LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. Accession 9.9.4.3.7 Ctes THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. TO THIS ESSAY, THE PRIZE OF TWO HUNDBED GUINEAS, WAS UNANIMOUSLY AWARDED BY THE ADJUDICATORS APPOINTED BY THE SOCIETY OF ARTS, JULY, M.DCCC.LVIII. 1'HIXB ESSAY- SOCIETY OF ARTS. THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. EDWARD CAPPS. LONDON : GROOMBRIDGE AND SONS. M DCCC.LIX. [The Author reserves the right of Translation. \ GENERAL LONDON : PBINTED BY WERTHEIJiJSK AND CO., FINSBURY CiRCUS. TO HENRY JOHNSON, ESQ., THIS ESSAY, THE RESULT OF HIS PATRIOTIC MUNIFICENCE, IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED V BY THE AUTHOR. 99437 PREFACE. TN the early part of the year 1857, a public announcement was made by the Council of the Society of Arts, that a sum of Two Hundred Guineas had been placed in their hands for the purpose of promoting an inves- tigation into the financial condition of the country the desired investigation to take the form of an ' Essay on the present Finan- ' cial Position of the Country, as affected by ' recent events, in which the principle of a 6 Sinking Fund should be discussed, and also 6 an investigation made as to the best mode ' of gradually liquidating the National Debt.' The competing Essays to be delivered to the Society of Arts on or before the jist day of December in the same year. Vlll PREFACE. The Essays having been sent in at the appointed time, were submitted to the inves- tigation of the chosen adjudicators ; who, in the month of July, 1858, gave their award, which was reported by the Journal of the Society of Arts, in the following terms : ' Mr. J. T. Danson, Fellow of the Statistical Society, ' Mr. Charles Neate, Professor of Political Economy in the ' University of Oxford, and Mr. Jacob Waley, Professor * of Political Economy in University College, London, the ' adjudicators appointed by the Council of the Society of * Arts, have reported that they have unanimously selected ' the Essay marked ' E. C. S.' as deserving the award of ' the prize of Two Hundred Guineas, placed in the hands ' of the Council by Mr. Henry Johnson.' As it was one of the conditions of the com- petition, that the author of the successful Essay should have the privilege of publishing it if he desired to do so, he begs now to submit it to the notice of the public ; and, in doing so, deems it necessary to state, that, not being a litterateur by profession, but a person regularly occupied during eight or nine hours of each PREFACE. IX day in the ordinary avocations of commer- cial life in the City of London, he has had no other time for its composition than that afforded in detached and fragmentary por- tions before and after the regular business hours of each day. He is quite aware that this circumstance does not exempt him from the consequences of fair and candid criticism of the principles or philosophy of his Essay ; but it may, perhaps, be accepted as some apology for any slight errors which may be detected in any of the statistics given ; the various public statements of which cannot always be harmonised, without the devotion of much more time than it was in the power of the author to give. With regard to the subject matter of the Essay, and, more especially with reference to the propositions for the liquidation of the National Debt, which the Author submits to public consideration it may, at first sight, appear somewhat visionary to propose the payment of the Debt without calling for con- tributions from any quarter to effect that PREFACE. object. But it must be remembered, that we already have all the separate elements which are essential to the production of the wealth which is needed for the redemption of the Debt, and that these elements merely require putting together to produce the desired re- sult. Capital, labour, and land, with ade- quate protection of life and property, are all the elements that political economists recog- nise as being essential to the production of wealth to any extent ; and of each of these we possess a surplus, which requires profit- able employment, and which may find such employment in the very process of furnishing the fund for the liquidation of the Debt. It is not by any financial juggle that the Debt is to be got rid of, but by the employment of resources which we fortunately possess in abundance. It may not be out of place if the Author notices it as a somewhat singular coincidence that, since this Essay was written and deli- vered to the adjudicators, the Government have taken some important steps in the very PEEFACE. XI direction pointed out and recommended in its remedial part. The actual abolition of the East India Company's rule over Hindostan, and the prospective and announced abolition of the monopoly of the Hudson's Bay Com- pany over a great portion of the territory of North America, will remove some of the diffi- culties which stood in the way of the trial of the plan recommended. The very founda- tions of the empire on the shores of the Pacific, which the Author contemplated as a possible occurrence at some future time (see page 170) are, at this moment, being laid by the formation and establishment of the new colony of British Colombia, an expedition under Colonel Moody having just left our shores for the purpose of accomplishing the object. To open up to profitable colonization the magnificent country which lies between the eastern boundary of this new settlement and the western portions of Canada, would be an enterprise worthy of the abilities and the devotion of the most accomplished of our statesmen ; and, if made subservient, at the Xll PKEFACE. same time, to the redemption of the Debt, worth any amount of expense that it might entail. Not the least gratifying feature connected with the colonisation of this portion of our empire is the discovery of the rich gold de- posits with which it appears to abound. As long as the public mind is profoundly im- pressed with the conviction that money must, necessarily, be made of gold, so long is it of great importance that ample supplies should be forthcoming to carry on with facility the continually augmenting commerce to which successful colonisation gives birth ; though whether such conviction is founded upon a correct idea of the real nature and proper functions of money, is, we think, open to the gravest doubts. There is one branch of the financial con- dition of the country affected by the National Debt which, for want of sufficient time, the author was unable to touch upon ; namely, that connected with our foreign trade. There does not appear to be any general agreement PEEFACE. Xlll among public men and public writers, as to the main point to be aimed at in the prose- cution of our trade with foreign countries ? Ought we to aim at an excess of exports, or an excess of imports ? Has the trade which we have been carrying on with other nations for the last fifty years resulted, on the whole, in a fair exchange of equal values on the part of the respective trading parties ? Has the marvellous change which has taken place, within that period, with respect to ' Official ' and ' Declared ' Values, been entirely brought about by the mere lapse of time, rendering the ' Official Scale of 1696' utterly inappli- cable to values of the present day ; or is the change to be attributed wholly, or in part, to the influence of our other fiscal and monetary arrangements ? These are points which cer- tainly ought to be examined in any work professing to treat of the general financial position of the Country ; but it was quite im- possible for the Author of this Essay to enter upon them with the very limited time at his disposal. Should the present little work, XIV PREFACE . however, be as favourably received by the public as by the eminent men who have given their unanimous award in its favour, the Author may be encouraged to embrace the first opportunity which occurs of submitting his thoughts on the above subjects to public consideration. CONTENTS. Part First. THE STATISTICS, HISTORY, AND OPERATION OF THE NATIONAL DEBT. CHAPTER I. Introductory Chapter. PAGE. Introductory Remarks i CHAPTER II. On the Origin of the National Debt. 1694. Bank of England 5 First Portion of the present National Debt 5 Litigation with Charles II 6 Introduction of Loans 6 Sale of Annuities 7 Loans under William III. and Queen Anne 7 Low State of Public Credit 8 Sale of Exchequer Tallies 8 Permanent Debt 8 Grants of Perpetual Annuities 9 xvi CONTENTS. PART I. CHAR III. CHAPTER III. Further History of the Debt to the Year 1797, and the Money Value of that which was borrowed. PAGE. George I. Reduction of the Debt 1 1 George IT 1 1 Improvident Mode of creating Funded Stock . . . . 1 2 Loans in a 3 per cent. Stock 13 1781. Resolutions of the Commons 14 Reckless Terms for a Loan of 12,000,000 15 Lottery Tickets 16 Author's discovery of this Mode of contracting Loans . 1 7 Dr. Price's Opinions 17 Loans of 1759 and 1762 18 Sir J. Sinclair's Account 18 Dr. Hamilton's Statement 19 Reasons for 3 per cent. Loans 20 Comparative Advantages of 3 per cent. Loans .... 21 The Advantages of 3 per cent. Loans do not counterba- lance their Injustice 22 Uncertainty of the Value borrowed in William III.'s Reign 2 3 Increase of Debt under Queen Anne 23 George I. and II ( 24 Douceurs to Contractors 24 American War of 1776 . 24 Increase of Debt in 1776 and 1786 25 French Revolution 25 Average Rate at which the Loans were contracted from 1793 to 1816 26 Debt in 1793 27 Amount of artificial Increase, besides an Increase re- deemed by the Sinking Fund 27 CONTENTS. PART I. CHAP. IV. xvi PAGE. Debt paid and Debt created for every 100 money, from 1793 to 1816 28 Marshall's Account 29 Loan of 1816 29 Total Amount of artificial Enhancement of Debt ... 29 Variation of Accounts 30 Statement of Debt in 1833 31 Items of Debt 32 Total Amount of Debt 33 CHAPTER IV. What was the Value really borrowed by the State, in the Con- tracting of the National Debt, up to the Year 1816. Increase of Debt 34 What is a Pound '? 35 Debt at Close of French war 35 Peel's Definition of a Pound 36 Bullionist Opinions 36 Peel's Definition unsatisfactory 36 And, in fact, not true 37 Payments by Tale of Silver Coin restricted 37 Variation of the Pound 37 General Thompson's Notice 38 General Thompson's View of a ' Pound " 39 General Thompson's Resolutions 39 What is Value? 42 The real Standard of Value 43 Corn the Standard of Value 43 Horner 43 b xviii CONTENTS. PART I. CHAP. V. PAGE. Locke 43 John Taylor 43 Dr. Adam Smith 43 Gold and Silver no Standards of Value apart from the Price of Provisions 44 Proper characteristics of a Standard 45 Difference between a Standard and a Measure .... 45 Standard of English Measure . . . . 46 John Taylor's Essay on the Standard of Value .... 46 Real Amount of the Debt in Corn 47 Price of Wheat before 1793 47 Price from 1793 to 1816 47 Cora Value of the Debt 48 Real Value of Debt in 1797 48 The Fundholder of the last Century no cause to complain 49 CHAPTER V. History of the Debt from 1816 to 1857. Alterations in the Debt 51 Irish and English Exchequers 51 Raising Loan of 3,000,000 51 Redemption of Stock 52 Funding of Exchequer Bills 53 Bank of Ireland 53 Diminution of Debt 54 Reduction of Navy 5 per Cents. 54 Alteration of the Sinking Fund 54 CONTENTS. PART I. CHAP. VI. xix PAGE. Annuity proposed by Vansittart 55 Failure of Mr. Vansittart . . . 56 The Dead Weight 56 The Emperor of Germany's Debt commuted .... 56 Reduction of 4 per Cents 57 Prosperity in 1824 57 Mr. Hume's Resolutions 58 Proposed Alteration of Sinking Fund 59 Funding Exchequer Bills 59 Reduction of New 4 per Cents 59 Reduction of Old 4 per Cents 59 Emancipation Grant 60 Funding of Exchequer Bills 60 Reduction of 3^ per Cents 61 Distress in Ireland 61 Mr. Gladstone's Plan 62 Loan for the Russian War in 1855 63 Provision for Redemption of Debt 64 Loans since 1855 65 Foreign Guarantees 65 Sardinian Loan 65 Debt for War against Russia 66 CHAPTER Vl. Change produced by the National Debt in the System of Taxation of the Country. Ancient Taxes, direct 68 Change to indirect Taxation 68 xx CONTENTS. PART I. CHAP. VII. PAGE. Origin of the Excise Duties 69 Excise Duties in 1790 70 Comparison of direct and indirect Taxes 70 General Discontent with the Income Tax 71 The Times on the Income Tax ....71 Antagonism of Taxation and Currency 72 Results of our Systems of Taxation and Currency . . .73 CHAPTER VII. The Antagonism pi^oduced by the National Debt between our Systems of Taxation and Currency. Indirect Taxation 74 Influence of Taxes on Prices 74 Soap an Example 75 Producers as Producers should not pay Taxes, only as Consumers 76 Proper Effect of indirect Taxes practically lost sight of . 77 CHAPTER VIII. Operation of the National Debt upon the Currency of the Kingdom. Action of the Bank on the Currency 78 Exchequer Tallies 78 Goldsmiths' Notes 78 Our ancient Currency 79 Sir W. Davenant 79 Revolution of 1688 80 Conduct of the Bank 80 CONTENTS. PART I. CHAP. X. xxi PAGE. Contraction of the ancient Currency 8 1 Contraction of Currency between 1698 and 1714. ... 82 Injurious Effects of undue Contraction . ...... 82 Depression of Prices 83 Lowering of Wages 84 Policy of the Bank 84 Remarks on our Foreign Trade 85 CHAPTER IX. Two popular Fallacies respecting the Debt. Popular Fallacies 86 Wealth of the Country gg Effect of Mortgage exemplifying the Debt 87 CHAPTER X. On the Sinking Fund. Schemes to reduce the Debt * ' ' 9 .... 90 Plan proposed in 1 7 1 6 History of the Sinking Fund I Ricardo on the Sinking Fund Mr. Pitt's Sinking Fund 95 Mr. Fox's Amendment Sinking Fund of 1792 Mr. Pitt's Explanations 9 g Ricardo's History 8 xxii CONTENTS.-PAKT II. CHAP. I. Lord Sidniouth's Proposal in 1802 98 Change in 1807 99 Vansittart's Proposal in 1 8 1 3 100 Vansittart's Resolutions 100 Lord Sidmouth's Arrangement rescinded 102 Sinking Fund up t& 1823 102 Alteration in 1823 103 Alteration in 1829 103 Fallacy of supporting a Sinking Fund by borrowing . . 1 04. Causes of the Failure of the Sinking Fund . . . . .105 Dr. Hamilton's Views 105 Mr. Hume's Views 107 Mr. Hume's Resolutions 108 Proper Foundations of a Sinking Fund 109 Present Views of a Sinking Fund 109 Part Second. THE PRESENT FINANCIAL CONDITION OF THE COUN- TRY, AND SUGGESTIONS FOR IMPROVING IT. CHAPTER I. Comparison of our Present and Prospective Condition with that of Former Years. Retrospective View of the Debt 115 Sir J. Sinclair's History 1 1 6 Extracts from Sinclair's History 1 1 6 CONTENTS. PART II. CHAP. I. xxiii PAGE. Public Lamentations respecting the Debt 117 Lord Macaulay's Account of the Effect of the Debt on the Nation 118 Fallacy entertained as to the Debt 120 State Embarrassment not National Ruin 121 Impolicy of taking People from Productive Industry . .121 Hindrances to Production the Road to Ruin 122 Our Wealth increases faster than our Debt 123 A more hopeful View . 123 Wealth of the Kingdom 124 Gregory King's Estimate 1 24 Dr. Beeke and Sir W. Pulteney's Estimate 124 Colquhoun's Estimate 1 24 Conjectured Wealth of the Kingdom at the present Time 125 Wealth of the Kingdom 126 Mr. Porter's Estimate of Personalty 126 Mr. Porter's Statement respecting Real Property . . .127 Colquhoun's Statement 127 Revenue of the Kingdom 128 Mr. W. R. Smee's Statement 128 Our Wealth still capable of Extension 129 Increase of National Wealth 129 Mitigation of the Burden of the Debt 129 Nature of our Increased Wealth 130 What the National Wealth consists of 131 Importance of Promoting the Increase of Wealth . . .132 Evil Effects of the Panic of 1857 133 Reports of the Fall of Prices in 1857 134 The Philosophy of Production 135 Encyclopaedia Britannica on the Production of National Wealth 135 Absurdity of the Cry of Over-production 136 xxiv CONTENTS. PART II. CHAP. II. PAGE. Mr. Ricardo on Over-production 136 Soundness of Mr. Ricardo's Views , 138 It is not Over-production that afflicts us 139 Nature of National Income 139 Average Income of Families 139 Distribution of Increased National Income 140 No Fear of the Industry of the Country, if allowed free Scope 141 Effect of the Gold Discoveries 142 Decline in the Exchangeable Value of Gold . / . . .143 CHAPTER II. Plans heretofore suggested for the Liquidation of the National Debt. Plans for the Liquidation of the Debt 144 Actual Payment of the Debt 145 Such Payment neither possible nor desirable . . . .145 Transfer of a Portion of every Person's Property . . .146 Such Transfer not practicable 147 Payment by Instalments 147 The new 3 per Cents cannot be redeemed at present . .148 Payment of the Debt unfair to the present Generation, and more burdensome than paying the Interest . . .149 Conversion of the Debt into Terminable Annuities . .149 Universal Objection to Terminable Annuities . . . .150 Redemption of the Debt by a Sinking Fund 151 Reduction of the Debt by Conversion into another Stock i5z Something else wanted 153 CONTENTS. PART II. CHAP. III. xxv CHAPTER III. Proposals for the Liquidation of the National Debt. Various Modes may be simultaneously employed . . . 1 54 Our Money System should be reformed 155 Payment of the Debt by Property not at all probable .156 Diminishing Annuities as well as Terminable . . . .157 Such Annuitants to have proper Compensation . . . .158 Plan proposed . . 158 Land in its present State valueless 1 6 1 Desirable Results 162 Main Points that we have to consider 164 Abundance of Capital to carry out the Plan 165 Suitable Colonies for the Plan 165 Hudson's Bay Company's Territory 166 Sir Alexander Mackenzie 166 Mr. Montgomery Martin ,..166 Commissioner of Crown Lands 167 Saskatchewan District 167 Sir J. Franklin . 168 Sir George Simpson 169 America uses her Lands to pay her Debts 170 The separate States cede their Rights to the Federal Government 171 Government Survey 172 Townships 172 Sales by Auction 173 Sales at the Land Offices 173 Construction of Roads, etc 173 Debt paid off 1 74 We surely can do what America has done 174 c ixvi CONTENTS.-PART II. CHAP. IV. PAGE. India a suitable Field 175 Effect on Slavery 175 The End to be attained worthy of Effort 176 Postscript, with the President's Message 177 Rumour respecting the East India Company 179 CHAPTER IV* Summary. Conclusions arrived at 1 8 1 CHAPTER V. Concluding Remarks. Our present State a hopeful one 185 Expiration of Long Annuities 183 Cessation of ' Dead Weight Annuity' 186 Unsatisfactory State of our Money System 186 Any Distress we at times experience must arise from artificial Causes 187 PAKT I. THE STATISTICS, HISTORY, AND OPERATION OF THE NATIONAL DEBT. THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. express and contemplated purpose of this CHAP.I. Essay being that of a thorough examination of introduc- the general financial condition of the kingdom, with marks. a view to its practical improvement, it would not, we presume, at all accomplish the ends for which it was projected, if it were confined to a mere history or recital of the past and present income and expend- iture of the country, and its present debts and lia- bilities. To be of practical service, it must have a much wider scope, a more comprehensive range. Where erroneous principles of finance have been acted upon, they must be pointed out, and their evil results laid bare, that a repetition of them may be guarded against. If, in any quarter, or by any possible mode of procedure, a greater amount of prosperity may be attained, than is at present en- joyed, the possibility and mode of such attainment THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED- CHAP - ! - should be clearly stated. In this investigation, the toryRe- c " National Debt will necessarily form the most promi- nent subject of enquiry; for to it is the country in- debted for all that is peculiar and extraordinary in its financial condition. Were it not for this debt, the finances of this rich country would necessarily be in the most flourishing condition ; and if, by any means, this debt can be gradually liquidated, very little enquiry need be made, or anxiety felt, respecting the ordinary annual obligations and disbursements of the country. Seeing, then, that the National Debt exerts so important an influence upon the present financial welfare of the nation at large, we shall endeavour to give our readers a thorough comprehension of it in its financial, but not in its political aspect ; by tracing its rise, history, and progress from the earliest period to the present day by investigating the modes of contracting it, the endeavours to redeem it by the Sinking Fund, its influence upon our Taxation and Monetary Systems, and the modes suggested for its redemption. It is only by a careful examination of these points, at least, that we can arrive at anything like an adequate conception of the bearing of the National Debt upon the financial condition of the kingdom. The opinions which have been formed respecting the nature of the influence which this debt has exerted, and still exerts, upon the welfare of the OPINIONS AS TO THE NATIONAL DEBT. ; country, have been of the most contradictory cha- CHAP. i. racter. While one party has stigmatised it as the introduc- tory Re- chief source of the misery which has afflicted the marks - humbler, and clogged the operations of the wealthier classes, another party has lauded it, as the successful agent of distributing wealth, which, but for it, would have lain useless and unemployed. While one has considered it a deduction from the real wealth of the country, the country being, by just its amount, the poorer, the other has considered it as actually adding so much capital to the country, the country being, by its amount, just so much the richer. While one has denounced the debt as putting the country, in a great degree, in the power of the foreign proprietors of its public funds ; another has hailed it as an addi- tional security to the country, by making it the interest of the foreigner to promote its welfare and prosperity. As far as these conflicting opinions affect the financial aspect of the Debt, the author of this essay will endeavour to investigate them. As far as they are political in their bearing, he will endea- vour to avoid them. One great and general point he will aim at, namely, to steer as clear as possible of the two extremes of making this essay, on the one hand, a mere repertory of statistics and facts without any principles for making an application of them ; and, on the other, of presenting a mere abstract generalisation of principles, without corresponding facts and figures to test their truth. ^THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. ciiA. i. The present is a highly favourable opportunity for tr<^c-" t ^ ^ L5 4 >? > -ft 4 hv V*f * N X O ^N. ^V >. ^ ^ -^ F ;^i x \ ^ V i * Ni < x "5^ ^ SI reign, no artificial capital was created, but that full value was obtained for the debt incurred. The amount of the debt at the death of William stood thus : s. d. Due on account of the bankers' debt . 664,263 o o Due to the Bank of England . . 1,200,000 o o Due to the East India Company . . 2,000,000 o o Annuities for years (capital sums) . . 2,584,265 6 o Annuities for lives (capital sums) . . 3 j 2 53 6 3 Deficiencies and sums charged upon va- rious duties and taxes which were not mortgaged for the discharge of the said deficiencies .... 5,814,04.1 n 3 Other deficiencies and loans . . . 1,162,4.86 18 8 Army and Navy debts .... 2,660,016 19 5 Subsidies due to the Elector of Hanover, etc 9,375 o o 16,394,702 i 7 During the reign of Queen Anne the debt was increas e of debt under increased from 16,394,702 is. ;d. to 54,145,363 us. 4d. by cash raised on perpetual annuities or annuities for lives on the same for 99 years and by funding various deficiencies, tallies, and debts. That portion of the capital of the debt which was created by the perpetual annuities, and for which permanent stock was given, amounted, according to 24 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP-HI- Marshall's tables, to 18,037,115, for which the sum of 15,313,405 only was received; showing an excess of debt or stock created beyond the money received, of 2,723,710. George i. During the reign of George I. and for the first George ii. twelve years also of that of George II., no additional debt, as has already been observed, was contracted ; but during the period which elapsed from 1740 to 1762, at which latter period the seven years' war terminated, the debt was raised to 146,682,849, the artificial capital created beyond cash received being / 2,896,000. Douceurs to This seems a very moderate addition of artificial contractors. capital, considering the magnitude of the sums raised. The reason of this is to be found in the fact, that various premiums and douceurs were given to the contractors for the loans between the years 1756 and 1763, which Sir John Sinclair estimates to have been equal to about 13 millions sterling. As these premiums were either payments at the time, or life annuities granted, they do not affect the present amount of the debt, and do not, therefore, enter into our present calculation/ ^ e now P ass on * *k e y ear I 77^ > > a ^ wm>c h time the war with our American colonies commenced; and we had not long been engaged in this struggle before the Debt was enormously increased, especially as the excess of stock created beyond cash received proceeded to an extent, and with a rapidity hitherto unknown. HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL DEBT. 25 Between the years 1776 and 1786 stock was created, CHAP. in. according to Sir John Sinclair, to the extent of increase of debt in 1776 115,269,992, while the cash received for it was and1786 - only 91,815,324, shewing an excess of stock or debt over cash received of 23,454,668. Dr. Ha- milton calculates the stock created to have been 115,267,993, and the cash received 91,763,842, thereby making the excess of stock to be 23,504, 15 1, leaving no doubt but that the debt must have been artificially increased at this period by about 23 J millions or 26 per cent, excess on the cash actually received. We have already, as a sample of the mode in which money was raised at this period, given in a former part of this chapter, the particulars of the loan of 1781, by which 21 millions of stock was created for 12 millions cash received. At the con- clusion of this war, or, rather, at the beginning of 1787, the National Debts funded and unfunded were, it has been calculated, 249,210,896, of which 239,200,719 was funded and 10,010,1 77 unfunded debt. We now come to the period of the French revo- French EG- lutionary war, which may be considered to have ex- v tended, with short intervals, from 1793 to the battle of Waterloo in 1815. It was during this period that the pernicious system of financing which we have been describing received its fullest development, and reached its greatest proportions the magnitude of the operations of this period so far transcending all previous transactions of the like nature, as to make THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. in. the latter sink into utter insignificance in the com- parison. It would be tedious, and comparatively useless, to detail minutely the terms and circum- stances of each loan. It will be sufficient to say, that, taking an average of all the loans from the year 1793 to the year 1816, upwards of 173 of debt was created, for every 100 money received. Mar- sna ^ gives the following as the rate at which the loans were contracted in each year : Average rate at which the loans were 1816. Year. Money received. 100. Stock created for every 100 money. 1793 IOO 146*65 J 794 IOO I57-07 J 795 IOO 163-30 1796 IOO 180*42 1797 IOO 2I5-52 1798 IOO 207-44 1799 IOO I77'00 1800 IOO 158-50 1801 IOO 1 74^4 1802 IOO I32-I7 1803 IOO J 73'55 1804 IOO 185-00 1805 IOO 177-20 1806 IOO 167-70 1807 IOO 159-20 1808 IOO 162-67 1809 IOO 161-39 1810 IOO 152-67 1811 IOO 166-53 1812 IOO 180-00 ' 1813 IOO 184-87 1814 IOO 154-17 1815 IOO 191-52 being an average, for the whole period, of 173*3 stock created for each 100 money received. HISTOEY OF THE NATIONAL DEBT. 27 Let us now apply these particulars to ascertain CHAP. in. the artificial increase of the debt during the period now under consideration : The funded debt in the beginning of the year 1793 stood at 229,614,446. In the corresponding period of the year 1816 it stood at 816,311,939, being a net increase, during those twenty-three years, of 586,697,493. If this additional debt or stock were created, as Marshall states, at the rate of 173 for every 100 cash, it follows that the Country only ln received 339,131,500 instead of 586,697,493, and that the additional 247,565,993 was thus saddled upon the Country, by its being artificially added to the capital of the debt, by the mode of raising the money.