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 THE SPEECH OF 
 W ILL I AM 
 WILBERFORCE, LFQ
 
 *t&C 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 THE 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 O F 
 
 VILLIAM WILBERFORCE, Efq. 
 
 REPRESENTATIVE 
 
 FOR THE 
 
 C If N T Y OF T O R K, 
 
 O N 
 
 WEDNESDAY THE i 3 th OF MAY, 
 
 1789, ' 
 
 CN THE QUESTION OF THE 
 
 ABOLITION OF THE SX-AVE TRADE. 
 
 TO WHICH ARE ADDED, 
 
 THE RESOLUTIONS THEN MOYED, 
 
 AND 
 
 A SHORT SKETCH 
 
 OF THE 
 
 \ 
 
 SPEECHES OF THE OTHER MEMBERS, 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 printed at the EogogtnuTjic IPrcfstf, 
 
 AND SOLD BY 
 
 j. Walter, No 169, Piccadilly ; C. Stalked, Stationers-Court, 
 Ludgate-Stbeet ; and W. Richardson, under the Royal- 
 
 E::cnANCE.
 
 '4.1 c, 
 
 THE 
 
 E E C ^ 
 
 O F 
 
 WILLIAM WILBERFQUCE, Efq 
 
 
 Sir William Dolben 
 
 * 
 
 T ^THEN I confider the magnitude of the 
 fubject which I am to bring before 
 the Houfe — a fubjecl, in which the inte- 
 refrs, not of this country, nor of Europe 
 alone, but of the whole world, and of pof- 
 terity, are involved; and when I think, at 
 the lame time, on the wcaknefs of the ad- 
 vocate who has undertaken this great caufe 
 — when thefe reflections prefs upon my 
 mind, it is impoffible for me not to feel both 
 terrified and concerned at my own inadequacy 
 to fuch atafk. But when I reflect, however, 
 on the encouragement which I have had, 
 
 * Chairman of the Committee. 
 
 A 2 through 
 
 1227101
 
 ( 4 ) 
 
 through the whole courfe of a long and k? 
 borious examination of this qucftion, how 
 muchj -candour I have experienced, and how 
 conviction has increafed within my own 
 mind, in proportion as I have advanced in 
 my labours ; — when I reflect, efpecially, 
 that, however adverfe any Gentlemen may 
 now be, yet we fhall all, moft affuredly, be 
 of one opinion in the end. When I turn 
 myfelf to thefe thoughts, I take courage — I 
 determine to forget all my ether fears, and 
 I march forward with a firmer ftep, in the 
 full aflu ranee that my caufe will bear me 
 out, and that I {hall be able to juitify, upon 
 the cleareft principles, every refolutiqn in 
 my hand— the avowed end of which, Sir, 
 is, — the total Abolition of the Slave Trade. 
 
 I wifh exceedingly, in the outfet, to 
 guard both myieif and the Houie from en- 
 tering into the fubjeel with any fort of paf- 
 fion. It is not their pafiions I mall appeal 
 to — I afk. only for their ccol and impartial 
 reafon ; and I wifh not to take them by fur- 
 prize, but to deliberate,' point by point, 
 upon every part of this qucflion. I mean 
 
 not
 
 ( 5 ) 
 
 not to accufe any one, but to take the fhame 
 upon myfeif, in common, indeed, with the 
 whole Parliament of Great Britain, for hav- 
 ing fuffered this horrid trade to be carried 
 on, under their authority. We are all 
 guilty — we ought all to plead guilty, and 
 hot to exculpate ourfelves, by throwing the 
 blame on others ; and I therefore deprecate 
 every kind of reflection, againft the various 
 descriptions of people who are more imme- 
 diately involved in this wretched bufmefs. 
 
 In opening the nature of the Slave Trade, 
 t need only obferve, that it is found, by ex- 
 perience, to be j uft fuch as every man, who 
 ufes his reafon, would infallibly conclude 
 it to be. For my own part, fo clearly am 
 I convinced of the mifchiefs infeparable 
 from it, that I mould hardly want any fur- 
 ther evidence than my own mind w r ould fur- 
 nifh, by the moft fimple deductions. Facts, 
 however, are now laid before the Houfe. A 
 report has been made by his Majefty's Privy 
 Council, which, I truft, every Gentleman 
 has read, and which afcertains the Slave 
 Trade to be juft fuch in practice as we know, 
 
 A 3 from
 
 ( 6 ) 
 
 from theory, that it muft be. What mould 
 we fuppofe muft naturally be the confe- 
 quence of our carrying on a Slave Trade 
 with Africa ? With a country, vaft in its 
 extent, not utterly barbarous, but civilized 
 in a very fmall degree ? Does any one fup- 
 pofe a Slave Trade would help their civili- 
 zation ? That Africa would profit by fuch 
 an intercourfe ? Is it not plain, that me muft 
 fiffcr from it ? That civilization muft be 
 checked ; that her barbarous manners muft 
 be made more barbarous ; and that the hap- 
 pinefs of her millions of inhabitants muft 
 be prejudiced by her intercourfe with Bri- 
 tain r Does not every one fee, that a Slave 
 Trade, carried on around her coafts, muft 
 carry violence and defolation to her very 
 centre ? That, in a Continent, juft emer- 
 ging from barbarifm, if a Trade in Men is 
 eftabliihed— if her men are all converted 
 into goods, and become commodities that 
 can be bartered, it follows, they muft be 
 fubje£t to ravage juft as goods are; and this 
 too, at a period of civilization, when there 
 is no protecting Legiilature to defend this 
 their only fort of property, in the fame 
 i manner
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 manner as the rights of property are main- 
 tained by the legiflature of every civilized 
 country. 
 
 We fee then, in the nature of things, 
 how eafily all the practices of Africa are to 
 be accounted for. Her kings are never com- 
 pelled to war, that we can hear of, by pub- 
 lic principles, — by national glory frill 
 
 lefs by the love of their people. In Europe 
 it is the exteniion of commerce, the main- 
 tenance of national honor, or fome great 
 public object, that is ever the motive to 
 war with every monarch ; but, in Africa, 
 it is the perfonal avarice and fenfuality of 
 their kings : thefe two vices of avarice and 
 fenfuality, (the molt powerful and predo- 
 minant in natures thus corrupt) we tempt, 
 we ftimulate in all thefe African Princes, 
 and we depend upon the,fe vices for the very 
 maintenance of the Slave Trade. Does the 
 king of Barbeilin want brandy * ? He has 
 only to fend his troops, in the night-time, 
 to burn and defolate a village ; the captives 
 will ferve as commodities, that may be bar- 
 tered with the Britifh trader. What a 
 
 * Vide Dr. Spaarman's evidence before the Privy Council. 
 
 A 4 finking
 
 ( & ^ 
 
 ftriking view of the wretched ftate of Af- 
 rica does the tragedy of Calabar furnim ! 
 Two towns, formerly hoftile, had fettled 
 their differences, and by an inter- marriage 
 among their chiefs, had each pledged them- 
 felves to peace ; but the Trade in Slaves was 
 prejudiced by fuch pacifications, and it be- 
 came, therefore, the policy of our traders 
 to renew the hofrilities. This, their policy, 
 was foon put in practice, and the fcene of 
 carnage which followed was fuch, that it is 
 better, perhaps, to refer Gentlemen to the 
 Privy Council's Report, than to agitate 
 their -minds by dwelling on it. 
 
 The Slave Trade, in its very nature, is 
 the fource of fuch kind of tragedies, nor 
 has there been a fingle perfon, almofr, be- 
 fore the Privy Council, who does not add 
 fome thing, by his tefHmony, to the mafs 
 of evidence upon this point. Some, indeed, 
 of thefe Gentlemen, and particularly the 
 Delegates from Liverpool, have endeavour- 
 ed to reafon down this plain principle ; fome 
 have palliated it, but there is not one, I be- 
 lieve, who does not^ more or lefs, admit it. 
 
 Some
 
 t 9 ) 
 
 Sonif, nay moft, I believe, have admitted 
 the Slave Trade to be the chief caufe of 
 wars in' Africa. Mr. Penny * has called it 
 the concurrent caufe — fome confefs it to be 
 fotnetimes the caufe ; but argue, that it can- 
 not often be fo. Here 1 mufl make one 
 
 obfervation, which, I hope, may be done, 
 without offence to any one, and which I 
 do, once for all, though it applies equally 
 to many other evidences upon this fubjecl. 
 I mean to lay it down, as my principle, that 
 evidences, and efpecially tnterejfed. evidences^ 
 are not to be the judges of the argument. 
 In matters of facf, of which they fpeakj 
 I admit their competency ; I mean not to 
 fuipeel their credibility, with -refpect to 
 any thing they fee or hear, or themfelves 
 perfonally know ; but, in reafoning about 
 caufes and e(fecis i I hold them them to be to- 
 tally incompetent. So far, therefore, from 
 fubmitting to their conciufions, in this re- 
 fpecl:, I utter] v difcard them. 1 take their 
 preraifes readily and fairly ; but, uponthefe 
 premifes, I muft judge fjr myfelf: .and the 
 
 Liverpool Delegate. 
 
 Houfe,
 
 ( ta ) 
 
 Houfe, I truft nay, I perfectly well 
 
 know, will, in like manner judge for itfelf, 
 Confident afTertions, therefore, not of facts, 
 but of the fuppcfed confequences of facts, how- 
 ever prefled by the Liverpool Delegates, or 
 any other interested perfons, go for nothing 
 in my estimation ; and it is neceflary that Par- 
 liament mould proceed upon this principle; 
 as well in this as every other public ques- 
 tion, in which interefted evidences muft be 
 examined. Thus the African Committee 
 have reported, that very few enormities, in 
 their opinion, can have been practifed in Afri- 
 ca ; becaufe, in forty years, only two com- 
 plaints have been made to them. I admit 
 the fact to them undoubtedly ; but, I truft, 
 Gentlemen will judge for themfelves, whe- 
 ther Parliament is to reft fatisfied that there 
 are no abufes in Africa, in fpite of all the 
 pofitive proofs of fo many witneffes on the 
 fpot to the contrary. Whether, for in- 
 ftance, Mr. Wadftrom's evidence, Dn 
 Spaarman's, Captain Hill's, are to go for 
 nothing, many of whom, either faw the 
 battles, were told by the kings themfelves, 
 that it was for the fake of flaves they went 
 
 to
 
 ( tl ) 
 
 to battle, or converfed with a variety of 
 prifoners taken by thefe very means. In 
 truth, an enquiry from the African Com- 
 mittee whether any foul play prevails in 
 Africa, is fomewhat like an application to 
 the CufTom-houfe officers, to know whe- 
 ther any fmuggling is going on ; the officer 
 may t--ll you, that very few feizures are 
 made, and very few frauds come to his 
 knowledge ; but does it follow, that Par- 
 liament mufr. agree to all the reafonings of 
 the officer; and, though fmugoling be ever 
 fo notorious throughout the land, muft 
 agree there is no fmuggling, becaufe the of- 
 ficer reports that he makes very Few fei- 
 Zures, and feldom hears of it ? I w T ill not 
 believe, therefore, the mere opinions of Afri- 
 can traders, concerning the nature and con- 
 sequences of the flave trade. It is a trade 
 in its principle mofr. inevitably calculated to 
 fpread difunion among the African princes, 
 to fow the feeds of every mifchief, to in- 
 fpire enmity, to deftroy humanity ; and it 
 is found in praclice, by the moil abundant 
 teftimony, to have had the effect in Africa 
 of carrying mifery, devaluation, and ruin 
 
 wherever
 
 ( 12 ) 
 
 wherever its baneful influence has ex- 
 tended. 
 
