu'ils etoient meme deja reunis au nombre 
 de onze mille hommes ; que le debordement des rivieres eft le 
 feul obftacle qui les a cmpeches de fe reunir^ cette quantite 
 d'hommes de couleur etant compofce de ceux du Mircbalais, de 
 lArtibonite, du Limbe, d'Ouanaminthe, de la Grande -Riviere, , 
 et generalement de toute la Colonie. Qu'a cette epoque, il 
 ^ait forti du Cap cent hommes de couleur pour fe joindre a cette 
 troupe. Que I'accufe eft affure que les auteurs de cette revoke 
 font les Declains, negres libres de la Grande-Riviere, accufes 
 
 au
 
 224 ADDITIONAL NOTES 
 
 CHAP. IV, au proems.; Dumas, n. ],; Yvon, n. 1. ; Bitozin, m. 1. efpagnol j 
 p. 49, Pierre Godard et Jean-Baptiile, Ton frere, n. 1. de la Grande- 
 Riviere; Legrand Mazeau et Touflaint Mazeau, n. 1.; Pierre 
 Mauzi, m.l.j Ginga Lapaire, Charles Lamadieu, les Sabourins, 
 Jean Pierre Goudy, Jofepli Lucas, mulatres libres; Maurice, 
 n. ].; tons accufes au proces. 
 
 Que les grands moteurs, au bas de la cote, font les nommes 
 Djguin, accufe au proces; Rebel, denieurant au Mirebalais; 
 Pinchinat, accufe au proces ; Labaftille, egalement accufe au 
 proces; et que i'accufe, ici prefent, croit devoir nous declarer 
 etre un des plus ardens partifans de la revoke, qui a mu en 
 grande partie celle qui a eclate dans les environs de Saint-Marc, 
 et qui cherche a en exciter une nouvelle ; qu'il y a dans ce mo- 
 ment plufieurs gens de couleur, dans differens quartiers, bien 
 refolus a tenir a leurs projets, malgre que ceux qui tremperoient 
 dans la revoke perdroient la vie ; que I'accufe, ici prefent, ne 
 peut pas fe reffouvenir du nom de tous ; mais qu'il fe rappelle que 
 le fils de Laplace, q. 1.; dont lui accufe a vu la fceur dans les 
 prifons, a quitte le Limbe pour aller faire des recrues dans le 
 quartier d'Ouanamlnthe; et que ces recrues et ces foulevemens 
 de gens de couleur font foutenus ici par la prefence des nommes 
 Fleury et I'Hirondelle Viard, deputes des gens de couleur aupres 
 de I'aflemblee nationale ; que lui accufe, ici prefent, ignore fi 
 les deputes fe tiennent chez eux ; qu'il croit que le nomme 
 Fleury fe tient au Mirebalais, et le nomme I'Hirondelle Viard 
 dans le quartier de la Grande-Riviere. 
 
 Que
 
 AND ILLUSTRATION'S. 225 
 
 Que kii accufe, ici prefent, declare que I'infurredion des re- CHAP. IV. 
 voltes exifte dans les fouterrains qui fe trouvent eiitre la Crete P- 49- 
 a Marcan et le Caaton du Giromon, paroilfe de la Grande- 
 Riviere ; qu'en confequence, d lui accufe pouvoit etre conduit 
 fur les lieux, il fe feroit fort de prendre les chefs des revokes ; 
 que I'agitation dans laquclle il fe trouve, relativement a {\.i poli- 
 tion adluelle, ne lui permet pas de nous donner des details plus 
 circonftancies ; qu'il nous les domiera par la fuite, lorfqu'il fcra 
 un peu pkis tranquil j qu'il lui vient en ce moment a I'eiprit 
 que le nomme Caftaing:, mulatre libre de cette dependance ; ne 
 le trouve compris en aucune maniere dans I'aftaire adtuelle; mais 
 que lui accufe, nous afTure que fi fon frere Oge eiit fuivi Tim- 
 pulfion dudit Caftaing, il fe feroit porte a de bien plus grandes 
 extremites; q'li eft tout ce qu'il nous a dit pouvoir nous declarer 
 dans ce moment, dont lui avons donne a6te, qu'il a figne avec 
 nous et le greffier. 
 
 Signe a la minute J. OGE', RUOTTE, POURCHERESSE 
 DE VERTIERES, et LANDAIS, greffier. 
 
 ExTRAiT des minutes du grefFe du Confeil Superieur du Cap, 
 Tan mil fept cent quatre-vingt-onze, le dix mars, trois heures 
 de relevee, en la chambre criminelle, nous Antoine-Etienne 
 Ruotte, confeillcr du roi, doyen du Confeil Superieur du Cap, 
 et Marie-Francois-Jofeph de Vertieres, aufli confeiller du roi 
 audit Confeil Superieur du Cap, commifTaires nommes par la 
 cour, fuivant arret de ce jour, rendu fur les conclufions du pro- 
 cureur gene'ral du roi de ladite cour, a I'effet de proceder au re- 
 colement de la declaration fiiite par le nomme Jacques Oge, q.l.;-' 
 
 G g lequel, 
 
 I
 
 226 ADDITIONAL NOTES 
 
 CHAP. rv. lequel, apres ferment par lui fait, la main levee devant nous de 
 p. 49. dire la verite, et apres lui avoir fait ledlure, par le greffier, de la 
 declaration du jour d'hier, I'avons interpelle de nous declarer fi 
 ladite declaration contient verite, s'il veut n'y rien ajouter, n'y 
 diminuer, et s'il y perfifte. 
 
