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 ^^
 
 TRAVELS, 
 
 llESEAKCHES, AND MISSIONAliY LABOURS, 
 
 DUIUNG AJS' 
 
 EIGHTEEN YEARS' llESIDENCE IN EASTERN AFRICA. 
 
 TOGETHER WITH 
 
 JOURNEYS TO JAGGA, USAMBARA, UKAMBANI, SHOA, ABESSINIA, 
 AND KHARTUM ; AND A COASTING VOYAGE FROM 
 MOMBAZ TO CAPE DELGADO. 
 
 BY THE EEY. DE. J. LEWIS KRAPF, 
 
 SECBETART OF THE CBISHONA INSTITUTE AT BASEL, AND LATE MISSIONAKY IN THE SEEVICE OF 
 THE CHUBCn MISSIONAKY SOCIETY IN EASTERN AND EQUATORIAL AFBICA, ETC. ETC. 
 
 M\t\ an giptuM^ 
 
 RESPECTING THE SNOW-CAPPED MOUNTAINS OP EASTERN AFRICA ; THE SOURCES 
 
 OF THE NILE ; THE LAJs^GUAGES AND LITERATURE OF ABESSINIA 
 
 AND EASTERN AFRICA, ETC. ETC. 
 
 A CONCISE ACCOUNT OF GEOGRAPHICAL KESEAKCHES IN EASTERN AFRICA UP TO TUK 
 DISCOVERY OF THE UYENYESI BY DR. LIVINGSTONE IN SEPTEMBER LAST, 
 
 BY E. G. RAVENSTEIN, F.R.G.S. 
 
 WITH PORIEAIT, MAI'S, AND ILLCSIBAIIONS OF SCENEBT AND COBIVME. 
 
 LONDON 
 
 j TRUBNER AND CO., PATERNOSTER ROW. 
 
 
 1860.
 
 IX)NDON : 
 
 WILLIAM STEVENS, PRISTKR, 37, BELL TARD, 
 TKMI'LC BAR.
 
 PT 
 
 TO 
 
 FIELD MARSHAL, HIS EOTAL HIGHNESS 
 
 THE PRINCE CONSORT, 
 
 FRANCIS ALBERT AUGUSTUS CHARLES EMANUEL, 
 
 DUKE OF SAXE, PRIXCE OF SAXE COBUKQ AND GOTHA, 
 
 KNIGHT OF THE MOST NOBLE ORDER OF THE GARTER, 
 
 GRAND MASTER OF THE MOST HONOURABLE ORDER OF THE BATH, 
 
 CHANCELLOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE, 
 
 ETC., ETC., 
 
 patron ani |3romotcr 
 
 OF ALL LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC PROGRESS, 
 
 THIS NARRATIVE OF 
 
 MISSIONARY TRAVEL AND RESIDENCE, AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY 
 
 IN THE UNKNOWN REGIONS OF 
 
 IS INSCRIBED, BY SPECIAL PERMISSION, 
 
 BY HIS OBLIGED AND OBEDIENT SERVANT, 
 
 J. L. KRAPF. 
 
 i C99454
 
 THE PUBLISHERS' ADYEETISEMENT. 
 
 rpiIE name of the Rev. Dr. Krapf has long been 
 before the public in honourable connection with 
 the attempts to introduce civilization and Christianity 
 into the benighted continent of Africa, no less than 
 as a pioneer of important geographical discoveries, 
 and a most successftil labourer in the field of Hametic 
 philology. 
 
 His earlier missionary labours were printed in 
 1843, and related chiefly to Abessinia and Shoa. 
 The present volume, although also touching upon 
 both, is chiefly confined to the terra incognita of our 
 maps, the Eastern coast and the equatorial sections 
 of Africa, the land of his boyish aspirations, as we 
 glean from the interesting autobiographical memoir, 
 which forms its first chapter. The Appendix gives 
 details of languages, hitherto but oral, which he and 
 his colleagues at Rabbai Mpia have reduced to form
 
 viii THE publishers' adveetisement. 
 
 and ^\Titmg, and thus brought within the scope of 
 future missionary efforts for the conversion of the 
 heathen. 
 
 Whilst Dr. Livingstone was proceeding from the 
 south towards the coast of Mozambique, Dr. Krapf 
 and Mr. Rebmann were advancing from the north 
 to the same point. The discoveries of Dr. Li^ong- 
 stone no less than those of Dr. Krapf may almost 
 be said to have formed a junction at Cape Delgado. 
 Indeed the travellers approached each other within 
 five degrees, the small section of the coast not 
 visited by either, being confined within 10^ and 
 15° Southern latitude. 
 
 Hence Dr. Krapf's original map, though not laid 
 down with the extreme accuracy of geographical 
 science, becomes a most important document i^ con- 
 nection vdth. that science ; and as such, it has been 
 considered advisable to give it without altering the 
 spelling of the names. To obviate, however, all 
 difficulty which this might occasion the English 
 reader, a small map of East- Africa has been added 
 by Mr. Ravenstein, F.R.G.S., compiled fr'om pub- 
 lished and unpublislied documents in the possession 
 of the Royal Geogi-aphical Society, and showing the
 
 / 
 
 THE publishers' ADVERTISEMENT. IX 
 
 latest discoveries up to the present time, in which 
 the names are given according to the English me- 
 thod, the vowels being sounded like the Italian, and 
 the consonants as in English. That gentleman has 
 also furnished by way of introduction to the labours 
 of Dr. Krapf, " A Concise Accomit of Geographical 
 Discovery in Eastern Africa up to the discovery of 
 the Uyenyesi by Dr. Livingstone in September 
 1859," to which he has appended a few remarks 
 upon the Commerce of Afiica, and the influence 
 which the proposed Suez canal is likely to exercise 
 upon its development ; and a sketch of recent politi- 
 cal events in Abessinia and Madagascar. 
 
 Upon the small map have been laid down not only 
 the routes of Dr. Krapf and Mr. Rebmann, but also 
 those of Major Burton and Captain Speke, of Mr. 
 Petherick and Dr. Livingstone; thus giving, at a 
 single glance, a perfect sketch of all the recent African 
 explorations. 
 
 The plates have been carefully executed, extreme 
 accuracy of delineation both as regards the romantic 
 scenery, and the costume of the natives having been 
 constantly kept in view, no less than the ethnological 
 differences of races.
 
 X THE PUBLISHERS ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 The collection towards a history of the literature 
 of Abessinia and the nations of Eastern Africa, has 
 been compiled from the memoranda of Dr. Kjrapf 
 and other sources, and claims to be little more than 
 the bringing together such information on the sub- 
 ject as cannot fail to interest the student of ethno- 
 logy and linguistic science. 
 
 TRtlBNER & CO. 
 
 60, Paternoster 'Row, 
 Ut May, 1860.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 INTEODUCTIOK 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1. A Concise Account of Geographical Discovery in 
 
 Eastern Africa, etc. By E. G. Ravenstein, F.R.G.S. xxv 
 
 2. Reasons for Pitblication — Design and Plan . . xlv 
 
 PART I. 
 
 RESEARCHES AND MISSIONARY LABOURS. 
 EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL. 
 
 A Providential guidance in the life of a man . . 1 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 TO ADOWA AND AXKOBER. 
 
 Commencement of the journey — Storm off Candia — Alexandria and 
 Cairo — The Red Sea and its navigation — The Canal of the Isthmus 
 of Suez — Jidda — Arab navigation — Massowa — The Shohos — 
 Initiation into the dangers of African travel — Rescue — Entry 
 into Abessinia — Arrival at Adowa, the capital of Tigre and seat 
 of the Abessinian mission — Interview with the Prince of Tigre — 
 Native hostility to the mission — Arrival of Roman Catholic priests 
 and its consequences — The author and his companions have to quit 
 Tigre — RetiuTi of the missionaries to Cairo — The author resolves 
 to penetrate to Shoa — Return to Cairo — A missionary sheikh and 
 his slaves — TajxuTa — The " Afer" and Ophir — Re-entry into 
 Abessinia — The Desert of Adal — Narrow escape from a hyaena — 
 Arrival at Ankober, the capital of Shoa . . .13
 
 xii CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 RESIDENCE 1\ SHOA. 
 
 Reception by the King of Shoa — His promises and character — The 
 missionaries open school — Departure of Isenherg — The Gallas 
 — The sources of the Ha wash, and 31. Kochet's veracity — The 
 author's participation in the king's expeditions against the Gallas, 
 and its fruits — The rebellious Gallas and their country — Journey 
 to Debra Libanos and geographical notes — Arrival of Major Harris 
 and the English mission — The author's relations with the king 
 and the envoy — Success and failure of the mission — Major 
 Harris's "Highlands of Ethiopia" — The advantages of a connec- 
 tion between England and Shoa — The king, and his father's 
 di'cam — "WTiat might have been and may yet be . .23 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 SHOA AND THE SHOANS. 
 
 Shoa proper and Efat — Limits and contents of the two divisions — 
 Population and some physical characteristics — Form of govern- 
 ment — EcHgion and priesthood — Literature and sacred books — 
 The monophysitism of Shoa — Doctrine of the three bii'ths, and 
 civil war arising out of it — Conquest of Shoa by King Theo- 
 dorus — Immorality of Shoa — Concubinage, marriage, and mar- 
 riage laws — Slavery — Superstition — The "detective" system of 
 Shoa . . . . . . .34 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 THE UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES TO THE SOUTH OF SHOA. 
 
 Christian remnants — Gurague and the slave trade — Kambat — 
 Wolamo — Kucha — The Golda negroes — Susa — Jimction of the 
 Gojob and Omo — Reported snow-moimtain —Traces of Chris- 
 tianity in Susa^ — Curious transfer of episcopal breath for con- 
 secration — Dilbo on the Dokos, a nation of pigmies — Account 
 of the Dokos — Are they the pigmies of Herodotus ? — An alleged 
 Doko seen by the author — Concurrent testimony to the exist- 
 ence of a nation of pigmies — Kaffa and its Queen, BaUi — Abun- 
 dance of cotton and cotton clothing — Salt and its value — Hero-
 
 dotiis and tlie early Troglodytes — The Gojob and Dilbo's 
 account of it — Identity of the Gojob and the Jub — River 
 system of those countiies — Enarea, its king, religion, &c. ; value 
 as a coffee-producing country — Its commercial importance if 
 the Gojob should be foimd navigable — The civet-cat, &c. — 
 Senjero — Female slavery and its origin — Human sacrifices — 
 Evidences of an early civilization in the regions watered bj- the 
 Gojob . . . . .44 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 ORMAXIA AND THE GALLAS. 
 
 Position, number and migration of the Gallas — Their probable mis- 
 sion in the providential scheme — Their appearance, dress, &c. 
 — The true GaUa t^-pe to be found near the Equator — Country, 
 climate, and occupation — Field for European emigration — Their 
 priests, prayers, and exorcists — Ideas of a future life — Theories 
 as to their notions of Chiistianity — Characteristics of their religion 
 — No idols in Eastern Africa — Their notions of a di-s-inity and sub- 
 ordinate deities — Days of rest — The Wollo-Gallas — The " Wo- 
 daja " — Mohammedanism of the Wollo-Gallas — Power of Mo- 
 hammedanism in Eastern Africa — Coming conflict between Chris- 
 tianity and Mohammedanism . . . .72 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 FROM ANKOBER TO MASSOWA. 
 
 Success of the author's missionaiy efforts in Shoa — Reasons for 
 repairing to the coast — The king's farcweU and offer of an official 
 post — Departure fr-om Angolala — Interesting interview with the 
 king's mother — Feelings on entering the Wollo country — Adara 
 BUle and his apparent friendliness — A young Imam — English 
 drill, and lucifer matches — Alarm on the road — Retreat to Adara 
 Bille — ^His treachery — Imprisonment and robbery of the author — 
 Subsequent adventures and liberation — Toilsome pilgrimage to 
 the Shoho fi'onticr — Singular offer of vengeance — Anival at 
 Massowa — Anival at Harkiko — Kindness of the French consul — 
 To Aden — Marriage in Egypt — Return to Aden — The author's 
 and his fellow-labourers' Abessinian projects . .85
 
 XIV CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 FROM ADEN TO ZANZIBAR. 
 
 Prohibition of the Abcssinian mission — French intrigue : M. Rochet 
 and his l)ook — Final attempt and its failure — The Abessinian mis- 
 sion abandoned — The author resolves to proceed to the south-eastern 
 coast of Africa, and found a mission among the Gallas — Departure 
 from Aden and forced return — Second voyage — The Somali coast — 
 Mukdisha — Breach of Slave Trade treaty with England — Barava 
 — The Jub — Christmas day spent on the Galla coast — Stay in 
 Takaungu — Native complaints of England's refusal of the Protec- 
 torate of Mombaz — The Southern Gallas — The Dana — The disap- 
 pointment of the first voyage pro%'idential — Mombaz and its recent 
 history — The "Wanika — Tanga — The Pangani and its mouth — 
 The Waseguas and the Slave Trade — Arrival at Zanzibar — The 
 importance of a Galla mission — Presentation to the Sultan — Extent 
 of his rule — Brief description of Zanzibar . . .107 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 MOMBAZ — EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 
 
 Lamu — Mombaz — Study of the native languages — Sea trip — Hindu 
 and Mohammedan fellow passengers — ^Astronomy of the Koran — 
 Translation of the Bible into Suahili — Death of the author's 
 "wife and daughter — Visions of missionary enterprise — Excursion 
 to Old Rabbai — Makarunge — The houses of the "Wanika — Kamba 
 and its chief — The Mohammedans and their proselytism — The 
 animal and vegetable worlds : elephants and ivory — Wanika 
 Atheism — Abdallah and his friendship — A "Wakamba village — 
 Relations of the "Wanika and Vakamba — Characteristics of the 
 "Wakamba — Preaching in a "Wanika village ; failure and its 
 causes — Rabbai Mpia, its situation and suitability for a mis- 
 sionary station — Missionary interview with the elders of the vil- 
 lage — First sight of the snow-mountain Kadiaro — The ensuing 
 twelvemonth, voyages, journeys, and illnesses — Arrival of Reb- 
 iiiann — Visit to Rabbai Mpia and selection of it for a missionarj- 
 station — The chiefs — Our removal to Rabbai Mpia — Fever and 
 house-building difficulties — Public worship and discouragements 
 — The Wanika . . . .126
 
 COXIEN'XS. XV 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 RABBAI MPIA — EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 Retrospect of the past year, and hopes for the future — The "women's 
 Muansa — ^anika self-conceit — The Muansa ; nature of the impos- 
 ture and its political uses — Trip to Zanzibar and interview with 
 the Sultan — Liverpool speculation on the East coast — ^Antimony 
 mines and their tipsy owners — "Wanika and Zulus — Gardening 
 begun — The god of the Wanika — Remonstrant chiefs and the 
 author's successful protest against their superstition — Rain-making 
 and rain-makers — A "Wanika Dream-woman — Stories of canni- 
 bals and pigmies in the interior — Theory of their origin, and com- 
 parison with Abessiuian fables — View of Kilibassi and Kadiaro — 
 A Kinika Primer — Trial by ordeal among the "Wanika — Cui'ious 
 details — The begging habits of the Wanika and savages in general 
 — The author's advice to missionaries — The Koma : "Wanika belief 
 in a continuance of being after death — Attack on a Mnika by a 
 Mkamba: condolence-custom of the "Wanika — Retrospect of a 
 year at Rabbai IMpia — !Mercies and achievements — Projected visit 
 to Kadiaro — Suahili notion of the end of the world and its pro- 
 bable origin — An intelligent Mohammedan : his request for wine 
 refused — Rebmann's journey to and return from Kadiaro — 
 Public worship and Kinika hj-nin — Results of civilization ' ' pure 
 and simple" — Retrospect of another year : difficulties and hopes. 
 
 161 
 
 CHAP. XIT. 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS CONTINUED. 
 
 Completion of Suahili and Kinika Dictionary — A "Wanika-exorcism 
 — Undue denunciation — Rebmann's journey to Jagga; the author 
 left alone — Mringe the cripple awakened to the Gospel — Tre- 
 mendous storm, and "Wanika infanticide — Appearance of two 
 French naval officers — Rebmann's safe return from Jagga — Main 
 results of his journey — Comparison of the East- African and "West- 
 African missions — The sea-serpent — Traditional origin of the 
 GaUa,'Wakamba, and "Wakuafi — Mringe' s new hut and persecutions 
 — ^Wanika name-giving — A neighbour of Miingc's awakened — 
 Mringe' s reception of the Gospel — Honour of the missionary 
 office — "Wanika belief in metempsychosis — A Portuguese image
 
 XVI CONTENTS. 
 
 converted into a pagan idol — The "free and independent" Wa- 
 nika — Boso-festival — Arrival of Erhardt and AVagner — Illness 
 and recover)' of Erhardt ; Wagner's death — His funeral a strik- 
 ing lesson to the AVanika — Journey to Ukambani, and return to 
 llabbaiMpia . . . . • .187 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 CLOSE OF RESIDENCE IN EASTERN AFRICA: — RETURN HOME. 
 
 First return to Europe — The Church Missionary Society reinforces 
 the East-African Mission — lletui'n to Eabbai Mpia — Death and 
 sickness among the missionary band — Mringe and his successor 
 — Colonizing aspects of the Mission — The author's joiuneys into 
 the interior — Second return to Eui'ope — Bishop Gobat's Abes- 
 sinian scheme — The author's latest visit to Abessinia — The 
 Avay to Shoa closed : Return to Egypt — Farewell to Africa — 
 lletuiTi home — Sympathy and o£Fers of the Church Missionaiy 
 Society . . . . . . .209 
 
 PART II. 
 
 TRAVELS IN EASTERN AFRICA. 
 1V.VD1AE0 — JAGGA USAMBARA — UKAMBANI. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 REBMANN's JOURNEY TO KADIARO. 
 
 Departure by moonlight — Endunga : the ■wilderness — The magic staves 
 and missionary resistance — Flora and fauna of the wilderness — The 
 Baschi ; pig and ass — Simday evening in the "wilderness ; mission- 
 ary discourse — Kadiaro — Maguasini — First greeting of a Teita 
 family ; comparison with a AVanika reception — ^Fears of the Teita 
 people — The missionaiy fortress — Pare people jmd their tobacco- 
 pipes — Dress and ornaments in Teita — Its geogTaphj- and popu- 
 lation — ^Mission prospects — Retm-n journey to Rabbai Mpia — 
 European shoes and native sandals — Burden-bearing — Africa and 
 her childi-en . . . . . .223
 
 CONTEXTS. XVII 
 
 CHAP. n. 
 
 REBMANN^S FIRST JOURNEY TO JAGGA. 
 
 To Bura — Forced residence near Jawia — Timidity of the Teita, 
 and its causes — ^Beautiful scenery ; reminiscences of home — The 
 Chief Muina — On^vard again — Astonishment of the guide — 
 The trap-pits of the Teita — First view of Kilimanjaro, the 
 snow-mountain — The country between Teita and Jagga — ■ 
 Arrival in Kilema — Distinct view of Kilimanjaro ; conti-asts 
 of scenery — King Masaki — The Kishogno — Mutual present- 
 giving — Yisit from the king — His appearance — Strange use of a 
 fork — The king's cordiality — Ascent of a mountain ; extensive 
 prospect — The return — ^Notes oy Jagga and Missions — Geo- 
 gxaphical conformation, and civil economy — Politics and society 
 in Jagga — Its habitations — Substitute for salt — Xative expe- 
 dition to Kilimanjaro — Advantages of Jagga as a mission- station 
 — Argument for the establishment of missionary colonies in 
 Eastern Africa ...... 230 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 rebmann's second journey to jagga. 
 
 Change of plan — Arrival at Kilema — Detention by Masaki, and its 
 motive — Arrival of escort from the king Mamkinga — Journey 
 to Majame — Strange ceremony — The magicians and the 
 production of rain — Interview with the king — His friendly 
 reception and disinterestedness — Invitation to remain — Journey 
 • homeward — The mountains of Jagga — Kilimanjaro and its 
 meaning — Snow, and the natives of Jagga — Snow demon- 
 strated to the Suahili mind — Arrival at Eabbai . .248 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 rebmann's third journey to jagga. 
 
 Journeying in the rainy season — Encounter with a rhinoceros — 
 Masaki once more — Eain-making and rain-preventing — Ex- 
 temporized hut — Obstinacy of the bearers — Necessity pulls do^vn 
 the hut — Agreeable disappointment — Arrival at Majame — 
 Altered demeanour of king Mamkinga — Extortion and persecu- 
 
 h
 
 XVIU CONIENTS. 
 
 tion — Missionary-tears misiiitcr|)rctc(i — King lilamkinga's ivory — 
 Heathen hypocrisy — Ceremonial of leave-taking — Mercenary fare- 
 AveU — Sjjeedy dejiarturo — Masaki evaded — The native axe in 
 the jungle — Extemporized bridges and their dangers — Entrance 
 into the Wilderness — A feast of fledglings — Nearing home — • 
 Arrival at Eabbai — Teita prayer and translation . .257 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 THE author's first JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 Inducements to the journey — King Kmcri — Mtongwe — Lunguma — 
 Plain of Shimba — Kwale — Pipes and tobacco — Bundini — Musket- 
 fiiing and evil spirits — Teaching Wadigo boys their A, B, C — 
 At home in the wilderness — Description of the country — Flora and 
 Faiina — ^Wild beasts and their halitats — Gonja — Kusi — Way- 
 side sermon — Mohammedan haughtiness rebuked — King Kmeri's 
 daughter — The "Washinsi — Trustfulness of the people : democracy 
 and despotism — Forward towards Fuga — Mountain-scenery : the 
 one thing wanting — Fuga— Salla — ^Interview with king Kmeri — 
 Attitude of the people — Kmeri's harem — Interview with the 
 king — Eetiu'n -journey — Astonisliment of the Suahili — Prayer and 
 thanksgi\ing — Zanzibar, the Sultan and Kilimanjaro — j\j:iival at 
 Rabbai . . . . . . .266 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 FIRST JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 Aim of the journey — Junction with a Wakamba caravan — War 
 and peace — The -v^dlderncss and its perils — View from the moiui- 
 tain Maungu — View of Kilimanjaro — Theories and facts — No 
 water — Amval at the Tzawo — Merciful deliverance — Ai'rival at 
 Kikumbuliu: astonishment of the Wakamba — Commencement 
 of missionary effort — Fall of rain ; taken for a magician and rain- 
 maker — The Adi — View in Yata — Wakamba hospitality — Giraffe 
 and elephant's flesh — Nearing Kitui — Strike of the bearers — 
 Further dangers — Onward again — Anival at Kivoi's village — 
 Inter%-iew with the chiefs — The navigation of the Dana — 
 Identity of the Dana and Quilimansi — Reception — Missionary 
 instruction — Farewell-interWew with Kivoi — Return journey — 
 The wilderness, a type — Arrival at Rabbai . . 283
 
 CONTENTS. XIX 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 Contemplated missionary-station at Tata — Advantages of the loca- 
 lity — Departure — The mldemess : " silence !" — Eobbers ahead — 
 !N^o water — Forward towards the Tzawo — Onslaught of the robbers 
 — ^Fortunate deliverance — A false alaim — Arrival at Yata — 
 Friendly reception from the chiefs — 'No house, and its incon- 
 veniences — Threatened desertion of the Wanika, and flight of the 
 author's only servant — House-building operations : unsatisfactoiy 
 results — Annoyances from the Wakamba — ^Yisit to Kivoi resolved 
 on — Departure — Sickness — Too swift an escort — Arrival at Kivoi''s 
 — "Uki — War with the Atua — The deserted village — Kivoi's 
 return and promises — Peace-rejoicings — Expedition to the Dana — 
 Under way again — Poison- wood, its commerce and manipulation — 
 Unexpected venison — Xeai'Lng the Dana . . . 300 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI CONTINUED. 
 
 Eobbers — Parley — Attack in earnest — Dispersion of Kivoi's party — • 
 The author's flight — Subsequent adventures, perils, and sufferings 
 — Rencounter with a Wakamba pair — Arrival at a village — ^At 
 Kitetu's — Murderous designs of Kivoi's kinsmen — The author's 
 flight from Kitetu's hut — Wanderings in the wilderness — Arrival 
 at Kivoi's village — Eeception by his kinsfolk — Plundered and 
 silenced — To Tata — Eeception — FareweU. to Tata — Eetom 
 homewards — ^Elephants — ^Wild beasts as path-makers — Arrival 
 at Eabbai 3Ipia — Eesults of the journey — The Ukambani-mission 
 to be deferred, not given up — Conditions necessary for its 
 success — The Wakamba — TheWakuafi and Masai tribes . 317 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 Motives for the Journey — Comparison between Shoa and Usambara 
 — The Pangani district — Forward towards Fuga — ^A daughter of 
 king Kmeri's — The mountain -land of Usambara — Kmeri and his 
 dynasty — The European trade in fire-arms and its consequences — 
 
 h 2
 
 S CONTENTS, 
 
 Arrival at Fuga — The capital — Kmeri's friendly messages — The 
 cannibal Wadoc — Interview with Kmcri — Anti-missionary in- 
 trigues of the king's magicians — Kmcri receives his presents — 
 The Ala- African aborigines — The king consents to the establish- 
 ment of a missionary station — Interview with a son of Kmeri — • 
 Departure from Fuga — A new route to the coast — The Pangani 
 people and thefr Mohammedanism — Punishment and pardon of a 
 young thief — Kesults of the journey — Exposition of missionary 
 policy — Advantages of Usambara as a mission-field — The climate 
 
 367 
 
 PART III. 
 
 GEOGRAPHY, TOPOGRAPHY, Al^B HISTORY. 
 THE SOUTH SUAHILI COAST. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 VOYAGE FROM MOMBAZ TO CAPE DELGADO. 
 
 Importance of the Voyage — Under way — Tiwi — Wanika fisher- 
 men — Palm wine — Narrow escape from drowning — Magugu 
 missionaries and Mohammedans — Tanga Bay — View of the Usam- 
 bara mountains — A travelled Suahili — Tangata and its Divani — 
 Buyeni — The coast southward and its inhabitants — Msasani — 
 IMtotana — Caravan from Uniamcsi — M. Maisan and his murder — 
 Sinda — Jole — The cowrie trade — The Banian's sandbank — 
 Kiloa Kibenje — Slave-catching in the interior — The Niassa 
 country — Kiloa Kisiwani — Kisueri — Muania — Mkindani — The 
 Lufuma — To Zanzibar again — Return to Europe . .411 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 
 
 Bishop Gobat and the Abessinian mission — Jerusalem — Cairo — 
 Tor — Greek Christians in Arabia — Jidda — Mohammedan pil- 
 grims — The author's servant, Wolda-Gabriel — Stomi and fire — 
 Massowa — The new king Theodorus — News from Abessinia — 
 Dohono — Shumfeito — A Romish missionary — Halai — The Za- 
 ranna wilderness — Adowa — Axum — To Gondar — Jan Mcda — 
 The king's camp — Conference -ndth the Abima — Interview with 
 king Theodorus — Back to Gondar — Notes on the city . 432
 
 CONTEIS'TS. XXI 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 FROM GONDAR TO CAIKO, 
 
 Departure — Lake Tsamburu — Singular Telegraph — Boch — Custom 
 of eating raw flesh — The Alaka Selat ; controversies \nth priests 
 — Gunter and the river Kuang — The Western Abessinians less 
 indifferent to religious matters — Eomish missionaries at Kaffa 
 — Emmanuel — The Camant — The Salane — Cotton, and the 
 cotton district — Wekhne, and its importance as an emporium — 
 Cotton again — Matamma and its market — Abessinian penitence — 
 Egyptian order and hospitality — Doha — Slave smuggling — 
 Asser, and its hospitality — Sennar — A Eoman Catholic priest at 
 Fedasi — Coptic school — General drunkenness — Departure from 
 Sennar — Former diffusion of Chiistianity — Wasalie — Coptic 
 scribes — The Coptic communities and their possible future — Suf- 
 ferings in the desert — Khai'tum — Visit to the Roman Catholic 
 mission, and details respecting it — Fever — Invitation to explore 
 the Sobat — Opening for Protestant missions — Shendi — Egypt's 
 past and present — ^What Mehemet Ali has done — Berber and the 
 Barabra — The desert again : anticipations of death — The pure 
 air of the desert medicinal — Camel-diivers and camel-di"i^-ing — 
 Joyful arrival at Korusko — Assuan, the Syene of the ancients : 
 its quarries and obelisks — Cairo — Kindness of Dr. Lieder — 
 Return to Europe — Bishop Gobat's dispatch of missionary pupils 
 to Abessinia ; their arrival, reception, and activity — Latest from 
 Abessinia . . . , . . . 462 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 Christianity at Rabbai — Geographical results of the mission — Reb- 
 MANN ON Uniamjesi — Reports of the ivory traders as to a great 
 inland- sea — Rebmann's sei-vant, Salimini — Erhai'dt's map of the 
 interior — The lakes, mountains, and rivers of Eastern Africa — 
 Details respecting the great inland-sea — Salimini' s countiy — 
 Future missionary labours in Central Africa — Erhardt ox the 
 "Wanika-Laitd — Resources and products of the "Wauika-land — 
 Hints for the improvement of the "Wanik and their country — 
 Taxation — Hints to Missionaries . . . 485
 
 XXU CONTENTS. 
 
 SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER. 
 
 SUMMARY OF EAST-AFRICAN HISTORY. 
 
 The Arabs of the coast and Eastern Africa — The Hamiaritic Kings, 
 Solomon and the Phoenicians— Solomon, the Queen of Sheba, and 
 the Phoenician king, Hiram — The East- African coast, the Ophii- of 
 the Bible — Proofs philological and Scriptural — Notices of Eastern 
 Africa in ancient writers — The Pcriplus of Arrian — Ptolemy — 
 Cosmos — New era in the history of Eastern Africa: — the Mo- 
 hammedan Arabs — Arab settlements on the coast — Portuguese 
 conquest of Eastern Africa — Decline of the Portuguese power 
 and its causes — The princes of Oman and Eastern AMca — Said- 
 Said and the Msara of Mombaz — Long struggle for supremacy 
 over Mombaz and the East-African coast — Mombaz claims the 
 Protectorate of England— Refusal of Government to sanction the 
 aiTangement — Said- Said's career, character, and death — Europe 
 and Eastern Africa . . . . .515 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL AND LITERARY. 
 
 The Snow-capped Mountains of Eastern Africa— The Soui-ces of the 
 Bar-el- Abiad, the White River, or Nile— The Present Literatui-e 
 of Abessinia, and Languages of Eastern Afiica.
 
 fist of |l[:ifcs. 
 
 1. POETEA.IT OF THE AuTHOE {to fdCe Title). 
 
 2. MAP OF EASTEEN AFEICA . . . , . XXV 
 
 3. THE EIYEE HAWASH . . . . .21 
 
 4. WOMEIf OF SHOA . . . . . . 23 
 
 5. ANKOBEH . . . . . . .35 
 
 6. MEN OF SHOA . . . . . . 36 
 
 7. THE AT7TH0E IMPEISONED BY ADAEA BILLE . - 97 
 
 8. TAJTJEEA . . . . . . . 107 
 
 9. THE FOET OF MOMBAZ . . . . .119 
 
 10. ZAXZIBAE . . . . . . . 121 
 
 11. EABBAI MPIA . . . . . .156 
 
 12. MISSIONAET HOUSE AT KISULUTINI . . . . 213 
 
 13. STJAHILI AXD JAGGA COSTUME .... 230 
 
 14. FLIGHT FEOM SATAGES INTEEEUPTED . . . . 320 
 
 15. SKETCH OF MissiONAET MAP {(it the End).
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 I. A Cojs'cisE AccoTJXT OP Geogeaphical Discoteey in Eastern 
 Africa ; with a few Eemarks upon the Commerce of Africa, 
 and the Influence which the proposed Suez Canal is likely to 
 exercise upon its development ; and a Sketch of Recent Poli- 
 tical Events in Abessinia and Madagascar. 
 
 Br E. G. RAVEXSTEm, F.R.G.S., 
 
 COBBESP. F.G.S. FHA^JKFOBT. 
 
 At no time has discovery taken such rapid strides towards unfolding 
 the geography of inner Africa as within the last few years. Living- 
 stone, Earth, Galton, Andersson, and many others, have not only 
 traversed large tracts of country previously left blank on our maps, 
 or at the most filled up by rivers, lakes, and mountain-chains laid 
 down from imperfect native reports, but have embodied their results 
 in maps, based upon astronomical observations, or a careful estimate 
 of distances. 
 
 Eastern Afiica has taken its due share in the general progress, and 
 from the peculiar interest attaching to its geographical features, and 
 the comparative safety with which travellers may proceed inland, we 
 may confidently expect it soon to be one of those portions of the 
 continent most accurately known to us. Its coastline had been sur- 
 veyed between the years 1822-6, by Capt. W. F. Owen and his 
 officers, a survey to which but immaterial additions were made by 
 the Erench expedition under II. Gmllain, (1847-8). Lieutenant Cris- 
 topher, in 1844, visited Giredi and some other places on the lower 
 Haines river, but M. Maizan, a French officer, who in the same year
 
 XXVI INTKODTJCTION. 
 
 attempted to penetrate into the interior, was slain by the natives at 
 three days' journey from the coast.* 
 
 The inland exploration of that part of Eastern Africa may be dated 
 from the time when Dr. Krapf, of the Church Missionary Society, 
 established himself at Eabba Mpia, near Mombaz (1844), a place 
 which subsequently became the starting-point for several jom-neys 
 into the interior, undertaken by himself and fellow labourers. 
 Dr. Krapf visited thus Ukambani twice, in 1849 and 1851, and 
 Fuga, the capital of IJsambara, in 1848 and 1852. The Eev. J. 
 Rebmann undertook three journeys to Jaga in 1848 and 1852, and 
 the Rev. J. Erdhardt in 1853 preceded to Fuga. In addition to 
 this, Dr. Krapf explored the whole of the coast from Cape Guardafui 
 to Cape Delgado, for objects connected with the mission. The most 
 remarkable result obtained by these journeys is the discovery of 
 several mountains covered with perennial snow, a discovery which 
 can only be denied if we assume the missionaries capable of 
 deliberately advancing false statements.! True, no astronomical 
 observations were taken, and the routes explored have not been laid 
 down with all desirable accuracy ; nevertheless, the accounts of the 
 missionaries, fi'om their long residence in the country and close 
 intercourse with the natives, with whom they were able to converse 
 in their own language, give to their accounts quite an independent 
 value. On our small map we have laid down the routes to Ukambani 
 and Jagga approximately, and in doing so were under the necessity 
 of greatly reducing the distances as given on the missionary maps. 
 Dr. Krapf, in his original map, placesYata in Ukambani, at a distance 
 
 * Henry C. Arc Angelo in 1847, and Captain Short in 1849, claim to have 
 ascended the Eiver Jub for a considerable distance. M. Guillain, who in 1847 
 lodged in the very room at Merka previously occupied by Angelo, heard from 
 his host that that traveller ascended the river for a few miles merely. In 
 fact, the lower Jub is not considered na^^gable at all by the Arab merchants, 
 who carry their merchandise overland to Ganana, above which the river is 
 navigable for a considerable distance. (See Guillain, " Documents sur 1' Afrique 
 Orientale," II. 181). 
 
 + In an Itinerary to Kikuyu, by way of Ukambani, given by M. Guillain (II. 
 289), we find a very high mountain in Kikuyu described as " being of a white 
 colour, wooded at the foot, but entirely barren near its summit." This is 
 undoubtedly Krapfs Kenia, Kegnia or Kirenia. We refer to p. 544 of this 
 volume for further remarks, by Dr. Krapf, on the " Snow-covered Mountains 
 of Eafitom Africa."
 
 GEOGEAPHICAL DISCOVERY. XXVU 
 
 of 270 miles from the coast. He spent fifteen days on the average 
 in travelling to or from that place, and on his return journey in 
 1851 only ten days. In the latter he would consequently have 
 travelled at the rate of twenty-seven miles a-day, or at least thirty- 
 five miles of actual travelling, the above distance being given in a 
 direct line. Assuming Dr. Krapf to have travelled at the rate of 
 ten miles a day (on his last journey fifteen miles), Tata woiild be 150 
 miles distant from the coast, and this we have adopted on our map. 
 At Kitui, a village four days in a northerly direction jfrom Yata, 
 the snow mountain Kenia could be seen from an eminence during 
 clear weather, and its distance would appear to be at least 100 miles ; 
 the Kilimanjaro could be seen from the same locality, towards the 
 S."W. The approximate position of these two mountains we believe 
 to be as follows : — 
 
 Kenia. ... 1° 45' S. lat. 36° E. long. 
 Kilimanjaro . . 3° 30' „ 37° „ 
 
 In addition to the valuable information afforded by the ISIission- 
 aries with regard to the countries which came under their personal 
 observation, we are indebted to them for a mass of information about 
 the interior, collected fr-om native sources, which the Eev. J. Reb- 
 mann and Eev. J. Erhardt incorporated iu a map, first published in 
 the Proceedings of the Eoyal Geographical Society (1856), and the 
 most striking featiu'e of which is a vast lake of a curious shape, ex- 
 tending through twelve degrees of latitude. Dr. Ki'apf has now 
 published some fuither information with respect to the countiies 
 east of TJkambani, in his work on Eastern Africa, here presented to 
 the public. 
 
 The maps of the Missionaries, though open to criticism, as are 
 more or less all compilations of this kind, at once attracted the atten- 
 tion of geographers, and the Eoyal Geographical Society, aided by 
 government, resolved to send out an expedition to test the accuracy 
 of the data furnished. Major E. Burton, a man well experienced 
 ia Eastern travel, and favourably known by his "Pilgrimage to 
 Medina and Mekka," and a visit to Harar, was intrusted with 
 its direction, and, having been joined by Captain Speke, his former 
 companion, set out for Zanzibar, where he arrived on the 20th of 
 December, 1857. After a visit to the Eev. J. Eebmann, at liis mis- 
 sionary station at Kisidudini, and a preparatory journey to Fuga, the
 
 XXVm INTEODUCTIOX. 
 
 capital of Usambara, they set out for the interior on the 26th Jirnc, 
 1858. Traversing a mountainous tract, Avhich begins about a hun- 
 dred miles from the coast, and nowhere exceeds 6000 feet in height, 
 they reached the great inner plateau of Uniamesi, which at Kazeh, 
 an Arab trading post, has an elevation of 3400 feet. Thence west- 
 ward the countrj' forms a declined plane, and the elevation of the 
 lake of Takanyika, or Uniamesi, which our travellers reached the 3rd 
 of March, is 1843 feet. The lake extends for about 300 miles to 
 the north of Ujiji, as ascertained by actual examination, and is in- 
 closed there by a crescent-shaped chain of mountains, which Captain 
 Speke looks upon as identical with the Lunce Monies, Ptolemy's 
 Mountains of the Moon. This assumption we believe, however, 
 to be premature ; Ptolemy had no personal knowledge of the coun- 
 tries of the Upper Nile, and can scarcely be supposed to have been 
 acquainted with the crescent-like shape of the mountains in question. 
 We would therefore rather, with Dr. Beke, claim this appellation for 
 the snow-capped Kenia and Kilimanjaro, as far as we know the highest 
 mountains in that part of Africa. According to native information, 
 the lake extends towards the south to 8° of latitude, where it termi- 
 nates, communicating perhaps, during the rainy season, with the 
 Eukwe lake.* The information obtained by Dr. Livingstone from an 
 Arab merchant, whom he met on the Liambye, tallies satisfactorily with 
 that obtained by Captains Burton and Speke. That merchant skirted 
 the southern shore of the lake on coming from the coast, and places 
 Cazembe's Townf at ten days' journey to the S. "W. of it. A Suaheli 
 whom Dr. Beke had interrogated at Mauritius {vide " Athenaeum," 
 12th July, 1856), gave similar information, and describes the Tagan- 
 j-ika as being distinct from the more southerly Niassa. In spite of this 
 apparently conclusive evidence regarding the disconnection of the 
 two lakes, Mr. "VV. Dcsborough Cooley, than whom no one has done 
 more for the elucidation of the geography of Central South Africa, 
 
 * Perhaps identical with the Kalagwe mentioned by Livingstone as com- 
 municating with the Taganyika. 
 
 t Tlie approximate position of Cazembe's Town (Lunda or Lucenda) is 
 known from the expeditions of Lacerda (1792) and Monteiro and Gamitto 
 (1832, see page 561). The former made astronomical observations at 
 Chama (Moiro Achinto) a \-ilIage 150 miles to the S.E. of it. The Eoapnra 
 river, which passes close to it, according to Dr. Livingstone, enters the 
 Liaiiibyc, and the elevation of Cazembe's Town could nut therefore be assumed 
 at less than 50UO feet, or more than 3000 feet above the Taganyika.
 
 GEOGKArniCAL DISCOYERy. XXIX 
 
 still adheres to his opinion regarding their connection. To our know- 
 ledge, however, not a single instance of either Arab or native having 
 navigated such a lake lengthways has been adduced in support of 
 this assumption. 
 
 On their return from the Taganyika, Captain Burton remained at 
 Kazeh, to recruit his failing health, whilst Captain Speke proceeded 
 northward to explore the Yictoria Nyanza, Lake Yictoria, or lake 
 of TJkerewe, which he reached on the 3rd of August, and ascertained 
 to be 3738 feet above the sea. A river is said to debouch from its 
 northern extremity, and to flow into the Nile. Assuming the lake 
 to extend to 1 ° north latitude, and the development of the river to 
 be equal to twice the direct distance to Gondokoro, the altitude of 
 which is 1606 feet,* such a river would have a fall of five and a half 
 feet per mile, a current which would render it quite impracticable 
 for navigation. 
 
 The first information regarding the Upper Nile, or Bahr el Abiad, 
 is due to the three expeditions sent out by the Egyptian government, 
 between 1839 and 1842. Private travellers, such as 301. Bnm 
 Rollet, Malzac, and Yayssieres, but especially the Roman Catholic 
 missionaries at Gondokoro since 1849, have considerably added to 
 our knowledge. The visit of a traveller capable of making reliable 
 astronomical observations is, however, urgently required to clear up 
 the doubts regarding the true position of the Upper Nile. The 
 position of Janker Island is variously stated by different observers : — 
 
 SeKm Bimbashi, Commander of 
 
 second Egyptian Expedition . 4° 35' N. lat. 32° 25' E. long. 
 31. d'Amaud, Member of two 
 
 Egyptian Expeditions . . 4° 42' N. lat. 31° 38' E. long. 
 M. Knoblecher, Eoman Catholic 
 
 Missionary . . . . 4° 37' N. lat. 28° 40' E. long. 
 
 Unfortunately, the final results alone of M. Knoblecher's observations 
 have been given, and we are not, therefore, in a position to judge of 
 the degree of confidence to be attached to them. The information 
 
 * The altitude of Gondokoro has been deduced from barometrical observa- 
 tions by Dovyak, continued during thirteen months. The same observer 
 makes Khartum 882 feet above the sea ; according to Russeger it is 1525 
 feet, and according to Captain Peel 1286 feet.
 
 XXX INTEODUCTIOX. 
 
 obtained by Captain Spckc regarding the Kibiri river (the Bahr el 
 Abiad, above Janker Island, is called Tibiri, spelt Tubiri by the 
 French), which is said to flow towards the north-west on leaving 
 the Nyanza, would speak in favour of the greater accuracy of 
 M. Knoblecher's observations. 
 
 [For proceedings of the Itoman Catholic Missionaries on the Upper 
 Nile, see the "Annual Keportsof the Society of Mary for Promoting 
 Catholic Missions in Central Africa," Vienna, since 1851. MM. Dov- 
 yak's and Knoblecher's observations have been reprinted from the 
 "Annals of the I. E. Institute for Meteorology and Terrestrial 
 Magnetism," Vienna, 18.59. Other Missionaries established in 
 Abcssinia (as Leon des Avanchers and Miani) have published some 
 information in the Journal of the Paris Geographical Society.] 
 
 After Captain Speke's return fi'om the Nyanza both travellers 
 went back to Zanzibar, whence they embarked for Europe in March, 
 1859. Captain Speke is about to proceed again to the scene of his 
 late discoveries, accompanied by Captain Grant.* 
 
 In the mean time a German traveller, Dr. A. Roscher, has made 
 several attempts to penetrate into the interior, but hitherto his 
 endeavours have been foiled by almost constant iUness. In February 
 1859 he made a journey by land along the coast from opposite Zan- 
 zibar to Kiloa, examining on the way the lower course of the Lufiji. 
 It was his intention to proceed from Kiloa to Lake Niassi, but in 
 October he had not yet left the coast, and the Arabs refused to take 
 him inland, fearing he might die. 
 
 The Niassi or IS'yanja, by older authorities called Lake of the 
 Maravi, from a tribe occupying its westers shore, was laid down on 
 Portuguese maps as early as 1546 and 1623. In 1518, even, a 
 large lake in the interior is mentioned by the Spaniard Fernandez 
 de Enciso. Manoel Godinho, in liis travels to India, in 1663, gives 
 some more precise infonnation, obtained fr'om a Portuguese Avho had 
 actually visited the comitry. He places the southern extremity of 
 the lake under 15° 50' S. lat., and the River Zachaf (Shire) connects 
 it with the Zambezi below Sena. 
 
 * Major Burton's account of the expedition is in the press. In the mean 
 time we refer for further details to " Blackwood's Magazine " (Feb. to May 1 858, 
 and Sept. to Nov. 1859), and to vol. XVIII. of the " Journal of the Eoj-al 
 Geographical Society."
 
 GEOGEAPHICAL DISCOYEKY. XXxi 
 
 Gamitto (1831) states the lake to have a breadth of eighteen 
 Portuguese miles, (thirty-thi-ee English,) but owing to the strong 
 cuiTent it took two to thi-ee days to cross it, the canoes being 
 pushed along by poles. According to him, the Shire or Little 
 Nyanja had no communication with the lake. Dr. Livingstone, 
 in his " Missionary Travels in Southern Africa," tells us of a 
 Senhor Candido, long a resident of Tete, who had visited the 
 Nyanja lake. Travelling through the country of the Maravi, that 
 gentleman came upon the lake in the country of the Chiva. It took 
 thirty-six hours to cross the lake to the countiy of the Mujao 
 (Wahiao). In the middle of its southern end is a mountain island, 
 caUed Murombo or Murombola, i.e. "where the waters divide." 
 Of two rivers which leave the lake, one is the Shire, and enters the 
 Zambezi, the other, he says, flows towards the sea under another 
 name.* Similar information was given to Captain Bedingfield 
 (1858) by Colonel Nunes, at QuUlimane, who considered, however, 
 the Nyanja as a chain of lakes. 
 
 From native sources we have obtained a number of routes leading 
 to the lake, from Kiloa, Kisanga, and Mozambique, Prom Kiloa 
 the distance is stated at from thirty to sixty days' journey, from 
 Mozambique at thirty days. All routes agree in traversing near 
 the lake the country of the Mujao or Wahiao (Hiao), and several 
 pass through Lukelingo (Keringo), the capital of that countiy. At 
 the southernmost ferry persons on opposite sides can speak with 
 each other, and it was probably here where Silva Porto crossed in 
 1854. At Mjenga, a little further north, the opposite shore can 
 just be seen. Opposite to Moalo is a mountain-island, called Mbaazura 
 on Erhardt and Eebmann's map, possibly the Murombo Island of 
 Senhor Candido. At Gnombo (Ngombo) the opposite shore only 
 appears after three hours' rowing, and still further north the passage 
 of the lake requires from two to three days. Nothing reliable is 
 linoAvn regarding the extent of the lake further north : the Mission- 
 aries and Mr. Cooley believe it to communicate with the Taganyika 
 or Lake of Uniamesi; Captain Burton and Speke think that it 
 terminates at about 10 S. lat., and Mr. MaeQuecn ("Proceed. 
 
 * Botli Leon des Avanchers and Dr. Krapf were told that the river 
 Rnvuma took its rise from the large inland lake. See p. 419.
 
 XXXU INTEODUCTION. 
 
 R. O. S.," Vol. IV., No. 1) looks upon the Nyanja as a large river, 
 the head stream of Avhich is a river passing near Cazembe's town. 
 
 These various conjectures "we may confidently expect to see cleared 
 up at an early date, by the labours of that indefatigable traveller 
 Dr. Livingstone. That gentleman returned in 1858 to the Zambezi 
 in the character of British Consul, and after a minute examination 
 of the river up to the Kabrabesa rapids, he ascended the Shire, and, 
 leaving the steamer at 16° 2' S. lat., continued his journey by land 
 to the Shirwa lake, the existence of which had not hitherto been 
 known to Europeans. This lake has an elevation of 2000 feet ; it is 
 BiuToimded by mountains, and said to be separated from the Nyanja 
 or Nyenyesi (Star Lake) by a narrow strip of land, only six miles 
 wide ; its waters are bitter, but drinkable. Later in the year 
 Dr. Livingstone traced the Shire river to the point where it flows 
 from the Lake Nyenycsi (Xyanja or Niasse), 14° 23' S. lat., 
 35° 30' E. long. From that point the lake appeared to stretch 
 towards the N.N.W., and upon its horizon appeared an island, 
 which may be identical with the mountain island mentioned above. 
 According to native testimony the lake subsequently turns towards 
 the sea.* 
 
 COMMEBCE OF AfEICA. 
 
 The geographical configuration of Africa is not favourable to the 
 development of commerce. Eew rivers are navigable from the coast, 
 and even those which are, are only so during part of the year. There 
 are not many good harbours ; the climate along the coast is inimical 
 to European constitutions ; and moreover, the continent is split up 
 into innumerable independent communities, almost constantly at war 
 with each other, and offering little security to the acquisition of pro- 
 perty or encouragement to enterprise. 
 
 We need not, therefore, be surprised to find that the whole com- 
 merce of that vast continent does not exceed in amount that carried 
 on by Hamburg alone. In the following table we have attempted 
 
 » Dr. Krapf was told at Kiloa that the lake might be reached in ten days, 
 thus corroboratinf^ the information obtained by Li\angstone ; for, in order to 
 reach its southern extremity in that time, a daily journey of some forty miles 
 in a direct line wonld be required.
 
 COMilKECE OF AFKICA. 
 
 XXXllZ 
 
 to give a statement of this cominerce, as far as the Custom House 
 returns of the various sea-faring nations enable us to do this. 
 
 To 
 
 Northern 
 Africa.* 
 
 Imports from 
 African Cape and 
 Islands. Natal. 
 
 East and 
 West Coasts. 
 
 Total. 
 
 United Kingdom . . 
 France .... 
 Spain, Portugal, and \ 
 Medit. Countries . J 
 Remainder of Europe . 
 America 
 
 British India . . . 
 Remainder of Asia 
 Australasia (British) . 
 
 Total . . 
 
 £ 
 6,300,000 
 2,742,000 
 
 1,600,000 
 
 43,000 
 10,000 
 
 £ 
 
 1,600,000 
 1,300,000 
 
 45,000 
 
 92,000 
 
 52,000 
 
 156,000 
 
 100,000 
 
 500,000 
 
 £ 
 1,463,000 
 
 149,000 
 185,000 
 
 51,000 
 6,000 
 
 12,000 
 
 £ 
 
 1,900,000 
 900,000 
 
 56,000 
 
 161,000 
 305,000 
 225,000 
 300,000 
 
 £ 
 
 11,263,000 
 
 4,942,000 
 
 1,701,000 
 
 445,000 
 552,000 
 432,000 
 406,000 
 512,000 
 
 10,695,000 
 
 3,845,000 
 
 1,866,000 
 
 3,847,000 
 
 20,253,000 
 
 From 
 
 Northern 
 Africa.* 
 
 Expo 
 African 
 Islands. 
 
 rts to 
 Cape and 
 Natal. 
 
 East and 
 West Coasts. 
 
 Total. 
 
 United Kingdom . . 
 Prance .... 
 Spain, Portugal, and l 
 Medit. Countries . ) 
 Remainder of Em-ope . 
 America 
 
 British India . . . 
 Remainder of Asia 
 Australasia (British) . 
 
 Total . . 
 
 £ 
 
 2,104,000 
 5,212,00O» 
 
 1,100,000 
 
 63,000 
 80,000 
 
 £ 
 
 900,000 
 1,000,000 
 
 16,000 
 
 43,000 
 
 95,000 
 
 210,000 
 
 700,000 
 
 400,000 
 
 £ 
 2,041,000 
 
 8,000 
 
 84,000 
 305,000 
 77,000 
 61,000 
 15,000 
 
 £ 
 
 970,000 
 786,000 
 
 152,000 
 
 46,000 
 580,000 
 120,0(X> 
 300,000 
 
 £ 
 6,015,000 
 6,998,000 
 
 1,276,000 
 
 230,000 
 1,060,000 
 
 407,000 
 1,061,000 
 
 415,000 
 
 8,559,000 
 
 3,364,000 
 
 2,591,000 
 
 2,954,000 
 
 17,468,000 
 
 Assuming the population of Africa to be 150,000,000, the exports 
 would average 2s. Sd. per head; in Great Britain they amount to 86s., 
 in the United States to 54s., in France to 41s., and in Russia to 7s. 
 But even this amount of 2s., small though it be, would give an 
 exaggerated idea of the proportionate exports of Africa. For Northern 
 Africa the exports amount to 8s. per head of the population, for the 
 African Islands to 96s., for Cape Colony and Natal to 75s., but for 
 the whole west and east coast, including Madagascar, to 9d. only. 
 
 The materials at our disposition have not enabled us to separate 
 the commerce of the west coast fi'om that of the east ; one third, 
 perhaps, of the total may appertaiu to the latter. At all events, the 
 direct exports to Europe are trifling ; France and the Hanse towns 
 take the largest share ; the Americans cany on a considerable trade, 
 
 * Transit via Suez (chiefly specie) not included. The French exports to 
 Northern Africa include £4,620,000 to Algeria. 
 
 C
 
 IXTEODUCTIOX. 
 
 and Great Britain indirectly takes part in the commercial movement 
 through British India. The east coast of Africa in many respects 
 is preferable to the west coast : the climate is superior, and fevers 
 scarcely ever prove fatal ; there are many good harbours, and a great 
 part of the coast is in the hands of regular governments. The chief 
 di-awback, however, is to be looked for in the greater distance from 
 Europe ; for, while a sailing vessel may reach the coast of Guinea in 
 fifty days from Liverpool, it takes ninety days to get to Zanzibar. 
 Nor would the opening of the Suez Canal, supposing that scheme 
 capable of being carried out, materially shorten the passage to Zan- 
 zibar as regards sailing vessels. The following table shows the 
 average passage in days from Southampton, by way of the Isthmus 
 of Suez and round the Cape of Good Hope. 
 
 
 
 Round the Cape. 
 
 Byway of Suez. 
 
 To or frora 
 Suathampton. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Distance 
 
 Average Passage 
 
 Distance 
 
 Average Passage 
 
 
 in 
 
 In Screwiln Sailing Vessels. 
 
 in 
 
 tn Screw 
 
 In Sailing Vessels. | 
 
 
 Miles. 
 
 Steamer. Out. 
 
 Home. 
 
 Miles. 
 
 Steamer. 
 
 Out. 
 
 Home. 
 
 
 
 Days. Days. 
 
 Days. 
 
 
 Days. 
 
 Days. 
 
 Days. 
 
 Aden 
 
 10,300 
 
 *56 '*99 
 
 701 
 
 ♦108 
 
 4,100 
 
 19 
 
 »57 
 
 •67 
 
 Bombay 
 
 10,300 
 
 »o6 10" 
 
 76 
 
 104 i 83 
 
 6,000 
 
 26 
 
 *76 
 
 •85 
 
 Calcutta . 
 
 11,200 
 
 »60 110 
 
 83: 
 
 112 [82 
 
 7,600 
 
 36 
 
 »93 
 
 •103 
 
 Hong Kong . 
 
 12,800 
 
 *6S 131' 
 
 14 
 
 120 99 
 
 9,800 
 
 42 
 
 *124 
 
 •123 
 
 Melbourne 
 
 11,500 
 
 59 
 
 82 
 
 60 1 
 
 a3'61 
 
 11,000 
 
 53 
 
 *112 
 
 •114 
 
 -Mauritius 
 
 i 8,100 
 
 ♦■18 
 
 79 
 
 8S 61 
 
 6,700 
 
 30 
 
 *80 
 
 •90 
 
 Xatal 
 
 6,700 
 
 39 
 
 63 
 
 ,66. 
 
 72 4« 
 
 8,000 
 
 »36 
 
 *92 
 
 •102 
 
 Zanzibar 
 
 8,500 
 
 ♦48 
 
 81 
 
 90 [64 
 
 6,200 
 
 »?8 
 
 *74 
 
 •84 
 
 The above table has been compiled chiefly from the " passage 
 table" in the "Meteorological Papers," published by authority of 
 the Board of Trade, No. 2, 1858. The average passage to Alex- 
 andria (2960 miles) takes 35 days : the quickest has been made in 
 23 days ; the passage home requires on an average 45 days, or at the 
 least 31 days. "We have allowed one day for steamers, and two days 
 for sailing vessels, to reach Suez fi'om Alexandria. The navigation 
 of the Red Sea being rather difficult for sailing vessels, we have 
 assumed the voyage from Suez to Aden (1300 miles) to occupy 20 
 days, but believe this to be rather below what would be required 
 ordinarily. The passage from Kossier to Jedda, for instance 
 requires from 10 to 20 days, and considerably more in Arab 
 boats. Beyond Aden we assumed 90 to 100 miles as the daily 
 
 * Based partly on estimates. The figures in brackets [ ] indicate the 
 quickest passage on record.
 
 POLITICAL EVENTS. XXXV 
 
 progress of a sailing vessel, an estimate entirely in favour of the Suez 
 route. AVith regard to steam vessels, the saving in point of time is 
 very considerable ; but on account of their small stowage room, and 
 the expense of fuel, theii* use is restricted to the carrying of mails, 
 of passengers, specie, and of few articles of merchandise of small bulk, 
 and for that piu'pose the railway between Suez and Alexandria 
 suffices. In the trade with Aden, Bombay, and Calcutta, sailing vessels 
 by the canal in nubihus would have an advantage of 40, 20, or 12 
 days respectively ; but we doubt whether this would enable them to 
 pay the proposed passage dues, of 10 francs per ton. Hong Kong, 
 (and the whole of Eastern Asia), Mauritius, and Zanzibar would not 
 gain in point of time ; Melbourne and Natal would actually lose. 
 
 Mr. MacLeod, late H. B. M. Consul at Mozambique, proposes the 
 establishment of a line of steamers in connection ■o'ith Aden, and 
 touching at the principal places along the east coast, down to Natal. 
 The time required to reach Xatal, either by way of Suez or the Cape, 
 being nearly alike (36 and 39 days respectively), the present line to 
 the Cape, extended to Xatal, might be profitably maintained. Simul- 
 taneously, consular officers would have to be appointed to the prin- 
 cipal ports. The facilities for postal intercourse with Europe, thus 
 offered to merchants settled at Zanzibar and elsewhere, could not fail 
 to be highly conducive to the growth of legitimate commerce, and 
 the slave-trade, which is still being carried on actively, might thus 
 be gradually and effectually checked. 
 
 Our space will not permit us to enter into details regarding im- 
 ports and exports, and we refer regarding these to the work of M. 
 Guillain, and to Mr. MacLeod's " Travels in Eastern Africa." The 
 latter gentleman most kindly vokmteers to supply merchants with 
 any particulars they may require regarding suitable cai'goes, &c. 
 
 Political Events in Abessinia, and Madagascak. 
 
 Eastern Afeica, unlike the West Coast, is for the greater part 
 occupied or claimed by foreign powers, and the native states, except- 
 ing Abessinia and Madagascar, are of little or no importance. The 
 Turks occupy several places on the Red Sea, the principal of which 
 is Massowa, and appoint the governor of Zeila. The dominions of 
 the Imam of Zanzibar include the whole of the coast and neighbour- 
 
 c2
 
 XXXVl INTEODTJCTION. 
 
 ing islands, from about 5° N. latitude to beyond Cape Dclgado; 
 many parts of the coast arc, however, virtually independent. The 
 Portuguese claim extends from Cape Dclgado to Delagoa Bay ; but 
 they occupy in reality only the country along the lower Zambezi, 
 and some isolated towns along the coast. Great Britain possesses 
 Perim, a small island at the entrance of the E,ed Sea ; the island 
 Musha, opposite Tujurra, the natural outlet for the commerce of 
 Shoa and Southern Abcssinia ; the island of Socotra, not at present 
 occupied ; the southern half of Delagoa Bay, and the Bay of Santa 
 Lucia, on the coast of Kaffraria ; and lastly, Natal, a country destined, 
 from its favourable position and climate, to eclipse Cape Colony as 
 an agricultural settlement. The French have lately acquired the 
 port of Zula, south of Massowa; they also claim the whole of 
 Madagascar, but at present hold but a few insignificant islands on 
 its shore, and Mayotte, one of the Comoros. 
 
 Of Massowa, Abessinia, and Madagascar we shall speak more in 
 detail under separate headings ; but, before doing so, we would refer 
 in a few words to the political bearings of the Suez Canal scheme. 
 Engineers of eminence and respectability* have pronounced against 
 the practicability of such a canal. Nevertheless, the enterprise is 
 being persevered in under the auspices of the French government, 
 or rather, the isthmus has been occupied within the last few weeks 
 by a party of armed ouvriers. It is the avowed design of France to 
 found in the eastern sea an empire to rival, if not to eclipse, British 
 India, of which empire Madagascar is to be the centre. Across the 
 Isthmus of Suez leads the shortest route from southern France to 
 Madagascar (and India) ; its possession by a power desirous to extend 
 her dominions in that quarter, and capable of availing herself of its 
 advantages, would therefore be of the utmost consequence. The 
 mere fact of the isthmus being part of the Turkish empire, or of 
 Egypt, would not deter France fi-om occupj-ing it ; for scruples of 
 conscience ai-e not allowed by that nation to interfere with political 
 "ideas." Zula has been chosen as the second station on the route to 
 Madagasctu-, and wliile the occupation of Suez may at will fui-nish 
 
 * Wo say " respectability " advisedly. No doubt many supporters of the 
 scheme are sincere in believing it feasible. Such, however, can scarcely be 
 the opinion of its actual promoters, otherwise they would have been more 
 conscientious with regard to statements made, or facts omitted.
 
 POLITICAL KVEXTS. XXXVll 
 
 a pretext for seizing upon Egypt, that of Zula may open Abessinia 
 to French conquest. Fortunately there is a power which can put 
 a veto upon those plans of aggrandizement in North-eastern Africa, 
 and that power is Great Britain. Gibraltar, Malta, Perim,* and 
 Aden, form a magnificent line of mihtary and naval stations on the 
 route to India, and perfectly command it. Only after having con- 
 verted the last three into French strongholds, and thus striking a 
 decisive blow at the naval supremacy of Great Britain, could France 
 ever hope to carry out her designs. 
 
 1. — Massowa and Abessinia. 
 
 Massowa in former times constituted part of the Abessinian Empire, 
 and was governed by the Bahamagash, or Prince of the Sea, who 
 had his residence at Dixan. It was occupied at the commencement 
 of the 1 7th century by the Turks, in whose possession it has remained 
 ever since. The Belaw, who inhabit the island and neighbouring 
 coast, were the first to embrace Islamism, and from amongst them the 
 pasha of Jidda nominated as vice-governor of the mainland, the "naib," 
 i. e. substitute, a dignity since confined to the members of one family. 
 The naibs, by stratagem or force, acquired a considerable influence over 
 the neighbouring tribes, and their authority was recognized by the 
 Shoho, Beduan, and Habab. The two former, being the earliest 
 subjects, merely promised a contingent in time of war. The naibs 
 also successfully restricted the commerce of Abessinia to Massowa ; 
 and when, about fifty years ago, caravans were known to frequent 
 Ait, a port situated further south, war was made upon that place, 
 and its chief compelled to swear upon the Koran not to receive any 
 more caravans. 
 
 Repeated complaints of the arbitrary conduct of the naib at last in- 
 duced the pasha of Jidda to give orders for his deposition. The 
 governor of Massowa with his Tm-kish troops crossed over to Arkiko, 
 the residence of the naib, destroyed that place, and built a fort which 
 he garrisoned with 200 men. The naibs subsequently might have 
 
 * Perim at present is destined merely to bear a light-house. Properly for- 
 tified, it wonld command the entrance to the Ked Sea even more effectually 
 tUau (Gibraltar does that to the Mediterranean.
 
 XXXVlll IXTUODUCTIOX. 
 
 regained their former influence, for the governor's conduct towards 
 the Sohos and Beluw, from whom he demanded taxes, was by no 
 means judicious ; family disputes, however, prevented this. In 1853 
 the Shohos and Belaw were in open rebellion, but they at once 
 returned to their former allegiance when, towards the close of 1854, 
 a new naib arrived from Jidda, where he had successfully prosecuted 
 the claims of his branch of the family to that dignity. He was in- 
 vested with plenary powers as far as the mainland was concerned, 
 and thus rendered almostindependent of the Turkish pasha, who has 
 since 1850 resided at Massowa. 
 
 At the present time the Turks have a garrison of 250 Regulars and 
 150 Bashi-bozuks at Massowa; fifty Bashi-bozuks occupy the fort at 
 Arkiko, and, since July 1857, twenty-seven have occupied Ait. 
 
 The claim of Turkey to the west coast of the Red Sea, and specially 
 to that part of the coast extending between Massowa and Ait, how- 
 ever slight her authority, appears to us to be cleai'ly established by 
 the mere fact of her nominating the naibs, and this for a period of 
 nearly 300 years. Abessinia still prefers a claim to these territories, 
 but has never been able to expel the Turks, and as late as 1848, 
 when TJbie, the Regent of Tigre, attempted to do so and sent an army 
 of 20, 000 men against Arkiko, he was compelled to retire after having 
 burnt a few villages and made a raid upon some cattle. Still, the 
 claim of Abessinia to the coast offering the sole maritime outlet to her 
 commerce, and formerly part of her territory, might be allowed, were 
 she in a position to enforce it. It must, however, cause surprise to 
 hear of France, a European power, at amity with Tmkey, purchas- 
 ing from the Regent of Tigre, who never held the slightest authority 
 there, the port of Ait, and subsequently that of Zula. 
 
 The endeavours of France to gain a footing upon the Red Sea may 
 be traced back for a number of years. M. Combes, who in 1835 
 visited Adoa, purchased fi'om TJbie, the regent of Tigi-e, the port of 
 Ait for £300, obviously for the purpose of attracting to it the com- 
 merce of Abessinia, then, as now, carried on through Massowa. A 
 French vessel sent there by a Bordeaux house was not, however, able 
 to open commercial intercourse ; they neither found purchasers for 
 their ill-assorted wares, nor the expected caravans with ivoiy and 
 gold-dust. For a long time afterwards French interests in Abessinia 
 were intrusted to the Romish missionaries, and to a consul, who took
 
 POLITICAL EVENTS. XXXIX 
 
 his residence at Massowa, a port "witli which France had no inter- 
 course whatever. In 1 840 the naib ceded to the consid a small plot 
 of ground at Mokiillu, close to Massowa, upon which the Missionaries 
 built a chapel in 1848, and they also extended their operations to a 
 Christian tribe of the Shohos, dwelling above Zula, and to the Bogos 
 to the north of Abcssinia. The consul gave the Tiu'kish governor 
 much trouble, and has of late insisted upon considering the mainland 
 as independent. When Kassai had succeeded in making himself 
 master of Abessinia, and a prospect of a stable government was at 
 hand, France, who in this most probably saw the downfall of her 
 own schemes, sowed disunion by rendering her support to Ubie, and 
 subsequently to Yeh, the opponents of Kassai in Tigre. At the 
 close of 1857, the French consul, accompanied by a priest, travelled 
 to Adoa for the purpose of inducing Yeh to occujiy the coast. The 
 result of this journey has perhaps been the so-called cession of Zula, 
 a port situated upon Annesley Bay, and only about twenty-five miles 
 south of Massowa.* Zula formerly was a place of great commercial 
 importance ; its trade, however, has been removed to Massowa, which 
 is more favourably situated, and at the present day it merely consists 
 of a few huts of fishermen and camel-drivers. Its importance as a 
 naval station is but slight, and the assertion of French writers that 
 it commands the route to Aden is absurd, cut oflF, as the place would 
 be, from receiving any support whatever in case of hostilities Tvdth a 
 naval power like Great Britain, holding in Aden and Perim the keys 
 to the Red Sea. It might, however, serve as a stepping-stone to further 
 conquests in Abessinia ; but is France in a position to find funds for 
 the conquest of a second Algeria ?f 
 
 Abessinia has for a number of years been a prey to intestine wars ; 
 which we had hoped to see terminated by the usurpation of the 
 throne by Kassai whose energy may even now enable him to gain 
 the object of his desires — the re-establishment of the Abessinian 
 
 * According to French papers this cession was made by Ubie (Oubieh) 
 Our infonnation regarding late political events in Abessinia is very fi-agmen- 
 tary ; we nevertheless have reason to suppose that Ubie has left the field of 
 political action. 
 
 t The revenues Algeria at the pi'esent day covers the expenses of thtj 
 civil administration (£8 to 900,000) ; the maintenance of the military esta- 
 blishment requires, however, an outlay of above £2,000,000 more.
 
 Xl INTEODUCTION. 
 
 Empire. Kassai is a native of Kuara, a small province of "Western 
 Abcssinia, the limits of which had been extended by his father and 
 elder brother, Komfu, to the Abai and Lake Tsana. He wrested by 
 conquest the province of Dembia from the mother of E.as Ali, 
 Governor of Gondar, thus carrying his boundary to within a few 
 miles of the capital. His desire of independence, and refusal to pay 
 the customary tiibute, soon brought him into hostile collision with 
 the Ras, and the latter, in 1850, conferred the greater part of the 
 provinces held by Kassai upon Burn Goshu, Prince of Gojam, a more 
 loyal satrap. Kassai, with his scattered forces, retired before the 
 large army sent against him, to Kuara, where he made active pre- 
 parations to reconquer his lost tenitories. "WTien his adversaiy had 
 quietly settled down in Dembea, he broke forth from his mountains 
 and defeated him in a sanguinary battle near the lake, Buru Goshu 
 himself being amongst the slain. Ras Ali fled from Gondar, but, 
 aided by Ubie of Tigre, and other Abessinian princes, collected a large 
 force ; but he was also defeated ia 1 853 near Gorada, and obliged to 
 seek safety amongst his Mohammedan relations. Kassai next tiu'ned 
 his victorious arms against Ubie, whom he defeated and took prisoner 
 in 1 855 ;*■ he then appointed a relation of Sabagadis, the former 
 rightful sovereign of Tigre, as vice-governor : and by consenting to 
 expel the Eomish priests, who had greatly interfered with the in- 
 ternal management of the church, he induced the Abuna to remove 
 from Adoa to Gondar, and to anoiut him as Theodore (Tadruss), 
 Negus or Emperor of the Abessinian Empire. In 1856, Shoa was 
 added to the dominions of Kassai. He was not, however, long to 
 enjoy his conquests. 
 
 We glean from disjointed information obtained subsequently, that 
 fresh opponents arose against Kassai in Tigre, and at the close of 
 1858, the Me of the empire had not yet been decided by battle. It 
 is, however, to be hoped in the interests of hiimanity, that Kassai, 
 who is still a young man, may triumph over his enemies, and thus 
 carry out the reforms he contemplated.! 
 
 * Ublo subsequently appears to have beeu liberated on paj-ment of a ran- 
 som of £10,000. 
 
 t Compare Dr. Krapf's Travels, p. 4iO.
 
 POLITICAL EVENTS xli 
 
 2. — ^Madagascar. 
 
 Madagascak first attracted the attention of the French in 1642, 
 when Louis XIII. granted the island to the Companie de 1' Orient. 
 Their first vessels arrived in 1643, and possession was taken of the 
 island Ste. Marie and of Antongil Bay, and a small colony estab- 
 lished at Ste. Luce, which soon afterwards was removed to Fort 
 Dauphin. The new settlement was but badly supported by France ; 
 the governors treated the natives with execrable cruelty, and even 
 sold them to Dutch slave-dealers, conduct which brought about the 
 massacre of the French colonists when celebrating a midnight mass 
 on Christmas eve, 1672. Only a few made their escape to the 
 island of Boxu'bon. 
 
 The next attempt at settlement was directed towards the island 
 Ste. Marie in 1750, but conduct similar to that pursued at Fort 
 Dauphin caused a second massacre, four years after the arrival of 
 the colonists. 
 
 Fort Dauphia was again temporarily occupied in 1768, but up to 
 1774, when Count Benyovski arrived with liis expedition in Antongil 
 Bay, France was represented on the island merely by a few inde- 
 pendent traders. The count, having lost most of his people in 
 battle or by disease, returned to France to vindicate his conduct. 
 The Government did not, however, think fit to intrust him with 
 the conduct of a second expedition, and, stung with disappointment, 
 he went to the United States, where he collected a band of adven- 
 turers, with whom he landed in Madagascar with a view of conquer- 
 ing that island on his own account, but fell in defence of a small 
 fort in 1786, against a French force sent against him from Mauritius. 
 
 In 1810, when Great Britain took possession of Mauritius, French 
 agents were found established at Tamatave and Foulepointe, and 
 surrendered to the British squadron. By the treaty of Paris, of 
 1814, Mauritius with its dependencies was ceded to Great Britain, 
 including, of course, any settlement which might have been made in 
 Madagascar ; France, however, subsequently refused to acknowledge 
 this claim. In 1815, a tract of land was pui'chased fi'om native 
 chiefs at Port Lu(j[uez, and a small settlement founded, which was,
 
 Xlii INXEODTJCTIOX. 
 
 however, finally abandoned in 1817, when Great Britain acknow- 
 ledged the claim of Radama to the Avhole island. 
 
 The French, however, continued theu- efforts at colonization ; Li 
 1819 they reoccupied Ste. Marie and Tintingue, and sent a few men 
 to garrison Fort Daiiphin ; native chiefs in 1821 ceded the coast 
 between Fenerife and Antongil Bay. lladama protested against 
 this aggression, and in 1822 expelled the French from the main 
 land, and occupied Fort Dauphin in 1825. 
 
 In 1829, another expedition was sent to Madagascar; the French 
 occupied Tintingue, burnt Tamatave, but were ingloriously defeated 
 by a much inferior number of Hovas at Foulepointe. The foiTiier 
 place was again evacuated in 1831, and up to the present day the 
 French settlements on the east coast have been restricted to the 
 small island of Ste. Marie. 
 
 Seeing their efforts in this quarter unavailing, they now directed 
 their attention to the west coast. In 1840 they procured from 
 native chiefs the "cession" of Nossibe and some neighbouring 
 islands, together Avith the main land facing them ; they were not, 
 however, able to prevent the Hovas from occupjing the latter, nor 
 did they resent their destroying, in 1856, a French fort built near 
 Bavatuka Bay, thirty miles from Xossibe, where a French company 
 worked some coal-mines, and from which they earned away five 
 guns as trophies of victory. The superintendent of the coal-mine, 
 and others, were killed, and the labourers, about 100 in niunber, 
 taken prisoners to Tananarive. 
 
 In 1841 the French also took possession of Mayotte, one of the 
 Comoro Islands, a position equally useless as a naval station or 
 commercial entrepot.* 
 
 A more daring attempt upon Madagascar has been made recently, 
 and reflects little credit upon the government which sanctioned it. 
 M. Lambert, in 1855, visited Tananarive avowedly for commercial 
 ptiri)0ses, but obviously with the object of organizing a conspiracy 
 in conjunction Avith Laborde and several native chiefs. This 
 Laborde was fomicrly a slave-dealer, and, at the time. Great 
 Chamberlain at the court of Emune. His preliminary arrangements 
 
 * This island was not " ceded " by the native prince, but occupied under 
 protest. Vide "Madagascar Past and Present, by a Resident : London 1847," 
 p. 222. 
 
 I
 
 POLITICAL EvicxTS. xliii 
 
 being made, M. Lambert started for France, and after two intervieAvs 
 Avith the emperor returned to Madagascar, taking with him presents 
 to the amoimt of £2000, and accompanied by Pere Jean, Apostolic 
 Yicar of Madagascar, disguised as a trader, and by Madame Ida 
 rfeifer, who, we hope, was ignorant of the purport of the mission 
 The conspirators arrived at Tananarivo in 1857. It was their 
 intention to depose the queen, and place upon the throne a native 
 prince, who, in case of success, promised to acknowledge himself a 
 vassal of France, and to introduce the Eoman Catholic religion. 
 The plot, however, was discovered, and the chief conspirators were 
 expelled the island ; and many others are supposed to have suffered 
 death in consequence of their participation in it.'^' 
 
 Still more recent is the acquisition of a large tract of land near 
 Bali Bay. A French vessel, the " Marie Angelique," engaged in 
 the so-called Free Immigration Scheme, had been plundered there 
 by the natives, and the government agent on board of her killed. 
 On the news of this disaster reaching Boiu'bon, the frigate " La 
 Cordeliere," was at once sent to the spot; the villages in which the 
 culpable parties were supposed to reside were destroyed ; the chief 
 of the teiTitory, a female, was deposed, and her lands given to a 
 neighbouring chief, who, ' ' recognizing the ancient rights of France 
 to the territories occupied," made a cession of the whole. "We do 
 not know whether the territory thus acquired has actually been 
 settled, but belieA'e not. 
 