 Having now difpofed of the fir ft part of 
 ' this fubject, I muft fpeak of the tranfii of 
 tkejlaves in the Weft Indies, 
 
 This, I confefs, in my own opinion, is 
 the moil wretched part of the whole fubject. 
 So much mifery condenfed in fo little room, is 
 more than the human imagination had ever 
 before conceived. I will not accufe the Li- 
 verpool merchants : I will allow them — nay, 
 I will believe them to be men of humanity ; 
 and i will therefore believe, if it were not 
 for the multitude of thefe wretched objects, 
 if it were not for the enormous magnitude 
 and extent of the evil which diffracts their 
 attention from individual cafes, and makes 
 them think generally, and therefore lefs 
 feelingly on the fubjecl:, they never would 
 have perfifted in the trade. I verily believe, 
 therefore, if the wretchednefs of any one of 
 the many hundred negroes flowed in each 
 fhip could be brought before their view, and 
 remain within the fight of the African mer- 
 chant,
 
 ( I? ) 
 
 chant, that thereisnoone among them, whole 
 heart would bear it ? — Let any one imagine 
 to himfelf, 6 or 700 of thefe wretches chain- 
 ed two and two, furrounded with every ob- 
 ject that is nauieous and difgufling, dif- 
 eafed, and ftruggling under every kind of 
 wretchedneis ! — How can we bear to think 
 of inch a fcene as this ? One would think 
 it had been determined to heap upon them 
 all the varieties of bodily pain, for the pur- 
 pofe of blunting the feelings of their mind ; 
 and yet, in this very point (to fhew the 
 power of human prejudice), the fituation of 
 the (laves has been defcribed by Mr. Norris, 
 one of the Liverpool delegates, in a manner 
 which, 1 am fure, will convince the Houfe 
 how intered: can draw a film over the eyes, 
 io thick, that total blindnefs could do no 
 more, and how it is our duty, therefore, to 
 truft not to the reafonings of intereitedmei:, 
 or to their way of colouring a tranfaclion. 
 
 " Their apartments" fays Mr. Norris, 
 46 are fitted up as much for their advantage 
 as circumflances will admit." The right 
 ancle of one indeed is connected with the left 
 ancle of another by a final I iron fetter, and, if 
 
 they
 
 ( H ) 
 
 they are turbulent, by another on their 
 wrifts. " They have feveral meals a- clay ; 
 fome," as he tells you, «« of their own coun- 
 try provifionSy with the beft fauces (f African 
 cookery ; and, by way of variety, another 
 meal of Diilfe, &c. according to European 
 tafte. After breakfaft they have water to 
 wafh themfelves, while their apartments 
 are perfumed with frarikincenfe and lime- 
 juice. Before dinner, they are amufed after 
 the manner of their country. The fong and 
 the dance are promoted'" and, as if the 
 whole was really a fcene of pleafure and dif- 
 fipation, it is added, that games of chance 
 are furnifhed. " The men play and fing, 
 while the women and girls make fanciful 
 ornaments with beads, which they are plen- 
 tifully fupplied with.'* Such is the fort of 
 ft rain in which the Liverpool Delegates, 
 and particularly Mr. Norris, gave evidence 
 before the Privv Council. 
 
 What will the Houfe think, when, by 
 the concurring teftimony of other witneffes, 
 the true hiftory is laid open. The flaves, 
 who are fometimes defcribed as rejoicing at 
 their captivity, are io wrung with miiery 
 
 at
 
 I '5 ) 
 
 at leaving their country, that it is the con- 
 stant practice to fet fail in the flight, left they 
 mould be fenfible of their departure. The 
 pulfe which Mr. Norris talks of are horfe 
 beans ; and the fcantinefs, both of water 
 and provifion, was fuggefted by the very 
 legislature of Jamaica, in the report of their 
 Committee, to be a fubjecl that called for 
 the interference of Parliament. Mr. Nor- 
 ris talks of frankincenfe and lime-juice ; 
 when all the furgeons tell you, the (laves are 
 flowed fo clofe, that there is not room to 
 tread among them : and when you have it 
 in evidence from Sir George Yonge, that 
 even in a fhip which wanted 200 of her com- 
 plement, the fetich was intolerable. The fong 
 and the dance, fays Mr. Norris, are promoted. 
 It had been more fair, perhaps, if he had 
 explained that word promoted. The truth 
 is, that, for the fake of exercife, thele mi- 
 ierable wretches, loaded with chains, op- 
 preffed with difeafe and wretchednefs, are 
 forced to dance by the terror of the lam, 
 and fometimes by the actual ufe of it. " I," 
 fays one of the other evidences, " was em- 
 ployed to dance the men, while another 
 
 perfon
 
 ( '6 ) 
 
 perfon danced the women." Such then is, 
 the meaning of the .won} promoted ; and it 
 may be obftrvcd too, with refpecl to food, 
 that an inftrumcnt is. fonietimes earriedout, 
 in order to force them to eat, which is the 
 fame fort of proof how much they enjoy 
 themfelves in that infW.ee alfo. As to their 
 finging ; what fhall we fay, when we are 
 told, that their fongs, are longs, of lamenta- 
 tion upon their departure, which, while 
 they fing, they are always in tears, info- 
 much that one Captain (more humane, as I 
 fhould conceive him, therefore, than the 
 reft) threatened one of the women with a 
 flogging* becaufe the mournfulnefs of her 
 foiig was too pajnful for his feelings. 
 
 In order, however, not to trull too much 
 to any fort of defcription, I will call the at- 
 tention of the Houie to one fpecics of evi- 
 dence, which is abfolutely infallible. Death 
 at lead, is a Hire ground of evidence,- and 
 the proportion of deaths will not only con- 
 firm, but, if pofHble, will even aggravate 
 qur-fufpicion of their mifery in the tranfit. 
 ltwill.be found, upon. an average of all the 
 (hips of which evidence has been given at
 
 ( '7 ) 
 
 the Privy Council, that exclufive of thofe 
 who perifh before they fail, not lefs than 
 12! per cent, perifh in the paiTage. Befides 
 thefe, the Jamaica report tells you, that not 
 lefs than 4I per cent, die 611 more before the 
 day of fale, which is only a week or two 
 from the time of landing. One third more 
 die in the feafoning, and this in a country 
 exactly like their own, where they are 
 healthy and happy, as fome of the evidences 
 would pretend. The difeafes, however* 
 which they contract on fhipboard, the aftrin- 
 gent wafhes which are to hide their wounds, 
 and the mifchievous tricks ufed to make 
 make them up for fale, are, as the Jamaica 
 report fays, (a moft precious and valuable re- , 
 port, which I (hall often have to advert to) 
 one principal caufe of this mortality. Upon 
 the whole, however, here is a mortality of 
 about 50 per cent, and this among negroes 
 who are not bought unlefs quite healthy at 
 firft, and unlefs (as the phrafe is with cat- 
 tle), they are found in wind and limb. 
 
 How then can the Houfe refufe its belief 
 to the multiplied teftimpnies, before the 
 
 B Privy
 
 ( i« ) 
 
 privy Council, of the favage treatment of 
 the Negroes in the middle paffage ? — • Nay, 
 indeed, what need is there of any evidence ? 
 The number of deaths fpeaks for itfelf, and 
 makes, all fuch enquiry fuperfluous. 
 
 As fbon as ever I had arrived- thus far in 
 my investigation of the Slave Trade, I con- 
 fefs to you, Sir, fo enormous, fo dreadful, 
 fo irremediable did its wickednefs appear, 
 that my own mind was completely made up 
 for the abolition. A Trade founded in ini- 
 quity, and carried on as this was, rauft be 
 abolifhed, let the Policy be what it might,— 
 let the confequences be what they would, 
 I from, this time determined that I would 
 never reft till I had effected its abolition. — - 
 Such enormities as thefe having once come 
 ■within my knowledge, I mould not have 
 been faithful to the fight of my eyes, to the 
 ufe of my fenfes and my reafon, if I had 
 fhrunk from attempting the abolition : It is 
 true, indeed, my mind was harraffed beyond 
 meafure ; for when Weft India Planters and 
 Merchants retorted it upon me, that it w.as 
 the*Britiih Parliament had authorized this 
 
 Trade ;
 
 ( 19 ) 
 
 Trade ; when they faid to me, " It is your 
 Acts of Parliament* — It is your encourage- 
 ment,— it is faith in your laws , in your pro- 
 tection, that has tempted us into this Trade, 
 and has now made it necefTary to us :" It 
 became difficult, indeed, what to anfwer ; 
 if the ruin of the Weft Indies threatened 
 us on the one hand, while this load of 
 wickednefs prened upon us on the other, the 
 alternative, indeed, was awful. 
 
 It naturally fuggefted itfelf to me, how 
 ftrange it was that providence, however 
 myfterious in its ways, mould fo have con- 
 ftituted the world, as to make one part of it 
 depend for its exiftence on the depopulation 
 and devaluation of another. 
 
 I could not, therefore, help diftrufting 
 the arguments of- thofe, who infilled that 
 the plundering of Africa, was necefTary for 
 the cultivation of the Weft Indies. I could 
 not believe that the fame Being who forbid 
 rapine and bloob'med, had made rapine and 
 bloodfhed necefTary to the well-being of any 
 
 B 2, part
 
 ( *° ) 
 
 fart of his univerfe, I felt a confidence in 
 this principle, and took the refolution to 
 act upon it : foon indeed the light broke 
 in upon me ; the fufpicion of my mind 
 was every day confirmed by encreafing in- 
 for mation, the truth became clear, the 
 evidence I have to offer upon this point, is 
 now decifive and compleat ; and I wifh to 
 obferve, with fubmiffion, but with perfect 
 conviction of heart, what an inftance is this 
 how fafely we may trufl the rules of juftice, 
 the dictates of confcience, and the laws of 
 God, in oppofition even to the feeming im- 
 policy of thefe eternal principles. 
 
