WICLIF AND HUS, WICLIF AND HUS FROM THE GERMAN OK DR. JOHANN LOSERTH, Professor of History at the University ofCzem for the furnishing of MSS., and other literary aids. He who is acquainted with the difficulties, to some extent insuperable, under which one labours in con- nection with libraries of entirely youthful existence, will comprehend how gladly one hails such assist- ance coming from without. If, nevertheless, I have not been able to avail myself of all the literature bearing on the subject, I may certainly reckon on the same consideration, which K. F. Th. Schneider once claimed for himself on the publication of the sixth volume of Neander's Universal History of tJic Christian Religion and CJinrcJi (p. x) : and yet Schneider was labouring in Berlin, and not in Czernowitz. J. L. CZERNOWITZ, 2gfh June, 1883. NOTE BY THE TRANSLATOR. AN observation or two on the etymology of the English Reformer's name will perhaps be in place here. The name was variously written during the lifetime of this herald of the Reformation sometimes appearing in more than one form even in the same MS. ; but of these variations, nearly twenty in number, only two claim any attention in the present day. Of these the reading Wiclif, accepted by the best Continental authorities, and followed by our author, is already found in the State paper which relates to the Reformer's embassy at Bruges, anno 48 Edward III. (26th July, 1374), in which city, it may be incidentally mentioned, he was the intimate associate of the Duke of Lancaster. Supposing "Wiclif" to be the original form, the Anglo-Saxon " Wic " would enter into the composition of the word. But the analogy of the language would in this case require the "Wic" to be placed in the last syllable, instead of the first. A notice in a diocesan register, belonging to the year 136 1, when the Reformer was Warden of Balliol Hall, Oxford, reads " Joh. de Wyclif." Similarly, on his presentation to the living of Lutgersal, in the Archdeaconry of Buckingham (Nov. 1368), the entry reads, "Johannes de Wyclif" (see Vaughan, i. 272, ed. 2). Shortly after his return from Bruges he was presented by Edward III. with the prebend of Aust (Nov. 1375), and about the same time with the rectory of Lutterworth. An entry relating to his successor, at Lutter- worth, contains the following: " Inquisitores dicunt, quod dicta Ecclesia incepit vacare ultimo die Decem. ultimo [read anni] praeteriti per mortem Johannis Wycliff" (Vaughan, i. 346). The Ancient British "Gwy," or "Wy" (water), would thus seem to enter into the first syllable of the word. Wyclif (Cliff-water) is then the designation of the Yorkshire village whence the family name of our Reformer is derived. The name of the Bohemian Reformer was by himself written NOTE BY THE TRANSLATOR. Hus (abbreviated from Husinec) from the year 1396. The derivative Hussite may perhaps be allowed, as better accord- ing with the English mode of pronunciation than the form Husite. Some exemplifications of Mediaeval Latinity, to be met with in the following pages, may call for a word of notice. Such are the use of the indeclinable Parisius (pp. 43, 135, and Appendix], the general employment of e for Czer- wenka thinks, would have sufficed in themselves alone for effecting the Reformation of the Church. That which is further observed as to the relation of Hus to the writings of Wiclif, offers nothing new. Hus, he tells us, had carefully investigated the doc- trines of Wiclif, and had gradually given in his adhesion if not to all the articles, at least to very many of them, and especially to their main scope and tendency. " From the tractate on the Church, the controversial writings against Palecz and Stanis- las of Znaim, and a work on Simony, Hus' doctrines are best to be recognised." That in all these trea- tises only the polemic element can be characterised as the property of Hus, has been overlooked by Czerwenka ; that he designates Wiclif and Hus as Nominalists, is certainly to be regarded as a fancy of this author's. Entirely erroneous data are to be met with in most manuals of ecclesiastical history ; e.g., in that of RlTTER, 1 wherein works are ascribed to Hus of which he was demonstrably not the author, as like- wise the date of the composition of others is wrongly indicated. Of Hus' main work, De ecclesia, it is asserted that truth and error are so skilfully inter- woven in this dissertation that the mass of people must take the error for truth. The errors on the ground of which Hus was condemned as a heretic are signalised, it is true, by Ritter ; the question, however, to what extent these really proceeded from Hus, has not been broached by him. 1 Handbuch der Kirchengeschichte, vol. ii., Sixth ed., edited by Ennen, p. 114.7". XXV111 INTRODUCTION. WESSENBERG 1 concedes far too wide a place to the precursors of Hus ; notably he has, like others, assigned much too great an influence to Mathias of Janow. He represents Milicz of Kremsier and Mathias of Janow as already discussing the neces- sity of restoring the cup to the laity. The influ- ence produced upon Hus by the study of Wiclif's writings is, however, hardly touched ; and only faint allusions are made to the resemblance between the dogmas of Hus and those of Wiclif. The writings of the former are not examined with regard to their sources. Although most of the writings of Hus, says Wessenberg, ' are stamped with the impress of the scholastic theology of his time, yet they have, for the greater part, a tendency deeply affecting the Church's life. Dogmatic teachings are here discussed, prin- cipally in respect of their influence upon practice, disposition, and conduct. Hus declaimed warmly against the degeneracy of the clergy, against the negligence in the proclamation of the Word of God, etc. Only incidentally is there found in Wessenberg a side-glance at an analogous activity of Wiclif. The attempt is made, indeed, to give an analysis of the Hussite doctrinal system, in accordance with Hus' tractate on the Church ; but that the doctrines of the Englishman essentially constitute this system, Wessenberg has failed to recognise. The conclusions in the works on Church History of L'Enfant, 2 1 Diegrossen Kirchenversammlungen des 15 und 16 Jahr- hunderts, ii. 121. - Gesch. des Hussitenkriegs, i. INTRODUCTION. xxix Royko, 1 Marmor, 2 and even of Tosti, 3 the learned abbot of Monte Cassino, are altogether uncritical. The book of the last-named, in its German adapta- tion by Arnold, rests entirely upon the authority of Helfert. Among the various monographs on Hus, therefore, that of Helfert is to be mentioned in the first place. This rates the influence produced upon Hus by the writings of Wiclif exceedingly low ; nay, in the sense we attach to it, such influence is altogether denied by Helfert. Men have been wont on various sides, says Helfert, to represent the rise of the Hussite movement in Bohemia as an event brought about primarily and originally by acquaintance with the writings of the Englishman John Wycliffe. Let us say 4 that the Reformational opposition which Wycliffe exerted, by his writings, and from the professor's chair, to the ecclesiastical order, was limited to his person and descended with him to the grave. The forementioned assertion, continues Helfert, must therefore antecedently awaken legiti- mate doubt ; for it is difficult to comprehend how a doctrine which, in the very land of its birth, passed away without abiding consequences, should have been able to strike such deep roots and to attain to such fatal maturity upon another soil, to which it was transplanted as an exotic growth. Upon closer* 1 Gesch. der allg. grossen Kirchenversammlung zu Kostnitz, \. i^ff. 2 Condi von Constanz, 47. (The book of Hiibler contains nothing to the point.) 3 Gesch. des Conciliums von Constanz, adapted from the Italian by Arnold, p. 146^". 4 Hus und Hieronymiis, 34. XXX INTRODUCTION. examination, therefore, that assertion falls into the category of the superficial Post hoc, ergo propter hcc. Nevertheless Helfert does not deny and thereby he really overthrows in part his own view that ac- quaintance with the dogmas of Wiclif contributed to a considerable extent to the outbreak and growth -of the ecclesiastical movement in Bohemia. Without at the present stage entering upon a refutation of this view, we must at once remark that Hus' writings do not " display an acquaintance with the dogmas of Wiclif;" but in reality, some of them entirely and others for the greater part, form the exclusive pro- perty of Wiclif, and that there is no ground for speaking of a Hussite system of doctrine. Helfert is of the opinion that, even though the works of the Oxford doctor had not become known among the magisters of the university of Prague, a division could not have failed to take place in the views on Church government and ecclesiastical order, as well as that kindling of the mighty conflict which was the inevitable consequence of such division. For those theses which had the most prominent part in promoting the defection of Bohemia from the eccle- siastical unity, such as the description of the Pope as Antichrist, the reforms in the participation of the sacrament of the altar, the attacks upon the secular 'possessions of the clergy, resounded already in the discourses of Milicz of Kremsier, and in the great work of Mathias of Janow, who already defended the partaking of the Lord's Supper under both forms. It will be acknowledged that Helfert is right in supposing the precursors . to have exercised a great influence upon their contemporaries ; but yet they INTRODUCTION. XXXI did not upon any point forsake the ground of the prevailing ecclesiastical doctrine. If we look more closely we shall easily discover that the Antichrist of Milicz denotes something other than that ofWiclif and of Hus. Wiclif, in his writings, designated the Pope as Antichrist, and in this Hus followed him. Wiclif and Hus make, it is true, an important limi- tation in connection with this tenet, which as such is not to be overlooked. As concerns the reforms in reference to the participation in the sacrament of the altar, these also move entirely on Church ground : the Supper under both forms was in Bohemia de- fended by no one before the year 1414. The controversies regarding the Supper turned on the question of the frequent or even daily reception of the Communion. We are unable, therefore, to look upon that which was essential to the Hussite movement as already present in the labours of the precursors; but perceive this in the transplanting of Wiclify, 1 which arose in Bohemia in the moments most favour- able to its development. If any one will investigate the influence which the so-called " precursors" have exerted upon Hus, let him only make exploration of Hus' writings. Hardly are the precursors once mentioned there. Not one of their tenets has passed over into his works, though he has made whole tractates of Wiclifs his own. And not particularly strong would the personal 1 This word is employed by the contemporaries of Hus, as well in Latin as in German : " Et tune mox Wiclefia coepit invalescere.'* Geschichtschr . der hus. Beweg., ii. 73. Pa- lacky, Urkundliche Beitrdge zur Geschichte der Hussiten- kriege, i. 16 : " That he may avoid ' Wiclefie.' " XXXll INTRODUCTION. stimulus appear to be which he owes to his pre- cursors, for although these had spoken against indul- gences the rector of St. Martin's in the Old Town of Prague, in the year 1392, called the indulgence a deception 1 yet in the same year Hus believingly parted with his last four groschen, in order to par- ticipate in the indulgence. 2 Hus' subsequent doctrine of the indulgence is that of Wiclif. Not a word in it has he altered. Equally as in Bohemia was the soil prepared, in other lands of Europe also, a few years before the assembly of Constance, from which men looked for a Reformation. Nay, single individuals, as Peter d'Ailli 3 and Gerson, go much farther in their opposi- tion to the evils prevailing in the Church, than do the Precursors. Like Wiclif, the former of these also asserted that not the Pope, but Christ, forms the foundation of the Church, and that every assertion which cannot be derived from Holy Scripture is foolish ; and Gerson 4 certainly cherished as lofty conceptions of the office of the ministry as Wiclif did. The words of a Mathaeus of Cracow against 1 " Discurrebant dempto unoputa magistro Wenceslao dicto Rohle pro tune plebano ecclesie sancti Martini maioris civi- tatis Pragensis, qui non indulgencias sed decepciones appella- bat. . . ." Chron. univ. Prag., ad annum 1392. - Assuredly impelled thereto by the "Precursor Stekna " : "Et pro tune magister Johannes Hus nondum presbyter decep- tus frivole per tales exhortaciones in Wissegrado confessus, ultimos quatuor grosses quos habuit confessori assignando, non habuit nisi panem siccum ad manducandum, . . . qui tamen factus presbyter et predicator" (i.e., after he had become acquainted with Wiclif s writings) " multipliciter doluit. . . ." Ibid., ad anno 1392. 3 Tschackert, Peter von Ailli, 17. 4 Schwab, Johannes Gerson, 376. INTRODUCTION. XXXlll the disorder in the Church are equally outspoken ; those of a Nicholas of Clemengis yet far more severe than those of Hus. The latter at no time preached so trenchantly against the vices of the clergy, as did Nicholas de Clemengis. 1 It is true the idea of reform was not apprehended by its Bohemian advo- cates in the same manner as in France ; and in this fact, together with the more extensive learning of the French theologians, is to be found the difference between the latter and the friends of reform in Bohemia, who were striving after the attainment of the same object. FRIEDRICH 2 clearly recognised that Hus' doctrine was by no means original, but only a confession of " almost all " the articles of Wiclif. He contended that Wiclifism arose not as a complete system, but in the form of bold and self-contradictory assertions ; though at the same time embracing within itself an onslaught on the Church and its dogmatic present- ments, the like of which had never existed before. " It belonged," Friedrich further says, " to the num- ber of the greatest and most lasting movements in the intellectual domain, if 'not even of the greatest phenomena of the fourteenth century. It aimed in that time, calling so deeply for reform, at a Refor- mation, founded seemingly on the Bible and the early Church, but one which struck at the existence of the Church itself ; on which account it must of Von der Hardt, Ada Concilii Const., I., pars, iii., capp 17, 1 8, 22, 32 and others. 2 J. Friedrich, Joh. Hus. Ein Lebensbild, Division I., Johann Hus. der Feind der Deutschen und des deutschen Wesens, 13. c xxxiv INTRODUCTION. necessity also be condemned by the Church as un- catholic, if the latter was not to abandon its own self." Of a complete system of Wiclifism, doubtless, we cannot speak, if we consider that Wiclif's opposition to the Mediaeval Church not only continued, but became more and more keen, to his life's end. Notwithstanding that Friedrich has asserted the Wiclifian origin of Hus' doctrines, yet he speaks subsequently 1 of the errors of Hus ; and in particular calls the doctrine of absolute predestination a Hus- site doctrine, although Hus adopted it word for word from the writings of Wiclif. One recognises therefrom that Friedrich, too, had formed no per- fectly distinct view of the true relation of Hus and his adherents to the doctrines of Wiclif. Only in this way is it intelligible that Friedrich should ex- claim with animation, " It is indeed true, and we do not deny it for a single moment, that the modern period dawned with John Hus, and not first with Luther." 2 This, however, is about the opposite of that which Friedrich himself has asserted concerning the originality of Hussitism. Various errors are to be discovered in the mono- 1 Division II., Johann Hus als Reformator und seine Verurtheilung, *,ff., " False doctrines of Hus." The doc- trine of Predestination was expounded by Wiclif in several of his writings. See the sequel. While (Div. I. v.) Hus is with the exception of one or two articles a faithful disciple of Wiclif, it is there said (Div. II. 5) that Hus assailed the Church ; he wished to found another church ; he proclaimed doctrines and principles which ran counter to Christian truth ; the system of Hus is spoken of, etc. INTRODUCTION. XXXV graphs of LiJDERS, 1 BECKER, 3 and BONNECHOSE. 3 That Hus derived manifold incentives and much furtherance from the writings of Wiclif, is accen- tuated by them all, while they are all characterised more or less by a lack of critical exactness. Hus is by W. BERGER designated the most im- portant representative of the Wiclifian tendency. 4 Berger certainly has not entered into the question, how much in Hus' writings is to be traced back to Wiclif, and how much goes to form the intellectual property of the Bohemian magister. Yet the fact is emphasised, that, once Hus had become acquainted with the philosophical works of Wiclif, he was from that time forward of his life held captive thereby. As opposed to the enthusiastic terms in which Krummel speaks of the intellectual significance of Hus, which he represents as exceedingly great, Berger rightly observes that the education of Hus did not rise beyond the ordinary standard of that age. In particular Berger has altogether declined to accept that which is told us of the thorough classic attainments of Hus. It may, no doubt, be admitted that Hus, as is assumed by Berger in following Schwab, bestowed special diligence upon the reading of the Decretum of Gratian ; only this is to be discovered with great difficulty from the writings of Hus himself, seeing that as already observed the passages were derived only 1 Johannes Hus, Ciistrin 1854. - Die beiden bohmischen Reformatoren, Johann Hus und Hieronymus von Prag, Nordlingen 1858. 3 Jqhann Huss un-d das Condi zu Kostnitz (German translation), 3rd editn., Leipzig 1870. 1 Johannes Hus u. Kdnig Sigmund, Augsb. 1871, 37 sqq., spec. 165. xxxvi INTRODUCTION. mediately, and that through the citations of Wiclif, from the Decretum of Gratian. What has been said of the classic culture of Hus, applies, as remarked by Berger, also to his acquaintance with Natural Science and with Medicine, as likewise to his know- ledge of Hebrew. With Berger, too, much appears as the property of Hus, which proceeds altogether from Wiclif. When, inter alia, it is said in Berger's work, that Hus' speech in opposition to the papal bull is the most excellent production among his genuine writings now extant, and in its nature a model of acute and telling argument ; we are constrained to say, on the other hand, that this very argument was furnished, not by Hus but by Wiclif. 1 A more correct view of the relation of John Hus to Wiclif has been expressed by SCHWAB in his monograph on John Gerson. Hardly can we con- cede to him, indeed, that Hus derived the bulk of his proof-passages, taken from the Fathers, out of the Decretum, and that he had a more full acquaint- ance only with the writings of Gregory, Augustine, and Bernard, as single expressions in his sermons would lead us to conjecture : on the contrary, it admits of demonstration, that Hus derived the great majority of those passages found in the Decretum from the writings of Wiclif, and that the citations from Gregory, Augustine, and Bernard were made, not direct from their works, but from Wiclif. In order to attain to perfect clearness in this respect, we must place beside Hus' tractate De ecclesia not 1 See below. INTRODUCTION. xxxvil only writings like the Trialogus and De Christo et Adversaria, but also the very dissertation of Wiclif bearing the same name as that of Hus. Schwab, however, has rightly given prominence to the fact that Neander is inclined to assign to Hus a greater degree of significance than is due to him, 1 and in particular he has already declared certain passages from the tractate De ecclesict to be the intellectual property of Wiclif. Certainly many others also, which Schwab still reckons to be genuinely Hussite, or where he has indicated the influence of Wiclif as doubtful, will prove themselves, in the citations to be made farther on, the genuine property of Wiclif. Thus, e.g., to take only one case, Wiclifs view of indulgences as a matter of fact influenced Hus a circumstance which Schwab represents as doubtful ; yea, Hus explained the very idea of the indulgence in the same words as Wiclif. Yet more clear, and more in accordance with facts, is the judgment expressed by Schwab on Hus and Wiclif, in the Preface to his monograph. 2 So when he says that the great significance which is still attached to Hus in the work of Bohringer, is more than his due ; that Hus himself in Constance laboured to invalidate the destructive consequences which had been drawn from his assertions made in adhesion to the teaching of Wiclif by virtue of explanations intended to bring about a harmony with the ecclesiastical standpoint. And it is justly said of Wiclif that he is of greater importance in 1 Schwab, Johannes Gerson, Professor der Theologie und Kanzler der Universitdt zu Paris, 550^. Ibid., xi. XXXV111 INTRODUCTION. relation to the Reformation of the sixteenth century than has hitherto been admitted on the part of Protestant Theology in general ; for with Wiclif not only is the principle of Scripture fully developed, but also, implicitly at least, that of justification by Faith. But yet, Schwab thinks, the standpoint of Hus remains in essential points different from that of Wiclif. It was, with the exception of the doctrine of the Church, almost exclusively the Reformational- ethical side of Wiclif's teaching, which he sought to appropriate. This view, upon a comparison of the writings on either side, can no longer be maintained. Yet if in the course of Schwab's argument on Wiclif and Hus some few erroneous statements should appear, 1 this circumstance is easily explicable, considering the lack there is of a complete edition of Wiclif's works. TSCHACKERT, too, in his eminent work on Peter d'Ailli, has spoken of different articles of Hus, which in reality belong to Wiclif. Thus when it is said : 2 At the Council they first scrutinised with all severity Hus' doctrine of Predestination in its application to the idea of the Church. The Church is the totality 1 I find that Hus expresses himself not otherwise than Wiclif in regard to Faith also : Wiclif, De eccl., cap. ii. : Hus : " Sed constat ex dictis, quod " Notandum, quod fides fides nunc sumitur pro actu nunc sumitur pro actu cre- credendi, quo creditur, nunc dendi, quo creditur, nunc pro pro habitu credendi . . ." habitu credendi ..." Comp. the whole passage, infra, bk. ii., chap. 3, p. 208. - Petrus von Ailli, zur Geschichte des grosse?i abendldn- dischen Schismas und der Reformconcilien von Pisa und Constanz, 225 ff, 231. INTRODUCTION. XXXIX of the predestinated, and only as such can it form an article of faith. This one principle overthrew the whole structure of hierarchical Church, and therewith the claims of the Council. But only at the reading of the twelfth article, which derived the papal dignity from the emperors, did Ailli challenge the accused. The one article as well as the other belongs notably, from beginning to end, to Wiclif ; who unfolded his doctrine of Predestination repeat- edly, in the Trialogus, in the tractate De ecclesia, in that De Christ o et Adversaria suo Antichrist o, etc., and from whom Hus derived it, together with its application to the idea of the Church. The propo- sitions, that the Holy Catholic Church is only the totality of those who, according to God's eternal counsel, are true members of the mystical body of Christ ; that Holy Scripture is alone the norm of the Christian faith ; that the worthy priests stand on a level with each other, and have immediately from Christ the power to administer the sacraments, and others also, are ascribed to Hus, whereas they are in reality derived from his predecessor and master. Hus had thus distinguished in a genuinely Reformational sense, continues Tschackert, between the true Church of Christ and that actually present, but had at the same time regarded the sacramental power of the priest as conditioned by his religious and moral worthiness. In all these places we must substitute for the name of Hus that of Wiclif, or at least must indicate the source of Hus' doctrines. With perfect justice, however, does Tschackert give prominence to the fact that Peter d'Ailli and Hus agree on one point, that the rock on which the Church xl INTRODUCTION. is founded is Christ Himself. 1 Yet neither is this proposition the peculiar property of Hus, but is to be met with, in different variations of form, in several writings of Wiclif. Much more highly, as far as we can see, has the influence of Wiclif upon Hus been rated by HOFLER. But he has neglected to adduce the corresponding passages in evidence for the different assertions, and so it has come about that even after Hofler's work had appeared, this influence has been as energetically doubted, or altogether denied, as it has been asserted by him. " Certainly," says Hofler,' 2 " Hus himself was partly to blame for the confusion of notions which prevailed with regard to him. He constantly defended Wiclif, commended his doctrine to the students, disputed publicly in proof of the orthodoxy of Wiclif ; and yet, while thus continually identifying himself with Wiclif, demanded that he should not be looked upon as a Wiclifite." It is acknowledged that Hofler has in view external credentials for the Wiclify of Hus; but the testimonies in point proceed, we admit, for the greater part from his opponents. The proof-passages, strictly so called, that Hus as HAUSRATH has somewhat roughly expressed it 3 stole his whole theology from Wiclif, are wanting. On this account Hofler's writings, of however pro- found studies they may be the result, have failed to convince any one. At best, people have only come 1 Ibid., 17. 2 Geschichtschreiber der husitisch. Bewegung, iii. 90 ; 1. xvii. Comp. also his Magister Johannes Hus und der A bzug der deutschen Professoren und Studenten aus Prag., 159^". 3 Hausrath, " Hoflers Entdeckungen im Mladenowicz," in Von SybeVs hist. Zeitschrift, vi. 18. INTRODUCTION. xli to the impression that Hus merely " built up his doctrines upon the teaching of Wiclif," that he " fol- lowed Wiclifs leadership," and that " other leaders of the Bohemian nation likewise followed him in this domain." It might be expected that Gotthard LECHLER, the distinguished judge of Wiclifs writings, as of those of Hus, would have finally solved the question. In reality Lechler has most nearly approximated to the true state of the matter. 1 The whole Hussite movement is for him, although he recognises other factors as coming into play, essentially only a con- sequence of that which was done in the way of ecclesiastical reform in England. The chapter on the Reformation in Bohemia is ranged under the head of the " after-effects of Wiclifs labours." With justice does Lechler argue that Hus' whole doctrine of the Church idea of the Church, Church and Pope, etc. proceeds from Wiclif; even though Hus neglects to mention his source by name. "It is a fact," says Lechler, "that the determining notions and views of Wiclif are expressed, so that only the carrying of them out on each particular occasion is the property of Hus." 2 But likewise the establishing and demonstration of the main points is not rarely conducted in accordance with the precedent set by 1 Lechler, Johann von Wiclif und die Vorgeschichte der Reformation. 2 Vols. Leipzig, 1873. 2 Lechler further also corrects some errors on the part of Neander. Thus Lechler says, " If Neander judges that with Hus, on account of his eminently practical tendency, less rugged and harsh expressions as regards the denial of all liberty, are to be met with than in Wiclif, this betrays error and an insufficient acquaintance with the last named." INTRODUCTION. Wiclif. Hus demonstrably owes to Wiclifs writings his acquaintance with Grossetete, 1 and the latter's opposition to Innocent IV. The conception of Church history during the first three centuries, of the soaring aloft of the papacy as alleged, by virtue of the grant made by Constantine was beyond dispute inherited by Hus from Wiclif. With perfect justice Lechler argues that during 1409, 1410, and the years following, Wiciifism is the point about which the whole movement in Bohemia turns, as is evidenced by the testimony of official documents. Unfortunately Lechler attaches too great a degree of importance to the Bohemian movement, and a less degree to the comparison of the several writings of Wiclif and Hus. In this way it comes about that more of an independent character is still claimed by him for the Hussite movement than it actually possesses ; and it has been possible, even after Lechler's profound and far-reaching studies, entirely to deny the true relation which subsists between Hus and Wiclif. It is significant that this should take place five years after the publication of Lechler's fundamental investigations, and despite an acquaintance therewith ; as has been done in the case of a French work based specially on the studies of Czechist historians. Among the modern Czechist investigators ToMEK 2 1 That the writings of Robertus Lincolniensis were known in Bohemia also may be shown from Cod. X. H. 12 of the Prague University Library, in which codex some single works of Gros- setete are to be met with. Perhaps, however, his writings were in request only because this bishop is so often appealed to by Wiclif. 2 In his book, Dejefiis mesta Praky, dil iii. 450. INTRODUCTION. recognises the great influence exerted upon Hus by the study of Wiclit's writings. He dwells on the deep-felt reverence and attachment with which the first-named clung to his beloved exemplar. But with all the esteem in which Wiclif, the renowned Christian teacher, or the " evangelic doctor," was held by Hus, the latter was, according to Tomek's explanation, by no means " a blind adherent of Wiclifs doctrine." While drawing from Wiclifs books that which seemed to him right and profitable, he laboured not less than Mathias of Janow or Thomas of Stitny to remain in union with the doctrine of the Church Universal. 1 Tomek argues that Hus never approved of that particular doctrine of Wiclif's of which traces were first found in Bohemia, namely, that of the sacrament of the altar, and in like manner the doctrine that for the valid discharge of priestly functions the subjective fitness of the priest is called for. Like his prede- cessor, Mathias of Janow, he attached the highest value to Holy Scripture, as the most certain and absolutely infallible source for the Christian faith ; but he did not, like Wiclif, reject the tradition of the Church and the teachings of the holy doctors. Even with Mathias of Janow he did not agree in all points of doctrine ; he demeaned himself in many things more calmly than the latter. As will be seen, there is here attributed to the Hussite doctrine a certain comparative independence, alike of the precursors, as also of Wiclif. But on the doctrine of the Supper Hus has, at least for a time, expressed himself in a strongly Wiclifian sense, as we must absolutely 1 See, on the other hand, the arguments in Lenz. xliv INTRODUCTION. infer from the depositions made against him ; and in his position towards the Scriptures as the norm of faith he is dependent, as will be shown below, not upon his predecessors, but upon Wiclif. To tradition and the fathers, however, he did not at all times ascribe an equal degree of significance. Tomek, nevertheless, concedes to Wiclify a great influence upon the course of development of the Hussite doctrine. At similar conclusions does LENZ arrive, in his book likewise written in the Czech language : " The doctrine of the magister, John Hus, on the basis of his Latin and Czechian writings, together with his condemnation by the Council at Constance." ] In the introduction he expresses himself only incident- ally on the relation of Hus to Wiclif. " In this excentric being," says Lenz, speaking of the labours of Hus as a preacher, 2 " Hus had before him as a model of perfectly demoniacal vehemence, the master Johannes Wiclif. Hus clasped to his heart the writings of the English reformer, just on account of their Reformational tendency, without once suspect- ing the gulf which opened between Wiclif and the catholic doctrine of the faith. Nay, it would seem as though Hus never, to the time of his death, attained to this knowledge. The London Synod had, it is true, condemned four-and-twenty articles of Wiclif 's, and that as early as 1382, and this was 1 Useni mistra Jana Husi, etc., V. Praze, 1875. For German readers there exists an abstract of the first part of this book in the Progr. des k. k. detitschen Staatsgymna- siums in Sudweis, 1881, prepared by Dr. Kubista. 2 Ibid., iii. INTRODUCTION. xlv certainly no secret to Hus. But the latter was not at all shaken thereby in his favourable judgment of John Wiclif ; so far from this, he early manifested himself to be Wiclif's friend. " But, although Hus found his pattern in the doctrine of Wiclif, it would be erroneous to assert that Hus was a blind imitator of Wiclif ; for the two men are very markedly different. Hus followed Wiclif only to a certain extent." l In accordance with such judgment Hus' doctrine is still held to be more or less original, and undoubtedly Wiclifian doctrines and arguments are looked upon as those of Hus. Lenz would have come to a different judgment if he had formed as intimate an acquaintance with the writings of the English Reformer as he has with the writings of Hus. But the investigation of Hus' writings as respects their source is a subject upon which he did not at all enter. At all events he has received the impression from the study of Hus' writings themselves and of the official documents relating to them, that Wiclif's writings must have exerted an important influence upon Hus. It is thus the more remarkable that this fact could be once more called in question, and even with a cer- tain degree of warmth. The last writer who has discussed the relation of Hus to Wiclif is ERNEST DE*NIS. 2 That he has done so without acquainting himself with the writ- ings of the two men is at once apparent ; since he could not otherwise have denied in such strong 1 Ibid., x. 2 Huss et la Guerre des Hussites ; Paris, if xlvi INTRODUCTION. terms the influence which has been exerted by Wiclif's writings upon Hus and the whole Bohemian movement. " Almost all the Chroniclers of the fifteenth century," says Denis, " represent Hussitism as something smuggled in from England : so Nieder, Corner, Andrew of Ratisbon, in their chronicles ; Meisterlein in his chronicles of Nuremberg, etc." " Not to speak of Hofler, who is no authority," it is further said, "in our own days Lechler, in his beautiful work, has suffered himself to be led away a little, 1 perhaps by admiration for his hero, with whom he is eminently acquainted. All the efforts of the Prague clergy and of the enemies of the Reforma- tion were directed to the one object of bringing the cause into union with that of Wiclif. As a disciple of Wiclif Hus was excommunicated by the Arch- bishop of Prague, and condemned by the Council at Constance. His opponents drew a twofold advan- tage from this event. In representing the innovators as common plagiaries from a British philosopher, they weakened their influence with the Bohemians and rendered their condemnation almost inevitable, seeing that the doctrines of Wiclif had repeatedly been pronounced heretical by the English councils. The conflict was waged with much dexterity, and 1 " M. Bohringer," it is added, " s'est prononce dans le meme sens, mais avec moins d' exageration et sans contester 1'im- portance de 1'ceuvre des predicateurs qui avaient precede Huss. M. Palacky avait accepte d'abord 1'idee de 1'influence anglaise, mais il 1'a abandonnee completement a la suite de critiques qui lui ont ete presentees par un des plus savants historiens de 1'eglise, Neander. Krummel a suivi Neander. Les faits ont ete desormais etablis d'une maniere incontestable par M. Tomek." How little this is the case will be shown by the presentation in the sequel. INTRODUCTION. xlvii even in our own day many historians, alike whether friendly or hostile towards Hus, see in the Bohemian reformation only a counterpart of the attempt made by the English philosopher. The points on which Hus was in harmony with Wiclif had already been treated by Mathias of Janow. Wiclif was rather the pretext than the ground of that conflict, which must sooner or later break out between those who would root up the abuses and restore the Church to its original purity, and those who for the defence of their privileges wielded the masses." The design of the following pages is to return a final answer on this subject of investigation. BOOK I. WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA DOWN TO THE TIME OF ITS CONDEMNATION BY THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. CHAPTER I. CONDITION OF ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS IN BOHEMIA IN THE TIME OF CHARLES IV.ARNEST OF PAR- DUBITZ AND THE BOHEMIAN CHURCH. TO any one in the Bohemia, Moravia, or Silesia, of the last decade of the fourteenth century, who might recal the times he has known under CHARLES IV. ; or even for the man who should take a retrospective glance during the first twenty or thirty years of the following century, the days of Charles IV. must appear to be the golden age. In reality, the authors express themselves with sufficient animation in regard to these times. " This glorious prince," exclaims LUDOLPH OF SAGAN, " a friend of righteousness and an ardent lover of peace, was so energetic in the establishment of order in Bohemia, that no armed hand was raised against a neighbour. In forest and champaign there prevailed the deepest peace, and one need not fear to travel the highways though he were laden with gold." 1 Not so enthusiastically indeed, yet with sufficient warmth, are these times described by other writers, specially such as belong to the spiritual estate. The 1 Ludolf von Sagan, " De longevo schismate " (ed. Loserth), in the Archivfiir ost. Gesch., lx., 408. WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. clergy felt the change therefrom much more severely ; the reign of Wenzel pressed heavily upon them, and afforded but few gleams of light. How different was the state of matters under Charles IV., the friend of the clergy, the priests' kaiser, iinperadore dc preti, as he has been called by an historian of distant Italy, 1 under that king whose greatest boast it seemed to be to erect new churches, and to restore those which had fallen into decay. Even in the empire they extolled his affection for the Church. " Charles," we hear a Nuremberger say, " was an exceeding diligent man for the sacred cause, and he sought and pursued after the same, and honoured it in every land. 2 The clergy had in other respects great joy in this emperor. He was, from training as by inclination, still more a clergyman than a layman. 3 Like a priest he submitted to the ecclesiastical exercises, was able to give a splendid exposition of the Psalter or Gospels, 4 and to hold disputations with masters and doctors. The love for disputation he transmitted to his son Wenzel, who was fond of discussing con- troverted points in theology, specially if they were of a subtle nature. Of the theological lore of 1 Giovanni Villani, xii., 60. 2 Sigmund Meisterlin, Chroniken der deutschen Stadte, 3 Bd. (Niirnberg), 156. 3 See the Funeral Address of Archbishop Ocko v. Wlaschim, in Freher, Script, rer. Bohemic. 111.: "Nam horas suas canonicas, sicut unus sacerdos dicebat . . . psalterium in aliquibus locis pulcherrime exposuit . . . ipse enim fuit ordi- natus acoluthus." 4 See below, Book II., chap. iv. Hus took the passage from Wiclif s treatise, De Ecclesia (Cod. Pal. Vind., 3020, fol. 66a). AANEST OF PARDUBITZ. Charles IV. much has been preserved ; exposition^ of parables, etc. That under such a sway the Church should thrive, even in outward respects, was to be expected : its increase in material possessions, in investments and foundations, is in reality something astonishing. The statement of Hus, that a fourth, or even a third, of the land and soil in Bohemia was in mortmain, is not, to be sure, strictly vouched for, he drew it from Wiclif, and transferred to Bohemian affairs that which applied to the state of things in England ; but the condition of things even in Bohemia was certainly somewhat analogous. It is clear that this could not lead to the prosperity of the Church. It is true that under Charles IV. those men who were placed at the head of the ecclesiastical organization as yet took care that the clergy did not fall utterly a prey to worldliness, and to those ills with which the clergy in other lands -were infected. Among the men of whom Charles IV. availed himself for the execution of his plans, no one enjoyed greater confidence with the monarch than ARNEST OF PARDUBITZ, 1 who stood at the head of the Bohemian Church from the year 1343, when he succeeded the much-tried John of Drazic. His ecclesiastical administration constituted a new epoch, and was for many years after his death regarded as a model one. He was descended from the Bohemian family of the Knights of Weissenburg, and pursued his first studies 1 For the biographical notices on Arnest von Pardubitz, see Tadra in the Cancellaria Arnesti, Archivfilr ost. Gesch., Ixi., 276, ff. WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. among the Johannites in Glatz ; then with the Bene- dictines in Braunau, whence he repaired to Prague, probably to the Metropolitan School, whence finally, for the sake of perfecting his education, he went to attend the Universities of Bologna and Padua. After his return to his native land, he was made Dean of the Collegiate Chapter in Sadska, and presently drew upon himself the attention of Charles IV. It is said to be owing to the influence of this monarch that he obtained the see of Prague. The circumstances of the time were then exceedingly favourable to the accomplish- ment of a long-cherished wish of the Bohemian kings, for the realization of which Premysl Ottokar I. had ardently longed so early as the year 1204, the severance, namely, of Prague from its connection with the archiepiscopal see of Mayence, and its elevation to an archbishopric. The Archbishop of Mayence, Heinrich von Virneburg, one of the most faithful adherents of Lewis of Bavaria, had been suspended by the Pope on the I5th October, 1341. From this time the chiefs of the House of Luxemburg renewed their attempt to found an archbishopric in Prague ; and nothing contributed more to forward their ends than the elevation of Clement VI. to the papal throne a man who as a simple cleric had been on a friendly footing with Charles IV. In November 1343, this Pope invited King John of Bohemia, and his son the Margrave Charles, to Avignon, in order personally to set forth their reasons in favour of the erection of an archbishopric in Prague. The bull by which Prague was constituted an archiepiscopal see bears date of 3Oth April, 1344. As grounds for the severance of the connection, centuries old, with Mayence, the AKNEST OF PARDUBITZ. same, strictly speaking, were alleged as had been urged in 1204 the great distance from Mayence, and the difference of language in Germany and Bohemia. The first archbishop was Arnest. 1 From this period it is that we derive the sketch of him drawn by Dean William, of Lestkow : "A man of imposing figure and pleasing expression, an earnest taciturn nature, yet full of benevolence and kindness." His liberality, specially towards poor students, is particularly lauded, and it is expressly remarked that he was a foe to all nepotic leanings. He was the confessor and familiar friend of the emperor, and likewise distinguished himself in diplomatic actions. In the year 1346 he went to Avignon with Duke Niklas, of Troppau, to announce to the Pope the election of Charles IV. Villani, too, makes mention of Arnest's skill in diplomacy. When the university was founded, Arnest obtained the dignity of a chancellor of the same. It is even said that, upon the death of Innocent VI., there were thoughts of raising him to the papal throne. His modesty, we are told, prevented his accepting the purple. To his last hours we find him engaged in the service of the emperor. In the train of the latter he was staying at Bautzen, in the Whitsuntide of 1364, and there after a brief illness he expired on the 3Oth of June. His services rendered to art and literature may be ' Erben, Regesta Bohemia, 482 : " Supplicarunt . . . rex et populus Bohemorum, ut cum archiepiscopus vester propter locorum distanciam et diversitatem linguarum minus sufficiat circa eos metropoliticum officium exercere." Doc. d. data Latcran., 1204, April 2ist. IVICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. passed over in this place. In the ecclesiastical domain he developed a marvellous talent for organiz- ation. His successors needed to do no more than complete the building on the foundation laid by him. Abundant monuments of his labour are to be found in a book of formularies proceeding from his chan- cery, 1 as moreover especially in his statutes and synodal constitutions. Since the former provincial statutes had lost their significance, after the separa- tion of the diocese of Prague from Mayence, Arnest was compelled to lay down new rules. This was done at the great Provincial Synod of the year I 349 ; at this the statutes of Arnesti were announced, which should in future serve as the code for the metro- politan diocese, and so also for Olmiitz and Leito- mischl. 2 The abuses existing in these dioceses, particularly those having respect to the acquiring of benefices, and the obtaining of ordination, were to be brought to an end ; the moral bearing of the clergy raised, the condition of the people improved, and the ecclesiastical government in general rigor- ously enforced. 3 The suffragan bishops of Olmiitz and Leitomischl had to announce the statutes in their dioceses. In all the churches of the land, copies of them must be kept, namely, two in each of the cathedral and collegiate churches, and one with each of the archdeacons, and in the deaneries and parishes. Three months after their publication no clergyman 1 Cancellaria Arnesti. Formulary of the age of Arnest von Pardubitz, first Archbishop of Prague, edited by Tadra, in the Archiv fitr ost. Gesch., L\i. 460., ff. - On the MSS. and impressions of these statutes see Dudik, 37 vol. of Archiv fiir ost. Gesch., 414. 3 Frind, Kirchengeschichte von Bohmen, ii. 94. ARNEST OF PARDUBITZ. was to be permitted to plead want of acquaintance with their contents. * Every archbishop, upon his accession to office, was required to pledge himself on oath to a strict observance of the statutes. For the establishment of the new order, the support of the cathedral chapter was energetically demanded. To the conditions of the latter, Arnest, as it would seem, soon after his elevation to the archbishopric, devoted his particular attention. A special commission was appointed, among other things, to draw up statutes for the cathedral chapter. 1 The members thereof, however, were not able to agree on a number of important points, on which the prosperity of the Church seemed to depend ; more- over, single parts of the same were too sharply conceived, in such wise that some determinations had to be modified ; others were so obscure as to call for a commentary. In short, the need was felt for proceeding to a remodelling of the whole. This difficult task was assigned to the Doctor of Theology and Prebendary of Prague, John of Padua. 2 Arnest took upon himself a considerable share of the labour, inasmuch as he subjected the statutes to a repeated examination. They were written out upon nine sheets of parchment in the year 1350, by the hand of the notary Albert of Wayzow. These 1 See the introduction to the Statuta ecclesie Pragensis, edited by Dudik, in the 37th vol. of the Archiv fur dst. Gesch., 422 : " Quamvis dudum de nostra et capituli ecclesie nostre voluntate et consensu quedam statuta per certos sta- tuarios ad hoc . . . per nos electos . . . pro ecclesia nostra et personis ipsius fuissent edita. ..." " On this person see Cancell. Arncsti, 296. I O WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. statutes embrace the whole sphere of labour of all the persons belonging to the chapter, and to the metropolitan church. The rights and duties of each one were accurately defined, and the incomes of all enumerated. That in the imposition of new statutes respect was had to ancient customs existing within the diocese of Prague, will be taken for granted. 1 A series of further regulations, too, which Arnest called into existence, was retained in after times. Synods had already been held in Bohemia and Moravia before the days of Arnest of Pardubitz ; now it was made a rule that they should assemble twice a year on fixed days. For the stricter main- tenance of the enactments he had issued he created the institution of correctors, who were to watch over the conduct of the clergy, and to administer exhor- tations, threats, and chastisements. Side by side with these correctors appear inquisitors, who were to see to the preservation of the faith in its purity. 2 Under such circumstances the assertion made by a biographer of Arnest is quite credible, that there was not found in all Germany a second bishop whose activity even distantly approached that of the Prague bishop. 3 We are able to admire this, even in the present day, in his Books of Foundations and Ratifi- cations. 4 1 Moreover, it is naturally to be supposed that particular parts of the statutes would agree with those which the Arch- bishops of Mayence had formerly enacted. Similar, too, were the statutes of Arnest for the diocese of Olmiitz. They are published by Dudik in vol. 41 of the Archiv before mentioned,, p. 195, ff. - Vita Arnesti, Geschichtschr. der husit. Bewegung, ii. 6. 3 Ibid., p. 9. * The former are the Libri erectiomim, containing the SYNODAL STATUTES. II The successor of Arnest of Pardubitz, JOHN OCKO OF WLASCHIM, previously Bishop of Olmiitz, like Arnest himself, a friend and counsellor of the emperor, advanced farther on the lines of his pre- decessor. It is specially noteworthy that most of the Synodal statutes that have come down to us belong to the time of this archbishop. We may best learn from these the moral condition of the clergy and people in the Caroline period, on which account it is worth while to dwell for a moment on this subject. The earliest Synodal Statutes now pre- served date from the year 1353; thus come down to us from Arnest of Pardubitz. The first and principal concern of the archbishop is devoted to the heretics. 1 The clergy are called upon to make zealous search after heretics and other suspicious persons, and to inform of them either to the archbishop himself or to the inquisitor. The second object of concern is found in the Provincial Synods. At these all the clergy of the diocese were required to be present, and to bring with them the Synodal Statutes. Only to the poor was the pro- viding of these remitted. For the administration of the sacraments and the burial of the dead no fee was to be charged, for the ringing of bells only a moderate charge was to be made. The sacred vessels are to be kept clean ; the congregations to be invited to repair to the religious actions ; with institution of masses, benefices, etc. The other, Libri con- firmatiomim, contain all presentations and appointments to ecclesiastical benefices. See Frind, Kirchengesch., ii. 96. 1 Of the proceedings of Arnest against ordeals there is found, remarkably enough, little or nothing in the Synodal statutes. See on this point the Vita Arnesti, as before, p. 7. a 2 WICL1FISM IN BOHEMIA. silence and reverence they must be attended. The vices of gluttony and drunkenness, gaming, de- bauches, soothsaying, etc., were to be opposed by the clergy with all their might. It is emphatically required that the clergy lead a moral life, abstain from dancing-rooms and other scenes of pleasure, most strictly observe the pre- scribed prayers and ceremonies, admit no strangers to the pastoral office, and denounce to the arch- bishop those who are usurers, enemies of the clergy, and despisers of the Church censures. They are to refrain from unchastity ; clergy who live with young women, or who bear arms, card-players and dice- players, incendiaries, thieves and harbourers of thieves, are to be prosecuted by the archdeacons. Further regulations are directed against the murderers of persons in orders. Sundays and festivals are to be celebrated with becoming devotion, and the fasts enjoined are to be observed. Stolen property must be restored, the faithful must guard against setting forests on fire ; incendiaries of the forests, such as are called Pozary, can be absolved only by the arch- bishop himself. Of these statutes every priest is required to possess a copy. A .statute of the year 1355 contains several new directions. 1 We see what stress was already laid upon the employment and culture of the language of the people. The parish priests and their vicars are required to make use of the national language in 1 The expression, Statutum minus, may easily mislead. One might from this take these statutes for an abstract of the greater statutes ; in reality we have here a series of fresh determinations. SYNODAL STATUTES. 1 3; their sermons on Sundays and holy days, as also in the reading of the Creed and the Lord's Prayer The directions with regard to certain feast-days are new (for instance, the feast of relics), as are those regarding indulgences and some liturgical matters. These statutes, too, are to be carefully preserved. Another statute of 1 8th of October, 1361, alters certain instructions of the great statutes. Some points in this are quite new ; the most important are the decisions laid down against clergy of the lower degrees, who wish sometimes to pass for clergymen, sometimes for laymen, in order in a particular case to escape from the spiritual or secular jurisdiction. To the same province the statutes of John Ocko of Wlaschim, and his successor, John of Jenzenstein, are restricted. It is, as a rule, the vices above men- tioned, against which the later synods, too, feel called upon to inveigh, the tendency of the clergy to a worldly life, to gaming and drinking, and sexual excesses. In others of the faithful other faults are censured besides, and measures are taken against depredations, stealing, and receiving of stolen goods. With special frequency do prohibitions of usury occur. It is strictly enjoined that every archdeacon, dean, priest, and vicar, be familiar with the contents of the Provincial and Synodal Statutes. Remains of heathendom in the customs of the people are com- bated ; so also the . expulsion of death, which is still known in the Slavonic districts on the Oder and Vistula. 1 Equally are certain songs and games pro- 1 " De mortis imagine : Item quia in nonnullis civitatibus, oppidis, et villis prava clericorum inolevit abusio, quia in medio quadragesime imagines in figura mortis per civitatem 14 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. hibited. The only question is, what was the effect of the numerous commandments which were incul- cated anew almost every year ? It has no very promising sound when we find in the Synodal Statutes complaints against the archdeacons, to whom the inspection of the single deaneries was entrusted, and hear that for the sake of base gain they pass over in silence notorious sins of the clergy. 1 With regard to the state of ecclesiastical affairs, before and during the Hussite disturbances, we are happily well informed. For the time of Arnest of Pardubitz, many interesting details will be found in his Cancellaria ; for the time of the Archbishop Ocko of Wlaschim, and John of Jenzenstein, we owe much to a book dating from I379, 2 wherein are recorded the incidents of an archdeacon's tour of visitation through several deaneries. From another book, belonging to the year 1407, in which the mode of proceeding against peccant clergy is narrated, we obtain the corresponding supplementations. We derive from these sources the conviction that the numerous and severe regulations issued at the Synods were called forth indeed by an urgent neces- sity, but that, taken as a whole, they produced no great result. It is true we are told in the biography cum rithmis et ludis supersticiosis ad flumen deferunt, ibi quoque ipsas imagines cum impetu submergunt, in earum ignominiam asserentes quod mors eis ultra nocere non debeat, tamquam ab ipsorum terminis sit consumata et totaliter exterminata." Cone. Prag., n. 1 Concilia Prag. , 1 2 : " Archidiaconi in suis visitacionibus . . . que sunt questus et turpia lucra querunt." On the duties of the archdeacons, see Tadra, Cancellaria Arnesti, as before, p. 284. 2 See below, Appendix, No. II. SYNODAL STATUTES. 15 of Arnest, that this archbishop put an entire stop to the deep degeneracy in Church discipline throughout the diocese of Prague ; in reality it is certain that grave offences against ecclesiastical discipline were far from uncommon. 1 We find in its documents that many priests, without permission of their supe- riors, live remote from their places of labour, without troubling themselves very much about the exhorta- tions of the deans, yea, farm out their livings to other persons ; 2 and that the monasteries and nun- neries have need of repeated admonitions to lead an orderly life. Complaints of the concubinage of the clergy occur just as before ; archdeacons who ought to report these things are bribed, others have to be repeatedly admonished to undertake at all the inspec- tions committed to them. The magistrates of the Kleine Stadt of Prague receive full authorisation to arrest and imprison particular priests, who pass their time in taverns with ninepins and dice, or who range through the streets in arms ; 3 the capitulars of the Prague church suffer the school to fall into decay. 4 Some of the clergy get deeply into debt, etc. 1 " Nimirum clems illius temporis modice proh dolor legi subiacebat . . . alius enim concubinis adhaerens et nee ton- suram seu coronam deferens turpi se ipsum polluit foeditate, quorum tamen insania sub ipsius regimine conquievit penitus." Geschichtschr. der husit. Beweg., ii. 7. See with regard to it, Tadra, Cancellaria Arnesti, as above, p. 286. - Ibid, p. 291. 3 Ibid., 488 : "Quod illos clericos, qui nulla necessitate coacti in thabernis invent! forent ludentes ad aleas, taxillos, yel globos .... vel de quorum fuga alias est suspicio, seu qui infames sunt .... item qui nocturne tempore sine lumine manu armata incedunt." 4 Ibid., p. 305. 1 6 W1CL1FISM IN BOHEMIA. Mention is made likewise of the heretics ; par- ticularly about the district of Pisek many are said to be found. It is still to be seen in the Consis- torial Acts of 1381, that the ordination of priest Johl of Pisek could not be undertaken, because his father and grandfather were heretics. 1 Matters seem to have become worse under Arnest's successor, John Ocko of Wlaschim. The complaints which are brought before the visitors have reference most o al-1 to the concubinage of the clergy. 2 There is hardly a church in which the visitor finds the life of the clergy altogether blameless. Consequently, as a rule, the first question of this visitator is, Whether there are to be found in the particular church those living in concubinage, whether among the clergy or the laity ? for the laity also had to be examined ; knights, burghers, and peasants. If any are found guilty of these offences, then the investigation follows, which often brings strange things to light. The guilty are mulcted in sums of money to be devoted to the building of the cathedral, or are visited with excommunication. Very often there arise complaints of usury, practised by the clergy or by laymen. Yet crimes such as rape and robbery likewise present themselves. Most carefully is it provided that the statutes of Archbishop Arnest and the Synodal decrees be found in the parishes : it appears that a priest was required to exchange his damaged paper copy for one of parch- ment. Isolated complaints are made of disputed possession ; oftener one hears of the frequenting of 1 Geschichtschr. der husit. Bevueg., p. 340. 2 See Appendix, No. II. SYNODAL STATUTES. I/ ale-houses and of the gaming of the clergy. 1 Of complaints about heretical views there is found no- thing, as it would seem, in these records. To be just, we must confess that those excesses which created the greatest scandal were most severely punished. For theft and highway robbery, a priest, Wenzel of Kommotau, underwent an instant humiliating punish- ment, followed by a rigid confinement in prison for two years. 2 Another priest, known by the name of John, is punished on account of an act of highway robbery, committed by him along with two others in a forest on the way to St. Prokop. Another time it is a case of purloining books. 3 A harbourer of 1 Acta Correctoria, Liber archivi capit. Prag., XX., 38^ : "' Die mensis Martii dominus Hersso corrector cleri diocesis Pragensis mandavit domino Petro plebano, ut deinceps ludos , . . . non exerceat nee honestis mulieribus adhereat nee foveat .... die 26 Martii : mandavit domino Valentino plebano, ut deinceps Anne de Velvar quam tenuit pro domestica non adhereat nee ipsam visitet . . . . et loca inhonesta non visitet, suspectis non adhereat .... mandavit domino Petro plebano penitencia carcerali emisso, ut deinceps tabernas continue non visitet. 2 In the same records there is an entry of the punishment of this priest: " Pronunciamus .... dominum Wenceslaum presbyterum de Commutow furem et latronem, propter que et alia ipsum condempnamus ad standum in scala publice uno die per horas duas et in carcere clauso per annos duos con- tinues, ubi quartis et sextis feriis pane doloris et aqua angustie sit contentus." 3 "Die nona mensis Octobris dominus Bohunco plebanus in Swagerzicz restituit librum viaticum .... in quo viatico in secundo folio .... ipsius viatici erat scriptum psalmus .... qui liber erat furtive ablatus per dominum Mathiam .... presbyterum domino Petro plebano in Mukarzewprope Pragam .... Quern librum ipse dominus Petrus recepit in presentia domini Herssonis correctoris. . . . Qui liber erat venditus ipsi domino Bohunconi in octoginta quinque grossis per prefatum dominum Mathiam." 1 8 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. thieves, at the expiration of his sentence, is dismissed with the admonition not in future to consort with thieves. 1 It is, at any rate, remarkable that, among the particular cases which were investigated in the course of a single year, there are about twenty which have reference to theft. We must not, however, confine our attention to the lower clergy alone ; with the higher the state of matters was much worse. Certainly the provost of the cathedral chapter at Prague, George Burkhard of Janowitz, was no ornament to that body. We hear regarding him the following complaint of the Archbishop Zbinko of Hasenburg : " When I sum- moned the Provost of Prague to appear before me, on account of his lawlessness, the people assembled in crowds, to whom a few of the servants of the King ioined themselves, equipped with cross-bows and habergeons, in order insolently with armed hand to resist this." The testament of this gentleman has been dis- covered in the Record Office of the town of Budweiss. We learn from the same that he was the happy father of three sons, to whom, as it would seem, he bequeathed an amount of property not altogether inconsiderable. 2 The existing disorders, which stand out in such glaring colours from the books of visitation and correction of the Archbishopric of Prague to which 1 " Furibus non adhereat." 2 Kopl, Testament des Georg Burghard von Janowitz, in the Mitth. des Vereins fur Geschichte der Deutschen in Bohmen, 21, 93. DEMANDS FOR REFORM. 1 9 must also be added the numerous complaints of the worldliness and corruption of the clergy in its highest strata show clearly how the soil was already pre- pared for the vigorous reformational labours of indi- viduals ; only it must be borne in mind that not Bohemia alone was the soil on which this noxious growth was springing up. The divers projects of reform which were brought forward within the hier- archy itself, both before and during the session of the Council of Constance, contain the most abundant materials in evidence of this. To mention only a countryman of Hus, who in matters of ecclesiastical doctrine is certainly not to be numbered among his friends, STEPHEN OF PRAGUE ; this man exclaims in his address to the fathers of the council : " But in the present day nothing is sought throughout the whole world save presents and profits, gain and honours, marks of favour and carnal lusts. Igno- ramuses, incapables, and worthless men are promoted to the highest spiritual offices." 1 And another voice declares at the same council, "It is certainly necessary to root up from the earth the heretics in Bohemia and Moravia, but I cannot see how that is to be accomplished without a previous thorough reform of the Roman curia itself." 2 ' Von der Hardt, i. 843. Ibid., vii. 306. Dietrich of Niem, De nee. reform, in concil. univ., cap. 29 : " Expediret ut hereses iste et autores earum de Bohemia et Moravia prefatis eradicentur omni modo. Sed non video quod illud unquam bono modo fieri posset, nisi predicta Romana curia prius ad ipsos veteres mores et con- suetudines laudabiles reducatur." Compare, in addition to the above data, the energetic complaints of Hus concerning the bishops and priests of his time, the prebendaries and idle mass-reciters who hurry out of church into the inns and dancing 20 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. Upon a soil such as is furnished by the capital Prague, and the various deaneries of Bohemia, from whose villages, year after year, lively complaints reached the central points of the ecclesiastical life, an opposition to the existing scandals in the admi- nistration of the Church and in the lives of the clergy must find a vigorous response. rooms. See Sermons of John Hus, translated from the Bohemian, by Novotny, i. 7 9, 27, 45 ; ii. 29, 45. In one place he speaks, indeed, of bishops, and even popes, who were unable to read. Ibid., ii. 90. CHAPTER II. THE SO-CALLED PRECURSORS OF THE HUSSITE MOVEMENT. HE first of those men who, full of Reformation J. zeal, declaimed warmly against existing abuses in the Church, and as a preacher attained to great success, was Konrad, a monk of the Augustine cloister of Waldhausen in Austria. Of the circumstances of his life but little is known. We owe some few notices to a defence which he wrote in reply to various attacks on the part of the mendicant friars. 1 Ordained priest about the year 1345, he went to Rome in 1350, with a view to becoming partaker of the grace of the jubilee year. He soon came to the front as a preacher of note : a wondrous power of language, which never failed of its effect, must have been at his command. " He roused the people to the pitch of excitement when he preached in Austria," was said of him by his opponents with malignant am- biguity. And when he held his services at the 1 Further particulars regarding Konrad we owe to Palacky, who first (under the name of Jordan) treated more fully of the precursors of Hus. Palacky, Vorldufer des Husitismus, \. 17. Comp. also Palacky, Geschichte von Bohmen, iii. i 17; Neander, Kirchengeschichte, vi. 24off ; Friedjung, Karl, iv., p. 168 ; and Tomek, Dejepis Prahy, 286 ff. 22 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. church of St. Gall in Prague, the spacious church was not able to contain all the audience, so that he was compelled to preach in the open market-place. Charles IV. had secured him for Prague through the medium of the lord von Rosenberg, and had assigned to him the post of preacher at the' church aforesaid, which he presently exchanged for the cure of the Augustines in Leitmeritz. The field of labour was nevertheless too narrow for him there : with the permission of his order, and of the Archbishop, he came to Prague, and began to preach afresh. His return falls in the spring of 1358 j 1 in the following year he resigned his charge at Leitmeritz, and shortly after obtained the parish of the Teyn Church in Prague. During a decade he there displayed a vigorous and abundant activity ; while regarded askance by the mendicant friars, and passionately assailed by them, since their own churches had become empty. He died on the 8th December of the year 1369, deeply bewailed not only by the German, but also by the Czechist inhabitants of the city. 2 Of the sermons of this man, those unfortunately are lost, on account of which he has been counted among the precursors of Hus. 3 What has been pre- 1 As regards this date, see Tomek, as above, p. 286. 2 Benesch von Weitmiihl, ad ann. 1369 : Hie cum esset natione de Austria, vir magnae literaturae, . . . praedicacione sancta sua correxit mores hominum patriae nostrae. 3 Considering the great zeal with which the Latin discourses of Konrad, and afterwards those of Milicius, were collected, it must appear strange that just the German sermons of Konrad (as also the Bohemian ones of Milicz) have disap- peared. In some way the important pulpit addresses of other and less celebrated preachers have been preserved. KONRAD OF WALDHAUSEN. 2$ served to us of them has been taken down, not with a view to the instruction of the people, but with entirely different motives. Those sermons known to us in the present day as proceeding from his pen were delivered before students, and, moreover, were mainly composed for academic purposes. Young priests were to receive from them impetus and material for their own discourses, and this end was served by them for many centuries after the death of their author. For they were not only very eagerly collected by the priests in Prague, 1 but were likewise disseminated throughout Moravia and Silesia, Austria and the Tyrol, even to Switzer- land. 2 Inasmuch as Konrad of Waldhausen had made the collection of his sermons at the wish ot those studying at Prague, it is designated in the MSS. as the Postil of the Prague students. In the majority of the copies one counts altogether seventy- three discourses. The first of these enlarges on the object of the collection. What he has preached to the people " with his own mouth," and what he has brought before the students " with fleeting voice," he will now commit to enduring writing. 3 From these 1 Cod. 285 of the Bohem. Mus., 244: " Ferias Pentecostales de Postilla Conradi quere circa Quadragesimales dictorum suorum, si ilia fioteris habere. Ego autem non vidi eadem sed tantum Milicii." - On MSS. in Bohemia see Palacky, Vorlaufer, 16 ; in Moravia, Dudik in the Archiv fiir ost. Gesch., vol. 39. On Tyrolese MSS., comp. Friedjung, Karl IV., p. 171. In Breslau, single MSS. are found as well in the town library as in the university library. On St. Gall see the catalogue of MSS. in the convent library, Nos. 714 and 805. Some are likewise found in single monasteries of Austria. 3 " Ut supra evangelia dominicalia, que leguntur per anni circulum per talem modum, quo ipsam ad populum proprio 24 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. words we might readily conclude that these dis- courses had been addressed to the general public before he cast them into the mould of the Latin language. Opposed, however, to this view, is the whole learned apparatus with which Konrad has furnished them. Thus there are to be found, e.g., in the sermon on the festival of Christ's ascension, in addition to more than a hundred quotations from the Bible, numerous passages (and some of these very obscure ones) from the sermons of Pope Leo, from the various works of St. Augustine, from the writings of Pope Gregory, from Jerome, Hraban, Bede, Valerius Maximus, the legend of St. Cunegonda, etc. In other sermons he cites likewise Aristotle, Cassiodorus, Basil, Vegetius, and others. That some of these quotations, moreover, are rather obscure and difficult to understand, he says himself in his intro- ductory words. 1 What does it concern the general public, when, speaking of discipline, he narrates in detail the history of the siege of Numantia, mentions the different generals' who were compelled to with- draw covered with disgrace, until at length Publius Cornelius Scipio succeeded in training his army to the exercise of discipline ? or when, in another sermon, he expounds in a very learned way the eclamavi gutture, conscribere vellem et que voce transeunte et ipsis coram positis predicando deprompseram, scripture manciparem remanenti, creberrimis ac instantivis precibus rogitatus." i " Desidero attamen et hoc ipsum opusculum postillam studi- encium nominari, turn quia ipsorum precibus est compilatum, turn quia desidibus et ad studendum pigris minus valere dino- scitur propter eius longitudinem et eciam quibusdam firopter auctoritates doctorum obscuras in ifisa recollectas." KONRAD OF WALDHAUSEN. 2$ whole controversy between the Greek and the Romish Church on the subject of the Holy Ghost ? Even the introduction to his sermons is of like construction. He explains therein the plan accord- ing to which he intends treating the whole material. As the solar year is divided into four greater periods, so, according to his view, the time from Adam to the end of the world resolves itself into four greater sections. The time from Adam to Moses is the time of darkness ; then follows the time of twilight, which extends from Moses to Christ ; the time of Christ is that of the atonement ; and, finally, the time of pilgrimage is that from the ascension of Christ to the end of earthly things. According to this system the Church year is likewise naturally arranged into four parts. This arrangement, how- ever, presupposes a very intimate acquaintance not only with the Scriptures, but also with the liturgy. Yet more exactly is that relation defined when we regard, for instance, the sermon which he delivers at the beginning of the Easter period. In this place we see presented in regular form a learned address on the significance of the Jewish paschal festival, and on the mode of calculating Easter. 