 A repondu que ladite declaration du jour d'hier contient 
 verite, qu'il y perfifte, et qu'il y ajoute que les deux Didiers 1 
 
 freres, dont I'un plus grand que I'autre, mulatres ou quarterons 
 libres, ne les ayant vu que cette fols -, Jean-Pierre Gerard, m. 1. 
 du Cap, et Caton, m. 1. auffi du Cap, font employes a gagner 
 les ateliers de la Grande-Riviere, qu'ils font enfemble de jour,- 
 et que de nuit ils font difperfes. 
 
 Ajoute encore que lors de fa confrontation avec Jacques Lucas, 
 il a ete dit par ce dernier, que lui accufe, ici prefent, I'avoit me- 
 nace de le faire pendre ; a quoi, lui accufe, a re'pondu audit 
 Jacques Lucas, qu'il devoit favoir pourquoi que ledit Jacques 
 Lucas n'ayant pas infifte, lui accufe n'a pas declare le motif de 
 cette menace, pour ne pas perdre ledit Jacques Lucas ; qu'il 
 nous declare les chofes comme elles fe font pafTees j que- ledit 
 Lucas lui ayant dit qu'il avoit fouleve les ateliers de M. Bonamy 
 et de divers autres habitans de la Grande-Riviere, pour aller 
 egorger I'armee chez M. Cardineau j qu'au premier coup de 
 corne, il etoit fur que ces ateliers s'attrouperoient et fe join- 
 droient a la troupe des gens de couleur; alors lui accufe, tenant 
 aux blancs, fut revoke de cette barbaric, et dit au nomme Jac- 
 ques Lucas, que I'auteur d'un pareil projet meritoit d'etre pendu ; 
 qu'il eut a I'inftant a faire rentrer les negrcs qu'il avoit appofte 
 
 dans
 
 AND ILLUSTRATIONS. zif 
 
 dans differens coins avec des cornes ; que lui accufe, ici prelcnt, CHAP. IV. 
 nous declare qu'il a donne audit Lucas trois pomponelles de tatia, p- 49- 
 trois bouteilles de vin et du pain ; qu'il ignoroit I'ufagc que 
 ledit Lucas en fiiifoit ; que la troifiemc fois que ledit Lucas en 
 vint chercher j lui accufe, ici prefent, lui ayant demande ce qu'il 
 failbit de ces boillbns et vivres j ledit Lucas repondit que c'etoit 
 pour les negres qu'il avoit difperfe de cote et d'autre ; que ce 
 qui prouve que ledit Lucas avoit le projet de foulever les negres 
 elblaves contre les blancs, et de faire egorger ces derniers par leJ 
 premiers ; c'eft la propofition qu'il fit a Vincent Oge, frere dc 
 lui accufe, de venir fur I'habitation de lui Jacques Lucas, pour 
 etre plus a portee de fe joindre aux negres qu'il avoit debauche ; 
 que fi lui accufe n'a pas revele ces faits a fa confrontation avec 
 ledit Jacques Lucas, c'eft qu'il s'eft apper^u qu'ils n'etoient pas 
 connus, et qu'il n'a pas voulu le perdre ; qu'il a du moinsla fatis- 
 fadlion d'avoir detourne ce crime horrible et cannibale ; qu'il 
 s'etoit referve de reveler enjuftice, lors de fon ^largifTementj 
 que ce meme Lucas eft celui qui a voulu couper la tete a deux 
 blancs prifonniers, et notamment au fieur Belifle, pour lui avoir 
 enleve une femme ; que Pierre Roubert ota le fabre des mains 
 de Jacques Lucas, et appella Vincent Oge, fr^re de lui accufe, 
 ici prefent, qui fit des remontrances audit Lucas j que cepejidant 
 ces prifonniers ont declares enjuftice que c'etoit lui accufe qui 
 avoit eu ce deflein ; que meme a la confrontation ils le lui ont 
 foutenu } mais que le fait s'etant palfe de nuit, Iclllits prifonniers 
 ont pris, lui accufe, pour ledit Lucas, tandis que lui accufe n'a 
 cede de les combler d'honnetetes ; qu'a la confrontation, lui accufe 
 a cru qu'il ctoit fuftifantde dire que ce n'etoit pas lui, et d'affir- 
 mer qu'il n'avoit jamais connu cette femme ; mais qu'aujourd'- 
 
 G g 2 hul
 
 228 ADDITIONAL NOTES 
 
 CHAP. IV. hui il fe croyoit oblige, pour la decharge de fa confcience, de 
 p. 49. nous rendre les faits tels qu'ils font, et d'infifter a jurer qu'il ne 
 I'a jamais connue. 
 