 I hope now to prove, by authentic evi- 
 dence, that in truth the Well: Indies have 
 nothing to fear from the total and immedi- 
 ate abolition of the Slave Trade : I will enter 
 minutely into this point, and, I do intreatthe 
 moft exact attention of gentlemen molt inte- 
 refted in this part of the queftion ; the refo- 
 lutions I have to offer are many and par- 
 ticular, for the purpofe of bringing each 
 point under a feparate difcuffion ; and thus 
 
 I hope
 
 ( 3! ) 
 
 I hope it will be fliewn, that Parliament is v 
 not difpofed to overlook the interefls of the 
 Weft Indies. 
 
 The principle, however, upon which I found 
 the neceffity of abolition is not Policy but 
 Juftice,-*-but though juftice be the principle 
 of the meafure, yet, I truft, I (hall diftincHy 
 prove it to be reconeileable with our trued 
 political intereft, 
 
 In entering, therefore, into the next branch 
 of my fubjecl, namely, the ftate of Jlaves in- 
 the Weft Indies, I would obferve, that here, 
 as in many other cafes, it happens that the 
 owner or principal, generally fends out the 
 beft orders imaginable, which the manager 
 upon the fpot may purfue or not, as he 
 pleafes. I do not accufe even the manager 
 of any native cruelty, he is a perfon made 
 like ourfelves (for nature is much the fame 
 in all perfons) but it is habit that generates 
 cruelty -.—This man looking down upon his 
 Slaves as a fet of Beings of another nature 
 from himfelf, can have no fympathy for 
 them, and it is fympathy, and nothing elfe 
 
 3 3 than
 
 ( 22 ) , 
 
 than fyrnpathy, which according to the beft 
 writers and judges of the -fubject, is the true 
 fpring of humanity. Let us afk then what 
 are the caufes of the mortality in the Weil 
 Indies : — - ... 
 
 In the fir ft place, the dij proportion of /exes; 
 an evil, which, when the Slave Trade is 
 abolifhed, muft in the courie of nature cure 
 itfelf. 
 
 In the fecond place, the diforders con-; 
 trabted in the middle parage : and here let me 
 touch upon an argument for ever ufed by the 
 advocates for the blave Trade, the fallacy of 
 which is no where more notorious than in 
 this place. 
 
 - 
 
 It is faid to be the intewjl of the trader^ 
 
 to ufe their flaves well : the aftringen$ 
 
 wafhes, efcarotics, and mercurial ointments 
 
 by which they are made up for fale, is one 
 
 anfwer to this argument. In this inftance 
 
 it is not their interefl: to ufethem well ; and 
 
 although in fome refpt&s felf-intereft and 
 
 humanity will go together, yet unhappily 
 
 through
 
 (*3 ) : 
 
 through the. whole progrefs of the Slave 
 Trade, the very converfe of this principle is 
 continually occuring. 
 
 A third caufe of deaths in the Weft 
 Indies is excejjive , labour joined rwiih impro- 
 per food, I mean not to blame the Weft 
 Indians, for this evil fprings from the very 
 nature of things ; — in this country the work 
 is fairly paid for, and diftributed among our 
 labourers, according to the reafonablenefsL 
 of things ; and if a trader or manufacturer 
 finds his profits dec.reafe, he retrenches his 
 own expences, he lefTeus the number of his 
 hands, and every branch of trade finds its 
 proper level. In the Weft Indies the. whole 
 number of Slaves remains with the- fame 
 mafter,— is ,the mafter pinched in his pro- 
 fits .? The flave allowance is pinched in con- 
 sequence; for as charity begins at home, the; 
 ufual gratification of the mafter will never 
 be given up, fp long as there is a poffibility 
 of making the retrenchment -from the al* 
 lowance of the (laves* There is, therefore, 
 a con Iran t tendency to the very minimum 
 with refpecl: to flaves allowance ; and 
 if in any one hard year the Haves get 
 
 through upon a reduced allowance, from the 
 
 B 4 very
 
 ( »4 ) 
 
 very nature of manitmuft happen, that thif 
 becomes a precedent upon other occafions $ 
 nor is the gradual deftru&ion of the {lave a, 
 confederation fufficient to counteract the im- 
 mediate advantage and profit that is got by 
 their hard ufage. Here then we perceive- 
 again, how the argument of inter-eft fails, 
 alfo with refpe£t to the treatment of {laves- 
 in the Weft Indies. Intereft is undoubtedly 
 the great fpring of adYion in the affairs of 
 mankind ; but it is immediate and prefent^ 
 not future and dijtant intereft, however real, 
 that is apt to actuate us. We may fcruft 
 that men will follow their intereft when 
 prefent impulfe and intereft correfpond^ but 
 not otherwife. That this is a true obfer- 
 vation may be proved by every thing in 
 life.— Why do we make laws to punifh 
 men ? It is their intereft to be upright and 
 virtuous, without thefe laws : but there h 
 a prefent impulfe continually breaking in 
 upon their better judgment; an impulfe 
 contrary to their permanent and known 
 intereft, which it is not even in the power 
 of all our laws fufficiently to refrain. It is 
 ridiculous to fay, therefore, that men will 
 be bound by their mtereft, when prefent 
 
 gain
 
 C 2S ) 
 
 gain or when the farce of paflion is urging 
 them : It is no lefs ridiculous than if we 
 were to fay that a ftone cannot be thrown 
 into the air, nor any body move along the 
 earth, becaufe the great principle of gravi- 
 tation muft keep them for ever faft. The 
 principle of gravitation is true ; and yet in: 
 fpite of it there are a thoufand motions. 
 whtch bodies may be driven into continu- 
 ally, and upon which we ought as much to. 
 reckon as on gravitation itfelf. This prin- 
 ciple, therefore, of felf-intereft, which is 
 brought in to anfwer every charge of cru- 
 elty throughout the Slave Trade, is not to 
 be thus generally admitted. That the al^ 
 lowance is too fhort in the Weft Indies 
 appears very plain alfo from the evidence ; 
 the allowance in the prifons I conceive.. 
 muft be an under allowance, and yet I find 
 it to be fomewhat'lefs than this : Dr. Adair 
 (who is not very favourable to my propo-* 
 fitions, and who by way of evidence wrote 
 a fort of pamphlet againft me to the Privy 
 Council) has faid that even he thinks their 
 food at crop- time too little ; and I obferve 
 from Governor Qrd's ftajement that he ac T 
 
 counts
 
 counts for their being more healthy at a lefs 
 favourable feafon of the year, from: their 
 being better fed at the unfavourable feafon. 
 
 Another caufe of the mortality of flaves 
 is, the dreadful diffolutenefs of their man- 
 ners. Here it might be faid, that felf-inte- 
 reft muft induce the planters to wifh for 
 fome order and decency around their fami- 
 lies ; but in this cafe alfo, it is flavery it- 
 felf that is the mifchief. Slaves, confides 
 ed as cattle, left without inftrudtion, with- 
 out any inftitution of marriage, fo depreffed 
 as to have no means almoft of civilization, 
 will undoubtedly be difTolute ; and, until 
 attempts are made to raife them a little above 
 their prefent fituation, this fource of mor- 
 tality will remain. 
 
 Some evidences indeed have endeavoured 
 to difprove that there is any particular 
 wretchednefs among the flaves in the. Weft 
 Indies. Admiral Barrington tells you, he 
 has feen them look fo happy, that he has 
 iometimes wifhed himfelf one of them. I 
 conceive that, in a cafe like this, an Admi- 
 ral's
 
 ( *7 ) 
 
 ral's evidence is perhaps the very worfl that 
 can be taken. It is as if a King were to 
 judge of the private happinefs of his fol«> 
 diers by feeing them on a review day. The 
 light of the Admiral would no doubt exhi- 
 lerate their faces ; he would fee them in 
 their Deft clothes, and they, perhaps, might 
 hope for a few of the crumbs which fell 
 from the Admiral's table ; but does it fol- 
 low that there is no hard treatment of 
 flaves in the Weft Indies ? The Admiral's 
 wifh to be one of thefe Haves hi mfelf, proves 
 perhaps that he was in an odd humour at 
 the moment, or perhaps it might mean (for 
 all the world lpiows his humanity), that he 
 could wifh to alleviate their fufferings, by 
 taking a fliare upon himfelf ; but at leaft it 
 proves nothing of their general treatment ; 
 and, at any rate, it is but a negative proof 
 which affec"ls not the other evidences to the 
 contrary,, 
 
 It is now to be remarked, that all thefe 
 caufes of mortality among the flaves do un- 
 doubtedly admit of a remedy, and it is the 
 
 abolition
 
 ( *« ) 
 
 abolition of the flave trade that will ferve as 
 this remedy. When the manager mail 
 know, that a frefh importation is not to be 
 had from Africa, arid that he cannot re- 
 trieve the deaths he occafions by any new 
 purchafes, humanity mud: be introduced ; 
 an improvement in the fyftem of treating 
 them will thus infallibly be effected, an 
 affiduous care of their health and of their 
 morals, marriage institutions, and many 
 other things, as yet little thought of, will 
 take place ; becaufe they will be abfolutely 
 necenary. 
 
 Births will thus enereafe naturally ; in- 
 flead of frefh acceffions of the fame negroes 
 from Africa, each generation will then im- 
 prove upon the former, and thus will the 
 Weft Indies themfelves eventually profit by 
 the abolition of the Slave Trade. 
 
 But, Sir, I will fhew by experience al- 
 ready had, how the multiplication of flaves 
 depends upon their good treatment. All 
 (ides agree, that flaves are much better treat- 
 
 c4
 
 ( *9 ) 
 
 cd now than they were thirty years ago In 
 the Weft Indies, and that there is every 
 day a growing improvement. 
 
 I will (hew, therefore, by authentic do- 
 cuments, how their numbers have encreaied 
 (or rather how the decreafe has leflened), in 
 the fame proportion as the treatment has 
 improved. 
 
 • There were in Jamaica, in the year 1761, 
 147,000 Haves; in the year 1787, there 
 were 256,000 ; in all this period of 26 years, 
 165,000 were imported, which would be 
 upon an average 2150 per annum, there 
 being, on an average of the whole 26 years, 
 1 i-i5th per cent, yearly diminution of the 
 number of flaves on the ifland. ' 
 
 In fa£l, however, I find that the diminu- 
 tion in the firft period, when they were the 
 worft ufed, was 2| per cent, in the next 
 7 years it was 1 per cent, and the average 
 of the laft period is 3"5ths per cent. It 
 fhould alfo be obferved, that there has lately 
 been, on account of the war, a much more 
 
 than
 
 ( 3* ) 
 
 than ordinary diminution, which was the 
 cafe alfo in the former war, befides that 
 15,000 have been deflroyed by the late fa- 
 mine and hurricanes. Upon thefe premifes 
 I ground a conclufion, that in Jamaica there 
 is at this time an actual encreafe of popu- 
 lation among the flaves begun. It may 
 fairly be prefumed, that fince the year 
 1782 this has been the cafe, and that the 
 births by this time exceed the deaths by 
 about 1000 or 1100 per annum. It is true, 
 the fexes are not altogether equal ; but this 
 difference is fo fmall, that if the proper 
 number of women were added, the births 
 to be expected in confequence would be no 
 more than 300 per annum, which fhews 
 this to be a matter of little confequence. 
 