* The case, as against the Country, was, indeed, besides an ' ' increase, re- somewhat worse than this ; for, in addition to the net increase of the debt up to the year 1816, as just fund ' described, we must bear in mind that a great deal of the debt had been redeemed by the sinking fund, which redemption was not effected upon the same terms as those upon which the debt had been con- * We state the matter thus somewhat hypothetically ; because, as some small portion of the debt was contracted in le 5 per cents, and some in the 4 per cents., that portion id not probably artificially enhance the capital of the debt the same extent as those loans did which were raised in a 3 per cent, stock. It seems, however, clear, that the annual charges which were created were equal to the imposition of a capital debt of 173 in a 3 per cent, stock for every 100 money received during the war. 28 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. in. tracted, but upon terms much more unfavourable to the Country. Marshall shows that while ^173 of debt was contracted for every 100 money received, only 163 of debt was discharged for every 100 money paid. The following table shows the amount of stock redeemed in each year for each 100 paid. We have also placed the preceding table in juxta- position with it that the comparison may be made at a glance : Debt paid and debt created for every 100 money, from 1793 to 1816. Year. J 793 J 794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810 1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 Stock redeemed for every 100 money paid. Stock created for every 100 money received. Average - 163.32 HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL DEBT. 29 The very last transaction in loans, at the conclu- CHAP.III. sion of the war, shows the impolicy of the mode of Marshall's account. financing then in vogue in a very striking light. Marshall says : ' The only loan created in 1816 was 3, 000,000 Loan of * from the Bank of England. That,, with the surplus 1 of the loans raised in 1815, supplied the means ' of applying 13,047,317 in 1816 to the purchase ' of stock at an average rate of 62 for 3 per cent. ' stock, while in the preceding year 62,640,000 of * 3 per cent., and 3,600,000 of 4 per cent, stock, * was created for only 35,689,803 net money re- ' ceived, being at the rate of little more than 50 of ' money received for every 100 of 3 per cent, stock ' created.' Paying a price of 62 for an article, and then valuing it only at 50 when you pay it away, or, in " other words, contracting a debt of 62, in order to discharge obligations to the amount of 50, needs no comment, especially as we shall have to take up the subject again when we treat of the sinking fund. The total artificial enhancement of the debt Total ^ amount of up to the year 1816 appears to have been about Jjjjjjjjijj 276,665,703, or, at any rate, equivalent to that e bt! f amount in a 3 per cent, stock, namely 2,723,710 in the reign of Queen Anne, 2,896,000 in the reign of George II. 23,500,000 during the American war, and 247,565,993 during the Great French war. JO THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDEKED. CHAP, in. It is, perhaps, necessary here to remark, that variation of various statements of the amount of the National accounts. Debt have at different times been published, which differ considerably from those given above. It is, indeed, scarcely possible for any private individual to arrive at the exact amount of former times, as the accounts seem to vary considerably, even when de- rived from official sources. This may possibly have arisen, in some degree, from changes made from time to time in the mode of keeping the public accounts, as also from the returns having been made at differ- ent periods of the same year ; but the principal part of the discrepancies arises, we believe, from the same items not being all embraced in the various calcula- tions which have been made. Thus one person will take the funded debt alone, while another will include the unfunded debts. Of the unfunded debts, some will probably reckon only the outstanding Exchequer Bills, while others will include the Navy and all other outstanding debts existing at the time. In many cases, the debt on account of Ireland is included other calculations exclude it. For many years there was a debt of about ^85,000,000 on the Emperor of Germany's account this was also in- cluded in some accounts and excluded from others. Some statements of the debt do not include the long and short annuities, while others capitalise them at their supposed value, and put down the sum as part of the National Debt. If we only take the year HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL DEBT. 3 I 1823 as an instance, we shall find that while one set CHAP, in. of official statements makes the funded debt, on the 5th January, 1823, to be 791,806,312, the Chan- cellor of the Exchequer in his speech on the Budget in the same year, stated it to be 796,530,144 on the very same day. But it was about this time, that a convention was entered into with the Emperor of Austria, by which the Emperor of Germany's debt was commuted; and it is possible, that, while this debt was included in one statement, it was excluded from the other. Again take the year 1833, January 5th, as ano- statement ther example. One set of accounts makes the funded isss. and unfunded debt to amount to 781,378,549, while another statement puts them down at 789,474,422. Upon examining the two accounts, we find that they both agree in making the unredeemed funded debt 754,100,549 ; and the difference is in the unfunded debt, which stands in one statement as ' Exchequer Bills outstanding 5th January, 1833, 27,278,000,' and in the other as c unfunded debt and other demands outstanding, 35,373> 8 73-' * * Even the late Mr. G. E. Porter, whose official position at the Board of Trade, gave him the utmost possible facility for ascertaining correctly everything connected with the Public accounts, had to complain of their inadequacy. Alluding to the financial statement annually made in the House of Com- mons by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he says : ' The ' details of these Budgets would consequently throw but little ' light upon the financial condition of the country, even if 5 2 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. in. It is in this way, we think, that the principal part of the variations of the different statements is to be accounted for. We believe, however, that the tables we have previously given approach very closely to the truth, and are accurate enough to answer all the purposes for which they are inserted in this Essay. items of As it may be interesting to some to see a detailed statement of the National Debt for one year, we insert such statement of the funded debt for the year 1833, being the year we have just been commenting upon with reference to the seeming discrepancy in the amounts given of the unfunded debt. National Debt on the $th January, 1833. GREAT BRITAIN. Capital of unredeemed debts. Debt due to the South Sea Company, at 3 per cent Old South Sea Annuities New South Sea Annuities South Sea Annuities 1751 Debt due to the Bank of England . Bank Annuities created in 1726 . Consolidated Annuities Reduced Annuities , Total bearing interest at 3 per cent. . 3,662,784 2,460,830 523,100 14,686,800 874,949 347,458,93! . 123,029,913 8 2 2 7 5 ${ 7 10 ; 3 . 496,195,179 5 *i ' they had been preserved in an authentic form, which has ' not been done. Any statements of the kind that could be ' offered, must be drawn from unauthorised publications in t which they have been given without regard to methodical ' arrangement, while, as regards some years of the series, we 1 should seek in vain for any statement whatever.' HISTORY OF THE DEBT. 33 Capital of unredeemed debts. CHAP. III. Brought forward . . 496,195,179 5 af Annuities at 3 per cent. 18 1 8 . . 12,350,801 16 i amount of Reduced Annuities ditto . . 63,453,824. 2 i J New 3 \ per cent. Annuities . .137,613,820 7 2 4 per cent. Annuities created in 1826 . 10,796,340 o o New 5 per' cent. Annuities . . 462,736 13 4 Great Britain . . . 720,872,702 3 icf IRELAND. Irish Consolidated Annuities at 3 per cent ........ 2,803,780 1 8 4 Irish Reduced Annuities ditto . 162,062 6 2 ,3 i os. per cent. Debentures and Stock 14,605,670 3 ir Reduced 3^ per cent. Annuities . . 1,234,509 4 3 Debt due to the Bank of Ireland, at 4 percent ....... 1,615,384 12 4 New 5 per cent. Annuities . . . 6,661x0 Debt due to the Bank of Ireland, at 5 percent ....... 1,015,384 12 4 Total United Kingdom . . . 754,100,549 10 2| Unfunded debts of all kinds . . 35,373,873 6 Having now brought up the general account of the Debt to the year 1816, we shall pause in its history, until we have examined the real value bor- rowed, which is by no means truly expressed, when we state it, merely as so many '.pounds sterling/ 34 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED- CHAPTER IV. WHAT WAS THE VALUE REALLY BORROWED BY THE STATE, IN THE CONTRACTION OF THE NATIONAL DEBT, UP TO THE YEAR l8l6. CHAP, iv. TT7E have seen, by our previous investigations, that the method adopted in contracting the loans, has had the effect of swelling the nominal capital of the National Debt by at least 276 millions sterling beyond the sums actually borrowed. Great, how- ever, as is this imprudent amplification of the debt, it yet by 110 means expresses all the difference be- tween the value lent, and the value for which the Country has been made liable. This, again, has been increased * by the various alterations of the mone- tary system of the Country in the first place, by the Bank Restriction Acts of 1797 and subsequent years and, secondly, by the measures of the late Sir Robert Peel in 1819 and 1844. We propose, therefore, to examine, and to ascertain, if possible, what was the real value lent to the nation, stripped of * Increased as respects the loans contracted between 1797 and 1 8 1 6, but diminished as respects those previously con- tracted. WHAT is A 'POUND'? 35 these artificial enhancements. This value stood re- CHAP.IV. corded, at the conclusion of the French war, as 816 millions of pounds, reckoning the funded debt only ; French war - but this is a very loose and unsatisfactory description of the extent and real value of the Debt contracted, and as existing at that time ; for it will give us no clear idea of it, unless we first know what the value of these pounds was. Even the metallic pound has been of all values and descriptions, ranging from twelve ounces of silver to less than one ounce * but every one conversant with these matters knows very well that the pound during the time that the greater portion of this debt was contracted, was not, prac- tically, a metallic pound at all, but merely a piece of paper issued by the Bank of England, of no intrinsic value whatever, but alone valuable in the proportion that it would purchase commodities. A very ready reply might, indeed, be given to any enquiry touch- ing the value of the National Debt, if the answer given by the late Sir R. Peel to his own celebrated question, ' What is a pound,' were accepted and coin- cided in without qualification. This answer was, that, ' according to practice, according to law, ac- 1 cording to the ancient monetary policy of this ' country, the meaning of a pound is neither more ' nor less than a certain definite quantity of gold ( with a mark upon it to determine its weight and * Iii the year 1550, in the reign of Edward VI., some money was coined so as to contain but 16 dwts. 16 grs. of silver in the pound sterling. 3 6 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAR iv. t fi neness / Could we implicitly bow to, and accept nSonofa i}l denn ition, it would follow, that, as this certain definite quantity' was, theoretically, though not practically, during the whole of the time that the debt was being contracted, 5 dwts. 3 grs. of gold,* and as the debt amounted, at the close of the war, to 8 1 6 millions of pounds, so that debt must necessarily be 816 million times 5 dwts. 3 grs. which will be found to amount to about 6,401 tons avoirdupois of gold, of standard fineness. This is the view taken by the school of economists of which the late Sir Robert Peel was so eminent a member and leader, and it is now upheld by Lord Overstone, Mercator of the Times, and others of similar sentiments. Every pound of the Debt they consider to be 5 dwts. 3 grs. of gold that, and that alone. In their view, the obligation to pay back such pounds as these, either in the payment of the inter- est, or the repayment of the principal of the debt, was either expressed or implied in all the engage- ments entered into by the Government with the fundholders. Peel's defi- Notwithstanding the great names which endorse nition unsa- tisfactory, this doctrine, the above definition of the ' pound ' * The above must be taken with some qualifications ; as Sir Robert Peel was in error when lie said ' a pound ' was, even by the practice, the law. and the monetary policy of this Country, ' neither more nor less ' than a definite quantity of gold with a mark upon it, etc., for there were other legal pounds besides this, as we shall shortly describe. WHAT is A 'POUND'? 37 does not appear to be a satisfactory and conclusive CHAP, iv. one, to many parties. Men of thoroughly practical, as well as philosophic and scientific minds, have en- tirely rejected it ; nor, indeed, is it precisely true, in amUnjact, fact, as a matter of ordinary history. For it was not until the year 1816, after the whole of the debt which we have been describing was contracted, that 5 dwts. 3 grs. of gold was thus, exclusively, made the legal ' pound' sterling. Previous to 1816, the English pound sterling was, or might be, one of several things, at the option of the payer, for in- stance (with the exception of ten years from 1774 to 1784) it might be, for debts to any amount, either : i st. 20 shillings of the silver coinage, however worn that coinage might be; or, 2ndly. The silver coinage, by weight, at 5/2 per ounce; or, 3rdly. 20 parts out of 21 of the current guinea, that is 5 dwts. 3 grs. of the then current gold coinage equal therefore, to the present sove- reign. During the ten years from 1774 to 1784, the silver Payments J / / t / tJ b y tale O f by tale of coin, was restricted to payments of not restricted! more than 25 at a time ; but at 5/2 per ounce it was still a legal tender, at all times, and to any amount. It is not, therefore, strictly and historically true, Xf ri p tion d cf that, ' according to practice, according to law, ac- 4 cording to the ancient monetary policy in this 38 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP, iv. < Country, the meaning of a "pound" is neither more Thomson's ' nor ^ ess ^ [iSiIi a cer t am definite quantity of gold,' etc. notice. But though the economists of Sir R. Peel's school, as a body, concur in, and maintain his definition of the Pound, even they are not, at all times, unani- mous in their adhesion to it. "When gold was first discovered to exist in such abundance in Australia as well as in California, Colonel (now General) Thomp- son gave notice in the House of Commons of his intention to move a series of resolutions, by which he sought to establish the principle, that the ' Pound ' was not, necessarily, a certain definite quantity of gold ; and that it would be unjust to the National creditor, that he should, in the event of the abun- dant production of gold Causing it to fall to one-half, or one quarter of its present exchangeable value, be liable to have his claim on the Nation cancelled by the payment to him of 5 dwts. 3 grs. of gold for every ' Pound ' owing to him. Fearing the loss that might accrue to the fundholder through maintaining inviolate the * Pound ' of Sir R. Peel, the gallant colonel sought to establish the principle recognised in a corn-rent, namely, that the value of a rent or sum should be calculated so as to yield to its reci- pient, upon the average, so much corn, and not as securing him, invariably, so much gold. This was so remarkable a defection from the principles hitherto so unswervingly maintained by this school of eco- nomists, that, to avoid possibility of mistake, or COLONEL THOMPSON'S VIEW OF A 'FOUND'. 39 suspicion of misrepresentation, we shall insert the CHAP.IV. resolutions given notice of by Colonel Thompson, at full length. They were the following, viz. : ' i . That it is the duty of the Government to take General Thompson s ' measures to guard against the possible effects of the rcsolutions - ' increasing production of the gold mines upon the ' holders of the National Securities. ( 2. That the contract with the holders of the Na- 1 tional Securities ought to be substantially fulfilled. ' 3. That the contract substantially was, to pay ( them annually the twentieth, or other declared ' fractional part of the real value received. c 4. That the community has no interest in de- 1 frauding the fundholders to serve the payers of the ' taxes, as would be distinctly visible if every man ' was a fundholder in the same proportion that he is * a tax-payer. * 5. That the allegation that the fundholder has ' been overpaid in consequence of what is denomi- 1 nated " Peel's Bill" is a misstatement dependent 1 upon reckoning all who have been overpaid, and e taking no account of all who have been underpaid ; ' the truth being that, on taking both together, there ' is, on the lowest estimate, a balance of eight mil- ' lions and a half, which, on an equitable adjustment, ' would be due to the fundholders. ' 6. That if the discovery of new gold mines should 40 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP, iv. * go on, it will lead to a diminution in the value of Thompson's ' *^ e P rec ^ ous me tals like that which occurred in the resolutions. < Ye {g n O f Elizabeth, and periods subsequent, in con- ' sequence of the discovery of America. ' 7. That it is no argument against the imminence 1 of this result, that commercial men show no symp- ' toms of alarm ; because, to the general operations ' of commerce it is indifferent whether gold is dear ' or cheap, for the simple reason that every man pays ' it away at the same rate that he receives, and vice ' versa. ( 8. That the derangement which, from such a ( cause, would be made in the property of the fund- ' holders, and all old creditors and mortgagees, ought to be prevented by the same means which, as far as applied, were effectual in the time of Elizabeth namely, by application of the principle of a corn rent. 1 9. That the application of that principle would be effected by the issue of a paper currency not convertible upon demand, but issuable only to such amount as should be from time to time directed by Act of Parliament, on evidence produced, that the price of wheat had, for the average of a certain period, been below - shillings per quarter; any contravention of such acts in respect of issuing more than therein directed to be dealt with as in cases of forgery; the amount of such authorised issue to be debited to the Exchequer and applied to the Consolidated Fund. COLONEL THOMPSON'S VIEW OF A 'POUND'. 41 * 10. That the efficiency of such inconvertible CHAP, iv. e paper is evidenced by the experiment of 1797, when ^^ on , s ' the paper maintained its value without depreciation, ^solutions. ' except what was the necessary consequence of the ' premeditated over-issues. ' 1 1 . That the belief in the necessity of the com- ' munity providing and purchasing nineteen millions * of gold to be kept in cellars, is a superstition of the ' same nature as if a manufacturer in Manchester, or ' a merchant in Liverpool, should think he could not * maintain his credit without a similar precaution. * 12. That in any community the collection of a ' treasure of this kind is impolitic and dangerous, as ' holding out temptation to invasions from abroad ' and to coups d'etat at home. '13. That in a settled and highly-civilized com- ' munity there is no more necessity for the instru- 1 ment of exchange to be framed of materials equal ' in value to the amount concerned, than for a bond ' or other obligation to be traced upon a plate of gold ' of the value of the amount at issue. ' 14. That such a paper money as proposed might ' be issued gradually, and the other paper withdrawn ; 1 thereby preventing the danger of sudden change. '15. That it is expedient to attend to the ques- 4 tion before any public excitement is raised by cur- 4 rent events.' In these resolutions, and especially in the third, 42 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP, iv. General Thompson contends, and, as we think, very properly, that the real value is the point to be looked at and that it is this, which, as a matter of justice, ought to be carefully secured to the national creditor. But the question arises, that, as this real value must be expressed somehow or other in material things, how, if it is not to be expressed in, or described as, so much gold, is it to be expressed, and in what is it to be described ? ' Gold/ says the General, is not ' the real value ;' and, notwithstanding the possible pay- ment of the fundholder in gold, the contract may yet not be ' substantially fulfilled/ What, then, is the real value ? And what will, in any case, be e a substantial fulfilment ' of the contract. what is We might here go into an examination of the abstract question of ' value ' a question which has engaged the attention of some of our most eminent political and social philosophers; but, waiving all pure abstractions, we think we may say, that the plain and practical answer to this question is given by General Thompson himself. He, in effect, says, * Take care that the fundholder has as much corn ' returned to him as he lent' that is, as we under- stand it, as much of the ordinary necessaries and comforts of life as he lent, for this is what is really intended, corn being the most appropriate commodity in which to express the idea, from its being the foundation of the production of all other necessaries and values. If you do not accomplish this, you do THE REAL STANDARD OF VALUE. 43 not ' substantially fulfil ' the contract ; but, if this be CHAP.IV. done, the contract is fulfilled. He, therefore, evi- ^^J of dently considers corn to be the true and natural value - standard of value, and in this he is corroborated by the highest authorities, some of whom we quote : Mr. Horner. ' Corn is the great and paramount Homer. 1 standard of all value/ * Locke. ' That wheat in England does come near- Locke. ' est to a standing measure is evident, by comparing ' wheat with other commodities, money, and the yearly income of land in Henry VII.'s time and < now.' Mr. John Taylor. < In the most important pro- John Taylor * duction of the earth, we find a standard of value ' which nothing has ever given us reason to regard as ' subject to change. Such is corn, or whatever con- ' stitutes in any country the principal food of its ' inhabitants, which of all the productions of the * earth is the most important.' And Dr. Adam Smith, though theoretically main- Dr. Adam Smith. taining that labour was the true standard of value, was yet obliged to take refuge in the practical fact, that that quantity of corn, or of the necessaries of life, which labour could command, was the standard * We quoted this from memory, but we have since met with the exact words ; they are as follows, viz. : ' Corn is * the admitted standard of all values, the precious metals ' being the practical measure.' Par. Deb. New Series, vol. ix. 909, 910. 44 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP, iv. Gold and silver no standards of value Provisions. by w hich the value of that labour itself must be determined. He says : ' Labour, like commodities, ' may be said to have a real and a nominal price. ' The real price may be said to consist in the quantity ' of the necessaries and conveniences of life, which ' are given for it : its nominal price is the quantity 1 of money. The labourer is rich or poor, is well or ' ill rewarded in proportion to the real, not to the ' nominal price/ In addition to these authorities, we may, ourselves, at once see. that the degree of subsistence which is afforded, and not the amount of gold or silver which ig give ^ to any party, is the true test of the value of any payment for goods or services made to them, and is, therefore, the natural standard of value. For instance, it would afford no decisive or satisfactory information respecting the degree in which labourers were well or ill paid, in any country, if it were merely stated that they received so much gold, or so much silver, without anything else being taken into the account. This statement would, evidently, be incomplete and indecisive, unless the price of provi- sions were also given. It is this which would really and ultimately determine the value of the wages paid them. We "could not safely conclude that a man who receives 53. a day in one country was twice as well paid as another who, in another country, received only 2s. 6d. a day for it might happen that the man who received but 2s. 6d. actually received THE REAL STANDARD OF VALUE. 45 more value than the other ; inasmuch as, while re- CHAP. iv. ceiving less silver, he was obtaining more bread and cheese. The standard of the value of the remunera- tion is, unquestionably, therefore, neither silver nor gold, but subsistence, which, if expressed by one commodity, is best expressed by that which is, em- phatically, the staff of life, corn. Further the standard of any quality is that, Proper cha- J ^ J racteristics which, upon being appealed to, finally and absolutely d a stand ~ decides, without the necessity of any further refer- ence, respecting the degree of that quality in other objects. No appeal lies from its decision, or it could not be the standard. If further reference have to be made, then that is the standard to which ultimate reference must be made. Now, we have seen, that gold and silver do not ultimately determine the point of value they are not, therefore, standards of that quality. But corn is, for no reference beyond it can be made. The degree in which any person, or class of persons, is able to procure the necessaries, conve- niences and luxuries of life, is an unfailing index of the value of the payments made to him, or to them, by society. It is not possible to go beyond this. But some persons, from not distinguishing between Difference the character of a standard and that of a measure and a mea- may imagine that the fluctuating nature of the supply sure - of corn from season to season must quite unfit it for a standard of value. Not so ; this circumstance only 46 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDEKED. CHAP, iv. unfits it for a practical measure of value, but does not disqualify it for a standard, for it by no means follows that, because a thing is unfit for a measure, it is therefore unfit for a standard. A barleycorn is the original standard of the English measures, inch, foot, and yard, yet no one thinks of using barleycorns as measures of length. So likewise with corn; though it is the only true and proper standard of value, it cannot be conveniently used as a common measure of value. Were we writing an essay on the currency question, we should have to enter largely into this point ; but, as we have at present merely to touch upon it incidentally, we content ourselves with re- commending any of our readers who may wish to see this part of the subject largely and fully discussed, to make themselves acquainted with the able works John Tay- of Mr. John Taylor, especially his ' Essay on the lor's Essay on the Standard and Measure of Value/ l Essay on Standard of Value. Money/ and other works, in which all the branches of monetary science are investigated, and its true principles developed with great acumen and scholar- ship. This is not necessary, however, for our present purpose. We are merely desirous, just now, of so far alluding to these things, as to enable us to judge of the real value in the necessaries and conveniences of life, which the Country received for the debt which it contracted, taking wheat as their proper exponent. To this immediate point we now address ourselves. During the century which elapsed from the com- REAL AMOUNT OF THE DEBT IN CORN. 47 mencement of the debt to the beginning of the CHAP, iv. French revolutionary war, the average price of wheat t of was, as nearly as possible, 363. per quarter or 43. 6d. before 1793> a bushel. The debt contracted during this period stood, nominally, at the beginning of 1793, at 229,614,496, from which we must deduct .29,119,710, being the amount artificially added to the debt by the mode of borrowing adopted. This will leave a balance of 200,494,786, which, being reduced into wheat at 365. per quarter, gives the real sum borrowed, in the necessaries of life, as 111,385,992 quarters of wheat. From 1707 to 1816, the price of wheat may be Price from 1793 to 1816. reckoned at about 8os. per quarter. The debt con- tracted during this period, was, as we have seen in a former chapter, nominally 586,697,433, but really only 339,131,500; which also being reduced into quarters of wheat at 8os. a quarter, gives a further amount borrowed of 84,782,875 quarters; and, adding this to the former amount, we arrive at a grand total of 196,168,867 quarters of wheat as the real, true, and just amount of our National Debt, as it stood at the close of the French war, if measured in the real and natural standard of value. It is this, or the equivalent of this, that the fundholder parted with to become the creditor of the nation, and to the repay- ment of this, he is, at least, fairly entitled, if the contract with him be, as Colonel Thompson expresses it, ' substantially fulfilled/ What strikes us the most forcibly in this view of 48 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP, iv. the case, is this : That though we are accustomed of the'ilebt * ^^ ^ ^at portion of the Debt which was con- tracted between 1793 and 1816, as of far greater magnitude than that which previously existed, seeing it stands recorded as 586 millions sterling, while the previous debt was only 229 millions, yet it is, in truth, of much less amount, being only as 84 millions of quarters of wheat in the latter period to 1 1 1 millions of quarters in the former. The overwhelming burden of our debt does not arise from the magnitude of the amount most recently borrowed, as is generally sup- posed, but from the financial and monetary mis- management of our statesmen. Real value Further, it appears that the whole real value of the of Debt in 1797. debt contracted previously to the Bank Restriction Act of 1797, was 200,494,786 in money, and equal to 111,385,992 quarters of wheat. Taking the money value at which this now stands recorded to the credit of the fundholder, namely 229,614,496, and reck- oning it in wheat at its present price of three bushels to the pound sterling, or 2 133. 4d. a quarter, it would not amount to more than 86,105,436 quarters of wheat, which would be less than the fundholders of the eighteenth century lent, and in favour of the Country, to the amount of 25,270,556 quarters of wheat ; which, at the present price, would be equiva- lent to 67,388,149 6s. 8d. sterling. On the other hand, it appears that the whole real value of the debt contracted between 1797 and 1816, REAL VALUE OF THE DEBT IN CORN. 49 was 339,131,500, or 84,782,875 quarters of wheat; CHAP.IV. that this sum now stands to the credit of the fund- ladders at 586,697,433 stock ; that this is worth, at 90, the present price of consols, 528,011,490, and in wheat 198,004,308 quarters ; a balance of 113,221,433 quarters of wheat, or 301,923,821 6s. 8d. in money ; * against the Country and in favour of the fundholders of the present century. This is the amount which has been artificially added to the weight of the National Debt, by the mode of bor- rowing adopted, and by the change in the value of the pound made by the Currency Acts of 1819 and 1844. We are not, however, to conclude, that because The fund- holder of the fundholders of the last century could now only the last * century no obtain 86,105,436 quarters of wheat instead of 111,385,992 quarters, the amount originally lent, they are, therefore, underpaid, and that a balance is fairly due to them. This is not the case, as a very few words will make plain. That they cannot now obtain so much corn with the dividends received by them, is owing to circumstances which affect every other British subject as well as themselves, and the effects of which, they are bound to participate in as well as everybody else. What is it that causes their pounds to be of diminished value? What lessens their purchasing power ? Is it not the rise that has * Reckoning the value of 113,221,433 quarters of wheat at the present price of 533. 4d. a quarter. 50 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. iv. taken place in the price of wheat arid other commo- dities ? And what has caused this rise ? Is it not the expenses entailed upon the community at large by the wars which have caused heavy taxes necessa- rily to be laid upon commodities to meet those ex- penses ? Is not every one else now obliged to pay 535. 4d. a quarter for wheat, instead of 363., the price at which the money was borrowed? There is no diminution in the value of the pounds they lent, other than that they purchase less commodities because these commodities are enhanced in price by taxation. And this is a loss that every one, fund- holder or not, is obliged to bear : and the fundholder of the 1 8th century has no more reason than any one else to complain that his pound of dividend will not realise him as much of commodities as it did during the century in which he lent it. 5 1 H CHAPTER V. HISTOllY OF THE DEBT PROM l8l6 TO 1857. AVINGr traced the real value borrowed by the CHAP. v. Nation in the contraction of the National Debt Alterations . in the debt. up to the year 1816, we now resume its history from that period to the present time. We shall state the principal alterations which have been made, having reference to the debt, as nearly as possible year by year, as we think that that will be the most clear and convenient mode of proceeding. 