 Ajoute I'accufe que le nomme Fleury et Perifle ; le pre- 
 mier, I'un des deputes des gens de couleur pres de I'alTemblee 
 rationale, font arrives en cette Colonic par un batiment Borde- 
 lais avec le nomme I'Hirondelle Viard ; que le capitaine a mis 
 les deux premiers a Acquin, chez un nomme Dupont, homme de 
 couleur ; et le nomme I'Hirondelle Viard, egalement depute des 
 gens de couleur, au Cap. Ajoute encore I'accufe, qu'il nous avoit 
 declare, le jour d'hier, que le nomme Laplace, dont le pere efl ici 
 dans les prifons, faifant des recrues a Ouanaminthe, eft du nom- 
 bre de ceux qui ont marche du Limbe contre le Cap j que 
 pour eloigner les foupcons, il eft alle au Port-Margot, ou il s'eil 
 tenu cache plufieurs jours, feignant d'avoir une fluxion -, que 
 ledit Laplace pere a dit, a lui accufe, qu'il etoit fur que fori, 
 voifin, qui eft un blanc, ne depofera pas contre lui, malgre qu'il 
 fache toutes fcs demarches -, qu'il etoit afTure que le nomme 
 Girardeau, detenu en prifon, ne declareroit rien, parce qu'il etoit 
 trop fon ami pour le decouvrir ; qu'enfuite, s'il le denoncoit, i! 
 feroit force d'en denoncer beaucoup d'autres, tant du Limbe' que 
 des autres quartiers. 
 
 Obferve I'accufe que lorfqu'il nous a parle des moycns em- 
 ployes par Jacques Lucas pour foulever ks negres efclaves, il a 
 omis de nous dire que Pierre Maury avait envoye une trentaine 
 d'efclaves chez Lucas ; que lui accufe, avec I'agrement d'Oge le 
 jeune, fon frere, les renvuya, ce qui occafionna une plainte gene- 
 xale, les gens de couleur difant que c'etoit du renfort ; que lui 
 
 accufe
 
 AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 229 
 
 accufe eut meme a cette occafion une rixe avec le plus grand CHAP. IV. 
 des Didiers, avec lequel il inanqua de fe battre au piftolet, pour P- 49* 
 vouloir lui foutenir qu etant libre et cherchant a etre aflimile 
 aux blancs, il n'etoit pas fait pour etre aflimile aux ne- 
 gres efclaves -, que d'ailleurs foulevant les efclaves, c'etoit 
 detruire les proprietes des blancs, et qu'en les detruifant, ils 
 detruifoient les leurs propres j que depuis que lui accufe etoit 
 dans les prifons, il a vu un petit billet ecrit par ledit Pierre 
 Maury a Jean-Franfois Teflier, par lequel il lui njarque qu'il 
 continue a ramafler, et que le negre nomme Coquin, a la dame 
 veuve Callaing ainee, arme d'une paire de pifliolet garni en ac- 
 gent et d'une manchette que ledit Maury lui a donne, veille a 
 tout ce qui fe pafle, et rend compte tous les foirs audit Maury; 
 qui eft tout ce que I'accufe, ici prefent, nous declare, en nous 
 coujurant d'etre perfuades que, s'il lui ctoit poflible d'obtenir 
 mifericorde, il s'expoferoit volontiers a tousles dangers pour faire 
 arretcr les chefs de ces revokes; qt que dans toutes les circon- 
 ftances, il prouvera fon zcle et fon refpecft pour les blancs. 
 
 Lecture a lui faite de fa declaration, dans laquelle il perfifte 
 pour contenir verite, lui en donnons acfle, qu'il a fignc avec nou& 
 et le grcffier. 
 
 Signe a la minute J. OGE', RUOTTE, POUGHERESSES 
 DE VERTIERES, et LANDAIS, greffier. '-'-'- 
 -') ! ' I' Pour expedition collationee, figne LANDAIS, greffier. 
 
 ■'''!' .' .' • 
 
 A COPY of the preceding document, the exiftencc of which 
 
 I had often heard of, but very much doubted, was tranfmitted 
 
 to
 
 230 ADDITIONAL NOTES 
 
 to mc from St. Domingo in the month of July 1795, Inclofed 
 in a letter from a gentleman of that ifland, whofe attachment 
 to the Britith cannot be fufpedted, and whofe means of infor- 
 mation were equal to any: This Letter is too remarkable to 
 be omitted, and I hope, as I conceal his name, that the writer 
 will pardon its publication: It here follows, 
 
 Je vous envoye ci joint, le teftamcnt de Jaques Oge execute 
 au Cap le 9 Mais 179 1. Voici mes reflexions fur les dates et 
 les faits: j' 
 
 1°. Jaques Oge depofc le projet connu de'puis long terns 
 par les Brilfotins dont il etoit un des Agents. II nomme 
 les chefs des Mulatres, qui dans toutes les parties de la 
 Colonic devoient executer un plan digne des Suppots de 
 I'enfer. 
 
 2°* II depofe que I'abondance des pluies et les crues 
 des rivieres avoient empeche I'execution du projet au mois 
 de fevrier. 
 
 3°. II declare que fi on veut lui accorder mifcricorde, 
 II s'expofera aux dangers de faire arreter les chefs. 
 
 Oge eft execute, avec vingt de fes complices, le 9 Mars 1791. 
 Son teftament eft garde fecret jufqu'a la fin de 1791 (apres 
 I'incendie generale de la partie du Nord) qu'un arrete de I'Af- 
 femblee Coloniale oblige imperieufement le Greffier du Confeil 
 du Cap a en delivrer des copies. Que conclure? Hela», que 
 les coupables font aufli nombreux qu' atroces et cruels ! 
 
 * 
 
 i"'. Coupables : 1
 
 AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 231 
 
 1*". Coupables: Les hommes de couleur nommcs par la de- CHAP. IV. 
 pofition d'Oge. P- 49* 
 
 2. (et au moins autant s'ils ne font plus) Le Confeil du Cap, 
 qui a ofe faire executer Oge, et qui a garde le fecret lur fes de.- 
 pofitions fi interreflantes. 
 