 The present state of the French settlements near Madagascar is not 
 at all commensurate with the pains taken in their formation during 
 the two last centuries. Ste. Marie, in 1856, had a population of 
 5743 souls. The population of Nossi Be, and the smaller islands in 
 its vicinity, was 22,577 in 1856 ; the imports amoimted to £24,000, 
 the exports to only £5400. Mayotte, in 1853, had 6829 inliabitants, 
 and its exports and imports amounted, in 1856, to £30,740. The 
 island of Bourbon, or Beunion, in 1858, had 143,600 inhabitants, 
 
 * Vide " MacLeod's Travels in Eastern Africa." Barbie de Bocage, in his 
 work on Madagascar (Paris 1859), makes no mention of M. Lambert's share 
 in this conspiracy. He merely gives an extract from the "Patrie" newspaper 
 (p. 276), according to which a " Catholic " party had been formed in opposition 
 to the queen's government, and the discovery of which led to the massacre 
 of 2000 individuals.
 
 xliv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 amongst whom wore 93, 000 immigrant labourers. The imports of the 
 island amounted to £1,133,000, in 1856, the exports to £1,187,000. 
 
 Reunion has a garrison of 1200 European troops, a company of 
 native Sappers and Miners, 150 men strong, besides an organized 
 militia of 5000 men. The other possessions mentioned are garrisoned 
 by some 200 Europeans and 250 Afiicans. None of these possess 
 a harbour desirable as a naval station, and the loss of Mauritius, 
 with its safe and well-defended anchorage, and unique position at 
 almost equal distance from Aden, British India, and the Cape, coxild 
 never be adequately compensated, even by their occupying the whole 
 of Madagascar. Nor are these settlements calcvdated to become of 
 importance as commercial entrepots ; the French can never hope to 
 see Mayotte the rival of Zanzibar, though no doubt these colonies 
 may become important by the establishment of sugar and coffee plan- 
 tations. Mauritius, at the present day, depends for its supply of 
 cattle almost exclusively upon Madagascar; for out of 8711 head 
 imported in 1857, 485 only came fi'om other countries. Besides 
 these, 6584 cwt. of rice and a little tobacco were imported from that 
 island, the total imports amoimting to only £43,000. Diuing the 
 same period the value of cereals and flour imported fi'om British 
 India and others of our colonies amounted to £494,000. Should the 
 Ercnch at some future period be able to stop the export ti-ade of 
 Madagascar, which they could only do by subjecting the whole of 
 that island to their sway, Mauritius might draw the whole of her 
 supply of cattle from our fast-growing colony of Natal, | and as long 
 as Great Britain maintains her naval superiority, no fear need be 
 entertained of that island being ever reduced by famine. 
 
 In fact, the designs of France upon Madagascar need cause no 
 apprehension ; in case of war, that island would prove a soui-ce of 
 embarrassment rather than of strength. No doubt commercial opera- 
 tions might be extended, and this without prejudice to British enter- 
 prise, which wiU find much more profitable employment in the 
 colonization of Natal, and ultimately of the whole of Kaffraiia. 
 
 London, May, 1800. 
 
 * The distance from Mauritius to Natal is about 17-10 miles. Occasion- 
 ally cargoes of cattle have been imported from ]\rombaz or Brava, a much 
 greater distance. Hitherto Natal has not exported any cattle.
 
 KEASONS FOll PUBLICATIOX, xlv 
 
 II. — The Authoe's Eeasons for Publication — Design and Plan. 
 
 Soon after my return from East Africa in 1855, I was urged by 
 many of my friends to publish, a connected account of my travels in 
 that region ; but it was not until I had prepared a brief sketch of 
 Dr. Livingstone's researches in South Africa for the German reader 
 in 1857, that the idea of acceding to their wishes occurred to me, as 
 upon a review of Dr. Livingstone's travels, I was led to believe that 
 my own might form a useful supplementary volume upon the 
 geography of Africa. Dr. Livingstone's travels, commencing at the 
 south and west, terminated on the coast of Mozambique, to which 
 I had penetrated from the north as far as Cape Delgado, and a 
 comparison of my map with that of Dr. Livingstone will show the 
 relative positions in which our researches stand to each other. 
 
 After a diligent perusal of my manuscript journals and papers, 
 written on the spot during my residence in Abessinia and Equatorial 
 Africa, I published in German the result of those labours which, in 
 consequence of the publication of Dr. Livingstone's long promised 
 narrative of his discoveries, it has been deemed advisable to present 
 to the English reader in a somewhat new and altered form, and with 
 numerous important additions and pictorial illustrations of the regions 
 described. 
 
 My calling, in which through all perils I have been so mercifully 
 preserved and upheld, enables me to set forth in their true light the 
 moral misery and degradation to which the heathen nations of East 
 Afr-ica have fallen, and to point out the various routes by which these 
 benighted populations may be approached, and the means for their 
 elevation to Chiistian truth and Christian civilization be conveyed 
 to them. A vast area of country has been explored by myself, as 
 well as by my esteemed colleagues Messrs. Eebmann and Erhardt ; 
 hitherto unwritten languages have been reduced to writing, and the 
 way prepared for the establishment of missions ; the geographical 
 portion of our task in East Africa has been, as it were, all but 
 accomplished ; but, in the memorable words of Dr. Livingstone, 
 "the end of the geographical feat is but the commencement of 
 missionary operations." 
 
 To some extent the labours of a missionarj' pioneer must ever fonn
 
 Xlvi INTKODUCTIOIf. 
 
 a contribution to geographical and ethnological science, if as should 
 always be the case, those missionaries who enter unexplored wilds 
 become at the same time promoters of geographical knowledge by 
 carefully investigating their relative positions, the course of rivers, J 
 the altitude of mountains, climate, and other essential peculiarities, * 
 and more especially those which a])pertain to natural science and the 
 development of the human race. ■ 
 
 In the case c T East Africa such investigations cannot fail to be the 
 forerunners of the most important changes, both in a commercial and 
 political point of view ; and at the present moment there is scarcely 
 any section of the less frequented portions of the globe so full of 
 interest as that to which these pages are devoted, aboimding as it 
 does in natural resources infiuitely beyond those of other countries 
 into wliich European commerce and immigration have carried civil- 
 ization and the arts of peace. It is true that the precious metals 
 may be more abundant elsewhere ; but what has the discovery of the 
 gold fields of Australia and America produced to make us regret 
 that, instead of these East Africa produces iron and coal, the surest 
 and most productive of mines in any country ; is rich and fertile, 
 overflowing with milk and honey ; produces with but little toil rich 
 cereal crops ; has cattle, poultry, eggs, in abundance ; and coffee, 
 sugar, and ti'opical fruits — all almost for the gathering. 
 
 The great naval powers of the world are the fii'st to recognise the 
 importance of these discoveries as connected with the Eastern coast 
 of Africa. At present the sui'face is tranquil, and peace prevails. 
 Will it remain so ? A French squadron is talked of for Jedda or 
 Sonakin, and a line of transport steamers for the Eed Sea has long 
 been building. Egypt swarms with Frenchmen ; every branch of 
 the Administration is full of them; and French influence, conse- 
 quently, preponderates. The Bombay/ Gazette reports — evidently 
 upon sufficient authority — that a French mission is on its way to 
 Gondar, and is even now in the Tigre countiy, to establish the 
 claims of France to the territory ai'ound Annesley Bay, or the Bay 
 of Adulis, said to have been ceded to her, if with no other and 
 less obvious object. 
 
 It was an opinion among the ancients that the coast of East Africa 
 Avas comiected with that of India. Erroneous as this was, there is 
 certainly a great political truth involved in the supposition, inasmuch
 
 DESIGN AND PLAX. xlvii 
 
 a.^ the possessor of East Africa will have gained a first step towards 
 the dominion of India. Any further knowledge, therefore, obtained 
 respecting East Africa, cannot fail to interest Englishmen, as it may- 
 be that the fate of India itself will some daj' have to be decided in the 
 burning solitudes of Africa, no less than in the rich plains of Asia. 
 No ti'ue Englishman can henceforth be an indifferent spectator of 
 what is passing upon the eastern coast of Afr-ica, fr-om the Isthmus 
 of Suez to the Cape of Good Hope. 
 
 It would be quite preposterous to urge that there is no real political 
 danger to be apprehended fr'om the possession of these regions, be- 
 cause East Africa presents for the most pai't, nothing but a ban-en, 
 harbouaiess, and savage coast, not to be invaded with prudence by any 
 government of Eiu'ope. It is true that Africa wears on all her coasts 
 a forbidding aspect. Providence having fru'nished her weak nations 
 by this grim physiognomy %nth the only weapon of strength which 
 they can oppose to the dominant Japhetic and Semetic races. But 
 we may be siu'e that no coast-barrier will ultimately prevent the 
 former from possessing the inland regions, in many places not inferior 
 in fertility, beauty, and healthfulness to any country upon the face of 
 the globe. 
 
 In claiming the reader's indulgence as to the style in which the 
 work is written, it may only be necessaiy to state that my journals 
 and diaries were composed entirely for my own eye, in order to 
 enable me to place before the Church Missionary Society with which 
 I was then connected, such details of the progress of the mission at 
 Eabbai Mpia as could not fail to interest the large and influential 
 class of persons who, to England's glory, are to be numbered through- 
 out the land amongst the supporters of missionary endeavoiu" to con- 
 vert the heathen. I believe, in eschewing all desfre to shine solely 
 as a literary man, to which I here make no pretence, my narrative 
 wiU gain in accui-acy what it may thus lack in word painting, 
 that plastic elegance of diction which has of late distinguished the 
 writings of modem travellers. 
 
 In a foiTucr work,"^ published some years ago, a fuU account was 
 
 * JouiTials of the Rev. Messrs. Isenberg and Krapf, detailing their Pro- 
 ceedings in the Kingdom of Shoa, and Journeys in other parts of Abyssinia, 
 in the j-ears 1839 — 42, with a Geographical Memoir of Abyssinia and South- 
 eastern Africa, by James M'Queen, Esq. London, 1843. Pp. 529.
 
 xlviii INTEODUCTION. 
 
 given of the missionary labours of my dear friend and fellow-labourer 
 Missionarj^ Isenbcrg and myself in Abcssinia, to wMcli Mr. McQueen 
 prefixed a geographical essay, which enables me to devote the more 
 space in the present volume to such facts as afterwards fell under my 
 own observation in Equatorial Afiica, in regions previously unti-odden 
 by any European. In doing this I have not deemed it necessary 
 to confirm, correct, or enlarge upon what has been brought together 
 by the Portuguese, who occupied the immediate sea-shore from lat. 
 2° K. to lat. 20° S., any more than upon what has been recorded by 
 Captain Owen, who surveyed the East African waters in 1824 by order 
 of Government, or upon what has been communicated by M. Guillain, 
 who has described many parts of the eastern coast with great dili- 
 gence and accui'acy. M. Guillain surveyed the east coast of Africa 
 in 1846 — 1848, by order of the French Government, and published 
 the results of his siu'vcy in 1857-1858, in which he brought for- 
 ward a vast amoimt of historical facts connected with the ancient 
 history of the East African continent, of which I have availed my- 
 self in the concise historical essay given by way of appendix. 
 
 Whilst these sheets were passing thi'ough the press news reached 
 me of the return of Major Burton and Captain Speke fi'om the inte- 
 rior of Africa to Eiu'ope, and some intelligence of their most inter- 
 esting discoveries will be foimd in " Blackwood's Magazine," andia 
 the " Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society of London," 
 preparatory to the publication of the entfre narrative in a separate 
 form. The accoimts of these coui'ageous, perseveiing, and scientific 
 travellers bear in some important points very materially upon the 
 statements which I obtained in 1851 from the natives at TJkambani. 
 It is very remarkable that Captain Speke should have seen the great 
 lake which Rumu wa Kikandi, a native of Uemba, near the snow- 
 capped movmtain Kegnia, mentioned to me under the name " Baringu," 
 the end of which cannot be found, "even if you travel a hundred 
 days' distance along its shores," as my infonnant expressed himself. 
 Is is further remarkable that Captain Speke very properly named it 
 Victoria Nyanza, in honom* of Her Majesty, after the moimtain in 
 Mberre which, as will be foimd by subsequent travellers, presents 
 the nearest approach from the coast of Mombaz to that lake, had been 
 called bj' me " Mount Albert," or Albertino, in honour of His Royal 
 Highness the Prince Consort. Thus, the one may be said to mark
 
 COXCLUDINC; EEMAKKS. xlix 
 
 the spot, the other the nearest May by which it can be reached, on 
 which the greatest geographical problem of Africa, the discovery of 
 the sources of the Kile, will probably be solved under the auspices of 
 the English Government. 
 
 It is most satisfactory to find that the reports of the natives made 
 to my feUow-labourers Eebmann and Erhardt, as to the existence of 
 a large inland "bahari" or sea, are fully confinned by the discovery 
 of the Victoria Xyanza, or ITcerewe ; and although there is not 
 alone one " bahari," or lake, but several, in Central South Afiica — 
 the Tanganyika, the Niassa, and the Shirwa, the latter discovered 
 by Dr. Livingstone — the presence of these great lakes proves the value 
 of the information thus obtained, even though, to the less critical 
 observation of the natives, all these waters may have appeared as 
 foi-ming one great and connected whole, as represented in Erhardt' s 
 chart. In reference to this fact I cannot do better than quote the 
 words of Captain Speke ; not a mere theorist, and drawer of maps, 
 carried away by some one cherished idea, but a man of practical 
 experience : — 
 
 " I must call attention to the marked fact that the Church 
 missionaries residing for many years at Zanzibar are the prime and 
 first promoters of this discovery. They have been for years past 
 doing their utmost with simple sincerity to Christianize this negro 
 land, and promote a civilized and happy state of existence for these 
 benighted beings. During their sojourn among these blackamoors, 
 they heard from Arabs and others of many of the facts I have now 
 stated ; but only in a confused way, such as might be expected in 
 information derived from an uneducated people. Amongst the more 
 important disclosures made by the Arabs was the constant reference 
 to a large lake or inland sea, which their caravans were in the habit 
 of visiting. It was a singular thing that at whatever part of the 
 coast the missionaries arrived, on inquiring from the travelling 
 merchants where they went to, they one and all stated to an inland 
 sea, the dimensions of which were such, that nobody could give any 
 estimate of its length or width. The directions they travelled in 
 pointed north-west, west, and south-west, and their accounts 
 seemed to indicate a single sheet of water extending from the Line 
 down to 14° S. lat., a sea of about 840 miles in length, with an 
 assumed breadth of 200 to 300 miles. In fact, from this great com- 
 
 d
 
 1 
 
 INTRODTTCTION. 
 
 bination of testimony that water lay generally in a continuous line 
 fi'om the Equator up to 14° S. lat., and from not being able to gain 
 information of there being any territorial separations to the said 
 water, they naturally and, I may add, fortunately, created that 
 monster slug of an inland sea which so much attracted the attention 
 of the geographical world in 1855-1856, and caused our being sent 
 out to Afiica. The good that may result from this little but happy 
 accident will, I trust, prove proportionately as large and fruitful as 
 the produce from the sjrmbolical grain of mustard seed ; and nobody 
 knows or believes in this more fully than one of the chief promoters 
 of this exciting investigation, Mr. Eebmann." 
 
 In concluding these remarks I may be permitted to record several 
 wishes which I have much at heart, in the first place expressing my 
 wannest thanks to the Church Missionary Society, and especially to 
 its excellent secretary, the Rev. Mr. Venn. As long as I was con- 
 nected with that Society, from 1837 to 1855, its committee treated me 
 most kindly and liberally, and with the greatest sympathy, under 
 all circumstances. I also wish to offer my sincerest thanks to Charles 
 Young, Esq. of London, for the assistance he has given to the East 
 AMcan Mission in various ways, and particularly do I publicly 
 thank the Eeverend Mr. Olive of St. Lawrence Eectory, WelwjTi, 
 for the handsome provision he made for me during a period of six 
 years. 
 
 I would recommend my dear colleague, Mr. Eebmann, who, with 
 his noble-hearted wife, continues labouring in solitude among the 
 crooked and perverse generation of "Wanika, at Eabbai Mpia, to the 
 prayers and sympathies of missionary friends in England. Accord- 
 ing to the latest intelligence received from him, his missionary hopes 
 and prospects are more reassuring than they were some years since ; 
 his labours of faith, love, and patience, cannot be lost, and He who 
 has asked of the Father to give him the heathen for an inheritance, 
 and who died once unto sin an offering for the whole world, and 
 now liveth unto God, the Mediator for all, will in due time lay the 
 AVanika also prostrate before His cross by the instrumentality of the 
 Gospel, unceasingly preached to the heathen. 
 
 I would strenuously recommend Bishop Gobat's Mission in Abes- 
 sinia, as well as the objects of the so called Apostles' Street, which I 
 have specified in pages 133 and 214. But last, and above all, I
 
 COSrCLUDl>'G KEMAKKS. 11 
 
 would urge the searching out of the numerous Christian remnants, 
 scattered over several coimtiies in the south of Abessinia, as in 
 Gurague, Kambat, "Wolamo, Kaffa, and other places. I am iadeed 
 so much interested in this great object, that, had I a sufficiency of 
 private means, or were I supported by a private individual, or a 
 Missionary Society, I would to-morrow give up the comforts of home 
 and the duties of my new and agreeable office, would reach down 
 once more my pilgrim's staff, and return again to the wilds of Eastern 
 Africa. Having the advantage of a knowledge of the Abessinian 
 language and those of Equatorial East Africa, and knowing the 
 habits and condition of the people, as well as the various routes 
 leading to those scattered Christian tribes, I have not the least 
 doubt that, with the blessing of Providence, success wotild attend 
 the Tindertaking. What a glorious object would it be, if those un- 
 fortimate and benighted fellow Chiistians, who are closed in in their 
 mountaias by barbarous tribes, could be sought out, revived by the 
 pure "Word of God, and be rendered the centre of light to the surround- 
 ing heathen. Would not these revived tribes become spiritual rivers 
 to irrigate the arid wastes of suiToimding heathenism ? Who among 
 the wealthy Christians and among the friends of missions and science 
 will take this special object to heart ? Who will stretch out his 
 helping hand to rekindle the dying lamp of the faith of our fellow 
 Christians in the interior of Africa ? Who will lay down his sub- 
 stance, not to say his life, for our brethren perishing from want of 
 the saviag knowledge of the Gospel ? 
 
 With a fervent prayer for the spread of the Gospel throughout the 
 world, I bid the reader God speed. 
 
 The Atjthoe. 
 
 EiHEN, NEAR Basel, 
 \st May, 1860.
 
 PART I. 
 
 RESEARCHES AND MISSIONARY LABOURS. 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM JOURIsULS, ETC.
 
 RESEARCHES AND MISSIONARY LABOURS. 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL. 
 
 A PROVIDENTIAL GITIDAN'CE IX THE LIFE OF MAN. 
 
 WE trace, it is said, the impressions, views, and 
 teachings of the child in the after-career of the man 
 influencing his pursuits and giving them a fixed 
 dii'ection. In my case, at least, this was no para- 
 dox, and by way of illustration I would place before 
 the reader a short sketch of my early life before I 
 became attached to the East African IVIission. 
 
 My father, whose circumstances were easy, followed 
 farming and lived in the village of Derendingen, 
 near Tubingen, where I was born on the 11th of 
 January 1810, and baptized by the name of 
 Ludwig, the "\;vTestler, no inapt appellation for one 
 who was destined to become a soldier of the Cross. 
 Many were my providential escapes in childliood
 
 Ji AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL. 
 
 from dangers which beset my path, from falHng into 
 the mill-stream which flowed through the village, 
 from accidents with fire-arms, or falls from trees in 
 the eager pm-suit of birds' nests. The inborn evil 
 natm'e of the child was somewhat held in check by a 
 nervous susceptibility, and the consequent dread I 
 experienced in witnessing the contest of the elements 
 in storms, or which shook my frame at the sight of 
 the dead and the grave, or even when reading or 
 listening to the narratives of the torments of the 
 wicked in hell. On these occasions I secretly 
 vowed to lead a pious life for the future ; though, 
 childlike, I soon forgot the promise when the exciting 
 cause had passed away, as is ever the case through- 
 out life with the natui-al, unregenerated heart of 
 man. Thus, but for an apparently trivial event in my 
 boyhood, though in it I gratefully recognise the 
 chastening Hand of the great Teacher, the evil of 
 my nature might have choked the good seed mth its 
 tares, or destroyed it altogether. Wlien eleven 
 years old I was so severely beaten by a neighbour 
 for a fault which I had not committed, that it brought 
 on a serious illness of six months' duration. Left to 
 myself my thoughts dwelt much upon eternity ; and 
 the reading of the Bible and devotional books became 
 my delight, particularly such portions of the Old 
 Testament as recorded the history of the patriarchs 
 and their intercourse with the Creator ; and when I 
 read of Abraham conversing with the Almighty, an 
 earnest desire arose in my breast that I too might be 
 permitted to listen to the voice of the Most High,
 
 AUTOBIOGKAPHICAL. 3 
 
 even as did the prophets and apostles of old. If this 
 reading resulted in nothing better, at all events it 
 made me desirous to master the historical portions 
 of the Bible. Nor was tliis knowledge tlu-own 
 away; for in the autumn of 1822, during the 
 period of my convalescence, I was in the habit 
 of repeating to the reapers many of the stories 
 of the Bible, so earnestly and vividly, that more 
 than one of them would say to my parents, '' Mark 
 my words, Ludwig will some day be a parson." 
 Chance, some might suggest, soon led the bias of 
 my mind in that direction, if it were possible for 
 a moment to deny a Providential guidance in the 
 events of our lives, quite compatible with man's free- 
 will ; and in my career this guidance is the more 
 evident, because just such trifling and seemingly 
 unimportant circumstances have governed its whole 
 course. In the early part of the year 1823, on going 
 to Tubingen to buy a new almanack, my sister, 
 mistaking the house, instead of that to which she had 
 been directed for the purpose, called at the dwelling 
 of the widow of a former vicar, whose son attended 
 the grammar-school of the city. Of kindly disposi- 
 tion, and having no false pride the lady entered into 
 conversation with her lowly \dsitor, and amongst 
 other things inquired if she had any brothers and 
 sisters ; and learning that besides two elder brothers 
 she had one younger, then in his thirteenth year, she 
 asked if he had any knowledge of arithmetic. To this 
 my sister could reply with a safe conscience in the 
 affirmative; upon which the widow said at once, 
 
 B
 
 4 AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL. 
 
 
 ^' I should very much like to see the lad ; he may be 
 able to teach my son arithmetic, go to the grammar- 
 school, and perhaps in time study for the Church." 
 My sister replied that she would bring me to 
 see the lady, but added, " We are only simple 
 farmers ; so as to grammar-school, and studying 
 for the Chm-ch, I think there will be but little 
 chance of that." "Never mind," said the lady, 
 ''farmer or no farmer, Adam himself was a far- 
 mer ; let me see your brother and talk to him my- 
 self" Full of the bright prospect which she saw 
 opening for her young brother my sister retm^ned 
 home, and after a while the consent of the whole 
 family was obtained to the proposition ; whilst in 
 the joy of the moment I promised to labom* night 
 and day with zeal and industry, and prove to them 
 all that I was not unworthy of so much love and 
 affection. Accordingly, a day or two aftei'T\'^ards, I 
 accompanied my sister to the house of the clergy- 
 man's widow who, pleased with my bo^^h answers 
 to her questions, urged again strongly the import- 
 ance of my being sent at once to the grammar- 
 school. My father, involved in some law proceed- 
 ings, saw as it were in his mind's eye, in liis son a 
 rising law^^er capable of bringing these suits to a 
 successful issue. With that ambition he took me 
 with him to Tubingen in order to be examined by 
 the rector of the Anatolian School. The rector 
 Kaufinann gave me a Latin book to read, to test my 
 familiarity with the characters of the language, 
 which I had taught myself dming my six months'
 
 AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL. 6 
 
 illness, and pleased with the performance promised 
 to place me at the bottom of the school, adding by 
 Avay of encouragement that sometliing might be 
 made of me, if my father ^^ould countenance the 
 scheme of my going to college. '' Let him come to 
 school at eight o'clock to-morrow morning," he 
 said, "and bring with hun a Latin grammar and 
 the other books put do\\ai on this list, and we will 
 make a beginning." The books were bought before 
 we left Tubingen that day, and as a proof of earnest 
 zeal, after our return home I learnt the first declen- 
 sion, mensa, and rose as early as tlu'ee o'clock in the 
 morning to master the second, reaching the school 
 long before eight o'clock, and was placed by the 
 under-master on the lowest form, along with boys 
 but nine years old, which to a great boy of thiii;een, 
 as I then was, could not fail to make me feel a little 
 abashed and to experience a morbid shame at my 
 ignorance. But this very shame stood me in good 
 stead by making me the more desirous to learn, to 
 be placed in the class above me with boys of my 
 own age. The early morning always found me on 
 my road to Tubingen i^dth satchel on my back, in 
 which besides my books were a bottle of sweet 
 must and a great hunch of bread, which were to 
 constitute my simple mid-day's meal, and which 
 I quickly consumed between twelve and one o'clock, 
 under the willows on the banks of the Neckar, in 
 order more leism^ely to devom^ my Latin gi^ammar 
 and Scheller's vocabulary, which I soon learnt by 
 heart. In domg this, I was impelled by a desire to 
 
 B 2
 
 6 AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL. 
 
 imprint as many words as possible on my memory ; 
 and in after-times, when I -gashed to acquire any 
 new and hitherto miknown tongue, I found this 
 by far the most desirable method of proceeding. 
 For a time this was my daily course ; but such a 
 frugal way of life could not long endure without in- 
 jmy to my health, and it was then arranged that I 
 should return home daily to a hot dinner. This 
 necessitated a tlireefold journey, morning, noon, 
 and evening, from Derendingen and back again, 
 but it laid the foundation of that strong health which 
 dming my career as a Missionary I enjoyed for so 
 many years. 
 
 My diligence met its reward, and at the end ot 
 six months I was at the head of my class; and 
 before the close of the year was placed on the 
 third form, the rector not considering it necessary 
 that I should remain longer in the lower school. 
 I was becoming a good Latm scholar, and speedily 
 removed to the fourth form, where I became a 
 Grecian, and rose to be top boy of the class, my 
 teachers expressing themselves well pleased with my 
 general conduct and progress. Yet even while every- 
 thing on the surface seemed bright and ftJl ot 
 promise, how joyless, how void of peace the heart ! 
 Such perishable knowledge ill sufficed to hold my 
 self-love, vain glory, and ambition in check ; to 
 yield true peace, or to regenerate a heart whose 
 chief craving was after the imperishable — after its 
 long-cherished desire of immediate intercom-se with 
 God ! His countenance was still obscured and kej^t 
 
 i
 
 AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL. 7 
 
 from me notwitlistanding all my resolutions, as I 
 wandered daily backwards and forwards between 
 Derendingen and Tubingen, always to walk spotless 
 in His sight, and to keep His image ever before me ! 
 Wliilst I was still on the lowest form, my father 
 bought me an atlas of the world, and well do I 
 recollect wondering why there should be so few 
 names of places put down in the districts of Adal 
 and Somali in the map of Eastern Africa, and I 
 said to myself, " Is there then so great a desert 
 yonder, still untrodden by the foot of any European ? 
 AYhat, too, if it is full of hyaenas ?" for of these I 
 had just been reading in an odd volume of Bruce' s 
 Travels, which had been lent me by a bookseller in the 
 to^Ti. How curious that such a thought should have 
 been instilled into the mind of a child, who in man- 
 hood was to be the means of expanding the know- 
 ledge of those very regions of which then so little 
 was known ! My desii'e for travel was greatly 
 fostered by the study of geography, and by reading 
 voyages and travels, and when in my fourteenth 
 year my future course of life was discussed in the 
 family circle, I expressed an ardent desire to 
 become ''the captain of a ship, and to visit foreign 
 lands." Much as my father would have preferred 
 my being either a law^^er or a clergyman, he 
 respected the evident bias of his child, and made 
 the necessary inquiries as to the cost of apprentice- 
 ship and outfit, only giving up the scheme upon 
 finding that the expense would be greatly beyond 
 his means. This was a great disaj^pointment to me. 
 Neither law nor physic were to my mind ; divinity
 
 8 AUTOBIOGKAPHICAL. 
 
 was less objectionable ; but I ch-eaded the learning of 
 Hebrew with its repulsive-looking characters and 
 unfamiliar sounds. I still continued zealously the 
 study of Greek and Latin and of general know- 
 ledge, adding to these also the commencement of 
 French and Italian. 
 
 Whilst so engaged again a seemingly unimportant 
 cu'cumstance helped to fix my futui'e career. Wlien 
 I was in my fifteenth year the rector read an essay 
 to the whole school on the spread of Christianity 
 amongst the heathen, in which it was explained what 
 missions were, how they were conducted, and what 
 great good they had achieved in various parts of the 
 world since the beginning of the present century. 
 It was the first time I had heard of missions amongst 
 the heathen, and the idea assumed a definite form in 
 my mind, so that, boy-like, I asked myself, '' Wliy 
 not become a missionary, and go and convert the 
 heathen ?" But then quickly arose the inquiry, 
 " How can he preach the Gospel to the heathen, upon 
 whose heart its seeds have fallen as upon stony places?" 
 Oft and oft would the words of the parable of the 
 sower pass through my mind, impelling me to read the 
 Bible with greater earnestness, and to i^ray for a quick- 
 ening knowledge of it. It was the earnest prayer of 
 one who knew not yet how to pray, but it was not 
 uttered in vain. The Easter holidays of 1825 were 
 at hand, and as I walked homewards fi'om Tiibino-en 
 the thought arose in my mind with the force of a com- 
 mand, ''to go to Basel and announce myself willing 
 to devote my life to the lal^ours of a missionary." 
 The matter was discussed at home and met with the 
 
 1
 
 AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL. 9 
 
 ready approval of my mother and sister, and, fur- 
 nished by the former A^dth a letter of introduction to 
 Missionary Inspector Blumhardt, whom she had 
 knowai and respected when he was vicar of Deren- 
 dingen, I made the journey to Basel by way of 
 Schaffliausen on foot, and returned home in the 
 same manner taldng the road tlu'ough Freiburg. 
 The Inspector kindly recognised my zeal ; but 
 pointed out to me the fii'st requisite for the calling 
 of an evangelist, the renewal of the heart, as still 
 wanting ; yet added, by way of encouragement, that 
 as I was yet too young to be received into the 
 Missionary College, I should return home for the 
 present, continue my studies, and cultivate the 
 acquaintance of Christian friends in Tubingen and 
 its neighbom-hood ; and above all, let the search after 
 gospel truth and a knowledge of my own heart be 
 my chief care, waiting patiently till I should receive 
 a call to enter the Missionary Institute as a labourer 
 in the Lord's vineyard. I resolved to be guided by 
 this sage counsel ; but previous to my retm-n home I 
 obtained permission to spend a week at the Institute, 
 and here it was that for the first time in my life I 
 became acquainted Avith true Christians, who upon 
 their knees prayed beside me, and some of whom 
 became my special friends, in whose subsequent cor- 
 respondence with me after my return to Tubingen I 
 found the greatest solace and blessing. 
 
 In 1826 I entered the fifth and highest form of the 
 Anatolian School, and privately devoted myself to 
 the study of Hebrew with such dilis^ence that before
 
 i 
 
 10 AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL. 
 
 long I had read the greater portion of the Old 
 Testament in the original. Dming that jDeriod I 
 made the acquaintance of a dear friend and thorough 
 Christian, to whose intercoiu'se I perhaps owe it, 
 that after my return from Basel I did not become a 
 backslider from the earnest desire I had to render 
 myself worthy to be a missionary. It is a true 
 saying that ''man can only become man amongst 
 his fellows;" but it is also no less true that ''a 
 Christian can only be formed amongst Christians." 
 It is amongst them that a young Christian first 
 becomes conscious of his own spiritual wants by 
 AAT-tnessing the faith, patience, and constancy of aged 
 persons in the various trials of life; and to such 
 society I was introduced by the friend to whom I 
 owe so much, and by that intercourse I was in a 
 manner better qualified to accept the summons to 
 the Missionary College at Basel, which when it 
 reached me in 1827 filled me with inexpressible joy. 
 At first my father was opposed to his son "■ being 
 buried alive," as he said, ''in a foreign land;" but 
 he gave way at length to my earnest pleading, 
 backed as it was by my mother and sister, who 
 plainly saw in all the finger of God pointing out the 
 course I was to pm-sue, and he himself accompanied 
 me to Basel. There I remained for two years, 
 dm-ing which I made a stealthy acquaintance with 
 the forbidden writings of such mystics as Madame 
 Guion and Jacob Behmen, which took such a hold 
 upon my excited imagination and so imbued me A^ith 
 their fanatic enthusiasm, that I abandoned the idea
 
 * AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL. 1 1 
 
 of becoming a missionary and retm-ned home, 
 intending to give up study, and to labour with my 
 hands as more conducive to happiness and a truly 
 religious life, according to the pernicious doctrines 
 I had imbibed. My parents and family combated 
 the notion, not on religious grounds, of which they 
 were incapable of judging, but on account of the 
 cost of my education and the disgrace it would be 
 to the whole family, if having been brought up with 
 reference to a learned profession, I were to sink 
 again to the level of a mere tiller of the soil. Much 
 against my will I returned to college, completed my 
 studies, and was ordained ; then entered upon the 
 cui'acy of Wolfenhausen, but which in consequence of 
 a sermon, in which I had represented the world to be 
 in the last quarter of its twelfth and final horn-, 
 giving umbrage to the Consistory, I resigned for 
 a private tutorship. So it is, gold is pm-ified by fire ; 
 and those were years of severe and painful struggle ; 
 but they brought with them at its close the restora- 
 tion of my former healthy tone of mind, and the 
 dismissal from it of the doubts which had so long 
 threatened its peace. 
 
 It was about this period that I again met my 
 friend the missionary Fjelstadt, with whom I 
 had been intunate at Basel, and who was but 
 just returned from Smyrna, where he had been 
 stationed as a missionary. He pleaded the cause of 
 the missions, urging me to accept that at Smyrna, 
 and enter again upon the course of life which I had 
 abandoned in 1829. I took time to reflect, calling
 
 12 AUTOBIOGKAPIIICAL. 
 
 prayer to my aid, and arrived at the joyful comdc- 
 tion that I ought again to dedicate' myself to, the ser- 
 vice of missions, and find in the starting-point of my 
 career its goal and resting-place. Fjelstadt was 
 delighted with my decision, and brought me into 
 communication with the English Church Missionary 
 Society with which he was himself connected. The 
 wish of the Society was that I should remain for a 
 time in the Missionary College, and await the 
 further orders of the committee. In the autumn of 
 
 1836 Mr. Coates, the secretary, came to Basel, and 
 dming his stay at the Mission-house tidings were 
 received that Missionary Knoth, who was to have 
 accompanied Blumhardt to Abessinia, had died sud- 
 denly at Cairo. The vacant post was offered to me, 
 and having accepted it I gave up the study of 
 Turkish and modem Greek, which I had commenced 
 dm-ing my second residence in Basel with a view to 
 Smyrna, which Fjelstadt had originally indicated 
 as my destination, and applied myself to ^thiopic 
 and Amharic, and above all to the perusal of the 
 history of ^thioj)ia by Ludolf, who has not inaptly 
 been called the Strabo of Abessinia. In February 
 
 1837 I set out on my long and difficult jomniey to 
 Abessinia, the land of my youthful di^eams and aspi- 
 rations ; yet it was not without tears at parting, and 
 with fear and trembling, that I took up my pilgrim's 
 staff, and bid adieu to many and dear fi'iends and to 
 the home of my childhood.
 
 13 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 TO ADOWA AXD AXKOBER. 
 
 Commencement of the journey — Storm off Candia — Alexandria and 
 Cairo — The Red Sea and its navigation — The Canal of the Isthmus 
 of Suez — Jidda — Arab navigation — Massowa — The Shohos — 
 Initiation into the dangers of African travel — Eescue — Entry 
 into Abessiaia — Arrival at Adowa, the capital of Tigre and seat 
 of the Abessinian mission — Interview -with the Prince of Tigre — 
 Native hostility to the mission — Arrival of Eoman Catholic priests 
 and its consequences — The author and his companions have to quit 
 Tigre — Return of the missionaries to Cairo — The author resolves 
 to penetrate to Shoa — Return to Cairo — A missionary sheikh and 
 his slaves — Tajurra — The " Afer" and Ophir — Re-entry into 
 Abessinia — The Desert of Adal — XaiTow escape from a hyaena — 
 Arrival at Ankober, the capital of Shoa. 
 
 My ultimate destination was Adowa, the capital of 
 Tigre, and seat of the Abessinian mission conducted 
 by my friends Isenberg and Blimihardt. Reaching 
 Malta from Marseilles I embarked in an Austrian sail- 
 ing vessel for Alexandria, and when off Candia a storm 
 arose of greater violence than our captain declared 
 he had experienced for forty years. Unaccustomed as 
 I was to the sea I consoled mvself with the thought 
 that the greatest of all missionaries, the apostle 
 Paul, had been exposed to similar peril in those 
 waters and had been jireserved by the mercy of
 
 14 TO ADOWA AND ANKOBER. 
 
 God. I cast myself on His protecting power with 
 child-like and trusting prayer, which so strength- 
 ened me that I was enabled to sustain my terrified 
 fellow- voyagers, among whom was a French actress, 
 greatly by reading aloud the narrative of the pro- 
 phet Jonah, and of the disciples of our Lord when 
 they were in danger on the Sea of Galilee. The 
 impression produced by the Word of God in the 
 hour of need on one of my fellow- voyagers was first 
 imade known to me thirteen years afterwards. AAHien 
 I was residing in London in 1850 after my first 
 return from Africa, a gentleman one day entered my 
 room and addressing me, said: " Do you remember 
 that storm on our way to Alexandria, and your read- 
 ing out of the Word of God to your fellow- voyagers ?" 
 I answered in the affirmative, and the stranger, who 
 had been a doctor of laws at Malta, then told me 
 that after his return from Egypt he had procured a 
 Bible, and feeling the jjower of the gospel on his 
 heart, he had been impelled to hold prayer-meet- 
 ings in Malta, which had brought upon him persecu- 
 tion at the hands of the Romish priests, and forced 
 him to leave that island, from whence he had come 
 to England. 
 
 Proceeding from Alexandria to Cairo I was 
 hospitably received at the latter place by the mis- 
 sionaries Ki-use and Lieder, with whom I remained 
 until September, prej)aring for my Abessinian jour- 
 ney chiefly by the study of colloquial Arabic, in 
 which I made such progress during those few months 
 that in the autumn I was able to continue my journey 

 
 TO ADOWA AND AXKOBER. J.J 
 
 to Habesli* without an interpreter. "WTiat most gra- 
 tified me even among the many sights in Eg}^t, was 
 the flourishing missionary school at Cairo in which 
 many Coptic, Armenian, and Mohammedan children 
 were receiving instruction. From Cairo to Suez there 
 was in those days neither road, public conveyance, 
 nor railway, and I travelled Arab fashion on a camel. 
 Striking, too, is the contrast between the Suez of fif- 
 teen years later mtli those days when steam com- 
 munication with Bombay was yet in its infancy. 
 
 No navigable river flows into the Red Sea, which 
 is full of sunken rocks and sand-banks, that are in- 
 creasing through the gTowth of coral reefs. The navi- 
 gation is difficult and dangerous, and of the many 
 harbours but few are safe, so that in most cases ships 
 of large burden must anchor far out at sea. I do 
 not think, therefore, that the Red Sea will attain 
 more importance, even tlu'ough the much-talked-of 
 canal across the Isthmus of Suez. In my oj)inion 
 the great advantage to be derived from the success 
 of this scheme will not be so much in the acqui- 
 sitions which commerce may derive from the Red 
 Sea and the countries on its shores, as in the ex- 
 tension of European polity and ci^'ilization to Arabia, 
 Abessinia, and the whole of South-Eastern Africa. 
 It will weaken Mohammedanism in the land of its 
 birth, Ai-abia, and on the African coast; tend to sup- 
 press the Arabian slave-trade, and subjugate East- 
 African heathenism by Christianity and its civiliza- 
 tion ; and finally, open up immense and noble regions 
 
 * Abessinia.
 
 16 TO ADOWA AND ANKOBER. 
 
 in southern Abossinia and among the Gallas to thou- 
 sands of European emigrants when America, Aus- 
 tralia, and Tasmania cease to attract them. 
 
 From Suez I sailed in an Arabian vessel to 
 Jidda, one of the most flourishing ports of the Red 
 Sea, with large, lofty and solid houses, and many 
 rich inhabitants, which since the English occupa- 
 tion of Aden, has thriven by the Arabian and Indian 
 trade, while Moklia has declined. I was at first 
 much struck by the Arabian practice of halting on 
 the voyage during the night, and laying-to in some 
 haven or anchoring place ; but was soon convinced 
 of the necessity of the step, which is caused partly 
 by the many rocks in the Red Sea, partly and 
 chiefly by the unskilfidness of the Arab sailors, which 
 is, indeed, so great, that it is always hazardous to 
 trust one's self in an Arabian vessel. I have had good 
 reason to note that fact in my many voyages 
 dm-ing eighteen years on both shores of the Red Sea, 
 as well as on the south coast of Arabia, and on the 
 east shores of Africa, as far as the tenth degree of 
 southern latitude, for often have I been in danger of 
 shipwreck and destruction ! On the other hand, the 
 Arabian mode of voyaging has, it must be confessed, 
 its advantages, the chief of which is that the 
 traveller can continually visit and become acquainted 
 with new regions. Reaching Jidda in twenty-two 
 days, I embarked thence for Massowa, an island 
 and chief sea-port of the Abessinian coast, where 
 I arrived in December, 1837. Before prosecuting 
 my journey into Abessinia I had, according to
 
 TO ADOWA AND ANKOBER. 17 
 
 the usual custom, to repair to Harkiko or Doliono, 
 the chief place of the Mohammedan Shohos of the 
 main-land, whose Naib required the propitiation of 
 a present before leave was granted to traverse his 
 dominions. The Naib is appointed by the Governor of 
 Massowa and rules the nomadic and pastoral Shohos, 
 nominally as the representative of the Porte. A bar- 
 gain was struck and I received an escort of four 
 soldiers to conduct me through the Shoho country 
 to the foot of the mountain Shumfeito. At first all 
 went well ; but when the camels which had carried 
 my baggage had set out on their retm'n to Har- 
 kiko I was obliged to hire thirty-one oxen from 
 the Shohos of the momitain to transport my 
 effects over the Shumfeito, six thousand feet in 
 height. Then began the tumult which was to initiate 
 me into the mysteries of African travel ; the savage 
 Shohos demanded a much larger than the stipulated 
 sum, and when I refused to pay it they withdi^ew 
 with the chiefs to their mountains, reckoning- on 
 my helpless plight. On the thii-d day a terrible 
 war-shout was heard from the heights, and the 
 Shohos, descending in gi'eat numbers, raniged them- 
 selves in battle array a huncbed paces in front 
 of our tents. I was rather alarmed, and the soldiers 
 of the Naib showed the white feather, and asked for 
 powder and ball. A couple of shots in the air kept 
 the enemy fr'om approaching nearer om- extempore 
 fortifications of piled-up chests, behind which we 
 calmly awaited their onslaught. At the moment 
 of the greatest danger, however, there suddenl}^
 
 18 TO ADOWA AND ANKOBER. 
 
 appeared upon the scene a Wiirtemberg officer, Herr 
 Kielmaier, with sixty Abessinians sent by my dear 
 fellow-labourer, Missionary Isenberg, to meet me at 
 the foot of the Shumfeito, and to bring my baggage 
 to Adowa. Having struck a bargain mth the Shohos, 
 at length we reached Halai, the first Clmstian 
 village on the Abessinian frontier. The entry into 
 Abessinia had a singular effect on me ; the bracing 
 air which I was breathing on a height 6000 feet 
 above the sea, the noble prospect eastward and 
 westward, the consciousness of being again in a 
 country, Christian, it may be only in name, the 
 thought that I should soon be at the end of my long 
 and toilsome journey, and reach the place in which I 
 was to labour for the kingdom of God, all com- 
 bined to raise my spirits in an extraordinary degree. 
 On the way from Halai, indeed, all was not smooth, 
 obstructions being tlu^own in our path by the enemies 
 of the Protestant mission at Adowa, who were an- 
 noyed by the arrival of another Protestant mission- 
 ary. But I escaped these troubles in some measure by 
 having hastened forward in advance of my party to 
 greet as soon as possible my fellow-labourers, Isenberg 
 and Blumhardt. 
 
 Soon after my arrival in Adowa I accompanied my 
 friends Isenberg and Blumhardt to pay a visit to 
 Ubie, the Prince of Tigi'e, who received me very 
 kindly, and gave me promises of protection, which 
 were not kept. The priests and chief men of Tigre 
 disliked the Protestant mission, partly fr'om bigotry, 
 partly fr'om unsatisfied greed. Before my arrival 

 
 TO ADOWA AND ANKOBEK. 19 
 
 Isenberg, the senior of the mission, had begun to build 
 a new house which he thought necessary. In digging 
 for the foundation and for building materials a deep 
 excavation was made, and the enemies of the mission 
 asserted that we were making a subterranean pas- 
 sage, through which English soldiers and guns were 
 to be brought for the conquest of Abessinia. But the 
 ultimate cause of our expulsion was the arrival of two 
 Frenchmen, the brothers D'Abbadie,* accompanied 
 by two Eoman Catholic priests. The hostility of the 
 latter strengthened the hands of the chief priest 
 of Adowa, who requested from Ubie the expulsion of 
 the Protestant missionaries, and the retention of 
 the Roman Catholics, these having asserted that they 
 were of the same family of Christians as the Abes- 
 sinians themselves. We might have remained had 
 we chosen to offer the prince a present greater than 
 that which he had received from the Roman Catholics ; 
 but such a course we deemed an unworthy one, and 
 after a residence of scarcely two months, I had to 
 quit the land in which I would so willingly have 
 striven to spread the Gospel. Many of the Bibles 
 which I had brought to Adowa were destroyed by the 
 Abessinian priests, undoubtedly at the instigation 
 of the Roman Catholics ; but many which had been 
 distributed among the other provinces of Abessinia, 
 it was out of their power to destroy. The new 
 mission-house remained unfinished, and gradually 
 
 * MM. D'Abbadie were personally obliging and friendly toward 
 the missionaries, who bighly valued and readily acknowledged their 
 intellectual gifts and zeal for African discovery. 
 
 C
 
 20 TO ADOWA AND ANKOBER. 
 
 fell into decay ; but its habitable portion was taken 
 possession of by the Alaka, or chief priest, who had 
 long regarded it with a covetous eye. 
 
 It was in the March of 1838, that we quitted Adowa, 
 reaching Massowa in safety. There we took counsel 
 as to our future movements, and Isenberg and Blum- 
 hardt resolved on returning to Cairo to await the de- 
 cision of the committee in London. I determined on 
 penetrating to the Cln^istian kingdom of Shoa, whose 
 friendly ruler, Sahela Selassie, had formerly sent 
 a messenger to Isenberg inviting him to visit his 
 dominions. My original intention was to journey 
 fi'om Zeila, a to^ai on the Somali coast, to Shoa ; 
 but circumstances led me to modif)^ my plan. Pro- 
 ceeding with my friends to Jidda, I sailed thence 
 in a Persian ship to Mokha. On board this Persian 
 vessel I had ample opportmiities of studj-ing the mode 
 in which the ^lohammedans force on theii' new slaves 
 the religion of their prophet. A sheikli kept show- 
 ing some Galla boys the bowings and genuflexions of 
 Mohammedan prayer, and, in fact, the whole mechan- 
 ism of his worship. AVlien the poor slaves, who 
 scarcely understood a word of Ai'abic, did not ape 
 to liis satisfaction the forms shown them the sheikli 
 broke out in abusive language, or boxed theii* 
 ears. At i\Iokha I found that the proper landing- 
 place fi'om which to penetrate to Shoa was Ta- 
 jurra on the Adal coast. Severe illness, how- 
 ever, compelled my retm-n to Cafro, and it was not 
 until the early spring of 1839 that I reached, in 
 the company of my fellow-labourer, Isenberg,
 
 ^■^r^.t^:} « 
 
 
 
 
 " >« 
 
 vA?; 
 

 
 TO ADOWA AND ANKOBER. 21 
 
 my new starting-point, Tajurra, or Tagiirra, which 
 lies in a great plain on the shore of a beau- 
 tiful bay stretching inward from the village itself, 
 and separating the countries of the Somali and the 
 Adal. Since Aden has been occupied by the English 
 the inhabitants have added a slight timber trade to 
 their traffic with Arabia and Shoa. Till very lately, 
 this was a place whence many slaves, especially 
 Gallas and Christians from Gurague, were sold and 
 shipped to Arabia. The old Sultan of Tajurra 
 who, after consultation with his vizier, had given us 
 permission to land, affected to be the king of all the 
 Adal tribes, but his sovereignty was at the best of 
 a mere nominal kind. The Adal call themselves 
 in their own language ''Afer," reminding us of 
 the Hebrew Ophir. Adal is the Abessinian name, 
 and Danakil, the Arabic designation for the Afer 
 nation. 
 
 I was detained nearly four weeks at Tajurra, 
 negotiating the cost of transport with the natives. 
 At last on the 27th of April 1839 we set forth, 
 and I was about to become personally acquainted 
 with the country which I had found so barren and 
 empty in the map in my boyhood. As we pene- 
 trated the Adal desert we suffered much from heat 
 and want of water, and saw few human beings or 
 habitations. Besides gazelles and ostriches there 
 were few wild animals; yet once we were disturbed 
 by elephants, of which camels are di^eadfully afraid. 
 On the 29th of May we crossed the river Hawash 
 and bivouacked in the open aii* on its woody bank 
 
 c 2
 
 22 TO ADOWA AND ANKOBER. 
 
 where there are many wild beasts. While we were 
 all asleep, even the watchers, a hyaena glided so 
 near our resting-places that we might have grasped 
 it with our hands. It was in the morning we first 
 noticed that it had been there by the foot-prints 
 left in the sand, and we thanked God for His re- 
 markable mercy. On the 31st of May we reached 
 Dinomali on the fi^ontier, where the customs officers 
 and frontier governors inspected our luggage. A 
 report was forthwith despatched to the king of 
 Shoa announcing that the two ''G}^zis," as Euro- 
 peans are called in Abessinia, had arrived. No 
 foreigner is allowed either to enter or to quit Shoa 
 without the permission of the king ; so, until it came 
 we remained in Ferri at the foot of the mountain- 
 land. Wlien the requisite permission had arrived 
 we began to traverse the hill-region of Shoa on the 
 2nd of June, and on the 3rd we ascended the lofty 
 mountain on which lies the capital, Ankober. 

 
 23 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 RESIDENCE IN SHOA. 
 
 Eeception by the King of Shoa — ^His promises and character — The 
 missionaries open school — Departure of Isenberg — The Gallas 
 — The sources of the Hawash, and M. Rochet's veracity — The 
 author's participation in the king's expeditions against the Gallas, 
 and its fruits — The rebellious Gallas and their country — Jonrney 
 to Debra Libanos and geographical notes — Arrival of Major Harris 
 and the English mission — The author's relations with the king 
 and the envoy — Success and failure of the mission — Major 
 Harris's ''Highlands of -Ethiopia" — The advantages of a connec- 
 tion between England and Shoa — The king, and his father's 
 dream — What might have been and may yet be. 
 
 On the 7th of June we had an audience of the 
 king, Sahela Selassie, who gave us a very friendly 
 reception, and to whom we explained the purely 
 religious purpose of our mission, and on the 6th 
 of July accompanied him by his own express 
 desire to Angolala, the second capital of Shoa, 
 which lies in the immediate neighbourhood of the 
 Galla tribes. He promised to give us in accord- 
 ance with our request six boys to educate; but 
 afterwards retracted his word, on the pretext 
 that he did not need spiritual teachers so much as 
 doctors, masons, smiths, &c. He was so fond of 
 artisans that he often visited the workshops of the 
 weavers, gim-makers, and smiths, to watch their
 
 24 RESIDENCE IN SHOA. 
 
 operations, which liad to be altered if not pleasing 
 to him. In July we repaired by the king's com- 
 mand to Ankober, where we were to take np our 
 abode. After we had long vainly entreated Sahela 
 Selassie for boys to educate, we determined to re- 
 ceive any one who should voluntarily offer himself. 
 Several boys soon presented themselves, and amongst 
 them one, Guebra Georgis by name, who had capa- 
 city and took delight in learning. I read with 
 him the Amharic Bible and instructed him besides 
 in Geography and History to his great delight. 
 On the 12th of November Isenberg left us with 
 the intention of retm-ning to Cairo and Europe, 
 to prej)are Amharic works for the press, and to 
 superintend the printing of them in London. His 
 departure made a very sad impression on me, then 
 the only surviving missionary in Shoa. Shortly 
 before his departure M. Eochet arrived in Shoa and 
 brought with him a powder-mill and other valuable 
 presents, which made his visit very acceptable to 
 the king. Of this gentleman more hereafter. 
 
 On the 13th of November the king retm^ied from 
 his campaign against the Gallas in Muger. On a 
 mountain he had found Christians and Cliurches, 
 severed by the Gallas in the lowlands from the 
 Church of Shoa. Cliristian remnants of the kind 
 are to be met with here and there in the Galla 
 countries. After the departm-e of Isenberg I began 
 to learn the Galla language in the hope of \4siting 
 as soon as possible a people so widely spread in 
 Africa, and of founding a mission among them. As 
 
 1 
 I
 
 RESIDENCE IN SHOA. 25 
 
 the Romanist missionary said, " Give us China 
 and Asia is ours;" so may we say, ''Give us the 
 Gallas and Central Africa is ours." In translating 
 the New Testament into the Galla language I made 
 use of the Roman alphabet, which gave great dis- 
 pleasiu^e to the Abessinians, who would have pre- 
 ferred my selection of the ^thiopic. From the com- 
 mencement of my residence in Shoa I made particular 
 inquii'ies respecting everything connected with the 
 Gallas, their religious notions, manners, and cus- 
 toms, their geographical extension, &c., and I ac- 
 companied the king on several military expeditions 
 against the tribes in the South. The first cam- 
 paign which I thus made in Jsmuary and February 
 1840 led me into the territories of the tribes of 
 the Abeju, Woberi, Gelan, Dembichu, Finfini, 
 where there are hot springs with much sulphur 
 in them, and of the ]\Iulofalada, Metta Robi, Wogidi, 
 Metta and Kuttai, all Gallas. 
 
 In the coiuitry of the last-named tribe, M. Rochet 
 and I who accompanied the expedition made in- 
 quiries of the king respecting the som'ce of the river 
 Hawash, asking whether he woidd not extend the 
 expedition to that point. The king answered, that 
 so far as he knew, there was between the Galla 
 tribes Soddo, Becho, Woreb, and Mecha, a boggy 
 country in which the river takes its rise ; but that 
 his men would not on that occasion press so 
 far forward. And, indeed, on the very same day 
 the king gave orders for a retirrn to Angolala by 
 another route, so that M. Rochet and I were deprived
 
 26 RESIDENCE IN SHOA. 
 
 of the satisfaction of making an important discovery. 
 In spite of this, in the book of travels which he after- 
 wards published M. Rochet asserted that he had 
 seen the sources of the Hawash, and that the king 
 had sent an escort to accompany him thither. Both 
 assertions are completely false. Alas! such uncon- 
 scientious statements are too common on the part of 
 travellers, who huddle up a book and obtain honours 
 and emoluments at the expense of geographical 
 truth. M. Rochet once said to me in the course of 
 that expedition, "M. Krapf, we must assert that we 
 have seen the sources of the Hawash." AYlien I re- 
 plied that that would not be true, and that we had 
 not seen them, he rejoined with a smile, "Oh! we 
 must he philosophes ! " 
 
 Our participation in these expeditions of the king, 
 which lasted from two to tlu'ee weeks, and thus 
 did not cause me to be long absent j&.'om my 
 school at Ankober, was useful in various ways, as I 
 became more intimately acquainted mth the South- 
 em Gallas, and formed a friendship with some of 
 them — for instance, with the brave Chara, son of 
 the queen of the tribe Mulofalada, and specially 
 noted three places where a Galla mission might be 
 founded ; — one, on the mountain Yerrer, on the road 
 between Angolala and Gurague ; a second, among 
 the tribe Mulofalada with Chamie, the mother of 
 Chara ; and a third, in Muger in the Aacinity of 
 Debra Libanos not far from the Blue River. Beyond 
 this, dm'ing these expeditions I became acquainted 
 with high and low in Shoa and Efat, and often ad- 

 
 RESIDENCE IN SHOA. 27 
 
 dressed large numbers of men touching the Word of 
 God and other edifying matters, besides obtaining 
 great practice in the Amharic language, and being 
 able to observe closely the ways of the Shoan popu- 
 lation. Finally, my health was benefited, and the 
 friendly demeanour of the king to me was manifested 
 to all his subjects. Of course, my connection with the 
 king's expeditions did not arise out of a hostile or 
 martial spirit, but simply from a wish to become ac- 
 quainted with regions partly unknown, and mainly 
 to promulgate the Gospel among the thousands of 
 soldiers whom the king takes mth him in these ex- 
 peditions, which he is in the habit of undertaking in 
 January, June, and October, to levy the tribute due 
 by the Gallas, and to make further conquests. Wide- 
 spread devastations follow the frequent refusals to 
 pay the tribute by the Galla tribes, who are very 
 foolish in provoking these calamities, as they 
 might secure themselves by moderate papnents in 
 cattle and grain, were it not that their pride and 
 passion for freedom lead to continual revolts and 
 defeats. Pity that those beautiful countries are 
 not tm^ned to better account ! The Gallas possess 
 regions so fruitful, so rich in water and pasturage, 
 and suitable both for tillage and for cattle, that 
 Europeans can scarcely imagine their beauty. The 
 climate, too, is as mild and healthy as that of 
 Italy or Greece. The districts of Mulofalada, Ada- 
 berga, Metta, and Media, are particularly so, where, 
 moreover, there are many and noble trees, among 
 which the juniper deserves particular mention.
 
 28 RESIDENCE IN SHOA. 
 
 In the May of 1840, I made a tour to Debra 
 Libanos, tlie most sacred place of the Shoans, four 
 days' journey to the north-west of Ankober. The 
 greatest saint of Abessinia, the famous Tekla Hai- 
 manot, is said to have lived there in the twelfth 
 century and to have raised up a miracle-healing 
 well by his prayers. In the neighbom^hood of 
 Angolala I crossed the river Cliacha, which flows 
 from the province of Bulga and from Angolala 
 in a deep glen towards the north-west, and which, 
 near Kum Dengai, in the province Shoa Meda, 
 unites ■wdth the Beresa and some other rivers and 
 forms the Adabai, flowing at last under the name 
 of the Jamma into the Blue River, the so-called 
 Abai, or Abessinian Nile. The Chacha, Adabai, 
 and Jamma, form a natural dyke against the in- 
 cursions of the Gallas from the south, who, therefore, 
 can never entirely subdue or even overrun the 
 kingdom of Shoa, especially since King Sahela 
 Selassie founded Angolala at a point where the 
 Gallas might otherwise have been able to break in. 
 On the road to Debra Libanos I also passed Sena 
 Markos, the second most holy locality of Shoa and 
 which lies on a very steep rock, easily defensi- 
 ble. From this place you can overlook the whole 
 north and west of Shoa. Before you ascend the 
 mountain on which Debra Libanos lies you must 
 cross the river Segawadam (''Flesh and Blood") 
 in which the pilgrims bathe and purify them- 
 selves. I returned home towards the end of May, 
 and devoted myself agam to the instiniction of my.
 
 RESIDENCE IN SHOA. 20 
 
 pupils of whom there were ten in the house, with- 
 out reckoning the others who came and went irre- 
 gularly. A scholar asked me for instruction in 
 Hebrew, which many of the Abessinian priests are 
 fond of, as they fancy that they can discover deep 
 secrets in the Hebrew words and names. The boys 
 I instructed chiefly in biblical, universal, and natiu'al 
 history, in geography and arithmetic, delivering to 
 them and my household on Sundays a short dis- 
 course. There came daily, too, many persons, 
 priests and lajTiien, to whom I had thus an oppor- 
 tunity of proclaiming the Gospel. 
 
 At this time Sahela Selassie conceived the notion 
 of sending letters and presents to the East India 
 Company, in order to bring about fiiendly relations 
 mth them. On the 6th of July 1840 he despatched a 
 messenger with letters to Aden to be delivered to the 
 governor, Captain Haines. A year elapsed, how- 
 ever, before the letters and presents were reci- 
 procated by the mission of Major Harris, who, on 
 the 15th of July 1841 arrived at Dinomali, on 
 the frontier of Shoa, and mth his suite and presents 
 was received and treated by the Shoans with a 
 great deal of mistrust. It was mainly the bigoted 
 priests and monks who tried to inspire the king 
 with a distrust of foreigners. The priests were angry 
 with me especially, because they thought that I 
 had induced the king to allow the admission of the 
 English and their presents, although it was the 
 king's own decision to send a messenger to Aden, as 
 he knew, among other things, that since the occu-
 
 30 KESIDENX'E IX SHOA. 
 
 pation of Aden the power of England was nearer 
 to him than that of France, which M. Rochet had 
 lately represented in Shoa. I kept aloof from all 
 political relations, and only when the king or Major 
 Hams asked for advice or aid did I exj)ress my 
 opinions ; for it was natm^al that I should be de- 
 sired to act as interpreter for the English envoy, 
 at least in important negotiations, as Major Harris 
 and his suite did not understand Amharic. The 
 king, too, had said to me from the very commence- 
 ment : '^ You know the customs of my country and of 
 your ovm. ; you must advise me in my dealings vrith 
 Major Harris, that I may not offend him and Queen 
 Victoria of England. If things go "\^"rong, I shall 
 hold you responsible." In this way, I was obliged 
 often to express myself openly against the king, as 
 well as against the English envoy, ]\Iajor Hams, who, 
 from the first, treated me in the most friendly manner, 
 as, indeed, did all the members of the mission, 
 Captain Graham, Dr. Kirk, Dr. Roth, Herr Bematz, 
 &c. Major Harris in his dealings vnth the king 
 showed himself intent on accomplishing the object of 
 his mission, which was by the establishment of a 
 friendly connection between England and Shoa to 
 pave the way for an increase of thefr commercial 
 intercourse, for the due protection of travellers, and 
 for the abolition of slavery — an object Avliich, to say 
 the truth, was attained only upon paper, but not in 
 reality, by the signature of a treaty, or convention, 
 consisting of fifteen articles. 
 
 The English envoy soon discovered that there
 
 RESIDENCE IN SHOA. 31 
 
 were not in Shoa any important articles of commerce, 
 and that consequently there could not be a profitable 
 trade between it and Aden. The difficulties attend- 
 ing the transit of commodities tlu-ough the sandy 
 Adal comitry were very evident, and the envoy soon 
 gave up caring for the execution of the fifteen articles, 
 content to have them to show when he returned 
 home, as a proof at least of the nominal success of the 
 mission, and he openly avowed to me his conviction 
 of all this, and that he should now look to his own 
 interests, as little was to be gained for his government. 
 And, in truth, the envoy acted in this spirit, endea- 
 vouring to gain the best possible acquaintance with 
 the country and its inhabitants in order afterwards 
 to be able to write a voluminous book on both. I 
 myself was entreated by him to communicate every 
 notice which my experience and knowledge could 
 furnish, and willingly gratified this desire, and Major 
 Harris interwove these communications into the text 
 of his well-known work of thi-ee volumes, '' The 
 Highlands of Ethiopia." I gave up much time and 
 thought to the cause of the embassy, and wished for 
 its prosperity and success, as likely to promote the 
 spread of the Gospel, as well as the prosperity 
 of Shoa itself. To Shoa the connection with a 
 Christian power could only exercise a wholesome 
 influence, which fi?om thence woidd be extended to 
 the miknown countries of the South. I was convinced 
 that there could be no permanence in the mission to 
 the Gallas, in Gurague and Kambat, so long as Shoa 
 was not connected mth the coast. On that account
 
 32 RESIDENCE IN SHOA. 
 
 I wished heartily for the establishment of friendly re- 
 lations between that country and England, and so far 
 as I could with propriety I did my utmost to forward 
 them. Sahela Selassie seemed favourable to such rela- 
 tions, perhaps because he still remembered the dream 
 of his father who had predicted that in the time of 
 his son, Sahela Selassie, red people (so the whites are 
 called in Abessinia when the term gypzi — that is, 
 Egyptians — is not applied to them) would arrive 
 and teach the Abessinians all arts and knowledge. 
 Now, since 1836, Europeans, Combes and Tamisier, 
 Martin, Dufey, Isenberg, and myself, Rochet, 
 Airston, Dr. Beke, and finally, the English envoy 
 had rapidly followed each other, and Sahela Selassie 
 was naturally led to see in this the fulfilment of 
 the dream, and being, to a certain extent, en- 
 lightened and eager for improvement, he could not 
 but feel it desii'able to form a connection with such 
 a nation as the English of whom he had heard so 
 much from the Danakil. It is only a pity that the 
 connection established was not a closer one, and 
 more productive of blessings to Africa. Yet it has 
 had the effect of making- this and the neighbour- 
 ing regions better knowai to geographers at least. 
 This knowledge will bear fruit in the future when 
 Shoa shall have a wiser ruler than Sahela Selassie. 
 He had, indeed, great good nature, delighted in im- 
 provement, and possessed a sense of justice, and many 
 good qualities ; but he was too much led away by 
 the superstition of the priests, the narrow prejudices 
 of his chiefs, the desire for personal enrichment, 
 
 I 
 I
 
 EESIDENCE IN SHOA. 33 
 
 and the oriental habit of accumulating dead trea- 
 siQ'es. Had he rightly understood and employed 
 the opportunity which was afforded him of establish- 
 ing a connection with England, he might have be- 
 come sovereign not only of Abessinia, but of the 
 whole of Inner Africa. But such is man. In his 
 ignorance, he casts away the greatest treasures 
 for this world and the next — ^treasures, which, if 
 he knew how to use them, would secure him tem- 
 poral no less than his eternal well-being.
 
 34 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 SHOA AND THE SHOANS. 
 
 Shoa proper and Efat — Limits and contents of the two divisions — 
 Population and some physical characteristics — Form of govern- 
 ment — Religion and priesthood — Literature and sacred books — 
 The monophysitism of Shoa — Doctrine of the three births, and 
 civil war arising out of it — Conquest of Shoa by King Theo- 
 doiois — Immorality of Shoa — Concubinage, marriage, and mar- 
 riage laws — Slavery — Superstition — The "detective" system of 
 Shoa. 
 
 Shoa, in its mdest sense, includes the whole of the 
 Ethiopian higlilands which are bounded on the east 
 by the Adal desert, on the south by the Hawash, 
 on the west by the Abai (Blue Eiver), and on the 
 north by the tribes of the Mohammedan Gallas. In 
 a more limited sense, it comprises the western por- 
 tion of those highlands, which eastward in the di- 
 rection of the Adal desert has received the name of 
 Efat. This eastern section of the mountain-land 
 comprises the provinces Bulga, Fatigar, Menchar in 
 the south, Argobba in the east, and Geddem and 
 Efra in the north. Argobba includes the low lands, 
 which spread themselves out towards the Adal 
 desert, and are inhabited by Mohammedans, partly 
 under Shoan rule, partly as in the north, under 
 that of the Wollo-Gallas. Shoa (or the western high-
 
 SHOA AND THE SHOANS. 35 
 
 lands) in its narrower sense, comprises the pro- 
 vinces and districts of Tegulet, Slioa Meda, Mora- 
 bietie, Mans and Geshe. It seems that this division 
 into Shoa and Efat takes its rise from the momitain 
 chain which stretches from Fatigar through Bulga 
 to Ankober and as far as Geshe, and thence still 
 further into the interior of Abessinia. 
 
 Both these sections of the country are tolerably 
 populous, a circumstance which is aided by the 
 fertility of the soil, the excellence of the climate, and 
 the external tranquillity of the country, which for a 
 long time has seen no enemy within its boundaries. 
 The population of the kingdom of Shoa may be esti- 
 mated at upwards of a million if the subjugated 
 Gallas of the south are included: in extent from 
 west to east, from the Adal desert to the Blue 
 River, it is nearly two degrees, and about the same 
 length from south to north, fr'om the river Ha- 
 wash to the fortress Dair. The country is rich 
 in springs, brooks, and rivers, and lakes are not 
 wanting. There are none of the nobler metals in 
 abundance, but in one locality (in the vicinity of 
 Debra Berhan) the existence of a gold field is sus- 
 pected. There is plenty of iron, sulphur, and pit- 
 coal; the latter being chiefly found in the eastern 
 part of Shoa, but the inhabitants have not yet learned 
 to turn it to account. 
 
 The form of government in Shoa is an absolute 
 monarchy. The king is the only lord and master of 
 the country, to whom belong the bodies, lives, and 
 possessions of his subjects. He has no standing army, 
 
 D
 
 36 SHOA AND THE SHOANS. 
 
 but only a few hundred body-guards, armed with mus- 
 kets. Wlien war breaks out every district-governor 
 must supply a contingent. The whole army may 
 muster from 30,000 to 50,000 men, of whom about 
 1000 are armed with muskets, the rest being- 
 equipped, with spears, shields, and swords. The 
 soldiers are mostly cavalry, mounted on horses or 
 mules. Art and science are still in a state of infancy 
 in Shoa. 
 
 The mass of the population is Christian after 
 the form of the Coptic church in Egypt, on which, 
 as is well known, the Abessinian church is de- 
 pendent. In the east, however, there are many 
 Mohammedans, and in the south, tribes of heathen 
 Gallas, subject to the ruler of Shoa. In ecclesias- 
 tical constitution Shoa, as also Abessinia in general, is 
 episcopal. The Coptic patriarch in Eg}"pt has been 
 since about a.d. 1280 in the habit of nominating 
 the chief bishop of Abessinia, who is styled Abmia, 
 '' Om- father." This prelate ordains all priests and 
 deacons ; he also consecrates the king and governs the 
 church by the aid of the Ecliege, the supreme head 
 of the monks, who are very numerous and influential. 
 Those who wish to be ordained must be able to read 
 and to repeat the Nicene Creed, whereupon the Abuna 
 breathes on the candidate, lajang on hands blesses 
 him, and bestows on him the sign of the cross, 
 receiving then two pieces of salt as ordination fees. 
 After ordination deacons and priests cannot marry, 
 but must not part with the wives whom they may 
 have married before ordination. The duties of

 
 1
 
 I
 
 SHOA AND THE SHOANS. 37 
 
 the priest are to baptize, to administer the Eucharist, 
 and on Sundays to read and sing the long litanies 
 for three or four hours. They must also know by 
 rote all the psalms and the book of hymns — a task 
 wliich occupies many years. Preaching is not com- 
 manded and is seldom heard in Abessinia. There 
 is no ordination of the Debtera, who form the 
 literary class, instruct in reading and wi'iting, copy 
 books upon parchment, and assist, too, in the 
 churches. Unordained, also, are the Alakas, the 
 superintendents of churches, who exercise a con- 
 trol over them, and are intermediate between 
 chm'ch and state. They enjoy great power and 
 emolmnents, and are often the most influential of 
 persons, before whom the priests themselves must 
 bow. 
 
 The literature of the Abessinians comprises from 
 one hundred and thirty to one hundred and fifty 
 books, of which many are only translations of the 
 Greek fathers. These books are divided into four 
 sections or '' gabaioch." The first consists of the 
 Old Testament, and the second of the New; — the 
 third, of the books of the Liks, or perfect masters 
 (Chrysostom, Fethanegest, Abushaker, &c.); and 
 the fourth comprises the writings of the monks and 
 saints. The Abessinians possess the Old and New 
 Testament in the old ^Ethiopic, and in the Amharic 
 or popular idiom as well ; the former version being 
 ascribed to Frumentius, who was ordained bishop of 
 Ethiopia by St. Athanasius in 331, and is said to 
 have first preached the gospel in the city of Axum. 
 
 D 2
 
 38 SHOA AND THE SHOANS. 
 
 The Abessinians place tlie Apocrypha on the 
 same footing with the canonical books, and deem 
 the traditions of the chm-ch of equal authority 
 with that of the apostles and prophets. The 
 reading of the Old and New Testaments is not 
 forbidden to the laity, only most of the priests 
 desii^e that the Scriptures should be read in ^thiopic, 
 which they consider the primeval language — not in 
 Amharic, which they regard merely as a Targum, or 
 translation — ^just as if the favom-ed text were not 
 also a translation from the Greek, with which 
 they are not acquainted. One scholar in Shoa 
 maintained that the Jews had falsified the Hebrew 
 Scriptm-es, which had remained uncorrupted only 
 tni the time of Abraham. 
 
 In a general way, the Abessinians are acquainted 
 with the chief truths of the Bible, with the Trinity, 
 and the natm-e and the attributes of God ; with the 
 creation, the fall of man and his redemption by 
 Christ ; with the Holy Ghost, the angels, the church, 
 the sacraments, the resun-ection and the last judg- 
 ment ; with rewards and punishments, and everlast- 
 ing life and torment ; but all these articles are 
 so blended with, and obscured by merely human 
 notions that they exert little influence on the heart 
 and life. The mediatorial function of Christ, for in- 
 stance, is darkened and limited by a beHef in the 
 many saints who, as in the Romish and Greek 
 churches, must mediate between the Mediator and 
 man. EsjDecially a great office is assigned to the 
 Virgin Mary, of whom it is maintained by many 

 
 SHOA AND THE SHOANS. 39 
 
 that she died for the sins of the world and saved 
 144,000 souls ! In the Abessinian point of view 
 the means to expiate sin are alms-giving, fasting-, 
 monastic vows, and reading, or rather gabbling, the 
 Psalms, &c. The Holy Ghost they consider pro- 
 ceeds only from the Father, not from the Son, who, 
 in the presence of the Father recedes into the back- 
 gromid, just as before the Father and the Son the 
 Holy Ghost almost dwindles into nothingness. 
 
 As regards the doctrine of the two natures of Christ 
 the Abessinians are extreme Monophysites, for they 
 admit only one nature and one will in him. For sixty 
 years the Abessinian church has been rent by great 
 controversies arising out of the dogma of the three 
 births of Christ, broached by a monk at Gondar, and 
 which consists in the assertion that the baptism or 
 consecration of Christ with the Holy Spirit in Jordan 
 constituted his third birth. According to some the Son 
 of God, begotten of the Father before all worlds (first 
 birth), became man in time (second birth) and was bap- 
 tized in Jordan (third birth) ; but according to others, 
 Clnrist in the Virgin's womb was already anointed, 
 prayed, fasted, and so forth, and that they call his 
 third birth. After a long war with the opposite 
 party, which acknowledges only two births of Christ, 
 this doctrine, which evidently harmonises with the 
 rigid monophysitism of the Abessinians, was elevated 
 into a dogma of the National Church by the decision 
 of the king, Sahela Selassie, who had received it from 
 a priest many years before. Although in the year 
 1840 a royal ordinance had deposed all priests who
 
 40 SHOA AND THE SHOANS. 
 
 did not believe in the three births, yet it was only 
 on the 24th November 1841 that the victorious 
 party was able to put the ordinance in execution 
 against its rivals. Amid song and acclamation 
 the zealots rushed into the churches and purified 
 them from the j^resence of the heretics, among whom 
 were many upright men, such as Alaka Melat, 
 Wolda Hanna, and others, with whom I had been on 
 the friendliest footing. The victorious party pressed 
 for a more rigid veneration of the Virgin Mary and 
 of the Saints. Generally, its members departed on 
 many points further from the Scrij)tures than did 
 the conquered party, which now turned to the 
 Abuna in Gondar, who took them under his pro- 
 tection and summoned the king to diive out the 
 triumphant party, and to re-instate all the expelled 
 priests who believed in the two births, as this was 
 the genuine doctrine of St. Mark of Alexandi'ia. 
 (They believe that their chm-ch was founded by the 
 Evangelist Mark.) As Sahela Selassie would not 
 submit, the Abuna menaced him with war — a me- 
 nace which he has been able to carry into execu- 
 tion against Shoa only since Theodorus has become 
 King of Abessinia. This prince invaded Shoa and 
 some years ago made it subject to himself, and 
 obedient to the Abuna. For the present, therefore, 
 the doctrine of the two births seems to be the ruling 
 one throughout the whole of Abessinia; but it is 
 nevertheless branded with the nickname, " Karra 
 Haimanot," i. e.^ Knife-faith, because this faith has 
 cut off the third birth of Christ. 

 
 I 
 
 SHOA AND THE SHOANS. 41 
 
 No Christian people upon earth are so rigid in their 
 fasting as the Abessinians. They fast, in all, nine 
 months out of the twelve ; every Friday and Wed- 
 nesday tlu-oughout the year, then again forty days 
 before Easter, twenty -five days after Trinity, four- 
 teen days in August, twenty-five days before Advent, 
 and on other occasions. Yet, in spite of this, and 
 of a close conformity to the outward observances of 
 a severe ritual, the woefal departm-e from the pure 
 teaching of the Gospel and a complete absence of 
 cultm-e and knowledge have produced, generally 
 and individually, a sad social condition in Abes- 
 sinia. Immorality is the order of the day, and 
 even priests and monks break the seventh com- 
 mandment. Monogamy, it is true, is established by 
 the Church, but concubinage is habitual and general, 
 the king and his five hiuidred wives leading the 
 way with a bad example ; for whenever a beautiful 
 woman was pointed out to him he sent for her. The 
 daughters of many grandees must in this way serve 
 to effect political alliances, and Sahela Selassie actu- 
 ally wished for an English princess to consolidate his 
 alliance mth Great Britain! In Abessinia mar- 
 riage is seldom consecrated by the Church; it is 
 simply a civil contract between the parents and 
 relations of the bride and bridegroom, with the 
 sanction of the local governor or any other per- 
 sonage of position, and can be at any time dis- 
 solved. Slavery, too, has done much to demoralize 
 the Christians of Shoa. Christians, indeed, are 
 not allowed to export slaves, but they may im-
 
 42 SHOA AND THE SHOANS. 
 
 port them for their own use. In this, the king's 
 example leads the way, and he has many thousands 
 of slaves employed as hewers of wood, di-awers of 
 water, bearers of burdens, cowherds, agricultural 
 labom-ers, &c., and the free subjects must do feudal 
 task-work. 
 