1 As regards the construction of the individual sermons, this is thoroughly artistic ; all are exactly subdivided under their several heads. 2 1 Cod. Vindob., No. 3691, 134^: "Notandum primode mense, quod mensis accipitur dupliciter, uno modo pro mense solari, alio modo pro mense lunari. Mensis Solaris accipitur secun- dum cursum solis et incipitur a Kalendis mensis et terminatur in Kalendis sequentis mensis, sicut Januarius incipit in circumcisione et terminatur in se," etc. , Evangel. : " Cum turbe irruerunt," etc. Lucae, 4to. 26 WICLIF1SM IN BOHEMIA. The design of these sermons as academic dis- courses is in various ways apparent. Repeatedly he addresses his students as "Dearest young men." 1 He not seldom derives his illustrations from students' customs ; nor are there wanting hints of a practical kind for the preacher of the future. " If time remains to thee," he says in one passage, " thou mayest preach on this Gospel after the preceding one ; otherwise take it up in the afternoon, or as best corresponds to the circumstances of thy hearers." 2 In another place he says, " As it is customary for the student on the completion of his studies to give evidence of the result of the same, in a public dis- putation, in which it is open to anyone to convict the disputant of error, provided an error is observed ; so also the Jews thought of catching the Lord in a discourse." 3 Very strongly also does it remind of the profes- sor's chair, when he thus distinguishes the relation of the several evangelists to each other in the history " Hoc evangelium dividitur in tres partes : i, in prima ponitur Christ! gloriosissima praedicacio, ibi : Cum turbe irruerunt ; 2, in secunda ponitur virtutum eius miraculosa operacio, ibi : Ut autem cessit ; 3, in tercia ponitur rei facte stupor et admiracio : Quos cum viderit." 1 " Pueri carissimi." 2 Cod. Vind., 3691, 560. 3 " Consuetude est, quod quando studentes volunt ostendere, quomodo studuerunt, et quando volunt recedere de studiis et magistrari, tune offerunt se omnibus ad respondendum in publico . . . tune quilibet potest arguere eos, ut sibi videntur male dixisse. Simili modo Christus volens recedere de studio huius mundi ... in quo studio triginta tribus annis cum dimidio steterat, volens ostendere magisterium suum, dedit licenciam adversariis, qui contra eum sepe ante discepta- verant, quomodo eum capere possent." This passage has been strangely misunderstood by Friedjung, I.e., p. 171. KONRAD OF WALDHAUSEN. 2? of the passion. " Matthew relates the history of the passion more fully and exactly, and harmonises with Mark. Luke, on the other hand, omitting various things which these narrate, because he presupposes that they have already treated the subject, reports, however, divers particulars which Matthew and Mark have passed over. John, finally, wrote least of the sufferings of Christ ; because he composed his gospel last, and likewise presupposed that the others had already related enough." 1 If Konrad was by this collection of sermons meet- ing an expressed need of the students in Prague, it was at the same time far from his purpose to create drones. " People must study his sermons," he said, " in order to understand them properly ; for they are right long and contain many obscure passages of old fathers and doctors." As regards the contents of these sermons, we must ever bear in mind the end and object they were designed to serve. His hearers are one day to become teachers and priests of the people, and even to occupy the place where the preacher now stands. In accordance with the purpose of these sermons, we shall find them strongly marked on the ethical side. Doctrinal discussions rarely occur ; polemical obser- vations, save that they are throughout pointed against that which is evil, are altogether absent. The moral education of youth is that which lies nearest his heart. One of his first propositions is, he who will become a good preacher must begin 1 Cod. pal. Vindob., 3691, fol. 134, in the sermon, " Scitis quod post biduum pascha fiet." 28 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. with becoming a good man. 1 In no other sense, indeed, does he offer his postil to the students ; no book can enable a bad man to become a good orator. Accordingly he animates his students to the attainment of the virtues, and seeks to exhibit to them the evil consequences of particular vices. He specially urges them to great zeal in the performance of their spiritual actions. The presentation is un- adorned ; often there is not wanting a certain drastic roughness, as when he relates that the saints some- times have recourse to palpable means in order to incite the zeal of their clergy. 2 Among the vices he expressly attacked were avarice and licentiousness. In another connection we shall find him the warm opponent of gifts to mendicant friars. In the academic sermons we meet only with the remark, that to the gift which one presents certain conditions must be attached, to be fulfilled by giver and re- ceiver. The dignity of the spiritual office he seeks in every way to maintain in high repute. Let the preacher so begin his labours in his parish, that his good name may spread over all the earth, and impress itself upon the hearts of all men. Besides this ethical object, another is pursued in his sermons ; and we may say that the latter bulks 1 " Quicunque vult fieri bonus predicator, debet postponere omnes vanitates, sicut dicit Richardus Hugoni de St. Victore, cum ab eo quereret consilium : quomodo fieret valens doctor ; respondit : Vis fieri bonus doctor, efficiaris prius bonus homo." 2 " Legitur de beata Chunegunda, que cum in quodam monasterio sarictimonialium a se fundato quondam abbatis- sam haberet negligentem . . . quodam die dominico . . . manu sua dedit alapam " (the traces of which the abbess bore to her life's end). KONRAD OF WALDHAUSEN. 2$ far more largely in his eyes than the former. It is, namely, to furnish the gospels for the particular Sundays with a running commentary, advancing sentence by sentence through the gospel. In the exordium of some few sermons, the significance of each particular Sunday is set forth. The length of particular sermons, as also their intrinsic worth, is proportioned to the significance of the special Sunday. Owing to the popularity which this col- lection enjoyed in its day, and during the following decades, it was not only rapidly circulated, but also underwent manifold alteration. Konrad had already recognized as a defect in his discourses that some of them were too long ; they were accordingly abbre- viated, and thus there arose a second and consider- ably shorter redaction of his sermons. The real differences of the two redactions are unimportant; 1 for the most part it is purely formal elements which are omitted in the abbreviated form ; the many paraphrases of one and the same thought, which he makes in the first redaction, are wanting in the 1 Compare the Codd. Vind, 3691 and 4392 : 3691. 4392. " Quia hodie sancta mater " Hodie sancta mater eccle- ecclesia incipit officium divi- sia incipit officium divinum, num, quo per quatuor anni in quo Christo suo sponso Solaris tempo ra Christo suo laudes decantat recolens be- sponso laudes iubilat et de- neficia sibi ab origine mundi cantat per hoc recolere volens usque ad finem eius impensa beneficia sibi per quatuor et perpetue impendenda : pro tempora magni anni scilicet quo notandum, quod annus ab origine mundi usque ad Solaris habet quatuor tempora finem ipsius et a primo Abel scilicet ver, estatem hyemem iusto usque quo incepit et ad et autumpnum. Sic magnus ultimum electum sibi ab eo annus id est tempus vite pre- facta et fienda . . . ." sentis ab inicio mundi usque ad finem." 30 W2CLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. second ; in the latter he makes straight for the kernel of the matter. As Konrad affords the young preacher a series of noteworthy hints and practical aids, so, moreover, he is inclined in the very introduction to his postil to lay down a theory on the art of preaching. " Let every preacher be on his guard against prolixity ; that is one of the worst faults into which anyone can fall." He himself, as has been remarked, is not free from the fear that his discourses have grown a little too long ; nevertheless he is consoled by the thought that the intelligent man will study them, and, where it is needful, will also abbreviate them : if the froth is skimmed off the top of them, they will then prove really serviceable ; he compares them to meat, which is not good at its first swelling, but only when it is thoroughly cooked. A formal theory of " the art of preaching " he afforded in a special work. In one way, he says there, we must preach to the monks, and in another to the laity ; in one way to the townsmen, and in another to the peasants ; according to the needs of the particular classes, according to their intelligence and capacities. One must reprove them with regard to particular sins ; the preacher is not to flatter his hearers, but sternly to bring home to them their transgressions. In censure, however, one must exercise prudence. He specially warns against exposing to the laity the vices of the clergy. We learn from the accusations which were brought against him during his labours in Prague, that in his sermons to the people he was not true to his own theories. We should err if we supposed the true significance of the man was KONRAD OF WALDHAUSEN. 31 to be measured by these academic sermons the man who so sharply warred against the faults of his time. He does not willingly so much as touch in them on the affairs of the day. He speaks, it is true, on one occasion of the tournaments which are held at the courts of princes on Ash-Wednesday eve ; but not in order to inveigh against the extra- vagance of the princes, or to make kindred observa- tions ; he rather avails himself of this fact for a comparison : as the princes exhibit by means of their knights and courtiers festal games in the days of Carnival, so also these two most mighty princes, God and the devil, hold at that time their jousts. Of far greater significance were assuredly those sermons which he held before a greater public. Of these, however, as has been observed, no single one has come down to us j 1 so that it seems doubtful whether he ever committed them to writing. So far as we are acquainted with Konrad's peculiarities, he cannot be ranged among the number of the mystics. There is lacking in him that depth of spiritual ardour which we find, for instance, in his successor Milicz ; from them he is further separated by his thoroughly practical aim, as this has already become apparent in the academic discourses. With emphatic severity he combats the luxury of the women, the frivolity and vanity of youth, and the practice of usury. 2 1 In Breslau there exists a MS. which contains sermons of Konrad, wherein are to be found some sharper attacks upon the clergy of his time. The "Apologia Konradi in Waldhausen" in the Geschicht- schr. der husit. Bewegung, ii. 17 : "In omnibus sermonibus argui superbiam Pragensem, avariciam et luxuriam saltern in 32 WICLIFISM AV BOHEMIA. The mendicant friars felt themselves touched by his discourses, as he turned his incisive words against their insatiable avarice ; censured the chicanery which was practised in connection with relics ; and warred against the stupid pride of the monks, who plume themselves upon the holiness of their founders, as well as the lying of the mendicant friars and their plundering of the poor people. "It is a folly," he exclaimed, " to run to the head of St. Barbara ; for this is to be found in Prussia, but not in Prague." Or he admonishes his hearers : " Ye will not give to the poor, and yet ye throw away on the monks " sturdy praters, he calls them " who have more than they ought. Would there were only in every college one who should be deserving of such alms as these people swallow down their gullets !" This last ex- pression, it is true, he toned down in his defence. On account of these and similar reproaches the mendicant friars framed against the bold preacher a number of charges, 1 against which Konrad defended himself in a detailed apology, which is still in exist- ence. The Duke Rudolph the Fourth, of Austria, summoned him to return to Vienna, but the obliga- tion of gratitude towards the Emperor, who had conferred upon him the benefice, detained him at Prague ; yet Konrad took care that the rumours scattered by malignant monks, and carried as far as Austria, should find there no receptive soil. He sent his apology to the Austrians, for whom it had, prothematibus per prophetas." See the interesting instance of Hank (John) Bayer, a " Helmbrecht Stelzer" (qui in Austria dicuntur gamerati). 1 The single phases of the suit see in Tomek, 288 ff. MILICZ OF KREMSIER. 33 properly speaking, been composed. Inasmuch as the sermons of Konrad aimed only at the eleva- tion of the spiritual discipline, they leave the doctrine of the Church entirely untouched: That the .effect they exerted was a powerful one is narrated to us by one of his contemporaries in his simple way. 1 Konrad's personal influence must have been indeed considerable, since, though a foreigner, he succeeded in attaining to such great results, 2 and his memory remained fresh in the country for nearly a half century. Yet among the younger men there is, besides Janow, only Andreas of Brod who mentions him ; 3 that Hus ever occupied himself with his writings is a supposition which lacks any certain evidence in its favour. Yet more powerfully than Konrad of Waldhausen did another preacher affect his contemporaries in Bohemia MILICZ OF KREMSIER ; thus, like Konrad, no native of the country. Ordained priest about 1350, he is afterwards engaged five years long in the imperial Chancery, namely, during the years 1358- 1360 as registrator, and the two following years as cwrector. 4 Besides this important post, he occupied further the dignity of a canon of St. Veit's, at the castle of Prague, as likewise of archdeacon and treasurer of the city church of Prague. 5 Weary of 1 Benesch of Weitmiihl, ad ann. 1369. 2 " Cum esset nacione de Austria . . . veniens Boemiam cor- rexit mores hommum patrie nostre, ita ut multi obmissis vani- tatibus seculi sedula mente Deo servirent" 3 Gesch. der husitisch. Bewegung, ii. 40. Documenta magistrijoh. Hus, 520. 4 Lindner, Das Urkundenwesen Karls, iv. 20-23. s The literature on Milicz, see in Palacky, Vorldufer, 18, and Friedjung, 172. 3 34 WICL1FISM /.V BOHEMIA. the pursuits of the world, he suddenly laid down his offices in the year 1363, to devote himself to preaching. The Archbishop Arnest reluctantly wit- nessed his departure. " Sir Milicz," he said to him, " what better can you do than to help your poor archbishop in tending the flock committed to him ?" Milicz repaired to Bishop-Teinitz, and lived as chaplain in the parish there. Yet at the end of a half year he returned to Prague, and laboured first as preacher at St. Nicolas on the Kleinseite, and afterwards at St. ^Egidius in the old town. His sermons were in the beginning but thinly at- tended : men were repelled by certain peculiarities of his Moravian dialect. Yet he soon attained a great degree of popularity, people were filled with admiration at his skill in embracing within a brief hour as much as other learned men in a week. 1 He was master likewise of the German language, and soon attained great results in his German preaching. With special zeal he applied himself to the study of the Apocalypse, and now it seemed manifest to him from divers tokens that the Antichrist was near, and the end of the world at hand : according to his cal- culation the time must be fulfilled in the years 1365 1367. The more nearly this period ap- proached, the more loudly did his voice exhort to repentance : he denounces all who do not listen to his exhortation as possessed by the spirit of Anti- christ, and does not even spare the heads of Chris- tendom in his fierce accusations. " With manly 1 Thus Albertus Ranconis de Enricinio speaks of him. Similar is the declaration of Mathias of Janow. See Gesch. der hus. Bex., ii. 41. MILICZ OF KREMSIER. 35 courage," Janow tells us, " he reproved the highest prelates, the archbishops and bishops, regarding things in which they seemed to him to err." Nay, armed with his zeal as with a breastplate, he even made an assault upon the emperor, pointed to him with his finger, and told him in presence of all it was at a great assembly in 1366 that he was the real Antichrist. For this, indeed, he was sen- tenced to a period of detention in prison. But this was of brief duration. In the year 1367 he went to Rome, where he waited for the arrival of Urban V., who was at length departing from Avig- non. In Rome he wished to communicate his views to the Pope. Since the latter, however, remained longer absent than had been expected, Milicz pro- claimed his conviction that Antichrist had already come, by attaching a placard to the portal of St. Peter's church. Thereupon the enthusiast was ar- rested, but was set at liberty again soon after the arrival of the pope, and even treated with distinction by the Cardinal de Albano. Upon his return to Prague he evinced less ardour, indeed, upon the subject of Antichrist ; but laboured the more ceaselessly as preacher and confessor. After the death of Konrad of Waldhausen, he re- ceived the living at the Teyn. The moral energy of his character failed not of producing its impression. It is related as something specially remarkable, that he reclaimed two hundred women of the town, and converted the place where hitherto offerings had been made to Venus (Venedig, Venice) into a reli- gious foundation for fallen and penitent women. This place was called Jerusalem. Like Konrad, Milicz 36 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. also experienced the disfavour of the monks, who accused him to the Pope, 1 and in twelve points reproached him with his doctrine of the Antichrist, his severity against usury, his doctrine of the frequent reception of the Supper, the founding of Jerusalem, and his alleged aversion for the study of the liberal arts, 2 which he is said to have declared to be sinful. The Curia deemed it necessary to warn the diocese of Prague and Olmiitz, Breslau and Cracow, against his doctrine ; and the grief of the ecclesias- tical prince, John Ocko of Wlaschim, was so great that Milicz himself had to console him. In the Lent season of 1374 Milicz went to Avignon, in order to purge himself from all suspicion. There he died on the 29th of June of this year, before any sentence had been pronounced in his case. Of the complaints against him no single one had reference to a definite dogma of the Church ; without exception they were charges touching ecclesiastical life and Church constitution. Among his works, the most popular were his little" book on Antichrist, to which, in after times, Mathias of Janow, and Jacobell of Mies, made reference ; and especially his sermons, which are extant to this day in very numerous manuscripts. Hence we can infer their great popularity. 3 In those of his sermons which have come down to us there are wanting particular allusions to the 1 See the points of accusation in Palacky, Vorldufer, p. 43. '* This expression aroused the anger of the people against the students. The latter were now called heretics. See ~Pa.\3iC\iy,For'melbucher, i. 184: "Quod ipsi studentes heretic! appellarentur." 3 On his works, see Palacky, Vorldufer, 20. MILICZ OF KREMSIER. circumstances of the time ; they are directed in general against debauchery and avarice, hatred and arrogance. He had the power of carrying away his hearers. Thus he described in the most affecting manner the grief of the Virgin Mother ; how in her heart there dwells a twofold love, and how this heart is rent by a twofold sorrow love for her Son, and love for the human race ; grief for the death of her Son, and grief for our perdition. The love for the human race overcomes even her love for her Son. He cites, indeed, passages from the Bible, but only to a moderate extent. He takes his similitudes by preference from nature and ordinary life. 1 All his sermons have a deeply ethical tone. In some few of his Latin discourses we meet with one and another severe expression, directed in particular against the avarice of the clergy and the laity. 2 Among the precursors of the Hussite movement some in recent years would enumerate JOHN, the preacher of the Germans, in the church of St. Gallus; but the reasons for so doing do not seem to us to be cogent. It is true this Johannes wrote a work of large compass, the Communiloquium, which treats of the constitution of the State, and of its members, etc., and contains an abundance of fine and appropriate remarks ; but, taken as a whole, it could appeal only to the educated classes of the land, because it was 1 Comparison of human life with a torch, etc. 2 Sermon Invenit Jesus in temfilo : " Ista avaricia adhuc hodierna die regnat in multis sacerdotibus, prelatis, et laicis. ... A minore usque ad maiorem omnes student avaricie, a propheta usque ad sacerdotem cuncti faciunt dolum." From the Sermones quadragesimales. 38 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. intelligible only to them. 1 The remembrance of him, moreover, ceased with his death. On the other hand, a much higher significance is claimed by the Magister ADALBERTUS RANCONIS DE ERICIXIO, on whose life and labours a few works of the most recent years have shed some light.- He was one of the leading promoters of the literary and national aspirations in his native land, and as such enjoyed an undisputed reputation during his lifetime, and after his death his merits were long and often recalled to mind. He was made Master in the year 1 348, and Rector at the University in Paris in 1355. With regard to him, Thomas of Stitny boasts, " He was the first among the Czechs who attained the degree of Magister in Holy Scripture at the Uni- versity in Paris." In the years 1360 1370 he appears as professor at the University of Prague, and canon in the cathedral chapter there. In the year 1370 we find him engaged in an animated contro- versy with Henry of Oyta, whom he prosecuted before the Auditor of the papal chancery on account of six articles. Of these one reminds us of the similar doctrine of Hus (VViclif) : the Holy Ghost, and not the priest, forgives sins. It is the office of 1 A table of contents is found in the Concilia Pragensia* xxxiv xxxvi ; comp. also Friedjung, 172. See, with regard to him, my Study in the 57th vol. of the Archiv ftir osterr. Geschichte, 2ioff ; and in the i7th vol. of the Mitth. des Vereins fiir Geschichte der Deutschen in Bohmen, 205. A few additions have been made by Tadra in the Casopis mus. ceskeho, 1880. An entry by his own hand is contained in the Cod. un. Prag., in., G. i : " Isidori de summo bono i : Iste est liber magistri Adalberti Ranconis de Ericinio in Boemia" (consequently a local name, and not a family name, as has been supposed) " scholastic! ecclesie Pragensis magistri in theologia et in artibus Parisiensis." ADALBERTUS RANCONIS, 39 the priest only to proclaim that the Holy Ghost has pardoned the sinner. With the Archbishop John of Jenzenstein he was involved in the year 1385 in a warm controversy, which led to a formal literary duel, wherein three points were in dispute. The first was called forth by King Wenzel himself. One day the King, as was often his wont, in his castle of Piirglitz, addressed to the Magister a question relating to purgatory. According to the assertion of the Archbishop, the question was as follows: "Is it true, Master Adalbert, that there is no saint dwelling in heaven who has not previously descended into purgatory?" When Adalbert answered this question in the affirmative, the Archbishop joined in with the words, " Except the angels who have remained faithful." Adalbert, in displeasure, replied, "It is not true ;" and the Arch- bishop, " Take heed, whether thou also hast rightly spoken." On this question they fell into lengthy argument. The second point respected the introduc- tion of the Festival of the Visitation of the Virgin Mary (2nd July) ; the third and most important question turned on the right of escheatage. In this discussion the prebendary, Kunesch of Trebowel, first defended the views of the Archbishop, whereby he acknow- ledged himself a warm friend of the peasant class in Bohemia. 1 He claimed for them the right of freely 1 See on this subject my essay, p. 232 ff. The treatise of John of Jenzenstein has now been given in a printed form by Kalousek (Prague, 1882). Hus treats the subject briefly in a sermon i.e., he brings forward for exposition the same passage of the Bible which is in question. That he was acquainted with the writings of Kunesch, Adalbert, and John of Jenzenstein is quite possible. See Opp., ii. 35<5. 4O WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. disposing of their personal and real estate, even though the peasants should leave no direct heirs. John of Jenzenstein was himself once the author of a tractate from this point of view. Adalbertus Ranconis was engaged in manifold activity as a promoter of the literary interests of his countrymen. In this sense Stitny says of him, " He was not one of those who gnash with the teeth because I write such a work, or of those who calumniate everything because I have written in the Czechist language : it did not seem to him amiss to write books for Czechs in the language of the Czechs." As well Stitny, as other men, sought his learned counsel : contempo- raries as those of younger age, and in particular Hus, speak of him with great reverence. As a warm friend of the interests of his people, he lived on terms of amity with men of kindred spirit, of the knightly and burgher orders, and notably with those two who had erected and endowed the famous Bethlehem Chapel, where the life-work of Hus was unfolded namely, the merchant Kreuz, and the knight and royal counsellor John of Miihlheim. The latter founded at the said chapel a preachership, on the condition that the preacher should be a secular ecclesiastic, and should preach exclusively in the Czech language. In this circle of men of national spirit Adalbert represented the learned order, Miihl- heim the knightly order, and Kreuz the burgher order. Like the two last-named, Adalbert also left behind him a foundation, which awakened interest in more than one respect. 1 He bequeathed, namely, 1 The will was discovered by me in the Register Office at ADALBERTUS RANCONIS. 41 a yearly disbursement on behalf of Czechian youths studying at Paris or Oxford, Thus without designing it for Adalbert was himself a strict Churchman he plays the part of a direct promoter of Wiclifs doctrines in his native land. The will of Adalbert was drawn up in Kreuz' house, and Kreuz himself was appointed an executor. His copious library he had already disposed of by will to the monastery of Brewnow. The terms of the above-named foundation show how high the waves of the national awakening were running so early as 1388. The foundation was for the benefit of such students as should devote themselves to the pursuit of the liberal arts, or of theology, in Paris or Oxford. They must, however, belong on the paternal and maternal side to the Czech nation. The administration of the funds was entrusted to the scholasticus of the Prague cathedral, but only on condition that he was a Czech. If this were not the case, the administration was to be undertaken by the dean for the time being of the cathedral chapter at Prague ; he must nevertheless act on the advice of three prebendaries, who were likewise to be of Czech nationality. The revenues of the foundation were to be deposited with the scholasticus or the dean of the cathedral, who should remit the money to the aforesaid students in Paris or Oxford. Adalbertus Ranconis was illustrious as a preacher also. Hus calls him the most lucid orator, and Janow designates him a great scholar " in the canon Wittingau in the year 1878, and printed in the I7th vol. of the Mitth., 210 213. 42 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. law and in theology." 1 Of his sermons there remains to us, unfortunately, but little a synodal discourse f I 375 an address to the Cardinal Pileus, and a funeral sermon for Charles IV.' 2 Stitny also, as he tells us, availed himself in important and doubtful matters of the counsel of Adalbert, and presented to him his work on general Christian affairs, with the request that he would improve in it everything that was not in accord with Holy Scripture. As Adalbert Ranconis, so also was THOMAS of Stitny, who belonged to the order of the Bohemian nobility, a warm friend of the national interests, but moreover of the inner reform of the Church. As thus he lived on the one hand in close intimacy with Ranconis, he cultivated on the other hand a friend- ship for Milicz, into whose endeavours he warmly entered. Yet he never passed beyond the bounds of the prevailing ecclesiastical system. However deeply he was troubled, therefore, about the religious strifes which arose in Prague during the latter years of his life, and however much he was tortured with the thought that the right is not easily to be discovered, he consoled himself with the reflection, "The Church will, no doubt, decide what is right." He sought to influence his countrymen by means of his works for edification, composed in the language of the people ; and the skill with which he wielded the copious forms of the Bohemian language is a matter 1 " Limpidissimus orator," says Hus ; " Opulentissimus .... magnus vir in iure canonico et in theologia," says Janow of him. - The last of these is now printed in the F. F. rertun Boh., iii., 433 ff. THOMAS OF STITXY. 43. for admiration even to the present day. 1 He has been likened to Thomas a Kempis : like the latter, he sought to bridge over the gulf between the school and the life by means of a popular presentation of the sum-total of the scholastic knowledge of his age, as he had apprehended it ; and in this way to render accessible to the people that which the school had hitherto regarded as its exclusive property. 2 In these, his endeavours directed to practical ends, lies his significance, and it is in harmony with this fact that he employs his Sclavonic mother-tongue even for the purpose of learned disquisitions. Stitny lived to witness the first beginning of the genuine Hussite movement. He died about the year 1400. Like Stitny, so Mathias of Janow was of knightly descent ; he possessed, however, unlike the former, a learned education, which he had acquired partly in Prague, partly in Paris, where he had resided for a period of nine years. 3 On account of this latter circumstance they were wont to call him in his own land Mathias Parisiensis. The papal bull, which bestows upon him a canonry in the cathedral chapter 1 Palacky, Gesch. von Bohmen, iii., 188. Cone. Prag., 40. 3 See Appendix, No. IV. In his principal writing he says, in contradiction with the document which speaks of six years, " Non enim indoctas fabulas secutus. hec scribo, sed ea que er novem annos Parisius a magistris meis didici et reportavi et inde in universitate sancta Pragensi per octo annos con- tinuos studendo .... conquisivi." We should be more inclined to suppose an error on the part of the papal chancery ; for the MS. in which the notice of his nine years' residence in Paris is found is an autograph of the author's. Cod. iii., A. 10 univ. Prag., i in Marg. ; Iste est liber mag. Mathie de Janow, 41, the same observation. 44 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA, at Prague, 1 lauds his knowledge, the propriety of his life, and other praiseworthy merits. Yet he himself confesses that, in his younger years, he pursued the glory and honours of the world, and in the seeking after riches fell into the snares of the devil. He was on friendly terms with the magister Adalbertus Ranconis, and the archbishop John of Jenzenstein was favourably disposed towards him. The latter and Janow display in general striking points of analogy in their course of development, and perhaps the example of the upper shepherd was not without its influence upon Mathias. Like Mathias, the archbishop had visited foreign lands in order to complete his education ; and, like him, too, John of Jenzenstein was not at first averse to the pleasures of the world. If Mathias bewails that his spirit was once surrounded as by a dense wall, and thought only of that which delights eye and ear, until it pleased the Lord to snatch him as a brand from the midst of the flames; so likewise Jenzenstein laments that he spent the fair days of his youth in vain trifles, in revel and riot, and in his wanderings up and down had acquired the world's vices, but not its virtues, until the hand of the Lord laid hold of him. Only in the burning fever, and when an icy chill ran through his bones, was the fleshly craving entirely slain in him ; only then did he put off the old man and put on the new man. The instantaneous death of the Archbishop of Magdeburg, who suddenly expired in the midst of the noisy pleasures of Shrove 1 After he had previously held the office of parish priest in Magnavilla (Velikoves) ; see Tomek, /. c. , in., 349. MATH1AS OF J A NO IV. 45 Tuesday evening, produced an abiding effect on him. Jenzenstein, indeed, in his youth was not free from severe fits of asceticism. As Jenzenstein, so, finally, does Mathias of Janow frequently complain of the decay of discipline, and in particular of the world- liness of the higher clergy. Mathias of Janow occupies in the present day the highest place among the so-called precursors of the Hussite movement ; his significance, however, has manifestly been to some extent overrated, not as to the intrinsic value of his writings, but as to the influence which he exerted on the spiritual life of his time. We find in him, according to the state- ment of a modern historian, reformational ideas, which passed over from him to Hus. 1 Neander has, unfortunately, neglected to trace out these ideas, and to indicate them in detail. Hus, we are told, rather remained behind Mathias of Janow than outstripped him. In opposition to the last-named point it is to be observed that Mathias of Janow, like all his pre- decessors, held firmly to the traditions of the Church; and on repeated occasions sharply accentuates his concern not in any way to pass beyond the frame- work of ecclesiastical unity. Where is there found in his writings a proposition like that which serves as a foundation to Hus' doctrine of the Church, and was capable of subverting the existing order, not only in the Church, but also in the State ? And as respects the first point, it cannot be shown that Hus employed, for instance, the works of Janow as his source in the presentation of his own religious views, 1 Neander, /. c., p. 252. 46 W1CLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. as we can demonstrate by convincing proof was the case with regard to the books of Wiclif. We could say at most that Hus found the way paved by men like Konrad, Milicz, Janow, and others, for the course he afterwards pursued. If this powerful influence in reality existed, it is very wonderful that Hus has not mentioned the names of his great predecessors, whereas, as a rule, he is not at all sparing of cita- tions. Janow shares with Hus the love for biblical study : " From youth up I have loved the Bible, and called it my friend and bride, the mother of fair affection and of knowledge, of fear, and of sacred hope." 1 Nevertheless, when Hus speaks of the Bible he does not fall back upon Janow, but adopts the language of Wiclif. What Janow says of the Church sounds essentially different from that which we meet with in the tractates, sermons, and letters of Hus. Altogether, in consideration of the fact that Janow always remained within the framework of the dominant Church, it must be regarded as self-evident that Hus, in this respect, was not dependent on Janow. For precisely the doctrine of predestination as taught by Wiclif sufficed, in itself and in its consequences, to remove Hus from the ground of the Romish Church. In some other passages there is certainly to be perceived a re- semblance in the subject-matter discussed by Janow and Hus.~ It must, however, still be pronounced 1 Palacky, Vorldufer, 60 : " (bibliam) a iuventute mea ada- mavi etvocavi ipsam amicam et sponsam meam, immo matrem pulchrae dileccionis et agnicionis et timoris et sanctae spei." 2 Such an agreement one discovers where Hus speaks of the frequent reception of the Supper. Formally, indeed, the MATHIAS OF JANOIV. 47 open to doubt seeing that certain questions in Bohemia were at that time pretty generally dis- cussed whether we have here to presuppose an influence exerted by the writings of Janow. That which is observed by Janow in opposition to the reproach of having disclosed the vices of the clergy, and thereby caused a scandal to the laity, reminds of the like situation in which we behold Hus twenty years later. As Janow, so Hus, too, said he had intentionally exposed the hypocrisy and corruption of the monks, and exhorted his disciples to be on their guard against the doctrines of these men. In some passages it seems as though Hus had before his mind the reasoning of Mathias of Janow. But if one looks a little more closely, one perceives, after all, only passages of Holy Scripture, which Hus happens to have in common with Janow. Regarding one and another of these texts, how- ever, it can be proved that Hus did not take them agreement is not present, because Hus wrote the treatise in question while in prison : Cod. O. cap. 7. Prag. Hus Opera I. 81 b. Inprimitivaecclesiaomnes, Primi enim christiani, qui qui erant in officio misse tarn erant ferventes . . . manduca- laici quam clerici, communi- bantquotidie,procedente vero cabant . . . postea statutum tempore refrigescente chari- fuit, omnibus diebus dominicis tate manducabant diebus do- communicare . . . postea in- minicis . . . Postea a frequenti stitutum fuit ter in anno com- communione recesserunt. municare et quod homines Propter quod statutum fuerat, adhuc negligentes erant, In- ut in summis saltern festivita- nocencius III. instituit semel tibus . . . manducarent et in- in anno videlicet festo Pasche valescente avaricia statutum . . . est, ut saltern semel in anno . . . circa festum Pasche man- ducarent. 48 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. direct from the Bible, but derived them from Wiclif. 1 That, for the rest, in Janow's great work no trace of Wiclif's influence is to be detected has already been observed by another. 2 Yet Janow's renown is not diminished, as that of Hus is not augmented, though the influence of the former upon the latter is not discernible, or not discernible in the same measure as has been hitherto believed. Janow was certainly a most significant figure, and deserves in reality the place which has heretofore been con- ceded to him among the friends of reform in Bohemia at the close of the fourteenth century. He appears as most zealously active in favour of the restoration of Church discipline, and in opposition to the abuses pre- valent in the Church. 3 His writings, so far as they are known to us, would assuredly meet with the approval of the Archbishop, John of Jenzenstein, who strove after the same objects with all the passion of his nature, and likewise displayed a very considerable 1 So, e.g., Hus, Opera, 209 b\ comp. herewith Mathias (Palacky, Vorldufer, 66). Hus adopted his form of argu- ment there from Wiclif, de ecclesia, cap. 2. An edition of Janow's works were greatly to be desired. Only then could one settle once for all this so important question of the history of Hus' course of development. 2 Palacky, Gesch. von Bohmen, III. i. 190, note 238. It is true Palacky does not mention his authority for this fact. In his book Die Geschichte des Husitenthums , p. 113, Palacky confesses that "he has never read Wiclif s writings." All the same his view is correct, as is evident from a comparison of Wiclif's writings with acknowledged specimens from Janow's works. 3 A very comprehensive analysis of his principal work is to be met with in Neander, 252 310. MATHIAS OF JANOW. 49 literary activity. 1 The writings of the archbishop have a strongly ascetic flavour about them. A number of letters bear sufficient testimony to his diligent endeavours for the elevation of the clergy. While the work of Jenzenstein was specially de- signed for the educated classes, Janow appeals to the " simple people in Christ," for whom " his book is alone " intended. 2 In reality we may say that the work of Janow, although proceeding from a very well-read man, is free from all kind of bombast, and in particular avoids piling citation upon citation. In consequence it is so much the more easily intelligible, and affords more pleasant reading. In keeping with this is the fact that but comparatively few dogmatic discussions are met with in this work ; the main stress is laid upon the practice of Christianity. The five books treat : I . Of the communion of the body and blood of Christ in the sacrament of the Church ; there is here no question of Utraquism ; 2. and 3. Of the judging and distinguishing between true and false Christians, and above all of pseudo- prophets and doctors ; 4 and 5. Of the frequent communion and administration of the true body and blood of Christ. Most forcibly has Janow spoken and written against the abuses practised in the worship of images and relics. Nor was it in accordance with 1 See Palacky, Italienische Reise, 57 ; and my edition of the Cod. Epistolaris of J. v. Jenzenstein, /. c., 272 ff. 2 " Et quia hunc librum conscripsi sohun ad simplices Christi et devotos." 3 On this point, also, the argument of Hus is not founded on that of Janow, although the occasion would so naturally present itself. Where Hus speaks of the veneration of images 50 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. his wish that the people were refused frequent partici- pation in the Supper. " The doctors say very much in the schools, which must not by any means be preached in this form to the common people ; although the holy Church has permitted the reve- rence of images, yet she has never taught that they are to be worshipped. Nevertheless there are now many great and renowned men who say that such things are profitable for the simple." Janow alludes to the excessive veneration of images, and the crying up of the miracles wrought by them. Such doctrines of Janow naturally gave offence. The Synod of Prague, of the year 1389, demanded of him a retractation, which he made on the 1 8th October of this year. That he was wont to preach in the mother tongue is evident from the remark which he makes in opposition to the charge of having exposed the wickedness of the clergy before the people in the language of the country. In expounding a text of Scripture he says : " Here those are manifestly refuted who say that we must not expose the faults of the clergy in the language of the country." That he means thereby the Czech language appears from the presence of certain Czech words which he has introduced into the Latin text in the chapter on the veneration of the images of the saints. 1 According to the testimony of an almost con- temporary hand, Mathias of Janow died on the (Opera, II. 341 b] he employs the words of Wiclif in his treatise de imaginibus ; see thereon the second part of this, work. 1 Palacky, Vorlaufer, 50. JOHN OF STEKNO. 5 I 3 S^ Breslau Town Library, 1606. CONTROVERSY ON THE SUPPER. 59 Wiclifites the priest, who is himself in a condition of sin, cannot worthily administer it, at least before God, who knows everything, and if he does it, not- withstanding, it redounds to the hurt of the people, and still more of himself. The understanding now speaks much about the sweetness of the sacrament, of which one ought to partake, when the Godhead as it were commands it. In this strain the dialogue continues. 1 We see that Mathaeus of Cracow, too, is in favour of the frequent reception of the communion. Adalbertus Ranconis de Ericinio, likewise, at the request of the priest of St. Martin's by the Hospital, In the old town of Prague, made known his judgment on the question in dispute. 2 He cannot pronounce an unqualified commendation of the practice of frequently communicating ; he speaks of the perils of an unworthy communion. Yet he has no v/ish to discourage therefrom, for it is at all events more praiseworthy to partake of this sacrament than to refrain from it, seeing that it enkindles, augments, and strengthens love. 3 To the judgment of Adalbertus Ranconis, the Minorite Daniel has respect, in his work " De septem profectibus religionis." 1 " Error plurimorum qui multum affligunt se, ieiunant, orant, et vigilant eciam in tantum, quod sensus obruitur et ab omni devocione impeditur pocius quam promovetur, et habent aliqua de viciis in se," etc. . . . The further analysis, see in Hofler, Concilia Pragensia, LV. 2 " Determinacio venerabilis Adalbert! Ranconis, magistri in artibus et doctoris, .... dilecto suo Martino plebano ad sanctum Martinum prope hospitale civitatis maioris Pra- gensis." 3 " Laudabilius est ad hoc sacramentum accedere, quam se abstinere." 60 WICL1FISM IN BOHEMIA. One of the most renowned monks of the Konigsal cloister, who is often spoken of as the author of the " Malogranatum," l and whose piety, as is told to his praise, was so great that he laid down the abbacy for the sake of his devotion, likewise expressed himself in a dissertation in favour of frequent communion. With special warmth and fervour did a " venerable man and illustrious preacher" his name is not given in all MSS., but it is no other than Milicz 2 - likewise enter upon this subject. This he did in his postil, which he entitled " Gracia Dei " the grace of God. This illustrious preacher advocated the daily, or at least frequent, observance of the communion. 3 Then a series of earlier testimonies are adduced. First the unknown author of the tractate, " De septem sacramentis et de Eucharistia ;" then Simon de Cassia, in his tractate, " ad Abolendos cotidianos defectus ;" this is followed by the decision of the masters of a certain college, 4 the view^s of the magister Bonaventura, of the magister Amandus in his tractate, " Horologium Sapiencie." Further we find the gloss on the passage from I Cor. xi., " Qui enim manducat ;" then the verdicts of Thomas de Aquino, Bernard of Clairveaux, Alanus, Innocent III., in his book on the Mass, then of Cassianus, Anselm, Caesarius, Crisarius, St. Augustine, Ambrose, 1 It is the Abbot Gallus. - As he is also named in the text of Hofler, ii. 61. 3 "Donee illo aeternaliter saciemur ; " see the Geschicht- schreiber der husit. Hewcgnng, ii., 61. 4 " Determinacio magistrorum cuiusdam collegii." 5 In libra de missa. CONTROVERSY ON THE SUPPER. 6 1 Jerome, Anacletus, and St. Paul. Altogether twenty- eight witnesses are cited, and then the historic deve- lopment of the subject is briefly set forth. " In the early Church, all who attended the mass, clergy and laity, received the communion ; afterwards it was fixed that the communion should be received only on Sundays ; from the days of the Pope Fabian it became the custom to approach the Supper thrice in the year, and from the time of Innocent III. the regulation was made that people should communicate at least once in the year, to wit, at Easter." We see how not only monks, but also, and in particular, learned circles were intently occupied with the doctrine of the Supper. In the first place, it is true, on that practical side which has been above discussed. For the rest, the number of those who have taken up the pen on this question is not exhausted with the persons above named. The same object was pursued by the Olmiitz official, Sander. l He advocated, in general, the more fre- quent reception of the communion ; yet he, too, like Mathias of Janow, has some scruples, and the reasons he brings forward against daily communion are mostly similar to those of Mathias. Of this lively movement the Synodal Statutes of Prague likewise bear witness. The synod of the 1 A MS. of the Olmiitz Studienbibliothek (II. vi. 25) contains a tractate, " Hec sunt extractaper dominum officialem magis- trum Sanderum pro domino Petro bcate memorie contra mur- murantes et impedire volentes sacram cummunionem." Sander was in the year 1399 prebendary in Olmiitz. In Cod., II. iv. u, the observation is met with: " Istum librum ligavit m. Zanderus can. Olom. et dedit domui vallis Josaphat 1399, tempore domini Stephani," i.e., the well-known opponent of Hus, Stephen of Dolein. 62 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. year 1389, at which Mathias of Janow retracted some of his doctrines, entered also upon a course of opposition to the urgency, now becoming more and more impetuous, with which a daily participation in the communion was sought. " In like manner," reads the retractation of Mathias, " I say that people of the secular order are not to be invited to a daily participation in the communion. In like manner, not everyone who is in the first stage of his repent- ance is straightway to be urged to receive the sacrament. So likewise not everyone without dis- tinction is to be admitted to the communion of the Lord's body." l The sentence pronounced by the synod upon Mathias was that he be suspended for half-a-year from hearing confessions, and administer- ing the sacrament beyond the limit of his own parish church. In the recantation there is, as will be seen, no word of the Supper under both forms, and the magister, John of Rokyzan, who maintained in pre- sence of the Council of , Basle that Mathias of Janow was the first who favoured the communion under two kinds, has manifestly the above judgment before his mind, which is uttered only against the daily reception of the sacrament How little Mathias was reconciled to the decision of the synod is evident from his melancholy exclamation : " Ah, wretched man that I am ! they have compelled me by their furious bawling at that synod to join in saying that 1 Although De Janow (as is read by Hofler, Cone. Prag., 37, and Palacky, Doc., 699) does not stand in the MS., yet there is no reason to doubt that the revocation pertains to Janow. CONTROVERSY ON THE SUPPER. 63 believers in general are not to be invited to daily communion." Into these endeavours Hus likewise enters. In his tractate composed during his imprisonment at Constance, he still expresses himself on the more frequent reception of the sacrament of the altar, in similar, if not identical, language with that of Janow and his predecessors. He looks upon it as wicked- ness that men will communicate only in the hour of their death, or not even then. l This, however, is one of the not very numerous points on which, as already observed, we find Hus in harmony with one of his so-called precursors. Yet in connection with this, it is not of necessity to be assumed that Hus was led by Janow in particular to the consideration of these matters. 1 " Sed iam vult consummari malicia, quod quidam tan turn in agone mortis volunt et alii nunquam manducare dominicum. sacramentum." Hus, Opera, i. 41 b. CHAPTER IV. WICL1FISM IN BOHEMIA. THE last years of Wiclif's life were spent in the parish of Lutterworth, where he himself held the office of parish priest. There he died, on Syl- vester's Day, 1384. His adherents, upon whom was bestowed the name of Lollards during the first years after his death, already formed a strong party. Until the year 1395 they struck ever deeper roots among the people, so that they could cherish the hope of being able to carry into effect a radical reform in the ecclesiastical and political affairs of England. It was only when Thomas of Arundel occupied the see of Canterbury in 1396, and in particular when the new dynasty of Lancaster ascended the throne of England, 1399, that State and Church combined their efforts for the extirpation of Wiclifism. In swift succession the deadly blows followed one an- other. After the University of Oxford had been subjected to a thorough purgation, the highest authorities among the doctors there pronounced two hundred and sixty-seven propositions out of Wiclif s writings to be erroneous and heretical. When, after- wards, in the year 1417, Sir John Oldcastle, the good Lord Cobham, died at the stake, the Lollards . EARLY LIFE OF HUS. 6$ were at length forced from a position which compelled respect, and driven to occupy a situation wherein they appeared more and more as sectaries. 1 Henry IV., and, yet more, his son of the same name, persecuted them with unrelenting severity : " Henry V. unfurled the banner against them," says the Hammer of the Wiclifites, Thomas Netter, of Walden. 2 The followers of Wiclif were now looked upon not only as the enemies of God, but also as enemies of the King ; the ecclesiastical and secular interests were blended in a common cause. As enemies of the King, the Wiclifites were to be hanged ; as heretics, to be burned. To the introduction of these severe measures, the things which were being enacted in Bohemia beyond doubt contributed in no slight measure. In that land had arisen certainly as early as 1403, perhaps somewhat earlier an apostle of Wiclif's doctrine, who proclaimed, at first softly and with hesitation, but afterwards with ever augmenting zeal and lasting effect, the doctrines of the English master. It was JOHN OF HUSINEC, as he is called in the earliest authentic documents, or, as he was wont to call him- self from the year I 396, simply HUS. Neither the day nor the year of his birth is found noted down by 1 Lechler, Johann von Wiclif, ii. 107. 2 " Doctrinale fidei ecclesie prolog. : Rex Henricus V. in ipso regni sui primordio primo contra Wiclefistas hereticos erexit vexillum .... Omnes Wiclefistae sicut Dei proditores essent, sic proditores regni." With regard to the subsequent quotations made in this chapter, be it observed that Netter looks upon the Bohemian incidents simply as the extension of the Wiclifite movement. His polemic in general is directed only against Wiclif, never against Hus. " Scripturus contra Wiclefistas, . . . qui hodie totam invasere Bohemiam." Wiclif is for him the third Herod, etc. 5 66 WICLIF1SM IN BOHEMIA. any early authority. On the testimony of a later and uncertain source, 1369 has been accepted as the year of his birth. If within recent years the 6th July has been assigned as the day of his birth, 1 the reason is to be sought only in the incident that the 6th July has been observed in Bohemia as Hus' anniversary certainly not because this was his birth- day, but the day of his death ; in a certain sense, it is true, the day of his birth. That the 6th July was observed as the day of the "holy martyr" Hus, is quite distinctly remarked in sources belonging to the Hussite period. 2 His parents seem not to have been particularly well-to-do. Hus, as afterwards Luther, passed the first years of his student life in a state of privation ; by singing in the churches, and by menial services, he earned his bread. 3 He had several brothers and sisters. About the sons of a brother the brother himself seems to have been already dead he manifested a touching concern, even during the last days of his life. They were to be put to a trade ; for he was afraid lest, if they should devote themselves to the spiritual estate, they might not be able to preserve this sufficiently holy. 4 He himself in early youth contemplated the clerical office. According to his own words, he had mainly in view, in so doing, the comfortable life led by the clergy. 1 Tomek, Dejepis Prahy, iii. 433 ; Lechler, /. c., ii. 133. 2 See my essay on Nicholas Tempelfeld, Arch, fur ost. Gesch., 61, 99, i. 3 Tomek, /. c., 433. 4 Doc. mag. Hus., 120 : " Recommendo tibi fratres meos . . filios fratris . . mei, dispone ad artificium .... quia timeo, ne si venirent ad statum spiritualem, ilium non servent sicut deberent." EARLY LIFE OF HUS. 67 The higher studies he pursued in Prague. His successes in study do not seem to have attracted the attention of his teachers to him : it is observed that in the series of those who graduated with him he is always mentioned in the middle. 1 Of his teachers he made mention in after life; above all, of the magister Stanislas of Znaim, with whom it is well known he lived during his last years in bitter feud. Stephen of Palecz, too, his chief opponent at the council, unquestionably exerted great influ- ence upon him. In a sermon preached by him on the commemoration day of Charles IV., 2 he passes in review the men who had made a deep impression on him : " What would our teachers, the professors of sacred theology, say, if they could still answer ? What Master Nicholas, with the appellation Biceps, the acute dialectician ; Adalbertus Ranconis, the most eloquent orator ; 3 Nicholas of Leitomischl, the excel- lent counsellor ; Stephen of Kolin, the ardent friend of his country ; John Stekna, the preacher with the trumpet voice ; Peter Stupna, the admirable musi- cian ?" He, moreover, speaks with affection of the mathematician Janko, and of the distinguished poet Rachorowitz. Of special inclinations of Hus we 1 Palacky, Gesch. v. Bohmen, iii. i, 191. 2 " Sermo in commemoracione Karoli imperatoris, pronun- ciatus ad S. Clementem prope pontem Pragae." Opera, ii. 40 ff. 3 Adalbert died in 1388. During this year he was prevented by illness from giving his lectures (his \vill bears date of 3rd March). That he was long confined by suffering appears from a letter of Jenzenstein {Arch. ost. Gesch., 55, 132). The year 1387 must accordingly have been lost for his work as a teacher, and Hus must have been his pupil before this. Consequently, on this ground also, the birth of Hus cannot be placed in 1369. 68 WICL1FISM IN BOHEMIA. learn but little. In his testament, which he drew up in the form of a letter, addressed to his disciple Martin, he bewails that he once found delight in certain outward things the wearing of fine clothes, etc., led astray, as he adds in a tone of excuse, by the evil habitude of man. 1 He also took a liking for chess. Of his passionateness and arrogance, and in particular of his shrewdness, various instances are given ; that his studies did not extend beyond the circle of scholastic theology has been pointed out within the last few years. 2 In September 1393 he graduated as Bachelor of Arts, a year later as Bachelor of Divinity, and finally, in 1 396, as Master of Arts. The doctor's degree he never took. From the year 1398 he delivered lectures as a public teacher at the university. Here he must have risen quickly in general estimation, for in a short time offices and dignities were bestowed upon him ; in 1401 he was made dean of the faculty of philosophy, and in the following year rector. The rectorship he occupied for a half year namely, up to the end of April 1403. To men like Andrew of Brod, Stephen of Palecz, and others, he was attached by warm affection for the national interests. His profound piety and his talent as a preacher found their recognition in the fact that, though he had received priests' orders only in the year 1 400, he obtained as early as two years after this the office of preacher at the Bethlehem Chapel, as rector of which he was required in the 1 Doc. , 74. 2 The documentary evidences for this are given by Berger, Hus, 38, 39. EARLY LIFE OF II US. 69 terms of the foundation to proclaim the Word of God in the Czechist language on all Sundays and holy days. 1 This Bethlehem, the scene of his triumphs, became to him in reality a home, to which he was ever ardently attached. Even as a student he was made acquainted, it is true, with the philo- sophical views of Wiclif. That he availed himself of Wiclif 's treatises of this tenour as early as 1398 may be held as proved in the present day ; but Wiclif's influence was of importance for him only when he caught sight of the first theological tractates of the Reformer. 2 From this moment he first entered upon that line of action in which he attained to his true significance. Until then filled to the depth of his soul with reverence for the Church's rites and its means of grace, he now began his zealous opposition to the same. Between the universities of Prague and Oxford there existed connecting links from early times. A law of the philosophic faculty of 2Oth April, 1367, determined that the bachelors in their lectures should make use of the note-books of well-known masters belonging to the universities of Prague, Paris, or Oxford : only doctors and masters were permitted 1 With many historians of earlier and more recent date is found the erroneous assertion that there were till then no churches in Prague where the people could hear preaching in the Czech mother-tongue. To that which has been cited by Berger, Johannes Hus tind Konig Szgtsmund, 71, we have to add the classic passage of Ludolph of Sagan, a contempo- rary who studied at Prague about 1370, cap. 30 : " Et quidem ibi fuit ab olim permixtus populus de utroque ydiomate et ideo rectores ecclesiarum prius predicabant libere in quocunque istorum ydeomatum prout sue plebi viderant expedire." 2 Lechler, Johann v. Wiclif, ii. 135. WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. to lecture from their own note-books. 1 Thus the magister Adalbert Ranconis boasts in his teaching of having always followed the sacred and distinguished doctors of the renowned universities those at Paris and Oxford. At both universities, it is probable, Ranconis had studied ; he was tutor in Paris, and, as we must infer from an observation he made in reply to Archbishop John of Jenzenstein, in Oxford also, before he began his labours in Prague. 2 That the attendance at the English university on the part of Bohemian students was nothing rare, we see from the testament of Ranconis. The attendance at the English university became more frequent after the sister of Wenzel, Anne of Luxemburg, was married to King Richard II. in 1382. In her service there were to be found many of her countrymen, and even in the service of leading Englishmen were staying people from Bohemia. 3 From this time dates the diffusion of Wiclif's writings in Prague. That we have at least to suppose this during the latter half of the ninth decade of the fourteenth century, is apparent even from the saying of Hus, by way of answer to the Englishman Stokes in 141 1 : "I, and the members of our university, have possessed and read those books now for twenty years and more." 4 And similar is the well-known declaration of King Sigismund, at the time of the Council of Constance : 1 MM. univ.Prag., i. 41, 50. 2 Archiv filr osterr. Gesch., 57, n, 71. " Te demum in Oxoniensi pariter et Parisiensi studiis nullum tibi errorem impositum ad revocandum astruis," Jenzenstein cries to him. 3 Hofler, Anna von Luxemburg, 83, 93. Lindner, Gesch. des d. Reiches tmter Wenzel, i. 118 if. 4 Opera, i. 108. DIFFUSION OF WICLIF' S WRITINGS. /I " Truly I was but a youth when this sect arose and spread in Bohemia, and behold to what strength it has already attained." 1 This intercourse must have continued without remission up to the death of the queen, Anne, in 1394 ; even afterwards it was not entirely interrupted. 2 As regards the question by whom Wiclif 's writings were brought into Bohemia, various answers were re- turned as early as the middle of the fifteenth century. It is significant that a man who lived in the midst of that age, and regarded with searching glance the movement in Bohemia from its earliest beginnings the Silesian, Ludolph of Sagan declares that he knows not who brought the heretical writings of the Englishman to Prague. 3 A member of his cloister was able a half century later to relate that the Bohemians, desirous of being able to cope with the Germans in theological lore, sent to Oxford two of their countrymen, who were distinguished above others by particular talents ; namely, the Master John Hus and Jerome of Prague. There the two men formed an acquaintance with Wiclif's writings. 4 That there is not a spark of truth in this piece of information is easily shown : Hus was never in Oxford, and Jerome was not sent there by the people of Prague, far less with the alleged intent. But equally inaccurate is the statement of Enea Silvio, that a man of an illustrious house, Faulfisch 1 Documenta -mag. Joann. Hus, 315. 2 Lechler, Wiclif, ii. 113. 3 Ludolph of Sagan, " Tractatus de longevo schismate," cap. 27 (in my edition, p. 425). 4 Catalog, abb. Sag., SS. rer. SiL, ii. 283. 7- WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA, by name, brought over with him the first copies of Wiclif's writings to Prague. 1 There is notably a confounding with that Nicholas Faulfisch, who, in company with another student, brought to Prague a document, wherein the University of Oxford, on the 5th October, 1406, pronounced for the orthodoxy of Wiclif. The prebendary Nicholas Tempelfeld of Brieg, one of the most passionate opponents of King George of Podiebrad, speaks of the doctrines of Wiclif as brought into Bohemia by certain English- men, whose names he does not mention. 2 He has manifestly in view the magister Peter Payne, who from 1410 to 1415 occupied the dignity of Vice- principal of St. Edmund's Hall in Oxford, and afterwards went to Bohemia, where he took the liveliest interest in religious questions. He was to the end of his life a zealous Wiclifite, and died only in the year 1455 three years before Tempelfeld composed his tractate. Just as little credence is due to the report of Stanislas of Welwar, who appears in the year 1455 as dean of the faculty of artists in Prague, and was afterwards made canon of Prague. A discourse of his is still extant, 3 in which he relates that a bachelor 1 Hist. Boh., 35. Enea's account of the matter passed into most of the later books of history, since his history of Bohemia was greatly read. Comp. Meisterlin's Chronik von Number g, Chroniken der d. Stadte, iii., 171 3. 2 See my paper on Tempelfeld in the Arch.fiir ost. Gesch., 61, 135. 3 " Oracio reverendi magistri Stanislai de Welwar canonici Pragensis ecclesie," in Cod. univ. Prag. xi. C. 8, 280, 281 ; printed in the Geschichtschreiber der husit. Beweg., iii., 179 ; comp. Palacky, Die Geschichte des Husitenthums, 116. DIFFUSION OF WICLIF'S WRITINGS. 73 of the University of Prague was sent to Oxford to ascertain whether it was a fact that Wiclif had been condemned by the Archbishop of Canterbury and many bishops. The bachelor obtained possession of a certificate of the University of Oxford, erased the writing down as far as the seal, and then wrote upon the parchment a commendation of Wiclif's writings. Coming to his death-bed he repented of the act, and spoke of it in the presence of Sigismund of Gistebnitz, saying that he had never in his life committed a worse offence than this. It will be seen that we have here only to do with another redaction of the story of Nicholas Faulfisch, fabri- cated for a specific end. The report of Stanislas of Welwar is met with again in the chronicles of the notary Prokop once more not without important modifications. 1 Here, too, Hus and Jacobell were deceived. Some, says Prokop, carried into Bohemia the books of John Wiclif, who had been condemned by the Church, and falsified a document by inserting the name of John Wiclif in place of the name of a master who was declared in this document to be Catholic. Here, likewise, the deceiver experiences remorse upon his death-bed, and pronounces this fraud the worst crime of his life. Cochlaeus combined the version of Enea Silvio with that of Nicholas Tempelfeld, and speaks also of Peter Payne as the person who transplanted 1 The text is corrupted in the edition. In Geschichtschr. der hus. Beweg., i. 68, instead of "nomine, quod magistri cuiusdam in eadem litera confirmatum," we have to read, " nomen magistri cuiusdam, quod in eadem litera confirma- tum." 74 WICLIF1SM IN BOHEMIA. Wiclif's books into Bohemia. 1 With later historians, particularly from the time of Hajek, fresh details are found ; and so even in our own day the narra- tion has been given of a certain Jerome Faulfisch, to whom the propaganda on behalf of Wiclif is traced back. For the rest we are here concerned with the dif- fusion of Wiclif's theological writings in Bohemia, since his philosophical works were not in a position to call forth any ecclesiastical movements of import- ance. How closely, however, Hus studied the philo- sophical writings also of this Englishman is apparent from the fact that long passages from Wiclif's books, e.g., from the treatise de universalibus, are reproduced in Hus' works. There are still lying in the Royal Library at Stockholm five tractates of a philosophic character written by the hand of Hus, and com- pleted in the year 1398. By whom these philosophic writings were first introduced into Bohemia can no longer be determined. On the other hand, theo- logical writings were brought out of England by the well-known JEROME of Prague. Jerome can hardly have been abroad before the year I399, 2 since he only became licentiate in 1398, and in the following year obtained the dispensatio biennii, which freed him from the obligation of rendering service as a schoolmaster. At the Council of Constance he stated that he had repaired to England in his youthful days, out of a desire for learning ; and because he heard that Wiclif was a man of deep 1 Historia Hussitarum, 8. On this point see Palacky, Geschichte des HtisJtentlmms . DIFFUSION OF WICLIFS WRITINGS. 75 learning and distinguished ability, he had written out Wiclif's Dialogue and Trialogue of which he had been able to obtain MSS. and had brought them to Prague. This might be in the year 1401 or 1402 ; for in the year 1403 was issued the con- demnation of the so-called Forty-five Articles of Wiclif. Stitny's work on "Christian Instruction," which in its last redaction was prepared only in 1 400, already manifests an acquaintance with Wiclif's doctrine of the Supper. " Behold," says Stitny, " I am already in my seventieth year, and yet some masters have unsettled my judgment ; so that I cannot say with certainty whether in the sacrament the bread is still present, under which would also be the body of the Lord, or whether the bread already ceases to be. " I was of the latter opinion, in the belief that the Church had so decided, and this opinion I set forth in some of my books. Those masters, how- ever, showed me plainly that the bread is present in the sacrament, and the body of the Lord also. Nevertheless, I had rather say, ' I know not what is true,' than say, ' This or that is true/ when the Church has not yet decided with regard to it." ] We conclude, too, from Stitny's words, that the doctrine of the Supper was at an early period the subject of lively discussion in conversation and writing, as also that this doctrine soon found a reception beyond the narrow circles of Prague. Hus himself, in an answer before the Council of 1 Wenzig, Studien uber den Ritter Thomas von Stitny, 20. By Tomek, Dejepis mesta Prahy, 444, Stitny's acquaintance with the writings of Wiclif is placed as early as 1395. 76 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. Constance on the /th June, 1415, acknowledged that " twelve years ago," before Wiclif ' s theological writings were known in Bohemia, he was fond of reading the philosophical works of this writer. This consequently leads also to the year 1402 or 1403. However much accounts may differ as to the question who it was that first brought the theo- logical books of Wiclif into Bohemia, that it was the books of the English doctor whereby the move- ment was kindled, which laid such deep hold upon the people, of this no doubt has existed either in the minds of Hus' contemporaries or of later authors. This movement, as we learn from Stitny's words, henceforth conducted the thoughts into a new channel. What Stitny had believed before is all at once deemed no longer tenable ; he himself, however, who had grown up with the old order of things, hesitates about attaching himself to the new. As late as the year 1392, Hus, too, as has been already observed, sacrificed his last four groschen. " And then," says the University Chronicle, " was the magister John Hus " he was not yet priest at the time " frivolously deceived by such sermons, and confessed at the Wischehrad, handing the father confessor the last four groschen which he possessed, so that there remained only dry bread for his support." 1 As according to the above evidence a direct influencing of Hus by the books of Janow cannot be demonstrated, so in general it was only those circles 1 Chron. un. Prag. ad ann. 1392. DIFFUSION OF WICLIFS WRITINGS. // intimately connected with Bethlehem which deter- mined the course of Hus during his first period. That he was then still filled with a deep reverence for the existing Church and its ordinances may be taken as proved. // ivas the ivorks of Wiclif which first called forth that deep religious movement in Bohemia. That this was nothing else than pure Wiclifism, we know from original documents and historic notices of this period and of the times immediately following. Thus it is said in Ludolph of Sagan, the contemporary of Hus, that " the terrible deeds, repugnant to the faith, to truth and equity, justice, religion, and Church, took their start from the books of Wiclif." 1 In like manner speaks Andrew of Brod, long the vigorous fellow-labourer of Hus, on a domain, it is true, somewhat remote from that of religion, when he says : " Ye may speak as ye list on the grievous irregularities of the clergy ; only be silent about the errors and books of Wiclif, of which ye are the pro- tectors. I, poor child of man, say to you : If not for other things, merely because ye preach against the clergy, no one will put you under the excom- munication ; for even from ancient times have Konrad (of Waldhausen), Milicz, Stekna, and very many others, preached against the clergy, without any of them being placed under an interdict" 2 1 " Gesta namque horribilia . . . utcunque descripta de libris Wiclif." 