 In the ifland of Barbadoes the cafe i 
 yearly the fame as at Jamaica. 
 
 In St. Chriftophers, there are 9600 fe- 
 males, and 10,300 males ; fo that an in- 
 creafe by birth, if the treatment is tolerable, 
 may fairly be expected. 
 
 In
 
 ( 3* ) 
 
 In Dominica, Governor Ord writes, that 
 there is a natural increafe, though it is yet 
 inconfiderable, and though the fmuggling 
 in that ifland makes it not appear fo favour- 
 ably. 
 
 In Nevis there are abfolutely five women 
 to four men. 
 « 
 
 In Antigua, the epidemical diforders have 
 lately cut off i-4th or i-5th of the negroes ; 
 but this cannot be expected to return, efpe- 
 cially when the grand caufe of epidemical 
 diforders is removed. 
 
 In Bermudas and the Bahamas there is ari 
 actual increafe. 
 
 In Montferrat there is much the fame de- 
 creafe as there has been in Jamaica, whicli 
 is to be accounted for by the emigrations 
 from that ifland. 
 
 Such, Sir, is the ftate of the negroes la 
 our Weft India ifland s ; and it is not only 
 founded upon authentic documents from 
 2 thence,-.
 
 ( 3* ) 
 
 thence, but it is alfo confirmed by a variety 
 of other proofs. Mr. Long, whofe works 
 are looked up to in the iflands as a fort of 
 Weft India Gofpel upon thefe fubjetts, lays 
 it down as a principle, that when there are 
 two negroes upon an iiland to three hogf- 
 heads of fugar, the work for them will be 
 fo moderate, as to enfure a natural increafe ; 
 and there is now much more than this pro- 
 portion. It can be proved too, that a va- 
 riety of individuals, by good ufage, have 
 more than kept up their ftock. 
 
 But, allowing even the number of negroes 
 to be deficient, frill there are many other 
 refources to be had — the wafte of labour 
 which now prevails — the introduction of the 
 plough and other machinery— the diviiion 
 of work, which in free and civilized coun- 
 tries, is the grand fource of wealth — the re- 
 duction of the number of negro fervants, of 
 whom not lefs than from 20 to 40 are kept 
 in ordinary families. — All thele I touch up- 
 on merely as hints, to fhew that the Weft 
 Indies are not bereaved of all the means of 
 cultivating their eftates, as fome perfons 
 
 •have 
 
 \
 
 ( 33 ) 
 
 have feared. But, Sir, even if thefe fuppo- 
 iitions are all falfe and idle, if every one of 
 thefe fuccedania fhould fail, Iftill do main- 
 tain, that the Weft India planters can and 
 will indemnify themfelves by the increafed 
 price of their produce in our market ; a prin- 
 ciple which is fo clear, that in queftions of 
 taxation, or any other queftion of policy, 
 this fort of argument would undoubtedly 
 be admitted. 
 
 I fay, therefore, that the Weft Indians, 
 who contend againft the abolition, are non- 
 fuited in every part of the argument. 
 
 Do they fay that importations are necef-' 
 fary ? I have {hewn that the very numbers 
 in the gang may be kept up by procreation. 
 Is this denied ? I fay, the plough, horfes, 
 machinery, domeftic {laves, and all the 
 other fuccedania will fupply the deficiency. 
 Is it perfifted that the deficiency can in no 
 way be fupplied, and that the quantity of 
 produce muft diminifh? I then revert to that 
 irrefragable argument, that the increafe of 
 price will make up their lofs, and is a clear 
 ultimate fecurity. 
 
 C I have
 
 ■ ( 34 ) 
 
 I have in my hand the Extract from a 
 pamphlet, which {rates, in very dreadful 
 colours, what thoufands and tens of thou- 
 fands will be ruined ; how our wealth will 
 be impaired ; one third of our commerce 
 cut off* for ever ; how our manufactures will 
 droop in confequence, our land-tax be raifed, 
 our marine deftroyed, while France, our na- 
 tural enemy, and rival, will ftrengthen her- 
 felf by our weaknefs. [A cry of affent be- 
 ing heard from feveral parts of the Houfe, 
 Mr. Wilberforce added,) I beg, Sir, that 
 Gentlemen will not miftake me. The pam- 
 phlet, from which this prophecy is taken, 
 was written by Mr. Glover in 1774, on a 
 very different occafion — and I would there- 
 fore afk Gentlemen, whether it is indeed 
 fulfilled ? Is our wealth decayed ? our com- 
 merce cut off? our manufactures and our 
 marine deftroyed ? Is France raifed up- 
 on our ruins r On the contrary, do we 
 
 not fee, by the inftance of this pamphlet, 
 how men in a defponding moment will pic- 
 ture to themfelves the moft gloomy confe- 
 rences, from caufes by no means to be 
 apprehended. We are all, perhaps, in this 
 refpect, apt iometimes to be carried away 
 
 by
 
 (. 35 ) 
 
 by a frightened imagination— Like the poor 
 negroes, we are all, in our turn, fubjecl: to 
 Obiha ; and when we have an intereft to 
 bias us, we are carried away ten thoufand 
 times the more. 
 
 The African merchants told us lafr. year, 
 that if lefs than two men to a ton were to 
 be allowed, the trade could not continue. 
 Mr. Tarleton, intruded by the whole trade 
 of Liverpool, declared the fame ; told us 
 that commerce would be ruined, and our 
 manufactures would migrate to France. — 
 We have petitions on the table from the 
 manufacturers, but, I believe, they are not 
 dated at Havre, or any port in France ; and 
 yet it is certain, that, out of twenty mips 
 laft year from Liverpool, not lefs than thir- 
 teen carried this ruinous proportion of lefs 
 than two to a ton. 
 
 It is faid that Liverpool will be undone — ■ 
 the trade, fays Mr. Dalziel, at this time 
 hangs upon a thread, and the fmaliefi mat- 
 ter will overthrow it. 
 
 C 2 I be-
 
 ( 3* } 
 
 I believe, indeed, the trade hangs upon" 
 a thread ; for it is a lofing trade to Liverpool 
 at this time. It is a lottery, in which fome' 
 men have made large fortunes, chiefly by 
 being their own infurers, while others fol- 
 low the example of a few lucky adventu- 
 rers, and lofe money by it. It is abfurd to 
 fay, therefore, that Liverpool will be ruin- 
 ed by the abolition, or that it will feel the 
 difference very fenfibly, fince the whole 
 outward-bound tonnage of the Slave Trade 
 amounts only to i -fifteenth of the outward 
 bound tonnage of Liverpool. — We ought to 
 remember alfo, that the Slave Trade actual- 
 ly was fufpended during fome years of the 
 war ; nor did any calamity follow from it. 
 
 As to fhipping, our fifheries and other 
 trades will furniih fo many innocent and 
 bloodlefs ways of employing veffels, that no 
 milchief need be dreaded from this quarter. 
 
 The next fubjecl: which I mall touch up- 
 on, is, the influence of the Slave Trade on 
 our marine % and, inftead of being a benefit 
 to our iaiiors, as fome have ignorantly ar- 
 gued, I do afTert it is their . The grave 
 3 evidence
 
 ( 37 ) 
 
 evidence upon the point is clear ; for, by 
 the indefatigable induftry, and public fpi- 
 rit of Mr. Clarkfon, the mufter rolls of all 
 the flave mips have been collected and com- 
 pared with thofe of other trades ; and it 
 appears, in the refult, that more failors 
 die in one year in the Slave Trade, than die 
 In two years in all our other trades put to* 
 gether. 
 
 It appears, 'by the mufter rolls, to 88 
 flave mips which failed from Liverpool in 
 1787, that the original crews confifted of 
 3170 failors — of thefe only 1428 returned : 
 642 died, or were loft, and 11 00 were dis- 
 charged on the voyage, or deferted, either 
 in Africa, or the Weft-Indies. It appeared 
 to me for a long time unaccountable, how 
 fo vaft a proportion of thefe failors mould 
 leave their mips in the Weft Indies ; but I 
 mail quote here a letter, from Governor 
 
 Parry at Barbadoes, which explains this dif- 
 ficulty ; 
 
 C 3 Extratt
 
 ( 38 ) 
 
 Extrafl of a letter from Governor Parry ; to 
 Lord Sydney, dated May 13, 1788, tranf- 
 mltting two Petitions. 
 
 " To the African trade on the coaft I 
 cannot venture to fpeak, not being fuffici- 
 ently acquainted with it ; but am fearful 
 fuch monflrous abufes have crept into it, as 
 to make the interference of the Britifh Legis- 
 lature abfolutely necefTary ; and have to la- 
 ment, that it falls to my lot to poflefs your 
 Lordfhip with the unpleafing information 
 contained in the enclofed petitions, which 
 is fully demonftrative of the mameful 
 practices carried on in that unnatural com- 
 
 merce." 
 