 The superstition of the Abessinians is immeasur- 
 ably great, and its workings pervade every act of 
 their daily life. Very noticeable and peculiar are 
 the means employed in Shoa for the detection of 
 thieves. The Lebashi (thief-catcher) is much feared, 
 and belongs to the servants of the state. AMien 
 a theft has been committed the sufferer gives 
 information to this official, uj)on wliich he sends 
 his servant a certain dose of black meal, com- 
 pounded with milk, on which he makes him smoke 
 tobacco. The servant is thrown into a state, of 
 fi^enzy, in which state he goes fi'om house to house, 
 crawling on his hands and feet like one out of his 
 mind. After he has smelt about at a number of 
 houses, the Lebashi all the time holding him tight 
 by a cord fastened round the body, he goes at last 
 into a house, lays on its owner's bed, and sleeps 
 for some time. His master then rouses him vnth 
 blows, and he awakes and arrests the owner of the 
 house, who is forthwith dragged before the priests, 
 and the}^ make the victim of the robbery swear 
 that he mil not assess at more than the real value 
 the articles stolen. The person into whose house 
 the entry was made is regarded as the thief, and 
 is forced to pay, whether he be innocent or guilty.
 
 SHOA AND THE SHOANS. 43 
 
 No wonder that the j^opulation trembles when the 
 Lebashi is seen in the street, and that everj'body 
 tries to be on good terms with him, as there is no 
 sa}dng when he may make his appearance in a 
 house. The King of Shoa is said to have convinced 
 himself of the truth of this matter by ordering one 
 of his Images to steal a garment of his own, and to 
 conceal it in the house of an inhabitant of Ankober, 
 where the Lebashi is reported to have discovered it. 
 On the 31st of July 1841 I had an opportunity of 
 watching closely this operation of thief-catching in 
 the streets of Ankober.
 
 44 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES TO THE SOUTH OF SHOA. 
 
 Christian remnants — Gurague and the slave trade — Kambat — 
 "Wolamo — Kucha — The Golda negroes — Susa — Junction of the 
 Gojob and Omo — Reported snow-mountain —Traces of Chris- 
 tianity in Susa — Curious transfer of episcopal breath for con- 
 secration — Dilbo on the Dokos, a nation of pigmies — Account 
 of the Dokos — Are they the pigmies of Herodotus ? — An alleged 
 Doko seen by the author — Concurrent testimony to the exist- 
 ence of a nation of pigmies — Kaffa and its Queen, Balli — Abun- 
 dance of cotton and cotton clothing — Salt and its value — Hero- 
 dotus and the early Troglodytes — The Gojob and Dilbo' s 
 account of it — Identity of the Gojob and the Jub — River 
 system of those countries — Enarea, its king, religion, &c. ; value 
 as a coffee-producing country — Its commercial importance if 
 the Gojob should be found navigable — The civet-cat, &c. — 
 Senjero — Female slavery and its origin — Human sacrifices — 
 Evidences of an early civilization in the regions watered by the 
 Gojob. 
 
 Having given a slight general sketch of Shoa and 
 the Shoans, I proceed to speak of the hitherto unex- 
 plored regions to the south ; and firstly, of the scat- 
 tered remnants of Clii'istians severed by the Gallas 
 from Abessinia. Four days' journey from Angolala 
 through the Galla land subject to the princes of 
 Shoa, you come to the river Hawash, which flows 
 round Shoa in an easterly direction and into the
 
 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOA. 45 
 
 Adal coimtry. With the south bank of this stream 
 begins the country of Gui'ague, which lies under 
 the eighth degree of north latitude and is mostly in- 
 habited by Christians, who preserve from olden times 
 some connection mth Abessinia, and have main- 
 tained themselves on their mountains against the 
 Gallas. The name of this country signifies '' to the 
 left — on the left hand," and was given it when the 
 Abessinian kings had still their head-quarters on the 
 lofty mountain Endoto, to the left of which Gurague 
 lay when they looked westwards. Formerly the 
 whole comitry round the Hawash was inhabited 
 by Clmstians, and even now a Christian remnant is 
 said to survive in the district of Korchass to the 
 south of the Soddo-Gallas. The first Cliristian vil- 
 lage reached after the passage of the Hawash is 
 Aimellele, which is in some measm'e dependent on 
 Shoa, and the priests of this place often ^dsited me 
 and begged me to come to them. South-east of 
 Aimellele is the large lake Zuai, called by the 
 people of Gurague " Jilalu," and by the Gallas, 
 " Lagi." In this lake are said to be five islands, 
 tenanted by Christian monks, and on one of 
 which it is reported, are many -^thiopic books, 
 which in the time of Gragne, who invaded Shoa 
 from the Adal country, were sent thither by King 
 Nebla Dengel as to a place of security. A Shoan, 
 named Aito Osman, told me that he had seen these 
 books. In Gm'ague itself the monks do not live in 
 monasteries as in Shoa and the rest of Abessinia, 
 but in theii' own houses, holding life in common to
 
 46 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOA. 
 
 be hurtful. Gui'ague is not goyerned by a single 
 prince, but every town and village has an inde- 
 pendent status ; the cause of many convulsions and 
 civil wars, most of the districts being at war Tvith 
 one another. This state of things has made travel- 
 ling here very insecure, and has much encouraged 
 the slave-trade ; the vanquished in these civil wars 
 being sold to the Mohammedan merchants, and by 
 them despatched to the Adal-land and Arabia. 
 Hence it has come to pass that many of the Gura- 
 guans have repeatedly entreated the King of Shoa to 
 take possession of their country ; but he has refused 
 the in\T.tation, because, according to his own avowal, 
 he would be deprived of the supply of slaves from 
 that quarter ; for in a country belonging to him he 
 would be obliged to prohibit the making of slaves, 
 though he and the Shoans cannot do Tvithout them. 
 It niay be estimated that annually about three 
 thousand slaves, mostly Oiristians, are exported from 
 Gurague. Many on their way from one ^T.llage to 
 another are stolen and sold by their o^ti relations, 
 and houses are fr'equently set on fire at night and the 
 inmates, in endeavouring to escape, are seized and 
 sold into slavery. Sometimes children are stolen at 
 night from their homes, while their parents are 
 asleep, and, as a precaution against this, many pa- 
 rents lay thick stakes over their childi-en. In the 
 south Gurague appears to be inhabited chiefly by 
 Mohammedans. 
 
 Leaving Gurague and proceeding southward you 
 come to the territory of the Adia-Gallas, and thence
 
 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOA. 47 
 
 into the little mountain-land of Kambat, where 
 a small nation of Christians with fifteen chm-ches 
 and monasteries, is said to have retained its exist- 
 ence. It is sometimes visited by the Chiistian 
 priests of Gui'ague, who undergo many perils 
 exposed as they are to the Adia and Alaba-Gallas, 
 during the seven days' journey which is neces- 
 sary to be made, for the most part by night when 
 the moon affords her light. The language of Kambat 
 appears to be very different from that of Gurague, 
 which latter again differs in important respects 
 fi:om the Amharic, and with that of Tigre greatly 
 resembles the old ^thiopic. I regret that a little 
 vocabulary wliich I composed of the Gm'ague lan- 
 guage has been lost. The capital of Kambat is 
 Karemsa, the residence of King Degoie, a worthy 
 and powerful chief, very well affected to strangers. 
 
 To the south-east of Kambat lies Wolamo, a 
 small and very mountainous independent Cluistian 
 state. The slave-dealers bring many slaves fi:om 
 tliis country to Shoa, who have a handsome appear- 
 ance, and speak a language which is not under- 
 stood there. The capital of Wolamo is said to be 
 called Wofana, and the great river Omo aj^pears 
 to flow through the country, which is sm-rounded 
 by the districts Senjero, Dumbaro, Mager, Mugo, 
 Kullu, Worata, Jimma and Asu. From Wolamo 
 you come into the kingdom of Kucha, which is 
 inhabited by negro-like Gallas, who have many 
 horses. The king of this hot but fruitful country is
 
 48 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOA. 
 
 said to be veiy powerful, and to live in considerable 
 state. Wliite people, which must mean Arabs and 
 Somalis from the east coast of Barawa and Marka, 
 are said to come here in boats, bringing blue 
 cloths, pepper, tobacco, copper, &c., and carrying 
 back in return slaves, ivory, and spices, to the coast, 
 which Hes thirty days' jom-ney distant. From the 
 information which I received at Barawa respecting 
 the interior I am led to conclude that the people of 
 that place penetrate as far as Kucha, not however 
 up the river Jub from its mouth, but from Ba- 
 rawa through the Somali country as far as Bardera 
 and Ganana, and thence into the country of Liven ; 
 where they first take boat, and reach Kucha, where 
 the Jub which, in its upper course is called the 
 Gojob receives the stream Torikh. 
 
 To the west of Kucha lies the country of the 
 Golda negroes, who are said to go naked — a cir- 
 cumstance which clearly indicates that they ap- 
 proximate to those Afi^ican populations whom I 
 became acquainted with in my journeys to Ukam- 
 bani, and who also go almost in that state, as we 
 shall see afterwards. 
 
 Westward from the Goldas, between the fom-th 
 and fifth degrees of north latitude, and to the south 
 of Kaffa, lies the powerful kingdom of Susa, where 
 the Omo has its som'ce. The Gojob, which 
 appears to rise in a vast wilderness, between Kaffa 
 and Enarea, receives a large volume of water from 
 the Omo at Dumbaro, at which point the united
 
 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOA. 49 
 
 streams form a cataract which is heard from afar. 
 The rainy season in Susa is said to be very severe, 
 the ail' very cold, and the land very high; nay, 
 beyond this country there are reported to be momi- 
 tains covered with eternal snow, a report which 
 I can easily believe, as I saw from Ukambani a 
 snow-mountain in the vicinity of the equator. The 
 inhabitants of Susa are said still to retain some- 
 thing of Abessinian Christianity ; they are re- 
 ported not to work on the Sabbath, to observe the 
 festivals of Michael, George, and Gabriel, and to 
 have chm'ches and priests, and a wi'itten language, 
 which, however, is neither Amharic nor ^thiopic. 
 
 The reader will remember that the priests of 
 Shoa are ordained by the Abuna, or chief bishop of 
 Abessinia, who breathes on the candidate for ordina- 
 tion. They have a tradition that when CjYii was 
 Abuna in Gondar certain priests came fr-om Susa with 
 a leathern bag, which the Abuna inflated for them 
 with his breath, in order that they might ordain 
 priests with it in theii' own country, Susa being so 
 distant fr-om Gondar, and the journey by Kaffa and 
 Enarea both difficult and dangerous. I told this 
 circumstance to a friend on my return to Eiu'ope in 
 1853, who smilingly remarked that such ordination 
 was very like a bottle of smoke. The present King of 
 Susa I heard, was called Beddu, and is the brother 
 of Bali, the Queen of Kaffa. The capital, it is said, is 
 Bonga, where Beddu reigns after the fashion of the 
 Abessinian kings. By the marriage of his daughter 
 Shash to the King Abba Bogibo of Enarea he is re-
 
 60 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOA. 
 
 ported to have established friendly relations with 
 the latter, and so to have made possible a connec- 
 tion with Gondar. Mohammedan merchants are said 
 to arrive from a distance, which is very possible 
 when the position of the river Maro or Pokomoni is 
 considered, as it flows into the Indian Ocean above 
 Malindi, and on it the Suahilis and Pokomos jomney 
 far into the interior in their boats. It would, there- 
 fore, be easy to accept as a fact that travellers might 
 reach fi-om this river the Christians in Susa; and 
 that it would also be possible to journey fi^om 
 Barawa to Kucha, and to the Christian remnants in 
 Wolamo and Kambat. Had there been an energetic 
 government on the Suahili coast these East-Afr-ican 
 countries, still so unknown and yet so important to 
 Cln-istianity, would long ago have been opened up 
 to Christian civilization and commerce ; but while 
 power is left in the hands of the lazy and jealous 
 Arabs a knowledge of these countries will long have 
 to be waited for. In any case a good distance far 
 in the interior may be traversed by water, even 
 though it cannot be employed directly from the 
 coast, since the rivers of those regions are not deep 
 at their mouths. 
 
 Noteworthy are the reports which in the year 
 1840 were communicated to me by a slave from 
 Enarea, who, by order of the King of Shoa, was 
 charged wdth the care of my house in Angolala 
 dm-ing my residence in Ankober. His name was 
 Dilbo, and he was a native of Sabba in Enarea. As 
 a youth he had made caravan-journeys to Kaffa
 
 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOA. 51 
 
 and accompanied the slave-hunters from Kaffa to 
 Tuffte, in a ten days' expedition, where he crossed 
 the Omo some sixty feet wide, by means of a wooden 
 bridge ; reaching from thence Kullu, in seven days, 
 which is but a few days' journey from the Dokos, a 
 pigmy race of whom Dilbo told almost fabulous 
 stories. Afterwards when in his eighteenth year 
 dm-ing an attack on Sabba he was made a pri- 
 soner, and passed from Enarea into slavery at Nono, 
 whence he was taken by the slave-dealers to 
 Migra, and thence to Agabja where he was sold for 
 forty pieces of salt. From Agabja he was taken 
 to Gonan in the country of the Soddo-Gallas where 
 he was sold again for sixty pieces of salt. From 
 Gonan he was conveyed to Roggie where his value 
 was raised to eighty pieces of salt, and he was then 
 marched to Golba in the Galla district of Abeju, 
 and there sold for one hundred pieces. At last 
 he reached Aliwamba where a Mohammedan bought 
 him for twelve dollars. Next a widow in Ankober 
 purchased him for fourteen dollars, and at her death 
 he jpassed into the hands of her brother who, how- 
 ever, was disinherited by the King of Shoa for some 
 offence, and in this way Dilbo became the property 
 of the king. He told me that to the south of Kaifa 
 and Susa there is a very sultry and humid country 
 with many bamboo woods, inhabited by the race 
 called Dokos, who are no bigger than boys of ten 
 years old ; that is, only four feet high. They have 
 a dark, olive-coloiu'ed complexion, and live in a 
 completely savage state, like the beasts ; having 
 
 E
 
 53 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOA. 
 
 neither houses, temples, nor holy trees, like the 
 Gallas, yet possessing something like an idea of a 
 higher being called Yer, to whom in moments of 
 wretchedness and anxiety they pray — not in an erect 
 postm-e, but reversed with the head on the ground, 
 and the feet supported upright against a tree or 
 stone. In prayer they say: "Yer, if thou really 
 dost exist, why dost thou allow us thus to be slain ? 
 We do not ask thee for food and clothing, for 
 we live on serpents, ants, and mice. Thou hast 
 made us, why dost thou j)ermit us to be trodden 
 underfoot?" The Dokos have no chief, no laws, no 
 weapons ; they do not hunt, nor till the gromid, 
 but live solely on fruits, roots, mice, serj^ents, ants, 
 honey, and the like, climbing trees and gathering 
 the fruits like monkeys, and both sexes go com- 
 pletely naked. They have thick, protruding lips, 
 flat noses, and small eyes; the hair is not woolly, 
 and is worn by the women over the shoulders. The 
 nails on the hands and feet are allowed to grow like 
 the talons of vultures, and are used in digging for 
 ants, and in tearing to pieces the serpents which they 
 devour raw, for they are unacquainted with fire. 
 The spine of the snake is the only ornament worn 
 round the neck, but they pierce the ears with a 
 sharp-pointed piece of wood. 
 
 The Dokos multiply very rapidly, but have no 
 regular marriages, the intercoiu'se of the sexes 
 leading to no settled home, each in perfect inde- 
 pendence going whither fancy leads. The mother 
 nurses her child only for a short time, accustoming
 
 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOA. 53 
 
 it as soon as possible to the eating of ants and 
 sei-j^ents ; and as soon as the child can help itself, the 
 mother lets it depart whither it pleases. Although 
 these people live in thick woods, and conceal them- 
 selves amongst the trees, yet they become the prey 
 of the slave-hunters of Susa, Kaffa, Dumbaro, and 
 Kulla ; for whole regions of their woods are encircled 
 by the hunters, so that the Dokos cannot easily escape. 
 When the slave-hunters come in sight of the poor 
 creatures they hold up clothes of bright colours, 
 singing and dancing, upon wliich the Dokos allow 
 themselves to be captured, without resistance, know- 
 ing from experience that such resistance is fruit- 
 less and can lead only to their destruction. In this 
 way thousands can be captured by a small band of 
 hunters ; and once captured they become quite do- 
 cile. In slavery the Dokos retain their predilection 
 for feeding on mice, serpents, and ants, although 
 often on that account punished by their masters, who 
 in other respects are attached to them, as they are 
 docile and obedient, have few wants, and enjoy 
 good health, for which reasons they are never sold 
 as slaves beyond Enarea. As diseases are unknown 
 among them, they die only of old age, or through 
 the assaults of theii' enemies. 
 
 It cannot be decided whether these Dokos are the 
 pigmies who, according to Herodotus, were dis- 
 covered near a great river in the vicinity of Central 
 Africa by two youths despatched by Etearch, king 
 of the Oasis of Amnion ; yet I can bear witness that 
 I heard of these little people not only in Shoa, but 
 
 E 2
 
 5-t UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOA. 
 
 also in Ukaiiibani two degrees to the south, and in 
 Barava a degree and a half to the north of the 
 Equator. In Barava a slave was shown to me who 
 accorded corajiletely with the description of Dilbo. 
 Ho was four feet high, very thick-set, dark-com- 
 plexioned, and lively, and the people of the place 
 assured me that he was of the pigmy race of the 
 interior. It is not impossible, too, that circum- 
 stances, such as continual rains from May to January 
 and other means, may contribute to produce a di- 
 minutive people of stunted development in the 
 interior of Africa. A priori^ therefore, the reports 
 collected from different and mutually independent 
 points of Africa cannot be directly contradicted; 
 only care must be taken to examine with caution 
 the fabulous element mixed up with what may be 
 true by native reporters. In the Suahili dialect 
 '* dogo " means small, and in the language of 
 Enarea, "doko" is indicative of an ignorant and 
 stupid person. 
 
 To the north of the land of the Dokos, and to the 
 north-east of the kingdom of Susa, lies the important 
 region of Kaffa, a name which has figiu-ed in the 
 maps ever since the Portuguese priest Fernandez 
 and liis companions vainly attempted to penetrate 
 from Abessinia through Enarea and Kaffa to the 
 coast of Malindi, which formerly belonged to the 
 cro^\ai of Portugal. Incontestably it must have been 
 reported in Malindi that there was thence a way to 
 Abessinia, and into the interior of Africa. Had that 
 attempt succeeded, and had a way been opened
 
 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOA. 55 
 
 from Malindi into the interior the African travels of 
 discovery in the nineteenth centui-y would have 
 shaped themselves othei'wise, and the som'ces of the 
 Nile would have been long ago discovered, not in 
 the forest of Babia in Enarea under the eleventh 
 degTee of north latitude, as i\I. D'Abbadie will have 
 it, but in the regions of the Equator somewhere 
 about the latitude of Malindi. 
 
 According to the fabulous et}Tnology of the Mo- 
 hammedans the name '' Kaffa" is derived fi'om the 
 Arabic word " Yekaffi," it is enough. A priest, 
 Mahomed Nur by name, is said to have conceived 
 the design of wandering fr-om the East toward 
 Western Africa in order to extend the rehgion of 
 the prophet, and when he came into the regions 
 where Kaffa lies, Allah is reported to have appeared 
 to him and to have said : — " It is now enough ; go 
 no fruiher." Since that time according to tradi- 
 tion the country has been called Kaifa. Just as 
 little can assent be given to the notion of those 
 who believe that the country takes its name fi-om 
 Kahava, or Kahoa, which in Ai'abic means, pre- 
 pared coffee ; for the raw coffee, the coffee-bean, is 
 called bun, in the Galla language, bunna. Accord- 
 ino; to the Ai'abian tradition the civet-cat broug-ht 
 the coffee-bean to the mountains of the Arusi and 
 Itta-Gallas where it gi'ew and was long cultivated, 
 till an enter[3rising merchant carried the coffee-plant, 
 five hmidi'ed years ago, to Arabia where it soon be- 
 came acclimatised. 
 
 The capital of Kaffa is called Simi and lies on a
 
 56 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOA. 
 
 mountain of the same name, and it is said not to be 
 so large as Ankober. The houses, too, are not so 
 good as those in Abessinia, where they are mostly 
 round and built of wood, the roofs being thatched 
 with a grass called Guasa. Other important 
 places, where the king sometimes resides are Nagoa, 
 Gobi Bm-a, Alexa Sehija, and Sunge Woda. In 
 extent this country is thought to be larger than 
 Slioa, and the king endeavours to extend his rule 
 even fiu'ther to the south, west, and east. Though 
 Kaffa lies between the fifth and seventh degrees 
 of north latitude its influence probably reaches to 
 the countries lying between the third and fom'th 
 degrees. It does not lie so high as Enarea, but has 
 several liigh mountains ; and in the villages the heat 
 is so great that the traders from Enarea always 
 desire to return to their own cooler country. 
 
 Queen BalK was sovereign when Dilbo, my in- 
 formant, was in Kaffa. After the death of her 
 husband. King Halalo, she seized the rebellious 
 chiefs and proclaimed herself ruler of the kingdom 
 to the sound of the state-herald's drmn. Foreign 
 affairs she left to be managed by her brave son 
 Gomarra, who leads the army to battle while the 
 queen remains at home discharging judicial and 
 other civil functions. She seldom a^^pears out 
 of the capital; but when she does , so her subjects 
 are bound to s^^read clothes in her path. Gomarra 
 always returns victorious from his campaigns, laden 
 with male and female trophies. The enemy's men 
 are killed or mutilated, and the women either
 
 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOA. 57 
 
 killed or savagely disfignred. Wlien I expressed 
 some doubts as to the accuracy of Dilbo's state- 
 ment respecting the spreading out of clothes on 
 Queen Balli's path he observed, that owing to 
 the quantity of cotton in Kaffa clothes are ex- 
 tremely cheap, and the natives do not care much 
 about losing them if thereby they can do honour 
 to their queen. The chief articles brought from 
 Kaifa by the traders of Enarea are slaves and 
 cotton cloths. In return they take thither j)ieces 
 of salt, copper, horses, cows, coloured clothing, 
 stuffs, and in general everything that is sold in the 
 Gondar market. Horned cattle are rare in Kaffa, 
 on which account in cultivating the fields the 
 inhabitants do not emjjloy the plough, but break up 
 the soil with staves, a custom which reminded me 
 of the tribes in the interior, to the south of the 
 Equator, who prepare the ground by means of 
 pointed pieces of wood. The internal portion of 
 the kingdom is orderly ; but on the frontiers there 
 is always a great deal of fighting going on with 
 the neighbouring tribes, which the vaKant Gomarra, 
 however, soon sets to rights. Strangers who visit this 
 kingdom for trading purposes are much esteemed and 
 their persons and property protected. The people of 
 Kaffa are partly Christian, though after a very super- 
 ficial and degenerate fashion, and they practise cir- 
 cumcision, do not work on Fridays and Sundays, 
 and observe the festivals of Saints. Incredible 
 and fabulous appears the statement which Dilbo 
 made to me respecting the relation between husband
 
 58 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOA. 
 
 and wife, wliicli was to the effect that there is a public 
 resort set apart for the husband, where no woman is 
 permitted to appear, and where no wife must eat or 
 drink witli her husband under penalty of three 
 years' imprisonment. Husband and wife see each 
 other only at niglit, never meeting during the day. 
 The wife remains in the inmost portion of the house, 
 the husband occupying the other part. Such a sepa- 
 ration of the sexes is unknown in Abessinia, and 
 would presuppose that the inhal^itants of Kaffa are 
 Mohammedans, with whom the isolation of their 
 women is the rule. 
 
 Salt is very dear in Kaffa, and five pieces have 
 the same value as twenty pieces (one dollar) in 
 Shoa. The salt comes from Senjero and Enarea, 
 and those countries receive it from Abessinia. The 
 language of Kaffa is neither ^thiopic nor Amharic, 
 nor Galla ; it is allied, however, to those of Gobo, 
 Tuffte, and Dambaro. The Kaffans have a tradi- 
 tion according to which the primeval father of 
 their race was called Busase and lived in a cave. 
 The same thing is also told of the fii'st of the 
 population of Enarea; and from this it would 
 seem as if the earliest inhabitants of those countries 
 lived in caves, and thus were Troglodytes as Hero- 
 dotus reports, until tlu-ough contact with other 
 tribes they became acquainted with house-building. 
 There are said to be many caves in both these 
 places. 
 
 Proceeding fi'om Kaffa to the north it is necessary 
 to cross the great river Gojob, of which something
 
 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOA. 59 
 
 has to be said, before we pursue our coui'se to the 
 northern countries, Mancho, Jiinma, Senjero and 
 Enarea. 
 
 It was in the October of 1840 that I journeyed 
 from Ankober to Angolala in order to pay my 
 respects to the King of Shoa, and to express to him 
 my vnsli to be allowed to accompany him in his 
 expedition into the Galla land. The king acceded 
 to my request ; but at the same time commanded me 
 to remain for a few days in Angolala until the 
 forces of Shoa were collected. During this time of 
 expectation I often conversed mtli Dilbo, the 
 Enarean abeady referred to. Among other things, 
 I asked him whether there were rivers in his 
 country and what information he could give re- 
 specting the countries to the south. Later (on the 
 29tli of May 1841) I was in Angolala again along 
 Tvith Dr. Beke ; and in the company of that gifted 
 traveller, whose knowledge of Amharic however 
 was then scanty, I again conversed with Dilbo, who 
 reiterated and enlarged upon liis former statements. 
 Thus, when I inquired whether there was any river 
 in Enarea like the Hawash, on the southern fron- 
 tier of Shoa, Dilbo replied at once : — ' ' In Enarea 
 and beyond Enarea there are more than one 
 river ; there are the Kibbe, or Gibbe, the Dambese, 
 the Dirdesa, and the Gojob. This last is the 
 largest of them all, and neither rises in Enarea 
 nor flows through that comitry ; but comes from the 
 great desert Gobi which lies to the south-west of 
 Enarea. The Gojob flows between Kafia and
 
 60 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOA. 
 
 Manclio to Senjero, and past it towards the rising 
 of the sun." This was, almost word for word, the 
 statement of Dilbo in the years 1840 and 1841 ; 
 but it was only in 1841, that I attached import- 
 lance to it, when Dr. Beke pointed attention to its 
 harmony mth Herodotus, who had heard from a 
 priest of the Temple of Minerva in Thebes, that one 
 half of the Nile flowed towards the North and the 
 other half towards the South. This remark of Dr. 
 Beke made me inquire minutely respecting this 
 river which is quite distinct fr'om the KLibbe, the 
 latter having its source in the forest of Babia, near 
 Kossa and Genna in Enarea, whence it unites Tvith 
 the Dirdesa which rises near Jeresa in Jimma; 
 when uniting with the Dambese, which comes from 
 Wosager in Enarea, it empties itself into the Blue 
 River, or Abessinian Nile. To the question, whether 
 he had ever seen the Gojob Dilbo replied that 
 he had twice crossed it with a relative, who was in 
 the habit of making every year the jomiiey from 
 Enarea to Kaifa, in company of other traders. 
 From his birthplace Sabba, he had journeyed 
 always in a south-westerly dii-ection, through 
 Jimma and Mancho, Galla districts, dependent 
 on Enarea, and had then come to a great desert 
 where the Mancho people waylay travellers, tiU 
 at last he reached the bank of the gi^eat river 
 Gojob, the volume of whose waters so temfied 
 him that he washed to retm-n to Enarea, fearing 
 that while crossing the river, he should lose his life 
 either through the many crocodiles which he saw
 
 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF 6H0A. 61 
 
 in the water, or through the great waves which he 
 thought would sink rafts made of the trunks of trees. 
 To the further question how broad the river was, he 
 said, "the Gojob is, from one bank to another 
 as far as Angolala to the Gallas village Cherkos," 
 the distance between the two latter places being 
 about two English miles. They had to search the 
 forest for the terrified Dilbo and bind him with 
 cords to prevent him fi'om running away in a 
 fright. Sometimes travellers take time to hollow 
 out the trunk of some huge tree ; but generally they 
 bind six or seven trunks together, and thus trans- 
 port over the river fr^om thii'ty to fifty people, with 
 horses, mules, asses, cows, &c. As I fancied that 
 Dilbo had no right notion of either a boat or a 
 raft I made him construct them by way of illustration 
 with reeds in my house ; when he made a perfect 
 raft with rudders, so that I could no longer be 
 sceptical. The Slioans do not know anything either 
 of boats or rafts, so that Sahela Selassie got a model 
 of one made for the British envoy, when he was 
 about to proceed in the direction of Gurague to the 
 Lake Suai (Zwai). 
 
 As it was difficult to ascertain the geographical 
 positions of the countries spoken of by Dilbo, I made 
 him attempt a map in sand, which showed the source 
 of the river towards the west, to the north of Enarea. 
 In the desert of Gobo there are, it seems, many 
 elephants, giraffes, and wild beasts generally, and 
 beyond the desert there are black people. To a 
 question respecting the mouth of the river Dilbo 
 replied : — " I know that it flows towards the rising
 
 62 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOA. 
 
 sun; but I do not know its end. I only know that 
 I have heard the Mohammedans say, that on this 
 river they go into the country of the Arabs." At 
 the time I could not rightly understand this state- 
 ment of Dilbo ; but it all became clear to me when, 
 in 18-43 I became acquainted with the mouth of the 
 Jub and with the general relations of the eastern 
 coast under the Equator, and I am convinced 
 that the Gojob is no other river than the Jub, as 
 it is called by the Arabs. 
 
 After the Gojob, as Dilbo reported, has flowed 
 onward with great rapidity to Kaifa it takes its way 
 through a lake, and then further to the east receives 
 the large river Omo, which rises in the south-west 
 of Susa. Near the confluence of the two rivers the 
 Gojob appears to have a cataract, which Dilbo 
 called Dumbaro, and which he said makes so tre- 
 mendous a noise that it is heard at a very great 
 distance. Probably the river here is barred by 
 rocks, which arrest its flow and make its waters 
 furious. Now, as regards the origin of the two 
 rivers, the Gojob and the Omo, it may per- 
 haps be simply explained by the supposition that 
 those of the mountains of Enarea which seem to 
 run from south to north contribute their eastern 
 watei^ to the Kibbe, whilst the south-western 
 ranges send theirs into the Gojob. In Enarea 
 therefore there would be a separation of the streams 
 running eastward and westward. So likewise may 
 the south-eastern streams of Kafl'a and Susa fonn 
 the Omo, whose original source however may be 
 in snow-mountains and marshes, which certainly
 
 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOxV. G3 
 
 could exist to the north of the Equator, as well 
 as those seen by me to the south of it. How im- 
 portant it would be if the explorations of future 
 travellers were directed to the regions of the equa- 
 tor, that one section of them should proceed through 
 Enarea and Kaffa to Susa, while another section 
 should pursue the same goal onwards from Barava 
 or Malindi. The western waters of Susa and Kaffa 
 flow beyond doubt into the Bahr-el-Abiad ; from 
 which, after all, the interior of Africa both eastward 
 and westward can more easily be exj^lored, as travel- 
 ling from the western and eastern coasts of Africa is 
 extremely difficult, expensive, and dangerous ; while 
 the passage of the Nile is practicable with tolerable 
 security to the fourth degree of north latitude ; and 
 even the bars of rock there may be surmounted at the 
 right time of the year when the water is high. The 
 countries of Kaffa and Susa can be scarcely three 
 degrees of latitude distant fi-om the Bahr-el-Abiad ; 
 and it ought therefore to be possible to reach the 
 vicinity of Kaffa by the Sobat, which comes from the 
 east and flows into the Bahr-el-Abiad, without any 
 necessity for a considerable journey by land. I can- 
 not doubt that all these problems will be solved by the 
 next expedition which may penetrate into the regions 
 of the upper com-se of the Bahr-el-Abiad, and that 
 every contributory stream as far as navigable will 
 be explored. But this is an enterprise which will 
 require several years to be satisfactorily conducted to 
 its close. 
 
 T now proceed with the further description of
 
 64 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOA. 
 
 the southern countries of Abessinia. When the 
 traveller has crossed the Gojob, and proceeds 
 tlu-ough the country of the Mancho and Jimma 
 Gallas, in from twelve to fifteen days he will 
 reach Enarea, which lies much higher than Kaffa. 
 Dilbo sjooke of five lofty mountains in Enarea the 
 names of which are, Menjillo, in the centre of 
 Enarea, Sasala, Gabana, Mutekossa, and Jejilla. 
 The capital of Enarea is Saka with a population 
 of about 12,000, where the Sappera, or king, gene- 
 rally resides and where the caravans coming from 
 Gondar stop for trading purposes. According to 
 Dilbo there are also the following cities and vil- 
 lages : — Santo, Lako, Genua, Kossa, Geruke, Affate, 
 Sabba, Sigaro. 
 
 Dilbo informed me that the reigning King of 
 Enarea is AbbaBogibo, a brave warrior and good ruler, 
 who administers justice publicly in his capital, and to 
 whom every one has easy access. On such occasions 
 he sits on a wooden tlirone over which a skin is 
 spread. His people do not bow the uj)per portions of 
 the body, nor prostrate themselves to the ground, 
 as is the custom of the Abessinians in their inter- 
 course with kings and great men ; they simply kiss 
 his hand after the fashion of the Mohammedans. 
 The sons of the king are not imprisoned either, as 
 at one time was the case with the sons of the 
 kings of Abessinia, that they might not stir up in- 
 surrections against their fathers. In Enarea the 
 son of the king's chief wife generally becomes 
 his succe'ssor, and he then nominates his brothers to
 
 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF 6H0A. 65 
 
 the goYernorships of provinces. The king places 
 himself at the head of liis troops in the expeditions 
 which he undertakes annually against the Gallas of 
 Gama, Nono, and Limmu, to the north-east of Enarea. 
 The Guderu tribes, too, in the north, as well as 
 the Jimmas and Manchos in the south, and the 
 Shankalas in the north-west, are sometimes visited. 
 The king's influence extends from Enarea as far as 
 the Macha and Soddo Gallas. The campaigns last 
 at the most fr'om ten to fifteen days, and are earned 
 on by troops in single divisions operating in dif- 
 ferent dii-ections ; and the king, acting in the centre, 
 has cognizance of their movements by the smoke 
 of the villages they set on fire. Children and 
 women are neither slain nor mutilated, but sold 
 into slavery to Gondar and Shoa ; this practice 
 however may have ceased since the slave trade 
 was forbidden by Theodorus, the new and ener- 
 getic King of Abessinia, some years ago. 
 
 The King of Enarea possesses a small number of 
 matchlocks wliich he obtained fr-om the merchants 
 in Gondar, and from Goshu, the former governor 
 of Gojam. Abba Bogibo is a Mohammedan, his 
 father, Bofa Boku, having accepted that creed from 
 his uncle Mutar, and fr^om the Mohammedan traders 
 from Gondar, who with trading always com- 
 bine religious objects, and with that view take 
 Mohammedan priests with them. A large section 
 of the people of Enarea have been converted to 
 Islamism, and the language is Galla, but differs some- 
 what fi'om the dialects of the other Gallas.
 
 66 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SIIOA. 
 
 The necessaries of life are cheap in Enarea ; for 
 a piece of salt, worth not more than a groat, you 
 may buy from sixty to seventy pounds of coffee- 
 berries, and at the same price three great pitchers of 
 honey, or several sacks of wheat are procm^able. 
 Pieces of salt are however rare. Like the Abessi- 
 nians the Enareans drink beer and mead. The 
 coffee-tree grows wild in the woods to the height of 
 from twelve to fourteen feet, and its wood is used for 
 fuel in the cold parts of the country ; and in Enarea 
 there is said to be more coffee than in Kaffa. Wliat 
 a pity that there should be so much difficulty in 
 communicating with countries like these, from 
 which so valuable an article of commerce could be 
 procm-ed ! Wliat results would arise if the Gojob 
 were found to be navigable, or if the river Sobat 
 should conduct to these coffee countries ! And how 
 much more important still would this be for the 
 extension of Christianity in Inner Africa! The 
 traders from Gondar carry to Enarea the following 
 articles of commerce: — pieces of salt, glass-beads 
 of various colours and sizes ; coloured stuffs, espe- 
 cially blue calico ; copper, knives, scissors, nails ; 
 weapons, cooking-ware, black pepper, &c. ; and 
 receive in exchange coffee, civet, slaves, horses and 
 the skins of lions and leopards, especially of the 
 black leopard (Gessela). 
 
 Civet is dear, even in Enarea, as it is considered a 
 good medicine for the head-ache and other maladies ; 
 and is procm-ed from the civet-cat which is as large 
 as a young dog. This cat lives in the woods, where
 
 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOA. 67 
 
 it is caught in traps, aud is then kept in cages in front 
 of which a fire is burnt daily to make it perspii-e. 
 It has in its hinder parts a little sack or bladder in 
 which the precious material collects, and this is 
 emptied "vvath a spoon fi'om time to time, and put 
 into a horn which with its valuable contents is sold 
 to the traders. 
 
 Among the animals of Enarea is the Worsamesa, 
 which from the description aj^pears to be the gii'affe, 
 and is found in great numbers in the wilderness of 
 Bakko in the west of Enarea, whence you go into the 
 land of the Blacks. This wilderness is fall of wild 
 animals, and is the hunting-ground of hunters of 
 Enarea. Elephants are particularly numerous in it ; 
 and amongst these the white elejjhant, whose hide 
 is like that of a leper ; but it must not be killed ; 
 for it is considered an '' Adbar," that is, a pro- 
 tector of man, and has religious honours paid to it. 
 Any one who should happen to kill a white elephant, 
 which is smaller than the common one, would have to 
 atone for the act with his life ; for so their heathen 
 superstition decrees ; and here I may take the oppor- 
 tmiity to note, that white elephants are said to be 
 extant in the interior also on the coast of Lamu, 
 as Bana Kheri, my Suahili caravan-conductor, assured 
 me. In Enarea there are said to be wliite buffaloes 
 too, which are likewise sacred and may not be 
 attacked ; and indeed in general the white colour is 
 sacred. 
 
 The original founder of the race which inhabits 
 Enarea is called Linnnu, and like the fomider of Kaffa 
 
 F
 
 68 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOA. 
 
 is said to have Ijccn a troglodyte and to have dwelt 
 in caves. 
 
 To the south-east of Enarea lies the powerful 
 kingdom of Senjero, which formerly consisted of 
 sixteen provinces, but is now, it appears, depend- 
 ent on Enarea, as Abba Bogibo in conjunction 
 with Limmu and Jhnma, is said to have invaded 
 it and made it tributary. A slave from Sen- 
 jero with whom I became acquainted at An- 
 kober gave me the following information respect- 
 ing this unknown country. The capital of Sen- 
 jero which stands upon a hill is called Anger. The 
 name of the king of the country is Amo, and he is 
 a great friend to his soldiers, but not to the poor 
 people. The succession to the tlu'one is hereditary, 
 and not dependent on the flight of a vultm^e or a bee, 
 as according to the report of a priest of Gm^ague I 
 had been led to imagine. It was the custom in Sen- 
 jero after the death of a king, he said, for the chief 
 men of the kingdom to assemble outside the city in an 
 open field, and wait till a vultm-e or an insect settled 
 on one of the assembly ; and he to whom this haj}- 
 pened was unanimously elected king. As these Afri- 
 can races attach great importance to birds and theii' 
 cries, such a custom would have been within the 
 limits of possibility. The people of Senjero have to 
 fight on all sides, with Wolamo, Enarea, Goma, and 
 with the Gallas. The river Kibbe is said to mark 
 the boundar}", and to be even larger than the Hawash. 
 The natives do not eat the flesh of goats and fowls ; 
 for like the Gallas and other South African tribes, they
 
 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOA. 69 
 
 look upon the latter as a species of the \ailture tribe. 
 Traders from Gurague repaii' to Senjero, and dur- 
 ing their stay are allowed *' dirgo," or daily rations 
 fi'om the king, just as is the custom in Shoa. The 
 population is said to have been Christian, but to have 
 relapsed into heathenism. Smiday is a day of rest, 
 and they keep the feasts of Kidana Meherat and St. 
 Michael, but they have no fast-days, and cii'cumcision 
 prevails. 
 
 In Senjero only females are sold into slavery, 
 because once a wife cruelly murdered her husband 
 at the request of the king of the country. At first 
 the king is said to have desii^ed the husband, who was 
 of high rank, to kill his wife and bring him a piece 
 of her flesh, which had been indicated by the sooth- 
 sayers as a sure cure for the sick monarch. The hus- 
 band, fascinated by the beauty of his wife, was unwill- 
 ing to obey the royal command. The king therefore 
 commanded the vnfe to murder her husband which she 
 did without hesitation. Since that time it has been 
 the custom to sell women into slavery into other 
 comitries ; but when male slaves are transported be- 
 yond Senjero, they are said generally to commit 
 suicide by hanging themselves. 
 
 The people of Senjero ofi'er up human beings 
 as sacrifice to their gods. The slave-dealers always 
 throw a beautiful female slave into the lake Umo, 
 when they leave Senjero with their human wares; 
 and many families, too, must offer up their first- 
 born sons as sacrifices, because once upon a time, when 
 summer and winter were jumbled together in a bad 
 
 F 2
 
 70 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOA. 
 
 season, and the fruits of the field would not ripen, 
 the soothsayers enjoined it. At that time a great 
 pillar of iron is said to have stood at the entrance 
 of the capital, which by the advice of the soothsayers 
 was broken down by order of the king, upon which 
 the seasons became regular again. To avert the recur- 
 rence of such a confusion of the seasons the soothsayers 
 are reported to have enjoined the king to pour human 
 blood once a-year on the base of the broken shaft of the 
 pillar, and also upon the tlirone. Since then certain 
 families are obliged to deliver up their first-born sons, 
 who are sacrificed at an appointed time. Although the 
 existence of an ii'on pillar, the broken shaft of which 
 however is said to be still extant, may be doubted, 
 the statement just given will not be wondered at by 
 those acquainted wath the gross superstition of the 
 Africans, especially as it is manifested in seasons 
 of calamity ; or by those who consider the craft of 
 the influential magicians and soothsayers, who often 
 give the most inhuman counsel in order to pre- 
 serve intact their own importance. In the interior 
 I myself was once in great danger of being sacrificed, 
 because it had not rained for a long time, and the 
 absence of rain was ascribed to me, as if I could 
 have hindered it fi-om falling ; and again mth no less 
 haste, I was all but deified, when after a long 
 drought there was a sudden fall of rain, which was 
 ascribed to my walking on the soil. Salt, which gene- 
 rally passes current in all the countries south of Abes- 
 sinia, is also the small currency of Senjero. Only 
 in Abessinia do we still find the Maria Theresa
 
 UNEXPLORED COUNTRIES SOUTH OF SHOA. 71 
 
 dollar which, however, must have a peculiar stamp 
 to be accepted in payment. The seven dots at top, 
 the star in the middle, and the S. F. below, must 
 be distinctly impressed if the dollar is to be considered 
 a female and not a male one, which is a few pieces 
 of salt less valuable than the other. 
 
 In Senjero there are said to be good smiths 
 and other artisans. Very probably the countries 
 along the Gojob possessed in earlier times a 
 higher state of civilization, which they received 
 from Arabia or India, by means of the water-com- 
 munication afforded by the river. The iron pillar 
 and the existence of artisans, may be sufficient war- 
 rant for this supposition. The Medinat-el-Nahas, too, 
 that is, the copper city, or city with walls of copper, 
 of which I heard on the Suahili coast, leads one to 
 infer a higher state of civilization, as having existed 
 in the countries watered by the Gojob,
 
 72 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 ORMANIA AND THE GALLAS, 
 
 Position, number and migration of the Gallas — Their probable mis- 
 sion in the providential scheme — Their appearance, dress, &c. 
 — The true Galla tj-pe to be found near the Equator — Coimtry, 
 climate, and occupation — Field for European emigration — Their 
 priests, prayers, and exorcists — Ideas of a future life — Theories 
 as to their notions of Christianity — Characteristics of their religion 
 — No idols in Eastern Africa — Their notions of a divinity and sub- 
 ordinate deities — Days of rest — The "WoUo-Gallas — The " Wo- 
 daja " — Mohammedanism of the "Wollo-Gallas — Power of Mo- 
 hammedanism in Eastern Africa — Coming conflict between Chris- 
 tianity and Mohammedanism. 
 
 I CONCLUDE my notices of the southern countries of 
 Abessinia with a brief description of the Gallas, a 
 nation to which during my residence in Shoa I 
 paid jDarticular attention, as I consider them destined 
 by Providence after their conversion to Christianity 
 to attain the importance and fulfil the mission wliich 
 Heaven has pointed out to the Germans in Europe. 
 
 In the course of time the Gallas have taken 
 possession of a large section of Eastern Africa. 
 Separated into many tribes independent of each 
 other they extend, so to say, from the eighth 
 degree of north to the third degree of south latitude, 
 numbering, in the whole, from six to eight millions, 
 an amount of wliich scarcely any other Afi'ican 
 race can boast. When in the sixteenth century 
 Mohannned Graga overran and destroyed the land.
 
 THE GALLAS. 73 
 
 coming from tlio south with then* innumerable 
 horsemen the Gallas seized on some of the finest 
 portions of Abessinia. This movement may have 
 been part of a more general one in the centre of 
 Africa, which drove the tribes of the interior towards 
 the coast, the Gallas migrating towards the north and 
 east ; and it would seem to have been providentially 
 ordained by this migration of the Gallas to oppose a 
 barrier to the onward rush of the Mohammedans 
 from Arabia, and so at one and the same time to 
 punish the abominable heresies of Christian Abessinia, 
 and the wild fanaticism of the Mohammedans. Had 
 not Providence brought the Portuguese by sea to 
 the eastern coast in the fifteenth century, and 
 afterwards impelled the Gallas forward from the in- 
 terior, the fiery and proselytizing Islams would pro- 
 bably have overrun equatorial Africa from east to 
 west, as they once threatened to overrun Europe. 
 The name '' Gallas" in their own language means 
 immigrants, and has been given them by the Arabs 
 and Abessinians. They call themselves " Orma," 
 or '' Oroma," strong, or brave men ; and their lan- 
 guage they call '' Afan Orma," the mouth of the 
 Ormas; so as the Gallas have no general name to 
 indicate their nationality or its seat, I propose to in- 
 clude both under the designation of Ormania. 
 
 I have heard several very different accounts given 
 of the origin of the Gallas, or, as I would call them, 
 the Ormas; but, whatever it may have been, it is 
 certain that on their first appearance in Abessinia 
 they were a very wild and warlike people, who
 
 74 THE GALLAS. 
 
 united under one head might have conquered not 
 only Abessinia, but the whole of Africa. After 
 having occupied, however, the finest provinces of 
 Abessinia, they began to make war upon each other, 
 which checked theii' further progress, and made it 
 easy for the Abessinians to subjugate one tribe after 
 another. With their horsemen, notwithstanding 
 their numbers, the Gallas found it difficult to conquer 
 the mountainous highlands of Abessinia. 
 
 In general the Gallas have a manly appearance ; 
 are large and powerfully built, but with savage fea- 
 tm-es, made still more savage-looking and fierce by 
 their long hair, worn like a mane over the shoulders. 
 They are principally of a dark-brown colour, by 
 which, no less than by intellectual capacity and 
 teachableness, they are so advantageously distin- 
 guished from all other East- Africans, that the Galla 
 slaves, especially the young women, are much 
 sought after by the slave-dealers, and in Arabia 
 fetch from 100 to 150 dollars each. Their bodies, 
 and long upper-garment in form like the Roman 
 toga are besmeared with a thick crust of butter, 
 giving an unpleasant odour, which strangers scent 
 from afar. The women wear a short gown of leather 
 fastened round their loins by a gu'dle, on the 
 skirt of which a number of pieces of coral are hung 
 by way of ornament. The more wealthy wear also 
 a large upper-garment over this gown, which gives 
 them the appearance of European women. The 
 weapons of the Gallas are a spear, sword, and shield, 
 and they all ride on horseback ; even the women
 
 THE GALLAS. 75 
 
 gallop beside or behind tlieii' husbands ; for among 
 them it is considered degrading to go on foot. 
 
 The Galla horses are very small, but beautiful in 
 colour, and extremely swift, though horse-shoes are 
 unknown. The Gallas in the neighbourhood of 
 Abessinia are tillers of the soil as well as breeders 
 of cattle, while their brethren under the Equator are 
 merely pastoral and lead a nomadic life. Those of 
 the Equator, moreover, have no horses and are alto- 
 gether far behind the others, presenting the genuine 
 type of the original Gallas, especially in their reli- 
 gious notions. Wliere the Gallas follow agriculture, 
 the men plough, sow, and reap, while the women look 
 after the oxen, cows, horses, sheep, and goats, and 
 take care of the house and its concerns. Rye, wheat, 
 barley and Indian corn, grow in such great abundance 
 in the Galla countries, that for a dollar you may buy 
 almost more barley or rye than a camel can manage 
 to carry. The climate of most of these countries 
 is remarkably beautiful and healthy ; the average 
 temperature being 56 deg. Fahrenheit — the high- 
 est 70 deg., and the lowest, 46 deg. The Gallas 
 occupy vast and noble plains which are verdant 
 almost all the year round, and afford nourishment 
 to immense herds of cattle. Their houses or huts 
 are round and cone-shaped, covered with roofs 
 of grass and mostly inclosed by a low stone wall 
 for security against sudden attack. The villages 
 or hamlets are for the most part in groves or 
 woods, on heights, or on the sides of mountains and 
 rivers. The land is rich in springs and brooks, well
 
 76 THE GALLAS. 
 
 supplied by tlic tropical rains which last for three 
 months ; besides which there is a second short rainy- 
 season. Wooded mountains and hills also abound, 
 which serve for places of refuge to the inhabitants in 
 time of war ; and the tall juniper is among the 
 most remarkable of the trees which adorn these 
 forests. Wliat a noble land would Ormania be if 
 it were under the influence of Cliristianity and 
 European cultm^e ! Wliat a pity that the com^se of 
 our emigration is not directed to those regions ! 
 No doubt the time will come, when the stream of 
 European enterprise which now flows towards Ame- 
 rica and Australia shall be exhausted. Abessinia 
 will then attain the cosmopolitan standing to which 
 it is entitled by its geographical position. 
 
 Like most savage tribes the Gallas are great talkers, 
 and for hours together they can make speeches, with 
 an expression and play of gesture which are very 
 amusing to a Em*opean. The language is very 
 harmonious and reminds one of Italian. On the 
 whole, five chief dialects may be distinguished in 
 Ormania, although the difference between them is 
 not so great that the most southern Galla can- 
 not pretty easily understand his most northern 
 brother. 
 
 The Gallas have priests, called Lubas, as dis- 
 tinguished from the Kalijas, who are their magi- 
 cians, exorcists, and medicine-men. As in the case 
 of most heathens, so with these people, a tree has an 
 important place in their religious ceremonies. Under 
 the shadow of the Woda sacrifices and j^rayers are 
 offered up; a higher spirit even is supposed to
 
 THE GALLAS. 11 V 
 
 dwell within it, on which account the Woda is 
 esteemed holy, and no one dare fell or harm it with- 
 out losing his life. Of the greatest sanctity is the 
 tree Worka {Ficus si/camorus)^ Woda Nabi, by the 
 river Hawash, where the Gallas every year offer 
 up a great sacrifice, and pray to their highest 
 deity, Waka, sacrificing oxen and sheep to him, 
 and drinking plenty of beer and smoking tobacco. 
 In their prayers, which have no fixed formula, 
 they say, '' O Wak, give us children, tobacco, 
 com, cows, oxen, and sheep. Preserve us from 
 sickness, and help us to slay our enemies who make 
 war upon us, the Sidama (Christians), and the 
 Islama (Mohammedans). O AVak, take us to thee, 
 lead us into the garden, lead us not to Setani, and 
 not into the fire." On this occasion, the Lubas, or 
 priests, augur from the entrails of goats whether 
 victory or defeat is to accompany the Gallas in the 
 coming year. The Luba lets his hair float \^dldly, 
 carries a bell in his hand, and a copper frontlet en- 
 circles his brows when he performs this rite, which 
 reminds one of that of the ancient Romans. If the 
 entrails are very red the Gallas are to be conquered 
 by the Sidama. The Kalijas cast out spirits and 
 devils from the sick, every malady being ascribed 
 to an evil spirit. The number of evil spirits is eighty- 
 eight, which are governed by two chiefs, each of whom 
 has forty-tliree under his orders. An evil spirit is 
 called Sar. The Kalija hangs di'ied entrails of the 
 goat round his neck, carries a bell and a whip in 
 his hand, offers a sacrifice to a serpent which is
 
 78 THE GALLAS. 
 
 being fed in the house on milk, rubs grease on the sick 
 man, smokes him with aromatic herbs, cries aloud 
 with a horrible noise, gives him at the same time 
 some smart strokes with the whip, and thus en- 
 deavours to cast out the evil spirit and to cure the 
 patient. 
 
 Like the Abessinians the Gallas live on meat 
 and bread, and drink beer and mead as much as 
 they choose. They do not eat fish nor fowls, con- 
 sidering the foiTuer to be of the serpent, and the 
 latter of the vulture species. The serpent, as already 
 mentioned, is considered sacred by the Gallas, and 
 milk is set before it. The Gallas have honey in 
 superabundance ; and when the bees swarm the peo- 
 ple set up a shout to make them settle ; and the 
 interior of the hive is smeared with fi-agrant sub- 
 stances that the bees may be enticed not to abandon it. 
 
 If a Galla kills a man of his own tribe the man- 
 slayer must pay a fine of one thousand oxen ; if a 
 woman is killed, the penalty is only fifty oxen, an 
 ox being estimated at fi[X)m one to two dollars. 
 As respects the abode of the dead the Gallas 
 believe that Christians, Mohammedans and Ormas 
 go to separate places in the lower world, where 
 each is rewarded by Waka or punished by fire. 
 They consider Waka to be an invisible and beau- 
 tiful being. It is, however, difficult to discover the 
 original religious notions of the Gallas, as in the 
 neighbourhood of Abessinia they have heard many 
 scriptural concei3tions, so that a laborious inquii-er 
 like Dr. Beke is inclined to consider them dege-
 
 THE GALLAS. 79 
 
 nerate Christians, a theory to which I cannot assent. 
 Even the most degenerate of the Christians of Abes- 
 sinia retain baptism and the Lord's Supper, religious 
 services in church and elsewhere, the Holy Scrip- 
 tures and many ordinances and blessings founded on 
 the Bible, all which are entirely wanting to the 
 Gallas. Dr. Beke bases his opinion on informa- 
 tion received from a Guderu Galla, to the effect 
 that the Gallas are acquainted with the Abessinian 
 names of saints, &c., and pay them great venera- 
 tion; for instance, Maremma (Maria), Balawold 
 (Jesus Christ), Sanbata (Sunday), Kedami (Satur- 
 day), Maddin (Saviour of the world) Selassie (the 
 Trinity), Girgis (St. George), Dablos (the Devil) 
 who torments the possessed, Sintan or Setani (Sa- 
 tan), who brings death, disease, and misfortune, 
 &c. &c. The Virgin Mary they call Wakaiu, the 
 Mother of God. It is certainly true that the Gallas 
 who live in the neighbourhood of Abessinia are 
 acquainted with these names, at least with some of 
 them ; but it by no means follows that we are to 
 consider the Gallas as Cluristians, even of the most 
 degenerate kind. Among the southern or equatorial 
 Gallas there is no trace of these names and ideas ; 
 at most, therefore, it can be only the Gallas border- 
 ing on Abessinia who deserve to be regarded as de- 
 generate Christians, and not the Gallas in general. 
 
 Great care must be taken to avoid any attempt to 
 identify the peculiar and genuine religious concep- 
 tions of the race with those of the Galla-slaves re- 
 siding in Mohammedan countries, whose stock of
 
 80 THE GALLAS. 
 
 ideas is already so Moliammedanized, that if we were 
 to consider their notions as of Ormaic origin, a 
 great error would be committed. The true Or- 
 maic faith is to be discovered only where (as in the 
 interior of the equatorial regions) the heathen Gallas 
 have no intercoiu'se but viith heathens, the Wanika, 
 for example ; but not mth Mohammedans or Chris- 
 tians, and where they are not subjected to a foreign 
 yoke. This much is certain, that the Ormas have 
 far more expanded and purer ideas of religion 
 than other heathen tribes of Eastern Africa ; and it 
 is also certain that they, like the others, have no 
 visible idols; for thi'oughout the whole of Eastern 
 Africa such are unkno^^Ti. This circumstance, on 
 the one hand, presupposes a very ancient paganism, 
 and on the other, shows that the East-Africans 
 are more occupied with temporal than mth spiiitual 
 wants and interests. They are so devoted to the 
 ser\ice of the belly, as not to trouble themselves 
 much about gods and their worship. The fear 
 of evil spirits is not wanting among these heathen 
 nations; and this has led them to the idea of 
 the necessity for an atonement, and to the cere- 
 monial of sacrifice. It is certain, also, that these 
 nations in general maintain the idea of a Supreme 
 Being, whom they universally distinguish by the 
 name ''Heaven" (Waka, Mulungu), since by their 
 own conceptions and -without a higher revelation 
 they cannot ascend beyond the sky, the loftiest 
 and most exalted of created objects, nor lift up 
 their eyes to contemplate the One almighty and
 
 THE GALLAS. 81 
 
 living God. They made an approach, it is true, 
 towards such a conception ; but stopped short of it 
 when they halted at a material heaven, and could 
 at most only dimly foreshadow the existence of a 
 Supreme Being. So certain is it that man, left to 
 himself without the aid of revelation, can never attain 
 to the knowledge of the One true God. 
 
 It has already been noticed, that the Gallas pay 
 great reverence to the serpent, which they regard 
 as the mother of the human race. Now, since the 
 worship of the serpent was a prominent feature in 
 the old Ethiopian idolatry, as we find from the 
 statement of the Abessinians, that before their con- 
 version they worshipped a large serpent, it may 
 be conjectured that the religious conceptions of the 
 Ormas are connected with those of the ancient 
 Ethiopians ; and thus the faith of the Gallas may 
 throw some light upon that older creed. Under 
 Wak, as the Most Supreme Being, stand two su- 
 bordinate divinities, a masculine, Oglie, and a femi- 
 nine, Atetie. They sacrifice cows and sheep to Oglie 
 between the months of June and July ; to Atetie, 
 they sacrifice in September. She is the goddess 
 of fecundity, and women are her especial votaries. 
 At these festivities they ask for numerous progeny, 
 good harvests and victory over their enemies ; in other 
 respects, giving themselves over entirely to that 
 sensual enjoyment, which is generally inse^^arable 
 fi-om heathenism. It is evident that the procreative 
 and fructifying power of nature is expressed by the 
 idea of these two divinities, as was the case with the
 
 82 THE GALLiVS. 
 
 ancient Eg3'ptians who had similar notions. At tlie 
 beginning of the rainy season nature germinates, and 
 brings fruit at its close. I mentioned formerly that 
 many of the Galla tribes show great respect for 
 Satm'day and Sunday on which days they do not 
 work in the fields. They call Sunday '' Sanbata 
 gudda" (greater Sabbath), in contrast to the "San- 
 bata kenna" (lesser Sabbath). I could detect no- 
 thing of this distinction among the Gallas of the 
 Equator ; but I satisfied myself as to the non-exist- 
 ence of it by the fact, that the Gallas of the 
 Equator are mostly nomads, for whom there is 
 no necessity to single out certain days for rest, since 
 they can rest any and every day, while it is quite 
 otherwise with the agricultural tribes. A similar 
 circumstance is remarked among the Wanika, the 
 Masai, and Wakuafi. The Wanika rest from their 
 labours every foui'th day, whilst the nomadic Masai 
 and Wakuafi know no distinction of days, solely be- 
 cause from theii' j^oint of view they do not think 
 that any particular day of rest is required. 
 
 The Wollo-Gallas, composed of seven tribes and 
 occuppng the countries between the north and 
 south of Abessinia, are very fanatical Mohamme- 
 dans, and the Moslem creed has still more corrupted 
 the originally corrupt nature of the Gallas. In 
 faithlessness and lust of plunder scarcely any 
 nation exceeds the Wollos, despite their external 
 show of friendliness and civility. But they are 
 not given to slaying strangers, although they 
 plunder them \nthout compunction. The heathen
 
 THE GALLAS. 83 
 
 Gallas, on the contrary, nim^der every one who has 
 not become a '' Mogasa," that is, a favourite of their 
 He}ii, or chief, whose term of office is for seven 
 years, another being then chosen in his place by one 
 or more of the Galla tribes. The He^ni commands 
 in time of war, and is judge in time of peace. 
 
 It is the custom among the Wollo-Gallas for theii' 
 chief men to meet early on Thursday and Friday 
 mornings for prayer, when they have coffee and 
 Chat, a sort of tea, and smoke tobacco ; and their 
 priests must not absent themselves on these oc- 
 casions, which are called " Wodaja," Unions, or 
 preservatives of friendship. They believe that at 
 the Wodaja they receive spiritual revelations in 
 reference to military expeditions and other matters, 
 and at it they pray especially that they may be 
 blessed with increase of cows, clothes, &c., and that 
 Allah will bestow gold and silver on their chief, and 
 increase his power and dominion. It was at such a 
 Wodaja that a priest attached to Adara Bille, the 
 chief of Lagga Gora, pretended in 18-i2 to receive 
 a revelation that I ought to be plundered of every- 
 thing in my journey tlu-ough the WoUo-land, a 
 scheme which, as will be hereafter seen, was really 
 carried out, and nearly cost me my life. 
 
 The Wollos are said to have been converted to 
 Mohammedanism by an Arab, named Debelo. Since 
 the time of the gi'eat Guksa this tribe has possessed 
 considerable influence in the politics of Abessinia. 
 Guksa was the son of the chief Merso, and father 
 of Ali AUula, who was the father of Ras AH. 
 
 G
 
 84 THE GALLAS. 
 
 Ras Ali for a long time governed western Abessinia, 
 and inclined towards Mohammedanism ; but in 1853 
 he was vanquished in battle by King Theodorus, 
 and obliged to seek refuge among his Mohammedan 
 relatives, mth whom it would appear he is still resi- 
 dent, waiting for an opportunity to dislodge the 
 conqueror. Should he succeed Clmstianity in Abes- 
 sinia will be in great danger ; for the Mohammedans 
 who nourish a strong hatred to King Theodorus, on 
 account of his abolition of the slave trade, would be 
 sm'e to take signal vengeance on the Chiistians. 
 Indeed Mohammedanism is still most powerful in 
 Eastern Africa, and it is even very doubtful whether 
 before long it will not become still stronger, and the 
 heathen and Christian populations be involved in a 
 mighty conflict with it.
 
 85 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 . FROM ANKOBER TO MASSOWA. 
 
 Success of the author's missionary efforts in Shoa — Reasons for 
 repairing to the coast — The king's farewell and offer of an official 
 post — Departure from Angolala — Interesting interview with the 
 King's mother — Feelings on entering the Wollo country — Adara 
 Bille and his appai'ent friendliness — A young Imam — English 
 drill, and lucifer matches — Alarm on the road — Retreat to Adara 
 Bille — ^His treachery — Imprisonment and robbery of the author — 
 Subsequent adventui'es and liberation — Toilsome pilgrimage to 
 the Shoho frontier — Singular offer of vengeance — Arrival at 
 Massowa — Arrival at Harkiko — Kindness of the French consul — 
 To Aden — Marriage in Egypt — Return to Aden — The author's 
 and his fellow-labourers' Abessinian projects. 
 
 By the beginning of 1842 I found tliat my mis- 
 sionary residence in Ankober had been far from 
 nnfruitfid; for I had distributed 1000 copies of the 
 Scriptures, and many of the priests of Shoa had been 
 awakened to a knowledge of the truth, and to a con- 
 sciousness of the corrupt state of their church. My 
 little school of ten boys, whom I fed, clothed, and 
 educated at home, was prospering. The king had 
 bestowed on me a silver sword which gave me the 
 rank of a governor. At the period mentioned I 
 had thoughts of no longer confining my activity to 
 the Cluistians of Shoa ; but of establishing several 
 missions among the heathen Gallas, and one in Gura- 
 
 G 2
 
 86 FROM ANKOBER TO MASSOWA. 
 
 gue, with its perishing church, priests of which had 
 often visited me in Ankober. This scheme was 
 baffled, partly by an insurrection of the Gallas in 
 Yerrer, rendering the road to Gurague unsafe, and 
 occasioning a hostile expedition of the king against 
 the rebels; but chiefly by the receipt of intelli- 
 gence that my new fellow-labourers, Miihleisen- Ar- 
 nold* and Miiller had arrived at Tajurra, and found 
 great difficidties thrown by the Adals in the way of 
 their further progress to Shoa, which induced me 
 therefore to proceed to the coast rather than to the 
 interior, in order to facilitate the journey of my 
 friends through the Adal-land. I had besides a 
 personal interest which impelled me to this journey, 
 the intention of marrying Rosine Dietrich, a maiden 
 lady of Basel, who had been betrothed to mission- 
 ary Kiihnlein, who died in 1837 at Marseilles. In 
 leaving Em^ope I had not harboured the slightest 
 idea of marriage, but my experiences in Abessinia 
 convinced me that an unmarried missionary could not 
 eventually prosper. There were other inducements, 
 too, which led me to choose the route by Massowa 
 and Gondar, instead of the direct way to Tajurra, 
 one of which was to make the acquaintance of the 
 new Archbishop, or Abuna, who had arrived in Abes- 
 
 * My former colleague, Dr. Miilileiseii- Arnold, is the author of 
 " Ishmael; or, A natural History of Islamism, and its Eolation to 
 Christianity." Every lover of general knowledge, but more espe- 
 cially every missionary proceeding to Mohammedan coimtries, should 
 possess this most valuable book, the entire proceeds of the publication 
 of which will be given towards founding " a Society for propagating 
 the Gospel among the Mohammedans."
 
 FROM ANKOBER TO MASSOWA. 87 
 
 sinia in 1841, and to ascertain his sentiments towards 
 the Protestant missionaries ; whilst another was to 
 investigate the state of things in Adowa, and see if 
 it might not be possible to re-establish the missionary- 
 station, given u]) in 1838 ; and a third, to become 
 acquainted TVT.th the new route, in case that through 
 the Adal-land should hereafter be interrupted. I 
 thought I might undertake the journey with safety 
 as the treaty of 1841 between England and Shoa 
 provided for the security of British subjects during 
 their sojomTi in Abessinia, but how greatly I was 
 mistaken mil appear in the sequel. 
 
 On the 10th of IMarch 1842 I bid farewell to my 
 household, after prayer and scriptural meditation, 
 and provided with a considerable number of -^Ethiopic 
 and Amharic Bibles I proceeded from Ankober to 
 Angolala to take leave both of the king and of the 
 British envoy. On the 11th the king bade me a 
 hearty farewell, and presented me with a mule and 
 other most useftil things for the journey, and even 
 offered me an official situation, for which the pre- 
 sentation of the silver sword had paved the way. 
 AA^ien I had decHned it as altogether inconsistent 
 mth my^ missionary calling, he expressed his regret 
 that in negotiations with the British agent, he should 
 no longer have an adviser who understood the cus- 
 toms of England as well as those of Shoa. On the 
 12th of March I left Angolala and journej^ing in a 
 north-easterly direction passed through Debra Ber- 
 han where the king resides during some pai't of the 
 year, and so to BoUo Workie where every week a
 
 88 FEOM ANKOBER TO MASSOWA. 
 
 great market is held, to which the Gallas bring their 
 horses, asses, grain, &c. resting at night in the 
 village Logeita, near the famous monastery of St. 
 Abbo, the monks of which used at one time to con- 
 vert many Gallas to Clu'istianity. My retinue, I 
 may add, consisted of ten armed servants, partly to 
 wait on me, and partly for protection on the road. 
 
 In the afternoon of the following day, the 13th, we 
 reached Salla Dengai, the capital and residence of 
 Senama-Work, the mother of King Sahela Selassie. 
 We were hosj^itably received, and the next day I 
 was presented to the king's mother, who, next to the 
 king, is the most powerful personage in the country, 
 as she rules in comparative independence nearly 
 half of Shoa in the name of her son. She is an 
 elderly and venerable woman, apparently more than 
 sixty years of age, and wore a large white Abessinian 
 dress. She received me in a pleasant little room, 
 where she was seated on an Abessinian bedstead, 
 covered by a piece of carpet, surrounded by a num- 
 ber of female attendants, whilst her male ones, with 
 several priests and counsellors, stood at some dis- 
 tance. Both men and women were well di'essed, and 
 when I entered all were talking familiarly mth theii* 
 mistress, who had a lively and a youthfiil appear- 
 ance for her years, and seemed to be at once an 
 intelligent and energetic personage, and easy of 
 access. She received my presents — a shawl of many 
 colours, a pair of fine English scissors, a looking- 
 glass, an ^thiopic New Testament, and a complete 
 Amharic Bible, in a very friendly way, often repeat-
 
 FROM ANKOBER TO MASSOWA. 89 
 
 mg tlie words '' God reward you," and the books 
 appeared to give especial delight. She asked me 
 many questions, — among others, how my country- 
 men had come to be able to invent and manu- 
 facture such wonderful things ? I replied, that 
 God had promised in His Word not only spiritual 
 but temporal rewards to those who obeyed His 
 commandments; that the English, Germans, and 
 Europeans in general, had once been as rude and 
 ignorant as the Gallas, but after their acceptance 
 of the Gospel God had given them with science 
 and arts wondrous blessings of an earthly kind ; 
 and that if Sahela Selassie went on imitating the 
 enlightened princes of Europe, and above all im- 
 proving the moral condition of his subjects, Shoa 
 would be able to produce the wonderful things which 
 now surprised her. Upon my taking leave she wished 
 me a prosperous journey, and promised tq send one 
 of her servants to introduce me to the Governor 
 of Geshe, on the northern frontier of Shoa, and 
 bid him promote my further journey. 
 
 On the 14th March I left Salla Dengai where it 
 was tolerably cold. Crossing the river Mofer, wliich, 
 joining the Kaskash, flows into the Jumma, after 
 forming the boundary between the provinces Tegulet 
 and Mans, we had to ascend a very steep mountain, 
 where the temperature was much colder, taking the 
 direction to north-north-west. Mans is the largest 
 province in Shoa, and is considered by the king's 
 widow as her dower. The inhabitants try to pre- 
 serve their ancient independence, yet live in a state
 
 90 FROM ANKOBER TO MASSOWA. 
 
 of fciid with eacli otlicr for want of the strong hand 
 of authority to keep them in check. I found them 
 most inhospitable, so much so indeed, that though I 
 had a servant of the king and also one of his mother 
 with me, the head man of the most insignificant vil- 
 lage would give me neither a night's shelter in his 
 dwelling, nor the most trifling assistance. The climate 
 harmonizes with their disposition ; for when the east 
 wind blows it is so cold that one can scarcely fancy 
 one's self in the interior of Eastern Africa. 
 
 In the afternoon we crossed the rivers Gurmengne 
 and Sanafilasfakh, putting up for the night in the 
 hamlet of Wokan, and next day crossing the rivers 
 Retmat, Igum, and Aftanat, all flowing westward 
 into the Nile. Fmiher on we crossed the rivers 
 Hulladeha, Gedambo, and Aganja, and on the way 
 our caravan was joined by a number of Shoans, 
 young lads and youths, from eight years old to four- 
 and-twenty, going up to the new Abuna, for ordina- 
 tion, and who hoped under our protection to arrive 
 more safely at Gondar. On the 16th, we quitted 
 the village of Amad-Washa, where we had slept, 
 and distributed a number of Amharic books in a 
 district of Shoa, to which as yet none of the publi- 
 cations of the Mission had found their way. From 
 the heights of Amad-Washa we had now to descend 
 some 3000 feet into the defile, tlu'ough which flows 
 the river Kacheni, separating Mans fr-om the province 
 of Geshe. The place where we crossed often exposes 
 the traveller to danger from the attacks of the Wollo- 
 Gallas who live on the other side of the river. Into
 
 FROM ANKOBER TO MASSOWA. 91 
 
 the lorovince of Mans itself they cannot penetrate ; 
 for it is impossible to ascend those steep heights so 
 long as the governor of Geshe is faithful to the King 
 of Shoa, and so long as they are defended by a 
 handful of soldiers, who by rolling down stones can 
 bar the passage of a whole army. The governorship 
 is intrusted only to a most devoted subject of the 
 king, and yet all his actions are narrowly watched 
 and reported on by paid spies. 
 
 From the ravine of the Kacheni the road still 
 ascends until the foot of the hill of Dair is reached, on 
 which is the hill fort of the governor of Geshe. I 
 stayed a few days in Dair to prepare myself for my 
 passage tlu'ough the country of the Wollo-Gallas by re- 
 packing my effects ; and here the Shoans who wished 
 to travel to Gondar with our caravan left me. Their 
 road lay through the country of the Wollo chief Abie, 
 with whom the King of Shoa was at war ; mine through 
 the district of Lagga Gora, with whose chief, Adara 
 Bille, the king was on friendly terms, and to whom 
 by the king's orders the governor of Geshe was 
 to send a soldier with me recommending me to his 
 protection. On the 18th of March I quitted Dair 
 with sensations, more readily experienced than de- 
 scribed ; for a difficult and dangerous journey lay 
 before me, and had I not been powerfidly strength- 
 ened by perusing the 91st Psalm, I should per- 
 haps have retm-ned to Ankober. On the 19th of 
 March the little caravan crossed the boundary of 
 Shoa and the Wollo country, and entered the dis- 
 trict of the Wollo tribe, Lagga Gora. The same
 
 92 FROM ANKOBER TO MASSOWA. 
 
 day we amvcd at Gatira, the residence of Adara 
 Bille, who received me hospitably and at our inter- 
 view asked several questions, which, believing in 
 the friendliness he expressed, I answered fearlessly. 
 He appeared pleased with my presents, and provided 
 a guide as far as the district of Worra Himano. 
 Very different was his treatment on my second visit ! 
 On the 20th of March I left Gatii-a, and after two 
 threatened attacks from which I was preserved only 
 through the fear inspired by the bayonets of my ser- 
 vants, reached Tanta, the residence of the Imam 
 Liban, the ruler of Worra Himano, and to whom I 
 was recommended by Adara Bille, on the 22nd. He 
 was a youth of fifteen and received me in a friendly 
 manner ; both he and his guardians putting an infinite 
 number of questions about the men and things of 
 Europe. At his request I made my people go through 
 the military exercise which they had learned from the 
 English artiller^Tnen at Ankober. The men shoul- 
 dered arms, loaded and fired quickly and with regu- 
 larity, so that the youthfiil prince was greatly 
 astonished, covered his face with his garment and 
 exclaimed, ''No Abessinian army can stand against 
 a few hundred soldiers of the Franks." He stated 
 however to my great regret, that the road to Gon- 
 dar was made very unsafe by numerous predatory 
 bands, who were hovering about the river Cliecheho 
 and plundering travellers; but kindly added, that 
 he would order the governor of Daunt to secure me 
 a safe passage over the river ; and as the son of this 
 personage was in the room the friendly Imam di-
 
 FROM ANKOBER TO MASSOWA. 93 
 
 rected him to repair next morning to liis father, and 
 give the necessary orders for my safe transit. On 
 March 23, 1 took leave of the young Imam, offering 
 some presents, among which was a box of lucifer- 
 matches, with which he was particularly delighted. 
 
 As my little caravan could not keep pace Avith the 
 son of the governor of Daunt, he went forward to 
 deliver the message as soon as possible. In the 
 evening we bivouacked supperless on the bank of 
 the river Bashilo, and ascended a steep mountain, 
 on the top of which lies the great plain Dalanta, in 
 the morning, whence the road runs in a south- 
 westerly direction into a lower-l}ang region in 
 which is the town of Daunt. On a sudden cries of 
 wailing were heard from that quarter, and fugitives 
 brought the alarming tidings that the governor 
 had that morning been killed, and his son taken 
 prisoner by Berru Aligas, the chief of Wadela, 
 who had made an incursion into the territory of the 
 Imam Liban. I was proceeding, notwithstanding, 
 when a few hundred paces ftiii:her on we were met 
 by a tall lady, a relation of the Imam, who con- 
 firmed the news and begged us to accompany her 
 to him. Whilst I was speaking to her there came 
 other fugitives, warning us against proceeding fur- 
 ther ; so a retreat was decided on, and we passed the 
 night in a village near Dalanta, expecting to hear 
 further tidings on the morrow. The population of 
 the whole plain was in the greatest consternation, 
 every one removing his property to a place of safety. 
 In the morning came the news that the enemy was
 
 94 FROM ANKOBER TO MASSOWA. 
 
 aj^iiroacliing, so tlic best plan seemed to be to return 
 to the Imam and ask his advice. He advised me to 
 go back to Shoa, or to take refuge in a fortress 
 defended by his vizier Yusuf, but it was fortunate 
 that I did not foUow this latter piece of ad\dce ; for 
 that very stronghold was afte^v^^ards assaulted and 
 taken by Berru Aligas. I decided on returning to 
 the friendly Adara Bille, taking my way through the 
 territory of the Worra Himano, and at its southern 
 frontier had a magnificent view over almost all 
 the countries of the Wollo-Gallas. Mountain ranges 
 stretch from the south or south-east towards the 
 north and north-west ; every mountain range being 
 separated from the others by a plain, river, or 
 stream, and inhabited by a different WoUo tribe, just 
 as is the case in the Galla-land to the south of Shoa, 
 where rivers form the boundaries of the tribes. 
 