2 " Dicitis de criminibus clericorum, sed de erroribus et libris Wiclef, quos protegitis, nullam mencionem facitis. Ego pauper homuncio dico, si non alia, propter hoc, quod pre- dicatis contra clericos, nullus vos ut estimo excommunicaret. Nam et ab antiquis temporibus Milicius. Conradus, Stekna et 7 8 IVICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. By reason of the books of Wiclif, it is said, in the University Chronicle, arose the memorable dissension among the clergy. 1 The real character of the Hussite movement in the two first decades of its existence may still be recognised with considerable distinctness from the writings of its most unsparing opponent, the Carthu- sian prior, Stephen of Dolein, near Olmutz. He holds responsible for the same no other than the magister Wiclif, whom he apostrophises with great animation in a tractate composed in the year 1408. The tractate bears at the heading the characteristic title Antiwiclif. Hus' name is not mentioned in this tractate. On the other hand, in those which follow, Antihussus, composed in 1412, the Dialogus Volatilis, written in September 1414, and the Epistle to the Hussites, written in 1417, he launches out with all vigour against Hus, but still more against Wiclif, as Hus' teacher. This man, he says, has infected Hus and Jerome, and the others r calls Hus, after a well-known model, the only-begotten son of Wiclif, in whom he has his good pleasure (charissimus). 3 Stephen designates himself as the dog which has incessantly barked, but not to the end that the Hussites might proceed from Wiclif. Hus is looked upon by him as the most eminent panegyrist and alii quam plurimi contra clericos predicaverunt, nullus tamen propter hoc excommunicacionis fuit sentencie subiectus." Docum., 520. 1 " Item, A.D. 1403 incepit notabilis dissensio in clero propter quosdam articulos ex Johannis Wiclef doctoris Anglici libris non bene extractos." 2 Fez., Thes. anecd., iv. 596. 3 Ibid., 573. DIFFUSION OF WICLIF'S WRITINGS. 79 disciple of Wiclif, 1 as his advocate; 2 Wiclif him- self, as the Arius of his time. 3 He reprimands the Hussites, who in their arrogance strut about, these scholars of Wiclif. The Bethlehem chapel is for him a cave which forms their hiding-place ; 4 there conventicles are held, and there is the Satanic school of Wiclif. In this strain he goes on with numerous variations of language. Stephen has to object to the reading of Wiclif's books, that it cor- rupts the ill-educated people ; if people would only read them in order to find that which is good in them, and to reject the evil in them with abhor- rence ! His last tractate, moreover, already combats the communion stib utraque. But in the last words he further reproaches his opponents with being ashamed of the designation Wiclifites and Hussites, whereas they surely are obedient in the highest degree to the teachings of Wiclif and Hus. Not far otherwise does Stephen of Palecz speak. 6 An old annalistic register says, at the year 1409, that then Wiclif y began to wax strong ; 7 and Kunz of Zwola laments, " The Bohemians have become heretics, because they adhere to the arch- heretic, John Wiclif." Who it was that " opened the eyes " of the magis- 1 Fez, Thes. anecd., iv. 526, 527. -' Ibid., $$%. 3 Ibid., 437. 4 Ibid., 374. 5 Ibid., 572, and so repeatedly: " In partem Wiclef dilapsi .... vester magister Wiclef et filii tui sequaces .... quare Wicleph adheretis .... Wiclef vester deus .... vestrum caput," etc. 8 In a writing as yet unprinted. 7 Geschichschr. der husit. Bewegung, ii. 73. 8O WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. ter John Hus was still known full well among the societies of the Taborites, decades after his death. It was in the year 1430 that the Taborite priest- hood were compelled to come forward with all their influence in defence of Wiclif; for the magister John Pribram had asserted of the books of Wiclif that they contained erroneous and heretical senti- ments. 1 And yet these, was their reply, are books which Master John Hus, in union with other masters, victoriously defended at the University of Prague, and in manifold wise commended. The Taborite priesthood, in order to meet this procedure, issued their own ordinances, in accordance with which the clergy in the Taborite towns were to comport them- selves. And among the four points which were settled in reference to this matter at Tabor on the 1 3th of January, 1430, the controversy respecting the sacrament of the altar still as in the year 1403 plays an important part. Yet more explicit information do we obtain from another passage. " It was these books of the evan- gelical doctor and master, John Wiclif, which, as is known from credible witnesses, opened the eyes of Master John Hus of blessed memory, whilst he was reading and re-reading the same in association with his adherents." The so-called Chronicle of the 1 " Quia nuper in hoc regno Bohemiae insurrexit quidam veritatis asmulus, divisionis et dissensionis seminator, nomine mag. Johannes Pribram, haereticans et erroneans libros doc- toris ewangelici magistri Johannis sc. Wikleph, quos magister Johannes Hus sanctas memoriae cum aliis magistris in universitate studii Pragensis contra doctores, magistros, et praslatos, invincibiliter defendens, multipliciter commendavit." Palacky, Urk. Beitrdge, ii. 88. DIFFUSION OF WICLIF' S WRITINGS. 8 1 Taborites errs only in supposing the eyes of Hus were first opened in the year 1410: we find, on the contrary, views of Wiclif 's, nay, whole passages and argumentations from Wiclifs works, in Hus' writings composed prior to this year. 1 In an academical address which has been rightly ascribed to Hus, and which he delivered in the year I4O9, 2 he breaks forth into lively complaints that the Bohemian people are now unjustly decried as heretics that sacred Bohemian nation of whom, to be sure, the old proverb says, " No real Bohemian can be a heretic." "Believe them not," he exclaims, "who men- daciously assail the good name of the kingdom, and of the sacred city of Prague." Hus complains that so many ignoramuses of the clerical order prate in their discourses before all the people : " ' Here in the city are countless heretics, folk call them Wiclifists.' As for myself, I confess before you here, that I have read and studied the works of the magister John Wiclif, and I readily acknowledge that I have learnt from them much that is good. Truly not everything which I have found in this or the other doctor is on that account of the same weight with me as the Gospel ; for only to Holy Scripture will I maintain this reverential obedience. Why, then, should we not read Wiclifs books also, in which are written down countless sacred truths?" In conclusion he 1 " Qui libri magistro Johanni Hus divse memoriae ut noscunt plures fide digni, quod sic asseruit, aperuerunt oculos, dum eos volvebat et revolvebat. ' ' Geschichtschr . der hus. Beweg. , ii. 593. " Recommendatio artium liberalium," in Hofler, FF. rer. Aust., vi. 112-128. 6 82 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. calls upon the students present diligently to peruse the books of Wiclif. If, however, some things should be contained therein, which on account of their youthful age they cannot, perhaps, as yet understand, let them keep the same for after times. He pours out his scorn upon a preacher l who did not preach, but shriek to the people about the Apocalypse, and, talking of the tail of the dragon, made the assertion that this dragon was the magister John Wiclif, who has already involved in his error more than a third part of the Militant Church. Similar declarations of his belief are frequently found in the writings of Hus. 2 They are met with also just as often in the case of his friends. In this sense Pribram, too, expresses himself: "It is not I who have begun to diffuse the errors of Wiclif, but the whole Bohemian nation, with the magister John Hus and Jacobell." Under these circumstances it will be explicable that in contemporary letters, documents, annalistic registers, and in numerous street songs, mention is made almost exclusively of Wiclifitcs (Wiclefites, Wiclefists, etc.), and the designation Husse (Hussites, 1 "Nonne a plerisque noscuntur hie idiotae presbyteri, honore scienciarum a nemine sublimati in sermonibus vulgaribus coram plebe mendaciter garulasse : hie in civitate quam plures esse hereticos, quos Wyclefistas appellant, et ego quantum ad me attinet, coram vobis profiteer, me libros magistri Johannis Wycleph legisse et studuisse sicut et aliorum doc- torum libros et in eis profiteer multa bona didicisse." 2 Comp. Hus, Sermons, /. c., ii. 45 : "And if any one says that they are nevertheless able to bring forward Holy Scripture in support of their dogmas, these men at once cry out : ' Just look at the Wiclifite, who will not listen to the Holy Church.' For they look upon themselves and their unscriptural ordinances as the Holy Church." RISE OF THE WICLIFITES. 83 tc.) is of comparatively late occurrence, and then, almost without exception, in combination with Wic- lifite. Thus, for instance, in the Documenta magistri Johannis Has, edited by Palacky, we meet with the appellation Widifite in twenty-three letters and docu- ments j 1 while the appellation Hussite occurs only once, namely, in the (later added) superscription to some State papers, and then four times in combi- nation with the expression Wiclifite. The latter expression may be regarded as, strictly speaking, indicative of the adherents of the new doctrine, as further appears from an official paper of King Sigis- 1 In the year 1408 we find them termed Wiclifite in the complaint of the Prague clergy to the archbishop. Vid. Palacky, Documenta, 153 ; in the Synodal Statutes (ib. 333) ; in the Chronicon. univ. Prag. (ib. 735); and in an annalistic register (Doc. 736); the year 1412 in the complaint of the Prague clergy at the papal court, that erroneous dogmas were derived from Wiclif's books, and thence diffused (Doc. 458) ; the year 1413 as an expression of Palecz in a letter of Hus (Doc. 56), in the reply of the Prague masters to the conditions made by the theological faculty for the restoration of unity (Doc. 501). The whole party of Hus is designated as the Wiclifistic in what may be termed an official paper addressed to the theological faculty (Doc. 508) ; Stanilas of Znaim, Stephen of Palecz, and Andrew of Brod (the latter, Doc. 519), speak only of Wiclefists. At the Council of Constance the adherents of Hus were designated by particular individuals (Doc. 541, 542, 601), and by the council as such (vide Doc. 474, 578, 648, 649), as Wiclifites ; thus also Hus' contemporary and zealous opponent at the Council of Constance, John, the Man of Iron, Bishop of Leitomischl, speaks of the sect of the Wic- lefists (Doc. 259), of Wiclefists, who have sown the tares in Bohemia. In the year 1416 it is complained in the " Accu- sationes regis Wenceslai, reginae Sophiae, nobilumque Bohe- morum," which were laid before the Council of Constance, that Wiclefists were to blame for the ruin of the university, etc. King Sigismund likewise speaks of Wiclifites in an epistle to the council: " Qui dicuntur de secta Wiclefistarum." We might incline to the belief that he only makes a pretext of the 8 4 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. mund, of the iith July, 1418, addressed to the Elector Lewis of the Palatinate ; l and thus also later, at the beginning of the Hussite war, we find the designation Widifite at first the prevailing one. Gradually this recedes before the other, and we hear more and more word of Hussites, 2 of Orphans, Taborites, etc. As regards the annals and chro- nicles of Bohemia, we find the Chronicon BoJiemie? the chronicles of the University of Prague, 4 the combating of the Wiclifites, while in reality desirous of depriving his brother of the kingdom (Doc. 654). A cantio of 1418 sings : " Fidelis Bohemus plangit, Omnes Wiclefistas tangit ; Wiclefistae expellantur." Andreas de Brod in 1414 makes use of the expression Joannita, which is of course equivalent to Husita (vid. Doc. 519). The latter term is met with before 1416 in combination with Wicle- fista (Doc. 639, 640, and 736). In a superscription to a state paper of 1416, which may itself be of later date, we read, " Accusatio super sacerdotes Hussitas." 1 Reichstagsacten, vii., 349: "Ut novitatem, que ibidem de Wiclefistis exsurrexit, possimus eradicare." 2 In the Urk. Beitrdge for the history of the Hussite war, published by Palacky, there is found (I have supplemented the list to some extent from MSS.) : For the year 1420 the designation Wiclefite (Wiclefy) 8 times, Hussite 4 times. 1421 1422 1423 1424 1425 1426 1427 1428 1429 1430 9 6 o 2 I O 2 O O 0(1) II 10 4 6 7 18 9(7) 27 Si 3 Geschichtschr. der fats. Beweg., i., 1 1 : " Citatus est archie- piscopus a Wiclefistis." 1 Ibid., 18, 19, 22, 24, 33, 35, 36, 43. RISE OF THE WICLIFITES. 85 Chronicon Treboniense^ the chronicle of the notary Prokop, 2 employing the designation Wiclefists when they speak of the adherents of Hus. Only here and there do we find in Prokop, who for the rest was no contemporary with the movement at its inception, the designation Hussitae. The latter expression is unknown to the Chronicon veteris collegiati, and Lawrence of Brezowa speaks either of Wiclefists, or, to be more distinct, says Wiclefites, otherwise known as Hussites. 3 The anonymous writer, de origim Taboritarum, speaks likewise only of Wiclefists ;* as in like manner this expression is found in many other contemporary annalistic records, or in the satirical songs of Bohemia. In the neighbouring lands of Moravia, Silesia, Lusatia, the name Hnssita earlier established itself. Stephen of Dolein 5 already speaks much of the Husonistae, as does also Ludolph of Sagan ; 6 yet with each of them the expression Wiclefists is of more frequent occurrence. During the years 1420-30 the designation Hussita comes into more general use. "Wiclefites" appears hence- 1 Geschichtschr. der hus. Beweg., i , 50, 65. - Ibid., 5976. 3 Jbid., 324 : " Presbyteri magistro Johanni Hus adherentes protunc Wiclefiste .... 328: Wiclefiste seu Hussite." 4 Ibid., 528: " Hec videntes Wiclefiste cogitare ceperunt .... que Wiclefiste in sua detinent potestate." 4 Fez, Thesaurus anecdotorum, iv., 2, and elsewhere. 6 " Quod quidam .... sequaces doctrinam Job. Wyclyff" (155). Wiclefiste et Hussite (ib. 130), Wiclefiste (155, 187), and elsewhere. In Melk, too, either Wiclefiste is written, or Hussite is further added. After the great campaigns the term Wiclifite occurs only in isolated cases ; comp. Andrew of Ratisbon, Chron. Bav., ed. Schilter, 45 ff., Tempelfeld, I.e., Gobelin, and others. With regard to Chelcicky, comp. Sup- plement. 86 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. forth only in documents proceeding from the papal chancery, and even in these the supplementary epi- thet " Hussites" is added to that term. The old designation, however, does not altogether disappear. In the notes which have been preserved of the disputation between Catholics and Hussites at the Castle of Zebrak in the year 1428, and which pro- ceed from the pen of John of Duba, the opponents are still designated "Wiclefites" by the Catholics. 1 And so also, in the middle of the fifteenth cen- tury, Tempelfeld and others still speak of them as Wiclefites. The truth concerning the relation of Hus to Wiclif, as is evident from the first, was spoken by the Englishman Stokes : Hus need not boast of these writings and doctrines as his own, since, after all, they belong to Wiclif, in whose paths he walks. 2 Yet Stokes assuredly went too far when he ex- pressed the opinion that Hus was boasting of these dogmas " as his own" That he did so is not to be discovered from the writings of Hus, either from his dissertations, or from his sermons and letters. As thus we see Hus from the year 1403 engaged in the diligent study of Wiclif s books, and accord- ingly find Wiclifs articles of doctrine present in considerable number, even in those tractates and sermons which he wrote and preached in the time 1 Archiv cesky, iii. 264 ; Palacky, Urk. Beitrdge, i. 545. 2 " Et Stokes Anglicus dixit ad magistrum : Et quid tu g-loriaris in his scriptis et doctrinis, tibi eorum titulum vane ascribendo, cum hae doctrinse et sentenciae non sunt tuae, sed pocius Wiclef, cuius viam sequeris." Petri de Mladenovic relacio in Doc. mag. Joannis Hus, 308. KISE OF THE WICLIFITES. 87 of his agreement with the ecclesiastical heads of his charge ; so also this whole movement of spirits, taking its rise from the year 1403, appeared to contemporaries 1 as Wiclifism incarnate, and conse- quently it is no wonder if Hus himself is designated by contemporaries as a Wiclifite, as is actually the case, e.g., in the accusation of the Bohemian clergy of the year I4I2. 2 1 As has been already shown by Lechler, Johann von Wic- lif, 169 ; but he has fixed the epoch too late. Wiclifism appears even from the year 1403 as the hinge of the whole movement. Of this sufficient evidence is furnished by Stephen, the Carthusian prior of Dolein : Medulla tritici. 2 Docum., 460. Geschichtschr. der hus. Bewegung, ii. 204. CHAPTER V. WICLIFITE CURRENTS AND COUNTER-CURRENTS DURING THE YEARS 14031409. NO other Bohemian king, not even the " ufge- ruckte" (intruder) Hussite king " Jirsik," was held in such ill repute with the Germans and Catholic inhabitants of the lands bordering on Bohemia as Wenzel, and upon none has posterity pronounced a severer judgment. 1 He was the "desolator" of the general study. 2 Heresy he favoured, if he did not hatch it ; and this was with the Germans so much the more odious, inasmuch as it displayed a rooted opposition to all that was German. No wonder that he was accused of a whole series of infamous deeds, such as only a busy imagination could invent. 3 1 See the characteristic features of Wenzel as sketched by Lindner, Gesch. des deutschen Reiches unter K. Wenzel, ii. 170, and the Excursus, 469 472. 1 Wenzel von Iglau, Mitth. des Vereins f. Gesch. d. D. in Bohmen, xix. 86. 3 The most passionate accusations are met with in Ludolph of Sagan, /. c., 393 ff. ; and cap. 17 31, which are occupied exclusively with Wenzel' s misdeeds. Complaints against Wenzel as favouring heresy are likewise to be found elsewhere, and were formally handed in at the Council of Constance. See Documenta, 638 642. CURRENTS AND COUNTER-CURRENTS. 89 But critical investigation likewise has led to the conviction that his rule was weak from the first, and towards the close absolutely incapable. The political conflicts in the land, the national strife which broke out in the years 1380-90, the controversy of the King with the higher clergy, the indulgence in favouritism, the founding of the league of the nobles, and its immediate consequences all this pointed to the headlong descent of the Caroline monarchy ; while men were contending in Prague about the theses of Wiclif, Wenzel was lying a captive in Vienna. But there was also lacking at that time a spiritual head, like Arnest of Pardubitz, who would have upheld the ecclesiastical authority in the land with a firm hand. It is now acknowledged as a fact, undisputed even on the strictly Catholic side, that neither Wolfram of Skworec, nor Zbinco of Hasenburg to whom so important a part was assigned during the first years of the Wiclifite move- ment in Bohemia was equal to his high position, to which it must be said the latter attained in comparatively youthful years. Zbinco wielded the sword more readily than the pen ; and when as in the summer of 1404, against Nicholas Zul of Ostredek, or in the year 1406, against the Bavarians he took the field against the enemies of his royal master, he reminded of the militant princes of the Church in bygone ages, who were much more at home on the field than in the choir. In Bohemia he was, indeed, the last bishop who exchanged the stole for the sword. In his learning he was not very far advanced : those street-ballads have attained a certain celebrity, in which he is satirised as burning 90 IVICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. books without knowing what was written in them. 1 From the tenour of these songs the false impression has been received in later times, that the bishop was ignorant of the art of reading. Under such favourable circumstances, Wiclifism was able to strike deep roots in Bohemia. Never- theless it did not advance with equal step throughout the land. The contemporary authors distinguish already two phases of its development, and point to the year 1409, the year of the departure of the German students and professors from Prague, as the dividing line between the two. In the year of the Lord 1409 says a chronicle was the schism in Prague, between the Bohemian students and the other nations, so that the latter and the Germans were driven away from Prague. "And immediately after" continues the chronicle, " Wiclify began to -wax strong, and the magister John Hus and his adherents renounced their spiritual obedience under the favour of the laity." 2 And so also Stephen of Dolein says, that from about the year 1410 that pestilence which had sprung up from the books of Wiclif, as tares amidst the wheat of Christ, began to attain full growth. For in connection with that indirect expulsion, says Ludolph of Sagan, Bohemians seemed to cling to Bohemians, as did even those who were no abettors of heresy. The skilled among the Bohemians thought, indeed, that without the aid of another nation they would be able alone to 1 See the Appendix, No. V. 2 Geschichtschr. der hus. ew., ii. 73. CURRENTS AND COUNTER-CURRENTS. 9 1 root out those noxious weeds, Wiclifists and Hu- sonists. 1 During the years 1402-1409 the movement did not as yet beat in such mighty waves, although it was already clearly perceptible. The drift of it was influenced not alone by general political considera- tions, but also, and in particular, by motives of a national and scientific character. With regard to the last-named, the action of the university became typical. Founded by Charles IV., " in order that the inhabitants of Bohemia, who ceaselessly hunger after the fruits of knowledge, may find the table spread for them in their own land, without being compelled to beg in foreign lands," and designed to be a point of attraction for those in all lands who thirsted for knowledge, it drew to itself, from the first, many Germans as would seem natural on account of the absence of other universities in Germany, and con- sidering the fact that Prague was the capital of the kingdom. The Germans from the beginning pos- sessed the predominance over the natives, a thing which was so much the more bitterly felt by the latter, inasmuch as not only in convocation, but also in the elections, they had only one voice, whereas the foreigners had three ; and the university offices, benefices, and the foundations in the gift of the university, were in the hands of the strangers. 2 In 1 Epistola ad Hussztas, in Fez, /. c., 4-6. 2 On these national contentions at the university, see Palacky, Gesch. v. Bohmen, iii. i, 232; Held, Tentamen Prag., 1827; as also Hofler, Der Mag. Joh. Hus ; comp. likewise Paulsen, " Die Crunching der deutschen Universitaten im M.-A.," in the 45th vol. of theZfo/. Zeitschrift, 258. 92 WICLTFISM IN BOHEMIA. opposition to these privileges of the foreigners, such important advantages were gained by the Bohemians in the years 1384 and 1390, after repeated on- slaughts, that from 1390 the national opposition ceased for more than a decade. At the close of the fourteenth century Hus rose at the head thereof, and about him ranged themselves a group of men, whose hearts beat passionately for the interests of their nation. How often does Hus speak of his people as the " hallowed " nation, of the " happy " Bohemians, of Prague as " the second Paris." That he ever displayed any animosity towards the Germans, he afterwards emphatically denied ; but even in the words he employs in this denial such sentiment is implied. A good German, he said, was for him prefer- able to a bad Bohemian. It is traceable, moreover, in his tractates and sermons, and is confirmed by perfectly credible contemporaries. 1 Side by side with this strong national current there ran yet another. As Hus' teacher and master belonged to the number of the Realists, so did Hus himself ; whereas the three other nations were most pronounced adherents of the Nominalistic school. These currents and counter-currents must have imparted an entirely unique charm to academic life in Prague during the first years of the fifteenth century. In the halls of the university, the corridors of the churches and monasteries, and even in private houses and in the streets, men discussed in the liveliest manner the great English theologian and 1 Comp. Doc. Mag. Joh. Hus, 34, 168, 177, 181, 184, 187 ; Geschichtschr . der hus. Sew., i. 70, 176, 179 ; ii. 73, 156, etc. CURRENTS AND COUNTER-CURRENTS. 93 philosopher ; pretty much as they disputed four hundred years later, in the streets of Jena, about time and space, and the whole system of the great sage of Konigsberg. 1 In Wiclif men commended his pre-eminent scholarship. Of his acute dialectic wonders were told. He could treat disputed questions affirmatively or negatively at pleasure, while no one was able to resist him. This it was not, indeed, which drew Hus so powerfully towards him. " I am drawn to him," he says, in his reply to John Stokes, " by the reputation which he has, and that not with the bad, but with the good priests, with the university of Oxford, and with the people in general albeit not with the base, avaricious, haughty, and luxurious prelates and priests. I am drawn to him by his writings, by which he seeks to bring back all men to the law of Christ ; and specially so with the clergy, to the end that they may dismiss the splen- dour and glory of the world, and with the Apostles live after the life of Christ. I am drawn by the love which he has for the law of Christ, in that he maintains the truth thereof, namely, that this law cannot in the smallest point be false." As Stephen of Dolein relates, Hus was among the Prague masters at first, " almost the only one who received the writings of Wiclif with pleasure, read them, placed them in the hands of others for study and for a future guiding thread ; although there were some people who quietly opposed him, people who now (1417) rest in the Lord, and others who still 1 Opera Huss., loga. 94 W I CLIP ISM IN BOHEMIA. remain." 1 That Hus, however, was not alone in his deep veneration for Wiclif, we learn from contemporary sources. In a lampoon of the so- called German mass, it said : Stanislas of Znaim begat Peter of Znaim, Peter of Znaim begat Stephen Palecz, and Stephen Palecz, Hus.' 2 Here Stanislas is placed at the head of the whole movement, as in reality he did belong to the Realistic movement, and at first defended Wiclif's doctrine, with greater zeal even than Hus. Therefore Hus could address these men, when they afterwards became his foes, in the words : " Once ye were Realists, now in sooth ye have become Terminists," i.e. Nominalists. Besides the persons above mentioned, there were others, as John of Jessenitz, Prokop of Pilsen, Simon of Tisnow, Nicholas of Leitomischl, Christian of Prachatitz, who were distinguished for their hearty participation in the movement brought about by the introduction of Wiclifism. That persons dwelling beyond the limits of Prague associated themselves with the group of Wiclif's disciples resident at the capital, is already evidenced by Thomas of Stitny. The movement spread with surprising rapidity. " I have been astonished," says Stephen of Dolein in his unpleasantly pompous style, " to see how a few senseless magisters, people of Wiclif's school and schism, roused by canine fury, deface the ritual and existing order of the Church by profane and blas- phemous sentences, and by articles composed with 1 Efiistola ad Hussitas, I.e., 528. 2 "Hus ad scripta Stephani Palecz," Opp. 255 . Comp. also the last paper of the Appendix. CURRENTS AND COUNTER-CURRENTS. 95 devilish art, and with impious hardihood shamelessly publish the most worthless fables." That Stephen has already in view the years 1403-1405, in thus writing, is clear from the fact that he attributes the celebrated proclamation of the Prague Archbishop Zbinco of the year 1 406, in the affairs of the sacra- ment of the altar, to the operation of these Wiclifite movements. 1 " After passing through foreign lands," he continues, " now in Bohemia, too, and Moravia, they fill the state apartments of the princes, the colleges and professorial chairs of the priests, the schools of the students, and the crowds of the believ- ing people, with violent terror ; nay, they penetrate even into the lonely chambers of the monks, and into the very cells of the Carthusians, which are devoted to repose." Stephen of Dolein himself, in the year 1408, not only displays an intimate acquaintance with Wiclif's Trialogus, but even refutes it ; whereby a lengthy study thereof is pre- supposed. And in the Epistola ad Hussitas he details how John Hus had translated the Trialogus, and had sent it to the Margrave Jodok of blessed memory (obiit i8th January, 1411), as also to other distinguished men, including laity, and even to ladies. 2 And thus we can feel no surprise that Hus, in a sermon he preached at the Synod of the year 1405, made use of Wiclif's words, and that his discourse is penetrated with Wiclif's thoughts. 1 Medulla tritici, 158. The state of the present text there, however, equally as in Palacky, Doc. 335, gives occasion for corrections. For detruncatos read determinates. The last sentence but one reads: " Unde si quis compertus fuerit . . . hereticus est et ut talis . . . punietur." 2 Fez, Thes. anecd., I. c., 527. 9" WICLIF1SM IN BOHEMIA. Nay, even the Wiclifian doctrine of Predestination, which forms the axis of Wiclif's entire system, was brought forward by him in this discourse. The only point open to doubt, is whether this doctrine is taken from the Trialogus, or the tractate De Chris to et Adversaria "suo Antichristo, or whether it is from Wiclif's work De Ecclesia. Probably from the Trialogus ; for also the defining of the idea of God's love is found there, given in like manner as in the sermon of Hus. The Synodal-sermon, too, of 1407, already contains Wiclifian passages and forms of expression. That Hus was quite familiar with the doctrines of Wiclif as early as the year 1403, is apparent from the fact that his utterances on the doctrine of the Supper, which strongly savour of Wiclif's teaching, are assigned to a very early period. 1 But already there began to arise protests in important quarters against the growth of Wiclifism. On the ist of May, 1402, Wolfram of Skworec, Archbishop of Prague, had died. Some weeks before this, 6th March, King Wenzel had been taken captive by his brother Sigismund. In consequence of the disturbances which prevailed in the land, the election of a successor had been postponed. Not until the autumn of 1402 was Nicholas Puchnik, the erewhile companion in suffering of the Vicar-General, John Welflini of Pomuk, elected to the vacant see ; but he died at the end of a few weeks, igth December, 1 Although the year 1399 * s n t the true date ; since Hus at that time had not been made priest, and the theological writings could not have been known in Prague as early as this. CURRENTS AND COUNTER-CURRENTS. Q/ I4O2. 1 The archbishopric now remained unfilled until the autumn of 1403. In September 1403 ZBINCO ZAJIC OF HASENBURG was elected. In the meantime two members of the cathedral chapter at Prague the archiepiscopal official, John Kbel, and the Archdeacon Wenzel of Bechin in the name of the chapter handed in to the university two series of heretical articles of Wiclif, with a view to getting judgment pronounced upon them. The first series embraced those twenty-four articles condemned by the London Synod in May I382; 2 then fol- lowed a group of twenty-one articles, extracted from Wiclif's writings, by John Hiibner, a Silesian, at that time master in Prague. On the 28th of May all the masters assembled, in the Carolirrum. Hus and Nicholas of Leitomischl accused Hiibner of having incorrectly drawn out the articles, and Hus added the words, " Such falsifiers of books better de- serve to be burnt than the two adulterators of saffron, Berlin and Wlaska " (who had suffered this punish- ment about the time). Stanislas of Znaim defended all the articles in a tone so offensive that several doctors quitted the sitting. 3 The decision was carried by a majority, 4 that for the future no one should preach or teach on the forty-five articles. Most vigorously was Wiclif's doctrine of the 1 Frind, Kirchensgeschichte von Bohmen, Hi. 49. } 2 Concilia Prag., 43-46 ; Palacky, Doc. mag. Hus, 327- 331 ; and Fasc. Zizaniorum, ed. Shirley, 277. In accordance with the last mentioned, the text in Hofler and Palacky is to be amended. In No. 18, instead of collatorum we have to read curatorum. No. 5, instead of fundamentum read est fundatum. * Doc. mag. Hus, 179; Hus. Opera, 178. 4 " Secundum pluralitatem vocum." 7 W1CLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. Supper assailed and defended. That Stanislas of Znaim was still at that time a mouthpiece of the Wiclifites is evident from the fact, amongst others, that shortly afterwards he himself composed a trac- tate, De Remanentia Pants, on the Wiclifian side. For such controversies on the Supper the soil of Prague was well adapted ; as will be supposed after what has been already said on the debate concerning the frequent or daily observance of communion. Regarding Stanislas of Znaim, Hus tells us that he proclaimed the Wiclifian doctrine of the Supper in the schools, and summoned Hus himself to hold firmly to this doctrine. 1 His tractate on the re- manence was pronounced heretical by the magister Ludolph Meistermann, a Saxon 2 the same who played an important part in the year 1409. Stanis- las was compelled to retract his writing ; or, as Hus expresses himself in a letter to the magister Chris- tian of Prachatitz, simply to disown it. " Beginning with the days of the assembly in the Carolinum, where he was at first prepared for the defence of the forty-five articles, that they might not be declared heretical, up to the moment when he was forced to recant, and was ill entreated by the Curia," 3 Stanislas was a zealous Wiclifite ; and since we find Stephen of Palecz always on his side, even when it was a question of " erroneous " articles of Wiclif, it is 1 "Hus ad scripta Stanislai," Opera, 288 a: " Hsec sunt verba doctoris, quse dogmatizavit in scholis publicis et reliquit in scripto." Doc. 56: "A me qusesivit, antequam disturbium incepit, si vellem idem secum tenere." 2 Hus calls him Rudolph (vid. Opera, 255 a] ; but comp. on the other hand Tempelfeld, /. c., 136. He is there spoken of as " notabilis homo." 3 Hus, Opera, 288 a. CURRENTS AND COUNTER-CURRENTS. 99 likely that Stephen also maintained for a time Wiclif's doctrine of the remanence of the bread after the transformation. 1 As regards Hus himself, some of his adversaries have expressed the opinion that he publicly expounded this doctrine in sermons and on other occasions. These assertions, however, Hus most strenuously denied. 2 The doctrine of Wiclif himself seems, for the rest, to have been modified to some extent in Prague ; at least Ludolph of Sagan breathes a hint of such modification. On this supposition the contradiction between the asser- tions of Hus and the statements of his accusers would be in some measure explicable. As opposed to the assertion that the magister Hiibner extracted the twenty-one articles incorrectly, mendaciously, and malignantly, and according to Hus' own words was a falsifier of books ; it must nevertheless be observed, that among these articles there is no single one which would not be found to contain Wiclif's thoughts. The interdiction of the teaching of these forty-five articles in the lecture-rooms of the university, or the preaching in accordance therewith in the pulpits of the churches in Prague, had only an outward effect and even in this relation its effect was but passing. This inhibition formed only the actual starting-point of a contest, which even within a few years surged in mighty waves. Rightly says the University Chronicle: "Item in the year of the Lord 1403 1 "Ac multos eorum articulorum magister Stanislaus et magister Palecz antea tenuerunt et defenderunt, priusquam in metum secularem inciderunt." 2 Doc. mag. Joann. Hus, 179, 182-184. 100 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. arose the memorable dissension in the clergy of the kingdom of Bohemia, among the magisters, priests, and prelates, about certain articles which were not well extracted from the writings of the English doctor, Johannes Wicleff." During the first years of his archiepiscopal office, Zbinco of Hasenburg reposed full confidence in the magister Hus. He begged Hus, who soon more- over obtained a confidential position at the court, so soon as he should discover any defect, or any abuse, in ecclesiastical affairs, to bring the case within his cognisance personally, or in the event of the archbishop's absence, by letter. 1 In the year 1405 he appears as synodal preacher, along with Stanislas of Znaim. 2 Even in his discourse held before the Synod, the influence of Wiclif strongly asserts itself ; and the same may likewise be said with regard to the three other discourses, which are all that is preserved to us of his synodal sermons. But this very Synod of 1405 felt called upon to oppose the spread of Wiclif 's doctrine of the Supper ; and it would seem that this procedure was not without its influence upon Hus ; for all the accusations of being an adherent of this doctrine, brought against him by his adversaries, have reference, as already observed, to utterances alleged to have been made by him at an earlier time. Shortly after the meeting of this synod, Wiclif's authority with his adherents 1 "In principle vestri regiminis." Doc. -mag. Hus, 3. - Opera, ii., 27 b ; comp. Cod. un. Prag., viii. F. 2, " Sermo synodalis mag. Stanislai de Znoyma, estate 1405." The Synodal Statutes of this year in the Concil. Prag., 46-51. CURRENTS AND COUNTER-CURRENTS. IOI in Prague was destined to receive considerable aug- mentation. In the year 1407 or 1408, two Bohe- mian students brought with them into Prague a testimony of the University of Oxford to the orthodoxy of Wiclif. This testimony was later made a subject of deliberations at the Council of Constance. " Afterwards " so it is related by Mladenowitz " the Englishmen presented the copy of a letter of the University of Oxford, concerning which they asserted that the magister Johannes had publicly read it in a sermon, and shown the seal to the people, in recommendation of Wiclif. And when they had read it, they asked him whether he had published its contents. And he answered that the matter stood thus : Two students had brought over this testimony, bearing the seal of the University of Oxford, to Prague. At this stage the Englishmen called upon him to name the students ; for the letter, said they, had been forged, and not obtained in a legitimate way. And the magister said, pointing to Palecz : ' This my friend knows quite well, that Nicholas Faulfisch of honest memory, in company with another, as to whom I know not who he was, brought over this letter.' " l To this testimony Hus accordingly appealed in his public discourses ; and 1 Mladenowitz in Doc. mag. Joann. Hus, 313. This Nicholas Faulfisch related to Hus an attractive history of that which had occurred in England, which Hus with much pleasure imparted to his audience ; comp. Hus, Sermons, ii. 47. The other student, whose name at that time Hus could no longer recal, was George of Knyehnicz. The Vienna MS. 1294 has, fol. 119, col. 2, the note: " correctus graviter (not gnaviter) anno domini 1407, in vigilia Purificationis s. Mariae Oxonii per Nicolaum Faulfiss et Georgium de Knyehnicz." IO2 WICLIF1SM IN BOHEMIA. even in his reply to the Englishman John Stokes, 1 who made the assertion that Wiclif was counted a heretic in England, Hus says : This seems verily not to be correct ; for we have the testimony of the University of Oxford, to which people will surely give greater credence than to him. 'This testimony already passed for a forgery at the Council of Constance. In our own day, the attempt has been made, on the basis of the account given by a later chronicler, to explain the genesis of the forgery ; against which, it is true, an important voice has quite recently pronounced, and has championed the genuineness of the document. 2 Be this as it may, one thing is quite certain, that this letter must necessarily have afforded a powerful impetus to the wider diffusion of Wiclif's doctrine. Hus himself seems to have been deeply moved thereby. He is said to have given utterance to the wish that his soul might come where that of Wiclif is. 3 The good understanding between Hus and the archbishop comes clearly to light, particularly in the affair of Wilsnack. At Wilsnack, near Wittenberge, was to be found a relic of the blood of Christ, to which an extraordinary power of miracle-working was ascribed. People flocked in from far and near, even from Hungary and Transylvania, and carried home marvellous accounts to their native land. Nevertheless, distrustful voices were raised against it, and Zbinco appointed a commission, on which Hus served, to investigate the state of affairs. Gross frauds were now brought to light, of which 1 Opera, i., 109 . - Lechler, /. c., ii. 71. 3 Docum., 154. CURRENTS AND COUNTER-CURRENTS. IO3 Hus gives an account in his treatise " De omni sanguine Christi glorificato." 1 This dissertation, as others, bears distinct traces of Wiclif 's influence ; as in general it displays a close affinity in its ten- dency with a second tractate of Hus, "Contra imaginum adoracionem." 2 The latter agrees, in great part with verbal fidelity, with Wiclif's dissertation " De imaginibus." The Synod, likewise, now took proceedings against the disorders at Wilsnack and elsewhere. 3 As regards the Synodal discourse of Hus in the year 1407, it contains a passage which vividly reminds of the tractate of Kunesch of Trebowel, written by him on behalf of the Bohemian peasantry. Both adduce the same passage of Numb, xxvii., concerning the daughters of Zelophehad, in support of their argumentation. 4 The good understanding with the archbishop continued until some period in the year 1407. To a certain extent it seems to have been shaken as early as the year 1405. During this year, Inno- cent VII., at the urgent importunity of the prelates, sent an admonition to Zbinco, inviting him to take more severe measures against the errors and heresies of Wiclif. A consequence of this was the pro- ceeding of the Synod of 1405 ; the next Synod, which met half a year later, not only renewed the prohibition of Wiclif's doctrine of the Supper, but also warmly declaimed against those preachers who, 1 Opera, i. 158^1 2 Opera, ii. 340^343^. 3 Cone. Prag., I.e., 47. 4 Opera, ii. 35 b; comp. my detailed notices in the Arch. fiir. ost. Gesch., 57, 29, 38, and see above, p. 39, note. 104 WICLTFISM IN BOHEMIA. on the ground of Wiclifian propositions, degrade the rank of the clergy. 1 Zbinco issued in the same year an injunction that on Corpus Christi day the unadulterated doctrine of the sacrament should be proclaimed to the faithful Christian people. During these days, as it would seem, Stanislas of Znaim had been compelled to retract his former convictions and views, regarding the remanence of the bread. 2 Under such circumstances it appears remarkable that Hus was not only permitted to preach the Synodal sermons of the years 1406 and 1407, but was moreover commended by Zbinco. 3 Yet there were already to be found in his discourses utterances against the avarice and the disorderly life of the clergy, which aroused strong displeasure. The clergy of the capital and the diocese, therefore, in the year 1408, handed to the archbishop a complaint against Hus, as having calumniated the clergy in his sermons and held them up to the contempt of the people. 4 Hus was now relieved of his post as Synodal preacher. It is probable that he composed at this time his tractate, " De arguendo clero pro condone," in justification of his line of action. In this, too, the influence of Wiclif is to be discerned, though it be to a less extent. 5 The same is evident, likewise, from the legal proceedings against the magister Nicholas 1 It is certainly open to doubt whether this last injunction is to be placed as early as the year 1406, as is done by Hofler. See the Chron. Univ. Prag. ad ann. 1405 and 1406; Condi. Prag., 51, 52 ; Doc. mag. Hus, iii. 32. 2 The exact date is not to be determined from the materials hitherto published. 3 Docum., 167. 4 Docum., 153. 5 Thus notably the proposition which occurs a hundred CURRENTS AND COUNTER-CURRENTS. 10$ of Welemowitz, called Abraham, and Mathias of Knin, called Pater. Abraham, on whose behalf Hus vigorously interceded with the archbishop, had taught that laymen, too, possessed the right to preach. Mathias of Knin was an adherent of the Wiclifian doctrine of the Supper. At the examination of the former and we see, also, here, the doctrine of Wiclif in operation he would neither swear upon the crucifix nor upon the Gospels, but only by God, and Hus defended him before the inquisitors with the words : " St. John Chrysostom speaks of those persons as foolish who demand an oath upon the creature, as though more value were to be attached to this than to swearing by God." 1 Before the matter of Abraham could be brought to a close, the arch- bishop summoned the Bohemian nation at the university, which assembled on the 2Oth of May, 1408, and received commission to condemn the forty-five articles. The wish of the archbishop was only partially complied with. The assembly decreed that henceforth no member of the Bohemian nation should be permitted to maintain, teach, or defend one of these forty-five articles in an heretical, erroneous, or offensive acceptation. It was, moreover, determined that for the future no bachelor should hold public lectures on Wiclif's Trialogue, Dialogue, or his Doctrine of the Eucharist, or be suffered to dispute publicly on a proposition of Wiclif's. 2 The times in Wiclif: " Bona temporalia a clero delinquente aufer- antur." 1 Doc., i84_/; the letter on behalf of Abraham, ib. iii. 342. The case of Mathias of Knin, ib. 338. " Palacky, Geschichte von Bbhmen, iii. i, 221. 106 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. Synod which was held on the I5th of June of this year renewed the inhibition of Wiclif's doctrine of the Supper, and forbade to the priests all farther injurious observations against the clergy. At the same Synod, Zbinco, at the wish of the king, declared, as the proof resulting from careful inves- tigations, that no Wiclifian heresy was to be found in Bohemia ; and in order that none might arise, he commanded that all who were in possession of Wiclif's books should at once surrender the same. This measure remained altogether void of result ; for, though perhaps the archbishop was not lacking in good will, he had not the power to carry it into effect, and the Wiclifites ridiculed him and his Bohemian prelates in satirical couplets which were fixed up in sundry public places. 1 To this testimony, given by the archbishop at the summer Synod of the year 1408, King Wenzel attached so much the greater importance, inasmuch as he thought of thereby grasping afresh the reins of government, which had slipped from the hands of his opponent Rupert. The reputation of the Bohemian heresies, and of a favouring of them on the part of the king, could not prove a furtherance to these plans. 2 The reaction against the Wiclifite movement in Bohemia 1 Of a provincial diet, spoken of by Hofler {Mag. Joh. ffus t 193), and after him Frind {Kirchengeschichte, iii. /6/), the authorities contain no notice. That to which Frind refers {Concilia Prag, 61) belongs decidedly to a later time. 2 Wenzel himself was early involved in this suspicion : " Ut heresis ipsa eciam ad penetralia cubilis sui serperet . . . et conthoralem suam reginam cum multa familia insuper et nonnullas proceres barones et milites maculando corrumperet et corrumpendo macularet." Comp. Ludolph of Sagan, lib. i., cap. 25. CURRENTS AND COUNTER-CURRENTS. IO/ was accordingly in the best train, when an incident occurred which suddenly gave to the matter another and very different complexion. It was the question of neutrality which now came to the front. In May 1408 the majority of the cardinals had renounced their obedience to both Popes, and were preparing to elect a single supreme head to the Church. 1 From Leghorn they issued the encyclical which summoned a council at Pisa for the 2 5th March, the day of the Annunciation of Mary. Wenzel, who could look for no advancement of his plans on the part of Gregory XII., withdrew his allegiance from this pontiff, and enjoined upon his prelates absolute neutrality towards both Popes. A like course he looked for from the university. An embassy, con- sisting of the professors Mauritius Rwacka of Prague, John Cardinalis of Reinstein, Stanislas of Znaim, and Stephen of Palecz, was despatched to the cardinals. Of these the two last-named were arrested in Bologna, at the end of October 1408, by the cardinal legate Balthasar Cossa, and only on the intervention of the cardinals themselves, as subsequently of King Wenzel and the University of Prague, were set at liberty. It has been conjectured, not without reason, that they were placed under arrest on account of their Wiclifian views. 2 Hus attributes it mainly to this imprisonment that Stanislas of Znaim became entirely 1 " Se subtraxerunt ab adhesione et obediencia utriusque." Ib. 15. 2 Palack)-, Geschichte von Bohmen, iii. i. 225. The appli- cation of the university on behalf of these two, in the Doc. 345, No. 9, cf. ib. No. 1 6. The letter of Wenzel to the college of cardinals, de dato Breslau, 24th Nov., ib. 343. 108 W1CL1FISM IN BOHEMIA. estranged from his former companion in the strife. The archbishop, however, remained faithful to Gregory XII., and at the university only the Bohemian nation, of whom Hus was the mouthpiece, declared for neutrality, whereas the other nations were opposed to it so that a decision could not be obtained. The archbishop issued a reprimand against Hus and the masters who had voted for neutrality, and interdicted to the former the exercise of the preacher's office, which truly did not prevent him further retaining the same. 2 Hus himself saw in these things the begin- ning of all the accusations and complaints which were afterwards raised against him:' Since Wenzel was now greatly incensed at the proceedings of the three nations on the matter of the neutrality, it seemed to the leaders of the Bohe- mian nation that the moment was come when they might obtain the decided ascendency in the university. When, therefore, Wenzel had returned from an ex- cursion to Lusatia and Silesia, undertaken during the closing months of 1408, and was now taking up his residence at Kuttenberg, he was importuned by the leaders of the Bohemian nation to alter the existing order of voting, in such wise that for the future in all university matters the three nations should possess but one vote, and the Bohemian nation three. They appealed in favour of this change 1 " Donee fuit a sancta curia vexatus, et ab illo quern nunc dicit esse caput ecclesie sancte catholice, spoliatus" (Opera, 288, cf. Doc. 466). Stanislas and Palecz only returned from their travels after the departure of the German students. " Doc. 6, 21, 166. Ib. 21 : " Ecce accusationis mese ac gravaminis exordium principale." CURRENTS AND COUNTER-CURRENTS. IOQ to the statutes of the university of Paris. In this conflict Hus was the decided spokesman of the Bohemian nation, 1 and as such he was recognised by his associates. Many a one was ranged on his side, who, like Andrew of Brod, did not share his religious views ; others again he was able to hold to the colours by means of intimidation. In the irresolute mood of the king victory was far from certain. And in truth, when the three nations begged of the king the maintenance of their rights, not only did they obtain from him the most encouraging assurance, but also Hus, who afterwards appeared at court at the head of a Bohemian deputation, was so harshly rebuked by the king that he fell into a severe illness through grief. When the controversy about the voices was beginning, Andrew of Brod had said one day with a sigh, " O Hus, is there then no deliverer for us in this matter ?" 2 and Hus had replied, " I believe we shall find one." At that time he was full of hope. When he was now lying upon his bed of sickness, Brod and Eliae said, " Oh, if God would only grant it ! We shall never attain to it, however." At that very moment a messenger arrived with a royal letter, which abundantly satisfied the boldest wishes of the Bohemian nation. Niklas of Lobkowitz had warmly interceded on their behalf; but in par- ticular the French embassy which was staying at Wenzel's court contrived to influence the decision of the king, in order to draw him entirely to the side of the Pisan cardinals. They represented to him 1 For that which follows comp. J. Berger, Johannes Hus und Konig Sigismund, ^\ff, - " O Hus, non est aliquis nobis in facto isto liberator." HO W1CLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. that the French nation too, at the University of Paris, had three voices. When other propositions, put forth on either side, 1 were found to lead to no result, there appeared that decree of the king of the igth January, 1409, by which the three voices were con- ceded to the Bohemians. The consequences are well-known. Hus lauded from the pulpit the affec- tion of the king for his people. The Germans, however, had bound themselves with an oath, either to obtain a reversal of the decree or to quit Prague and the land for ever. Their efforts proved unsuc- cessful. On the 9th May, 1409, a royal mandate was issued, by which the last rector of the old university, Henning Baltenhagen, was deprived of the seal, register, and keys to the library and money- chests. Masters and scholars of the three nations quitted the city in the course of the summer. 2 Hus had conquered. If he had till then expressed himself about Wiclif with some degree of caution and reserve, he now resolutely placed himself at the head of the Bohemian Wiclifites. In his writings, 1 See Berger, 30. The passage from Tempelfeld, which was already known to Palacky, has not been consulted in the more recent accounts of the controversy about the right of voting. See my ed. of Tempelfeld, /. c., 135. "Quod rector universitatis et decanus facultatis arcium similiter et examina- tores promovendorum in facultate arcium inantea eligi debe- rent alternatis vicibus, sic quod una mutacione regeret et decanus esset et examinator Bohemus et alia mutacione et per dimidium annum Teutonus non curando cuius nacionis existeret. Quod mandatum regium cum tres naciones scilicet Polonorum Bavarorum et Saxonum acceptare nollent, tanta supervenit nomine regis impressio." - Comp. Hofler, Joh. H:is, 230. The matter is worthy of renewed investigation. CURRENTS AND COUNTER-CURRENTS. I I I too, this alteration becomes clearly manifest. In his previous compositions he had adopted from his master only isolated thoughts and turns of discourse, and these in no great number : his Latin writings of the years immediately following, are nothing but a meagre abstract, drawn from the abundant treasury of the English tlieologian. CHAPTER VI. BURNING OF WICLIF'S BOOKS, WHILE the leaders of the national movement in Prague were most heartily congratulating themselves on the results hitherto obtained, and were pouring forth from the pulpit their feelings of joy and gratitude towards the friends of the Czech cause, the inhabitants of the city began to be a little startled at the far-reaching effects of the recent events, and to be incensed with Hus and his companions, whom they blamed for the withdrawal of so many, generally speaking wealthy, residents. It may well be true that very many of the emigrants looked back with heart- felt longing upon Prague, and thought of its many incitements, but return was not possible. The hatred between Germans and Czechs had then risen to a height unknown before. This is to be perceived from the lament of a contemporary chronicler : " Old is the enmity, and all too deeply rooted, between Germans and Czechs ; for as the Jews had once no fellowship with the Samaritans, so now the very sight of a German calls forth an aversion in the Czech." 1 1 "Antiquatum nempe odium et nimis radicatum est inter hec duo ydeomata Teutunicorum et Bohemorum, ut sicut BURNING OF WICLIF' S BOOKS. 113 Of yet greater moment was the religious element. Those men who did not view the latest events from the immediate vicinity, shared the conviction that the Germans had quitted the soil of Prague for fear of being infected with the heresies of Wiclif. 1 The emigrants assuredly spread the fame of the Bohemian heresies in the remotest regions. In Germany and Italy, even in France and England, men told of the Wiclifites in Bohemia, and of their shameful doings ; but it was not always the German masters who re- presented Bohemia as a veritable hotbed for heretical dogmas. 2 After the departure of the German masters and scholars Zbinco stood alone, while Hus was at the height of his reputation ; and the position of Zbinco towards the court was altogether what could be wished for the Wiclifite movement. In reality the books and articles of Wiclif were now sown broad- cast over city and land. So long as the archbishop persisted in his obedience to Gregory XII., all measures against the Wiclifites proved unavailing ; on the other hand, five adherents of Hus accused the archbishop to the Curia, and he actually received a citation on the 8th December, calling upon him to put in his defence. 3 In the meantime, however, an Judaei non coutuntur Samaritis, sic ipsi Bohemo Teutunicus ad videndum sit gravis." Ludolph of Sagan, I.e., 426, cap. 27. 1 "Ad recessum a loco faciliorem pedem habuerunt, quia ibidem scisma et heresim vilem dominari verisimili coniectura- cione videbant." Comp. also ibid. 430. 2 See the recantation of Peter of Uniczow, in Appendix, No. X. Some interesting particulars will be found there. 3 Chron. Boh. Lipsiense : "Anno d. 1409, dominico die, quo vocatur Populus Zion citatus est dominus archiepiscopus 8 1 14 W1CLIF1SM IN BOHEMIA. event had occurred which all at once changed the situation of affairs. On the 2nd September, 1409, the archbishop had given in his submission to Pope Alexander V., and the Curia saw itself necessitated to change its mode of procedure. Zbinco despatched an embassy to Rome, at the head of which stood two clergymen, the Canon Jinoch and the bishop in partibus, Jaroslaw of Sarepta, and represented to the Pope that all the mischief in the kingdom of Bohemia proceeded from the Wiclifites ; that the clergy, in consequence of the incentives of these men, were altogether insubordinate, and that the censures of the Church were entirely disregarded. The barons of the kingdom have been indoctrinated with the opinion that it is the place of the laity to guide the clergy, and King Wenzel has even been induced to lay hands on the property of the Church. 1 The Pope now put a stop to the proceedings against the arch- bishop, and conferred upon him, by a bull of 2Oth December, 1409, the commission to take measures against the heretical doctrines. Two masters in theology and two doctors of the canon law were to act as his advisers ; the books of Wiclif were to be put away and brought into the presence of the archbishop, in order to withdraw them from the sight of the faithful people. Preaching was forbidden in any other than customary places, and no appeal to a . Wicklefistis (ad) Romanam Curiam." Comp. Cone. Prag., 64. 1 Docum. Mag. Hus, 189: " Quomodo in regno . . . . pullulassent errores et hereses ex libris Wiclef." Comp. Chron. univ. Prag., where will be found the credentia to the Pope. The bull of 2oth December, see Doc., 374. BURNING OF WICLIF' S BOOKS, 1 1 5 the papal court against these regulations was to have any force. The bull reached Prague only in 1410, and was received in the Wiclifite circles with un- feigned dislike. The archbishop was not misled by this repugnance. The commission, which he had called together in accordance with the papal bull, pronounced the judgment which was likewise pro- claimed by Zbinco at the summer Synod of 1410 that the books of Wiclif should be burnt, and preach- ing in the chapels and other places, with the excep- tion of the authorised churches, should be interdicted. Of the books of Wiclif the following were mentioned by name : I, Dialogus ; 2, Trialogus ; 3, De In- carnacione Verbi Divini ; 4, De Corpore Christi ; 5, De Trinitate ; 6, De Ideis ; 7, De Hypotheticis ; 8, Decalogus ; 9, De Universalibus Realibus ; I o, De Simonia ; 1 1, De Fratribus Dyscolis et Malis ; 12, De Probacionibus Proposicionum ; 13, De Attri- butis ; 14, De Individuacione Temporis ; 15, De Materia et forma; 16, De Dominio Civili ; 17, Super ewangelia sermones per circulum anni. 1 Against this decision the university was the first to raise its voice, on the 2 1st of June ; 2 then Hus, who, four days later, in conjunction with seven others belonging to the university, addressed a solemn appeal to John XXIII., and delivered a protest alike against the command to burn the books as against the prohibition of unrestricted preaching in the chapels. 3 The appeal of Hus and his companions is a carefully elaborated document ; which, in the first 1 Ibid., 378385- 2 Ibid., 386. 3 Ibid., 38739 6 - Il6 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. place, clearly and succinctly sets forth the whole matter, and in particular raises an energetic protest against the accusations of the archbishop, to the effect that the diocese of Prague is full of heretics. Against the prohibition of preaching in the chapels, thus also in Bethlehem, Hus points to the deed of foundation, which he has, to a great extent, intro- duced verbally into his appeal. As regards the prohibiting of the possession of Wiclif's books, the appeal points out that only a fool, who is entirely devoid of acquaintance with the Bible and with canon law, could consign to the flames the logical, philosophical, moral, mathematical, theophysical books ; as also those on matter and form, on ideas, etc., which contain many noble and glorious truths, but not a single error. Moreover, he urged, by the death of Alexander V. the authority entrusted to Zbinco for this prosecution had lapsed. The university had meanwhile invoked the media- tion of the king, and at his intervention the arch- bishop consented to postpone the execution of the sentence until the margrave Jost should have come to Prague from Moravia. 1 As, however, the arrival of the margrave was delayed, Zbinco caused Wiclif s books to be burnt on the i6th July. This auto-da- fe was carried into effect in the court of the archie- piscopal palace on the Hradschin, in the presence of the cathedral chapter and a great multitude of priests. More than two hundred MSS. were consumed, con- 1 Geschichtschr. d. hus. Bew., \. 21, 187 : " Quod tota uni- versitas visitet dominum regem ipsumque petat, ut talem impediat combustionem." BURNING OF WICLIF' S BOOKS. taining the works of Wiclif. Stress has been laid upon the fact that several of them were sumptuously bound. Yet only the smaller proportion of Wiclifs books which were to be found in Bohemia fell victims to the archbishop's injunction ; for, as is related by Stephen of Dolein, 1 the Wiclifites publicly boasted that the bishop had burnt, indeed, some very- re- nowned books of Wiclif, but not all. " We still have most of them, and are collecting others from every quarter, to transcribe and then possess them." Two days after this event the excommunication was pro- nounced upon Hus and his companions, and all who had not delivered up their copies of Wiclif, and this was proclaimed in all the churches of the diocese of Prague. This action gave rise in Prague to an indescribable excitement. Thoroughly to appreciate its effect, we must bear in mind how passionately the populace, who had been aroused by the preaching of Hus and his friends, were wont during this year to espouse the cause of Wiclif. A Pole, who was spending some time in Prague as ambassador and bearer of letters, was found guilty of reviling Wiclif and his adherents ; for this he was cudgelled by the irate multitude on St. Mark's Day. After the scene in the archbishop's palace, the excitement spread to the lowest strata of the population. In various places stormy scenes arose. Of the satirical ballads which were then sung at the expense of the archbishop, some are yet extant; 2 of the tumults the Chronicle of the University of 1 Antihussus, l.c., 386. 2 See Appendix, No. V., and Gesch. d. hus. Sew., i. 622. I 1 8 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. Prasfue records several remarkable instances. 1 Hus o himself gave expression from the pulpit to language in reference to these events which was only adapted to augment the prevailing disquiet among the people, if, at least, it is true that he spoke the following words : 2 " Behold, fulfilled is the prophecy which Jacobus de Taramo writes, that in the year 1409 one shall arise who will persecute the gospel, the epistles, and the faith of Christ. It is the Pope himself, who recently died, and of whom I know not whether he is in heaven or in hell, who writes upon his ass' skins, ' Let the archbishop only burn the books of Wiclif,' and yet there is much good con- tained in them." And after he had spoken a few words between, he continued : " Behold, I have appealed against the decrees of the archbishop, and still appeal. But will you also stand by me?" And all the people called out to him in the Bohemian language, " We will, and do stand by you." " It is time," continued Hus, " that he who will defend the law of God gird himself with the sword, after the example of the old covenant, and hold himself in readiness." In another sermon he laments : " These prelates have procured from the Pope a bull, wherein the Pope enjoins that they are to burn the good and bad books of the magister Johannes Wicleff; for these books scandalise them greatly, because the prelates are chastised therein for their simony, pride, lewdness, avarice, and other vices. It cuts deep into 1 See Palacky, Gesch. v. Bohmen, I. c., 352, where all the passages bearing on the subject are collected. " In vulgar! sermone " (Bohemico) ; see Doc., 405. PROTESTS OF THE HUSSITES. 119 their soul, too, that they are called therein poor men's' preachers and beggars' officials, for they like best to rule as secular lords. But what stings them most is, that the secular authorities may justly and with good intention deprive them of their worldly posses- sions, and need not give them a single tithe." 1 The archbishop's decree of i6th June, 1410, was far from having specified all the writings of Wiclif known in Bohemia. Among the condemned writings were, in point of fact, several of a perfectly harmless nature. Tractates of much greater importance were then assuredly read in that land ; for Hus already employs them in 1411 and the subsequent year, and that in the most comprehensive manner. To their number belong the following : I , De Triplici Vin- culo Amoris ; 2, De Ecclesia ; 3, De Absolucione a pena et a culpa ; 4, De Officio Regis; 5, De Christo et Suo Adversario Antichristo ; 6, De Ordi- nibus Ecclesie ; 7, Ad Argumenta Cuiusdam Emuli Veritatis ; 8, De Fide Catholica ; 9, De imaginibus ; and even 10, De Dissensione Paparum. The proceedings of the archbishop against the Wiclifiana seem to have first contributed to their thorough diffusion in Bohemia. The codex 3933 of the Palace Library at Vienna 2 enumerates ninety works of Wiclif with which men were acquainted in 1 The sermon bears date, it is true, only of the year 1413 (preached on the Sixth Sunday after Epiphany, Novotny, ii. 42), but it is evident from the above that, on former occasions also, Hus expressed himself with like severity. - 195^ 196^. Not only are the works of Wiclif themselves specifieji (in red characters), but also the incipit and explicit of the same (in black characters). This catalogue was printed in Walter Waddington Shirley's work, A Catalogue of the I2O WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA, Bohemia, and adds, as a noteworthy piece of infor- mation, that there are many other works of Wiclif existing in Bohemia, of which also a considerable number is further enumerated. This MS. belonged, to be sure, to a friend of Wiclifs school, Paul of Slawikowitz, subsequently priest of St. ^gidius'. 1 The said Paul was admitted to the examination for the bachelor's degree at the University of Prague in the year I395- 2 Since, as a student, he can hardly have been in the possession of such an expensive codex as that above mentioned ; as, moreover, the theological writings of Wiclif were not at that time circulated in Prague ; we are warranted in assuming that the books of Wiclif specified in the catalogue first became known to Paul of Slawikowitz at a later period, somewhere about the year 1410. Even though the catalogue should have been drawn up a few years later, which is hardly to be supposed how- ever, 3 still it affords brilliant testimony to the activity Original Works of John Wyclif, Oxford, 1865, 56 63. A second catalogue is likewise to be found there, which cannot be taken much into account, inasmuch as the time of its origin can be less exactly determined. 1 An entry upon the inside of the cover says : " Liber Pauli de Slawikowitz." Another entry says, in verses : " Versa Berengarium, fuge Wicleff, cede Pikardis : Implicat hie, errat hie, (hie) sacramenta retractat." - MM. historic, univ. Prag., i. 300, 308. 3 Even if we have regard to the age of Paul of Slawikowitz, who was then a man of forty to fifty years. At a more ad- vanced age he would hardly in this way have made himself acquainted with the more modern tendency. The owner of this catalogue is mentioned again in another MS. of the Vienna Court Library. There it reads: " Pertinens ad Paulum de Slavicovicz, qui fuit arcium baccalaureus, plebanus S. ^Egidii et corrector cleri curie archiepiscopalis Pragensis." , Comp. Buddensieg's edition of Wiclifs De Christo, etc., 22. PROTESTS OF THE HUSSITES. 121 which prevailed in the literary, and particularly in the theological, domain in Bohemia during those years. The fact that the archbishop had condemned more especially the philosophic writings of Wiclif, was admirably turned to account by the disciples of the latter, inasmuch as, during the last days of July and the first days of August, they publicly defended several works of Wiclif. This would be accompanied with the usual amount of display, on the present occasion perhaps with a greater display than usual, and could hardly fail of augmenting the excitement already rife among the inhabitants of Prague. As early as a year before, the adherents of the Realistic school seem to have got up a similar pageantry. 1 The magister John Hus himself opened the lists. He made known in advance, by public handbills, that on the next Sunday (2/th July) he would defend Wiclif s book of the uncreated, blessed, and adorable Trinity. His apologetic discourse is still extant. To how great an extent Wiclif's influence is to be traced in it will be seen from the fact, that he adopts whole passages bodily from Wiclif's tractates ; so notably the familiar and oft-cited passage, in which he says that from the beginning he has made it a rule, whenever he finds a better opinion upon any matter, to give up the old one. This passage is 1 The so-called scientific tournament at Prague in 1409 ; Hofler, Der Mag. Joh. Hus, 255. But Hus must just about that time have been laid aside by a severe illness ; could he then deliver the opening discourse at this tournament ? Comp. Doc., 181. In other respects, too, much that is improbable is to be met with in this history of the tournament. 122 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA, taken, word for word, from Wiclif's tractate, De universalibus} For the 28th of July, Jacobus of Mies (Jakoubek) announced the defence of Wiclif's Decalogue. Even the announcement says that he will meet those who condemn the Decalogus, in that they say it contains manifest heresies. For the 29th of July was announced the defence of Wiclif's tractate, De probacionibus proposicionum, by Simon of Tissnow ; for the 3ist of July, that of Wiclif's dissertation on Ideas, by Prokop of Pilsen ; and finally, on the 6th of July, the defence of Wiclif's tractate, De universalibus, by Zdislas of Wartenberg, called of Zweretic. The addresses are still extant in several MSS. If one could yet doubt that in addition to the serious design, a lively demonstration against the proceedings of the archbishop was like- wise aimed at, the reading of Tissnow's defence of the said tractate of Wiclif 2 may amply suffice to convince of the true state of matters. With the most unsparing banter, certainly reckoning upon the effect with the audience, the conduct of the arch- bishop is lashed by Simon of Tissnow. 3 " Tell me, 1 See under Book II. The announcement of the addresses is from the Chron. univ. Prag. See Documenta mag. Hus, 399, 400. 