 He then fpeaks of having feen Captain 
 Bibby, who is the perfon mentioned in the 
 following petitions, though the other Cap- 
 tain had endeavoured to prevent it ; and, he 
 fays, he has fent back the pawns (mention- 
 ed alfo in the petitions) to their enraged pa- 
 rents — adding, " That 1 cannot help hiv- 
 ing my fufpicions ; and I was yefterday 
 told, that he had private inftruclions from 
 the petitioners not to prefent the petitions 
 
 to
 
 ( 39 ) 
 
 to me, if Bibby would quietly refign. the 
 Pawns ; which leads me to believe there 
 was a general combination in thefe unwar- 
 rantable practices, among all the matters of 
 the veffels then in Cameroons river.'* 
 
 He then comes to the fubject of the Bri- 
 tifh failors — " Your Lordfhip (fays he) 
 is perfectly informed of the nefarious prac- 
 tices of the African trade, and the cruel 
 manner in which the greater number of the 
 m afters treat their feamen. There is fcarce- 
 ly a vehel in that trade that calls at Barba- 
 does, from which I have not a complaint 
 made to me, either by the matter or the 
 feamen ; but more frequently the latter, 
 who are often mamefully ufed ; for the Af- 
 rican traders at home, being obliged to fend 
 out their mips very ttrong handed, as well 
 from the unhealthinefs of the climate, as 
 the neceffity of guarding the Slaves, foon 
 feel the expence of feamen's wages; and as 
 foon as they come amongft thefe iflands, 
 and all danger of in fur reel: ion is removed, 
 the matters quarrel with their feamen, up- 
 on the mott frivolous pretences, and turn 
 them on fhore on the fir ft ill and they flop 
 
 C 4 at,
 
 ( 4° ) 
 
 at, fometimes with, and fometimes with- 
 out paying them their wages ; and Barba- 
 does being the windward ftation, has gene- 
 rally a large proportion of thefe men thrown 
 in upon her ; and lorry am I to fay, that 
 many of thefe valuable fubjects are, from 
 ficknefs, and the dire neceffity of entering 
 into foreign employ for maintenance, loft 
 to the Britifh nation.'* 
 
 Thus do we fee how Mr. Clarkfon's ac- 
 count of the mutter-rolls is verified, and 
 why it is that fo vaft a proportion of failors 
 in the flave mips is loft to this country. — 
 But let us touch alfo on the petitions which 
 Governor Parry fpeaks of. It feems that the 
 Captain Bibby before mentioned had carried 
 off from Africa thirty of the King's children 
 and relations, left in pawn with him, who 
 retaliated by feizing five Englifh Captains. 
 Thefe Captains difpatch a veflel with peti- 
 tions to Governor Parry, to fend back the 
 King's fons, in order to their own releafe. — 
 Now, Sir, let us mark the ftile of thefe pe- 
 titions — " I James M'Gauty, — I William 
 Willoughby, &c. being on more on the 
 execution of our bufinefs, were feized by a 
 
 body
 
 ( *' ) 
 
 body of armed natives, who lay in ambufh 
 in order to take us." — What villains muit 
 thefe Africans be, to feize fo defignedly fuch 
 friends as the Britifh fubjects, and this 
 merely with a view to get back their own 
 
 children ! " This," fays the petition, 
 
 * 6 they effected, and dragged us to their 
 town, where they treated us in a molt fa-< 
 vage and barbarous manner, and loaded us 
 with irons." — Obferve, Sir, the indignant 
 (pint of thefe Captains — Britifh freemen to 
 be loaded with irons ! White men in cufto- 
 dy to thefe barbarous Negroes ! — But what 
 was the caufe of this abominable outrage ? 
 " On account," fay they, " of the imprw 
 dent behaviour of Captain Robert Bibby" — 
 But what was the imprudence? — " who 
 carried off thirty pawns, who were the King 
 and traders' fons, daughters, and relations." 
 
 Here, then, we have a picture of the 
 
 equitable fpirit in which this trade is carried 
 on. — Thefe Princes and Chiefs, who, by 
 Captain Bibbj's imprudence y had loft all 
 their families and children, propofe, how- 
 ever, to fatisfy every demand, and to give 
 thefe Captains their liberty, provided only 
 they may have their children back again.— 
 
 But
 
 ( 4* ) 
 
 But, fay two of the Captains, " We, find- 
 ing that we could not comply with their 
 extravagant conditions, did endeavour to re- 
 gain our liberty, which we effected. But 
 we verily believe, that our refpective voya- 
 ges are entirely ruined, the natives being 
 determined to make no further trade with 
 either of us, nor pay the above debts, un- 
 til their fons, daughters, &c. are return- 
 ed, and debarring us of wood, water, or 
 any country proviiions ; therefore we mali 
 be forced to leave the river immediately, 
 and, on that account, we think our voyages 
 ruined, as before. " 
 
 It has been urged by fome perfons, in 
 proof of the wicked barbarity of thefe Kings 
 and Chiefs, that they pawn their own chil- 
 dren ; from which it is concluded, that 
 they feel no fort of affection for them, and 
 therefore deferve all the evils which we in^ 
 flict upon them. 
 
 The contrary is in truth the cafe ; for the 
 Captains, knowing the affection they have 
 for their relations, are willing to take them 
 as hofrages for very considerable debts, and 
 
 are
 
 ( 43 ) 
 
 are fenfible of their idea! value, though the 
 real value is trifling ; and the fcene which 
 I have juft laid before you very fairly mews 
 both the general fpirit of our Captains, and 
 the wretched fituation to which our com- 
 merce has reduced thefe African Princes :-— 
 And if, Sir, at the very moment when Par- 
 liament was known to be enquiring into 
 this trade, thefe abufes are thus boldly per- 
 illed in, how can we fuppofe that any re- 
 gulations, or any palliatives, can overcome 
 thefe enormities, and juflify our continu- 
 ance of the trade ? — It is true, the African 
 Committee hear little of the matter : — for 
 we find, that even thefe Captains, who 
 were in prifon, inftrucled the bearer of their 
 petition, not to apply to Governor Parry, 
 except in the laft neceffity, but merely to 
 get back the King's fons, meaning quietly 
 to compromife matters with Captain Bib- 
 by ; and if it were not for the vigilance of 
 Governor Parry, the truth would never 
 have come out. In like manner, we find, 
 that although ver)^ few failors, when they 
 come to Liverpool, go into an expend ve 
 profecution of their Captains, yet Governor 
 Parry hears of complaints againft them eve- 
 ry
 
 ( 44 > 
 
 ry clay ; and we find, that Jullice Otley, 
 in the iiland of St. Vincent's, where law is 
 cheap, both hears their grievances, and re- 
 drefles them, 
 
 There is one other argument, in my opi* 
 nion a very weak and abfurd one, which 
 many perfons, however, have much dwelt 
 upon— I mean, that, if we relinquish the 
 ilave trade^ France will take it up. — If the 
 •flave trade be fuch as I have defcribed it, 
 and if the Houfe is alio convinced of this— ^ 
 if it be in truth both wicked and impolitic, 
 •we cannot wifh a greater mifchief to France 
 than that Hie mould adopt it. — For the fake 
 of France, however, and for the fake of 
 humanity, I trufc. — nay, I am furc— {"he 
 will not. France is too enlightened a na- 
 tion, to begin puming a icandalous as well 
 as ruinous traffic, at the very time when 
 England fees her folly, and refolves to give 
 it up. It is clearly no argument whatever 
 againfi the 'wickedncfs of the trade, that 
 France will adopt it : — For thofe who arr 
 gue thus may argue equally, that we may 
 rob, murder, and commit any crime, which 
 anyone elfe would have committed, if we 
 
 did
 
 ( 45 ) 
 
 did not.— The truth is, that, by our ex- 
 ample, we fhall produce the contrary effect. 
 If we refufe the abolition, we fhall lie, 
 therefore, under the twofold guilt, of know- 
 ingly perfifting in this wicked trade our- 
 fclves,and,asfaras wecan,ofinducingFrance 
 to do the fame. — Let us, therefore, lead 
 the way — let this enlightened country take 
 precedence in this noble caufe, and we fhall 
 foon find that France is not backward to 
 follow, nay, perhaps, to accompany our 
 fteps. — If they fhould be mad enough to 
 adopt it, they will have every difadvantage 
 to contend with — They mull; buy the ne- 
 oroes much dearer than we ; the manufac- 
 tures they fell muft probably be ours ; an 
 expenflve floating factory, ruinous to the 
 health of failors, which we have hitherto 
 maintained mil ft be fet up ; and, after all, 
 the trade can ferve only as a fort of Gib- 
 raltar, upon which they may fpend their 
 ftrength, while the productive branches of 
 their commerce muft in proportion be neg- 
 lected and ftarved. 
 
 But I have every ground for believing 
 that the French will not be thus wicked and 
 
 abiurd ;
 
 ( 4« ) 
 
 abfurd ; Mr. Neckar, the enlightened mi- 
 nifter of that country, a man who has in- 
 troduced moral and religious principles into 
 Government, more than has been common 
 with many minifters, has actually recorded 
 his abhorrence of the Slave Trade ; he has 
 under his own hand in his publication on the 
 finances* pledged himfelf, as it were, to the 
 
 * Extract from Mr. Necker's Tieatife on the Adminilbra- 
 tionof the Finances of France. Vol. i. ch. 13. 
 
 The Colonies of France contain as we have feen, near five 
 hundred thoufand Slaves, and it is from the number of thofe 
 wretches, that the inhabitants fet a value on their Plantations* 
 What a fatal profpeift ! and how profound a fubjec~t for re. 
 flection ! — Alas ! how inconfequent we are both in our mo- 
 rality, and our principles. We preach up humanity, and yet 
 go every Year to bind in chains twenty thoufand natives of 
 Africa! We call the Moors barbarians and ruffians, becaufe 
 they attack the liberty of Europeans, at the rifk of their own ; 
 yet thefe Europeans go, without danger, and as mere fpecu- 
 lators to purchafe flavcs, by gratifying the cupidity of their 
 matters, and excite all thofe bloody fcenes which are the 
 ufual preliminaries of this traffick ! In fltort, we pride our- 
 felves on the fuperiority of man, and it is with reafon we 
 difcover the fuperiority in the wonderful and myfterious 
 unfolding of the intellectual faculties ; and yet a trifling dif- 
 ference in the hair of the head, or in the colour of the epi- 
 dermis, is fuffkicnt to change our refpeft into contempt, and 
 to engn.ge us to place Beings, like ourfelves, in the rank of 
 thofe animals, devoid of realbn, whom we fubject to the 
 yoke, that we may make ufc of their ftrength and of their 
 inftinS at command. 
 
 abolition
 
 C 47 ) 
 
 abolition, and it is impoflible that a man can 
 be fo loft to all fenfe of decency, and com- 
 mon confiftency of character, as not to for- 
 ward by every influence in his power, a 
 caufe in which he has fo publicly declared 
 himfelf. There is another anecdote which 
 I mention here with pleafure, which is, that 
 the King of France very lately being re- 
 quested to diffolve a fociety fet up in France, 
 for the abolition of the Slave Trade, made 
 anfwer, " that he certainly mould not, for 
 that he was very glad it exifted." 
 
 I believe, Sir, I have now touched upon 
 all the objections of any confequence, which 
 are made to the abolition of this Trade. — 
 When we confider the vaftnefs of the Conti- 
 nent of Africa ; when we reflect how all 
 other countries have for fome centuries paft, 
 been advancing in happinefs and civilization; 
 when we think how in this fame period all 
 improvement in Africa has been defeated 
 by her intercourfe with Britain ; when we 
 reflect how it is we ourfelves that have de- 
 graded them to that wretched brutimnefs 
 and barbarity which we now plead as the 
 justification of our guilt ; how the S lav 
 
 Trade
 
 < 48 ) 
 
 Trade has enjlaved their minds, blackened 
 their character and funk them fo low in the 
 fcale of animal beings, that fome think the 
 very apes are of a higher clafs, and fancy the 
 Ourang Outcrng has given them the go-by.— 
 What a mortification mull we feel at having 
 fo long neglected to think of our guilt, or to 
 attempt any reparation : It feems, indeed, 
 as if we had determined to forbear from all 
 interference until the meafure of our folly 
 and wickednefs was fo full and complete; un- 
 til the impolicy which eventually belongs 
 to vice, was become fo plain and glaring, 
 that not an individual in the country mould 
 refufe to join in the abolition : It feems as if 
 we had waited until the perfons moft iiite- 
 refted mould be tired out with the folly and 
 nefariou fuels of the trade, and mould unite 
 in petitioning againlt it. 
 