 On the 28th of March, we reached Gatira again, 
 and I was received by Adara Bille not only with 
 friendliness, but with emphatic expressions of sym- 
 pathy with my disappointment, and congi^atulations 
 upon my escape and safe return to Gatira ; yet when 
 two days afterwards I wished to leave, he desii^ed 
 me to remain until he received permission fi'om 
 the governor in Dair to send me back to Shoa, 
 as the King of Shoa had only ordered him to 
 send me forward to Gondar, but not back. Vain 
 were protests. Meanwhile, however, I was plenti- 
 fully supplied with meat and drink, and sent a mes- 
 senger and a letter to Dair; but, as I afterwards 
 heard, neither reached their destination, as my
 
 FROM ANKOBER TO MASSOWA. 95 
 
 messenger was tlirown into prison at the frontier. 
 I made several presents to Adara Bille, thinking 
 that perhaps this was what he wanted, which were 
 accepted; but when on the 31st of March I again 
 sought permission to leave Gatira, he replied that 
 I was not to say another word upon the subject 
 until the return of his messenger. The next day 
 the chief held a Wodaja, at which as I learned 
 afterwards the priest Tahir pretended to have re- 
 ceived a revelation that the traveller had much gold, 
 which the chief ought to take. 
 
 Adara Bille, who had removed my mules and 
 horses into his own stables, now set a watch upon 
 me ; and wherever I went, a soldier dogged me, 
 and when I was going to buy anytliing would 
 ask, "Why this extravagance?" A beggar asked 
 for a dollar, and when I refused it rejoined, "You 
 do not know whether you will leave this place a 
 happy man, or a beggar like myself." I began to 
 have my suspicions, thought of flpng by night, and 
 consulted with some of my Abessinian servants, who 
 treated my fears as gi^oundless. It appeared after- 
 wards that Adara Bille had received from one of 
 them a hint of my intentions, and gave me in conse- 
 quence more marked demonstrations of friendship to 
 lull my suspicions, by sending every hour to ask if 
 I wanted an}i:liing, and supplpng provisions in 
 abundance. 
 
 On the following day the blow long tlureatened 
 was struck. In the forenoon the messenger retm'ned 
 from Dair, but without definite instructions respect-
 
 96 FROM ANKOBER TO MASSOWA. 
 
 ing my return. I was suqirised to learn that 
 my messenger had been imprisoned, and to hear 
 one of Adara Bille's comisellors say : '' You have no 
 Mend or kinsman here, save God." I packed up 
 all my valuables, and resolved to steal quietly out 
 of the house at midnight, and if possible to reach 
 the frontier of Slioa by daybreak. Dming the 
 day I explored the roads in the environs of 
 Gatii'a. Through my faithless servant, probably, 
 Adara Bille received information of our intended 
 flight, and sent for me, telling me that the governor 
 of Dair had nothing to object to my return to 
 Shoa, and that I might depart next morning early. 
 I was led away by this apparent friendliness, and 
 remembered, too, that my servant who was im- 
 prisoned at the frontier was ill. Scarcely had I 
 quitted the Chief's house, when he cunningly sent 
 a fr^esh supply of provisions for the jom-ney to 
 Shoa, to strengthen me in the belief of my apj)roach- 
 ing departure. I went soon to bed that I might rise 
 very early in the morning, and was already asleep 
 when I was suddenly awakened by a servant of the 
 Chief, with the command to repair immediately to 
 Adara Bille, who wished to bid me farewell. This 
 late invitation rather startled me; but I complied 
 without delay hoping to have done, once for all, 
 with the annoyance. At the same time, all my 
 servants, including the treacherous one,* who was 
 
 * This treaclierous serrant, who accompamed the British envoy 
 to Aden, afterwards went mad, and there tried to cut his own throat 
 with a razor.

 
 FROM ANKOBER TO MASSOWA. 97 
 
 to take care of the baggage, were summoned to the 
 Chief's. When Adara Bille saw me enter his 
 chamber he bowed, and said that he was very 
 glad that I had complied with the invitation. He 
 had smnmoned me so late, he said, only because 
 on the morrow he should have a great deal of busi- 
 ness on hand, and thus could not personally bid 
 farewell to his departing friend, whose conversation, 
 too, he desired once more to enjoy. He then 
 wanted to try on my spectacles ; but could not 
 see vsdth them, as his sight was good. The cunning 
 rascal, too, wished to know what was in my boots, 
 and asked me to draw oif one, which I did, not 
 to oifend him by a refusal. The conversation was 
 then prolonged, and meat and bread set before us. 
 At last I grew tilled of the farce and was rising to 
 say " good night," when Adara Bille rejoined : " Go 
 not yet, my Father, I have not yet sufficiently 
 enjoyed your conversation; nor have you eaten 
 and drank enough." After a brief interval I stood 
 up, determined to go home. The chief, too, now 
 rose, went into a little closet behind his bedstead 
 . upon which he had been sitting, and that very 
 moment the soldiers fell upon me and my people. 
 One seized me by the arm and said: ''You 
 are a prisoner; give security that you will not 
 escape ! " At first I thought that it was a practical 
 joke of Adara Bille to test my courage ; but I 
 soon saw that the Wollo-chief was in earnest. I 
 was taken into the little room beside the dwelling 
 of the Chief, and my servants were tlu-ust into a small
 
 98 FROM ANKOBER TO MASSOWA. 
 
 separate hut, which I could see for a moment. In 
 the prison all my clothes and the contents of my 
 pockets were demanded. As I hesitated, the guards 
 declared that they had orders to kill me forth- 
 with, and my Abessinian cloak was torn from off my 
 back. Upon appealing to Adara Bille's justice 
 and friendship I was answered derisively with the 
 exclamation : " Out with yom* treasm^es ! Death 
 if you conceal the smallest of youi' goods ! " The 
 female slaves, who were grinding com in a comer 
 of the room, began to sluiek, thinking that the 
 foreign man was about to be mm^dered. I had to 
 submit to an examination of my pockets. A single 
 dollar, a trunk-key, and a knife were found, and im- 
 mediately taken away ; and an English Testament 
 and my note-book were also wrested from me. As 
 it was very cold and the little fire in the room 
 diffused but a small amount of warmth, I ventured 
 to ask for the return of my cloak. A soldier com- 
 municated the request to the Chief, and he had 
 pity enough left to send it back. From the 
 corn-grinding female slaves, who were not allowed 
 to speak with me, I learned this at least, that 
 neither I nor my servants were to be mm-dered. 
 Wearied out and full of the saddest thoughts I 
 lay down on the ground to sleep, but sleep fled 
 my eyelids until after midnight. Out of the 
 depths of my soul I called on the Good Shep- 
 herd, the God of all help, who knows the cares 
 and sorrows of his servants, and who had ever 
 been my trust and support ! After the soldiers had
 
 FROM ANKOBER TO MASSOWA. 99 
 
 conveyed the stolen baggage into safe custody, they 
 came again into the prison and lay down on both 
 sides on the ends of my cloak to prevent my escape ; 
 on the outside, too, the prison was smTounded. 
 
 On the 3rd of April I awoke with the conscious- 
 ness of being a prisoner, yet still one whose life had 
 been preserved by the mercy of Pro\4dence. As I 
 was being led from the prison to my former dwelling 
 many of the villagers came to greet me, and to ex- 
 press sympathy. Even the soldiers, who had treated 
 me so barbarously the night before, expressed their 
 disapproval of Adara Bille's conduct, and his chief 
 wife, Fatima, herself sent consolatory messages. I 
 was told that Adara Bille had set off in the morning 
 to visit the governor of Dair, and upon liis return in 
 the evening I was taken back to my prison. The 
 next day I requested an interview, as also leave 
 to depart and necessaries for the journey ; but he 
 would neither see me, nor grant anything ; sending 
 me word that he did not care if I had to beg 
 my daily bread. At length, however, he sent me 
 three dollars and my worst mule, which I had to 
 dispose of on the road to pm'chase food and shelter. 
 So, too, my manuscripts — an Amharic dictionary 
 and my diary — as well as my English Testament, 
 were restored. The paper wliich was not written 
 upon was retained by him, along with 1-iO dollars, 
 five mules, several pistols, ten muskets fm^nished 
 "svith bayonets, a rifle, my watch, the comj^ass, and 
 many other valuable things, which I had received 
 from the British envoy. 
 
 H
 
 100 FROM ANKOBER TO MASSOWA. 
 
 On the morning of the 5th of April I was told 
 that I and my servants were to be conducted beyond 
 the frontier by six soldiers of the chief ; but the route 
 and the du'ection were not mentioned. In silence 
 and unarmed we followed the men, who had spears, 
 shields, and swords. Almost the whole population 
 of Gatira was collected; some wept, others wished 
 us a happy jom-ney, nobody said a word for the 
 Chief, and not a few predicted that Heaven would 
 punish the country where the stranger had been so 
 wronged. 
 
 I and my people followed the soldiers at as quick 
 a pace as permitted; for in my fear lest I should 
 be recalled I would have flown if I could out of 
 Gatira. From the position of the sun — for I had 
 no compass left to guide me, the route seemed to 
 be north-eastward in the direction of Tehuladere ; 
 but whatever the way it was a matter of indiffer- 
 ence to me, as I had nothing more to lose, and in any 
 case, had to journey by a route never before traversed 
 by European. I consoled myself with the thought 
 of Abraham, to whom God had promised to show 
 the way that he should go, and to be his shield. 
 In the afternoon by whom should we be accosted 
 but by the very priest Tahir, who had pretended 
 that a revelation from heaven ordered me to be 
 plundered. He greeted me with smiles, and in- 
 vited me to his village and house, where he would 
 give me something to eat. I accepted the in^dta- 
 tion, and certainly the godless priest behaved with 
 a friendliness which I had not expected, lighted
 
 FROM ANKOBER TO MASSOWA. 101 
 
 a fire as it was cold and rainy, and brought me 
 food and di-ink, which were very acceptable. AVhen 
 leaving on the 6th I thanked him for his hospitality ; 
 but remarked that I had notliing then with which to 
 recompense him ; upon which Tahii- answered, '' It 
 does not matter, I have already had my share;" 
 and laughing, went his ways. 
 
 Lea\mig Adara Bille's country, but still closely 
 guarded by the soldiers, we entered the noble 
 valley of Totola intersected by the river Gerado, 
 where a famous market is held which is visited by 
 traders from all parts of Abessinia. On both sides of 
 the valley are mountain-ranges covered with juniper- 
 trees ; and on these hills you see villages and hamlets. 
 There is scarcely to be found a lovelier district in all 
 Abessinia, and I wished to stop several times to con- 
 template the beautiful scene, but the soldiers drove 
 me forward with the words, ' ' You are om' cattle, we 
 can do with you what Ave please." About noon, 
 before we reached the river Berkona which flows 
 eastward into the Hawash, we met by Providential 
 guidance a merchant coming fr'om Totola, who was 
 sm-prised to see a white man on foot and without 
 baggage. I told him what I had suffered at the 
 hands of Adara Bille, adding that I had heard the 
 orders of the soldiers were to take me to Ali Gongul, 
 the governor under Amade, chief of the Wollo tribe 
 Tehuladere, whose territory began on this side of 
 the Berkona. It struck the merchant as singidar 
 that Adara Bille should send us to the governor 
 and not to the chief, Amade, himself. He therefore 
 
 H 2
 
 102 FROM ANKOBEK TO MASSOWA. 
 
 advised us not to go ^wdtli the soldiers to Ali Gongul, 
 who had no right to dispose of strangers without 
 the knowledge of his master. If the soldiers would 
 not take us to Amade, he advised us to set up a 
 loud cry, on which the people in the fields would 
 come to our aid, and conduct us themselves to 
 their prince, who lived in Mofa on a high lull, 
 from which the lake Haik could be seen. We fol- 
 lowed this excellent advice; and when we were 
 about half a league fr'om Mofa, observing from the 
 way some country people in a field, we sat down 
 and told the soldiers that we wished to be taken 
 to Amade, and not to Ali Gongul. The soldiers 
 were fiu'ious and brandished their swords; but we 
 called the peasants, and told them the story of our 
 robbery by Adara Bj^e, and after some resistance 
 the soldiers were obliged to give in, and, with the 
 peasants, we all repaired to Amade. After listening 
 to our story he was angry that Adara Bille should 
 send soldiers tlirough his teiTitory, and ordered 
 them to tm-n back immediately, or he would throw 
 them into prison. Amade gave us permission to go 
 wliithersoever we chose, and we were immediately 
 set fr'ee. From Mofa the path which we took had 
 a steep descent, and at nightfall we reached a 
 Christian village, where a Clmstian merchant fi'om 
 Gondar gave us a friendly reception and hospitable 
 shelter. 
 
 Jom'neying in a north-easterly direction as far as 
 Antalo, and thence in a north-westerly dii-ection, 
 seventeen days elapsed before we reached Tekunda,
 
 FROM ANKOBER TO MASSOWA. 103 
 
 the frontier village of Tigre, on the borders of the 
 Shoho land, and from which the route proceeds to 
 Massowa. The way lay tlrrough every description 
 of country; fr'uitfal valleys and plains, mountain 
 heights, past desert Tsdldernesses ; sometimes amid 
 dense populations, sometimes where no human soul 
 was to be found ; and for the most part, we had to beg 
 for food and shelter. Occasionally a Mohammedan 
 would receive us hospitably, occasionally a Chris- 
 tian ; in the latter case the motive frequently was 
 to receive an amulet against illness, or some magical 
 cm-e fi'om the white man ; for it is a common belief 
 in Abessinia that all white men come from Jerusa- 
 lem, where they think there is no sickness, and all 
 is plenty and splendour. Wlien I contradicted these 
 superstitious notions, we would sometimes be hus- 
 tled out of the Christian's house, as Mussulmans in 
 disguise, sent to sleep in the open air and the cold, 
 and ordered to depart before break of day. A few 
 horse-beans grudgingly given were often all that we 
 had to subsist on, and once, even to procure them I 
 had to sell the girdle of my chief servant. In the 
 province of Tigre especially the grudging inhospi- 
 tality of the Abessinians reached its acme, and we 
 longed, day after day, for our arrival at the coast. 
 
 At last, on the 29th of April, after unspeakable 
 perils, sufferings and fatigues, we reached Tekunda, 
 where my miserable and beggarly condition made no 
 very favourable impression on the Governor. On 
 hearing, however, that I was an English subject, 
 and acquainted with Bishop Gobat, he became a
 
 104 FROM ANKOBER TO MASSOWA. 
 
 little more friendly, bringing me and my people 
 some bread and horse-beans. He listened with 
 great apparent s}Tiipathy to the recital of our rob- 
 bery by Adara Bille, and when it was concluded, he 
 showed me some Mohammedan pilgrims who had 
 come from Mecca, and who were subjects of Adara 
 Bille: ''Take these," he said; "revenge yourself 
 on them, and spoil them of their clothes." But I 
 declared that as a Cln-istian and a messenger of the 
 Gospel, I could not repay evil with evil, especially 
 on that day. Good Friday, which reminds the Chris- 
 tian that Christ, the Son of God, died for all — the 
 unjust no less than the just, in order to reconcile them 
 to God, and to bestow on them the spirit of love 
 and peace. The Governor assigned to me a spacious 
 dwelling and provisions, so that after long suffering, 
 privation, and severe exertion, I enjoyed a little 
 repose, and could solemnise the holy day in tran- 
 quillity. After considerable difficulties on the score 
 of pa}Tiient which I could not make, but only 
 promise, we quitted Tekunda mider the care of 
 a Shoho guide; for, as mentioned in a former 
 chapter, the Shohos do not allow any traveller to 
 proceed through their comitry mthout a guide. 
 In about three hom's after leaving Tekunda, we 
 arrived at the spot where the road joins that fi^om 
 Halai. I immediately remembered the place as 
 that where, four years ago, I had to chaffer and 
 dispute for three days with the savage Shohos. At 
 last, after intense fatig-ue and several menaces from 
 the smTOimding savages, we arrived at Harkiko
 
 FROM ANKOBER TO MASSOWA. 105 
 
 about nine o'clock on the morning of the 2nd of 
 May. 
 
 Although half lame with the march, I hastened 
 to the house of the Naib, whom I met in the street. 
 Wlien I had told him my adventures he ordered his 
 servants ^' to give the weary traveller an apartment, 
 and to make everything comfortable for him." With 
 joyful and grateful feelings towards God for his 
 manifold and wonderful protection, preservation, and 
 aid, during this toilsome and difficult journey, I 
 laid myself do"WTi on a bed in the house of the Naib 
 Hassan. After I had rested for some time, I inquired 
 whether there was not an English ship bound for 
 Aden, lying at anchor in the harbour of Massowa, 
 and was told that an English schooner which had 
 brought a Mr. Coffin from Aden had left the har- 
 bom' tlii'ee days before. Wlien I heard the name 
 of Coffin and was informed that he was staying in 
 Harkiko, I immediately went to him and received 
 all sorts of interesting news from Europe and Egypt. 
 I was particularly sorry to hear that my friends, 
 who were to have penetrated from Tajurra to 
 Ankober in order to strengthen the missionary 
 establishment there, had returned to Egypt because 
 of the impossibility of travelling safely through the 
 Adal-land. 
 
 On the 4th of May I set out for Massowa along 
 the coast, till I approached near the island upon 
 which it stands. My feet were swollen, so I adopted 
 the Abessinian fashion of going barefooted. At Mas- 
 sowa I went to the house of the agent of Mr. Coffin,
 
 106 FROM ANKOBER TO MASSOWA. 
 
 but left it when the French consul, M. de Goutin, 
 gave me a friendly invitation to stay at the Consular 
 House. Without having seen me and without ask- 
 ing to what nation I belonged, or knowing whether he 
 could trust me, he offered me as much money as I 
 needed for my jom^ney to Aden. It is true, however, 
 that the Consul had heard of me from a Frenchman, 
 who had been plundered in Sokota, and who afterwards 
 had gone to Shoa, where he received much kind- 
 ness from me, and he wished, therefore, by friendly 
 treatment to reciprocate the kindness shown to his 
 countr}Tiian. Our subsequent voyage from Massowa 
 to Aden lasted fifteen days ; and from Aden I pro- 
 ceeded to Suez by the next steam-boat, in which I 
 received a free passage, on account of the services 
 rendered by me to Major Harris in Shoa. I remained 
 in Eg}^t up to the time of my marriage with 
 ni}^ wife, Rosine Dietrich, in the autumn of 1842, 
 when I retm^ned with my colleagues, Isenberg and 
 Miihleisen- Arnold, to Aden. Om- pm-pose was then 
 to penetrate through the Adal Desert to Shoa, and 
 thence to commence missionary operations among 
 the Gallas, and to visit the dis]3ersed Christian rem- 
 nants in Gurague, Kambat, and Kaffa, sjoreading 
 among them the Bible, of which we had thii-ty chests 
 full, having plentifully supplied ourselves with the 
 sacred volume in Cairo.
 
 107 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 FROM ADEN TO ZANZIBAR. 
 
 Prohibition of the Abessinian mission — French intrigue : M. Rochet 
 and his book — Final attempt and its failiu-e — The Abessinian mis- 
 sion abandoned — The author resolves to proceed to the south-eastern 
 coast of Africa, and found a mission among the Gallas — Departure 
 from Aden and forced return — Second voyage — The Somali coast — 
 Mukdisha — Breach of Slave Trade treaty with England — Barava 
 — The Jub — Christmas day spent on the Galla coast — Stay in 
 Takaungu — Native complaints of the abandonment of Mombaz 
 by the English — The Southern GaUas — The Dana — The disap- 
 pointment of the first voyage providential — Mombaz and its recent 
 history — The Wanika — Tanga — The Pangani and its mouth — 
 The "Waseguas and the Slave Trade — Arrival at Zanzibar — The 
 importance of a Galla mission — Presentation to the Sultan — Extent 
 of his rule — ^Brief description of Zanzibar. 
 
 On my arrival at Tajiu-ra with my wife and col- 
 leagues on tlie 20tli of November 1842 with the inten- 
 tion of proceeding to Shoa, we were informed by the 
 Sultan of TajmTa that he had received written orders 
 from the King of Shoa to grant no Em-opean an 
 entrance into the interior. All our protests were 
 in vain and we repaired to Zeila, thinking to attempt 
 a new route to Shoa tlirough the country of the 
 Somalis. Up to the March of 1843 we were ne- 
 gotiating the terms of transit with the Somali chiefs, 
 when I received a letter from Major Harris announc- 
 ing the departure of the British mission from Shoa.
 
 108 FROM ADEN TO ZANZIBAR. 
 
 and tlie decided refusal of the king to allow us to 
 retm-n. Major Harris ascribed the king's new mood 
 to the fanaticism of the Abessinian priesthood ; but 
 it was mainly due, I believe, to M. Rochet, the 
 Frenchman, who had succeeded in prejudicing the 
 Queen of Shoa against me and the Protestant mis- 
 sionaries generally. Since 1854, when he died as 
 French consul at Jidda, M. Rochet has been re- 
 moved from all human tribunals, and it is not, there- 
 fore, for me to pronounce a verdict on one to whom 
 while he was in Shoa I showed gi^eat kindness, and 
 gave much information, which he embodied in his 
 book on Abessinia, but in such a way that what I 
 contributed is ignored. M. Rochet once told me, that 
 when he became king of Abessinia he would make 
 me minister of public worship : perhaps, if this was 
 more than a joke, he may have disliked the presence 
 of a Em'opean in the country who could not but dis- 
 dain to be the minister of a rebel. The King of Shoa, 
 too, no longer needed me, as what he had coveted fr^om 
 the English mission was now obtained ; and besides 
 it would not have been pleasant for him to be con- 
 scious of the presence of a Em'opean, who could 
 observe and report on his breaches of the treaty with 
 England. Under these circumstances the question 
 arose, "What were we to do?'^ Isenberg and 
 Miihleisen- Arnold resolved to proceed through Tigi-e 
 to Gondar, and see whether nothing could be done 
 in the west of Abessinia, since failm-e had attended 
 our efforts in the east and south. On tlic other 
 hand, I wished as in the. year 1838, to betake mj^self
 
 FROM ADEN TO ZANZIBAR. 109 
 
 to tlie south, ha^^ng heard that the Gallas, whose 
 conversion I had had at heart since the commence- 
 ment of my residence in Shoa, extended as far as 
 the Equator. Yet I had many scruples respecting 
 the prosecution of missionary enterprise in the south, 
 especially as I had not received the sanction of the 
 London Committee of the Church Missionary So- 
 ciety ; nor could I bring myself to take a final fare- 
 vi^ell of Abessinia before a last experiment had been 
 tried in the west. At Aden I resolved, therefore, to 
 proceed to Massowa to rejoin my colleagues, and 
 arrived there on the 14th of May 1843, and had 
 forthwith to receive the painful intelligence of the ob- 
 stacles which had opposed themselves to their efforts 
 in Adowa. Our old enemy, Kidana Mariam, still 
 lived in Adowa, and laboured hard to influence Ubie 
 whose favourite he was against the Protestant mis- 
 sionaries, and not only to prevent them from 
 proceeding to Gondar and the Abuna, but to force 
 them to quit Tigre at once and to return to Mas- 
 sowa. I did not allow myself to be daunted by the 
 bad news which I had heard in Massowa ; but pro- 
 ceeded with my wife tlirough the- Shoho land to the 
 frontier of Tigre, with a large supply of Amharic 
 and ^thiopic Bibles and testaments. On the way, 
 we had to submit to the probation of a severe trial ; 
 for in the Shoho wilderness my beloved wife was 
 prematurely delivered of a little daughter, whom I 
 christened '' Eneba," a tear. I had to bury the 
 dear child, for she lived only a few hoiu's, under 
 a tree by the waj^side, and her mourning mother
 
 110 FROM ADEN TO ZANZIBAR. 
 
 was obliged to prosecute her journey on the third 
 day after her confinement, as the Shohos would not 
 wait any longer, and there was no village in the 
 neighbourhood where she could have enjoyed re- 
 pose. We arrived safely at the frontier of Tigre, 
 and busied om\selves distributing the Bibles, which 
 were much sought after in the circumjacent \nllages 
 of Hamassien, until we were joined by our friend 
 Miihleisen- Arnold, and later by Isenberg ; when we 
 returned together to Massowa. The last attempt to 
 work in Abessinia had also failed through the hos- 
 tility of the priesthood of Adowa, led on beyond 
 doubt by our European foes already mentioned. 
 It is true the Abuna in Gondar had written to 
 Ubie not to molest the Protestant missionaries, 
 but they had already begun the return journey, 
 when the Abuna's letter arrived. The Abuna's op- 
 position to our enemies was, moreover, so feeble, 
 and his intervention on our behalf so timid, that 
 we could not reckon on him with certainty. Ubie 
 worked so strenuously in the interest of Rome, that 
 the Abuna could not prevail upon the Prince even 
 to cherish the Abessinian chm-ch to which he be- 
 longed. It was therefore evident that the Protestant 
 mission must entirely abandon Abessinia and seek 
 elsewhere for a sphere of labour ; and such was the 
 result. Isenberg and Miihleisen- Ai'nold journeyed to 
 Egypt, whence they were afterwards sent by the com- 
 mittee to the East Indies ; but my wife and I returned 
 to Aden, and tlience, with the approbation of my 
 superiors, undertook the voyage to the south-east of
 
 FROM ADEN TO ZANZIBAR. Ill 
 
 Africa. In any case, the missionaries had the conso- 
 lation of knowing that, during their last attempt in 
 Abessinia, they had distributed nearly 2000 copies 
 of the Scriptures, and from first to last, nearly 8000. 
 
 Having sought preparation for the long sea- voyage 
 by prayer and meditation, J set sail with my wife 
 from Aden on the lltli of November 18^3, om' desti- 
 nation being Zanzibar. After being nearly ship- 
 wTecked we landed at Aden again on the 1 5th, and 
 sailed once more fr-om it on the 23rd in another 
 ship, the captain of which was a native of Mombaz, 
 and knew the Suahili coast well. I could not but see 
 that the disaster of the first voyage was under Provi- 
 dence made serviceable to me ; for had I made the 
 voyage with the Arab captain of the fii^st ship, he 
 would have sailed direct fi'om Arabia to Zanzibar, 
 after the manner of his countrjanen, without run- 
 ning into any port, and I should have lost the op- 
 portunity of personally exploring the places on the 
 coast from Mukdisha to Zanzibar. 
 
 Skirting the Arabian coast very slowly, partly 
 because the winds were against us, partly because 
 we were often becahned, we arrived on the 5th of 
 December at Makalla, and on the 13th at Siliut, 
 whence we steered for the East- African coast in the 
 dii'ection of Socotra, and on the 18th sighted Cape 
 Guardafiii, the Has Gerdaf of the Arabs. From 
 this point to the Equator the coast is inhabited by 
 the Somalis, who, as far as Mukdisha, are much 
 di'eaded, as they plunder the crews of shipA^TCcked 
 vessels, and sell them for slaves into the interior.
 
 112 FROM ADEN TO ZANZIBAR. 
 
 The Somali coast from Cape Guardafui southwards, 
 is designated by the Arabs ''Dar Ajam" not 
 "Ajan," as the maps wrongly have it — because no 
 Arabic is spoken in it. So, too, they designate 
 the Abessinian and Persian coasts ; for the word 
 '' ajam," or " ayam," corresponds to the Greek 
 " barbaros," applied to every person not a Greek. 
 On the 23rd we passed the towns Mukdisha, the 
 Magadoxo of the maps, and Marka, each of wliich 
 has some 5000 inhabitants, who trade with the 
 Galla countries in the interior, fetching from them 
 chiefly gum, ivory, horses, slaves and hides. From 
 ]\Iukdisha, southward, the appearance of the coast 
 improves; and you see, here and there, trees and 
 bushes, which is not the case to the north, where 
 mere sand, red earth, and rocks, offer themselves 
 to the eye. It must be confessed that this bar- 
 ren and sultry coast is much healthier than that 
 south of the Equator, where the vegetation is very 
 rich, but the climate unhealthy, especially after the 
 rainy season. Since 1847 the slave-trade is for- 
 bidden to the north of Barava, England having 
 concluded a treaty mth the Sultan Said-Said at 
 Zanzibar, in virtue of which no slaves are to be 
 exported beyond the tenth degree of south, and 
 the second of north latitude ; the traffic to be tole- 
 rated, however, wdthin the twelve degi^ees of the 
 Suahili coast. But in spite of this prohibition, 
 on my second visit to Mukdisha in the year 1853, 
 I saw twenty Arabian ships employed in smuggling 
 slaves to i\j'abia.
 
 FROM ADEN TO ZANZIBAR. 113 
 
 On tlie 24tli of December I visited Barava, an 
 important town on the Sualiili coast, and which was 
 long in the possession of the Portuguese. The popu- 
 lation amounts to something like 3000, among whom 
 are many slaves brought from the interior and the 
 Suahili coast. The people of Barava go northwards 
 as far as Adari or Harrar, and make trading jour- 
 neys also to the Galla tribes, Wardai, Korei, Ren- 
 dille, Boren and Liban. On the other side of the 
 territory of the Boren-Gallas is said to be a country 
 named Gonsi, inhabited by Amhara, that is, by 
 Clnistians. Whether this be Kambat or Wolamo, 
 or whether it be some other Christian country of 
 which I had heard nothing in Shoa, is uncertain. Ten 
 days' jom-ney to the north-west of Barawa lies the 
 town of Bardera on the Jub, whence caravans pro- 
 ceed along the river to the important trading town 
 of Ganana or Ganali. The district round Barava 
 is composed of red sand and clay, turned to account 
 in the manufacture of pottery ; and journeys from 
 here into the interior are made upon camels or asses. 
 The people of this place grow cotton, Durra, pump- 
 kins, &c., and provisions are cheap, a cow costing 
 from tlu-ee to five dollars, and a score of fowls a dol- 
 lar ; twenty raw hides are sold for thirteen dollars. 
 
 Respecting the river Jub, as it is called by the 
 Arabs — ^the Somalis call it Govin, and the Suahihs 
 Wumbu — I heard fr^om the Barava chief Dera, that 
 it is a branch of a great inland river from which the 
 Osi and the Pangani take their rise. The Arabs 
 believe that this great inland river is an arm of the
 
 114 FROM ADEN TO ZANZIBAR. 
 
 Nile, as I often heard them repeat along the Suahili 
 coast. On the 25th of December we sailed past the 
 mouth of the Jub, which coloui-s the sea for the 
 distance of a league with its reddish water; and 
 the river is there but a few feet deep, so that it is 
 only at high tide that boats of any size can run into 
 it ; but fiui;her up it is said to be deeper ; Avhilst fi'om 
 the number of trees and bushes, the breadth of the 
 mouth can scarcely be calculated. In the afternoon 
 we anchored in the harbour of the island of Kiama, 
 which lies a few hundred paces from the main-land, 
 and is some eight leagues distant fi-om the Jub. 
 The people of Kiama are Suahilis and trade with 
 the Gallas, who bring rhinoceros-horns, tusks of 
 elephants, hippopotamus-hides, and cattle, receiving 
 in Kiama clothes, copper-wire, beads, &c. ; and 
 here I saw and spoke to some Gallas. The thought 
 that exactly on Christmas-day we had arrived at 
 the Galla coast upheld and strengthened us, and we 
 prayed fervently to the Lord that He would open 
 up to us a way to convert these heathen whom we 
 had journeyed to this distant shore to bring into 
 His fold. 
 
 On the 28th of December we landed at Takaungii, 
 as our captain had to return home with the shi]) in 
 which we had come, and we were to proceed in a 
 smaller one to Zanzibar. Accordingly we remained 
 at Takamigu until the 3rd of January, 1844. The 
 inhabitants were most hospitable to my T\4fe and 
 myself, giving us the oidy stone house in the village 
 to lodge in. Takaungu is fruitful, and being beau-
 
 FROM ADEN TO ZANZIBAR. 115 
 
 tifully situated, it forms one among many localities 
 admirably suited for the residence of Europeans. 
 The inhabitants of Takaungu complained to me that 
 the English had left the Masrue in Mombaz in the 
 lurch, and not protected them against the Imam of 
 Muscat ; of whom and his conduct to these people, I 
 shall have to speak again. They inveighed bitterly 
 against hmi for his treacherous behaviour to their 
 chief men, averring that the English had done wrong 
 in giving over the people of Mombaz to his rule, as 
 they had voluntarily become the subjects of England, 
 and been mildly governed by the English for three 
 years. I was vexed to have to listen at my first 
 arrival to such complaints, and could only reply 
 that I had nothing to do with political matters, and 
 recommend them to submit to the dispensations of 
 Providence. At Takaungu I saw some Gallas, be- 
 tween whom and the people of the place there is 
 friendly intercourse as they come at certain periods 
 into the neighbourhood to sell ivory, cattle, &c. ; 
 and I found that these southern Gallas differed from 
 those of the north in their political system, no less 
 than in theii' religion, not worshiping the serpent, the 
 Atetie, nor the Oglie, and knowing nothing of the 
 Maremma (Virgin Mary), a proof that the northern 
 Gallas have imbibed many notions from the Abes- 
 sinians. But Kalija and Wato, priests and ex- 
 orcists, exist among the southern as well as among 
 the northern Gallas. In cruelty and inhumanity 
 those of the south exceed the northern, murder- 
 ing every stranger yhom they meet by the way ;
 
 116 FROM ADEN TO ZANZIBAR. 
 
 a characteristic which their wandering life contri- 
 butes to strengthen ; however all the Gallas of the 
 south are not nomadic. I have not liitherto mentioned 
 that to the south of the Osi there is another import- 
 ant river, the Dana, flowing into the bay of Formosa, 
 called by the Gallas, Maro, and by the heathen 
 Pokomo tribes who dwell upon its banks, the 
 Pokomoni. Its mouth is not deep, and can only be 
 entered at high tide by boats of large size ; but 
 inland the stream is said to have a depth of 
 from twelve to twenty feet. Along its banks dwell 
 Gallas, Pokomos, and other tribes who are not so 
 savage as the nomadic Gallas, being both agri- 
 cultm'ists and traders. The Dana has its source 
 in the snow-mountain Kegnia, or Kenia, in the 
 north-west of Ukambani, where in the year 1851 I 
 drank of its waters as will afterwards be seen. On 
 the maps this river figm^es as the Quilimansi, a 
 name mtli which the natives are acquainted only in 
 so far as it designates a mountain-stream, or a moun- 
 tain with streams. 
 
 At Takamigu I was told for the first time of the 
 heathen Wanika of whom I there saw several be- 
 longing to the tribe Kauma, and heard with great 
 interest that they were accessible to strangers, 
 were agriculturists and traders, and that a stranger 
 might travel among them T;\dthout any special danger, 
 provided he were furnished vnth a guide and com- 
 panion fi'om the Suahilis of the coast. Here, 
 too, I met with the first mention of the country 
 Jagga in the interior, to the south-west of
 
 FROM ADEN TO ZANZIBAR. 117 
 
 Mombaz, as well as of the country of Usambara, 
 and the inner African tribes of Uniamesi, in whose 
 territory there is a great lake. In short I acquired 
 during my residence in Takaungu a brief know- 
 ledge of East- African geography and ethnography, 
 as far as Mozambique and Madagascar. These geo- 
 graphical data were, it is true, rather confused ; but 
 they were extremely useful as points of departure in 
 subsequent journeys and inquii'ies. I could not 
 help feeling that it was under the guidance of 
 Providence that I had not been permitted to proceed 
 at once to Zanzibar, but had been carried in the 
 second ship to Takaungu. In Zanzibar I could not 
 have learned, heard, or seen nearly so much ; and my 
 movements on the coast would have shaped themselves 
 quite differently ; nor would the establishment of the 
 mission station have had Mombaz for its starting 
 point. 
 
 On the 3rd of January 1844 I left the hospitable 
 village of Takaungu in a small boat, called a "Daw" 
 by the Suahilis, which is the smallest sea-going vessel. 
 In it you are but a few feet above the water ; but have 
 the advantage of being able to sail over rocks and 
 sand-banks, and always close to the shore. From 
 Takaungu southward the coast is very low, as, 
 indeed, it is almost continuously from the Jub to 
 the Malindi, lying in general only from twenty to 
 thii'ty feet above the sea, and stretching some leagues 
 back into the interior, where there are chains of moun- 
 tains, 800 to 1200 feet in height. The undercliff is, 
 for the most part, in the hands of the Mohammedan 
 
 I 2
 
 118 FROM ADEN TO ZANZIBAR. 
 
 Sualiilis, wlio cultivate rice, Indian corn, millet, cassia, 
 red pepper, &c., but the higher regions are in the 
 occupation of heathen tribes, likewise agricidturists. 
 From Takaungu to the islands Wassin and Tanga 
 lextend the Wanika, who may number from 50,000 to 
 )|60,000, and are divided into twelve tribes. South 
 from these are the Wasegechu, Washinsi, and 
 Wasegua, and to the west of the Washinsi are the 
 Wasamba, or Wasambara, who are governed by King 
 Kmeri, or Kimeri. From Takaungu we reached the 
 isle of Mombaz, which has a harbour capable of con- 
 taining ships of a tolerably large size. This island 
 is several leagues in cii'cumference, but is only very 
 partially cultivated ; yet mangoes and cocoa-nuts, 
 oranges and limes, and in parts, the cinnamon-tree, 
 are indigenous, whilst wild swine, introduced by the 
 Portuguese, abound. I soon found out that the 
 people here were well acquainted with the English, 
 and it was at once apparent that the governors of the 
 Suahili coast were dependent on a ruler, who, as 
 was the case with Said-Said, Sultan of Zanzibar or 
 Imam of Muscat, was well affected towards Em-opeans, 
 a disposition which of course was reflected by the 
 conduct of his subordinates, as I experienced from 
 the governor of the fortress, whose guest I was. The 
 capital of the island contains from 8,000 to 10,000 
 inhabitants, who are mostly Suahilis ; but there are 
 also many Arabs, and some thirty or forty Banians, 
 who have in their hands the chief trade of the place. 
 There are houses of stone, but the majority are 
 wooden huts. A tolerably large fortress conmiands
 
 FROM ADEN TO ZANZIBAR. 119 
 
 the harbour and the town, and is garrisoned by 
 400 Beluches, who are in the pay of the Sultan 
 of Zanzibar. The fortress exhibits a Portuguese in- 
 scription, put up by Xeixas de Cabreira, the governor, 
 in 1639, giving the date of 1635 as that of its erec- 
 tion, at which time Mombaz, as well as Malindi, was 
 in the hands of the Portuguese, who were driven out 
 of the island by Sheikh Sef, the Imam of Muscat. 
 When Sef died the ancestors of Said-Said took pos- 
 session of Muscat and the island of Zanzibar ; while 
 the Masrue family, which was of Persian origin, 
 kept possession of Mombaz up to the year 1823, 
 when they delivered it over to the English, fearing 
 that it would otherwise fall into the hands of the 
 Imam of Muscat. The Imam claimed it as having 
 belonged to his forefathers, upon which the English 
 withdrew, when he sent a fleet, bombarded the toT\Ti, 
 and brought it under his rule. Had England 
 recognised the importance of the place, she would 
 not have parted with it so easily ; but the trade with 
 the Suahili coast had not then received its present 
 development, and she vrished to oblige the Imam 
 who was devoted to her, and whom she recognised 
 as ruler of the whole coast, from Mukdisha to 
 Mozambique, in order to prevent foreign powers 
 from taking up a position on the East- African coast. 
 The unhealthy climate of the place and of the coast 
 in general, may also have made her less disposed 
 to retain the island ; so she contented herself with the 
 stipulations respecting the slave-trade afready alluded 
 to. The people of Mombaz trade -with the Wanika
 
 120 FROM ADEN TO ZANZIBAR. 
 
 and Wakamba of tlie suirounding country, and 
 sometimes their caravans go even as far as the moun- 
 tain-land of Jagga, bringing thence chiefly ivory 
 and slaves. The Wanika tribes are nominally de- 
 pendent ujDon Mombaz, and are governed by four 
 Suahili sheikhs who live in Mombaz ; but the con- 
 nection between the town and these tribes is ex- 
 tremely loose and undefined ; rendered more so, 
 indeed, by the barbarous conduct of the people of 
 Mombaz towards these heathen tribes, especially in 
 time of famine, when they purchase the children of 
 the Wanika, or make off mth them as slaves in return 
 for provisions fiu-nished to the parents. Things will 
 never progress on this coast so long as the Arabian 
 rule is maintained in its present state, as it not 
 only makes no improvements, but often destroys 
 what good has descended from the olden time. 
 
 On the 4th of January we quitted the island ot 
 Mombaz, which is only a few hundred yards distant 
 from the main-land, and next day reached the little 
 island of Tanga, where there was an abundance of 
 cocoa-nut trees, rice plantations, beans, red pepper, 
 millet, bananas, oranges, limes, pine-apples, figs, &c. 
 I could not refrain fi-om the thought that this spot 
 was well suited for a preliminary missionary station, 
 whence progress might be made into the interior ; 
 but the reflection that my missionary efforts must 
 begin with the Gallas nipped that idea in the bud. 
 On the 6th, we reached the mouth of the Pangani 
 river, which has its main source in the snow 
 mountain Kilimanjaro, in Jagga, recalling to us
 
 
 --fci^- 
 
 -I \- §
 
 FROM ADEN TO ZANZIBAR. 121 
 
 the burning of his ship by Vasco de Gama, in the Bay 
 of Tangata, into which it flows, when after doubhng 
 the Cape in 1497, his crew fell a prey to disease on 
 the east coast of Africa on his return from Calicut. 
 To the south of the Pangani is the territory of the 
 heathen Wasegua tribes, the great centre of the slave 
 trade. The Arabs on the island of Zanzibar come 
 here and promise the Wasegua chiefs a number of 
 muskets, with powder and shot, for a certain number 
 of slaves ; so when a chief has entered into the con- 
 tract he suddenly falls upon a hostile village, sets 
 it on fire, carries off the inhabitants, and thus is 
 enabled to fulfil the terms of the agreement. The 
 Waseguas being Kofar, i. e., unbelievers, the Moslems 
 think that they are acting mercifully in selling them 
 into slavery, in which state they must become 
 Mohammedans. The river Pangani, I may add, is 
 at its mouth some hundred and fifty yards broad, 
 from twelve to fifteen feet deep, and is navigable 
 into the interior for small boats, for several days' 
 journey. From its mouth there is a good view of 
 the mountain-land Usambara, which I visited in the 
 years 1848 and 1852, as will be noticed hereafter. 
 
 At two in the afternoon of the 7th of January we 
 dropped anchor in the safe and spacious harbom' of 
 the capital of the island of Zanzibar, where we were 
 to repose for a time, after our long and fatiguing 
 voyage, while I deliberated on my further plans 
 and consulted my friends resj^ecting them. We 
 were hospitably received by Major Hamerton, the 
 English consul, and mitil we could erect a dwell-
 
 122 FROM ADEN TO ZANZIBAR. 
 
 ing we lived in the house of Mr. Waters, the 
 American consul, who was a zealous friend to the 
 mission. He wished me to remain in Zanzibar, 
 preaching on Sundays to its few Europeans ; working 
 amongst the Banians from India, of whom there are 
 seven hundred in Zanzibar ; founding schools for the 
 instruction of the native Suahilis and Arabs ; and 
 preparing books in the languages of the main-land 
 for futm-e missionaries; but I could not abandon 
 my original design of founding a mission in the 
 Galla land, which, so far as I know at present, 
 extends to the fourth degree of south latitude. I felt 
 that their conversion would produce the greatest 
 impression on the whole of Eastern Africa, although 
 it might be more difficult to found missions among 
 them than among the Wanika, Wakamba, and 
 Waseguas. To my mind Ormania is the Germany 
 of Africa. If the Gallas were not gathered into the 
 Christian Church, it seemed to me they would fall 
 into Islamism, (which has made great progress among 
 them on the borders of Abessinia) and must in that 
 case form a strong bulwark against the introduction 
 of Christianity and true morality into Africa; for 
 the Gallas when once they have embraced it hold 
 very firmly to Islamism, as is seen in the case of the 
 Wollos. 
 
 On the second day after my arrival in Zanzibar I 
 was presented by the English Consul to the Sultan 
 Said-Said, commonly called by Europeans by his 
 other title, the Imam of Muscat. His palace lies 
 outside the city, and its exterior reminds the visitor
 
 FROM ADEN TO ZANZIBAR. 123 
 
 of a Grerman or Swiss manufactoiy. AVlien the 
 consul appeared with me at the entrance of the 
 palace, the Sultan accompanied by one of his sons 
 and several grandees came forth to meet us, dis- 
 playing a condescension and courtesy which I had 
 not before met with at the hands of any oriental 
 ruler. He conducted us into the audience-chamber, 
 which is pretty large and paved mtli marble slabs ; 
 American chairs lined the walls, and a stately chan- 
 delier hung in the middle of the room. The Sultan 
 bade us be seated, and I described to him in Arabic, 
 his native language, my Abessinian adventures, and 
 plans for converting the Gallas. He listened with 
 attention and promised every assistance, at the same 
 time pointing out the dangers to which I might 
 be exposed. Although advanced in years he looked 
 very well, and was most friendly and communi- 
 cative. Sultan Said-Said ascended the throne in 
 1807, and lived at Muscat up to the year 1840, 
 when he removed the seat of government to Zanzi- 
 bar, chiefly on account of its trade. He was early 
 brought into connection Tsith the English, who in 
 1819 helped him against the fanatical Wahabis, in 
 Arabia, and the pirates of its waters; hence his 
 devotion to that people. He claims in Arabia the 
 whole coast fi-om Aden to IVluscat, and from IVIuscat 
 to the Persian Gulf, with its islands ; and, in Africa, 
 asserts supremacy over the coast from Cape Guar- 
 dafrii to Cape Delgado, in the proximity of the 
 Portuguese possessions of Mozambique. Hithei'to 
 no foreign power has contested the right to these
 
 124: FKOM ADEN TO ZANZIBAE. 
 
 enormous possessions ; whilst the Arabs and Africans 
 submit to his nominal pretensions, so long as their 
 own old arrangements are not too stringently in- 
 terfered with. They receive the Sultan's governors 
 and pay the dues which he levies from their ports ; 
 but beyond that Said-Said seems to have no hope 
 of their further obedience and subjection. 
 
 The island of Zanzibar lies under the 6th degree 
 of south latitude, is from six to seven leagues dis- 
 tant from the main-land, and has a length of six to 
 seven leagues from north to south, and a breadth of 
 about six. The climate is not so unhealthy as on 
 the main-land; but every one who arrives for the 
 first time must, sooner or later, submit to a period 
 of often dangerous fever. The capital, which lies, 
 6^ 10^^ south on the western shore, is somewhat 
 healthier than the interior. The po23ulation of the 
 island amounts to about 100,000, the greater num- 
 ber of whom live in the capital. The majority 
 are Suahilis, the richer and more influential classes 
 are Arabs, and about twenty Eui^opeans mostly 
 engaged in trade have established themselves here. 
 The chief Em-opean exj)orts from Zanzibar are 
 ivory, copal-gum, cloves, hides, cocoa-nuts and 
 cocoa-oil, semsem (an oil plant), aloes, &c. The 
 imports consist mainly of a white caKco, called 
 by the natives Americano, glass beads of every 
 kind, fire-arms, brass and copper -^ore, glass and 
 pottery, cutlery, swords, and all articles suitable for 
 the markets of uncivilized nations. Zanzibar is 
 completely Mohammedan with the exception of the
 
 FROM ADEN TO ZANZIBAR. 125 
 
 Banians from India and the Europeans. On the 
 whole it will be not going far wrong to estimate 
 the Moslem population of the Suahili coast, including 
 that of Zanzibar, at half a million. All religions 
 are, however, tolerated ; and the intercourse of the 
 Mohammedans with the heathen tribes, their general 
 prosperity, and other causes, hold in check the usual 
 fanaticism of the Arabs.
 
 126 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 MOMBAZ — EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 
 
 Lamu — Mombaz — Study of the native languages — Sea trip — Hindu 
 and Mohammedan fellow passengers — Astronomy of the Koran — 
 Translation of the Bible into Suahili — Death of the author's 
 wife and daughter — Visions of missionary enterprise — Excursion 
 to Old Rabbai — Makarunge — The houses of the Wanika — Kamba 
 and its chief — The Mohammedans and their proselytism — The 
 animal and vegetable worlds : elephants and ivory — Wanika 
 Atheism — Abdallah and his friendship — A Wakamba village — 
 Relations of the Wanika and Wakamba — Characteristics of the 
 Wakamba — Preaching in a "Wanika village ; failure and its 
 causes — Rabbai Mpia, its situation and suitability for a mis- 
 sionary station — Missionary interview with the elders of the cal- 
 lage — First sight of the snow-mountain Kadiaro — The ensuing 
 twelvemonth, voyages, journeys, and illnesses — Arrival of Reb- 
 mann — ^Visit to Rabbai Mpia and selection of it for a missionary 
 station — The chiefs — Our removal to Rabbai Mpia — Fever and 
 house-building difficulties — Public worship and discouragements 
 —The Wanika, 
 
 I REMAINED in Zanzibar from the 7tli of January to 
 the beginning of March 1844, hearing, seeing, and 
 learning much. On Sundays I preached to the 
 English and American residents, and during the 
 whole period of my stay cultivated the acquaint- 
 ance of Arabs, Banians, and Suahilis, gathering from 
 them information respecting the coast and the in- 
 terior. At the period named I resolved to leave my
 
 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-IAND. 127 
 
 dear wife at Zanzibar, and to proceed to the island 
 of Lamu, and thence to penetrate among the Gallas 
 and found a missionary station. I took with me 
 a letter of recommendation from Sultan Said-Said 
 addressed to the governors of the coast, and couched 
 in the following terms: — ''This comes from Said- 
 Said Sultan ; gi-eeting all our subjects, friends, 
 and governors. This letter is written in behalf of 
 Dr. Krapf, the German, a good man who wishes to 
 convert the world to God. Behave well to him, and 
 be everywhere serviceable to him." We touched at 
 the island of Pemba, which lies five degrees south of 
 the Equator, where the governor received me kindly, 
 and warned me not to proceed to Lamu, as now 
 the Kus, the south mnd, was beginning to blow 
 and would prevent my returning to Zanzibar be 
 fore the end of November. He asked me many 
 questions concerning the politics and religion of 
 Em'ope, and expressed a wish for an Arabic Bible. 
 This I sent him afterwards through Mr. Waters, 
 the only European who before my arrival had 
 given Bibles and tracts to the natives. In accord- 
 ance with the advice of the friendly governor I 
 gave up the idea of proceeding to Lamu, but wished 
 before returning to Zanzibar to make a little sea trip 
 along the coast, and accordingly arranged with a skip- 
 per for a passage to Tanga. The voyage was a very 
 slow one through the ignorance and unskilfulness of 
 the captain and the laziness and indifference of the 
 crew, who were slaves and would not obey him. 
 The more he rated them, the more they laughed at
 
 128 MOMBAZ — EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 
 
 him. It is veiy sad to see liow obstructively slavery 
 influences all the acti^dty of the natives, and so long 
 as that evil remains in those countries, there is 
 no hope of improving their social condition. There 
 slaves must do everything; they till the fields, 
 conduct trade, sail vessels, and bring up the children 
 of the house ; while the fi'ee people eat, drink, and 
 are idle, run into the mosques to pray, or enjoy 
 themselves with their many wives. No wonder that 
 a curse rests on all they undertake. The slaves per- 
 form whatever they have to do under compulsion, 
 lazily, unwillingly, and mechanically. On the 1 1th 
 of March I arrived at Tanga. The hut which the 
 friendly governor gave me for a lodging was soon 
 surrounded by hundreds of men, but alas ! I could 
 not speak to them not having then mastered the 
 Sualiili language. 
 
 On the 13th of March I arrived at Mombaz, 
 where I was hospitably received by the governor of 
 the city, Ali ben Nasser, who had been twice in 
 London as representative of the Sultan of Zanzibar, on 
 a political mission to the English government. In 
 the streets of Mombaz I saw some heathen Wanika, 
 who had come fi'om the neighbouring mountains. 
 The inhabitants of Mombaz, too, visited me in great 
 numbers and were very friendly. Then, all at 
 once, the thought came upon me that Mombaz 
 would be best suited for the establishment of a mis- 
 sionary station, especially as the Gallas are to be 
 met with a few days' journey to the north of it, 
 when they go to the mai'ket of Emberria, a village
 
 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 129 
 
 of the Waiiika. The longer I remained in Mombaz, 
 the more evident it became to me that it seemed the 
 will of God to make the Gallas acquainted with 
 the Gospel through the Wanika ; and that, there- 
 fore, the first missionary station on this coast should 
 be established among the Wanika whom I could 
 easily reach fi'om Mombaz. The Imam was at war 
 with Patta, so that I had to forego the intention of 
 establishing myself at Lamu. I was strengthened in 
 my growing conviction by the friendliness of the 
 people and officials of Mombaz towards Europeans, 
 especially the English ; by the proximity of this j^lace 
 to the neighboiu'ing pagan tribes, a proximity so 
 close that a missionary can visit their villages 
 during the day and return to Mombaz at night ; 
 and by its healthiness and the conveniences which 
 it offered in the way of living and residence. I 
 resolved, therefore, to retm-n to Zanzibar for my 
 dear wife, and then to take up my abode in Mombaz, 
 studying the Suahili language, making excursions 
 among the pagan Wanika, and becoming acquainted 
 with the condition of the interior, where I intended 
 to preach the Gospel as soon as I was master of the 
 language. 
 
 After I had engaged a teacher of the Suahili and 
 Kinika languages I quitted Mombaz on the 18th of 
 March, some of my fellow-passengers being natives 
 of Ai'abia and India, and among them a Hindu 
 of the Rajpoot caste who had attended a missionary 
 school at Bombay. The acquaintance of this person 
 convinced me that a great influence is exerted on
 
 1.30 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 
 
 tlie characters of heathens by attendance at our 
 schools, even although it may last but a short time 
 and they do not at once become Clmstian. A\Tien 
 I spoke to him about the idol- worship of the Indians 
 he said: ^' There is only one Creator of heaven and 
 earth, who is everjn^vhere present, and sees and knows 
 everything, even the thoughts of the human heart." 
 An Arab chief from Lamu who saw me reading the 
 Psalms asked me for the book, and being much 
 pleased vnth it begged for a complete Bible. 
 Arabic tracts would have been eagerly welcomed by 
 these people, especially such as treat of geography 
 and history. When I explained to a Mohammedan 
 sheikh fr-om Lamu the round shape of the earth and 
 its motion romid the sun, he became very indignant, 
 and warned the passengers against doctrines like 
 these, which contradicted the Koran. The Hindu 
 already referred to, who had learned something of 
 geography at Bombay, took my part and said to the 
 sheikh: " The Frank can prove liis statements, but 
 your only confutation of them is that they contradict 
 the Koran." The sheikh then turned to the passen- 
 gers and treated them to some of the fables of Moham- 
 medan cosmogi'aphy and geogi'aph}^. 
 
 I reached Zanzibar on the 24th of March, and 
 returned to Mombaz wdth my wife at the begin- 
 ning of May, where I had to put up with seve- 
 ral personal annoyances more or less trj4ng. My 
 greatest difficulty, however, lay in my want of 
 a knowledge of the Suahili language, and in the 
 absence of any help in the study, neither a gram-
 
 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 131 
 
 mar nor a dictionary of it having yet been com- 
 piled by any European. With the aid of Arabic, 
 I surmounted this hinderance by degrees ; but found 
 in it, however, peculiarities which at first gave me 
 immense trouble, but which also were converted into 
 a source of delight, when I was at length able to 
 cry '^ Em-eka !" Now that I had settled down at 
 Mombaz engaged in the study of the Suahili and 
 Kinika languages, I sought the acquaintance of 
 the Wanika chiefs who came to the island. On the 
 8th of June, 1844, I began the translation of the 
 First Book of Moses with the aid of Sheikh Ali 
 Ben, Mueddin of Barava, who was the Kadi (Judge) 
 of Mombaz. I always considered this day as one of 
 the most important of my life ; but scarcely had I 
 commenced this important work, and began to con- 
 gratulate myself on the progi'ess of my missionary 
 labours, when myself and family were subjected to 
 a very severe trial. The rainy season at Mombaz 
 had been one of unusual severity, and the native 
 inhabitants had been afflicted by all sorts of sickness, 
 especially with fever and headache. On the 1st of 
 July I was attacked by the fever ; on the 4th I was 
 somewhat better again, but the next day, my wife 
 was attacked by it severely, and the attack was all the 
 more serious that she was every day expecting her 
 confinement, which happened on the 6th, when she 
 gave birth to a healthy daughter. But on the 9th 
 of July after midnight she became delirious, and 
 when she recovered her senses was fully convinced 
 that she would soon be removed from my side. So 
 
 K
 
 132 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 
 
 strong- was this conviction that she took farewell of 
 me and the servants in touching accents, especi- 
 ally recommending them (they were Mohamme- 
 dans) to place their trust in Christ, not in Moham- 
 med, as neither in life nor death could he bestow 
 help, whereas Christ, the Son of God, gave her 
 now indescribable peace. One of her last and most 
 pressing requests was that I should not praise her 
 in my report, but merely say to her friends at home 
 that the Saviour had been merciful to her as to a 
 poor sinner. In these trying moments I lay on 
 my couch beside her death-bed, so prostrated by 
 fever that only with the greatest effort could I rise 
 up to convince myself that she was really dead. 
 Lying in agony I could not rightly, at the moment, 
 estimate the extent of this great loss. She was bu- 
 ried opposite to Mombaz on the main-land, in the pre- 
 sence of the Governor, the Kadi, and some Suahilis, 
 by the way-side leading into the Wanika territory. 
 Afterwards Mr. Waters and his friends in Bombay 
 erected a stone monument over the grave, so that it 
 might always remind the wandering Suahilis and 
 Wanika, that here rested a Christian woman who 
 had left father, mother, and home, to labour for the 
 salvation of Africa. It was only with great exertion 
 that I managed to be j^resent at the funeral, and had 
 scarcely retm-ned home when symptoms of the malady 
 were shown by the dear child. They became fatal 
 on the 15tli, and I was obliged by the climate to 
 conduct this second victim of the king of terrors to 
 the grave of my beloved Rosine as soon as possible.
 
 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 133 
 
 After several weeks my health, was restored and 
 I betook myself with fresh zeal to the study of 
 SuahiH, and planned frequent exciu'sions to the 
 Wanika-land. In those days in my zeal for the 
 conversion of Africa I used to calculate how many 
 missionaries and how much money would be required 
 to connect Eastern and Western Africa by a chain 
 of missionary stations.* I estimated at some 900 
 leagues the distance fr^om Mombaz to the river 
 Gabun in Western Africa, where the Americans, 
 before the occupation of the French, had founded a 
 
 *' The reader may like to be informed, that since this was written, 
 I have been appointed the secretary of a special committee (con- 
 nected with the Missionary Institution at Chrishona, near Basel) 
 for the purpose of locating twelve mission-stations along the banks 
 of the Nile from Alexandria to Gondar, the capital of Abessinia, 
 whence other stations will be hereafter established toward the south, 
 east, and west of Africa, as it shall please Providence to show the way, 
 and point out the requisite means. This line of twelve stations will 
 be termed the " Apostles' Street," as each station, which is to be fifty 
 leagues distant from the other, will be called by the name of an 
 apostle — for instance, the station at Alexandiia will be named that 
 of St. Matthew ; the station at Cairo, of St. Mark ; at Assuan, St. 
 Luke ; and so on. Thus the African continental mission chain will 
 be started from the north instead of from east to west, as I had 
 originally contemplated. I may also remark, that a Christian lady 
 in England has on learning of this scheme kindly promised the gift 
 of £100 for every station, in each case of its actual commencement; that 
 his Majesty the King of Wiirtemberg has graciously released from 
 military service the first missionary, whom (in connection with two 
 others) the committee have chosen to commence the first station at 
 Cairo. The missionaries are requested, as much as their direct 
 missionary labour will allow, to devote themselves to agricidtural 
 and commercial pursuits, to support themselves in a measure, and to 
 enable the committee to establish the whole mission chain within the 
 shortest period of time. Knowing what a glorious field this will 
 
 K 2
 
 134 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 
 
 mission and laboured successfully. Now, if stations 
 with four missionaries were established at intervals 
 of 100 leagues, nine stations and thirty-six mis- 
 sionaries would be needed, probably at an annual 
 expense of from £4000 to £5000. If every year 
 progi'ess were made both from west an'3. east, I 
 calculated that the chain of missions would be 
 completed in from four to five years. I thought 
 then of Dafeta (in Jagga) as the locality where the 
 first eastern station in the interior should be esta- 
 blished. After I had forgotten these ideas, they were 
 re-awakened in the years 1849 and 1850 dm^ing my 
 visit to England, when the committee listened atten- 
 tively to my statements on this subject, and sought 
 to realize them by strengthening the East-Afiican 
 mission. I had already, too, begun to think that 
 England might profitably establish on the east coast 
 a colony for liberated slaves like Sierra Leone on the 
 western coast, and that they might be employed as 
 aids in the conversion of the Inner- Afi'ican races. For 
 such a colony, Malindi, or Mombaz and its environs, 
 would be the best site. If more attention were given 
 to the formation of a chain of such missions through 
 Afi'ica, the fall of slavery and of the slave-trade 
 with America and Arabia would be quickly and 
 thoroughly effected. Till Christianity becomes the 
 ruling faith in Africa, however great and noble may 
 be the exertions of the Government of Great Britain, 
 open, I would urge all Christian friends of Africa to give effectual 
 aid to this important undertaking, which aims at bringing about 
 the scriptural promise, Psalm Ix^iii. 31 : " Ethiopia shall soon 
 stretch out her hands unto God."
 
 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 135 
 
 and however liberal its expenditure in sending out 
 squadi'ons to intercept slave-ships, the slave-trade 
 will continue to floui'ish. Clu-istianity and civiliza- 
 tion ever go hand in hand; brother will not sell 
 brother; and when the colour of a man's skin no 
 longer excludes him from the office of an evangelist, 
 the traffic in slaves mil have had its knell. A black 
 bishop and black clergy of the Protestant Church 
 may, ere long, become a necessity in the civilization 
 of Africa. 
 
 On the 19th of August, I made an excursion to 
 the village Rabbai Ku, Great Rabbai, or Old 
 Rabbai, partly to see whether the locality was 
 suited for a missionary station. When we landed 
 at four in the afternoon I was received by a crowd 
 of heathen Wanika, who lifted me out of the 
 boat and bore me on their shoulders to the land 
 with singing, dancing, brandishing of arrows, and 
 every other possible mode of rejoicing. Ascending 
 from the shore across a grassy soil we arrived at a 
 wood of lofty trees. The narrow footpath in the 
 wood led to tliree entrances in a triple palisade which 
 encircled the village ; which mth its wretched cone- 
 shaped huts lies quite in the wood. We saw only two 
 m.en, who beat upon great drums in honom* of the 
 visit, and I was sorry not to have seen the chief and 
 people of the village. In the evening I returned 
 to the house of Abdalla-Ben-Pisila, who gave me 
 shelter for the night, the chief sending a message 
 that he would visit me early in the morning, to 
 which I replied that my departm^e would be early
 
 136 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 
 
 on account of the tide. The Wanika had made a 
 favourable impression on me ; for they were both 
 quick and well behaved, but wore extremely little 
 in the way of clothes, even the women not being 
 sufficiently clad ; yet on leaving Rabbai I was not 
 quite convinced of its suitability for a missionary 
 station. 
 
 On the 3rd of September I left Mombaz with a 
 guide, and after a sea-trip of a couple of hours or 
 so we anchored before the hamlet of Makarunge, 
 where I was very kindly received by the Moham- 
 medan Sheikli, Ibrahim, who offered me a bed for 
 the night and sent off a messenger to the neigh- 
 bouring Wanika, to announce the arrival of a 
 Msungu, or European. With sunrise I left Maka- 
 runge accompanied by the sheikh, and towards 
 noon reached the outermost gate of the village 
 of Ribe, where we were to await the chiefs and 
 their retinue. They arrived, welcomed me, and 
 conducted us through three entrances in the palisades 
 into the village, amid cries of rejoicing, dancing, and 
 brandishing of swords and bows. In the vil- 
 lage the noise was still greater as young and old, 
 men and women, streamed forth to pay the European 
 the same honours which are paid to a great man 
 from Mombaz, when he visits the Wanika ; whenever 
 any one only stood and looked on, he was driven 
 by the chiefs into the crowd, to dance and slu-iek 
 with his neighbours. As I entered the house of the 
 first chief the people, especially the younger ones, 
 cleared the way. The houses of the Wanika look
 
 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 137 
 
 like haycocks in Europe. Stakes are thrust into 
 the gi'ound, and from top to bottom there is a com- 
 plete covering of grass, so that wind and light 
 cannot enter ; in the centre there is a thick stake, 
 which supports and strengthens the whole structure. 
 Thi'ough the low door you can only enter by stoop- 
 ing very much ; and if you "Vi-ish for light a fire must 
 be kindled. At night, the inhabitants of the hut 
 lie round the fire on cow-hides, and do not trouble 
 themselves about the smoke, the heat, and ver- 
 min, such as fleas, lice, and bugs, being only afi'aid 
 of serpents. These huts stand so close together, 
 that when one takes fii'e, the whole AT.llage is soon 
 in flames. Lofty cocoa-palms surround them and 
 serve, so to speak, as their immediate wine cellars, 
 whence the Wanika fetch their favourite drink, the 
 Uji (in Suahili, Tembo) and cocoa-nuts. In the 
 trees they hew a kind of steps by which they can 
 ascend quickly and readily. 
 
 A^^iilst I remained in the hut of the chief the 
 crowd dispersed, only the elders and the boys re- 
 maining, who behaved decorously and respectftdly. 
 Some looked very intelligent, had clear complexions, 
 and were not so black and ugly as the Wanika, 
 whom I had seen at Takamigu. When I de- 
 clared to the chiefs that I was not a soldier, nor 
 a merchant who had come there to trade, but 
 a Christian teacher who wished to instruct the 
 Wanika and the Galla in the true knowledge of 
 God, they looked at me with something of a 
 stupefied expression, and could not rightly under-
 
 138 MOMBAZ — EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 
 
 stand, but assured me of their friendly disposition. 
 They gave me some cocoa-nuts, after which I went 
 out and inspected the village, estimating the popu- 
 lation at about 600 to 700 souls. After I had 
 taken leave of the elders of the village of Ribe, 
 and of Sheikli Ibrahim, who was returning home, 
 I journeyed further eastward on the chain of hills, 
 and on the way saw some fine fields of rice and 
 maize ; and when I had gone some little distance I 
 was met by the chief of Kambe and his people, 
 come out to escort me into the village. The chief 
 had on his holiday clothes, and ostrich feathers on his 
 head. In shaking hands he first grasped my hand 
 and pressed his thumb against mine, as is the cus- 
 tom of the Wanika on such occasions ; he was 
 stately, but received and treated me very respect- 
 fully, speaking a little Galla ; but the tumult of the 
 joyful reception given was still noisier in the vil- 
 lage of Kambe than in R-ibe. I soon formed the 
 idea that this large village was very suitable 
 for a raissionary station. I did not, however, 
 remain long in it being desirous of spending the 
 night in the house of my guide who had a planta- 
 tion in the village of Magombani, which lies at 
 the foot of the mountain Jibana, and is inha- 
 bited by Mohammedans, who here have a monopoly 
 of the copal-gum trade, cultivate rice and maize, 
 and out of the noble forest-trees get planking forlT 
 ships, which they sell to the Arab ship-builders, y 
 These people craftily possess themselves by de- 
 grees of the lowlands of the Wanika, and con-
 
 MOMBAZ EXCUESIOKS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 139 
 
 structing small villages, here and there, along the 
 mountain range, people them with their slaves, gain 
 over the Wanika by trifling presents, and purchase 
 their produce very cheaply. In the course of time new 
 settlers arrive and bring a sheikh, who deals with 
 the religious wants of the heathen. Thus they com- 
 bine missionary-work with trading speculations, and 
 when soft words are of no avail they use force, or 
 try to excite one tribe against another, so that 
 they may be called on to act as mediators. In 
 times of famine, which often occui', many Wanika 
 are glad to become Mohammedans in order to save 
 themselves from starvation ; but tln-ow off their new 
 creed as soon as they have enough to eat. From this 
 it may be seen how religion, politics, and trade are 
 combined in the case of the followers of Mahomet. - 
 From Magombani I had to continue the ascent a 
 league and a half, until I reached the village Ji- 
 bana. The road was very steep and rough, and led 
 tlu'ough woods of sumach, the copal-tree, which 
 reached a height of from sixty to seventy feet, with 
 thin and small leaves and a white bark. I saw many 
 trees with incisions in them made by the natives, that 
 the sap might flow to the ground and crystalhze by 
 mixing with the earth, and the Mohammedans 
 ^ make yearly a great deal of money by this valuable 
 varnish, which is sent to India and Europe. There 
 are few wild beasts in these woods, but they abound 
 with beautiful birds. There are said to be ele- 
 phants in the Galla land, in the neighbourhood of 
 Emberria ; but in the Wanika territories there are.
 
 1-10 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 
 
 no longer any of tliese animals to be found, as they 
 recede more and more into the large forests, and to 
 the rivers of the interior, owing to their being so 
 much molested since European commerce with Zan- 
 zibar has produced so great a demand for ivory. 
 If it be true that yearly about 6000 elephants' tusks 
 are brought to the Suahili coast, it can easily be 
 understood how quickly these animals diminish, 
 and why they recede ever further into the interior 
 of Africa. 
 
 On the 7th of September I an-ived again at 
 Mombaz, being on the whole well pleased with 
 my journey, having only to regret that the Wanika 
 villages were so remote from the bay, as in conse- 
 quence many difficulties must arise for the transport 
 of baggage to the missionary station. Most of all, 
 however, I was grieved in witnessing the drunkenness 
 and sensuality, the dulness and indifference, which I 
 had observed among the Wanika ; the chief of Kambe 
 said openly, '' There is no God since he is not to be 
 seen. The Wanika need trouble themselves about 
 nothing except Tembo (cocoa-wine), corn, rice, 
 Indian corn (Mahindi), and clothes ; — these are their 
 heaven. The Watsumba" (Mohammedans) he added, 
 ^' were fools to pray and fast so much." Meanwhile, 
 with the view of settling down among the Wanika I 
 remained in Mombaz, prosecuting mth great zeal 
 the study of the Suahili language, into which by 
 degrees I translated the whole of the New Testa- 
 ment, and composing a short grammar and a dic- 
 tionary, continuing likewise my geogi'aphical and
 
 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. HI 
 
 etlmographlcal studies in the certain conviction 
 that the tinie would come when Eastern Africa, too, 
 would be di'awn into European intercourse, and 
 these introductory studies would be made available, 
 even if for the present no great missionary result 
 were to be attained. 
 
 In my next excursion I derived great advantage 
 from the acquaintance of Abdalla Ben-Pisila, whose 
 devotion I had secured by a loan of ten dollars, 
 which rescued him from prison in Mombaz. He 
 offered voluntarily to accomj^any me to the Wa- 
 A nika and Wakamba with whom he was a great 
 I favourite, having received fr'om the chiefs of Old 
 \ Rabbai a piece of ground by the creek, where he 
 \ had settled do\vn to traffic with both these tribes. 
 (The friendship of such a man was of great con- 
 sequence for the commencement of a mission, and 
 I gladly accepted his invitation to make a temporary 
 home of his house in the vicinity of Great Rabbai. 
 On the 30th of January 1845 I set out in Abdalla's 
 company fi-om his plantation for Endila, to make 
 the acquaintance of the Wakamba of whom I had 
 heard much in Mombaz. After a three hours' walk 
 we reached the village of Endila, which consists of 
 only some eight or ten huts. The elders were sit- 
 ting under a tree, and I felt rather strange on behold- 
 ing these naked savages, who said scarcely any- 
 thing when I appeared, and did not even stand up, 
 but looked sadly and gloomily on the ground, often 
 gazing at me as if I were a higher being. The 
 chief went at last into his hut and fetched a bowl of
 
 142 MOMBAZ — EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 
 
 milk, mixed with blood as I afterwards found ; for 
 they believe that thus taken, blood helps to nourish 
 their natural strength. Like most savages they are 
 very fond of ornaments, especially of beads and cop- 
 per wire. Their legs and arms, necks and hair, were 
 covered with white and blue beads, which in com- 
 bination with their nudity gave them a striking and 
 singular appearance ; for many of the men were per- 
 fectly naked, whilst others wore a mere rag in imita- 
 tion of the fig-leaf of sculptors, and even the women 
 had a very scant coTering below the waist, being 
 otherwise completely naked from head to foot. 
 Behind, a kind of leather caudal appendage was 
 worn, fastened round the loins mth a thong. No 
 wonder then that people say " there are people with 
 tails in the interior of Africa !" In general, the 
 Wakamba appear to be a finer and more powerful race 
 than the Wanika, but their huts are more wretched 
 than theirs. The Wakamba in the vicinity of the 
 coast are immigrants who since the great famine of 
 1836 have settled down on the territory of the 
 Wanika, being driven by hunger from the interior 
 and receiving permission from the original possessors 
 of the land to pasture their cattle on the grassy plains. 
 By degrees, they acquired wealth by the breeding 
 of cattle, and the ivory trade with the interior, and 
 soon began to till the ground. 
 
 The Wanika liked them at first, because they 
 derived many advantages from their presence ; 
 but the Wakamba threatened to take the upper 
 hand and broils and feuds arose. These were. 
 
 y
 
 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 143 
 
 always however amicably settled, as the Wa- 
 kamba accustomed to the cocoa-wine and other 
 luxuries of the coast did not care to return to their 
 own country in the interior, and the Wanika imbibed 
 too great a liking for their cows, sheep, &c. to let 
 them depart. For all this the Wakamba and the 
 Wanika do not in a general way blend with each 
 other, but retain each their aboriginal habits. The 
 Wakamba do not intermarry with the Wanika, yet 
 the intercoui'se of the former T\dth the coast has 
 produced changes among them. Thus, for instance, 
 the AVakamba of the interior do not bury their dead, 
 but throw them into fields or woods and cover them 
 with stones and grass, yet those on the coast allow 
 the dead to be buried by the Wanika, who make the 
 grave, and charge a cow for their trouble. The Wa- 
 kamba, too, put on a little clothing when they go 
 to Mombaz, or to a Wanika village. But with a 
 little good they have likewise learned from the 
 Wanika much that is bad. They are ardently fond 
 of Tembo (cocoa- wine), and as they have the means 
 of indulgence they go to still greater lengths than 
 their teachers. With their carousals they combine 
 dancing, which they have learned from the Wanika. 
 Uganga and Utawi, too (exorcism and incantation), 
 they have adopted from the Wanika and Watsumba 
 (Suahilis). No less have these latter tribes acquired 
 much that is bad from the former, particularly the 
 habit of going naked, at least when not observed 
 by the inhabitants of the country, especially on 
 journeys.
 
 144 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 
 
 The Wakamba go in caravans of from 200 to 
 300 persons into the interior to fetch ivory, and 
 form in a general way the commercial medium 
 between the coast and the interior, into which they 
 journey a distance of from 200 to 250 leagues. I 
 therefore regarded this people as an important 
 element in relation to futm:-e missionary designs in 
 Eastern Africa. On these jom-neys the Wakamba 
 are often attacked by the tribes of the interior, espe- 
 cially by the Gralla, who, however, are as often stoutly 
 repelled and beaten. As with most East- African tribes 
 circumcision is prevalent with the Wakamba. Their 
 language belongs to the great South- African division,* 
 extending from the Equator to the Kaffers in South 
 Africa, and which I have named the Orphno-Hamitic 
 (dark-brown Hamitic, as distinguished from the 
 negro Hamitic). The Wakamba live chiefly on milk 
 and animal food, and cultivate maize, are not nomads, 
 but have fixed dwelling-places. I may observe, by 
 the way, that the prefix " wa" denotes the concrete 
 plurality of a tribe or race, while the prefix '' m," or 
 ^' mu," denotes the singular, and " u" the tribe or race 
 in the abstract. Thus, "Wakamba" means " the Wa- 
 kamba race ;" " Mkamba," " one of the Wakamba ;" 
 "Ukamba," or '' Ukambani," the land of the Wa- 
 kamba; " Wanika," the Wanika ; " Mnika," one of 
 the tribe; and " Unika," the domain of the Wanika. 
 
 From Endila I wended my way towards Old Rab- 
 
 * For much curious information on the languages of South Africa, 
 the reader is referred to the introduction and notes to Sir George 
 Grey's valuable catalogue, published by Trlibner and Co.
 