2 Selections from all the apologetic addresses, with the exception of that of Hus, already printed, will be found in the Appendix, No. VI. 3 Palacky has a passage of this address, not however taken from the original source, but communicated from an Invectiva contra Hussitas, see Gesch. von Bohmen, iii. i, 255. What is meant is manifestly the Invectiva anonymi contra Hussitas (scripta post annum, 1432) in the Geschichtschr. der Hus. Bewegung, i. 621. PROTESTS OF THE HUSSITES. 123 you poor innocent little tractate," says Tissnow, looking down compassionately upon it, " what have you done to your judges and prelates that is so very wicked ? Certainly you have well rebuked their demon of pride, and chidden their ambition." " Ah, no," says the tractate, "that is not my province, you know ; that pertains to the book De civili dominio, which has now become my companion in suffering." " But now you have surely lashed the insatiable and unfathomable avarice of the priests ? " " Ah, no, that was done by the sermons on the gospels for the Church year, which now also are condemned with me to execution." " But perchance you have hard pressed the detestable heresy of simony in the said writings?" "Alas! it was not / who did this, the tractate De Simonia deals with this. That is now in sooth condemned along with me." " Then it must be you have commended evangelical poverty, which is so displeasing to the prelates?" "Well, no, these things are not contained in me, but in the Dialogue and the Trialogue, which are now in like manner condemned with me." " I fear now, my dear little tractate, you have been accusing the ignorance of the clergy, their stupidity and indolence ?" "Dear defender, do not weary me any longer with your questioning. I have done none of all those things of which you suspect me. I am put into the hands of innocent young men, that by the help of me they may learn to prove theses." In this strain it goes on. One sees from the composition of the tractate that Simon of Tissnow has before his mind a numerous audience. He turns to the disciples, for whom the book, " the bread with which they have 124 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. heretofore been nourished," is consumed. The honey is now withdrawn from their lips, and there is no solace, because those who have condemned the book are not able in any way to replace it with a better. In like manner he makes appeal to the older ones. He will never, to the longest day of his life, assent to such impious condemnation, except he is taught better. " But what shall I say," exclaims Simon, "of this Zbinco, who carried out the counsels of these judges ? Perhaps he is to be excused on account of his ignorance. Spare him then, and pray for him." Simon of Tissnow was the one who inveighed most severely against the condemnation of Wiclif's writings. Much calmer was the defence of Prokop of Pilsen, though this is not altogether wanting in attacks on Wiclif's judges. He recals to mind the profound theological and philosophic truths which are contained in this man's writings : long time indeed had they been forgotten, by VViclif were they first awakened anew. Love to his country, Prokop urges, has roused him to the defence of Wiclif, whom in England very many, and as we may hope, good, men call the evangelical doctor ; whose life and walk is generally commended, and in particular by those " poor in spirit," who are nevertheless rich in holy memory. Only the rich in the world, the avaricious, the luxurious and wanton, call him a deceived man and a heretic, while in reality the purest truth is contained in his books. Why do they not burn the books of Mahomet, or of the Jews ? an argument to which Zdislas of Zweretic returns with yet greater emphasis. With the address of this last the interest in these PROTESTS OF THE HUSSn^ES. addresses seems to have reached its culminating point. Not with the relentless irony of Simon of Tissnow, but with deeper earnestness, extensive information, and appeals to the fathers, does Zdislas censure the procedure of the archbishop. He charges the judges of Wiclif with the rankest ingratitude, since they condemn books to which they owe their knowledge. Nay, if it be said : Because Wiclif's books have infected the hearts of so many men, they are to be burnt ; then it follows that we must burn all men who infect the hearts of others. . Who in the wide world, exclaims Zdislas, will then remain unconsigned to the flames ? this sentence would touch the judges, and all of us. Zdislas dwells very long upon the judgment pronounced by Jerome upon Origen, who was in some respects a heretic. As compared with the three former lectures, that of John of Giczin l shows a great falling off. Yet it is not without interest, since it contains some noteworthy communications, e.g., that a number of Wiclif's writings, even after the burning, remained in the hands of the judges. His position as regards obedience towards Zbinco, is at the same time distinctly apparent. Giczin invokes the aid of God, that he may not obey the archbishop. 2 As regards the judges of Wiclif, he relates that one of them, Johannes Peklo, had, according to his own con- fession, been in hell, and had seen the English 1 Giczin' s tractate is found, not in the Cod. un. Prag., X. E., 24, where the others are, but in Cod. Pal. Vind., 4002, where it appears along with the others, with the exception of that of Jacobell. 2 " Ut eorum mandate non obediam." 126 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. magister there. Giczin characterises this as a shame- less lie. John Peklo was priest at St. Egidius', and one of the most zealous adversaries of Hus. When, in the year 1411, Wenzel cut off the revenues of the clergy, Peklo was a great loser. 1 Among the testimonies against Hus, that of Peklo had much weight. He deposed that Hus had repeatedly preached : We have no need of the Pope in order to be saved. 2 That such discourses could have only an exciting effect upon the masses, admits of no doubt. The ad- herents of Hus already represent an imposing power. In the neighbouring districts people could not restrain their surprise, that the collective power of the prelates in Bohemia was insufficient to extirpate from Bohe- mia this accursed heretic, the son of perdition. 3 Very instructive with regard to the number of Hus' followers in the year 1410 is the answer which Hus addressed to the Englishman, Richard Fitz, who had encouraged him to continue in his hitherto so salutary labours. In his reply, Hus speaks in an overflowingly feeling manner of the sweetness, power, and strength of this letter 4 of his English friend, and 1 Docum., 735. 2 Ibid., 178. 8 Cod.,\v. Q. 87(fol. igga], univ. Wratisl.: "beateMariae. . . filio, quern persequitur vestre diocesis filius perdicionis Huso. Mirum quod omnes prelati in Bohemia non valent virum maledictum hereticum a suo regno extirpate." Letter of the abbot of Heiligenkreuz in Lower Austria, to the abbot James of Sedlitz. Without date, but unquestionably belong- ing to this period. 4 The letterof 8th September, 1410, in Opera Hussi, fol. 201 b, with complete dating. Without indication of the year in Geschichtschr. der hus. Bewegung, ii. 212. The earlier edition contains a multitude of better readings. The answer LETTER OF RICHARD FITZ. \2J spiritual kinsman : Though all other writings in the world should be blotted out by Antichrist, yet this letter would suffice to the believers for their spiritual health. He had read it publicly in his sermon to the assembled people there might be about ten thousand persons present and had added : " Lo, our dearest brother and fellow-soldier Richard, the companion of Wiclif in the toils of the Gospel, has written you a letter of such power, that for my part, if I possessed no other writing, I were yet ready gladly to present my life an offering for the gospel of Christ ; and of a truth, with the Lord's help, I will yet do so." At the entreaty of the believers, Hus had now as he farther relates translated this letter into the Bohemian. He is full of gratitude that, through the exertions of his English friend, so great favours have come out of the blessed England to Bohemia. " The Bohemian people, barons and knights, counts and commoners, long and thirst for the truth. You may learn, dear brother he writes that the people will hear nothing but the Holy Scripture, above all, the Gospel, and the Epistles. And wherever, in any town, or in a village or castle, a preacher of the sacred truth appears, there the people flock together in whole crowds, despising the clergy who are not able to furnish it." of Hus is to be found likewise in the Doc. mag. Joannis Hus, 12. The most descriptive passages therein are: " Ri- chardus, M. Joannis Wicleff in evangelii laborious consocius, scripsit vobis. . . Populus non vult audire nisi sacram scrip- turam presertim evangelium et epistolas. Et ubicunque in civitate vel oppido sive villa aut castro apparet sancte veritatis predicator catervatim confluunt populi, clerum indispositum. aspernantes." 128 WICL1FISM IN BOHEMIA. " Our king, his whole court, the barons and the common people, are in favour of the word of Christ." Specially to be observed is that which Hus says concerning the itinerant preachers. In fact : in the whole way and manner in which Kus apprehends the meaning of the preacher's office, he is altogether a true disciple of Wiclif. After the death of ALEXANDER V. the affairs of Hus were entrusted to a commission of four cardinals. 1 These called together all the doctors then resident in Bologna where John XXIII., the successor of Alexander V., held his court and laid before them Wiclif's books for examination. By a majority they came to the conclusion that Zbinco was not war- ranted in having the books burnt. The party of the archbishop, however, was not idle. They represented to the Pope the proceedings of Hus during the last months, and urgently craved that Hus, as suspected of heresy, should be sum- moned before the Romish Curia. John XXIII. now committed the whole affair to Cardinal Otto of Colonna, who on the 25th August charged the archbishop to proceed with all severity, and even with an appeal to the secular arm, against the innovators. 2 Hus found, nevertheless, powerful protectors at 1 " Tandem causa appellacionis nondum inchoata et domino Alexandro defuncto dominus papa Johannes XXIII. causam premissam quatuor commisit cardinalibus, qui convocantes universos doctores theologiae . . . libros Wiclef examinandos commiserunt, ubi inter cetera per maiorem partem fuit conclu- sum, quod libri Wiclef non debeant comburi." 2 Ibid., 190, 401 : " Invocantes eciam ad hoc si opus fuerit auxilium brachii secularis." CITA TION OF HUS. 1 29 the court of the king. The queen, and through her mediation the king too, numerous persons from among the nobility, as also the university and the citizens of Prague, interceded for him. At that time there was residing in Prague Antonio of Monte Catino, who had come to notify to the king the accession of John XXIII. to the papal throne. When, about the middle of September, Antonio was preparing for his homeward journey, he received an autograph letter of the king and queen to the Pope, in which they expressed their dissatisfaction with the burning of the books, and entreated the Pope to annul the decision in question and free the preaching of its restraints. An energetic protest was likewise made against the branding of Bohemia with heresy. The queen prays in particular that the sentence affecting Bethlehem may be deprived of force. Similar letters were addressed to the college of cardinals ; and the barons of Krawar, Potenstein, and others, as also the magistracy of Prague, raised their voice in the same sense. 1 But shortly after this, on the 2Oth Sep- tember, Hus was summoned by the Cardinal Colonna to appear personally at Rome in his own defence. 2 By this course of action the excitement already pre- vailing in Prague was only augmented, and the pro- tectors of Hus were more instant in the renewal of their intercessions on his behalf. Instead of repair- ing in person to Bologna, Hus sent thither his friend, John of Jesenic, with two other theologians ; simul- taneously the king and queen appealed to the Pope 1 Doc., 409-415. - As regards the date, see Berger, Johannes Hus und Konig Sigismund, 70. 9 130 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. and the college of cardinals in favour of Hus. The king desired that the magister Hus might be released from the necessity of a personal appearance, " in consideration of the perils of the way ; " in his native land he would present himself before every judge, as also before the whole university of Prague, and humbly reply to all charges. The plenipo- tentiary of the king, the doctor John Naas, was commissioned to obtain for the master John Hus freedom from the necessity of putting in a personal appearance. 2 But all these steps were in vain ; the grounds alleged by Hus' advocates were deemed un- satisfactory, so that these advocates now applied to the Pope. Even before the papal auditor, John of Thomariis, had delivered judgment, in the middle of February, 1411, Colonna placed Hus under the ban of excommunication, on the ground of disobedience and obstinate refusal to appear. 3 As related by the University Chronicle, it cost the archbishop fine sums to prevent the citation becoming null and void. The excommunication against Hus was published in all the churches of Prague, with the exception of two, whose priests refused to proclaim it ; and sub- sequently, because the writ of sequestration attaching to the possessions of Zbinco was not taken off, was pronounced upon the town council of Prague; and finally an interdict was placed upon the city. 4 This 1 " Propter vicissim pericula." Doc., 425. 2 Ibid., 426. 3 Ibid., 192, 202. Comp. Berger, /. c., 72. 4 Docum. Mag. Hus, 429. That the sequestration was attached in consequence of the burning of the books, see in Palacky, Gesch. des Husitenthums , 139. CITA TION OF fff/S. 1 3 1 measure remained ineffective, for the preaching and service were held as before. Nay,' even some of the priests devoted to the archbishop were banished the land, and the cathedral treasures brought to Karlstein for safe keeping. 1 During this time the people stood on the side of Hus ; in divers places tumultuous scenes were witnessed. Inasmuch as the religious strifes in Bohemia exerted an unfavourable influence upon the political situation of the country, Wenzel, in the year 1411, attempted at any price to restore ecclesiastical peace in his land ; and the archbishop had become more inclined in consequence of recent events, perhaps, also of admonitions from the Pope, to consent to terms of peace. As early as the month of June Stephen of Palecz elaborated a theological judgment, in which he proved that the Archbishop of Prague would be fully justified in removing the interdict. 2 About the same time the Pope transferred the case against Hus to a commission consisting of four cardinals, and thus withdrew it from the influence of Colonna. On the 3rd July, the archbishop on the one hand, and the masters of the university on the other, placed their controversy in the hands of the king. A court of arbitration, consisting of the elector Rudolph of Saxony, the Vayvode Stibor of Transylvania, the Lord Steward Lacek of Krawar, with seven other persons of high ecclesiastical or secular rank, passed judgment three days later, to the effect that the archbishop should entreat the 1 See on this Palacky, /. c., 267 ; Berger, /. c., 73. 2 Doc., 432 ; the documents for that which follows ib., 434- 442. 132 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. favour of the king, and despatch to the Pope an assurance that there are no heretics in Bohemia, and that the king himself will extirpate any errors there may chance to be. Excommunications and inter- dicts are to be withdrawn ; the Church possessions, on the other hand, to be restored to the archbishop. On the ist September Hus, reading a letter which he had addressed to John XXIII., declared in the Carolinum, in presence of the rector and the as- sembled university, that he did not forsake the doctrine of the Church, and that the reports which were in circulation about his doctrines were inven- tions of his enemies. Moreover, he declared himself ready to justify himself, and to recal false doctrines in case such doctrines were brought home to him, or to suffer death. 1 A second letter was at the same time despatched to the College of Cardinals. In this Hus made emphatic reference to his innocence, and begged, on bended knee, that he might be released from the necessity of personally appearing. The draft of the letter which Zbinco was to send to the Pope is still extant ; he declares therein that after careful examination he knows nothing of the existence of heretical errors, and that no one has been convicted of them. The letter, after all, was not sent off. 2 Fresh misunderstandings broke out, and the archbishop resolved to apply to King Sigismund. In a letter to Wenzel, from Leitomischl, on the 5th September, he complains 3 that he has now for five weeks in vain sought an audience with 1 Doc., 18-20; 271, 20 f Ibid.. Adi. Ibid., 441. Ibid., 443-446. C1TA TION OF HUS. 1 3 3 the king, and equally in vain has awaited the fulfil- ment of promises ; in the churches, now as before, heresies are preached, and, in particular, the Pope's authority passionately assailed, etc. Before he had reached his journey's end he ex- pired suddenly, on the 28th September, 141 1. 1 With his death the religious movement in Bohemia entered upon a new phase. Till then books and articles of Wiclif had formed the subject of an embittered con- troversy. Henceforth it is the papacy itself and the whole existing ecclesiastical order, which are com- bated by Hus and his adherents, with the weapons of Wiclif. 1 Steph. Dolan. Fez, Thes., i\: 2, 418. Cochlaeus, Hist. Hussitarum, 20. CHAPTER VII. THE CONTROVERSY ON INDULGENCES IN PRAGUE OF THE YEAR 1412. AMONG the antagonists who sharply opposed the magister Hus at the time of the Council of Constance, we find the English magister John Stokes. This man had already come to a very sharp rencounter with Hus and his whole party three years before. In the spring of 1411, the knight, 1 Hartung van Clux, who had been sent by his master, King Henry IV. of England, appeared at the Court of Sigismund, bearing the proposals of his master to Sigismund for the conclusion of a close alliance. 2 Among those who accompanied him was the licen- tiate of laws of the Cambridge University, John Stokes, who had been repeatedly employed by his sovereign on diplomatic missions. In the first half of September 1411 these two 1 Krummel's art of translating makes of this -miles "a. soldier ; " Gesch. der bohm. Ref., 242. 2 A very valuable collection of the notices having reference to Clux is found in Lenz, Konig Sigismund und Heinrich V. von England, $\ff. Quite recently also this has been given in the " Acts of the Diet under King Sigismund," as also in Caro, " Aus der Kanzlei Kaiser Sigismunds, Arch.f. osterr. Gesch., 59. Regarding Stokes, too, a few notices are to be met with in Lenz. OPPOSITION TO ROME. 135 came to Prague. When it was known in this city that " some magisters or doctors from the kingdom of England" had arrived, and had taken up their quarters for a time in a certain house, 1 a deputation of Prague masters, bachelors, and students presented themselves to greet the strangers. A banquet was prepared in honour of them, and Stokes was invited to the college. The latter, however, by the advice of Hartung van Clux, not only declined the proffered honour, but also made use of some expressions on account of which the Bohemian magisters felt aggrieved. Stokes, namely, is reported to have said, " He who reads Wiclifs books, or makes them his study, must of necessity, however well-disposed he may be, or sound in the faith, in the course of time lapse into heresy." For this declaration the foreign magister was called to account by Hus, for it con- tained an insult to Bohemia and to the University of Oxford. He challenged him on the I3th Sep- tember to the public maintenance of his proposition, or to the withdrawal of it. 2 Stokes first corrected the stating of the proposition in dispute. He had said : " If I were acquainted with any one who read or studied Wiclif's books, or 1 Hus, Opera, io8e by no means exhausted ; for here the MSS. have not been taken into account, which are to be found in the libraries of Prague and Breslau. TRIUMPH OF THE. REFORMERS. l6l the council. 1 The labours of Stephen of Palecz during the next few years were not of less signifi- cance. 2 At the council he was counted among the most passionate accusers of Hus. By the withdrawal of these representatives of the strictly Catholic tendency, the opposite party gained the ground altogether for themselves. In town and land everything now inclined to the side of Hussitism, and one comprehends the proud language of Hus at the Council of Constance ; " Truly I have said it ; freely I came here ; and if I had not willed to come hither, not tJtat king (Wenzel), and not this king here (Sigismund), would have been able to force me ; for so numerous and so powerful are the Bohemian nobles who love me, that I should have been right well able to protect myself behind their castle walls." 3 In Prague itself the Catholic party received a heavy blow, when Wenzel, in October 1413, deprived them of their former ascendency, inasmuch as he appointed that in future nine Czechs, in addition to the nine Germans, should officiate as senators in the council- 1 " Petri de Mladenowic Relatio," Doc., 246: " Magister Stanislaus de Znoyma equitans in Bohemia in Nova domo apostemate percussus mortuus est." To his controversial writings against the Wiclifites belong : I. Sermo contra articulos 13 et 24 Wiclefi ; 2. Sermo contra quatuor articulos Hussitarum (belongs, as we learn from the title, to a later time); 3. Tractatus de Romana ecclesia ; 4. De ecclesia sentencia doctorum ; 5. Contra reprehensionem consilii octo doctorum ; 6. Responsio contra quasdam repli- caciones partis hussiticae ; 7. Utrum de necessitate salutis sit hominem confiteri solis presbyteris. 3 Docum magistri Joh. Hus, 283 : " Tot et tanti sunt domini in regno Bohemiae, qui me diligunt, in quorum castris latere et occultari potuissem, quod nee ille rex nee iste me ad hue veniendum coegissent." II 1 62 WICL1FISM IN BOHEMIA. house of the Old Town. Here, too, accordingly, a mighty revolution was accomplished. How does an old Czech annalist still complain, when he is nar- rating the history of the year 1412: " And all the senators were at that time Germans. Even the armed ones they made exclusively of Germans ; among the other inhabitants, too, there were many Germans." 1 While these things were taking place at Prague, Hus was engaged partly in the composition of his controversial writings, partly in preaching to the people in the neighbourhood of Kozi hradek. On this account he retained with unwonted vividness the memory of his pastoral labours there ; and in this district arose, a few years later, the town of Tabor. Of the epistolary correspondence which he main- tained in those days, the letter of the ist July, 1413, is specially to be mentioned, wherein he vigorously defends his friend Jerome of Prague against the charges of the magister Johannes Sybort, who had accused him of the diffusion of heretical doctrines. 2 From the country Hus repaired a few times to Prague, where, however, he stayed but a little while, and always incognito. Thus he went to Prague in the year 1414, to the Festival of Relics an incident which it was thought good to note down in MSS. 3 1 Geschtchtschr . der hus. Beweg., iii. 233. 2 The letter is to be found in a printed form in the Ges- chichtschr der hus. Bewegung, ii. 209, and from this in Palacky, Documenta, 63, 64 ; but there most incorrectly printed. Better readings are to be found in the Cod. Univ. Prag., I. G. n, of which Hofler also seems to have made use. 8 Cod. Un. Prag., X. H. 17 : " Anno domini 1414 magister Johannes venit ad ostensionem reliquiarum" (20th April) ; see Tomek, Dejefiis Prahy, iii. 548. TRIUMPH OF THE REFORMERS. 163 One will be able also from this trifling circumstance to estimate the position occupied by Hus in those days. In order to be nearer to his friends in Prague, he eventually quitted the region of Kozi hradek, and removed to Krakowec, in the district of Rakonitz, a castle which belonged to one of his adherents, named Henry Left" of Lazan. Here, too, he delighted to preach to the multitude which was found in the place, or in the adjacent villages and market-towns ; so that here likewise his views and doctrines were firmly established. " Here he remained," as the Czechist chronicler says, " until such time as he went to Constance." 1 1 SS. rer. Bohem., iii. 19 : "Tu byl tak dluho, az pak gel potom do Konstancie." CHAPTER IX. fff7S A T CONSTANCE CONDEMN A TION OF W1CLIFISM. FOR upwards of a generation a schism, " the like of which was never before seen on earth," 1 had rent the Catholic world into parties. One king- dom made war upon another, one province against a second, the clergy fought against the clergy, doctors against doctors, parents rose against the sons, and sons against the parents. 2 All attempts hitherto made to put an end to the same, and to banish the causes which had produced it, had proved to be failures. To restore the unity of the Church, and bring about its reform that was the thought which animated the best men of Chris- tendom since the first decade of the fifteenth century. Contemporaries have bestowed abundant praise upon the endeavours, in particular, of King Sigismund, for effecting ecclesiastical unity and reform. 3 By cease- less urging he had prevailed upon John XXIII. to 1 " Factum estscisma a seculo incompertum." Ludolph of Sagan, I.e., 404. 2 "Surrexit regnum contra regnum, provincia contra provin- ciam, clerus contra clerum, doctores contra doctores, parentes in filios, et filii in parentes." Ibid. 8 Ibid., 451. THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. 1 65 call together a general council. The Pope issued from Lodi the bull in which the opening was fixed for ist November, 1414, in Constance. At this council the schism was to be terminated, and the great reform of the Church, for which men most deeply sighed, carried into effect. In the first consultations the speech turned mainly on these points. As related by a contemporary, Ludolph of Sagan, the putting away of heretical doctrines was likewise steadily contemplated from the very begin- ning. 1 It was, moreover, to be expected that the Wiclif- Hussite business would be placed on the order of the day ; and specially must Sigismund, the heir to the Bohemian crown, be concerned to remove the stain of heresy from the land of Bohemia. " For throughout the whole world resounded the rumour, the Bohemians are the sons of heretical baseness." 2 The universities in the empire and outside thereof told of the same. In Vienna and Paris there was but one voice on this subject. Hus himself raised passionate complaint in this respect in the fore- mentioned letter to the professor at the Vienna university, John Sybort ; and the rector of the Prague university, Michael of Malenicz, in a letter to the University of Vienna, loudly protests against the injustice done to the Prague scholars in thus render- 1 " Congregavit autem id propter decreta Pisani concilii, in quo ex racionabilissimis causis ordinatum extitit, ut summus pontifex pro exterpandis heresibus, sectis, et erroribus .... generale debuit concilium celebrare." 2 "Non potuit ex tune per amplius latere eorum heresis, sed totus mundus intonuit : Bohemos esse filios heretice pravi- tatis." Ludolph of Sagan, l.c., 433. 1 66 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. ing them suspected. 1 From Vienna, as complained by this rector, the accusations spread to Agram. From Paris the chancellor, John de Gerson, addressed a letter to the Archbishop of Prague, exhorting him to extirpate the heresy in the Prague diocese. " For many years now," writes Gerson, " the pernicious tares of the most diverse errors have been scattered in appalling multitudes within the diocese of Prague, errors which have their accursed origin in the books of John Wiclif, which are there defended with the most provoking effrontery." In the answer of 2nd August, Konrad of Vechta declares his perfect readi- ness to extirpate the errors " of that most pernicious arch-heretic John Wiclif." 2 " Of all the errors of Hus," writes Gerson, in a second letter to the arch- bishop, "that proposition it notably came down from Wiclif is the most perilous, that a man who is from eternity reprobate, or who is living in deadly sin, ought to have no dominion, jurisdiction, or authority over other Christian men." The cardinal, Simon of Rheims, too, complains in a letter to the Archbishop of Prague, " that that old enemy has attained to such power in the kingdom of Bohemia." Sigismund was persuaded that the religious dis- sensions in Bohemia could be composed in a peaceful way. 3 Hus was counted a heretic only because he remained under the excommunication without freeing himself therefrom. Even in the last days only the 1 Doc., 512 ; 1. 3 of the letter must read : " Iniurias .... sustulimus nulla monicione previa ex parte vestra vel eciam causa." 2 Doc., 524. The answer, ib. 526. The second letter of Gerson, 528. 3 See on this matter the evidence of Berger, I.e., 90. THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. 1 67 name of Wiclif was mentioned, when, e.g., as by Gerson, the heresies of Bohemia were spoken of. In case the king succeeded in bringing about the reconciliation of Hus, behind whom a powerful party was standing, to the Church, he might safely count upon the gratitude of all Bohemia. But for Hus, too, it must be a matter of great importance, that the outcry raised against the heresies prevailing in Bohemia should at last be silenced. When, therefore, Sigismund despatched two Bohe- mian noblemen of those about him John of Chlum and Wenzel of Duba, both admirers of Hus to call upon him, in order to dissipate the evil report against himself and the kingdom, to present himself at Con- stance, Hus was ready without any lengthy delay to comply with this request. Through Henry Lefl, of Lazan, as through others also, he received the communication that the king would obtain for him a sufficient hearing. It is said, likewise, that he received the assurance of return, unharmed, in the event of his not being able to acquiesce in the judgment of the council ; yet this is not probable. 1 Hus went first to Prague in order to procure some documents there ; by which his ortho- doxy and blamelessness up to that time were to be proved, as would appear with a view to meet the demand of the king. 1 As regards the question of a safe-conduct, see the detailed presentation of Berger, I.e., 92. Sigismund can, as Berger proves, have promised nothing more than security and protec- tion for the journey, and his interposition to obtain a public hearing. Even in this he had proceeded somewhat farther than was compatible with strict law. Comp. also Lechler, I.e., ii., 189. 1 68 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. On the 2 /th of August the Provincial Synod was held ; on the preceding day Hus published, by hand- bills upon the walls, in the Bohemian and the German language, 1 that he was ready to defend his orthodoxy before the Archbishop and the Synod. If any one would accuse him of heresy, let the same prove his accusations, or suffer the punishment pro- posed against Hus himself. The Synod found a pretext for not admitting him to the assembly. Hus thereupon declares, by a notice publicly posted up, that no one has arisen against him ; he will repair to Constance, and whoever has to accuse him of any false doctrine may appear there. On the 3Oth August Jesenitz presented himself with a great number of witnesses before the inquisitor Nicholas, Bishop of Nazareth, and put the question whether any error or heresy of Hus was known to him, or whether anyone had charged him with an heretical doctrine. The inquisitor not only denied that either was the case, but wrote out a testimony, in which he declares that he has always found Hus a true and faithful Catholic. A number of Bohemian barons presented a like question to the archbishop, at an assembly of the magnates of the kingdom, and the latter made declaration that he knew of no heresy of Hus', 2 only that the Pope had excommunicated him. Of this the nobles made report, on the /th October, 1 4 1 4, to the king, to whom Hus had appealed as early as the 1st September. 3 The answer which Hus re- 1 Mladenowic Relacio, Doc. 238. 2 Ibid., p. 239 ; comp. 531. 3 Ibid., p. 531. THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. 169 ceived to this letter on the 8th October testifies to the joy felt by the king at his intentions, and at the fact " that our nation, through the intervention of Hus, will stand cleared in regard to those things which are falsely imputed to it." a In accordance with the original intentions of the king, Hus was to have made the journey to Constance in his suite ; Sigismund afterwards also thought that if this had been done, matters would have stood far better for the cause of Hus. 2 Hus received the safe conduct only on the ist November, after he had already reached Constance. John of Chlum, Wenzel of Duba, and Henry of Chlum auf Latzenbock, had to provide for Hus' safety on the route and at the Council. First of all Hus set his house in order ; his disciple Martin received a sealed letter the testament of the master with directions to open it when he should have received intelligence of his death. On the i ith October Hus entered upon the journey. The route was through Bernau, Neustadt, Sulzbach, Herspruck, and Lauf, to Nuremberg, where he arrived on the 1 9th October. With joyful heart he writes to his friends of his journey's course ; the Germans in every place came out to meet him in a friendly spirit ; in Bernau the parish priest had entertained him at his house, and said that he had always been his friend. " Hitherto," writes Hus, " I have not ob- served any enemy. I confess that I have no worse foes than my countrymen in Bohemia." In reality 1 Doc. y p. 533. - Ibid., p. 612. 170 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. there was to be perceived in many places not only a manifold curiosity, but also a lively interest in his cause. In Nuremberg, Hus had the pleasure of see- ing the burghers of the town on his side, in opposition to the priest of St. Sebald's. There he formed the resolve, instead of going to the king, to travel direct to Constance. On the 3rd November he reached his journey's end. 1 Almost simultaneously with Hus there arrived in Constance Stephen of Palecz, who had already pro- vided himself, while in Bohemia, with the necessary material for the charges against Hus. 2 Without loss of time he opened communications with Michael de Causis and Wenzel Tiem. On the very day after Hus' entry, one could read on the church towers at Constance, that Michael would appear against the heretic Hus and his adherents. Hus stands in fact at the beginning of his end. To present the single phases of his trial does not enter into the design of this book. It remains only to consider to what extent it was Wiclif's doctrine which contributed to the condemnation of Hus. Nothing can be more characteristic of the hopes which swelled his breast, than the fact that he thought of being allowed to deliver some prominent discourses before the assembled council. He believed he would be able to carry with him those men favourable to reform, who were to be found there. With that end in view he composed the discourses on the all-sufficiency of the law of Christ for the 1 Doc., p. 77. 2 The " Depositiones testium contra Mag. Job. Hus," Doc., p. 174-185. THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. IJ I government of the Church, on his belief, and on peace. These discourses, we are told, were composed before his incarceration. 1 That is not all. These discourses are so strongly interpenetrated with Wiclif's views and opinions, they contain so many arguments drawn from Wiclif's tractates, they are in the doctrinal parts so strikingly and verbally in agreement with Wiclif's writings, that one cannot hesitate to believe that he composed these tractates at a time when Wiclif's dissertations were in abundant measure at his dis- posal. This could hardly, however, have been the case with him in Constance. We shall therefore be permitted to suppose that Hus put to paper during the last weeks of his stay in Bohemia, these tractates by which he wished in part also to manifest his orthodoxy. For the tractate De fidei sues elucidatione, and still more so for the treatise De pace, he consulted in the most extensive manner Wiclif's sermons on the Gospels for the Sundays. 2 It was thus essentially views and doctrinal senti- ments of the English master, with which he hoped to produce an abiding impression upon the assembled fathers at the council. Inasmuch as even the bull of convocation placed in prospect the occupation of the council with the heretical propositions of Wiclif, 3 so must also the Bohemian movement, and in the first line the writ- ings of Hus, be affected by such proceedings. Of all the tractates of Hus there is no single one 1 Krummel, I.e., p. 307. 2 See below, Book II., chap, viii., where the details are furnished. 3 Von der Hardt, vol. i., p. 18. 1/2 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. so strongly pervaded with Wiclif's ideas, or, more strictly speaking, which was so verbally transferred from VViclif, chapter by chapter, as the tractate on the Church. Hus, on this account, testified great sorrow, when he learnt that this tractate had been handed over to his opponents in Constance. 1 In point of fact, those forty-two articles, compiled from the writings of Hus, and particularly from the tractate De ecclesia, by the commission appointed against him by John XXIIL, lead back almost ex- clusively to Wiclif. Those which are drawn from the first chapters of this tractate are derived word for word from the tractate bearing the same title by Wiclif. At the fifth plenary session of the council, on the 6th April, 1415, the examination of the affair of Wiclif was entrusted to the same commission as was charged with the proceedings against Hus. Lechler has rightly perceived in this a clear proof " that the council regarded the process against Hus and the question as to Wiclif as hanging together (connex) and inseparable." 5 At the eighth plenary session, on the 4th May, the verdict in regard to Wiclif was publicly read. Therein it was said that, in the pre- sent period, Johannes Wiclif has been the leader and prince in the conflict against the Church. 3 Wiclif's doctrine was condemned as heretical, erroneous, etc., and his writings consigned to the fire. His bones, in case they could be separated from those of other persons, were to be torn up from the ground, and 1 Doc. p. 105. - Lechler, I.e., ii. 205. 3 V. d. Hardt, iv. THE CONDEMNATION OF HUS. 1/3 cast into an unconsecrated place. For Hus and his doctrine this incident was of the worst omen. On the 5th June, 1415, Hus had his first public hearing. Those books which seemed to the council most dangerous, the book on the Church, that against Palecz and Stanislas, 1 were placed before Hus, with the question whether he acknowledged them as his. The examination was continued on the /th and 8th June. On the /th June an Englishman thought he saw standing before him " the very Wiclif," as he listened to the guarded answers of Hus. 2 What was constantly brought as a reproach against Hus, and what he just as steadfastly denied, was that he had preached and defended Wiclif s doctrine of the Supper; then that he had proclaimed from the chair and from the pulpit the forty-five articles of Wiclif; they reproached him finally with having expressed him- self with loyalty and affection about Wiclif. The other reproaches, which were made against him on the /th June, had respect to the affairs of the Prague university, his relations to the Bohemian clergy and the Bohemian nobles, and had thus nothing to do with Wiclif. In the session of the 8th June the third and last examination of Hus thirty-nine propositions were publicly read, of which twenty-six were drawn from his tractate De ecclesia,- seven from that against Palecz, and six from the writing against Stanislas. 1 "Quorum certi (libri) ibidem post sunt combusti et pre- sertim libellus de ecclesia et contra Palecz et Stanislaum." Doc., 319. 2 Ibid., 277: " Expectetis, ipse loquitur cautulose sicut et Wiclef fecit." WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. They were compared with the text of his writings, and when passages were met with in his book which were displeasing to the audience, there d'Ailli, to be sure, turned to the king and the others, and ex- claimed, " Lo, here it stands worse, more dangerous, and more erroneous than it has been extracted ! " Of the thirty-nine articles which were submitted to the council, almost all, and indeed for the greater part with verbal fidelity, are to be traced back to Wiclif; so that John Stokes was entirely in the right when on this day he made the remark previously referred to, that Hus need not boast of these doctrines as his own property, inasmuch as they belong demon- strably to Wiclif. 1 To how great an extent this corresponds to the actual state of the case is to be seen from a simple parallelising of the texts of Wiclif and Hus. 2 1 See above, Introduction, and p. 86. - So, for example, the third of the twenty-nine propositions extracted from the tractate De ecclesia reads, " Praesciti non sunt partes ecclesiae, cum nulla pars ab ea finaliter excidit, eo quod praedestinacionis caritas, que ipsam ligat, non excidit." Wiclif, De eccl. 16 a and 12 a. Hus, Opera, fol. 203 b, 199 b. Cod. pal. Vind. 3929. " Secundo colligitur . . . " Manifestum videtur, quod quodnullus prescitus estmem- nullus prescitus sit membrum brum sanctas matris ecclesiae illius ecclesie . . . non habe- catholicae . . . Ipsa non habe- bit prescitos sed solum pre- bit alia membra post diem destinatos partes suas . . . iudicii . . . sicut enim super- sicut enim superfluitas pro- fluitas procedit ex cibo et cedit ex cibo et membris soli- membris solidis, dum tamen dis, dum tamen non sit ex eis : non sit ex eis : sic purgamenta sic purgamenta ecclesie pro- ecclesie scilicet prassciti pro- cedunt ex ea, non tamen erant cedunt ex ea, non tamen erant ex ea ut partes, cum nulla pars ex ea ut partes, cum nulla pars eius potest ab ea excidere." eius ab ea finaliter excidit " One sees that Hus, in his text above, has added after ecclesiae THE CONDEMN A TION OF HUS. 1 7 5 And in this sense we must take the words of an Englishman, who most urgently called upon Hus to recant. " By my soul," he said, " if I were in your case I would abjure ; for in England all the magis- ters, one after another, albeit very good men, when suspected of Wiclifism, abjured at the command of the archbishop." 1 Notwithstanding all this the council did not attain to a perfectly clear perception of the true nature of the relations between Wiclif and Hus ; for with the condemnation of Wiclif s doctrines, those of Hus two or three points excepted were already con- demned. Hus certainly stood in a closer relation to Wiclif, as regards teaching and writings, than Jerome to Hus ; and yet it was said at the council, when the conversation turned on Jerome, " With this Jerome we shall be able to finish in a day ; there the matter is much simpler, for this Hus is the master and that Jerome the scholar." 2 The same line of action ought, strictly speaking, to have been followed in reference also to Hus. After the examination of the 8th June, until the the word catholicse, as he has also added it on the marginal notes to the twenty-nine articles in Constance (see Docu- menta, 225). While referring the reader to other examples which follow below (Bk. II., ch. i.), we here content ourselves with giving a few specimens. 1 " Quidam Anglicus dixit : Ego per conscientiam meam, si essem in casu vestro, vellem abiurare. Nam in Anglia omnes magistri valde boni viri, qui suspecti fuerunt de opinione Wicleff, omnes secundum ordinem ex mandate archiepiscopi abiuraverunt." Mlad., Doc., 136. 2 Ib., 315 : " Cum illo faciemus finem infraunumdiem. lam levius erit, quia ille est magister, denominantes magistrum Hus, et ille Hieronymus discipulus eius." 1/6 WICLIFISM IN BOHEMIA. end of the month, repeated endeavours were put forth to induce Hus to make recantation. Hus declined all recantation. On the 1 8th June the articles were accurately formulated, so as to serve for the basis of the condemnation. Hus added to twenty-five of them certain remarks, partly explanatory, partly limitative. 1 On the 24th June his books were con- demned to the fire. On the ist July he handed in to the council an explanation, by which he approxi- mated as nearly as seemed to him possible to the standpoint of the council. 2 An agreement was not, however, effected at this stage : undoubtedly his relation to Wiclif contributed to such result. 3 The trial of Hus entered upon its last phase. On the 6th July, about midday, this likewise was brought to a close. Hus had always intensely longed to obtain the crown of martyrdom. In numerous passages of his letters and tractates he breathes the wish that it may be granted him to yield up his life for the truth. 4 His wish was now fulfilled. While by far the greater part of the Bohemian people had before been enthu- siastically attached to Hus as their prophet and apostle, 5 he was now revered as a saint and martyr. On the highways and streets resounded the lament for " John Hus the martyr, who had shed his blood 1 They are best given Doc. 225 ; comp. Nat. Alexander, Hist, eccl., 158, where thirty articles are mentioned, because an additional one is inserted between articles 20 and 21. 2 Berger, l.c., 163. 3 Ibid., 165. 4 Comp. Doc., 31, 55 ; Opera, 292. 5 Ludolph of Sagan, l.c., 450: " Eorum eciam nonnulli potentes et magni se dolentes suos apostolos amisisse." CONDEMNA TION OF HUS. 1 77 for the name of Christ." 1 The Bohemians, as we learn from a Silesian author of the period of the Hussite splendour, canonised Hus, and celebrated his festival with strictly prescribed ceremonies on the 6th of July. 2 The death of Hus has also long covered his rela- tion to Wiclif as with a veil. The flames which rose with mighty blaze from the pile at Constance on the 6th July, 1415, displayed to posterity the form of Hus in clearer illumination than that of his English colleague. Only deep in the background has been discerned since then likewise the shadow of that man for whose doctrine Hus went to the stake John de Wiclif. 1 " Enim vero non verentur in stratis canere de praefato Joanne Hus heretico : Hie est martyr, qui pro Christ! nomine sanguinem suum fudit." 2 Tempelfeld, I.e., u : " Bohemi Johannem Husz alias de Husnicz appellatum canonizaverunt eiusque festum die sexta mensis Juli solempniter celebrandum instituerunt." Comp. Palacky, Urk. Beitrdge, i. 40 : " Ceterum quia comprobatas sanctitatis felicisque memorise virum mag. Johannem Hus, qui vita et moribus praecellenter vixit," as it reads in an official document of the people of Prague, of the loth July, 1420. 12 BOOK II. WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUB. CHAPTER I. THE FIRST THREE SECTIONS OF HUS 1 TRACTATE DE ECCLESIA AND THEIR SOURCE THE DOC- TRINE CONCERNING THE CHURCH. AMONG all the writings of Hus, that " Of t/ie Church " has always been esteemed the most important : * friends and foes alike, it has constantly inspired with deep respect. No less a person than Peter d' Ailli declared before the Council of Con- stance, that this tractate of Hus, by its immense abundance of proofs, combats the authority and plenary power of the Pope, no less than the Koran combats the catholic faith. 2 Even in our own day this tractate is from one standpoint called the " notorious " one. 3 Since, according to the statement of a Protestant Church historian, the same contains a summary of all his theological views, and particu- larly those bearing upon Church reformation, 4 it seems the most appropriate course, first of all, to subject this tractate to an examination touching its sources. 1 Bohringer, I.e., 307; Lechler, I.e., ii., 185. 2 Gerson's Works, ii., 901. 3 Hofler, Geschichtschr. der hus. Bewegung, i., xxxv. 4 Krummel, I.e., 336. 1 82 W1CLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. To what circumstance it owes its origin has been already indicated : it was intended to refute the judgment of the doctors of the theological faculty in Prague, of the 6th February, 1413. In reality Hus cites this judgment and selects the most charac- teristic passages thereof, in order to combat them. As regards its plan, the tractate divides itself into two parts ; of which the first treats of the idea of the Church, the head and the members thereof, the Pope and the power of the keys ; the second draws the conclusions therefrom, in order presently to refute the judgment of the doctors. The main stress consequently lies upon the first part. With this the following pages are occupied. The first three chapters treat of the idea of the Church. They are to state the matter briefly in advance taken over word for word from Wiclif's tractate bearing the same title. One will not see this relation appearing with special distinctness so early as in the introduction to the tractate. Yet even the introduction reminds of Wiclif in some of its turns of discourse ; save that Hus expresses himself much more briefly, simply passes over single argumentations of Wiclif, and picks out only what is essential to his purpose: Wiclif, De ecclesia. Hus, De ecclesia, fol. 196$ : Cod. ^al. Vind. 3929, fol. i: "Cum quilibet viator "... Decet christianos debet fideliter credere ec- cognoscere matrem suam, clesiam sanctam catholicam, quomodo queso honoraret sicut debet diligere Jesum quis matrem illam primevam, Christum dominum sponsum sicut quilibet christianus te- illius ecclesie et ipsam eccle- netur sub pena dampnacionis siam sponsam suam : Sed non ...nisi ipsam cognos- diligit ipsam matrem spiritu- ceret..." alem, nisi ipsam saltern per fidem cognoverit. DOCTRINE CONCERNING THE CHURCH. 183 Ergo debet ipsam per fidem cognoscere et sic ipsam ut matrem precipuam ho- norare." Wiclif first works out the thought that Christ is ex fide our Father ; the Church, His bride, our mother ; and that we have before all things to honour the father and mother : " Christus enim ex fide est pater noster et dicta ecclesia sponsa sua et autonomasice mater nostra. Illos autem parentes debemus primo omnium honorare Adhibeamus" (he thus closes this train of reasoning) " ergo diligen- ciam, ut cognoscamus matrem nostram." It will be seen from the passages adduced, how closely Hus has kept to that which was before him ; and as Wiclif, in that which immediately follows, first says that the idea of the Church is to be diversely apprehended, so also Hus. From Wiclif comes the explanation of the Church as the mystical body of Christ, 1 the declaration that under the name Church is also to be understood the edifice built, 2 etc. ; in short, the whole contents of the first chapter in Hus' tractate De Ecclesia are derived from Wiclif, and to what extent the reason- 1 Hus, De eccl., cap. i : Wiclif, De eccl., cap. i : " Ecclesia autem sancta ca- "Quamvis autem ecclesia tholica id est universalis est dicatur multipliciter in scrip- omnium predestinatorum uni- tura, suppono, quod in pro- versitas . . Ipsa enim ec- posito sumatur pro famosiori clesia sancta universalis est scilicet congregacione om- corpus Christi mysticum ..." nium predestinatorum . . . 2 " Ecclesia significat do- Oportet ipsam habere tem- mum dei sanctam ad hoc, ut plum vel domum quam inha- in ea populus excolat deum bitet ..." suum ..." 1 84 W1CLIF1SM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. ing is, for the greater part verbally, taken over the following passages may bear witness : Wiclif, De eccl., cap. i : " Ilia autem est sponsa Christi, de qua est processus Cantici canticorum, de qua loquitur scriptura Is. 61 : Tamquam sponsam decoravit me corona. Hec eciam est mulier fords, de qua patet Prov. 31. et corpus Christi mysticum, de quo i Cor. 12. Ista est Jerusalem mater nostra, templum domini reg- num celorum et civitas regis magni, que tota inquit Augu- stinus Enchiridion 41 accipi- enda est non solum ex parte, qua peregrinatur in terra a solis ortu usque ad occasum laudans nomen domini et post captivitatem vetustatis can- tans canticum novum, verum eciam que in celis semper, ex quo condita est, cohesit deo nee ullum malum sui casus experta est. Hec in sanctis angelis beata persistit et sue parti peregrinanti sicut opor- tet opitulatur, quia utraque una erit consorcio eternitatis et nunc est una vinculo cari- tatis. Hec est sancta eccle- sia catholica, quam confiten- tur christiani immediate post fidem in spiritum sanctum propter tria : primo quia se- cundum Augustinum est sum- ma creatura. Ideo immediate ponitur post trinitatem incre- atam. Secundo quia amore spiritus sancti Christo matri- monio perpetuo copulatur. Et tercio quia posita trinitate oportet ipsam habere templum vel domum quam inhabitet." Hus, Opera, fol. 197 : " Item impossibile Christum unquam non diligere spon- sam suam vel aliquam eius partem, cum necessario ipsam diligit ut se ipsum. Sed im- possibile est, ut aliquem pres- citum sic diligat, ergo im- possibile est, ut aliquis pres- citus sit membrum illius ec- clesie. Antecedens patet per illud famosum principium, quod non potest Deus quid- quam de novo cognoscere seu diligere, ut dicit Augustinus 6 de trinitate . " Ex quo videtur, quod Christus diligit totam eccle- siam ut se ipsum, quia ali- quando sic diliget scilicet post diem iudicii, quando regnabit cum eo, ut patet ex processu Cantici Cant. Aliter enim non foret verum matrimonium ex charitate perpetua Christi consencientis ad divinas nup- cias, nisi sponsus, qui est una persona . . . ipsam diligat ut semet ipsum. Ad hoc enim dicit apostolus Eph. v. Christus dilexit ecclesiam et tradidit semet ipsum pro ea, ut earn sanctificaret, mundans earn lavacro aque in verbo vite, ut ipse sibi exhiberet gloriosam ecclesiam non habentem ma- culam aut rugam aut aliquid huiusmodi, ut sit sancta .et immaculata . DOCTRINE CONCERNING THE CHURCH. 197 "Ex ista fide scripture de sancta matre ecclesia patet . . . quod debet semper dili- gere totam sanctam ecclesiam sicut diliget post diem iudicii. Et per idem odit semper quem- cunque prescitum sicut un- quam post diem iudicii. "Cum enim Deus plene scit, qualem finem quicunque pre- scitus cum ipso faciet et quan- tam penitenciam agent qui- cunque predestinati casuri postmodum perpetuo deo grati, patet quod necessario omnem predestinatum, quan- tumcunque criminosus fuerit, plus diligit quam aliquem pre- scitum, in quantacunque gra- cia fuerit temporali, quia (pre- destinatum) eternaliter vult habere beatitudinem et alium ignem perpetuum. Testatur autem scriptura, quod Deus odit peccatores ut patet Psalm . v. Odisti omnes, qui operan- tur iniquitatem." . . . Ib., cap. i., fol. i a b: ' ' I sta autem ecclesia secun- dum pattern peregrinantem non habet aliquem prescitum sed partem sui sicut non habet secundum partem triumph- antem, dum est huiusmodi aliquem miserum vel quolibet maculatum.utostenditAugus- tinus 3 de doctrina Christiana 32, ubi postquam ostenderat, quod corpus Christi et caput eius Christus sunt una per- sona, increpat Tyconium in secunda sui (?) regula, qua vocat ecclesiam corpus domini bipartitum. Non inquit ita debuit appellare. Non enim revera corpus domini est, quod " Et patet ex istis, quod Christus debet semper diligere sponsam suam sanctam eccle- siam, sicut diliget post diem iudicii et per idem odit quem- cunque prescitum sicut un- quam post diem iudicii. ' ' Cum enim Deus plene scit, qualem finem quicunque pre- scitus cum ipso faciet et quan- tam penitenciam facient qui- cunque predestinati casuri postmodum perpetuo deo grati, patet quod quemlibet predestinatum criminosum plus diligit quam aliquem pre- scitum, in quacunque gracia fuerit temporali, quia predes- tinatum vult habere perpetuam beatitudinem etprescitum vult habere ignem perpetuum. Ut patet in psalmo: Odisti omnes, qui operantur iniquitatem" . . . Ib., fol. 203 b : " Prescitus autem cum sit membrum diaboli non com- paginatur ordinate huiccapiti. Et ipse Augustinus . . . post- quam ostendit, quod Christus et corpus suum, quod est ecclesia, sunt una persona, increpat Tyconium in secunda regula, qua vocat totum genus hominum corpus domini bipar- titum. Non inquit debuit sic appellare. Non enim revera corpus domini est, quod cum ipso non erit inaeternum ..." 198 WICLIFISAI IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. cum illo non manebit in eter- num" . The evidences which follow consist mainly of con- clusions drawn from that which precedes, and like the latter are derived from Wiclif. In proof whereof only one more specimen need be marked out. Wiclif, fol. 16^: " Ex istis sequitur . . . quod nimis magna foret presumpcio quemquam sine formidine vel revelacione asserere, quod sit membrum illius ecclesie. Nam nemo nisi predestinatus et sanctus tempore suo sine macula vel ruga est membrum illius ecclesie. Sed nemo sine formidine vel revelacione asse- reret, quod sit predestinatus et sanctus sine macula vel ruga. Ergo conclusio. Unde miror, qua fronte magis con- tendentes pro proprietate bo- norum ecclesie magis secu- lariter viventes elongati a Christi conversacione et plus steriles ab execucione Christi consilii et precepti plus ven- dicant titulo participii illius ecclesie." . . . Wiclif, /. c., cap. iii. : " Sed redeundo ad difficul- tatem dimissam obicitur per sanctum Thomam de Christo, q. 8, artic. 3, ubi dicit, quod Christus est caput omnium hominum tarn fidelium, qui uniuntur sibi in actu per gra- ciam, quam infidelium, qui sunt solum in potencia eius membra. Et post subdividit secundum predestinates et Opera, 204$ : "Ex quo patet, quod magna foret presumpcio, quenquam sine revelacione vel formidine asserere, quod ipse sit mem- brum illius sancte ecclesie. Nam nemo nisi predestinatus tempore suo sine macula vel ruga est membrum illius eccle- sie. Sed nemo sine formidine vel revelacione assereret, quod ipse sit predestinatus ac sanc- tus sine macula vel ruga . . . Unde valde est mirabile, qua fronte magis seculo dediti magis seculariteret enormiter viventes elongati a Christi conversacione et plus steriles ab explecione Christi consilii et precepti sine formidine asserunt se fore capita vel corpus vel membra precipua ecclesie sponse Christi." . . . Hus, De eccl., cap. vi., Opp. fol. 205^: " Sed obicitur per sanctum Thomam de Christo, ubi dicit, quod Christus est caput om- nium hominum tarn fidelium, qui uniuntur sibi in actu per graciam, quam infidelium, qui sunt solum in potencia eius membra. Et post subdividit secundum predestinates et prescitos, qui recedentes ab hoc mundo totaliter desinunt DOCTRINE CONCERNING THE CHURCH. 199 prescitos, qui recedentes ab hoc mundo totaliter desinunt esse membra Christi. Et probat hoc multiplici racione. Quantum ad hoc testimonium sancti Thome videtur mihi, quod equivocat vere dicendo, quod Christus secundum divi- nitatem est caput extrinsecum tocius human! generis, quod dici potest aggregative unum corpus naturale, cui eciam Christus benefaciat sicut et toti mundo. Secundum hu- manitatem cum virtute pas- sionis Christi acquiritur que- dam perfeccio secundaria toti mundo. Et sic secundum humanitatem beneficiat toti humano generi, cum punit omnes dampnatos vel ex infi- delitate, ut eos, qui non credi- derunt in dominum Jesum Christum vel ex desperacione, qua dimissa debuerunt celes- tibus aspirare vel tercio de iudicio temerario, quo di- misso debuerunt domino Jesu Christo caritative finaliter adherere." Wiclif, De ecclesia. Cod. Pal. Vindob. 4527, fol. 115: " Hie dicitur, quod ecclesia multis modis sumitur scilicet vere reputative. Nuncupative vocatur ecclesia prescitorum congregacio. Licet ex nudo errore viancium fuerit de sancta matre ecclesia repu- tata et isti multi secundum famam seculi vocanturecclesie capita vel membra ecclesie, licet sint membra diaboli, quia ad tempus credunt vel et mine et semper fuerint infideles. Et ita potest esse ecclesia esse membra Christi et solvit dicens : Quantum ad hoc tes- timonium sancti Thome vide- tur mihi, quod ipse equivocat vere dicendo, quod Christus secundum divinitatem est caput extrinsecum totius ge- neris humani, quod potest dici aggregative unum corpus na- turale, cui et Christus bene- facit sicut et toti mundo. Se- cundum humanitatem cum virtute passionis Christi ac- quiritur quedam perfeccio secundaria toti mundo. Et sic secundum humanitatem benefacit toti humano generi, cum punit omnes damnatos vel ex infidelitate, ut eos, qui non crediderunt in dominum Jesum Christum vel ex despe- racione, qua dimissa debue- runt celestibus aspirare vel tercio de iudicio temerario, quo dimisso debuerunt domino Jesu Christo caritative finaliter adherere." Opera, i., 205 a; De eccl., cap. v: " Hie dicitur, quod ecclesia sumitur vere et reputative, vere ut dictum est pro predes- tinatis. Nuncupative vocatur ecclesia eciam prescitorum congregacio. Licet ex nudo errore viancium fuerit de sancta matre ecclesia repu- tata et sic multi secundum famam seculi vocantur eccle- sie capita vel membra, licet secundum dei prescienciam sint membra diaboli, que ad tempus credunt et post rece- 200 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. malignancium inproprie vel ecclesia antichrist!, licet nun- quam fuerint de sancta matre ecclesia. Et sicut de sancta matre ecclesia possunt homi- nes esse dupliciter vel pure ex gracia predestinacionis, a qua nemo potest excidere vel cum hoc ex present! iusticia. Et patet solucio." " Nam gracia predestina- cionis facit filios ecclesie, quam nemo potest perdere sed solum pro instanti sue incepcionis adquirere. Sed preter istam graciam pre- destinacionis est dare gra- ciam vel caritatem adven- ticiam, que nunc accidit et nunc excidit, et prior gracia facit quodammodo infinitum perfecciorem ho- minem quam secunda. Ideo prior facit membrum ec- clesie, sed secunda facit deo acceptos officiarios tem- porales . . . " Sic Scarioth fuit simul in gracia secundum presentem iusticiam et nunquam de sancta matre ecclesia, cum defuit sibi quecunque virtus ' ' Et sic Scarioth licet fuit apostolus, quod est nomen officii nunquam tamen fuit de ecclesia, sicut Paulus nun- quam fuit membrum diaboli, licet fecit quosdam actus acti- bus ecclesie malignancium consimiles sed in malicia dunt vel eciam nunc et semper sunt inrideles." Fol. 200 a : " Et patet . . . quod dupli- citer homines possunt esse de sancta matre ecclesia, quia secundum predestinacionem ad vitam eternam, quomodo omnes finaliter sancti sunt de sancta matre ecclesia vel secundum predestina- cionem ad presentem ius- ticiam ..." Opera, 200 a : " Et prima facit filios here- ditatis eterne, a qua preordi- natus non potest finaliter ex- cidere, alia gracia est secun- dum presentem iusticiam, que nunc adest et alio tempore abest, quia nunc accidit et nunc excidit. "... Secunda facit deo acceptos officiales temporales. " Unde videtur esse proba- bile, quod sicut Paulus fuit simul blasphemus . . . " Et sic Scarioth licet fuit apostolus vel episcopus a Christo electus, quod est no- men officii, nunquam tamen fuit pars sancte universalis ecclesie. Sicut Paulus nun- quam fuit membrum diaboli, licet fecit quosdam actus ac- DOCTRINE CONCERNING THE CHURCH. 2OI quoad ipsum Paulum atque tibus ecclesie malignancium ecclesiam minores, nam in consimiles." talia peccata dicit Augusti- nus, quod expedit predesti- nates incidere. Et patet, quod duplex est divisio a sancta ecclesia, que heresis nominatur : Prima indeper- dibilis, qualiter omnes presciti sunt divisi, et secunda deper- dibilis, qualiter omnes heretici per peccatum deperdibile ab ecclesia sunt divisi. Et istam materiam cognoscerent tarn fratres quam eorum discipuli CHAPTER III. THE DOCTRINE OF THE PAPACY AND OF THE POWER OF THE KEYS IN THE DISSERTATION CONCERN- ING THE CHURCH. IN the seventh chapter Hus argues that the Pope, with the cardinals, forms not the whole body of the Church, but only a part. Not the Pope, but Christ, is the Head of the Church. The following chapter is occupied with the diverse definitions of faith, and determines what faith it is which consti- tutes the foundation of the Church. Almost all the material which Hus employs for his structure, as well as the idea of this structure itself, is derived from Wiclif, and indeed specifically from his tractate De ecclesia. The same applies also to the tenth chapter, in which Hus examines the question, What power is conferred upon Peter and the priests gene- rally with the words, " Whatsoever ye shall have bound on earth," etc. In particular, the section of this chapter which deals with the power of the keys (claves ecclesice) is taken word for word from Wiclif's tractate De ecclesia. Let anyone compare : Wiclif, De eccl., cap. i., O-pera, 207 b: fol. 3*: " Non enim est bona causa " Non enim est bona causa vocare matrem nostram Ro- vocare matrem nostram Ro- POWER OF THE KEYS. 203 manam ecclesiam propter fastum aut complacenciam imperatoris dotantis eccle- siam nee propter extollenciam domini pape pompantis de parte imperil ex suo primatu sive dominio. Nee tertio ut credatur, quod ad ipsum opor- tet omnem christianum recur- rere et de necessitate salutis ipsum capitalem recognoscere sed propter causas topicas su- pradictas. Cum enim Romana ecclesia sit terminus institutus preter fundacionem in scrip- tura sacra, satis est habere racionem probabilem, caven- do semper de deduccione per- fida . . . "... Quamvis enim eccle- sia Christiana cepit a Judea et Christus caput ecclesie fuit martyrizatus in Jerusalem, tamen racionabiliter vocata est ecclesia Christi, secundum quandam preeminenciam Ro- mana ecclesia propter tria. Primo quia Christus scivit gentes sub Romano imperio loco ludeorum infideliter dis- credencium inserendas, sicut dicit apostolus Rom. 9. Se- cunda causa est, quia maior multitudo martyrum ibi trium- phavit quam in alia civitate. Sic enim ubi homo nascitur ex utero et triumphal gloriose, nomen abhinc contrahit. Cum ergo parva ecclesia sancta secundum multos partes ibi nascebatur, segregata ex utero synagoge et ibi trium- phavit crescens in gentibus, ideo fuit consonum, quod ca- peret nomen a civitate metro- poli gencium, que est Roma. Tertia causa est, ut notescat, manam ecclesiam propter fastum aut complacenciam imperatoris dotantis eccle- siam nee propter extollenciam domini pape pompantis de parte imperii ex suo primatu sive dominio. Nee tertio ut credatur, quod ad ipsum oportet omnem christianum recurrere et de necessitate salutis ipsum capitalem re- cognoscere et patrem sanctis- simum sed propter causas alias. Cum enim Romana ecclesia sit terminus institu- tus preter fundacionem in scriptura sacra, satis est ha- bere racionem probabilem . . "... Quamvis enim eccle- sia Christiana cepit a ludea et caput ecclesie Christus fuit martyrizatus in Jerusalem, tamen racionalibiter vocata est ecclesia Christi secundum quandam pre - eminenciam Romana ecclesia propter tria. Primo quia Christus scivit gentes sub Romano imperio loco ludeorum infideliter dis- credencium inserendas, sicut dicit apostolus Rom. 9. Se- cunda causa est, quia maior multitudo martyrum ibi trium- phavit quam in alia civitate. Sic enim ubi homo nascitur ex utero et triumphal gloriose, nomen abhinc contrahit. Cum ergo ecclesia sancta secun- dum multas partes suas in Roma nascebatur, aggregata ex utero synagoge et ibi tri- umphavit crescens in genti- bus, ideo fuit consonum, quod caperet nomen a civitate me- tropoli gencium, que est Roma . . . Tertia causa est, 2O4 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. quod non locus sive antiquitas sed fides formata fundat Christ! ecclesiam. Nam quoad personam et quoad tempus prius fuit ecclesia Christ! in sedibus prioribus. Et ad is- tum sensum dicitur 2 Mach. 5., quod non locus gentem sed gens locum sanctificat. Et hinc credo derelictum licere vocare Chrisi ecclesiam no- mine cuiuscunque loci, quern fideles iusti inhabitant. Sicut Christus vocatur Nazarenus propter concepcionem eius (que facta est in Nazareth), et potest vocari David Beth- lehemita propter nativitatem et de aliis civitatibus, que possent licite dici sue propter inhabitacionem vel propter aliud factum notabile vel pas- sionem." Wiclif, De eccl., cap. xvii. : " Et si queratur, quando regulariter incidit quis in in- fidelitatem, et quando rema- net fidelis filius ecclesie, dicitur, quod tripliciter di- citur quis esse de ecclesia, sicut tripliciter dicitur esse ecclesia preter ecclesiam nun- cupativam. Aliqua enim est convocaciofidelium secundum quid vel ad tempus vel nude secundum presentem iusti- ciam, et taliter sunt presciti de ecclesia pro tempore, quo sunt in gracia. Ilia autem ecclesia non est corpus Christi nee ecclesia sancta catholica pars eius. " Secundo sumitur ecclesia ut notescat, quod non locus sive antiquitas sed fides for- mata fundat ecclesiam Christi. Nam quoad personam et quoad tempus prius fuit eccle- sia Christi in sedibus priori- bus. Et ad istum sensum dicitur 2. Mach. 5. Non prop- ter locum gentem sed propter gentem locum dominus elegit. Et hinc credo derelictum li- cere vocare Christi ecclesiam nomine cuiuscunque loci, quern fideles iusti inhabitant. Sicut Christus vocatur Naza- renus propter concepcionem eius, que facta est in Naza- reth et potest vocari Bethle- hemita propter nativitatem et Capharnaumita propter mira- culorum operacionem, que in Capharnaum patravit et Hierosolymita propter glorio- sissimam passionem." Hus, De ecclesia, cap. vii. Opp. fol. 206 b : " Quantum ad primum,sup- poni potest ex declaratis su- perius, quod preter ecclesiam reputative vel nuncupative tripliciter dicitur ecclesia . . . "... Aliqua enim est con- gregacio vel convocacio fide- lium secundum quid vel ad tempus vel nude secundum presentem iusticiatn, et taliter sunt presciti de ecclesia pro tempore, quo sunt in gracia. Ilia autem ecclesia non est corpus Christi mysticum nee ecclesia sancta catholica nee pars eius. Secundo sumitur ecclesia POWER OF THE KEYS. 2O5 mixtim pro predestinatis et prescitis, dum sunt in gracia secundum presentem iusti- ciam. Et ista ecclesia com- municat in parte sed non in toto cum ecclesia sancta Dei. Et ista ecclesia vocatur mix- tim granum et palea, frumen- tum et zizania nee non et reg- num celorum de quinque fatuis virginibus et quinque pruden- tibus . . . et istam ecclesiam vocavit Tyconius erronee cor- pus domini bipartitum . . . Sed tercio modo sumitur ec- clesia pro convocacione pre- destinatorum, sive sint in gracia secundum presentem iusticiam sive non. Et isto modo ecclesia est articulus fidei, de quo loquitur aposto- lus Eph. 5" . . . Wiclif, De eccl., cap. iv., fol. 166: " Et istam sentenciam . . . in decretum 21 dist. Quam- vis universe per orbem catho- lice ecclesie unus thalamus sit Christi, tamen sancta Ro- mana ecclesia catholica et apostolica multis synodicis institutis ceteris ecclesiis pre- lata est. Quod probat Math. xvi. Tu es Petrus, etc. " Et illam ecclesiam vocat postmodum ecclesiam Roma- nam primam apostoli sedem non habentem maculam neque rugam . I sta ecclesia non po- test intelligi duntaxat iste papa cum istis cardinalibus ac sua familia, cum ipsi coti- die recedunt et veniunt et mixtim pro predestinatis et prescitis, dum sunt in gracia secundum presentem iusti- ciam. Et ista ecclesia com- municat in parte sed non in toto cum ecclesia sancta Dei. Et ista ecclesia vocatur mix- tim granum et palea, frumen- tum et zizania., regnum celo- rum l . . . ". . . Et istam ecclesiam vocavit Tyconius erronee cor- pus domini bipertitum . . . Sed tertio modo sumitur ec- clesia pro convocacione pre- destinatorum, sive sint in gracia secundum presentem iusticiam sive non. Et isto modo ecclesia est articulus fidei, de quo loquitur aposto- lus Eph. 5" . . . Opera, fol. 207 a : ". . . Unus thalamus sit Christi, tamen sancta Ro- mana ecclesia catholica et apostolica multis synodicis institutis ceteris ecclesiis pre- lata est. Quod probat per illud Math. xvi. " Et illam ecclesiam vocat postmodum ecclesiam Ro- manam primam apostoli se- dem non habentem maculam neque rugam. Ista ecclesia non potest intelligi iste papa cum istis cardinalibus ac sua familia, cum ipsi communiter recedunt et veniunt. Unde 1 The further examples are still the same, but given in a different order of succession. 