1817. The English and Irish Exchequers were Irish and English Ex- consolidated, in pursuance of the bill passed in the chequers. preceding session of Parliament, for that purpose. 1818. .3,000,000 were raised for the service of Raising of 3,000,000. the State, by increasing the interest payable on a certain portion of the debt, but without increasing the capital of that portion. This was effected by transferring 27,000,000 of 3 per cent, stock into 31 per cents., the parties subscribing for such 3! per cent, stock paying a sum of 11 as a premium for 5 2 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. v. each 16100 3 per cent, stock so converted into 3^ per cent. At the same time provision was made for the funding of 27,000,000 of Exchequer Bills. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in proposing these measures, said, that { the addition to the funded debt ' in consequence of the propositions which he had to ' submit would be about 34,900,000 of stock, which, f however, would only produce an augmentation of ' the nominal capital of the public debt beyond the ' money actually raised to the amount of between ' 4,000,000 and 5,000,000, being the difference ' between the above sum of 34,900,000 and that of ' of 30,270,000 either of money to be paid or of * unfunded debt to be reduced/ The real result of this year's financial proceedings, including the opera- tions of the Sinking Fund, appears to have been an increase of the funded debt of 15,124,910, it having risen from 776,742,403 on the 5th Jan. 1818, to 791,867,313 on the 5th Jan. 1819, and a decrease of the unfunded debt of 13,677,356, it having fallen from 66,772,364 in the former period to 53,095,008 in the latter. of 3 stock tion I $ I 9- The financial operations of this year were the contraction of two fresh loans of 12,000,000 each; one from the Commissioners of the sinking fund ; the other, by public competition. Stock was, however, redeemed by the sinking fund, and the un- funded debts reduced; so that on the 5th Jan. 1820, HISTORY OF THE DEBT FROM l8l6TOl857. 5J the debt, funded and unfunded, was diminished by CHAP. v. 1,5 73,517 ; the respective amounts being : Funded debt 794,980,481 Unfunded debt .... 48,408,323 Total . . 843,388,804 1820. During this vear 7,000,000 of Exchequer Funding of Exchequer Bills were funded in a 5 per cent, stock, 99 of such Bins. stock having been given by the Government for every 100 Exchequer Bills subscribed. 12,000,000 were borrowed from the sinking fund. We have also to record another instance of the persistence of the Government in that injudicious mode of borrowing money which we have previously seen such reason to condemn. For, in addition to the loan from the sinking fund, another loan of 5,000,000 was nego- tiated in a 3 per cent, stock, by which 142 45. of stock was created for every 100 money received. At the end of this financial year, namely, Jan. 5, 1821, the funded debt stood at 801,565,310 and the unfunded debt at 43,535,621, being an increase . upon the whole of 1,712,127. 1821. During this year an increase was made to Bank of the debt, by an increase of the capital of the Bank of Ireland, amounting to 5,000,000 Irish currency. There was also a loan from the Commissioners of the sinking fund of 13,000,000. 54 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. v. Reckoning, on the other hand, the redemption of Diminution the debt by the sinking fund, and the diminution of the unfunded debts, there appears to have been, on the balance of the year, the favourable result of a diminution of the funded and unfunded debts of 13,543,448 the amount on the 5th Jan. 1822, being 831,557,493 against 845,100,931, the amount at the corresponding period of the preceding year. Reduction 1 822. In this year, the operation was effected of of Navy . 5 per cents, reducing the navy 5 per cents, to 4 per cents ; the result of which was to secure an annual saving, in- cluding the charges of 1,230,000; but increasing, on the other hand, the nominal capital of the debt, by 7,472,423 sterling. At the same time the Irish 5 per cents, were reduced in the same manner. At the end of the financial year there was only a net increase of the funded and unfunded debts to the amount of 1,734,589, though, in addition to the above-named artificial increase of the capital of the debt, there was another similar increase of 2,365,655 by transference of 3 per cent, stock on account of the East India Company. This generally favourable re- sult was owing to the operation of the sinking fund. Amount of funded and unfunded debts Jan. 5, 1823, 833,292,082. Alteration 1823. The year 1823 was a very busy and import- ing Fund, ant financial year. In the first place, the principle HISTORY OF THE DEBT FROM l8 1 6 TO 1857. 55 upon which the revenue of the sinking fund was CHAP. v. founded, was entirely altered; but, as the alteration thus effected will have to be more fully described when we treat of the Sinking Fund, we shall not now more fully allude to it. In the second place, this was the year in which the annuity commonly called the ' Dead Weight ' had its origin. This annuity was the result of an attempt to distribute more equally, through a number of years, the burden of the naval and military pensions, which had become due to those engaged in the late wars, or to their families. The amount of these pensions was about 5,000,000 annually, and the object of the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Vansittart, was to mitigate that burden for the time being, by throwing a portion of it upon posterity. It must be understood, that though these pensions Annuity were heavy at the time, yet, being for lives, they vansittart. would, in the natural course of things, have become less and less burdensome every year, by the progres- sive falling in of the lives of the parties interested in them ; but the Chancellor was indisposed to wait for this, and his first proposition was for Parliament to grant a fixed annuity of 2,800,000 for 45 years, to those parties who would undertake to pay into the Treasury, year by year, during the 45 years, such sums as would, according to the tables of mortality then existing, be sufficient to pay the pensions which would become payable in each year by the State. 56 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED- CHAP. v. The scheme was, however, an entire failure. It Failure of gave universal dissatisfaction. In vain did the Chan- tart cellor try the Bank of England, the South Sea Com- pany, and private capitalists. Not one would take the contract, and the Chancellor was obliged to with- draw the scheme, as no one would meddle with it in the shape first presented. The Dead Mr. Vansittart subsequently brought forward a second plan, which was partially successful. This was, to invest in the hands of trustees an annuity of 2,800,000 for 45 years, to be derived from the con- solidated fund, and the trustees were to provide the funds necessary to pay the annual pensions, by selling portions of this annuity when they found it necessary to do so. The Bank of England contracted for a portion of this annuity; that is, they purchased from the Trustees to the extent of 585,740 per annum, which amount the Bank of England still receives and will continue to do so until the year 1867, when the annuity expires. This is the annuity commonly known by the name of the Dead Weight. The funded and unfunded debts at the end of this year amounted to 831,063,786, showing a decrease, during the year, of 2,228,296. 1824. During this year an arrangement was made 's debt with the Emperor of Austria, by which the debt, commonly called the Emperor of Germany's debt, and which had been incurred by money raised in HISTORY OF THE DEBT FROM l8l6TOl857. 57 London for his use in the years 1795 and 1797, was CHAP. v. commuted. The principal of the debt amounted to about .6,000,000, and it was now agreed to accept .2,500,000 from the Emperor of Austria in full dis- charge of our claim. The arrangement being made, it was transferred and made part of our own debt by incorporating it with the 3 per cent, consols. The amount actually paid into the Exchequer did not exceed 2,200,000, the remainder being deductions by way of discount and per centages. We therefore took upon ourselves a burden of about 6,000,000, for the sake of 2,200,000. Out of the money thus received 300,000, was appropriated to the repairs of Windsor Castle, and 500,000 to building new churches. In this year, also, the 4 per cents., amounting to Reduction about 75,000,000 were reduced to 3! per cent. Cents - saving on the annual charges arising from a capital of 75,000,000, the sum of 375,000 per annum, and without increasing the nominal capital of the debt. This was a year of great commercial prosperity ; Prosperity and the finances of the Country participated in it to a great extent, the reduction of the debt funded and unfunded being no less than 13,38 1,68 1, the amount on the 5th Jan. 1825, being 817,682,105 against 831,063,786, the amount on the preceding 5th Jan. 1825. Nothing affecting the National Debt oc- 1 OF THE UNIVERSITY 5^ THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. v. curred this year worthy of record ; notwithstanding that, in other respects, it was a year of great financial excitement. n strong contrast to the preceding year, the year 1826 was remarkable for the length and frequency of the debates in Parliament upon the financial condition of the Country, and the minute- ness with which every matter touching the National Debt, taxation, and revenue was investigated and discussed. The Chancellor of the Exchequer encoun- tered the strongest opposition upon presenting his budget. The accuracy and truth of his statements were impugned both by Mr. Maberly and Mr. Hume ; the latter of whom brought forward a string of forty- five resolutions, embracing almost every subject con- nected with the finances of the Nation, asserting, among other things, that there had been no reduction whatever in the amount of the National Debt since the war ; denouncing the sinking fund and the princi- ples upon which it was founded ; and reprobating, in strong terms, the arrangement made for the payment of the Naval and Military pensions. Much error was mixed with much truth in Mr. Hume's asser- tions and resolutions, and the Chancellor succeeded in carrying his Budget. The resolutions of Mr. Hume, as far as they concerned the sinking fund, were very admirable, and corroborate the remarks we have made respecting the injudicious mode adopted by the HISTORY OF THE DEBT FROM l8l6TOl857. 59 Government in contracting the loans. These reso- CHAP. v. lutions we shall give in extenso, when we come to ~~ treat of the sinking fund. The debts funded and unfunded amounted, at the close of the financial year, to 811,896,834. 1827. Nothing of financial importance this year. Debts funded and unfunded 807,744,338. 1828. In this session of Parliament there was Proposed alteration of another change proposed respecting the amount to be in future devoted to keeping up the sinking fund : this alteration we shall explain when treating of that fund. Debts funded and unfunded 804,782,428. 1820. During this year Exchequer bills were Funding Exchequer funded to a considerable extent. Bills. Debts funded and unfunded 800,728,375. i8?o. In this year, the operation was effected of Reduction . of New 4 reducing the new 4 per cents, to a 3^ per cent, stock, per cents. diminishing the annual charge of the public debt by the amount of 777,443. 1831, 1832, 1833. Nothing to record. 1834. The 4 per cents, of 1826 were this year notion reduced to 33 per cents., and added to, or consoli- cents. 60 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. v. dated with the New 35 per cents. ; but the dissen- tient holders of this stock were so numerous, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer was obliged to make application to the Commissioners of the sinking fund for pecuniary assistance, to enable him to pay them off. By this aid he was enabled to complete the operation. The stock held by the dissentients amounted to 4,600,000. To pay this off, a resolu- tion was passed on the gth of June, directing the Commissioners for the Reduction of the National Debt to pay the amount out of the funds held by them under the Savings' Bank Act : and that the dissented stock should, from the loth October follow- ing, be deemed to be converted into an equal amount of New 3^ per cents., which was accordingly done. Emancipa- In this year also, arrangements were made for the grant of 20,000,000 sterling to the West India planters for the emancipation of the slaves. The payment being made in some degree conditional upon the bona fides of the planters ; deferred interest was to be provided for by unpaid balances from the ist August, 1834. The payments on account of this compensation-money extended, therefore, through several subsequent years. Funding of 1 8 35 1830. Nothing of financial importance Exchequer . . Bills. affecting the debt occurred until this latter year, when 4,000,000 of Exchequer Bills were funded. The Bank of England subscribed half a million ster- HISTORY OF THE DEBT FROM I 8 l6 TO 1857. 6 I ling of these bills, for every 100 of which it received CHAP. v. 109 55. 2d. of a 3 per cent, stock. The remaining" 3,500,000 were subscribed by the public, but upon terms slightly less favourable to the Country, 110 of stock being given for every 100 of Exchequer Bills subscribed. Debts funded and unfunded, 5th January, 1840, ^793^55,448. 1840 1844. In the latter year, the 3* per cents., Reduction of 3i per amounting to about 250,000,000, were converted Cents. into a 3$ per cent, stock, with a further prospective conversion into a 3 per cent, stock in the year 1854. This reduction was accompanied, however, with a guarantee against any further reduction or redemp- tion, until after the year 1874. The diminution in the charges of the debt, thus effected, would, it was calculated, be 625,000 per annum in the year 1854. Debts funded and unfunded, Jan. 5th, 1845, 1845, 1846, 1847. The next important occurrence Distress in affecting the amount of the debt was the provision Ir made in 1847, for alleviating the distress in Ireland caused by the failure of the potatoe crop. The sum of 8,000,000 having been granted out of the consoli- dated fund for the relief of this distress, a loan to that amount was negotiated with the two houses of 62 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDEKED. CHAP. v. Rothschild and Baring. The same system of creating ~ more debt than the amount of money received was still persevered in, 89 los. of money only being received for every 100 stock created. This was strongly animadverted upon by Mr. Hume and Mr. Williams at the time, who objected to the Country being saddled with a debt of 8,938,947 for 8,000,000 money received. Debts funded and unfunded, January 5th, 1848, 796,612,497. 1848. Authority given by the House of Commons to raise 2,000,000 by Exchequer bills or by loan. Debts funded and unfunded, 797,792,749. 1849. Nothing occurred affecting the debt. Mr. Giad- 1850 1854. Mr. Gladstone brought forward a n ' plan for the conversion of South Sea and other minor Stocks into New 3^ and 2j per cents., which, however, was not very successfully carried out. He likewise introduced an entirely new species of secu- rity, namely, Exchequer bonds to bear interest at the rate of 2| per cent, for a period not exceeding 10 years, and 2j per cent, afterwards, payable half- yearly. The Bonds were to be, for a period not exceeding 40 years, irredeemable ; after that time, they were to be redeemable at par, either at the option of the Government alone, or at the option of HISTORY OF THE DEBT FROM l8l6 TO 1857. 63 the Government and the holder of the Bond as might CHAP. v. ultimately be decided upon. Debts funded and unfunded : Funded . . 751,645,818 on 31 st March, 1855. Unfunded (?)* 1855. We now come to the loan of 16,000,000, Loan for the Russian war raised for the purpose of carrying on the late Russian ^ 1855 - war, and in this, one of the latest affairs of the kind, we rejoice to find the nearest approach yet made to the proper mode of borrowing money by the Govern- ment, when the stock in which it is raised is of a lower denomination than will secure its being sub' scribed for at par. The terms upon which this loan was negotiated were : 100 money to be received by the Government for every 100 stock created; but, as a 3 per cent, stock was not worth 100 in the market, the extra price required was given in an annuity of 143. 6d. per cent., terminable in 30 years. This, we repeat, was a great improvement upon pre- vious modes of borrowing. We hold, that, notwith- standing the slightly less favourable terms in which money may be raised, yet the true and sound prin- ciple is, in any case, to get a stock subscribed for at par at least, and to pay a higher rate of interest, if money be dear at the time. It is the plain, simple, and straightforward way of proceeding ; and it gives the minister the opportunity, when money falls in * Reliable authority for this amount was not accessible in time for publication. .64 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. v. value, of reducing the interest on the stock without the least semblance of injustice paying a high price for that which is dear while it is dear, and paying a lower price for it when the article falls in value. The next best plan to this, is probably that adopted by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir G. C. Lewis, in this case; namely, the partial adoption of the principle of terminable annuities to supplement the stock given when 100 of that stock is not worth 100 in the market. Terminable annuities, it would indeed be advantageous to the nation to give alto- gether for money raised by loan ; but it is found, in practice, thai money to any very great extent, cannot be raised in this way unless upon the most exorbitant terms ; as it is a security which is not acceptable in the market, constantly and surely declining in value as is inseparable from its nature. Provision To this loan of 16,000,000 was attached a pro- for redemp- tion of debt, vision for its redemption, somewhat after the nature of a sinking fund. It was made imperative upon the minister of the day, within twelve months after the conclusion of peace, to provide a sum of 1,000,000 per annum for the purpose of gradually extinguishing this addition to the National Debt. The table, pp. 66, 67, taken from Ayres' c Financial Register,' a valuable work recently published, shows the payments to be made in accordance with the terms of the Act authorising the loan ; also pay- ments on account of two subsequent loans, and Mr. Gladstone's Exchequer Bonds. HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL DEBT. 65 1856. Since the 16,000,000 loan was contracted, CHAP.V. two other loans of 5,000,000 each have been nego- J^ 8 s tiated ; in raising which the Government have again resorted to the old mode of creating more stock than the amount of money received. The first of these loans has added 555,416 133. 4d. unnecessarily to the capital of the debt m 2s. 2d. of 3 per cent, stock having been created for every 100 money received. By the second loan of 185,000,000 the sum of 376,458 6s. 8d. has been thus factitiously added 107 los. 7d. of stock having been created for 100 money. At the same time that the first loan of 5,000,000 was negotiated, 3,000,000 of Exchequer Bills were funded on terms which added 333,250 of artificial capital to the amount of the Debt. By these transactions, therefore, the sum of 1,265,125 has been added to the Debt beyond money received. In addition to the foregoing responsibilities we Foreign guarantees. have guaranteed, conjointly with France, a loan of 4,000,000 to the Turkish Government, for which Messrs. Rothschild were the contractors, in August, i8 55 . On the other hand, we have lent to Sardinia Sardinian 2,000,000, from the Consolidated Fund, at 3 per cent, interest. A small portion of this has been repaid; the balance still owing stands to our credit; and may, therefore, be considered as lessening the real balance of the National Debt by its amount. 66 CHAP. V. * A Ter- minable Annuity of ^116, 000 is payable in respect of the loan of ^16,000,000 in Consols, per Act 18 Vie. c. 18, which will cease iu 1885. THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. Return ' showing the Liabilities in respect to Debts, Funded and Unfunded, Acts 17 Vic. c. 23; 18 Vic. c. 18; 18 & 19 In what year payable. Exchequer Bonds. LOANS. Act 18 Vic. c. 18. Act 19 Vic. c. 6. Act 19 Vic. c. 21. Sterling. 7,000,000. 16,000,000.* 5,000,000. 5,000,000. Act 17 Vic. c. 23. 1857 1858 1859 2,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 1,000,000 I ,OOO,OOO 250,000 250,000 250,000 250,000 250,000 6.000,000 18&19Vic.c. 130. 1,000,000 1860 . . . 1,000,000 250,000 250,000 1861 . . 1,000,000 250,000 250,000 1862 . . 1,000,000 250,000 250,000 1863 . 1,000,000 250,000 250,000 1864 . . 1,000,000 250,000 250,000 1865 . 1,000,000 250,000 250,000 1866 . 1,000,000 250,000 250,000 1867 . 1,000,000 250,000 250,000 1868 . 1,000,000 250,000 250,000 1869 . 1,000,000 250,000 250,000 1870 . . 1,000,000 250,000 250,000 1871 . . 1,000,000 250000 250,000 1872 . . 1,000,000 250,000 250,000 1873 . 1,000,000 250,000 250,000 1874 . . 250,000 250,000 1875 . . . .' 250,000 250,000 1876 . . . . 250,000 250,000 1877 . . . 250,000 . . 1878 to . . . . . . . 1885 From 1886 In addition to the above liabilities, the Funded and Unfunded Debts have 1st. The Funded Debt has been increased by a funding of 3,000,000 of 2nd. Exchequer Supply Bills issued, viz. : outstanding at the Ditto previous to the commencement of the Increase, bearing interest TREASURY CHAMBERS, nth February, 1857. Annual charge at the DEBT FOR WAR AGAINST RUSSIA. 67 incurred for the service of the War, to be redeemed in pursuance of the CHAP. V. Vic. c. 130; and 19 Vic. c. 6 & 21. Principal pay- able in each year. Charge in each year for addi- tional Funded and Unfunded Debt, calculated at existing rates. Total Sum pay- able in each year. Years. 1,460,500. Sterling. 2,250,000 1,421,000 3,671,000 1857 3,500,000 1,324,000 4,824,000 1858 3,500.000 1,207,000 4,707,000 1859 2,500,000 I,IO8,OOO 3,608,000 1860 1,500,000 1,043,000 2,543,000 1861 ,500,000 997,000 2,497,000 1862 ,500.000 950,000 2,450,000 1863 ,500,000 903,000 2,403,000 1864 ,500,000 856,000 2,356,000 1865 ,500,000 810,000 2,310,000 1866 ,500,000 763,000 2,263,000 1867 ,500,000 716,000 2,216,000 1868 ,500,000 669.000 2,169,000 1869 ,500,000 623,000 2,123,000 1870 ,500,000 576,000 2,076,000 1871 ,500,000 529,000 2,029,000 1872 ,500,000 481,000 1,981,000 1873 500,000 451,000 951,000 1874 500,000 437,000 937,000 1875 500,000 423,000 923,000 1876 250,000 411,000 661,000 1877 407,500 407,500 1878 . . . 291,500 291,500 to 1885 From 1886 been increased since the commencement of the war, as follows : Exchequer Bills, the annual charge of which is . . . . 99,997 present date 21,049,700 war (April 1st, 1854) 16,008,700 at 2d. per cent, per diem 5,041,000 present time 191.558 JAMES WlLSON. 68 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAPTER VI. CHANGE PRODUCED BY THE NATIONAL DEBT IN THE ^ P SYSTEM OF TAXATION OF THE COUNTRY. CHAP. vi. T)REVIOUS to the formation of the National Tax Debt, the taxes imposed upon the people were, Direct. principally, of a direct kind, such as subsidies, fines, hearth-money, first-fruits and tenths, land taxes, poll taxes, etc. ; the only indirect taxes being some small customs' duties under the heads of tunnage and poundage ; unless, indeed, we consider that the sale of monopolies, which was practised to a considerable extent, partook of the nature of indirect taxes. But, concurrently with the contraction of the Debt, was Change to established a great and permanent alteration in the Taxation, system of taxation, namely, the change from a system of almost entire direct taxation, to one in which the principal part of the revenue was obtained by means of duties placed upon commodities. For this change we are, in the first instance, indebted to the Long Parliament, which, in 1643, commenced the system of excise duties by levying them upon liquors, and afterwards extending them to other articles. There was, indeed, at the time, a solemn declaration made, OKIGIN OF THE EXCISE DUTIES. 69 that the excise duties should last no longer than the CHAP. vi. war that, at its conclusion, they should be discon- ~ tinued ; but the system was found too convenient to allow of this engagement^being faithfully observed. In the meantime, the National Debt gradually arose ; and, instead of the abolition of the excise being effected, it was found not only necessary to continue it, but to extend it much in the same proportion in which the debt was increased. During the reigns of William III., Anne, George I., Excise George II., and the first fifteen years of that of George III., the excise duties nearly sufficed to meet the payments on account of the Public Debt. But the almost constant state of war in which the country was involved during the subsequent portion of George III/s reign, and the rapidity with which the Debt accumulated, rendered the excise duties at last utterly inadequate to meet the charges of the Debt, which now well-nigh absorbed the whole of the customs' duties also. The following tabular state- ment will show up to what period the excise almost sufficed to meet the payments on account of the debt : Payments on account Received from Reign of of the Public Debt. Excise Duties. William III. 13,961,458 13,649,328 Anne . . 22,523,351 20,859,311 George I. . 41,218,879 about 32,000,000 George II. . 93,347,134 93,747,167 George III. | annual. annual. 1762 4,840,821 4,592,528 70 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. vi. at about which comparative amounts, these items remained till the American war broke out in 1776. conclusion of the American war in 1 790, we find that the excise fiuties are no longer able to meet the charges on account of the debt; for, while the annual interest of the debt has ad- vanced to 9,669,435, the excise duties reach only to ^6,707,555, leaving a deficiency of 2,961,880 on the year ; and the disproportion becomes greater and greater, until at last, in the year 1816, we find that though the excise and customs' duties have advanced to the enormous sum of 34,000,000, yet the interest of the huge debt well nigh swallows up the entire amount. ?E son Had tne change thus effected been merely that of T?xe dir ct the substitution of indirect taxation for direct, as the main source of revenue, we should not have thought it worth while to have made it a branch of our inves- tigation ; there being good grounds for contending, that indirect taxation, abstractedly speaking, is not, per se, more obnoxious to objections than direct taxa- tion is. Many and forcible are, no doubt, the objec- tions to taxes levied upon the products of industry ; but there are as many others, and those equally forcible, to taxes levied upon property or upon in- come. However equitable, theoretically speaking, the latter system may be, there are fatal and almost insurmountable objections to it in practice. In the first place, even those who most approve of it, as GENERAL DISCONTENT WITH THE INCOME TAX. J I respects the equity of the principle, have yet the CHAP.VI. most unconquerable aversion to the carrying of it out into practice. So strongly was this feeling of aver- sion manifested at the beginning of the last session of Parliament, that the minister was obliged to give way, and to adopt a reduced rate of income tax. The privacy of one's own affairs, also, a thing dear to Englishmen, is so rudely disturbed by it, that it appears a kind of sacrilegious violation of its sanc- tity. Englishmen, in fact, revolt against it in their inmost feelings. In the second place, it is justly obnoxious to the charge of being liable to great evasion that it proves, in practice, to be unjust, while it is most equitable in theory. It is, indeed, notorious, that the tax is not paid in fair proportion to their ability by those who contribute to it. Contrary to all sound policy, the conscientious mem- bers of society are mulcted to a much greater extent than the unscrupulous ; and a premium is unavoid- ably held out to dishonesty and trickery. The Times of February 5th, 1857, ^ as the following re- marks on this point : ' Shall we make it (i.e. the income-tax) permanent? The Tims on the In- 6 That would be to make injustice, impolicy, and come Tax - c discontent permanent to attach a character of * durability to measures only tolerated upon the ' express assumption of their being transitory. Look e at the debates on Tuesday evening, and observe the 1 terms in which the tax is spoken of. Look at the 72 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. vi. < speeches made all over the country respecting it ' the notorious inequality of its incidence, and the ' impossibility (as it seems to many) of finding any ' way to equality. What shall we do with it, then? f What its very nature and character suggests keep 1 it for times and seasons as exceptional and as ano- ( malous as itself for periods when money is wanted * in mighty lumps, aad when, so long as it is found, ' nobody asks how in other words, for the needs of ^ * s no *> therefore, in consequence of any opinion rency. ur that we entertain, that direct taxation is practically superior to indirect, that we characterise the change from direct to indirect taxation, as one of the most momentous results arising from the formation of the National Debt, but because the consequences of such change did not stop at this. The mere substitution of the one for the other would have been, compara- tively, a minor matter, and but of little importance ; but mighty results have followed, little dreamt of at the time, and even as yet but very imperfectly understood. These results are, first, the antagonism produced between our systems of Taxation and Currency by the change. Secondly, the withdrawal of a great proportion of the credit-circulation of the country, by the permanent establishment of the cor- poration of the Bank of England as a creditor of the nation. And, thirdly, the disadvantages with which we have been made to contend in the prosecution of OUR SYSTEMS OF TAXATION AND CURRENCY. 7J our foreign trade. To produce a conviction in the CHAP. vi. mind of the reader, of the truth and soundness of the conclusions we are prepared to draw from these important facts, and to understand their full bearing, it will first be necessary to refer to certain well- established principles, which never fail, when properly- stated, to carry conviction with them, and without which we should become entangled in endless per- plexity. 