 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 145 
 
 bai by a route hitherto unkno^\ii to me. On entering 
 the first gate I saw a few huts from three to four 
 feet high, and on asking for what pm-pose they 
 served, was told that this was the Jumba ja ]\Iulungu 
 — that is, the house of Mulungu, which stands in the 
 front of every village, and where the Wanika perform 
 religious services, sacrifice, exorcise evil spirits, and 
 where, too, they lay whatever they do not wish to 
 bring into the village, fancying that it is secure in 
 that sanctuary and will not be stolen ; and the graves 
 of the Wanika are generally in the vicinity of 
 this place, and there, too, the living eat, drink, and 
 dance at burials and on other occasions. Over 
 the last gate of the village, I saw a cocoa-nut 
 hanging, an Uganga (a charm) which at the in- 
 stance of the Waganga (magicians) was hung up, 
 that the cocoa-nuts might not be stolen while the 
 people were away on their plantations. This charm 
 is supposed to be efiectual in keeping thieves and 
 robbers at a distance from the trees and the village, 
 and many Wanika suspend a similar Uganga before 
 the doors of their huts ; it is a kind of " cave canem;" 
 for nobody dares to enter so long as it is not removed. 
 When I had arrived at Abdallah's I received a 
 visit fi'om the elders of Rabbai, to whom I explained 
 that I was neither a soldier nor a merchant, nor an 
 official employed by the Arabian or English govern- 
 ments, nor a traveller, nor a Mganga nor Mtawi, 
 physician, exorcist, or enchanter ; but was a 
 teacher, a book-man, who wished to show the Wa- 
 nika, the Wakamba, the Galla, and even the Wat-
 
 146 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 
 
 sumba (Mohammedans) the right way to salvation in 
 the world to come, and was answered, " Our land, 
 If our trees, houses, our sons and daughters, are all 
 thine." How far they kept their word the sequel will 
 show. The next morning I sailed back to Mombaz. 
 The ensuing few weeks were spent partly in 
 excursions, partly at my residence in Mombaz. On 
 the 17th of March I made an excursion to Likoni 
 and some villages to the south of it. It happened to 
 be a market-day in the place and the Wanika 
 women were purchasing meat from a Mohammedan, 
 who had slaughtered a cow. As the people paid no 
 gi'eat attention to my words respecting eternity 
 and the life to come, I went into another hamlet 
 further south where the whole population were 
 dancing round a Mohammedan, who was beating a 
 di'um, and wished to work Uganga (magic). When 
 they saw me they became suddenly silent, and young 
 and old listened to the discourse. But, after a time, 
 one after another slipped away until only a few men 
 and women remained. Perhaps they did not rightly 
 understand my Suahili, or perhaps I failed to ex- 
 press myself with sufficient imagery, and spoke too 
 plainly ; for abstract notions are not understood by 
 savages, and everything must be expressed in tropes 
 and figures, and then rendered into the intelligible 
 language of daily life. The Wanika, and many 
 other East- African tribes, have a custom of repeat- 
 ing the last words of the speaker, or at least of 
 uttering an assenting sound. It is a kind of vnld 
 response, which is certainly troublesome to Euro-
 
 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 147 
 
 peans, but has its advantage, and shows him whether 
 he is understood or not. After I had spoken of the 
 love of God to man in sending- His only begotten 
 Son into the world, in my address, I asked the chief 
 of the place to show me the way to the scattered 
 villages. He was quite ready to do so, but warned 
 me not to visit the village Yumbo, because the Wa- 
 nika were celebrating their Ugnaro there. This is 
 a horrible sport, practised from time to time by the 
 young people when they have reached a certain 
 age. They smear the body, especially the face, 
 with white and grey earth, so that they cannot be 
 recognised, being also almost in a complete state of 
 nudity; upon which they remain in the woods 
 until they have killed a man, after which they wash 
 themselves and return home, where they then feast 
 and carouse to their hearts' content. It is not 
 therefore advisable to journey at such times through 
 these places, as solitary travellers, especially slaves, 
 are their favourite prey. A wise government in 
 Mombaz would long ago have suj^pressed this 
 abomination. Before quitting the scene I may add, 
 another reason for the want of attention of the people 
 to my address, that they mistook me for a Moham- 
 medan, not having as yet become acquainted with 
 any other religion ; and that they are very hostile 
 to Mohammedanism ; as also that their drunkenness 
 and materialism have completely blunted their 
 perception of everything connected with spiritual j 
 religion. 
 
 On the 25th of March I made an excm'sion from 
 
 L
 
 5N -> 
 
 148 MOMB.VZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 
 
 .V Abdallah's plantation to Rabbai Mpia (New or 
 
 Little Rabbai) a village consisting of some twenty^ 
 to twenty-five huts. The sun was very hot when we 
 left the plantation, but the sky presently clouded 
 over, and a heavy thunderstorm followed soon after. 
 At first our way lay through a wood, upwards, by 
 means of the bed of a mountain stream, then along a 
 well-trodden footpath, to the right and left of which 
 the ground was covered by thorn-bushes and tall 
 grass ; till having ascended for several hundred 
 yards, we came to the liill itself on which the 
 village of New Rabbai is built, and where the more 
 abrupt ascent really began ; for the village, with the 
 cocoa-nut wood in which it stands, seemed to lie 
 straight up above our heads, so steep was the rock 
 which we had to mount upwards and upwards till 
 we found ourselves in the cocoa-nut wood in which 
 Rabbai Mpia lies. Before the rain came on we had 
 found shelter in a hut, and it was a favourable cir- 
 cumstance that it rained just when the white man 
 entered the village for the fii'st time. The Wanika 
 imagined that it was my foot which brought the 
 welcome rain ; and, against my wishes, for I would 
 never turn superstition to account, Abdallah strength- 
 ened them in that conviction. Eastward there was 
 a magnificent view of the sea, of Mombaz, and the 
 
 >'' level country ; and to the north and west stretched 
 
 far away the plains of the Wanika and the 
 Wakamba ; whilst to the south was wood connect- 
 ing this peninsular hill, as it were, with the level 
 country ; and right and left a deep ravine, forming the
 
 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 149 
 
 hill itself into a noble natural fortress, which art might 
 greatly improve. I felt at once the impression that 
 this would be just the place for a missionary station. 
 During the rain the elders were convoked in the 
 house of Jindoa, who is regarded as the Shcha 
 (SheiJdi) of Rabbai Mpia, and who happened to be 
 somewhat unwell. The elders were very friendly 
 and, what pleased me very much, did not beg. I 
 explained to them that the object of my visit was to 
 teach them the words of the book (the Bible) which 
 I held in my hand. One of the elders asked whether 
 I was an enchanter, who could tell him out of the 
 book how long he was to live ; or whether I could 
 heal the sick chief by a prayer from it. I answered 
 that this book could make them live in everlasting 
 joy, if they accepted and believed what was read to 
 them ; that they would be cured of the worst of mala- 
 dies, sin, if they believed in the Son of God. I then 
 narrated to them some of the chief facts in the life 
 of Clmst, and pointed out in conclusion that God 
 so loved the world, that He gave his only begotten 
 Son, that whosoever believeth in Him should not 
 perish, but have everlasting life. One of the elders 
 said that it was really true that God loved men, for He 
 gave the AVanika rain, tembo, and clothes. I rejoined 
 that these were certainly great proofs of Divine love, 
 but that, after all, they were only earthly gifts, and 
 would not avail them, if God had not taken care for 
 their souls, and had not sent his Son to fr'ee them 
 fi'om sin and Satan. Another elder, who seemed to 
 understand me better, repeated ni}' whole addi^ess, 
 
 L 2
 
 150 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 
 
 and that mth tolerable accuracy. After the rain had 
 ceased they all dispersed quickly, to go and sow 
 their rice, but heartily shook me by the hand and 
 offered me a goat by way of gift. I refused it, how- 
 ever, being determined to hold aloof from the system 
 of giving and taking, the receipt of a present among 
 these people always entailing the bestowal of one. 
 On the whole, I could not avoid seeing that the people 
 were somewhat shy of me for fear that I should 
 convert them to Mohammedanism ; for they could 
 not di'aw any distinction between Christianity and 
 Islamism. Mothers removed their children as soon 
 as they saw me in the streets of the \dllage, a practice 
 not uncommon among the Wanika, arising out of the 
 apprehension that strangers merely come to steal the 
 children to sell them into slavery. 
 
 From Rabbai Mpia I went in a south-westerly 
 dii'ection towards the Wakamba-land. Close to Mutsi 
 Mu™, New Rabbai, I j^assed some graves, and 
 saw an empty cocoa-nut shell lying on one of them. 
 On asking the meaning of it, I was told that from 
 time to time it was filled mth tembo, because the 
 Wanika believe that after death the Koma or 
 shade of the dead person cannot exist without that 
 diink ; and for a similar reason, rice and maize are 
 laid upon the graves; all which proves, at least, a 
 belief in a continued existence after death. In 
 another Wakamba ^^Uage which we traversed, the 
 women and children again ran awfi-y when they saw 
 me, and even the men appeared to be fi-ightened. 
 Especially were my shoes, which they took for
 
 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 151 
 
 iron, my hair, which seemed to them like the hair 
 of the ape, and my spectacles, objects of astonish- 
 ment and ridicule. I read to them some passages 
 out of my translation of the Gospel of St. John into 
 Wakamba, but they could not understand me, nor 
 could I express myself sufficiently in theii' o\Yii lan- 
 guage, and they did not understand Suahili. The 
 women were half-naked, but pai'tly covered with 
 beads and copper-wire. 
 
 On my way back I had the pleasure of seeing for 
 the first time the mountain Kadiaro, which is distant 
 about thii'ty-six leagues fi:om Rabbai Mpia, and 
 rises some 4000 feet above the level of the sea. 
 The sight of this mountain gave me great delight, 
 and in imagination I already saw a missionary- 
 station established in that cool climate for the 
 spiritual subjection of the countries of the interior. 
 On the whole, these first visits to the Wanika-land 
 stimulated and quickened my missionary yearnings ; 
 the vicinity of the Wakamba, the level country, 
 with its scattered hamlets, the high and healthy 
 situation of Rabbai Mpia, the Mendly disposition of 
 the inhabitants, the proximity of an arm of the sea, 
 Abdallah's plantation, and, last not least, Kadiaro, 
 all led me to think of Rabbai Mpia as a most suit- 
 able missionary station. 
 
 The ensuing twelvemonth was a period of varied 
 experience and suffering. After the rainy season, 
 in March 1845, I left Mombaz on a trip to Taka- 
 ungu, exploring the coast and its inunediate interior
 
 152 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 
 
 at the same time, visiting Emberria in August, 
 and Kambe and Jibana in September. At the 
 beginning of October I had a violent attack of fever, 
 brought on by exposure to the sun, while I was 
 engaged on the fiat roof of my house at Mombaz 
 in superintending the construction of a room des- 
 tined for my colleague, the missionary Rebmann, 
 whose arrival from England was daily expected. On 
 the 1st of December, being a little recovered, and 
 having formerly felt the good effects of the sea air, 
 I took a trip to Zanzibar, where I received much 
 kindness from the English consul, Major Hamerton. 
 Three months later I took another sea trip, and 
 explored among other places the ruined and de- 
 serted town of Malindi, which might again be a 
 populous and flourishing port, serving as an im- 
 portant missionary centre, were the English to occupy 
 it as they have done Aden. At last on the 10th 
 of June 1846 my dear and long-expected fellow- 
 labourer, Rebmann, arrived at Mombaz. A native of 
 Grerlingen, in Wiirtemberg, he had gone through the 
 preparatory studies for the missionary vocation. 
 After a few days he, too, was attacked by fever, but 
 soon recovered sufficiently to accompany me to 
 Rabbai Mpia, to receive the assent of the elders to 
 the establishment of a missionary-station there. 
 
 When we arrived at Rabbai Mpia twelve chiefs 
 were immediately summoned to a Maneno or pa- 
 laver. They seated themselves on the ground, as 
 did Rebmann and myself, along with Abdallah ; and
 
 MOMBAZ EXCUESIONS ON THE MAIN -LAND. 153 
 
 I tlien introduced my beloved fellow-labourer to the 
 chiefs, and asked for the same friendly reception for 
 him which had been given to myself, which was 
 promised with pleasure. I then explained the object 
 of the mission, remarking that I had now visited 
 the whole of the Wanika-land, and was convinced 
 that we should be welcomed in every village. To 
 this tliey assented. But, I continued, Rabbai Mpia 
 seemed to me the place best suited for our object ; 
 and that as here I had met with more kindness 
 than anywhere else I asked them whether they 
 would consent to our establishing ourselves among 
 them. Immediately and without any stij)ulation, 
 even without asking after African fashion for a 
 present, they responded, "Yes!" and truly with one 
 heart and mouth. They gave us the strongest assur- 
 ances of friendship ; the whole country should be 
 open to us; we might jom'ney whithersoever we 
 pleased; they would defend us to the uttermost; 
 we should be the kings of the land, &c. When 
 we then spoke of dwelling-places, they replied: 
 " The birds have nests, and the Wasungu (Euro- 
 peans) too, must have houses." I mentioned to 
 them two huts, which at that very time were un- 
 inhabited, and asked them to repair and improve 
 them, until we were ready to remove from Mombaz 
 to Rabbai, and this was assented to most will- 
 ingly. " It was wonderful," says Rebmann, in a 
 letter to the conmiittee, "to see howEjrapf's labours 
 have not been in vain ; for this willingness, though 
 little less than a direct manifestation of God in the
 
 154 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 
 
 wilderness, must also, in some measure, be considered 
 as the fruit of his exertions." 
 
 Scarcely had we returned to Mombaz, when we 
 were both attacked by fever, and a whole month 
 elapsed before Rebmann was convalescent. In the 
 interval I visited the chiefs of Rabbai Mpia to see 
 how they were getting on mth the house ; no pro- 
 gress, however, had been made, the chiefs excusing 
 themselves on account of the labours of the field. At 
 last on the 22nd of August I sailed Trtdth my dear 
 fellow-labom-er for Abdallah's plantation, but was im- 
 mediately on my arrival attacked by fever. The 
 chiefs of Rabbai Mpia visited us in the evening, and 
 fixed on the 25th as the day of om* entry into 
 the village. On the morning of that day, I had 
 another severe attack of fever, but it did not keep 
 me from journeying thither. Whether the result be 
 life or death, I said to myself, the mission must be 
 begun ; and with this resolve, and an inward prayer 
 for succour, I tottered along by the side of Rebmann, 
 who was likewise very weak and could scarcely walk. 
 We therefore determined to ride by turns on our 
 single ass, but after some time I was quite unable to 
 go on foot and obliged to monopolize the beast. 
 With much pain I ascended the steep hill, which 
 even without a rider the ass could scarcely have 
 mounted, and Rebmann, also, could only clamber up 
 by the most painful exertion. Scarcely ever was a 
 mission begun in such weakness; but so it was to 
 be, that we might neither boast of our own strength, 
 nor our successors forget that in working out His
 
 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 155 
 
 purposes, God sanctifies even our human infirmities 
 to the fulfihnent of His ends. 
 
 It was surprising how my physical strength in- 
 creased the higher I ascended. The cool air was a 
 genuine stimulant. Arrived at the summitj I felt my- 
 self, nevertheless, quite exhausted, and was obliged 
 at once to lie down on a cow-hide in the house of 
 the chief Jindoa, where I slept for several hours. 
 The sleep was so refreshing that I awoke with the 
 consciousness and strength of convalescence. The 
 chiefs then came in a body to greet us and to fix 
 the day for the commencement of the building. 
 They wished themselves to build, and we were to 
 give in return a present of fixed amount. Some 
 days afterwards, they brought building materials, 
 but the business went on so slowly that they had 
 to be reminded of the promise ; for the house in 
 which we remained during the interval was so damp 
 and small, that we feared we should not be able to 
 make a long residence in it. At last on the 1 6th of Sep- 
 tember the new house was roofed in, and thus the work 
 of the Wanika ended. We were now obliged to do 
 the rest of it mostly with our own hands. The Wanika 
 indeed removed the bushes and grass from the 
 ground ; but they merely wished to stick the stakes of 
 the walls only in a superficial manner into the soil, 
 which by no means suited our views, and so we had 
 ourselves first to dig a foundation, breaking up the 
 ground for nearly two feet, that we might fix the 
 poles more firmly. As in places there were blocks 
 of stone under the slight soil, these had first
 
 156 MOMBAZ EXCUESIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 
 
 to bo (lug out or broken into pieces, and in the heat 
 of the sun, in our weak state of health, this was no 
 sliglit toil. The house was twenty-four feet long, 
 and eighteen feet in width and height ; the walls 
 were plastered with mud mthin and without, the 
 roof being covered with Makuti, i.e., the plaited 
 leaves of the cocoa-nut tree. Our new home lay in 
 a grove of these trees, from 800 to 1000 feet above 
 the sea, and from which the fortress of Mombaz and 
 the ships in the harbour are visible. The excellent 
 air, as well as the healthful work of breaking the 
 stones and felling and hewing the trees, had a good 
 effect on the feverish health of both of us, and so far 
 it was well that we were obliged to take the labour 
 of building into our own hands ; for all that the 
 Wanika would have done would have been done 
 wretchedly and superficially. If any one had seen 
 us then and there in dirty and tattered clothes, 
 bleeding from wounds caused by the thorns and 
 stones, flinging mud on the walls in the native fashion 
 and plastering it with the palm of our hands, 
 he would scarcely have looked upon us as clergy- 
 men. But a missionary must not let trifles put 
 him out ; he must learn to be high and to be lowly 
 for the sake of his Master's work ; and with all this 
 toil our hearts were made glad, even more so than 
 in quiet times, before and afterwards. During every 
 interval of rest, I persevered with the translation 
 which I had begun, though often dm-ing the renewed 
 attacks of fever, the thought would arise that even 
 before the commencement of my proper missionary
 
 MOMBAZ EXCUKSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 157 
 
 labours I might be summoned into eternity. At 
 such times I consoled myself with the reflection, that 
 the Lord, even if it should please Him to take me 
 hence, had given me a faithful fellow-labourer by 
 whom the good work would be continued. Mean- 
 while, I often prayed fervently for the preservation 
 of my life in Africa, at least until one soul should be 
 saved ; for I was certain that if once a single stone 
 of the spiritual temple were laid in any country, the 
 Lord would bless the work, and continue the struc- 
 ture, by the conversion of those who were now 
 sitting in darkness and in the shadow of death, 
 and to whom our missionary labours were but as the 
 dawn of the day-star from on High.* 
 
 After the erection of the house we had to attend 
 to many other little building matters — kitchen, 
 stable, store-house, oven, and especially a hut for 
 public worship, were all to be provided. All this 
 went on slowly ; for the elders were very dilatory in 
 bringing the building materials, although well paid. 
 On the first Sunday after the erection of the hut for 
 public worship some twelve to fifteen Wanika 
 assembled in it, and I exj)lained to them the pur- 
 pose for which it had been built and invited them 
 to come again every Sunday, and listen to God's 
 holy word. When I had finished my address a 
 
 * That I was not mistaken or disappointed in this fervent hope and 
 belief will be seen from a communication of my fiiend Eebmann dated 
 Zanzibar, December 15, 1858, in which he writes to the committee, 
 that on his return to Rabbai Mpia six "Wanika were ready to become 
 Christians through the instrumentality of Abbe Gunya, the first con- 
 vert. — Vide the Chiu'ch Missionary Record, July, 1859, pp. 213-217.
 
 158 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 
 
 Mnika, Abbe Kondi by name, from Jembeni, aaked 
 what we would give the Wanika to eat, if they 
 were to come here every Siku ku (great day, 
 Smiday). If tlie Wanika received rice and a cow, 
 they would always come; but if not, they would stay 
 away ; for no Mnika went to a maneno (palaver) 
 without eating and drinking. This was rather a 
 humbling experience for the day of our little 
 church's consecration ; but we consoled ourselves Tvdth 
 the thought that the Jews preferred to look upon 
 our Divine Master rather as upon an earthly king, 
 than as upon the King eternal, the only wise God. 
 I therefore found it necessary to make house-to- 
 house visits to prepare the Wanika for public 
 worship, and to announce to them the day on which 
 Christians keep their Sabbath. Every Sunday 
 morning, I gave a signal by firing off a gun once or 
 twice, and afterwards by ringing a small bell which 
 had been sent us from London to Rabbai Mpia. 
 Besides this, we tried to familiarize the people Avith 
 ' the Clu-istian Sunday by buying nothing on that day ; 
 by not allowing our servants to do any work on 
 it; and by wearing holiday clothes on it to en- 
 hance the significance of the day. In this way the 
 Wanika attained by degrees a notion of Sunday, 
 and an insight into the fact that Cliristians do not 
 pass that holy day in eating and di-inking like Mo- 
 I hammedans and heathens, but wdth prayer and 
 I meditation on the word of God in peaceful quiet 
 and simplicity. 
 
 After the work of building was over I began to
 
 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 159 
 
 visit the neighbouring hamlets and plantations of 
 the Wanika to speak to them about the salvation of 
 their souls, and to open up to them the kingdom of 
 Heaven. My dear fellow-labourer Rebmann had to 
 learn the language, and to look after much that was 
 needful in the house arrangements ; on which ac- 
 count it was only later that he could enter upon the 
 sphere of direct missionary labour. "When he could 
 speak the language tolerably he undertook the in- 
 struction of some boys, among whom was the son 
 of our chief, Jindoa, a lad of ten, who learned to 
 read fairly, and to write a little. But, alas ! he gave 
 up learning as he grew older because we would 
 or could not satisfy his desu'e for clothing and 
 other visible and material things. In my own ex- 
 cursions from Rabbai Mpia among the Rabbai tribe, 
 which altogether does not amount to more than 
 4000 souls, I was in the habit of visiting hamlets 
 and plantations with a collective population of 
 perhaps about 3000. The number of all the Wanika, 
 forming twelve tribes, may amount to about 50,000, 
 in which are included some 30,000, composing the 
 Wadigo tribes to the south of Mombaz. In the 
 course of time it became ever more evident to us, 
 impressing itself upon us with all the force of a posi- 
 tive command, that it was om' duty not to limit oui* 
 missionary labours to the coast tribes of the Suahili 
 and Wanika, but to keep in mind as well the 
 spiritual darkness of the tribes and nations of Inner 
 Africa. This consideration induced us to take those 
 important journeys into the interior, a detailed
 
 160 MOMBAZ EXCURSIONS ON THE MAIN-LAND. 
 
 narrative of which will be found in the second por- 
 tion of the present volume. But before I conclude 
 this fii'st part, I would give some extracts from my 
 jom'nals as calculated to throw light j)artly on the 
 district of Rabbai Mpia and the surrounding country, 
 and partly on the manners and customs of the Wanika 
 and Suahili. vx
 
 161 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 RABBAI MPIA ^EXTRACTS FEOM JOUENALS. 
 
 Retrospect of the past year, and hopes for the future — The women's 
 Muansa — Wanika self-conceit — The Muansa ; nature of the impos- 
 ture and its political uses — Trip to Zanzibar and interview with 
 the Sultan — Liverpool speculation on the East coast — Antimony- 
 mines and their tipsy owners — "Wanika and Zulus — Gardening 
 begun — The god of the "Wanika — Remonstrant chiefs and the 
 author's successful protest against their superstition — Rain-making 
 and rain-makers — ^A "Wanika Dream-woman — Stories of canni- 
 bals and pigmies in the interior — Theory of their origin, and com- 
 parison with Abessinian fables — ^View of Kilibassi and Kadiaro — 
 A Kinika Primer — Trial by ordeal among the "Wanika — Curious 
 details — The begging habits of the Wanika and savages in general 
 — The author's advice to missionaries — The Koma : "Wanika belief 
 in a continuance of being after death — Attack on a Mnika by a 
 Mkamba: condolence-custom of the Wanika — Retrospect of a 
 year at Rabbai Mpia — Mercies and achievements — Projected visit 
 to Kadiaro — Suahili notion of the end of the world and its pro- 
 bable origia — An intelligent Mohammedan : his request for wine 
 refused — Rebmann's journey to and return from Kadiaro — 
 Public worship and Kiaika hymn — Results of civilization "pure 
 and simple" — Retrospect of another year : difficulties and hopes. 
 
 January^ 1847. — At the beginning of this year, I 
 find the following remarks in my diary : — 
 
 During the past twelvemonth I have suffered mucli, 
 and have been often and dangerously ill. On the 
 other hand, I have had much to be gratefid for in the 
 arrival of my beloved fellow-labourer, the missionary
 
 162 RABBAI MPIA EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 Rebmann, and in the establishment of a missionary- 
 station at Rabbai Mpia, which I pray and hope may 
 become a Zion, whence the law of the Lord will 
 dawn on the benighted African. May the Lord, 
 during the new year, enable us to increase the num- 
 ber of souls sincerely seeking after Clirist ! Above 
 all, may my communion with God be quickening 
 and inmost, so that I may not, like those we are told 
 of in Scripture, be building a Koah's ark for others, 
 while I myself perish. Amen. 
 
 To-day there were many Wanika here, especially 
 of the tribe Kiriama. I devote particular attention to 
 strangers, and endeavour to imj^lant in them a know- 
 ledge of the Word of God as comprehensive as possi- 
 ble, because they are in a position to publish in dis- 
 tant regions what they hear from the missionaries. 
 
 15M January. — Last night heathenism showed itself 
 again and strikingly in its most gloomy and im- 
 moral colom'S. The women of Rabbai Mpia and 
 its enwons assembled towards evening in the vil- 
 lage ; went in procession along the roads and sang, 
 danced, and played on the women's Muansa the 
 livelong night, so that the noise was over only with 
 daybreak. The women presented themselves before 
 each house and asked for a present ; but when they 
 came before our door, I told them that if they 
 were doing any good work we would gladl}- give 
 something ; but it went against our conscience, and 
 the object of our settlement among them, to reward 
 the works of darkness ; adding, that they knew full 
 well that we should recompense them if the}^ would
 
 EABBAI MPIA EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 163 
 
 clear the village of the withered grass which might 
 cause a conflagration. 
 
 Nominally, no men are allowed to be present at 
 these festivals of the women, but the immoralities and 
 abominations practised on such occasions in the 
 neighbouiing wood are Avell knowm to every one. 
 Among the Wanika every age and sex has, at 
 appointed times, certain festivities which begin and 
 end with gluttony and di'unkenness. First, the chiefs 
 have their feasts, then the young men, and, lastly, the 
 boys ; and it is the same with the women, old and 
 young. It would seem that these festi^dties bind the 
 people together; for no one may be absent from 
 these festive meetings but at the risk of being fined 
 a goat or a cow; and thus they form strong bul- 
 warks against missionary labour. 
 
 Vlth January. — To-day I had a visit from a 
 Mnika, whom I reproved for saying that he had 
 done a good work in pom'ing some palm wine over 
 the gTave of his father. Wlien I spoke of sins and 
 transgressions he said, ''We are good people, 
 who is it has been defaming us to you?" I read 
 Romans i., and showed him that most of the sins 
 mentioned there are rife among the Wanika, a posi- 
 tion which he could not deny. 
 
 2nd February. — To-day the chief and some other 
 Wanika advised us to close the doors of our house, 
 as the Muansa was to roar. I reproved them for 
 their superstition, and theu- deceit in leading the 
 people to believe that the Muansa is a mid beast 
 making a noise in the wood, whereas it is in reality 
 
 M
 
 164 RABBAI MPIA EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 nothing but the stem of a tree hollowed out, which 
 is made to give forth a frightful sound by rubbing. 
 I could not, I told them, be silent at such sinful 
 doings, and woidd leave my house-door open to 
 show that I was not afraid of their superstitions and 
 evil spirits. 
 
 Aith February. — In the afternoon after the women 
 had cleared the grass, &c. from the pathways of 
 the ^^llage the elders made their appearance Tvdth 
 strange musical instruments, Avhich gave out a sound 
 very similar to that of a weaver's spool thrown 
 backwards and fonvards. We left the doors of 
 our house open ; so when the procession of the elders 
 came near, one of them suddenly approached and 
 shut the door to, which I immediately re-opened, 
 protesting against their works of darkness ; upon 
 which they then betook themselves to the Moroni, or 
 council-house, where the Muansa-wa-KuiTi had al- 
 ready begun to play, or rather to bellow. At 
 nightfall the shrieking, dancing, singing, and shout- 
 ing of the elders, with the bellowing of the 
 Muansa, made up a frightful noise; and this wild 
 tumult lasted all night, so that we were often 
 awakened from our sleep, when the blind and mad 
 servants of the Muansa passed the house. As may 
 be expected, they fortified themselves, from tune to 
 time, with large draughts of pahn-^dne, which 
 rekindled their flagging powers, and rendered them 
 more uproarious. 
 
 On my asking what the Muansa really was and 
 what it meant a Mnika answered, that he could not
 
 RABBAI MPIA EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 165 
 
 say ; for no one not an elder was allowed to see the 
 instrument. If childi-en or women were to see it 
 they would immediately fall down dead, or the 
 women, at least, would not bear any more children. 
 As soon, therefore, as those who are not summoned 
 hear the bellow of the Muansa, which is always 
 played in the forest, even from a distance, they must 
 hide in the wood or in a house, and whoever neg- 
 lects to do so has to pay the penalty of a cow or 
 a couple of oxen. It is evident that the elders use 
 this instrument to retain the people in fear or sub- 
 jection; for the Muansa forms the centre of their 
 ci^dc and religious life ; and when the Wanika 
 sacrifice and pray for rain, or are going to strangle 
 a mis-shapen child in the wood, or promulgate any 
 new laws, it is always brought into play. Only cer- 
 tain individuals are initiated into the mystery of 
 the Muansa, and the initiation is accompanied by a 
 plentiful donation of rice, palm-wine, meat, &c., made 
 by the person who wishes to be initiated. The 
 instrument itself can be purchased by any Mnika 
 who is willing to be at the expense for the sum of 
 from three to four dollars; or he may get a car- 
 penter to make one for that smn. The possessor of it 
 enjoys the pri^dlege of participating in all carou- 
 sals, and altogether becomes a person of import- 
 ance and influence among his republican fellow- 
 countr^Tnen, with whom those alone rank high who 
 are distinguished by wealth, generosity, the power 
 of eloquence, or by some deed or other of self-sacrifice. 
 The Muansa is said to have been introduced by the 
 
 M 2
 
 IGG RABBAI MPIA — EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 southern Wanika, the so-called Wadigo; and the 
 Wakamba, Wateita, Wajagga, and other trib^, are 
 not acquainted with it and its solemnities. / 
 
 llt/i March. — On the 5th, we had received letters 
 from Em^ope, India, and Zanzibar, by the arrival of 
 the ship Anne from Liverpool, commanded by Cap- 
 tain Parker, and on the 7th, we set sail from Mombaz 
 in an Arabian vessel for the latter place ; my friend, 
 Rebmann, and I thinking that the voyage would do 
 good to our health, which was still impaired by recent 
 attacks of fever. We reached Zanzibar on the 9tli, 
 and to-day we waited upon the Sultan, who, as usual, 
 was very friendly. He said that the Wanika were 
 bad people, and that we ought, therefore, to reside 
 in Mombaz rather than in the Wanika-land. I re- 
 marked that the inhabitants of the South Sea islands 
 had been still worse than the Wanika, who were not 
 cannibals, like them. European teachers had gone 
 to these cannibals, had taught them out of the Word 
 of God, and they were now quite different men. 
 The Sultan rejoined : "If that be so, it is all right ; 
 you may stay among the Wanika as long as you 
 choose, and do, whatever you please." 
 
 \bth March. — As Captain Pain, of the Prince of 
 Wales, of Liverpool, offered us a passage in his ship 
 to Mombaz, we availed ourselves of the opportunity 
 to retm-n home to Rabbai Mpia. On the voyage 
 we met Captain Parker in the ship Ann, and he 
 induced Captain Pain to return to Zanzibar. (Cap- 
 tain Parker was the agent of a commercial company 
 in Liverpool with a capital of £70,000, which
 
 RABBAI MPLi EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 167 
 
 Avished to trade with Eastern Afi'ica, but was soon 
 obliged to give up the enterprise mth loss as quite 
 unprofitable, which information was given me by 
 Europeans at Zanzibar some time after.) 
 
 19t/i March. — Yesterday, after Captain Parker had 
 finished his business in Zanzibar he came to us on 
 board the ''Prince of Wales," just as Captain Pain 
 was about to sail to Mombaz ; and to-day, we ar- 
 rived at the island. Captain Parker wished me to 
 accompany him to the Wanika and Dm-uma, where 
 he intended to purchase fi^-om the chiefs the mines of 
 antimony which exist there, and to pave the way 
 for working them ; but as I foresaw that the enter- 
 prise would displease the Sultan of Zanzibar ; that 
 the "Wanika chiefs would suspect the missionaries of 
 wishing to sell their country to the Europeans ; and 
 also that the powder and shot which he thought of 
 disposing of to the Suahilis would do no good, I 
 declined his projoosal. 
 
 2Zrd March. — Mr. P. paid a visit to the Durunia 
 chiefs, but found them so tipsy that he could do 
 nothing with them. He was so frightened by their 
 demeanour and savage appearance, that he gave 
 them at once the presents which he had brought 
 for them, and then quitted them without fiu-ther 
 parley. He said that he thought the Wanika were 
 fifty times worse than the Zulus in South Africa, 
 with whom he had become acquainted ; and certainly 
 as regards drunkenness, this opinion may be the 
 true one, but in every other respect the Wanika 
 are far superior to the Zulus.
 
 168 KABBAI MPIA EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 Slst March. — After our return to Rabbai we began 
 to lay out a garden, in doing which we had to bum 
 a great many weeds, and this gave me occasion 
 to show to our Wanika visitors, how the weeds of 
 the heart, too, must be destroyed, if the heart is 
 to become a garden and fitting abode for God's Spirit. 
 
 14:th April. — To-day my fellow-labom-er, Reb- 
 mann, planted a number of potatoes, and sowed seeds 
 of different kinds received from Europe and India. 
 
 22nd April. — The Wanika offered to-day a Sadaka 
 . or sacrifice, partly to obtain rain, and partly for the 
 sake of a man who had died. A black sheep was 
 slaughtered ; the blood was spilt on the grave, whilst 
 the spiller ejaculated: — "May there soon be rain; 
 may the dead man enjoy repose ; may the sick be 
 ij healed," &c. 
 
 To the question, what precise meaning the Wa- 
 nika attach to the word Mulungu? one said that 
 Mulungu was thunder ; some thought it meant hea- 
 ven, the visible sky ; some, again, were of opinion 
 that Mulungu was the being who caused diseases ; 
 whilst others, however, still held fast to a feeble 
 notion of a Supreme Being as expressed by that word. 
 Some, too, believe that every man becomes a 
 Mulungu after death. 
 
 SOth April. — To-day, several chiefs came to ask 
 
 |Us why we did not shut our doors when the Muansa 
 
 jpassed our house ; even the Mohammedans shut 
 
 I their doors, why did we not act like they did ? We 
 
 replied that we arc not Mohammedans who, like the 
 
 Wanika, love the works of darkness ; that we have
 
 KABBAI MPIA EXTRACTS FEOM JOURNALS. 169 
 
 come to the Wanika-land to give a testimony against 
 the works of darkness, and to exhort the Wanika to 
 tm-n to the living God; that we are not afraid of the 
 Muansa, because we know that it is only a piece of 
 wood, which the sooner they burn the better; 
 and that it would be more pleasing to God, 
 if after bm^ning the Muansa, they were to build a 
 school-house, and admonish the children to come to 
 us to be taught. Further, that the cliiefs ought to 
 be the first to set a good example, and allow them- 
 selves to be instructed in the gospel; their doing 
 which would bring a blessing upon the country, so 
 that they would no longer find it necessary to rule 
 over the people by means of deception. Whoso 
 honours God, God will honoirr ; and the people would 
 obey them better and more sincerely than now, when 
 they are obliged to comj)el obedience by supersti- 
 tious and sensual practices. A^liilst speaking thus 
 earnestly and solemnly, one of the cliiefs said to me : 
 ^' You are a time magician," by which he meant, 
 jl " We cannot resist your eloquence." The chiefs 
 then announced, repeatedly, that they would make 
 an exception in our case and would not pmiish us 
 I when we looked at the Muansa, but the Wanika 
 ; shoidd be punished if they did not shut up their 
 , huts when it passed by. 
 
 10//^ 3fay. — * * * Noteworthy is the faith of 
 the Wakamba in rain-makers, who every where play 
 a prominent part in Eastern Afi'ica. Among the 
 Wanika there are certain families which lay claim to 
 a power of causing it to rain, and maintain that j
 
 170 RABIiAI MPIA EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 this great secret can be transmitted from father to 
 son. This hereditary dignity of rain-making gives 
 them great importance among the people, which 
 naturally leads them to do their utmost to encourage 
 the belief. Observing carefully the state of the 
 weather, and knowing fr'om long experience about 
 the time when the earliest rain is to fall, they forth- 
 with call upon the chiefs to offer up a sacrifice. 
 These again command the people to make a Zansi, 
 i. e.^ to contribute to the purchase of a cow or a 
 sheep for the rain-sacrifice. If the rain comes, it is 
 of com'se ascribed to the power of the rain-maker ; 
 but if it does not, the cunning rain-maker manages 
 to get up another sacrifice ; but fixes on such a 
 colour for the sacrificial animal, that some time must 
 elapse before a suitable one can be found. Mean- 
 while the rain comes do^vTi, and the cheat has got 
 out of the difiiculty. The rain-makers seem, too, to 
 have a kind of thermometer made of a peculiar wood, 
 which they place in the water; and observe, moreover, 
 the course of the clouds, which are generally drawn to 
 jthe summits of the mountains. There are, however, 
 many Wanika who look upon rain-making as mere 
 Mateso, or artifice; and as a tradition T^'ithout the 
 least foundation in reality. The Wanika attach gi-eat 
 importance to the song and flight of birds, and 
 undertake or neglect much in accordance with both, 
 papng special attention to bii'ds when midertak- 
 ing a journey. The medicine men (Waganga) dili- 
 gently observe the natm^e of gi^asses, j^lants, &c., but 
 envelope the healing art in superstitious ceremonies.
 
 ' EABBAI MPIA EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 171 
 
 11 th May. — I went into the plantations of the 
 Wanika to read the Word and to preach, but found 
 only a few persons there. I heard from a woman of 
 the name of Amehari Pegue, that she often ordained 
 sacrifices for the dead, and for other events requiring 
 them. She is said suddenly to set up a cry at night, 
 and tell the people that the Koma, or spirit, of this or 
 that dead person has appeared to her in a dream and 
 ordered the offering up of a sacrifice for some certain 
 individual, or for some threatened calamity coming 
 upon the land. Those present ask the di^eamer of 
 what the sacrifice is to consist, and she replies, per- 
 haps, that it must be a red or black sheep, or a cow. 
 The order is communicated next morning to the 
 chiefs, or to the relations of the deceased, and the 
 sacrifice must forthwith be made. As a matter of 
 course the dreamer, the Alosaye, receives, as well as the 
 chiefs, her share of the sacrificial meat. The woman, 
 who is probably hysterical, is said to eat and drink 
 but seldom ; but no doubt there is a great deal of 
 deception in the backgromid. The chiefs have not 
 power enough to procure respect for the laws, and, 
 therefore, put into the mouth of the dreamer what she 
 is to announce to the people as the revelations of a 
 Koma. The chiefs are often hungry and long for a 
 feast, and then the holy woman must come to 
 their aid, and help to levy a sacrifice on the people. 
 
 13^^ May. — * * * Our servant Amri told us 
 some fabulous tales of the Wabilikimo, that is, of 
 the pigmies, and cannibals in the interior. There 
 is said to be a tribe in the interior by whom human
 
 172 RAI3BAI MPIA EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. ' 
 
 beings arc fattened for slaughter. A Mnika, it appears, 
 once escaped from a house, where he was to have been 
 slaughtered for dinner. Tlie Wabilikimo in the inte- 
 rior, it would seem, place low seats for their stranger- 
 guests, which by the pressure fix themselves to the seat 
 of honour, and hinder them from rising. I conjecture 
 that these stories have been invented by the Wa- 
 kamba and the caravan leaders, in order to deter 
 the inhabitants of the coast from journeying into 
 the interior, so that their monopoly of the trade with 
 the interior may not be interfered with. In 
 Abessinia, too, I used to hear similar stories of 
 cannibals, invented by the slave dealers, to terrify 
 the slaves with the fear of being eaten up if they 
 were to loiter on the road or run away. 
 
 22nd May. — To-day, Rebmann and I made an 
 excursion to the Wakamba in the neighbourhood. 
 We saw quite distinctly the mountains, Kilibassi 
 and Kadiaro, which rise out of the plain towards 
 the south-west, some four days' jomney from this. 
 The Wakamba carry on a trade in cattle, and a j 
 lucrative one in ivorv with the interior, and have \ 
 
 begun, too, to cultivate the soil and to grow rice, 
 Indian corn, cassia, &c. 
 
 24fA Maij. — I began to prepare a primer in the 
 Kinika language. Many Wanika looked in to speak 
 to us, and we discoursed with them on the one thing 
 necessary for salvation. 
 
 2^th June. — To-day, we received the following 
 details respecting the oaths and ordeals in use among 
 the Wanika : —
 
 RABBAI MPIA EXTRACTS FROil JOURNALS. 173 
 
 1. Kinipo ja Zoka, the ordeal of the hatchet. 
 The magician who administers the oath, and per- 
 forms the other ceremonies in connection with it, 
 takes the hand of the siq^posed thief, or criminal, and 
 makes him repeat as follows : " If I have stolen the 
 
 proj^erty of (naming the person), or committed 
 
 this crime, let Mulmigu (Heaven) respond for me; 
 but if I have not stolen, nor done this mckedness, 
 may he save me." After these words, the magician 
 passes the red hot iron fom* times over the flat hand 
 of the accused ; and the AYakamba believe that if he 
 is guilty, his hand mil be bm'nt, but if innocent, 
 that he will suifer no injury. In the former case, 
 the accused must undergo the punishment for the 
 alleged crime, whether he confess it himself, or not, 
 Mulungu having responded by means of the ordeal. 
 
 2. Kirapo ja jungii ja Gnandu, the ordeal of 
 the copper kettle. The magician takes an empty 
 copper kettle, makes it red hot, and casts into it 
 a stone called Mango, which emits sparks. He 
 then adds the " Raha ya Gnonsi," a portion of a 
 slaughtered goat, saying to the accused, '' Heia 
 lomborera," come, say thy prayer; to which the 
 latter responds: "May God let me have justice." 
 Then the suppliant reaches with his hand into 
 the kettle, and takes out the glowing stone ; and, 
 if guilty, his hand and face are burnt ; if innocent, 
 no harm happens to him. 
 
 3. Kirapo ja Sumha, the ordeal of the needle. 
 The magician takes a thick needle, makes it red 
 hot, and di^aws it through the lips of the alleged
 
 174 RABRAI MPIA EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 criminal. If guilty, a quantity of blood ^s^ll flow 
 from the wound, but none if innocent. 
 
 4. Kirapo ja Kikahe, the ordeal of the piece 
 of bread. The accused has to eat a piece of bread 
 which has been poisoned. If innocent he will swal- 
 low it T\'ithout trouble : if guilty, it will stick in his 
 throat, and can only be ejected with considerable pain 
 and loss of blood. Instead of bread, rice is often used. 
 
 On such occasions, the magician receives a piece 
 of clothing from the accused and from the accuser 
 by way of recompense. 
 
 29 M June. — In the course of the day, we learned 
 that the chiefs had punished a boy for not hiding 
 himself as the Muansa passed by. I told our chief, 
 who made me a call, that they had condemned 
 an innocent person, and that the lad had done 
 notliing wrong. The chief replied that the young 
 people would take to our ''Ada," or customs, but 
 that the others were too old. Fmiihermore he 
 observed that he would call together the other chiefs 
 and put an end to the Muansa if they were Tsilling 
 to do so ; but of himself he could do nothing. I 
 regarded these remarks simply as complimentary, 
 though I believe he would abrogate these feasts 
 and much more if he had the power, or if the 
 other chiefs would aid him. I censured his 
 nephew for his laziness and dininkenness, as well 
 as for the constant habit of begging, which made 
 him extremely burdensome to us; for no one 
 who has not personally experienced it, can imagine 
 wliat annoyance is caused to missionaries bv
 
 RABBAI MPIA EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 175 
 
 these begging propensities of the heathen, who beg 
 every thing they see. If a Mnika, or Mkamba, 
 or Suahili, wants anything, he says : "I am going 
 to the Msungu (Eui'opean) and will ask it of him ; 
 he will not refuse it me." So it often came about 
 that om' house was like a shop where there are 
 customers in abundance, except that in our case they 
 were customers who wished to have every thing for 
 nothing. One wanted a hatchet, another a garment, 
 a third needles, a fomi;h a dollar, a fifth salt or 
 pepper, a sixth physic, and so in one day we some- 
 times had fifteen or twenty applicants, all begging, 
 and often after a very cunning fashion. How is one 
 to act in such a case ? A missionary cannot give to 
 all, but neither can he refuse all. Were he to be 
 guided only by a sense of what is right, there would 
 be an end to his usefulness ; for the heathen would say : 
 " He does not himself practise what he preaches to 
 us ; he preaches love and self-denial, and he does not 
 practise them ; let the Msungu show us a good life, 
 then we may believe that his doctrine is good also." 
 As the result of many years' experience, I would 
 advise every missionary, no less for the sake of his call- 
 ing than for his own, to bear this persecution patiently, 
 and to give as much as he can, letting wisdom and 
 prudence be his giiide. AYhat is given is not lost 
 if it be given from love, and for his Master's sake. 
 A missionary has not the gift of miracles like the 
 apostles; but love, humility, patience, and self- 
 denial all work wonders, Avhich, even in our day, 
 have a mighty power of attraction for the heathen.
 
 176 RABBAI MPIA EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 Tliey ask themselves and each other : " How comes 
 it that this man denies himself so much for our sake, 
 and does us so much good ? His book, which 
 teaches him thus to act must be good ; let us there- 
 fore also seek to become acquainted with it." 
 
 'ith August. — * * * It is clear that the Wa- 
 nika ascribe a higher natm^e and power to the 
 Koma, the spirits or shades of the dead, just as the 
 Romanists do to the saints ; but the Wanika have no 
 image or idol of the Koma, nor indeed of any kind 
 whatsoever. The Koma, they say, is at one time 
 in the grave, then above the earth, or in thunder 
 and lightning as it lists ; it cannot, however, be seen, 
 although it receives the gifts which are offered to 
 it, and is appeased by them and rendered friendly 
 to the living. The chief resting-place of the Koma 
 is in or about the Kaya, the central point or chief 
 to^^ai of the tribe, where a hut is erected for its 
 habitation ; and in that hut, all property deposited 
 by the people is safe, for a Kirapo, talisman, is sus- 
 pended in it, which prevents the approach of thieves. 
 As the Koma dwells in preference at the Kaya, the 
 people often bring their dead from a great distance 
 thither ; and even disinter them in distant localities, 
 and transport them for reinterment to the grave- 
 yard at the Kaya, thinking that they find there 
 greater repose — so gi-eat is the longing of man's 
 nature for rest after death. It is clear from this 
 faith in the Koma, that the Wanika have some idea 
 of a futm-e state after death, and that idea gives a 
 missionary a common point to start from; whilst
 
 RABBAI MPIA EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 177 
 
 heathenism which affords none such would be a very 
 difficult one for missionaries to contend with; but 
 there is none of that sort in Eastern Africa. 
 
 1 1th August. — Last night our store-room was 
 entered by thieves, and a quantity of victuals, along 
 with tools, nails, &c., stolen; for as the Wanika had 
 never yet robbed us of even the smallest article, we 
 had not thought it necessary to lock it up. The 
 Wanika have many bad habits, but are seldom or 
 never thieves ; and, indeed, whatever we have 
 happened to leave out of doors, has always been 
 honestly retm^ned to us by the finder. (It turned 
 out afterwards, that the robbery had been committed 
 by Suahili.) 
 
 22nd August. — To-day a circiunstance happened 
 which might easily have led to very serious conse- 
 quences. A Mkamba had for a long time been 
 on terms of hostility with the son of one of our 
 chiefs of Rabbai Mpia. This morning the Mkamba 
 saw the latter in his plantation, when he rushed 
 upon him and gave him a sabre-stroke over the head, 
 ears, and shoulders. As soon as the young men of 
 Eabbai heard the news, they seized their arms and 
 proposed to attack the neighbom-ing village of the 
 Wakamba, the inhabitants of wliich were already 
 beginning to fly ; but the Rabbai chiefs interposed, 
 and pacified the young warriors, by telling them 
 that the Kaya, or chief-towTi of Rabbai, ought first 
 to be placed in a state of defence, and the fruits of 
 the field brought home, before war was waged on the 
 Wakamba ; and this produced the desired effect.
 
 178 RABBAI MPIA EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 It was a lucky thing that the wounded man was 
 not killed ; for now, as soon as he is well again, the 
 matter will be peacefully arranged by the payment 
 of four or five coins to the wounded man by the 
 Mkamba. For the present, he has sent a sheep, 
 whose blood was pom-ed out in the presence of the 
 womided Mnika, which is a preliminary act of recon- 
 ciUation, and a token that the culprit seeks the 
 pardon of his victim, and is ready to pay such a fine 
 as will restore peace between them. 
 
 2oth August. — It is a year to-day since we arrived 
 here. How much grace and mercy has the Lord 
 sho^v^i to His servants dm-ing this year ! How 
 mightily has He preserved us within and without ! 
 By His aid we have had access to this people ; have 
 built a habitation to dwell in, and above all, have 
 raised a humble fane, though but a poor hut, for 
 worship ; have laid out a small garden, and opened 
 a school. We have made tolerable proficiency in 
 the language, prepared books for the people, 
 preached the Gospel to many Wanika, Wakamba, 
 and Suahili, and become acquainted ^vith the man- 
 ners and customs, the prejudices, and, in short, with 
 the good and evil qualities, as well as the geographical 
 relations of these tribes, by which means our allotted 
 task in Eastern Africa has become clearer to us, and 
 in our hearts, too, we have had many blessed expe- 
 riences. Viewing all these things, we are fidl of 
 thankfulness, and take courage for the future ! 
 
 In the afternoon, we were visited by five men 
 fi'om the mountain Kadiaro, in Teita, who brought
 
 EABBAI MPLi EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 179 
 
 some Mtimgu or Hanja, as the Suahili call it, 
 a resin wliicli the Wanika mix with castor-oil, and 
 use as a scent of which the people of Barava are said 
 to be very fond. The five men gave us some 
 information respecting the peoj)le of Teita. Wlien 
 they had left, I told our chief that we ^vished to 
 visit Kadiaro ; upon which he inquked at once, what 
 we wanted to buy there ? I expressed my sm-prise 
 at such a question, and asked if he did not know 
 us better, and had not yet discovered that we 
 were not traders, but preachers of the Word, who 
 desired to spread the Gospel tlu^oughout the whole of 
 Africa ; adding that we had, indeed, settled down in 
 the Wanika-land and made it our head-quarters; 
 but still desired to see other tribes to show them 
 the way to everlasting life. 
 
 29 ^/i Aiicfust.—As, the Wanika live scattered about on 
 their plantations, and take but little pleasm^e in listen- 
 ing to the words of the preacher, we had few hearers 
 to-day, Sunday ; but many came into the village, not 
 so much for our sake as to visit the wounded Mnika, 
 the son of our neighbour. It is a custom with this 
 people for the relations, friends, and in general the 
 men of the same tribe, to come from a great distance 
 to visit a sick person and condole with him ; and to / ) 
 neglect to offer such condolence would be a great 1 
 breach of good manners in the eye of a Wanika. 
 Most of the visitors came afterwards to us, and so 
 it was ordered that the very event which might have 
 plunged the country in war, served to make several 
 Wanika acquainted with the Gospel. 
 
 N
 
 180 RABBAI MPIA EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 lC)fh Heptemher. — According to our servant, Amri, 
 tlio Suahili have the foUowing curious notion of the 
 end of the earth. They believe that the earth 
 finishes in a great morass in the west of Afiica, 
 that it isj as it were, buried there, and that is the 
 end of the world ; so they call it '' Usiko wa nti " — 
 burial of the earth. Probably this idea has arisen 
 from the spectacle of a great marshy lake, or boggy 
 country, seen by the fathers of the present race 
 diu'ing journeys into the interior. Before the Galla 
 and Wakuafi had shut out all ingress to the in- 
 terior the people of the coast were certainly better 
 acquainted with Inner and Western Africa than they 
 are at present ; but their descendants have only tra- 
 ditions from which, in all probability, the above- 
 mentioned notion has taken its rise. 
 
 23n/ September. — To-day, we made arrangements 
 respecting the jom-ney to Kadiaro, whither we had 
 been invited by the Teita people who recently visited 
 us. Brother Rebmann is to undertake the journey 
 whilst I remain behind at our head-quarters in Rab- 
 bai ; and we have hired six Wanika to accompany him 
 and carry his things, each man to receive three 
 dollars, the sum asked and agreed upon. 
 
 2Qth September. — Rebmann intended to set off to- 
 morrow, and I was to accompany him a part of the 
 way ; but unexpectedly, at nightfall, two chiefs of Great 
 Rabbai called upon us, and declared that the house of 
 every Mnika who went to Kadiaro should be bm-nt. 
 I rejoined, in few words, that I would lay the whole 
 matter before the Governor of Mombaz, who would
 
 RABBAI MPIA EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 181 
 
 find out the author of the prohibition. (I deemed it 
 necessary to have this matter examined into by the 
 proper authorities, to secure om^selves against similar 
 vexation and annoyance in future, by showing the 
 Wanika and Suahili that we are j^rotected by the 
 government of Mombaz. Ohsta pjincipiis is my 
 motto.) 
 
 2d>th September. — We went to the Mohammedan 
 village of Jumfu yesterday, whence we reached 
 Mombaz by boat, and to-day complained of the con- 
 duct of the cliiefs of Great Rabbai to the Governor, 
 and asked him to remove the obstacles thrown in the 
 way of our journey. He promised to grant the 
 request and gave us a letter, and soldiers who are 
 to communicate his orders to the chiefs. He wrote 
 also to Bana Kheri, the Suahili leader of a caravan, 
 which was on the point of leaving for Jagga. 
 
 '^Oth September. — We discovered to-day the author 
 of the opposition which had been formed against us 
 in Rabbai to be Emshande, one of the chiefs of 
 the village of Jumfu, who considers himself the 
 king of the Wanika, and who for the gratification 
 of his greed sought to interpose between us and 
 the Wanika, so that we might employ him as a 
 middleman and give him a handsome present. He 
 had incited the Wanika not to allow us to depart 
 until we had made a present to him and to the chiefs 
 of Great Rabbai. 
 
 Wi October. — There was a party of Wanika with 
 us, to whom we narrated and expounded the parable of 
 the rich man (Luke xvi.). Another party arrived 
 
 N 2
 
 182 RABBAI MPIA EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 afterwards, and with tlicm we discoursed on tlie 
 prodigal son. 
 
 11 fh October. — We received a visit from Bana 
 Hamade, an intelligent and influential Suahili, cliief 
 of Mombaz, who gave us a gi^eat deal of important 
 information respecting the geography and history of 
 this coast. According to him, Shunguaya, now a 
 decayed place on the coast of Patta, was the original 
 home of the Suahili, who driven thence by the 
 Galla fled to Malindi. After being di-iven from 
 Malindi they fled to the Bight of Kilefi, and finally 
 to Mombaz. The Galla, it seems, formerly ruled as 
 far as Tanga and Usambara, and the Wanika came 
 from Rombo in Jagga; but the fierce Masai and 
 Wakuafi are now the ruling population of the interior. 
 The forefathers of the AVanika-tribe, Kii'iama, are 
 \ said to have lived in Mangea on the river Sabaki, 
 and to have been driven thence by the Galla. 
 
 Bana Hamade afterwards sent his slave to ask for 
 some bottles of wine, which we reftised, because as a 
 ]\Ioliammedan he was not permitted to drink wine, 
 and we did not, like some Europeans, deem it meri- 
 torious to seek to convert Mohammedans by making 
 them acquainted with wine and brandy. If Bana 
 Hamade, we said, were to give up not only a bit, but 
 the whole of his Mohammedan doctrine, and di'ink 
 wine not merely in secret but freely and openly, then 
 we might give him a bottle or two, but we would not 
 encourage him to be a li}^30crite, doing in secret 
 what he would not do in public. We had a small 
 store of wine which wo husbanded for the benefit
 
 RABBAI MPIA EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 183 
 
 of our owii health. It is singular how the Arabs 
 and Suahili have begun to relish wine and brandy, 
 since they have become acquainted with Europeans 
 in Zanzibar and other places. It will produce at 
 last a reaction of the rigid Mohammedans against all 
 that is European, and resuscitate the old fanaticism. 
 
 13M October. — Bana Kheri paid us a visit, to put 
 himself right with us respecting the opposition of 
 the Wanika, as well as to make our fiiendship, 
 and to oifer his services on the journey to Jagga ; 
 here again it was so ordered that the opposition of 
 Emshande resulted in good ; for Bana KQieri is the 
 very man to be useful as a guide in our contemplated 
 journeys into the interior. He said, that to the west 
 of Uniamesi there were Mohammedans, and to the 
 west of them again, Europeans, which may very pro- 
 bably refer to the Portuguese on the west coast. 
 
 \Wi October. — * * * This evening Eebmann 
 set forth on his journey to Kadiaro. We read Isaiah 
 xlix., and prayed together, asking a blessing upon 
 om" work, and beseeching that this journey might be 
 made effectual towards the extension of the Gospel 
 in the interior. 
 
 25th October. — I had the pleasure of welcoming 
 the return of my beloved fellow-labourer Rebmann 
 from Kadiaro in good health. He was the bearer of 
 much valuable information, and stated that the Teita 
 people in Maquasini, the first village on the mountain 
 Kadiaro, had given him a friendly reception with 
 permission to dwell among them, and to preach the 
 Gospel in their land.
 
 184 RABBAI MPIA EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 2^th October, — My dear brother Rebmann's reports 
 of his jom-ney so powerfully raised my spirits to-day, 
 that I thought earnestly and deeply upon the exten- 
 sion of our missionary labours. There ought to be 
 a missionary settled among the northern Wanika 
 in Kambe or Jogni, another on the mountain 
 Kadiaro, a third in Jagga, a fourth in Usam- 
 bara, and a fifth in Ukambani. Oh, that we had 
 men and means enough for the noble field which is 
 opening upon us ! A missionary often shares in com- 
 mon the desii^es and aspirations of a great conqueror, 
 only of a very different kind ; for he wrestles not 
 against flesh and blood, but against principalities, 
 against powers, against the rulers of the darkness of 
 this world, against spiritual wickedness in high 
 places. 
 
 \^tli November. — At the commencement of public 
 worship to-day, there were some twenty persons 
 present, who left us, however, as soon as we had 
 finished the singing, which Rebmann accompanied 
 on the flageolet. The harvest is small, yet we will 
 not despond, but trust to Him who can animate the 
 dead and awaken them to a new and better life ! 
 Rebmann had also composed a hymn in the Klnika 
 language, which we sang during the service. The 
 following is one of the verses : — 
 
 Jesus Christos, fania Jesus Christ, make 
 
 Moyowangu muvia ; My heart new ; 
 
 Uwc muokosi wangu, Thou art my Saviour, 
 
 Uzi ussa maigangu Thou hast forgiven me my sin. 
 
 Jesus Christos, fania Jesus Christ, make 
 
 Moyowangu muvia. My heart new.
 
 RABBAI MPIA EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 185 
 
 21 5^ Decemher. — * * * * Wliat horrors and 
 sins would be made manifest if ivory, copal, and 
 articles of commerce generally, imported from Africa 
 into Europe^ could speak ! How many slaves, how 
 many women, how much palm-wine, how many 
 objects for the gratification of lust and vanity, are 
 pm^chased by the Galla, Wanika, Wakamba, and 
 Suahili, with the ivory which they bring to the 
 coast ! In truth, these tribes could not bear greater 
 affluence and prosperity ; they would sink to the level 
 of mere beasts of the field, and the luxuries which 
 civilization brings with it would soon make them 
 extinct, unless the misuse of them were to be 
 controlled by the spread of Christianity ! 
 
 ^\st Decemher. — In a retrospect of the past year I 
 am specially grieved by the indifference of the Wa- 
 nika to the means of salvation through the Savioin*, 
 which have been so often offered to them during 
 the last twelve months. How joyfully would we 
 have assembled them to hear the Word ; and how 
 gladly would we have instructed the young; but 
 the darkened and worldly-minded people remain 
 deaf to all exhortation! My dear fellow-labourer 
 Rebmann had at one time collected a flock of chil- 
 dren at Bunni, a hamlet in the vicinity of Rabbai 
 Mpia, and begun to teach them ; but they soon dis- 
 persed. We have often exhorted the chiefs and 
 parents to allow the children to be taught, and though 
 they approve of our proposal, they let the matter rest 
 there, and never- seriously exhort the young to come 
 to school ; fearing that the Ada or customs of the
 
 186 RABBAI MPIA — EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 . Wanika will be destroyed, that the young people 
 will conform to the Ada of Em^opeans, and that 
 the Koma or spirits of the dead will be angry, with- 
 hold the rain, and send diseases. Nevertheless, we 
 will seek to imitate David, who strengthened himself 
 in his God, and patiently and tinistingly contmued 
 to bear his sorrows, until God should be pleased to 
 help him to the promised kingship. We will seek 
 comfort in the promise that His Word, wherever it 
 is preached, shall never come back emj)ty ; and so we 
 look forward with, courage and confidence to continue 
 in the new year the work which we have begun, 
 casting the bread of life upon the waters, hoping 
 still to find it again after many days ! 
 
 Let every thing that hath breath praise the Lord !
 
 187 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS CONTIXUED. 
 
 Completion of SuaMli and Kinika Dictionary — A "Wanika-exorcism 
 — Undue denunciation — Rebmann's journey to Jagga; the author 
 left alone — Mringe the cripple awakened to the Gospel — Tre- 
 mendous storm, and Wanika infanticide — Appearance of two 
 French naval officers — Rebmann's safe return from Jagga — 3J!ain 
 results of his journey — Comparison of the East- African and West- 
 Afi'ican missions — The sea-serpent — Fanciful origin of the Galla, 
 "Wakamba, and "Wakuafi — Mringe' s new hut and persecutions — 
 "Wanika name-giring — A neighbour of Mringe' s awakened — 
 Mringe' s reception of the Gospel — Glories of the missionary 
 state — Wanika belief in metempsychosis — A Portuguese image 
 converted into a pagan idol — The "free and independent " Wa- 
 nika — Boso-festival — Arrival of Erhardt and Wagner — Illness 
 and recovery of Erhardt ; Wagner's death — His funeral a strik- 
 ing lesson to the Wanika — Journey to TJkambani, and return to 
 Eabbai Mpia. 
 
 \st January, 1848. — The promise, '' Fear not, Abram, 
 I am thy shield, and thy exceeding great reward," 
 has been very consolatory to me at the beginning of 
 this year. I spoke with om- chief on these words to- 
 day, and read with his son, Shehe, Luke ii. 42, and 
 follomng verses, exhorting him mth the new year 
 to increase in wisdom and grace. In the afternoon 
 there arrived the other boys who had formerly re- 
 fused to come, fanc}^ng that we ought to pay them
 
 188 EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 for coming to school, just as we pay our servants 
 for their services ; so that we had to make it known 
 that we would give nothing to any one for attending 
 the school, and that those who sought such a recom- 
 pense, had better stay away. 
 
 3rd January. — I continued the translation of 
 Dr. Earth's " Bible Stories " into the Kinika lan- 
 guage. 
 
 bth January. — Our neighbour was busy with 
 Uganga for the suj^posed benefit of his daughter, 
 whose painful boils, he imagined, were caused by 
 an evil spirit. It was of no use to denounce the 
 magical ceremony ; no one would listen to me, even 
 for a minute ; but one and all clapped their hands, 
 drummed, danced about in a circle, and worked 
 themselves into such a state of excitement that like 
 furies they alternately bellowed, shouted, groaned, 
 and laughed. 
 
 Wth January. — To-day the completion of my 
 English-Suahili and Kinika Dictionary closes a long 
 and troublesome labour. My task will now be, 
 (1) to make a copy of this dictionary; (2) to con- 
 tinue my translation of the New Testament, and of 
 Dr. Earth's " Eible Stories ;" (3) to make, daily, 
 an excursion to the plantations of the Wanika, and 
 preach to them ; (4) to instruct such Wanika chil- 
 dren as wish for instruction ; (5) to address the 
 Wanika of the district, and to devote myself to 
 those who ^'isit us at our home from far and near ; 
 and (6) from time to time to make journeys into 
 the interior, in order to become acquainted with its
 
 EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 189 
 
 geographical and ethnological peculiarities and lan- 
 guages, preaching the Gospel as far as can be done 
 on these journeys, and thus pave the way for the 
 mission in the interior, when we shall have received 
 more fellow-labourers from Europe. 
 
 28//« Januarij. — We visited to-day a Wakamba 
 hamlet. On our homeward way, we came upon a 
 band of Wanika, who informed us that they were 
 bent on expelling an e^dl spirit from a sick person. 
 In the centre of the throng stood a wooden mortar 
 filled with water ; near the mortar stuck into the 
 ground was a staff, which they call Moroi, about 
 tluree feet long, and of the thickness of a man's 
 finger, painted black and ornamented with white 
 and blue glass beads and a red feather. The 
 Wanika believe that the evil spirit loves these 
 beads, and that his attention becomes gi-adually 
 drawn to them, mitil he at last completely forsakes 
 the sick person and fastens uj)on the beads. From 
 time to time a boy kept dipping twigs into the 
 water, and sprinkling the head of the sick man, while 
 the throng danced about him, drumming and making 
 a fi'ightfiil noise. It was impossible for me to 
 attempt a word of warning to the maddened crowd ; 
 even when they were obliged at last to rest for very 
 weariness, they tried to recruit themselves by drink- 
 ing palm-wine, and then the shrieking, dancing, 
 and drunmiing began anew, completely drowning 
 every expostulation I essayed to make. 
 
 20^A February. — In the evening I received a visit 
 from the mfiere (eldest) Sahu, one of those Wanika
 
 190 EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 who will not so much as listen to the Word of Promise. 
 It is he, too, Avho presses and drives the Wanika 
 to offer sacrifices, and to get up carousals, so that 
 we have called him, not inap2:)ropriately, the Master 
 of the Ceremonies for Rabbai. I exhorted him ear- 
 nestly, to think of the salvation of his soul, when he 
 said, that he would first drink palm-wine and have a 
 sleep ; to-morrow he would come and speak to me 
 about these matters. When told that he ought to 
 speak now about the salvation of his soul ; for 
 he did not know whether God would not this 
 night require it of him, and place him at the bar of 
 judgment, he went away, saying, '■'■ Qod will not 
 punish me." It is astonishing what a power of 
 darkness rests upon the heathen who have become 
 the leaders and teachers of heathen customs and 
 ceremonies to others. I lately heard from Rebmann, 
 that this stiff-necked scoffer was massacred by the 
 Masai in the spring of 1857, when those mid robbers 
 fell upon and decimated the Rabbai tribe. 
 
 2th March. — This morning, two old AYanika wo- 
 men, as self-righteous as any persons in Europe can 
 be, paid me a visit. Wlien I sj)oke of the evil heart 
 of man one of the women said : '' Wlio has been slan- 
 dering me to you ? I have a good heart, and know of 
 no sin." The other woman said: " I came to you 
 to ask for a garment, and not to listen to your 
 Manens (discom-se)." A Mnika said : ^' If I am to be 
 always praying to your Lord, how can I look after 
 my plantation ? " 
 
 \1th 31a)'ch. — It was inwardl}- made manifest to me
 
 EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 191 
 
 to-day, that for some time past I have attacked too 
 fiercely the heathen customs and superstitions of the 
 Wanika, the sight of the abominations moving- me 
 to indignation ; and that I ought to preach more the 
 love of the Redeemer for His sheep lost, and gone 
 astray, or taken captive by Satan. I must bring 
 them closer to the cross of Clmst ; show more com- 
 passion, and let my words be fall of commiseration 
 and pity ; looking forward earnestly and prayerfully 
 for the conversion of this hard people more from 
 God's blessing upon the work than from my own 
 activity. It is neither the gifts nor the works, 
 neither the words nor the prayers and feelings of 
 the missionary, but the Lord Jesus alone who can 
 convert a human being ! It is He who must say : 
 '' Lazarus, come forth," and though bound hand and 
 foot, the dead man will come forth fi^om the grave 
 of sin and death, and live ! 
 
 I com]3leted the Kinika version of the '' Bible 
 Stories" ofDr. Barth. 
 
 The indifference and dulness of the Wanika to- 
 wards the Gospel often depress me. 
 
 M^A April. — We spoke with Bana Kheri about the 
 journey to Jagga. 
 
 l^th to 21st April. — I went to Mombaz to forward 
 Rebmann's journey to Jagga, and to purchase 
 necessaries for it. The governor of the fortress 
 was somewhat dubious on the subject, and was 
 unwilling that Rebmann should undertake the jour- 
 ney, on the ground that it was exj)osed to many 
 dangers fr'om Galla, Wakuafi, Masai, as well as wild
 
 192 EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 beasts. In any case, said he, he must not ascend 
 the mountain Kilimanjaro, because it is full of evil 
 spirits (Jins). For, said he, people who have 
 ascended the mountain have been slain by the 
 spirits, their feet and hands have been stiffened, 
 their powder has hmig fire, and all kinds of disasters 
 have befallen them. I did not then know that there 
 was snow upon the mountain, and therefore merely 
 said, that Rebmann would take care not to go too 
 near the fine sand, which, as I then supposed, must 
 have caused the destruction of the people. 
 
 21th April. — To-day, my dear brother Rebmann 
 began his journey to Jagga, and I accompanied 
 him a short way, committing him to the protection 
 of Almighty God. The feelings which overpowered 
 me at parting are not easily to be described to friends 
 at home. To have been for several years bound up 
 with a beloved fellow-labourer, and now all at once 
 to see him depart and enter upon an unknown and 
 dangerous route into the midst of the heathen world 
 of Africa, mth mere Kars and knaves for his com- 
 panions, who are destitute of any thought but of 
 self, is no small pain to him who undertakes the 
 journey, no less than to him who remains behind. 
 Rebmann tmTied his face towards the south-west, 
 while I returned to the lonely hut to bear him in 
 my prayerful heart, and wish him God speed ! 
 
 29^A April. — A letter from Rebmann, "WT-itten from 
 Engoni, at the entrance into the great wilderness 
 which leads to Jagga and Ukambani, was a welcome 
 sight to me to-day.
 
 EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 193 
 
 ^th May. — I began to read aloud to the Wanika 
 who visited me the '' Bible Stories " which I had 
 translated into Kinika. 
 
 llth May. — In Muiliani I came upon some ten 
 persons to whom I discoursed upon John iii. A 
 cripple named Mringe wondered, like Nicodemus, 
 when I said, that man must be bom again. He 
 asked, how that could be ? He thought that God 
 ought to do something special for him, as he had 
 to suffer so much in this life. 
 
 2\st May. — After midnight there arose a tempest 
 with thunder and lightning, such as I had not witnessed 
 since my residence on the Suahili coast. It seemed 
 as if the wrath of God were to be manifested on the 
 abominations which the Wanika were to transact 
 this morning, and as if the Almighty wished to show 
 the hardened and merciless sinners that He could 
 and would destroy them, because they showed no 
 mercy to a poor creature of their own kind. A woman 
 in Muelle, as it happened, had given birth to two 
 children, one of whom had six fingers but neither 
 nose nor lips. In conformity with the custom of the 
 Wanika the parents took the mis-shapen child to 
 the chiefs, declaring the while, that as it was a 
 Rogo, or a mis-biii:h, and would therefore be a 
 criminal, they refused to nurture it, and brought it to 
 the chiefs that it might be strangled and buried in 
 the wood. In conformity with this declaration the 
 chiefs pressed its neck until it was suffocated; 
 then burying it, and making the Muansa play, they 
 offered up a Sadaka (sacrifice) that no harm might
 
 194 EXTIIACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 come upon the land because a Rogo was born. 
 This I learnt afterwards from the chief's brother ; for 
 though I had heard the Muansa play in the midst 
 of the storm, I did not understand what was meant. 
 In a general way many horrors happen among the 
 heathen of which a missionary hears nothing, or 
 only by the merest chance, and he is therefore often 
 disposed to think better of them than he other- 
 wise might be led to do. Thus, the Wanika often try- 
 to conceal fr'om us a great deal of what is going on, 
 because they know well that we should condemn 
 it out of the Word of God. 
 
 As soon as it was day and the rain had ceased 
 I went into the plantations, and made the abomina- 
 tion of child-murder by the Wanika the chief 
 subject of my discourse. 
 
 22nd May. — I spoke against child-murder on every 
 occasion, and to all the Wanika who came to me. 
 
 2^rd May. — I was in Kijembeni and sj^oke 
 against infanticide. A woman set uj) a great shout 
 of laughter when I touched upon this point ; but 
 another, on the contrary, showed more sensibility, 
 and said: " It is true, the strangling of mis-shapen 
 children is a bad practice ;" though another rejoined : 
 '-'■ We will adhere to our Ada (custom)." 
 
 2-4M May. — ^^Vliilst engaged in breaking stones 
 near my hut two Europeans approached, and I 
 found that they were officers from a French ship of 
 war whicli was exploring the haven of Mombaz. 
 One of them was a good botanist, and both were very 
 friendly.
 
 EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 195 
 
 21 til May. — * * * j heard with much sorrow 
 that a French sailor had entered the house of a 
 Mnika, and had attempted to take Hberties with his 
 mfe. The Mnika wanted to lodge a complaint 
 vdi\\ me, but desisted when he heard that the 
 French did not belong to my Kabila, my tribe or 
 people. 
 
 31 5^ May. — The cripple Mringe called upon me 
 to-day in Rabbai-Mpia for the first time. I told him 
 that we must acknowledge and worship God, as 
 Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. These were memor- 
 able words to him, and made an extraordinary im- 
 pression. 
 
 Qth June. — The cripple Mringe called again upon 
 me, and I explained to him a portion of the history of 
 the passion of Clmst, wliilst another Mnika listened 
 T\dth attention to the discourse. I sometimes think 
 that there will soon be a change among these people, 
 though I am so often disappointed in this anticipation ; 
 for I seem but to sow the seed upon stony places ; 
 5^et have I joy in hope, hope in believing, and work 
 on with trust ; fervent in spirit, serving the Lord to 
 the best of my ability, and patiently waiting His 
 own tune for the blessing ! 
 
 8//^ June. — The savage Masai ai'e occupying the 
 route to Jagga, so that Rebmann will be obliged 
 to go to the coast from the Pangani, or wait in 
 Jagga mitil the way is clear again. When I 
 consulted with the elders about the despatch of a 
 messenger to Kadiaro or Jagga, they said that 
 I must wait for three or fom- days more. I took 
 
 o
 
 196 EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 this opportunity to protest earnestly against infan- 
 ticide, and implore the chiefs to abolish that horrible 
 custom. They said that they would not repeat it ; 
 but the fiitui-e alone can show whether they will 
 keep their word. 
 
 ^th June. — To-night I was very anxious respecting 
 my fellow-labom^er, Rebmann, and could do nothing 
 but commend him to the protection of the Almighty. 
 If any calamity shoidd befall him, the heathen would 
 say, ^' Where is now thy God ? " 
 
 10th June. — While explaining Matthew x. to the 
 chief we heard suddenly sounds of rejoicing and 
 piping, and soon received fi'om the men who had 
 retm-ned from Jagga tidings that Rebmann had 
 arrived safely at Kadiaro from Jagga, and that he 
 intended to return thence by Shimba to Mombaz. 
 A portion of his diary was delivered to me. 
 
 11th June. — Rebmann's diary makes it clear that 
 there is a noble country in the interior, well fitted 
 for cultivation ; that as Mount Kilimanjaro is 
 covered with perpetual snow Jagga has plenty 
 of water; and as the climate is good the whole 
 land can be made use of for the growth of vege- 
 table productions. Slavery is a great curse in 
 Jagga; the chiefs and tribes wage war with each 
 other, and sell their prisoners to the coast. He 
 adds that the Arabs and Sualiili have described 
 us Em^opeans as cannibals ; that the power of the 
 chiefs is absolute and despotic ; and that they and 
 the people are great beggars. The route, it would 
 seem, is at present free fi-om Wakuafi, but may
 
 EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 197 
 
 at any moment be endangered by Masai and Galla ; 
 and that the chiefs will allow a missionary to dwell 
 among them. 
 
 12th June. — I went to Mombaz, to greet my dear 
 fellow-labom-er upon his return from Jagga, and to 
 hear the details of his journey. 
 
 \Wi June. — We returned to Rabbai. Abdallah, 
 who came to see us, said that the Wanika had been 
 incensed against the French, because the latter, 
 on visiting them, had asked at once where the 
 bomidary of the country was. ''What boundary?" 
 said the Wanika, '' give us first a heshima," (a -^ 
 present.) It is mimse in a stranger to begin with 
 geographical questions, as he is then sure to be 
 taken for a spy sent by the king of his country. 
 
 20th June. — We wandered to the Wakamba ham- 
 let, Endenge wa Kingodo, where we wished to 
 make the acquaintance of the famous Wakamba 
 chief, Kivoi of Kitui in Ukambani; but he was 
 not at home. I visited, too, the Mnika Heba whom 
 I wished to engage as a guide for my journey to 
 Usambara to visit king Kmeri. 
 
 2Qth June. — I thought to-day a gi-eat deal on the 
 question whether it would not be possible to obtain 
 a number of missionaries who could support them- 
 selves by the labour of their o^n hands. 
 
 2nd Septemher. — I began my translation of the 
 Gospel of St. John into the Kinika language. The 
 following is a comparison of the East- African with 
 the West- African mission : — Our brothers in Western 
 Africa can labour in compact hamlets and large 
 
 o 2
 
 ^ 
 
 198 EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 towiis, whilst wc in tlic east, live amid a dispersed 
 population. They have a difficult struggle to maintain 
 with slavery, and the evil influence of the white 
 people, but find the heathen inquisitive respecting the 
 Gospel of Christ, which is not the case among the 
 Wanika on this coast, as the people here are entirely 
 worldly, and do not trouble themselves about spi- 
 ritual matters. It is not easy, either, to find a 
 large number of them together, and the establish- 
 ment of schools is especially difficult. 
 
 21 5^ Septemher. — I completed the translation of 
 the Gospel of St. John into the Kinika language. 
 
 6th Novemher. — Mringe came to me and remained 
 till the evening, giving me some information re- 
 specting several customs of the Wanika. When 
 eating or di'inking they place a little meat or drink 
 on the ground, as a gift to the Koma, a custom 
 which I had observed on several occasions, but 
 did not understand its meaning till now. The 
 heathen in Polynesia do the same. The Wanika 
 believe that every tree, especially every cocoa-nut 
 tree, and every spring or marsh where water is 
 found, has its Shetani Mugo, its good Satan, or 
 good spirit. They distinguish between Shetani 
 Mudzo and Mui, good or bad spirits. The destinic- 
 ytion of a cocoa-nut tree is regarded as equivalent 
 to matricide, because that tree gives them life and 
 nom'ishment, as a mother does her child. 
 