206 IVICL1FISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. crebrius quam alius fidelis po- pulus sunt rugosi. Unde super isto textu dicit glossa : Argumentum inquit, quod ubicunque sunt boni, ibi est Romana ecclesia. Et hoc argumentum daret plenam fidem fidelibus et sic intelligo decretum 24 q. i A recta, ubi canon de Romana ecclesia sic loquitur : Hec est sancta et apostolica mater omnium ecclesiarum Christi ecclesia, que per dei omnipotentis gra- ciam a tempore apostolice tradicionis nunquam errasse probatur nee hereticis succu- buit, ubi notum est hoc non posse intelligi de quolibet papa et suis domesticis. Ideo glossa sic loquitur : Quero inquit, de qua ecclesia hie loquitur, quia non potest in- telligi de papa, qui dicitur ecclesia, ut supra eodem quodcunque et 7 q. i Scire debes, sed certum est, quod papa errare potest ut 19 dist. Anastasius et4O dist. Si papa. "Ideo nee ipse nee eius familia est ilia ecclesia, de qua hie dicitur, quod errare non potest. Unde ipsa con- gregacio fidelium dicitur hec ecclesia. Et sic intelligitur dictum beati Jeronymi posi- tum 24 q, i. Hec est fides. Sancta inquit est Romana ecclesia, que semper imma- culata permansit domino pro- vidente etbeato Petroapostolo opem ferente, in futurum ma- nebit sine ulla hereticorum insultacione atque firma et immobilis omni tempore per- sistet. Hie non potest intel- iigi : Quicunque papa cum super isto textu dicit glossa : Argumentum inquit, quod ubicunque sunt boni, ibi est Romana ecclesia. Et hoc argumentum daret plenam fidem fidelibus ad cognoscen- dum, ubi est Romana ecclesia. Et sic intelligitur decretum 24 q. i A recta, ubi canon de ecclesia Romana sic loquitur : Hec est sancta et apostolica mater ecclesiarum Christi ec- clesia, que per dei omnipo- tentis graciam a tramite apo- stolice tradicionis nunquam errasse probatur nee hereticis novitatibus depravanda suc- cubuit, ubi notum est hoc non posse intelligi de quolibet papa et suis domesticis. Ideo glossa sic loquitur : Quero ergo, de qua ecclesia intelli- gas, quod non possit errare. Sed certum est, quod papa errare potest , ut 1 9 dist . Atha- nasius et 40 dist. Si papa. " Ideo nee ipse nee eius fa- milia est ilia ecclesia, de qua hie dicitur, quod errare non potest. Unde dicit glossa : Ipsa congregacio fidelium dicitur hec ecclesia. Et sic eciam intelligitur dictum b. Hieronymi positum 25, q. i. Hec est fides. Sancta inquit est ecclesia Romana, que semper immaculata permansit providente domino et beato Petro apostolo opem ferente, in futurum manebit sine ulla hereticorum insultacione at- que firma et immobilis omni temporepersistet. Hicnonpo- test intelligi quilibet papa cum POWER OF THE KEYS. 2O7 suo collegio, illi enim sunt sepius maculati . . . ". . . Cum ergo iuxta de- creta Romana ecclesia habet primatumet dignitatem quoad deum super omnes alias, pa- tet, quod ilia est totalis ec- clesia militans, quam Deus plus diligit quam aliquam eius partem et sic manifeste se- quitur ex fide, quod non id collegium sed tota mater in omni gente et lingua dispersa sit ilia sancta Romana eccle- sia, de qua iura loquuntur cum sanctis doctoribus. Un- de ad imprimendum nobis istam sentenciam in cantu ecclesie per beatos Ambrosi- um et Augustinum composite mater nostra sic deum allo- quitur : Te per orbem terra- rum sancta confitetur ecclesia. Et in canone misse primo et principaliter offerimus pro sancta ecclesia catholica, ut Deusdigneturpacificare, cus- todire et adiuvare earn toto orbe terrarum. Unde non dubiurn oratur principalissima ecclesia militans, quam sup- pono esse Romanam eccle- siam. Verum tamen inter partes eius in comparacione ad quantitatem sunt papa et suum collegium pars precipua dignitate, dum tamen sequan- tur Christum propinquius et deserendo fastum atque pri- matum serviant matri sue effi- cacius atque humilius. Nam faciendo oppositum sunt nidus hereticorum, apostema putri- dum et idolum desolacionis cum aliis monstruosis nomi- nibus in sacra pagina prophe- tatis." suo collegio cardinalium. Illi enim sunt sepius maculati . . ". . . Cum ergo iuxta de- creta Romana ecclesia habet primatum et dignitatem quoad deum super omnes alias, patet, quod ilia est totalis ecclesia militans, quam Deus plus dili- git quam aliam eius partem. Et sic manifeste sequitur ex fide, quod non illud collegium sed mater tota in omni gente et lingua dispersa sit ilia sancta Romana ecclesia, de qua iura loquuntur cum sanc- tis doctoribus. Unde ad im- primendum nobis istam sen- tenciam per beatos Augusti- num et Ambrosium ipsi ec- clesie ordinatum est iste cantus : Te per orbem terra- rum sancta confitetur ecclesia. Et in canone misse primo et principaliter offerimus pro sancta ecclesia catholica, ut Deus dignetur pacificare, cus- todire et adunare cum toto orbe terrarum. Unde non du- bium oratur principalissima ecclesia militans, quam sup- pono esse Romanam eccle- siam. Verum tamen inter partes eius in comparacione maioritatis papa et suum col- legium sunt pars precipua dignitate, dum tamen sequan- tur Christum propinquius et deserendo fastum et ambicio- nem primatus serviant matri sue efficacius atque humilius. Nam faciendo oppositum ver- tuntur in desolacionis idolum et in collegium contrarium humili collegio apostolorum et domini Jesu Christi." 2O8 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. For these portions Hus has drawn strongly on Wiclif's Dialogus also, which likewise may here be observed in a single example. Let anyone compare : Dialog., Cod pal. Vind., Hus, De eccl., cap. viii., 3932, fol. 760. : fol. 2oqa: " . . . de fide catholica . . pro qua fidelis debet mortis "... pro qua veritate . . . periculo exponere vitam suam debet homo mortis periculo . . Et sic opinative potest exponere vitam suam . . . Et homo credere bullis papalibus isto modo . . . potest homo et specialiter si super illas rei opinative credere bullis, quia experiencia addat opinionem, tarn papa quam sua curia quia ille persone non faciunt potest falli propter ignoran- fidem . . . cum tarn papa ciam veritatis. . . . Fallit quam sua curia falli poterunt papam lucrum et fallitur prop- et fallere propter lucrum et ter ignoranciam." ignoranciam veritatis." From the same source is derived that which Hus brings forward in the eighth chapter, under the title, "Fides duplex." With Wiclif (Cod. 3932, fol. Tjd) the title reads : " Fides duplex explicita et implicita." Let anyone compare herewith Hus, /.<;., fol. 209 : " Et isto modo tenetur quilibet christianus credere explicite vel implicite omnem veritatem." We refrain from the citation of more lengthy passages, for this reason, that the agreement is not of the same verbal nature as above, and content ourselves with esta- blishing the fact. As regards the employment of Wiclif's De ecclesia, one may compare further : Wiclif, De ecclesia, cap. ii., Hus, De eccl. cap. viii., fol. 8 a : Opera, 208 a : " Sed constat ex dictis . . ., "... Notandum,quodfidei> quod fides nunc sumitur pro nunc sumitur pro actu creden- actu credendi, quo creditur, di, quo creditur, nunc pro ha- nunc pro habitu credendi, per bitu credendi, per quern cre- quem creditur et nunc pro ditur et nunc pro veritate, que ON GENUINE FAITH. 209 veritate, que creditur, ut do- cet Augustinus 13 de Trini- tate cap. 2 et 3. " Secundo notandum, quod alia est fides, que est credu- litas fidelis explicita et alia fides implicita, ut catholicus habens habitum fidei infusum vel acquisitum explicite cre- dit ecclesiam catholicam in communi et in ilia fide com- muni credit implicite vel con- fuse quodcunque singulariter contentum sub sancta matre ecclesia, sicut logici vere di- cunt, quod sciendo ens esse in suo analogo sciunt omnia et singula in communi. Sicut sepe dixi, si quicunque chris- tianus habuerit fidem caritate formatam in quantumcunque communi, sufficit cum virtute perseverancie ad salutem. Deus enim, qui dedit primam fidem, dabit clariorem, nisi fidelis ponat obicem. Non enim exigit Deus, ut omnes filii sui pro omni viacione sua cogitent continue in actu par- ticulari de qualibet fidei par- ticula, sed satis est, quod postposita desidia habeant fidem in habitu formatam." In chapters ix.-xxiii. of his tractate on the Church, Hus wages his actual polemic against Stanislas of Znaim and Stephen of Palecz. The discussions which lie at the foundation of the whole, such as the defining of the idea and organisation of the Church, the unity and the Head thereof, and thence the con- clusion that the Pope and cardinals did not constitute the whole body of the Church universal, but Christ is to be regarded as the Head of the same ; these, almost without exception, as has already become 14 creditur, ut docet Augusti- nus . . . " Secundo notandum, quod alia est fides, que est credu- litas fidelis explicita et alia fides implicita, ut catholicus habens habitum fidei infusum vel acquisitum explicite, cre- dit ecclesiam catholicam in communi, et in ilia fide communi credit implicite quodcunque singulariter con- tentum sub sancta matre ec- clesia . . . "... Unde quicunque ha- buerit fidem charitate forma- tam in communi, sufficit cum virtute perseverancie ad salu- tem. Deus enim, qui dedit primam fidem, dabit militi suo clariorem, nisi ponat obi- cem. Non enim exigit Deus, ut omnes filii sui sint continue pro viacione sua in actu co- fitandi particulari de qualibet dei particula, sed satis est, quod postposita desidia ha- beant fidem in habitu forma- tam." 210 W1CLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. apparent as the result of previous observations, he derived from the tractate of Wiclif concerning the Church. Seeing that Wiclif has expounded his doc- trine of predestination in other tractates also, there cannot fail to be discovered a correspondence, pretty much of a verbal exactness, between different pas- sages from the first nine chapters of Hus' tractate " Of the Church," and different passages in Wiclif s Trialogtis, de Christo et suo adversaria, and others. For the subsequent chapters, in which the polemic against the papacy occupies a wide place, Hus has of course employed to a much greater extent that tractate of Wiclif, which is in like manner directed against the papacy, " De Christo et suo adversario." Nevertheless there is to be found in the subsequent chapters also a whole series of passages which have been adopted from Wiclifs tractate on the Church ; in such wise that Hus' tractate on the Church appears as a faint impression of the other, wherein only the polemical observations against Hus' Bohemian oppo- nents make any claim to originality. In other respects it is, from the first line to the last, the property of the English reformer. Of the passages which Hus has further borrowed in this tractate from Wiclifs writing bearing the same title, the following, lastly, may be cited : Wiclif, De eccl., cap. i., fol. Hus, De eccl., cap. xii., fol. " Romanus pontifex Christus. " Solus Christus est verus Romanus pontifex. " Subesse Romano pontifici " Subesse Romano pontifici omni humane creature est de omni humane creature est de necessitate salutis. Patet ex necessitate salutis. Patet ex hoc, quod nemo potest salvari, hoc, quod nemo potest salvari nisi meritorie subsit Christo, nisi meritorie subsit Christo, HEADSHIP OF THE CHURCH. 211 sedipse estRomanus pontifex, sicut est caput universalis ac cuiuslibet particularis eccle- sie. Ergo conclusio." sed ipse est Romanuspontifex, sicut est caput universalis ac cuiuslibet particularis eccle- sie. Ergo conclusio vera." Hus, De ecclesia, cap. xiii. (Opera, 2 2 i ) : " Papa non est caput ecclesie" is, from " dignitatis quoad predestinacionem," taken from Wiclif, De eccl., I.e., fol. 1 6, yet not quite word for word. Wiclif, De eccl. , cap. i. , fol. \a. " Insuper si respicimus ad sensum et motum, quos in subditos influimus et ex alio latere ad speculum scripture, . . . eligeremus pocius vocari servi et ministri ecclesie quam capita, . . . quia secundum Augustinum in libello suo de decem chordis maritus per- versus non est caput uxoris sue, multo magis prepositus ecclesie, qui pure haberet a Deo dignitatem huiusmodi, si a Christo degenerat, (non est caput illius particularis eccle- sie.) 1 " Unde postquam Augus- tinus ostenderat, quod femina vere Christiana debet dolere de fornicacione viri non prop- ter carnem sed propter cari- tatem et castitatem debitam viro Christo, dicit consequen- ter, quod Christus loquitur in cordibus feminarum bonarum, ubi vir non audit, dicens: dole de viri tui iniuriis sed noli imitari, quin pocius ipse te imitetur in bono. Nam in eo, quod male facit, noli eum putare caput tuum sed me Deum, et probat hoc debere Hus, I.e. " Item si inspicimus ad sensum et motum, quos in subditos influimus et ex alio latere ad speculum scripture . . . eligeremus pocius vocari servi et ministri quam capita . . . quia secundum Augus- tinum in libello de decem chordis maritus perversus non est caput uxoris sue, multo magis prepositus ecclesie, qui pure haberet a Deo dignita- tem huiusmodi, si a Christo degenerat, non est caput illius particularis ecclesie. " Unde postquam Augusti- nus ostenderat, quod femina vere Christiana debet dolere de fornicacione viri non prop- ter carnem, sed propter cari- tatem et castitatem debitam viro Christo, dicit consequen- ter, quod Christus loquitur in cordibus feminarum bonarum, ubi vir non audit, dicens: dole de viri tui iniuriis sed noli imitari, quin pocius ipse te imitetur in bono. Nam in eo, quod male facit, noli eum putare caput tuum, sed me Deum tuum, et probat hoc 1 The words enclosed in brackets are wanting in the MS. 212 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF BUS. fieri. Si inquit in hoc, quod male facit, caput est et con- secuturum est caput suum, eunt ambo in precipicium. Ut autem christianus non sequatur malum caput suum, teneat se ad caput ecclesie Christum, hinc debens casti- tatem suam, hinc deferens honorem suum, absens sit vir privatus, presens sit vir matri ecclesie coniugatus." debere fieri. Si inquit in hoc, quod male facit, caput est et secuturum est corpus caput suum, eunt ambo in preci- picium. Ut autem christianus non sequatur malum caput suum, teneat se ad caput ec- clesie Christum, hinc debens castitatem suam, hinc defer- ens honorem suum, absens sit vir privatus, presens sit vir matri ecclesie copulatus." In chapter xiv. the two sections, "Petrus fuit typus bonorum episcoporum, ludas malorum," and " Pape vicarii Scariothis," are modelled after Wiclif, De eccl.> cap. xviii. CHAPTER IV. OTHER SOURCES OF THE TRACTATE " DE ECCLESIA," AND OF THE TRACTATES A GAINST PALE CZ, STA- NISLAS OF ZNAIM, AND THE EIGHT DOCTORS. IN the treatises against Stanislas and Palecz we recognise divers views which Hus has already stated in his tractate on the Church. It appears thus needless to return to these matters. From the foregoing chapters it is evident that, in the compo- sition of his tractate on the Church, Hus consulted in the first line the tractate of Wiclif bearing the same name, and then also the Dialogue. There first of all comes under consideration Wiclifs tractate, De Christo et suo adversaria Antichrist o, the single parts of which, without exception, we shall recognise in the above-mentioned writings of Hus. They are, however, in many cases, employed without that exact verbal correspondence which can be shown to exist in the first chapters with Wiclifs tractate, De ecclesia. Often Hus only takes over one or other of Wiclifs thoughts into his presentation, yet it will be observed that even here these thoughts are reproduced alto- gether in Wiclifs words. For the first chapters of his dissertation on the Church, Hus had no necessity for availing himself of 214 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. Wiclifs arguments in the tractate De Christo. If, nevertheless, there are to be found there certain propositions which are also to be met with in the said dissertation of Wiclif, this is to be explained simply from the fact that Wiclif has treated of particular points, as the idea of the Church, etc., in several dissertations. With certainty the employ- ment of Wiclifs tractate De CJitisto et suo adversaria Antichristo may be indicated as beginning with the third chapter. Compare Cap. v., p. 39 (ed. Budden- sieg). " Et incipiendo a radice supponendum est, ut fides, quod Christus sit caput illius ecclesie, ut sepe dicit apostolus. Sed de primatu apostolorum est apud moder- nos dissensio. Primo viden- dum est, utrum fundari posset in fide scripture, quod Petrus fuit caput ecclesie. Et videtur quod non, quia de ratione capitis est conferre omni- bus membris sui corporis sue ecclesie motum et sensum. Sed Petrus nee contulit nee conferre potuit omnibus membris corporis sue ecclesie motum et sensum, ad propositum ergo Petrus non fuit caput sue ecclesie. " Sensus enim non est per- tinens isti proposito nisi sa- pientia legis domini ad vian- dum. Et ilium sensum ser- vavit Deus ut sibi proprium, licet occasione doctorum fidelium eciam cuilibet creature possitDeus doc- trinam suam imprimere .... In cuius signum Hus, De ecclesia. Caput iii., fol. 199 (ed. 1558). " Ulterius notandum, quod Christus dicitur caput ecclesie, ideo quia est per- sona dignissima in humano genere conferens omnibus membris eius motum et sensum. Sicut enim in ho- mine caput est pars eius prestantissima conferens ipsius scilicet hominis cor- pori et partibus eius motum et sensum, sine quo nee corpus nee aliquod membrum eius potest notabiliter ex na- tura vivere : Sic Christus est persona . . . conferens vitam spiritualem et mo- tum ipsi ecclesie cuilibet membro eius, sine enim influxu non potest vivere nee sentire. Pro istorum . . . intelli- EQUALITY AMONG THE APOSTLES. 215 apostolus, qui fuit vas eleccionis, 1 thesauri divine sapiencie constitutus sepe vocat Christum caput ec- clesie et numquam in fide scripture vocatur caput eccle- sie aliquis christianus . . . " Et quantum ad tria no- mina Petri, patet secundum interpretacionem Hieronymi, quod non sonant, quod Petrus sit caput ecclesie alicuius. Petrus enim dicitur agnos- cens sive discalcians, Simon autem dicitur obediens, ponens tristiciam vel auditor meroris. Cephas vero est nomen ter- cium a Christo sibi impositum, et ipsum interpretatur po- tens vel firmitas, et est nomen Syrum non He- breum. Sed rogo : quid sonat interpretacio alicuius istorum nominum, ut Petrus sit caput ecclesie ? . . . " Si igitur Augustinus ti- muit vocare Christum homi- nem dominicum ex hoc, quod eius sensus non est patulus ex scriptura, quanto magis timendum est aliquem chri- stianum vocare caput eccle- sie, ne forte blasphemetur in Christum, cui hoc nomen ex trinitatis concilio tamquam sibi proprium est servatum ?" gencia oportet supponi ex apostoli dictis, quod Chris- tus est caput universalis ecclesie. Patet ista sup- posicio ex illo dicto apostoli Ephes. i, Ipsum dedit caput super omnem ecclesiam, que est corpus ipsius " . . . Hus, De ecclesia, cap. ix., fol. 212: "... Unde racione tarn firme et profunde confessionis vocatur Cephas, quod inter- pretatur Petrus unde Hie- ronymus peritus linguarum dicit, quod Cephas interpre- tatur Petrus vel firmitas et SyrumetnonHebreum. . . "... Non enim Cephas id est caput interpretatur evan- gelium et Hieronymus, sed Cephas, quod interpretatur Petrus." " Cap. xiv., fol. 222 a : " Et pensare deberemus, quomodo ipse beatus Augus- tinus timuit Christum vocare hominem dominicum ex eo, quod eius sensus non patet ex scriptura. Tanto magis timendum est aliquem chris- tianum vocare caput sancte militantis ecclesie, ne forte blasphemetur Christus, cui hoc nomen ex trinitatis con- rilio tamquam sibi proprium est servatum." 1 The above form of expression, employed by Wiclif, see also with Hus, De eccl., cap. ix. : " Ecce iste apostolus, qui fuit vas eleccionis." . . . 2 l6 WICL1FISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. Wiclif, De Christo, cap. ix. : " Similiter ecclesia Christ! posset regulari prospere et quiete sine tali papa, ut patet de tempore ab ascensione us- que ad dotacionem eccle- sie . . ." Hus, De ecclesia, cap. ix., fol. 283 a : " Ecclesiam posse regi sine papa et cardinalibus . . . "... ecclesie, que potest eque bene regi a sanctis sa- cerdotibus . . . sicut regebatur per trecentos annos ..." A thought to which Wiclif also gave expression in the Trialogus (426) : " Debemus enim credere. . . quod nullus talis papa neces- sarius est per ordinacionem Christ! ..." " Hus, ib., fol. 283 b : "Sicut ergo apostoli et fideles sacerdotes domini strenue in necessariis ad sa- lutem regularunt ecclesiam, antequam pape officium erat introductum, sic facerent de- ficiente per summe possibile papa usque ad diem iudicii." On the equalising of the single apostles : Wiclif, De Christo, cap. vi. : " Sed antequam ulterius procedatur, videtur dicendum, quid in isto puncto proposito sit credendum. Videtur au- tem probabile, quod omnibus apostolis Christus dedit pleni- tudinem potestatis ad ligan- dum et solvendum et facien- dum quodcunque prelati offi- cium in ecclesia militante, ut plane dicitur Math. 18. et loh. 20. " Aliter enim non fuisset Christus providus mittendo illos apostolos sic solitarie ad tam separatas provincias re- gulandum. "Non enim consuluerunt Hus, Ad serif ta Stanislai. Oflera, i. 276^ : " Unde magis probabile videtur, quod omnibus apos- tolis Christus dedit plenitudi- nem potestatis ad ligandum et solvendum et faciendum quodcunque spirituale prelati ministerium in ecclesia mili- tante, ut plane docetur Math. 18 . . . et loh. 20. Unde nisi salvator dedisset . . . plenitu- dinem, non videretur esse providus mittendo ipsos sic solitarie ad tam distantes pro- vincias regulandum. " Non enim consuluerunt EQUALITY AMONG THE APOSTLES. 217 ceteri apostoli ex suis pro- vinciis sanctum Petrum ac si ab illo papalis potestas ne- cessario emanaret. Sed Pau- lus dicit signanter, quod illi, qui videbantur esse aliquid et columpne ecclesie, nichil sibi contulerunt, ut patet Galat. 2. Deus inquit personam hominis non accipit. Michi enim, qui videbantur esse ali- quid, nichil contulerunt, sed econtra cum vidissent, quod creditum et michi ewangelium prepucii sicut et Petro cir- cumcisionis, qui enim opera- tus est Petro in apostolatu circumcisionis, operatus est michi inter gentes. Et cum cognovissent graciam dei, que data est michi, lacobus et Cephas et lohannes, qui vide- bantur esse columpne, dextras dederunt michi et Barnabe societatis, ut nos inter gentes, ipsi autem in circumcisione, tantum ut pauperum memores essemus, quod eciam sollici- tus fui, hoc ipsum facere. "Cum autem venisset Ce- phas Antiochiam, in faciem ei restiti, quia reprehensibilis erat. " Prius enim, quam venirent quidam ab lacobo, cum gen- tibus edebat, cum autem ve- nissent, subtrahebat et segre- gabat se timens eos, qui ex circumcisione erant, et simu- lacioni eius consenserunt ce- teri ludei, ita ut et Barnabas duceretur ab eis in illam simulacionem. Sed cum vi- dissem, quod non recte am- bularent ad veritatem ewan- gelii, dixi Cephe coram om- nibus : Si tu, ludeus cum sis, ceteri apostoli Petrum ex suis provinces, ac si ab ipso papa- lis potestas necessario ema- naret. Sed Paulus dicit sig- nanter, quod illi, qui videban- tur esse aliquid et columpne ecclesie, nichil sibi contule- runt. Ut patet Gal. 2 : Deus inquit personam hominis non accipit. Michi enim, qui vi- debantur esse aliquid, nichil contulerunt, sed econtra cum vidissent, quod creditum est michi ewangelium prepucii sicut et Petro circumcisionis, qui enim operatus est Petro in apostolatu circumcisionis, operatus est michi inter gentes. Et cum cognovissent graciam dei, que data est michi, laco- bus, et Cephas et lohannes, qui videbantur esse columpne, dextras dederunt michi et Barnabe societatis, ut nos inter gentes, ipsi autem in circumcisione, tantum ut pau- perum memores essemus, quod eciam sollicitus fui, hoc ipsum facere. "Cum autem venisset Ce- phas Antiochiam, in faciem ei restiti, quia reprehensibilis erat. " Prius enim, quam venirent quidam ab Jacobo, cum gen- tibus edebat, cum autem venissent, subtrahebat et se- gregabat se timens eos, qui ex circumcisione erant et si- mulacioni eius consenserunt ceteri ludei, ita ut et Barnabas duceretur in illam simulacio- nem. Sed cum vidissem, quod non recte ambularent ad ve- ritatem ewangelii, dixi Cephe coram omnibus : Si tu cum ludeis [sic] sis, gentiliter vivis 218 WICLIF1SM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. gentiliter vivis et non ludaice, quomodo gentes cogis iudai- zare ? ' ' et non ludaice, quomodo gen- tes cogis iudaizare ?" The passages are here placed side by side without any curtailment, because it will be seen upon a com- parison of these with the corresponding passage of Scripture (Gal. ii. 6-14), that Hus even in his citation from the Bible has followed Wiclif. But the agreement of Hus' text with that of Wiclif extends still further ; for, as Wiclif, so Hus also draws five several conclusions from the citations already adduced : Wiclif, ib. : " Istam autem benedictam fidem historicam spiritus sanctus in ewangelio Pauli secundum istam formam in- seruit ad confundendum su- perbiam et heresim sequen- cium prelatorum. " Primo igitur patet in hoc ewangelio, quod apud Deum non est accepcio personarum. "Patet secundo, quod isti tres principales apostoli non contulerunt sensum vel motum ewangelii sancto Paulo . . . "Patet tertio, quod mun- dana honorificencia et nomen vocacionis patris sanctissimi non inter istos apostolos relu- cebat, cum isti precipui con- fess! sunt Paulum et Barna- bam esse sibi socios, non prelatos dominos aut magis- tros. "Quarto patet, quomodo Paulus ex caritate Petro pa- tenter restitit, cum certus fu- erat, quod peccavit, ad relin- quendum exemplum aliis, ut Hus, ib. : "Istam spiritus sancti his- toriam homo fidelis consider- primo conciperet, quodapud Deum non est accepcio per- sonarum . . . "Secundo, quod lacobus, Petrus et Johannes non dede- runt potestatem. "Tertio, quomodo . . . mun- dana honorificencia et nomen vocacionis patris sanctissimi non relucebat . . . "... confessi sunt Paulum et Barnabam esse sibi socios, non prelatos dominos aut ma- gistros. "Quarto . . ., quomodo Paulus ex charitate Petro pa- tenter restitit, cum certus fuerat, quod peccavit, ad re- linquendum exemplum aliis, EQUALITY AMONG THE APOSTLES. 219 ut ipsi postmodum sine ac- ceptacione personarum fa- ciant similiter. "Quinto . . . cum quanto fervore Paulus contra Petrum servavit ecclesie ewangelicam libertatem ..." ipsi faciant postmodum sine personarum accepcione simi- liter. " Quinto patet, cum quanto fervore et timore notandi ec- clesie Paulus servavit contra Petrvm ewangelicam liberta- tem et utinam ista doctrina foret hodie practicata. Tune enim cessarent legales ritus istarum sectarum quatuor in- troducti ..." As one may observe, the whole sixth chapter of Wiclif's tractate, De Christo et suo adversaria Anti- christo, is simply transferred by Hus to the fourth chapter of his writing against Stanislas of Znaim. Even the marginal observation in Wiclif : " Ciprianus episcopus (qui) 24, q. i cap. loquitur ad Petrum, quod omnibus apostolis post resurreccionem suam parem potestatem tribuit," and the closing part of the sixth chapter, De Christo et adversaria, will be dis- covered again in separate parts in the ninth chapter of Hus' tractate, De ecclesia : Wiclif, ibid. : " Redeundo ergo ad pri- mum propositum patet logicis, quod Petrus habuit in ali- quo prerogativam super ceteros apostolos, et econtra alii Petrum in aliquo excede- bant, cum notum sit, cum verbum Christi singulariter dictum Petro fuit exemplar et doctrina sequenti ecclesie mi- litanti. Sed si fuit Petri ex- cellencia simpliciter supra alios, hoc fuit eo (ex) dei gracia et propter meritum humilitatis, que floruit ex- cellencius in Petro. Hus, De ecclesia, fol. 211 ad: " Et dictum Augustini est verum, quod Petrus fuit pri- mus inter apostolos secun- dum aliquam prerogativam 22O WICL1FISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. " Petrus enim dicitur ali- qualiter fuisse firm us in fide Comp. Wiclif, De Christo, cap. v. : " Quis autem apostolorum fuit princeps vel capitaneus plus dilectus, est dissensio apud multos, sed Petrum vi- detur habere prerogativam humilitatis, paupertatis et voluntarie administracio- nis, sicut videtur ipsum con- versando cum Christo ha- buisse primatum quendam interrogando, respondendo et operando . . . "Sed hoc nullo modo in- nuit, quod Petrus fuit caput ecclesie, sed quod fuit humi- lior, pauperior et servicior " Conceditur autem, quod Petrus a petra ecclesie, que est Christus, habuit humili- tatem, paupertatem, fidei firmitatem et consequenter beatitudinem " Passages from Wiclif's tractate, De Christo et adversaria, are found also that we may dispose of this, too, under one heading in the sermons of Hus. Compare : Sermones 28. mag. J. Hus, Ad fiopulum. i . A ntich risti definicio. Op. Hus, ii., 54 b: "Item ubi Christus elegit discipulos simplices, idiotas, mundo pauperes, et in introi- tum ad suam religionem fecit plus pauperes, ut patet Math. Wiclif, De Christo* etc., Page 54: " Similiter Christus elegit sibi discipulos simplices, idio- tas et mundi pauperes . . . et in introitu ad suam religionem facit eos plus pauperes, ut patet Math. . . . " Papa autem eligit sibi plures quam duodecim car- dinales, plus inclytos, calli- dos et astutos, et prius mundo abiectos elevat in fulsos do- minos urbis et orbis . Ipse pseudo eligit sibi plus inclytos, duplices, callidos et astutos." MARKS OF ANTICHRIST. 221 Ib., p. 50. " Et quantum ad vitam, patet, quod Christus et papa sunt directe contrarii, cum secunda Christi condicio fuit, quod ipse tenuit regularis- simesummampauperiem, ut prophetatum est de ipso in veteri lege . . . " . . . Papa autem pre- tendit se et laborat ad hoc nimis illicite, quod sit seculo summe dives." " . . . Et ubi Christus re- gularissime tenuit sum- mam paupertatem . . . "... iste pseudo irregu- lariter summe diviciis et seculo innititur ..." Ib-, P. 51- "Quarto sic sub anathe- mate gravi precipit, . . . quod non adderetur aliquid imper- tinens vel contrarium legi sue, cum lex sua sit per se suffi- ciens secundum Augustinum continens singulas veritates "... Ideo non mirum, si propter inhiacionem pape et suorum sacerdotum ad secu- laria desideriasittotaecclesia militans perturbata ..." Wiclif, De Christo et adver- saria, p. 57. " Quando autem papa nos- cit et audit suos pseudocleri- cos dicere, quod nemo debet ipsum corripere, cum habet in scrinio sui pectoris cunctas leges et potest tamverboquam opere cum cunctis conditis legibus dispensare, ymo cum lege dei ac articulis fidei, cum potest cunctatalia innovare." "... Item ubi Christus sub anathemate gravi prohibuit, quod non adderetur aliquid impertinens legi sue . . . scriptura sacra, in qua secun- dum Augustinum est omnis veritas . . . "Nee mirum, quia sacer- dotes et prophete falsi sedu- cunt ..." Opp., ii., 75*. Sermo 22, De Antichristo. "... quern nemo debeat corripere, cum sit habens omnes leges in scrinio sui pectoris, ut existens Christi vicarius in terra habet . . . potestatem distribuendi hunc thesaurum hominibus ..." In the tractate De Christo et sno adversaria is emphasised with special earnestness the proposition, which is to be met with indeed also in Wiclifs 222 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. Trialogus : " The papacy is of imperial origin ; it finds no support in Holy Scripture." Wiclif, De Christo, cap. vii. " Et constat primo ex fide, quomodo potestas, quam papa exercet fuit a potestate cesa- rea derivata nee habet funda- mentum in fide scripture. " Ideo si non sit potestas nisi a Deo, patet, quod maior potestas, quam false vendicat, sit potestas sophistica ..." Trial., IV., xviii., p. 309/1 " N arrant chronice, quod in dotacione ecclesie vox an- gelica audita est in ae're tune temporis sic dicentis : Hodie effusum est venenum in ec- clesia sancta Dei. Unde a tempore Constantini, qui sic dotavit ecclesiam, decrevit Romanum imperium et in ipso dominium seculare . . ." Wiclif, De Christo, cap. vii. " Nam licet cesar ex sua stulticiavellet privilegium tale concedere, viri tamen aposto- lici foret ipsum renuere . . . Christus autem tradidit offi- cium et legem suis discipulis, in quibus . . . forent plenarie occupati. Quis ergo potuit eisdarepotestatem extraneam tardantemvel subtrahentem ab illo officio et ad seculare officium ?" Wiclif, De Christo et adver- saria Antichristo, p. 57 : "Et sic ubi Christus docet: Hus, De ecclesia, cap. xv. " Nam caesar Constantinus . . . papam instituit. Roma- nus enim pontifex fuit con- socius aliis pontificibus usque ad donacionem Caesaris, cuius autoritate cepit capitaliter dominari . . . Ecce quod pape prefeccio et institucio a Cesaris potencia emanavit ..." Hus, Sermons, I.e., ii., 29. "Christ expressly forbade to His Apostles all worldly rule. But His Word was made a mockery and a fable from the time that the Em- peror Constantine, three hun- dred years after the birth of Christ, bestowed a dominion upon the Bishop of Rome ; and on that day was heard the voice from above : ' This day the poison was shed forth into the Church ' . . . " Hus, De ecclesia, cap. xv. " Nunquam indiguit Petrus possessione civili Romana . . . Utinam Petrus dixisset, ego tuam concessionem non ac- cepto . . . quia ea non in- digeo et video, quod meis posteris multum nocet. Im- pedit enim eos in predica- cione ewangelii in comple- cione mandatorum Dei et consiliorum . Hus, Ad scriptum octo docto- rum. Opp. i., 293, 94. "... Nam sicut emerunt ORIGIN OF THE PAPACY. 223 sic vendiderunt. Gratis non acceperunt, gratis non dederunt. Gratis accepistis, gratis date, nichil datur a papa, eciam introitus ad suam locu- cionem nisi ematur palam vel abscondite,tacitevelexpresse. Et sic de infinitis heresibus sue potestatis et operacionis, quibus videtur multipliciter consentire." Wiclif cites this passage, Matt. x. 8, "Gratis accepis- tis," etc., with special prefer- ence. Compare the Appendix of Tracts and Documents, vii., "Fragment of a Sermon, preached by a Carmelite friar, A.D. 1386," in Shirley, Fasci- culi Zizaniorum, 506 sqq. Hus likewise availed himself of other tractates of Wiclif for the composition of his book. In closing the present chapter, it may be well to call attention to another parallel passage of considerable extent 1 : " Et si quis obicit eis in faciem : Christus dixit apos- tolis et eorum vicariis : Gra- tis accepistis, gratis date, statim aiunt, murmurant vel expresse dicunt : Ecce here- ticus, quid loquitur?" Comp. Hus, i. 320. Wiclif, De religionibus vanis monachorum. Latin controversial writings, ed. Buddensieg (p. 438). ' ' Numquid Paulus pro vobis crucifixus est . . . Quasi di- cat, non. Igitur neque Petrus neque Paulus, neque aliquis alius circa Christum est dig- nus, ut sit patronus principa- lisalicuius religionis.quoniam idem apostolus humiliter con- fitetur subsequenter dicens : Ego plantavi scilicet per pre- dicationem, Apollo rigavit scilicet per . . . baptizacio- nem, sed Deus incrementum Hus, De ecclesia, cap. ix., fol. 209 b : "Numquid Paulus pro vobis crucifixus est . . . Quasi di- cat, non. Igitur neque Petrus neque Paulus, neque aliquis alius circa Christum est prin- cipale fundamentum, vel caput ecclesie. Ideo subsequenter i Corinthiorum 3 dicit sanc- tus apostolus . . . Ego inquit plantavi, scilicet per predica- cionem, Apollo rigavit, scilicet per baptizacionem, sed Deus incrementum dedit scilicet 1 I became acquainted with this passage only after the pub- lication of the German edition of my book, and am indebted to Buddensieg for calling my attention to it. 224 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. dedit scilicet per graciam fidem et religionis fundacio- nem. Itaque neque qui plan- tat est aliquid, neque qui rigat est aliquid, scilicet su- pra quod potest secta ordo aut religio fundari, sed qui incrementum dat, Deus ipse est ecclesie fundamentum." per fidei spei et caritatis fun- dacionem. Itaque neque qui plantat . . . neque qui rigat . . . est aliquid, scilicet supra quod posset fundari ecclesia, sed qui incrementum dat, Deus ipse est ecclesie funda- mentum." Let any one compare the two passages with Paul ad Corinth. I., capp. i., Hi., and he will clearly see what the words are which Hus has borrowed from Wiclif. The same is that which follows : likewise the case as regards "... Hoc autem funda- mentum est petra iusticie, de qua loquitur Christus in ewan- gelio dicens beato Petro : Tu es Petrus . . . Super quo dicit beatus Augustinus : Non enim a Petro petra, sed Petrus a petra, sicut nee Christus a christiano, sed christianus a Christo vocatur. Petra autem erat Christus : non ergo edificabo me supra te, sed te supra me. Nam homines volentes edificare super homines dixerunt : Ego quidem sum Pauli, ego autem Apollo ego vero Cephe . . . per hoc patet, quod nee vivi nee mortui homines ..." "... Hoc autem funda- mentum est petra iusticie,. de qua loquitur Christus in ewan- gelio dicens beato Petro . . . Tu es Petrus . . . Super quo beatus Augustinus . . . dicit . . . Non enim a Petro petra, sed Petrus a petra, sicut Christus a christiano, sed christianus a Christo vocatur. " Petra autem erat Chris- tus . . . "... Nam volentes homi- nes edificari [sic] super ho- mines dicebant : Ego sum Pauli, ego Apollo, ego vero Cephe ..." It will be observed that the only change made by Hus is in the order of succession in which single O propositions are arranged. CHAPTER V. THE TRACTATE OF HUS " DE ABLACIONE TEMPO- RALIUM A CLERICIS" AND ITS SOURCE. I employ the singular, and speak of its source. For if Hus has derived some few propositions, in this tractate also, from De Chris to et Adversaria, yet here, too, the bulk of his arguments are to be traced back to Wiclif's tractate, De Ecclesia, as is proved from the following passages. It may be remarked that only the most conspicuous instances of agree- ment have been selected. Wiclif, De eccl., cap. xvi., fol. 65 a : " Secundo suppono, quod clericus tarn in Anglia quam alibi posset quantumcunque enormiter peccare quocunque g-enere peccatorum, patet de episcopo Scarioth, de reli- gioso Sergio et multis aliis sacerdotibus, de quibus scrip- tura sacra et cronice faciunt mencionem, ymmo cotidiana experiencia idem docet. ' Hus, De ablac. bonorum tem- poralium a clero. Opp., fol. 121 a : "Item supponendo, quod clerus quantumcunque enor- miter posset peccare quocun- que' genere peccatorum, vide- licet de episcopo luda Sca- rioth, de religioso Sergio, de Leone papa heretico et multis aliis sacerdotibus, de quibus scriptura sacra et cronice faciunt mencionem, irnmo quotidiana experiencia iam docet." 1 In margine : " Et loannem papam xxiii., qui pro heretico et diabolo incarnato est condempnatus in Constancia." 15 226 IVICLIFIS.M IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. Ib., fol. 58 a b, cap. xiii. : " Ex dicto beati Gregorii posito in decretis 18. q. 7. sic dicentis : Pervenit ad nos fama sinistra, quod quidam episcoporum non sacerdotibus proprie diocesis decimas at- que Christianorum oblaciones conferant, sed pocius laicali- bus personis, militum videli- cet sive serviciorum vel quod gravius est eciam consangui- neis. Unde si quis amodo episcopus inventusfuerithuius divini precepti transgressor, inter maximos hereticos et pessimos antichristos non mi- nimus habeatur. " Et sicut Nicena synodus de simoniacis censuit : et qui dat episcopus et qui recipiunt ab eo laici sive pacto sive beneficio, eterni incendii igni- bus deputentur . . Ib., cap. xvi., fol. 65 b : " Ex istis sic arguo : Reges Anglie sepe abstulerunt tem- poralia simpliciter a clero suo, ut patet ex supposicione tercia et nee unquam abstu- lerunt sic legitime nee potu- erunt legitime sic auferre, ut patet ex secunda conclusione et tercia doctoris. Ergo in hoc fecerunt, qualiter non potuerunt legitime facere. Ex quo sequitur, ultra quod in hoc fecerunt, qualiter non po- tuerunt meritorie vel de lege dei facere et cum omne opus hurnanum ex deliberacione sua procedens sit legitimum vel illegitimum, meritorium vel demeritorium (sequitur, quod illegitime) ' sic fecerunt. Ib., fol. 121 b: '' Unde declarando, quando episcopus abutitur bonis ec- clesie, scribit b. Gregorius : Pervenit ad nos fama sinistra, quod quidam episcoporum non sacerdotibus proprie dio- cesis decimas atque Christia- norum oblaciones conferant, sed pocius laicalibus personis, militum videlicet sive servici- orum vel quod gravius est eciam consanguineis. Unde si quis episcopus inventus fuerit huius divini precepti transgressor, inter maximos hereticos et antichristos non minus habeatur. " Et sicut Nicena synodus de simoniacis censuit : et qui dat episcopus et qui recipiunt laici sive pacto sive beneficio, eterni incendii ignibus depu- tentur." Fol. 122 a : " Item multi reges sepe abstulerunt temporalia sim- pliciter a clero delinquente, ut patet ex destruccione Tem- plariorum . . . et nee unquam abstulerunt sic legitime nee potuerunt legitime sic auferre, ut patet per adversarios. " Ergo in hoc fecerunt, qua- liter non potuerunt legitime facere. Ex quo sequitur ultra, quod in hoc fecerunt, qualiter non potuerunt meritorie vel de lege dei facere. Et cum omne opus humanum ex deli- beracione sua procedens sit legitimum vel illegitimum, meritorium vel demeritorium, sequitur, quod illegitime sic fecerunt. Et ultra sequitur, Wanting in the MS. DE ABLACIONE BONORUM. 227 Et ultra sequitur, quod inci- derunt ut sic in errorem peri- culosum, quia tam corporis quam anime dampnabiliter perditivum. " Et supposito errore isto in facto patet, quod est per- tinaciter defensatus, quia rex et regnum constanter defen- dunt hanc potestatem tam- quam legitimam eciam usque ad mortem cum gladio, si oportet. Et quod error iste sit directe contrarius catho- lice veritati, patet tripliciter ex dictis : primo quia rex sic faciendo fecit, quod non licuit nee licere potuit, ut sequitur ex datis, secundo quia iniuste abstulit aliena contra man- data secunde tabule, et tercio quia fecit ista non in caritate contra veritatem catholicam apostoli i. Cor. 16. Omnia vestra in caritate fiant. Et totum antecedens est ab ad- versario concedendum. " Ex quibus ultra colligitur, quod reges Anglie in sic fa- ciendo sunt heretici, et cum illud usque ad mortem defen- derant, sequitur, quod deces- serunt heretici et dampnati et revera religiosus possessiona- tus, qui credit hec omnia, vel remisse vel nullo modo oraret pro dictis regibus iam defunc- tis . . ." Ib., fol. 65 , 66., fol. 66 d: " Confirmatur tripliciter : primo per hoc, quod iuxta de- cretum beati Gregorii posi- tum ii. q. 3. privilegium om- nino debet amittere, qui sibi permissa abutitur potestate, sed omnis clericus abutens elemosinis regis sibi permissa abutitur potestate. Cum ergo ilia dotacio sit privilegium, sequitur, quod illud omnino debet amittere. Sed per quern nisi per regem privilegian- tem ? Illius enim est privile- gium interpretari et defen- dere, cuius est condere. " Confirmatur ex illo Math. 13. Omni habenti dabitur et habundabit, ab eo autem, qui non habet et quod videtur ha- bere, auferetur ab eo. Cum ergo rex tenetur sichabundare extitulo iusticie, videtur, quod ab eo debet causari ablacio sui elemosinarii supposito, quod contingat eum videri habere elemosinas, quas non habet . . . Fol. 67 a: " Tercio Confirmatur ex lege debiti elemosine spiritualis. Nam rex tenetur tam ex iure Dei quam regni servare quan- tum sufficit legiis suis iusti- ciam et debitum opus spiritu- alis misericordie, ut patet superius tractatu de privile- giis, sed precipuum opus talis misericordie regi pertinens foret castigacio coactiva ad continuandum suas elemosi- nas, ergo idem debet impen- dere. Unde qui offenduntur maxime ad verbum de abla- cione temporalium, vendicant, //,. 123: "... Item iuxta decretum Gregorii n. q. 3. privilegium omnino debet amittere, qui sibi permissa abutitur potes- tate. Sed omnis clericus abu- tens elemosinis regis sibi per- missa abutitur potestate. "Cum ergo ilia dotacio sit privilegium, sequitur, quod illud omnino debet amittere. Sed per quern nisi per regem privilegiantem ? Illius enim est privilegium interpretari et defendere, cuius est condere "Confirmatur ex illo Math. 13. Omni habenti dabitur et abundabit, ab eo autem, qui non habet, et (quod) videtur habere, auferetur ab eo. Cum rex tenetur sic abundare ex titulo iusticie, videtur, quod ab eo debet causari ablacio sui elemosinarii supposito, quod contingat eum videri habere elemosinas, quas non habet . "... Confirmatur ex lege debiti elemosine spiritualis. Nam rex tenetur tam ex iure Dei quam regni servare quan- tum sufficit legiis suis iusti- ciam et debitum opus spiri- tualis misericordie, sed pre- cipuum opus talis misericordie regi pertinens foret castigacio coactiva ad continuandum suas elemosynas. Ergo illud debet impendere. " Unde cleric i, qui offen- duntur maxime ad verbum de ablacione temporalium, ven- DE ABLACIONE BO NO RUM. 2 3 I quod seculares defendant ele- mosinas suorum progenitorum in suo robore permanentes, quod non fit iuxta dicta 22 cap., nisi dum ecclesia habet profectum ex modo elemosy- nandi, sic quod collata rema- neant in racione privilegii vel elemosine, quod extinguitur, dum elemosinarii collatis ele- mosynis abutuntur, quamvis enim permaneatpie donantis, 1 tamen donum corporate perdit racionem elemosine . . . "Si ergo domini tempora- les, ut elemosynati vendicant, tenentur continuare elemosy- nas patrum, quorum sunt he- redes, tune tenentur ad omne inde sequens formari, quia aliter contra possibilitatem obligacionis divine forent ad contradictoria obligati, scili- cet ad faciendum ipsas ele- mosynas ad defendendum earum abusum in discolis, secundum quam racionem ca- rent forma elemosyne. Ergo cum reges Anglie tenentur servare elemosynas suorum progenitorum in sua perpetui- tate, tenentur insuper ex lege spiritualis elemosyne suos le- gios castigare. Tenentur ter- cio ex obligacione, qua tenen- tur facere legiis suis iusticiam et extinguere iniurias, que vergunt periculosissime ad sui populi detrimentum. " Patet, quod tenentur in casu bona sua ecclesie sancte restituere et a contemptoribus Dei sui et regni auferre. Hoc enim fuit pactum (fol. 67 b] dicant, quod seculares defen- dant elemosynas suorum pro- genitorum in suo robore per- manentes, quod non fit, nisi dum ecclesia habet profectum ex modo elemosynandi, sic quod collata remaneant in racione privilegii vel elemo- syne, quod extinguitur dum elemosynarii elemosynis ab- utuntur . "Si ergo domini tempora- les, ut elemosynati clerici ven- dicant, tenentur continuare elemosynas patrum, quorum sunt heredes, tune tenentur ad omne inde sequens formari, quia aliter contra possibilita- tem obligacionis divine forent ad contradictoria obligati, scilicet ad faciendum ipsas elemosynas et ad defenden- dum ipsarum abusum in dis- colis secundum quam racio- nem carent forma elemosyne. Ergo cum reges et seculares domini tenentur servare ele- mosynas suorum progenito- rum in sua perpetuitate, te- nentur insuper ex lege spiri- tualis elemosyne suos legios castigare. Tenentur eciam ex obligacione, qua tenentur subditis suis facere iusticiam et extinguere iniurias, que vergunt periculosissime ad sui populi detrimentum. " Patet, quod tenentur in casu bona sua sancte ecclesie restituere et a contemptoribus Dei sui et regni auferre. Hoc enim fuit pactum dotacionis 1 Sc. " racio.' 232 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. dotacionis primeve. Ideo au- denter assero, si cum istis paribus rex noster non habet potestatem ad faciendum in clero suo opus misericorditer castigandi, non habet suffici- enciam super tota regno nos- tro politice dominandi, ymmo si non bene attendimus ad scripturam sacram et dicta privilegiis ecclesie, cognosce- mus, quod ' sonat in privile- gium regis, quod habeat po- tenciam talker clericos coher- cendi et clerici habent privile- gium, eo quod habent talem prepositum, cui sic meritorie possent subdi." Jb., 67 b: " Et iterum adieccio tem- poralium communiter non est ita propinqua ultime necessi- tati salvacionis penitencia corporee, sicut subtraccio abusi est propinqua ultime necessitati salvacionis per- petue tarn corporis quam anime. Sicut enim est opus maioris misericordie auferre gladium a frenetico volente se ipsum occidere, quam dare gladium persecute ad defen- dendum se a volente eum oc- cidere quia peius foret homi- nem occidi sic a se ipso quam occidi ab alio, quia primum est dampnabile et secundum semper meritorium sive ius- tum. Et ad hoc sunt multe leges ecclesie, ut allegavi superius u cap. huius ex dictis Augustini positis 23. q. 4. ... Non omnis qui parcit primeve. Unde si cum istis paribus rex noster non habet potestatum ad faciendum in clero suo opus misericordie castigandi, non habet suffici- enciam super toto regno nos- tro politice dominandi, immo si bene attendimus ad scrip- turam sacram et dicta de privilegiis ecclesie, cognosce- mus, quod sonat in privile- gium regis, quod habeat po- tenciam taliter clericos coer- cendi et clerici habent pri- vilegium, eo quod habent talem prepositum, cui sic meritorie possunt subdi." Ib., fol. 123 b : "Item adieccio tempora- lium communiter non est ita propinqua ultime necessitati salvacionis penitencie cor- poree, sicut subtraccio abusi est propinqua ultime necessi- tati salvacionis perpetue tarn corporis quam anime. Sicut est opus maioris misericordie auferre gladium phrenetico volente se ipsum occidere, quam dare gladium persecute ad defendendum se a volente eum occidere, quia peius foret hominem occidi sic a se ipso quam occidi ab alio, quia primum est dampnabile, se- cundum meritorium sive ius- tum. Et ad propositum est beatus Augustinus 5. q. 5. Non omnis qui parcit amicus est nee omnis qui verberat inimicus. 1 In Cod. : " ecclesie et sonat." DE ABLACIONE BONORUM. 233 amicus est nee omnis qui ver- berat inimicus. "Meliora enim sunt vulnera amici quam fraudulenta os- cula inimici. Melius est cum severitate diligere quam cum lenitate decipere. Et sequi- tur ad propositum : Utilius esurienti panis tollitur, si de cibo securus negligat iusti- ciam, quam esurienti panis frangitur, ut iusticie seductus adquiescat. Et qui freneti- cum ligat et qui letargicum excitat, ambobus molestus ambos amat. Quis nos po- test amare amplius quam Deus et tamen . . . " Unde inter omnia pec- cata, de quibus magis timeo, in superioribus regni nostri sunt ceca pietas, falsa mise- ricordia et consentanea om- missio sive ex negligencia sive quod maxime horrendum est, quando venditur consen- sus criminis et iniuste ac proditorie per patrimonium Christi defenditur eius hostis. Unde Augustinus epistola ter- cia ad Macedonium : miseri- cordius opem nostram talibus subtrahimus quam impendi- mus. Non enim opem fert, qui ad peccandum iuvat ac non pocius subvertit et oppri- mit ..." " Meliora enim sunt vulnera amici quam fraudulenta os- cula inimici. Melius est cum severitate diligere quam cum lenitate decipere. Et sequitur ad propositum : Utilius esu- rienti panis tollitur, si de cibo securus negligat iusticiam, quam esurienti panis frangi- tur ut iniusticie seductus ad- quiescat. Et qui phreneticum ligat et qui letargicum excitat ambobus molestus ambos amat . "Unde inter omnia pec- cata, de quibus magis timen- dum est, in superioribus regni nostri Boemie sunt ceca pie- tas, falsa misericordia et con- sentanea ommissio sive ex negligencia sive quod maxime horrendum est, quando ven- ditur consensus criminis et iniuste per cleri elemosynam defenditur hostis Christi. Unde Augustinus ad Macedonium epistola tercia : misericordius opem talibus subtrahimus quam impendimus. Non enim opem fert, qui ad peccandum iuvat sed pocius subvertit et opprimit ..." In connection with Hus' tractate De ablacione bonorum we may mention incidentally a few additional passages which he has excerpted from other of Wiclif 's larger or smaller works, and applied to his purpose. 234 W1CLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. YViclif, De Simonia. Cod. un. Prag. X . E. 9, fol. 73 if. " Et plane patet, ut sepe dixi, quod domini tempo- rales possunt licite auferre temporalia ab ecclesia delinquente. Nee valet dicere, quod oportet in istis omnino expectare decretum Romani ponti- ficis, quia sepe ille cum car- dinalibus suis sit simoniacus et a brachio secular! depositus virtute primi pape. Ideo ab- sit, quod fallacia antichrist! seducat mundi principes et claudat tela aranee manus suas, ne ex defectu iuvaminis sui et matri ecclesie vadant ad inferni precipites ..." Comp. Lewis, The History of John Wiclif, p. 384. "Si Deus est, domini tem- porales possunt legitime ac meritorie auferre bona fortune ab ecclesia delinquente." . . . Cf. Fasciculi zizaniorum, ed. by Shirley, 248. " Et quod talis ablacio foret in casu plus meritona quam prior collacio, eo quod ilia foret in casu spirituale opus misericordie salvans ani- mam a gehenna et impe- trans utriusque beatitudinem. Et ut videtur, sicut dotacio potest esse occasio beatitu- dinis sic veresimilius ablacio." Hus, De ablacione bonorum temporalium a clericis, fol. 123 : "Item reges, principes et omnes domini temporales tenentur ad fraternam correp- cionem . . . potest esse, quod clericus delinquat cum tali circumstancia, quod cor- repcio fraterna efficacissima foret, temporalia quibus abutitur prudenter diripere. Nee valet dicere quod pape dispensacio, privi- legiacio vel exempcio hoc excludit." " Cuius exemplo si domini temporales obligantur ad dan- dum elemosynas clericis, ut debite ministrent in suo officio, eciam obligantur ex lege charitatis, quod clericis abu- tentibus datis elemosynis ip- sas auferant ab eis, ne per abusum earum animas proprias occidant." Cf. Trial. IV., xviii., P- 308. " Et sepe predicando ac reprobando Christus verbaliter corripuit sacerdotes . . . ac Cf. Hus, I.e., ' ' Item Titus et Vespasianus . . . habuerunt potestatem a Deo concessam 42 annis post DE ABLACIONE BONORUM. 235 post ascensionem anno 42 in accensionem ad auferendum servis suis Tito et Vespasiano temporalia." sacerdotes suos dire corri- puit." The whole tractate of Hus, De ablacione bonorum temporalium a clericis, consequently defends one of the so-called forty-five articles of Wiclif in his very words. CHAPTER VI. THE TRACTATE OF HUS AGAINST THE PAPAL IN- DULGENCE, AND ITS SOURCES. HERE Hus has, with regard to the main subject, drawn from three writings of Wiclif : I, the chapter De indulgencia from the great treatise on the Church ; 2, from the tractate De absoluciom a pena et a culpa ; and in the third place the Dialogus. Of the greatest importance is the first of these, for from this is derived, e.g., the very definition of the in- dulgence. Cod. fial. Vind., 3929, fol. 107. Cap. " Indulgencia" : "In primis ergo suppono significacionem, quid nominis huius signi indulgencia : " Est enim omnis indulgen- cia actus indulgentis, ita quod indulgencia non sit aliud nisi habentem ad hoc potenciam indulgere, et est indulgere gratis concedere, operam dare sive remittere, et componitur deinde et algere, quid est fri- gere vel mortificari, sicut est de commissis oblivioni traditis quoad expeticionem vindicte. Etsic loquitur scriptura ludith 8. Indulgenciam domini cum Opera, i., fol. 175*2 : "Quantum ad primum sup- pono significacionem huius signi indulgencia : " Est enim indulgencia ac- tus indulgentis, ita quod in- dulgencia non sit aliud nisi habentem ad hoc potenciam indulgere, et est indulgere gratis concedere, operam dare sive remittere vindictam." . . "... Et sic loquitur scrip- tura ludith 8. Indulgenciam AGAINST THE PAPAL INDULGENCE. 237 lacrimis postulemus. Et sic sumitur Is. 26, 61, et 63. Sic autem indulgere pec- catoribus est Deo proprium sicut et peccata dimittere, ut patet Cap. ultimo." . . . Sed ab istis sensibus ,ex- tractus est terminus et bapti- zatus in alium partim per doc- tores theologie et partim per canonistas. Quandoque enim secundum eos notat remissio- nem pene, ut sec. quest. 3. cap. Indulgencia, ut notat archidiaconus, quod quando- que active concessionem (con- notat), ut dominus papa in- dulsit subdito hoc vel illud id est concessit. Aliquando autem signatdispensacionem, aliquando ius, ut notat loan- nes 33. q. 2. Interfectores, et aliquando recipitur pro re- mittere vel condonare, ut de pena et remissionibus cap. Indulgencia in principio per archidiaconum. 3929, fol. 113^: " Dico octavo, quodsacer- dotes Christi, licet habeant potestatem ad absolvendum subditos a pena et a culpa, non tamen debent absolvere sub hac forma, nee subiecti istud expetere, nisi hoc spe- cialiter fuerit revelatum. " Prima pars patet ex hoc, quod sacerdos potest sacra- mentaliter ostendere sibi con- fitentem taliter absolutum, qui ad tantum conteritur, quod statim decedens sine pena purgatorii advolaret, et hoc est sacerdotum absolvere. domini cum lacrimis poltule- mus. Et sic sumitur Es. 26,61, et 63. Sic autem indulgere peccatoribusestDeo proprium sic et peccata dimittere, prout omnes sancti doctores dicunt concorditer ex scriptura." "Sed ab istis sensibus ex- tractus est terminus et bap- tizatus in alium partim per theologos partim per canoni- stas. Quandoque enim se- cundum eos indulgencia con- notat remissionem pene, ut 2. quest. 3. cap. Indulgencia, ut notat archidiaconus, quod quandoque concessionem ac- tive connotat, ut dominus papa indulsit subdito hoc vel illud id est concessit. Ali- quando autem signat dispen- sacionem, aliquando ius, ut notat loannes 33. q. 2. Inter- fectores, et aliquando accipi- tur pro remittere vel condo- nare, ut de pena et re. cap. Indulgencia in principio per archidiaconum." Opera, 1 75 a : " Dico secundo, quod sa- cerdotes Christi, licet ha- beant potestatem absolvendi subditos a pena et a culpa, non tamen debent absolvere sub hac forma, nee absolven- di debent illud expetere, nisi hoc specialiter fuerit revela- tum. " Prima pars patet ex hoc, quod sacerdos potest sacra- mentaliter ostendere sibi con- fitentem taliter absolutum, qui ad tantum conteritur, quod statim decedens sine pena purgatorii ad patriam per- veniret, et hoc est sacerdo- WICLIFISM /A THE WRITINGS OF HUS. Nee est potestas alicuius sa- cerdotis in casu ultime neces- sitatis sic ligata, quin quan- tum Deus revelans permiserit, possit absolvere. Foret autem nimia presumpcio aliquem Christi vicarium absolucionem talem pretendere, nisi Deus hoc sibi revelaverit facien- dum, ne forte hicurrat blas- phemum mendacium. Quid ergo valeret subiectos inpor- tune absolucionem talem ex- petere, cum certe debent cre- dere, quod correspondenter ad sua merita vel demerita taxabuntur ? " Licet autem sufficiat apud Christum ubique presentem contricio, tamen sacramen- tum penitencie est valde ne- cessarium, licet non proderit sine ilia. Ideo foret stulticia sacerdotem, cui non fit ad hoc revelacio, diffinire, quod penitencia vel aliud sacra- mentum suo suscipienti pro- derit ad salutem." fol. "Dico primo, quod nemo est capax indulgencie, nisi fuerit et de quanto fuerit dig- nus vel dispositus per graciam apud deum. Patet ex hoc, quod nemo si non Deus dat tales indulgencias, qui non dat nisi caris suis, quos sic prius habilitat. "Dico scundo, quod om- nis recipiens tales indulgen- cias de tanto copiosius eas recipit, de quanto fuerit ha- bilior quoad Deum. Patet ex hoc, quod precise de tanto Deus dat sibi copiosius tales turn absolvere. Nee est po- testas alicuius sacerdotis in casu ultime necessitatis sic ligata, quin quantum Deus revelans permiserit, possit ab- solvere. Foret autem nimia presumptio aliquem Christi vicarium absolucionem talem pretendere, nisi Deus hoc sibi revelaverit faciendum, ne for- te incurrat blasphemum men- dacium. Quid ergo valeret subiectos importune absolu- cionem talem expetere, cum certe debent credere, quod correspondenter ad sua merita vel demerita taxabuntur ? " Licet autem sufficiat apud Christum ubique presentem contricio, tamen saeramen- tum penitencie est valde ne- cessarium, licet non proderit sine contricione presupposita. Ideo foret stulticia sacerdo- tem, cui non sit ad hoc reve- lacio, definire, quod peniten- cia vel aliud sacramentum suo suscipienti proderit ad salutem." fol. 175 b : "Dico tercio, quod nemo est capax indulgencie, nisi fuerit et de quanto fuerit dig- nus vel dispositus per graciam apud deum. Patet ex hoc, quod nemo si non Deus dat tales indulgencias, qui non dat nisi caris suis, quos sic habilitat. "Dico quarto, quod om- nis recipiens tales indulgen- cias de tanto (copiosius) eas recipit, de quanto fuerit habi- lior quoad Deum. Patet ex hoc, quod precise de tanto Deus dat sibi copiosius tales AGAINST THE PAPAL INDULGENCE. 2 39 indulgencias, sed ipse facit quidquid facit ad regulam." indulgencias, sed ipse facit quidquid facit ad regulam." With regard to the proposition further occurring with Hus at this place, compare Trialogus, pp. 356, 357- " Dico tercio, quodnullius episcopi prodest indulgencia homini, nisi de quanto prius (se) disposuit apud deum. Patet ex hoc, quod Deus non dat sibi talem indulgenciam, nisi ad tantum ex proposi- cione proxima, sed precise de tanto cuiusquam episcopi indulgencia prodest. " Dico quarto, quod epis- copi indulgencia de tanto re- cipienti proderit, de quanto episcopus eum in fide Christ! instruxerit et in devocionem et amorem dei accenderit vel quomodocunque habilem ad indulgenciam Dei fecerit. Patet totum ex dictis. Dico quinto, quod sacer- dotes Christ! non habent po- testatem donandi indulgen- cias secundum quantitatem temporis, nisi eis specialiter fuerit revelatum. Patet ex illo Morali ludith 8. Posui- stis vos tempus miseracionis domini et in arbitrio vestro diem constituistis ei. Ille ergo, cui non sit ad hoc reve- lacio, qui spondet indigno apud deum ex sibi dubio, quod infra tantum tempus Deus miserebitur eius, do- nando sibi plenam remissio- nem, stulta pangit, cum non habet evidenciam, quod Deus illud concessit. "Dico sexto, quod ex fide "Dico quinto, quod nul- lius pape vel episcopi prodest indulgencia homini, nisi de quanto prius se disposuerit apud deum. Patet ex hoc, quod Deus non dat sibi talem indulgenciam, nisi ad quan- tum se disposuerit, ut patet ex predictis. "Dico sexto, quod epis- copi indulgencia de tanto re- cipienti proderit, de quanto episcopus eum in fide instrux- erit et in devocionem et amo- rem dei accenderit vel quo- modocunque habilem ad in- dulgenciam Dei fecerit. Patet totum ex iam dictis. "Dico septimo, quod sa- cerdotes Christi non habent potestatem donandi indulgen- cias secundum quantitatem temporis, nisi eis specialiter fuerit revelatum. Patet ex illo ludith 8. Posuistis vos tempus miseracionis domini et in arbitrio vestro diem con- stituistis ei. Ille ergo, cui non fit ad hoc revelacio, qui spondet indigno apud deum ex sibi dubio, quod infra tan- tum tempus Deus miserebitur eius, donando sibi plenam re- missionem, stulta pangit, cum non habet evidenciam ex lege Christi vel revelacione, quod Deus illud concessit. 240 WICLIFISM TN THE WRITINGS OP fJUS. scripture, in qua est omnis veritas, non fundabitur, quod licet vicario Christi, cui non sit ad hoc specialis revelacio, ut donet diurnas indulgencias vel annales. Patet ex hoc, quod ex scriptura, que non obviat sibi ipsi, foret tails in- dulgencia temptacio Dei et seduccio populi. " Dico septimo, quod pre- lati ecclesie debent in ista veritate catholica subiectos instruere, ne laici infideliter occupati circa minus utilia attendant. Patet in simili ex lege questorum, quibus limi- tatum est, quod non dicant populo, nisi quod in literis episcoporum eis fuerit limita- tum, ut patet in libro septimo de penitenciis et remissioni- bus cap. Abusionibus." " Multo magis ergo Christi vicarii debent docere populum secundum limites literarum spiritus sancti, quas eis tra- didit ad docendum." Cod. pal. Vind. 3929, fol. nob: " Item Deus propter nullam magnificacionem papalis pe- nitencie preiudicat sue iusti- cie, sed hoc contingeret data ista potencia, ergo ilia non est fingenda. Minor sic pro- batur : Papa sicut tota eccle- sia militans errat in multis, que concernunt divinum iudi- cium et statum ecclesie trium- phantis, sed inter alia arcana huius hoc est unum, quis quanto sit dignus divino suf- fragio quoad Deum, ergostat papam errare communiter in talibus. Ideoergo [sic] opor- " Dico octavo, quod pre- lati ecclesie debent in ista veritate catholica subiectos instruere, ne laici infideliter occupati circa minus utilia attendant. Patet in simili ex lege questorum, quibus limi- tatum est, quod non dicant populo, nisi quod literis epis- coporum eis fuerit limitatum, ut patet in libro de penitenciis capitulo Abusionibus." " Multo magis ergo Christi vicarii debent docere populum secundum limites literarum spiritus sancti, quas ei tra- didit ad docendum." Fol. 183^: " Item Deus propter nullam magnificacionem papalis pe- nitencie preiudicat sue iusti- cie, sed hoc contingeret data ista potencia, ergo ilia non est fingenda. Minor sic probatur : Papa sicut tota ecclesia militans errat in mul- tis, que concernunt divinum iudicium et statum ecclesie triumphantis, sed inter alia arcana huius hoc est unum, quis quanto sit dignus divino suffragio quoad Deum, ergo stat papam errare communiter in talibus. Ideo oportet con- AGAINST THE PAPAL INDULGENCE. 2 4 I let concedere, quod eo ipso, quo papa concedit alicui tan- tarn indulgenciam, eo ipso sic habebit vel aliter non ob- stante concessione pape, pre- cise tantumparticipabit, quan- tum dignus fuerit apud Deum. Vel aliter, quod papa genera- liter intelligat istam condicio- nem in concessione sua qua- libet, ut oportet. ' ' Prima pars est omnino impossibilis implicans papam ilium non posse peccare vel errare et sic papa per se ha- bilitaret et iustificaret subdi- tum, quoad deum, quod foret blasphemum dicere. "Ideo restat secunda via et tercia. Sed constat non oportere sumptuose acquirere tales bullas, quia illis sub- ductis homo precise tantum participabit de merito, quanto fuerit habilis apud deum." Fol. ma: " Item videtur, quod papa debet ex consciencia facere generaliter illud opus miseri- cordie spiritualis, nam potens relevare fratrem suum et in- excusabiliter differens usque ad mortem corporalem fratris sui, est reus homicidii : Ergo multo magis differens liberare fratrem a morte spirituali cu- iusmodi est quicunque papa avarus de indulgencia gene- rali. Nee valet dicere, quod potestas prelati in isto vile- sceret, quia generaliter pre- statarius ex beneficii percep- cione fit carior. Quam ergo excusacionem haberet, qui a dampnacione perpetua posset cedere, quod eo ipso, quo papa concedit alicui tantam indulgenciam, eo ipso sic habebit vel aliter non obstante concessione pape, precise tan- tum participabit, quantum dignus fuerit apud Deum. VeL aliter, quod papa generaliter intelligat istam condicionem in concessione sua qualibet, ut oportet. " Prima pars est omnino impossibilis implicans papam ilium non posse peccare vel errare et sic papa per se ha- bilitaret et iustificaret subdi- tum, quoad deum, quod foret blasphemum dicere. "Ideo restat secunda via et tercia concedenda. Sed constat non oportere sump- tuose acquirere tales bullas, quia illis subductis homo pre- cise tantum participabit de merito, quantum fuerit habilis apud deum." Opera, fol. 184 a : " Item videtur, quod papa debet ex consciencia facere generaliter illud opus miseri- cordie spiritualis, nam potens relevare fratrem suum et in- excusabiliter differens usque ad mortem corporalem fratris sui, est reus homicidii : Ergo multo magis differens liberare fratrem a morte spirituali cu- iusmodi est quicunque papa . . . de indulgenci generali. Nee valet dicere, quod potes- tas eius vilesceret in isto, quia generaliter prestatarius ex beneficii percepcione fit carior. Quam ergo excusa- cionem haberet, qui a damp- nacione perpetua posset proxi- 16 242 WICLTFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. proximum liberare, quern de- bet diligere ut se ipsum, et tamen sine racione ommittit. Numquid ille, cui preceptum est eciam in sabbato extra- here bovem fratris de puteo, non incurreret prevaricacio- nem, si negligit liberare ani- mam proximi de inferno ? Si ignorancia voluntatis divine excusat, quomodo alicui con- cedere talem indulgenciam papa temptat ? ' ' Questio de absolutions a pena et a culpa, Ib. fol. 263 : " Circa hanc epistolam du- bitatur, utrum sapit blasphe- miam papam sic bullative concedere absolucionem a pena et a culpa . . . et videtur michi, quod non, quia sine excepcione persone prescite dicit se absolvere quemlibet talem sibi in illo, quod appe- tit complacentum, et sepe sunt multi tales, quos Deo non placet sic absolvere. Ergo sepe in talibus absolucionibus contrariatur beneplacito Dei sui. Sepe quidem non placet deo monere illam personam ad contricionem, cui tamen papa concedit talem indul- genciam. Similiterpapamul- tis talibus concedit indulgen- cias, qui ex sibi dubio sunt presciti, et Deus nulli tali con- cedit tales indulgencias, ergo pape extolluntur in talibus supra Christum. " Similiter requiritur ad ta- lem concessionem discretam papam habere noticiam, quod Deus ad tantum approbat tale factum, sed papa caret tali noticia tarn ex revelacione, mum liberare, quern debet diligere ut se ipsum, et tamen sine racione dimittit. Num- quid ille, cui preceptum eciam in sabbato extrahere bovem fratris de puteo, non intraret prevaricacionem, si negligit liberare animam proximi de inferno ? Si ignorancia volun- tatis divine excusat, quomodo alicui concedere talem indul- genciam papa temptat ? " Hus, Adversus indtilgencias papales, fol. 182 b : "Contra dacionem pape, qua dat absolucionem a pena et a culpa, arguitur primo sic : " Papa sine excepcione per- sone prescite dicit se absol- vere quemlibet talem sibi in illo, quod appetit complacen- tem, et sepe sunt multi tales, quos Deus non placet sic ab- solvere. Ergo sepe in talibus absolucionibus contrariatur beneplacito Dei sui. Sepe qui- dem non placet deo monere illam personam ad contricio- nem, cui tamen papa concedit talem indulgenciam. Item papa multis talibus concedit indulgencias, qui ex sibi dubio sunt presciti, et Deus nulli tali concedit tales indulgencias,, ergo papa in talibus extollitur supra Christum. "Item requiritur ad talem concessionem discretam pa- pam habere noticiam, quod Deus approbat tale factum, sed sepe papa caret tali no- ticia tam ex revelacione, quam AGAINST THE PAPAL INDULGENCE. 243 quam ex fide scripture, quam tercio ex racionis deduccione. Quid ergo moveret papam tam presumptive concedere, quod Deus ex sibi dubio non con- cedit, vel vendere, quod non placet Deo reddere ? Revera evidencius posset papa mo- vere homines ad purgandum latrinas vel faciendum quod- cunque opus corporale, quod sibi placuerit, quam absolvere quemcunque a pena et culpa, qui iuvat ad restituendum sibi cesaream dignitatem, quia hoc directe contrariatur ordina- cioni divine in Christo et suis apostolis et cuicunque vero successor! eorum. Similiter nichil est magis proprium Deo quam donare vel remittere in- iuriam sibi factam, sed sic facit papa in concessione cuiuscunque talis indulgencie, ergo concedit in talibus, quod Deo est proprium. Nam nul- lus secularis dominus vel ho- mo alius potest concedere al- teri, quod remittat vicarie iniuriam sibi factum nisi do- minus ille vel homo prius sic fecerit, ergo multo magis Deus non potest concedere pape vicariam potestatem sic condonare Dei iniuriam nisi Deus antea sic condonet. Et confirmatur ex hoc, quod il- lam condonacionem oportet esse Dei volicionem . . . Qua ergo fronte presumeret anti- christus, quod condonat Dei iniuriam, nisi Deus hoc ex- presse sibi precepit, et tune diceret, quod Deus sic condo- nat vel remittit. Cum enim papa in talibus indulgenciis errare poterit, non debet capi ex fide scripture, quam tercio ex racionis deduccione. Quid ergo moveret papam tam pre- sumptive concedere, quod Deus ex sibi dubio non con- cedit, vel vendere, quod non placet vendere ? Revera pos- set exidencius papa movere homines ad agendum reales penitencias seu realem peni- tenciam vel ad colendum agros vel faciendum quod- cunque opus corporale, quod placuit, quam absolvere quem- cunque a pena et a culpa, qui iuvat ad restituendum sibi se- cularis domini potestatem. " Item nichil est magis pro- prium Deo quam donare vel remittere iniuriam sibi fac- tam. Sed sic facit papa in concessione talis indulgencie, ergo concedit in talibus, quod est Deo proprium. Nam nul- lus secularis dominus vel ho- mo alius potest concedere alteri, quod remittat vicarie iniuriam sibi factum, nisi do- minus ille vel homo prius sic fecerit, ergo multo magis Deus non potest concedere pape vi- cariam, etc. . . . " Adversusindulgencias pa- pales fol. 1 83 a: " Qua ergo fronte presume- ret papa, quod condonat Dei iniuriam, nisi hoc Deus ex- presse sibi precepit et tune di- ceret, quod Deus sic condonat vel remittit. Cum enim papa in talibus indulgenciis errare po- terit, nee debet capi ut fides nee ut sperandum neque ut 244 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. ut fides nee ut sperandum ne- que ut probabile. Quod si papa pretendit se dare tales indulgencias propter causam quam limitat, tune necesse est, quod Deus hoc approbat, quia tune papa posset ad vo- tum Dei flectere voluntatem plus, quam aliqua creatura posset variare voluntatem al- terius, secundum quod papa suam variaverit voluntatem. Sed quid incredibilius aut blasphemius hominem super se assumere ? Posset ergo pa- pa dicere de illo, quern scit esse meritorium de Dei bene- placito, quod si istud comple- veris, Deus tibi retribuet, se- cundum quod sibi placuerit. Sed ad quantam mensuram, Deus reservat sibi notieiam." probabile. Quod si papa pre- tendit se dare tales indulgen- cias propter causam quam li- mitat, tune necesse est, quod Deus hoc approbet, quia tune papa posset ad votum Dei flectere voluntatem plus, quam aliqua creatura posset variare voluntatem alterius. " Sed quid incredibilius ho- minem illud super se assu- mere ? Posset ergo papa di- cere de illo, quern scit esse meritorium, de Dei benepla- cito, quod si istud comple- veris, Deus tibi retribuet, se- cundum quod sibi placuerit. Sed ad quam mensuram, Deus reservat sibi notieiam." The tractate of Wiclif, De absolucione a pena, has thus, so far as concerns the first half of it, passed over entire into Hus' tractate, Adversus indulgencias papales. The words which Hus has omitted are but few, and equally few those he has added. As regards the changes made by him, only one par- ticular calls for notice. Where a severe or rude form of expression is met with in Wiclif, Hus has introduced a slight alteration. Thus he has altered the passage in Wiclif's proposition : " Revera posset papa movere homines ad purgandum latrinas," into the less obnoxious " ad colendum agros." With respect to the indulgences one may compare also : Wiclif, De Chris to et adver- saria, cap. x : " Similiter ut fides capitur, Hus, Adversus indulgencias papales. Opera, fol. 184 a : AGAINST THE PAPAL INDULGENCE. 245 quod papa sit pater sanc- tissimus et caput ecclesie in tantum, quod ut experimento didici, negans istam senten- ciam erit tamquam hereticus persecutus. Sed certum est quod nee papa in persona propria nee ecclesia conver- sans cum illo, cui non sit revelacio, scit, si predes- tinatus fuerit vel presci- tus et per consequens, si sit membrum ecclesie vel diabo- lus incarnatus." Wiclif, Trial. IV., xxxii., P- 359- Pursues the same line of thought in a slightly different form : ' ' Quomodo ergo non extollitur super dominum lesum Christum ? In cuius signum non legitur, quod Christus tales absoluciones vel indulgencias concesserat nee aliquis de suis apostolis." " Papa non potest assecu- rare aliquem, quod post mor- tem vel ante tantam indulgen- ciam habebit . . . papa enim subducta revelacione nescit de aliquo, si sit predestinatus a domino. Quod si prescitus fuerit, non proderunt sibi tales indulgencie ad beatitudinem contra ordinacionem domini eternaliter ordinantis." Cf. Hus, De ecclesia, cap. xiii. Opera, i. 221 and ii. 77 . Hus, Adversus indulgencias papales. Opera, i. 183 : " Item papa multis talibus concedit indulgencias, qui ex sibi dubio sunt presciti et Deus nulli tali concedit tales indulgencias, ergo papa in talibus extollitur super Chris- tum." Hus, Opera, i. 187 : " Unde quesivi et usque hodie require, quis sanctorum donavit indulgencias et non invenio." The Dialogus is again very strongly drawn upon by Hus : Cod. pal. Vindob. 