74 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAPTER VII. THE ANTAGONISM PRODUCED BY THE NATIONAL DEBT BETWEEN OUR SYSTEMS OF TAXATION AND CUR- RENCY. CHAP. vii. < TNDIRECT taxation/ what is it? Answer. Taxation imposed, not directly, but indirectly, upon the parties who are intended to pay it. The precise difference between direct and indirect taxation, is just this : That the direct tax is levied immediately upon the individual who has to pay it, without the intervention of any other person; while the indirect tax is not so levied, but is first charged upon some other person, who has to transfer it to the individual on whom it is intended ultimately to fall. It is therefore called ' indirect ,' because it arrives indirectly, and through the medium of another, at the party really aimed at by the tax, the vehicle of conveying it to the ultimate payer being the goods on which the tax is placed, in the shape of excise or of customs duties. influence of The necessary and contemplated result, then, of Taxes on Prices. this kind of taxation is, that the price of goods is increased by the duties placed upon them; and it NATURE OF INDIRECT TAXATION. 75 must be borne in mind, that these duties do not CHAP.VII. operate merely to the extent of the express tax upon any given commodity, but with all the multiplied force derived from the various duties imposed upon almost every article used in the manufacture of the commodity. Observe how the system operated under the accumulated duties placed upon every article during the great French war, to meet the enormous charges of the debt created by that war. Take the article soap, for instance ; the express duty upon it was 3d. per pound, but this was not the full extent to which indirect taxation affected the price of soap; the soap had to be made in a factory, almost every article used in the construction of which, was taxed; taxed bricks taxed timber taxed glass, and so on. All the raw materials of which the soap was com- posed were taxed; taxed tallow taxed barilla taxed salt, etc. The workmen making the soap lived in taxed houses, and had to consume taxed articles of all descriptions for their support; and these multiplied duties all entered into, and formed component parts of the price of the soap, which, con- sequently rose from yd. or 8d. per pound, to is., and even more. That which holds good with regard to soap, applies soap an example. also to every article manufactured or produced under the same conditions. The necessary, just, and un- disputed effect, therefore, of a system of indirect taxation, is to raise the prices of commodities in any CHAP. VII, Producers as producers should not pay Taxes, only as con- sumers. Indirect Taxation ought to enhance Prices. THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. community in which it is employed; and that, in proportion to the pressure and extent of such taxa- tion. If any steps are taken by which such rise in prices as indirect taxation calls for, is prevented taking place if any arrangements are made, by which such results are defeated this injustice is committed, that the tax is made to stop at the party upon whom it is first levied, he being thereby debarred from transferring it to the party who ought to pay it, and upon whom, professedly, it is levied. This is unjust ; the producers of the goods are not the parties aimed at in the imposition of the tax, but the con- sumers of them. The producers are intended to act only as convenient mediums or instruments, by means of whom, the Government may more readily collect the duty from the consumer. In fact, they act, or ought to act, as mere tax-gatherers for the Govern- ment, it being the consumer who should, of right, pay the tax in the higher price he has to give for the article. The first conclusion we draw, then, is this : that the indirect taxation to which the National Debt gave birth, and which progressed with the Debt, until both reached such enormous dimensions, called for and rendered necessary a proportionally higher rate of price than previously existed, for the commodities which were subjected to such taxation. This is a conclusion which, we believe, will not, by any one, be impugned; the correctness of it being NATURE OF INDIRECT TAXATION. 77 universally admitted theoretically. We lament, how- CHAP, vn. ever, to say. that, in practice, this conclusion has Proper effect A m of Indirect been very much lost sight of, and the result is, 2SBS" production of a great portion of those embarrass- sight of - ments which afflict us as an industrial community, as our subsequent investigations will, we think, very clearly make manifest. To obtain the higher prices which indirect taxation renders necessary, the mone- tary system of the country must be of such a nature as will admit of these higher prices being obtained. As soon as indirect taxation began to be employed as a principal means of raising a revenue, additional facilities in the money system, in grder to express and represent the higher prices became indispens- able. Unfortunately for the welfare and comfort of the productive classes, a totally different policy was forced upon the Government by the circumstances of the times, and the establishment of the Bank of England, in connection with the difficulties in which that establishment shortly felt itself involved. With increasing debt, and additional indirect taxation, the facilities of the circulating medium were contracted. To the consideration of this point, we shall devote the next chapter. 7 8 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED, CHAPTER VIII. OPERATION OF THE NATIONAL DEBT UPON THE CURRENCY OF THE KINGDOM. CHAP.vm. rpo understand the effects of the National Debt on u^Bank tne Currency of the Kingdom, through the opera- ?ency e l r " tion of its offspring, the Bank of England, we must take a hasty survey of the monetary system of the Country at the time of the 'establishment of the Bank. Exchequer The legal-tender currency, or money of the King- Tillies dom, had, from the time of Henry I., consisted sometimes of the silver coins alone, and sometimes of the silver and gold coins, together with the Ex- chequer Tally, which was receivable at the Exchequer in payment of taxes. Goldsmiths- I n addition to these legal-tender moneys, there were other supplementary instruments of Exchange, which, though not legal tender, yet helped to facili- tate the transactions of commerce, and to economise the use of coin. These were : first, the notes of the goldsmiths, the bankers of that period, which notes were acknowledgments of sums deposited with OUR ANCIENT CURRENCY. 79 them for security ; and, secondly, bills of exchange, CHAP.VIII. both foreign and inland. The advantage of being able to negociate bills of exchange, as at the present day, had, however, up to this period, been confined to foreign bills; inland bills not having, hitherto, been recoverable by law, if held by any other person than the drawer. For a short period, also, another aid to the circulating medium had been employed, in the shape of Exchequer Bills of as small amounts as $ and 10 each, and not bearing interest. We may form some idea of the quantity of these sir w. ... . Davenant. kinds oi credit currency in circulation at the time of the establishment of the Bank of England, by referring to what Davenant, a member of the then Board of Trade, writing in 1698, says : ' We had/ he re- marks, ' upwards of 14,000,000 in tallies, lottery f tickets, bank stock, malt tickets, and securities of 1 the like nature, which went from hand to hand, ' having their foundation in the public faith ' In this kind of currency/ he adds, ' the landlord ' received his rent duly, the farmer sold the product 1 of his land at a high rate; wool, tin, lead, and ' leather, bore a great price ; and, which was of great * consequence, the manufactures of the kingdom ' went on cheerfully.' Again he remarks : ' Of ( late, when the coin grew so corrupted, the gold and ' silver did, as it were, but minister in the market, ' while all great dealings were transacted by tallies, * bank bills, and goldsmiths' notes. Paper credit did 8o CHAP.VIII Revolution of 1688. Conduct of the Bank. THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. * not only supply the place of running cash, but 4 greatly multiplied the Kingdom's stock.' A fatal blow was, however, given to the credit currency by the civil contest engendered by the Revolution of 1688. As we have already remarked, in the beginning of this Essay, the distrust and un- certainty which prevailed for many years, whether the new regime would be firmly and finally established, tended to throw discredit upon all securities issued by the de facto Government, which securities fell, consequently, to a great discount, and were bought up, as before detailed, by the Bank, the East India Company, and the South Sea Companies. As far as the Bank was concerned in this matter, it was not to blame. The Bank is not even now a national establishment, in the proper sense of the term, but a private one; and its own interests have, of course, the first claim upon its attention and its regard. If this be its duty now, it must have been pre-eminently so at its first foundation, and during the weakness of its infancy ; and we have no right to expect that the Bank would have acted otherwise than it did. Its whole capital being lent to the Government at 8 per cent, interest, and, being prohibited from borrowing or owing more than the amount of its capital, as well as from dealing in any commodities except gold and silver bullion, it issued its notes for the discount of mercantile bills, and for the transaction of other banking business. This, therefore, brought a new CONTRACTION OF THE ANCIENT CURRENCY. 8 I species of currency into circulation, which, if it had CHAP.VIII. been superadded to that already existing, would have furnished those additional facilities in the circulating medium that the new system of indirect taxation required would have materially assisted in pro- moting the welfare of trade and industry, and have given a stimulus to manufactures, agriculture, and commerce, which could never have been derived from the scanty resources of a mere metallic system of money. Unfortunately, however, for productive industry, the steps which the Bank found it neces- sary, in a short time, to take for its own safety and advantage, had a most disastrous effect upon the welfare of the productive classes, which may easily be conceived, when we state that the effect of the measures already described, and of others to which recourse was had, was to displace the old credit cur- rency of the Exchequer to many times the amount of the circulation of the Bank itself. The Bank was not to blame for this. It had its own credit to sup- port; and no doubt the measures which were adopted were essential for the safety of the establishment. The Bank itself shared, at first, in all the suspicion and want of confidence which prevailed throughout the nation ; and it is no wonder that, when its own notes were at a discount of 20 per cent., it became a prime object with the Bank to restore the credit and value of them by helping most materially to reduce the other credit circulation of the Kingdom, in which G 82 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP.VIII. it was aided, as we have seen, by the South Sea and East India Companies. Contraction The extent of the contraction of the credit cur- of Currency ^tween rency of the Country, thus brought about, may be judged of by the fact, that though Davenant had, in 1698, estimated it at 14,000,000, so soon after as the death of Queen Anne, in 1714, the circulation of the Bank and Exchequer Bills together did not amount to more than 6,000,000. I ffecuof S Thus did the circulating medium of the Country ?ractk>n? n " undergo contraction precisely at the time that the new system of taxation rendered expansion necessary, such expansion being required in order to express the higher prices which the system of placing taxes on commodities called for ; thus was that antagonism between our systems of currency and taxation first engendered, which has ever since, with the exception of the period between 1797 and 1812, produced those monetary convulsions which so frequently agitate and destroy the prosperity of the industrial classes, and which will continue periodically to afflict us, as long as that antagonism is suffered to con- tinue. The immediate effect at the time was to bring down the price of agricultural produce to a much lower point than had probably been known for hundreds of years before, and to reduce in pro- portion the remuneration of the agricultural in- terest. We append, in a note on the following page, a table constructed from the communication of CONTRACTION OF CURRENCY DEPRESSED PRICES. 83 Sir G. Shuckburgh Evelyn to the Royal Society in CHAP.VIII. 1798,* which goes to show that the price of wheat for 450 years previous to the establishment of the Bank had been upwards of 508. per quarter, reduc- ing the money prices of the various periods into money of the present day. We do not, however, much rely upon this table, as we think that the times to which it refers are too remote, and the prices of those times too fluctuating from year to year differing, likewise, as the prices did in dif- ferent parts of the Country at the same time to make it wise to place too much reliance upon it. But it is not necessary to depend upon this state.- ment, as we have access to perfectly reliable accounts Tears. 1250 1350 1450 1550 1600 * PRICE OF WHEAT Grs. No. of Recorded in Is. at Grains Price. the dif. in recorded dates. price. s. d. i 7f Grs. 270 445 - i io ,, 240 450 - 15 180 255 - i \o\ 100 187 - 4 2 96 384 - PER BUSHEL. Proper- R e Hncpd Price in our tion of T~ TTV present Gold to SJJ Gold Silver. Grams ' currency. s. d. - 10 = 44 = 7 4 - 12 = 38 = 6 4 - 10 = 25 =42 - 6 = 31 = 5 2 - ii = 35 = 5 10 1625 4 ii .. 93 45 6 - - *3 = 35 = 5 10 1650 5 6 ., 93 5" - - 14 = 36 = 6 o 1675 4 6 93 418 - - 14 = 30 = 5 o 1700 4 9h ,,93 444 - - 15 = 30 = 5 o 9)50 8 1720 4 41' 1 Average in our 1740 3 8 1 present money Average price 5 6 per 1760 3 9*| 4/1 per bushel, bushel, or 44/ per quarter, 1780 4 5* 1 or 32/8 per qr. in our present money. 84 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. viii. of more recent date, which quite prove the depress- ing effect which this contraction of the circulating medium had upon the price of wheat. Thus, if we refer to M'Culloch's Commercial Dictionary, we shall find, that while the price of wheat for half a century before the establishment of the Bank had been 453. a quarter, it fell, on an average of the next sixty -five years, and until the Bank had extended its circula- tion by the issue of 10 notes, to 383. per quarter a fall of nearly is. per bushel, on an average, as we have said, of sixty -five years. Lowering of The same effect was produced in labourers' wages ; for, according to an average of the three authorities, Malthus, Barton, and Sir G. Shuckburgh, the wages for a week's labour, from 1646 to the end of the century, were i oz. i dwt. 3 grs. of fine silver; while, from the latter period to the year 1760, they were only 1 3 dwts. 9 grs. Reckoning the silver at both periods at 55. per ounce, the wages in the first would have been 53. 3^d. per week; while, in the latter, they would have been only 45. 8d. per week. Policy of the This, then, was a most momentous change a Bank. change produced by the policy which the Bank of England found it necessary to pursue : and, as the Bank itself was called into existence by the National Debt, we may fairly call it a consequence of that debt. The system of indirect taxation was equally a consequence of that debt ; and thus do we owe to one and the same source two conflicting and REMARKS ON OUR FOREIGN TRADE. antagonistic systems, the one of taxation, and the CHAP.VIIL other of currency, whose inharmonious, and, indeed, irreconcileable operations have, we believe, produced most of the mischief from which we have so many years been suffering. APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VIII. We had intended at this point to have written a Appendix. chapter upon the effect of our National Debt on our Foreign Trade, through the enhancement of the prices of our commodities by the system of indirect taxation to which the Debt gave birth. Having, however, left this to be written last, we find that we have not now time to take it up before this Essay must be delivered ; and it is a subject of so much magnitude and importance, that it would require a considerable volume of itself to do it jus- tice. We may, however, just state, in few words, our impression that the antagonism between our systems of taxation and currency has done us much harm in our Foreign Trade that it has afforded the foreigner a much better market, in our country, for his productions, than we have enjoyed, in his country, for ours that, by the fluctuations which are produced in the prices of commodities, com- bined with a fixed and unvarying quantity of gold in the English pound of account, the foreigner is enabled to secure an undue advantage in his trans- actions with us. 86 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAPTER IX. TWO POPULAR FALLACIES RESPECTING THE DEBT. CHAP. IX. ~ nPHERE are two antagonistic and conflicting falla- Popuiar c i es respecting the National Debt, which are very prevalent. The first is, that funded property forms as much a portion of the wealth of the country, and is therefore to be reckoned among its assets, as lands, houses, or any other description of tangible property. The second, which is precisely the oppo- site of the former, is, that the debt is a subtraction or deduction from the wealth of the country; that the country is so much the poorer for it. Neither the one nor the other is correct ; for the truth is, that the country, with the trifling exception which we shall hereafter name, is neither the richer nor the poorer for the existence of the Debt ; and that, con- sequently, both the opinions we have mentioned as being prevalent, are erroneous ; which we shall now proceed to show. Wealth of With regard to the first we have seen estimates the Country. made of the total wealth of the country, in which, after the enumeration, as a portion of the wealth of FALLACIES RESPECTING THE DEBT. 87 the nation, of lands, houses, raw materials, and CHAP. ix. manufactured products of all descriptions, there has been an item inserted of * Funded Property/ which has been considered as, of itself, an actual property, separate from, and in addition to, all other wealth. Now the debt, or the funds, though a property to the parties who hold them, are not so to the nation as a whole ; for they are only a mortgage upon the rest of the property of the country, and by just so much as they are property to the holders, they are an incum- brance and a diminution of the value of the things so mortgaged or encumbered. It is precisely a parallel case to the following: A is worth 10,000 in the shape of an estate of Effect of . . mortgage that value. B is worth 5,000 in money. A mort- ?* ei j,~ gages his estate to B for 5,000, and spends the Debt - money unproductively. Let now a valuation be made of the amount of the property of A and B jointly, and we shall find that the amount of their united wealth is just the value of the estate, and nothing more. The estate is worth 10,000, 5,000 of which belongs to B as mortgagee, and 5,000, the value of the equity of redemption, to A as mortgagor. The mortgage in no wise adds to the value of the estate; and though it is a property to B as mort- gagee, it is, to the same extent, a diminution to A of the value of the estate. It is the same with the National Debt. The whole country and its productions are mortgaged to THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. ix. the fundholder to the extent of about one-seventh of their value ; and, though such funds form a property to the holders of them, they are only so in the character of a mortgage, which reduces the value of the property mortgaged to its proprietors by just the amount of the mortgage. In taking, therefore, any account, or making any valuation of, the total wealth of the country, funded property must not be put down as an item, unless you make a corresponding deduction, on the other hand, from the value of the property of which it forms a mortgage. With reference to the opposite opinion, that the National Debt is a subtraction from the total wealth of the country ; it appears to us that this opinion is almost as unfounded as the other, and would be equally so, if it were not possible that a small portion of the debt may be owned by foreigners. No doubt the country has received an equivalent, some time or other, from the foreigner, for the debt so owned by him; but as that equivalent would be included in any schedule of material property we might make, his claim, as far as it goes would be a deduction from the amount of our total wealth, and must be allowed for in making any strict and accurate calculation. But with reference to the great bulk of debt held by the people of this country, it is only, as we said before, a mortgage held by one portion of the nation, which gives that portion a right to participate and share in the general stock. A mortgage neither FALLACIES KESPECTING THE DEBT. 89 makes the value of an estate or of a country more nor CHAP. ix. less ; it is merely a question of the proportionate division of such estate or country among other people besides the original owners. A, before he mortgaged his estate, possessed the whole value of it 10,000 when he mortgaged it to B, the estate remained of the same value; but that value was then divided between A and Bj in portions of 5,000 each. It is the same with the National Debt : the wealth of the country is of the value of 6,000,000,000 both with the debt and without it. The difference is, that without a debt of 800,000,000, everybody would possess his property without liability to deduc- tion on account of the mortgage while with it, we are annually called upon for the payment of the interest, and may be called upon, at any time, for the payment of the principal. 1 * The whole value of the country is possessed by the whole of its people, and that value is neither made more nor less by a change in the mode of dividing it among the people. * Not by the proprietors of the funds, but by the Govern- ment, 90 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED, CHAPTER X. ON THE SINKING FUND. CHAP. x. TT may naturally be supposed that the 160 years I schemes to A which have elapsed since the commencement of reduce the Debt. the National Debt, have not been allowed to pass by without urgent recommendations having been made to attempt its reduction, and well-intended efforts to carry these recommendations into effect. As we have already remarked, in the commencement of this Essay, it was not until about the period of Queen Anne's decease, that the public debts were looked upon as being otherwise than temporary in their nature; and the consequence was, that, until that time no systematic efforts were made to effect their diminution. As soon, however, as they began to assume the character of a permanent burden upon the country, steps we*re taken, and attempts made, to accomplish this desirable purpose. Plan pro- The first systematic attempt of the kind was made 1710. in the year 1716; for in that year, and in the pre- ceding year, the revenue was divided into various classes or funds ; each fund being charged with the HISTORY OF THE SINKING FUND. 9! payment of certain portions of the regular disburse- CHAP.X. ments of the Government. There were thus : Firstly, what was called the f Aggregate Fund/ upon which were charged the Civil List, the debt due to the Bank of England, and other debts; secondly, the 'South Sea Fund'; and, thirdly, the 'General Fund ' ; the two latter funds being principally appro- priated to the payment of the interest of the South Sea debt. After this provision for the discharge of the ordinary claims upon the country, it was decided upon that a fourth fund should be formed, to be called the ' Sinking Fund,' into which should be paid all the surpluses of the other three funds. The Act of Parliament (3 George I.) which established it, described its purpose and operations thus : ' All the moneys to arise from time to time, as well ' of the excess and surplus of an Act made this ' session for redeeming the funds of the Bank of 1 England ; and of the excess or surplus, by virtue of 1 one other act made likewise this session for redeem- * ing the funds of the South Sea Company, as also of ' the excess or surplus of the duties and revenues by ' this Act appropriated, as aforesaid ; and the over- ' plus moneys of the said general fund, by this Act ( established, shall be appropriated to the discharging ' of the principal and interest of such national debts e as were incurred before the 25th of December, ' 1716, and declared to be national debts; and to or f for no other use, intent, or purpose whatever/ 92 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP.X. This fund was, therefore, called < The Sinking lumi ng F un economist, David Ricardo, in the ' Encyclopaedia { Britannica/ ' This Sinking Fund was, for some time, regularly ' applied to the discharge of debt ; the sums applied ' from 1716 to 1728, amounted to 6,648,000, being ' nearly equal to the additional debt contracted in 1 that time. From 1728 to 1733, 5,000,000 more ' were paid. The interest of several loans contracted 94 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. x. ' between 1727 and 1732 was charged upon surplus ( duties, which, according to the original plan, ought the Sinking Fund. f to have been appropriated to the Sinking Fund. ' Soon after, the principle of preserving the ' Sinking Fund inviolable was abandoned. In 1733, ' 500,000 was taken from that Fund, and applied * to the service of the year. In 1734, 1,200,000 * was taken from the Sinking Fund for current { services; and in 1735, it was anticipated and mort- ' gaged. ' The produce of the Sinking Fund, at its com- f mencement in 1717, was 323,437. In 1776, it * was at its highest amount, being then 3,166,517. 1 In 1780, it had sunk to 2,463,017. The Sinking ' Fund would have risen higher had it not been de- * pressed, especially in the latter period, by various ( encroachments ; it was charged with the interest of 6 several loans, for which no provision was made, and ' in 1772, it was charged with an annuity of 100,000 ' granted, in addition, to the Civil List. During the 6 three wars which were waged while it subsisted, 1 the whole of its produce was applied to the expense ' of the war; and even in time of peace, large sums * were abstracted from it for current services. Ac- 1 cording to Dr. Price, the amount of public debt ( paid off by the Sinking Fund since its first aliena- ' tion in 1733, was only 3,000,000 paid off in 1736 ' and 1737 3,000,000 in the peace between 1748 ' and 1756 2,500,000 in the peace between 1763 ' and 1775 in all, 8,500,000. HISTORY OF THE SINKING FUND. 95 ( The additional Debt discharged during these CHAP, x. ' periods of peace, was effected, not by the Sinking * Fund, but from other sources. Fund - ' On the whole, this Fund did little in time of f peace, and nothing in time of war, towards the ' discharge of the National Debt. The purpose 1 of its inviolable application was abandoned, and ' the hopes entertained of its powerful efficacy ' entirely disappointed. At this time, the nation * had no other free revenue, except the Land and ' Malt Tax granted annually; and as the Land ' Tax during peace was then granted at a low rate, ' their produce was inadequate to the expense of a ' peace establishment, on the most moderate scale. ' This gave occasion to encroachments on the Sinking ' Fund. Had the Land Tax always been continued * at four shillings in the pound, it would have gone ' far to keep the Sinking Fund during peace in- ' violate/ This fund terminated in 1786, when Mr. Pitt's Sinking Fund was established. In order to the establishment of this Sinking Mr. Pitt's Sinking Fund, Mr. Pitt first appointed a Committee of the Fund. House of Commons, to enquire into the ordinary receipts and expenditure of the country. From the investigations of this Committee, it appeared, that, provided the country kept out of war, there would be an annual surplus of income over expenditure, of upwards of 900,000. This surplus he proposed to 96 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP, x. increase to 1,000,000 per annum, by levying a sinkfn tts sma ^ additional duty on spirits, by placing a new Fund. duty on powder and pomatum, and by making a change in the mode of measuring timber imported from abroad, which, together, he calculated would furnish the additional 100,000 required to make the surplus 1,000,000 annually. This surplus he proposed to vest in certain Commissioners, by quar- terly payments of 250,000 each, the money so lodged with them to be laid out in the purchase of stock, in their own names, as trustees for the public. To ensure the faithful fulfilment of this purpose, he proposed that these quarterly payments to the Com- missioners should take precedence of all other pay- ments out of the Exchequer, save and except the interest of the National Debt itself. This annual 1,000,000 was to be allowed to ac- cumulate at compound interest, by adding the divi- dends on the stock which it purchased, and also by the life annuities which might fall in, until it should amount to the sum of 4,000,000 per annum. This sum, Mr. Pitt calculated that the Sinking Fund might reach, by the plan proposed, in about twenty- eight years. The terms of Mr. Pitt's motion were, ' That the 1 sum of one million be annually granted to certain * Commissioners, to be by them applied to the pur- ' chase of stocks, towards discharging the public debt 4 of the country ; which money shall arise out of the HISTORY OF THE SINKING FUND. 97 ' surpluses, excesses, and overplus moneys composing CHAP. x. e the Fund, commonly called the Sinking Fund/ This motion was carried without a division ; but Mr. FOX'S Amend- many very grave objections were taken to the mea- ment - sure by the opposition; and upon its being considered in Committee, Mr. Fox, disapproving of the arrange- ment by which this annual 1,000,000 was to be made unalienable from the Sinking Fund, proposed, as the best corrective or qualification of its tendency, a clause empowering the Commissioners to accept of so much of any future loan as they should have cash belonging to the public in their hands to pay for. This he thought the best counteraction of the prin- ciple which had been adopted, and of which he dis- approved, namely that of making the Sinking Fund unalienable under any circumstances whatever. The clause thus brought forward by Mr. Fox, was accepted by Mr. Pitt; and the bill, having passed both Houses of Parliament, received, shortly afterwards, the royal assent. In the year 1792, an additional Sinking Fund was sinking Fund of formed by devoting a portion of each loan raised, to 1792> the extent of i per cent, on the nominal amount of the loan. This Sinking Fund was to have special reference to the loans which might be contracted subsequent to its establishment ; and by its opera- tion it was calculated that every loan contracted thereafter might, at the very furthest, be redeemed in forty-five years from the date of its contraction. B 90 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP, x. Notwithstanding the impressive terms in which Mr. Pitt's Mr. Pitt had brought forward his proposition for tions. establishing his Sinking Fund, the explanations he gave of the necessity for keeping it intact, and his indignant denunciations of any parties who might hereafter divert it from its