 3. Le General Blanchelande et tous les chefs militaires qui 
 non pas fait arreterfur le champ toutes les perfonnes de Couleur 
 nommes par Oge et ne les ont confrontes avec leur accufateur. 
 Mais non: on a precipite I'execution du malheureux Oge; on 
 a garde un fecret dont la publicite fauvoit la Colonic. On a 
 laiffe libres tous les chefs des revokes; on les a laifle pour 
 fuivre leurs projets dellrudtifs. 
 
 Si les Chefs niilitaires, le confeil, les magiftrats civils, avoient 
 fait arreter au mois de Mars 1791, les inulatres Pinchinat, 
 Caftaing, Viard, et tous les autres, ils n'auroient pas pu con- 
 fomer leur crime le 25 Aout fuivant. Les Regimens de Nor- 
 mandie et d'Artois qui venoient d' arriver de France, ctoient 
 afles forts pour arreter tous les gens de couleur coupables, et 
 s'ils ne I'avoient pas ete, et que ce fut le motif, qui eut em- 
 peche Blanchelande d'agir, pourquoi Blanchelande envoya til, 
 au mois de Mai 1791, des troupes de lignesque lui envoyoit de 
 la Martinique, M. de Behague ? 
 
 La ferie de tous ces faits prouve evidcment la coalition des 
 contrc revolutionaires avec les Mulatres, dont ils ont ete la dupe,, 
 et la vidlimc apres I'arrivec des Commiflaircs Polvercl et San- 
 thonax. 
 
 Chap.
 
 232 ADDITIONAL NOTES 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 p, 56. 
 
 Chap. V. p. 56. 
 
 Mauduk jlarted back, ^c.—^while not a Jingle hand ivas lifted 
 up in his defence. 
 
 In this laft particular I was mifinformed, and rejoice that 
 I have an opportunity of correfting my miftake. The fol- 
 lowing detail of that bloody tranfadtion has been tranlmitted to 
 me from St. Domingo fmce the firfl flieets were printed : " Les 
 grenadiers du regiment de Mauduit, et d'autres voix parties de 
 la foule, demandent que le Colonel faffe reparation a la garde 
 nationale. On exige qu'il fafle des excufes pour I'infulte qu'il 
 lui a fait. II prononce les excufes qu'on lui demande; fes 
 grenadiers ne font points fatisfaits, ils veulent qu'il les fafle a 
 genoux. Une rumeur terrible fe fait entendre : ce fut alors que 
 plufieurs citoyens, meme de ceux que Mauduit avoit le plus vexe, 
 fendent la foule, et cherchent a le fouftraire au mouvement qui 
 fe preparoit. On a vu dans ce moment le brave Beaufoleil, 
 apres avoir etc atteint d'un coup de feu a I'affaire du 29 au 30 
 Juillet, en defendant le comite ffee page 34) recevoir un coup 
 de sabre en protegeant les jours de Mauduit. On peut rendre 
 jullice aufli a deux officiers de Mauduit: Galefeau et Germain 
 n'ayant pas abandonne leur Colonel jufqu'au dernier moment j 
 mais I'indignation des foldats etoit a fon comble, ct il n'etoit 
 plus temps. 
 
 Mauduit prefle par fes grenadiers, de s'agenouiller pour 
 demander pardon a la garde nationale, et refufant conflamment 
 
 de 

 
 AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 235 
 
 de s'y ibumettre, re9ut un coup de sabre a la figure, qui le CHAP. V. 
 terrafla; un autre grenadier lui coupa a I'inflant la tete, qui Jut P- S6. 
 fortce ail bout d'une bayonnette. Alors le reflentiment des foldats 
 et des matelots livres a eux mcmes, n'eut plus de bornes: lis fe 
 tranfporterent chez Mauduit, ou ils trainerent fon corps, tout y 
 fut brife, rompu, meubles &c. on decarela ineme la maifon, 
 &c. &c. 
 
 Chap. VI. p. 77- CFJAP. VI. 
 
 P- 77- 
 // iims computed that, loitbin tivo months after the revolt began, 
 upwards of 2,000 white perfons had been majjacred, &c. 
 
 In the month of O^lober 1791 the Colonial AlFembly of 
 St- Domingo fent two Commiflioners (Mefs. Raboteau and Lc~ 
 moine) to negociate a loan of money in the Ifland of Jamaica, 
 on the fecurity of their internal taxes and port duties. As aa 
 Ad: of Aflembly was neceflary to give efFedt to the meafure, it 
 was propofed in the houfe, by the author of this work, to advance 
 on this occafion /^. 100,000 of the publick money, but the mo- 
 tion was over-ruled by a majority. The houfe however or- 
 dered the Receiver General to advance the French Commiflioners 
 ^-10,000 Sterling on the fecurity of bills drawn by the Colonial 
 Government on the treafury of France j but this offer was de- 
 clined by the Colonial Affembly. \\\ the courfe of this bufinefs 
 the French CommifTioners were examined at the bar, and from 
 the examination of one of thofe gentlemen I have felefted fome 
 