3922, Hus, Adversus indulgencias fol. 75 b: papales. Opera, i. 187*: " Multitudini non semper est " Multitudini non semper credendum. standum. "... Qui autem credit ut "... Unde qui credit, ut 246 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. fidem communitati vel populo, est in ianuis, ut stolide sedu- catur. Quia Eccl. primo scri- bitur : Stultorum infinitus est numerus. Et sapiens Daniel, cum populus dampnasset Su- sannam ex falso testimonio sacerdotum, signatur multi- tude testimonii approbare, cuius patet contrarium. Daniel ultimo. Et Helias foret per quadringentos sacer- dotes Baal in causa domini superatus. Cuius contrarium patet 3 Reg. 1 8. " Ideo prudentes habent hanc consuetudinem, quando difficultas circa veritatem aliquam ventilatur, inprimis considerant, quid fides scrip- ture loquitur in hoc puncto et quidquid hie fides in ilia materia definiverit. credunt stabiliter tamquam fidem. Si autem fides scripture neutram partem eius expresserit, di- mittunt illud tamquam eis impertinens et non litigant, que pars habeat veritatem. Et ista est magna prudencia sapientum. "Ideo non est stulta evi- dencia, si maior pars militan- cium sic asserit, ergo verum ? cum sit argumentum topicum ad contrarium concludendum, quia Deus scit, si nunc mili- tant plures filiipatrismendacii quam filii veritatis." fidat [sic] communitati vel populo, est in ianuis, ut stolide seducatur. Quia Ecclesiast. primo scribitur : Stultorum infinitus est numerus. Et sapiens Daniel, cum populus damnasset Susannam ex falso sacerdotum testimonio, ipse unicus contradixit. Daniel xiii. Et Helias foret per quad- ringentos sacerdotes Baal, si semper staretur multitunini, in causa domini superatus. Cuius contrarium patet 3 Reg. 18. " Ideo prudentes habent hanc consuetudinem, quando difficultas circa veritatem aliquam ventilatur, inprimis considerant, quid fides scrip- ture loquatur in hoc puncto et quidquid fides in ilia mate- ria definiverit, credunt stabi- liter tanquam fidem. Siautem fides scripture neutram partem eius expresserit, dimittunt illud tamquam eis impertinens et non litigant, que pars ha- beat veritatem. Et ista est magna prudencia sapientum. Ideo satis estparva evidencia, si maior pars militancium sic asserit, ergo verum, cum sit argumentum topicum ad con- cludendum contrarium. Nam Deus scit, si nunc militant plures filii patris mendacii quam filii veritatis." CHAPTER VII. THE TRACTATE " DE SEX ERRORIBUS," AND ITS SOURCES. HT^HIS tractate contains, as is well known, six JL chapters, and treats therein of the work of creating and of the Creator, of faith, of the forgiveness of sins, of obedience, of excommunication, and of simony. The contents of these chapters were in- scribed upon the walls of the Bethlehem chapel. 1 In this way the faithful who frequented it had Wiclif's thoughts and reasonings always before their eyes. That the chapters of this dissertation contain nothing else, is evident upon a comparison of the texts. It may suffice, for brevity's sake, to bring forward for comparison two chapters, the second and sixth. The subject-matter of the chapter concerning faith has been treated by Hus himself in several places in an analogous manner. We find it not only on the walls of the Bethlehem chapel, but also more largely expanded under the title "Questio de credere," 2 and '"Opusculum magistri Johannis Hus de sex erroribus com- pilatum atque cura ipsius Prage parietibus Bethlehemiticis inscriptum anno domini 1413." Hussi Opera, i. 191 b. 2 Opera, i. 169^. 248 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. finally in the little work he composed on the ten commandments within his prison at Constance. 1 Yea, Hus even caused an official notification to be made of his discussions De credere- As Hus, so Wiclif also has in many places argued out the sub- ject of this chapter ; and thus, in this respect too, Hus appears as the veritable disciple of Wiclif. The latter handles this matter in his tractate De ecclesia (Cod.palat. Vindob. 3929, fol. 187 sqq., or 4527, fol 115 sqq.), and in his Questio ad fratres de sacramento altaris. We make comparison of the latter : Entirely identical with Hus, Tractatus de trifrus du- biis. Opp., pag. 69 b. Comp. also Opp. 29 b. " Hus' tractate begins only with the paragraph ' ' Quia dubitantibus," and extends to "Abscondita tenebrarum. Amen." Comp. also Opp. Hussi, i., p. From the Questio ad fratres de sacramento altaris. Cod. un. Prag. 3 G. 1 1 . 8 b : " Personarum accepcio est preponderancia unius persone in amore supra alium con- traria legi Dei. Sed heu per- sonarum accepcio et bonorum omnium postposicio perturbat inquisicionem, excecat elec- cionem et retardat iusticie execucionem . . . " Aliud est credere rem, aliud credere rei, aliud credere in rem. Credere rem est fidem habere de re, quam non videt credens. Et sic credi- mus Deum (et de) Deo quern non videmus, angelos et de- mones esse etcredimus omnes articulos fidei, sed non credi- mus in ipsos, unde quoad is- tud proposuit salvator Marthe Joh. 11 istum articulum . . . " Ecce salvator ei duos arti- (Sermo de fidei sue elucida- cione) : "Aliud est credere rem, aliud credere in rem, aliud credere rei. Credere rem est fidem habere de re, quam non videt credens. Et sic credi- mus Deum et de Deo quern non videmus. Similiter ere- dimus, quidquid scriptura dicit nobis credendum, ut credimus angelos et demones esse . . . 1 Opera, 29 b. - Fez, Thes. Anecd., iv. 2, 426-430. 148, 157. Vide supra, pp. 138, ON BELIEF. 249 culos credibiles quisitive pro- posuit . . . "Credere vero rei est habere pro vero, quod res ista dicit esse verum. Et sic credimus toti scripture sacre sed non in scripturam . . . Et hinc salvator sepe hortatus, est ut sibi crederent, unde dixit Job. 4. ad Samaritanam : Crede michi mulier . . . Credere autem in rem est ipsam supreme diligere, et cum nichil supreme debet diligi a creatura racionabili quam Deus, patet quod in nullam rem est credendum aliam quam in Deum. Et de illo credere est illud verbum Christi Dei : Amen, Amen dico vobis. Qui credit in me, habit vitam eternam. " Ad istam triplicem dis- tinccionem de credere loquitur venerabilis Beda super illud apostoli: Credent! autem . . . Aliud est credere in Deum, aliud Deo,aliudcredere Deum. Credere Deo est credere vera esse, que loquitur . . . cre- dere Deum est credere quod ipse sit Deus, credere in Deum est credendo amare . ,. ." ' ' Credere vero rei est habere pro vero, quod res ilia dicit esse verum. Et sic credimus toti scripture sacre sed non in scripturam . . . " Credere autem in rem est ipsam supreme diligere, et cum nihil debet supreme diligi a creatura racionali quam Deus, patet, quod in nullam rem est credendum aliam quam in Deum. Et de illo credere est illud verbum Christi : Amen dico vobis . " Ad istam triplicem dis- tinccionem de credere loquitur venerabilis Beda super illud apostoli : Crendenti autem . . . The sixth chapter of this tractate, entitled De simonia, is entirely founded on Wiclif's tractate bearing the same name. In the first place the very definition of Simony is derived therefrom. Let any compare Wiclif, De simonia, Cod. un. Prag., X. E., ix, fol. 71 : " Sequitur descripcio si- monie : Describunt autem periti simoniam, quod est in- Hus, De sex erroribus, Opera i. 19412 : "Simonia est studiosa voluntas emendi aliquid spirituale. Sed brevius et 250 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. melius : Simonia est inordi- nata volicio spirituale pro temporalibus commutandi." ordinata volicio spiritualia pro temporalibus commutan- di. Hoc enim est clarius quam hoc genus: Stu- diosa voluntas, quia nedum licet 'omni homini, sed debet emere beatudinem et per con- sequens debet studiose emere spirituale." Thus not only has Hus adopted the two definitions from Wiclif, but also his taste. As Wiclif looks upon the first as clearer, so Hus likewise speaks of it as shorter and better. The fund of quotations, more- over, is derived from Wiclif: Wiclif, De ecclesia : "... Qui sacros ordines vendunt vel emunt, sacerdotes esse non possunt. Unde scriptum est anathema danti vel anathema accipienti : Hec est Symoniaca heresis. Quo modo ergo si anathema sunt et sancti non sunt, sanctificare animos possunt et cum in Christi corpore non sunt, quo- modo corpus Christi tradere vel accipere possunt. Qui maledictus est, benedicere quomodo potest ? " Hus, Ib. : "... Qui sacros ordines vendunt vel emunt, sacerdotes esse non possunt. Unde scriptum est anathema danti vel anathema accipienti : Hec est symoniaca heresis. Quo modo ergo si anathema sunt et sancti non sunt, sanc- tificare animos possunt et cum in Christi corpore non sunt, quomodo corpus Christi tradere vel accipere possunt. Qui maledictus est, benedicere quomodo potest ? In like manner the whole lengthy period, belonging to Gregory's seventeenth homily, \vas taken by Hus from Wiclif. It is to be found in the said tractate, Cod. Un. Prag., X. E. ix., on fol. 72. Thus, also, he proceeds with that which follows : Wiclif, I.e. 108, 109: Hus, Ib. , 194^: " Pervenit ad nos sinistra " Pervenit ad nos sinistra fama, quod quidam episco- fama, quod quidam episco- porum non sacerdotibus pro- porum non sacerdotibus pro- prie diocesis decimas atque prie diocesis decimas atque ON THE CHURCH UNIVERSAL. 2$ I Christianorum oblaciones of- christianorum oblaciones of- ferant, sed pocious laicalibus ferant, sed pocius laicalibus perspnis militum videlicet sive personis militum videlicet sive servitorum vel quod gravius servitorum vel quod gravius est eciam consanguineis. qst eciam consanguineis. Un- " Unde si quis amodo epis- de si quis amodo episcopus copus inventus fuerit huius- inventus fuerit huiusmodi di modi divini precepti trans- vini precepti transgressor, gressor, inter maximos here- inter maximos hereticos et ticoset" . . . pessimos " . . . The remainder as above, pp. 225, 226. Similar utterances of Wiclifs with regard to si- mony will be met with in his other books. In this place it is clear that Hus transcribes Wiclifs tractate De simonia, but in other cases the question as to which the tractate was from which Hus adopted the one or the other passage, does not assume so simple a form. In exemplification of this statement only a few instances need here be adduced. As regards, in the first place, Hus' doctrine of the Church, he has notably appropriated the correspond- ing doctrines of Wiclif in their entirety, and with verbal fidelity. Seeing the great abundance of proof- passages in addition to that already cited at large in the first chapter, which were probably turned to account by Hus, we may content ourselves with some of the more pregnant ones from other works of Wiclif, whereby the relation becomes most distinctly apparent : Hus, De ecclesia, cap. i. and Wiclif, Trialogus, pag. 325 : ii. : " Sed vere dicitur ecclesia "... Ipsa eciam univer- corpus Christi mysticum, quod salis ecclesia sancta et corpus verbis predestinacionis eternis Christi mysticum . . . est cum Christo sponso eccle- sie copulatum. Et talis est triplex ecclesia, scilicet mili- " Sciendum est, quod ipsa 2 5 2 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. tans, dormiens, et trium- phans. " Militans est corpus pre- destinatorum dum hie viat in patriam ; ecclesia dormiens est predestinati in purgatorio pacientes et ecclesia trium- phans est beati in patria quiescentes." Cf. Wiclif, Sermones Cod. univ. Prag., III. G. xi., fol. 1 20 : " Ista autem ecclesia catho- lica dividitur in tres partes scicilet in ecclesiam militan- tem, ecclesiam dormientem, et ecclesiam triumphantem." Cf. Wiclif, De Christo et ad- versaria antichristo, cap. i: " Secundum catholicos ec- clesia est predestinatorum universitas . . . Et sic est tri- plex ecclesia scilicet trium- phancium in celo, ecclesia militancium hie in mundo et ecclesia dormiencium in pur- gatorio . . . Wiclif, De Christo, i : . . . Ecclesia clericorum, qui debent esse propinquis- simi ecclesie triumphanti et iuvare residuum ecclesie militantis. sancta ecclesia universalis tripartitur : scilicet in eccle- siam triumphantem, militan- tem, et dormientem. Ecclesia militans est numerus prede- stinatorum dum viat hie ad patriam, ecclesia dormiens est numerus predestinatorum in purgatorio paciens . . . "... ecclesia triumphans est beati in patria quies- centes." Cf. Hus, Opera, i, 51 a, De fidei sue elucidacione. Hus, De ecclesia, Opera, i, 206 , and Opera, 2, 28. " Sermo habitus a. 1405." Hus, De ecclesia, cap. i. : " Ecclesia sancta catholica est omnium predestinatorum universitas " Comp. Hus, Sermons (Ger- man, by Novotny i. 19) : " Christ chose unto Himself a bride, namely, the holy Church, which is the congre- gation or union of all those who are elected unto ever- lasting salvation." Cap. i. : " Pars illius ecclesia pere- grinans sive militans iuvatur ab ecclesia triumphante." CHAPTER VIII. THE EMPLOYMENT OF OTHER OF WICLIF'S TRACTATES Y HUS . L Wiclif's Tractate "De universalibus." I CITE here only the most distinctive passage, which has notably been regarded as furnishing important points of support for the characterisation of Hus. Hus, De trinitate. Opera, i, 105 : " Nee in hoc actu nee in quocunque alio per me fiendo in posterum intendo aliquid pertinaciter asserere vel defendere, quod esset sacre scripture contrarium vel quovismodo erroneum. Quod si aliquid talium ex ignorancia vel lapsu lingue dicerem, paratus sum revo- care humiliter. Et si aliqua persona ecclesie me scriptura sacra vel racione valida doc- uerit, paratissime consentire. Nam a primo studii mei tem- pore hoc michi statui pro Cod. un. Prag., viii., F. i, fol. j6, 8 a: "... Ego autem statui michi ipsi pro regula, quod quociescunque vi- dero racionem (vel scrip- turam) 1 prevalidam, de- clino ab opinione priori non obstante fama vel asser- cione virorum quos sequerer considerans, quod ex infirmi- tate nature longe plus habeo ignorancie quam certitu- dinis." 1 Is wanting in Cod. un. Prag., viii. F. i ; supplemented in accordance with Hofler, Anna v. Luxemburg, in the Me- morials of the Academy of Vienna, 20, 150 ; where manifestly another codex has been employed, since variations present themselves also elsewhere in the text. 254 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. regula, ut quociescunque saniorem sentenciam in quacunque materia percipe- rem, a priori sentencia gaudenter et humiliter de- clinarem sciens, quoniam ilia que scimus sunt minima illorum que ignoramus, ut ait Themistius." The other more lengthy protestations of Hus are likewise to be met with in Wiclif. The second of the above-quoted sentences reads with Wiclif: "Quod si ex ignorancia vel quacunque alia causa " (Hus puts as above the concrete case : " vel lapsu lingue ") " in isto defecero . . . revoco et retracto submittens me humiliter." l 2. Wiclif, " De oracione dominica." Even the little dissertation on the Lord's Prayer was reasoned out by Hus in manifest dependence upon Wiclif ; for there exists also a tractate Super oracione dominica from the pen of the latter. 2 The agreement between the two dissertations is here much less close than in the case of other works ; and this was only natural, when we consider that Hus composed his tractate in the prison, it is said, at the request of one of his guards, and that no books were here accessible to him. 3 Wiclif s dissertation was a much longer one ; Hus 1 See Wiclif s Protestations in Hofler, Anna von Luxem- burg, p. T47, seq. * Shirley, a Catalogue of the Original Works of John Wyclif, p. 1 8 ; Cod. Palat. Vindob. 3929, fol. 182-184. 3 " Nullius libri copia adiuvatus." Hus, Opera, i., 300:. There exists for the rest also a larger work of Hus on the second subject {Opera, i. 29 b\ It bears the title: Incipit exposicio decalogi excerpta Prage per lohannem Hus. To ON THE LORD'S PRAYER. 255 is satisfied with accompanying the single petitions of the Lord's Prayer with a few elucidatory remarks often confined to a single line, where Wiclif employs a whole chapter. The division of the material is with Hus the same as with Wiclif. In both disser- tations the seven petitions which are contained in the Lord's Prayer are preceded by a lengthy exposition, setting forth the high significance of this prayer. As Wiclif carries out the thought that this prayer excels all others, and that alike by virtue of its authority, since it proceeds from the Lord Jesus Christ Himself, as also because, notwith- standing its brevity, it includes within itself all other prayers, so also has Hus expressed himself in analogous language. Compare Wiclif, Deor. dom. Cod. pal. Hus, De oracione dominica. Vind. 3929, fol. 182 : Opp. i. 31 a: "Istis autem suppositis et "... sciendum, quod do- premissa fide de ecclesia minica oracio est pre aliis sancta catholica et transcur- oracionibus eligenda et di- rendum est leviter de oracione cenda. Primo ex eo, quod dominica supponendo ut fi- piissimus pater suis filiis et dem, quod inter omnes ora- optimus magister suis disci- ciones ilia excedit alias in pulis ipsam composuit. Se- auctoritate, in brevitate et in cundo quia omne, quod est necessaria subtilitate. Exce- homini necessarium petere, dit inquam cunctas oraciones in ipsa implicatur. Et tercio alias in auctoritate, quia quia est brevis. Brevem enim Christus Deus et homo ipsam magnus dominus oracionem dictavit et docuit in persona composuit, ut ipsam cito ser- propria, quod de multis aliis vus addisceret." oracionibus non estimo me legisse, nam multas alias ora- ciones fecit Deus per sanctos ut catholica membra sua, sed what extent this contains Wiclif s propositions I have not had the opportunity of investigating ; there are to be found in it citations from the Statutes of Arnest of Pardubitz. Codex of the Stud. Bibl. in Olmutz, i. v. 34. 256 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. istam oracionem fecit et docuit in persona propria . . . Ad se- cundum, quod est brevitas : continet enim septem peticio- nes ..." 3. Wiclif, " De ordinibus ecclesie.' Cod. tin. Prag. X. E. ix. fol. 150$, 151 a b : " Videtur autem sanctis doctoribus, quod superfluit in sacramento ordinis ponere plures quam duos gradus sci- licet diaconos vel levitas et presbyteros sive episcopos. Nam illi duo gradus suffe- cerant in leg-e veteri, ubi multiplicius fuit ministerium Dei ... "... Ad quid ergo oportet ponere alios tres gradus infe- riores in clero scilicet clericum prime censure, acolitum et subdiaconum ? Nam nee racio ministerii nee auctoritas facit evidenciam, quod in statu eleri isti tres gradus clerici sunt distinct!. Igitur videtur irracionabile et infundamen- ta(bi)le, quod ecclesia militans sit cum istis tribus ordinibus onerata. Et quibusdam vide- tur, quod 70 discipuli, de qui- bus Luc. 10, erant diaconi et duodecim principales disci- puli erant sacerdotes atque episcopi . . . " Non claret fidelibus, quod in lege aliqua ' fuerunt de clero alii ordines, quam diaconi atque sacerdotes, presbyteri sive episcopi. Nee sequitur ex diversitate officii diversitas ordinum in clero, quia tune Hus, De ecclesia, cap. 15. Opera i. 226 a : " Cum igitur ex ordinacione Christi tempore apostolorum duo ordines cleri pro sua ec- clesia suffecerint scilicet dia- conus et sacerdos . Vide supra. Hus did not adopt, word for word, the rea- soning here placed in parallel. There can be no doubt, how- ever, but likewise in his his- toric contemplations with re- spect to the original grades Antiqua. ON THE ORDERS IN THE MINISTRY. 257 foret ex abusu cesareo in offi- ciis secularibus implicatus, multipliciter in ordine varia- tus . . "... unde quidam vocant omnes episcopos, archiepis- copos et papas noviter intro- ductos prelates cesareos et non ponunt novum ordinem nisi secularis dominus ipsum- met constituat . .'." of the clergy, Wiclif served as his authority. 4. "The Trialogue." Trial., ed. Lechler, 423 : "Ex istis racionibus po- test colligi vel Avinionacus, quemaliquivocantpapam aut summum et immediatum Chrisi vicarium in terris, sit fons et origo tocius nequicie in militante ecclesia, ac si foret precipuus anti- christus . . ." Wiclif, De Christo, cap. viii. : " Unde quidam fideles pub- licant in vulgari, quod sicut bonum esset habere papam, qui sequeretur Christum et Petrum in moribus et doctrina, sic malum esset habere pa- pam, qui in his duobus foret pastoribus istis contrarius. Si papa adyersatur istis pastoribus in vita moribus et doctrina, tune est precipuus antichristus." Cf. Trialogi sufiplem. 454: "Episcopus Romanus, qui dicit se inter omnes mor- tales immediatum Christ i vi- carium non obstante, quod Hus, to Christian of Pracha- titz. Docum. mag. Hus, 60. Geschichtschr., ii. 228. "In istis volo stare, quod habeo papam pro vicario Christi in ecclesia Romana, sed non est mihi fides. "Item in isto sto : si papa est predestinatus et exercet officium pastorale sequens Christum in moribus, tune est caput tante militantis ec- clesie, quantam regit. Et si sic regit capitaliter secun- dum legem Christi totam iam militantem ecclesiam, tune est verus eius capitaneus sub archicapite domino Jesu Christo. Si vero vivit Christo contrarie, tune est fur, latro ascendens aliunde, et est lupus rapax hyprocrita et nunc inter omnes viantes precipuus antichristus." 2 5 8 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. sit vite Christi tantum contrarius, potest vocari demonium." Comp. further Wiclif, De Christo, cap. x. : "Nam hodie capitur tam- quam fides, quod non est pos- sibile, papam manentem pa- pam errare in moribus et specialiter in fide catholica, quia capitur tamquam regula . . . cum certum sit, quod papa sit vir temptabilis . . . patet, quod faciliter potest corruere in quamcunque vora- ginem viciorum. Nam apos- toli ut Petrus et ceteri in pre- sencia magistri optimi in multa vicia corruerunt ..." Ib., page 6 1 : " Hostiensis in lectura super 5 decretalium cap. A. nobis tenet, quod papa sicut et tota curia Romana errare pote- rit in via morum, sicut sepe errat iniudicioveritatis. Istam exposicionem audacter teneo. Quia ex quo duodecim apostoli erraverunt in iu- dicio veritatis et in via morum a Christo electi et habentes spiritum sanctum, quomodo papa cum cardina- libus non poterint in iudicio veritatis deficere et in via morum ?" Hus, it is true, had also at hand in this instance, as he himself likewise says, the decretals of Inno- cent III., A nobis (de dato Lat. 2 Non. Maii 1 199). 1 Hus availed himself of the Trialogue in many other passages too, which we do not propose at this place to examine more in detail. We shall here adduce only a few of the more noticeable of them. That Hus was wont, besides, to set forth Wiclif's tenets to his flock from the pulpit, is well known. In the case of some of them it may be doubtful, in one respect only, i.e., whether he derived them from the Trialogue or some other of Wiclif's works. No doubt can arise with regard to the former of the two passages cited below ; this unquestionably owes its origin to the Trialogue. There is found, on the ' See Corpus iur. can., ed. Friedberg, ii. 899. ON CUPIDITY. 259 other hand, in the second an observation on Pope Clement, which is made by Wiclif not only in his tractate De Christo et stio adversaria AnticJiristo, but also in the Trialogue. We believe, however, that we shall not err in assuming that Hus would take the passage in question from that tractate in which he sought most trenchantly to assail the papacy. But this was the case in the dissertation De Christo et suo adversaria. In his twenty-eighth sermon Hus speaks of the vice of avarice. -Like Wiclif, he takes his start from the passage in the First Epistle of Paul to Timothy, where it is said of avarice : 1 " Que est radix om- nium malorum." This agreement might appear an external and purely accidental one, were it not that in the explanation of the notion of avarice Hus has altogether appropriated the definition made thereof by Wiclif: Hus, Monum. altera pars, Trialogus, 190 : p. 80 a: " Sed quantum ad avari- "Quantum ad primum : ciam potest dici, quod ispa avaricia descriptive ad nostram in- tencionem est inordinatus "est inordinatus amor amor temporalium. Et temporalium. Et intelli- intelligo temporalia, ut go temporalia sunt vulgariter intellecta scili- cet pro omni terrena sub- "pro omni terrena sub- stancia, que potest esse stancia, que potest esse de possessione hominis. de possessione hominis Intelligo eciam per temporalia habitudines respectivas "et habitudines respec- in rebus terrenis funda- tivas in. rebus terrenis tas, quas homo irraciona- fundatas, quas homo irra- biliter appetit, sicut do- cionabiliterappetit,sicut 1 More properly of cupiditas, as is also correctly read in the Trialogus (ed. Lechler), and that in accordance with Tim. vi. 10. 260 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. mini a et honores munda- nos, que ex possessione talium oriuntur." Comp. alsoWiclif, De Christo et adversaria, cap. xiv. : " Papa autem vellet exten- dere suam iurisdiccionem per totam terram habitabilem.dum lucrum sibi saperent, quia per hoc creditur, quod manda- vit angelis rapere spiri- tum care ementis hoc spirituale suffragium in nu- merum beatorum. Ymmo si crederet illud sonare sibi in lucrum, vellet suam iurisdic- cionem extendere per vacuum infinitum ..." Comp. Wiclif, Trialogus, 4, cap. xxxii. " Dicitur enim, quod papa pretendit se habere poten- ciam ad salvandum singulos viatores, et quantumcunque viantes deliquerint, nedum ad mitigandum penas ad suffra- gandum eis cum absolucio- nibus et indulgenciis, ne un- quam veniant ad purgatorium, sed ad precipiendum sanctis angelis, ut anima separata a corpore indilate ipsam deferant in requiem sempiternam ..." dominia et honores 1 mun- danos, que ex posses- sione 2 talium oriuntur." Hus, De ecclesia, cap. xii. : " Nimis ergo papa Clemens suam potestatem laxaverat mandans in sua bulla angelis, quod animam peregrinantis Romam . . . introducant . . " Cf. cap. xxiii. Ofiera 264 : "Mandamus angelis para- disi, quod animam ..." Comp. Hus' Sermons, trans- lated by Novotny, iii. 52 : " But they set their mouth against heaven, inasmuch as the} r preach that they have power to open to everyone the kingdom of heaven . . . And is not that insolently to raise hisheadhigh above the angels of God, and to howl as the wolves, when Pope Clement in his bull commands the holy angels at once to bear to heaven the soul of the man who should die upon a pil- grimage to Rome . . . ?" 5. Wiclif, "De triplici vinculo amoris." Of great interest is a passage in Wiclif s tractate DC triplici vinculo amoris. For it has been thought 3 1 With Hus there stands "homines mundanos," which is manifestly an error of the transcriber. - With Hus "passione." 3 Comp. Palacky, Gesch. v. Bohmen, iii. i, 24, and Hofler, Anna von Luxemburg, 46. ON WRITINGS IN THE MOTHER-TONGUE. 26 1 the inference is to be drawn from it, that the daughter of the Emperor Charles IV., Anne of Luxemburg-, who was married to King Richard II. of England, was in possession of a Bible with Latin, German, and Czechian text. From this alleged fact further con- clusions are then made, into which there is no reason for entering more particularly at this place. To what extent, however, this assumption itself is warranted may be discovered from the text, which has been adopted word for word, as presented by Wiclif, by Hus in his tractate against the Englishman John Stokes. The passage reads : De triplici vinculo amoris. Cod. un. Prag. X. E. 9, fol. 139 = "... Et ex eodem patet eorum stulticia, qui volunt dampnare scripta tamquam heretica propter hoc, quod scribuntur in Anglico, et acute tangunt peccata, que contur- bant illam provinciam. Nam possibile est, quod nobilis regina Anglie soror cesaris evangelium habeat in lingua triplici exaratum, scilicet in lingua bohemica, in lingua theotunica et latina. Et here- ticare ipsam propterea impli- cite, foret luciferina superbia. Et sicut Theotonici volunt in isto racionabiliter defendere linguam suam ..." Hus, Contra Anglicum Jo- hannem Stokes. Opera 1086 : " . . . Ex eodem patet eorum stulticia, qui volunt dampnare scripta tamquam heretica propter hec, quod scribunt(ur) in Anglico, et acuta tangunt peccata, que conturbant illam provinciam. Nam possibile est, quod no- bilis regina Anglie soror cesaris evangelium habeat in lingua triplici exaratum, scilicet in lingua boemica,teu- tonica et latina. Et hereticare earn propterea, foret luciferina stulticia. Et sicut Teutonic" volunt in isto racionabilitei defendere linguam propriair sic et Anglici debent de racione defendere linguam suam . That we are not by any means compelled to attach the sense above indicated to the passage of this tractate, is clear. That which Wiclif represents 262 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. as a possibility ("nam possibile est quod habeat"), is apprehended as a fact. Moreover this passage, as was already urged by another, 1 stands with Wiclif out of connection with the preceding text ; ~ so that it must be looked upon as a note, which by some hasty transcriber has been inserted at the wrong place. But this must have been done at an early period, because Hus himself expressly observes that he took this passage from the tractate of Wiclif De triplici vincnlo amoris? In the case of Hus it is remarkable that he should take over this passage with such complete verbal fidelity, he writes in the year 1411, without a single word of allusion to the death of the erewhile queen, which took place in the year 1394. In Hus' tractate she meets us as an entire stranger, and yet it is to be assumed that he did not thoughtlessly transfer this passage from Wiclif to his own pages. 6. Wiclif, "De fide catholica." 4 Cod. un. Prag. 3, G. n, fol. 243 : " Quamvis ista fides de 'Hofler, I.e., 46. - It is preceded by a lengthy period, of which I cite only a part: "Ex istis colligitur, quam periculosum et stultum est, imponere hominibus et specialiter mundi principibus, quod non sint heredes legitimi propter causas tales humanitus adinventas. Si enim sunt legitimi quoad Deum secundum legem suam scilicet legem grade, tune sunt vere legitimi." 3 ' ' Ideo in libello de triplici amoris loquitur isto modo. ' ' Hus might also have referred to endeavours made in his own land to introduce the employment of the (Czech) mother tongue in place of the Latin in theological matters ; comp. my essay on " Adalbertus Ranconis de Ericinio," in vol. Ivii. of the Archiv f. bst. Gesch., 223. 4 See above, p. 248. It is more probable that the passage was borrowed from this tractate. TARES AND WHEAT. 263 sancta ecclesia catholica sit insuperabilis . . tamen infi- deles circumpalpitant pro arguciis inpugnantibus istam fidem. Clamant enim, quod curia Romana . . . impugnat istam viam . . . et sic iuxta distinccionem famosam aliud est esse de ista ecclesia et aliud est esse in ilia ; de ilia autem est pars predestinata ad gloriam, sed in ilia est prescitus ad dampnacionem perpetuam et sic pars illius ecclesie gerit filios gehenne ac filios patrie, sicut pars illius ecclesie, a qua est genita naturaliter, et alia genita est de illis, totam tamen hanc sanctam ecclesiam credimus, quod spiritualiter sit genita de Deo per graciam, et per istas distincciones et similes "... Hie ' dicitur, quod ecclesia multis modis sumitur : scilicet vere et reputative ; nuncupative notatur ecclesia prescitorum congregacio, licet ex nudo errore viancium fuerit de sancta matre ecclesia re-, putata, et sic multi secundum famam seculi vocantur ec- clesie capita vel membra ecclesie, licet sint membra diaboli, quia ad tempus cre- dunt . . . et semper fuerunt infideles. Et ista potest esse ecclesia malignancium im- proprievel ecclesia antichristi, licet nunquam fuerunt de sancta matre ecclesia. Et sicut de sancta matre ecclesia possunt homines dupliciter esse vel pure ex gracia pre- See Hus, Opera I. 199 b, 204 a : "... et sic aliud est esse de ecclesia aliud esse in ec- clesia." The farther arguments, with some modifications, see Hus, fol. 200 Z>, 203 b. Opera, i, 205 a: " Hie dicitur, quod ecclesia sumitur vere et reputative vel nuncupative . . . nuncupa- tive vocatur ecclesia eciam prescitorum congregacio, licet ex nudo errore viancium fuerit de sancta matre ecclesia re- putata, et sic multi secundum famam seculi vocantur ec- clesie capita vel membra, licet . . . sunt membra dia- boli, que ad tempus credunt . . . et semper sunt infideles" Ib., 200 a : "... Et patet ulterius, quod dupliciter homines pos- sunt esse de sancta matre ' Comp. above, pp. 199201. 264 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. destinacionis, a qua nemo potest excidere . . . et patet solucio. Nam gracia pre- destinacionis facit filios ec- clesie, quam nemo potest perdere sed solum pro instanti sue incepcionis adquirere. Sed preter istam graciam pre- destinacionis est dare graciam vel caritatemadventuram, que nunc accidit et nunc excidit, et prior gracia facit quodam- modo infmitum perfecciorem hominem quam secunda. Ideo prior facit membra ecclesie, sed secunda facit Deo acceptos officiariostemporales. Et pa- tet, quod nimis particulariter arguitur, ut peccatum finalis inpenitencie predestinacioni oppositum privat subiectum de sancta matre ecclesia, sicut virtus predestinacionis ponit hominem esse de ilia. Et ita videtur probabile, quod sicut Paulus fuit simul blas- phemus et de sancta ecclesia et cum hoc fidelis atque in gracia : sic Scarioth fuit simul in gracia secundum presentem iusticiam et nunquam de sanc- ta matre ecclesia, cum defuit sibi quecunque virtus, quam oportet infundi . . . " Et sic Scarioth licet fuit apostolus, quod est nomen officii, nunquam tamen fuit de ecclesia, sicut Paulus nun- quam fuit membrum diaboli, licet fecit quosdam actus ac- tibus ecclesie malignancium consimiles sed in malicia quoad ipsum Paulum atque ecclesiam minores. Nam in talia peccata dicit Augustinus quod expedit predestinates incidere "... ecclesia . . . vel secundum predestinacionem ... a qua preordinatus non potest finali- ter excidere. "... quia nunc accidit et nunc excidit : Et prima gracia facit filios s. ecclesie univer- salis et facit hominem quo- dammodo in infinitum perfec- ciorem quam secunda. Et prima facit filios hereditatis, sed secunda facit Deo accep- tos officiales temporales. " Unde videtur esse proba- bile, quod sicut Paulus fuit simul blasphemus . . . et de sancta matre ecclesia et cum hoc fidelis atque in gracia : sic Scarioth fuit simul in - gracia secundum presentem iusticiam et nunquam de sancta matre ecclesia, cum defuit sibi ilia predestinacio. "Et sic Scarioth licet fuit apostolus vel episcopus a Christo electus, quod est no- men officii, nunquam tamen fuit pars sancte universalis ecclesie, sicut Paulus nun- quam fuit membrum diaboli, licet fecit quosdam actus ac- tibus ecclesie malignancium consimiles . . . nam in pec- cata talia ut dicit Augustinus expedit predestinates incidere ON THE VENERATION OF IMAGES. 265 7. Wiclif, "De imaginibus." In the tractate De imaginibus, which is to be found in the MS. X. E. 9 of the Prague University Library, Wiclif deals with the adoration of saints. He discovers ten truths, on which he speaks in the same number of sections. This tractate manifestly gave rise to that of Hus, which of a truth in impor- tant points agrees verbally with Wiclif's tractate. Let any one compare : Wiclif : " Secunda veritas declaran- da talis est in forma : Non licet adorare imaginem salva- toris latria. Probatur hoc sic : Non licet alicui adorare imaginem salvatoris adora- cione sibi indebita. Cum ergo omnis latria est adoracio in- debita imagini salvatoris, se- quiturveritasprobanda. Minor sic arguitur: Omnis latria est adoracio soli Deo debita, nulla adoracio soli Deo debita de- betur imagini salvatoris, cum nulla talis imago sit salvator, ergo minor probanda. Item eo ipso, quod quis adorat ali- quid latria, confitetur illud essencialiter esse deum. Ergo si licet alicui adorare imagi- nem salvatoris latria, licet ei confiteri imaginem esse essen- cialiter deum. Et cum eo ipso, quod ' talis imago est, ipsa est essencia.iterum aliud a Deo sequitur, quod licet ei confiteri aliud a Deo esse deum. Hus, Opera, ii., 341 b : " Conclusio secunda: Non licet adorare imaginem sal- vatoris latria. Probatur: Non licet alicui adorare imaginem adoracione sibi indebita. Et quia omnis latria est adoracio indebita imagini salvatoris, sequitur veritas probanda. Minor arguitur sic : Omnis adoracio latrie est soli Deo debita, nulla adoracio soli Deo debita debetur imagini salvatoris, cum nulla talis imago est salvator. Ergo mi- nor vera. Item eo ipso, quod quis adorat latria, confitetur essencialiter illud esse deum. Ergo si licet alicui adorare imaginem salvatoris latria, licet ei confiteri imaginem talem essencialiter esse deum. 1 In cod., quo ; so also infra. 266 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. "Item omnis licita adoracio "Item: Omnis licita ado- imaginis salvatoris est dulia, racio imaginis salvatoris est nulla dulia est latria, ergo dulia, nulla dulia est latria. nulla licita adoracio imaginis Ergo nulla licita adoracio salvatoris est latria. Patet imaginis salvatoris est latria. consequencia cum minori et Patet". . . assumptum est per hoc, quod omnis licita adoracio imaginis salvatoris est adoracio debita creature." It must not be overlooked that the whole question is by Wiclif grasped and treated much more in principle, and at the same time also regarded on its practical side. Accordingly that which Hus wrote under the title De imaginibus, is to be looked upon only as an excerpt from the tractate of Wiclif. The ten truths of Wiclif are of the following tenour : I, " Non omne adorandum est natura racionalis eius pars vel eius accidens." 2, " Non licet adorare imaginem salvatoris latria." 3, " Non licet adorare imaginem salvatoris latria, sed quod est dulia." 4, " Supposita tarn excellenti figuracione in libris clericorum ad figurandum sanctos cum eorum gestis laudabilibus sicut imaginibus sanctorum, que vocantur libri laicales, tarn excellenter adorandi sunt a fidelibus dicti libri, quam excellenter adorande sunt a fidelibus dicte imagines." 5, " Non eo ipso, quod res est incorporea, est illicitum ei facere imaginem corpoream, imaginem ad ipsam fideliter representan- dam." 6, " Nullus Christianus tenetur per dimissi- onem debite adoracionis imaginem sanctorum dare exemplum ad dimittendum suam idolatriam." 7, " Non eo ipso, quod imago sancti habet supernatu- ralem virtutem ad sanandum infirmos, est ipsa plus adoranda quam est imago eiusdem sancti, si fuerit, ON CHRIST AS THE ROCK. 267 que non habet huiusmodi virtutem," etc. 8, " Non eo ipso, quod unum signum Dei est alio signo per- feccius in racione rei, est ipsum signum plus eo alio signo a fidelibus adorandum." 9, " Nemo debet propter amorem peregrinandi ad ecclesias extraneas sive ad extranea loca, in quibus sunt imagines sanctorum, subtrahere peregrinacionem, quam debet facere ad ecclesiam suam propriam." i o, "A quo- cunque subelemosinario suo prefecto ab eis per ministerium episcopi notorie abutente suis oblacioni- bus peregrini possunt subtrahere officium ipsum "... 8. Wiclif, "Responsio ad argumenta cuiusdam emuli veritatis." Cod. un. Prag., X ..9, 160. " Scio tamen, quod heretici possunt tarn sinistre intelli- gere hoc verbum ewangeli- cum : Super hanc petram edificabo ecclesiam me- am quod Christus per hoc intenderit, quod s uper personam Petri edifica- ret totam ecclesiam mili- tantem. Sed fides ewan- gelii cum exposicione Augustini et racio con- tradicunt. Nam super petram, que est Christus, a qua Petrus accepit fir- mitatem, fuit Christus edificaturus suam eccle- siam, cum Christus sit caput et fundamentum tocius ecclesie sed non Petrus. " . . . Et Tundant se super ista mendosa interpretacione, quod Cephas interpretatur caput . . . Et Jeronymus pe- ritus linguarum dicit, quod Hus, De eccl., cap. ix. : " Sed quod ex isto verbo ewangelii : Super hanc pe- tram edificabo ecclesiam meam, Christus intenderit super personam Petri edificare totam ecclesiam militantem, fides ewangelii cum exposi- cione Augustini et racio con- tradicunt. "Nam super petram, que est Christus, a quo Petrus accepit firmita- tem, fuit Christus edifi- caturus suam ecclesiam, cum Christus sit caput et fundamentum tocius ecclesie sed non Pet- " Unde Hieronymus peritus linguarum dicit 268 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. Cephas interpretatur Petrus quod Cephas interpretatur vel firmitas et Syrum est et Petrus vel firmitas et Syrum non Hebreum." est non Hebreum." The same explanation is, as is well known, given by Wiclif in his tractate De CJiristo et adversaria suo Antichristo likewise, 1 of which a passage has been cited in evidence above. But when we compare the passages of Hus with those of Wiclif, we find that for these points he has availed himself of the tractate, Responsio ad argumenta cuiusdam emuli veritatis. In particular the last paragraphs here brought into juxtaposition are entirely decisive upon this question. While in the Responsio and in Hus Jerome is characterised as " peritus linguarum," this designation is altogether wanting in the tractate De CJiristo et suo adversaria A ntichristo. 9. Wiclif, "De officio regis." Conclusio De officio regis. Cod. Pal. Vindob. 4527, fol. 146 a : Opera, ii., 47 a : " Rex debet ex vi sui officii " Rexdebet ex vi sui officii defendere legem Dei per po- defendere legem Dei per po- testatem coactivam, compel- testatem coactivam, compel- lere rebellantes et in regno lere rebellantes et in regno suo destruere legi domini ad- suo destruere legi Dei adver- versantes. Et qui resistunt santes. in isto regibus, voluntati " Et qui resistunt in isto regi- domini resistunt secundum bus, voluntati domini resis- apostolum. Et istud executus tunt secundum apostolum est sapiens rex Salomon in Rom. 13. Et istud executus veteri testamento deponendo est rex sapiens Salomon in summum pontificem, ut patet veteri testamento . . . 3. Reg. 2 de Abiathar depos- ito et Sadoc summo sacerdote, quem posuit loco sui. Hoc "... Hoc autem fuit magis autem fuit maius quam auferre quam auferre temporalia ab 1 Cap. 5, ed. Buddenseig, p. 39; cf. supra, p. 215. ON THE KINGLY OFFICE. 269 temporalia ab episcopo, quod et fecit. Et propter hoc fuit Salomon rex pacificus et reg- num suum in virtute domini prosperatum. Et propter is- tud triplex officium, quod rex debet solvere deo suo, Deus regi retribuit triplex bonum scilicet prosperitatem munda- nam et seculi potestatem, honorificenciam mundi eciam a suo precipuo sacerdote et finaliter beatitudinem secun- dum gradum, quo fideliter servivit Deo suo." episcopis, quod et fecit. Et propter hoc fuit Salomon rex pacificus et regnum suum in virtute domini prosperatum. Et propter istud triplex offici- um, quod rex debet solvere deo suo, Deus regi tribuit triplex bonum scilicet prosper itatem mundanam et seculi potestatem, honorificenciam mundi eciam a suo precipuo sacerdote et finaliter beatitu- dinem secundum gradum, quo fideliter servivit Deo suo." This is, for the rest, one of the few passages in which Hus has expressly mentioned his source. " Hec est," he says, in the synodal discourse delivered by him in June 1411, " Conclusio ma- gistri Joannis Wiclef de officio regis." A second time Hus refers to these arguments of Wiclif, in the tractate De ablacione temporalium a clero ; cf. Opera, i., fol. 1 1 8 a. Cod. pal. Vind. 3933, fol. 63 : " Et cum guerre et pugne sint licite ac meritorie, ut do- cetur clare, quomodo et quare seculare brachium domi- nari debeat vel pugnare, quantum ad illud sepe dixi, quod licet pugnare . . . prop- ter caritatem habendam ad dominum et proximum eciam debellandum et aliter non. Unde cum n clero sit tanta ignorancia legis Dei, tanta candens cupiditas ho- noris seculi et secularis domi- nii, consulendum videtur do- minos, quod non credant clero suo, qui sic eos hortatur et consulit nude adpugnandum, The thought to which Wiclif here gives utterance, that it is permitted to the secular arm to fight, "propter caritatem habendam ad dominum," is met with likewise in Hus in numerous places, and in such connection that an employ- ment of Wiclif 's thesis seems beyond doubt ; thus, e.g., Hns, Opera, i., 176^: "... licet seculari bra- chio pugnare . . . habitis condicionibus caritatis" 270 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. sed opera perfectorum aspi- ciant, qui ex fide scripture et spe maioris premii gaudenter paciuntur iniurias." Cf. 76., fol. 314^: " Patet ex prima belli condicione, cum nemo de- bet alium impugnare nisi ex fraterna caritate " . 10. Wiclif, "Tractatus de prevaricacione." Cod. pal. Vind., 3929, fol. 193 i. 52 a sqq.). This agrees in by far the greater part word for word with a sermon which is to be found in Wiclifs collection of discourses, the Sermones dominicales, under the title Pax vobis 1 Assuming that the notice to the Nuremburg edition of Hus' works of the year 1558 has a foundation of truth when it says that Hus intended to deliver this sermon at the Council. There is, however, no reason for doubting the accuracy of the notice in question, which was already to be found in an ancient MS. The edition of 1558, so far as it contains genuine works of Hus, proves tolerably correct. TV?/* CTATE "ON PEA CE. ' 2/5 Jo/iannis, 2O . 1 Inasmuch as this circumstance is of extraordinary importance for the characterising of Hus in general, and more particularly the position he takes towards the writings of Wiclif, it will appear justified if here for the last time passages are cited at large for the comparison of the texts : Wiclif, Sermones domini- cales. Cod.palat. Vindobon., 3932, fol. 125 b: " Duobus modis solet Chris- tus dicereverba thematis scili- cet per viam salutacionis et per viam legacionis. " Constat ex evangelic Luce 24 et Johannis 20, quomodo Christus salutavit post resur- reccionem discipulos verbis pacificis . . . patet quomodo Christus die cene legavit filiis suis et carissimis in sua finali licencia pacem tamquam iocale maximum . . . " Est autem duplex pax scilicet Dei et pax mundi . . . " Tantam autem vim habet pax, quod omnes homines naturaliter ipsam appetunt, cum gracia illius sunt omnia bella, que forent frustra, nisi ille finis sequeretur. Ad tan- turn eciam est pax necessaria quod eciam latrones appetunt inter se pacem, cum aliter dissolveretur eorum consor- cium. Et sic contendunt ho- mines ad habendum pacifice sua. , Sic humanum corpus, sic omne mixtum et activum alteri contrarium salvatur in Hus, De pace. (Sermo quern intendebat pre- dicare in Const, concilia. .) Opera, i, 52 a : " Redemptor . . . duobus modis pacem discipulis obtu- lit, primo modo legacionis . . . secundomodo salutacionis . . . " Sepius post resurreccio- nem ipsos verbis pacificis salutat dicens Luce 24 et Johannis 20 ... die cene le- gavit ut filiis suis carissimis in sua ante mortem finali licencia pacem tamquam maximum donarium. " Est autem duplex pax scil- icet pax Dei et pax mundi . . . " Hec autem pax tan tarn habet vim, quod omnes ho- mines naturaliter ipsam de- siderant, cum propter illam sunt omnia bella, que forent frustra nee ille finis sequere- tur . . . Immo tantum est h- minibus pax desiderabilis, quod eciam latrones inter se pacem appetunt cum aliter dissolveretur eorum consor- cium. Et sic contenduat homines ad habendum paci- fice sua. Sic humanum cor- pus, sic omne mixtum et 1 The Sermones dominicales are to be found in the Codex palatinus Vindobonensis 3932, fol. 125^. 276 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. quadam pace, concordia vel connivencia, quam Empe- dokles vocat amiciciam, que est causa generacionis, sicut lis est causa corrupcio- nis. " Differunt autem pax Dei et pax mundi in hoc, quod pax dei semper est in dei benevolencia auctorizata, in bono virtutis fundata et amic- icia angelorum ornata, ad quam consequitur mundi do- minium et securitas a cunctis hostibus. " Pax vero mundi fundatur in applausu humano commu- niter sophistico inter paucos subdoles et fragiles ligamento carnali vel seculari confeder- ates. Ideo ad istam pacem non formalitersequituraliquod verum dominium vel securitas ab hostibus sed pocius fraus atque illusio. Ideo Johannis 14 signanter dicit Christus : Pacem relinquo vobis . . . " Christus enim quando- cunque dat pacem suam, primo omnium dat se ipsum et per consequens omnia bona mundi, ex quibus se- quitur securitas, cum omnia creata serviunt sic pacificato. '" Habens igitur pacem ' tam fortem confidenter habet se- curitatem. Ideo adiungit Christus : Non turbetur cor vestrum neque formidet. " Quis igitur timeret vi- dendo hostem invalidum se ipsum proprio iaculo proster- activum alteri contrarium sal- vatur in quadam pace, con- cordia vel connivenica, quam Empedokles vocat amici- ciam, que est causa genera- cionis, sicut lis est causa corrupcionis. Differ encie fiacis. "... differt tamen a pace Dei . . . primo in hoc, quod pax dei semper est in dei benevolencia firmata, in vir- tutibus fundata et angelorum amicicia ornata, ad quam consequitur mundi dominium et securitas ab omnibus hos- tibus. Pax vero mundi fundatur in applausu humano communiter sophistico inter paucos fra- giles confederates debiliter seculi ligamento. Ideo ad istam pacem non formaliter sequitur aliquod verum do- minium nee securitas ab hos- tibus sed pocius fraus atque illusio. Ideo Johannis 14 signanter dicit Christus : Pa- cem relinquo vobis . . . " Christus enim quando- cunque dat pacem suam . . . primo omnium dat se ipsum et per consequens omnia bona mundi, ex quibus sequitur securitas, cum omnia creata serviunt pacificato homini in Deo. Habens igitur pacem tam fortem habet confidencie securitatem. Ideo adiungit . Christus : Non turbetur cor vestrum neque formidet. " Quis enim . . . formidaret et videndo hostem invalidum se ipsum vulnerantem et pro- In Cod. : "far tern." TRACTATE " ON PEACE." 277 nentem et vulnerantem nee non et ipsum quern insultat erigentem ac arma decorata stabilientem ? Sic est de omni christiano persecute avido, et in ista firmitate fidei certarunt omnes martyres, ut sepe dictum est. Unde bul- liente maiori persecucione corporis in nitendo hiis armis fidei et charitative paciencie pullulat christiano maior se- curitas, vita iocundior. " Ex quibus correlarie col- ligitur, quod nimis ceca foret mundana stulticia, relinquere caput ecclesie, quod est caput universitatis, postponendo pa- cem suam et preeligendo pa- cem seculi. Amara quidem stulticia et ingrata foret delin- quere [sic] Deum : maledictus enim, qui sic confidit hominem . Est autem accessus ad pri- mum dominum semper libe- rior, acquisicio pacis sue facilior et retencio pacis (in) infinitum eligibilior omnino securior. Nam quilibet chris- tianus potest loqui cum domino in omni hora tamquam patre, fratre et coherede, et hoc confortat pios ad diligendum eum assidue. " Empcio autem dicte pacis stat in bona voluntate Chris- tiani ut ipse 1 (?) causa. Vol- untas autem ilia est facillima volenti et securitas. Ex hoc patet ; quod pax ilia solum dependet a Deo immobili et pacificati bona voluntate. sternentem iaculo proprio nee non et ipsum quern insultat erigentem ac arma decorata stabilientem ? . . . Sic est de omni Christi milite pugnante . . . et isto pensato Christi martyres penas atroces et varias moriendo devicerunt. Unde bulliente maiori perse- cucione in fine seculi ... in hiis armis fidei et in charita- tiva paciencia pullulat Christi militi maior securitas, vita iocundior . . . " Ex quibus colligitur, quod nimis ceca foret mundana stulticia, relinquere caput ecclesie dominum Jesum Christum, qui est universi- tatis dominus, postponendo pacem suam et preeligendo pacem seculi. Amara qui- dem stulticia et ingrata foret relinquere Deum et confidere in homine, cum accessus ad Deum est semper liberior, acquisicio pacis sue facilior et retencio pacis sue omnino securior et in infinitum eligi- bilior. Nam quilibet chris- tianus potest loqui cum Chris- to omni hora tamquam cum patre piissimo, cum fratre prestantissimo, et cum co- herede fidelissimo, et hoc confortat pios ad assidue exo- randum. Empcio autem pa- cis Dei stat in bona voluntate hominis, ut in per se causa. Voluntas autem volentis est facillima securitas. Et ex hoc patet, quod pax ilia solum dependet a Deo immobili et a pacificati hominis bona vol- untate." 2/8 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. "Pax ilia inseparabiliter " Et patet, quod pax Dei adiacet, ut dicit angelus Luc. differ! secundo a pace mundi i. Ideo numquam amittitur in hoc, quod pax dei numquam ab homine nisi velit. Alia amittitur ab homine nisi velit, autem pax perdit(ur) ab invito pax autem mundi amittitur nee oportet declarare infinita- ab invito. Tercio differt in tern excessus pacis Dei super hoc, quia pax Dei est per se pacem seculi, quia prior est bona et sufficiens, pax vero per se bona et sufficiens. In- mundi est insufficiens, inqui- finite autem paces seculi non eta et instabilis. Insufficiens, equivalent minime paci Dei, quia non valet sine pace dei, cum quelibet earum est insuf- instabilis, quia dependet a ficiens, instabilis et inquieta. flexibilitate multarum volun- Insufficiens, quia non valet tatum peccancium. Unde in- nisi in virtute pacis dei, in- finite paces seculi non aequi- stabilis, quia dependet a flexi- valent minime paci dei." bilitate multarum voluntatum peccancium a diabolo et mun- do, et cum quilibet appetit veram pacem." As regards the remaining parts of Hus' sermon De pace, there are to be found single details in a second sermon of Wiclif's, De pace (Cod. itn. Prag. iii. G. 1 1 ). The tractate De septem donis spiritus sancti, as also that De religion, van. monachorum, likewise contain notes of accord with the reasonings of Hus. The evidence of the above quotations leads to the result, that in the composition of his discourse Hus availed himself in the first line of the Sermones dominicales of Wiclif. If we examine more closely we find a free use made of the tractates De CJiristo et suo adversaria Antickristo, De ecclesia, and the Trialogus ; so that we must say : the tractate De pace, which Hus had the intention of delivering at the council, is a more or less skilful compilation from four books of Wiclif's. Hus repeats therein much that he has already presented in his tractate ON THE LA W OF CHRIST. on the Church. Notably the celebrated letter of Robert Grossetete plays, here too, a conspicuous part. Not otherwise is it with the second discourse, which in like manner he wished to deliver before the Council : De fidei sue elucidacione. The idea of faith, the doctrine of the Church, its unity, univer- sality, organisation, etc., all this is said in Wiclif's words. The same holds good, finally, of the last tractate, by which he was desirous of proving to the Council that the law of Christ (i.e. Holy Scripture) suffices for the government of the Church : De suffidencia legis Christi ad regendam ecclesiam. Some few proof passages on this point have already been cited above. That, accordingly, which Hus intended to deliver at the Council, before the assembled fathers, was nothing else but Wiclify pure and unadulterated. CHAPTER X. SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE HUSSITE DOCTRINE IN ITS RELATION TO WICLIF. THE numerous evidential passages in the fore- going chapters have made clear to demonstra- tion the employment of Wiclif 's writings by Hus, and the manner of their use. We should, however, indulge in a delusion if we were to suppose that with this proof' the subject is even to some extent exhausted. Fully to dispose of it will be the task of those who are occupied with the editing of Hus' writings. In the proof material of the above pages the aim is to present only specimens, which may be augmented in very considerable number by any one who applies himself to the study of Wiclif's writings and those of Hus. There are yet points enough in which Hus has appropriated word for word the arguments of Wiclif: in his doctrine of the sources of the Christian Belief, of the Church and its constitution, thus also of the papacy and the priestly order ; in his doctrine of Church govern- ment, the doctrine of Predestination and its conse- quences, of sin and the influence thereof upon the civil and ecclesiastical institutions ; in the doctrine of the Sacraments the doctrine of the Supper SOURCES OF BELIEF. 28 1 perhaps excepted, but this doctrine of Wiclif too, was, as is well-known, obstinately imputed to him by his numerous opponents in his Eschatology, his conceptions with regard to the National Church, if people will so think of the Ecclesia particularis ; and, finally, in all his very seriously meant endea- vours for the raising and amendment of the ecclesia- stical conditions in his native land, he is a thorough disciple of Wiclif. That which the latter relates of the state of affairs in England ; the struggle there against the evil ecclesiastical conditions and regula- tions all this he transfers to the circumstances of Bohemia. As we have seen in the above proof passages of the fifth chapter, he contented himself for the most part with substituting a Boemia in the place where Wiclif writes Anglia, or transforming the rex Anglorum into a rex Boemorum. We may observe, particularly in the first eight chapters of his tractate, Of tJte Church, that he has frequently made his appropriations chapter-wise. Often, it is true, it is only single theses of Wiclif which are met with in Hus ; but in this case it is always doctrinal theses, definitions, which he borrows from him ; as, e.g., in the tractate De Trinitate, the well-known protestation is taken word for word from a philoso- phical tractate of Wiclif. Nay, if one takes into consideration the great number of definitions which Hus transcribes word for word from Wiclif, of the Church, Faith, the Indulgence, Sacraments, Heresy, etc., one might easily be led to the belief that, with the exception of the Bible and some few of the Fathers, Hus consulted in his theological studies no other sources than those of Wiclif only. Of these 282 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. definitions single additional ones are furnished as specimens in this concluding chapter. To these a few reflections may be appended, from which it will become apparent how on the most vital ques- tions Hus attached himself to the lessons of the English teacher. We shall, moreover, be able to recognise the influence of Wiclif even on those points whereon Hus has hitherto been regarded as independent of Wiclif. In the first line we may examine his views as to the sources of the Christian Belief, and as to the so-called imperialising of the Church ; in the second line, his doctrine regarding the Sacra- ment of the Altar. 1 As regards Hus' doctrine concerning the sources of the Christian Belief and concerning its exposition, it may be taken as proved that Holy Scripture was looked upon by him as the alone source of religious truth, despite the fact that in several places he ex- pressed himself in another sense. In his controversy with Stephen Palecz he did, it is true, characterise as the first lie which was imputed to him, 2 that he made Holy Scripture alone the sole rule of faith ; and elsewhere, particularly in his tractate on the 1 The book of Lenz has furnished the proof in opposition to the opinions of various authors, who maintain that Hus did not deviate from the standard of the Roman Catholic Church that Hus in a series of doctrines forsakes the dogma of the Catholic Church. But only of that Church which has fixed and formulated its doctrines in the Tridentinum, which notably had not been done at the time of the Council of Constance. See on the other hand the judgment of Lechler, I.e., ii. 227. " The question is only whether Hus was really convicted of a heresy. And to this we answer decidedly, JVo." " De ecclesia, cap. xvi., Opera, i. 227 a; see also De fidei elucidacione , Opera, i. 48 . SOLE A UTHOR1TY OF HOL Y SCRIPTURE. 283 sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, written at Constance, he says : " I believe with the Holy Mother Church every authentic truth, as -the blessed Trinity wishes it to be believed, and hold fast to the decisions of the general councils and teachers of the Church, as well explicite as implicite." These assurances, nevertheless, possess only the value of a mental reservation. 1 Passages in which he acknow- ledges the sole authority of Scripture are of frequent occurrence as well in his tractates as in his sermons and letters. 2 In this conviction, which he had written, taught, and preached, he declared himself also in his last moments ready to go to the stake. 3 In this doctrine, too, Hus accordingly remains loyal to Wiclif: as the latter repeatedly asserted that the Scripture suffices in itself for the guidance of the Church, so Hus also has written a particular tractate on this subject : " On the sufficiency of the law of Christ for the guidance of the Church." The law of God, says Hus, is that which stands expressly written in Holy Scripture ; in a wider sense, however, every true law which is in any way contained in Holy Scripture. And as Wiclif says, we may believe neither the deed, nor the word, nor even the bulls of this pope, save in so far as this is grounded on Scripture, or "if there were a hundred popes, and all the fratres were" transformed into cardinals," 4 one 1 The proofs see in Lenz : Ufeni mislra Jana Husi, 4 sqq. 2 The connection is found with Bohringer, I.e. 583 sqq. ; Lechler, ii. 234; Lenz, U$eni. 3 " In ea veritate evangelii, quam scripsi docui et predicavi . . . hodie letanter volo mori." Doc. mag. Joh. Hus, 323. 4 Trialogus, 266. 284 W1CLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. could not obey their dictum in matters of faith, except inasmuch as it was founded on Scripture, so we shall find in Hus' works passages of pretty similar import. Compare Wiclif, De officio pastorali, c. xii. : " Et ad istud sepe dictum est, quod confirmacio Romani pontificis non valet, nisi de quanto voluntati et ordina- cioni Dei qui est summus dominus est conformis. Nee est fides cum sepe contingit oppositum, quod quidquid fecerit papa, Deus . . . aucto- risat, cum tune esset im- peccabilis et deus in ter- ris . . . Ideo cum non debet sibi credi, nisi de quanto ex fide scripture vel mandate domini se fundaverit . . . Et breviter nee facto suo nee dicto vel bullis debentfideles credere istius prelati, nisi de quanto se fundaverit in fide scripture ..." Hus, De ecclesia, 209 a, cap. viii. : "... Et istomodo tenetur quilibet christianus credere explicite vel implicite omnem veritatem,quam sanctus spiri- tus posuit in scriptura. Et isto modo non tenetur homo dictis sanctorum preter scripturam nee bullis papa- libus credere, nisi quod dixerint ex scriptura vel quod fundaretur impli- citer in scriptura . . . Aliter ergo credimus Deo, qui nee falli nee fallere potest, aliter pape, qui falli et fallere potest . . . nam scripture sacre nee licet dis- credere nee licet contradicere, sed bullis aliquando licet et discredere et contradicere Trialogus, 3. 31, pag. 239. " Unde scripta aliorum doc- torum . . . nee sunt credenda, nisi de quanto in scriptura domini essent fundata " . . . Cf. Trial. 240. Ci.,Defidei sue elucidacione. Opp., i. 49 b. Comp. further, Opera, 294 b. Dialogus. " Ideo prudentes habent hanc consuetudinem . . . in- primis considerant, quid fides scripture loquatur in hoc puncto." See above, the whole reading of the text, p. 246. Hus, Opera, \. 187 b : "Ideo prudentes hanc ha- bent consuetudinem . . . in- primis considerant, quid fides scripture loquatur in hoc puncto ..." ON HERESY. 285 Wiclif, De officio regis : ' ' ' Legifer noster Jesus Chris- tus legem per se sufficientem dedit ad regimen tocius ec- clesie militantis." Comp. De Chris to et adver- saria, cap. xi. : "Cum lex sua sit per se sufficiens." Hus, Opera, i., fol. 44 b 48 a : "Lex Jesu Christi per se sufficit ad regimen ecclesie militantis." The definition of heresy Hus has likewise bor- rowed from Wiclif. Wiclif, Trialogus, 379. " Sciant inquam isti stulti antichristi discipuli, quod om- nis error periculosus in ma- teria fidei est heresis mani- festa." Of Faith : Wiclif, Sermons, cited from Lechler, Wiclif, i. 524. "Fides est fundamentum religionis, sine quo impossi- bile est placere Deo ..." De veritate s. scripture in Lechler, ib. : "... primum fundamen- tum virtutum est fides ..." Trialog., 3.2. pag. 135 : "... cum impossibile sit quemquam peccare, nisi in fide deficiat." Hus, Ad scriptum octo doc- forum, 305 b : "Heresis quidem pericu- losa res est sed utilis valde." Hus, Opera;'\. 48 b: De fidei sue elucidacione : "Fundamentum igitur om- nium virtutum, quo servitur Deo meritorie, est fides, sine qua impossibile est placere Deo." 1 Cited according to Lechler, Johannes v. Wiclif, i. 473, note 3. 286 WICLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. Of Peace : From the Sermones ' Cod. un. Prag., iii., G. u, Hus, Sermo de pace. fol. 112 : Opera, i., fol. ^2 ad: " Rogate que ad pacem " Pax autem Dei est mentis sunt Jerusalem . . Est autem tranquillitas in virtutibus sta- pax mentis tranquillitas in vir- bilita. Ex quo patet, quod tutibus stabilita. Ex quo omnis homo existens in cri- patet, quod omnis criminosus mine caret ut sic ecclesie . . caret ut sic pace ecclesie . . . pace. Secunda pax . . . est Nam pax, que est quietudo quietudo temporalium homini temporalium homini adiacen- adiacencium ..." cium, parturit communiter perturbacionem ..." In regard to the Supper, it is well-known that the doctrine of Hus does not accord with that of Wiclif. 2 Nevertheless we find in his tractate De corpore Christi certain points of resemblance with Wiclif's arguments in the Trialogus, so great indeed that we must suppose that he had subjected this tractate to a revision after becoming acquainted with Wiclif's writings. It is possible that his own argu- ments and those of Wiclif are traceable to a common source, as is also indicated by himself. This has reference notably to that distinction current from the time of Augustine, 3 form, truth, and effect, as the three things which one must hold fast in the Sacra- 1 These discourses belong- to Wiclif: the Trialogus is referred to in them, England repeatedly mentioned. Then again they are placed in the midst of Wiclif's tractates. Mention is also made in them by name of the tractate De posna et culpa, which is to be found in the same MS. ; see above, p. 275. 2 Vid. Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, vii. 1,34; Lechler, ii. 252. 3 " Ecce qualiter ilia per Innocencium distinguuntur ; " comp. Decret. Gregor. IX., lib. iii., tit. 41, cap. 6: "Quum Marthe." Here we have to seek the immediate source of Hus for the above ON THE LORD'S SUPPER. 287 ment of the Altar ; or sacrament and essence ( = the Body of Christ), sacrament and not essence (= that sensuous object : the consecrated bread), essence and not sacrament (= the union of the members with Christ and with each other) : Wiclif, Trialogus, 248. " Quamvis autem in hoc sacramento et ceteris sit tri- membris distinccio, scilicet sacramentum et res, res et non sacramentum ac tercio sacramentum et non res. Oportet tamen, quod ista verba sint sane et congrue intellecta. Sacramentum autem et res dicitur cor- pus domini, quod est sur- sum. Dicitur autem sacra- mentum, quia est signum sen- sibile anime Christi deitatis et grade. Ista autem res sensibilis descripta, que diciturcommuniterpanis sanctus, vocatur sacra- mentum et non res non ad istum sensum, quod non sit res aliqua, cum sit res satis sensibilis, uti videmus, sed ad istum sensum . . . Sed ter- cium membrum, quod est res et non sacramentum, voca- turgraciaunionis Christi cum sua ecclesia . . ." Hus, Opera, i.. 146 6: "... In sacramento alta- ris est dare tria scilicet sac- ramentum et non rem, ut est illud sensibile, sacra- mentum et rem,ut est cor- pus dominicum. Tercio rem et non sacramentum, ut est unio membrorum ecclesie, de quibus dicitur Extra, de celebracione mis- sarum cap. Cum Marthe per Innocencium, quod distin- guendum est subtiliter inter tria, que sunt in hoc sacra- mento discreta videlicet for- mam visibilem, veritatem cor- poris et sanguinis et virtutem spiritualem unionis et carita- tis. Forma est panis et vini. Veritas carnis et sanguinis. Virtus unionis et charitatis . . . Primum est sacramen- tum et non res, id est non unio, etc. ..." A gaping contradiction will be found between the two tractates of Hus, that De sacramento corporis et sanguinis domini and that De sanguine Christi presentation ; besides this, however, Wiclifian influence is likewise apparent, see above, the words printed in spaced letters, which are not found in the decree. Comp. Bohringer, I.e., 565- 28S WICL1FISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. sub specie vini a laicis sumendo. The second trac- tate belongs in point of time to an earlier date. Hus composed it before he was cast into prison. In this tractate he champions the view on the basis of numerous testimonies of fathers and doctors that it is profitable to believers to partake of the blood of the Lord under the form of wine. Yea, inasmuch as he adopts the decision of Pope Gela- sius I., who straightway forbids the abstaining from the cup, and regards " the dividing of one and the same mystery as a great sacrilege," he goes even a step farther. He deduces from this decision two things : I, that the sacrament is complete only under the twofold form of bread and wine ; and 2, that he who partakes of the sacrament under one form only is guilty of a desecration (sacrilegium). The only limitation Hus admits, after Thomas de Aquino, is that one must be in a position to obtain wheat and wine. Both, however, in case they do not grow in a particular land, can easily be imported. In the later tractate he not only says nothing of the profit brought by the partaking of the cup, but he also expresses himself to this effect : " Just as little is the body separate as the blood separate, but under both forms Christ remains whole, as the Church sings : therefore the body of Christ is under the species of the bread by transubstantiation of the bread into the body itself, but the blood is at the same time with it (concomitanter), and equally so the blood is under the species of the wine by tran- substantiation of the wine into the blood, but the body is at the same time under this form." If one deduces the consequences of this proposition, one ON REPENTANCE AND CONFESSION. 289 comes naturally to the conclusion of the advanta- geousness of the Supper sub una, which accordingly is here indirectly conceded ; whereas in the other tractate he speaks of the profitableness of the Supper sub utraque, nay even accentuates the obligation thereto ("debent"). 1 As concerns the sacrament of penitence, Hus notably holds the opinion that of the three main parts of the same the contrition of the heart, the confession of the mouth, and the reparation the oral confession of sin, i.e., confession to a priest, is not absolutely necessary to salvation. A man may be saved even without confessing his sins to a priest. 2 With much greater justice may one assert that God sets free the truly penitent from the bonds of con- demnation ; for the repentant confession of the heart alone suffices the really penitent for the salvation of his soul. The oral confession and the absolution by the priest are not equally necessary. 3 Hus in these passages cites, it is true, the testimony of Peter Lombard and Richard de St. Victore ; but there can be no doubt that here, too, he rests upon the shoulders of Wiclif, for the latter also has expressed himself in a very similar manner against the opinion that the oral confession of sin is essential to the valid accomplishment of the sacrament of penitence. 1 Lenz, I.e., 140. 2 "Ex his patet, quod potest aliquis homo salvari, qui non confitetur ore sacerdoti mortali." Hus. Opera, i. i68, i6ga. 3 " Recte quidem dicitur quod dominus vere penitentem a vin- culo damnacionis absolvit. Sola enim cordis confessio veraciter penitent! ad salutem anime sufficit. Tamen articulus necessi- tatis oris confessionem et sacerdotis absolucionem excludit." Opera, \. 215 a. 19 290 W1CLIFISM IN THE WRITINGS OF HUS. Wiclif has even advanced several weighty reasons beyond those which Hus has accepted. He speaks of auricular confession as a modern invention, and traces it back to Innocent III. 1 To confess one's sins to a priest is not necessary to the soul's salvation : many under the old and the new covenant have become holy without this. If, however, it was neces- sary in the time of Innocent III., it must also have been necessary before that time ; and so men had sinned by the disregard of this kind of penitence. 3 In the tractateZte dissensione papanun, Wiclif speaks about the causes of the pronounced schism, and finds them in the craving of the popes for honours and worldly possessions. In the time of the Apostle Peter, when the Church possessed no " dotation," there was also no strife. If you take away the former, the latter too will be appeased without great difficulty. It is the business of the secular power prudently to remove the nurseries of discord. 3 1 " Impossibiles autem errores incidunt antichrist! fi Hi de peni- tencia, cum nesciunt fundare istam penitenciam, quam papa de novo instituit. Evidencia autem que fidem faceret vel scrip- tura nescit eciam si penitens sit contritus vel peccatum suum deletum aut non, sicut nescit quantitatem vel qualitatem peni- tencie iniungende." 2 "Non est de necessitate salutis, quod quilibet beatificandus, eciam dura discrecionem attigerat, confitebatur omnia peccata sua proprio sacerdoti, quia antequam ista lex fuerit edita, multi sancti fuerant salvati tarn de lege antiqua, quam de lege grade ... Si huius legis ediccio fuit ita racionalis tempore Innocencii III., ista racio stetitpriusetsic homines ex omissione talis penitencie antea peccaverunt." 3 Cod. un. Prag., X. E. 9, fol. 208 : " Igitur videtur . . . tamquam probabile, quod ista dissensio propter cupiditatem mundati honoris et temporalium adiacencium est tanta. Nam supposita in papa sicut fuit in Petro dotacione . . . videtur, quod supra bona virtutum et grade non sonabit . . . sed ON THE REFORMATION OF THE CHURCH. 