 \^th Novemher. — The chief told me of a gTeat 
 serpent which is sometimes seen out at sea, reach- 
 ing fi:om the sea to the sky, and which appears 
 
 ^
 
 EXTEACTS FROM JOURNALS. 199 
 
 especially during heavy rain. I told him this was 
 no serpent, but a water-spout, which corresponded 
 to the whirlwind on dry land. I conversed with 
 Mringe on Romans ii. 
 
 16th November. — According to the mythology of 
 the Wanika, the Galla, Wakamba, and Wakuafi, had 
 one common father whose eldest son was called Galla, 
 who plundered another tribe of its cattle; upon 
 which his brothers, Mkuafi and Mkamba, asked for 
 a share of the booty ; but were refused by their 
 brother, Galla; whereupon Mkuafi robbed Galla, 
 and he, again, was robbed by Mkamba, and vice versa ; 
 and from that time arose a deadly enmity among the 
 three brothers which has had no end. 
 
 19^/i November. (Sunday.) — I visited Muihani; 
 and wherever I found people at work I spoke on 
 the observance of the Sabbath. 
 
 Mringe said he wished to buy a hut, in which 
 he might be alone and gather people round him ; so 
 I gave him half a dollar, and with this he got 
 a hut built, in which I visited him. It was, 
 impossible for this sick and suffering, but God- 
 seeking man longer to remain in the confined hut 
 of his mother, who had begun to hate him as soon 
 as he commenced to love the Word. His relations, 
 too, despise him, and yet this poor man cannot work 
 and earn his bread. 
 
 27th November. — On my way to Muihani I met 
 many Wanika, to whom I discoursed. Afterwards I 
 ^dsited the eldest Al)be Mamkale, who has a great 
 deal of wit and intelligence, but is a sad toper,
 
 200 EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 going from him straight to ]\Iringe, who is evidently 
 upheld by grace from Above. Afterwards I went 
 to the hut of a ]\Inika who shortly before had lost 
 a little child by death. He said, that when next 
 a child was bom him he would call it '' Rebmann;" 
 for the Wanika have a custom of giving their chil- 
 dren names in accordance with the circumstances 
 or events of the time at wliich they are bom. 
 Because Rebmann was just then on his way to 
 Jagga the parents Tsdshed to choose his name; 
 and in like manner a Mnika-mother once bestowed 
 on a child the name "Msungu," European, because 
 it was born during my stay in Kambe. 
 
 2%th Novemher. — In Muihani Mringe made me 
 acquainted with his neighbour Ndune who in sick- 
 ness had listened attentively to Mringe's discourse 
 respecting the gospel of Christ. His suj^erstitious 
 mother had Tsdshed the sick man to rely ujDon the 
 Uganga, but he protested against such foolish prac- 
 tices. 
 
 Mringe's mother asked me whether a man must 
 be always sitting over his book and reading. I 
 replied, a Christian reads his Bible in the morn- 
 ing, says his prayers, and then goes to his daily 
 labour ; in the evening, he does the same, and 
 while working, thinks on God and upon that which 
 he has read. 
 
 29^/i Novemher. — Mringe was with me during the 
 night. We discoursed towards midnight about the 
 world to come and the City of God ; about the occu- 
 pations of the blessed, and the incorruptible body of
 
 EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 201 
 
 our futui'e state, and many other things. My poor 
 cripple devoured the words as they fell from my 
 lips ; and I saw that they made an impression on 
 him, and felt happy, indeed, for it is at moments like 
 these that one feels the importance of a missionary's 
 calling. A missionary who feels the working of the 
 Spiiit within him, and is upheld in its manifestation 
 to others, is the happiest being upon earth. In his 
 sight what are royal and imperial honours compared 
 with the office of a preacher in the bush or lonely 
 hut ? And sure it is, that unless a missionary feels 
 ennobled by his calling, he will forsake his post, or 
 become an unprofitable labourer in the "vdneyard. 
 
 1st Dece7nhei\ — Mringe told me that the Wanika be- 
 lieve that the spuit of a dying person goes into a 
 child unborn, and that thus every one is born a 
 second time. This was the first time that I had 
 heard of the transmigi'ation of souls as a belief 
 among the Wanika, and I think that only a few 
 of them are acquainted with the idea, which, per- 
 haps, has been learned fr^om the Banians in 
 Mombaz, or from the Mohammedans, who may have 
 heard of it in their intercom-se with the Hindoos. 
 As children tolerably resemble thefr parents the 
 Wanika believe that one of the deceased forefathers 
 of the family has entered into the child, and that, 
 therefore, this child resembles him (Utsihalanah). 
 Probably it is this idea of transmigration which 
 has decided the Wanika to kill misshapen childi'on, 
 in the belief that they can only become criminals, 
 because they have been so in a former state.
 
 202 EXTKACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 Whilst I was speaking about Christ with the 
 young Endaro who had often listened to me, he 
 asked, " AVlio is Clnrist?" The question came upon 
 my heart like a thunder-bolt; for I had thought 
 that Endaro had long knowm whom I meant by 
 Christ. My feelings were like those of Dr. Carey in 
 India, when told by a native who had often listened 
 to him, that he did not understand his discourse, 
 while the speaker had fancied that after so long a 
 residence in India he was perfectly understood by 
 the natives. 
 
 Ibth December. — * * * In Great Rabbai there 
 is said to be a Kisidia, a little devil, i. e.^ an image 
 probably of a saint which the Portuguese left be- 
 hind them after their expulsion from Mombaz, which is 
 now reverenced by the Wanika as a kind of war-god, 
 and is borne round in procession before the out- 
 break of a war to rouse the warriors to heroic deeds. 
 This is the only idol I have heard of in Eastern 
 Africa, and it remarkably enough comes from an 
 idolatrous Clu-istian chm-ch. 
 
 2oth December. — A number of Wanika collected in 
 the Kaya, to call the chief to accomit, for ha\4ug 
 permitted the Sheikh Gabiii of Mombaz to cut 
 down more trees for ship-building than had been 
 allowed by the elders. The powerless chief was 
 obliged to buy himself off by giving his peojDle a 
 cow. Such is the liberty and equality prevalent 
 here, and indeed, in a general Avay, these African 
 republics have long ago completely possessed what 
 is still struggled for by those of Em'ope and America.
 
 EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 203 
 
 Among the Wanika and Wakamba every one is " free 
 and independent" and yet, so controlled by his neigh- 
 bour that freedom and dependence go hand in hand. 
 In fact, our own civilized republics have still much 
 to learn from those of uncivilized Africa. 
 
 2d>th December. — I visited Mringe and Ndune. 
 The latter as well as the former begins to love the 
 truth, though still much afraid of his drunken com- 
 rades, who tin-eaten to get him punished if he aban- 
 dons them altogether. 
 
 Mringe told me, that several chiefs had said to him, 
 he might follow me if he pleased. There are now 
 only wanting some to make a beginning, when many 
 Wanika would be converted by the Word, so I m-ged 
 Mringe, that he and Ndune should take the lead. 
 
 \Qth February J 1849. — Rebmann returned to-day 
 fr'om his second journey to Jagga; it apjDears 
 desirable to extend our journeys of exploration by 
 way of Jagga to Uniamesi, and thence to the 
 western coast of Africa ; and Rebmann resolved to 
 enter on the long, difficult, and dangerous jom^ney 
 with thii'ty men, at the commencement of next 
 April, after I have paid a preliminary visit to Zan- 
 zibar to purchase the necessaries for the expedition. 
 
 l^th February. — To-day the Wanika celebrated 
 their Boso festival, or the festival of the young 
 people, who come to the Kaya to dance, shout, 
 eat, and carouse. This time, however, not many 
 children came; and several visited me just when the 
 old Salia happened to be Avith me. Wlien I was 
 going to speak to the children about Chi'ist, and
 
 204 EXTRACTS FKOM JOURNALS. 
 
 to show tlicm the folly of the feast, that hardened 
 sinner who tries on all occasions to keep the Wanika 
 back from the gospel said to them: ''Go on wdth 
 your dancing, that is your business." I had great 
 difficulty in restraining myself from being angry with 
 him, and could not help telHng him that the Sa\dour 
 had said that " whoso shall offend one of these 
 little ones that beUeve in me, it were better for him 
 that a millstone were hanged about his neck, and 
 that he were drowned in the depth of the sea." The 
 obdurate chief replied : " We Wanika will not quit 
 our own ways ; let you talk to us of Clu-ist as you 
 please." He was afterwards killed by the Masai; 
 and similar, too, was the end of another Mnika who 
 once said to me : "As little as you can make my 
 finger when cut off grow again to my hand, just so 
 little will we abandon our customs." This man, in 
 a state of drunkenness set fire to a quantity of 
 powder which burnt him dreadfully, so that he died 
 in great pain. 
 
 5th April. — Eebmann entered on the journey to 
 Uniamesi accompanied by me to the foot of the 
 mountain Kadiaro, whence I returned on the 15th 
 to Rabbai -svith five men. 
 
 IQth to ISth April. — I rested from the toils of the 
 journey; the heavy marches had terribly fatigued me. 
 
 2Sth April. — I planned to-day a journey to Ukam- 
 bani, so that the north-east, too, might be explored, 
 and preparations made for the erection of futm-e 
 missionary-stations ; for the missionaries in Rabbai- 
 Mpia must be the, pioneers of Eastern xlfrica.
 
 EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 205 
 
 Since the beginning of this month it has been 
 raining steadily, and I do not remember such a 
 wet season on this coast. This and other reasons 
 induced me to give up the journey to Lake Niassa, 
 which is, it seems, full ten days' journey from Kiloa. 
 The Suahili make the journey when the south wind 
 begins to blow at the commencement of the rainy 
 season, that they may meet with water on the way. 
 
 This afternoon I spoke seriously with the chief 
 respecting the indifference of the Wanika, who 
 will not learn even now, after we have procured 
 them books at a great cost ; for some time ago we 
 received 500 printed copies each of my Kinika 
 version of the Gospel of Luke, of the Heidelberg 
 Catechism, and of a primer from Bombay, where 
 they had been printed at the expense of the Church 
 Missionary Society. 
 
 Read and expounded to the Wanika Abbe Sindo, 
 Abbe Kunde, Muandoro, and Jwaha, the parable of 
 the sower. 
 
 10th June. — I received intelligence of the arrival 
 of our brothers Erhardt and Wagner in Mombaz. 
 
 11th June. — I went to Mombaz to welcome my 
 brethi'en, and found Erhardt very ill, and advised 
 hun to proceed to Rabbai as quickly as possible, 
 that he might benefit by the cooler climate. 
 
 15th June. — Poor Erhardt came to Rabbai in quite 
 an exhausted state, and I feared that the fever 
 Avould terminate fatally; for he was in a much 
 worse plight than Rebmann and myself in lS4c6. 
 
 20th June. — Erhardt is still very ill. I com-
 
 206 EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 incnccd witli our servant Amri the study of the 
 Kikamba language. AVagner has also been at- 
 tacked by fever ; against my advice, he would clothe 
 himself too lightly, and caught cold in the cool air 
 of Rabbai; for the rainy season is not over, and 
 the winds from the sea in this direction are high 
 and cold. I had hoped to find my bm-den lightened 
 by the arrival of new fellow-labom-ers, but the care 
 of the sick jjroduces quite a contrary result. Our 
 Portuguese servant, Anthony, whom Erhardt has 
 brought with him from Bombay, is also unwell, and 
 my house has become a complete hospital. 
 
 27th June. — To-day Rebmann came back fr-om 
 Jagga. The Lord has preserved him fr'om many 
 and gi'eat dangers. 
 
 \st July. — The crisis of Erhardt's fever is over, 
 and he is progressing towards convalescence ; Wag- 
 ner, on the contrary, is worse. 
 
 3rf/ Jiihj. — It seems to me necessary, for the sake 
 of future missionaries, that I must learn the Kikamba, 
 Kiteita, Jagga, and Kisambara languages. 
 
 \st August. — Our dear brother Johannes Wagner 
 ended his sufferings yesterday, and was summoned 
 into a better world by the Lord and Giver of life, 
 who in the midst of life hath placed " us in death ! 
 Incomprehensible at fii'st appeared to us this guid- 
 ance which so quickly took fr'om us our newly- 
 arrived fellow-labom-er ; but his very death has 
 brought a blessing to the Wanika, and although 
 dead, he still speaks to them ; for they have now, 
 for the first time, seen the death and bm"ial of a
 
 EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 207 
 
 Cliristian, whose joyfiil hope is in Clirist, the life 
 and the resurrection. After I had read the funeral 
 service of the English liturgy, translating it into 
 the Kinika language, I spoke to those present and 
 those who had dug the gi'ave, on 1 Thessalonians iv. 
 13, and finally we sang some verses of a hymn. 
 From all this the natives were enabled to recognize 
 the marked distinction between Christianity and the 
 horrible wailing and other dark practices of heathen- 
 ism ; and so in this way, our departed friend did not 
 come in vain into this benighted land. 
 
 \d)th September. — To-day I an^anged with a troop of 
 Wanika for my journey to Ukambani, promising 
 each eight dollars for the journey to Kakunda, the 
 village of Kivoi, the chief of the Wakamba tribe 
 Kitui. 
 
 31^^ October. — The second chapter of Haggai 
 strengthened me greatly, as regards my impending 
 jom^ney. 
 
 The chiefs of Duruma came to-day and demanded 
 a present, so that I might be allowed a passage 
 through their territory; asking, too, that I would 
 take half of my baggage-bearers from Dm'uma, and 
 only half from the Rabbai tribe. Everywhere 
 nothing but greed and mendicancy opposed them- 
 selves to my journey ! Om' friends in Europe can 
 scarcely conceive what obstacles a missionary has 
 to meet and to overcome who wishes to travel into 
 the interior, independent of the difficulties in the 
 interior itself, before he can set forth from the coast. 
 
 \st November to 2\8t December^ 1849. — Jom^ney to
 
 208 EXTRACTS FROM JOURNALS. 
 
 Ukambanij and thence back to Rabbai. After my 
 return from Ukambani I continued for a few weeks, 
 as formerly, my daily wanderings among the Wanika 
 in the neighbourhood of Rabbai, preaching the gos- 
 pel, and bidding all to the feast prepared, even the 
 kingdom of Heaven; scattering the seed, not dis- 
 heartened though so little had fallen upon good 
 groimd, and in Mringe alone has sprung up with a 
 promise of bearing fruit an hundredfold, hopeful and 
 trustftJ to the end !
 
 209 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 CLOSE OF RESIDENCE IN EASTERN AFRICA : RETURN 
 
 HOME. 
 
 First return to Europe — The Church Missionary Society re-inforces 
 the East-AMcan Mission — Return to Eabbai Mpia — Death and 
 sickness among the missionary band — Mringe and his successor 
 — Colonizing aspects of the Mission — The author's journeys into 
 the interior — Second return to Europe — Bishop Gobat's Abes- 
 sinian scheme — The author's latest visit to Abessinia — The 
 way to Shoa closed : Eetum to Egypt — Farewell to Africa — 
 Eetum home — Sympathy and offers of the Church Missionary 
 Society. 
 
 Partly for the improvement of my health, and 
 partly for the welfare of the East-African mission, I 
 decided in the spring of 1850 on returning to 
 Em-ope, which I had not seen since 1837. I was 
 unwilling, however, to leave Africa without exe- 
 cuting a project which I have cherished for years, 
 which was to inspect the whole coast southward 
 from Zanzibar as far as Cape Delgado, where the 
 possessions of the Sultan of Zanzibar cease and 
 those of the Portuguese commence, and in the com- 
 pany of my fellow-labourer, J. Erhardt, the voyage 
 was performed in the February and March of 1850. 
 After my return from this exploration I began in
 
 210 CLOSE OF RESIDENCE IN EASTERN AFRICA. 
 
 April of the same year, my homeward journey 
 by way of Aden and Eg^^pt, reaching Em-ope in 
 Jmie. 
 
 After a short stay in Basel and Wlirtemberg, I 
 proceeded to London, to advocate in person with 
 the Committee of the Chm'ch Missionary Society, my 
 scheme of an Afi'ican chain of missions to be esta- 
 blished thi'ough the whole breadth of the land, from 
 east to west, in the dii'ection of the Equator, and 
 to obtain their consent to the printing of my Suahili 
 gi'ammar, and a comparative vocabulary of six East- 
 African languages. This latter was assented to 
 A^'ith the utmost readiness, and the Connnittee en- 
 tered so far into the scheme of the chain of mis-^ 
 sions, as to resolve on founding without delay two 
 new stations — one in the kingdom of Usambara, 
 and the other in Ukambani, or in Jagga. With 
 that object, two missionaries, Pfefferle and Dihlmann, 
 were to be despatched wdth myself to Eastern Africa, 
 accompanied by three lay brothers, Hagemann, Kai- 
 ser, and Metzler, of whom the first was a cai'penter, 
 the second an agriciUturist, and the thfrd a smith, 
 so that -with the Gospel the Africans might be of- 
 fered the blessings of Clmstian civilization. Improved 
 in health and "udth fresh courage and faith, and re- 
 newed strength for missionary work, I started on my 
 retui-n journey at the beginning of 1851, by way of 
 Trieste, Smyrna, and Alexandi-ia, and reached Mom- 
 baz in April. Scarcely had om- new fellow-labourers 
 (with the exception of Dihlmann, who left us at 
 Aden, and retm-ned to Em'ope) been fom-teen days
 
 CLOSE OF RESIDENCE IN EASTERN AFRICA. 211 
 
 at Rabbai Mpia, when they were one after another 
 attacked by fever. Missionary PfefFerle, who during 
 the tedious voyage had endeared himself to all of us 
 by his devotion and humility, and by his hearty faith 
 and prayerful spirit, no less than by his determined 
 zeal and purpose, was promising much for the East- 
 African mission, we had to bear to the grave before 
 long, whilst the speediest possible return to Europe 
 seemed the most desirable course for our two brothers, 
 Kaiser and Metzler, unless they, too, were destined 
 to a like fate. On my return from Europe I found 
 the mission much as I had left it, with the excep- 
 tion that j)oor Mringe had departed in peace, in faith 
 in Christ, and had been baptized by Rebmann before 
 his death. His place, however, was filled by another 
 Mnika of the name of Abbe Gunja, with whom I 
 had become slightly acquainted before my departure 
 in the April of 1850, through the introduction of 
 Mringe, as one who wished to learn the book of the 
 Eui-opeans. After my departure, he was instructed 
 l)y Rebmann, and has since given gratif^dng proofs 
 of a renewed heart. 
 
 Another change, too, had been effected by the 
 purchase made by my two fellow-labourers, Rebmann 
 and Erhardt, of a considerable piece of land in 
 Kisuludini, on which they had begun to build a new 
 house for two missionary families. It was purchased 
 from the chiefs of Rabbai Mpia for thirty dollars, 
 and was to serve partly as a place of settlement 
 for the converted Wanika, and partly by cultivation 
 to render invitingly apparent to the Wanika, Wa- 
 
 p 
 
 \ 
 \
 
 212 CLOSE OF RESIDENCE IN EASTERN AFRICA. 
 
 kaniba, and Sualiili, the blessings of agriculture and 
 home life, or, in other words, the benefits of civiliza- 
 tion. I\Iy instructions from the Committee were to 
 proceed with Pfefferle to Ukambani, and to found 
 a new station there ; but as Pfefferle was dead I 
 undertook the journey to Ukambani by myself on 
 the 11th of July, 1851. On the heights of Yata, 
 some 110 leagues from Mombaz, I intended to esta- 
 blish a missionary station, but the attempt failed, as 
 ^vill be seen hereafter, in the narrative of this 
 difficult and dangerous joui^ney. After my return 
 on the 30th September 1851 to Rabbai from my 
 Ukambani journey I continued, as formerly, to visit 
 the scattered Wanika and to preach the Gospel to 
 them. In October of that year Rebmann went to 
 Kgypt, to marry an amiable English lady, who had 
 abeady proved her aptitude for missionary life 
 amongst the heathen whilst residing with the wife of 
 missionary Lieder at Cairo. Soon afterwards I 
 resolved to visit Usambara a second time, being 
 desirous of knowing whether king Kmeri was 
 disposed to fulfil the promise made by him in the 
 year 1848, and at what place he would allow the 
 station to be established. This second expedition 
 was carried out in the period between the 10th of 
 February and the 14th of April, 1852. On my 
 return from Usambara I had the pleasm^e of greet- 
 ing my dear fellow-labom^er Rebmann and his 
 wife. Erhardt had meanwhile pretty well finished 
 the building in Kisuludini, so that the two mis- 
 sionaries could now occupy their pretty residence
 
 CLOSE OF RESIDENCE IN EASTERN AFRICA. 213 
 
 there, while I remained in the old hut in the Kaya, 
 making from it daily excursions to the Wanika. I 
 endeavom-ed, moreover, to organize in the Kaya 
 itself a regular congi-egation, Avhich was joined every 
 morning by some neighbom^ing families and my ser- 
 vants, when after prayers I explained to them the 
 gospels according to the order in which they are to 
 be read in the Church. 
 
 It was late in the autumn of 1853 that I was 
 compelled to leave E-abbai, and to retm'n to Em'ope 
 for the restoration of my health. Rebmann and his 
 wife were now alone at the station, as Erhardt was in 
 Usambara, and on the 25th of September I took leave 
 of my dear friends from whom I had experienced 
 so much love. Leaving Mombaz in October I 
 sailed to Aden, thence to Suez, and from Alexandi^ia, 
 in an Austrian steamer, to Trieste. Travelling 
 thence by Vienna and Dresden, I reached the dear 
 fatherland, Wiirtemberg, about Christmas, but in a 
 very enfeebled condition. As soon as my health 
 permitted it I proceeded in the year 1854 to make 
 my report to the Committee on the Rabbai-mission, 
 and to receive fiu'ther instructions. It was resolved 
 to reinforce the mission by a new missionary in the 
 person of our dear Brother Deimler fi-om Bavaria. 
 About the same time the Bishop of Jerusalem had 
 formed the plan of sending to Abessinia a number of 
 brethren, brought up as mechanics, who had received 
 some missionary instruction at the Institute of St. 
 Chrishona,* his object being, if possible, to revive 
 
 * The Missionary Institute at St. Chrishona, near Basel, was 
 
 P 2
 
 214 CLOSE OF RESIDENCE IN EASTERN AFRICA. 
 
 the mission to that country which had fallen tlirough 
 in the year 1843. I accordingly offered to visit Abes- 
 sinia on my way back to Rabbai, and in the com- 
 pany of one of these brothers to pave the way for the 
 contemplated mission. The Committee approved of 
 my plan, and in the November of 1854 I left 
 Trieste, after having published at Tubingen my 
 Wakuafi Dictionary, and the English Liturgy in 
 the SuahiH language. On my arrival at Jerusalem 
 I waited upon Bishop Gobat respecting the Abes- 
 sinian mission, and received from him the necessary 
 instructions, with which early in 1855 I paid my 
 last visit to Abessinia, an account of which is given 
 in Part III. Arrived at Gondar, the capital of 
 Abessinia, we found the road to Shoa completely 
 
 founded in 1840 by Herr Spittler, the -w'ell-kno-svn Christian philan- 
 thropist, and originator of most of the Chiistian institutions, 
 which have floiuishcd in and near Basel, since the beginning of the 
 present century. The purpose of the Missionary Institution at St. 
 Chrishona is to combine theological instruction with agricultiu'al 
 and mechanical training, in order to enable the missionaries to 
 support themselves by their own hands in cases of necessity. The 
 fixed number of the students will in future amount to thii-ty ; and 
 these, having finished their theological coiu'se of four years, ai'e to be 
 ti'ansferred to any missionary society that may ask the committee 
 for any number of missionaries. The committee of the St. Chrishona 
 Institution has, up to the present time, selected no mission-field abroad, 
 except Abessiuia and Egypt, where it is about to found the Apostles' 
 Street, as it is to be called, mentioned at page 133, a chain of twelve 
 stations connecting Gondar with Jerusalem. Most of the missionaries 
 from St. Chrishona have been sent to North America for the German 
 immigrants, to AVcstern Africa, Tui'kcy, Eussia, Abessiuia, and one 
 to Patagonia. The Chrishona Institution must not be confoimded 
 with the great missionary seminary wbich was founded in 1 81 6, in the 
 town of Easel, and which aims at a more extensive theological training.
 
 CLOSE OF RESIDENCE IN EASTERN M^RICA. 215 
 
 closed by the war which tlie new king, Theodorus, 
 was waging against that country ; so it seemed the 
 best plan under the circumstances, to retm-n to 
 Egypt, forward a report to Bishop Gobat, and then, 
 by way of Cairo and Aden proceed to Rabbai by 
 sea. Fever, sun-stroke, and fatigue on the retm-n 
 journey nearly killed me, and I quite expected to have 
 found a grave in the Nubian Desert. On my arrival 
 at Cairo it became clear to me that I could not go 
 on to Rabbai in this suffering condition, nor indeed 
 any longer endm-e the climate of Africa or pre- 
 sent way of life, and that therefore my Avork in 
 Africa was at an end. So, with deep sorrow in 
 August 1855, I bade farewell to the land where 
 I had suffered so much, journeyed so much, and 
 experienced so many proofs of the protecting and 
 sustaining hand of God ; where, too, I had been 
 permitted to administer to many souls the Word 
 of Life, and to name the Name of Jesus Clu-ist in 
 places where it had never before been uttered and 
 known. God gTant, that the seed so broad-cast may 
 not have fallen only on stony places, but may spring 
 up in due season, and bear fr-uit an hundredfold ! 
 
 In the September of 1855 I reached Stuttgardt, 
 and resided for a time at Kornthal till my future 
 career of usefidness should develop itself. The 
 Committee of the Church Missionary Society in 
 London manifested a kind spnpathy with my suf- 
 ferings, and expressing a hope that I might soon 
 be so far recovered as to be able to continue my 
 labours in Africa in a better climate, proposed
 
 216 CLOSE OF KESIUENCE IN EASTERN AFRICA. 
 
 to me to go to the Mauritius, and seek out such 
 natives of Eastern Africa as liad formerly been thence 
 sold into slavery, but were now residing in the island 
 as free men, who might be willing to learn ; and to 
 instruct them sufficiently to become catechists, with 
 a view of ultimately sending them back to Africa in 
 that capacity, a plan which had been attended with 
 much success at Sierra Leone in Western Africa. At 
 the Cape of Good Hope, too, the Committee was of 
 opinion that such persons were also to be met with. 
 Agreeable and inviting as was this proposal, much 
 as I approved of it, having regard to its important 
 results, I could not persuade myself to return to 
 Africa for some years to come, as I wished first for 
 the complete restoration of my health, and for tune 
 to review my whole life, especially my missionary 
 life in Africa; an occupation for which, out there, 
 I had never yet found sufficient time or leisure. 
 
 Our merciful Father, who hath hitherto so wonder- 
 fully uj^held me, and rendered my path in life plea- 
 sant to me, even amidst care and toil, hath been 
 pleased to bestow upon His servant an helpmeet for 
 him in the daughter of senator Pelargus, of Stutt- 
 gardt, my beloved wife Charlotte, whose Clmstian 
 experiences, joined to a perfect disregard of self and 
 an affectionate natui-e, have been my greatest suj^port, 
 both in the calling in which I labour, and in the 
 shattered state of my health ; for, indeed, she has 
 proved herself to me the best and truest human sup- 
 port, alike for body and soul ! 
 
 Full of trust in His hands do I leave the future of
 
 CLOSE OF RESIDENCE IN EASTERN Ai^RICA. 217 
 
 my life on earth, whether of activity at home, or in 
 the former field of my labour amongst the heathen 
 of Africa ! To Him would I render, as is most due, 
 all honom' and praise, worshipping Him in time and 
 eternit}", being thankful to Him, and blessing His 
 Name for all His mercies bestowed upon me from my 
 youth upwards, especially in the trials and perils of 
 my sojourn amongst the benighted tribes of Eastern 
 Africa ! 
 
 END OF PART I.
 
 PART II. 
 
 TRAVELS IN EASTERN AFRICA, 
 
 KADIAllO— JAGGA— USAMBARA— TJKAMBAA^I.
 
 221 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 eebmann's journey to kadiaro. 
 
 Departure by moonlight — Enduuga : the wilderness — The magic 
 staves and missionary resistance — Flora and fauna of the wilderness 
 — The Baschi ; pig and ass — Sunday evening in the wilderness ; 
 missionary discoiirse — Kadiaro — [Maguasini — Fu'st greeting of a 
 Teita family; comparison with a Wanika reception — Fears of the 
 Teita people — The missionary' fortress — Pare people and native 
 tobacco-pipes — Dress and ornaments in Teita — Its geography and 
 population — Mission prospects — Return journey to Rabbai Mpia 
 — European shoes and native sandals — Burden-bearing — Africa 
 and her children. 
 
 Before I attempt to describe, my more extended travels in Eastern 
 Afi-ica, I would introduce some narratives of travel by my former fellow- 
 labourer, Missionary Rebmann. It was he who inaugurated the commence- 
 ment of our journeys of exploration ; first, by his excursion to the mountain 
 Kadiaro, in the Teita- country, some thirty-six leagnes fhjm the sea-coast of 
 Mombaz ; and then by his journeys to Jagga, about one hundred leagues 
 in the interior of the African main-land. My dear friend describes his 
 journey to Kadiaro in the following pleasing manner. 
 
 On the night of the 14th of October 1847 just as 
 the moon was appearing above the horizon I began 
 my jom-ney being accompanied by six AYanika 
 and two Mohammedans. During that night I pro- 
 ceeded about one league and a half; and in the 
 morning after daybreak we journeyed through a 
 tolerably level' and rich pastm-e country for about a 
 league and a half, till we came to a tract more undu-
 
 222 rebmann's journey to kadiaro. 
 
 lating in ap]jearaiice, covered with bushes and a few 
 stunted trees rather than grass, and nowhere cul- 
 tivated, yet serving the AVanika for grazing-land. 
 We bivouacked under a tree in the forest near the 
 Wanika \allage of Engoni ; and the next day, after 
 a march of more than four leagues over stony ground, 
 with little vegetation and completely micultivated, 
 we reached Endungu, the name of the whole eastern 
 boundary of the Tvolderness, which stretches westward 
 from hence to Teita, for a breadth of full twenty 
 leagues; and which forms a great plain, which is 
 somewhat undulating in its eastern half, while the 
 western half presents a dead level. As Eudungu 
 stands some hundi'ed feet above the outstretched 
 plain, it afforded me a splendid view over its whole 
 extent fi'om west to east, with the mountains of Teita 
 rising to a height of fr'om 4000 to 5000 feet in the 
 backgi'ound. 
 
 This desert, or more properly speaking, this 
 mlderness, has of late years become infested w4th 
 Wakuafi and Galla, and consequently it cannot be 
 traversed in safety, which has led both Moham- 
 medans and heathen to invoke the supposed superior 
 protection of the powers of darkness in many ways, 
 of which superstition my own people were about to 
 give me a specimen. As we descended the slope 
 from Endunguni we foimd two magic-staves stuck 
 in the ground by the way-side, about two feet long, 
 burnt black, and wreathed romid at the top with 
 the bark of a tree. My people wished these to be 
 carried with us through the wilderness, nor would they
 
 rebmann's journey to kadiaro, 223 
 
 stir at my command without them, so I tore the bark 
 off one of them and threw them away as far as I 
 could ; but they still demm-red, and wanted to turn 
 back and search for them, and only after a long con- 
 troversy would they consent to proceed without 
 them ; for they told me what my Bible was to me 
 the staves would be to them, a preservative against 
 wild beasts and robbers. My caravan-driver, too, 
 held back, evidently determined to recover the one 
 from which I had not torn the talismanic bark ; but 
 I was determined that whilst the men served me 
 they should use none of these magic Uganga, and 
 told him so, stating that on arriving at Teita, whither 
 we were then journeying, the first thing I should 
 do would be to teach the Teita the Gospel, and by 
 its means destroy their Uganga, telling them that 
 magic was sinful in the sight of Him who had sent 
 His only Son, Jesus Christ, into the world to save all 
 sinners, Europeans and Africans, Suahili, Wanika, 
 Galla, and Wakuafi, if they would only believe and 
 be baptized. 
 
 Descending into the wilderness, our narrow foot- 
 path soon wound, for a short way, tln-ough a thicket, 
 in which many sorts of Euphorbia were to be seen. 
 The circumstance that even where no path has been 
 made, the Tvilderness is at once easily permeable and 
 affords bush enough to conceal an enemy, has made 
 the journey of the caravans very inseciu-e. The soil 
 appeared to me in many places very favourable for 
 culture. Among the wild animals which are very 
 numerous, gazelles, antelopes, and giraffes, are par-
 
 224 rebmann's journey to kadiaro. 
 
 ticularly observable. Another s^^ecies of animal 
 which we often met with, and which the natives 
 called Basclii, I was not acquainted with. The 
 young are very like swine, on which account the 
 Mohammedans do not eat them, while the old ones 
 have more the form of an ass and are of a grey 
 colour. Late in the evening of the 1 6th of October 
 we reached Kurundu, and spent the night in the 
 bush a little fiu'ther on. Next morning we recom- 
 menced our jom-ney, and continued it until the setting 
 of the sun, when my people again looked about for 
 a place suitable for a bivouac, which must always 
 be in some measure surrounded by bush. It was 
 Sunday evening; some of my peoj^le named the 
 Name of Cln-ist, and I profited by the op^Dortunity 
 once more to bear testimony to Him. I told them 
 of His miracles ; spoke especially of His atoning 
 death, and that He had died to discharge us of our 
 sins ; mine as well as theirs. On the third day, 
 on Sunday, the first day of the week. He had risen 
 again ; therefore, in the land of my home, Sunday 
 was kept holy. He who believed in Christ, received 
 forgiveness of his sins, with life and blessedness. I 
 told them that they must seek to obtain new hearts, 
 and then all would go right ; their country too, would 
 become new. Our fathers and countrymen had once 
 been like them and theirs, and our country like 
 theirs, bog and wilderness ; but since we had be- 
 lieved in Christ, our land had been transfoimed 
 into a garden of God. They asked, '' AVlio, then, 
 told you of Chi'ist ? " I replied : People who came
 
 rebmann's journey to kadiaro. 225 
 
 to us from other countries, as now we come to you, 
 and brought with them the book of God ; our fathers 
 received it, and since then everything has gone well 
 with us. Such a statement always makes some im- 
 pression upon them. Already at the commencement 
 of this conversation the leader of our little caravan 
 had said, they had given up their magic staves, and 
 would like now to become acquainted with my book. 
 When they became acquainted with the Bible, I 
 rejoined, they would see for themselves in what 
 estimation to hold their magicians and their spells. 
 
 Next day at noon, after a march of between tlu-ee 
 and four hours we reached Kadimu, which is an out- 
 post of the mountains of Teita, consisting of enormous 
 masses of rock, towering more than 100 feet above 
 each other, and almost destitute of vegetation. Here 
 is it, above all, that the Galla and Wakuafi lie in wait 
 for the caravans, and surprise them all the more 
 easily as the passes through these ranges are rather 
 narrow. After bivouacking for the last time in 
 the wilderness we reached next morning, the 19th of 
 October, that part of Teita which is called Kadiaro. 
 It is a solitary mountain-mass, stretching about one 
 league and a half ft-om south to north, and near 
 its centre reacliing its highest summit which consists 
 of an enormous mass of rock and is, for the most 
 part, completely perpendicular. After ascending 
 the mountain for more than a league we reached 
 the village Maguasini, containing about fifty huts, 
 which are built among enormous rocks protruding 
 from the mountain, with broken masses lying scat-
 
 220 rebmann's journey to kadiaro. 
 
 tcred around. On such a rock it was that I gi^eeted 
 one of the elders of the village with his large family, 
 as the first assemblage of Teita people which I had 
 met. The quiet and more earnest character of this 
 mountain people prevented them from making a 
 great deal of fuss in the reception of the first 
 European whom they had seen in their midst, as is 
 the custom of the Wanika, who always, when you 
 come for the first time into one of their villages, 
 set up dancing and singing in honour of the 
 stranger. Here there was nothing of the kind ; but 
 on the other hand, they immediately asked whether 
 I had come to build a fortress on their mountam ? 
 a question which, as it seemed to me, had been 
 put into their heads by my own people. I 
 answered that the only fortress which I had come 
 to build for them, was one in which they might 
 escape the wrath of God ; for I had come to preach 
 to them Christ, who had released all men from the 
 power of sin, and from the "v^^ath of God, and 
 who had become our Saviour. In this and other 
 ways I sought to sow the seed of the Divine Word 
 in their hearts, and the manner in which they listened 
 to me induced me to believe that I had not laboui'ed 
 in vain. 
 
 At Maguasini I saw also two men of the tribe 
 of Pare, which lies two days' journey to the south- 
 west of Teita. They were clothed in skins, and 
 used perfectly formed tobacco-pipes manufactured by^ 
 themselves. The bowls were of clay and the sticks 
 of a kind of bamboo, ornamented ^vith "svire. From
 
 rebmann's journey to kadiaro. 227 
 
 the Teita people I heard that their ancestors had 
 come thirty days' journey from the North, and the 
 structm^e of their huts quite coincides with this 
 tradition, which after the fashion of Abessinia have 
 mostly a circular, and here and there, too, an oval 
 form ; nor do the roofs, like those of the Wanika, 
 reach down to the floor, but spring at a rise of 
 four feet above the ground. The clothing of the 
 men is very simple ; they only throw a piece of 
 cloth round them, the arms and ears being more 
 or less hung with brass wii'e. By theii' strange 
 adornment the females are completely disfigTired, 
 encircling as they do the neck with whole 
 loads of beads, such as the Romanists use for their 
 rosaries, and winding them round the feet. Then 
 they wear two leather aprons, one in front and one 
 behind, which with garnish of beads they gird 
 round their loins, covering even the edges with 
 similar ornaments. It rarely happens, and when it 
 does merely on account of the cold, that they throw 
 a piece of cloth round the upper part of their bodies 
 and their bosoms, the latter being generally bare. 
 On their arms, like the men and even more so, they 
 wear brass wire, which is the ornament in use among 
 all the tribes of these regions. Amongst the natural 
 productions is the sugar-cane of good quality, from 
 which the people of Teita prepare a favomite bever- 
 age, which perhaps may resemble that of Pompey's 
 dark followers mentioned by Lucan. 
 
 The Teita-land forms a Delta, or triangle, the 
 southerly point of which is the mountain Kadiaro, 
 
 Q
 
 228 rebmann's journey to kadiaro. 
 
 already described, and the northerly and north- 
 westerly points are formed by the mountain chains 
 of Endara and Bm-a, which both stretch in one 
 direction from south-west to north-east for a length 
 amomiting to about three days' journey. Endara 
 itself, to the east of Bura, is a day's jom-ney, some 
 ten leagues, and Bura two days' journey from 
 Kadiaro. With the Teita-land I had hoped to 
 ascend a second terrace of the African highlands ; 
 but in place of this between the Kadiaro and the 
 two northern mountain chains of Teita the same 
 table-land extends, to which the ascent is formed by 
 the downs which run along the coast, and which con- 
 stitute the plain inhabited by the Wanika tribes. As 
 :J to population, there seem to be in Kadiaro, the 
 
 southern section of the Teita-land, only eight villages, 
 with a population, including that of the village of 
 Maguasini, of about 2000 souls. The Bura moun- 
 tains, sometimes called Kilima Kibomu, may contain 
 500, and the Endara 100 villages; an estimate 
 which, if not exaggerated, would give a population 
 of about 152,000 for the whole Teita-land. 
 
 As regards a mission to this people, up to this date 
 we can only say that it is very feasible and very 
 desirable. The way is clear ; but when it shall take 
 place cannot be foretold. Let us hope that the time 
 is not far distant when the messengers of peace, pro- 
 ceeding from east and west, will make their voices 
 heard, until they meet together in the centre of the 
 African continent. 
 
 On the morning of the third day after my arrival
 
 rebmann's journey to icadiaro. 229 
 
 in Teita (22nd of October) I began my retm-n- 
 journey through the wilderness. We passed again 
 the same stations as on the jom:-ney to Teita, and 
 after a tough march of three days, during which I 
 walked mostly only in my stockings, as my shoes 
 hm-t me, I reached our missionary-station at Rabbai 
 Mpia, safely, on the morning of the 25th of October. 
 I bore up tolerably against the heat of the sun, 
 although during the day its rays fell perpendicu- 
 larly on our heads ; and my only trouble arose from 
 my shoes, on which account I was often tempted to 
 envy the natives, who go barefoot ; and if on a long 
 journey that manner of walking becomes painful, or 
 the thorns compel them to change it, they wear a 
 simple soii; of sandal, wliich every one makes for 
 himself out of a little piece of leather. During a 
 vjourney they carry their loads on their heads, not 
 as we do, across the shoulders. If the load is heavy 
 they are obliged to bend forward to some extent, 
 that it may rest as much as possible on the back. 
 Singularly enough they then present a figure pre- 
 cisely like that of the massive and monotonous 
 continent of Africa whose childi'en they are, and 
 which, as if in strict harmony with its painful history, 
 wears the appearance of a huge monster-slave bent 
 down by his burden, and looking despondingly 
 towards America. 
 
 Q 2
 
 230 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 eebmann's first joueney to jagga. 
 
 To Bura — Forced residence near Jawia — Timidity of the Teita, 
 and its causes — Beautiful scenery ; reminiscences of home — The 
 Chief Muina — Onward again — Astonishment of the guide — 
 The trap-pits of the Teita — First view of Kilimanjaro, the 
 snow-mountain — The country between Teita and Jagga — 
 Arrival in Kilema — Distinct view of Kilimanjaro; contrasts 
 of scenery — King Masaki — The Kishogno — Mutual present- 
 giving — Yisit from the king — His appearance — Strange use of a 
 fork — The king's cordiality — Ascent of a mountain ; extensive 
 prospect — The return — ^I^otes on Jagga and Missions — Geo- 
 graphical conformation, and civil economy — PoHtics and society 
 in Jagga — Its habitations — Substitute for salt — Kative expe- 
 dition to Kilimanjaro — Advantages of Jagga as a mission- station 
 — Argument for the establishment of missionary colonies in 
 Eastern Africa. 
 
 About noon on the 27th of April 1848, having com- 
 mended ourselves to the gnidance of Providence, I 
 began my journey with nine men to carry the bag- 
 gage, necessary for a passage through such great 
 wastes ; and for seven days oui' way lay through a 
 wilderness, for the most part perfectly level. From 
 Kadiaro we struck noiih-westward, reaching Bugada, 
 a mountain covered with wood, but having no inha- 
 bitants, on the 1st of May. To make way was very 
 difficult, on account of the thick and thorny jungle, 
 through which our guide had missed the path. On
 
 rebmann's first journey to jagga. 231 
 
 the 3rd of May we passed the little river Madade, 
 which flows from the east foot of the Bura from north 
 to south, gathering in its com-se the other waters of 
 the Bm-a, when, after assuming the name of Gnaro, 
 it absorbs the river Jiarbo, and finally empties 
 itself into the sea at Wassin. When we had crossed 
 the river we were in the Bura territory, and encamped 
 at a spot on its bank in the forest, sending at once 
 three men to Mbosa, the chief of the nearest village, 
 Jawia, which lies on the top of the mountain, to 
 announce our arrival and to summon him to us. But 
 
 . before they returned, several Teita arrived from the 
 iieighboiu-ing plantations, bringing sugar-cane, bana- 
 nas, and Indian corn, which my people enjoyed very 
 much, our own provisions having come to an end. 
 
 Constant rain, and the illness of one of my ser- 
 vants, kept me in the neighbom-hood of the village 
 Jawia until the 6th of May. The inhabitants 
 and theii" chiefs appeared so stupid and fearful, that 
 
 jit would have required a long stay on my part to 
 have gained their confidence, so as to induce them 
 to hearken to the glad tidings of the Gospel. The 
 women and children were especially afraid of me, so 
 much indeed that in one of the villages I felt com- 
 pelled to say, ^'Why are you afr-aid of me? You 
 are many, and at home ; I am not afraid, although I 
 am alone, and a stranger among you." The causes 
 of this timidity are twofold ; the poor people, with 
 their faith in magic, look upon Em'opeans as magi- 
 cians; and the lying Mohammedan traders for 
 purposes of their own seek to alienate the natives of
 
 232 rebmann's fikst journey to jagga. 
 
 the interior from Europeans, by ascribing to the latter 
 all sorts of crimes, and cannibalism among the rest. 
 On the 7th of ^lay we took our way westward 
 tlu-ough the most luxuriant grass and undergrowth, 
 alternating mth noble trees, first ascending and 
 then descending the mountain, at the foot of which 
 we had encamjoed, till after an hour's journey we 
 descended into a narrow valley, tln-ough which a 
 clear brook murmured on its way, and on whose 
 banks sugar-cane sprang up indigenously. Some 
 Teita came ; but, stupid as the rest of their race, 
 they scarcely looked at us. How dijfferent from the 
 Wakamba, those nomads and traders of all Eastern 
 Africa, who, when they see a European crowd from 
 all sides and wonder at everything they see ! From 
 the valley we ascended again, and had a noble pro- 
 spect, particularly towards the south and south-west. 
 How splendid the whole landscape, with its rich 
 variety of mountain, hill, and dale, covered by the 
 most luxurious vegetation ! I could have fancied 
 myself on the Jura mountains, near Basel, or in the 
 region about Cannstatt in the dear fatherland, so 
 beautiful was the country, so delightful the climate. 
 Our way was across the bed of a mountain stream, 
 over hill and dale, through plantations of Indian corn 
 and beans, past small herds of cattle belonging to the 
 Teita, then along fields of sugar-cane and banana, 
 till we descended into the valley, "svith its rich pasture- 
 lands. AVhat a pity that this luxmiant gro^i;li of 
 grass year after year must perish unused ! An im- 
 measmable tract of the richest land stands here open
 
 rebmann's first journey to jagga. 233 
 
 to the church of Clirist. ' ' The meek shall inlierit the 
 earth." The destiny of these noble regions must be 
 a great one. We halted in the vicinity of the village 
 Muasagnombe, where I had again to give some pre- 
 sents, American calico and beads, to two chiefs, 
 through whose country I had wandered, and had 
 still to pass. The people here showed rather more 
 curiosity, and I explained to the Chief Maina and 
 his brother Lugo, as well as to some other people, 
 the reason for my journey. 
 
 3fay 7th (Sunday). — A lovely morning. It seemed 
 to me as if Nature were celebrating with me the 
 Sabbath. Mountains and all hills ; fruitful trees ; 
 beasts and all cattle; creeping things, and flying 
 fowl with the varied melody of their song, praised 
 their Creator with me. In the morning I had again 
 an opportunity to explain to some people the great 
 object of my journey. I generally do this by show- 
 ing them my Bible, and telling them that it is the 
 Word of God, which points out to us the way to 
 heaven ; that I would translate this book into their 
 language, and by and by seek to make old and young 
 acquainted with its contents. Our fathers, I tell 
 them, were made happy by this book. Little, how- 
 ever, is to be done with these people during short 
 visits ; if they are to become really acquainted mth 
 the Gospel we must dwell among them. 
 
 May 8. — After a short excursion I found the 
 chief, Maina, with another Teita, sitting under a 
 tree. He asked me some questions, and a Mnika 
 who was with me, translated for him my statement
 
 234 rebmann's first journey to jagga. 
 
 of the chief articles of our faith. He did not 
 encourage my wish to converse on religious matters 
 with him ; yet the more serious character of the 
 Teita showed itself however in this, that Maina 
 did not laugh, as the Wanika are in the habit of 
 doing, when he heard of the resurrection. On 
 the 9th of May, when I was to take leave of Maina, 
 to continue my journey to Jagga, he first pre- 
 sented me with Jofi, a beverage which is pre- 
 pared from sugar-cane, the " tenera dulcis ab arun- 
 dine succus" of the poet of Cordova, and the half of 
 a heifer, which he ordered to be slaughtered. The 
 libations and semi-religious ceremonies with which 
 he accompanied the leave-taking I refused to par- 
 ticipate in, although he assured me that there was 
 no question of Uganga. After my people had 
 prepared the flesh of the heifer for the journey by 
 smoking it, we departed about four o'clock in the 
 afternoon, and bivouacked by the river Gnaro. 
 After another day's journey through thick jungle 
 and the forest we bivouacked under a large tree, 
 a little after sunset. Here my guide looked at me 
 with astonishment, sa^ang : "You are here with 
 nothing but an umbrella, and formerly we needed 
 five hundred muskets, so dangerous was the spot 
 where we are ; for this was one of the chief encamp- 
 ments of the plundering Wakuafi." I replied: '' It 
 is the work of God ; He has opened a way for his 
 Gospel." As my people had a good deal of meat 
 with them, in the night we heard several hyenas 
 quite close to us, attracted by the scent.
 
 kebmann's first joukney to jagga. 235 
 
 On the lOtli of May we left the Gnaro at day- 
 break and proceeded through a pathless wilderness, 
 as my guide had quarrelled with the king of Dufeta, 
 and was afraid to cross his country, although it is 
 the ordinary route from Teita to Jagga. This 
 circumstance made the journey more painful, as 
 the kind of grass over which we went was full 
 of pointed leaves and burs that wounded my 
 feet severely, as I did not wear boots, but only 
 shoes. After we had travelled some leagues, we 
 came to a place where the Teita had prepared 
 a number of pits in which to catch elephants, 
 buffaloes, and all sorts of wild animals. The 
 wilderness between Teita and Jagga appears 
 to be richer in elephants, than that to the east 
 of Teita, whence these animals have mostly 
 disappeared and withdrawn into the interior. In 
 the course of the day we saw many herds of 
 giraffes and zebras, and in the evening a rhinoceros. 
 There is great uniformity in the characteristic gran- 
 deur of this country ; always repeating itself — great 
 plains, then suddenly, again, high monotonous 
 mountain-masses. 
 
 May 11. — In the midst of a great wilderness, full 
 of wild beasts, such as rhinoceroses, buffaloes, and 
 elephants, we slept beneath thorn-bushes, quietly 
 and securely under God's gracious protection ! This 
 morning we discerned the mountains of Jagga more 
 distinctly than ever ; and about ten o'clock, I fancied 
 I saw the summit of one of them covered with 
 a dazzlingly white cloud. My guide called the
 
 236 rebmann's first journey to jagga. 
 
 white which I saw, merely '' Beredi," cold; it was 
 perfectly clear to me, however, that it could be 
 nothing else but snow. Resting for a while soon 
 afterwards under a tree, I read in the English Bible 
 the cxith Psalm, to which I came in the order 
 of my reading. The promise made a lasting im- 
 pression upon me, in sight of the magnificent snow- 
 mountain ; for the sixth verse expresses so majes- 
 tically and clearly that of which I had only noted 
 down the presentiment in my journal on Saturday 
 last.* 
 
 The whole country round between Teita and 
 Jagga has a sublime character. To the west, was 
 the lofty Mount Kilimanjaro with its perpetual snow; 
 to the south-west was the massive and monotonous 
 Ugano ; to the north-west, the extended moun- 
 tain-chain of Kikumbulia ; and to the east, the 
 chains of the Teita-mountains with their highest 
 summit, called Veruga, which (with the exception 
 of Kilimanjaro) rise 4000 to 6000 feet above the 
 plain surrounding them. In the course of the day 
 I had also a faint view towards Kaptei (or Kaftei), 
 as the country proper of the Wakuafi is called, 
 lying to the north of Jagga. 
 
 May 12. — ^^Ve crossed the river Lumi or Lomi 
 at seven in the morning. The nearer we approached 
 the mountains of Jagga the richer was the vege- 
 tation ; here and there we met with large and 
 magnificent trees, such as I had not seen since I left 
 
 * "He hath shcwod his people the power of his works, that he 
 may give them the heiita"e of the licathcu."
 
 eebmann's first journey to jagga. 237 
 
 the coast, till at last we entered a noble valley, 
 thickly grown over with grass which reached up to 
 oui' middle. Abundant pasture-land for thousands 
 of cattle ! Oh, what a noble countiy has God reserved 
 for his people ! Between four and five in the after- 
 noon we reached the beautiftd and sparkling river 
 Gona, which has its source in the snowy summit of 
 Kilimanjaro. A great tree served as a most un- 
 satisfactory bridge over it, and upon reaching the 
 opposite bank I enjoyed a refreshing bath, the 
 extreme coldness of the water plainly showing that 
 its som'ce can only be in the snow-mountain. The 
 coast portion of the journey to the river had been 
 very stony, and much obstructed by jungle. 
 
 May 13. — After bivouacking on the bank of the 
 Gona for the night, we recommenced our journey at 
 eight o'clock this morning, and after a painful march 
 of many hours through thick jungle, reached the first 
 trench which surrounds the little kingdom of Kilema. 
 Crossing the ditch on a very shaky bridge, con- 
 sisting of a slim tree, we were again on pasture- 
 land, where we could see the plantations of Kilema, 
 but not the dwellings hidden in them. About a 
 quarter of an hour afterrv^ards we were met by a 
 number of soldiers of Masaki, the King of Kilema, 
 whose only clothing was some fringed hides, hang- 
 ing very loosely about them. We sat down for a 
 while under the shadow of a large tree, where we 
 had to wait for about an hom\ I gazed on the 
 lovely country, which seemed to be bm-sting with 
 plenteousness, and presented in a comparatively
 
 238 eebmann's first journey to jagga. 
 
 small extent the most striking contrasts. In our 
 immediate vicinity -was the beautiful river Gona; 
 and on its banks, as well as on the foot of the 
 mountains around, the richest vegetation of a perfect 
 dark green of perpetual summer ; and when I raised 
 my eyes I beheld, apparently only a few leagues 
 distant, but in reality from one to two days' journey, 
 Kilimanjaro, covered with perpetual snow and 
 ice. Wlien I was summoned to Masaki my guide 
 put grass into my hand after the custom of the 
 country, that I might so greet the king, who had, 
 likewise, some in his. In conformity with their 
 usage I gave my hand to him and to his ministers. 
 There was nothing to distinguish him, while some 
 of his chief men wore caps made out of skins, and 
 long garments. Our salutations over a sheep was 
 slaughtered in order to present me mth the Ki- 
 shogno, token of friendship, which consists of a 
 little bit of skin, from the forehead of the animal, 
 which the king fastened on my middle finger. 
 In a little hut, in the midst of a whole forest of 
 bananas, and which completely shut out any view, 
 I afterwards delivered to the young king my pre- 
 sents, consisting chiefly of calico and beads, a knife, 
 fork, scissors, needles, and thread, and some other 
 trifles, worth, altogether, from ten to twelve dollars ; 
 receiving in return, as provisions for myself and 
 my little caravan, a cow and several sheep and goats. 
 The wounds on my feet prevented me from leav- 
 ing my hut until the 20th of May. The king's 
 vizier and other chief men of the land visited me
 
 rebmann's first journey to jagga. 239 
 
 several times almost every day. On the 14th I 
 was asked by some of them, with the aid of what 
 weapons I had come thither ? To which my guide 
 at once replied, that I had nothing with me but my 
 umbrella ; but I added, pointing to Heaven, that 
 '' I had come, trusting in God, the Chi-istians' 
 ' Eruwa,' alone !"* They rejoined : ''In Eruwa 
 alone!" "Yes," I said, "for He alone is all and 
 everything, and wild beasts, as well as wicked men, 
 are in His hand." They could scarcely believe, 
 much less understand, how I could have made so 
 long a jom-ney without spear and sliield, or with- 
 out the use of powerful enchantments. 
 
 On the 16th the king himself visited me, ac- 
 companied by his vizier and brother-in-law. Every- 
 thing I had on and with me attracted his attention, 
 even the buttons on my trousers. Wlien his curiosity 
 was a little satisfied I took my Bible in my hand, 
 and said to him that we Europeans had to thank this 
 book for everything that he had just seen. To visit 
 his country was of small moment to me ; but to teach 
 him and his people the contents of this book was 
 what I desired above all. Our fathers had once lived 
 on as ignorant as all the j)eople in these comitries, 
 until they had obtained this book. On this Masaki 
 took my Bible boldly into his hands, and amused 
 himself by tm-ning over the leaves. He is a lively 
 young man, with a bearing no less intelligent 
 
 * All the time of my residence in Jagga it rained in torrents 
 almost eveiy night, on which account the sun is welcome to the 
 inhabitants, and is their god ; — Eruwa = sun, heaven, god.
 
 240 rebmann's first journey to jagga. 
 
 than worthy of a king ; so that, without wearing 
 any external mark of his rank, he is easily distin- 
 guishable from his subjects. He visited me again 
 on the 19th for a few minutes, having a fork, 
 (which along with a knife I had presented to him), 
 in his hair as an ornament ! I explained to him 
 the use of it ; he laughed, but did not seem to 
 understand. 
 
 May 24. — The king visited me once more with 
 some of his chiefs. I assured them again, and 
 earnestly, that I had no other aim and occupation 
 than to teach what was written in my book. This, 
 and a great deal more about my mission and myself 
 was excellently interpreted to them by my guide, 
 Bana Kheri, so that they understood me very well. 
 By and by they went out of the little hut and 
 consulted with my guide, who then told me that the 
 king would receive me or my brother as a teacher, 
 and that we were to go into no other country. Before 
 returning to the coast I was to stay for three days 
 longer, having full permission to make excursions 
 when and whither I chose, the best possible sign of 
 the king's confidence in me. 
 
 May 25. — I ascended to-day a mountain about 
 two thousand feet high, from which I had a most 
 extensive view in almost every direction. To the 
 south-east, there was an open prospect almost to the 
 sea-coast, and I could clearly distinguish the summit 
 of the lofty mountain Yombo in the Wanika-land, in 
 the neighbom^hood of Wassin; and on that moun- 
 tain, as my guide told me, you can see, at one and
 
 rebmann's first journey to jagga. 241 
 
 the same time, Zanzibar and the KiUmanjaro, an 
 interesting geographical fact. To-day Kiliman- 
 jaro was veiled in clouds, otherwise I might have 
 seen it invested with the silver crown, by which 
 it seems to claim the title of king of the mountains 
 of Eastern Africa. Before I descended from the 
 noble mountain on which I had enjoyed so grand 
 a view, I prayed j6:om the depths of my heart, as 
 regards all the populations around, — " Thy kingdom 
 come." On the way back to my gloomy hut we 
 visited several of the king's residences, which were, 
 however, nothing more than the usual African huts 
 covered with withered grass and impenetrable to 
 light and air. This evening I heard that the people 
 of Jagga, too, pray to the souls of the dead, which 
 they call Warumu ; but instead of rice and palm- 
 wine, like the Wanika, they place milk on the 
 graves. Tliis custom, diffused far and wide in Eastern 
 Africa, proves a strong yearning after life in a future 
 state. J 
 
 On the 26th of May Rehani, the king's vizier, 
 came to me early, and asked me all sorts of questions 
 respecting my supposed supernatural gifts ; and as the 
 rain kept him with me, I had time to lay before him 
 the chief articles of our faith, so that the name of 
 Christ has at least been named in this country, and the 
 people know that I am His servant, and not a trafficker 
 or dealer in magic and lies. At noon on the 29th, 
 Rehani with the king's uncle and one of his brothers 
 came to bid me farewell in the king's name, as he 
 himself, it appeared, could not come on account of
 
 242 
 
 the sickness of a child. They brought a goat as pro- 
 visions for the three days' march tlirough the wilder- 
 ness to Teita, after which we could again procure 
 food. In taking leave of me, they asked me to retiun 
 soon again to their country and reside in it, and not 
 go to any other. 
 
 In the evening I began at last my journey back. 
 At fii'st, walking was painful, for the wounds on my 
 feet were not yet healed, and the vegetable world of 
 the wilderness seems to have conspired to make the 
 way difficult for us poor wanderers. The journey 
 back to Bura was accomplished safely in three days' 
 hard walking. During it, we found a fine antelope 
 in one of the pits dug by the Teita to trap elephants 
 and other animals. We reached Kadiaro on the 7th 
 of Jmie. As I had already travelled tlu-ee times the 
 route from Kadiaro to Rabbai, I took that by Shimba 
 to Mombaz. Shimba is the southern continuation of 
 the mountains on the coast inhabited by the Wanika, 
 and is a day's journey distant from Rabbai. Imme- 
 diately to the west of it I saw a most magnificent 
 country, intersected by numerous streams, and bear- 
 ing on its face every proof of fertility, but l}T^ng 
 almost wholly unused ; — land enough for thousands 
 of families, while the spacious and lofty j^lateau of 
 the Shimba itself oifers to the settler the finest and 
 healthiest situation, with an extended view over the 
 Indian Ocean, and with continuous enjoyment of 
 the fresh sea-air ! On the lOtli of June, I camped 
 out for the last time on my return-journey ; and on 
 the 11th I reached Mombazj safely ending under
 
 ^-' 
 
 REBMANN S FIEST JOURNEY TO JAGGA. 243 
 
 God's protection and blessing my six weeks' life of 
 wandering. 
 
 NOTES ON JAGGA AND MISSIONS. 
 
 It is their form of government wliich chiefly dis- 
 tinguishes the inhabitants of Jagga from the 
 Wateita, AYakamba, and Wanika. It seems as if 
 there were a harmony between the physical con- 
 formations of those countries and theii' political con- 
 stitutions. Among the Wakamba in tliefr plains, 
 there is a uniform level, so that scarcely any indivi- 
 dual is clothed vvith any degree of authority and 
 mastership. The Jaggas go to the other extreme ; 
 they exalt a single individual to such a political 
 height above themselves, that they are ahnost slaves, 
 just as theii' snow-crowned Kilimanjaro lifts its 
 head so high above the clouds, that the other moun- 
 tains around it are almost reduced to comparative 
 insignificance. 
 
 The greatest delight of the Mangi lies in the birth of 
 a Msoro. As soon as they can do without a mother's ^ 
 care all male children are compelled to live together, 
 to be trained early to sei^e the king as guards, and ^^ 
 their country as engineers, in the construction of ^-"^ 
 water-courses and in keeping up the trenches of 
 defence. The greater part of domestic and field- 
 labom' devolves upon the women, whose toil is much 
 increased by the useful practice of stall-feeding, i 
 The Wasoro work very little, their business being to 
 guard their king and country, for which j^m-jDOse 
 they almost always carry spears and shields, the
 
 244 rebmann's first journey to jagga. 
 
 latter prettily elaborated out of elephants' and buffa- 
 loe^sL-Mdes. In spite of the richness of the soil, 
 from their ignorance of agriculture and want of 
 markets for their produce, the inhabitants are ex- 
 tremely jDOor. They share their dwellings Tvith 
 their cattle, yet they must not be accused of want 
 of cleanliness, for they wash and bathe frequently, 
 and the Jagga are a very robust and powerful race, 
 which is partly to be attributed to the healthiness of 
 the climate. 
 
 There are in Jagga no compact villages or towns, 
 but only isolated inclosm-es, separated from each 
 other by open spaces extending about the eighth of 
 a mile, and always covered with banana-trees. Each 
 yard is occupied by a single family, in several huts, 
 protected by hedgerows of gro^Hng bushes, or of 
 dried branches, which serve as a defence against 
 wild beasts, more especially hyenas. Here again on 
 a small scale the Jagga typif}^ the habits of the 
 entire races of East Afi-ica, which never commingle 
 with one another, but, as it is with the families of 
 Jagga, are separated from each other by inter- 
 stices. But just as traffic brings many of the power- 
 ful tribes into fr-equent contact, so do the Jagga 
 often meet together at then' Saugaras, or market- 
 places, with their nearest neighbours, the Dafeta, 
 the Ugono, and the Kahe, which cannot but afford 
 a missionary excellent oj^portunities of preaching the 
 Gospel. A peculiar article of trade T;\dth them is 
 Emballa, which is found in the Kahe-land to the 
 south of Jagga, and is a kind of earth which they
 
 / 
 
 rebmann's first journey to jagga. 245 
 
 dissolve in water, using the liquor for admixture 
 with their food instead of salt, which they have 
 not. The taste of this water is brackish, and re- 
 minded me immediately of the mineral water of 
 Bahlingen. They give it also as a beverage to their 
 sick cattle, and every way its bitter seems to be 
 advantageous to health. The Jagga are apt work- ^ 
 men in the manufacture of implements of war and 
 of articles for domestic use, and the women by means 
 of knitting ornament their leather clothing with small, 
 beads. 
 
 Rungua, king of Majame, the father of Mam- 
 kinga, once sent a large expedition to investigate the 
 nature of snow. He hoped it might prove to be silver, 
 or something of the kind ; but only one of the party 
 survived, and with frozen hands and feet announced \ 
 to the king the melancholy fate of his companions, /'-^^ 
 who had been destroyed not only by the cold, but ( 
 by fear and terror ; for in their ignorance they 1 
 ascribed the effects of the cold to evil spirits, and \ 
 fled away, only to meet with destruction in severer 
 frost and cold. My guide told me that he had seen 
 the poor man, whose frost-bitten hands and feet were 
 bent inwards by the cold, and that he had heard from 
 his own lips the story of his adventures. ^ 
 
 One great obstacle to the establishment of a mis- 
 sion in Jagga exists in the shocking state of the |. 
 route which leads to it. In other respects a mis- J 
 
 R 2
 
 246 rebmann's first journey to jagga. 
 
 sionary will find there facilities denied him among 
 the Wakamba, Wanika, and Wateita. Let him once 
 secure the friendship of the king, and all else will 
 quickly follow ; for the king will then provide both 
 dwelling-place and school, and call the people 
 together to hear the gospel preached. To sustain 
 the friendly feeling of the king, he should be ac- 
 companied by a good doctor and some useftd 
 mechanics, whose presence would be profitable to 
 the king. Indeed, in a general way, a missionary 
 to Eastern Africa should always be similarly ac- 
 companied, and by married men and their families 
 in preference to unmarried ones. These tribes, at 
 once sensual and destitute of all the conveniences of 
 life, should have Christianity presented to them not 
 only in sermons and teaching, but realized and 
 embodied ; exercising its influence on every-day life, 
 especially in the married state and in the bringing 
 up of children. People out here do not believe us, 
 or at least not rightly, when we tell them that in 
 our country the land is so much better cultivated 
 I than theirs, that their cultivation of it appears by 
 '' contrast a mere nothing. Wlien we tell them that 
 j with us oxen and cattle are used in the tillage of the 
 1 soil, they know not what to make of it. They must 
 J be led to see with theii- owai eyes that the people 
 \ who follow the Christ whom we preach to them, 
 really understand better than they how to cultivate 
 the soil, and can do a great deal else that is not less 
 desirable for them to know. Families, families — 
 j Christian families, really converted fathers and
 
 rebmann's first journey to jagga. 247 
 
 mothers, with well-nurtured childi^en, are the tools 
 which are chiefly needed for missionary work in 
 Eastern Africa. Once surround the missionary with 
 families who ^^I'esent in living and visible reality 
 '' muscular" Clu'istianity in life and death, in labom' 
 and repose, in marriage and education, in public 
 worship, in common prayer and psalmody, in devout 
 listening to the Word of God, — then will our poor and 
 careless Wanika easily and clearly understand to 
 what a blessed condition out of their present desti- 
 tution, to what life out of death, to what light out of 
 darkness, to what joy in the Holy Spirit out of 
 present dread of evil spirits, to what love out of 
 selfishness, to what genuine peace out of worldly 
 security, we are helping them. The problem solved 
 by such Christian communities would be to render 
 not only themselves, but missionaries independent 
 of society at home in regard to outward support ; 
 but, to effect this, these little communities must be 
 prepared to sacrifice all that they possess ; for in the 
 service of Christ we must be content with food and 
 raiment, which will never fail us, if first we seek 
 the kingdom of God and His righteousness ; for He 
 has promised that then all these things shall be 
 added unto us.
 
 248 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 rebmann's second journey to jagga. 
 
 Change of plan — ^Arrival at Kilema — Detention by Masaki, and its 
 motive — Arrival of escort from the king Mamkinga — Journey 
 to Majame — Strange ceremony — The sorcerers and the 
 production of rain — Interview "with the king — His friendly 
 reception and disinterestedness — In-\-itation to remain — Joiu-ney 
 homeward — The mountains of Jagga — Kilimanjaro and its 
 meaning — Snow, and the natives of Jagga — Snow demon- 
 strated to the Suahili mind — Arrival at Eabbai. 
 
 AYiTH Bana Kheri once more for my guide and 
 fifteen other Sualiili to carry my baggage, armed 
 partly with muskets and pai-tly ^dth bows and 
 arrows, I started from Mombaz on the lith of 
 November 1848, and reached Bm^a on the 26th. 
 My original plan of a visit to Kiku^ni and ^Ibelete 
 was altered by cu^cumstances, so I resolved to 
 content myself with a journey to Kilema and 
 Majame in Jagga. On the 4th of December I 
 started again for Jagga, and after three days' 
 march of about 80 English miles thi'ough the wil- 
 derness arrived safely in Kilema, and met with a 
 fi'iendly reception from Masaki. By and by, how- 
 ever, when he found that I was bent on prosecuting 
 my journey and ^4siting the king of Majame, he 
 began to tlirow difficulties in the way. He did not
 
 kebmann's second journey to jagga. 249 
 
 wish the calico and beads, which I had with me for 
 my further journey, to take their departure and 
 become the property of another than himself. Pro- 
 bably I should not have succeeded in getting far 
 from Kilema, westward to Majame, had there not 
 been fortunately for me with Masaki some soldiers 
 of King Mamkinga, who is the gi-eatest of the 
 kings of the Jagga-land. I told them of my 
 plan, and ]\Iasaki could not now altogether thwart 
 it without provoking the anger of Mamkinga, 
 on whom he is virtually dependent. The soldiers 
 of Mamkinga told me, that I should be well received 
 by their master, who had lately thought of sending 
 to the coast for some European to remain with him 
 as one of his sorcerers, a class of whom he is 
 extremely fond. At last, Masaki sent messengers to 
 Mamkinga to inform liun of my msh, and to request 
 an escort for me if he desired a visit from me. He 
 did send a troop of soldiers under the command of 
 his brother Kllewo, in whose company on the 4th 
 January 1849 I began my journey towards Ma- 
 jame, much impoA^erished by the shameless men- 
 dicancy of Masaki and his relatives. We traversed 
 an often undulating country, ascending as we went 
 for some two or three leagues north-westward right 
 towards Kilimanjaro, to which we came so near 
 that I could distinctly see, even by night, in the 
 light of the moon, its majestic snow-clad summit. 
 It was as cold as in Germany in November, and we 
 were very glad to sleep in a hut warmed by a good 
 fti'e. Fmilier upward the country was uninhabited,
 
 250 rebmann's second journey to jagga. 
 
 and unfit for the cultivation of the banana, the chief 
 food of the population of Jagga. On the 5th of 
 January we continued our journey for some leagues 
 north-westward, till we had reached a height of 
 about a thousand feet above the place where we had 
 slept. Thence descending for some five or six 
 leagues we reached again the inhabited country, 
 and the region of the banana. At noon we halted, 
 and received some bananas and honey sent us by 
 MaTvdshe, who rules over a portion of the little 
 territory of Uru. Next day, we continued om' journey 
 westward, crossing some very deej) valleys and 
 descending always towards Majame. From Uru 
 I had a good view Avestwards towards Majame, 
 which lies considerably lower, stretching between 
 the south-western foot of Kilimanjaro and the 
 north-eastern foot of Shira, which is also some- 
 times covered with snow . On the 6th, our way 
 led us first into a deep valley, from which, after 
 a steep ascent we reached a table-land. After 
 a march of twenty minutes we had to descend 
 into a still deeper valley, ascending from the other 
 side of which we reached a large elevated plain, ex- 
 tending some three or foui- miles fr'om east to west. 
 Here we crossed the river which separates Uru from 
 the district of Lambongo, and leaving it behind us, 
 we proceeded onward for several leagues, the ground 
 covered A\dth banana-trees, the fi-uit of which was 
 rotting, for there was no one to gather it, and to such 
 an extent that the very air was foetid. After crossing- 
 two other rivers oui' route led us downward into the
 
 rebmann's second journey to jagga. 251 
 
 level country, which stretches through the southern 
 part of Jagga, and which appeared never to have 
 been cultivated, being covered with impenetrable 
 jungle. Here I found some raspberries, of which I 
 ate. Jom-neying some fom- or six English miles 
 further, crossing several rivers, which at this time 
 of the year would have been dried up had not 
 their sources been in the region of perpetual 
 snow, we reached the little territory of Kimdi, 
 separated by a small river from the district of 
 Kimbo. From Kimbo we had still to travel 
 through a fine open champaign for about tlu-ee miles, 
 till at length we reached the river Veriveri about 
 four in the afternoon. This fine river which serves 
 as a barrier against every enemy forms the eastern 
 boundary of Majame, where we had now arrived. 
 I was obliged to remain on the bank of the river 
 until a goat had been brought, and the Kishogno 
 ceremony gone tlirough, without which no stranger 
 can enter the country of Jagga. After the 
 ceremony Kilemo conducted me to one of his huts. 
 Next day, and again on the 8th of January I 
 received visits fi'om Muigno Wessiri, a Suahili, who , 
 has lived in Jagga for six years, and has been 
 appointed by the king his medicine-man and sor- 
 cerer, personages identical in savage countries. He 
 came to inspect the presents which I was to offer to 
 the king, who had heard that most of my things 
 had been given away during my long residence at 
 Kilema ; yet the king sent me a hearty welcome, as 
 it was myself, not my goods, he desired. For a per-
 
 252 rebmann's second journey to jagga. 
 
 sonal interview with the king I had to wait until 
 the 12th of January. The sorcerers were the cause 
 of this delay. I was told, that on the arrival of a 
 stranger a medicine must be compounded out of a 
 certain plant, or a tree fetched from a distance, 
 mixed with the blood of the sheep or the goat, from 
 which the king himself makes the Kishogno for his 
 guest. And what is done mth this mixture ? The 
 stranger is besmeared or besprinkled with it, before 
 he is allowed to come into the presence of the king. 
 So it happened, when, on the evening of that day, 
 the king appeared with a great retinue, that, instead 
 of receiving at once the long-wished-for audience, 
 I was commanded to remain in my dark hut, whilst 
 out of doors the victim was being strangled, not only 
 for my behoof, but to serve in the production of rain. 
 And in very deed it so fell out that the sorcerer had 
 scarcely completed liis ceremonial, when amid thun- 
 der the rain began to fall in torrents, and the 
 deluded spectators were excited to honom' the 
 fortunate magician with the words : '' Hei muanga 
 wa Mangi ! hei muanga wa Mangi ! " — Well done, 
 O sorcerer of the king ! Muanga (sorcerer) is a title 
 of honour in Jagga. That the rain would fall just 
 at the right moment, had no doubt been calculated on 
 by the crafty and practised sorcerer, for these muangas 
 usually combine a knowledge of natural phenomena 
 with their delusive art. In no country can the fall of 
 rain be kno^^^l beforehand more easily than in Jagga, 
 where the whole process of cloud-formation can be 
 daily perceived. As soon as the sun begins to be a
 
 rebmann's second journey to jagga. 253 
 
 little hot, thin vapours are seen floating hither and 
 thither over the snow, and these by degrees form 
 thin clouds, so that about noon thunder is mostly 
 heard. With a little practice in daily observation, 
 and with the study of the seasons, the muanga is 
 soon enabled to predict rain an hour before its fall. 
 When the rain began to fall I was summoned to 
 leave my hut, and while I stood beneath its lower 
 opening, the sorcerer without asking my permis- 
 sion bespattered my face and the front part of my 
 body with his filthy mixtm^e, using a cow's tail for 
 the purpose. It was as well that my leave had 
 not been asked, for I should have absolutely refused 
 it. After the rain was over I was summoned to the 
 king, as he wished to present me with the Kishogno 
 in person. Upon this I had to return once more to 
 my hut, whither the king and his chiefs followed 
 me to receive his presents, and to hear what I had 
 to say ; but it was evident that he cared more about 
 myself than about my presents. I stretched out my 
 Bible towards him, and told him my only business 
 was with this book, which contained the word of 
 God, and which we wished to teach to all nations. 
 The design of my journey was not to buy slaves nor 
 ivory, but to form a friendship with him, and to ask/ 
 him whether he did not wish persons like ourselves 
 in his country. If this were the case I would com- 
 municate in writing his wish to those who had sent 
 me, and who would take care that it should be gi'ati- 
 fied ; but I could not say how long a delay might 
 elapse, as our country was very distant. The king was
 
 254 REBM Ann's second journey to jagga. 
 
 very much pleased, and said, '' How can I refuse this 
 man's wish ?" He then examined the few things 
 which I had still to give him, and among them a 
 certain kind of bead, and a white flask, appeared to 
 please him particularly. After he had ordered me 
 during my stay in Majame to reside with Muigno 
 Wessin, who stood nearer him than his brother 
 Kilemo, he retii-ed to his hut. The following 
 day, the 13th of January, he made me a present 
 of a sheep, and promised to forward my speedy 
 return. Again on the 16th I had an audience of 
 the king, who would not allow me to depart until 
 the 29th. Although disaj^pointed of finding a 
 sorcerer in me, he assured me frequently of his 
 great affection for me, and would have kept me 
 much longer with hun, had I not entreated him to 
 allow me to return. Indeed, he woidd have been 
 well pleased if I had at once settled down at Ma- 
 jame, in which event he would have given me his 
 own son for a pupil. 
 