 Let us then make fuch amends as we can 
 for the mifchiefs we have done to that un- 
 happy Continent : Let us recollect what 
 Europe itfelf was no longer ago than three 
 or four centuries. What if I lhould be able 
 to mew this Houfe that in a civilized part 
 of Europe, in the time of our Henry II. there 
 
 were
 
 ( 49 ) 
 
 .were people who actually fold their own 
 children ? what, if I mould tell them, that 
 England itfelf was that country ? what if I 
 mould point out to them that the very place 
 where this inhuman traffic was carried on 
 was the City ofBriftol? Ireland at that time 
 ufed to drive a considerable trade in (laves, 
 with thefe neighbouring barbarians ; but a 
 great plague having in felted the country, the 
 Irifh w r ere flruck with a panic, fufpedted (I 
 am fure very properly) that the plague was 
 a punifhment fent from Heaven, for the fin 
 of the Slave Trade, and therefore abolifhed 
 it. All I ask, therefore, of the people of 
 Briftol, is, that they would become as civi- 
 lized now, as Irifhmen were four hundred 
 years ago. Let us put an end at once to 
 this inhuman traffic, — -let us ftop this efFu- 
 fion of human blood. The true way to 
 virtue is by withdrawing from temptations- 
 let us then withdraw from thefe wretched 
 Africans, thofe temptations to fraudj vio- 
 lence, cruelty, and injuftice, which the 
 Slave Trade furnifhes. Wherever the fun 
 mines, let us go round the world with him 
 diffuung our beneficence ; but let us not 
 traffic, only that we may fet Kings againfl 
 
 D their
 
 ( 5° ) 
 
 their Subjects, Subjects againft their Kings,, 
 fowing difcord in every village, fear and 
 terror in every family, fetting millions of 
 our fellow creatures a hunting each other 
 for {laves, creating fairs and markets for 
 human flefh, through one whole continent 
 of the world, and under the name of policy, 
 concealing from ourfelves all the bafenefs 
 and iniquity of fuch a traffic. 
 
 Why may we not hope, ere long, to fee 
 Hans-towns eftablifhed on the coaft of 
 Africa, as they were on the Baltic ? It is 
 faid the Africans are idle, but they are not 
 too idle at leafl to catch one another : feven 
 hundred to one thoufand tons of rice are 
 annually bought of them ; by the fame rule, 
 why mould we not buy more : at Gambia 
 one thoufand of them are feen continually at 
 work: Whv mould not fome more thoufands 
 be fet to work in the fame manner ? It is 
 the Slave Trade that caufes their idlenefs,. 
 and every other mifchief. We are told by 
 one witneft, " they fell one another as they 
 can ;" and while they can get brandy by 
 catching one another, no wonder they are 
 too idle for any regular work. 
 
 I have
 
 ( 5« ) 
 
 I have one word more to add upon a mofl 
 material point ; but it is a point fo felf evi- 
 dent, that I mall be extremely (hort. 
 
 It will appear^ from every thing which I 
 have faid, that it is not regulation, it is not 
 mere palliatives, that can cure this enormous 
 evil :— ^Total abolition is the only poffible 
 cure for it. — The Jamaica report, indeed, 
 admits much of the evil, but recommends it 
 to u?, fo to regulate the trade, that no per- 
 fons mould be kidnapped or made flaves 
 contrary to the cuftom of Africa. But may 
 they not be made (laves unjufkly, and yet by 
 no means contrary to the cuftom of Africa ? I 
 have mewn they may; for all the cuftoms 
 of Africa are rendered lavage and unjuft 
 through the influence of this trade : befides 
 how can we difcriminate between the flaves 
 juftly and unjuftly made ? Can we know 
 them by phyfiognomy ? or, if we could, 
 does any man believe that the Britifh Cap- 
 tains can, by any regulation in this country* 
 be prevailed upon to refufe all luch flaves 
 as have not been fairly, honeftly, and up- 
 rightly enflaved ? But granting even that 
 they mould do this, yet how would the 
 
 D z re-
 
 ( 5* ) 
 
 rejected flaves be recompenfed ? They are 
 brought, as we are told, from three or four 
 thoufand miles off, and exchanged like 
 cattle from one hand to another, until they 
 reach the coaft. We fee then that it is the 
 exigence of the Slave Trade that is the 
 fpring of all this internal traffic, and that 
 the remedy cannot be applied without abo- 
 lition. Again, as to the middle paffage, 
 the evil is radical there alio ; the Mer- 
 chants profit depends upon the number 
 that can be crouded together, and upon 
 the (hortnefs of their allowance : Aftrin- 
 gents, efcaroticks, and all the other arts 
 of making them up forfale, are of the very 
 eflence of the trade ; thefe arts will be con- 
 cealed both from the purchafer and the le- 
 giflature ; they are neceflary to the owner's 
 profit, and they will be praclifed. Again, 
 chains and arbitrary treatment muft be ufed 
 in transporting them ; our feamen muft be 
 taught to play the tyrant, and that depra- 
 vation of manners among them ( which 
 fome very judicious perfons have treated of, 
 as the very worft part of this bufmefs) can- 
 not be hindered while the trade itfelf con- 
 tinues. 
 
 As
 
 ( si ) 
 
 As to the (lave merchants, they have al- 
 ready told you, that if two flaves to a to a 
 are not permitted, the trade cannot continue; 
 fo that the objections are done away by 
 themfelves on this quarter ; and in the Wed: 
 Indies, I have (hewn that the abolition is 
 tiie only poflible ilimuhis whereby a regard 
 to population, and confequently to the bap- 
 pinefs of the negroes, can be efFe dually ex- 
 cited in thofe illands. 
 
 I truft, therefore, I have fhewn, that upon 
 every ground, the total abolition ought to take 
 place. I have urged many things which 
 are not my own leading motives for propo- 
 sing it, fince I have wifhed to mew every 
 defcription of Gentlemen, and particularly 
 the Weft India planters, who deferve every 
 attention, that the abolition is politic upon 
 their own principles alfo. 
 
 Policy, however, Sir, is not my princi- 
 ple, and I am not amamed to fay it. There 
 is a principle above every thing that is po- 
 litical ; and when I reflect on the command 
 which fays, " Thoufoalt do no murder" be- 
 lieving the authority to be divine, how pan 
 
 D 3 I dare
 
 ( 54 ) 
 
 I dare to fet up any reafonings of my own 
 againfr. it ? And, Sir, when we think of 
 eternity, and of the future confequences of 
 all human conduct, what is there in this 
 life that mould make any man contradict 
 the dictates of his confcience, the principles 
 of juftice, the laws of religion, and of 
 God. 
 
 Sir, the nature and all the circumftances 
 of this trade are now laid open to us ; we 
 can no longer plead ignorance, — we cannot 
 evade it, — it is now an obje6l placed before 
 us, — we cannot pafs it ; we may fpurn it, 
 we may kick it out of our way, but we can- 
 not turn afide fo as to avoid feeing it ; for it 
 is brought now fo directly before our eyes, 
 that this Houfe muil decide, and muft juftify 
 to all the world, and to their own confciences, 
 the rectitude of the grounds and principles 
 of their decifion. 
 
 A Society has been eflablifhed for the abo- 
 • lition of this trade, in which DiiTenters, 
 Quakers, Churchmen — in which the mofl 
 confcientious of all perfuaiions have all uni- 
 ted, and made a common caufe in this great 
 
 queftion.
 
 ( 55 ) 
 
 queftion. Let not Parliament be the only 
 body that is infenfible to the principles of 
 national ju (lice. Let us make reparation to 
 Africa, : fo far as we can, by eftabliihing a 
 trade upon true commercial principles, and 
 we mall foon find the rectitude of our con- 
 duct rewarded, by the benefits -of a regular 
 and a growing commerce, 
 
 I (hall now move thefeveral Refolutions, 
 upon which I do not aik the Houfe to de- 
 cide to-night, but mail confider the debate 
 as adjourned to any day next week that 
 ixiay be thought moil convenient. 
 
 RESOLUTIONS. 
 
 I. 
 
 npHAT the number of Haves annually 
 * carried from the coaft of Africa, in 
 Britifh veifels, is fuppofed to be about 38,000 
 
 That the number annually carried to 
 the Britifh Weft India Iflands, has (on an 
 average of four years, to the year 1787 
 inclufive) amounted to about -**- 52,500 
 
 D 4 That
 
 ( 56 ) 
 
 That the number annually retained in 
 the faid Iflands, as far as appears by the 
 Cuftom Houfe accounts, has amounted, 
 on the fame average, to about, — — 17,500 
 
 II. 
 
 THAT much the greater number of the negroes, 
 carried away by European veflels, are brought from 
 the interior parts of the continent of Africa, and 
 many of them from a very great diftance. 
 
 That no precife information appears to have 
 been obtained of the manner in which thefe per- 
 fbns have been made flaves. 
 
 But that from the accounts, as far as any have 
 been procuied on this fubjecl, with refpedt to the 
 flaves brought from the interior parts of Africa, 
 and from the information which has been received 
 refpecliing the countries nearer to the coafl, the 
 ilaves may in general be clafied under fome of the 
 following defcripcions : 
 
 ift. Prifoners taken in war. 
 
 2d. Free perfons fold for debt, or on account of 
 real or imputed crimes, particularly adultery and 
 witchcraft ; in which cafes they are frequently fold 
 with their whole families, and fometimes for the 
 profit of thofe by whom they are condemned. 
 
 3d. T>o*
 
 ( 57 ) 
 
 3d. Domeflic (laves fold for the profit of their 
 matters ; in fome places at the will of the matters, 
 and in fome p ! aces, on being condemned for real 
 or imputed crimes. 
 
 4th. Perfons made (laves by various acts of op- 
 preflion, violence, or fraud, committed either by 
 the Princes and Chiefs, of thofe countries on their 
 fubjects, or by private individuals on each other; 
 or, laftly, by Europeans engaged in this traffic. 
 
 III. 
 