 H h of
 
 234 
 
 ADDITIONAL NOTES 
 
 CHAP. VI. of the particulars given in the text. It is a curious and impor- 
 P- 77- tant document ; and conceiving that ibme of my readers will 
 not be difpleafed to have an opportunity of perufing the whole, 
 I have fubjoined it, as follows : 
 
 " On the i6th of Oftoberlaft (1791) when I left Cape Fran- 
 cois, 182 fugar plantations, and 950 coffee, cotton, and indigo 
 fettlements had been plundered and deflroyed, and the buildings 
 thereof burnt down ; one hundred thoufand flaves^ as far as can 
 be computed, were in rebellion, and the men of Colour in a flate 
 of infurreftion in every part of the Colony except round the 
 Cape. All the whites that fell into their hands were indifcrimi- 
 rately murdered, and about i,20Q families reduced to fuch a 
 dreadful ftate of mifery, that they were forced to receive their 
 clothing and fufiftance either from public or private charity. 
 
 ** The lofs In this year's crop was eftimated at 66,000,000 * 
 St. Domingo livres, which are nearly equal to £. 2,650,000 
 of the currency of Jamaica. The value of the capital could 
 not then be afcertained, but it muft amount to an immenfe 
 fum, ccnlidering the lofs of flock, flaves, and buildings. 
 
 " Since I left the town of the Cape, the rebellion has cxtended 
 itfelf to the eaftern parts of the plain, and 246 coffee fettle- 
 tlements and a few fugar plantations have been deftroyed ; this 
 will add about £. 300,000 -f- Jamaica currency to the lofs of this 
 year's crop. 
 
 * Nearly jT. 1,900,000 fterlijig. 
 2 
 
 •^ j[, 210,000 fterling. 
 
 "The
 
 AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 235 
 
 " The lafl accounts I have received from St. Domingo inform CHAP. VI. 
 ine, that detachments of regulars and militia have fucceeded in ^'J T' 
 furprifing and difpcrfing fevcral negro encampments, in con- 
 fequence of which a few gangs of flaves have returned to their 
 maflers' eflates; but thefe advantages have occafioned extreme 
 fatigue to our troops, though they have not been able to reduce 
 even the fixth part of the rebels. 
 
 *' The quarters of Doudon and Grande Riviere are occupied 
 by fuch a number of rebels, that without a larger body of 
 troops than we are poirelfed of, we cannot attempt to attack 
 them with any hope of fuccefs. 
 
 " We are reduced to remain rtuit up as it were within the 
 town of the Cape, and it is with great difficulty that we can 
 man the line of pofts which are necefiary to prevent the rebels 
 from attacking the weftern and fouthern parts of the ifland. 
 Notwithflanding the adivity of our troops, a body of the rebels 
 found means to pafs thofe ports, in order to fpread their ravages 
 in the mountains of L'artibonite, called Les Cahos; the inha- 
 bitants whereof have united their forces to repulfe and ftop 
 them, but after killing a few, the reft efcaped into the woods, 
 and there is reafon to apprehend that the rebellion may foon 
 extend itfelf to that part of the illand, which would in a few 
 days become a prey to a general conflagration. 
 
 ** At this junfture we received a copy of the decree of the 
 national afl'embly of the 24th of September laft, whereby our 
 rights are acknowledged ; but we fear too late. We have only 
 
 H h 2 a copy
 
 236 ADDITIONAL NOTES 
 
 CHAP. VI. a copy of the decree, it has not been received officially, no 
 P' 77- troops are yet arrived to enforce the execution of it ; and that 
 decree may, in our critical circumftances, add to our calamities, 
 inafmuchas the free people of colour, knowing the enormity of 
 their crimes, declare that they will fooner perifli than fubmit 
 to this laft decree ; they are again forming a camp in the parilh 
 of La Croix des Bouquets, near Port au Prince, and every hour 
 I dread to hear of their having commenced hoftilities againft 
 the white inhabitants ; if fo, our ruin is inevitable. 
 
 " If this fliould unfortunately be the cafe, your Ifland, Gentle- 
 men, would of courfe be expofed to fmiilar deftrudlion, as the 
 fuccefs of our flaves would induce your own to rebel againft 
 you. 
 
 " Negroes have not fufficient refolution to encounter the 
 whites in the field of battle ; but no men bear with greater for- 
 titude hunger, pain, and fatigue, when once their imagination is 
 heated, and their refolution fettled j we have amongft: us men, 
 who, pretending to be philanthropifts, have preached freedom 
 even to our flaves ; thefe men are connefted with men of weight 
 and fortune in Old France, by whom they are greatly encou- 
 raged, and who are alfo connedled with the philanthropifts in ^ 
 Great Britain, yr^;/z iv/jofe coyiduBy indeed, the jirji example was 
 taken ; and I moft fincerely pray, that this ifland may not be 
 expofed to the fame evils as have refulted amongft us from 
 fuch an enormous mifmterpretation and mifapplication of phi- 
 lanthropical principles. 
 
 <t 
 
 The
 
 AND ILLUSTRATIONS. i^y 
 
 •' The means left us for our defence are but few and feeble, CHAP. VI. 
 and it is indeed furprifing that we have been able to refift our P- 77- 
 enemies for fo long a time ; we owe much to the power of opi- 
 nion, and to the fuperiority the negroes have been accuflomed 
 to yield to the whites. The forces we have to defend every part 
 of the colony, confifls of about looo men of the regiments of 
 Artois and Normandy ; 700 of the regiment of the Cape, in- 
 cluding the fick, who are in great number; 1200 flipendiary 
 troops, paid by ourfelvcs ; and 6000 or 7000 militia, which 
 have been without the leaft difcipline or order ever iince our 
 fatal political divifions. Our maritime force confifls in one 
 fliip of 74 guns, two frigates, and two Hoops of war. 
 