 During the return-journey, which was performed 
 in the hot season, when the mountains are not en- 
 veloped in clouds as in the rainy season, I was able 
 for the first time to see distinctly the lofty summits 
 of the mountains of Jagga and the outline of their 
 connection and separation. There are two principal 
 summits placed upon a basis some ten leagues long 
 and as many broad, so that the space between them 
 forms as it were, a saddle, whicli extends three or four 
 leagues from east to west. The eastern summit is 
 lower, and pointed, whilst the western and higher
 
 rebmann's second journey to jagga. 255 
 
 one presents a fine crown, which, even in the hot 
 season, when its western and lowlier neighbour can 
 no longer suj^port its snowy roof, remains covered 
 by a mass of snow. The snow of Kilimanjaro is 
 not only the perpetual source of the many rivers 
 (twenty, at least) which proceed from it, but even 
 in the hot season, and indeed then more particularly, 
 it is a continual source of rain, as may be daily ob- 
 served, and as I have already described in alluding 
 to the use made of the phenomenon by the sorcerers. 
 The Suahili of the coast call the snow-mountain ' 
 Kilimanjaro, "mountain of greatness;" it may / 
 also mean "mountain of caravans"^ (Kilima, moun- 
 tain, — Jaro, caravans), a landmark for the caravans 
 seen everywhere from afar ; but the inhabitants of 
 Jagga call it Kibo, snow. On my first journey 
 my guide had misinformed me, when he said that 
 the people of Jagga had no word for snow ; but 
 when I asked the natives of Jagga themselves, 
 their various statements, — for example, that the 
 Kibo-when put into the fire tm-ns into water, — con- 
 vinced me that they not oidy knew it as " Kibo," 
 but knew no less well its natm-e and properties. 
 They assented, too, when I told them that the 
 river flowing by had its source in Kibo. -I showed 
 the Suahili that the white covering could not be 
 sil ver, as they could see with theii' o^wti eyes that 
 on the one mountain it ajjpeared and disappeared 
 with the seasons, while on the other it increased and 
 decreased, which could not be the case if it were 
 silver. I pointed also to the many nvers which
 
 256 rebmann's second journey to jagga. 
 
 descend from tlie mountain as a testimony of the 
 fact that the white covering is only another form of 
 water. My guide was completely convinced, and 
 said that the people of Jagga would not buy from the 
 Suahili the armlets of lead worn by the latter as 
 ornaments, if they had in their territory such a mass 
 of silver. This much is known, moreover, that at 
 times people ascend the mountain, and descend again 
 in safety, if they but choose the right season ; of 
 which, indeed, they are mostly ignorant, and hence 
 many have perished in the attempt. 
 
 Journeying by way of Kilema, Bura, and Ka- 
 diaro, I arrived at Rabbai in safety on the 16th of 
 February.
 
 257 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 rebmann's thied journey to jagga. 
 
 Joiu-neying in the rainy season — Encounter with a rliinoceros — 
 Masald once more — Eain-making and rain-preventing — Ex- 
 temporized hut — Obstinacy of the bearers — Necessity pulls down 
 the hut — Agreeable disappointment — Arrival at Majame — 
 Altered demeanour of King Mamkinga — Extortion and persecu- 
 tion — Missionary-tears misinterpreted — King Mamkinga' s ivory — 
 Heathen hypocrisy — Ceremonial of leave-taking — Mercenary fare- 
 well — Speedy departure — Masaki evaded — The native axe in 
 the jungle — Extemporized bridges and their dangers — Entrance 
 into the "Wilderness — A feast of fledgUngs — Nearing home — 
 Arrival at Rabbai — Concluding reflections. 
 
 King Mamkinga had as mentioned in the previous 
 chapter shown himself friendly, and promised to 
 aid me in prosecuting farther journeys from his 
 comitry. Accordingly, after my return from my 
 second journey to Jagga, it was resolved, upon 
 mature deliberation, that I should retm'n again to 
 Jagga and endeavour to penetrate to Uniamesi at 
 least. We considered it to be our duty to make 
 Christians at home acquainted with the unknown 
 countries of the African interior, that they might be 
 stimulated to promote the Grosj^el more energetically 
 than hitherto in that part of the world. In any 
 case, we wished to pave the way for evangelizing
 
 ?^58 rebmann's third journey to jagga. 
 
 Eastern Africa by making ourselves acquainted with 
 its unexplored countries, their manners, modes of 
 thought, languages, government, &c., by at least 
 naming- the name of Christ where it had never been 
 named before, and by explaining to the natives the 
 general character of our objects. 
 
 On the 6th of April 1849 I started once more, 
 well provided with articles of various kinds for 
 presents, and having hilled thirty men, chiefly 
 Wanika, as the meditated journey to Uniamesi was 
 a long one. The rainy season had just commenced, 
 which made my journey from Jagga to Kadiaro 
 very difficult ; for it often rained the livelong night, 
 with myself and people lying in the open air, with- 
 out any other shelter than that of my solitary um- 
 brella. The rivers of Jagga, too, were swollen. 
 On the 19th of April we crossed the Lumi, close to 
 which, at a distance of from ten to fifteen paces, we 
 came upon a rhinoceros which had been concealed 
 by the bushes. Only one of my people was in ad- 
 vance of me ; the rest, who were all behind me, threw 
 down their loads and ran away, while the one in front 
 retreated to my rear. As I was so near I mshed 
 now to see distinctly the animal, and therefore only 
 retreated slowly a few paces. The mighty creature 
 seemed to have the same wish ; for it stood motion- 
 less for about a minute, staring at us ; when all at 
 once as if terror-stricken by the number of people, 
 it sj^rang away at a quick trot. In then* super- 
 stition my bearers believed that the Bible which 
 I carried in my pocket had put the beast to
 
 rebmann's third journey to jagga. 259 
 
 flight, and considered this a proof that my book had 
 magical power. 
 
 I would willingly have avoided Kilema and gone 
 on straight to Majame ; but want of provisions 
 and the continual rain forced me into the lion's den 
 once more. After experiencing from Masaki the 
 annoyances which I had expected, I succeeded in 
 being allowed to continue my journey, his kingship 
 previously to my departure causing his troops, con- 
 sisting of some four or five hundred men, to defile 
 past me, doubtless by way of convincing me that 
 he, too, was a great king. On the loth we were 
 overtaken by night when within a league of Ma- 
 jame, and then I had to pass a rainy night indeed, 
 although among the Jagga people who were with 
 us there was a rain-maker, who now wished to show 
 off as a rain-preventer also. He had himself an- 
 nounced that dming our journey he would control the 
 rain ; but the poor fellow was now fairly disgi'aced. 
 The Jagga erected a hut of banana-leaves ; but it 
 would contain only ten persons, and with some others 
 I passed the night in the rain, sheltering myself a little 
 by the aid of my umbrella. At break of day I wished 
 to j3ush foi-ward, as I knew that a league further on 
 we should find our best shelter from the rain in 
 the huts of Majame; but such of my people as 
 were in the hut wished to wait till the rain was over. 
 The rain increased rather than decreased, and in 
 spite of my repeated smnmons, they still would 
 not go forward, but continued theii* wild chanting, 
 so that I saw nothing for it but to knock down their 
 
 s
 
 260 rebmann's third journey to jagga. 
 
 hut and let them find a damper in the rain, in 
 order to force them to go on. Instead of being 
 angry they laughed, for they knew that I was in 
 the right in desiring to go foi^'-ard, and thus get shel- 
 ter from the rain, and so we went onward, and cross- 
 ing the Weri-weri reached Majame, where huts were 
 immediately placed at our disposal. 
 
 It was on the 25th of May that king Mamkinga 
 fii'st came to see me, and to receive the presents 
 intended for him. From this time forward he began 
 to develope his treacherous character promising, in 
 the hope of presents, to promote my journey to 
 Uniamesi, while all the while he had resolved to 
 prevent it. Extortion, too, followed upon extortion, 
 his magician, Muigni Wessiri, speaking and acting 
 in the king's name. I saw the stock of goods 
 which I had intended for Uniamesi gradually melt- 
 ing away, and when by order of the king I was 
 obliged to part with piece after piece of the calico 
 which I had reserved for my further journey, I 
 could not suppress my tears. The king observed 
 them and asked the cause ; Muigni Wessii'i replied 
 that I wept because of the loss of my goods ; when I 
 rejoined, that I was not weeping on that account, 
 but because the things had been given me by good 
 people at home, who wished to send the Book of 
 Life to all Africans, with which object I had made the 
 jom-ney ; whereas I was now deprived of my property 
 and the good design of my friends was defeated. 
 The khig replied that he was not robbing me, as he 
 would give me ivory in exchange, a promise which
 
 kt'o 
 
 KEBMANN'S THIRD JOURNEY TO JAGGA. 261 
 
 natm*ally was not very consolatory to me. Other 
 persecutions were added to robbery, and my health as 
 well as my spirits gave way under the influence 
 of the cold and wet weather, and the smoke with 
 which my miserable hut was filled. I was attacked 
 both by fever and d3'sentery ; so now washed, of 
 com'se, to return to the coast as soon as possible, 
 a wish which my people shared with me ; for they 
 as well as myself were plundered and threatened. 
 We could not depart, however, without a formal 
 leave-taking of the king or his representative, and 
 this was 23ut off from day to day. Of com-se the 
 joromise of ivory proved to be a delusion ; I had been 
 told at fii'st, that the king would give me three great 
 elephants' tusks, which if sold at Mombaz for about 
 120 dollars, might have met the cost of my com- 
 pulsory presents. But when at last on the 6th of 
 June I received fr'om the king leave to depart, his 
 brother said, that as Manajuoni, i. e., son of the 
 book, or teacher of the Word of God, I ought not to 
 wish for ivory. I was further told that the king- 
 desired very much to have his children instructed, 
 and that, therefore, I should be welcomed by him at 
 any time ; but if I wT^shed for ivory, of which the 
 king had plenty, I was to come again and bring 
 another stock of goods to exchange for it. An old 
 tusk of little worth, however, was given me, that I 
 might buy food on the road. I replied: "It is all 
 right now, I have no other wish than to retiu*n.' 
 Theii' greed was displayed even at the moment of 
 om- leave-taking, which was accompanied by the 
 
 s 2
 
 262 rebmann's third journey to jagga. 
 
 usual ceremony of expectorating upon the departing 
 stranger, and repeating the words "Go in peace." 
 For this dirty expectoration with which, first the 
 Wanika, then the Suahih, and last of all myself, were 
 favoured, a special payment was exacted from each. 
 My Wanika had nothing but a handful of beads, 
 which I had given them for the purchase of their 
 daily food ; but one of the Suahili wore a rather bet- 
 ter garment, as is the' custom of the Mohammedans, 
 and this was demanded of him in the rudest man- 
 ner, and so he was obliged to take it ofP, and pay 
 with it the price of the saliva of peace. After the 
 leave-taking my Wanika could no longer be re- 
 strained, and would not even wait for the Jagga 
 soldiers who, at my desu-e, were to have accom- 
 panied us to Kilema. They broke up in the greatest 
 haste on the 7th of June, so I was obliged to 
 follow ; and in truth, I was right glad to exchange 
 the company of such people, for the wilderness itself. 
 Out of fear of Masaki we resolved to avoid all 
 chance of contact with him, and to return through 
 the wilderness, which stretches along the south of 
 Jagga. Crossing the Weri-weri, we were shown by 
 a native a footpath in the desired direction ; but 
 it soon led us into thick jungle, and after several 
 hours it seemed to be taking us back to Jagga. 
 We quitted it accordingly, and resolved to hew our 
 way through the jungle with our axes, an operation 
 which lasted for several days. The first night in the 
 forest was dark and rainy, and we had neither fii^e 
 nor water ; for our water-carriers, calculating upon
 
 eebmann's third journey to jagga. 263 
 
 the vicinity of the river, had brought none with 
 them. Next night we reached a brook, and cooked 
 some beans which we had brought from Majame. 
 During the next two days we had to cross unford- 
 able streams by means of trees which we felled, and 
 formed into extempore bridges for the purpose, and 
 falling from one of them I was nearly carried away 
 by the stream ; so that the next, I straddled, instead 
 of walking across it. At length on the 17th of 
 June we reached the Lomi after a seven days' 
 journey from Majame, which with a tolerable path 
 we might have performed in three. From this 
 point the Tv^ldemess was all but a desert, no rivers 
 flowing through it. On the first day of our journey 
 in it we found wild honey and many nests of young 
 bfrds, and the latter were much relished by my 
 Wanika ; many of the trees were almost covered 
 with nests, which hung apparently loosely, but 
 secui^lv from the smallest twio:s. I thanked God for 
 this food, our store of beans being almost exhausted, 
 while a journey of two or three days through the 
 desert was still before us. In the night of the 
 15th we had no w^ater in which to boil our 
 beans, and could only roast them. Wliile praj^ng 
 amongst the brushwood of the wHllderness my heart 
 melted within me at the remembrance of how I 
 had experienced on this journey the depravity of 
 these heathen Africans no less than that of my own 
 heart. Although I was deprived of all the comfoi-ts 
 of this life, I have seldom felt so hajipy as when 
 this outburst had soothed the repmings of my heart.
 
 264 rebalinn's third journey to jagga. 
 
 On the morning of the 17th we entered the district 
 of Maina, chief of Bura, and rested till the 19th. 
 On the 21st, we reached Kadiaro, where we rested 
 again, and purchased beans and Indian corn, start- 
 ing on the 23rd to perform the last section of our 
 difficult j om-ney . For want of proper nourishment my 
 streng-th, owing to the continued toils of the journey, 
 began to fail me. I wrote therefore on the 26tli to 
 Dr. Kra^^f, to send me a bottle of ^^-ine and some 
 biscuits; and I ordered the greater portion of my 
 people to precede me to Eabbai, while I followed 
 slowly with a couple of attendants. Contrary to my 
 expectation I reached on the same day the end of 
 the T\alderness, and arrived at the Dm-uma ten-itory, 
 where I passed the night in the village Ngoni. My 
 host provided me with better food than I had en- 
 joyed for a long time, and I felt myself strong 
 enough next day to continue my journey without 
 waiting for the restoratives, which my dear fellow- 
 labom^er was to send from Rabbai. In a short time, 
 however, I met our servant Amri, whom Dr. Krapf 
 had sent to meet me with supplies, and after a 
 further march of three or foiu' leagues, I reached 
 om" hut in Rabbai safely. I fomid our family in- 
 creased by two new members, Missionaries Erhardt 
 and Johann AVagner. They had arrived a few 
 weeks before from Europe, and immediately on 
 their arrival had been attacked by fever, which in 
 the case of Wagner assumed a fatal character, and 
 ended in his death on the 1st of August. 
 
 As a spccunen of the languages of Eastern Africa,
 
 REBMANN S THIRD JOURNEY TO JAGGA. 265 
 
 in which the words always end with a vowel, I have 
 chosen a portion of the petition or prayer of Maina, 
 which he uttered upon my taking leave of him on 
 the 9th of May, when he presented me with the 
 sweet beverage called Jofi, as mentioned at page 
 234. There is so much natural piety and simplicity 
 in the words, that it cannot fail to strike the reader 
 as hoi^eful, that when Christianity shall have taken 
 root amongst these benighted people, it will be 
 upheld and cherished by them. 
 
 Mgeni hu atoka kuao, adsha kuangu : ''Maina, 
 
 stranger this went out from his, came to me : " Maina, 
 
 tugore, tupatane !" Mimi nai: "tuseme tukizeka; 
 
 let us talk, let us unite!" I to him : "let us speak {as) joyous friends ; 
 
 tu soye Mulungu pamenga nti ipoe !" Ukongo* 
 
 let us pray (to) Heaven together the land to bless .'" Sickness* 
 
 usume muzi wangu ! Mgeni hu huko aenendako 
 
 depart from village mine ! Stranger this whereunto he goes 
 
 asione kindu endiani ; asikomoe na 
 
 (may) he not see anything in the way ; not kept hack hy 
 
 miba ; asikomoe na kisiki ; asionane na enzosu ; 
 
 thorns ; not kept hack hy long grass ; meet not with elephants ; 
 
 asionane na mbea ; asionane na emmessa ! 
 
 meet not with rhinoceroses ; meet not with enemies ! 
 
 Aldsika Kirima Wa-Kirima wa-m-zeke ! Mimi 
 
 When he reaches Jagga People of Jagga pleaswre him ! I 
 
 natereva Koma endeo-wangu, na sa mayo- 
 
 proAj the Spirit of father mine, and of the mother 
 
 wangu m-fisheni ! Mundu hu, tudshe, tuonane 
 
 mine him to let arrive ! Man this, may he come, may we meet 
 
 mimi nai tuzeke ! 
 
 I tvith him to rejoice ! 
 * There was sickness in the place at the time.
 
 266 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE AUTHOR'S FIRST JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 ,'c 
 
 Inducements to the journey — King Kmeri — Mtongwe — Lungitma — 
 Plain of SMmba — Kwale — Pipes and tobacco — Bundini — Musket- 
 firing and evil spirits — Teaching "Wadigo boys their A, B, C — 
 At home in the wilderness — Description of the country — Flora and 
 Pauna — Wild beasts and their habitats — Gonja — Kusi — "Way- 
 side sermon — ^Mohammedan haughtiness rebuked — King Kmeri's 
 daughter — The "Washinsi— Trustfulness of the people : democracy 
 and despotism — Forward towards Fuga — Mountain- scenery : the 
 one thing wanting — Puga — Salla — Interview with king Kmeri — 
 Attitude of the people — Kmeri's harem — Interview with the 
 king — Return-journey — Astonishment of the Suahili — Prayer and 
 thanksgiving — Zanzibar, the Sultan and Kilimanjaro — Arrival at 
 Rabbai. 
 
 After Rebmann's return from his first journey to 
 Jagga, extending to some hundred leagues or more 
 into the interior, it was determined between us that 
 I should visit the countries to the south and south-west 
 of Mombaz, to preach the Gospel in a region near to 
 Zanzibar, and to explore its capabilities for being 
 made the seat of missionary-stations. As regarded 
 Kmeri, or Kimeri, king of Usambara, I knew well that 
 he would soon learn to respect any European mission- 
 ary, and give him leave to reside in his country; 
 adopting such measures for his protection, that he 
 would always have access to him by way of Tanga
 
 FIKST JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 267 
 
 and Pangani, both in his dominions, without fear of 
 molestation from the Suahili, an object of the greatest 
 importance for spreading the Gospel in East Africa. 
 Accordingly on the 12th of July 1848 I left Mom- 
 baz having engaged Bana Kheri, Rebmann's guide 
 to Jagga, for the sum of fifteen dollars, as guide 
 on my jom-ney to Usambara, and seven Suahili as 
 baggage-bearers at the rate of five dollars j^er man. 
 I had with me also the needful articles : calico, beads, 
 knives, &c. for presents, and for the purchase of 
 provisions. We left the harbour of Mombaz at 9 a.m. 
 and landed at the Mohammedan village of Mtongwe, 
 to the south of Mombaz. Ascending the higher 
 ground we reached tlie hamlet Lunguma, inhabited 
 by the Lungo tribe, a branch of the Wadigo tribes 
 of the Wanika. The Wanika, who live to the south 
 of Mombaz, are called, as formerly mentioned, 
 Wadigo, and their country Udigo ; those to the 
 north-west and north-east are called AYalupanga. 
 Muaje Kuku, the chief of Lunguma, gave us a 
 friendly reception and presented us with fresh cocoa- 
 nuts, the pleasant milk of which revived me much. 
 Next day, we presented the chief with twenty ells of 
 American calico manufactui'ed at Lowell, in re- 
 turn for his hospitality; and proceeded on our 
 way, gradually ascending as we went. Our road 
 became now steeper and more difficult for the ass 
 which I had brought with me from Mombaz. After 
 continuing the ascent for about tlu'ee leagues we 
 reached the fine plain of Shimba, where I felt so 
 cold that I longed for warmer clothing. The pro-
 
 268 FIRST JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 spect towards the lowlands, towards Mombaz and its 
 bays, and towards the western mountain-chain of the 
 Wanika-land, was magnificent. After a march of 
 two leagues over the plain we came to the jungle in 
 which the village Kwale lies, the chief of which, 
 Mualuahu, gave us a very friendly reception. The cal- 
 lage contains about seventy huts, of which very few 
 are inhabited, as the people generally reside upon 
 theii' plantations. At Kwale I was not a little as- 
 tonished to see men and women, old and young, smok- 
 ing tobacco and making use of a pipe not milike our 
 Em'opean ones, the bowl being neatly constructed out 
 of clay and fastened to a stick some feet in length. 
 Not only do the Wadigo grow a great deal of tobacco, 
 but also buy it in quantities in Usambara, in small, 
 round, dried cakes, which they dispose of in Kiriama 
 and Emberria, to be sold to the Galla. As regards 
 religion the Wadigo appear to be as indifferent and 
 dull as the AValupangu, and to this their intercoui'se 
 with the deceptive Mohammedans has much con- 
 tributed. Nevertheless, I had sometimes interesting 
 conversations with Wadigo people, who at first took 
 me for a Mohammedan. 
 
 July Will. — Om^ dii^ection was at first to the south- 
 west, and when in the Pemba district, about half 
 a league from Kwale, we began to descend into 
 the Wakuafi wilderness, which from the coast, from 
 Wassin to Tanga as well as fi:om the Wanilta-land, 
 stretches as an immeasm^able plain into the interior 
 of the African continent, with only here and there 
 an isolated mountain, or a mountain-mass, where
 
 FIRST JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 269 
 
 you meet with human inhabitants to whom the 
 Gospel has still to be preached. At ten we passed 
 the little Mto wa Pemba (river of Pemba), and about 
 noon saw distinctly the mountains Kadiaro and 
 Kilibasse. At one in the afternoon we arrived at 
 the village Bundini, whose chief, Guedden, gave us 
 a friendly reception, and fortlnvith called upon one of 
 my musket-men to fire off his gun by way of ex- 
 pelling evil spirits from the village. I spoke against 
 this superstition, indicating to him the right mode 
 of expelling evil spirits from the human heart, not 
 by the application of powder and shot, but by true 
 rej)entance of our sins, and by faith in the Lord Jesus, 
 proclaimed in the book, the Bible which I held in 
 my hand. When I told the chief, that in Rabbai we 
 instructed young people according to our book, he 
 said, '^ Then take these boys," of whom five or six 
 sat beside him, '' and instruct them." I wrote 
 down immediately on a little bit of paj^er a Kinika 
 alphabet, and began to teach them the letters one 
 by one. The boys did not seem to be either dull 
 or unsusceptible, but capable of receiving instruc- 
 tion. 
 
 July loth. — This morning my people prepared 
 sandals for the thorny jom-ney tlu'ough the wilder- 
 ness out of the skin of a jackal, and when they had 
 purchased the necessary provisions for the journey 
 we started about ten from Bundini. The right 
 direction would have been south by east, by which 
 we should have arrived at Usambara, in the vicinity 
 of Daluni ; but instead of that we went almost
 
 270 FIIIST JOURNEY TO USAMBAEA. 
 
 continuously eastward towards the coast of AVassin 
 and Tanga, a route which was very circuitous. 
 
 The country which we traversed to-day was for 
 the most part level, covered with grass, acacias, and 
 other trees and shrubs. I soon felt myself at my 
 ease in the wilderness, as there I always travel with 
 pleasure, because I meet with no greedy and bicker- 
 ing begging kings or chiefs ; because the air is so 
 wholesome and strengthening; because the stillness 
 and quiet of the night beside a blazing fire does 
 one the greatest good ; and because, no less perhaps, 
 I can give myself up undisturbed to my reflections 
 on religious and geographical subjects, and find a 
 Bethel under every tree or bush. The constant 
 experience of Divine protection against wild beasts 
 and savages is also most encouraging. In short, in 
 spite of all the suiferings of hunger and thirst ; 
 in spite of weariness and the relentless thorns, 
 which destroyed my clothes ; in spite of dangers 
 from robbers fi'om within and without, in the 
 wilderness, I have always felt as happy as few kings 
 and princes can feel in the midst of all their glory 
 and splendour. The one disadvantage is that, 
 except one's own attendants, there is no one in the 
 wilderness with whom one can commune, no one to 
 bring into the way of truth ! 
 
 Julij 17 th.- — Our night-fire was fed w4th ebony, 
 of which the Avilderness is fall. The country con- 
 tinued level during this day's march, excepting here 
 and there where it was slightly undulating, being 
 also sometimes covered with high grass and thick
 
 FIRST JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 271 
 
 wood, wliilst at many places were pools, much 
 frequented by wild elephants, and in places the soil 
 was of red sand and pebbles. This is the general 
 character of the wilderness through which we tra- 
 velled ; the tall grass and the thick wood in- 
 creasing as we 2^1'oceeded, and the soil becoming 
 moister, and therefore more fitted for cultivation. 
 I do not doubt that a botanist who might investigate 
 the flora of the Wakuafi-wilderness, would be richly 
 rewarded and discover much that is new. 
 
 In the afternoon, the way was so impeded by 
 euphorbia, or spurge, and wild aloe, that I was 
 unable to ride my ass. As before nightfall we could 
 not emerge from the thicket, we hewed away the 
 wood and made ready oiu- encampment, kindling a 
 great fii'e as protection against wild beasts, traces of 
 whom, especially of the rhinoceros, we had obsei-ved 
 in the thick jungle. The rhinoceros frequents 
 places covered with euphorbia, aloe, and acacia, and 
 thus rendered impassable ; whilst the elephant prefers 
 more marshy ground, where there is plenty of tall 
 grass, and forest at hand into which he can retreat. 
 The buffalo chooses more open ground, where he can 
 have tender grass for provender, and thin acacia- 
 bushes, behind which he can conceal himself. 
 Thus, every beast has his owti locality assigned 
 to him ; and I could always tell my people before 
 hand, from the natui^e of the ground what kind 
 of wild beasts we should probably meet vritli; 
 and, vice versa, I could define the character of the 
 country from the animals inhabiting it. Thus, the
 
 272 FIRST JOUKNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 wilderness is extremely instructive to the thoughtful 
 traveller. 
 
 Juhj 18. — To-day, in the midst of an alarm 
 caused by the appearance of a rliinoceros, I lost my 
 ass; for whilst I stood with gun presented should 
 the enemy approach, Bana Kheri fired at random, 
 and startled the poor beast, who set off saddled and 
 bridled, and was lost in the wilderness. In the 
 course of the day we emerged from the jungle and 
 came upon meadow-land, where we saw giraffes (tia 
 or tiga, in Suahili) in groups of from eight to ten. 
 They allowed us to come within about three hundred 
 paces of them, when they started off mth the speed 
 of the wind. As we had marched the whole day 
 without interruption I felt quite wearied, and I 
 would now have been gladly mounted on my ass ; 
 but I was to experience the hardships of the 
 wilderness on foot, and not merely on the back of 
 a beast. 
 
 July 19. — At noon we came to the river Leni, 
 and on its bank we cooked om^ mid-day meal. I cut 
 a great cross and the date of the year on a tree near 
 the spot ere we crossed the river ; we next came to 
 a Wadigo hamlet, whence for a few beads a native 
 conducted us to the chief of Gonja, a Wadigo 
 village on the river Umba. 
 
 July 20. — Mua Muiri, the chief of Gonja, in 
 return for a gift of eight ells of American calico ac- 
 companied us to the large village of Nugnii-i, where 
 a daughter of king Kmeri rules a portion of the 
 Washinsi-land. The soil of Gonja is very fruitfid,
 
 FIRST JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 273 
 
 and the natives cultivate Indian com, rice, cassave, 
 beans, &c. 
 
 July 21. — Before I left Gonja this morning a 
 native asked me seriously whether the Europeans 
 were cannibals. If nothing more om' journeys serve 
 to dissipate the prejudices of the natives and the slan- 
 ders of the Mohammedans. 
 
 After crossing the Umba, we soon came to the 
 brook Jubba. On the way a Mnika asked me among 
 other things, whether we, too, had slaves. Wlien I 
 told him that Europeans had no slaves, neither 
 buying nor selling them, he tm'ned to the Suahilis, 
 and said, ''Why do you then make slaves?" He 
 was very much pleased to learn that Europeans had 
 abolished slavery, and hospitably gave us a good 
 dish of boiled cassave, which we enjoyed heartily 
 in the midst of a pouring rain. 
 
 22?^f/ Juhj. — After we had crossed several streams 
 and passed through several villages, we reached, about 
 noon, the great village Kusi, where the Wadigo chief 
 Muhensano gave me a friendly reception, joresent- 
 ing me with a sheep for which I paid him a dollar. 
 Scarcely had I seated myself under a tree, when a 
 crowd of old and young Wadigo assembled round me, 
 who behaved themselves very decorously and respect- 
 fally and never once so much as begged. I nar- 
 rated to them the fall of Adam, and spoke of the atone- 
 ment through Jesus Clmst, the Son of God. Wlien 
 they asked me whether we ate pork and the flesh of 
 beasts slaughtered by the Wanika I was obliged to 
 answer in the affirmative ; upon which Bana Kheri
 
 274 FIRST JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 was SO provoked that he called me a Mkafiri, 
 unbeliever, like the Waiiika, so by way of reproof 
 of this and his attempts to ride rough-shod over my 
 Wanika, I told him that in many respects the Suahili 
 were worse than the heathen. I then showed him 
 that Mohammed was an impostor, who had stolen 
 from the Bible of the Christians everything good 
 taught in the Koran, and who had spread his re- 
 ligion by the sword. The Wanika, who listened 
 attentively were delighted that I had thus driven 
 the proud Mohammedan into a corner. 
 
 July 23. — We passed several large villages, and 
 crossed the river Engambu, sleeping in the village Mu- 
 hesa at the house of our guide's brother, Mua Muiri. 
 July 24. — AYith the village Fumoni we entered the 
 territory of the king of Usambara, and after passing 
 through several other villages of the Washinsi, we 
 arrived before the gate of the large \allage Xugniri, 
 the residence, as already mentioned, of a daughter 
 of king- Kmeri. We were conducted to a hut in the 
 vicinity of the one she inhabited, whither her slaves 
 brought us water, wood, and pro^'isions. Late in the 
 evening, she came with her husband, Bana Emsangasi, 
 to greet us. There is little to distinguish her from: 
 other women of the Washinsi, as she works with her 
 own hands and herself prepares the food for her family, 
 although she has many female slaves around her. 
 
 The tranquilhty and respect mth which the people 
 accosted me, not one of them begging anything, 
 soon showed me that in the territory of king Kmeri 
 there must reign such order as is sought for in vain
 
 FIRST JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 275 
 
 among the republican communities of the Wanika 
 and AYakamba. 
 
 July 25. — * * * By their brown colour the 
 Washinsi are easily to be distinguished from the 
 Suahili and Wanika, who are much darker. They 
 cultivate rice, Indian corn, millet, cassave, &c., and 
 as they have no cocoa-nut trees, they cannot give 
 themselves up to di-unkenness like the Wanika. 
 Tobacco-smoking is universal among the Washinsi 
 and Wasambara. 
 
 By degrees the people of Nugniri became so 
 trustfid that they often called me out of my hut 
 to talk with them ; and when I went in again they 
 would say, "0, there, he is going in again!" As 
 already indicated, I found no begging among them ; 
 but whether in the course of a longer residence 
 this would have always remained the same, is an- 
 other question ; yet my belief is, that missionaries 
 have less to suffer from that system in a desj^otic 
 than in a republican country, it being presupposed 
 that they have somewhat appeased at their first com- 
 ing, those greatest of beggars, their kings and chiefs. 
 
 The number of Washinsi subject to king Kmeri 
 may amount in the plain to 30,000, and in the 
 mountains to 60,000, souls; but his whole empire in- 
 cludes, at least, half a million of subjects, from the 
 coast to the Pare mountains, some six or eight good 
 days' journey from east to Avest. The boundaries of 
 Usambara are, to the south the river Pangani, to 
 the north the Wakuafi wilderness and the Wadigo- 
 land. 
 
 T
 
 276 FIRST JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 July 2G. — To-day I delivered to the king's daugh- 
 ter and her husband my presents of clothes and beads, 
 worth about two dollars, which they hid very 
 cleverly under their clothes, so that no one might 
 see and inform the king what they had received 
 from me; for otherwise, as they told me, they 
 would lose their heads as everything belonged to 
 him. From this time all the mistrust ceased of 
 which I had observed some symptoms before, and 
 both she and her husband now visited me fi-e- 
 quently, and sent me provisions for my caravan of 
 seven men. 
 
 Juhj 28. — ^Yesterday evening a messenger ar- 
 rived from Fuga, the residence of the king, with 
 orders that I should proceed forthwith to the capital. 
 
 We started, therefore, and journeyed for some 
 leagues over a plain to the foot of the momitain 
 Pambire, which rises 2000 feet above the level of the 
 sea. I would recommend this mountain as the first 
 missionary-station in Ushinsi and Usambara, as it 
 is distant from the coast only fi:om fifteen to seven- 
 teen leagues. 
 
 July 30.^ — Our way lay westward of Pambire, with 
 a slight inclination towards the south, ujd hill and 
 down dale continually, which was very fatiguing. 
 Scarcely had we reached the top of a hill, when we 
 had to descend on the other side, and to cross, at a 
 depth equivalent to its height, some stream or glen. 
 In this East-Afi.-ican alpine land momitain succeeds 
 to mountain, stream to stream, glen to glen. The 
 marsh-land at the foot of the mountains is used as
 
 FIRST JOUKNEY TO USAMBARA. 277 
 
 rice-plantations, the hills are covered with excellent 
 sugar-cane and banana-trees, and the woods con- 
 tain superior available timber. It will be a noble 
 land, when Christian culture shall hallow it ! 
 Crossing the river Emgambo we soon found our- 
 selves in a deep valley, from which our way lay up 
 Mount Makueri, which is at least 3000 feet high, and 
 the higher Ave went, the cooler and more pleasant 
 was the air. The cool water trickling fr'om the 
 granite rocks, the little hamlets rising above the 
 mountain-ridges, the many patches of Indian corn, 
 rice, bananas, and sugar-cane, the numerous cas- 
 cades, the murmur of the river Emgambo, the moun- 
 tain masses in the distance, — all tend greatly to 
 elevate the spirits of the wanderer. 
 
 July 31. — We saw many dogs, something of the 
 jackal species, reddish-broAvai and white, which the 
 Wasambara make food of. Bana Kheri told me that 
 he had jom-neyed through the land of Wasegua to 
 Engu, Fuju, Karague, Kinalomegera, Usagarra, and 
 Kuiwa, the way being from Jagga across Usuma, 
 Kahe, Arusha, Donio Nerok, Koyo, Jajm-u, Itan- 
 du, Ramba, and hence through Ukimbu to Yoggo 
 where Uniamesi commences. He took shipping, if 
 it may so be tenned, and sailed for eight days on 
 the w^aters of the great inland sea Uniamesi, lay- 
 ing to every night and landing upon some island. 
 On the western shore is Usambii'o, the territory of 
 king Lebue. He says that w41d asses and iron are 
 plentiful in Koyo. 
 
 August 7. — After one day of rest, and five of 
 
 T 2
 
 278 FIRST JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 weary pilgriniag'c up hill and dowii dale and across 
 rivers, we reached yesterday afternoon the foot of 
 the mountain on which lies Fuga, the chief capital of 
 king Kmeri ; and to-day I was questioned as to the 
 object of my journey by the king's representative, 
 king Kmeri being absent in Salla, his second capital, 
 when my replies and presents were deemed satis- 
 factory. 
 
 August 9. — To-day I reached Salla, which I 
 entered with a heavy heart, as I did not know how 
 the Simba wa Muene, ''the independent lion," or 
 " the oidy true lion," as Kmeri is called by his sub- 
 jects, would receive me. If he takes me for a spy 
 and a magician my life will be in danger. Yet at 
 the beginning of the journey I had the words of 
 1 Peter, iii. 22,* to strengthen me, why should I be 
 afraid, knowing whose servant I am ? 
 
 August 10. — The king sent for me to-day to ascer- 
 tain the object of my journey, and to receive my 
 presents. His abode was guarded by soldiers. Wlien 
 I stepped into the audience-chamber he raised him- 
 self a little from the bedstead on which he was 
 lying, with a fire biu-ning before it, round which 
 his chief men were seated, and I was bidden to sit 
 upon a bedstead opposite the king. 
 
 I told him first that I had been in Abessinia and 
 among the Gallas to teach them my book, which 
 contained the revealed Word of God; that I had 
 afterwards come to Rabbai, and had there built a 
 
 * " Who is gone into heaven, and is on the right hand of God; 
 angels and authorities and powers being made subject unto him."
 
 FIRST JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 279 
 
 house and begun to instruct the Wanika from it. 
 AVith the same object, my Brother Rebmann, had 
 been to Jagga, and the kings there had received 
 him kindly and invited him to remain in their 
 country, and to instruct their people. With this 
 view, I, too, had come to Usambara to ask the king 
 whether he wished for teachers of the glad tidings, 
 which that book made known ? In the event of his 
 wishing for them, I, or one of my friends, would 
 come and remain in his country. The king at 
 once expressed his desire for such teachers, and ob- 
 served that he would afterwards talk with me on 
 that matter. He then said he wished to receive the 
 presents; and having inspected them all, he sent them 
 to his treasury. He would have been glad if I had 
 given him more beads, cloth-stuffs, and writing- 
 paper for despatches, and as he cannot himself write, 
 he has always Suahili about him who write his 
 letters for him. He has two sons, also, who have 
 become Mohammedans, and have learned to read 
 and write. Their father threw no obstacle in their 
 way, when they resolved on abandoning heathenism. 
 Wlien the people of Salla saw that the king had 
 received me graciously they came to visit me ; but 
 previously no one would come near me, or speak to 
 me. Even the king's wives, of whom Kmeri is said 
 to have several hundred, now peeped from behind 
 their inclosm-es to see the strange man. Each of 
 them has her own hut, her own plantation, and her 
 own female slaves. Their dwellings are on a hill, 
 where no one is allowed to set foot, and they are
 
 280 FIRST JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 veiled like the Mohammedan women. This large 
 harem swallows np a large portion of the king's 
 revenues. 
 
 Aiigiist 11. — As I had expressed a wish to retmn 
 as soon as possible to Rabbai the king sent for me 
 to bid me farewell. I told him once more of the 
 object which had led me to him, and tried to fami- 
 liarize him with the chief doctrines of Scriptm-e, 
 describing the fall of man, and then showing the 
 necessity of the atonement by Jesus Clmst, both 
 God and man. When the Mohammedans were 
 about to interrupt me, the king said : " I see what 
 his words are ; they are words of the Book." He 
 then asked me whether I would accept ivor}'-, slaves, 
 and cattle, as he had nothing else to give me. I 
 replied, that I should wish him to let me have five 
 boys, whom I could instruct at Rabbai. To this he 
 rejoined, that his people did not understand these 
 things and that parents would tliink their children 
 were to be made slaves of and sold ; but if I would 
 return to his country he would intrust me with 
 young persons to instruct; but he could not send 
 them out of the country. He wished, too, for skilled 
 people, especially a good medical man. Then he 
 asked repeatedly whether I would retm^n in three 
 or four months ? but I could not answer this question 
 definitively, as I had first to consult with my 
 brother at Rabbai, and to write to my friends in 
 Europe, which would require a long time. He also 
 told me that in future I was to perform my journey 
 to him from the l\ingani, and he ordered a Mo-
 
 FIKST JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 281 
 
 liammedan who was in attendance to accompany 
 nie, and finally gave me five goats for the retm^n 
 jomiiey, because I would accept neither ivory nor 
 slaves. 
 
 On the whole I had reason to be very well satisfied 
 with the king, especially when I considered the 
 pains taken by the Mohammedans to injure me in 
 his estimation. They advised him, it would seem, 
 not to allow me to come into his presence, and at 
 once to send me back to the coast : but to this, I 
 was told, he replied, that I was his guest whom he 
 would protect. It is ob\4ously his wish to enter 
 into closer relations T\4th Europeans ; when he has 
 once become acquainted with them, the intriguing 
 Suahili will soon fall into disgrace. 
 
 August 13. — At leave-taking the king asked me 
 again how soon I would retmTi ? He then gave me 
 two soldiers who were to accompany me to the 
 Pangani and protect me. At the close of the inter- 
 view, he said: " Kua heri, Baba !" — "Fare thee 
 well, father!" 
 
 I returned homeward by Bumbarri, and on the 
 19tli of August reached the Pangani village, where 
 I was kindly received by a friendly Banian. The 
 Suahili marvelled greatly when they heard that I had 
 reached Usambara fi-om Mombaz by land, and could 
 scarcely believe that my journey was a fait ac- 
 compli. I sought out a solitary place where I could un- 
 distiu-l^ed give hearty thanks to my God and Saviom- 
 for all the protection and help which He had so 
 bounteously vouchsafed me on this toilsome jom-ney.
 
 282 FIRST JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 On the 20tli of August I dismissed my Wasam- 
 bara attendants, and sailed to Zanzibar where, omng 
 to the light Avinds, I did not arrive till the 22nd, 
 and met with a friendly reception and hospitable 
 shelter from the English consul, Major Hameiion, 
 On the 24th, I had the jileasui-e of seeing the Sultan 
 of Zanzibar, and of thanking him for the kindness 
 which he had formerly showed to my dear col- 
 league, Rebmann, and myself. He asked me a 
 great deal about the mountain Kilimanjaro, 
 which Rebmann had been the first to visit. I 
 told him that the white crowTi which the Suahili 
 took to be silver, was nothing but snow, and that 
 the evil spiiits at whom they were terrified, were 
 merely the frost and cold consequent on the great 
 height of the mountain. On the 29th I set sail for 
 Mombaz; and on the 1st of September I rejoined 
 Rebmann at Rabbai. We encom^aged each other 
 anew to pray and to labour for the conversion of 
 Eastern Africa, where in so many places the portals 
 stood open for us to begin the blessed work.
 
 283 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 FIRST JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 Aim of the jovirney — Junction with a Wakamba caravan — War 
 and peace — The "wilderness and its perils — View from the moun- 
 tain Maungu — View of Kilimanjaro — Theories and facts — No 
 water — ^Arrival at the Tzawo — Merciful deliverance — Arrival at 
 Kikumbuliu : astonishment of the AVakamba — Commencement 
 of missionary effort — Fall of rain ; taken for a magician and rain- 
 maker — The Adi — View in Yata — Wakamba hospitality — Giraffe 
 and elephant's flesh — Nearing Kitui — Strike of the bearers — 
 Fiu'ther dangers — Onward again — Arrival at Ki vol's village — 
 Interview with the chiefs — The navigation of the Dana — 
 Identity of the Dana and Quilimansi — Reception — Missionary 
 instruction — Farewell-interview with Kivoi — Return journey — 
 The wilderness, a type — Arrival at Rabbai. 
 
 From the first establishment of our missionary sta- 
 tion at Rabbai Mpia it had been our wish to visit in 
 the interior those Wakamba tribes who, traversing 
 as they do for trading purposes a large section of 
 East Africa, may well claim the most serious atten- 
 tion of a missionary. After Rebmann's third journey 
 to Jagga, and Erhardt's arrival from Em-ope, it 
 was om* unanimous decision that I should visit the 
 Wakamba in the interior, some 100 leagues fi^om 
 Rabbai, make the Gospel known among them, and 
 inquire whether there might not be a route fi'om 
 Ukambani to Uniamesi, to the sources of the Nile,
 
 284 FIRST JOURNEY TO UKAilBANI. 
 
 and to those still surviving Christian remnants at 
 the equator of whom I had heard in Shoa. 
 
 Accordingly I hired some Suahili as attendants 
 and baggage-bearers for the distant and, perhaps 
 too, dangerous journey, the immediate aim of which 
 was to penetrate as far as Kitui and the Wakamba 
 chief, Kivoi, with whom we had become acquainted 
 at Rabbai in the July of 1848, whence I purjiosed, 
 with Kivoi's help to reach the river Dana. I 
 promised each bearer eight dollars as far as Kitui, 
 and two dollars further to the Dana, which as I 
 already knew sej^arates Ukambani on the north and 
 east from the other' tribes of the interior. After we 
 had commended each other in prayer to the mercy 
 and protection of Heaven, I started mth eleven 
 bearers from Rabbai on the 1st of November 1849. 
 Rebmann accompanied me for about a league, as 
 far as the plantation of the Mnika, Mana Zahu, 
 whom I had selected as the leader of my little 
 caravan. Early next morning he returned to Rab- 
 bai, whilst I continued my firrther journey in a 
 westerly dii'ection. After our leave-taking I was 
 depressed at heart for several hom's, until I was 
 strengthened by the 91st Psalm: — ''I will say of 
 the Lord, he is my refuge and my fortress : my 
 God; in him will I trust," and could go on my 
 way rejoicing. Crossing the river Muaje we pro- 
 ceeded over a sandy and rocky country covered 
 for the most part with acacia, and spent the niglit 
 at the little village of Abbe Gome, where we re- 
 mained during the whole of the next day. The day
 
 FIRST JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 285 
 
 after we recommenced our march ; and I had to 
 yield to the importmiities of my people, and give 
 them a cow ; when scarcely had it been slaughtered, 
 partly divided, partly eaten, and partly prepared for 
 the journey through the desert, when we heard all at 
 once the sound of a war-horn, and from twenty-five 
 to thirty fellows marched in martial array towards 
 us, remaining, however, at a distance from us of 
 about a hundred paces. As I knew the cowardice of 
 the Wanika I remained quietly sitting on the ground 
 for some time, and watched their manoeu^T:es. My 
 leader went up to them and spoke to them ; but 
 their mutual sluieks were so AT.olent and so blended, 
 that I could not understand the purport of tlieii' 
 wild converse, yet deduced this much, that it had 
 reference to a Heshima, or present. As my leader 
 seemed unsuccessfal I went up to them alone and 
 unarmed, and quietly observed that I A^dshed to 
 travel in peace through their country, and had paid 
 such and such chiefs handsomely for leave to journey 
 onward without molestation, upon which they be- 
 came somewhat more quiet, but still asked for a 
 present. I then told them that I would retm-n to 
 Rabbai and abandon the journey, and ordered my 
 bearers to take up their loads, and retm-n again. 
 Wlien the Dui-umas saw this, they held a council. 
 At the same time the village people begged me not 
 to turn about, but to wait for the appearance of 
 the head men of the place, who were tlien absent. 
 At last one of the hostile party came to us and 
 stated that they would be content mth a piece of
 
 28G FIKST JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 cloth of the value of half a dollar, and would let us 
 proceed. I gratified their wish, after which they 
 became friendly and allowed us to pui\sue our way 
 in peace. We bivouacked for the night in the forest 
 of Kumbulu from which we should soon have to 
 enter the wilderness. 
 
 November 6.' — The leader of a little Wakamba 
 caravan which had joined our party, sang songs in 
 honour of his tribe in the interior, and prayed to 
 Mulungu (Heaven) to protect his person, his beads, 
 and the other pro2:)erty which he had with him. 
 Throughout the day we had a good level path to 
 travel on, the ground on both sides being covered 
 with wood. 
 
 November 7. — To-day we frequently progressed 
 through Zakka — woods of acacia, euj)horbia, and 
 other trees, the boughs of which obstructed our 
 progress and tore our clothes, so that we had often 
 to creep on hands and feet through the thicket, 
 and a beast of burden would have been here quite 
 useless. 
 
 November 8. — About noon we reached the plain 
 of Kadidza which travellers are always afraid of, as 
 the Gallas hide themselves in the neighbouring wood, 
 in order to waylay and plunder them. After cross- 
 ing the plain we entered the forest again, and en- 
 camped at a place called Muangeni, very much 
 wearied, for we had marched at least eleven hours 
 under a hot sun. 
 
 November 9. — After we had started from Muangeni 
 we presently crossed a good and broad path, nm-
 
 FIRST JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 287 
 
 ning- from north, southward or south-westward, made 
 by the Galla and AYakuafi on their plundering and 
 devastating expeditions. We had scarcely passed 
 it when we met with some Wakamba, who gave us 
 the unwelcome tidings that three days before the 
 Masai had been seen near the river Tzawo; that 
 they had killed several Wakamba, and had made an 
 incm'sion into the Galla-land. Towards noon we 
 reached the foot of the mountain Maungu, an im- 
 portant point for travellers, as between Ukambani 
 and the coast, the mountain Ndara excepted, there 
 is no other place where provisions can be obtained. 
 From Maungu the view was magnificent ; to the east, 
 lay the Galla-land ; to the north-west and west, the 
 Endara and Bura ; to the south-east, Kadiaro and 
 the mountains of Pare. Our direction was nortli- 
 by-west, and the road up the mountain was in some 
 places very steep. 
 
 November 10. — This morning we had a beautiful 
 distant view of the snow-mountain Kilimanjaro, 
 in Jagga. It was high above Endara and Bura, 
 yet even at this distance I could discern that its 
 white cro^vn must be snow. All the arguments 
 which Mr. Cooley has adduced against the existence 
 of such a snow-mountain, and against the accm^acy 
 of Rebmann's report, dwindle into nothing when 
 one has the evidence of one's own eyes of the fact 
 before one ; so that they are scarcely worth refuting. 
 At two o'clock we left Maungu, and afterwards en- 
 camped at the foot of the Wa, where we found water 
 iai the rock, and tarried for the Wakamba caravan
 
 288 FIRST JOURNEY TO UKAilBANI. 
 
 which had remained behind, looking after a bearer 
 who had run away. 
 
 November 11 — 13. — Two days of weary wander- 
 ing, the fatigue of which was aggravated by the 
 want of water. On the night of the 13th we en- 
 camped at the foot of the Kangongo in a thicket ; 
 some of our party ascending it to fetch water, whilst 
 I with five men guarded the encampment. 
 
 November 14. — At sunrise the water-seekers 
 returned, but without a di'op of water I Our per- 
 plexity was great, for om- stock of water was nearly 
 exhausted, and the river Tzawo was fourteen leagues 
 off. We started, therefore, in haste and journeyed 
 as fast as we could; though the sun soon became 
 burning hot. At noon, wliilst we were resting a 
 little under the shade of a tree, one of my Moham- 
 medan bearers became so fretful over the annoyances 
 of the iom-nev, that he exclaimed ano^rilv : ''Am I 
 to receive only eight dollars for this journey ? " and 
 became so frantic that he levelled his gun at a 
 AYanika, who endeavoured to quiet him. 
 
 Towards two in the afternoon the heat became 
 almost unbearable, and the more so, as we were still 
 without water, and far from the Tzawo. The Mo- 
 hammedan already mentioned was again the first 
 to tiu'n restive, declaring that he was not in a con- 
 dition to continue the journey. I now exhorted the 
 others to put forth all their strength to reach the 
 river before nightfall, and as they hesitated, I called 
 upon all who would volunteer to accompany me ; 
 when six men ofi'ered themselves for the arduous ex-
 
 FIEST JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 289 
 
 pedition; for we were all extremely weary and 
 thii'sty, and the river was still distant. The sun 
 was just setting when we perceived some trees of 
 the palm family, called Mikoma, in the Wanika 
 language. I redoubled my pace in the sure con- 
 viction that the trees seen must be on the bank of 
 tlie Tzawo ; and so it proved ; for after a brief in- 
 terval, we were standing on the bank of that noble 
 river, and refreshing ourselves with its cool water. 
 On the soft soil we observed fresh footprints of men 
 and goats, and also the remains of fires, which my 
 people took to be the traces of the savage Masai, 
 who shortly before our arrival had been at the river. 
 The delay at the Maungu occasioned by the frigitive 
 Mkamba had been, in the hands of Providence the 
 means of preserving us fi'om a meeting with the 
 Masai ; and from this apparently trifling cii'cmii- 
 stance I derived the important lesson, to be patient 
 in every conjuncture which we cannot alter; for 
 God may have so ordered it for our preservation, 
 although at the moment, we cannot comprehend 
 His ways. At the time I had been very discon- 
 tented and impatient, and would have started earlier 
 from Maungu, if my people would have followed 
 me ; now I saw my folly, and was grateful for our 
 preservation ! 
 
 November 1 6. — A hard day's march yesterday ; 
 yet we started again early this morning. As the air 
 became clear we could see quite distinctly the 
 whole of the eastern side of the Jagga-land and its 
 enormous mountain mass; as well as the transparent
 
 290 FIRST JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 white crowii on the dome-like summit of Kiliman- 
 jaro. 
 
 November 17. — When we reached Kikumbuliu 
 the Wakamba soon surrounded me, and looked at 
 me as if I were a being from another world. Hair, 
 hat, shoes, and umbrella, excited their liveliest atten- 
 tion, and they hopped about me like children. They 
 often asked if rain would fall, and whether I could 
 not make it come, as I was a ''mundu wa mansi 
 manene," a man of the great water (the sea-coast), 
 and had with me "niumba ya mbua," an umbrella. 
 
 November 19. — As we rested yesterday and to-day 
 by the reservoirs in Idumuo many Wakamba came 
 to see me. From morning to evening I was sur- 
 rounded by them, and every one wished to converse 
 with me, and to touch my clothes ; and some even 
 wished us to fire oif our guns. I narrated to them 
 stories from the Bible, especially the history of the 
 Saviour, and also told them many things about the 
 customs of my country. 
 
 November 20. — To-day the first rain fell in Ki- 
 kumbulia, which placed me in great favour with the 
 Wakamba, although I tried to counteract their 
 superstitious notions, and to ascribe all to God. 
 My people would have gladly made the Wakamba 
 believe that they had brought a European rain- 
 maker into the country, as they hoped, in return, to 
 receive a sheep or an elephant's tusk. After we 
 had left Idumuo, after a league we came to the little 
 river Majijio ma Anduku, encamping at night at 
 Maveni.
 
 FIRST JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 291 
 
 Novemher 21. — After a very rainy and uncomfoi-t- 
 able nigiit, which we had passed under the open canopy 
 of heaven, we started at dawn, and marched some 
 six leagues mostly through woody country, until we 
 had descended gently to the bed of the river Adi, 
 which forms the south-western boundary of Ukambani 
 pro^Der. We now began to ascend the mountain-chain 
 which stretches from Endunguni along the Galla- 
 land to Ukambani, and then on to Kikuyu. The 
 whole district is called Yata, and when we had arrived 
 at the top, we had a splendid view in every dii-ection. 
 To the north and north-west we saw the serpent-like 
 windings of the Adi, and the hills and ^^lains of the 
 AVakuafi ; to the south and south-west, the moun- 
 tains Julu, Engolia, Theuka ; and to the east, the 
 mountains of Mudumoni, which separate Ukambani 
 from the Gallas. The banks of the river Adi rising 
 to upwards of twenty feet, are covered with noble 
 trees, and the stream which is somewhat sluggish 
 is one hundred and seventy feet wide ; but at this time 
 the bed was dried up till within sixty feet, and the 
 water was little more than eighteen inches deep. 
 
 We took up our quarters for the night in one of 
 the many little ^dllages of the Wakamba, who were 
 very friendly towards us, and offered us the meat of 
 gii'affes and elephants, as well as fowls for sale. I 
 enjoyed my gii^affe steak very much ; but I found the 
 flesh of the elephant -too hard and tough, and although 
 roasted, it had a peculiar and unpalatable flavour. 
 My ]\Iohammedans were most indignant at this meat 
 of the "unbelievers," as they called it, and asked for 
 
 u
 
 292 FIRST JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 beads to buy fowls with, which for the sake of peace 
 I did not refuse them. 
 
 November 22. — ^We journeyed on for a league across 
 the plain of Yata, and then ascended into the exten- 
 sive mlderness of Tangaiwliich is totally uninhabited, 
 and stretches as far as the Muduinoni mountains 
 and the Galla-land towards the east and south-east. 
 After we had left the Tangai wilderness behind us 
 our route lay through Ukambani proper, and we 
 had no longer to traverse thick jungle, as between 
 the coast and Kikumbuliu. About three o'clock, we 
 reached the river Tiva which is said to rise in Ulu, 
 the north-western province of Ukambani ; but which 
 is dried up in the hot season, and it is only on re- 
 moving the surface sand that water can be obtained. 
 
 November 23. — About ten o'clock we rested at 
 Mbo, a water-station, after traversing a red and 
 sometimes black soil, and at four o'clock we encamped 
 in Mbandi under a large tree. To-day Kilima- 
 njaro was seen frequently ; indeed we were con- 
 stantly in view of the snow-mountain, wherever the 
 ground was somewhat elevated and afforded a look- 
 out into the distance. 
 
 November 24:. — We halted in the afternoon at 
 Nsou, and in the evening encamped at Ilangilo. 
 The whole of this district is more beautiful and richer 
 in grass and trees, than any we had yet seen dm-ing 
 our journey. We were now in Ukambani itself, 
 which at the coast I had often heard described as a 
 beautiful country. 
 
 November 25. — I passed a night of trouble. As
 
 FIRST JOURNEY TO UICAMBANI. 293 
 
 my people knew that to-day we would reach Kivoi 
 and that oin* journey was drawing to its close, they 
 asked with the greatest insolence for an increase of 
 pay; and now demanded thirteen instead of the 
 eight dollars which had been agreed upon at Rab- 
 bai. They said that tlu-ee dollars had been already 
 consumed by their wives and childi^en, and had been 
 received in advance before leaving Rabbai ; and now 
 they insisted on receiving ten dollars more. Besides 
 this they demanded all the ivory which Kivoi 
 might give me in return for my presents. Should I 
 refuse compliance, they threatened to abandon me 
 fortlnvith; and tln^oughout they were so furious, 
 that had I used the slightest offensive word in reply, 
 they would infallibly have killed me on the spot. 
 I therefore remained quiet all the night through, 
 and allowed them to sluiek and bawl. At length 
 I promised them the ten dollars without more ado, 
 and even the thii'teen dollars "if the demand were 
 recognized as a just one by the authorities at the 
 coast ; but here, in the wilderness, there was no proper 
 tribimal to judge between us." This declaration 
 appeased them at last, so that they departed from 
 Ilangilo and proceeded to the village of Kivoi. 
 
 November 26 — On reaching Kivoi' s village we 
 seated ourselves under a tree and waited till he 
 should come to us. He came at last out of his little 
 village, accompanied by his chief wife who carried 
 in her hand a magic-staff which was coloured black. 
 The chief gave me a friendly greeting, and said 
 that when I spoke to him at Rabbai about a jom^ney 
 
 u 2
 
 294 FIRST JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 to Ukambani, he had thought I was not speakmg the 
 truth, as he could not imagine that I should ever 
 perform so distant a journey ; but now he saw that I 
 had spoken the truth I was very welcome to his 
 country. He then ordered a lodging to be pre- 
 pared for me in the hut of one of his Maves, wlio 
 was forced to leave it, whilst the Wakamba ran 
 together in crowds to see and to wonder at the 
 Musungu, European. 
 
 After I was somewhat settled in my new abode 
 I visited the chief, and spoke to him respecting the 
 object of my journey, wliicli was to learn whether 
 the Wakamba would receive Christian instructors, 
 who would teach them the way to true happiness 
 tlrrough the knowledge of God and His Son Jesus 
 Cln-ist. I told him ftQi:her that I TV'ished to extend 
 my journey as far as the river Dana, and would 
 therefore ask him for an escort for the execution of 
 my jjlan. I did not ask for any ivory in return for 
 my presents ; I asked for nothing more than my 
 daily sustenance so long as I remained with him. 
 The cliief replied: "I miderstand your object, and 
 you shall receive all that you desire. You ■vntJI 
 remain with me till next month, when I am going 
 to Muea, in the Wandurobo country, and also to 
 Kiku)^, to fetch ivory thence, and you can go 
 with me to all these districts. After my retm-n I 
 shall make a journey to the coast to sell my ivory, 
 in some four or five months, when you can go Tsdth 
 me ; but you must send away youi^ Wanika, for I do 
 not like them, because they rob me of my ivory when
 
 FIRST JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 295 
 
 I go tlu'ougli their country." Upon this he brought 
 a cow, which was slaughtered by my Mohammedans, 
 and divided between me and Kivoi's family. He 
 would not give anything to the Wanika, especially 
 Avlien he heard that they had behaved badly to 
 me at Ilangilo. In another conversation Kivoi ex- 
 })ressed the T\ash that the governor of Mombaz would 
 send boats up the river Dana, always navigable, to 
 bring away his ivory by water, as its transport to 
 Mombaz by land was very difficult. This and 
 other communications on the same subject, pleased 
 me very much, for I had long wished to see set on 
 foot the navigation of the so-called Quilimancy, 
 which may be, probably, equivalent to Kilimansi, 
 or Kilima ja mansi — mountain of the water. This 
 Quilimancy is, therefore, nothing else than the river 
 Dana, which is formed by the snow-water of Kegnia, 
 and in its fiuiher com^se receives many rivers, for 
 instance, the Dida, Kingaji, and Ludi. 
 
 November 27. — This morning Kivoi introduced 
 me to his chiefs and relatives. He made use of 
 my presence to raise himself up in their eyes. He 
 said : " Did I not tell you that I would bring a 
 Musungu to you ? Now he is here ; am I not a man 
 of note since a Musungu has come to me into my 
 country ? " They all cried out with one voice : 
 " Truly, Kivoi is a great man, and has spoken to us 
 the truth ! " They then looked courteously at me, 
 and took delight in inspecting my shoes, hair, hat, 
 clothes, and especially my umbrella, which was often 
 opened and shut up. They then began to quaff uki.
 
 296 FIRST JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 a drink prepared out of sugar-cane. Kivoi repeated 
 his former promise to accompany me wheresoever I 
 wislicd, although I had already resolved to return 
 to the coast. I felt unwell, having had no proper 
 food since I left Kikumbuliu, and the rain now pre- 
 vented my journey to the Dana. If I sent away 
 my Wanika, I should be entirely dependent on 
 Kivoi for my return to Rabbai, and I had reason 
 to trust the Wakamba even less than the Wanika. 
 These were among my reasons for wishing to return. 
 After I had passed some time with the Wakamba 
 chiefs, who sat perfectly naked on their little stools, 
 I returned to my hut, where a number of people 
 assembled again, to whom I endeavoured to pro- 
 claim the Gospel, even though I was not yet master 
 of the Wakamba language. Kivoi arrived after- 
 wards and asked me for the presents I had brought 
 for him, and which I then gave to him. 
 
 November 28. — Kivoi mentioned the existence of a 
 volcano in the vicinity and to the north-west of 
 Kegnia, the fire-plains of which are dreaded by the 
 hunters as dangerous ground. During my stay in 
 the callage a dance was performed by some natives 
 of Kikuyu, which consisted in each person springing 
 as high as possible into the air, and upon his reach- 
 ing the ground again, stamping with all his might 
 with his feet and shouting out ''Yolle! YoUe !" 
 when after moving backwards a little the whole 
 body of dancers came forwards in a ring ; upon which 
 the dance was several tunes repeated. These 
 Kikuyu were by no means repulsive-looking, in-
 
 FIRST JOUENEY TO UKAMBANI. 297 
 
 deed they were handsomer than even the dwellers 
 along the coast, and their language is evidently a 
 mixtui'e of Kikamba and Kikauii, as indeed is that 
 of the tribes of Mbe and Uimbu, which also dwell in 
 the Adcinity of Kegnia, and like them their chief 
 articles of trade are ivory and tobacco. 
 
 Deceinber 3. — ^The wives of the chief prepared meat 
 for om' jom'ney to the coast. 
 
 In the afternoon, we took leave of Kivoi, who 
 delivered the following long address to me and to 
 my people : — '' I wished the Miisungu (European) 
 to remain with me, and go next month with me to 
 Kikuyu, where the river Dana can be crossed ; but 
 the Musungu wishes to return to the coast. He can 
 go if he pleases ; I T\dll not prevent him. I wished to 
 bestow upon him one elephant's tusk four feet long, 
 another three feet and a half in length ; for what he 
 has is mine, and what I have is his; but here I have 
 no ivory, it is at Kikuyu. I will go and fetch it, 
 and then I will travel to the coast, and bring with 
 me two elephants' tusks for the Musungu ; and if his 
 brother at Rabbai will go with me to Ukambani, he 
 may go Tvith me, but ivory here have I none. I will 
 go to Kiku}Ti and to the Andulobbo and fetch it 
 next month. I am a man of note ; I do not use 
 many words, but I will keep my promise. And you 
 Wanika, listen to me ; I have a word to say to you 
 also. You are not to give any annoyance on the road 
 to the Musungu ; for he is my friend. You are to 
 take him in safety to his house at Rabbai, that my 
 anger may not be provoked against you. And now
 
 298 FIRST JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 here are 170 strings of beads and a ''doti" (four 
 yards) of calico ; this will suffice you to buy food in 
 Kikumbuliu, and to reach the coast. And now I 
 have told you my whole heart. Salute Tangai, the 
 governor of the fortress of Mombaz." 
 
 Tangai was personally known to the chief, as he 
 is in the habit of bupng ivory of him when Kivoi 
 goes to Mombaz. After this address we started 
 accompanied by Kivoi, who went with us a few 
 hundred paces. In the evening we bivouacked in the 
 village of one of his relatives. 
 
 December 11. — Yesterday we reached the first place 
 in Kikumbuliu, our route having lain by Nsam- 
 bani (on the 4th), Hangilo (the 5th), Nsou (the 6th), 
 Mbo (the 7th), the river Tiwa (the 8th), and the Adi 
 (the 9th). 
 
 On our homeward journey we met with no par- 
 ticular adventures, only we were often troubled 
 for want of water and by the fear of enemies. On 
 the 20th of December we reached Mount Ndungani, 
 whence we looked back once more on the great 
 wilderness which we had traversed. I thought of 
 the toils, privations, and dangers which we had sur- 
 vived in the days just past. They were all over now ; 
 but the many proofs of the protecting power, mercy, 
 and compassion of my God can never be forgotten 
 by me, but must be a continual stimulus to grati- 
 tude and to zeal in prayer and in labour for the 
 furtherance of His kingdom in the darkened regions 
 Avith Avhich I have become acquainted. This look- 
 ing back into the wilderness reminded me, too, of
 
 FIRST JOURNEY TO UIO^MBANI. 299 
 
 the dying Christian standing upon the hill of death, 
 looking for the last time backwards upon the wilder- 
 ness of this world, contemplating his conflicts with sin 
 and the world, and after a well-fought battle approach- 
 ing the repose which his God and Saviour has merci- 
 fally prepared for him in heaven. Strengthened 
 by this thought, I recommenced my march once 
 more and journeyed the whole day, until in the 
 evening we reached the dwelling of our guide, 
 Mana Zahu, where (only a league from Rabbai) I 
 spent the night, his wife providing me with whole- 
 some food in abundance. On the morning of the 
 21st I had the pleasure of rejoining once more my 
 dear fellow-labourers, Rebmann and Erhardt, and of 
 telling them what I had seen and heard in the past 
 fifty-one days, and what the Father of all mercies 
 had done for me.
 
 300 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 SECOND JOUENEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 Contemplated missionary-station at Yata — Advantages of the loca- 
 lity — Departure — The wilderness : " silence !" — Robbers ahead — 
 No water — Forward towards the Tzawo — Onslaught of the robbers 
 — Fortunate deliverance — A false alarm — Arrival at Yata — 
 Friendly reception from the chiefs — jS^o house, and its incon- 
 veniences — Threatened desertion of the Wanika, and flight of the 
 author's only servant — House-building operations : unsatisfactory 
 results — Annoyances from the Wakamba — Visit to Kivoi resolved 
 on — Departure — Sickness — Too swift an escort — Arrival at Kivoi's 
 — Uki — "War with the Atua — The deserted village — Kivoi's 
 return and promises — Peace-rejoicings — Expedition to the Dana — 
 Under way again — Poison- wood, its commerce and manipulation — 
 Unexpected venison — ^Nearing the Dana. 
 
 The immediate object of my second journey to 
 Ukambani was, in accordance with the decision of 
 the Conunittee of the Church Missionary Society, 
 to found a missionary-station in Ukambani, and thus 
 actually to commence the chain of missions through 
 Africa formerly spoken of. If the Ukambani-mission 
 succeeded, it was hoped that then a further mis- 
 sionary-station might be established in the neigh- 
 bourhood of the snow-mountain situated on the 
 higli ground of Yata, some 110 leagues from Rabbai 
 in the village of a Mkamba, Mtangi wa Xsuki, a 
 man of great influence in the district of Yata, and
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 301 
 
 which being -ydsited by all the caravans which 
 journey either from Ukambani to the seacoast, or 
 from the latter to Ukambani, a missionary stationed 
 there would have frequent opportunities of corre- 
 sponding- with his bretliren at Rabbai. The village 
 lies in a plain, which is at least 2000 feet above the 
 level of the sea and contains many AVakamba 
 villages. As the Wakamba-land proper begins with 
 Yata a missionary stationed there coidd make excur- 
 sions in every direction, and as at the same time 
 many AYakamba from Yata were settled at Rabbai 
 Mpia, in constant intercom-se with their friends and 
 relations in the interior, the Yata people would be 
 obliged to be careful in their treatment of the 
 stranger. If they maltreated him the authorities ot 
 the coast would in accordance with the East-Afr-ican 
 custom, retaliate on the settlers ft-om the interior in 
 their power. 
 
 I engaged thirty Wanika as burden-bearers and 
 escort, Mana Zahu being the leader of the little 
 caravan, which was joined on the way by about 
 100 Wakamba, who were returning to their homes. 
 Our departm-e from Rabbai took place on the 11th 
 of July. The disorder, insane chatter, di^unken- 
 ness, gluttony, and disobedience of my people 
 were great, and gave me much pain, until on 
 the 14th of July we left behind us the inhabited 
 country and reached, the great wilderness at Ndun- 
 guni, when the Wanika were obliged to be quiet 
 and silent. On the loth we were met by a caravan 
 of Wakamba coming from the interior with ivory to
 
 302 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 tlic coast, and to some of tlicm, who seated themselves 
 on the ground beside me, I explamed the object of 
 my journey ; after which, a Mkamba told me that 
 in liis youth he had travelled to Mbellete, and had 
 then proceeded into the country of tlie Wal^ilikimo, 
 or "little people" (pigmies). The distance between 
 Ukambani and Ubilikimoni was greater than that 
 between the former and Mombaz ; the Wabilikimo 
 had long feet, but short bodies, and on their backs 
 a kind of hump ; and nobody understood their lan- 
 guage. The Wakamba made friends with them by 
 offering copper rings, for which honey was presented 
 in return ; they were good, harmless people, and 
 there were many elephants in their country. At 
 our night bivouac the Wanika and Wakamba were 
 quarrelling over the division of a slaughtered 
 goat, whereupon a Mkamba made a long speech 
 in which he exhorted the people thenceforth to 
 observe silence, and on the march not to leave the 
 caravan, as the way was dangerous. After a very 
 fatiguing march of two days we reached Mount 
 Maungu, where we met a nmnber of Wanika of the 
 Kiriama tribe, waiting for ivory caravans from 
 Ukambani. They gave us the unwelcome intelli- 
 gence that the day before a large band of Gallas 
 liad been seen in the neighbourhood of Kadiza, 
 evidently with the design of attacking and plunder- 
 ing the ivory-caravans of the Wakamba. On the 
 18th of July we determined to rest for a little at 
 Maungu. The Kiriama people surrounded me 
 almost the whole day putting questions, or trying
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 303 
 
 to inspect the things which I was taking to Ukam- 
 bani. With a few of them I had some talk upon 
 religious matters, and they asked who was Jesus 
 Christ, and what had He done ? To-day the leaders 
 of the Wakamba caravans made theii' people 
 swear, that in case of an attack by the G alias or 
 Masai, they would not run away but would defend 
 themselves. My leader, too, was obliged to be 
 present at the oath-taking. I took no notice of the 
 cu"cumstance, but in the course of the jom^ney I 
 found that the caravan-leaders had sho^vn very 
 proper forethought. A European ought not alto- 
 gether to despise the reports and fears of the natives ; 
 but because the people had babbled so much about 
 the dangers of the jom^ney to Ukambani, and I had 
 performed my last journey thither in safety, I looked 
 on their tales and terrors as fanciful. However I 
 was later forced to acknowledge that the natives had 
 good ground for their anxieties and precautions. 
 
 We started again on the morning of the 19th of 
 July, our route Ipng more to the north and om^ 
 path being level and sandy. Leaving Momit Ndara 
 on the left we marched some six leagues till we 
 reached the river Woi, where we bivouacked. On 
 the 20th we crossed the Woi, and noticed on the 
 bank fi'esh traces of elephants ; and upon entering the 
 noble prairie, free of thorns and jungle, with which the 
 eastern range of the Bui'a mountains terminates, we 
 saw here and there a shy zebra, or a giraffe, which my 
 people vainly endeavoured to caj)tui'e. At noon we 
 reached Kangongo ; but, as had been the case two
 
 304 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAilBANI. 
 
 years ago, we found no water there, and so pushed 
 forward to reach the Tzawo. On the 21st we started 
 before dawni to reach the Tzawo as soon as possible, as 
 our stock of water was nearly exhausted, and about 
 nine we ascended a small hill, and sat down in the 
 vicinity of a thick wood. How little did I suspect 
 that lui'king enemies were surrounding and watching 
 us ! During the march, I had been ruminating upon 
 tlie various petitions of the Lord's Prayer, and 
 almost every word of it had impressed itself as 
 a blessing to me. Till now the Wakamba caravan 
 which kept company with us, had preceded us during 
 the whole journey, but when we resumed our march 
 it remained, I know not why or how, behind my 
 people. Just as I had entered with my Wanika 
 a large thicket where it was difficult to move to the 
 right or to the left, we heard suddenly a loud cry 
 which proceeded from the Wakamba, who formed the 
 rearguard. They cried ''Aendi! Aendi! Aendi!" — 
 Robbers ! Robbers ! Robbers ! (literally hunters). A 
 frightful confusion now arose among my people ; they 
 threw down their loads, and would have fled into the 
 wood, but found it difficult to penetrate the bushes. 
 One called out this, another that ; several shouted, 
 " Fii'e off the guns, fire off the guns !" I wished to 
 do so, but the man who carried my double-barrelled 
 one had fled, and I was quite unarmed. I got 
 hold of him and it at last and fired in the air, 
 on which the Wanika set up a di'eadful war-cry, and 
 the others who had guns then fired three or four 
 shots in succession. Whilst this fii-ing was going on
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UI<CAMBANI. 305 
 
 at our front, the Wakamba were discharging their 
 poisoned arrows at the Aendi, who had shot theirs 
 at them, from the hill I have mentioned. The 
 Wakamba who were frirthest behind, thi-ew down 
 their loads at the sight of the enemy, allowing them 
 to come and put them on their shoulders, whereupon 
 the Wakamba fired and shot three of the robbers 
 dead; and we had one Mkamba wounded. When 
 the enemy saw that the Wakamba made a stand 
 and heard om* firing, they retreated to their hiding- 
 place, upon which my scattered Wanika collected 
 again, took com*age, and joined the Wakamba, who 
 had been exposed to the greatest danger. Had the 
 conflict lasted longer we should have been in a very 
 perilous plight, as in the confusion I lost my powder- 
 horn, and one of my peoj^le burst the barrel of his 
 gun by putting too large a charge into it. The 
 ramrod of another was broken, through his being 
 knocked over by a Mnika in the confusion, just as 
 he was going to load ; whilst the gun of another 
 missed fire altogether. I saw clearly that it was God 
 who preserved us, and not our own sword and bow. 
 After the rearguard of the Wakamba had got up to us, 
 we hurried on to escape from the inhospitable thickets ; 
 but we had not gone far, when those in front cried, 
 ''Aendi! Aendi!" ''Robbers! Robbers 1" We fired 
 at once in the air ; but we soon discovered our mis- 
 take, and got off with the mere alarm ; as it tm^ned 
 out to be the caravan expected at Maungu, consisting 
 of three to four hundred Wakamba, who were coming 
 fr'om the interior with a number of elephants' tusks,
 
 306 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 and whom our vanguard had taken for robbers. 
 Fortunately the travellers at once recognized om- 
 Wanika, and cried to us, " Do not fire, we are trad- 
 ing people !" Some of these Wakamba came from 
 one side through the thicket, and as I still took 
 them to be robbers I j^ointed my gun at them, but 
 waited a moment, till they should begin the attack. 
 Fortunately the Wanika called out to me : " Do not 
 fire, they are fi-iends !" Fear was succeeded by sud- 
 den joy; evidently the robbers had intended to 
 attack the exjDCcted caravan, but on the principle of 
 a bii'd in the bush, thought it better to plunder 
 us as first comers, and we had thus prepared the way 
 for the large caravan. It was fortunate for me that 
 the first attack had been made on the Wakamba, 
 for they defended their property, while my people 
 cared neither for me nor for my baggage, but were 
 anxious about their own lives alone. 
 
 We reached the Tzawo in safety, and, continuing 
 our journey on the 22nd, arrived on the 24th after 
 a two days' very toilsome march at Kikumbuliu, 
 where we rested for a day. At last, on the afternoon 
 of the 26th, we crossed the Adi and began to ascend 
 the high land of Yata, my destination as a mis- 
 sionary. On the way, I besought earnestly in my 
 heart the Father of all mercies to guide and help me 
 to make a commencement of missionary work in this 
 country. Arrived at the plain on the top we pro- 
 ceeded to the nearest village, and inquii*ed after the 
 Mkamba, Muilu wa Ki^\nli, A\dtli whom I was first to 
 reside. We were told that he had quitted the
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 307 
 
 village, in consequence of a famine from which the 
 country was suffering through want of rain. We 
 then betook ourselves to Mtangi wa Nsuki, another 
 Wakamba chief, who gave us a friendly reception ; 
 and in a short time there was an assemblage of 
 the other chiefs to whom I explained the object of 
 my joui-ney. They declared that they would will- 
 ingly permit me to reside among them, build a 
 hut, and do whatever I pleased, assuring me of 
 their protection. After this declaration I delivered 
 to them my present which consisted of eight ells of 
 calico and some four pounds of beads; for which 
 they presented me in return with a goat. I made a 
 special present to Mtangi wa Nsuki, as it was within 
 his enclosure that I was to erect my hut, and as he 
 had offered me his particular protection. Thus far 
 at starting everything had gone satisfactorily, so that 
 I took com^age and thanked God for His powerful 
 protection and assistance. 
 