29 1 In like manner does Hus also investigate the causes of this " diabolical contention," and discovers them similarly in the "dotation" of the Church. Hus has not indeed drawn the consequences of this doc- trine in so sharp and trenchant a way as Wiclif, where he is speaking of the schism ; on the other hand, he argues in his controversial work against Stanislas, that the majority of errors and schisms have always arisen on account of the Pope. For as long as there was no imperial dotation the Church had constantly increased in virtues ; from this time, however, all evils had multiplied. Pride and ambi- tion, avarice and simony, strut and boast, and the schisms and controversies will not cease, until this " head with his body " is brought back to the " rule " of the apostles. In thus speaking Hus makes the same demand as Wiclif, 1 from whom in truth he immediately succeeded to it. propter ista nunquam fuisset tails contencio. Ideo relinquitur, quod propter honores mundanos et secularia dominia que sunt adiecta papatui ista diabolica contencio est exorta." With Hus it is said (Opp., \. 230 ): " Unde autem ista diabolica contencio originaliter a causa movente potest caecus palpare, quia a dotacione." Opera, i. 239: "Constat enim Christi fidelibus, quodmaximi errores et maxime scissiones propter illud caput in ecclesia sunt exorte et usque hodie augmentantur. Donee enim illud caput non fuit institufum a cesare, crevit continue in virtutibus ecclesia, sed post constitucionem illius capitis multiplicata sunt mala . . . nee cessabunt, donee illud caput cum suo corpore ad apostolorum regulam sit reductum. Quanti autem sint errores in capitis curia et quanti orti sunt princi- paliter a tempore, quo papa non in Christi sed in cesaris habitu et damnatione floruit, patet in gestis paparum et chronicis." Comp. also Opera, i. 283 , 331 a. APPENDIX. APPENDIX. I. ON THE NUMBER OF THE CHURCHES AND VILLAGES IN BOHEMIA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. Nota : Ecclesie Pragensis diocesis tot sunt : mille noningenta (sic) triginta et una preter claustra etcapellas. Sunt ville in regno Bohemie triginta millia sexingenta (sic) sexaginta sex preter oppida civitates et castra. 1 (Notice belonging to the i5th century in the Cod. Trebon., A. 7, fol. 79 b.) II. EXTRACTS FROM THE VISITATION BOOK OF THE DIOCESE OF PRAGUE (OF THE YEAR 1379). [To p. 14.] Cod. arch, metrop. cap. Prag. XIV. The visitation was made by Paul of Janowitz. " Ecclesia sancti Michaelis in Opatowicz : " Domine reverende : de concubina Mangonis cuiusdam noveritis, quod ipsa manet in plebe sancti Nicolai retro ecclesiam sancti Nicolai . 1 Since Bohemia in the present day counts only 13,286 towns and villages, the above statement is manifestly exaggerated. 296 APPENDIX. " Ipsamet autem concubina nuncupatur Margaretha, que nuper habuit puerum et iterum est pregnata per eundem Mangonem, quia singulis noctibus earn non cessat visitare. Insuper uxor legitima ipsius Andrlini predict! Mangonis moratur in Habr nomine Katharina. "... lesco plebanus dicte ecclesie St. Michaelis dicit, quod circa Hasconem institorem plebis sue sit quidam Martinus scriptor, cuius uxor dicitur fuisse amaria (sic) dicti plebani eiusque hospicium cotidie visitat dictus ple- banus ut creditur amore dicte uxoris. Item dicit, quod domum Margarethe, de qua supra . . . visitant impudice multe persone ut dicitur causa turpitudinis. " Ecclesia in Zderas : " Nicholas Scala deposes that the vicar of St. Martin's holds converse with beguines (cum beginis convivasse). Vitko deposes : " Quod dominus Gregorius archidiaconus Belinensis habet Kaczkam concubinam in domo sua . . . " Ecclesia sancti Egidii : " mostly affairs of concubinage. "Item dicit Henricus, quod in domo dominorum abbatis et conventus monasterii Sedlicensis moretur quidam nota- rius nomine Hersso, de quo dicitur, quod daret pecunias ad usuras. " Poric. Ecclesia sancti dementis ; Ecclesia bene ornata, sacramenta sub bona custodia habentur . . ., duo missalia et unum de specialibus missis, tres calices, quorum unus deauratus et duo argentei, quinque ornatus, quorum tres festivales cum plenis apparatibus, altaria tria cooperta bonis pallis . . . "... Item dixit : dominus Wenceslaus vicarius ipsius ecclesie sancti dementis habeat concubinam, que olim fuerit nutrix Rotlebi pie memorie, ex qua duos pueros procreavit, qui testis fuit nuper per quandam mulierem petitus, ut dicte concubine puerum baptizaret, quod facere noluit." Thus it goes on. Of a monk in the Slavonian cloister it is asserted that he has a house in which he keeps concu- bines. A clergyman comes every day to Prague to entertain himself, " est nimis secularis "... In almost all parishes there are public-houses, in many four and more. The book also gives a good account of the state of matters in the country places. APPENDIX. 297 Visitation of the Deanery Podhradensis (Podbrdsky 1 ), of 17-21 November, 1379. First the parish of Beraun (Verona) is visited (17 Nov.) There matrimonial differences are composed. "Item dicit quod dominus Ulricus de Usdicz habet quandam Dorotheam domesticam a longo tempore, que dicitur esse concubina ipsius, que sepius solet venire in civitatem et vendere blada et caseos." Then followed Poczapel, Zebrak (Mendico), Rzebriky, on the 1 8th November: Tmam, Borek, Tetin, Li ten ; on the ipth : Wseradicz, Skripel, Neumetely, Lochowicz, Bez- diez (Bezdedice); Horowitz he enters on the 2oth Nov. In most places he hears complaints of concubinage. In Horowitz he learns that Nicolaus Stechonis has a lawful wife who lives in Prague. By another woman he has four children or more. " Item dicunt, quod quidam dictus Georgius vicarius ibidem nunc vicarius in Poczapel hoc anno in Ostensione reliquiarum inventus fuit concubare cuidam maritate ibidem in Horowitz." There he learns also that the vicar of Zbiroh has a concubine and a great son ; the chaplain in Mrtniky often wrangles, "et incedit valde curte veste et cum armis, et dicunt quod officia, interdum missam, in lorica (celebrat)." There he learns also that the parish priest in Rebriky has a concubine and some boys ; the woman is said to have a legitimate husband. The parish priest in Uzdicz has a concubine, to whom he has assigned a particular room. The priest Gilko is a concubinary and a drunkard, " et dicunt quod ipse quandam filiam sutoris virginem anno preterito abduxerat, cum qua bene triginta septimanas giravit . . ." The vicar Jacob in Gynecz (Jince) remains in the tavern in place of going to church. " Georgius de Verona presbyter tune vicarius in Horzo- wicz nunc vicarius in Poczapel in Ostensione reliquiarum anno de presenti inventus noctis tempore in lecto cum 1 The decanatus Podhradensis is the fifth of the ten deaneries belonging to the archidiaconate of Prague ; see the division upon the mapa cited below. All the places here mentioned will be found there. 298 APPENDIX. Wyska muliere uxore Pawliconis, qui fuit multum male tractatus et recessit . . . " Petrus de Cralowicz presbyter a decem annis prius vicarius ibidem a festo sancti Georgii anni presentis dicit, quod Marsso (Mares) iudex et Sbinco vicinus suus et quidam Dubcz sunt in excommunicacione maiori propter inieccionem manu violenta in clericum ordinatum. " Item ibidem dominus archidiaconus Pragensis mandavit Stephano laico de Pribram, ut summa diligencia adhibita Elizabeth uxorem suam legitimam querat undique per terram quam dicit a se recessisse." In case of his refusal he is to be excommunicated. From Horowic he repairs to Mrtniky, to Gynecz (aoth Nov.), to Pyeczina (Picina) on the 2ist Nov. : "Item dicunt, quod anno de presenti in messe dominus loannes plebanus in Lhota arripuerat quandam ancillam Mathie, quam voluit supponere in campo et ex casu quidam venit ad hoc, in quern irruit gladio evaginato, ut audiunt . . . Item dicunt, quod idem loannes plebanus in taberna ibidem in Picina libenter chorizat." Thence the journey is to Lhota Bavari, Sacer campus (Svate pole) on the 2ist November, Knyn (22nd of November), and Lhota dicta in Scharticz (?). The Visitation of the Deanery of Beneschau, 2yd 26th of November, 1379.* On the 23rd Nov. the archdeacon enters the deanery of Beneschau. . In Ziwhoscz the parish priest tells him how the monastery of Konigsaal sought to deprive him of a field and three woods, in the same way in which it had deprived another, who was not able to carry on a contro- versy . . . " Hermannus de Chotiesko plebezanus dicte plebis dicit, quod plebanus in Knyn libenter intrat tabernas et iocatur et interdum suffunditur sed non multum . . ." On the same day he learns in Byelicz : " Quod plebanus in Slaps dictus Czisko cotidie habet concubinas plures, 1 The places here mentioned are almost all likewise to be found in the Historicka mapa Czech, Abh. der bohm. Gesell- schaft der Wissenschaften. Sixth Series. Vol. viii. APPENDIX. 299 quarum una dicitur Sbisca de Neweklow. Propter quam litigavit cum . . . plebano in Marssowicz, qui eandern sibi abduxerat, propter quod diu inimicicias habuerunt, sed dictus Czisko virginitate privavit dictam Sbiscam. " Item quod plebanus in Marssowicz tenet concubinam in domo sua uxorem censualem sui viciniaris curie ... ex qua genuit filium quatuor annorum et filiam trium annorum. Tune dicit, quod sepius visitavit in Neveklow, ubi ante unum annum adulterabatur cum uxore Kirzankonis sed modo prohibitus per dominos loci dictum oppidum visi- tare . . . "Item dicit, quod plebanus in Chwoinecz habet concu- binam a multis annis, ex qua unum filium magnum genuit, qui est scolaris et Ripa vocatur . . ." On the same day he comes to Ujezd, where Johannes de Wrzicz has been priest for the last four years : " Dominus archidiaconus mandat ei, ut doceat de commissione cure animarum et formatis infra unum mensem sub pena excom- municacionis." There he learns that the vicar, David, has been living for three years past in Netwerzicz with the daughter of one of his tenants. On the same day the archdeacon reaches this place, where what he has heard is confirmed to him. The archdeacon enjoins upon the parish priest not to suffer this woman any more to enter his house in order to come to the vicar ; the former, himself, was to guard against drunken- ness, "et a conversacione vagarum mulierum." This David complains on his part of one of his neighbours ; and so the visitator comes on the same day to Chwoinecz (Chwojenec),. where he listens to complaints about usury. The accused (see above) deposes that Ripa is his sister's son. On the same day the church in Neworzicz is visited, and investi- gation is made. In Marsowic, which he reaches on the following day (24th of November), he finds that the parish priest possesses a copy of the Statutes, it is true, but the paper is greatly damaged ; on which account it is enjoined upon him to obtain the same, as also the Synodal Statutes, upon parchment. Thence the course is to Janowicz, Mar- tinicz, and Ugesdez, where the condition of affairs is very similar. The plebanus at the last-named place has to pledge himself never again to keep a concubine. A legal 3OO APPENDIX. document of 5th January, 1380, declares: "Anno domini 1380, die quinto lanuarii dominus Petrus predictus veniens ad domum habitacionis nostre promisit nobis archidiacono et mihi Vito notario publico, quod amplius nunquam habe- bit Boukam aut aliam quamcunque in dote vel extra pro concubina. Dictam Boukam domum suum intrare non per- mittat nee loquatur nee convivet nee comedet cum eadem sub pena quinque sexagenarum pro fabrica." As one sees, if a formal charge was brought, the accused was cited, and threatened with a certain penalty. On the 25th November Paul of Janowitz comes to Olbra- mowitz. There, and in the places following, there are differences on account of adultery to be settled, which pro- ceed from laymen ; then also contentions on account of clerical persons, charges like the above. From Olbramowitz he goes to Tozicz (Tozice), Bistricz, Oldrichow, Tynecz, Chrast, Kostelecz, Lidecz, and Poric. The charges throughout the whole deanery, as will be seen, affect almost exclusively the unchastity of the clergy. Only in Netwerzicz is accusation further made against a certain Marsico, " Qui homicida reputatur, qui Wetkam filiain coloni sui defloravit." In October began the visitation of the archidiaconate of Prague, and in the first place that of Prague itself: "Anno domini 1379 die octavo mensis Octobris ego Paulus de Janowicz, archidiaconus Pragensis cepi visitare dictum archi- diaconatum et primo civitatem Pragensem." The charges of unchastity and adultery occur likewise in Prague ; but, as it would seem, with comparatively less frequency than in the country. At the visitation the priests engaged in Church work are enumerated and characterised in detail. Inquiries are made as to age, incomes, as to neighbouring clergy, the state of the faithful, etc. As a sample we may take the visitation of the church of St. Mary before the Freudenhof: "... Item dicit, quod dominus plebanus sancti Mar- tini in muro habeat concubinam, quam vidit anno pre- terito. " Item dicunt, quod plebanus sepissime non patitur sepe- liri pauperes homines, nisi plus facial pactum cum eisdem, et non vult sibi sufficere in offertorio, quod pauperes homines APPENDIX. 301 vellent facere, sed adhuc semper compellit eos ad dandum sibi pecuniam, de quo causantur ut plurimum. " Item dicit Conradus, ut audivit de concubina, que visitat ipsum plebanum. " Item dicunt, quod Procopius dictus Wassermann paro- chianus ibidem mutual pecuniam super censum nomine usurarum et mutual centum sex pro quinquaginta annuatim, de quo est publica vox et fama in civitate Pragensi. " Obligacio : Anno domini 1380 die vicesima septima mensis Marcii in Wissegrado prope Pragam in domo habi- tacionis honorabilium virorum dominorum Rynini Pilznensis et Pauli Pragensis archidiaconi constitutus personaliter dominus Bartholomeus, plebanus ecclesie sancte Marie, ante Letam curiam maioris civitatis Pragensis coram dicto domino domino archidiacono Pragensi promisit ad manus ipsius domini archidiaconi et mei notarii, quod ipse Manduss(y)am uxorem lohannis fistulatoris ad dotem suam deinceps non admittet, nee ubi eadem Mandussya mofabitur, ipsam visi- tabit nee cum eadem amplius bibet nee comedet nee aliam conversacionem habebit cum eadem et non permittet ipsam tenere clavem de porta domus dotis sue, cum qua dicta domus aperiretur, sub pena decem grossorum pro fabrica ecclesie Pragensi solvendorum, cui se sponte submisit presentibus dominis, etc. . . . "... Item dicunt, quod ad domus dominorum canoni- corum quasi communiter solent intrare mulieres publice, de quo multi homines scandalizentur. " Dominus lohannes prepositus monialium sancte Marie Magdalene dicit, quod interdum pauperes homines parro- chiani dicte ecclesie conqueruntur de preposito, quod inter- dum tardantur per presbyterum in confessione pro eo, quia est antiquus et infirmus." III. ON KONRAD OF WALDHAUGEN. [To p. 20, sqq.] Since those two letters of Konrad of Waldhausen which were to have been furnished here that to the Master of 302 APPENDIX. the Order of the Dominicans (of 3rd January, I36O), 1 and that to the Superior of the Augustin convent of St. Thomas in Prague (of i3th February, 1 364) 2 have meanwhile been given in print by Ferdinand Mencik in his essay, " Konrad Waldhauser, mnich radu svateho Augustina," in vol. xi. of the Proceedings of the Royal Society of Sciences (i 33), Prague, 1882, it may suffice in this place to refer to the copy there published. Mencik furnishes in this essay four- teen other letters and documents which proceed from the pen of Konrad, or have reference to him. These are a letter of Konrad to Bishop Gottfried de Weisseneck of Passau (of the year 1362) ; 3 one to the inhabitants of Austria (of the year 1364) ; to Charles IV. (circa 1365), then the answer of the latter ; a letter of safe conduct from the Archbishop of Prague for Konrad of Waldhausen (of the year 1364); a letter of the citizens of Saaz for Konrad of Waldhausen {of 5th May, 1365); two letters of Adalbertus Ranconis (of 7th June and i3th December, 1365) ; a letter of Urban V. (of 22nd February, 1366) ; a charter of the Duke Albert of Bavaria (of 23rd October, 1365); two papers which concern the relations of Konrad with the Carmelites (of the years 1366 and 1369), and the letter of the Minorite Weiglinus to Konrad (of xyth October, 1366). The importance we attach to several of these documents may justify our subjecting a few passages therefrom to .somewhat closer examination. 1 See Mencik, Konrad Waldhauser, 14. 2 Ibid., 17. " Feria quarta post dominicam qua vocatur Invocavit" is certainly the Wednesday (thus i3th, not i4th February). 3 Inasmuch as this letter is of considerable interest by way of shedding- light upon Konrad' s disposition, we maybe per- mitted here to indicate the contents: " Exemplum seu copia epistole, quam misit Chunradus plebanus ad sanctum Thomam et professus in Walthuss anno domini 1362 domino Goffrido, episcopo Pataviensi, incendens ipsum inducere per ipsam, ut multis erroribus in diocesi contingentibus et permaxime abo- lende pravitati symoniace plurimum in ordinibus clericorum exercite obviaret ipsosque prohiberet. Dabantur enim tune temporis circa quadraginta denariorum solummodo pro intitu- lacione subdiacono et septuaginta pro formata. Et hec ultra plurimum multiplicabant.'' Mencik, I.e., No. 2. APPENDIX. 303 Exceedingly significant for Konrad's relations towards the Mendicant Friars is the above-mentioned letter of the burghers of Saaz (Mencik, 22, 23). These relate that, at the moment when Konrad began a sermon in the parish church at Saaz on the ist May, 1365, the Minorites of this town began to toll the great bell in their church, in order to stop Konrad's preaching. The same thing they did also on the following day. But Konrad led his audience out of the church, and preached to them in the principal square of the town. Thereupon the Minorites marched with their relics past the square, and began to sing with a loud voice, although it was not the festival of relics. On the following Sunday it was the 4th May Konrad's pulpit was found lying in the gutter. 1 When Konrad afterwards preached his farewell sermon, these monks cried out with a loud voice : " What this Sir Konrad has here preached and said is, except the epistles and gospels, all lies." Konrad obtained from the magistrates of the town a testimony duly drawn up to these doings of the monks. In this conflict with the mendicant friars Adalbertus Ranconis also takes the part of Konrad, whom in a letter he calls his best friend. He finds fault with those who call this man, the zealous herald of the truth, a heretic : " Dog- matizare enim ut audio divinas adulterantes scripturas pre- suniunt, quod licet presentibus carnalibus filias proprias a nupciis legalibus retrahere et ipsas sub tempore inicio pecu- nie monasteriis mancipare." . . . Yet more clearly does one discern the above-cited (p. 32) charges of the mendi- cant friars from the following propositions : " Asserunt eciam dicti apostatici spiritus omnem rerum usum esse illi- citum, quod eorum secta esse licitum non prescribit. Patri- bus eciam suis spiritualibus, qui ipsos per evangelium genuerunt et in racione super ipsos trinitatis sanctissime nomine Christianos fecerunt, non parcunt, dum nonnun- 1 " De mane diei dominice, qua cantatur Jubilate, sedes, in qua predicabat, inventa fuit in fonte sen aqua, que per canalia currit in civitate, quod creditur eorundem fratrum disposicione esse factum. Sed hodie cum valedicens populo ultimum ser- monem faceret antedicti fratres clamaverunt alta voce : ' Quid- cunque idem dominus Konrad vobis predicavit et dixit, totum exceptis epistolis et evangeliis mentitum est et non verum.' " 304 APPENDIX. quam in tocius cleri grave et intolerabile scandalum prelates et curatos ecclesiarum publice in suis sermonibus idiotas, concubinarios, simoniacos, et neglectores non rectores eccle- siarum appellant, audentque cum illo reprobo Cham patris sui detegere pudenda." Of Konrad himself Ranconis boasts : " Vos unus de mille zelo fidei et veritatis accensus caritate stimulante et fraterna utilitate provocante contra veritatis impugnatores et super- sticionis inventores singulare certamen subistis et in isto certamine Goliam, qui exprobavit agminibus Dei viventis, quod est statibus clericorum, in funda et lapide deiecistis et mendaces ostendistis eos, qui vos Christi domini veritatis cultorem, morum satorem, religionis regulam, continentie exemplum, virtutum speculum, preconem evangelii, se de pcstis labe hinc inde litteras falsas mittendo respergere et de heresi mendacissime accusare presumpserunt." Ranconis hopes Konrad will, as a second Elias, complete what he has gloriously begun, that his word will as a burning torch melt hearts of stone and make them receptive for the Word of God. Then will those sins disappear from which the city of Prague is suffering. 1 With a significant turn, that he is indeed a very sincere friend, but a secret one, for fear of the Jews and Pharisees, this most interesting of all the letters which have come down to us from Adalbertus Ranconis is brought to a close. The important position held by Konrad of Waldhausen is manifest from every line thereof. 1 " lam ut audio in dicta civitate Pragensi civium utriusque sexus superbie ventus detronuit, avaricie estus refriguit, con- tinencia viget in clericis, devocio fervescit in laicis, iam Deo auspice mulierum facies non stibio pinguntur, non luxu vestium inceditur, non ornamentis peplorum vacatur, pudicicia olim proscripta de postlimio revertitur, frontes matronarum inpudice non tenduntur insursus, cervix equo libramine suis respondet humeris, cessant in ecclesiis aucupia mulierum, impudicicie signa arrisu non prebentur feminis, clerus honoratur, religio vera colitur, ypocrisis et ficta religio arguitur et ut uno verbo multa includam, virtutum in civitate Pragensi prefocate segetes . . . vestro patrocinio hiis diebus revirescunt." APPENDIX. 305 IV. ON MATHIAS OF JANOW. [* 45-] De recepcione in canonicum magistri Mathie de Janow. {E. reg. recepcionum in canbnicos eccl. Prag. Cod. arch. XIII., fol. 78 b.) I. " Item anno 1381 indiccione quarta die duodecima mensis Octobris hora terciarum in capitulo ecclesie Pragensi vir Magister Mathias Wenczeslai de Janow personaliter constitutus coram honorabilibus viris dominis Przibicone decano, Paulo archidiacono, magistro Adalberto scolastico, Przibislao Horssowiensi, magistro Mathia Lythomericensi, lohanne Gradicensi, magistro Fridmanno Belinensi archidia- conis, Benessio de Wyethmel, Haskone decano sancti Apol- linaris, Benessio de Chobolicz, Martino de Olomucz canonicis ecclesie Pragensis literas gracie sue infrascripte videlicet graciosam et executoriam sub veris bullis domini Urbani pape sexti et processum inde habitum exhibuit et dictis dominis tune capitulariter congregatis et capitulum facien- tibus easdem insinuavit et presentavit. Qui domini eisdem literis visis et lectis deliberacione inter eos prehabita prefato magistro Mathie capitulariter responderunt, quod ipsi volunt et parati sunt mandatis apostolicis huiusmodi obedire et ipsum magistrum Mathiam receperunt in canonicum et in fratrem. Qui magister Mathias tactis corporaliter sacro- sanctis ewangeliis iuramentum consuetum de observandis statutis et consuetudinibus dicte ecclesie in manibus dicti domini Przibiconis decani prestitit, cuius iuramenti forma circa librum sacramentorum dignoscitur esse descripta. Deinde prelibatus dominus Przibico decanus stallum in choro et locum in capitulo ipsius ecclesie cum plenitudine Juris canonici in sinistra parte chori assignavit, de quibus omnibus et singulis prefatus magister Mathias peciit sibi fieri per me notarium publicum infrascriptum legitime plura 2O 306 APPENDIX. publicum seu publica instrumenta. Per me Simonem notarium capituli presentibus honorabilibus et discretis viris Smilone sacrista, lohanne domini Martini de Olomucz, Conrado domini Wenceslai canonicorum vicariis, in ecclesia Pragensi antedicta testibus ad premissa vocatis specialiter et rogatis. 2. "Tenor graciose 1 magistri Mathie de Janow, de qua superius fit mencio, sequitur et est talis : " Urban us episcopus servus servorum Dei dilecto filio Mathie Wenceslai de Janow, canonico Pragensi, magi- stro in artibus salutem et apostolicam benediccionem. Literarum sciencia vite ac morum honestas aliaque lauda- bilia probitatis et virtutum merita, super quibus apud nos fide digno commendaris testimonio, nos inducunt, ut tibi reddamur ad graciam liberales, Volentes itaque tibi, qui presbyter es et ut asseris per sex annos studuisse in theo- logia Par i si us premissorum meritorum tuorum intuitu graciam facere specialem canonicatum ecclesie Pragensis cum plenitudine iuris canonici apostolica tibi auctoritate conferimus et de illo eciam providemus prebendam iure, si qua in dicta ecclesia vacat ad presens vel cum vaca- verit . . . " Datum Rome apud sanctum Petrum Kalendis Aprilis pontificatis nostri anno tercio. 3- " Urbanus episcopus servus servorum Dei venerabili fratri episcopo (!) Pragensi et dilectis filiis abbati monasterii Brewnowiensis prope Pragam ac decano ecclesie sancti Egidii Pragensis salutem et apostolicam benediccionem. Literarum sciencia vite ac morum honestas aliaque lauda- bilia probitatis et virtutum merita, super quibus apud nos dilectus filius Mathias Wenczeslai de Janow, canoni- cus Pragensis, magister in artibus, fide digno commendatur testimonio, nos inducunt, ut sibi reddamur ad graciam liberales. Volentes itaque eidem Mathie, qui presbyter est et ut asseritur per sex annos in theologia Parisius 1 Gracie. APPENDIX. 307 studuit, premissorum meritorum suorum intuitu graciam facere specialem canonicatum ecclesie Pragensis cum pleni- tudine iuris canonic! apostolica eidem Mathie auctoritate contulimus . . . " Datum Rome apud sanctum Petrum Kal. Aprilis ponti- ficatus nostri anno tercio." V. NOTICE CONCERNING THE BURNING OF WICLIF'S BOOKS. [p. 116.] (E cod. III. G. 1 6. saec. XV. bibl. univ. Prag., fol. 98.) "Anno domini 1410 proxima feria quarta post festum sancte Margarethe virginis 1 hora terciarum vel quasi in curia archiepiscopi Pragensis astante domino Sbyncone, episcopo ecclesie Pragensis, una cum pluribus fide dignis combusti sunt quam plures libri lohannisWikleffet per doctores quosdam reprobati. Sed universitas Pragensis tali com- bustioni librorum non consensit, ut patet in uno statuto eorum in parva materia, unde et laici de Sbyncone canta- bant : Sbyniek (biskup) abcda Spalil knieha a newieda Czo ge w nich napsano? "Item ut fatur, nescius tamen si sit sic, anno domini 1413 combusti sunt libri lohannis Wikleff in Roma ante gradus ecclesie s. Petri in die Scolastice virginis (Feb. 10). Non est minim, quia bene descripsit antichristum cum sua syna- goga et fratribus cappatis ipsum protegentibus." 1 July 16. z See above, pp. 89, 117. o8 APPENDIX. VI. THE DEFENCE OF WICLIF'S TRACTATES, BY JOHN Hus, JACOB OF MIES, SIMON OF TISSNOW, PROKOP OF PILSEN, ZDISLAS OF ZWIERTETITZ, AND JoHN OF GlCZIN, DURING THE TIME FROM 26TH OF JULY TO 6TH OF AUGUST, 1410. [p. 121 sqq.] Of these apologetic addresses only one has hitherto been published in a complete form that delivered by Hus. 1 But much more trenchant, as also more provoking, were the addresses of some of Hus' companions. The address in particular of Simon of Tissnow produced a powerful im- pression. This is best perceived from the fact that the opposite party felt aggrieved by the tone which pervades the whole discourse. It is the only one of which mention was made in after time. Yet the address, too, of Prokop of Pilsen, as that of Zdislas, claims considerable interest. So much cannot be asserted for the others, least of all for that of Jacobell, who defended Wiclifs Decalogus. We, therefore, present in the full text only the tractates of Simon of Tissnow and Prokop of Pilsen, according to a MS. of the Imperial Library at Vienna, with some emendations of the text in accordance with the reading of a Prague MS. With regard to the rest, it may suffice that some few passages to which a greater interest attaches, be selected. Jacob of Mies defends the Decalogue of John Wiclif. [1410, July 28.] Incipit defensio libri decalogi magistri lohannis de Vicleph contexta per reverendum magistrum lacobum de Misa, sacre theologie baccalaureum. (Cod. univ. Prag. X. E. 24, fol. I29.) 2 "Cum sentencia libri decalogi magistri lohannis Wykleph, in qua continetur veritas vite et doctrine ewan- 1 Opera, i. 105 a. 2 The Vienna MS. 4002 does not contain this address APPENDIX. 309 gelice, sit condempnata velut heretica, quam veritatem Dei mandatorum quilibet fidelis christicola tenetur defen- dere usque ad mortem, ideo certamen est nobis subire et colluctuacio est nobis non adversus carnem et sanguinem gladio materiali sed adversus principatus et potestates et rectores tenebrarum harum in ecclesiam introductos" 1 2. Simon of Tissnow defends Wiclif's tractate De probacionibus proposicionum (1410, July 29.) Protestacio magistri Symonis de Tysnow. (Cod. pal. Vind. 4002, fol. 31 41.) "In primis protestor, quod nee Jam nee in posterum in- tendo aliquid pertinaciter dicere vel defendere contra Dei legem et fidem lesu Christi sed solum (ad) Dei honorem et edificacionem ecclesie. Et si aliquid erravero, peto veniam et submitto me correccioni et informacioni cuius- cumque fidelis, ne fidelibus sequela lesu Christi et suorum apostolorum tamquam heresis abiciatur et conversio omnino ad seculum tamquam fides approbetur et cetera. 2 " Audistis heri et pridie magistros et dominos meos reverendos librorum scripture sacre defensores, qui habitu theologico induti sua verba scripture sacre devotissime co- aptarunt. Ego vero me posui pro defensione logice puero- rum, ideo mea disponam verba pro audiencia puerorum et quia mea sonavit (?) intimacio, quod scilicet 8 velim premissa fideli protestacione tractatum de probacionibus pro- posicionum defendere magistri lohannis Wiklef contra condempnatores eiusdem tractatus et quod velim sus- tinere, quod nulla heresis nee alius manifestus error fidei catholice contrarius in eodem assertive continetur, ideo 1 Of the Decalogus hardly anything is spoken. Neither are the relations of persons and things touched upon. The whole nature of the conflict comes out with much greater animation in the two following tractates. 2 This paragraph is wanting in the Vienna MS. 4002. Sup- plemented after Cod. un. Prag., X. E. 24, fol. 1330. 3 Wanting in the Cod. Pal. 4002. 310 APPENDIX. publice protestor, quod non intendo in hoc actu nee in alio per me in futurum fiendo aliquam heresim defendere vel astruere nee aliquem errorem fidei catholice repugnantem. Si autem hoc fecero, nunc et semper habeo pro non dicto. " Nunc igitur in presenti actu vestras intendo pias mentes ad compaciendum de hoc commisso malo scelere excitare et deinde, quantum in me fuerit, vos volo inducere ad decertandum pro fidei veritate. Ad laudem igitur et gloriam Dei omnipotentis eiusque virginis matris Marie tocius eciam milicie celestis nee non tocius militantis ecclesie profectum pro conservacione suarum l veritatum accessurus ad pre- sentis operis faccionem necessarium habeo premittere, quamvis in composito sermone quedam (sunt), que concer- nunt oportunitatem facti huius : diu enim posut 2 custodiam ori meo t obmutui, humiliatus sum et si/ui 3 a bom's et dolor meus renovatus est in tantum, quod dignum est flere, indig- numve tacere. " lam autem sic dolore tactus cordis restat seram fran- gere labiorum, ut prorumpam in verbula que concepi. Loquar igitur in amaritudine anime mee, audite queso celi que loquar, audiat terra verba oris met et populus gentium conver- tat hue aures suas. Ut tamen sim fultus autentico testimonii dicto, assume illud i Elencorum philosophi dictum loco thematis verbum : Duo sunt opera sapientis, tnencientem scire manifestare, non mentiri, que de quibus novit. " Ecce reverendi patres magistri et domini ceterique fratres in Christo predilecti : Non sine dolore cordis mei sed et in habundancia refero lacrimarum : Ilia prefulgida gentis nostre fama Boemorum nominibus supervolans, quam quondam Celebris vulgata clamavit opinio hec puta : Gens Bohemica est universaliter mundissima ab heretica feditate, illam inquam sine nostris 4 demeritis nonnulli temerarie cum grandi famosaque infamia denigrarunt, quia ab Erro- rio 5 iuste obedienciam abtraximus, cetui 6 cardinalium ad- 1 Likewise wanting in the same. 2 Also wanting there. 3 Psalm xxxix. 2. 4 In Cod. Vind.: matris. 5 Nickname of Gregory XII. 6 Not "ceteri;" Hofler, ii. 207, where there are also other incorrect readings. APPENDIX. 3 1 1 herentes una cum serenissimo principe et domino Wen- ceslao Romanorum rege semper Augusto et Boemie rege. Sumus scismatici appellati, ubi tamen splendor luce soils clarior satis patule declaravit, quod illi, qui dicti Error ii partem foventes sub pena ignis ad certamen se obligare nitebantur, quoad hoc una cum reverendo domino Sbinkone Pragensis ecclesie archiepiscopo dampnabiliter erraverunt. Sed quid fuerit deinde dilectissimi subsecutum pro vestris rogo clemenciis, me modicum sustinete. Ecce in vindictam suam, ut eo liberius possent conceptam de nobis maliciam deducere in effectum, nonnullos fidelium partis nostre tanquam de heresi suspectos officialibus de- nunciare procurarunt, deinde ipsos in articulis examinarunt, alios incarcerarunt aliosque contra totum Juris ordinem ad abiurandum ex concepta malicia compulerunt et omni ad- hibita crudelitate nee unum errorem infectum poterant invenire, ut ipsorum protestatur proclamacio synodalis. Adhuc queso amantissimi mihi paululum vestro favete silencio et vigili percipite mente. Hiis non content! sed ad extinguendum odorem suavissime fame nostre per certos suos nuncios veritatis et iusticie inimicos bullas cum coro- natis a sede apostolica mendaciis procurarunt, que in nostram infamiam sonaverunt quamvis false, quod multo- rum corda in regno Bohemieet marchionatu Mora- vie sunt ex falso dogmate librorum magistri lohannis Wyclef pravitate heretica sauciata. Virtute cuius quidem bulle sic mendaciose et surrepticie acquisite in condempna- cionem librorum et combustionem iniustissime processerunt, inter quos hie innocens et iustus tractatulus De probacioni- bus proposicionum tanquam hereticus est condempnatus. " O mi tractatule innocens et iuste, quid queso adversi hiis tuis condempnatoribus et prelatis ceteris intulisti ? An forte ambicionem superbam in prelatis corripuisti ? Res- pondet tractatulus : Non mei hoc ojficii, sed hoc pertinet ad librum De civili dominio, qui eciam mecum est condempnatus. An forte insaciabilem voraginosamque sacerdotum avari- ciam correxisti ? Respondet tractatulus : Non ego sed Ser- mones super ewangclia per circulum anni hoc fecerunt mecum condempnati. Sed forte mi tractatule dampnabilem simoni- acam heresim dictis scripturis es persecutus ? Non fed ego, sed De simonia tractatus mecum condempnatus hoc pertractat. 312 APPENDIX. Rogo mi tractatule, si forte ewangelicam commendasti pre- latis displicibilem paupertatem ? Non in me hec continentur, respondet tractatulus, sed in Dialogo et Trialogo mecum eciani condempnatis. Timeo ergo iam mi tractatule, quod forte ignoranciam cleri, torporem et ocium condempnasti. Re- spondet tractatulus : Mi defensor in questionibus hits queso ne fatigeris. Ego ipse meum crimen profiteer, si crimen cen- sebitur aput sapientes. Nichil horum que de me suspicaris ego tango; invenibus enim innocentibus ego datus sum michi amantissiniis, in quorum faciebus rosa cum lilio pulcritudinem attestantur, ut per me discant probare proposiciones, prout meum prohemium protestatur cum incipit : luvenum rogatibus quibus afficior superatus ipsorum dulcoravi ingenia astruens et docens, qualiter univer salts tarn affirmativa quam negativa particularis qualitatis utriusque probari debeant per regulas logicales. Nullum genus proposicionis kathegorice obmisi, quin ipsius difficultates et subtilitates tetigissem, nee mee regulc scripture divine quovismodo adversantur, dum sibi subserviant omniquaque. Sed indubie in hum locum dampnaciones et combustionis innocens missus sum minus iuste. Ecce iuvenes venustissimi vobis innocentibus hie innocens et iustus trac- tatulus est condempnatus et combustus, panis vestre floride iuventutis quo nutriebamini per veritatis et vestros inimicos est consumptus. Veritas ilia turbata est, que animos vestros dedicaverat sapidissimum vobis saporans saporem, et hoc non rigida parcitate, ymo copia supereffluenti vestris mentibus convivia propinavit. Ob quod prestantissimi iuvenes vestros exercete animos cum murmure ullulanti, dolete dolenterque condolete mei cari iuvenculi : Nam mella labiis vestris delicatissima sunt sublata, que quondam gra- tissimo suscipiebatis affectu, ex quibus eciam discretissime argumentorum funiculos nectebatis. Sed queso iuvenes speciosi paulisper prestolemini, si forte hii condempnatores vestri tractatuli innocentis faciant ut amici, pro vestro com- ponant ingenio tractatulum meliorem, quod non credo. Rogo saltern m(e)i iuvenes, ut si vestris forte tumultuosis clamoribus respondeant, altis ad ipsos clamate vocibus, ut vobis causas in scripto exhibeant, quare vestrum tractatulum innocentem condempnassent. Si autem nee clamoribus nee humilibus respondeant vestris precibus, pro ipsis orate tanquam pro inimicis. Vobis autem loquor proveccioribus, APPENDIX. 3 1 3 qui alcius iuvenibus sapitis racione : Tedeat animam ves- tram vite vestre, quod umquam ad hunc diem combustionis vestra vos tempora deduxerunt diem utique calamitatis et miserie. Universi attollite animos ad maledicendum diei illi dicentes : Dies ilia vertatur in tenebras, non requirat diem ilium deus desuper, nee sit in recordacione nee lumine illustre- tur, Obscurent eum tenebre et umbra mortis, occupet eum caligo et amaritudine involvatur. Non computetur in diebiis anni nee in mensibus numeretur, quia in die ilia cecidit corona capitis nostri. Aurea nostra fama est in infamiam immutata, immo quod nimis consternata pronuncio mente, lex Dei vetus et nova saltern in scripto tamquam heresis est combusta. Quis hec amplius posset sustinere nisi is, qui a fide lesu (Christi) relegatus est, desponsatus pessimo Antichristo ? En rogo, mentes erigite vestras in die ilia flebili et amara, fide era- dicata non fides in locum fidei est plantata, quantum in ipsis erat. Quis utens racione aliter poterit profited,, quando J nostro innocenti tractatulo in heresim condemp- nato et cornbusto oppositum 2 ipsius in fidem infidelium est plantatum ? " Cui tam inique dampnacioni nisi doctus non consenciam in eternum, turn quia contraria fidei christiane, turn quia in meo scripture sacre baccalariatu resistere infidelitati me voluntarie obligavi. Sed ut stilum in condempnatores tamquam huius sceleris ductores convertam et tamquam inimicos veritatis, queso simul in unum miremini dives et pauper tantam correctorum vesanam cernentes audaciam. Nam quas subtiles subtilitates mens sana, mens persuasa non auderet falsas opinari, hii nimis stolide in brevi temporis spacio ipsas in ignis voraginem condempnarunt O mens talium correctorum delusa, inter sapientes sola insipida, cum tot et tantarum sentenciarum tremenda pene- tralia tam cito perpetua baptizasti infamia. Nam non ambigo, quin si ex amore facere voluisses, vere et neces- sario plures noctuum dierumque tetendisses vigilias, sed festinasti, quia malo operi preceps accio est communiter desponsata. Nee insuper dubito, quin favore dominorum et non Christi amore sic in tuo scelesto opere processisti. Cod. Pal. : "quin." 2 Ibid. : "opposite." 3H APPENDIX. O mens si mereris dici mens, inter mentes tu sola demens, annon prospicis, quod ex tuo opere maledicto tanta inter regnicolas generasti disturbia, que sancte et fraterne union! sunt vehementer inimica ? Annon omnium circiter adia- cencium provinciarum contra nos fauces rabidissimas exacerbasti et quod dudum perversissima gens nobis ini- mica nostris querebat ascribere cervicibus, sed adhoc quidem per se ipsam impotens per te iam sua desideria adimplevit ? Vide quid feceris per excecantem te maliciam : paucos tibi adversaries confundere volens totum regnum confudisti. O mens amara, quare contra tuum tarn fidele regnum dentem acuisti mordacem, ut sic feroci morsu morderes rabide innocentes ? Morsu enim momordisti amarissimo, morsu venenato non solum senes venerabili canicie coronatos sed eciam viros omni virentes gloria et virtute ; eciam iuvenes, qui non aliud quam semper gaudia florida mente querunt, immo et iacentes in cunis parvulos innocentes, quorum natura et arbitrium sunt captivata. non solum parentes sed ad multa tempora nascituros. " Quid autem dicam de domino reverendissimo domino Sbincone Pragensis ecclesie archiepiscopo, qui talium condempnanciuni consilia sequebatur. Forte ignorancia excusat eum. Parcatur ergo ei et oretur pro eo. O su- peramantissimi vos singuli et universi ! tanguntne vos supradicta? Vos ipsi indicate, si fortes in vobis excitant animos compassionis. Multo magis dolere debetis de inuria Deo et sue ecclesie irrogata, pro qua qui certissime legittime certaverit, sine fine premiabitur gloria et honore. Ex hiis flebilibus anxiis et tantis malis inpetu inpellor animi ad standum presto pro defensione cause Dei, fidei catholice, honoris patrie et contra condempnatores huius tractatuli innocentis. Confisus autem de adiutorio altissimi, cuius agitur causa, aggressurus hanc pugnam pro defensione veritatis non sum immemor misericordie et potencie Dei nostri. Si enim pro filiis Israhel adorantibus Deum patrum suorum contra regem Egypti Deus celi apperuit mare, ita ut hinc inde aque quasi muri solidarentur, et isti pede sicco fundum maris perambulando transierunt, in quo loco, dum innumerabilis exercitus Egypciorum ipsos sequeretur, ita aquis coopertus est, ut non remaneret unus, qui factum posteris nunciaret, et filii Israhel ubicunque ingressi sunt APPENDIX. 315 sine arcu et sagitta et absque scuto et gladio, Deus eorum pro eis pugnavit et vicit, et non fuit, qui insultaret populo isti, nisi quando recessit a culture domini Dei sui. Quocies- cunque autem preter ipsum Deum suum alterum coluerunt, dati sunt in predam et in gladium et in obprobrium, quociescunque autem penituerunt se recessise a cultura Dei sui, dedit eis Deus celi virtutem resistendi. Ideo coram altissimo pro auxilio humiliter deprecans in persona mea pro nobis omnibus, ut pro nobis ipse pugnet, effundam cum fideli ludith animam (meam) et dicam : Doming deus rex celi et terre exaudi me miserum deprecantem et de tua miseri- cordia presumentem, memento domine testamenti tut et da verbum in ore (meo) et in corde meo consilium corrobora, ut fides eeclesie (tue) in tua sanctificacione permaneat et omnes gentes agnoscant, quoniam tu es deus et alius non est preter te. Vide domine, quoniam adversarii nostri confidunt in multi- tudine sua et in curribus suis et in scut is et in sagittis pecu- niarum suarntn gloriantur et nesciunt, quia tu ipse es Deus noster, qui conteris bella ab inicio et dominus est nomen tibi. Erige brachium tuutn sicut ab inicio et allide virtutem ipsorum in virtute tua; cadat virtus eorum in iracundia (tua), qui promittunt se viola re sancta tua et ipsa violarunt et polluerunt tabernaculum nominis tui. Domine deus noster. " Scio autem, quia apud dominum humilium deprecacio exauditur, nam non obliviscitur misereri deus nee continet in ira sua misericordias suas. Confisus igitur de domini Dei mei dementi bonitate, qui nunquam despexit sperantes in se, nee unquam derelicti sunt ab eo resumptis spiritibus audacie, fortiter illis condempnatoribus resistam, qui non verebantur confundere veritatem firme sciens, quod quam- vis forte sit vinum, forcior rex, forciores illo mulieres; super omnia tamen veritas vinciL 1 " Sto igitur nunc paratus et opto, vos omnes condemp- natores tractatuli mei innocentis ad singulare excitans certamen evoco, invitans vos omnes inclamo novisque clamoribus nisi veneritis inclamare intendo, ut coram multis publice argumentorum ostendat declaracio, si vestra verax exstiterit condempnacio. Et quod clandestine in angulis cudebatis, murmure patulo iam clarescat in lumine, 1 Lib. apocr. Esdrae, lib. 3, cap. 3, 10-12. 316 APPENDIX. si quod venire neglexeritis, notabilia vestre dampnacionis perverse signacula facietis, quod npn amore iusticie sed arte callida benedictas licenciastis veritates. Mementote queso illius dicti ewangelici : Omnis male agensfugit lucem, ut non argnantur etus opera mala. Sed forte in animo cogitastis : nobis assistit tremenda magna prelatorum potes- tas nobisque inest nomen magnum et doctoralis honestas, illam omnis homo verebitur, et non est qui resistat nobis. Magis in animo pensare debuistis, quia dominus pro sua pugnans veritate est dominus fortis et potens, dominus potens in prelio, qui non subtrahit personam cuiusquam nee magnitudinem cuiusquam reveretur. Adhuc igitur rever- timini ad cor de peractis sceleribus, agite penitenciam, humiliate domino animas vestras, quia multum misericors et prestabilis est super maliciis hominum. Cui sit laus et gloria in secula seculorum Amen. Dicant Amen." On this lecture the Chron. Un. Prag. reports : " Magister Simon de Tissnow S. theologie baccalaureus proxima feria ventura hora undecima premittendo protestacionem fidelem vult defendere tractatum de probacionibus proposicionum magistri lohannis Wiclef contra condempnatores eiusdem tractatus et sustinebit : quod nulla heresis nee aliquis manifestus error in eodem continetur." According to the Chronicon aforesaid, the lecture took place on the 2Qth July, 1410. This tractate is likewise mentioned in the " Invectiva anonymi contra Husitas" (Geschichtschreiber der hits. Bew., i. 621): " Primo dum condempnacionem ac combustionem librorum Wiclef per dive memorie Sbinconem archiepis- copum Pragensem . . . iniquam et iniustam clamabant . . . e quibus unus tractatulum dicti Wiclef ... in suo actu publico defendendo . . . usus est prosopopeia . . . hiis eum allocutus est verbis. Die queso mi tractatule, ob quam condempnatus es causam ? etc. . . ." APPENDIX. 317 Prokop of Pilsen defends Wiclif's tractate De ideis (1410, July 31). Magistri Procopii dePlsna defensio tractatus De ideis magistri Wyklephl (Cod. pal. Vindob. 4002, fol. 18 23.) "Quia plurimi contra magistrum lohannem Wycleff sunt in tantum exacerbati, quod ipsum hereticum et eius libros hereticos esse dicunt quia autem ego hanc ascendi kathedram, eo quod hoc prout intimavi hoc 2 videlicet, quod tractatus De ideis magistri lohannis Wycleph nullam heresim firmiter asserit nee aliquem errorem fidem katho- licam inpugnantem, scolastice volo defendere : ne ergo ex defectu mee protestacionis in me aliquam accipiant scandali occasionem, publice protestor, quod in nullo actu meo preterito, presenti ac futuro intendebam nee intendo per- tinacitur ex animo aliquid asserere et defendere, quod est contra fidem ecclesie aut contra determinacionem unius sancte apostolice ecclesie aut contra sacram scripturam a spiritu sancto revelatam, quod sit quovis modo falsum erroneum aut hereticum. Quod si aliquid huiusmodi dixerim et defenderim aut dixero et defendero, ego habeo pro non dicto. Et rogo, ut non pertinacie sed mee ignor- ancie ascribatur. Protestor eciam, quod hie sto in kathedra prout intimavi ad defendendum scolastice contra condemp- natores librorum, quod tractatus De ideis magistri lohannis Wykleff nullam heresim firmiter asserit nee aliquem erorem fidem katholicam inpugnantem, et paratus sum informari et si de opposite doctus fuero, revocando si opus fuerit emendari. Qui igitur estis hie (presentes 3 ) publici notarii, ego vestrum require officium, ut ad meam intima- cionem, protestacionem et hanc stacionem ad defendendum et cetera, que michi opportuna fuerint, prothocolum aut 1 Title, as also in No. i, according to Cod. Univ. Prag. X. E. 24, fol. 135 b. - In Cod. : "huiusmodi." 3 Is wanting there. 3l8 APPENDIX. prothocola et demum publicum instrumentum aut instru- menta si opus fuerit conficiatis. " Ista premissa protestacione vestra omnium cognoscat caritas, quod quemadmodum si quis puteum campos deliciarum irrigantem, unde profectus plurimi politic orerentur, obscuraret aut cooperiendo quomodolibet sopire niteretur, ille merito in hoc iniusto operis onere a militibus aut ceteris officio protegendi rempublicam fungentibus eciam vi gladii corporei esset inpugnandus : sic propor- cionaliter veritates katholicas, methaphysicas, philosophicas, logicas et ceteras quaslibet ut aliquas sapiencie vivas corda hominum erumpentes, ariditatis ignoranciam dulciter ir- rigantes pro subtiliandis ingeniis et (ad 1 ) intelligendum altitudinem fidei katholice, qui certe illas nedum falsificaret verbotenus sed falsitates eas asserendas fore, realiter ab oculis hominum et mentibus funditus conaretur abstergere. Hinc digne hiis precipue, qui magistrali sunt laurea insigniti, ut veritatis tyronibus interest fortissime obviare. Cum autem heu iam (modernis) antichristinis temporibus filii quidam tenebrarum cum earundem insurgentes potestate, malum bonum et bonum malum asserentes, propter veri- tates predictas ipsis odibiles ecclesie tamen Christi multum proficuas obducti in devium, que sint inde secutura, non perpendentes, ad pauca tamen respicientes, de facili pronunciaverunt omnes libros magistri lohannis Wykleff ignis voragine esse ab oculis hominum semovendos, quod et in pluribus heu actenus perfecerunt : propter quod in meo caractere magistrali et mea que vere est modica sciencia non confidens, sed opus nepharium mea dictante racione condempnacionis ac librorum magistri lohannis Wykleff combustionis animadvertens et per hoc ad notam false infamie et defamacionis nostri christianissimi regni Boemie aspiciens me natura ad bonum patrie affectum impellente, summe autem considerans altarum et subtilium veritatum theologicalium, methaphysicalium, philosophica- lium et logicalium a multo tempore pridem oblitarum et abiectarum, per ipsum ut spero bonum Wykleff innova- tarum ymmo ut Heliam contra antichristinum dogma in 1 Likewise wanting there. The same remark applies to all the subsequent words which are enclosed in brackets. APPENDIX. 319 scriptis nobis pro magno munere traditarum et in veritate dicendo nostram Pragensem universitatem ymmo totum regnum illuminancium, illarum inquam veritatum ecclesie tarn utilium sublacionem ab hominum memoria con- siderans, in domini sperans adiutorium, quoniam eius causa agitur, animo meo proposui et decrevi contrarium scolastice defendere pro meo posse et signanter, quod liber De ideis magistri lohannis Wykleff nullam heresim firmiter asserit nee aliquem errorem fidem katholicam inpugnantem contra librorum magistri predicti condempnatores. " Unde pro mea et aliorum sciencium veritatem conso- latoria monicione assume verbum Pauli Christi apostoli 1 2 ad Romanos sic dicentis : Vince in bono malum. " Venerandi domini omnesque fratres in Christo carissimi, Paulus apostolus in tercium tractus celum, sublimatus a fonte divine sapiencie, archana Dei hauriens nobis arescen- tibus inde detulit nobis aquam sapiencie salutarem, quam Romanis propinans largissime, inimicis docens benefacere inter cetera ita ait : Noli vinci a malo, sed vince in bono malum. Sunt etenim duo rerum genera : bonum videlicet et malum, que sibi semper adversantur teste Lactancio de vero cultu dicente : Bonorum et malorwn hec est constituta natura, ut se semper oppugnent et mittuo se expel/ant, bonum siquidem veritatem rei, malum autem falsitatem ex convertibi- litate inculcat, que sepissime alterutri nobis videtur permisceri, sic quod nostri intellectus acumine, si bonum et verum out malum et falsum fuerit, sepissime nequimus discernere : et hoc nonnisi provenit ex defectuosa nostrum intellectum cecante condicione ut puta ignorancia, que obscurat aut intellectum obtenebrat, ut verum et bonum cognoscere non possit. Hec certe est condicio, quare verum et bonum, falsum et malum aliquando reputatur et e contrario. Quia igitur nuper veritates pulcherrime, ut magistri mei priores luculenter ostenderunt, temere sunt condempnate ymmo et in suis signis combuste, ut eciam per eosdem patet condempnatores dicentes : Debet bonum et verum cum malo et falso com- buri, cuius causam non est aliam assignare nisi aut eorum cecam racionem hec dictantem aut eorum maliciam veritates predictas ipsorum gestis contrarias detestantem aut tercio ut ipsi false asserunt, omnes libros in se manifestas hereses continere. Si primum est in causa, videlicet eorum racio 32O APPENDIX. nubilo ignorancie ut cecitate obtenebrata, tune non mirum, quod veritates eis incognitas condempnaverunt. Hoc enim est proprium voluntarie ignorantis, ut hoc quod ignorat detestetur, nam sic Ardea culpat aquas, quia nescit ipsa natare, Quod scit quisque colit, quod nescit spernit et odit. O si saltern virtuosi Senece consilium in (condempnacione) de quatuor virtutibus cardinalibus advertissent, forte nun- quam veritates huiusmodi condempnassent. Ait namque Seneca : Quisquis prudenciam sequi desideras, tune per racio- nem recte vivas et omnia prius preexistimes et perpenses et dignitatem rebus non ex opinione multorum sed ex eorum natura constituas. Nam scire debes, quod quedam sunt que videntur bona esse et non sunt, et que non videntur esse bona et sunt. Et paulo post subdit : Prudentis proprium est exami- nare consilia et non cito facili credulitate ad falsa prolabi. Ecce dicit Seneca : Probanda esse consilia et non cito facili credulitate esse eis acquiescendum. Non mirum ergo, si con- dempnacioni et consilio eorum statim non credimus, quam probanda esse prius. Seneca dicit et ibidem subdit : De dubiis non diffinias, sed suspensam tene sentenciam. Nil inexpertum affirmes. Et assignat racionem : Quia non omne, quod verisimile est, est statim verum et sicut sepe incredibile videtur, non continue falsum est. Crebro siquidem faciem mendacii veritas retinet, crebro siquidem mendactum specie caritatis occultatur, nam aliquociens tristem frontem alicuius et blandam adulator ostendit, sic verisimili(ter) falsitas occul- tatur et ut fallat vel surripiat, conatur. Si prudens cupis esse in futurum, prospectum intende et que possint contingi, am'mo tuo cuncta propone. Nil tibi subitum sit, sed ante te totum per- spice. Nam qui prudens est, non dicit : Non putavi, quod hoc debuit fieri, quia non dubitat sed exspectat, non suspicatur sed cavet. Cuiuscunque ergo facti causam require et cum inicia invenies, exitus cogitabis, etc. Hec Seneca. " Certe si nostri condempnatores, qui prudentes volunt reputari, hoc consilium auscultassent, non ita velociter hos libros condempnassent neque combussissent. Hoc enim, quod eis mali et falsi colorem habere videbantur, si oculo indifferenti discussissent, procul dubio apparens eis malum bonum esse iudicassent. Si denique finem facti respectu APPENDIX. 321 diligenti attendissent, utique notam licet falsam regni nostri infamiam in post longe duraturam conspexissent et ad hoc opus stultum nullatenus anhelassent, quin pocius ad lumen sapiencie et sciencie refugissent et illas veritates fore cogno- vissent. Nam sapiencia secundam prophetam 6 Ethicorum est certissima omnium scienciarum et est cognicio rerum divi- narum habens caput inter omnes alias sciencias. Ipsa nempe sapiencia seu philosophia animum sublimat et fabricat vitam, disponit acciones, regit regenda et obmittenda demonstrat. Ait Seneca primo ad Lucilium. Si igitur ignorancia eorum huius sceleris est in causa, cur in angulis murmurantes et honori bonorum ipsos hereticando detrahentes in tenebris ignorancie palpitant ut ebrii, quo vadant ignorantes et ad scolas, ubi nos informari parati assistimus, ad conferendum non veniunf, ut veritas que ut ferrum erugine obvolutum ex consertacione argumento ut liviarum aut maleorum ' a falsi- tate depurata illis et nobis pariter elucescat et ut sic squame ignorancie oculos intellectus, ne verum possit intueri, obte- nebrantes etab eorum etvestris oculis racionum mordacitate detergantur. Quod autem eorum malicia et sic consequenter ignorancia, cum omnis malus ignorans 2 Ethicorum, sit occasio huius nephandi operis, a signis et eorum fructibus sic suadetur. Ipsi namque sue cause proprie iudices fuere, indifferenti oculo non arbitrantes contra doctrinam philo- sophi primo de celo, dicit enim philosophus iudicatores secundum verbum similiter oportet esse disquisitores et arbitros pro utraque parte, sed non inimicos alterius partis. Si enim veri et iusti sunt iudices, et cum ipsi pro causa allegant, quod isti libri magistri lohannis Wykleff in se continent hereses manifestas, cur igitur a pari vel maiori libros Aristotelis, gentilis philosophi, Averois commentatoris fidei, apostate Avicenne, Origenis, magistri sentenciarum et ceterorum doctorum et philosophorum gentilium et catholi- corum (qui manifestas hereses in se continent, cur eciam libros Machomet et aliorum hereticorum), 2 nigromanticorum, geomanticorum, pyromanticorum, tyromanticorum et cete- rorum talium ab universali ecclesia studere et tenere prohi- 1 So Codex. We must doubtless read, " lividorum aut malevolorum." 2 Wanting in the Vienna MS. 21 322 APPENDIX. bitorum cur eciam libros iurium et decretal ium eciam secundum eos in multis passibus falsos et abrogates, cur denique libros ludeorum inter nos morancium, qui notorie contra nostram fidem suas Thalmuthi id est exposiciones biblie acerbissime exacuunt, cur inquam hos omnes libros predictos nee condempnant nee comburunt ? Numquid nos christiani deteriores sumus aut minoris condicionis existimus quam iudei notorii Christi crucis inimici ? Libri namque predicti liberrime absque omni impedimento legun- tur, disputantur, transsumuntur et defenduntur, immo quod plus est in scienciis dictorum librorum et apud christianos et apud iudeos auctoritate superiorum aut paparum aut principum persone insigniis magistralibus caracterisantur vel magistrantur. Istius autem magistri lohannis Wykleff, qui a plurimis ut speratur bonis hominibus et signanter in Anglia doctor ewangelicus appellatur, cuius vita et conversacio communiter a pauperibus spiritu, in Deum autem divitibus in bona et sancta memoria commendatur, licet a mundi divitibus, avaris, deliciosis, lascivis, mundi gloriosis et ypocritis erroneus ymmo et hereticus verbotenus nominatur. Non est autem ob hoc mirandum, nam sucun- dum propheciam Christi nostri domini oportet hec sic fieri. Si enim Christum l tales detracciones et condempnaciones oportebat pati, quid tune non oportet ipse Wykleff eciam pati, ymmo ex hiis bonitatis signum in eo notorie apparet, nam cuius contrarium est mal im, illud est bonum, ait philosophus primo rethorice. Pravis etenim esse odiosum et bonis amorosum est signum (efficax) bonitatis unde quidem " Opto placere bonis pravis odiosus haberi, Quis id est quibus nisi pravis nemo placere potest. Et Seneca de quatuor virtutibus : lector esto, quociens dis- plices malts et malorum de te estimaciones pravas veram tibi laudacionem ascribe. Istius inquam magistri lohannis Wykleff libri nedum legi et disputari publice sed et occulte haberi prohibentur. Quid autem hoc sit in causa, credo, quod omnibus vobis liquet, cum nonnisi veritas in libris eius conscripta nostris consuetus operibus gravis et con- 1 In Cod., "ubi idem." APPENDIX. 323 traria urgens nostras consciencias ut pilus in oculo et artus calceus in pede. Quicunque enim oculo indifferent! libros eius diligenter et intelligenter perlegerit, non aliud reperiet, quam quod tota eius intencio est nos in caritate viventes * ad primum statum ecclesie pauperem et apostolicum revo- care. Sed forte aliquis diceret, philosophus cursu nature supposito locutus est quoad naturam, non ergo errores aut hereses nobis in suis libris insinuavit. Audiat autem ille beatum Augustinum, quid dicat in 8 de civitate dei. Dicit enim Augustinus : Ideo quippe hos potissimum elegi, quoniam de uno deo, qui fecit cehtm et terram, quanta melius senserunt, tanto ceteris gloriosiores et illustriores habentur, in tantum aliis prelati iudicio posterorum, et cum Aristoteles Platonis discipulus vir excellentis ingenii et eloquio Platoni quidem impar sed multos facile superans sectam peripateticam condidisset, quod deambulans disputare consueverat plurimosque (discipulos) preclara fama excellentes* viro adhuc preceptore in suam heresim congregasset. Ecce expresse Augustinus dicit (philosophum) in se heresim habuisse et tamen in sciencia librorum eius ex pape licencia nos sumus magistrati. Quid autem et ille diceret de libris Machomet, ludeorum et aliorum prius nominatorum, qui non naturaliter aut aliquo colore errores et hereses in se continent sed plane perverse, false et heretice contra fidem christianam summas falsitates et hereses in se claudunt ? Quare igitur rogo non com- buruntur ? O utinam pre oculis dampnancium obiectum fuisset Gamaleelis consilium sic dicentis : Et nunc itaque dico vobis, discedite ab omnibus istis et sinite illos, quoniam si est ex hominibus consilium hoc aut opus, dissolvetur, si vero ex deo est, non poteritis eos dissolvere, ne forte et deo repugnare videamini, scribitur Actuum 5. Vere quidem si hec sciencia librorum condempnata est solum modo ex hominibus, per se dissolvetur, quia mala, malum autum se ipsum destruit 4. Ethicorum, si autem est ex deo, tune stulte et frustra sua condempnacione veritati dei videntur contraire. Nam etsi ad tempus veritas in plateis corruat, postremo tamen ipsa triumphatrix resurgit. Curn itaque (ut) firme teneo, non 1 In Cod., "unientes." The two words are graphically alike. * 16., "excellentissimo." 324 APPENDIX. doctus de opposite doceri tamen paratus, (quod) hac ini- quitate ipsi condempnatores et combustores Deo et sue veritait insultarunt, non minus credo ut mihi videtur quam Scarioth, qui Christum, qui est via veritas et vita, ludeis prodidit, ipsos esse ymmo pariter inculpandos. Nam in quo differunt nisi quod ille ad crucifigendum, isti vero ad comburendum veritatem tradiderunt ? Spero igitur, quod ad vindicandum dominum veritatis revelabunt celi cum luda iniquitatem eorum et terra adversus eos consurget tune manifesta erunt peccata eorum, qui (contra) dixerunt domino Deo et eius in scripto veritatibus. Recedite a nobis per ignis voraginem, nam scienciam viarum vestrarum l nolumus. Cum ergo istorum librorum condempnatores nullam causam racionabilem nee aliquem pulcrum colorem habeant hanc condempnacionem et combustionem excusan- tem, ne taciturnitate nostra eos in hoc scelesto opere confor- tare videamur aut prebere consensum, ego adherens matri mee alme Pragensi universitati, pariter secum ad hoc nephas combustionis non consencio, quin pocius contradico, et cum veritate stans que super omnia vivat, hoc malum in bono contrarietatis et non consensus presto sum convincere advertens apostoli consilium sic dicentis vince in bono ma- lum. Et tantum de isto. " Quod autem tercio nominata huius sceleris occasio, videlicet quod isti singuli libri in se continent hereses mani- festas, ipsis condempnatoribus non possit subsistere, hanc contra eos quemadmodum intimavi pono conclusionem : quod tractatus De ideis magistri lohannis Wykleff nullam firmiter asserit heresim nee aliquem errorem fidem catholi- cam inpugnantem. Hec conclusio ponitur primo : nam si conclusio non est vera, detur oppositum et ab adversario ostendatur, sed quia hoc non potest ostendi ut Deo auxiliante pateret, si adversarius aliquis esset presens, igitur conclusio vera. Patet eciam secundo : Nam iste tractatus De ideis habens tantum quinque capitula, in quolibet eorum ostendit principaliter ideam esse. Nam primo supponendo, quid nominis idee, inquirit, an idea est et consequenter ponit ideas esse et ad hoc adducendo raciones et auctori- tates dissolvit raciones ideas inprobantes et demum de- 1 In Cod : " Scientiam vestram." APPENDIX. 325 clarat modum essendi idearum. (Scd quod ista posicio racionum pro et contra idearum) 1 nullam heresim aut errorem .firmiter asserit fidem catholicam inpugnantem, hoc de se patet. Nam si universaliter, fere omnes libri doctorum et disputaciones theologice ponentes argumenta pro fide et contra hereses astruerent, quod est manifeste falsum. Quod autem ponere ideas esse non sit erroneum aut hereticum, patet per Augustinum libro 83 Questionum q. 47 sic dicentem : Idea est forma exemplaris eterna, secun- dum quam Deus est productivus creature a dextra. Patet autem ideas esse ex scriptura veteris et novi testamenti, Genesis enim primo dicitur : Dixit deus Fiat lux etc. ubi expresse Augustinus secundo super Genesim dicit : Cum ergo audimus Fiat, intelligamus, quod in verbo del erat sancti- bilitas, quam ideam esse dicit. Et Eccles. 42. cap. sic ait : Magnalia sapiencie sue decoravit, qui est ante seculum et usque in seculum et sequitur : Omnia hec vivunt et manent in seculum. Quod postillantes exponunt, quod omnia vivunt in suis racionibus intelligilibus. Hoc idem eciam patet in novo testamento lohannis primo: Quod factum est in ipso scilicet 2 per ideam, vita erat et Paulus apostolus ex visione dei archanorum ad Rom. 13. dicit. : Ex ipso, per ipsum et in ipso sunt omnia et ad Corinthos 1 5. Deus est omnia et in omnibus, id est, deus est omnes raciones ideates, id est, in om- nibus creaturis. Ad Hebreos vero 1 1. dicit : Fide intelli- gimus aptata esse secula verbo dei, ut ex invisibilibus specie seculis exemplaribus visibilia fierent. Patet eciam ideas esse per doctores et philosophos catholicos et gentiles ymmo secundum Augustinum nemo sapiens esse potest, qui ideas non intellexerit. Dicit enim 83 questionum questione 46 : Non est, verisimile esse sapientes ante Platonem istas res quas Plato ideas vocat non intellexisse, cum si quidem in eis tanta vis constituitur, quod nisi hiis intellectis sapiens esse nemo possit. Et sequitur ; Sunt autem idee principals (quedam) forme vel raciones rerum stabiles atque incommutabiles atque ipse formate non sunt et per hoc eterne et semper eodem modo se(se) habentes, secundum eas tamen formari dicitur omne, quod oritur vel intent. Item idem Augustinus Omelia 1 Ib., wanting. -In Cod. : "Specie." 326 APPENDIX. prima super lohannem et quarto de Trinitate expresse ponit ideas. Signanter eciam primo Retraccionum ita scribit : Mundum quippc intclligibilem Plato nunciipaint, ipsam racionem sempitcrnam atque incommutabilem, qua fecit deus mundum, quam qui esse negat, sequitur, ut dicat deum irracionabiliter feasse, quod fecit ant cum faceret ant antequam faceret, nescivisse quid faceret, si apud deum racio faciendi non erat. Sanctus autem Thomas de Aquino super primo Sentenciarum distinccione 36 q. 2, diffuse tractans per ra- ciones ostendit ideas esse et inter cetera allegat Augustinum in libro de Civitate dei sic dicentem : Qui negat ideas est infidelis. Patet eciam ideas esse per beatum Dionysium, Anselmum, doctorem profundum Lyncolniensem, Boetium, Platonem, Senecam et plures alios philcsophos katholicos et gentiles, quos gracia brevitatis obmitto allegare. Sequitur igitur questionem esse veram. Sed ex iam dictis contra condempnatores sic arguitur divisive : istius namque tractatus De ideis condempnatores et combustores aut negant ideas aut non negant. Si negant tune secundum sanctum Thomam, Augustinum allegantem sunt infideles. Si autem non negant, vel ergo ideas intelligunt vel non intelligunt. Si non intelligunt, tune sunt stulti, nam condempnaverunt et combusserunt scienciam huius tractatus De ideis quam non intelligunt. Patet hoc idem ut supra per Augustinum dicentem nisi ideas intelligat, sapiens esse nemo potest. Sequitur igitur, quod sint stulti et insipientes et quo- /nodo rogo non intelligentes ideas sapientes esse possunt cum sapiencia 8 Ethicorum est cognicio rerum divi- narum et altissimarum causarum, que sunt idee res exemplariter concreantes. Si vero ydeas intelligunt et cognoscunt, tune ex eorum insana condempnacione blas- phemi esse videntur, nam idee sicut et alie veritates quadruplex habent esse, unum esse reale in mente divina, alia autem tria esse ir/ signo videlicet mentali, create vocali et scripto. Et quia hii condempnatores nedum os in celum sed et bracchium suum usque in mentem dei ad ideas suas concreatores extendentes et de dei menti ab esse earum reali eripere non valentes, quid saltern in eis est, in signis vocalibus loqui et predicare verbum dei de eis prohibentes, in signis scriptis combusserunt. Vere similitudinarie, ut si quis imaginem crucifixi in contemptum christianis aut regis APPENDIX. 327 nostri in Boemorum contemptum incenderet, ille in Christum vel et (in) regem et nos blasphemare videretur : sic igitur et ipsi raciones divinas ipsorum factrices exemplares in signis ocularibus ipsas contempnendo comburentes videntur esse blasphemi, igitur etc. ymaginari nobis has res, pro- hibere autem * non possunt nisi si nos deducerent in corruptelam. O quantum scelus perpetratum vere multo dignum inproperio, ut si non ad piam monicionem, saltern ad diram correpcionem huius operarii abiecta obstinacia ad penitudinem reducatur. O deus inimicis veritatum cur ipsas dispensandas permittis ? Quomodo queso stulti de sapiencia blasphemi et infideles bene possunt de veri- tatibus katholicis arbitrari V Quomodo eciam rogo grossus et inexpertus rusticus lapidis auro permixto pensare potest preciositatem, cum magistri aurifodinarum experti per difficile ignis agentes examen vix eius pensam valent cog- noscere. Sicut ergo quid asino ad liram, cum cytharisare nesciat, eciamsi cythara comburatur, minime curat, sic quid inexperto bubulco aut experto ceco ad pensandum aurum veritatis, cum neuter eorum ipse valeat discernere ? Non his ergo cecis et inexpertis aurum datur ad examinandum sed bene videntibus et expertis. Quod si datur, quid faciunt, nisi ut porci conculcant pulcherrimas margaritas ? Sicut eciam in locis cauponum aut sutorum aurum non exami- natur, sed in focis aurifabrorum, sic non ubilibet aururn veritatis comprobatur sed in lectoribus et aulis ut fornacibus universitatum. Universitates stint enim tanquam aurifo- dine, in quibus sepius ut purum aurum veritates plane aliquando vero luto falsitatis apparenter permixte de pro- fundis mencium abissis graviter effodiuntur, ubi aurum veritatis igne argumentorum examinatur certeque septu- plum expurgature. 2 " Veniant igitur ad huius scole fornaces hii, qui aurum veritatis lutum heresis et falsitatis esse dicunt, si ita se habeat ad scolastice examinandum, cur erubescunt si bene sunt operati ? Nam ut dicit philosophus 2 Rethorice : de bono opere nullus erubescere debet. 1 In Cod., "autem" stands after "imaginari." 2 In the Cod. Prag. the order of the propositions is given incorrectly. 328 APPENDIX. " Signum autem mail operis aut eorum trepide timiditatis est eorum absentacio. Nam ad lucem exire nequeunt sed in tenebris latitant, ut eorum mala non arguantur opera. Nichilominus tamen a plurimis publice increpantur. Veniant inquam ad conferendum, ut nobis et ipsis pateant veritates. Nos autem singula probantes malum abicientes, quod bonum est teneamus et malo eorum consensum non prebentes nee eis in malo obedientes eos ut inimicos diligamus sic tamen, ut eorum errores non amemus, sed quoniam in Christo baptismate fratres nostri sint, eis compatiamur et dominum pro ipsis invocemus, si forsitan convertantur et agant peni- tenciam, ut vitam consequamur pariter sempiternam, quam nobis Christus tribuat in secula seculorum benedictus. Amen." In the Vienna MS. there follows the additional remark : "Quia anno domini 1410, decima sexta die mensis Julii, que fuit feria quarta in ilia syllaba post Arnolphus, etc., in Praga in curia archiepiscopali libri magistri lohannis Wycleff sunt combusti, ideo predicta replicacio fuit facta eodem anno die ultimo mensis Julii, que fuit feria quinta in ilia syllaba Don. Pet. Steph. Steph." Regarding the time at which the address was delivered, compare also the " Chronicon universitatis Pragensis" in Hofler, Geschichtschr., i. 22 : " Magister Procopius de Plzna feria quinta 1 stabit in cathedra ad defendendum scolastice, quod tractatus De ideis magistri lohannis Wicleff nullam heresim firmiter assent nee errorem fidem catholicam impugnantem." 4- Zdislaw of Zwierzeticz defends Wiclifs tractate, De universalibus (1410, August 6th). Domini Zdislai de Zwierctics pro libra universalium. (Cod. pal. Vindob. 4002, fol. 24.0 270). " Quia secundum dictum Senece in libro de beneficiis ingratitudo est vicium, quo homo ingratus est deo aut homini 1 That is more correct, than " hora quinta" ; it tallies better also with the data given elsewhere. Jacobus of Mies reads " feria secunda (= 28th July). Procopius of Pilsen on the jist July (thus = " feria quinta). APPENDIX. 