intended purpose, no long time elapsed before an important deviation from the plan laid down was effected, as the following addi- tional extracts from Mr. Bicardo will show : wsTo r 4' 8 * * n *ke y ears *79^ X 799> anc * J 8oo, a deviation * was made from Mr. Pitt's plan of providing a Sink- ' ing Fund of I per cent, on the capital stock created ' by every loan ; for the loans of those years had no ' Sinking Fund attached to them. The interest was s charged on the war taxes ; and, in lieu of a i per ' cent. Sinking Fund, it was provided that the war ' taxes should be continued during peace, to be then * employed in their redemption, till they were all ' redeemed. Lord Sid- < I n 1802, Lord Sidmouth, then Mr. Addington, mouth's in f was Chancellor of the Exchequer. He being de- ' sirous of liberating the war taxes from the charges ( with which they were encumbered, proposed to ' raise new annual permanent taxes for the interest ' of the loans of which we have just spoken, as well ' as for that which he was under the necessity of 'raising for the service of the year 1802; but he ' wished to avoid loading the public with additional * taxes for a i per cent. Sinking Fund on the capitals HISTORY OF THE SINKING FUND. 99 f created by those loans, and which capitals together CHAP, x. ' amounted to 86,796,375. To reconcile the Stock- ' holder to this arrangement, he proposed to rescind 1 the provision which limited the fund of 1786 to ' 4,000,000, and to consolidate the old and the new * Sinking Funds; i. e., that which arose from the ' original 1,000,000 per annum, with the addition ' made to it of 200,000 per annum, subsequently ( granted, and that which arose from the i per cent. ' on the capital of every loan that had been con- ' tracted since 1792. These combined funds, he pro- ' posed, should from that time be applied to the 1 redemption of 'the whole debt without distinction ; * that the dividends arising from the stock purchased ' by the Commissioners for the reduction of the ' National Debt should be applied in the same man- * ner ; and that this arrangement should not be ' interfered with till the redemption of the whole ' debt was effected.' With the exception of a temporary change effected change m by Lord Henry Petty in 1807, and which lasted for one year, no alteration of importance was made in the Sinking Fund till the year 1813, when Mr. Van- sittart reverted as nearly as possible to the original principle of Mr. Pitt's arrangement of 1792, which devoted i per cent, on all loans contracted to the purposes of the Sinking Fund. The arrangement of 1802 was thus superseded, so far as it went, to secure the application of the whole of the then existing 100 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. x. Sinking Fund,, and the dividends arising therefrom, Mr. van- to the redemption of the Public Debt ; and which sittart's ?si3 salin application for that purpose was to have continued until the whole of the then existing debt had been redeemed. The plan now adopted by Mr. Vansittart was this : that if a loan or loans for any one year exceeded in amount the sum which would be ap- plicable in that year for the redemption of the Debt by the Commissioners, then the interest of one-half the excess should first be transferred to the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund; and that i per cent, upon the remainder of the loan should be payable to them, according to Mr. Pitt's previous arrangement. The resolutions more immediately bearing upon this part of the subject were the following : vansittart'3 < 6. That, in order to carry into effect the pro- resolutions. ' visions of the said acts of the 32nd and 42nd of the ' king, for redeeming every part of the National ' Debt within the period of forty-five years from the ' time of its creation, it is also expedient, that, in * future, whenever the amount of the sum to be f raised by loan, or by any other addition to the ' public funded Debt, shall, in any one year, exceed ' the sum estimated to be applicable, in the same * year, to the reduction of the Public Debt, an annual ' sum, equal to one-half of the interest of the excess ' of the said loan, or other addition beyond the sum 4 so estimated to be applicable, shall be set apart out * of the moneys composing the Consolidated Fund HISTORY OF THE SINKING FUND. IOI ' of Great Britain, and shall be issued at the receipt CHAP. x. ' of the Exchequer for the Governor and Company vansittarfs * * resolutions. * of the Bank of England, to be by them placed to ' the account of the Commissioners for the reduction ' of the National Debt ; and upon the remainder of ( such loan or other addition, the annual sum of ' i per cent., on the capital of all perpetual redeem- f able annuities created in respect thereof, according ' to the provisions of the said act of the 32nd year of c His present Majesty. ' 7. That, in order to prevent the increase of the ' Public Debt by means of Exchequer Bills annually ' renewed, or other unfunded Government Securities ' bearing interest, it is expedient that, on the 5th day f of January in every year, an account be taken of ' all such Exchequer Bills and other Government ' Securities, outstanding and charged upon funds not 4 deemed capable of making good the same, within ' one year from such 5th day of January ; and that ' a sum equal to i per cent, thereupon be granted ' out of the supplies of such year to the said Com- ' missioners for the reduction of the National Debt. ' 8. That for the purpose of giving effect to the * above resolutions, it is expedient that the said Ace ' passed in the 42nd year of His present Majesty be ' amended. ' 9. That it is expedient to make provision that an ' annual sum of 867,963, being equal to i per cent. ' on the capital stock created in respect of several 102 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. x. ' loans raised by virtue of divers Acts passed in the vansittart's ' 38th, 39th, 40 th, and 42nd year of His present 1 Majesty, and for the interest and charges of which ' provision was made in the said 42nd year of His * Majesty, shall be set apart out of the moneys com- ' posing the Consolidated Fund of Great Britain, and ' shall be issued at the receipt of the Exchequer to ' the Governor and Company of the Bank of England, ' to be by them issued to the Commissioners for the ' reduction of the National Debt/ sSmouth's ^ nus was n t om "y Lord Sidmouth's arrangement ment ge ^ I ^ 2 rescm ded; but, by the seventh resolution, the rescinded. un f un( j e ^ j)^ was ma( } e to contribute its quota of I per cent, to the Sinking Fund, as well as the funded Debt, which heretofore had not been the case. Iradupto From this time until the year 1823, no alteration of importance was made in the method of managing the Sinking Fund. In that year, however, a great change was introduced ; namely, the payment to the Commissioners of a fixed sum annually out of the Consolidated Fund, in lieu of all other payments. From and after the 5th April, 1823, all stocks and annuities standing in the name of the Commissioners were to cease and determine the stocks were to be cancelled, and the interest, of course, ceased to be paid out of the Consolidated Fund. In place of the revenue hitherto accruing to the Commissioners from these sources, a fixed annual sum of 5,000,000 was HISTORY OF THE SINKING FUND. 1 03 arranged to be paid them by quarterly payments CHAP.X. from the same 5th April, 1823. The bill enacting this measure, repealed also the Alteration provision which had previously been in force, to the effect that, whenever the Commissioners became pos- sessed of capital stock equal to that created by any loan since 1786, and which stock so possessed should yield an interest equal in amount to the charge entailed by such loan, then the stock created by such loan should be considered as cancelled. It was now, on the contrary, provided that no stock shall be can- celled ' until the interest of the Debt redeemed by ' the application of the said sum of 5,000,000, and 1 of the growing interest thereof, should, together ' with the said sum, have accumulated to a sum, the * annual amount whereof should not be less than the ' one hundredth part of the then existing unre- c deemed Funded and outstanding Unfunded Debt ' in Exchequer Bills unprovided for taken together/ The last alteration which we shall have to record Alteration in 1829. was consequent upon the Act of 10 George IV., cap. 27, which came into operation on the 5th of July, 1829, which enacts that the sum thenceforth annually applicable to the reduction of the National Debt of the United Kingdom, shall be the sum which shall appear to be the amount of the whole actual annual surplus revenue, beyond the expendi- ture of the said United Kingdom. Having thus historically sketched the principal IO4 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. x. changes in the mode of managing the Sinking Fund Fallacy of which have obtained since its first institution in supporting 1716 y navm g seen how utterly it has failed to dimi- burden of which it was intended to mitigate, let us now shortly investigate its prin- ciples, with the view of discovering the cause of its failure. Through the investigations, in the first instance, of Dr. Hamilton, the fallacy of any Sinking Fund which is not entirely supported by a clear sur- plus revenue, unaided by money borrowed for the purpose of maintaining the said Sinking Fund, has been most clearly and satisfactorily established. We believe that all subsequent economists whose views are entitled to the slightest attention, quite agree in the conclusions at which Dr. Hamilton arrived. The matter is, indeed, palpable to the plainest under- standing, that no benefit can possibly accrue to the revenue of a state by borrowing money of one set of persons, say in a 3 per cent, stock, in order to pay off the same kind of stock held by other persons. On the contrary, a loss must inevitably arise, inasmuch as the money cannot be borrowed, but by creating a greater debt than that which will be discharged by its means. We have shown, when treating of the history of the Debt, that while 100 in money paid by the Government in redeeming the Debt, only operated to discharge 163 of Debt, the very bor- rowing of the 100 entailed a new debt upon the country of 173, which was, in effect, adding 10 to CAUSES OF THE FAILUKE OF THE SINKING FUND. 105 the capital of the Debt for every 100 so employed CHAP.X. by the Sinking Fund. The only time at which new loans can be advantageously contracted to pay off old loans,, is when the current rate of interest in the market sinks below the rate at which the loan was originally contracted. At such times, money may be borrowed at a lower rate of interest, and may be advantageously employed in paying off those loans for which a higher rate of interest has hitherto been paid. But this was not the nature of the operations of the Sinking Fund, during the time that it was carried on under Mr. Pitt's arrangement, of the devotion of i per cent of all loans raised to its sup- port. It was maintained by actually creating a greater debt than it discharged; and it added, there- fore, to the evil which it was professedly established to correct. Dr. Hamilton says. ' We are told that these opera- Dr. Hamil- ton's views. ' tions [i.e., of the Sinking Fund] have succeeded 1 beyond expectation, and that the whole Debt exist- ' ing in 1786, amounting to 238,000,000, is already ' paid off. This is altogether fictitious and delusive; ' we may pay off as much Debt as we please at any 1 time, by borrowing. But the only real alteration ' in the state of our finance, is the difference between 1 the debt contracted and the debt paid off; and ' while the former of these exceeds the latter, our e situation is growing worse, to the extent of that 1 difference. 106 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDEEED. CHAP, x. ( A private gentleman whose estate is encum- Dr. Hamii- e bered. may, if he have any credit, pay off all his ton's views. V ' r J ' debt every year, by borrowing from other hands; ' but if he spend more than his free income, his em- ' barrassments will continually increase ; and his * affairs are so much the worse by being conducted ' in this manner, from the fees he pays to his agents. 1 The absurdity of deriving any satisfaction from ( this annual discharge of his debts, will appear still ' stronger, if we suppose him, instead of borrowing * from other hands, only to renew the securities to * the same creditors annually; paying a fee to the 1 agents, and a douceur to the creditors themselves, ' on the renewal. All these observations are equally 4 applicable to the debt of a nation, conducted as ' ours is. It would not be impracticable or very * difficult, to redeem our whole debt in any year, if ( the measures we follow be redemption. It would ' only require a large loan every month, and the * large sums we were thus enabled to pay, would * supply the funds for these loans. Our capitalists ' would be well pleased to promote these loans, as ' they would derive a bonus from each. Such a sys- ' tern would be ruinous in the extreme ; and the ( system we follow is the same on a smaller scale, ' and is, therefore, only pernicious in a less degree. c In the year 1786, our Funded Debt was ' 238,000,000. We have paid all this off, but ' we have contracted (exclusive of the loans of 1813) CAUSES OF THE FAILURE OF THE SINKING FUND. 1 07 ' a new debt of .574,000,000. Does not this CHAP, x. * amount to the same as that we have paid no Dr. Hamil- ton's views. c debt at all, but contracted an additional debt of ' 336,000,000.' The case, as we have seen, is worse than is here stated by Dr. Hamilton, inasmuch as the new Debt of 574,000,000 was contracted upon terms more unfavourable to the country than those upon which the old Debt of 238,000,000 was discharged were favourable. Mr. Hume, in the session of 1826, put this matter J * r - Hume's before Parliament in a light which many persons may consider as extremely clear and convincing. He asserted : * That no nation or body corporate, in their col- ' lective capacity, can derive pecuniary benefit or ' advantage of any kind, by merely trading with t themselves ; and, therefore, the Sinking Fund sys- 1 tern of Great Britain, established solely for the ' purpose of the nation trading in its own obliga- ' tions, was founded in fallacy, and has been main- ' tained by delusion. That the Sinking Fund system ' is not only useless for any beneficial purpose to the ' state, but highly objectionable from the loss it oc- * casions, and from its direct tendency to promote ' a system of speculation and gambling, altogether ' inconsistent with the well-being of the country, 1 and ought, therefore, to be abolished.' IO8 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. x. This, he said, was proved : f By enormous charge of management ; by im- ' mense loss of actual capital between 1794 and ' 1817, amounting to not less than 35,000,000. ' On one occasion, Government wanted to borrow 1 5,000,000 only. An individual would have gone ' into the market, and raised that sum on the best ' terms he could; but because of the necessity of ' providing for this delusive Sinking Fund, the * Government on that occasion raised a very much * larger sum, and upon terms, unfortunately disad- ' vantageous in proportion to the amount of such < loan.' Mr. Humo's Mr. Hume then moved resolutions to the effect : resolutions. ' i. That the deficiency of revenue as compared 1 with the expenditure of the country from the loth ' of October, 1797, to 5th January, 1817, was ' 393,000,000. ' 2. That to supply this deficiency of 393,000,000, ' no less than 618,163,857 of money was raised by ' loans and Exchequer Bills from 1793 to 1816 f inclusive. < 3. That of this 618,163,857, only 188,522,348 ' had been paid to the Commissioners for the E/educ- { tion of the National Debt, leaving the enormous ' sum of 136,641,517 totally unaccounted for. f 4. That in the year 1815, annuities of different * denominations were created equal to 102,787,334 ' of a 3 per cent, stock, for which only 53,819,786 PROPER FOUNDATIONS OF A SINKING FUND. 109 ' of money was received, being at the rate of 100 CHAP. x. ' of stock created for every 52 7s. 2d. of monev Mr. Hume's J D " calculations. * received. * 5. That it appears that the Commissioners have, ' between 5th Jan., 1824, and 5th Jan., 1825, pur- ' chased 3,627,225 of 3 per cent, stock, for which ' they have paid 3,416,031, being at the rate of e 94 33. 5d. for every 100 of such stock, at a loss ' of 41 i6s. 3d. of money for every 100 of stock * repurchased, as compared with 1815. * In short, for about twenty-four years, while we * had been borrowing, say at 5 53., we had been re- ' purchasing at about 4 ios.' We have not gone into a minute investigation of these calculations of Mr. Hume ; but, 011 a broad and general view, they seem strongly to corroborate the calculations we have given in a former chapter, explanatory of the recklessness with which the capital of the debt was created ; nor are they with- out their use in showing the inefficiency of the Sink- ing Fund in alleviating the burden of the Debt. It seems now to be admitted, on all hands, that Present . views of a the only legitimate foundation upon which a sound sinking Sinking Fund can be based, is that of an excess of ordinary revenue over ordinary expenditure. In order, therefore, to the carrying out of this intelligi- ble and unimpeachable principle, it is essential that those steps be more especially taken, which tend to HO THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP, x. develop and increase the general wealth of the Country. It i fr m the increase of this wealth that the Government alone can look for that revenue which will yield the necessary surplus for the main- tenance of a Sinking Fund. All arrangements which have a tendency to hinder the production of wealth, and to prevent the constant and steady employment of laborious industry, must steadily and upon prin- ciple be discountenanced and discouraged. Every idle man is, for the time being, an unproductive consumer and annihilator of the national wealth. He consumes without producing ; and it needs but the continuation of this process long enough, and by a sufficiently large proportion of the population, to bring the nation to beggary, and to annihilate the fund from which the Government can alone derive the means of either reducing the Debt, or paying its annual interest. It is by the utmost possible increase of all material productions of course, in proper proportions to each other, and beyond the necessary consumption of the parties producing them that the only fund can be accumulated by which the national incumbrances may be liquidated. This would doubtless, in time, be done, if unnatural hin- derances and checks were not permitted to interfere ; for every industrious man, sound in mind and body, has the power conferred upon him by his Maker of producing a much greater quantity of wealth of PROPER FOUNDATIONS OF A SINKING FUND. Ill some kind or other than what is necessary for CHAP. x. the support of himself and family. It is the ag- p re sent gregate of such productions which forms the sinkLg a Fund.* real annual wealth or income of the Nation ; the money of the Country being the mere tool or instru- ment by which the relative value to each other of these productions is determined, and the productions themselves exchanged for each other. And it is the surplus of these productions adding to, and forming part of, the permanent capital of the Country, which furnishes, or ought to furnish, the annually in- creasing fund, from which the Government may draw the supplies necessary for the gradual redemp- tion of the Debt. A Sinking Fund derived from such a source is most legitimate and most admirable. We have thought it unnecessary to go into the various elaborate calcu- lations which have been made, demonstrating the futility of a Sinking Fund which depends for its maintenance upon money borrowed for its support, as we think it sufficient for the general purpose of this Essay to have exhibited the principle, that no benefit can possibly accrue from discharging a debt, when such discharge can only be effected by incur- ring another and much larger debt. Those who wish to enter minutely into such calculations cannot do better than carefully peruse Dr. Hamilton's ad- mirable ' Inquiry concerning the Rise and Progress, 1 1 2 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. x. etc., of the National Debt/ and also Mr. Ricardo's able ' History of the Sinking Fund/ in the Encyclo- pedia Britannica, to both of which works the writer has been greatly indebted while prosecuting the pre- sent inquiry. PART II. THE PRESENT FINANCIAL CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY, AND SUGGESTIONS FOR IMPROVING IT. CHAPTER I. COMPARISON OF OUR PRESENT AND PROSPECTIVE CONDITION WITH THAT OF FORMER YEARS. TT^E have hitherto seen, in connection with the CHAP.I. National Debt, nothing but what is of a cheer- Retrospect- ive view of less and depressing nature : Debt contracted without the Debt - adequate value being received for it, and Debt re- deemed at a similar sacrifice. We are liable, never- theless, while looking at the dark side of the picture, to overrate the unfavourable circumstances in which we are placed, and to forget that, although our Debt far transcends the largest amount borne by preceding generations, our means to bear it have increased in at least an equal degree. From the time of the accession of Queen Anne, when the Debt was 16,000,000, to the termination of the great French war, when it exceeded 800,000,000, every successive addition to its amount has given rise to the loudest lamentations, and produced the strongest convictions that we had gone to the utmost extent of our possible means that further addition was not only thought rash to the extreme of madness, but that it was, in fact, absolutely impossible. Il6 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. i. Sir John Sinclair, in his ( History of the Public si,, j. gin. Revenue/ gives some quotations which appear at the lii'Sory. present time almost amusing, from the dolefulness which pervades them, considering the comparatively small amount of Debt which called forth these dismal complaints. We subjoin a few, as a kind of antidote to despondency on our parts, as we think we shall be able to show that the condition of the Country at the present time is not a whit more irretrievable than it was at the time these complaints were made. We begin with an extract from a work printed in the year 1710: Extracts ' Are we not almost driven to the very brink of de- sinciair's < struction ? Our treasures are riotously wasted : our history. ' constitution in danger of being subverted ; and the ' nation almost in general corrupted ! Yet is it not ' a strange and wonderful thing, that, while the nation ( is almost bankrupt, wealthy men should shoot up ' in several offices like mushrooms ; and, while the ' Government was endangered to be beggared, that ' all its servants should riot in such wealth and ' plenty, that the bare handling of a brush in any ' office was a ready way to a plentiful fortune ; as f if the public treasure had been thrown in there ' only for the officers to brush it into their own ' pockets.' 1722. ' Can it be proved that a free people can ' taste the high enjoyments that flow from property PUBLIC LAMENTATIONS RESPECTING THE DEBT. I I J ' and liberty, when loaded with numerous Duties CHAP.I. ' and immersed in Debts of such a magnitude that the ^J* * 18 ' discharging thereof is almost impracticable with the History. s * safety of the nation ? And that our credit and repu- 4 tation is growing and increasing, notwithstanding * we are likely to be driven to the unavoidable choice ' of two melancholy extremes, viz., the blotting out ' of our books, and an effacing, as irretrievable, of an ' infinite number of creditors, who have lawful and ' just claims upon us ; or, the paying of debts by * virtue of wild schemes ; and, by that means, to * sink under a final bankruptcy ? Ought not such a ' people to reflect, with horror and anguish of heart ' at any, who either by mismanagement or villany, ' have reduced them to so terrible an ebb/ 1736. f The vast load of debt under which the ' nation still groans, is the true source of all those ' calamities and gloomy prospects of which we have * so much reason to complain.' The ' vast load of debt ' here alluded to was under fifty millions. 1749. * Our Parliamentary aids from the year 1 1740 exclusively, to the year 1748 inclusively, ' amount to ^55,522,159 i6s. 3d., a sum that will e appear incredible to future generations, and is so ' almost to the present. Till we have paid a good ' part of our Debt, and restored our country in some Il8 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. Extracts from Sinclair's history. ' measure, to her former wealth and power, it will be 1 difficult to maintain the dignity of Great Britain, ' to make her respected abroad, and secure from f injuries, or even affronts, on the part of her neigh- ' bours/ Lord Macaulay s ?heeffect f of 1776. ' I suppose there is no mathematical, still ' less an arithmetical, demonstration, that the road to * the Holy Land was not the road to Paradise, as ' there is that the endless increase of National Debts * is the direct road to National Ruin. But having now ( completely reached that goal, it is needless, at present, 'to reflect on the past. It will be found in the ' present year, 1776, that all the revenues of this ' island, north of Trent, and west of Reading, are ' mortgaged or anticipated for ever/ A small volume might be filled with extracts of a 8 ^ n * nature ; but, as they are so ably epitomised . 11 by Lord Macaulay, in his fourth volume of the History of England, we will give his Lordship's summing up, in preference to making any more quotations. ' At every stage in the growth of that debt, the * Nation has set up the same cry of anguish and 1 despair. At every stage in the growth of that debt ' it has been seriously asserted, by wise men, that * bankruptcy and ruin were at hand. Yet still the f debt went on growing; and still bankruptcy and ruin ( were as remote as ever. When the great contest PUBLIC LAMENTATIONS RESPECTING THE DEBT. IlQ f with Lewis XIV. was finally terminated by CHAP. i. ' the peace of Utrecht, the Nation owed about L^d e 50,000.000 : and that debt was considered, not account of ' the effect of * merely by the rude multitude, not merely by fox- ^ Debt ou ' hunting squires and coffee-house orators, but by ' acute and profound thinkers, as an incumbrance 1 which would permanently cripple the body politic. ' Nevertheless trade flourished ; wealth increased ; 1 the nation became richer and richer. Then came ( the war of the Austrian Succession, and the debt * rose to 80,000,000. Pamphleteers, historians, c and orators, pronounced that now, at all events, our ' case was desperate. Yet the signs of increasing ' prosperity signs which could neither be coun- f terfeited nor concealed, ought to have satisfied ' observant and reflecting men that a debt of ' 80,000,000 was less to the England which was ' governed by Pelham, than a debt of 50,000,000 ( had been to the England which was governed by 1 Oxford. Soon war again broke forth ; and, under 4 the energetic and prodigal administration of the 1 first William Pitt, the Debt rapidly swelled to * .140,000,000. As soon as the first intoxication of ' victory was over, men of theory and men of busi- * ness almost unanimously pronounced that the fatal ' day had now really arrived. The only statesman, * indeed, active or speculative, who did not share in 1 the general delusion, was Edmund Burke. David ' Hume, undoubtedly one of the most profound I 2O THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDEEED. CHAP. i. ' political economists of his time, declared that our ' madness had exceeded the madness of the Cru- Lord accwmtoi? ' saders. Richard Coeur de Lion, and Saint Lewis the Debt ou ' had not gone in the face of arithmetical demon- the nation. ' stration. It was impossible to prove, by figures, ' that the road to Paradise did not lie through the f Holy Land ; but it was possible to prove, by ' figures, that the road to National Ruin was through ' the National Debt. Adam Smith saw a little, and ' but a little, further. He admitted that, immense as ' the burden was, the nation did actually sustain it, ' and thrive under it in a way which nobody could 'have foreseen. But he warned his countrymen not ' to repeat so hazardous an experiment. The Limit * had been reached. Even a small increase might be ' fatal. ' It can hardly be doubted that there must have ' been some great fallacy in the notions of those who f uttered, and of those who believed that long suc- ' cession of confident predictions, so signally falsified ' by a long succession of indisputable facts. To * point out that fallacy is the office rather of the ' political economist than of the historian.' Fallacy We think it not difficult to solve the problem here entertained Debt the ^ e ^ ^ or solution, nor to point out the fallacy which Lord Macaulay intimates, but abstains from exposing. The fallacy we conceive to be this : that of con- founding the embarrassments of the Government, which is a mere portion of the nation, with the entire STATE EMBARRASSMENT NOT NATIONAL RUIN. 121 nation itself; and the concluding that, because a CHAP. i. Government cannot pay its way, and is, conse- Fallacy quently, bankrupt, therefore the nation must needs JJtothc be bankrupt also. Now a nation, as a whole, can never be utterly ruined in the way so confidently predicted in the extracts we have before given, inas- much as Providence has mercifully put it out of the power of any nation to ruin itself by forestalling future supplies. No nation can, in any one or more years, consume the produce of future years ; and thus leave the people of the latter period without the means of subsistence. Providence gives a nation its income year by year, and only one year at a time; and that upon the application of the proper amount of labour and industry for the production of the income. In this respect, we are all placed in similar circumstances to those of a spendthrift son, whose parent will not trust him with his entire fortune, but who metes it out to him year by year, month by month, or week by week, if necessary; and who has made such an arrangement that nothing that the son can possibly do can divert the periodical income from its intended destination to himself. There is. indeed, one mode of action which a impolicy o taking peo- Government or a Nation may adopt, which will bring ple | ro ruin for a time upon the Country at large, and that industr y- is, by so diverting the labour of the people from productive to unproductive pursuits, as shall prevent the realisation, in succeeding years, of the ordinary 122 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP - i- and natural income of the country. We can, for instance, imagine the possibility of a nation being so misled as to divert a large portion of its labour from the task of tilling the soil and the manufacturing of necessary articles of use, in order that that labour may be devoted to the production of the materiel of war. It would necessarily follow, that a large por- tion of the