 THAT the trade carried on by European na- 
 tions on the coaft of Africa, for the purchafe of 
 flaves, has neceffarily a tendency to occafion ■ fre- 
 quent and cruel wars among the natives, to pro- 
 duce unjuft convictions and punifhments for pre- 
 tended or aggravated crimes, to encourage acts 
 of opprefiion, violence and fraud, and to obilruct 
 the natural courfe of civilization and improvements 
 in thofe countries. 
 
 IV, 
 
 THAT the continent of Africa, in its prefent 
 ftate, furni flies fcveral valuable articles of com- 
 merce highly important to the trade and manu- 
 factures of this kingdom, and Which are in a great 
 rrieafure peculiar to that quarter of the globe j and 
 
 that
 
 ( 5* ) 
 
 that the loil and climate have been found, by -ex- 
 perience, well adapted to the production of other 
 articles, with which we are now either wholly, or in 
 great part, fupplied by foreign nations. 
 
 That an extenfive commerce with Africa in thefe 
 commodities, might probably be fubftituted in the 
 place of that which is now carried on in flaves, fo 
 as at leaft to afford a return for the fame quantity 
 of goods as has annually been carried thither in 
 Britifh vefiels. 
 
 And, lailly, That fuch a commerce might rea- 
 fonably be expefted to increafe in proportion to 
 the progrefs of civilization anql improvement on 
 that continent. 
 
 V. 
 
 THAT the Slave Trade has been found, by ex- 
 perience, to be peculiarly injurious and deftruclive 
 to the Britifh feamen who have been employed 
 therein ; and that the mortality among them has 
 been much greater than in his Majefty's {hips 
 itationed on the coaft of Africa, or than has been 
 vifual in Britiih velTels employed*in any other trade. 
 
 VI. 
 
 THAT the mode of tranfporting the ilaves from 
 Africa to the Welt Indies neceffarily expofes them 
 
 to
 
 ( 59 ) 
 
 to many and grievous fufferings, for which no re- 
 gulation can provide an adequate remedy; and 
 that, in confequence thereof, a large proportion 
 of them has annually perifhed during the voyage. 
 
 VII. 
 
 THAT a large proportion of the (laves fo trans- 
 ported, has alfo perifhed in the harbours in the Weft 
 Indies previous to their being fold. That this 
 lofs is dated by the affembly of the Illand of Ja- 
 maica at about four and a half per cent, of the 
 number imported ; and is, by medical perfons of 
 experience in that I (land, afcribed, in great mea- 
 fure, to difeafes contracted during the voyage, and 
 to the mode of treatment on board the fhips, by 
 which thofe difeafes have been fuppreffed for a 
 time, in order to render the (laves fit for immedi- 
 ate fale. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 THAT the lofs of newly imported Negroes, with- 
 in the firft three years after their importation, bears 
 a large proportion to the whole number imported. 
 
 IX. 
 
 THAT the natural increafe of population, 
 among the Slaves in the iflands, appear to have 
 been impeded principally by the following caufes : 
 
 i ft.
 
 ( fa ) 
 
 i ft. The inequality of the number of the fexcs, 
 in the importations from Africa. 
 
 ?d. The genera] dilTolutenefs of manners amonrr 
 the Slaves, and the want of proper regulations for 
 the encouragement of marriages, and of rearing 
 children. 
 
 3d. Particular difeafes which are prevalent a- 
 mong them, and which are in fome inftances attri- 
 buted to too fevere labour or rigorous treatment - 3 
 and in others to infufficient or improper food. 
 
 4th. Thofe difeafes which affect a large propor- 
 tion of Negro children in their infancy, and thofe 
 to which the Negroes newly imported from Africa 
 have been found to be particularly liable. 
 
 X. 
 
 THAT the whole number of Slaves 
 in the ifland of Jamaica, in 176 3, was 
 about — — — — i67 ? coo; 
 
 THAT the number in 1774, was fta- 
 ted by Governor Keith, about — 193,000; 
 
 And, that the number in December 
 1787, as ftated by Lieutenant Governor 
 Clarke, was about — — . 256,000. 
 
 That,
 
 ( 61 ) 
 
 That, by comparing thefe number with the numbers 
 imported into and retained in the ifland, in thefeveral, 
 years from 1768 to 1774 incluiive, as appearing 
 from the accounts delivered to the committee of trade 
 by Mr. Fuller ; and in the feveral years from 1 775 
 incluiive, to 1787 alfo inclufive, as appearing by 
 the accounts delivered in by the Inipee~tor General j 
 and allowing for a lofs of about one twenty fecond 
 part by deaths on ihip- board after entry, as flated 
 in the Report of the AfTembly of the laid 1 11 and of 
 Jamaica, it appears, 
 
 That the annual excefs of deaths above births in 
 the I (land in the whole period of nineteen years, has 
 been in the proportion of about feven eighths per 
 cent, computing on the medium number of Slaves 
 in the Ifland during that period. 
 
 That in the firft fix years of the faid nineteen, 
 the excefs of deaths was in the proportion or ra- 
 ther more than one on every hundred on the medium 
 number. 
 
 That in the laffc thirteen years of the faid nine- 
 teen, the excefs of deaths was in the proportion of 
 about three-fifths on every hundred on the medium 
 number; and that a number of Slaves, amounting: 
 to 15,000, is dated by the report of the ifland of 
 Jamaica to have perifhed, during the latter period 
 in confequence of repeated hurricanes, and of the 
 
 want of foreign fupplies of provifions. 
 
 XL
 
 ( 6z ) 
 
 XL 
 
 That the whole number of Slaves in 
 the ifland of Barbadoes was, in the year 
 1764, according to the account given in 
 to the Committee of Trade by Mr. 
 Braithwaite, — — — 70,706 
 
 That in 1774, the number was, by 
 the fame account — -^ 74,874 
 
 In 1780, by ditto — — 68,270, 
 
 In 178 1, after the hurricane, according 
 to the fame account — — — 63,248 
 In 1786, by ditto — — 62,115 
 
 That by comparing thefe numbers with the num- 
 ber imported into this idand, according to the fame 
 account, (not allowing for any re exportation) the 
 annual excefs of deaths, above births, in the ten 
 years from 1764 to 1774, was in the proportion of 
 about five on every hundred, computing on the me- 
 dium number of Slaves in the ifland during that 
 period. 
 
 That in the feven years from 1 774 to 1780, both 
 inclufive, the excefs of deaths was in the proportion 
 of about one and one-third on every hundred, on 
 the medium number. 
 
 That between the year 1 7 80 and 1 7 8 1 , there ap- 
 pears to have been a decreafe in the number of 
 Slaves of about 5,000. 
 
 ! That
 
 That in the fix years from 17 8 1 to 1786, both 
 inclufive, the excefs of deaths was in the propor- 
 tion of rather lefs than feven-cighths in every hun- 
 dred, on the medium number. 
 
 And that in the four years from 1783 to 17 36, both 
 incluiive, the excefs of deaths was in the propor- 
 tion of rather lefs than one-third in every hundred, 
 on the medium number. 
 
 And that during the whole period, there is no 
 doubt that fome were exported from theifland, but 
 confiderably more in the firft part of this period 
 than in the laft. 
 
 XII. 
 
 THAT the accounts from the Leeward Iflands, 
 and from Dominica, Grenada, and Saint Vin- 
 cent's ; do not furnim fufficient grounds for com- 
 paring the flare of population in the faid Iflands at 
 different periods, with the number of Slaves which 
 have been from time to time imported into the faid 
 Iflands, and exported therefrom. 
 
 But that, from the evidence which has been re- 
 ceived refpecling the prefent Hate of thefe Iflands, 
 as well as of Jamaica and Barbadoes ; and from a 
 conlideration of the means obviating the caufes 
 which have hitherto operated to impede the natural 
 
 increafe
 
 ( 6+ ) 
 
 increafe of the Slaves, and of leffening the demand 
 for manual labour, without diminishing the profit 
 of the planter, it appears that no confiderable or 
 permanent inconvenience would refultfrom difcon- 
 tinuing the farther importation of African Slaves. 
 
 Ni B. It is the intention after pafling thefe refo- 
 lutions, to move for leave to bring in a bill for the 
 total abolition of the Slave Trade. 
 
 LORD PENRHYN, 
 
 After a tribute of approbation to the 
 beauty, force, and eloquence of what Mr* 
 Wilberforce had juft delivered, faid, he 
 ihould indeed appear but with an ill grace ; 
 yet was he fo firmly fixed in his opinion of 
 the mifchiefs which an unqualified abolition 
 of the Have trade muir. occaiion, that he 
 found it his duty to oppofe the main point 
 of the Honourable Gentleman's argument. 
 He did fo from a pre-conviclion — he did fo 
 from the errors — palpable errors to be found 
 in the reports, fpeeches, and quotations al- 
 luded
 
 ( «5 ) 
 
 luded to, moft of which were either mig- 
 rated or mifapplied. A regulation might 
 be requifite ; but a total abolition was go- 
 ing a ftep beyond the bounds of prudence 
 or rectitude. 
 
 Mr. BAMBER GASCOYNE, 
 
 On the fame fide of the argument, contend- 
 ed, that a total unqualified abolition would 
 do aa injury to private property and to 
 public intereft. The Honourable Gentle- 
 man, who had his plan fo near at heart, 
 gave the Committee a very fine fyftem of 
 agriculture, which country gentlemen, who 
 underftood the plough, might conceive well 
 adapted to this country ; but how it applied 
 to the burning regions of the weft, was yet 
 to be proved. He then entered into a de- 
 fence of what he faid laft year on the fub- 
 jecl: of tonnage, which he contended was 
 now mis-ftated by the Honourable Gentle- 
 man ; and, as to the lofs of feamen, he 
 would take upon him to aver, that, inftead 
 of a check to the African {lave trade fervingj 
 our marine, it did them the moft effentia^ 
 
 E ini"
 
 ( 66 ) 
 
 injury, numbers being at this moment in 
 want of bread, on account of the bill pafled 
 in the laft Seffion of Parliament, for the re- 
 gulation of tonnage. He did not wim to 
 give a hafty opinion on the bufinefs, and 
 therefore requested, that time might be al- 
 lowed for consideration of the fubjedt, on 
 the calculations made in the Honourable 
 Gentleman's fpeech ; and he trufted, when 
 this fairnefs was adopted, and the warmth 
 of prejudice removed, that the African 
 flave trade would be found productive of a 
 coniiderable revenue to this country. 
 
 Mr. WILBERFORCE 
 
 Aflured the Houfe, that he had not wil- 
 fully mis-ftated the matter. He might err, 
 but it was not with the confent of his 
 mind ; for he really believed every fyllable 
 he had uttered to be ftri&ly founded on 
 truth. He begged it might be fo under- 
 stood, that he did not mean to bring the 
 fubjed into debate on its broad bafis at pre- 
 fe n t. — He wifhed to give time for a due con- 
 fideration of the fubjeft ; and therefore, if 
 
 it
 
 ( *7 ) 
 
 it was agreeable to the Committee, mould 
 mention Monday as a proper day to go into 
 the difcuffion of the feveral motions which 
 were offered to the Committee. 
 