329 de bencficiis acceptis, ne ergo istud diabolicum incurrerem vicium, quia a Deo accepi gratis omnia que habeo et a magistro lohanne Wyklef tamquam a Dei instru- mento accepi multam scienciam et presertim de universalibus realibus, que sunt cause efficaces, formales et finales individuorum universi, sine quibus non potest ipsum universum consistere, sicut necessario simpliciter est una universalissima causa in se pluribus suppositis communi- cata, quam eciam gentiles philosophi Deum vocaverunt, attribuentes ei numerum trinarium, sicut tangit philosophus i. Celi, et per consequens vocantes Deum quamvis obscure, cum non fuerint illuminati fidei lumine, trinitatem pro presenti ad honorem eiusdem trinitatis et pro gratitudine veritatis universalium, quam cognovi, ascendi cathedram adversus venerabilem in Christo dominum Sbinkonem archiepiscopum Pragensem nee non adversus eius pretensam sentenciam et combustionem stultam librorum valde utilium et adversus condempnatores et omnes ex consensu con- dempnacionis participes, paratus audire, ut ipse dominus Sbinko vel alius de condempnatoribus ostendat publice, quam manifestam heresim liber magistri lohannis Wyklef de universalibus realibus, propter quam predictum librum condempnarunt et combusserunt, cum tamen in valde so- lempni universitate Oxoniensi practizatur, legitur et tene- tur publice. Que universitas magistrorum doctorum et aliarum personarum excessit numero personarum numerum eorum, qui fuerunt in condempnacionis synodo eciam con- numeratis omnibus, qui ad huiusmodi sentenciam nullo modo consenserunt. Cum igitur prefata Oxoniensis so- lempnis universitas prefatum librum de Universalibus pro katholico legat et teneat, volui eidem universitati veritate tractus pocius quam eiusdem libri condempnatoribus con- formari. Alias enim grave ingratitudinis et demencie vicium incurrerem, cum philosophus suadet non solum de veris sed eciam de falsis inventis reddere grates. Et ipsi videant, qui ingrati de tarn nobili universalium sciencia non sunt grati, alii dissimulantes, alii non recolentes, alii defensionem non reddentes, alii velud filii Efrem conversi in artum pravum malum pro bono reddentes, impulst verbo adula- cionis vel buccella panis vel timore leporine casum folii ad ventum fugientes : Hii certe sunt immemores beneficii 33 APPENDIX. accepti, ingrati et scelesti. Quorum ingratitudinem osten- dens Seneca in libro de beneficiis ponit tres gradus dicens : Ingratus est qui dissimulat, ingracior qui non reddit, sed omnium ingratissimus, qui beneficium non recolit sed oblitus est. Et certe potest superaddi, quod super omnes illos ingra- tissimo ingracior est, qui pro beneftcio malum reddit. Unde in primo gradu sunt, qui accepta magna sciencia veritatis de Universalibus magistri lohannis Wyklef dissimulant veritatem ; in secundo gradu sunt, qui bonum sibi pro veritate quam didicerunt non retribuunt, in tercio gradu sunt, qui iam beneficii gradum non recolunt, in quarto, qui malum pro bono retribuunt, sicut sunt impugnatores et combustores, qui pro informacione et labore condempna- cionem et combustionem libris, qui non peccaverunt, tam- quam peccantibus ministrarunt. Vere tales combustores propter racionem quam assignant, deberent totum mundum comburere, nam racio combustionis eorum hec est : In libris magistri lohannis Wyklef continentur manifesta heresis et errores, igitur sunt singuli comburendi. A simili arguitur sic : 'In mundo continetur manifesta heresis et errores, igitur mundus est comburendus. Consequencia est eorum et maius est tarn verum immo verius, quam eorum, cum impossibile sit in libris magistri lohannis Wyklef contineri manifestam heresim et errores nisi in mundo ipsa heresis sit contenta. Immo si racio eorum efficaciter ad eorum velle procederet, omnes homines errantes combureret, cum in omnibus errantibus hominibus sunt hereses et errores. Cur ergo non comburunt errantes focarias, cur non combu- runt ludeos, qui manifeste negant lesum Christum dominum esse Deum et per consequens pertinaciter et sic heretice negant legem eius et dogmatizant, quod lex Christ! non est vera ? Cur non comburunt illud dictum in biblia : lesus est seductor, lesus blasphemat, lesus demonium habet, lesus non est homo a Deo, quia sabbatum non custodivit, lesus insanit, lesus prohibet tributa dari cesari ? Ecce ista sunt scripta in libro biblie et notum, quod qui ea cum ludeis pariter teneret, blasphemus esset. Numquid ergo debet biblia comburi ? Et patulum est, quod nullo modo. Unde si secunda racio eorum procederet, quam arguunt sicut in bulla asserunt, quod libri Wyklef multorum corda infecerunt, ergo sunt comburendi : tune sequitur quod omnes homines, APPENDIX. 331 qui aliorum corda immo propria infecerunt, sunt combu- rendi. Sed rogo, quis tune ex combustoribus immo ex nobis omnibus remaneret pro tempore incombustus ? Si quis est ille, mittat in me primus lapidem et hoc cum iuste fecerit, concedam sibi de facili, quod ad cornbustionem iuste con- sensit. Sed credo, quod non cito quis hoc faciet, donee de singulis suis operibus et combustione reddat supremo domino racionem. Et si volunt domino debitam racionem reddere, primo colant sive cribrent suam conscienciam, an hoc fece- rint in affectu caritatis intimo vel magis ex affectu odii in confusionem subdolam personarum. Cribrent secundo pro- priam intelligenciam et videant, cur antiquorum patrum sentencias condempnarunt. Non enim moderni sed antiqui sancti et gentiles philosophi universalia realia posuerunt. Ut taceam de gentilibus, proferam in memoriam Augustinum, Damascenum, Hilarium, Orosium, quos sequens venerabilis Anselmus ait, quod non estimantes universales substancias preter flatum vocis non sunt dialectici sed dialectice hereteci. Horum enim sentencias magister Johannes Wyklef in libro de Universalibus in memoriam reduxit, que fuerunt per signorum et vocum doctores ad aliquod tempus in aliquibus logicis Jam sopite ut in combustoribus, quorum aliqui usque hodie nescirent dicere, quid est universale reale : genus, sensus vel differencia et in Biridamistis et in Ockamistis, qui vocaliter negant universalia realia. Que non possunt comburere, quamvis sua scripta universalia combusserunt. Sed rogo, queratur ab eis, que utilitas inde effloruit ? Quis parvulus in ilia combustione lactabitur ? Quis adultus uberius cibabitur ? Quis perfectus affluencius delectabitur ? Surgant didascalici quadruviales, cum logicis hauriant pro- fectum in combustione, que veritates logicas, philosophicas, naturales et morales in scripto voragine consumpsit. Sur- gant arithmetici, musici, mathematici et astronomici et hauriant, quod in magistri lohannis Wyklef libro de Ypocritis est consumptum. Surgant mathematici et sub- tiles theologi et revocent, quod in libro deAttributis de facili exusserunt. Sed nee forte conturbari debent, quia combustores meliores et subtiliores eis component. Nam dicunt, quod in illis libris et logica et philosophia fuit per- versa et sic intendunt convertere omnino falsum elidere et tantum verum posteris propinare. Veniant ergo : convertant 33- APPENDIX. falsum et verum, repudient falsum, demonstrent verum, sequantur veritatem, quam ego desideroet sto ad cathedram volens earn defendere, ne sim percussor sentencie antiquo- rum, sicut enim fecit Theorinus philosophus catholicus, presul vir rectitudine famosissimus, quern impellebant orien- tales episcopi, ut ad condempnacionem licet non ad com- bustionem librorum Origenis consentiret. Qui eciam re- spondit omnibus : Ems qui dudum bene requiescit, iniurias nonfero, ne rein blasphemam temptare presumam dampnans ea t quepriores nostri respuere noluerunt. Et beatus leronymus de ipso Origene, cuius libros libentissime legebat, dicit se multam accepisse scienciam de libris eius non condempnans simul omnia propter aliqua erronea. Unde dicit in laudem Origenis sic : Ego Origenem propter erudicionem sic interdum legendum arbitror, quomodo Tertiillianum et Novatum, Arno- bium et Apollinarem et nonnullos ecdesiasticos scriptores Grecos pariter et Latinos, ut eorum bona eligamus vttemusque con- traria iuxta apostolum dicentem : Omnia probate, que bona sunt retinete. Hec ad Tranquillium. Item dicit in laudem Origenis sic : Imitabor Originem, quern post apostolos eccle- siarum magistrum nemo nisi imperitus negat. Inter cetera enim preclara sui monimenta in hoc laboravit, ut quod Philo quasi iudeus obmiserat, hie ut christianits impleret, Hec beatus leronymus. " Quo pacto ergo nostri nunc condempnatores et com- bustores istos tam preclaros ecclesie philosophos non sunt in facto simili ut asserunt imitati ? Et tantum primo : " Cur autem tam concite festinarunt libros comburere, videtur ignorancia precipitans et invidia ignis fomentum conferens ad combustionem ipsos tam subitam impulisse. Diu siquidem quosdam ingratos temerarios agitabat invidia, quos complexe significalibus et conceptibus chimereis fan- tasia graviter occuparat, unde ut audivi, quamvis nondum presens fui, sepe replicacionibus deductis p^r magistros multorum iuvenum immo et magistro- rum acuebantur ingenia, sed ex prevalencia sen- tencie universalium realium invidia succresce- bat, unde coadunata iam effulsit aliqualiter, sed nondum per omnia habet finem. Cum autem veritas sit fortissima vincens super omnia, manifestum est, quod invidiam finaliter APPENDIX. 333 superabit. Est autem veritas duplex, scilicet increata et creata. Increata que est prima veritas . . . l ..." Sed quidquid dicit spiritus sanctus, est infallibilis veritas, cum spiritus sanctus sit Deus, qui mentiri non potest, ergo maius verum. Ex isto ulterius sequitur, quod nulli puro homini nee alicui multitudini est credendum irrefragabiliter, nisi ille homo vel ilia multitude docuerit vel suum dictum fundaverit in hac triplici veritate primo in veritate sacre scripture, secundo in veritate racione elabo- rata vel tercio in veritate experimentaliter cognita. " Ex quo ulterius sequitur, quod condempnatoribus trac- tatus de Universalibus magistri lohannis Wyklef non est credendum, quod dictus tractatus manifestam contineat heresim, nisi ostenderint sacra scriptura vel racione vel veritate experimentaliter cognita, ubi et que sit in dicto tractatu ilia heresis manifesta. Quod si sint veritatis amici et amici mei sinceriores, 2 non abscondant veritatem sub modio, sed ponant in candelabrum cathedre, ut qui ingre- diuntur, lumen veritatis valeant intueri. Meminerint dicti allegati : Quia si amicus et veritas dissenciant, sanctum est prehonorare veritatem Si ergo sanctum est prehonorare veritatem, malignum est prehonorare falsitatem. Veritas enim si ab aliquo non defenditur, opprimitur, maxime dum cognita veritas propter timorem servilem mundanum vel humanum residet non defensa. " Cum autem noticia universalium realium est scala, per quam ascenditur in noticiam benedicte ac increate trinitatis, prout deducit magnus logicus s. Anshelmus dicens : Qui non potest concipere, quotnodo tres homines participacione sunt units homo, quomodo in ilia secretissima et altissima re cognosce!, quomodo tres persone sunt units Deus ? Et qui non scit cog- noscere, quomodo commune est omni homini esse homo, quomodo cognoscet, quomodo commune est omni persone divine esse Deum ? "Scit namque realis et verus logicus christianus, quod unus Deus tribus communicatur personis, cum tres persone 1 This thought is further carried out. It occurs, however, farther on, so that in its expansion it may be left out at this place. In Cod. : "sinceres." 33 6 APPENDIX. sunt unus Deus, una communis essencia, una deltas, quo- modo a posteriori licet non per omnia similiter tres homines sunt unus homo communis, ut dicit Por(phiri)us : una essencia, una species humana producta in essencia, in qua participant singuli homines, cum sint partes subiective eiusdem essencie, qne est species humana. 1 " Hanc autem scalam cognicionis tradidit magister lohan- nes Wyklef in suo libro de Universalibus volens Christi fideles per sanctorum dicta et presertim per sacre scripture exempla manuducere in cognicionem altissimarum causarum et sacratissime trinitatis. " Ilium ergo librum in suis veritatibus nuper condempna- tum et combustum in suis literis volo defendere et sto ad defendendum more scolastico evocans ad ostensionem mani- feste heresis, si qua continetur, ipsos condempnatores omnes simul et quemlibet singulariter, ut veniant vel veniat ad memoriam et ostendant vel ostendat publice heresim in prefato libro manifestam, quod si non fecerint, vel nullus eorum fecerit, manifeste patebit, quod sine causa racionabili sed pretense et iniuste dictum librum de Universalibus condempnarunt et combusserunt contra Deum et iusticiam in confusionem nostre universitatis et tocius regni Boemie detrimentum. 2 1 The Chronicon Univ. Prag. observes regarding this lecture : " Zdislaus de Wartenberk, alias de 'Zwierzeticz, Magister artium liberalium studii universitatis Pragensis proxima feria quarta ad octo dies (6 Aug.) hora undecima stabit in cathedra paratus ad defendendum librum magistri lohannis Wiclef in materia de Universalibus contra venerabi- lem dominum Sbynconem archiepiscopum Pragensem et eius sententiam impugnantes." The last lecture, delivered by Giczin, is singularly enough not mentioned by the University Chronicle. See Docum, 400. 2 There now follows in the MS. : " Tres sunt qui testimonium dant," i.e., the defence of Hus made on behalf of Wiclifs book De Trinitate. The last mentioned is, for the rest, not specified in the Vienna Palace MS. 4002. There the tractate of Hus is comprehended in one with that of Zdislaw. APPENDIX. 335 Selection from the defence made by John of Giczin. Gycsin pro tractatu materie et forme. (Cod. pal. Vind. 4002, fol. 33 38.) "... Cum dicitur in sentencia contra libros magistri lohannis Wycleff prolata et contra eius libros habentes . . . communicate nobis magistrorum in theologia . . . quia omnes et singulos et quemlibet singulariter qui habue- rint vel habuerit libros vel librum magistri lohannis Wyc- leff vel qui sciverint vel sciverit et infra sex dies non reposuerint vel reposuerit, excommunicat et sic regem et alios principes, barones et milites excommunicat prefata sentencia. Immo cum multi de condempnatoribus adhuc aliquos habent tractatulos . . . simulatam sanctitatem dis- cuciens, confutans ad auxilium omnipotentis domini me convertam . . . " Attende domine et considera . . . libros magistri lohannis Wycleff tarn subito combusserunt, da eis retribu- cionem debitam et in adiutorium meum intende primo, ut eorum mandato non obediam, sec undo, ut eorum excom- municacionem quoad dampnacionem perpetuam non timeam, tercio ut combustionem nocivam debite reprehendam et quarto, ut constanter defendam in libro de Materia et forma magistri lohannis Wycleff agnitam veritatem . . .* " Ecce hiis sanctorum testimoniis fundatis in lege Christi convincuntur temerarii iudices it condempnatores, qui se de Dei iudicio occulto blaspheme intromittunt dicentes, quod magister lohannes Wycleff est dampnatus in inferno. Uti- nam istum clamorem audientes primo ad infernum descen- derent, si ita in opere est completum et tune nobis annun- ciarent. "Quidam tamen consensor condempnacionis et clamoris illius particeps (lohannes Peclo) 2 asserit se sic ascen- disse et fuisse in inferno et vidisse ipsum Wicleff, sed 1 With this the table of contents is exhausted. There follows the usual formula of protestation. * Written on the margin by the same hand, in red ink. On Johannes Peklo, see Doc. 178. 336 APPENDIX. quia caret testibus, ideo pro tarn temerario mendacio sibi minus in aliis est credendum. " Probent ilia duo condempnatores et combustores scilicet, quod WyclefF eternaliter est dampnatus, secundo quod tractatus suus de Materia et forma contineat manifestam heresim, et dum hec duo probaverint, tune eorum condemp- nacionem et combustionem pariter approbabo. Sed credo, quod prius singuli una mecum stabunt ad discretum singu- lare iudicium racionem de suis reddentes operibus, quam dampnacionem magistri lohannis Wycleff et combustionem, quod fuit licita, comprobabunt. VII. THE APPEAL OF Hus TO THE POPE. [Page 115.] "Appellacio loannis Hus ab archiepiscopo ad papam. Hist, et monum. lo. Hus, i., fol. 91 b. Doc. mag. loh. Hus, 387 396. " Demum siquidem nobilis et famosus vir dominus loan- nes Mulheym . . . ac eciam discretus vir Crux institor, civis Pragensis olim divina inspiracione provide conside- rantes, quod licet in civitate Pragensi multa loca existe- rent ecclesiastica pro usu divini cultus ordinata, ilia tamen per plures alios actus sacros adeo occupantur, quod nullus locorum eorundem pri- vilegiatus ad predicacionis verbi Dei ministerium ibidem specialiter esset deputatus, sed predicantes in vulgari Boemico, quod ibi naturale existit, plerumque per domos et latebras cogerentur diva- gari . . . "Donatio loannis de Miilheim." MM. Hist. un. Prag., torn. ii., p. 300. " Igitur ego loannes de Miilheim . "... provida considera- tione pensans . . . quomodo in civitate Pragensi, licet multa sint loca ad divinos cultus ordinata, nichilominus tamen eadem per plurimos sacros actus occupantur plu- ries, quod nullus locus ad privilegiatum verbi Dei offi- cium sit ibidem specialiter deputatus sed predicantes ipsi specialiter vulgaris Boemici eloquii plerumque per domos et latebras coguntur, quod non congruit, divagari . . . APPENDIX. 337 "... prefatus civis quan- "... capellam novam in dam aream sive certum locum honore sanctum Innocentum ad hoc congruum et honestum in area providi viri Crucis prope parrochialem ecclesiam civis, . . . quam idem donavit sanctorum Philippi et lacobi . . . sita . . . iuxta ecclesiam apostolorum Pragensium et sanctorum Philippi et Jacobi infra eius parrochiam consis- apostolorum in dicta civitate tentes, quem idem civis legi- Pragensi, quam Bethlehem time acquisivit, et quem Beth- . . . censui appellandam ..." lehem nuncupari censuit, pro usu predicacionis verbi Dei huiusmodi pia largicione do- navit ipsique miles et civis quandam capellam in hono- rem et sub nomin.e sanctorum Innocentum . . . Hus, in his appeal, points to' the confirmatory document of KingWenzel of 2nd September, 1391 (M.M. ii., 314), the document of the Archbishop of Prague, John (of Jenzen- stein) of 27th June, 1391 (M.M. ii., 308), and the above quoted deed of gift on the part of John of Muhlheim. VIII. ANSWER OF BENESCH, PREACHER AT THE CHURCH IN PRAGUE, TO A (LOST) LETTER OF Hus : THAT THE LATTER AS AN ADHERENT OF WICLIF HAS COME UNDER THE ECCLESIASTICAL PUNISHMENT. (Or THE PERIOD, 1411 1413.) Epistola Benessii. (E cod. pal Vindob. 4941, fol. 2386 239 a.) "Sequitur epistola pulchra a vero katholico domino B e n e s- sio ' predicatore in ecclesie Pragensi directa ipsi heresiarche Hus. "Gloriosus deus pius lesus det tihi non plus quam oportet sapere et augmentum orthodoxe fidei et in futuro gloriam sempiternam. Cupiens tibi exprobranti mihi re- 1 It is the same Benesch who also plays a part among the accusers of Hus. Doc. mag. Hus, 179. 22 APPENDIX. spondere verbum, miror vehemencius, cur me fratrem tuum appellas, cum me scias filiuni esse sancte matris ecclesie, cuius tu non vis esse filius. Ymmo tantam matrem tahto- rum filiorum letantem tu conturbas et quantum in te est, rursum eius scindis viscera et dolores eius renoyas, quos in adolescencia sua et in principio fidei habuit. Quorum iam dolorum oblita fuit cum ilia muliere ewangelica, post- quam multos filios parturiverat. De te igitur et de tibi similibus dicit Salomon in prov. 9 : Stultus filius est mesti- cia matris sue. Videbis igitur, in quern transfixisti. Ad hoc vero, quod obicis mihi temerarium iudicium, sicut est vobis omnibus communissimum et consuetissimum catho- licos exprobrare de temerario iudicio ducentes auctoritates : Nolite iudicare, ad hoc respondeo, quod non iudico sed iudicata sequor. Numquid iudico quemquarn, cum dico, quod omnes iudei, gentiles et heretici et qui scripserunt heresim et non retractaverunt sicut Wikleph et mortui sunt, sunt de dampnandis ? Nonne hec dicens sequor iudi- cium salvatoris dulcis lesu dicentis : Qui non credit, iam iudicatus est. Ecce Augustinus est, qui scribens ad Petrum de fide sic dicit : Firmissime tene que ducit ad mortem? Hec Augustinus. Ex predictis patet, quod nos catholici neminem iudicamus, sed sequimur iudicata. Sed tu es, qui omnes vivos et mortuos doctores iudicas et a nemine vis iudicari, omnes doces et a nemine vis doceri, novas vias in fide catholica inveniens et veteres ac decreta sanctorum patrum contempnis faciens contra dictum Salomonis d. proverb. 22 : Ne transgrediaris terminos antiques, quos posuerunt patres tui. " Ad hoc vero, quod dicis et supponis, quod ego sciam te esse in sentenciis, propter hoc, quod tu correxisti crimina cleri dissoluti, sicut tu asseris, ad hoc respondeo, quod erras et falsum supponis, quia ego te scio innodatum esse sentenciis papalibus propter hoc, quod es sator et sectator secte Wiclefonis heretici condempnati et hec est assercio et vox omnium katholicorum virorum et mulierum, clericorum et laicorum, sed tu dando excusa- ciones in peccatis 2 dicis te propter satiricas predicaciones The long passage is here only indicated by its first and its last words. - Probably "impertinentes." APPENDIX. 339 contra clerum esse sentenciis innodatum. Sed in hoc veri- tatem non dicis cum falsis Susanne testibus, sed nee mirum, quia propriissimum est mentiri Wiklefistis. " Ad ultimum vero pujictum respondeo, licet responsio- nem non mereatur dicens, quod probabilius propter unum scismaticum interdictum ponitur quam propter mille demo- nia. Et racio est, quod unus h'ereticus sive scismaticus plus potest nocere ecclesie sancte dei, quam demonia infi- nita, quia secundum Haymonem plures sunt diaboli fideles impugnantes quam atomi radio in solari, et tamen propter eos non cessatur a divinis, sed propter hereticos et scisma- ticos. Redi igitur perverse seductor animarum ad cor et age penitenciam de tanta superbia et malicia, que maior est, quam fuit Luciperi in celi patria, et consequeris in present! graciam et in future gloriam sempiternam." IX. LETTER OF THE M. STANISLAS OF ZNAIM, TO KATHARINE OF KRAVAR, AGAINST WICLIFISM. [To p. 160.] "Transsumptum epistole, quam magister Stanis- laus de Znoyma sacre theologie professor transmisit nobili mulieri domine N. relicte quondam domini Petri de Plumpnaw, 1 et in eadem continenter ea, que sunt contra Hussitas pessimos hereticos despera- tes, maledictos et eternaliter dampnatos. 2 " Oracionibus et serviciis utinam valentibus aliquid in domino cordialiter premissis. Nobilis et generosa domina. Primum et precipue commendare debeo dominacioni vestre fidem catholicam, id est communem, que est com- munis fides communitatis christianorum semper et ubique 1 Peter of Kravar, dictus de Plnmnow, head chamberlain of the Olmiitz Cuda (see Landtafel von Mahren, Olmiitzer Cuda, lib. 7, p. 260), died in 1411. Peter's wife was called Katharina, of Meissau ; vid. Beck, Gesch. der Stadt Neutit- schein. 2 Manifestly titular superscription of later date. 34 APPENDIX. tenta per totam sanctam dei ecclesiam ubique terrarum, quam fidem beatus Augustinus commendat ita dicens : Nulle sunt maiores divide, nulli thesauri. . . . "Secundo gracie vestre notificare debeo, quod si homo omnes partes et omnes articulos et omnia puncta fidei et veritatis catholice teneret et crederet, propter hoc, quod unicum punctum erroneum et hereticum teneret et crederet firmiter, non volens ab illo recedere, tune sua credulitas totalis non esset fidelis catholica et Christiana, sed infidelis erronea et diabolica, privans honorem precioso thesauro scilicet fide catholica, quam superius beatus Augustinus ita commendat. Sicut si homo diceret mille vera fidelia et catholica et admisceret unum falsum erroneum et hereti- cum, totale suum dictum per illud venenum immixtum esset corruptum falsum erroneum et hereticum. "Tercio magnificencie vestre debeo manifestare, quod quicunque vult securus esse in tenendo et possidendo ilium preciosum thesaurum in terris scilicet fidem catholicam, ille teneat et credat hoc totum, quod et credit tenet dicit et docet teneri sancta Romana ecclesia, que est domina et mater omnium ecclesiarum, ubi supremus iudex in causa fidei est papa et summi assessores sunt totum collegium cardinalium et nequaquam teneat et credat aliud circa ma- teriam fidei et veritatis catholice quam illud, quod sancta ecclesia Romana credit et tenet, dicit et docet credere. Quia quidquid ilia circa materiam fidei et veritatem chris- tianam credit et tenet, dicit et docet, hoc tota communitas christianorum semper et ubique tenet et credit et non aliud vel contrarium. Et quicunque in aliquo puncto circa fidem aut veritatem christianam separaret se ab ilia ecclesia Romana a communitate christianorum in tenendo et cre- dendo aliud, quam ilia ecclesia Romana credit et tenet et ilia communitas, ille esset superbus hereticus, quia vellet, quod sua fides in credendo esset verior nedum et melior quam ecclesie Romane et communitatis christianorum. Sed eciam, quod sua fides esset vera et fidelis et e contrario fides ecclesie Romane esset falsa et infidelis. Et quis fidelis christianus videret talem stulticiam et superbiam de se putare ? Quarto quod secundum fidem catholicam credendum est et tenendum, quod ex plena ordinacione spiritus sancti APPENDIX. 341 triplex est ecclesiasticus pastor simplicium ovium Christi in terra. Supremus sicut papa, medius sicut archiepiscopus et episcopus, proprius et infimus sicut rector parrochialis ecclesie, quem communiter dicimus plebanum. Sicut ergo in regno seculari rex in iudicio ex officio suo plus potest ligare et solvere in causis secularibus quam baro regni et baro plus quam miles simplex vel simplex cliens, sic in regno ecclesie spirituali papa sicut summus officialis et iudex eiusdem regni Christi super terram habet totum et plenum .posse in omnibus solvendi et ligandi et multo plus quam proprius et inferior episcopus et iterum ille plus quam simplex plebanus seu infimus pastor ovium Christi, etc. Infirm autem simplices sacerdotes extra extremam necessi.tatem non habent iudicare ligare et solvere et oves commissas illis triplicibus pastoribus preter consensum alicuius illorum trium pastorum. Si enim, quilibet simplex sacerdos, quocunque veniret, haberet iusto iure ligare et solvere in quibuscunque casibus sicut papa episcopus et proprius plebanus, tune esset inordinatissimum et valde confusum regnum Christi ecclesiasticum in terris. Sic si quilibet simplex cliens in regno Boemie haberet iusto iure iudicare ligare et solvere in quibuscunque causis seculari- bus, esset regnum nimis confusum et inordinatum ; ergo nimis contra ordinacionem Christi et suam ecclesiam ordi- natam errant, qui credunt et dicunt, quod quilibet simplex sacerdos tante est potestatis et auctoritatis ad ligandum et solvendum iudicandum et per iudicium puniendum vel penas dimittendum sicut episcopus et papa. Item quia papa habet a Christo potestatem, ut quodcunque solverit vel ligaverit super terram, erit solutum vel ligatum et in celis et quorumcunque remiserit peccata, remittuntur eis, sicut notum est ex ewangeliis sancti Mathei et sancti lohannis, ideo secundum fidem credi debet, quod papa hominibus vere penitentibus confessis et contritis plenam remissionem peccatorum a pena et a culpa dare potest, sicut si impiissimus iudeus vel paganus cum infinitis nobis turpissimis peccatis mortalibus veniret ad baptismum et non poneret obstaculum baptism! gracie, baptismus sibi deleret omnem penam et culpam illorum peccatorum. Nee debent inferiores papam supremum iudicem in terris diiudi- care, quando illam graciam remissionis offert et exhibet 34 2 APPENDIX. inferioribus, quod ex avaricia vel alia mala causa faciat. Sed per penitenciam confessionem et contricionem humiliter querere petere et pulsare debent, quod gracia talis eis eveniat. Et dato, quod illam non consequerentur, nichil in hoc perdunt, sed magnum lucrum spirituale in tali humi- litate previa confessione contricione peticione et pulsacione pro tali gracia consecuntur, etsi dat subsidium et auxilium eciam cum dampno suo pro supremo patri suo spirituali scilicet papa et pro matre sancta Roinana ecclesia. Quando hoc bona et pia intencione faciunt, nichil nocet sed multum prodest, eciamsi papa mala intencione quereret pecunias et divicias hominum simplicium. " Item de quibusdam 45 articulis nichil teneatis, quia in veritate sunt heretici erronei et scandalosi, ita quod eorum nullus est catholicus, sed quilibet est aut hereticus aut erroneus aut scandalosus. "Item de libris Wikleff sicut de dialogo vel aliis non curetis, quia ibi sunt dogmata contra veritatem christianam catholicam. Sed credatis et teneatis de sacramentis ecclesie, de ordine, de clavibus, de ritibus ceremoniis, de decimis sacrificiis et oblacionibus, sicut creditum et tentum fuit et est per ecclesiam Romanam et per communitatem chris- tianorum publice et expresse priusquam nati sumus. " Nee hec scribo, ut aliud dignitatem vestram estimem credere aut tenere sed veluti parvulus et ignotus capellanus dominacionis vestre commoneam, ut isto modo secura et tuta teneatis firmissime preciosum et nobilissimum in terris thesaurum fidei catholice supradicte, dum totum illud et non aliud creditis et tenetis circa materiam fidei catholicam et ecclesiam, quam quod per ecclesiam christianam et commu- nitatem Romanam fuit et est publice tentum et creditum. Et quando homo se conformat sic in credendo et tenendo cum Romana ecclesia et communitate christianorum in om- nibus terris christianis, tune impossibile est eum in hoc errare. Alias Romana ecclesia et communitas christianorum in credendo esset erronea. Absit, quod fidelis christianus posset hoc cogitare de matre sua Romana ecclesia aut de matre sua communitate omnium christianorum, etc. (E. cod. stud. bib/. Olomuc. 2, II. 21.) APPENDIX. 343 X. REVOCATION OF SLANDEROUS REPORTS AGAINST THE WlCLIFITES BY PETER OF ST. CLEMENT, ON THE IJTH MARCH, 1417, IN THE COLLEGIUM CAROLINUM AT PRAGUE. Revocacio' recognicio et protestacio fratris Petri sacre theologie professoris, predicatoris monas- terii Clementis facta Prage anno domini ^17 sabbato ante dominica Oculi (March 13) in collegio Karoli coram tota universitate studii Pragensis et in presencia scabinorum et consulum ac communitatum omnium civitatum Pragensium. 2 (E cod. univ. Prag. III. G. 16, fol. 73.) (Printed in M. M. J. Hus. 1558). " Coram vobis venerabilibus viris et dominis rectore magistris doctoribus licenciatis baccalariis et studentibus universitatis studii Pragensis et omnibus aliis Christi fidelibus hie presentibus ego frater Petrus de Unyczow ordinis Predicatorum . . . profiteer libera et spontanea voluntate publice et expresse, quod ego male informatus ymmo verius seductus contra legem Dei et sanctorum canonum instituta asserui docui et predicavi in regno Boemie et extra regnum in diversis partibus et presertim in civitate Pragensi, quod tarn sacerdotes dantes quam plebei utriusque sexus ab eisdem recipientes venerabile sacramentum corporis et sanguinis domini sub utraque specie panis et vini errarent et errorem committerent et tenerent et si hoc pertinaciter defenderent, essent tamquam heretici puniendi. Que omnia et singula sic per me temerarie stulte et infundabiliter docta asserta et predicata 1 Above in red letters : " Facta est in collegio magno assis- tentemagnamultitudine populi secularium et spiritualium tota universitate Pragensi, magistris civium et iuratis civitatum Pragensium et consilio regis Wenceslai in pavimentis stan- cium et vulgo in curia." 2 Over that (in Czech) : "Be sensible, little monk ; do not run out into the world to lie about the Czechs." 344 APPENDIX. coram vestris venerabilitatibus hie et ex nunc prout ex tune et ex tune prout ex nunc publice corde et ore revoco et reclame asserens nichilominus et profitens corde et ore libere et sponte cum venerabilibus magistris doctoribus baccalariis et studentibus ac communitate huius regni Boemie et presertim huius Pragensis civitatis, quod tarn dare quam recipere venerabile sacramentum corporis et sanguinis domini nostri Jesu Christi sub utraque specie panis et vini utriusque sexus hominibus ut prefertur est lex ewangelica, instruccio Christi, doctrina apostolorum et praxis ab observancia ecclesie primitive et concors sanctorum doc- torum sentencia et presertim patens et notoria recognicio et professio Constanciensis concilii huic regno Boemie et preci- pue Luthomislensiepiscopo ipsorum legato sub ipsorum bulla patenti transmissa et publicata. Item profiteer publice et expresse libera et spontanea voluntate, quod ego contra legem Dei et dileccionem proximi ex errore in civitate Bononiensi, in civitate Constanciensi et in regno Boemie et aliis terris presertim in civitate Pragensi aperui docui predicavi et publicavi in sermonibus meis licet false et erronee, quod in regno Boemie et signanter in civitate Pragensi pullularunt et succreverunt multi errores et hereses et infecerunt et seduxerunt infinitam multitudinem utriusque sexus, et hoc totum provenit et surrexit ex incauta et erronea predicacione olim pie memorie magistri lohannis Hus et sibi favencium et adherencium magis- trorum doctorum baccalariorum studencium et predicatorum, qui in suis erroribus sequuntur et habent libros quondam magistri Johannes Wicleff Anglici. Et precipue magis- trum lohannem Hus denunciavi et accusavi in Bononia coram superioribus meis doctoribus magistris et fratribus in monasterio et conventu ad sanctum Dominicum asserens et affirmans stulte et false, quod ipse magister Johannes Hus et sui fautores ac adherentes in capella Bethleem Prage docuerunt asseruerunt et predicarunt multos errores et hereses et infecerunt et maculaverunt ipsum regnum et civitatem Pragensem et retraxerunt ab obediencia sancte Romane et apostolice ecclesie in sempiternam ipsius regni maculam confusionem atque notam. Ipsumque magistrum lohannem Hus procurassem citari personaliter ad curiam Romanam, si superiores mei mihi ad ipsum non inhibuissent. APPENDIX. 345 " Item profiteor publice et expresse modo et forma quibus supra, quod ego asserui predicavi et publicavi false et errorice in sermonibus meis in plerisque locis, quod magister lohannes Hus et sibi adherentes magistri et predicate res moderni ac ceteri vulgares sunt seductores et deceptores populi istius regni et precipue civitatis Pragensis, quodque sunt rami putridi, separati et precisi a sancta Dei ecclesia et communione fidelium et quod tales erronei et seductores de novo colore sic cognoscuntur et cognosi debent, quod habent acutos nasos et palidas facies et sunt clamorosi et ebriosi, currentes ad communionem corporis et sanguinis domini sine omni reverencia et rubore. Sunt enim homines dyabolici, percuciunt homines, longos cultellos portant et occidunt homines sine omni timore. Ideo caveatis vobis cum magna diligencia et studio a talibus predicatoribus et seductoribus, qui ipsi sunt periculosissimi heretici eo, quod sciant suas hereses scripturis false intellects et glos- satis tueri et defensare, quod priores heretici olim hie et in vicinatu combusti nescierunt. " Quare venerabiles domini magistri doctores etc. pre- missa omnia et singula sicut iam audistis erronea falsa stulta et scandalosa per me stulte temerarie et erronee asserta, docmatisata predicata et publicata ad dissensiones scismata lites guerras et scandala inter Christi fideles huius regni et civitatis Pragensis generanda, suscitanda ac exteras naciones contra ipsum regnum commovendas et incitandas hie coram vestris venerabilitatibus ex nunc prout ex tune et ex tune prout ex nunc publice corde et ore revoco et reclame asserens et affirmans nichilominus et profiterts corde et ore libere ac sponte omnes et singulos utriusque sexus homines, cuiuscunque status dignitatis condicionis gradus religionis vel preeminencie extiterint, christianissimi regni Boemi et presertim venerandos magistros doctores baccalarios et studentes ac predicatores et communitates famosissime et nobilissime civitatis et alme universitatis studii Pragensis fuisse et extitisse, fore et esse bone semper et probate vite ac laudabilis fame ac integri status, sanam et approbatam doctrinam fidei catholice et ewangelice veritatis verbo et opere ac scriptis salubriter predicantes et docentes, errores et hereses ac omnem perversam doctrinam constanter detestando ac sancte Romane et apostolice ecclesie in 34-6 APPENDIX. omnibus licitis et honestis semper obedientes, ita quod omni tempore, quo in ipso regno Boemie in civitate Pragensi et universitate studii eiusdem conversatus sum et moram traxi, nunquam veridice audivi vel intellexi aliquem viventem hominem tarn spiritualem, quam secularem et presertim honorabiles magistrum lohannem Hus et magistrum leronymum de Praga docuisse tenuise legisse predicasse vel asseruisse hereses perversam doctrinam vel quemcunque errorem sed legem Dei ewangelicam et apostolicam ac sanctorum doctorum doc- trinam misericordiam et veritatem, caritatem iusticiam atque pacem. " Idcirco rogo humiliter omnipotentem Deum et dominum nostrum lesum Christum, ut propter suam magnam miseri- cordiam parcat et indulgeat michi omnia premissa peccata iniquitas et delicta supplicoque instantissime serenissimo principi et domino domino Wenceslao Romanorum regi semper Augusto et Boemie regi * . . . , ut omnes et singuli dent et tribuant mihi filio et alumpno ipsorum prodigo veniam et graciam et ad sinum suum et gremium me re- cipiant graciosius et assumant. Peto quoque cum omni paciencia et humilitate vos venerabilem dominum vicerec- torem caput et dominum huius alme universitatis, quatenus graciose et paterne pro predictis stultis temerariis erroneis et scandalosis dogmatisacionibus assercionibus et predica- cionibus iniquitatibus et sceleribus mihi penitenciam iniungatis salutarem. Quam cum gaudio volo recipere et subire in futurum bona fide, et omni studio Deo adiu- vante promitto a talibus et consimilibus predicacionibus assercionibus erroribus semper dolendo abstinere, protestans publice et expresse, quod si quidquam in futurum publice vel occulte contra premissa docuero asseruero vel predica- vero, quod mihi tamquam periuro et in pristinos errores recidivato nulla penitus fides adhibeatur. Ne autem hanc meam protestacionem erogacionem et revocacionem com- pulsus fecisse videar aut coactus, peto publice dominos notarios hie presentes sponte et libere ipsorum officium invocans, quatenus super premissis omnibus et singulis 1 The different dignitaries, etc., are again mentioned. APPENDIX. 347 michi unum vel plura publication seu publicata conficiatur et faciant instrumentum seu instrumental XI. A CHRONICLER'S NOTICE CONCERNING THE EJECTION FROM THE WINDOWS OF THE TOWN HALL AT PRAGUE IN THE YEAR 1419. "Anno domini 1419 penultima mensis Julii, que fuit dies dominicus, communitas Wiklefistarum nove civitatis Pragensis hora undecima horologii vel quasi iuratis dicte civitatis bonis christianis in pretorio existentibus pretorium invaserunt et plures in pretorio interficientes de pretorio eiecerunt, ita quod statim ibidem sunt XII. interempti et singulariter ex eo, quod secte Wiklefistarum adherere nolue- runt." (Fuit invol. Cod. xxi. 1 1 b, bibl. cap. Prag. ) 1 The revocation exists also in Latin and German in some MSS. On this recantation there are to be found two notices in the Cod. bibl. un. Prag., XIV., C. 26 : " Item eodem anno feria secunda post Reminiscere Petrus monachus doctor bullatus a S. Clemente stetit in cathedra in scolis univer- sitatis Pragensis et dixit in presencia tocius cleri, quod non est contra communionem calicis et dixit, quodnullum Boemum in suo sermone hereticaret." The second notice declares pretty much the same thing. See Geschichtschr. der hus. Sew., ii. 62. In the Lit. de civitate Pragensi florenti quon- dam (Ib., 317) there is the following observation regarding this revocacio: "Nam captivato fratre Petro iam dicto post afflicciones varias unum e duobus eligere coegerunt, ut vel revocet, que contra eosdem magistros vel contra Wicleff Anglicum predicaverat vel in eorum manibus ultimum debitum mortis exsolvat. Pauper homo volens tantam crudelitatem evadere veritatem pluries a se predicatam coram astantibus omnibus in collegio Karoli Pragepublice revocavit." APPENDIX. XII. INVECTIVES AGAINST THE WICLIFITES IN BOHEMIA, OF THE TIME OF THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE.' Missa Wiklefistarum. (E Cod. pal. Vindob. 4941, fol. 262 a 2636.) "Tristabitur Justus et letabitur impius in novi Wikleff solempnitate, qui sepultus extumulatus et combustus in Anglia condempnatur et tamquam Deus in Boemia fideliter adoratur. " Versus : Hus laudem eius et memoriam ad ignein de- fendere dignatus est, lessenicz et Koniprus non cessant panyrach (!) 2 die ac nocte. Gloria eorum sit tremor et malediccio in solio patris eorum Wykleph in secula secu- lorum Amen. " Epistola : Primum quidem sermonem feci de omnibus o leronime, que cepit Wiclef facere et docere usque in diem condempnacionis eius. Castigans castigavit corpus eius in oleo et butiro iuxta regnum quod patribus tuis scripsit : Bibite et inebriamini vino, in quo est luxuria. Et unusquisque vestrum habeat uxorem suam a sacerdote usque ad laicum : nullus habeat caritatem dei, sed tamquam bestie ambulantes et pro lege naturalem inclinacionemet impetum habeatis. Quis enim similis bestie poterit pugnare contra earn ? Sacerdoti- bus vestris decimare nolite, quia patres presbyteri et episcopi argentum reprobum vocati nee absolvere nee excommuni- care possunt. Sed boni laici gladio militant spirit(u)ali, religiosos et dyabolos cappatos diligenter exterminate, sacramenta altaris Christi quilibet vestrum conficere potest. Hec et multa similia locutus sum vobis in enigmatibus, 1 Nothing is said of the death of Jerome of Prague ; that of Hus, on the other hand, is already mentioned. 2 Thus quite distinctly in the MS. The word was no doubt misread by the transcriber. Corresponds in point of sense to Sipangere, predzcare. Whether perhaps a Czechist emen- dation is possible, I do not venture to decide. APPENDIX. 349 Boemis patribus tuis, et ipsi sequentes sanctum suum impleverunt omnia nee preterit Iota unum. " O virum malediccione dignum. Hie est draco rufus habens capita septem, hie est vitulus adoratus in Oreb, hie est vere serpens, qui seduxit Adam. Hie est, qui deificat ens antilogum, hie est qui dignificat totam massam universalium, hie est, qui puncta indivisibilia sanctificat, hie est, qui totam scripturam dampnatis erroribus coinquinat hie est, qui diabolo placuit in vita sua et fecit mirabilia pennata. Sed iam Hus regnat et gaudet in dyade- mate eius, cui sit malediccio, ve ter novies replicatum in secula seculorum Amen. " Sequihtr Graduak. Accedite ad me omnes et facies vestre confundentur. Quidam abierunt retro dicentes : Durits est hie sermo non possumus audire eum. Hus vero cum aliis videns spiritum accessit dicens : Benedic domine plebi tue. Versus : Accepit malediccionem pro benediccione et gavisus gaudio magno dixit fratribus suis : Locutus est michi dominus de nubibus cell. Sequihtr Alleluia : Allehaia germinavit spinas et tribulos, flores autem non aperuerunt, ascendit superbia in cor ipsorum et heresis velud pluvia supra singulos eorum. Sequitur prosa : " I. Olla mortis ebuliit, ;< 3. Ut Hus et eius complices Canina gens esuriit, Dantes s erroris -calices, Cenam egit et periit Qui circumvenit simplices, Caterva Boemorum. Et nequam Austin!.* Christi iugum deposuit, Knyn, Symon, lessenicz se- Wykleph sectam elicuit. quitur, Suscepit ille, docuit Demesslik, Habart additur, Proterva mens eorum. leronymus non tollitur, Quamvis addatur fmi." " 2. Verum expert es criminis, Egenos ' pravi seminis, " 4. Hii iuramenta prestita, Hos denies huius carminis Olim statuta condita Turbare non aspirant, Dampnantes probant vetita. Sed mordicant vinee messis Stultorum plebiscite Pel propinantes heresis, De fide pars opposita Qui tamquam morbo frenesis Ostcndit horum irrita Tacti semper dilirant : Sectam et factam credita * Erroribus conditam. In Cod. : " Egenus." ' Named after Austf. Ib. : " Dantem.' ! 4 /<*, "creditam." 350 APPENDIX. 5. Conflabant tune consilium, Quo nasceretur prelium Perdendi omnem nliuin Fautorem veritatis. Et venit execucio Procedens a principio, Dedit verum iudicio Summe probitatis. 6. Pars reliqua condoluit, Quod sic error invaluit. Exorando redarguit, Ruinam declaravit. Sed stantes in malicia, Nolebant a perfidia Reduci, fraudis recia Nee quisquam laniavit. 7. Demum triplicia nacio Vidit. quod obstinacio Et ultimo dampnacio Nos undique vallavit. Viditque grossos improbos Ad deludendum reprobos, Extrema soror antropos Ponens acceleravit. " 8. Mox dedit se recessui, Ut desponsatos fastui Boemos tantum destrui Xutando 1 salvaretur. Nam pluries vicinitas Confert, quod pene pietas Res viles et oppositas Quassare non veretur. " 9. Fecit, ut mandat sapiens Nature dux compaciens, Quod eger inobediens Omnino reicitur. Sic torpent in illecebris, Sic cespitant in tenebris Et in errorum 2 latebris, Quis morbo victo medetur ? Amen." "Liber generacionis malediccionis omnium hereticorum filiorum : diaboli films 3 Wikleph, Wykleph genuit Swevia, 4 Swewia genuit Stanislaum, Stanislaus genuit Hus, Hus genuit Marcum de Grecz, Marcus genuit Sdeniconem, Sde- nico genuit Tyssnovv, Tyssnow genuit Koniprus, qui fuit nequam quintuplex, Koniprus genuit Michalicz, Michalicz genuit Knyn, qui fuit pater nequicie, Knyn genuit leronymun athletam antichristi, leronymus genuit lessenicz usque ac transmigracionem trium nacionum, et post transmigra- cionem lessinicz genuit Sdislaum leprosum, cuius contagione infecti sunt multi. Novissime autem temporibus istis non tantum literati fantasticis Wikleph 1 In Cod., " nutendo, micando?" - Ib., " errorem." 3 In Cod. "filios." 4 So the MS. has very distinctly. It seems, however, as though SneumaZnaim must be read. In this case Petrus de Znoyma is meant. Only the position is an inverted one. See Hus, Opp., i. 205 b. Comp. the genealogical table in Palacky, Urkundliche Beitrdge, ii. 521. APPENDIX. 351 erroribus insistebant, verum et laici universali- ter singuli et singulariter universi. "Credo in Wykleph ducem inferni patronum Boemie et in Hus filium eius unicum nequam nostrum, qui conceptus est ex spiritu Luciperi, natus matre eius et factus incarnatus equalis Wikleph secundum malam volun- tatem et maior secundum eius persecucionem, regnans tem- pore desolacionis studii Pragensis, tempore quo Boemia a fide apostotavit. Qui propter nos hereticos descendit ad inferna et non resurget a mortuis nee habebit vitam eternam. Amen." " Sequitur setmo. Sequitur patrem sua proles. Karis- simi, volens antiquis patribus connumerari digne lauream obtinendo debet horum sentencias imitari ore et opere pro- fitendo. Hinc est, quod Wykleph patrem vestrum non videbitis in eternum nisi viam legum eius ambulare cura- veritis et approbare iuxta thema " Sequitur patrem sua proles" Sane Wykleph pater vester est. Numquid enim pater vester est, qui creavit et possidet te ? Eius supersticiosa vanitas est vobis ewangelium. Eius heretica pravitas est vobis tamquam lac doctrine salutaris. Eius lex et constitucio sunt vobis loco preceptorum Dei. Stu- deatis ergo vestigia pedum eius sectari, ut de vobis verificetur illud scripture : Quorum os nmlediccione ct amaritudine plenum tst. Et per vos dicere possitis : Peccavimus cum patribus nostris iniuste, etc. Magnificate ab oriente in occidentem nomen eius dicentes : Non est Deus prefer Wykleph Deum nostrum. Ipse est, qui fecit mirabilia pennata. Glorificate filium eius Hus dicentes: Inquinate sunt vie illius in omni tempore. Extollite totam turbam Wiklephistarum dicentes : Hie est populus perdicionis, gens dure cervicis, conventus malignancium, turba hedeorum, excrcitus Pharaonis. Optetis vobis plagas eiusdem, ut sic aliqualiter expurgati a facie ad faciem mereamini patrem vestrum. Non eciam latere oportet, quod erat principium heresis Boe- morum atque cuiuslibet secte. Ergo diabolus suis subditis astutis unam personam bravium lantum aggrediens et per- suadens aliquo erroris laqueo involvit et ad ipsum defen- d'endum multipliciter armat. Quo facto eadem persona eiusdem 1 artificis cooperacione aliam inficit et sic com mu- 1 In Cod. : "eiasdem." 35 2 APPENDIX. niter usque quo plures illius 1 fellis gustaverunt et tune spe multitudinis animati sese manifestant et singulis palam exponunt, quod prius absconditum observabant. Ultimo se fidei fore meliores credentes nituntur contradictores supprimere per potenciam (et) persuasionem terrere vel quomodolibet aliter exterminare. Tune primo gloriantur adinvencionibus 2 suis, ut putant (se) angelis sancciores. Hoc dico probabiliter tetragram eutropologie, Rursus ad propositum redeundo congratulamini Wikleph hereticum vestrum adorantes; ipse est enim lux oculorum vestrorum et lucerna pedum vestrorum. Vos estis opera manuum suarum, quia circa luciperum genuit vos. Exultate et gaudete : Merces vestra magna est apud eum. Ivit enim parare vobis locum, qui promissus est diabolo et angelis eius. Quare secum gloriantes debent suis doc- trinis incessanter insistere contra doctores in fugando iura principum. "Volens antiquis patribus connumerari condigne lauream obtinendo debet horum sentencias imitari ore et opere perficiendo, ad quod sequitur thema premissum, "Sequitur, etc." In quibus verbis proposicione Boemie precursor anti- christi Wykleph pater vester tripliciter recolitur: primo doctrine sue vigorositate, quia sequitur : Qui enim aliquid sequitur, vi attrahitur. Secundo in docendi auctoritate, quia patrem : pater filio maior est. Tercio in auditorum disciplinabilitate quoque 3 [sic] proles : Filius enim obediens gaudium matris eius. In primis duobus commendatur ipse Wikleph. Nam eius doctrina fuit efficax et vigoris plena, quod a signo ostendi potest. Tota enim Boemia delirat eius aceto inebriata et (non) solum clerus eius sectam sibi disponit, sed et laicus quilibet aberrat tamquam a vino crapulatus. Unde velud magnes insensibili quadam virtute sibi ferrum attrahit, sic eius doctrina quedam secreta diaboli violencia innumerabiles subvertit, quare dicitur vigorosa iuste. Secundo ex auctoritate docendi recolitur: Fuit enim a diabolo informatus, animatus et approbatus, ut secum dicere dignaretur : Ascendam ad Aquilonem, etc. Vir 1 In Cod. : " illud." 2 In Cod. : " advencionibus." 3 Recte: " quia." APPENDIX. 353 magnus et autenticus erat, qui magnum luminare diei parvo luminari noctis suppeditavit. Fecit enim papam cesare potestate in omnibus inferiorem et communiter clerum laicatu viliorem, quare autenticus. Tercium convenit vobis : Vos estis enim dispositi ad heresim acceptandam, parati ad exequendum. Quare merito discipuli Wikleph et animosi ymmo pertinaces et obstinati ad defendendum, quare merito discipuli Wykleph dici potestis. Cuius gloria accipiat vos et tribuat vobis omne malum excogitabile nee plus vel minus uni quam alteri, sed equaliter cuilibet summe malum in secula seculorum Amen. " Amen Amen dico vobis, maledictus a Deo, qui aspernat matrem suam, heresis, qua diabolo regenerati estis, mater vestra est. Exterminate mulierem extraneam, que chris- tianorum fides Dei tamquam adulteram a cubilibus vestris, dicit Wykleph Deus vester. " Planctus planctus planctus canimus : Wykleph Scarioth plerii sunt celi et terra heresi tua. O sedes in profundis, maledictus qui venit in nomine diaboli. O sedes in pro- fundis. "Magne Dei oblatrator, qui colis peccata mundi, dona Bpemis requiem tuam sempiternam. " Omnipotens sempiterne Deus : Fac Wikleph solemp- nitatem fideliter peragentes nee non secum in fide commu- nicantes eius gloria participes, etc. . . . Per dominum." " Ite maledicti, missa est. Deo gracias." SUPPLEMENTARY. Ax the Introduction is further to be mentioned the book of Vlach, Die Csechoslaven (Vienna and Teschen 1883). The most important passage bearing on the present subject is : " Although Hus and his friends rejected the doctrine of Wycliff, preaching was nevertheless interdicted to them, and they were placed under the ban." For the first and second chapters, Mencik's work : Nekolik statutii a narizeni arcibiskupu prazskych Arnosta a Jana, I. (Abh. der kon. bohm. Ges. der Wissenschaften. Sixth series, vol. ii.) together with Ws study on Konrad of Waldhausen (see above, p. 302), affords some important particulars. A few documents of the latter dissertation likewise relate to Adalbertus Ranconis. To p. 66. A passage of a hitherto unprinted writing of Johannes of Schweidnitz reads : " Quantum ad primum, notandum, quod predict! adversarii et presumptores de anno domini 1420 sexto die mensis lulii apudeos multum celebri et festivo in recordacionem dampnate memorie, quondam lohannis Hus heresiarche et seductoris ipsorum, quorum memoria in malediccione est et finis sine honore . . " Cod. pal. Vind. 4151 (fol. 51 a 146 a). To pp. 82 85. In the years 14141419 there is men- tion made, in official deeds proceeding from the Catholic side, only of Wiclifists. Very instructive in this respect is that deed which is presented in the eleventh book of the Libri erectionum as the testament of Adam of Nezeticz, canon of Prague. He bequeaths considerable legacies to ecclesi- astical dignitaries in Prague, but adds: "Suspectus de secta Wiclefistarum non eligatur." See Balbin, Mis- cell., dec. i., lib. 5, 220, 221. He bequeaths likewise his collection of books : " Reliqui libri super sacristiam ipsius SUPPLEMENTAL Y. 355 ecclesie Pragensis usibus reserventur et concedantur, sed nulli Wiclephiste aut suspecto." The will was at- tested before the notary on the i8th July, 1419.* As in these documentary monuments, so also in the questions of the Inquisition, which were proposed to the Hussites, it is Wiclifists who are spoken of. " Secuntur interrogaciones, quibus interrogentur Wiclifiste, et respon- siones eorum et soluciones ad eorum responsiones." See Cod. pal. Vind. 4941, fol. 2480;. Also in the midst of the text : " Undecima interrogacio : queratur a Wiclefistis . . ." This tractate was written in 1431 :" Finitus est tractatulus in Diewin anno domini 1431 sexta feria ante Fabiani et Sebastiani martyrum." The matter -itself is of earlier origin, as is shown by the following proposition : " Item posiciones posite simpliciter contra Wiclefistas cum questionibus et responsionibus." In the same MS., fol. 252 a b and 270 , as Posiciones de Constancia. To p. 79. Stephen of Palecz speaks, in a dissertation (as yet unprinted) De communione sacramenti sub utraque specie (Cod. pal. Vind. 4941, fol. in a, sqq.) repeatedly of the Wiclefists : " Impugnatur ergo ecclesia moderno tempore maxime ab hereticis nove secte Wyclefistis . . . Soli autem Wiclefiste de nacione Boemorum scissi sunt ab unitate bene credencium . . . Claudant ergo illam portam inferni Wiclefiste . . . Ideo Wiclefiste predi- cacionem suam dixerunt predicacionem esse verbi Dei . . . Sed dicit Wyclefista." . . . Only in two passages is Taborenses added : " Wyklefiste seu Taborenses ; Wykle- fiste et Taborenses." The expression " Hussita " is also to be met with in this tractate ; but only in the introductory part thereof, which does not proceed from the pen of Palecz. Likewise in the " Replicacio Quidamistarum de stilo magistri Stephani Palecz" (Cod. pal. Vind. 4308 and Cod. un Prag. XI. E. 3) it is of Wiclefists we hear speak : " Qui tamen magni " it is said there of Palecz and his companions 1 Balbin observes on the testament : "Adamus de Nezeticz decretorum doctor et multis annis vicarius generalis archiepis- corum quasi providens religionis mutacionem in Bohemia futuram Wiclefistas ab omni parte sue hereditatis excludit." 35 6 SUPPLEMENTARY. " sunt inimici Wiclefistarum et Wiclefiste ipsorum econ- tra." This replicacio belongs to the year 1415 : "ScriptumCon- stancie anno domini 1415 circa vel prope festum sancti Viti." Not otherwise is the usage in the Responsio dominorum doctorum of Palecz ; assuming that this latter is not, as I suspect, identical with the preceding writing (Cod. Treb. A. 1 6). I have not hitherto been able to institute a com- parison of the two. As regards Stanislas of Znaim, it suffices to mention his celebrated writing, Alma et venera- bilts facultas, etc., which Hus attempted to refute in his dissertation, Ad scripta Stanislai. The very title reads : " Sequitur responsio contra posicionem Wiclefistarum." . . Of test-passages only a few need here be adduced : " Fictus autem ille clerus ewangelicus non volens fateri sentencias Wyklef contrarias esse et falsas, repugnat in hoc." In this manner he always speaks of the dogmas of Wiclif : " Sed malicia et erroneus affectus ad sentencias erroneas Wyklef de hoc Sacramento cecavit eos." . . . Upon the position of Stanislas towards the doctrines of Wiclif and his relations to Hus, this tractate casts a strong light. The said pamph- let may perhaps be published within a short time. In consideration of this fact any lengthy extracts in this place may well be dispensed with. On the relation of Hus to Stanislas there is to be found the following passage in the work of Andreas de Broda, "Contra obiectus Husonitarum" (Cod. pal. Vind. 4941, fol. 68): "O Hus ... si tibi displi- cet discoopercio tui facinoris, cur patri tuo non parcis ? Eius verecundiam detegis. Cur magistro tuo, a quo pluri- mam hausisti sapienciam, irrogas tantum malum? Sequaris pocius eius vestigia." . . . In the Cod. 49 of the library in Hohenfurt is a "Pro- phecia magistri Theoderici . . . de Wiclefistis sub utraque specie sumentibus . . ." In the writings against the well-known four articles of Prague, Wiclifists in like manner are spoken of, and this at the beginning of the third decade of the century ; comp. " Tractatus Wiklefistarum presentatus per eos serenissimis principibus regi Polonie et magno duci Lytwanie," Cod. bibl. stud. Olomuc, 2, ii. 21. In the tractate itself there is employed besides the word Wiclefiste, likewise the word Hussite. SUPPLEMENTA RY. 357 To p. 86. That which Peter Chelcicky says on Wiclif, is the subject treated in the extracts made by Goll from Chelcicky's writings ; comp. Quellen und Untersuchitngen zitr Geschichte der bohmischen Britder, ii. 72. " Not long ago," it is said, " one who has listened to you taught us what you believe, and that all which you advance about the signs, you draw from Wiclif, out of his two books on the body of Christ . . . Johannes Hus (and) magister Jacobell understood Wiclif better than other Bohemians . . . "I believe that must be pleasant to you, as salt in the eyes. For, seeing you mainly rest on Wiklef, I have taken it out of Wiklef, etc." ... p. 83 :" Since thou (Rokyzana) allegest Wiklef, and no other doctor, as thy teacher, thou seemest to set a higher estimate upon him than upon others. ... Of a truth I esteem Wiklef chiefly because I hear of him, that no one among the ancient doctors, or those of the present day, has so well spoken and written against the poison which has been infused into the Holy Church . . . Wiklef has also torn out his sectaries by the root," etc Of foreign historians the Pole Dlugosch is yet to be cited This writer, on the authorit} r , it would seem, of Silesian sources, relates the history of the penetration of Wiclifism into Bohemia, after the manner of the last named, although not without some modifications ; comp. lib. 10, edition of Przesdziecki, torn. x. 501 : " Hussitarum secte origo in Bohemia per lohannem Huss, qui heresim Wikleph Prage excitavit." Comp. 502 ; torn. xiii. of the complete edition, 183 185, 234236. INDEX. Abraham, see " Nicholas : of Wele- mowitz " Adalbertus Ranconis [d. 1388], 38-42, 44, 51, 59, 67, 70, 302 34, 354 Adam of Nezeticz, 354 Agram, 166 Ailli (orAilly), Card, d', xxxii, 174, 181 Alanus [d. abt. 1203], 60 Albano, Card, de, 35 Albert (Albrecht) of Bavaria, 302 Albert of Wayzow, 9 Albik .of Uniczow, Archbp., 139, 143, 145, 150, 157 Alexander V., Pope [1409, 1410], 114 118, 128 Amandus, Magister, 60 Ambrose, 60 Anacletus, 6l Andreas of Brod, 33, 68, 77, 109 Andreas of Regensburg (Ratis- bon) on the Relation of Hus to Wiclif, xlvi Anne of Luxemburg, Queen of Richard II.[l4th Jan., 1382 7th June, 1394], 70, 71, 136, 261, 262 Anselm, 60, 326, 33 1 . 333 Antonio of Monte Catino, 129 Apollinaris, 332 Aristotle, 321, 323 Arnest of Pardubitz and the Bohe- mian Church, 120, 255, 302 Arnobius [close of centy. 3], 332 Articles, The Forty-Five, 75, 97 100, 143, 152, 153, 159, 160 Arundel, Thomas, Count, Archbp., 164 Augustine, 1 xxii, xxxvi, 60, 323 326, 3^1 Austi, see John of Austi Austini, 349 Averroes [d. 1 198], 321 Avicenna [d. 1037], 321 Balbin, View of, on the Diffusion of Wiclify in Bohemia, xix Balthasar Cossa (afterwards John XXIII.), 107 Basle, Council of [assembled 1431! 62 Bavarians, Campaign against the, 89 Bede, 24 Benedict XII. [13361342], 6 XIII. [from 1394], 107 Benesch of Chobolicz, 305 of Weitmuhl, 33, 305 Benessius, praedicator, 337 339 Beneschau, Visitation of the Deanery of, 298 300 Berengarius of Tours [d. 1088], 120 Berlin, Adulterator of Saffron in Prague, 97 Bernard of Clairveaux, xxxvi, 60 Bernau, 169 1 Citations from the texts of Wiclif or Hus are omitted. 360 INDEX. Bethlehem, Chapel of, 40, 68, 69, 116, 145, 157, 247 Biridamistae, 331 Bishop-Teinitz, 34 Boethius [d. 526], 326 Bohemia, Number of Churches and Villages in, at Beginning of the Fifteenth Century, 295 Bohunco, Vicar of Swagerzicz, 17 Bologna, 6, 128, 344 Bonaventura, Magister[d. 1 274], 60 "Book of Visitation " for the Dio- cese of Prague, 14, 295, 301 Bradwardine, Thomas [d. 1349], xv Brancas, Card., 145 Breslau, 36 Brewnow, 41 Abbot of, 306 Caesarius of Aries [d. 54 2 1 60 Cambridge, 134 Cancellaria Arnesti, 8 Carthusians, 95 Cassianus [centy. 5], 60 Charles IV., Emperor, K. of Bohe- mia [13471378], 17, 22, 32, 35, 42, 67, 91, 261, 302 Christian of Prachatitz, 94, 98, 156, 157, 257, 258 Church, Possessions of the Bohe- mian, 5 Clemengis (or Clemangis),Nicholas of [wrote his indictment of the papacy 1 402 1 409], xxxiii Clement VI., Pope [1342 1352] 6,7 Clergy, Accusation by the Bohe- mian, 87, 152 Cobham, Lord, 64 Cochlaeus, on the Diffusion of Wiclify in Bohemia, xviii, 73 Colonna, see " Otto " Communio, see "Supper" Concubinage of the Clergy, 16 19 Conflict, between the Reason and the Conscience, Tractate on the, 58 Conrad, see " Konrad " Constance, Council of, xxxix 19, 70, 74, 101, 134, 161, 163, 164177, 181, 344 Cracow, 36 Crisarius, 60 Crusades against Ladislas, King of Naples, Bull for the, 139 Damascenus, John, 331 Daniel, Minorite [Franciscan] Friar, 59 Demesslik, assecla Hus, 349 Dionysius, 326 Dlugosch on the Relation of Hus to Wiclif, 357 Dolein, see " Stephen '" Dubravius on the Diffusion of Wiclify, xviii Duns Scotus [d. 1308], xv Elise, Magister, see "John" Enea Silvio [afterwards Pius II., d. 1464], on the Relation of Hus to Wiclif, xvi on the Inroads of Wiclify into Bohemia, 71 73 England, 70, IO2, 322 Ernest, Duke of Austria, 146 Fabian, Pope [d. 250], 61, 355 Faulfisch, see " Nicholas " Fitz, Richard, 126 128 Franciscus of Heiligenkreuz in Breslau, 57 Fridmann of Bilin, 305 Friedrich, on the Relation of Hus to Wiclif, xxxiii, xxxiv Gallus, Abbot of KOnigsaal, 60 Gelasius I., Pope [d. 496], 288 George of Kynehnicz, 101 George of Podiebrad, King [1458 -1471], 72,88 Germans at the University of Prague, 91 in the Civic Council, 161, 162 Departure of the, I IO Gerson, Jean de, xxxii, 166 Gottfried of Weisseneck, Bishop of Passau, 302 INDEX. 361 Gratian [first half of centy. 12], xxxv Gregory, St. [d. 604], xxxvi Gregory XII. [14061409], 107, 108, 138, 310 Grossetete (" Robertus Lincolni- ensis " [d. 1 253]), xxii, 272, 326 Habart, assecla Hus, 349 Hajek of Liboczan, on the Diffu- sion of Wiclify in Bohemia, xviii, 74 Hartung van Clux [? a Fleming], Ambassador of Henry IV. of England, 134, 135 Hassek, Dean, 305 Hatred between Germans and Czechs, 112, 113 Henry IV. of England, 65, 134 V. of England, 65 Henry Lefl of Lazan, 163, 167 ofChlum, 169 of Oyta, 38 of Virneburg, 6 Henning Baltenhagen, no Heretics in Bohemia, II, 16, 17,154 Herspruck, 162 Hilary, 331 Hraban [d. 856], 24 Horlean, Johannes, 56 Hungary, 102 Hus,' Johannes of Husynec, Day and Year of his Birth, 65 71, 354 Learning of, xxii, xxxv, xxxvi Influence of Janow upon, 47 As a Teacher, 81, 82 Dignities and Offices of, 68 Patriotism, 91, 92 Relations with Palecz and Sta- nislas of Znaim, 94, 142, 156 as a Synodal Preacher, 95, 96 in University Matters, 107 HO on the Indulgence, xxxii, xxxvi, 134149 under Excommunication, 130 Hus, Appeal of, 115, 116 His Adherents, 125 133 Summoned to Rome. I2Q, 146 148 in Exile, 148, 150 163 at Constance, 165 177 Revered as a Martyr, 66, 1 76, 354 Defends Works of Wiclif, xxv, 121, 144, 235, 254, 308 Condemnation of his Writings, .175, 76 Views oh the Relations of Hus to the Doctrines of Wiclif, xv xlvii, 280 291 Works of: " Ad scriptum octo doctorum," 220, 285 " Contra occultum adversa- rium," 137 "Contra Palcez," xxvii, 157, 158 173. 213 "Contra Stanislaum," xxvii, 157, 158 173. 213, 219 " De ablacione temporaliiim," 22 5235 " De arguendo clero," 104 " De corpore Christi," 286288 "De corporis et sanguinis sa- cramento," 287 289 "De credere," 148, 157, 247 250 "De ecclesia," xxvii, 151 157, 172174, 181224, 251, 256, 263, 264, 267, 269 272, 284 "De fidei sue elucidacione," 171, 248, 249, 252, 279, 284, 285 " De imaginibus," 265, 266 " De indulgenciis," 140, 236 246 " De omni sanguine glorifi- cato," 103 " De oracione dominica," 255, 256 " De pace," 171, 274279 1 We can here refer to those places alone which are of greatest importance. In connection with Bk. II. allusion is made only to Hus' own writings. The names of authors cited by him are here passed over. See preceding note. 362 INDEX. Hus, " De remanencia (?) panis," 136. "De sex erroribus, ' 157, 247 251 "De simonia," xxv, 157 "De sufficiencia legis,"l70, 171, 279 "De tribus dubiis," 138, 139, 248 "Sermons,"' 220 222, 252, 259, 260 Images and Relics, Veneration of, 49 Indulgence Granted for the Year 1393; 51. 52 Indulgences, Controversy on, in Prague, of the Year 1412, 134148 Innocent III. [1198 1216], 71, 290 IV. [12431254], 272 VI. [1352-62], 7 VII. [1404-6], xlii, 103 Jacob of Mies (Jacobellus, Ja- koubek), 36, 82, 122, 144, 154, 158,308 Jacob of Wischegrad, 157 Jacobus de Taramo, 1 18 Jankow the Mathematician, 67 Janow, Mathias of, xxi, xxx, xlvii, 33, 36, 4351, 54, 55, 6163, 76, 305, 306 Wenceslas of, 305, 306 Janowitz, George Burkhard of, 1 8 Paul of, 296, 300, 305 Jaroslaw of Sarepta, 114 Jerome, 61, 332 Jerome of Prague, 71, 74, 75, 141, 162, 175, 349, 350 Jerusalem, 147 Foundation in Prague, 35 Jinoch, Canon, 114 Jirsik, see "George of Podiebrad" Jodok, Margrave of Moravia, 95, 116 Johannes Cardinalis of Reinstein, 107 of Duba, 86 Eliae, 109, 157, 159 ofGiczin, 125, 308, 334,335 Johannes Hofmann of Schvveid- nitz, 354 Hiibner, 97 99 Kbel, 97 Peklo, 125, 335 Preacher of the Germans, 37 Presbyter, 17 of Pribram, xv, 80 82 of Rokyzan, 62, 357 of Stekno, 51, 52, 67, 77 Sybort, 162, 165 ol Thomariis, 130 Vicarius, 306 Johannes Welflini of Pomuk (John of Nepomuk), 96 Handicraftsman, 143 Johl of Pisek, 16 John XXIII., Pope [14101415], 115, 128133, 137, 145, 148, 155, 164, 168 John Chrysostom, 105 Ocko of Wlaschim, Archbp., II, 1316, 36 of Chlum, 167, 169 of Gaunt (Ghent), 271 of Jenzenstein, Archbp., 13, 14, 39, 40, 44, 48, 7, 3 6 of Jesenic, 94, 129, 144, 147, 158, 1 68, 349, 350 of Koniggratz, 305 of Leitomischl, 151, 155 of Padua, 9 Karlstein, 131 Katharina of Krawar, 160, 339 342 Knyn (or Knin), see " Mathias" Koniprus,, 350 Konrad of Vechta, Archbp. [d. 1426], 151, 155, 166, 168 Vicar, 306 of Waldhausen [d. 1369], xxv, xxvi, 2131, 32, 33, 35, 51, 77, 302-304 Kozi hradek, near Austi, 156, 163 Krakowec, in the district of Rako- nitz, 163 Kravar, Lacek of, 129, 131 Kreuz (Crux, Kriz), 40, 51, 336 Kunesch of Trebowel, 39, 103 INDEX. 363 Kunz of Zwola, 79 Kuttenberg, 108 Lacek, see " Kravar" Lactantius, 319 Ladislas, King of Naples, 137, 138, 139142 Lancaster, Accession of the House of, 64 Lauf, 169 Lechler, Edition ofWiclifs Works, xvii on the Relation of Hus to Wiclif, xli, xlii Lefl, see " Henry '' Leghorn (Livorno), 107 Leitomischl, 8, 132 Lewis, Emperor [1314 1347], 6 of the Palatinate, Elector, 84 " Liber confirmationum et erec- tionum," IO "Libri visitationum,'' 14, 17 Extracts from the, 295 301. Lodi, 165 London, Synod of (I7th May, 1382), xliv, 97 Ludolph Meistermann, 98 of Sagan, 3, 71, 77, 85, 99, 137, 165 Luther, xxxiv, 66 Marek (Marcus) of Konigratz, 144, 35 Martin, Disciple of Hus, 68, 169 Handicraftsman, 143 of Miliczin, 145 of Olmiitz, 305, 306 Mathseus of Cracow, xxxii, 57 59 Mathias of Janow, see "Janow" of Knin, 105, 350 of Leitmeritz, 305 Presbyter, 17 Mauritius Rawaczka, 107 Mendicant Friars, Controversy with the, 22, 32, 303, 304 Michael of Deutschbrod, 144, 145, 170 ofMaleinitz, 165 Michalicz, 350 Miliczius (Milicz,d. I374)of Krem- sier, xxv xxviii, xxx, xxxi, 22,31,3337,42,46,51,60,77 " Missa Wiclefistarum," 348 353 Miihlheim, John of, 40, 51, 336 Neander, on the Relation of Hus to Wiclif, xxi xxiii on Janow, 45 Netistadt, 169 Nicholas Biceps, 67 Faulfisch, 72, 101, 102 of Leitomisch, 67, 94, 97 of Lobkowitz, 109 of Miliczin, 145 Bishop of Nazareth, 1 68 Puchnik, 96 Rachorowitz, 67 Tempelfeld, 72, 86, 177 of Troppau, Duke, 7 of Welemowitz, 104 Zul of Ostredek, 89 Nominalists at the University, 92, 94 Novatus, 332 Nuremberg, 170 Occam (or Ockham), William [d. '3471 xv Occamistae, 331 Oldcastle, Sir John, see "Cob- ham " Olmiitz, 8, 10, 36 Origen, 321, 332 Orosius [beginning of fifth cent.], 331 Otto of Colonna, Cardinal, 128, I3I. 145 Oxford, xxiv, 41, 6973, 93, 101, 102, 135, 329 Palecz, Stephen, see " Stephen " Paris, University of, 4143, 69, 70, no, 136, 166, 306 Pater, see " Mathias of Knin " Paul, St., 6 1 Paul of Janowitz, see "Janowitz" of Slawikowitz, I2O Payne, Peter [d. 1455], xxiv 7 2 Peter of Chelczicky, 357 of Krawar, 1 60 364 INDEX. Peter of Mladenowitz, IOI of Mukarzew, 17 Lombard [d. about 1164], 289 Stefaneschi, Cardinal, 145 Petrus Stupna, 67 Peter of Uniczow, Revocation of, 343347 Peter of Znaim, 94, 157, 159, 350 Picards, 120 Pileus de Prata, Cardinal, 42 Pisa, Council of [1409], 109 Plato, 323, 325, 326 Podhradensis, Visitation of the Decanatus P., 297, 298 Potenstein, Lords of, 129 Prague, Seat of Wiclify, xxiv, IOO 103, 148 Civic Council of, 130, 161, 162 Metropolitan See of, 6, 7, 36 University of, 38, 69, 92, 101, 102, 108, 120, 155, 173, 324 Premysl Ottokar I., 6 " Przibico decanus," 305 Przibislas of Horowitz, 305 Pribram, see John of " Pribram " Procopius notarius, on the Diffu- sion of Wiclif's writings in Bohemia, 73 Prokop of Pilsen, 94, 144, 308, 317 328 Purglitz, 39 Quidamists-, 157 Realists at the University of Prague, 92, 94, 121 Relics, Veneration of, 49, 50 " Remanentia panis," 52, 53 Richard 1 1. of England, 70, 136, 261 Richardus de St. Victore, 289 Rohle, Wenzel, xxxii, 52 Rokyzan, John of, 62 Rome, 147 Rosenberg, Lords of, 22 Rudolph IV., Duke of Austria, 32 Rudolph of Saxony, Elector, 131 Rupert, King [Emperor, 1400 ! 57, 106 Saaz, Burghers of, 302, 303 Sacraments ("De septem sacra- mentis et de eucharistia "), 60 Sander, Official in Olmiitz, 61 Seneca, 320 322, 326, 328, 330 Sigismund, Emperor [1411 1437], xxv, 70, 83, 84, 96, 132, 134, 161, 164, 169, 174 Simon de Cassia, 60 of Gistebnitz, 73 notarius, 306 of Tissnow, 94, 122^124, 158, 308, 309316 of Rheims, Cardinal, 1 66 "Smilo sacrista," 306 Sophia, Queen of Wenzel, 83 n. r 106 n., 129 Stanislas of Welwar, 72 of Znaim, 67, 94, 97, 98, IOO, 104, 107, 142, 143, 146, 151, 153, 156 161, 209, 213, 219, 339342, 350 Handicraftsman of Prague, 143 State of the Clergy in Bohemia, 320 Statutes of Arnest of Pardubitz, 8io Stekno, see " Johannes " Stephen of Dolein, 78, 79, 85, 90, 93, 95, "7 of Kolin, 67 of Palecz, 67, 68, 94, 98 101, 107, 108, 131, 142, 145, 151, 153, 156, 161, 170, 209, 213 of Prague, 19 Stibor, Vayvode of Transylvania, 131 Stitny, Thomas [d. about 1400], 3843, 75, 7 6 , 94 Stokes, John, xvii, 70, 86, 93, IOI, 102, 134 136, 174, 261, 272 Sulzbach, 169 Supper, The Lord's, Frequent Reception of the, xxxi, 49 Under two forms, see " Ultra- quism " Controversy, The First, on the, xxxi, 5563 Synod of Prague, 50, 1 68 INDEX. 365 Tabor, 162 Terminists, see " Nominalists " Theobald, Zacharias, on the Rela- tion of Hus to Wiclif, xviii Thomas de Aquino [d. 1274], 60, 288, 326 Thomas a Kempis [d. 1471], 43 Thomas Netter of Walden, 65 Thomas of Stitney, see "Stitney" Tranquillius, Epistle of Jerome to, 332 Transylvania, IO2 Urban V. [1362 1370], 35, 302 Urban VI. [1378-1389], 57, 3O5, 306 Utraquism, xxxi, 54 note 1 , 79 Veit (Vitus), St., Church of, 33, 51 Venedig, Foundation in Prague, 35 Vienna, 165 Villani, 4, 7 Visitation, Festival of the [insti- tuted by Urban VI.], 39 Weiglinus, Minorite Friar, 302 Wendelar of Heiligenkreuz, 57 Wenzel (Wenceslas), King of Bohemia [d. 1419], 4, 39, 51, 70, 88, 89, 96, 1 06 109, 114, 116, 126, 129132, 137, 139, 142, 143, 144, 152, 154, 157, 161, 311 Wenzel of Bechin, 97 Prebendary, 306 of Duba, 167, 169 of Kommotau, 17 Rohle, xxxii, 52 Tiem, 139, 170 Wessenberg on the Relation of Hus to Wiclif, xxviii Wiclif, John [13241384], Last Years of, 64 After Influence of, 65, 119, 120 Doctor Ewangelicus, 322 No Nominalist, xxvii Regarded in Bohemia as a Fifth Evangelist, xv Doctrine of, Condemned, 172 Wiclif, Works of: Doctrine of the Supper, xxiv, 75, 98, 99, I0 5, 172, 248 On Indulgences, 236 246 "Alithia," see "Trialogus" " De absolucione a pena et a culpa," 119, 141, 236, 242 244,271 " Ad argumenta cuiusdam emu- li," 119, 267, 268 "De attributis," 115, 331 "De Christo et suo Adver- sario,"ii9, 191, 194,210,214 223, 244, 245, 252, 257, 260, 268, 278, 285 "De citacionibus frivolis,'' 270 "De corpore Christi," 105, 115' "Cruciata," 141 " Decalogus,." 115, 122, 308, 309 "Dialogus," 105, 115, 146, 208, 236, 245, 284, 312 "De dissensione paparum,'' 119 "De dominio civili," 115 "Super Ewangelia," 115, 171 "De fide catholica," 119, 194 "De fratribus dyscolis," 115 " De hypotheticis," 115 "De ideis," 115 "De imaginibus,'' 119, 265 267 "De incarnacione verbidivini," "5 " De materia et forma," 115 " De officio pastorali, " 284 " De officio regis," 1 19, 137, 268, 269, 285 "De oracione dominica," 254, 255 "De ordinibus ecclesie, 119, 256, 257 " De prevaricacione," 270 " De probacione proposicio- num," 115, 122, 309316 "Questio ad fratres," 247, 248, 249 "De Septem donis Spintus sancti," 278 "Sermones," 252, 271, 274 278,285,286,311 "De Simonia," 115, 234, 249, 251. 3" 366 INDEX. Wiclif, Works of "Trialogus" [first printed at Basle, 1525], xviii, 95, 96, 105, 115, 137, 146, 210, 216, 222, 234, 239, 245, 260, 278, 284287, 312 "De Trinitate," 115 " De triplici vinculo amoris," 119, 136, 260 262 " De universalibus realibus," 115, 122, 253, 331 " De vanis religionibus mona- chorum," 223, 278 " De veritate scripture," 255. 285, 333 "De ypocritis," 331 Doctrine of Predestination, 46, 46, 96, 185, 2IO Burning of the Books of, 112 126, 307 Influence of, upon Hus, xv xlvii Significance of, for the Refor- mation of the 1 6th centy., xxxviii Wiclifism in Bohemia, xlii, 64 in, 150 163 Condemnation of, 164 177 Wiclifites and Hussites, 8287 William of Lestkow, 7 Wilsnack, Wonder - Working Blood at, IO2 Wlaska, Adulterator of Saffron, 97 Wok of Waldstein, 142 Wolfram of Skworec, Archbp., 89, 96 Zbinco of Hasenburg, Archbp. [d. 1411], 18, 89, 95, 97, 100, 103 108, 113 125, 128 133, 139. 153, 159, 273, 307, 311, 314, 329 Zdenko of Labun, 157, 158, 159, 350 Zdislas of Wartenberg, called of Zwerzeticz, 122, 124, 125, 144 308, 328334, 350 Zebrak, Negotiations at, 86, 144 Znaim, see " Stanislas " Printed by Hazell, Watson, and Viney, Limited, London and Aylesbury. Second Thousand. ANECDOTES OF LUTHER ANI> THE REFORMATION. Crown 8vo, 35. 6d. "Every page is full of interesting historical matter." Ecclesiastical Gazette. "It is admirably put together, illustrating all sides of the great movement." Church Bells. ' ' The selection of stories and incidents has been made from a wide field ; some portions, moreover, have been specially written for the volume, which conveys in a readable way a great deal of information regarding both the facts of the career of the great German reformer and the spirit which animated him and his contemporaries and followers throughout Christian Europe. " Daily News. 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