soil would remain untilled ; and that por- tion of the natural income which is usually derived from the soil remain undeveloped. In like manner, the same abstraction of labour from ordinary manu- facturing pursuits would prevent the production of that portion of the annual income of the country which is derived from manufactures. By a persist- ence in this course of procedure, a nation might be deprived of its annual income, and, for the time being, be ruined. But as long as the labour of the country is employed in producing, to its fullest ex- tent, all that the country is capable of furnishing as long as the latent wealth of the nation is being developed as much as possible no embarrassment of the Government can produce absolute ruin to the Hindrances great mass of the people. Hinder, indeed, the pro- tk)Suie U road duction of wealth so mismanage matters, that either to ruin. the soil is thrown out of cultivation, or factories are closed, mills are stopped, mines shut up, and the pro- ductive labour of the country doomed to enforced idleness, and ruin will quickly supervene. But this was not the effect produced by the National Debts at OUR WEALTH INCREASES FASTER THAN OUR DEBT. I 2 3 the time these complaints were penned. On the CHAP. i. contrary, every addition to the debt gave rise to more strenuous exertions to overcome the difficulties which such addition to our incumbrances produced every fresh necessity gave birth to new efforts to meet and overcome that necessity ; and the wealth of the Country, despite the debt, went on gradually and surely increasing. But, having looked so long on the dreary side of A more hopeful the subject, let us now turn our attention to that view. which is more cheering and hopeful. We stated, at the commencement of this chapter, that our means had at least kept equal pace with our liabilities : and that this was no random remark, will, we think, be evident, when we examine the figures and sta- tistics which bear upon this point. If, on comparing the amount of the Debt at different periods from its commencement up to the present time, with the total wealth of the Country at the same periods, we find that we are now in a better position to deal with the Debt than we were at any former period, we shall exhibit sufficient cause for viewing the sub- ject with more complacency and calmness than we should otherwise be disposed to do. Let us, then, see what are the actual statistics of the subject. Several estimates of the total wealth of the nation have been made during the last 150 years, the fol- lowing being some of the principal, viz. : I 24 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP - L Gregory King, about the year 1700, estimated wealth the total wealth or capital of the kingdom as being Kingdom, of the value of 615.000.000 sterling. The National Gregory Stmiate Debt being at this period about 15,000,000, there would remain a clear sum, after all liabilities were satisfied, of 600,000,000 sterling. The population of Great Britain and Ireland was, it is supposed, at this period about 8,000,000; and, if so, the sum of 600,000,000 would be equal to 75 of capital per head of the population. Dr.Becke's One hundred vears after this period. Dr. Becke ard Sir W. ^timated the total national wealth at 2,500,000,000 ; but as Sir W. Pulteney had, only a few years before, estimated it at 2,000,000,000, we think it better to take the medium between the two, and set down the national wealth at this period as of the value of 2,250,000,000. From this must be deducted 450,000,000, the amount of the National Debt, which would leave a clear surplus of 1,800,000,000. The population being at this time about 16,000,000, it would follow, that there was 110 of capital per head of the population, as compared with 75 of the former period. In 1812, the wealth of the country had increased, according to Dr. Colquhoun, to 2,736,640,000; and the Debt had also increased to 670,000,000. De- ducting the one from the other, and reckoning the population at 18,000,000, this sum would shew 115 of capital for every individual of the population. OUR WEALTH INCREASES FASTER THAN OUR DEBT. I 25 And now, in the year 1857, ^ seems generally to be CHAP. i. thought that the sum of 6,000.000.000 is a mode- Conjectured wealth rate and fair estimate of the extent of the national of. the Kingdom at wealth of the United Kingdom. The Debt we may take, in round numbers, as being j8oo, 000,000, and the population as being 30,000,000. The result of these figures is, that there is 170 capital per head of the population, as compared with 115 in 1812 110 in 1800 and 75 in 1700. We have deducted the amount of the Debt at each period from the gross amount of the national wealth, for the purpose of shewing what clear surplus is left per head, after all liabilities are discharged. But in a strict calculation of the total wealth of the country, such a deduction does not need to be made. For though the debt is owing by the Nation at large to its creditors, and the Nation is, in one sense, the poorer for it; yet those very creditors themselves form part of the Nation; and that which forms a debt against the country, also forms the capital and wealth of those very individuals, and must be put down as forming part of the wealth of the country. In fact, the same item stands upon both sides of the account as a debit against the country, and as a credit as regards the individual proprietors of the claim against the country. It may as well, there- fore, be left out of the account ; and the actual wealth or capital of the country may be taken at the I 26 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED* CHAP. i. full gross amounts as before given, which will then wealth give the following results : Kingdom. s. d. In the year 1700, 77 o o'j 1800, 140 o o (of capital per head 1812, 152 o or of population. 1857, 200 O o) These calculations go to show, that during the present century the wealth of the country, per indivi- vidual, has increased one-third; and that the total wealth of the country, viewed without reference to the increase of population, has more than doubled. And that there is good reason to believe that such is actually the case, the following statements, we think, will strongly indicate. The first corroborative evidence that we shall offer, is an extract from * The Report of the Select Com- * mittee of the House of Commons on the Law of 4 Partnership,' in 1851. The Report says : Mr. Porter's < Mr. Porter, one of our best authorities on sta- estimate of personalty, i tistical subjects, calculates the amount of personal e property in Great Britain to have nearly doubled in * thirty years, and to amount, in 1845, to upwards 4 of 2,200,000,000, from 1,200,000,000 in 1815.' If personal property amounted to 2,200,000,000 in 1845, we may fairly reckon it to have increased to 3.000,000,000 by the year 1857. OUR WEALTH INCREASES FASTER THAN OUR DEBT. I 2J The second quotation we make refers to real CHAP, i estate, and is taken from the same author's work wealth ' On the Progress of the Nation/ sect. 2. It exhibits Kingdom. the increased value of the real as distinguished from the personal property of the Kingdom, as evidenced by the increased revenue derived there- from. ' With scarcely any exception, the revenue drawn Mr. rorter's statement f in the form of rent from the ownership of the soil, JJJf 6 * 11 ** ' has been at least doubled in every part of Great perty> ' Britain since 1790.' Now, if we compare this statement with the cal- culation of Dr. Colquhoun, they, together, will very strongly corroborate the correctness of the estimate of 6,000,000,000 as being about the total wealth of the United Kingdom. Thus, Dr. Colquhoun stated the total wealth, real coiquhotm's statement. and personal, to be 2,700,000,000, at about the same period of time that Mr. Porter asserted that the personal wealth of the nation was 1,200,000,000. Now, if we deduct the 1,200,000,000 personalty from the 2,700,000,000 total wealth, it will leave 1,500,000,000 as being the value of the real estate; and if this real estate has been doubled in value by the application of science to agriculture, and by the conversion of barren wastes into fruitful fields, the total value of real estate will be 3,000,000,000, or thereabouts. Add this to the former item of 3,000,000,000 for personalty, and the sum will be 128 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. i. 6,000,000,000 as the amount of the entire wealth of the nation. Revenue This calculation appears also to be borne out by Kingdom, the marketable or saleable value of the real estate of the kingdom, founding our estimate of that value upon the rental derived from it. From all the ac- counts we have seen, we think that the rental of the real estate of the United Kingdom, lands and houses, cannot be put down at less than 100,000,000 per annum. The value of this at thirty years' purchase, a very fair price for real estate, will give3,ooo,ooo,ooo as the saleable value of the real property of the country. If we turn from the capital to the income of the country, the same kind of increase is manifested. In Francis's ' History of the Bank of England/ we are informed that the annual income of the country, in the year 1796, was estimated to be ^233,308,800; and that in the year 1846, half a century afterwards, Mr.w.R. Mr. W. R. Smee, in his pamphlet on the income Smee's r r statement, tax, calculated it to be 488,000,000, which is more than double the former amount. This was eleven years ago ; and now we think we may fairly conclude that the present income of the nation is between 500,000,000 and 600,000,000 a year. But the present great increase of the wealth of the nation at large, is not the only hopeful feature to dwell upon. If with our comparatively inferior powers of production, we have been able, during the OUR WEALTH STILL CAPABLE OF EXTENSION. 129 last fifty years, to double the total wealth of the CHAP. i. country, what may we not expect to accomplish by increase of the industry of the next fifty years? So amazingly wealth. have our powers of production been developed and increased during the more recent portion of that period so multiplied and extended our means of transport and communication so wonderful the ap- plications of science to productive and economical purposes that it is not extravagant to conclude that it will not require another fifty years to repeat the process, but that we may again double our wealth within the ensuing thirty years. This, of itself, would be equivalent to reducing the amount of the Debt one half. And this is one of the principal points to be aimed Mitigation of thebur- at. We should steadily keep in view, that the in- crease of the stock of the nation, is equivalent to a reduction of the Debt. A person whose expenses fully equal, or exceed, his income, may be as effec- tually relieved from his embarrassment by an increase of his income as by a reduction of his expenditure. Distribute a given weight over a greater surface, and the pressure upon each individual portion of that surface becomes mitigated. The weight of Debt which we now sustain, will, in like manner, become mitigated, when it is extended over a greater portion of wealth and a greater number of individuals, both of which will be the result of our natural and in- I JO THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP - * evitable progress, if we are not so unwise as actually to hinder this result taking place. owX?** -^ or what has been the nature of the increase wealth. which has taken place during the last fifty years? We describe it as the income of the country having increased from 250,000,000 annually, to between 500,000,000 and 600,000,000. What is the nature of that wealth which has grown from 2,500,000,000 to 6,000,000,000 what is this 6,000,000.000 of wealth? To describe this accu- rately, we should have to make a schedule or inven- tory of the items which composed the wealth of the nation at these two respective periods. We should, in this schedule, see that so many more hundreds of thousands or millions of acres of land have been brought into cultivation, which were formerly waste ; we should see, that even that land which was in culti- vation at the first period, by the application of labour to it, and the incorporation of labour with it, had so increased in fertility, as to be enabled to pro- duce a double amount of crops ; we should see that, in the former period, there were say 2,000,000, of houses, and that now there were 4,000,000. That, in like manner, there were, in present stock and in annual production, two tons of iron, copper, tin, coal, etc., etc., to one ton of the former period ; that a similarly enlarged stock existed of all kinds of textile fabrics cottons, cloth, linen, and silks; WHAT THE NATIONAL WEALTH CONSISTS OF. IJ that there was double the number of oxen, sheep, CHAP - piers, horses, etc. In this way, we should have to go Nature of our in- through every article of consumption and use ; and we should discover, that this enlargement of wealth from 2,500,000,000 to 6,000,000,000, was either a greater quantity of the productions before named, or an ability to produce a greater quantity; that this addition of 3,500,000,000 to the national wealth, was nothing more than a greater stock of all articles of consumption and use, and the increased power which the nation possessed, in the shape of improved land, machinery and implements, to pro- duce in larger quantities periodically all the articles necessary for man's subsistence and use. Money itself, though forming but a small and insignificant portion of this wealth, would likewise exhibit an increase ; the amount of gold and silver at the first period, in coin and in plate, did not probably exceed 50,000,000; it now, in all probability, approaches 100,000,000. Let the mention of this last item be duly pondered over, and let it teach a necessary les- son to those who are misled by the mistaken notion that money forms the wealth of the individual or the nation. We see how far it does so, nationally speaking we see what it amounts to ; it is 100,000,000 out of 6,000,000,000; there are 5,900 millions, not money, but money's worth, and 100 millions money. It would be a sad day for those who consider themselves worth their 10,000 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. i. or 20,000 apiece, if there were no other stock in the country to justify their title to be considered persons of property, than the mere money of the country ; for this, equally divided, would not amount to more than 2 per head. importance It is clear, then, what we must expect, and what of promot- , / .1 ing the we must aim at, 11 we are to increase the present increase of wealth. wealth of the country from 6,000, 000,000 to 12,000,000,000, and by this means effectually lessen the weight of the National Debt. It can only be done in the way indicated above. The soil of the nation, which in the middle of the i8th century, produced only two quarters of wheat per acre on the average, and which in the middle of the 1 9th century, has been made to produce four quar- ters, must, by the end of this century, be made to produce eight quarters per acre ; a result which, we believe, will be brought about long before the time spoken of. There must be double the quantity pro- duced of every description of useful commodities; double the quantity of food, of raiment, of house- accommodation double the quantity of fabrics and manufactures of all descriptions, part for our own consumption, and part to exchange for the products of other lands. The greater the quantity that can be produced, the greater the wealth. We can only increase our wealth by increasing these productions ; we can only become poor by diminishing production. While we are writing this, a tremendous commer- THE PANIC OF 1857. 1 33 cial and monetary panic has arisen in London and in CHAP. i. the provinces, which, like all previous convulsions of Evii effects of the Panic a similar kind, has a direct tendency to repress the of 1867 - creation of wealth, and consequently to impoverish the country. That which is now taking place is di- rectly antagonistic to the policy we desire to recom- mend. . Let us listen to a few extracts from different journals published during the last few days, and let us candidly reflect whether the permission or the production of such convulsions as this, is a likely mode of producing national prosperity by an increase of wealth. From the GLASGOW DAILY MAIL. 4 We regret to learn that the list of unemployed ' continues to increase. This was to be expected, * the stagnation in the money-market necessitating ' the dismissal of miners, weavers, ship-builders, and ' factory -workers.' From the LIVERPOOL COURIER. * It is difficult to conceive a more wanton sacrifice ' of property than that inflicted upon every trading ' community during the early five days of last week. 4 Under the crushing influence of this unmodified ( Bank Bill, from Saturday till Friday, the value of ' produce descended rapidly and ruinously. The * value of the stock of cotton in this town alone, fell * 300,000 in four days; scarcely an article of pro- duce escaped ; and therefore, no man engaged could IJ4 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. i. c fly from the fearful consequences of his necessities. Reports of f Securities of all kinds were similarly and unna- < turallv forced down, with precisely the same results ' to those who wanted money for their engagements/ From the SCOTSMAN. ( There has been no organized movement by the ' spinners to bring about working short time ; but in { nearly every instance, the working time will be * reduced from 60 hours per week, to 40.' During every commercial and monetary panic with which this country has been afflicted, extracts from the public press, like these, could be given by the score and the hundred. Under our present arrange- ments, these lamentable results are perhaps unavoid- able, and the cessation of the employment of labour, and of the creation of wealth for the time, the only step that can be taken. But there must be something very faulty in these arrangements, to make so great an anomaly expedient. It is not natural, and, we believe, not necessary. We are aware that some economists look upon these con- vulsions as being as necessary as a thunder-storm to purify the commercial atmosphere, and give fresh life and vigour to the industrial public ; but we are impressed with no such conviction. We believe the cessation of labour and production to be a calamity, and a loss that nothing can replace. We believe that the true philosophy of the question is correctly THE PHILOSOPHY OF PRODUCTION. 1 35 given in the following quotations from the able CHAP. i. article. England, in the ' Encyclopaedia Britannica.' J * To the wisdom of Parliament the country must * look up for those salutary regulations which shall W eXth? ual * remove every obstruction in both countries that may ' be opposed to the means of obtaining from the * capital, skill and labour of the people, the greatest ' possible returns which are attainable ; by giving a * proper direction to the industry of the labouring e classes, and by such encouragements as shall render it not only universally efficient, but productive to the * highest degree that is possible. 1 Millions of individuals in all countries pass ' through life without being aware, that the food ' which nourishes them, the clothing which covers ' them, the habitations which shelter them from the ' inclemency of the weather, and all the other con- ' veniences and comforts which they enjoy, proceed ' from the labour of the people employed in agricul- ' ture, mines, and minerals in manufacture and * handicraft employments and in trade, commerce, ' navigation, and fisheries. * It is by the labour of the people employed in * various branches of industry, that all ranks of the ' community in every condition of life, annually ' subsist; and it is by the produce of this labour * alone, that nations become powerful in proportion ' to the extent of the surplus which can be spared for * the exigencies of the state. It is by the increase or THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP - L ' diminution of the produce of this labour that states, tilery of f ' kingdoms, an d empires, flourish or decay. 3 auction?" And that any real embarrassment and mischief need necessarily flow from too great a production of commodities, and a consequent accumulation of capital is, we think, clearly disproved by Ricardo, who, in endeavouring to allay the fears of those who thought that the great accumulation of capital ac- cruing from the too rapid operation of the Sinking Fund would lead to the production of such vast quantities of goods, that no profitable markets could be found for them, speaks thus : Mr. mcardo ( Now the doubts of those who speak of the mis- on Over- production. ' chievous effects of the great accumulation of the * Sinking Fund, proceed from an opinion they enter- ' tain, that a country may possess more capital than ' it can beneficially employ, and that there may be * such a glut of commodities, that it would be im- * possible to dispose of them on such terms as to * procure to the producers any profit on their capital. 4 The error of this reasoning has been made manifest ' by M. Say, in his able work " Economic Politique," 4 and afterwards by Mr. Mill, in his excellent reply ' to Mr. Spence, the advocate of the doctrines of the ( Economistes. They show that demand is only ' limited by production ; whoever can produce has a ' right to consume, and he will exercise his privilege ' to the greatest extent. They do not deny that the ' demand for particular commodities is limited, and, THE PHILOSOPHY OP PRODUCTION. 1 37 * therefore, they say, there may he a glut of such CHAP, i. ' commodities : but in a great and civilised country. Mr. mcardo 'on Over- * wants, either for objects of necessity or luxury are production. ' unlimited, and the employment of capital is of equal ' extent with our ability of supplying food and ne- * cessaries for the increasing population, which a ( continually augmenting capital would employ. ' With every increased difficulty of producing addi- ' tional supplies of raw produce from the land, corn 4 and other necessaries of the labourer would rise. ' Hence wages would rise. A real rise of wages is ' necessarily followed by a real fall of profits ; and, ' therefore, when the land of a country is brought to ' the highest state of cultivation, when more labour ' employed upon it will not yield in return more food ' than what is necessary to support the labourer so ' employed, that country is come to the limit of its ' increase both in capital and population. e The richest country in Europe is yet far distant ' from that degree of improvement ; but if any had * arrived at it, by the aid of foreign commerce, even * such a country would go on for an indefinite time ' increasing in wealth and population ; for the only * obstacle to this increase would be the scarcity and ' consequent high value of food and other raw pro- * duce. Let these be supplied from abroad in ex- ' change for manufactured goods ; and it is difficult ' to say where the limit is at which you would cease 1 to accumulate wealth, and to derive profit from its IJ 8 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. cnAP - ! * employment. This is a question of the utmost soundness importance in political economy/ These sentiments are, throughout, pervaded by a sound philosophy; and to minds capable of, and satisfied with, grasping great and general principles, they will be abundantly satisfactory. The great mass of mankind, however, engaged as they are in the daily occupations of life, need a more common- place and practical explanation of the matter. In opposition to the sound teaching just quoted by us, they believe, for they have been taught so to believe, that poverty and distress may be caused by an over- production of wealth ; and that many of the evils which afflict us as a community are really owing to this cause.* Before such persons we would place the following statement of facts as they exist, and ask them whether they can, after perusing it and ponder- ing over it, still retain such an opinion; whether they can really bring themselves to believe that our perplexities arise from too great a production of commodities. For what is the income of the Nation ? What is the nature and amount of the fund which furnishes * "We are not here speaking of relative over-production ; that is, the over-production of some goods beyond their fail- proportions with other goods, for this may happen ; but of a positive over-production of all things, which is only another term for expressing a general increase in the wealth of a community. IT IS XOT OVER-PRODUCTION THAT AFFLICTS US. 139 subsistence to all classes, and how much does it CHAP. i. allow to each 011 an average ? Nature of iN ational Let us see : and let us first reckon it in the ordi- income. nary way, that is, in money ; that being the most compatible with our ordinary modes of thought. The income of the country, if reckoned in money, though really and ultimately in goods, may be taken, as we have before stated, at about 500,000,000 a year. The population may be taken, in round numbers, Average .,..-,, Income of at 30,000,000. Allowing hve individuals to form, on Families. the average, one family, it follows that there are 6,000,000 of families in the country. These 6,000,000 families have 500,000,000, yearly, to divide among them. What is this for each family of five persons? Just 83 6s. 8d. per annum. Now we do not suppose that the most practical man in the world will come to the conclusion that the families of this country are distressed by the fact of their having so large a sum as 83 6s. 8d. per annum to subsist upon ; seeing that they are five in number and live in a highly -taxed country ; and that their circumstances would really be bettered, if their income were reduced to 50 instead of 83 6s. 8d. The thing is so absurd on the face of it, that we are sure that even he would at once exclaim ' 83 6s. 8d. is little enough indeed they would be better off if they had double that sum/ THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP - * Is it indeed so ? Then the production of the country must be proportionally increased in quantity to allow of it. Before each family of five persons can have double the former sum, or 166 133. 4d. a year, the income of the country must be raised from 500,000,000 to i, 000,000,000 a year; and the capital stock of the country must be raised from 6,000,000,000 to 12,000,000,000. And if this were done, what would this 12,000,000,000 capital stock and 1,000 ,000,000 of annual income arising from it and labour conjointly, consist of? Simply and purely this : the income would consist of a double quantity of all the productions which are used and consumed by the people at large; and the capital would partly consist of an increased stock of these productions, and partly of an ability to produce an increased quantity. We defy any man to prove, that it can consist of anything else, reckoning the income as we ought to reckon it, to be that which people ultimately obtain for consumption and use. Nor is this the whole of the case. To afford this 166 135. 4d. a year to each family, not only must the present productions be doubled in quantity, but they must be doubled compared with the augmented population. If we were to double the quantity of productions, and the population were also to double at the same time, it would afford no additional in- come to each family ; ten loaves among ten people, and twenty loaves among twenty people is the same IT IS NOT OVER-PRODUCTION THAT AFFLICTS US. 141 thing to each one. We must not only, therefore, CHAP. ' double the whole annual production of the nation, but we must double the productions to each individual family before such family can have 166 133. 4d. a year, instead of 83 6s. 8d. What becomes, then, of the silly, and, thank God ! the now obsolete cry of 'over-production'? Well might the writer in the * Encyclopaedia Britannica ' say, that the point to be effected was to obtain ' from the capital, skill and labour of the people, the greatest possible returns which are attainable ' to make the industry of the country ' productive to the highest degree possible? This, and this only, is the way to increase the national wealth ; this, and this only is the way to provide the increased stock necessary for the redemption of the National Debt. We have not the slightest fear, that if the industry NO fear o f \\ " the induttiy of the country were allowed to have a free and clear f the Country, if course, it would soon furnish the fund to redeem the free Debt from the clear surplus of taxes alone. And we do not see any reason to despair. Every year fresh accessions are made to the cause of freedom ; and we have firm faith that knowledge and improvement will continue steadily to advance, till all that is erroneous in principle, and baneful in operation, will pass away. There is one remaining point that we have not yet touched upon, affecting our present and prospective condition as compared with that of former times, namely the discovery of gold in such vast quantities 142 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED, C HAP - i- in California and Australia. If the production goes Gofdd? s f - the on as ** h as hith erto done, and if gold, as appears yer ^ p ro k a iji e) ^ e discovered in other quarters, it will, doubtless, after a few years, make a mighty difference in the pressure of our debt. It is believed by many eminent investigators of these subjects, that gold has already considerably depreciated in value, compared both with silver and with commodities in general, and it may be so, notwithstanding that gold as money, is found to be, at the present time,* of higher value than ever, regarding it as a borrowable and lendable article for which interest has to be paid. Not so much difference, however, has taken place in its exchangeable value as might have been expected, considering that about 200,000,000 sterling have been added to the general stock of the world. The rapid absorption of this amount, and the scarcity still felt, seem, however, to prove one thing: the utter insufficiency of the monetary supplies of the world properly and conveniently to carry on its vastly augmented commerce. The additional supply of gold, immense as it has been, has been absorbed by the world's commerce, as a parched and thirsty desert would drink up the most abundant of the tropical floods. But we doubt whether this will continue to be the case, if the production of gold goes on at the same, or at an augmented rate. The most parched soil would ultimately become saturated * November, 1857. DECLINE IN THE EXCHANGEABLE VALUE OF GOLD. 143 by continuous floods, and the continued production CHAP. i. of gold must, we think, greatly lessen its exchange- able value in a few years' time. This, as regards the country in general, will have a very favourable influ- ence in diminishing the burden of the debt, though the fundholder will correspondingly suffer. 