 Mr. BURKE 
 
 Gave his opinion on the fubjetT:. — It was> 
 that the (lave trade mould be totally abolifh- 
 ed. — It was a difgrace to human nature — it 
 began in murderous war — it ended in perpe- 
 tual exile ; and what aggravated the fcene of 
 horror was, that the unhappy fufFerers were 
 not known to be guilty of any crime what- 
 soever. He was againft going at all into thofe 
 merits contained in the papers which the 
 Honourable Gentleman had laid upon the 
 table. His idea was, that the motion mould 
 now be made for a total abolition of this 
 inhuman traffic ; fo that, in procefs of time, 
 commerce might extend itfelf over the 
 ▼aft continent of Africa, as well as in 
 the more narrowed and civilized parts 
 of Europe. But however he coincided 
 in the general idea with the Honourable 
 Gentleman, yet he could not heartily 
 
 E 2 agree
 
 < 68 ) 
 
 agree in the mode by which the purport of 
 that idea was to be fulfilled. He wiflied 
 for no abftra&ed questions, but to come at 
 once to the point ; for each motion, as now 
 read to theHoufe, might occafion debate, and 
 that debate produce, poJJibly y he would not fay 
 probably, a caufe to fight a word out ; and 
 if it mould, by any misfortune, be the 
 means of putting a negative upon the whole, 
 the matter would appear as a difgrace upon 
 the journals of Parliament. Hence he recom- 
 mended brevity, and advifed that the motion 
 ihould contain no more than a refolution of 
 the Committee, that the flave trade mould 
 be totally abolifhed ; to which motion he 
 mould give his mofl hearty affirmative, on 
 account of the purity of its principles ; for, 
 if the bill was thrown out in the Lords, 
 the refolutions, flanding on the Journals, 
 would become a recorded cenfure on the 
 Commons. 
 
 Inflead of feeing the unhappy Africans 
 thus treated by the Sons of Freedom, 
 he trufted, we mould inftantly put a 
 ftop to this evil, and, inftead of counte- 
 nancing the fale of our fellow creatures, 
 
 beg-in
 
 ( «9 ) 
 
 begin a new kind of tram;, and barter illi- 
 cit profit for glorious humanity. His rea- 
 fon for troubling the Houfe at prefent, was, 
 that his duty in another place, might, in 
 all probability, make it impomble for him 
 to attend on Monday next, and, therefore, 
 what fentiments he had to offer, he then 
 wifhed to deliver. He paid many compli- 
 ments to Mr. Wilberforce for what he laid, 
 and declared, that it might be truly called 
 one of the beft fpeeches ever delivered in 
 Parliament, in favour of a race of beings 
 who had this fole comfort, that the Slave 
 was only compenfated by not being a Man. 
 
 Mr. PITT 
 
 Could not permit fo important a matter 
 to pafs without faying a few words. He 
 gave his moil hearty concurrence to all that 
 had been fo eloquently fpoken by his Ho- 
 nourable Friend, and was fully convinced 
 in his own mind, that there mould be a 
 total and unqualified repeal of the Slave 'Trade 
 Law, He differed with Mr. Eurke as to 
 his idea refpecYing the motion ; becaufe he 
 thought that nothing mort of uncondition- 
 ally
 
 ( 7° ; , 
 
 ally abolifhing the whole of this traffic, 
 could be of fervice to the caufe of humani- 
 ty. The Houfe, he therefore trufted, would 
 cordially concur in one opinion, and he 
 wifhed, for the honour of Britain, it might 
 be an unanimous vote on the occafion. As to 
 France, he trufted, from every matter he 
 could learn, that fhe would be content to 
 follow our plan of emancipation, when fhe 
 found fhe could not take the lead in fo glo- 
 rious a bufinefs. 
 
 He faid it was, indeed, a momentous 
 queftion, and that nothing but its not be- 
 ing truly underftood, could ever have pre- 
 vented its being hitherto adopted. How- 
 ever, he had no doubt of this great quef- 
 tion being at laft decided by the immutable 
 law of juftice, for it was a fubjedfc on which 
 truth muft and would be invincible. Some- 
 thing had been thrown out refpe&ing the 
 advantage foreign countries might take of 
 our giving up this traffic — but that was idle 
 fpeculation. Great Britain was always able 
 to prevent an illicit trade of negroes by any 
 other power to the Weft Indies ; but of that 
 2 there
 
 ( 7' ) 
 
 there was no great apprehenfion ; the French 
 were probably following up our idea, and, 
 perhaps, meaning to enter into a negocia- 
 tion with us on the fubje£t. 
 
 Mr. FOX 
 
 Said, he never had heard a debate with 
 more fatisfattion than the prefent. With 
 regard to the plan of laying the proportions 
 before the Houfe, where he was agreed as 
 to the fubftance of a meafure, he did not 
 like to differ as to the form of it. If, how- 
 ever, he differed in any thing, it was rather 
 with a view to forward the bufinefs than to 
 injure it, or to throw any thing like an ob- 
 ftacle or impediment in its way. Nothing 
 like either mould come from him. What 
 he thought was, that all the proportions 
 were not necefl'ary to be voted, previous to 
 the ultimate vote, though fome of them un- 
 doubtedly were. In order to explain this, 
 he reminded the Honourable Gentleman, 
 that the propofitions were of two forts ; one 
 
 fort
 
 ( 7* ) 
 
 fort alleged the fit grounds on which the 
 Houfe ought to proceed to abolifh the Slave 
 Trade, viz. that it was a difgrace to huma- 
 nity, that it was attended with the lofs of 
 lives to our feamen, as well as the Afri- 
 cans, &c. &c. Another fort contained af- 
 fertions in anfwer, as it were, to the objec- 
 tions that had been ftated, or were fuppofed 
 likely to be ftated. The putting fuch refo- 
 lutions on their Journals might create a dif- 
 ficulty to foreign powers; becaufe what 
 might be a matter of objection to Great Bri- 
 tain, might not be fo to any other country. 
 
 Mr. Fox applauded Mr. Wilberforce, and 
 gave him his thanks for profeffing to do 
 what he thought it their duty to do, viz. to 
 completely abolifh the traffic in Slaves ; a 
 traffic, for continuing which, on no ground, 
 either a plea of policy or neceffity could 
 be urged. Wherever an effectual remedy 
 could not be had, Mr. Fox faid, he approved 
 a palliative, becaufe fomething like a reme- 
 dy was better than no remedy at ajll ; in 
 the prefent cafe, an effectual remedy was 
 not only more defirable, but it was much 
 lefs difficult to be obtained that a palliative. 
 
 He
 
 ( 73 ) 
 
 He was glad that the Proportions were to 
 be put upon the Journals ; becaufe if from 
 any misfortune, the buiinefs mould fail, 
 while it flood upon the Journals, it might 
 fucceed another year; certain it was, it 
 could not fail to fucceed fooner or later. 
 Foreign countries, when they heard that 
 the matter had been difcuifed in that Houfe, 
 might follow the example, or they might 
 go before us, and fet one themfelves. If 
 this were to happen, though we might be 
 the lofers, humanity would be the gainer. 
 
 Mr. Fox reminded the Houfe that he had 
 always been particularly fanguine that 
 whenever they examined the Slave Trade 
 thoroughly, they would find it not only 
 inhuman but impolitic ; from what the 
 Honourable Gentleman, who had fubmit- 
 ted the Proportions to their coniideration, 
 had faid, it was clear there was as little po- 
 licy as humanity in the Trade. But what 
 he rofe chiefly for, Mr. Fox faid, was to 
 notice what had fallen from the Right 
 Honourable Gentleman refpecting the pro- 
 bability of foreign nations affnming the 
 Slave Trade on our abandoning it, and, 
 
 F in
 
 ( 74 ) 
 
 in an illicit manner, fupplying our Weft- 
 India Iflands with Slaves. He had intended 
 to have rifen to have faid the very fame 
 thing, becaufe he was convinced that it 
 was the fit tone to be held on fuch a fubjecl:, 
 and that foreign nations might be given to 
 underftand, that when this country thought 
 proper to abolifh the Slave trade, we had 
 refources among us to prevent that Trade 
 being carried on in any manner with 
 our Colonies. — With regard to what the 
 Honourable Gentleman who fpoke lafr. had 
 faid, in declaring that a clandeftine trade 
 in Slaves was'worfe than a legal one, he 
 differed entirely. He thought fuch a trade, 
 if it exifted at all, mould be only clandefr 
 tine. A trade in human flefh was fo fcan- 
 dalous, that it was to the lafr. degree infa- 
 mous to let it be openly carried on by the 
 authority of the Government of any country. 
 Mr. Fox faid, he had fometimes been 
 thought to ufe too harm expreffions of 
 France, in treating her as the rival of this 
 country. — Politically fpeaking, France cer- 
 tainly was our rival ; but he well knew 
 the difVm&ion between political enmity and 
 illiberal prejudice.— If there was any great 
 
 o. and
 
 ( 75 ) 
 
 and enlightened nation now exifting in Eu- 
 rope, it was France, which was as likely 
 as any nation on the face of the globe, to 
 a£t, on the prefent fubjec"t, with warmth 
 and with cnthufiafm ; to catch a fpark from 
 the light of our fire, and to run a race with 
 us in promoting the ends of humanity. 
 
 If France mould decline to join with us, 
 the honour, indeed would then be all our 
 own — but he thought, however, we ought 
 not to refufe them a participation of this 
 honour, if we could thereby forward the 
 great ends of humanity, and unite them 
 immediately in the fame caufe. 
 
 The SPEAKER 
 
 Paid a high compliment to Mr. Wilber- 
 forpe,|and warmly approved of the Abolition. 
 
 ALDERMAN NEWNHAM 
 Was agajnft any Bill of the kind, 
 
 Mr.
 
 ( 7* ) 
 
 Mr. DEMPSTER 
 
 * Enquired whether there was to be a com- 
 penfation to mortgagees and planters. 
 
 , Mr. PITT 
 
 Said that he did not wifh to be under- 
 flood as pledged for any compenfation. 
 
 LORD PENRHYN 
 
 Accufed Mr. Wilberforce of mifquoting 
 Mr. Long, and fpoke warmly againfl the 
 Abolition, obferving that Seventy Millions 
 of property were involved in this queftion. 
 
 Mr. S M I T H. 
 
 Said a few words in favour of the Abo- 
 lition, and the Houfe adjourned. 
 
 F I N I S.
 
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