 " It is with fuch feeble means that we are to face the free 
 people of colour, and the flaves in rebellion. We have applied 
 for relief to our neighbours and allies, the Spaniards ^ but it has 
 been refufed by the Spanifh gevernment, with inhumanity and 
 infult ; private men among them, and fome of the commanding 
 officers on the lines between us and them, appear to have fecond- 
 ed the rebels, by fupplying them with ammunition, and by deliver- 
 ing into their hands fome of the wretched inhabitants, who hadjled 
 to them for refuge. 
 
 " Our publick treafury is not only free of debt, but there is 
 even money due to it, yet it is abfolutely empty ; it being im- 
 poffible at prefent to colledl the taxes, or othcrwife to provide 
 for the vaft expence occafioned by the war, and the neceflity of 
 giving relief to unfortunate families in want. 
 
 "The
 
 238 ADDITIONAL NOTES 
 
 CHAP. VI. *' The date of our monthly expences is nearly as follows : 
 
 y^^Ly-^ 3000 regular troops, at 3 livres a-day, is 9000 
 
 livres a-day, equal />cr month to - - 270,000 
 
 4000 men, women, and children at public allow- 
 ance, at 2 livres a-day, is per month - - 240,000 
 
 Expences of officers, clothing, arms, ammuni- 
 tion, &c. - - . - _ 410,000 
 
 Total Livres - 920,000 
 
 of St. Domingo currency, or about ^T. 34, 166 * Jamaica cur- 
 rency per month, without including feveral other extraordinary 
 expences, fuch as that of adminiftration, rewards, maritime ex- 
 peditions, &c. 
 
 " Were we deprived of the neceflary funds to pay our troops, 
 and to fupply them with provifions, they foon would join the 
 mulattoes, and we fhould be ruined without any refource. The 
 forces which are expedted from Europe would arrive too late ; 
 and they could then only revenge, and not defend us. 
 
 " RABOTEAU." 
 
 Chap, VII. p. 85. 
 
 Thefociety of Amis des Noirs reforted without fcruph to thofe mea^ 
 fures which their fellow labourers in London fill he/it ated to adopt. 
 
 Je repeterai eternellement que c'eft a vous, zelateurs de 
 philantropie ! qu' appartient I'honneur de ces bouleverfements: 
 
 * £. 24,500 fterling. 
 
 c'efl:
 
 239 
 
 p. 142. 
 
 AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 e'eft a vous feuls que Ton doit Ic dcperlffement des rcfTources 
 nationales. Si vous n'aviez pas fapp^ jufqu'aux fondemens la 
 plus brilUante colonic de I'univers, &cc. ficc. 
 
 Reflexions fur la Colonic de St. Dofningiie, torn. 2. p. 66. 
 
 C H A p. X. p. 142. CHAP. 
 
 X. 
 
 They declared by proclamation all tna?iner of Jlavery abolified^ 
 
 &c. — This proceeding was ratified in February, followed by 
 
 the National Convention in a Decree, of which follows a Copy. 
 
 Decret de la Convention Nationale, du 16 Jour de Plu- 5 Feb. 
 vi6fe; an fecond de la Republique Franfaife, une et indivi- *"94' 
 fibk. 
 
 La Convention Nationale declare que I'efclavage des Negres 
 dans toutes les Colonies eft aboli; en confequence elle decrete 
 que tous le hommes, fans diftindlion de couleur, domicilies dans 
 les Colonies, font citoyens Fran9ais, et jouiront de tous les droits 
 afiures par la conftitution. 
 
 Elle renvoie au comite de falut public, pour lui faire in- 
 cefTament un rapport fur les mefures a prendre pour affurer 
 Icxecution du prefent decret. 
 
 Vif(^ par les infpeileurs. Signi 
 
 Auger, 
 
 Cordier, 
 
 S. E. Monnel. 
 
 CoIIationnc
 
 240 ADDITIONAL NOTES 
 
 Collationne a I'original, par nous prefident et fecretaires de 
 la Convention Nationaie, a Paris le 22 Germinal, an iecond 
 de la Republique Fran9aife une et indivifible. Signe, Amar, 
 Prefident. A. M. Baudot. Monnot. Ch. Pettier, et PeylTard, 
 Secretaires. 
 
 As moft of the French iflands fell into poffeffion of the Eng- 
 liHi foon after that this extraordinary decree was promulgated, 
 the only place where it was attempted to be enforced, was in 
 the fouthern province of St. Domingo, and the mode of en- 
 forcing it, as I have heard, was as Angular as the decree itfelf. 
 The negroes of the feveral plantations were called together, 
 and informed t/jat they were all a free people, and at liberty to 
 quit the fervice of their mailers whenever they thought proper. 
 — They were told however, at the fame time, that as the Re- 
 publick wanted foldiers, and the ftate allowed no man to be 
 idle, fuch of them as left their maflers, would be compelled to 
 enlift in one or other of the black regiments then forming". 
 At firft many of the negroes accepted the alternative, and en- 
 lilled accordingly; but the reports they foon gave of the rigid 
 difcipline and hard fare to which they were fubjed;, operated in 
 a furprifmg manner on the reft, in keeping them more than 
 ufually quiet and induftrious ; and they requeued that no change 
 might be made in their condition. 
 