144 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAPTER II. PLANS HERETOFORE SUGGESTED FOR THE LIQUIDATION OF THE NATIONAL DEBT. TN entering upon the subject of the liquidation of the National Debt, it will be first advisable to examine, 3bt- briefly, a few of the plans which have been hereto- fore suggested for the accomplishment of that pur- pose. These plans are : ist. The actual payment of the Debt, in whole or in part, by a contribution to be made. 2nd. Its conversion into terminable annuities. 3rd. Its redemption by a sinking fund. 4th. The conversion of its capital from, say a 3 per cent, stock, into a stock bearing a higher rate of interest, and reducing the nominal capital in the same proportion. Most of the plans which have been submitted to the public may be classed under one or the other of these heads. With regard to the first, i. e., the actual payment of the Debt, the slightest reflection will show us, that an actual payment at once, and as the law 'j PROMPT PAYMENT OF THE DEBT IMPOSSIBLE. '45 requires, is simply an impossibility. stands, whatever payment is made must be made in As the law now CHAP.II. X v gold, according to the standard of 5 dwts. 3 grs. of Debfc - Id for every pound, or in Bank notes convertible into such gold pounds on demand. H N - We have already shewn, in a former chapter, that j ^the quantity of gold that would be required to dis- the Debt at once would be upwards of 6,000 y ^ $ <\ . _ _ ns a quantity which we suppose does not exist ^S.^ ^ A on the surface of the whole globe, whatever may the concealed treasures of its interior. It is, there-* ore, clearly impossible in the nature of things, ^ ^ N * ? a literal fulfilment of the existing law should be ac-* w^ ^ complished in an actual payment of the Nationals V $ Debt outright. A But as this is not a possible H i neither would it be a desirable one, if possible, for^tf ssil those who would be entitled to payment. If they^ 11 ^' really could be paid in gold, it would be their ruinj A literal fulfilment of the terms of the contract to the whole extent of the debt would consign them beggary, so far as their property consisted of their ?N ^jk claims against the country. For what would be the>>S JVvalue of gold if 6,000 tons could, by some unforeseen,^ ^ jand, at present, unimaginable, means, be provided byS$ the Government for the discharge of the claims of the ^national creditor. It is a problem that we have no * ffiaeans of solxjjg i^but a$ it would in^rease^ v ^gom in tn$ country by djt i^st^jwejve or fift x ^^ > Jv \i v S^ T* ^ .'. * Vfv< ^v > ble >ut a )untry by ^t i^st^jwejye o\! i X L\ s p^ ^ '> > tv ? ? f 1 46 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. ii. its present amount, we think that the least effect it /would have, would be to bring gold down to the present value of silver. If so, the national creditor would, in effect, receive but a little more than a shilling in each gold pound so paid to him. Of all 4 persons, then, the owners of the Debt would be the last to wish for a literal fulfilment of the terms of the ' contract, if such fulfilment could, by any means, be made possible. T tiou r f fa -^ Ut m ight ft n t t> e P a id by a transfer of a fair proportion of every person's property, to be applied perty> to this purpose ? This idea has been entertained ; and instances have not been wanting of noble-minded individuals, of considerable property, coming forward and expressing themselves ready to contribute their share, upon the way being pointed out to them, and upon its being adopted as a general measure. We do not say that no way could be found to carry out the plan; but it would be an exceedingly difficult matter, considering how property is held in this country, to detach in a formal and legal manner, say, a one seventh portion, from the remainder, and to devote it to the payment of the debt. The com- plications arising from family settlements and other arrangements, from mortgages, and from different forms of tenure, would render such a separation almost impossible with reference to real property; while with reference to many descriptions both of real and personal property it would be absolutely GRADUAL PAYMENT OF THE DEBT. 147 impossible to make such a division. Under any cir- CHAP.II. cumstances, some descriptions of personal property suchtrans- must either he exempted, or subject to redemption practicable. or commutation ; for it would verge upon the ridi- culous to suppose that all our necessary domestic furniture and utensils should be made subject to the impost ; yet they form a very considerable item in any schedule of the national wealth. If. then, the first mode of payment would be im- Payment by " * instalments. possible, and the second so difficult and inconvenient that it would at once be rejected, we see only one other mode of actual payment : that of spreading the payment over a number of years, and taking care absolutely to cancel a portion of the debt every year, in order that the dividends or interest of so much of it might cease. This, of course, could only be done by coming upon the property of the nation for the annual instalments necessary for the purpose. In fact, it would be a kind of additional property tax, to last until the Debt was extinguished ; and if the public be really in earnest to accomplish such extinc- * tion of the debt, they must prepare to dispose of as much of their property every year, if such disposal were necessary to raise the means, as would pay their annual instalment. Suppose that a sum of 10,000,000 were annually realised in this way from property, in addition to the payment from the Con- solidated Fund of the amount that would have been payable for dividends on the stock so redeemed, a 148 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDEKED. CHAP. n. debt of 800,000,000 eould be annihilated in less than fifty years, even if the stock had to be paid off at par. But we question the necessity and the jus- tice of paying off the stock at par. No doubt that if a serious intention of paying off the debt were enter- tained, and such intention were steadily acted upon for a few years, the stocks, as they became scarcer through the gradual redemption, would rise in price till they were at par. But we think the Government would be to blame to permit of this. There seems no reason why Parliament should not empower the Government t make a present purchase of all the stocks at a fair and just price, taking all things into account such stock to be paid for in annual instal- ments, as above described. If this were done, and the price fixed upon for the 3 per cents, were 90, the Debt might be paid off in about forty years. Is there any reason, then, why this should not be done? Are there any objections to such a measure? We think there are : The new In the first place, so far as the new -2 per cents. 3 per cents r cannot be are concerned, which amount to nearly 250,000,000, at present. fo e na ti O n is pledged by the financial arrangements of 1 844 not to redeem the stock until after the year 1874. Whatever might therefore be done, unless with the consent of the holders, it must be compul- sory, and as real a violation of national faith as though the debt were sponged out, though not, of course, to the same extent. GRADUAL PAYMENT OF THE DEBT. 149 Secondly, we think it unfair to throw such an CHAP n. additional burden upon the present generation, sad- Payment of died as it has been with so vast a load of debt, con- "^ fair to , the present tracted, in the first instance, in the reckless manner g eneration > we have described, and afterwards intensified by the changes made in the money system of the country. The debt has been, already, more than paid by the present generation, if a fair estimate of its proper and original value were made, and the real value of the payments made on account of it also fairly con- sidered. Thirdly, because a redemption of the debt in this manner would be more burdensome to the present generation than continuing to pay the interest of the debt. Most people would prefer to have the capital still left in the hands of the stock-holders, and pay an interest of 3! per cent, for it, than redeem it at such a sacrifice. In the last place, we think we see a better plan of proceeding, which will gradually liquidate the debt, not only with manifest and salutary benefit to our- selves, but without throwing an undue portion upon our children. We shall enter into a consideration of this plan, as soon as we have given the other points named a little examination. We now proceed to consider the second which has been recommended for the ultimate liqui- dation of the debt ; namely, * the conversion of it Al ' into terminable annuities/ THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. n. This plan is so advantageous, that it would have conversion been long since adopted, had it been found possible of the Debt * _. , . _ accomplish it. But so great an objection exists to Annuities. an y f un( j w hich, year by year, decreases in value, that to a very large class of holders such a stock would be altogether inadmissible. All corporate and public bodies, as well as trustees, and those who wish to make a permanent provision for any purpose whatever, have an unconquerable aversion to such a stock. It is owing to this objection on the part of the public, that so small a portion of the National Debt has been contracted in terminable annuities: The present Chancellor of the Exchequer did, in- deed, partially employ this method in raising the 16,000,000 loan in 1855; but it was only a subor- dinate and supplementary, or rather complementary, S?ectio?to P art ^ *^ e * ransac ^ on - Generally speaking, it has been f un d tnat money cannot be raised by termina- ble annuities on any but the most extravagant terms ; and the same objection would operate to prevent any voluntary conversion of the debt, except upon terms that would not be thought of. With regard to small portions of the debt, the holders of which might voluntarily offer to accept a terminable annuity upon moderate terms, there could be no objection to the plan being adopted, though we fear few offers would be made. But, while admitting its general advantageousness, we think that even this mode of liquidating the SINKING FUND INEFFICACIOUS AND SLOW. K N I; debt, if it could be carried out, would still be open C^P. to the objection that it would throw an additional burden upon the present generation; for no termi- nable annuity would be taken in exchange for a perpetual one, unless a higher annual interest were paid to the annuitants during the time the annuity continued. It is useless, therefore, to think of ter- minable annuities, if we want any present relief from the burden of the Debt. t Vj" With regard to the third plan, namely, f the re- Jg^J*^ 1 ' demption of the Debt by means of a Sinking ^^ hlk ^ ' Fund/ as we have, in a former portion of this ^ essay, explained our views with regard to this, it will \^ v be unnecessary to repeat them here. Still we may ^ ^\ just remark, that a Sinking Fund, in some form or *\ ^ other, has been in operation since the year 1716 A ^ and but little effect has been produced by it in the V reduction of the Debt. First, because in order to * pay off debt, fresh debt has been created to a larger ^^ amount than that paid off; and secondly, because the stock was not cancelled when redeemed, but left in the hands of the commissioners. This proved too great a temptation for the various ministries and parliaments, and led to the appropriation of the fund for current will be essential to attend to these two points: \L first, that the Sinking Fund be sustained by surplus expenses. In the future management of >5 ' \^ Sinking Fund operations, therefore, it \v ^ ^ 8 v revenue, without that revenue having been raised by O 1 A I f2 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDEKED. CHAP n. borrowed money: and secondly, that the stock re- deemed by such Sinking Fund be immediately can- celled, and not left in the hands of commissioners. With these provisoes, a Sinking Fund may legiti- mately assist in lessening the national incumbrances, though it never can have any great effect, while our present system of money is maintained. Could the currency of this country be so arranged as to effect the abolition of those commercial convulsions or panics, which periodically prostrate our productive powers, we should soon see a large surplus revenue from ordinary sources, and the Sinking Fund would become an important instrument to effect the reduc- tion of the Debt. Reduction With reference to the mode of reducing: the of Debt by fuuTIuother National Debt by the conversion of it into a stock bearing a higher rate of interest, the capital of the debt being reduced in the same proportion, we think this could not be done without entailing a somewhat larger burden upon ourselves at present, nor without giving a guarantee that no advantage should be taken of this new stock rising to, or beyond par, to redeem it before a given number of years had elapsed. This mode is, therefore, also open to the same objec- tion as the others: that we should increase the present burden of the debt for the sake of a diminu- tion of the capital at some future period. The fact is, that, arrange our plans as we may, and twist and change our modes of dealing with the CONVERSION TO A HIGHER DESCRIPTION OF STOCK. 1 53 debt as we please, there is no possibility of obtaining CHAP. n. an advantage as against the fund-holders with their consent. All plans of this nature are matters of simple calculation. If against the fund-holder, and in favour of the country at large, the fundholder will naturally not agree to them ; if, on the other hand, they are of a nature that will benefit the fundholder at the expense of the nation, how can the country be benefited by adopting them ? Something is wanted ^ ething that will benefit the nation at large, without inflicting wanted - injury upon any one that will mitigate rather than enhance the present burden that will accomplish this desirable end without injuring the fundholder, on the one hand, and without transferring the bur- den to posterity, on the other. Whether this can be done will be the subject of investigation in the next chapter. THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAPTER III. PROPOSALS FOR THE LIQUIDATION OF THE NATIONAL DEBT. CHAP, in. mHERE appears to be no reason why several diffe- modesma ren * a g enc i es should not be employed, and diffe- ren ^ modes of action adopted, for the accomplishment ployed. o f t h e liquidation of the National Debt. Indeed, as no one plan would be acceptable to all classes of the national creditors, it is highly desirable that several should be in operation simultaneously. While, therefore, we shall attempt to develop one main plan as our principal reliance, we would not wish to lose sight of the before-mentioned modes of operation, but would desire to make them available to the utmost extent of which they are capable. Let the Sinking Fund, for instance, be kept in full operation, based upon the principles we have before stated; and let such a freedom be given and full play allowed to the industry of the country, that a large surplus revenue may be produced, to give soundness and stability to such a Sinking Fund, and greatly to enlarge its operations. Still more, and for the accomplishment of the ACCESSORY MEASURES. 155 same purpose, do we desire to see the establishment CHAP, in. of a less capricious monetary system ; in order, in our Mo the first place and principally, that the industry of ^for the people may not suffer those ruinous checks and fatal prostrations which the present system permits, if it does not produce ; and secondly, that the large sum of money which we annually pay for the use of the notes of the Bank of England may he saved to the nation, and added to the Sinking Fund to extend its sphere of action. Neither can there, we imagine, be any objection to the conversion of the lower description of stock into a stock of nominally higher rate of interest, with a proportionate reduction of the capital; pro- vided this could be done without increasing the gross amount of the interest payable on the debt ; though of the success of such a plan, if it were proposed, we are not at all sanguine. But we feel that these are only accessory and supplementary measures, and that they need to be accompanied by something more powerful and com- prehensive; the debt is of too vast a magnitude to be greatly affected by operations of this nature. Not only so, but something also is needed which will tend to lessen the weight of the Debt to the pre- sent generation more speedily than these measures are likely to effect. We believe we have already borne an undue share of the burdens contracted by our fathers, and we see no probability of these 156 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP, in. burdens being much mitigated in our time, by such slow processes as that of the Sinking Fund. Could we even be so generous and heroic as to contemplate the payment of the Debt, we think that an actual payment, in any shape or form, by means of a con- tribution from property already realised, would not meet with acceptance. Those who desire to see some plan proposed for the payment of the Debt, do not, we verily believe, contemplate an actual payment ; it is probably the furthest thing from their thoughts. It is more probable that they entertain some indistinct notion, that by some clever financial scheme, the Debt may be got rid of without an actual payment. ^ J1( ^ ^ ^ e P a y men * f * ne Debt depended, at any ti me > u P on a contribution of property then already ble ' realised, we should despair of ever seeing such con- tribution voluntarily made, or even submitted to, however rich the nation might at the time be. People's expenses and habits of life, on the one hand, generally keep equal pace with their increased means ; so that even those that are the most easy in their circumstances, seldom find it convenient to pay a large contribution, let it be called for whenever it may. And with regard to those whose habits of expense do not increase with their means, the love of money and the insatiable desire of further accumula- tion, form as great a barrier to voluntary contri- bution as expensiveness does in the former class. Notwithstanding, therefore, that the nation might PLAN FOR LIQUIDATING THE DEBT. 157 in a few years double its wealth might possess CHAP. in. 1 2,000,000,000 of property instead of 6,000,000,000 yet a direct contribution, at any time, for the pur- pose of paying off the Debt, would be felt to be a grievance. We are persuaded, therefore, that it is not from property that already exists, or that may arise in the natural order of things, that we are to derive the fund by which the National Debt may be redeemed ; but from property that can be made to exist for the express purpose of paying off the Debt, and the pro- duction of which property will benefit all parties engaged therein. We have before remarked, that the substitution of terminable annuities for perpetual, would be highly advantageous for the reduction of the Debt, were it not for the fact that such terminable annuities, con- stantly decreasing year by year in value form a very unacceptable portion of public securities, and find no favour in the market. But this is not all ; even ter- minable annuities, favourable as they would be in the long run, would benefit but a small portion of the present generation; and we feel that we should hardly be content with this. We desire to see the National Diminishing Annuities Debt not only converted into terminable annuities, *f wel1 a * J ' Terminable. but into such terminable annuities as shall period- ically decrease in amount. For instance; annuities that on their commencement amounted to 3 per cent, on the capital, we should desire to see reduced to 2| THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP, in. per cent., at the end of the first five years; to 2| per cent., at the expiration of another five years, and so on; so that the "whole annuity might be extinguished in 60 years from its commencement. nuitanteto ^ o en ect *his, an adequate and ample compensation rompens?* must, of course, be made to those who are the holders of the present stock, or to those to whom the stock may be by them transferred. To meet the case entirely on its own ground, and to provide a compensation exactly suited in its nature to replace the loss which these decreasing terminable annuities would entail, it should be one which would yearly increase in value, while the value of that which it displaced was decreasing. Not that this is absolutely essential to a sufficient and proper compensation, but that it would exactly meet the case on its own ground, and provide a very appropriate remedy for the loss which would arise. What, then, do we propose, in order to accomplish this desirable end ? If the debt is to be converted not only into terminable annuities, but into annui- ties which shall periodically and progressively become less and less in amount, what compensation can be devised, so that not only injustice may not be done to, but benefit conferred upon, the present proprie- tors of the debt, or those to whom their claim upon the country may be transferred. rian pro- j In few words, we think that the fund is to be posed. ii Ij found in onr immense colonial empire ; the lands and PLAN FOR LIQUIDATING THE DEBT. 159 capabilities of which, comparatively valueless at IFHAP. n present, may be made, under proper arrangements, jfcf 10 ' to furnish ample funds for the redemption of ourll National Debt, were it even twice or thrice its present|j magnitude. On introducing this part of our subject, we beg to premise that we contemplate the probable necessity there may be to come to an understanding with the legislatures of the various colonies to whom we have given the right of self-government, in order effect- ually to carry out the plan. Though we are not very well versed in colonial law, as affecting the rights of the mother country to dispose of the un- settled lands, yet with such colonies as Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and New Brunswick, we apprehend it will be necessary to secure the sanction and co-operation of the local legislatures. This sanction and co-operation we feel, however, persuaded there will be no difficulty in securing, inasmuch as the very plan we have to suggest is that which will sup- ply a universally felt want a want which forms the subject of daily discussion in the various papers pub- lished in the colonies, especially in Canada, where the cry daily is, ' How shall we attract capital and labour to our shores? Here we have plenty of raw material lying latent and undeveloped, in the shape of lands, mines, woods, and fisheries ; what can be done to develop this latent wealth and turn it to account ?' l6o THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP, n We think that both parties, the mother country and her colonial offspring, may be mutually bene- fitted by the adoption of a plan of somewhat of the following nature, for the redemption of the National Debt. We merely present the principal points which it is desirable to accomplish, not presuming or at- tempting to indicate the precise course of action which must be adopted to carry the plan into (practical working operation. The undertaking would be so vast, and the points to consider so numerous, that it would doubtless require the united wisdom and experience of Parliament and Ministers, both home and colonial, to make the requisite arrange- ments. i . Let subscription books be opened for those who would be willing to subscribe towards the redemption of portions of the various public stocks, in sums of 100 and upwards. 2. Let every subscriber be entitled, in the first place, to an annuity terminable as follows. For the first five years after subscription, let the annuity be the amount of the dividend payable, at the time of subscription, on the stock for which he subscribed ; for the following five years let it be one quarter per cent, less ; for the next five years another quarter per cent, less, and so on; the annuity diminishing one quarter per cent, every five years until the said annuity became extinguished. 3. Let every subscriber, in the second place, be V PLAN FOR LIQUIDATING THE DEBT. entitled to an adequate grant or grants of land, in proportion to the amount of his subscription, in any one or more of the colonies of Great Britain, as he may select, in accordance with those regulations which the Government authorities may deem it necessary to adopt. Where the right to grant such land rests absolutely in the Home Government, no great difficulty will occur ; but where such right rests either entirely or in part in the colonial autho- rities, such arrangements must be made with them as will secure their sanction and co-operation. 4. As the mere grant of land would, if the land were left in its present primitive condition, be com- paratively valueless notwithstanding its capability of being developed into value, let each subscriber be entitled to an advance, for a certain number of years, of a portion of the money subscribed by him ; which portion, with others, should be set apart as a general fund to open up proper access to, and clear, as far as the fund will admit of, the sections of land so granted. The necessary works for this purpose might either be undertaken by the Government, with or without convict labour, or committed to Boards of Commissioners, in whose appointment the subscribers should have a voice, or a certain number of whom the subscribers might absolutely appoint. 5. Whatever sum, or proportion of the original subscription it might be found necessary thus to set apart, let it form a lien or mortgage upon the land so 162 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDEKED- CHAP, in. granted, to be repaid within a given number of years, the subscriber, in the meantime, paying such an in- terest for the advance, as would be equal to that which was payable in the Government stock at the time of his subscription. Subscribers to have the power to redeem the said lien or mortgage at any time within the period named. 6. Let the remainder of the subscription-money, after the above advance is provided for, be devoted to the purchase of stock for the redemption of the debt ; and let the interest receivable from the sub- scriber on account of such advance go to the pay- ment of the dividends on that portion of stock which cannot at present be redeemed, until the advance is repaid. By the plan suggested, the following results, we think, could be secured : Desirable i. The entire liquidation of the National Debt results. ... within sixty years. 2. The diminution of the burden of it, in suc- cessive reductions of the interest to the amount of about 8 per cent, each time, once in every five years ; thus giving the present generation some of the benefit of the reduction of the debt. 3. The profitable employment of that annual sur- plus of capital which the Country ordinarily pro- duces. This surplus, in former times, was much misapplied by means of loans to foreign countries, some of whom do not provide for the interest. In RESULTS OF THE PROPOSED PLAN. ^163 later years it has been more or less profitably em- cH\y. in. ployed in supplying the railways with which the J country is now covered ; the necessity for the exten- \ e) sion of which being no longer so imperative. A ]? k J4 4. The conferring upon the owners of the public fc funds, or upon those to whom they may sell their "*4\A claim, a more valuable property in the end than they >A i at present possess in the shape of a share in the ^ ^ public revenue of the country. x ^x 5. The profitable opening up, to thousands of I young people of all classes, of an opportunity of I ^ f^ making their way in life with a capital comparatively I ^ so small as would be almost useless to them here. f^6 ^ 6. The developing and bringing into profitable ^ service of the latent capabilities of our vast colonial empire, extending, as it does, to every clime, and ca- pable of producing every kind of raw material needed by our manufacturers and general population. And, if thought advisable, 7. The employment of the criminal portion of the population in labour for the benefit of the commu- nity, both colonial and domestic. The above is, we are aware, but a crude outline ; and the plan suggested may not be found to work in the exact mode of action pointed out. But this is not material. The main points are the following; and we doubt not that a practical mode of carrying them into operation can be hit upon. We have a great debt to pay. 164 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. in. Scarcely any one is willing to come forward with Xat n Jehave ^ P or ^ on ^ t ^ ie P r P er ty he possesses to pay it. to consider. Fortunately, this is not indispensable to the pay- ment. Property sufficient to discharge the Debt, may be expressly produced, for this purpose, in a reason- able time ; and the very process of making this pro- perty may become an incalculable benefit to all classes both to those who are immediately engaged in its production, and to those who are not so immediately engaged. The ability to provide this property lies in the pos- session of boundless resources in our colonial empire ; which, however, require English capital and intelli- gence, aided by the power and resources of the Government, to develop them. For the production of any amount of material wealth, raw material, capital, labour, and protection, are all that are re- quired. These are the only elements needed. We possess all of them they need but to be brought together. It will be hard if the united intelligence of states- men, and of the country at large, cannot accomplish the practical solution of the problem. Sundry inquiries will now arise in the minds of many persons, which it will be necessary to take some notice of, such as : ' Can the country provide spare capital enough to ( pav off the debt in this way within sixty years ?' f Which are the portions of the colonial empire THE PRACTICABILITY OF THE PROPOSED PLAN. 1 that are open to appropriation for such a pur- 'pose?' x ~[. It will, probably, be a sufficient answer to the 3 * fc V first of these inquiries, to point out, that, in addition to all other modes of investing surplus annual capital, the amount raised for the construction of railways alone, in about fifteen or sixteen years, ending in / 1852, amounted to 264,165,680, or something like I ,=18,000,000 a year: the amount authorised to be , raised was 356,610,456. Now the sum actually i raised was double that required to carry out the plan proposed. Less than half that amount, in conjunc- /' tion with other agencies, would suffice to redeem / every particle of the Debt within the time named. / There is no question, then, of the pecuniary ability of the country to carry the plan through, if it be prac- ticable in other respects. With regard to the next inquiry, ' Which portions suitable" * . colonies for 4 of the colonial empire are open to appropriation for the P^n. ' the above purposes?' we answer : W 7 ith the co-ope- ration of the local legislatures, all our colonies ; that is, those parts of them not already appropriated Australia, New Zealand, Canada, New Brunswick, British North America generally, the Cape of Good Hope, Natal, and, lastly, but by no means least in importance, India. Without even consulting local legislatures at all, we have, in one portion of our dominions alone, now illegally claimed by the Hud- son's Bay Company, sufficient territory to accom- 1 66 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP, in. pHsh gradually all that has been suggested by the Hudson's foregoing plan. This territory, which the Hudson's territory ^ a y Company now keep in a state of nature, to reap a profit from the skins and furs of wild animals, is about 500,000 square miles in extent, a great part of which is favourable for settlement and agriculture. The Saskatchewan River runs through the district, and is navigable for boats from its source in the Rocky Mountains, through a course of 1,400 miles, to its mouth, where it discharges itself into Lake Winnipeg. On the country between Lake Winni- peg and Lake Superior, Sir Alexander Mackenzie says : - sir ( There is not, perhaps, a finer country in the Mackenzie. < world for the residence of man, than that which ' occupies the space between Red River and Lake t Superior fish, venison, fowl, and wild rice are in 4 great plenty ; the fruits are strawberries, plums, ' cherries, hazel-nuts, gooseberries, currants, raspber- ' ries, pears/ ir. Mont- Mr. Montgomery Martin thus describes a portion pr<>mery / . i Martin, of the country : ' Near the portage La Loche, is a precipice up- * wards of one hundred feet above the plain, and f commanding a most extensive, romantic, and, ac- 1 cording to Mackenzie, ' a ravishing prospect/ The ' eye looks down on the Swan (' Pelican, or clear * water') meandering for thirty miles through a val- ' ley about three miles in breadth, and confined by SUITABLE LANDS FOR THE PLAN. 167 ' two lofty ridges of equal heights, displaying a most CHAP. HI. * delightful intermixture of wood and lawn, which c stretch out until the blue mist obscures the pro- ' spect. Some part of the inclining heights are ' covered with stately forests, relieved by promonto- 6 ries of the finest verdure, where the elk and the ' buffalo enjoy a delicious pasturage. The Swan ' River runs eighty miles through such scenery, when ' it discharges itself into the Elk or Athabasca River, ' in latitude 56 42' north/ The following extracts are taken from the Report of the Commissioners of Crown Lands of Canada, crown Lauds. 1856, and refer especially to the Red River and the Saskatchewan country : ' Including in this territory the valleys of the Saskatche- wan district. ' Beaver River, the Peace River, and the river Atha- ' basca, as having a common character with it, the ' whole presents an area of 500,000 superficial milgs. ' Its extreme length from the Lake of the Woods * westward to the Rocky Mountains is about 900 ' miles, and its breadth from the northern boundary ' of the United States to the mouth of Peace River, * about 700 miles. This territory, though forming f but one-fifth part of that heretofore rendered avail- ' able for the purpose of hunting only, a little exceeds ( the empires of France and Austria added together. ' The isothermal position of the greater part of it 1 resembles Poland/ The Commissioner then states, that this area is 1 68 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. in. chiefly prairie land, presenting every facility for farming, without the labour of clearing away dense forests. Roads could easily be made. Near the base of the Rocky Mountains are immense coal-fields, which extend across the territory ; and large rivers can float the coal in all directions. In the western portions, the winters are mild and short. The Red River, which falls into Lake Winnipeg, according to the best American authorities, is navigable, upwards, for steamboats of good size far into Minnesota. The Commissioner then quotes from Sir George Alexander Mackenzie : ' All this country, to the ' south branch of the Saskatchewan, abounds in 1 beaver, moose-deer, fallow-deer, elks, bears, buf- ' faloes, etc. The soil is good ; and whenever any ' attempts have been made to raise the esculent ' plants, it has been found productive/ Sir John Richardson gives lat. 60 on the River of the Mountains, a tributary of the Mackenzie River, as the limit of economical wheat cultivation : 4 Oats and barley,' he says, ' yield good crops ; and ' the latter can be profitably cultivated five degrees ' further north/ Sir John Franklin says : sir John t The land is fertile, and produces with little Franklm. ' trouble, ample returns of wheat, barley, oats and c potatoes. The ground is prepared for the reception ' of these vegetables about the middle of April, and ' when Dr. Richardson visited this place on the loth SUITABLE LANDS FOR THE PLAN. 169 ' May, the blade of wheat looked strong and healthy. CHAP. in. ( Beyond the steep banks behind Carlton House, ' commences the vast plain whose boundaries are but ' imperfectly known ; it extends along the south 1 branch of the Saskatchewan, and towards the 4 sources of the Missouri and Assineboine rivers, 4 being scarcely interrupted through the whole of 4 this great space by hills or even rising ground. f This excellent pasturage furnishes food in abun- f dance to a variety of grazing animals.' Sir George Simpson gives the following description of the country between Lake Superior and Red River. * The river which empties Lac La Pluie into the ' Lake of the Woods, is, in more than one respect * the finest stream on the whole route. From Fort ' Francis (on Lac La Pluie), downward, a stretch of ' nearly 100 miles, it is not interrupted by a single 1 impediment, while yet the current is not strong 4 enough materially to retard an ascending traveller. 4 Nor are the banks less favourable to agriculture ' than the waters themselves to navigation, resem- 1 bling, in some measure, those of the Thames near 4 Richmond. From the very brink rises a gentle 4 slope of green sward, crowned in many places with 4 a plentiful growth of birch, poplar, beech, elm and 4 oak. Is it too much for the eye of philanthropy to 4 discern, through the vista of futurity, this noble 4 stream, connecting as it does the fertile shores of 1 70 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. m. ' two spacious lakes, with crowded steamboats on its * bosom, and populous towns on its borders?' It may be observed, that British territory runs from the Atlantic to the Pacific, from the river St. Lawrence to the Columbia ; and here is land enough for a colossal empire, if we founded a colony on the shores of the Pacific. The 4Qth parallel of latitude running straight across the continent, from the Lake of the "Woods to Vancouver's Island, severs the British dominions in North America from those of the United States. All the country described may be deemed part of Canada. t . Now, as a large part of our National Debt was incurred to obtain and foster these colonies, it appears only wise and just to make them pay back, in a way that will confer additional advantages on themselves, the outlay. So long as the land is unoccupied, it is valueless; and the Provincial Governments would readily accede to any scheme % that would increase their populations. As we before remarked, the question is almost daily agitated in the Canadian papers. The plan we have suggested would meet their wishes. America "VVe may say, further, that the plan of redeeming National Debts by the gradual use or sale of unap- propriated land, has been tested by experience in the United States. At the Declaration of American Independence, the Union consisted of only thirteen States. One of the first acts of Congress was the COURSE PURSUED BY THE UNITED STATES. I 7 I settlement of the western territory. In the grants CHAP. HI. originally made to the different colonies of the British Crown, no western boundary had been defined. The majority of the newly-created States insisted that their land stretched out to the Missis- sippi, and even to the Pacific Ocean. Virginia could g plead the right of conquest over vast regions ; Colonel J Clarke, at the head of a small number of Virginians, v having seized some English posts lying between the Ohio and Mississippi. During several years, no effectual arrangement could be concluded satis- factory to all the States. At length, in March 1780, the State of New York ceded its rights to the Federal Government. This act was followed up by an appeal from Congress to the patriotism of the other states, who were invited to imitate so noble an example, Congress pledging itself that whatever was surrendered should constitute a national domain, and be appropriated to the formation of new states, on the same bases as those already in existence. In 1784, Virginia, whose title to retain what it had conquered was indisputable, surrendered possession of its claims on terms which Congress accepted. In 1785, Massachusetts yielded its pretensions. In 1786, Connecticut did so likewise, reserving, how- ever, a considerable tract of country now occupied by the State of Ohio, which, at a subsequent date, it sold to the Union. The two Carolinas next gave up their portions. Finally, in 1802, Georgia abandoned 172 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. in. its claims, on condition that the Federal Govern- ment would expel the Cherokee Indians from her soil, not hy force of arms, but by diplomacy. This amicable negotiation succeeded. Thus a vast national domain was accumulated; Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin, being formed out of the north-western territory. This domain was enlarged in 1803, by the acquisition of Louisiana, purchased of France for 15,000,000 of dollars, and, in 1819, by the addition of the Floridas, purchased of Spain. The United States also bought from the Indians some sections of territory which they had retained within the States and the domain. At first, Congress sold these lands of the domain in very large parcels. In this manner, three great sales were effected, in- cluding 1,397,500 acres, and some smaller ones, amounting, in the aggregate, to 125,000 acres. This, of course, led to forestalling and speculation; and, on the loth May, 1800, the system of land sales was adopted, which still exists with some modifica- tions. We shall describe the principal features of this system. Government At the cost of the Federal Government a survey Survey. t * and plan of the domain was formed and boundaries were fixed. The most considerable division was called the township, which contained a square of six miles, its superficial area being 23,040 acres. The Townships, township was divided into thirty squares, measuring a mile on each side, each of 640 acres, and these, COURSE PURSUED BY THE UNITED STATES. 173 again, into quarters or half quarters. The different CHAP. in. sections are numbered, and are easily distinguishable on the plans, and on the ground. Most of the farms or holdings in the newer states, carved out of the north-west territory, are of the dimensions of quar- ters or half quarters. The lands are offered by auc- sales by auction. tion to the highest bidder, the minimum from which the biddings start being one dollar and a quarter per acre. Every year some forty townships are thus dealt with in each land sale district. Some years since there were forty-two such districts. What is not disposed of by public auction (and it is always the greatest area) is sold in the land offices to any sales at the .,,. , , . . . land offices. one willing to buy, the minimum price being there also fixed at one dollar and a quarter per acre. Land containing salt-pits or lead is not sold, but retained as the property of the Union. Up to the year 1820 these sales were effected on the credit system, which gave rise to a gambling spirit, from which many losses ensued. From that date cash payment has been enforced. In each township one section, that is, one square mile is reserved for the benefit of the primary schools of the district ; moreover, on the produce of the sales, 5 per cent, is specially retained for local purposes, of which 3 per cent, is expended by Con- gress on the construction of roads, and the remaining SonlJ" 2 per cent, is paid over to the State in which the r lands are situated, as a fund to promote education. Since the establishment of the national domain. 174 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP, in. enormous sums have been paid into the federal trea- sury, from the sales of land,, by which the National Debt has been extinguished ; for the trifle that re- mains is so insignificant that it may be liquidated, from balances in hand, at almost a moment's notice. Debt From 1791 to 1835, the United States paid off paid off. 415,968,503 dollars 90 cents, principal and interest, extinguishing the expense of two wars, and the pur- chase of two territories, Louisiana and Florida, suffi- cient to form two empires, without infringing the solemn obligations of government to its creditors in any respect. The whole sum was paid to the last cent. What the Americans have done, we surely can do, an d, as we imagine, with even greater ease ; for im- mense as is the extent of the United States territory, it will not bear the slightest comparison with that at the command of this country. We have the advan- tage, too, of possessions in all parts of the world, more easily accessible by sea carriage than the " far west " is to the American pioneer. We do not mean to say that the exact plan adopted by the United States government is to be followed by us. This is a question which cannot be determined by an indi- vidual, but must be left to the combined experience and resources at the command and service of the Government. And, if such a plan as this, or one similar to it, could be carried into operation, what a mighty change SUITABLE TERRITORY IN INDIA. 175 would at once be commenced with regard to the CHAP.III. general financial condition of the country. Get such a plan into steady working operation, and no further anxious thought need be taken about the liquidation of the debt. Even a sinking fund would not abso- lutely be needed ; and the surplus annually arising from the revenue might be devoted to the repeal of those taxes upon tea, sugar, malt, and other things which bear so heavily upon the great body of the working community, and trench so largely upon their comforts. This would, again, enlarge and extend trade ; keep in constant play our present vast pro- ductive powers ; probably develop new powers of production at present unthought of; and so enlarge the general stock of the kingdom as to afford to every industrious person an ample participation in all that is necessary for a comfortable subsistence, and an enjoyable life. India is another fine field; where, but for the India a monopoly of the East India Company, a plan almost fold. identical with the one in operation in the United States might be carried out, and the land actually sold gradually for the purpose of liquidating our in- cumbrances. Nor would this be the only benefit to be derived from so dealing with the land of India; for our manufacturers at Manchester and elsewhere might shortly be made independent of America for supplies of cotton, and a mortal blow be given to Effect on Slavery. slaveholding. But the monopoly of the East India 176 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. in. Company interposes at present ; and, while this mo- nopoly lasts, it will, doubtless, form an insuperable obstacle to the carrying out of any such arrange- ment. But there are plenty of openings in other quarters, for the trial of the plan we suggest, without India ; and what though the subject be vast, and may require great knowledge and experience, both in the colonies and at home, to organise the necessary plans, and the best of administrative talent to carry them out, The end to should this discourage us? Ts not the end to be be attained . . , worthy of attained worthy of the most patient and persevering effort. effort? What labour could compare, in beneficial result, to that of having successfully inaugurated a plan which should, at once, begin to relieve the country of its heavy burden of taxation and debt, and, in a comparatively short time, entirely free it from the latter? With freedom from debt and onerous taxation, how many other evils would dis- appear not the least of which, financially speaking are, at present, vexatious revenue regulations on the one hand, and inquisitorial proceedings on the other. Here is a field of glory on which statesmen may obtain lasting renown, because they would impart and transmit such lasting benefit, that, by future generations, as well as the present, ' their memories * would indeed be blessed/ POSTSCRIPT. About a week after the foregoing THE AMERICAN PRESIDENT'S REMARKS. 177 chapter was written, two circumstances occurred CHAP, in. which bear expressly upon the subject of which it Postscript treats, and throw much light upon it. The first is the reception, in London, of the message of the Pre- sident of the United States to the American parlia- ment, which appeared in the London journals of yesterday (Dec. 22nd). In this message are to be found, the following paragraphs respecting the appro- priation of the public lands, the method of which we have been describing. Some of the sentences, sin- gularly enough, are almost verbally the same as we had previously written. * Our system for the disposal of the public lands, ' originating with the fathers of the republic, has been ' improved as experience pointed the way, and gradu- ' ally adapted to the growth and settlement of our * Western States and territories. It has worked well ' in practice. Already thirteen states and seven terri- 4 tories have been carved out of those lands, and c still, more than a thousand millions of acres remain ' unsold. What a boundless prospect this presents ' to our Country of future prosperity and power ! ' We have heretofore disposed of 363,852,464 * acres of the public land. ' Whilst the public lands, as a source of revenue, ' are of great importance, their importance is far ' greater as furnishing homes for a hardy and inde- ' pendent race of honest and industrious men who ' desire to subdue and cultivate the soil. They ought N 178 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. in. < to be administered mainly with a view of promoting W * SG ^^ ^ enevo ^ ent policy. In appropriating < them for any other purpose, we ought to use even ' greater economy than if they had been converted * into money, and the proceeds were already in the ' public treasury. To squander away the richest and ' noblest inheritance which any people have ever ' enjoyed upon objects of doubtful constitutionality 4 or expediency, would be to violate one of the most ' important trusts ever committed to any people. * Whilst I do not deny to Congress the power, when ' acting bond fide as a proprietor, to give away por- * tions of them for the purpose of increasing the * value of the remainder, yet, considering the great ' temptation to abuse this power, we cannot be too * cautious in its exercise. f Actual settlers, under existing laws, are protected ' against other purchasers at the public sales, in their * right of pre-emption, to the extent of a quarter * section, or 160 acres of land. The remainder may ' then be disposed of at public, or entered at private * sale, in unlimited quantities. ' Speculation has, of late years, prevailed to a ' great extent in the public lands. The consequence ' has been that large portions of them have become * the property of individuals and companies, and * thus the price is greatly enhanced to those who ( desire to purchase for actual settlement. In order ' to limit the area of speculation as much as possible, THE AMERICAN PRESIDENT S REMARKS. 179 the extinction of the Indian title, and the extension CHAP. .in. ' of the public surveys, ought only to keep pace with 4 the tide of emigration. menage. ' If Congress should hereafter grant alternate sec- ( tions to states or companies, as they have done ' heretofore, I recommend that the intermediate sec- ( tions retained by the government, should be subject ' to pre-emption by actual settlers. ' It ought ever to be our cardinal policy to reserve * the public lands as much as may be for actual settlers, ' and this at moderate prices. We shall thus not only ' best promote the prosperity of the new states and 1 territories, and the power of the Union, but shall ' secure homes for our posterity for many genera- The second circumstance to which we alluded, is, the very general rumour now prevailing, that the pre- sent ministry have come to the resolution of termin- pany ating the sway of the East India Company over the territories of Hindostan, and assuming the govern- ment themselves, which rumour seems to have arisen from what are generally considered semi-official an- nouncements in those journals supposed to be con- nected with the government. If this intention be really entertained, and carried into effect, the monopoly of the East India Company will be broken up, and there will then appear to be no reason why this country cannot follow out almost exactly the plan adopted by the American authorities, in the actual sale of the l8o THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDEEED- CHAP, in. l an( j s f or the redemption of the National Debt, if thought desirable to do so. We do not desire, how- ever, to speak too confidently upon this point, as we may not rightly interpret the exact position in which the Government would be placed as regards the lands of India ; but we have always understood that but a very small portion of the territory of India was held in fee simple by proprietors ; but that it was almost entirely held by leases of about 30 years' term, from the Company. This information comes too late for us to malie the necessary inquiries, and incorporate the result of them in this Essay, as the time has nearly arrived when it must be sent in. But we think it obvious, that the present mutiny and rebellion must give additional facilities to the Government for the prosecution of any plan of the kind that we have suggested, as a great number of persons must, from the treasonable participation in the rebellion, have set free the Government from all necessity of being over-scrupulous in the confiscation of their estates, although the leases may not have expired. I CHAPTER IV. SUMMARY. N order to concentrate into a smaller focus the re- CHAP. iv. suits of our enquiry, so as to be able to discern conclusions arrived at. them at a glance, we think that a summary of the principal points elicited by it, will not here be out of place. We think it will be obvious from what has been advanced : 1. That the general financial position of the country mainly depends upon the public Debt and its management ; and that, apart from this Debt, the country could not be otherwise than in the most flourishing condition, financially considered. 2. That this Debt has been contracted in a most reckless manner, especially in the period between the latter end of the last century, and the year 1816. That, during this period, the country did not receive in real value, measuring the receipts in the paramount standard of all value, CORN, more than three-sevenths I 8 2 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP, iv. O f the amount now pressing upon us, being in the proportion of 84,782,875 quarters of wheat borrowed, to 198,004,308 quarters now obligatory on us to pay, either in dividends or in principal. 3. That the National Debt, though it did not originate, yet fostered and strengthened, the system of indirect taxation, and led to its permanent estab- lishment ; so that, at least, two-thirds of the annual revenue of the State are now derived from it. 4. That a system of indirect taxation naturally raises the prices of the commodities so taxed ; and that, upon the adoption of such a system of taxation, the monetary system ought to have been so expanded, or made of such a nature, as would enable it to ex- press the higher prices thus rendered necessary. 5. That instead of this result having been per- mitted to follow the creation of the National Debt, and the adoption of the indirect mode of taxation, a precisely opposite result was produced, the system of money having been made more rigid and stringent than theretofore. 6. That these two contrary modes of action have produced an antagonism between our systems of Taxa- tion and Currency, which, we believe, is at the bottom of all the commercial panics and convulsions we pe- riodically witness. 7. That the Sinking Fund, as at first established, did nothing towards the redemption of the Debt; SUMMARY OF THE ESSAY. I J inasmuch as it only redeemed Debt, by causing the CHAP. iv. creation of a larger amount of Debt than it paid off. Conclusions arrived at. That no Sinking Fund is sound unless it be derived from a surplus of ordinary revenue over ordinary ex- penditure ; and also that the stock redeemed by it be immediately cancelled, and not allowed to remain in the hands of the Commissioners. 8. That notwithstanding all the mistakes we have made, and the recklessness of which we have been guilty, the country is now in a better condition to deal with the Debt than it ever was. 9. That we have resources enough at home, if we were to allow them sufficiently to develop them- selves, greatly to reduce the National Debt; but that this must be accompanied with such a sacrifice upon the part of the present generation, as would be both unjust and unlikely to meet with general acceptance and support. 10. That our resources in our colonial empire are amply sufficient to provide for all our liabilities, with advantage to all classes of society and their posterity, and to the injury of none ; and that the present is a singularly favourable time for the inauguration of any plan similar to the one pro- posed. 11. That this need not absolutely supersede other modes of redeeming the debt ; as we may still employ a Sinking Fund for that purpose, or call for I 84 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP, v periodical contributions from realized property, if it conclusions be thought expedient so to do. arrived at. . Having given this snort summary of the principal points elicited by our inquiry, we shall finish all that we can now possibly attempt, by a few general remarks upon the whole subject. i8 S I CHAPTER V. CONCLUDING REMARKS. N offering a few concluding remarks upon the sub- CHAP. v. ject of this Essay, namely, the general financial our present i . . Tr - . . state a hope- condition of this Kingdom at the present time, we fui one. would say, that, looking at it, even without reference to any particular plan for the reduction of the National Debt, we conceive it to be a very hopeful and cheering one, and that it might be much more so were it not for our own wrong-headedness. Our Debt, though stationary in amount, or nearly so, is becom- ing, relatively, less and less every year, from the natural increase of the population, and from the still greater increase of all the commodities which form the wealth of nations. The power of augmenting this wealth is increasing, also, year after year, in a greater and still greater ratio. In addition to these general circumstances of encouragement, there are others of a particular nature, which will operate favourably. In three years' time, the long annuities Expiration will expire ; and as these amount to about 1,290,000 per annum, considerable relief will be afforded by I 86 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. v. tlieir cessation. In little more than nine years, the cessation annuity called the ' Dead Weight' will terminate, weight which will be another relief to the extent of 585,740 annuity.' per annum ; so that, in the natural order of things, there will shortly be a diminution of our annual burdens to the extent of nearly 2,000,000. U::satisfac- The only unsatisfactory thing that we discern is tory state of our money our system of money. Everything but this has a light and cheerful aspect ; but this seems to be enve- loped in a cloud of obscurity and gloom, which nine- tenths of our senators appear afraid of attempting to penetrate. Yet it would appear clear, that if we have the means of abundantly producing all those commodities which form the fund for the comfortable subsistence of the people, and the power also of almost increasing those means indefinitely, there ought not to be an insuperable difficulty in devising an instrument for the mere exchange and distribu- tion of these commodities. Did any deficiency exist in the power of producing them, it is evident that the people could not be supplied with them, and want and distress would inevitably be the result ; but no no- tion of this kind can be entertained by any person who pays the slightest attention to the subject. What commodity are we deficient in the supply of? What cannot be produced in far greater quantities than at present, if need be? With regard to manufactures, our powers of production are almost illimitable ; and with regard even to corn, the only necessary commo- CONCLUDING REMARKS. I 87 dity of which there could be the slightest doubt as CHAP. v. to our capability of materially increasing the quantity, there will be found, upon enquiry, sufficient reason for believing that much more may be produced than can be consumed by our present population. Our country possesses a fertile soil, a climate favourable to health and individual exertion mineral wealth in a far greater degree than most nations an advan- tageous insular situation freedom from those ter- rible convulsions of nature which agitate or destroy many countries and, lastly, a race of inhabitants eminent for their indefatigable industry. We are warranted, therefore, in concluding, that if England, possessing, as she does, these elements of prosperity, and naturally capable as she is of furnishing to her inhabitants every comfort, either by her own produc- tions or by the exchange of those productions for others, if this favoured country be plunged into Any distress we at times seasons of depression and distress, it cannot arise experience urnst aviso from natural but from artificial causes; and among fromarti ~ these, we do not see one adequate to produce such tremendous results, but that which pervades all com- merce and forms its life-blood, MONEY. This consi- deration is very consolatory, because that which is caused artificially and by human mismanagement may also be rectified by human agency and exertion. Did our distresses arise from natural causes, such as a bad and intractable soil an unfavourable climate a natural poverty or incapability of producing must ariso from arti- ficial causes. I 8 8 THE NATIONAL DEBT FINANCIALLY CONSIDERED. CHAP. v. wealth or, incidentally, from earthquakes, volcanoes, or other convulsions we could apply no possible remedy. But seeing they must arise from some mis- application or want of application of the good things which we are constantly producing, and with which, by the bounty of Providence, we are surrounded on all hands from some mismanagement of our naturally favourable circumstances we feel encou- raged in endeavouring to find out where and in what our error lies, seeing that its rectification is wifhin the limits of our own power. THE END. WEBTHEIMER AND CO., PBINTER3, CIBCU3 PLACE, FINSBURV. THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW AN INITIAL FINE OF 25 CENTS WILL BE ASSESSED FOR FAILURE TO RETURN THIS BOOK ON THE DATE DUE. THE PENALTY WILL INCREASE TO SO CENTS ON THE FOURTH DAY AND TO $1.OO ON THE SEVENTH DAY OVERDUE. DEC 14 1 LD 21-100m-7,'39(402s) YB 0&"?23 v 99437