 Chap.
 
 AND OBSERVATIONS. 241 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 Chap. X. p. 143. _ p- 143- 
 
 Of the revolted negroes in the Northern province y many had 
 pcrijhed of difeafe and famine, &c. 
 
 From the vaft number of negroes that had fallen in battle, 
 and the flill greater number that periflied from the caufes above 
 mentioned, it was computed in the year 1793 that this clafs of 
 people at that period had fuftained a diminution of more than 
 one hundred thoufand. fRefexions fur la Colonie, &c. torn. 2. 
 p. 217.) Since that time the mortality has been ftill more 
 rapid, and, including the lofs of whites, by licknefs and emigra- 
 tion, I do not believe that St. Domingo at this jundlure (June 
 1796) contains more than two fifths of the whole number of 
 inhabitants (white and black) which it poffefTed in the beginning 
 of 1791. — According to this calculation upwards of 300,000 
 human beings have miferably periflied in this devoted country 
 within the laft fix years ! 
 
 Chap. X. p. 147. CHAP. X. 
 
 p. 147. 
 The propofitions , or terms of capitulation, had been previoujly ad- 
 jujied between the people ofjeremie, by their Agent, Mr. Charmilly, 
 amd General Williamfon, &c. 
 
 As I conceive that thefe articles were drawn up in England, 
 and adjufted with the King's minifters previous to Mr. Char- 
 
 I i milly's
 
 242 ADDITIONAL NOTES 
 
 CHAP, X. milly's return from thence, I fliall prefent them to the reader, 
 P- H7- The paffages which I have printed in italick are remarkable. 
 
 Terms of Capitulation propofed by the Inhabitants 
 of La Grande Anfe (including the garter at feremie) 
 reprefented by Monf.de Charmillyypoftfed of full powers 
 by a CommiJJioJi from the Council of Public Safety of the 
 aforefaid Place, dated the iSfh of Atigufl 1793, and pre- 
 fented to his 'Excellency Major General WilUamfon, his 
 Majejlys Lieutenant Governor of famaica, for his Ac^ 
 ceptaiice. 
 
 Article I. 
 That the proprietors of St. Domingo, deprived of all recourfe 
 to their lawful Sovereign to deliver them from the tyranny under 
 which they now groan, implore the proteftion of his Britannick 
 Majefty, and take the oath of fidelity and allegiance to him j 
 and fupplicate him to take their colony under his proteilion, and 
 to treat them as good and faithful fubjeds till a general peace ; 
 at which period they fliall be finally fubjefted to the terms then 
 agreed upon between his Britannick Majefty, the Government of 
 Prance, and the Allied Powers, with refpedl to the Sovereignty 
 of St. Domingo. — Anfwer. Granted. 
 
 Art. II. That till order and tranquillity are reflored at St. 
 Domingo, the Governor appointed by his Britannick Majefty ^; 
 
 flmll have full power to regulate and diredl whatever meafures \ 
 
 of Safety and Police he fliall judge proper. — Anf. Granted. 
 
 Art. III. That no one fliall be moleftied on account of any 
 anterior diflurbances, except thofe who are legally accufed, in 
 
 fome 
 
 I 
 
 i
 
 AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 243 
 
 fome Court of Juftice, of having committed murder, or of CHAP. X. 
 having deftroyed property by fire, or of having inftigated others P- H7- 
 to commit thofe crimes. — Anf. Granted. 
 
 Art. IV. That the Mulattoes fliall have all the privileges 
 enjoyed by that clafs of inhabitants in the Britifh iflands.— 
 Anf. Granted. 
 
 Art. V. That if, at the conclufion of the war, the colony re- 
 mains under the Sovereignty of his Britannick Majefty, and order 
 is cftablifhed therein ; in fuch cafe, the laws refpefting pro- 
 perty and all civil rights, which -were in force in the /aid colony 
 before the Revolution in France, foall be preferved : neverthelefs, 
 until a Colonial Aflembly can be formed, his Britannick Majeity 
 fliall have the right of determining provifionally upon any mea- 
 fures which the general good and the tranquillity of the colony 
 may require ; but that no Affembly fliall be called till order is 
 eftabliflied in every part of the colony; and, till that period, his 
 Britannick Majefty 's Governor fliall be aflifted in all the details 
 of Adminiftration and Police by a Committee of Six Perfons, 
 whicli he fl^.all have the power of choofing from among the pro- 
 prietors of the three Provinces of which the colony confifts. — 
 Anf. Granted. 
 
 Art. VI. That, in confcquence of the devaftations which have 
 taken place in tlie colony by infurredlions, fire, and pillage, the 
 Governor appointed by his Majefty, on taking poftefiion of the 
 colony, to fatisfy the demand of the Inhabitants in this refped:, 
 foall be authorized to grant, for the payment of debts, a fufpcnfion of 
 ten years, ivhichfoall be computed from the date ofthefurrcnder; and 
 
 I i 2 the
 
 244 ADDITIONAL NOTES 
 
 CHAP. X. the fufpenfion of all intereji upon the fame Jh.il! begin fro?n the period 
 P- 147- of the i^of Aiigufl 1 79 1, and terminate at the expiration of the 
 ten years above tnentioned granted for the payment of debts ; but all 
 fums due to minors by their guardians, or to abfeut planters by 
 thofe who have the management of their property, or from one 
 planter to another, for the transfer of property, are not to be in- 
 cluded in the above fufpenfion. — Anf. Granted. 
 
 Art. VII. That the duties of importation and exportation 
 upon all European commodities fhall be tlie fame as in the 
 Englifli colonies. — Anf. Granted. In confequence, the tariff 
 fhall be made public and affixed, that every one may be ac- 
 quainted therewith. 
 
 Art, VIII. That the manufacfturers of white fugars lliall 
 preferve the right of exporting their clayed fugars, fubjedl to 
 fuch regulations as it may be neceflary to make with refpeft to 
 them. — Anf. Granted. In confequence, the duties upon white 
 fugars fhall be the fame as were taken in the colony of St. 
 Domingo in 1789. 
 
 Art. IX. That the Catholic Religion fliall be preferved and 
 maintained, but that no other mode of Evangelic worfhip fliall 
 be excluded. — Anf. Granted. On condition that fuch priefls 
 as have taken the Oath prefcribed by the perfons exercifing the 
 powers of Government in France fhall be fent away, and re- 
 placed by others. 
 
 Art. X. The local taxes deflined to acquit the expences of 
 garrifons, and of the Admin iflration of the colony fhall be af- 
 fefTed in the fame manner as in 1789, except the alleviations 
 
 3 ^n^
 
 AND OBSERVATIONS. 245 
 
 and remittances which lliall be granted to the inhabitants whofe CHAP. X. 
 property has fuftered by fire, till their polTeflions are repaired. ^ P-J 47- 
 An account fhall be kept by the colony of all the fums ad- 
 vanced on the part of Great Britain for fupplying the deficiency 
 of the faid taxes ; which deficiency, as well as all the public ex- 
 pences of the Colony (except thofe of his Majefty's naval 
 forces, defined for its protedtion) (hall always be defrayed by the 
 faid colony. — Anf. Granted. 
 
 Art. XI. His Britannic Majefty's Governor of St. Domingo 
 fhall apply to the Spanifli Government, to obtain reftitution of 
 the negroes and cattle fold upon the Spanifh territory by the re- 
 volted flaves. — Anf. Granted. 
 
 Art. XII. The importation, in American bottoms, of provi- 
 fions, cattle, grain, and wood of every kind from the United 
 States of America, fhall be allowed at St. Domingo. — Anf,. 
 Granted. On condition that the American fliips, which fliall 
 be employed in this trade, fhall have only one deck ; and this 
 importation fliall be allowed only as long as it fliall appear ne- 
 ceflary for the re-cftablifliment or fubfiftence of the Colony, or 
 until meafurcs have been taken for putting it in this refpeft 
 upon the fame footing as other'Englifli Colonies; and an cxa<5l 
 account fliall be kept of the faid veflels, with the defcription 
 of their cargoes, and fliall be tranfmitted every three months to 
 the Right Honourable the Lords ConimifTioners of his Majelly's 
 Trcafury, as well as to one of the principal Secretaries of State ;. 
 and on no account whatever fliall any of the faid vefliels be al- 
 lowed to take in return any produdlion of the Colony, except 
 molaffes and rum. 
 
 Art. XIII..
 
 246 ADDITIONAL NOTES 
 
 CHAP. X. Art. XIII. No part of the afore/aid condhiotis Jl^all be conjidered 
 P- '47' as a rejlriciion to the power of the Parliament of Great Britain, 
 to regulate and determine the Political Government of the Colony.-^ 
 Anf. Granted. 
 
 i 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 p. 169. 
 
 Chap. XL p. 169. 
 
 'The fame fate awaited Lieutenant Colonel Markham, &c. 
 
 I CANNOT deny myfdf the melancholy fatisfaclion of pre- 
 ferving in this work the following honourable tribute to the 
 memory of this amiable officer, which was given out in ge- 
 neral orders after his death, by the Commander in Chief. 
 
 Head garters, 28 March 1795. 
 
 Brigadier General Horneck begs the officers, non-com- 
 miffioned officers, and privates of the detachment, which, on the 
 26th Inft. proceeded under the command of Lieutenant Colonel 
 Markham, on a party of obfervation, to receive his very fincere 
 thanks for their gallant behaviour, at the attack of the enemy's 
 advanced poll ; taking their colours and cannon, and deftroying 
 their llores. 
 
 At the fame time he cannot fufficiently exprefs his feelings on 
 the late afflidling lofs, that has been fuftained in Lieutenant Co- 
 lonel Markham ; who, equally excellent and meritorious as an 
 officer and a man, lived univerfally refpedted and beloved, and 
 
 died
 
 AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 247 
 
 died leaving a bright example of military, fecial, and private CHAP. XI, 
 virtue. P- 1^9- 
 
 The Brigadier General liicewife requefts Captains Martin and 
 Wilkinfon, of the Royal Navy, to receive his acknowledgments 
 and thanks, for the important afliftance they have afforded; 
 not only on this occafion alone, but on every other, v^herein his 
 Majefty's fervice has required their co-operation. He alfo 
 begs Captain Martin to do him the favour, to impart the like 
 acknowledgments to the officers of the Royal Navy, and to the 
 refpedlive lliips companies under his command, for the zeal and 
 good condud they have fhewn whenever employed.
 
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