 July 27. — In the com-se of the day I was visited 
 by many Wakamba, who wished to see me and my 
 baggage, which I was obliged to leave lying in the 
 open air, wliilst for want of a proper dwelling-place 
 I too was forced to camp out, mth no other 
 shelter than that which my umbrella afforded me 
 against the heat of the sun during the day ; whilst at 
 night a cold wand was blowing from the south from 
 Kilimanjaro and Yulu ; and even in the morning 
 at 10 o'clock the glass stood at 68^, and did not reach 
 beyond 12° at midday. It was most unpleasant to 
 me to have no habitation, however small, in w^iich 
 
 X
 
 308 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 I could rest from the fatigues of the journey and be 
 sheltered from the intrusion of the Wakamba. I felt, 
 consequently, rather low spirited, and this mood was 
 somewhat aggravated by the declaration of my 
 Wanika, that next day they intended to retm-n to 
 Eabbai with a Wakamba caravan which was jour- 
 neying towards the coast. I reminded them of their 
 undertaking to build me a dwellmg-place before they 
 returned to the coast, which they did not deny, 
 and at once set to work with it. In a few hours 
 they had put together, with stakes fetched from the 
 wood, a miserable hencoop, scarcely six feet high, 
 and about as many feet broad and long, but with 
 which I was fain to be content as my things were 
 lying in the open air, and I had neither shelter by 
 day fr'om the heat of the sun, nor by night from 
 the cold of the bitter blast sweeping in from the 
 southern mountains. 
 
 July 28. — My Wanika started this morning with- 
 out finishing the roofing in of the hut with grass ; 
 and the single servant whom I had brought from 
 Rabbai ran away, although I had always treated 
 him with particular affection and kindness. I coidd 
 not trust the Wakamba ; my conscience forbade me 
 to buy a slave ; and yet I was obliged to have some 
 one who could look after my things, and to whose 
 care I could entrust my hut, and I saw that I must 
 have a tolerable servant and a better dwelling-jjlace, 
 if I was to settle in Yata. In my hencoop I could 
 neither wi'ite, nor read, nor sleep, and was conti- 
 nually besieged by the Wakamba, who by day, even
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 309 
 
 before dawn, did not leave me a moment alone. 
 If I wished to read, they asked if I was trying to 
 spy into their hearts, or whether I was looking for 
 rain and inquiring after diseases; when I wrote, 
 they wanted to know what I had wiitten, and 
 whether it contained sorcery. Every one of my 
 movements was sharply observed. Many came to 
 beg this or that, to see new things, or to buy 
 wares, as they took me for a merchant; others 
 brought a few eggs or a little meal, and then asked for 
 twice or tlu'ee times as much as their presents were 
 worth ; whilst others, again, wished merely to be 
 amused. My hut had not even a door, so that I could 
 not close it, and by night I was safe neither from 
 thieves nor from wild beasts. 
 
 July 30.' — Meditating this morning on my painful 
 position, I came to the conclusion, on the one hand, 
 that I ought not to abandon Yata, as the people, on 
 the whole, were friendly, and part of them listened 
 Avith attention when I strove to make them ac- 
 quainted with the Word of God ; on the other hand, 
 it was clear to me that I could not remain if my two 
 Wanika were to forsake me now, or at the close of two 
 months ; for on the flight of my servant (who was 
 afraid to stay in Ukambani by himself), these two had 
 offered their services, very highly paid, for two months 
 only, at the end of which I was either to return with 
 them to the coast, or remain by myself in Yata. I 
 therefore resolved to make use of the interval in 
 visiting the interior of Ukambani as far as the river 
 Dana, and first of all to repair to my old friend 
 
 X 2
 
 310 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 Kivoi, with whose help I might attain my object. 
 If I were then obliged to quit Ukambani I should, at 
 least, have added to my knowledge of the country, 
 and have promulgated the gospel in it, here and there. 
 After I had decided on journeying to Kivoi I asked 
 Mtangi wa Nsuki for a small escort, which he 
 readily granted, giving me, however, to understand 
 that I was to return to him, and remain with him. 
 
 August 1. — I awoke this morning in a very feverish 
 state, caused partly by the cold at night, partly by 
 the unwholesome air of my hut; but, nevertheless 
 set out on the journey to Kivoi, accompanied by four 
 Wakamba and one of my two Mnika servants, leav- 
 ing the other to look after my things. The Wakamba 
 moved on so swiftly that I could not keep pace mth 
 them ; it was more like jumping than walking. In 
 the villages which we passed through, I had often to 
 stop and allow myself to be gaped at by the people 
 like an ape or bear in Europe. In the evening we 
 reached the river Tiwa. 
 
 August 2. — On waking this morning I was so 
 unwell that I would have retm-ned to Yata, if my 
 servant and the Wakamba would have allowed me. 
 My servant hoped to receive a piece of ivory from 
 Kivoi, which was the reason why he would not return 
 to Yata. So on we went, the Wakamba running so 
 fast that I could not keep up with them, and our way 
 lay through an uninhabited and uncultivated country. 
 
 August 4. — About noon we reached the village of the 
 chief, Kivoi, who was absent. Wlien he came home 
 he greeted me in a friendly manner, and observed
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UIO^IBANI. 311 
 
 that lie should have taken it A^eiy ill, if I had not 
 come to liini. He told me, among other things, that 
 he had at present a feud with the Wakamba-tribe 
 Atua, which had destroyed the house of liis relative, 
 Ngimibau, because the wife of the latter, who is 
 rej^uted a Tvitch, had been sus2)ected of casting a 
 spell upon the cattle of the Atua. 
 
 August 5. — To-day Kivoi introduced me to Rumu 
 wa Kikandi, a native of the tribe Uembu, whose terri- 
 toiy lies five or six days' jom-ney to the north-west 
 of Kitui, quite close to the snow-mountain Kirenia 
 (Kenia). He told me that he had frequently been 
 to the mountain, but had not ascended it, because 
 it contained Kirira, a white substance, producing 
 very great cold. What the Jagga people call Kibo, 
 snow, is called by the natives of Uembu, Kirira, 
 which brings to mind the Ethiopic word kur, or 
 kuir (coldness). The white substance, he added, 
 produced continually a quantity of water, which 
 descended the mountain and formed a large lake, 
 from which the river Dana took its rise. 
 
 August 7. — * * * * In Kivoi's hut, I saw a 
 quantity of Magaddi, a dried earth of whitish hue, 
 wliich has a sour but aromatic odom', and is found 
 in Jagga as well as in Udeizu and in the north- 
 eastern Wakamba-land. It is made into a powder by 
 the Wakamba and Wanika, and mixed \\4th snuff, 
 of which the East- Africans are passionately fond. 
 
 August 9. — To-day, Kivoi had a quantity of Uki 
 prepared for the banquet which he was to give to 
 his tribe to induce them to accompany him on an
 
 312 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 expedition against the Atua, if a reconciliation with 
 the latter turaed out to be impossible. This beverage 
 is thus prepared from sugar-cane : first, the bark of 
 the cane is cut away; then the cane is cut into 
 small pieces and put into a wooden mortar, which 
 is made firm in the earth; after it has been pounded 
 into a pulp it is put into a pit, when being covered 
 over with a cowhide and pressed down, the juice 
 rises through to the top. The expressed juice, which 
 is very sweet, is then pom-ed into calabashes, and 
 these are placed near a fire, to be made hot. When 
 this process is over, the beverage is ready for use. 
 
 August 13. — Many Wakamba were here to-day; 
 they sat in groups in Kivoi's yard, where I had an 
 opportunity of becoming acquainted with many of 
 them, and of speaking to them respecting the salva- 
 tion of their souls. 
 
 August 14. — To-day, about 200 men appeared in 
 Kivoi's village. They came singing, dancing, and 
 piping, and seated themselves in a semi-circle on 
 the ground outside the village. Kivoi asked me to 
 accompany him, with my telescope in my hand ; 
 which I did, and when perfect quiet was restored, 
 Kivoi marched up and down within the semi-circle, 
 and delivered a long address. On his head he wore 
 a kind of hat decorated with ostrich-feathers ; in his 
 hand he carried a club, and by his side hung his 
 sword and powder-horn; his body was perfectly naked, 
 with the exception of a scanty piece of cloth. He 
 stated in his address that lie wished to recover from 
 the Atua the cattle of which his relative had been
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 313 
 
 robbed. If tliej would not assist him lie should 
 depart out of the land, and then they would never 
 again see a stranger like me. After the people had 
 promised obedience and assistance, they started on 
 the expedition with Kivoi at their head. 
 
 The population of the village was now reduced to 
 females only; it did not contain a single male, 
 except myself, my servant, and Ngumbau, whose 
 wife was said to have bewitched and destroyed the 
 cattle of the Atua. The people were in great terror 
 of an attack of the Atua by night, who might easily 
 have taken and burned the village. Ngumbau came 
 during the night trembling into my hut, and asked 
 me to look through my telescope and see whether 
 friends or foes were coming ; my servant, too, was 
 in great terror, and wished to return immediately to 
 Yata and the seacoast ; I commended myself to the 
 protection of Almighty God, and laid down in tran- 
 quillity on my bed. 
 
 August 17. — Kivoi returned after having peace- 
 fully arranged his quarrel with the Atua, the latter 
 having promised to restore the cattle which had been 
 stolen. Both parties had slaughtered an animal, 
 eaten certain portions of it, and sworn to observe the 
 treaty of peace. I spoke to Kivoi respecting that true 
 peace which the world cannot give nor take away. 
 
 August 18. — Wlien I informed the chief to-day of 
 my wish to return to Yata, he said I was not to do 
 so as he would soon accompany me to the river 
 Dana and to Mbe. He would afterwards go with 
 me to Mombaz ; there I was to hire some Suahili,
 
 314 SECOND JOURNEY TO UILVMBANI. 
 
 who could build mc a substantial dwelling in Ukam- 
 bani ; he would then help me to visit all the coun- 
 tries round about, and I might do with him what 
 I pleased. I had no doubt that Kivoi could and 
 might execute all these intentions, yet I feared his 
 great greed, which would lead him to try to make 
 capital out of me. He was well acquainted mth 
 Europeans, Suahili, and Ai'abs ; he possessed great 
 influence, too, on the coast and in the interior ; but 
 I felt no impulse to throw myself into his arms, and 
 to enter into his schemes. I was still of the opinion 
 that Yata was the best place for a missionarj^-station. 
 
 August 19.- — Kivoi' s whole ^nllage rejoiced and 
 danced in consequence of the restoration of peace. 
 The chief had a quantity of uki prepared for our 
 approaching journey to the river Dana. Early in 
 the morning, whilst walking uj) and doTVTi in his 
 enclosure, he gave each of liis female slaves a 
 quantity of Indian corn to grind. 
 
 August 20. — A little caravan arrived yesterday 
 from ]\Ibe ^dth tobacco, which the Mbe people wished 
 to sell in Ukambani. 
 
 August 24.' — We started on our much-talked-of ex- 
 pedition yesterday evening, our route being to the 
 north and north-west, mostly through very fine 
 country, well suited for tillage and grazing. In the 
 evening we bivouacked by a brook which flows to- 
 wards Kitui. In the open and gi-assy mlderness, 
 through which we wandered, there was here and 
 there an acacia-tree to be seen ; but otlierwise the 
 country was completely without wood.
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 315 
 
 August 2b. — We broke up early, and after a short 
 march we came upon four rhinoceroses grazmg ; but 
 as we did not disturb them they remained quietly 
 where they were. I used to have a great dread of 
 those ugly and clumsy creatures, but by degrees 
 I grew accustomed to them. All day we were 
 gradually ascending; there was not a single tree 
 to be seen, nothing but grass. We observed great 
 herds of antelopes ; and at one time we saw a 
 flock of vultures flying upwards and then descend- 
 ing to the ground again ; upon which \\\q AVakamba 
 immediately threw down their loads, and ran to the 
 spot, where to theii' joy they found a great piece of the 
 flesh of Ngundi, a kind of large antelope. Every- 
 where on our road Kivoi set fire to the grass, 
 which did us mischief subsequently, as the fire 
 informed the enemy of our onward march. We 
 passed soon afterwards the brook Andilai, the water 
 of which was very salt, on the banks of which I 
 remarked a stratum of crystallized salt, which, how- 
 ever, was mixed with earth; but Kivoi's wives 
 collected a quantity of it for our use on the road. 
 
 August 26. — We started very early. The little 
 caravan of Uembu people, whose leader was my 
 friend Rumu wa Kikandi, carried a quantity of the 
 wood of the poison-tree which grows in Kikani- 
 buliu, Mberria, and Teita, in pieces of from three 
 to fom' inches thick. The wood is pounded, and 
 then boiled, and the point of the arrow is besmeared 
 with the black, thick paste, which is the result of 
 the operation, the strength of the poison being first
 
 316 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 tested on animals. The joeople on the other side of 
 the river Dana exchange tobacco and ivory for this 
 wood, which does not grow in those regions, and in 
 Kikumbuliu I saw whole caravans conveying heavy 
 loads of this wood to Ukamhani. Our way led us first 
 up and then over a hill, a continuation of the Data, 
 from the top of which there is a magnificent view 
 towards Kikuyu and the valley of the Dana. To 
 the south-west are Mounts Iweti and Nsao Wi, and 
 beyond them the lofty Muka Mku and the Kanjallo, 
 Avhichmark the beginning of the highlands of Kikuyu. 
 It seems probable that the chain of mountains which 
 stretches from Ndungnai to Yata, and so on to Kan- 
 jallo, may lose itself in Kirenia. When we had 
 descended it on the other side, we halted by a 
 brook, and while we were resting, the Wakamba 
 saw again a nmnber of vultures flying upward and 
 downward. My servant ran immediately to the 
 s2:)ot and found a great piece of a fallow-deer, which 
 had been seized and partly devoured in the morning 
 by a lion, whose footprints were apparent. I was 
 glad of this roasting-joint, as Kivoi had but indif- 
 ferently fulfilled his promise of furnishing us with 
 provisions during the journey, and on the first day 
 we had had nothing but bananas. After we had 
 enjoyed our venison, we continued our journey. 
 Again we saw the high mountain Muka Mku, past the 
 eastern foot of which the river Dika is said to flow, 
 falling in Muea into the Dana, the Dana itself flow- 
 ing to the west of Muka ]\lku.
 
 317 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. . 
 
 SECOND JOUENEY TO UKAMBANI CONTINUED. 
 
 Eobbers — Parley — Attack in earnest — Dispersion of Kivoi's party — 
 The author's flight — Subsequent adventures, perils, and sufferings 
 — Eencounter with a "Wakamba pair — Arrival at a village — At 
 Kitetu's — Murderous designs of Kivoi's kinsmen — The author's 
 fl.ight fi'om Kitetu's hut — Wanderings in the "svildemess — Arrival 
 at Kivoi's village — Eeception by his kinsfolk — Plundered and 
 silenced — To Yata — Eeception — Farewell to Yata — Eetum 
 homewards — Elephants — Wild beasts as path-makers — Arrival 
 at Eabbai Mpia — Eesults of the journey — The Ukambani-mission 
 to be deferred, not surrendered — Conditions necessarj- for its 
 success — The Wakamba — TheWakuafi and Masai tribes. 
 
 August 27. — Last night we had encamped in a 
 grassy wilderness ; I felt much disquieted, and 
 awoke several times. Once the wind drove the fire 
 to our encampment ; another time, I thought I heard 
 people running about. In the morning, we had no 
 water for cooking purposes, so that there was but 
 little enjoyment of our meah Wlien we reached the 
 isolated Mount Kense, which rises up out of the great 
 plain leading to the Dana, some twenty-five of 
 Kivoi's people who had left Kitui after us joined our 
 caravan, which now comprised from fifty to fifty-five 
 persons. Not far from Kense, where we had halted, 
 Kivoi lost the handle of my umbrella, which I had
 
 318 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 given liim. After an hour and a half, lie first dis- 
 covered the loss, when he immediately commanded a 
 halt, and returned with a troop of people to look for 
 the missing article. This unimportant circumstance 
 irritated me not a little, as I was hungry and 
 thirsty, and wished to reach the river as soon as pos- 
 sible ; and being thus discontented with the behaviour 
 of Kivoi, who troubled himself about such a trifle as 
 the loss of an umbrella-handle, I went forward alone 
 hoj^ing that five or six Wakamba would follow me, and 
 hasten onward to the river. But not one of them 
 moved an inch because, as they said, Kivoi had 
 not ordered them to break up the encamj^ment, and 
 was still a good way from us ; so I had to stomach 
 my ire as best I might, and was after all obliged to 
 remain for several hours with the caravan, till Kivoi 
 returned with the recovered umbrella-handle. As 
 soon as he had arrived, we broke n-p and journeyed 
 onward ; when after a short march, one of Kivoi' s 
 wives found in the grass a quantity of ostrich-feathers, 
 upon which he again commanded a halt to make a 
 search for more feathers. He seated himself on the 
 ground, and had the feathers found brought to him, 
 not allowing any one to share them with him. 
 Wlien we were again in motion, and were within 
 a good league of the Dana, Kivoi' s slaves on a 
 sudden pointed towards the forest towards which 
 we were marching from the grassy and treeless 
 plain. I ran to Kivoi's side, and saw a party of 
 about ten men emerging from the forest, and soon 
 afterwards came other and larger parties from
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 319 
 
 another side, evidently with the object of surround- 
 ing us. Our whole caravan was panic-stricken, and 
 the cry, '' Meida," they are robbers, ran through our 
 ranks, upon which Kivoi fired off his gun, and bade 
 me do the same. After we had fired thrice the rob- 
 bers began to relax their pace, probably because they 
 had heard the whistling of our bullets through the air. 
 In the confusion and the hurry of loading I had 
 left my ramrod in the barrel of my gun and fired it 
 off, so that I could not load again. Whilst we were 
 firing and our caravan was preparing for a conflict, 
 Kivoi ordered one of his wives to open my um- 
 brella, when the robbers immediately slackened their 
 speed. They were also obstructed by the grass, 
 which Kivoi had set on fire that the wind might 
 blow the flames in their faces. When at last they 
 had come within bow-shot of us Kivoi called to 
 them to stop, and not to approach nearer. He then 
 ran towards them, and invited them to a parley upon 
 which they ran up and doTvai, brandishing their swords 
 and raising a shout of triumph. After a few minutes, 
 Kivoi succeeded in persuading three of them to 
 come into our encampment, where we had seated 
 ourselves in rank and file upon the ground. The 
 enemy likewise seated themselves. Kivoi now made 
 a speech, telling them who he was and whither he was 
 going; and after he had finished his address the 
 spokesman of the opposite party laughed and said : 
 '' You need not be afraid ; we have no hostile design ; 
 we saw the grass on fire, and only wished to know 
 who the travellers were that had set it on fii-e.
 
 320 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 You can now go forward to the river; we will 
 follow at once, and yonder settle our business 
 with you." The robbers then remained seated, and 
 took counsel with each other, while we continued 
 our journey. 
 
 On the way Kivoi was much troubled, and said 
 that the interview had been unsatisfactory, and that 
 the people were robbers. At last we entered the 
 forest, the pathway on either side being inclosed by 
 trees and bushes. W^ienever our caravan rested for 
 a little the robbers were seen following us from the 
 plain, so I took advantage of one such interval to cut 
 myself in haste a ramrod, and to load my gun. 
 Meanwhile some five robbers came to us and said : 
 " This is the way to the river; follow us." We fol- 
 lowed them, I marching with the Uembu people, the 
 jfront men of our caravan, while Kivoi remained 
 behind. Suddenly the robbers in front wheeled 
 round, set up a war-shout, and began to discharge 
 their arrows at us, and the robbers in the rear sui*- 
 rounded Kivoi. A great confusion arose ; our peo- 
 ple threw away their burdens, and discharged their 
 arrows at the enemy, begging me imploringly to 
 fire as quickly as I could. I fired twice, but in 
 the air; for I could not bring myself to shed the 
 blood of man. Wliilst I was reloading a Mkamba 
 rushed past me wounded in the hip, a stream of 
 blood flowing from liun. Right and left fell the 
 arrows at my feet, but without touching me. When 
 om- people saw that they could not cope ^vitli an 
 enemy 120 strong they took to flight. Rumu wa
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 321 
 
 Kikandi and his people ran away and left me quite 
 alone . 
 
 I deemed it now time to think of flight, especially 
 as in the confusion I could not distinguish friend 
 from foe; so I set off at a run in the direction 
 taken by Rumu and his people ; but scarcely had I 
 gone some sixty paces, when I came to a trench or 
 rather the dried-up bed of a brook, some ten feet 
 deep, and from fom* to five in width. The Uembu- 
 people had tlu'own their loads into it, and leapt over 
 the trench ; but when I made the attempt I fell into 
 it, breaking the butt-end of my gun and wounding 
 my hamiches in the fall ; and as I could not climb up 
 the steep bank of the brook I ran on along its bed 
 until I came to a place where I could emerge from 
 it. When I had gained the bank I ran on as fast 
 as I could after the Uembu-peo^^le, pursued by the 
 arrows of the robbers which reached the brook; 
 but as I could not come up -svath the former, my 
 gun and the heavy anununition in my pockets im- 
 peding my progress, I remained behind all alone 
 in the forest ; all my people had disappeared from be- 
 fore my face, and not one of them was to be seen. I 
 may mention, that wlien I first took to flight, and be- 
 fore I reached the trench, I heard a heavy fall on 
 the ground, and at once it occurred to me that Kivoi 
 must have fallen, and this as I afterwards found 
 out was really the case. I now ran on as quickly 
 as I could by the side of the brook into the forest. 
 All at once I came to a glade where I saw a number 
 of men, some 300 paces in front of me. Thinkhig
 
 322 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 tliem to be my people, recovered from their terror 
 and collected again, I crossed the brook to reach 
 them. Suddenly it came into my head that they 
 might be the robbers, so I took my telescope, looked 
 through it, and discovered to my horror that they 
 were indeed the robbers, who were carrying off the 
 booty plundered from our caravan. I noticed parti- 
 cularly one man with ostrich-feathers on his head, 
 whom I recognized as one of the band when we first 
 met with it ; so I retreated immediately across the 
 brook again, without being observed by the Meida, 
 although I could see them with the naked eye. As I 
 was re-entering the wood two large rhinoceroses met 
 my view, which were standing quietly in fr^ont of me, 
 some fifteen to twenty paces from me, but they soon 
 turned aside and disappeared in the forest. For eight 
 or ten minutes I resumed my flight at a run, till I 
 thought I was out of the robbers' track, and emerged 
 again into an open and grassy plain where I laid doTvni 
 beneath a tree, first of all giving thanks to the Father 
 of mercy who had preserved me through so great a 
 danger. I then reflected on my critical situation 
 and the possibility of returning to Kivoi's village ; 
 then thought that I would repaii' to Mberre and 
 seek our people there, to accompany me back 
 again. But how was I to pay them and buy 
 food, my servants having tliroT\ai away all that 
 belonged to me, and fled towards the Wakamba- 
 land ? Besides, I was not certain whether I might 
 not meet again -^dth the robbers, or even whether 
 I might not be murdered by the people of Mberre,
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 323 
 
 to which a portion of the robbers belonged, 
 added to which I was quite alone, and had but 
 a slight acquaintance with the dialect of Mberre. 
 On the other hand, how was I without a guide, 
 without food, and without a knowledge of the 
 water-stations, to make a retui^n-joui^ney of tliirty- 
 five or thirty-six leagues to Kivoi's village ? In 
 this difficulty I remembered that Heaven had yester- 
 day caused a lion to furnish me with food ; I was 
 now one of God's poor, for whom he could and would 
 provide; ''man's extremity is God's opportunity!" 
 Most of all was I strengthened and comforted 
 by the previous day's experience of the lion 
 sent to provide us with food in the wilderness. 
 My most pressing and immediate want was water ; 
 for I was extremely thirsty, and had not had anything 
 to drink all day. I knew that the Dana was near at 
 hand, and seeing at some distance very lofty trees, I 
 conjectured that the bed of the river was there. 
 I saw, too, the mountain past the foot of which, as 
 Kivoi told me yesterday, the river flows, and so I 
 determined to press forward to the river, towards 
 which I was not now impelled by geographical 
 curiosity, but by extreme thirst. As the country 
 through which I was wending my way was without 
 either trees or brushwood, I was afraid of being seen 
 by the robbers ; yet the river had to be reached at any 
 cost. After a short march I came to a trodden path- 
 way which I followed, and soon saw the sm-face of the 
 river gleaming tlu^ough the trees and bushes on its 
 banks with a pleasm-e which no pen can describe, 
 
 Y
 
 324 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 and which none but those who have been similarly 
 placed can realize. The path led me over the high 
 bank down to the water's edge ; '' Praise and thanks 
 be to God," I exclaimed, '' now I can slake my 
 thirst and have water in plenty for the retm^n- 
 joumey!" The water was cool and pleasant; for 
 the banks were steep and lofty ; and when I reached 
 the river there was a pool, which led me to think 
 that the river had an ebb and flow. After my thirst 
 was satisfied, for want of water-bottles I filled the 
 leather case of my telescope as well as the barrels 
 of my gmi, which was now useless to me ; and I 
 stopped up the mouths of the gun-barrels with grass, 
 and with bits of cloth cut off my trousers. 
 
 After I had attended sufficiently to my animal 
 wants I made a slight exploration of the river which 
 was about 150 feet in width, and from six to seven 
 feet deep. But this cannot be its normal depth duiing 
 the hot season, for Kivoi, and Ruma wa Kikandi, 
 both told me distinctly that then it only reached to 
 the neck ; and this was the reason why Kivoi had 
 fixed on the hot season for his jom^ney, in order to 
 cross the Dana when its water was low ; for in the 
 rainy season the Wakamba cross the river on rafts. 
 Its course, so far as I could see, is serpentine, run- 
 ning towards the east ; but I do not doubt that it 
 makes great detours before it arrives at the Indian 
 Ocean. If its source in the lake at Kirenia is 6000 
 feet above the level of the sea, it must certainly 
 take a very circuitous course, or we must suppose it 
 to form lofty cataracts before it reaches the level
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UIij\.MBANI. 325 
 
 of the sea. Important results might be attained if 
 Europeans would explore this river more fully, and 
 discover whether it is navigable, and if so, to what 
 distance. In the Mberre-land on the other side of 
 the river, I saw a lofty mountain, which I named 
 Mount Albert, in honour of the audience accorded to 
 me by the Prince Consort at Windsor, in 1850. 
 
 Revived by the water of the Dana, I began again 
 to think of my retuni-journey, and as it was still 
 day it did not appear advisable to proceed any 
 further at present, so I concealed myself behind the 
 bushes, and waited for nightfall ; and then as may 
 be supposed, I could not see the path in the deep 
 darkness, but followed as much as possible the course 
 of the wind ; for as it was in our backs when we 
 came, I judged rightly that returning I should 
 always have it in my face. I wended on my way 
 through thick and thin, often tumbling into little 
 pits, or over stones and trunks of trees ; but the 
 thorns and the tall grass impeded me most of all, 
 and I was troubled, too, by thoughts of the many 
 wild beasts kno^^^ai to be in the neighboui'hood of the 
 Dana. I was so impeded and wearied by the tall 
 grass that I determined to lie do^na and sleep, even 
 if I were to die here in the wilderness ; for it seemed 
 as if I never should reach the coast again ; but then 
 I thought, straightway, that in no situation should 
 man despair, but do the utmost for self-preservation 
 and put his trust in God as to the issue. I called to 
 mind Mungo Park who had been in a similar strait 
 in Western Africa. So, taking courage I marched 
 
 Y 2
 
 326 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 foi'ward again as swiftly as I could, and in due 
 coiu-se emerged from the jungle and reached the 
 great plain in which Kivoi had set fire to the grass. 
 I now felt in better spirits, as I could proceed more 
 quickly and with fewer obstructions. About mid- 
 night I came to a mountain which we had noticed 
 in the course of our journey hither. As it had no 
 name, I called it Mount William, in memory of 
 the audience granted me in 1850, by his Majesty 
 Frederick William IV. of Prussia. This moun- 
 tain commands a view of the whole region of the 
 Dana, and serves as a landmark for the caravans 
 which journey towards Ukambani, or towards Kikuyu 
 and Mberre. Believing myself on the right track, 
 I lay down behind a bush ; for I was so wearied 
 out that I could scarcely keep my feet, and for 
 protection against the keen wind which blew over 
 the plain, I cut some dry grass and spread it over and 
 under my body. Awaking after a few hours I saw 
 to the east a hill, as it were on fire, the flames 
 lighting up the whole country round. It occurred 
 to me immediately to bend my steps towards that 
 hill, fearing at daybreak to be met or noticed in 
 the plain by the robbers, while I hoped to pursue my 
 course unobserved in the mountain-jungle, which 
 I should be sure to find there. The result proved 
 that I was in the right ; for as I afterwards heard the 
 robbers kept up the pursuit of the flying Wakamba 
 dm'ing the ensuing day. 
 
 After I had started again, I felt the pangs of 
 hunger and thirst ; the water in my telescope-case
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 327 
 
 had run out, and that in the barrels of my gun which 
 I had not drunk, had been lost on my way to 
 Mount William, as the bushes had torn out the gi'ass 
 stoppers, and so I lost a portion of the invaluable fluid 
 which, in spite of the gunpowder-flavour imparted to 
 it by the barrels, thirst had rendered delicious. My 
 hunger was so great that I tried to chew leaves, roots, 
 and elephant's excrement to stay it, and when day 
 broke to break my fast on ants. The roar of a lion 
 would have been music in my ears, trusting he would 
 provide me with a meal. A little before daybreak 
 I did hear a lion roar, and immediately afterwards 
 the cry of an animal which, however, soon ceased ; 
 for no doubt, the lion had seized his prey ; but the 
 direction from which the cry came was too distant 
 for me to risk leaving my route and to descend into 
 the plain. For some time I marched along the 
 barrier formed by the burning grass. It was a 
 grand sight, and the warmth was very acceptable 
 in the coolness of the night. 
 
 August 28. — ^When day dawned I saw that I was 
 a good way from the Dana. I thanked God for his 
 preservation of me during the night just gone by, 
 and commended myself to his protection for the 
 coming day. I found that I was taking the right 
 direction, although not on the same track which we 
 had travelled when coming hither. Indeed, it often 
 seemed as if an invisible hand guided my steps ; for 
 I had invariably a strong sensation that I was going 
 wrong, whenever, by chance, I deviated from the 
 right direction. Soon after daybreak I saw four
 
 328 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 immense rhinoceroses feeding behind some bushes 
 ahead ; they stared at me but did not move, and I 
 naturally made no attempt to disturb them. On 
 the whole I was no longer afraid of wild beasts, and 
 the only thought that occupied me was how to reach 
 Kitui as soon as possible. Coming to a sand-pit with 
 a somewhat moistish surface, like a hart panting for 
 the waterbrooks, I anticipated the existence of the 
 precious fluid, and dug in the sand for it, but only to 
 meet with disaj^pointment ; so I put some of the moist 
 sand into my mouth, but this only increased my thirst. 
 About ten o'clock a.m. I quite lost sight of the Dana- 
 district and began to descend the mountain reaching 
 a deep valley about noon, when I came upon the 
 dry and sandy bed of the river, which we must 
 have crossed more to the south-west a few days 
 before. Scarcely had I entered its bed, when I 
 heard the chattering of monkeys, a most jo}^l 
 sound, for I knew that there must be water wher- 
 ever monkeys apj^ear in a low-lying place. I fol- 
 lowed the com'se of the bed and soon came to a pit 
 dug by monkeys in the sand, in wliich I found the 
 priceless water. I thanked God for this great gift, and 
 having quenched my thirst I first filled my powder- 
 horn, tying up the powder in my handkerchief, and 
 then my telescope-case, and the baiTcls of my gun. 
 To still the pangs of hunger I took a handfid of 
 powder and ate vnth it some young shoots of a tree, 
 which grew near the water ; but they were bitter, 
 and I soon felt severe pain in my stomach. After 
 climbing the mountain for some way, all of a sudden
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 329 
 
 I observed a man and woman standing on a rock 
 which projected from it, and tried to conceal myself 
 behind a bush, but they had seen me and came to- 
 wards me. By aid of my telescope, I discovered 
 that these people were Wakamba. They called m^ 
 by my name, and I came out of my hiding-place and 
 went towards them, recognizing Ngumbau and his 
 wife, who had been accused of witchcraft by the 
 Atua, and doomed to death. Both had been afraid 
 to remain behind during Kivoi's absence, and on 
 that account had accompanied us to the Dana ; but 
 on the onslaught of the robbers they had fled and, 
 like myself, been journeying through the night. We 
 were heartily glad to see each other, and they in- 
 quired anxiously about Kivoi and our caravan, but I 
 could only tell them of what had befallen myself. The 
 woman who saw at once that I was famished gave 
 me a bit of dried cassave about the size of my 
 thumb. Reaching the more open and less wooded 
 portion of the mountain we came upon three rhi- 
 noceroses, which frightened the Wakamba terribly, 
 while I, for my part, had lost all fear of them not 
 having found them by any means so dangerous and 
 such enemies to man as they are described to be 
 in books. To escape observation we journeyed as 
 much as possible over ground covered with trees or 
 bush and about tlu-ee in the afternoon we reached 
 the foot of the Data, where we took shelter in the 
 bush to avoid crossing the open plain by daylight. 
 I soon fell asleep, and when I awoke, the Wakamba 
 wanted to start again; but I thought it too early
 
 330 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 and wished first to search for water in the sandy- 
 bed of tlie river, so we waited till the approach of 
 night when after a search of half an hour without find- 
 ing water, we continued our journey over the plain. 
 Every now and then the views of the Wakamba 
 were opposed to mine, so that I often wished to be 
 alone again and allowed to follow my own judg- 
 ment. I wanted to go more to the south, while 
 they insisted on taking an easterly direction ; they 
 wished to sleep by night and to travel by day, 
 while I preferred the very contrary. After we had 
 jom-neyed till midnight I felt so tired out that I im- 
 plored the Wakamba to rest for a while and we slept 
 for a few hours ; but when I wished to start, they said 
 the wind was so cold that they could not bear it, so 
 I entreated them to leave me to go on alone, but they 
 would not separate fi:om me. About eight in the 
 morning we saw in the distant open and bushless 
 plain some people in a south-easterly direction. 
 Taking them for robbers we lay down on the 
 ground and concealed ourselves in the grass; but 
 seeing that they did not come towards us we pro- 
 ceeded onward. In this wilderness a man who is 
 not swift of foot cannot easily escaj^e, and I walked 
 literally in agony, but was to experience the keeping 
 of the God of Israel. My Wakamba ran on so fast 
 that I could not keep pace with them. The pangs of 
 hunger and thirst returned, and my tongue cleaved to 
 the roof of my mouth so that I could not articulate. 
 How great was the relief when at last, about noon, 
 we came to a brook, where we found deliciously cool
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 331 
 
 water ! After a few liours we reached the brook on 
 the bank of which we had bivouacked on the first day 
 of our journey with Kivoi ; so now, for the first time, 
 we cheered up and considered oui'selves safe. After 
 a short march we met two men of Ulu, who told 
 us they had heard that Kivoi and the Musungu, as 
 they called me, had been killed. In the evening 
 we reached the plantations of the Wakamba and 
 with nightfall arrived at the village of Umama, a 
 relation of Kivoi's. I was now so weary, that after 
 I had eaten a few bananas I fell asleep immediately 
 in spite of the cold, which was here more penetrat- 
 ing than in the wilderness, as for covering I had 
 nothing but the tattered clothes I wore. From 
 Umama we heard that many fugitives had already 
 retm-ned, but that four Wakamba, with Kivoi and 
 one of his wives, had been killed. I heard, too, 
 that my Mnika servant had returned in safety. 
 
 August 30. — The Wakamba have been extremely 
 cold in their demeanour towards me. One or two 
 bananas and a few beans were all that they gave 
 me for breakfast although I was very hungry; 
 and some of them visited Umama, and said openly, 
 '' The Musungu is a Munde Muduku," the Eu- 
 ropean is a wicked man, for not having protected 
 Kivoi and his caravan, whilst several were of opinion 
 that I ought to be punished by death. Knowing 
 the superstitious and capricious character of the 
 people, I had little doubt of some homicidal attempt 
 and, therefore, resolved to escape the follomng night. 
 
 August 31. — In the afternoon two Wakamba made
 
 332 SECOND JOUENEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 their appearance, and carried me off to the village 
 of Kitetu, before mentioned, and on the way, I was 
 forced to halt in the middle of a village because the 
 whole population wanted to stare at me. In the 
 evening Kitetu slaughtered a cow to entertain the 
 villagers ; first the feet, then the mouth of the beast, 
 were bound ; the nostrils were stopped up, and so the 
 poor animal was suffocated. I had not known that 
 this was the usual way in which the Wakamba 
 slaughtered their cattle. The people waited for 
 about a quarter of an hour, when they cut off the 
 head and collected the blood in a great calabash. 
 
 September 1. — The people kept coming the live- 
 long day to look at me ; my little English New 
 Testament, my paper, pencil, and telescope, were all 
 regarded as connected with sorcery. When I heard 
 that my Mnika servant was in the neighbourhood, 
 I sent for him ; but he would not come, fearing 
 lest the Wakamba should kill both of us. 
 
 Septemher 2. — Kitetu would not allow me to start 
 either for Yata or for Kivoi's village, and I heard from 
 some Wakamba that Kivoi's relations intended to 
 kill me, asking why I had gone to the Dana, since, as 
 a magician, for which they took me, I ought to have 
 known that the robbers were there. In any case, 
 they said, I ought to have died along with Kivoi ; so 
 it was now clear to me why Kitetu detained me so 
 long in his house. 
 
 Sepfemher 4. — I was yesterday convinced of the 
 murderous designs harboui'ed against me by Kivoi's 
 relatives, and resolved to escape by night fi'om
 
 SECOND JOUENEY TO UKAMBANI. 333 
 
 Kitetu's house. Yesterday, too, I had heard that 
 the fifteen trading-people, who arrived at Kivoi's 
 village before our Dana journey, had been slain by 
 his relatives merely because they were from Mbe, 
 to which country our robbers were said to have 
 belonged. In the same way a few years before a 
 caravan of Kikujii people had been put to death in 
 Ukambani, because some Wakamba people had been 
 murdered in Kikuyu, on which occasion as soon as 
 the news reached Ukambani, a search was made for 
 Kikuyu people and they were put to death. Such 
 is sanguinary revenge in Inner Africa. 
 
 Remembermg that I let slip the best time for 
 flight, when in 184:2 I was amused from day to day 
 by Adara Bille, the Wollo-Galla chief, I resolved 
 to put my purpose in execution without a moment's 
 delay. Designing to escape this very night, before 
 I lay down in the evening I put some food and a 
 calabash with water all ready for my flight. After 
 midnight, about two in the morning, I rose from 
 my hard couch and not mthout a beating of the 
 heart opened the door of the hut. It consisted of 
 heavy billets of wood, the Wakamba having no 
 regular doors but piling up logs above each other 
 in the aperture of the habitation. Kitetu and his 
 family did not hear the noise necessarily made by 
 the displacement of this primitive door, and after I 
 had made an opening in it sufiicient to creep out 
 I gained the exterior of the hut and hung the 
 cowhide, on which I had been sleeping, over the 
 aperture, lest the cold wind, blowing into the hut
 
 334 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 should awaken its inmates before the usual houi', 
 and fortunately there were no dogs in the inclosure. 
 After leaving Kitetu's hut behind me I had to 
 pass another in which a woman was nursing her 
 child before a fire ; but she did not notice me. I came 
 then to two thorn -hedges over which I jumped with 
 difficulty. Meanwhile the moon was disappearing 
 behind the mountains of Kikuyu, as I now bent my 
 steps in a south-westerly direction towards a \411age 
 which I had noticed the day before; as for several days 
 previously, I had been inquiiing after the route pre- 
 paratory to my flight to Yata. When I had reached 
 the village in question I saw a fire in an inclosure 
 and heard the people talking and the dogs barking, 
 upon which I struck immediately aside into the fields 
 and ran on as fast as I could along the grassy 
 plain. When day dawned I sought concealment upon 
 the slope of a hill, which was covered mth grass 
 and bushes, and though my hiding-place was not far 
 from a A^llage, for I could hear the Wakamba talk- 
 ing, I lay the whole day hidden in the grass. 
 
 September 5. — At nightfall I quitted my hiding- 
 place and continued my joui'ney towards Yata. I 
 had an additional reason to reach it as quickly as 
 possible, in the fear that my people might have 
 seized upon my property, on hearing as was 
 very probable that I had been killed. The tall 
 gi'ass and the thorns sadly obstructed my path, and 
 made my progress slower than I could have wished. 
 Often in the darkness I fell into pits or over 
 stones, and the thorns, those relentless tp'ants of the
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 335 
 
 wilderness, made sad havoc with my clothes. Wish- 
 ing to husband my little stock of provisions I 
 plucked as I passed through the plantations of the 
 Wakamba green Mbellasi, a kind of bean and 
 thrust them into my pockets. About midnight I 
 stumbled on the sandy bed of a forest brook, and 
 became hopeful of finding Avater, so I followed its 
 course, and was overjoyed to meet with it in a 
 sandpit, which, no doubt, had been dug by wild 
 beasts. Thanking God for this mercy I drank 
 plentifully, and then filled my calabash. On leaving 
 the bed of the brook I re-entered thorny and grassy 
 land, full of holes which the grass prevented me 
 from seeing, and so, wearied out by my exhausting 
 night-journey I laid me down under a tree and slept 
 for about an hour. On waking I ran on, forget- 
 ting to take my gun with me ; but after some time, 
 I noticed my oversight, and returned ; though in the 
 darkness I could not discover the place where I had 
 slept, so I did not care to waste precious time in 
 further search, especially as the weapon was broken 
 and might have been only a burden to me on the 
 journey ; and continued my onward course. My 
 treasure of food and water was of more importance 
 than the gun. After a while I came to marshy 
 ground, where I noticed a quantity of sugar-cane, 
 a most welcome discovery. I immediately cut off a 
 nmnber of canes and, after peeling them chewed some 
 of them, taking the remainder mth me. The hori- 
 zon began soon to blush with the crimson of morn- 
 ing, and warned me to look out again for a hiding-
 
 336 SECOND JOURNEY TO UliAlIBANI. 
 
 place ; so as I saw at a little distance a huge tree, 
 the large branches of which di-ooped till they touched 
 the grassy ground beneath, I concealed myself under 
 it at daybreak. When it was quite day I climbed 
 the tree to ascertain my whereabouts ; and great 
 was my astonishment to find myself so near Mount 
 Kidimui ; so that there were yet thirty-six leagues 
 to be traversed before I could reach Yata. 
 
 Towards noon I was very nearly discovered by 
 some women who were gathering wood only thirty 
 paces from my hiding-place ; for one of them was 
 making straight for the tree under which I was 
 lying, when her child which she had put on the 
 ground some sixty paces oif of it, began to cry 
 bitterly, which made her retrace her steps to quiet 
 it. After I had been kept in suspense for an hour, 
 oscillating between fear and hope, the women took 
 their loads of wood upon their backs and made haste 
 to their village. My flight from the Dana to Kidi- 
 mui was very different from the present one ; then 
 I traversed a country both level and uninhabited, 
 and could journey by day as well as by night ; but 
 now I could progress only by night, and in a region 
 full of thorns, holes, and villages, liable to be dis- 
 covered at any moment and to be put to death as a 
 magician, or detained in captivity until a ransom 
 came from the coast. 
 
 September 6. — Hearing throughout the day the croak 
 of frogs I anticipated the vicinity of water. With 
 nightfall I recommenced my journey, and soon came 
 to a bog where I procured water, and at a little dis-
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 337 
 
 tance from it I came again upon sugar-cane, wliicli 
 I relished with a gusto which only such an outcast 
 as I then was can understand. But as I proceeded 
 I found myself so entangled in the high grass, and 
 obstructed by thorns, pits, and brushwood, that I 
 began to despair of ever reaching the goal of my 
 journey. Throughout the night I kept losing my 
 course, having to go out of my way to avoid bogs 
 and holes, and the darkness made my compass of 
 no avail. About midnight, I came to a tolerable 
 path, which seemed to i-un in a south-westerly 
 direction, and followed it until I came to a ravine, 
 round which I had to wind. After I had hm-ried 
 round it I came upon a large plantation, where I 
 suddenly saw a fire only a few paces in front of me, 
 upon which I immediately retreated, and had scarcely 
 concealed myself in the bush, when the Wakamba set 
 up a loud cry, thinking, no doubt, that a wild hog 
 had broken into the plantation. I waited till all was 
 quiet, and then leaving the plantation behind me, I 
 got upon a good path which I followed as quickly 
 as I could, fearing to be shot do^vna by the watchers 
 of the plantation, who might suppose that I was a 
 wild hog, with felonious designs on the cassave 
 and other crops. The path conducted me at last 
 to a flowing brook, out of which I drank and 
 filled my calabash ; but having crossed it, found 
 on the other side so many footpaths, that I was 
 fairly puzzled which to follow, and so went straight 
 on. At last I felt so utterly weary that I lay down 
 under a tree, and slept till about three in the morn-
 
 338 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 ing, when I awoke and recommenced my journey, 
 finding myself anew in the meshes of the forest- 
 jungle. The day dawned, and I was still uncertain 
 as to my course, and seeing the rock Xsambani some 
 three or four leagues to the east of the place where I 
 was, I felt at once the impossibility of reaching Yata 
 by night-marches ; for in the course of three nights 
 of hard walking I had scarcely gone six leagues 
 forward; and so thought it best, at any risk, 
 to surrender myself to Kivoi's kinsfolk, and place 
 myself at their mercy. I did not, however, 
 choose to retm'n to Kitetu, but selected as my 
 destination Kivoi's village where I had left some of 
 my things. Early in the morning I met a IVIkamba, 
 who knew of my flight from Kitetu's hut, and 
 I asked him to show me the way to Kivoi's village, 
 wliich he did at once. 
 
 On my way thither it occurred to me to visit and 
 to inform Kaduku, an influential IVIkamba whose 
 son had settled in the district of Rabbai on the 
 coast, of my position. Thus, I thought, if Kivoi's 
 kinsfolk put me to death the news would at least 
 reach Rabbai, that I had not been murdered by the 
 robbers at the Dana, but that I had returned in 
 safety to Ukambani, and then and there been 
 slain by Kivoi's relations. Kaduku gave me a 
 friendly reception and told me that my ser^^ant, 
 Muambawa, had arrived in the neighboui'hood, and 
 intended to journey to Rabbai with a small caravan 
 of Wanika, intelligence which was truly gratif)4ng. 
 Kaduku's wife gave me something to eat, upon
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 339 
 
 which I proceeded in the company of a Mkamha 
 to the village where my servant was reported to be. 
 On om^ way a Mkamba accosted me and strove to 
 hinder me from going any frirther, because, he said, 
 I intended to fly out of the country. My com- 
 panion, however, pleaded energetically in my behalf, 
 and I was allowed to proceed. On reaching the 
 village we were told that my servant and the 
 Wanika had left, and when I wished to return again 
 to Kaduku, the Wakamba refused permission, so 
 there was no alternative but to proceed to Kivoi's 
 village, which was close at hand. I was obliged to 
 wait before the gate until Kivoi's brother was in- 
 formed of my arrival ; but he soon came out to meet 
 me, in the company of Kivoi's chief wife who, like 
 all his deceased brother's wives, now belonged to him, 
 and he showed much apparent compassion for the 
 disaster which had befallen me at the Dana. I then 
 told him the whole story fr'om the beginning, and 
 mentioned my flight fr'om Kitetu's house, a step 
 taken, I said, because I had been prevented from 
 going straight to Kivoi's village. I made, likewise, 
 the remark that I had heard Kivoi's relations 
 wished to put me to death ; so if they harboured that 
 design, I was now in their hands ; they could do 
 with me what they pleased, but, I added, they would 
 have to take the consequences which would affect 
 all their tribe ; for the Governor at the coast would 
 certainly not allow my violent death to go un- 
 punished. If on the other hand they would remain 
 my friends and escort me to Yata, I would present 
 
 z
 
 340 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 them witli a portion of the things which I had left 
 there. Muinda, Kivoi's eldest brother, replied that 
 they had formed no design to kill me, and that it was 
 an arbitrary act of Kitetu's to detain me, induced 
 by his desire to appropriate to himself alone my 
 property at Yata ; so seeing that they were disposed 
 to allow me to proceed to Yata, I held my peace. I 
 felt in a very feverish state, and was glad, therefore, 
 to get hold of a cowhide on which I could lay me 
 do^vvn and enjoy a few hours' repose, although the 
 unfeeling Wakamba at first allowed me no rest by 
 surrounding me, and tormenting me with their in- 
 quisitiveness. Woman is always kind and compas- 
 sionate in sickness ! Kivoi's cliief wife gave me some 
 milk, which refreshed me so greatly that I fell asleep, 
 when it induced a perspii'ation, so that upon my awak- 
 ing, the feverishness was gone. I was now in a painful 
 plight ; one, so to speak, rejected of men, and forced 
 to be content if I escaped with my life, and had to 
 ask for every thing like a mendicant. Nobody 
 would procure me any food, or even fetch me water, 
 or kindle me a fire. When I asked for the things 
 which I had left behind on setting out for the Dana, 
 only my shoes, my air-bed, and a little rice, were 
 restored to me ; all the more important articles were 
 kept back ; and when I inquired after the thief 
 Kivoi's wives bade them tell me, that if I laid any 
 stress on the discovery of the author of the robbery 
 they would have me murdered ; and so I thought it 
 best to say no more on the subject. 
 
 September 7. — This morning I felt again feverish ;
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 3-tl 
 
 and suffered much from my left foot, which had 
 been injured in one of my night-journeys by my 
 falling over the trunk of a tree, and from a womid in 
 the middle finger of my right hand which had been 
 almost torn off by the thorns in the darkness. 
 The Wakamba watched all my movements, and this 
 roused my suspicions anew. 
 
 September 8. — I felt very weak from the conse- 
 quences of my last flight, and still more from want of 
 proper nourishment, and therefore asked Muinda very 
 pressingly for an escort to Yata, threatening hun with 
 secret flight if he prevented my departure. He said 
 that to-morrow he and Kitetu would go with me and 
 take some of their people to fetch the articles which I 
 had promised to Kivoi. It was now clear that Kivoi's 
 kinsfolk had given up all intention of murdering me 
 but, on the other hand, had resolved to get out of me 
 as much of my property at Yata as possible. 
 
 September 9. — Kitetu having arrived, I was allowed 
 to set forth. Muinda himself did not go with 
 us ; but sent some of his peoj)le, who, however, 
 took with them but a scanty stock of food for the 
 journey. 
 
 \Oth-\\th September. — ^I suffered much from thirst, 
 as the Wakamba were too lazy to carry water in 
 their calabashes, and at several stations the reservoir's 
 were dried up ; Kitetu too, had given me nothing 
 to eat but some hard grains of Indian corn, which 
 I could not masticate. Wlien I complained the 
 Wakamba only laughed at me, and spoke of my 
 property at Yata, with which I could there pm-- 
 
 z 2
 
 342 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 chase food for myself. The people whom we met 
 on the way were sui'prised to see me still alive, the 
 general impression being that I was dead. 
 
 ISt/i September. — We reached Yata in safety, and 
 the whole population of the village was in a state of 
 excitement and came forth to see and greet me, 
 some Wakamba who had come from Kitui, having 
 spread the news that I had been killed along with 
 Kivoi. 
 
 I was very glad to find in Yata the Wanika of 
 whom I had heard, but had at once to receive the 
 unsatisfactory tidings that the Wakamba of Mudu- 
 moni had plundered them of theii' ivory and goats, 
 and even of their very water-jugs. 
 
 Entering my hut I found my servant Muambawa 
 busy opening a bag containing beads, which he 
 intended for the purchase of food for himself and 
 the eleven Wanika who had been plundered. He did 
 not seem rejoiced at my safe retiu^n to Yata, having 
 thought me slain and himself the inheritor of my 
 property. Kitetu now saw that I had not without 
 reason, pressed for a speedy retui'n to Yata to pre- 
 vent the misappro2:)riation of my goods. 
 
 14:th Septemher. — To-day, I handed over to Kivoi's 
 kinsmen a portion of my things, as a reward for 
 their escort of me to Yata ; but they were not content 
 and would have liked to have had the whole, though 
 in the end they were obliged to depart with what 
 they had got, as they could not use force in a dis- 
 trict not their owni. 
 
 16M Septemher. — As both my serv^ants insisted on
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 343 
 
 returning with the Wanika to Rabbai, and I could 
 not trust the Wakamba either as servants or burden- 
 bearers on a journey, no choice was left me but to 
 return in the company of the Wanika, if I did not 
 desire to place myself entirely in the hands of the 
 capricious and uncertain Wakamba. Kivoi, the only 
 influential Mkamba who had been my friend, was 
 dead ; Mtangi wa Nsuki of Yata had not yet been 
 tested ; my knowledge of the Wakamba dialect was 
 very defective; I could not dwell in a straw-hut 
 without injmy to my health ; and what was to be- 
 come of me in sickness without a faithful servant ? 
 Can I be blamed if I renounced for the time the 
 Ukambani mission, and returned to the coast, whilst 
 an opportunity was still afforded me ? The Wanika 
 needed my aid for their support during the journey, 
 and I needed their assistance in the way of escort, 
 and for transporting my effects to the coast. 
 
 The people of Yata, and especially Mtangi wa 
 Nsuki made objections at first to my return, wishing, 
 as they did, that I should remain among them longer. 
 At length, however, they gave in, and let me depart 
 not only in peace, but with honour, the head men of 
 Yata presenting me with a goat as a symbol of their 
 friendly feeling towards me. From Mtangi and his 
 family, too, I parted in friendship and peace, and they 
 promised to take good care of the things which I had 
 left behind until my return. At parting, the chiefs 
 took some water in their mouths, and ejected it 
 upwards, with the words: — ''We wish thee a pros- 
 perous joiu-ney — may Mulungu protect thee, and may
 
 344 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 rain soon fall upon our land !" My servant Muam- 
 bawa, without my sanction, also took water in his 
 mouth, ejected it towards the elders, and wished 
 them happiness and prosperity. I gave to them and 
 to Mtangi my farewell-present, and then all was ready 
 for the journey. 
 
 nth September. — I quitted Yata with painful feel- 
 ings. It grieved me not to have been pri^dleged to 
 make a longer missionary experiment in Ukambani, 
 as I could not feel satisfied that a mission in this 
 country would not succeed, as the people of Yata 
 had behaved with friendliness towards me ; yet, situ- 
 ated as I was, my further stay was impossible. 
 
 Crossing the river Adi, at the foot of Yata, I 
 found its volume of water much smaller than in 
 July, it being now the rainy season neither in Kikuyu 
 nor in Ukambani. 
 
 19//i Septemher.' — We encamped in the inclosure of 
 Ndunda, a chief in Kikumbuliu, in whose village we 
 purchased provisions for the journey. The people 
 kept asking me if I did not know whether it was 
 going to rain, and if I could not make the rain fall. 
 I replied, that if I had that power I should not buy 
 calabashes for the transport of water on the journey ; 
 but their questioning gave me the ojjportunity to 
 speak to them of the Creator of all things, whose 
 will it was to bestow on us through His Son Jesus 
 Christ the most precious of gifts for time and for 
 eternity. 
 
 20//i September. — To-day, we left Kikumbuliu, 
 and on the way met some chilcU'en from Mount
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UK^VMBANI. 345 
 
 Ngolia carrjdng the flesh of giraffes, which their 
 parents had hunted down. We procured a quan- 
 tity of it in exchange for salt which is valuable 
 in Ukambani. The childi'en took us at first for 
 robbers, and were running away after thromng 
 doT\Ti their loads ; so I made them a present of some 
 salt to give them confidence. At night we encamj^ed 
 in Mdido wa Andei. 
 
 2lst September. — Onward for several hours through 
 a well- wooded country; then as we were resting 
 at noon under a tree we were joined by three AVa- 
 kamba carrying a huge elephant's tusk, who reached 
 us just at the right time, as we had resolved to 
 piu'sue our journey through the forest to avoid the 
 robbers of Kilima-Kibomu, and as my people did not 
 know the way well the Wakamba served us as guides. 
 I thanked God heartily for this gracious providence. 
 What truth in the English saying, " Man's exti'emity 
 is God's opportunity !" Truly, it is no pleasure- 
 trip to wend one's way, or rather to crawl through 
 an Afi'ican " Tzakka," thorn- wood, when, besides 
 hunger and thirst, perils from wild beasts and savage 
 men menace the traveller, let alone the weary fatigue 
 of the journey on foot I 
 
 22nd September. — Onwards again through the 
 dense and thorny wood, and as our stock of water 
 was consumed, and the great heat had made us 
 very thirsty, we exerted ourselves to the utmost to 
 reach the river Tzavo. At noon, we came to the 
 red hills which separate the Galla-land from the 
 wilderness, and which are a continuation of the
 
 346 SECOXD JOURNEY TO UKA3IBANI. 
 
 Ndungani-range. This time I crossed the noble 
 river much more to the east than on former occa- 
 sions, and at a place where the banks were not very 
 steep ; and though at a time when there had been 
 no rain either in Jagga or in the sm-rounding 
 country, its stream was as deep as on these oc- 
 casions; but I could explain this phenomenon by 
 my knowledge of the fact that the eternal snows 
 of Kilimanjaro form its source. After we had 
 crossed the Tzavo we entered a still larger wood, 
 where my people would have lost their way com- 
 pletely had they not climbed tall trees, from which 
 they could discern the summits of the Kilima- 
 Kibomu and Ndara. 
 
 23n/ September. — As we were journeying this morn- 
 ing tlu-ough a somewhat open wood my people all 
 at once threw down their loads and fled in all direc- 
 tions, without telling me the cause of their hasty 
 flight ; so I speeded after them thinking they might 
 have seen robbers, for I could not suppose that they 
 would run away from wild beasts. After they had got 
 about 300 paces a Mnika stopped and said, " Stop ! 
 they must be gone noAv." I asked, "who must be 
 gone ?" and he replied, " the elephants." '^ How 
 absm'd and silly!" I said, "to run away for such 
 a cause ; had I but known Avhat it was I should not 
 have troubled myself to run after you." In running 
 I lost the bullets for my gun and my pocket-knife; 
 my water-jug, too, fell from my hand, and the calabash 
 of my servant Muambawa was broken. I reco- 
 vered the bullets, but the knife was not to be found ;
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 347 
 
 it was the loss of the water, however, which vexed 
 me most. The Wakamba were much more courageous 
 than the cowardly Wanika ; for the former merely 
 went on one side and allowed the animals to pass by. 
 I did not see the elephants at all. In running a sharp 
 piece of wood pierced through the soles of my shoe 
 and entered my foot, giving me great pain and forcing 
 me to limp as I proceeded. At night we reared a 
 thorn-fence round our encampment, and having 
 cooked our suppers, put out the foe to avoid being 
 noticed bv robbers. We were then about five leag-ues 
 distant from Kilima-Kibomu, but quite close to the 
 Galla-land. 
 
 '24:th September. — Our path lay this morning over 
 a rich black soil only slightly clothed with trees and 
 shrubs, so that we might have been easily seen by 
 robbers, the consciousness of which made us march 
 in the greatest haste. About ten, we entered the 
 large forest, which surrounds the river Woi; and 
 finding no water in the sandy bed of the river, we 
 resolved to send a party to Mbu^^omi, at the foot of 
 the mountain Ndara, where there is water all the year 
 round ; but it was first necessary for us to discover 
 the beaten track (so to speak) to Ukambani. In 
 quest of it we traversed a wood which would have 
 been quite impenetrable by man, had not elephants 
 and rhinoceroses made a way for us. How useful are 
 these large animals in such places ! Their total de- 
 struction or removal would be a pity ; for they are 
 the true path-makers of these forest wildernesses ! 
 After we had found the track and di-awn water we
 
 348 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 continued our journey in the hope of reaching 
 Mount Kamlingo before nightfall, which however was 
 impossible. Towards four in the afternoon the sky- 
 was covered by dark clouds, and soon afterwards rain 
 fell heavily forcing us to encamp for the night, when 
 fortunately, we found a large dschengo, thorn-inclo- 
 sure, close by which must have been recently formed 
 by a caravan. We had no longer to regret the want 
 of water ; the kindling a fire was our difficulty, all the 
 wood and grass being wet ; but at last we found 
 some dry elephant's dung, with the aid of which we 
 soon lighted a fire. 
 
 27 fh September. — Hunger and thii'st drove us for- 
 ward on our journey at a very early hour. When 
 day had fairly da^aied my people saw a buffalo, 
 which so terrified them that they hastily threw down 
 their loads and climbed up trees ; but this time I did 
 not allow myself to be hurried away by their idle 
 panic, and merely went on one side of the path. For 
 a long time after the buffalo had disappeared the 
 people remained in the trees, and would not descend 
 until I went forward by myself, on which they fol- 
 lowed me; the cowardice of the AVanika on any sudden 
 alarm is astonishing. About eleven we reached the 
 water-station, Nsekano, where we cooked our fore- 
 noon meal, which consisted of a kind of bean. The 
 district round about Nsekano was fresh with verdure, 
 as rain had fallen some time before ; but the rains from 
 the coast extend only to Nsekano, or at furthest to 
 Maungu and Ndara. This district may, therefore, be 
 fresh and green, whilst in the interior it is quite dry
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 349 
 
 and parched; and, on the other hand also, verdure may 
 cover the interior while aridity reigns on the coast. 
 On the coast the second rainy season, which how- 
 ever is very irregular, is in September and October ; 
 in the interior its period is the months of November 
 and December ; the first or chief rainy season begins 
 at Mombaz usually in April; in the interior, in 
 May or June. 
 
 In the evening we reached Ndunguni where we 
 bivouacked. I was now so exhausted and ill from 
 the forced marches that, in truth, I must have 
 succumbed had the journey lasted a few days more. 
 The Wakamba quitted us here, fearing to be robbed 
 of their elephant's tusk if they went openly through 
 the Duruma district. They would have been plun- 
 dered ere this by my Wanika, if the latter had 
 not been in my service, because the Wakamba in 
 Mudumoni had robbed the Wanika, as already men- 
 tioned. Every outrage that the Wakamba per- 
 petrate in the interior is revenged on the coast in 
 this way, and vice versd^ the Wakamba in the in- 
 terior revenge themselves on the Wanika, when the 
 latter harm their countrymen on the coast. 
 
 2^th Septemher. — We broke up early from Ndun- 
 guni and journeyed eastward through a part of the 
 Duruma country which hitherto no missionary had 
 trodden. It is a noble district, formerly cultivated 
 by the Duruma tribe, but afterwards abandoned 
 by them. We crossed a brook the water of which 
 was as salt as that of the sea, and whence the Wanika 
 could furnish themselves with salt without being
 
 350 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 obliged to buy it from the Arabs. At ten, we 
 reached Mufumba, the first inhabited village which 
 we had seen since we quitted Kikunibuliu ; when the 
 chief of the place gave me a large calabash of milk, 
 and a "sima," porridge, made of water and Indian 
 corn-flour ; and as I partook rather too heartily of 
 these dainties, my stomach suff'ered in consequence. 
 
 In the evening, weary and worn, I reached my 
 hut in Rabbai Mpia where I found my friends well 
 with the exception of Kaiser and Metzler, who were 
 still ill with fever, as I had left them in July. It had 
 long been given out on the coast that I was dead, so 
 the joy of my friends, as well as of the Wanika, was 
 proportionately great when they saw me arrive alive. 
 
 The facts and results of this journey to Ukambani, 
 in its relation to the missionaries and their opera- 
 tions, may be summed up as follows : — As the route 
 to Ukambani is an extremely dangerous one, partly 
 on account of the G alias and partly and chiefly on 
 account of the robbers of Kilima-Kibomu, and as the 
 gross superstition and, still more, the lawlessness and 
 anarchy, the faithlessness, capriciousness, and greed, 
 of the Wakamba are very great, a permanent 
 residence among them must be a very unsafe and 
 doubtful enterprise. Further, as the distance from 
 the coast to Yata is at least 110 leagues, and thus 
 the keeping up a communication with Rabbai in 
 the absence of an intermediate station would be rather 
 difficult, it seems that an intermediate station should 
 be established in Kadiaro or in Ndara, or on Mount 
 Buru, before a Ukambani mission is undertaken.
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBAXI. 351 
 
 This mission, so long at least as there are not more 
 missionaries in Rabbai, ought to be postponed, but 
 not given up ; since the Wakamba are connected 
 Tvith very many tribes in the interior, who are only 
 to be come at tlrrough Ukambani. It is true that 
 there is no direct route from Ukambani to Uniamesi 
 as I had formerly thought there was, but Ukambani 
 opens to us the route to many other tribes, and, it 
 seems probable, precisely to those which inhabit the 
 regions about the sources of the Nile. There ap- 
 pears to be a possibility, too, in Kikuyu, whither 
 the route tlu'ough Ukambani leads, of coming into 
 contact with the Wakuafi, as in many localities in 
 that region the Kikuyuans appear to live in com- 
 panionship with the Wakuafi. No doubt, a journey 
 to Ukambani and still more a residence in it, 
 involve painful and trying self-denial on the part of 
 a missionary ; but let us bear in mind the gi'eat 
 daring of the Wakamba, and the dangers to which 
 they expose themselves on their journeys and 
 hunting expeditions, merely for the sake of earthly 
 gain. Shall their love of lucre be allowed to put to 
 shame the zeal of a missionary who has the highest 
 of all objects at heart — the greatest of all gain — the 
 regeneration of the heathen ! I would add that he 
 should be able to take with him into the interior 
 trusty servants from the coast, and, if possible, some 
 native Christian catechists, and if the latter could 
 be found in Rabbai, so much the better. If they are 
 to be trained, however, for their tiinctions at Bombay 
 or at the Mauritius, among the many East Africans to
 
 352 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 be found there, use must bo made of their instru- 
 mentaUtj, should the other alternative fail. 
 
 In concluding the narrative of my journey to 
 Ukambani, I would here throw together the most 
 interesting facts which I have gathered respecting 
 the manners and customs of the Wakamba, and of 
 the Wakuafi and Masai, to whom I have so often had 
 occasion to refer. 
 
 THE WAKAMBA. 
 
 As regards the origin of the Wakamba called by 
 the Suahili, Waumanguo, they are said to have 
 come from the south-east in the vicinity of 
 Jagga. Probably they were driven forward by 
 the advance of the Wakuafi and Masai towards the 
 north and east, where there stood open to them 
 land more mountainous, which those savages con- 
 tinue to esteem lightly, as they look out solely for 
 grass-plains where they can pastm^e their nu- 
 merous herds, and expel weaker tribes from such 
 localities. At first the country which they now 
 inhabit was taken possession of by small parties of 
 Wakamba ; but by degrees came larger hordes. Here 
 the Wakamba could not live an exclusively pastoral 
 life, and were forced to cultivate the soil ; yet, 
 although they relinquished their nomadic habits, and 
 accustomed themselves to permanent locations, they 
 did not give up their intercourse with those tribes 
 with whom they had stood on a friendly footing
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANl. 353 
 
 before their expulsion, but visited them from time to 
 time as traders, offering such commodities as were 
 acceptable to them. In a general way they sought 
 intercourse with all tribes who were not so savage as 
 the Masai and Galla, and so at last they found access 
 to the coast of Mombaz, where they settled down in 
 the territory of the AVanika, devoting themselves to 
 agricultm^e and the breeding of cattle, and, above 
 all, engaging in trade with the coast as well as the 
 interior, by which they have attained considerable 
 opulence, as the commerce in ivory is cliiefly in their 
 hands. Their horned cattle, sheep, goats, and grease, 
 are purchased by the Sualiili and the Wanika ; the 
 latter tribes having a liking for the Wakamba, and 
 the Wakamba also recognizing the advantages of their 
 connection mth the coast. The Suahili pmwey to 
 the Wakamba cotton-fabrics (Americano), blue calico, 
 glass beads, copper and brass wire, ruddle, black 
 pepper, salt, lualia, blue vitriol (zinc), &c., and receive 
 in exchange, chiefly cattle and ivory. 
 
 The features of the Wakamba are not what can be 
 called ugly, and in no case do they belong to the 
 Negi'O race. Their lips are somewhat protruding, 
 their eyes tolerably large, the chin rather pointed, the 
 beard scanty or altogether wanting, the teeth white 
 and artificially pointed, the skin smooth and blackish ; 
 the forms, both of men and women, are slender ; and 
 their haii' is either shaved oif, or cm'led with wire. 
 
 The Wakamba go almost completely naked, having, 
 it is true, clothes, but do not usually dress themselves, 
 contenting themselves vnth. a single rag womid round
 
 354 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 their loins. The women wear pieces of peltry, which 
 are profusely decorated with beads, by way of aprons, 
 while the upper part of their bodies and their feet are 
 left in a state of complete nudity. The Wakamba 
 smear their bodies with butter and ruddle, by which 
 their natm^al colour is disguised, and to their hair 
 which they twist like small twine, they often attach 
 a quantity of white beads. On their necks, and on 
 theii' loins and ankles, they wear small copper chains, 
 or strings of beads of different colours. These chains 
 are very small, and neatly made by the AYakamba 
 smiths. In general, they suspend from their bodies 
 every object which delights them ; they even pierce 
 dollars tlu-ough with this design ; for there is a strong 
 love of ornament among all the African natives I have 
 seen, as indeed generally amongst all savages. 
 
 The Wakamba marry as soon as youths and 
 maidens come to maturity. The bridegroom must 
 give the parents of the bride a number of cows, 
 and must then carry off the bride by force or stra- 
 tagem, the parents and kinsfolk not surrendering 
 her without a struggle ; so he has often to lie in wait 
 for the bride in the fields, or to pounce upon her 
 when she goes to draw water. The Wakamba 
 marry, if so disposed, more than one wife ; but she 
 who is distinguished by beauty, intelligence, ex- 
 perience, and attachment to her husband, or who has 
 most replenished her husband's quiver with Heaven's 
 best heritage, is considered the chief amongst them. 
 The wives have to grind corn, fetch wood, cultivate 
 the soil, and attend to all household duties.
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 355 
 
 The Wakaniba are very talkative, noisy, treacher- 
 ous, and gi'eedy ; on the coast they have the repu- 
 tation of being thieves ; in any case they are great 
 beggars and great liars ; but, on the other hand, 
 they can often act with magnanimity. On their 
 hunting expeditions and on jom^neys they are cou- 
 rageous and enterprising, and can bear great hard- 
 ships ; in general, they are very lively and amusing, 
 gaping at strangers, and dancing about them like 
 children ; but, although they aj^pear harmless, it 
 takes but little to excite them, and in such a mood 
 they do not hesitate to fight other tribes even to the 
 slaying and murdering of their enemy. The con- 
 sciousness of their wealth and their independence 
 makes them proud and vehement, and they hold 
 poorer tribes than themselves in great contempt. 
 
 In number they amount to about 70,000 souls, 
 and have no king or chief recognised as such 
 by the whole nation ; nor have they any laws uni- 
 versally binding. In connection with the elders of 
 the place the head of every family village rules 
 the people who belong to him, in accordance 
 with the old customs and usages of the country. 
 Wealth, a ready flow of language, an imposing per- 
 sonal appearance, and, above all, the reputation of 
 being a magician and rain-maker, are the surest means 
 by which a Mkamba can attain power and import- 
 ance, and secm^e the obedience of his countrymen. 
 Kivoi possessed all these qualities in a high degi^ee ; 
 hence his gi'eat influence in Ukambani. 
 
 The gi'oss superstition of the Wakamba is evi- 
 
 A A
 
 356 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 denced chiefly in their sorcery, whereby some pre- 
 tend to be able to injure others by destroying their 
 cattle and other property, or even their health ; in 
 their rain-makino-, the magician claiming power over 
 winds and clouds ; in their '^ Kilito," the wearing of 
 rams-horns, in which a rare and secret spell is sup- 
 posed to be concealed, affording protection against 
 enemies on a jom^ney ; in their belief in bird-augury, 
 by consulting of which enterprises are midertaken 
 or stayed ; and, finally, in their dread of e\T.l spirits, 
 to whom they offer sacrifices. Like the other East- 
 AMcan tribes the Wakamba have a feeble idea of 
 a Supreme Being, whom they call Mulungu, and like 
 those other tribes, too, they have no idols, and are 
 not degraded to Fetish-worship ; but as they have 
 no religious requirements they are wholly sunk in 
 materialism, and have but few notions of religion 
 itself. In this, as in so many other respects, the 
 nations of Western Africa are much superior to those 
 of Eastern Africa ; and for the fact that the East- 
 African heathen have not completely lost their feeble 
 conception of a Supreme Being, the Mulmigu, they 
 have to thank Mohammedanism, with which commer- 
 cial intercourse has brought them in contact for 
 centuries. 
 
 The food of the Wakamba consists chiefly of milk 
 and meat, and of a thick porridge which they make 
 out of Indian coniTflour by boiling it in water. 
 They prepare their beverage ^^artly fi'om the juice of 
 the sugar-cane, and partly from millet. Wliilst the 
 women look after the house and field, the men
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 357 
 
 squat idly in little knots drinking, laughing, and 
 talking together. 
 
 The houses or huts of the Wakamba are built of 
 wood, short stakes being tlii-ust into the ground so as 
 to form a circular wall, and over these a circular roof 
 of poles is fastened, which is covered with grass, and 
 made firm by a thick post in the centre, and as the 
 door of the hut is very low and narrow, you have 
 almost to crawl into it. In this hut they keep their 
 scanty furniture and implements, such as earthen 
 pots and calabashes for water ; their corn, which 
 they grind between two stones on which the pot is 
 placed ; their bedstead of bamboos, or wooden poles, 
 resting on two posts above and below ; their sacks, 
 which they make out of the fibres of the bark of 
 trees ; their hatchets or axes, used by them in hew- 
 ing wood, and which they construct out of hard 
 iron; their knives and long swords, which they 
 forge themselves ; their tobacco-pipes and tobacco ; 
 their staves of hard wood, with which they break ujd 
 the ground before they put the seed-corn into it ; and 
 finally, their bows and poisoned arrows, their drmns 
 and war-horns, which they use for summoning the 
 warriors together. 
 
 Recently slavery has made great way among the 
 Wakamba. In the interior they buy slaves in Mbe, 
 and on the coast from the Suahili, who give slaves 
 in exchange for cows, goats, ivory, &c., the slaves 
 from the interior being mostly prisoners of war. It 
 is much to be feared that the growing prosperity of 
 the "Wakamba will increase slavery, as the Suahili can 
 
 A A 2
 
 358 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 sell slaves at a low price now, as they are no longer 
 allowed to export them to Arabia. 
 
 The more precious metals have not yet been found 
 in Ukambani ; but there is an abundance of iron of 
 excellent quality, which is preferred by the people of 
 Mombaz to that which comes from India, as they 
 deem it equal to the " Suez" iron (which probably 
 refers to that of Sweden), and is indeed little inferior 
 to it in hardness. 
 
 THE WAKUAFI AND MASAI TRIBES. 
 
 The Wakuafi and Masai, who call themselves 
 ''Orloikob," or "Loikob," ^'loigob" (in the singu- 
 lar, '^ Orloiksbani), that is, possessors of the land, 
 similar to the Greek word autochthonoSj aborigines, 
 primeval inhabitants, occupy large plains in the 
 interior of Eastern Africa, which extend fi*om about 
 two degrees north of the Equator to about four degrees 
 south of it. The names "Wakuafi" and "Masai" 
 are given them by the tribes of the coast. Their 
 language differs widely from that of the great South- 
 African section, which I have called the Orphno- 
 Hamitic, but has, on the contrary, regarded linguis- 
 tically, some affinity to a very ancient Arabic termed 
 the Cushite Arabic. Their manner of life is nomadic, 
 and where they find water and grass, there they en- 
 camp often for months together. They live entirely 
 on milk, butter, honey, and the meat of black cattle, 
 goats, and sheep, and on game which they hunt doTvai ; 
 having a great distaste for agriculture, believing 
 that the nom'ishmcnt afforded by cereals enfeebles,
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UlCAMBANI. 359 
 
 and is only suited to the despised tribes of the 
 mountains; while to feed on meat and milk gives 
 strength and courage. Wlien cattle fail them they 
 make raids on the tribes which they know to be 
 in possession of herds. They say that Engai 
 (Heaven) gave them all that exists in the way of 
 cattle, and that no other nation ought to possess any. 
 Wherever there is a herd of cattle, thither it is the 
 call of the Wakuafi and Masai to proceed and seize it. 
 Agreeably mth this maxim they undertake expedi- 
 tions for hundreds of leagues to attain their object, 
 and make forays into the territories of the Wakamba, 
 the Galla, the Wajagga, and even of the Wanika 
 on the sea-coast. They are dreaded as warriors, 
 laying all waste with fire and sword, so that the 
 weaker tribes do not venture to resist them in the 
 open field, but leave them in possession of their 
 herds, and seek only to save themselves by the 
 quickest possible flight. 
 
 The weapons of the Masai and Wakuafi consist of 
 a spear, a large oblong shield, and a club round and 
 thick at the top, hurling which with the greatest 
 precision, at a distance of from fifty to seventy 
 paces they can dash out the brains of an enemy ; 
 and it is this weapon above all, which strikes terror 
 into the East-Africans, the Suahili with their mus- 
 kets not excepted. The Wakuafi shelter themselves 
 beliind their long shields until they come close 
 enough to the enemy to make good use of their 
 clubs. They conquer or die, death having no 
 terrors for them.
 
 360 SECOND JOURNEY TO UK.A.MBANI. 
 
 As to the origin of these truculent savages, they 
 have a tradition that Engai — Heaven, or Rain — 
 placed in the beginning of time a man named 
 Neiterkob, or Neiternkob, on the Oredoinio-eibor 
 (White Mountain, Snow Mountain, the Kegnia of 
 the Wakaniba) who was a kind of demi-god ; for he 
 was exalted above men and yet not equal to Engai. 
 Tidings of this extraordinary being dwelling on 
 the White Mountain reached a man named Njemasi 
 Enauner, inhabiting with his wife Samba the lofty 
 mountain Samba, which lies to the south-west of 
 Oredoinio-eibor, but is now covered with perpetual 
 snow. Thi'ougli the intercession of Neiterkob the 
 woman Samba gave birth to a number of childi-en, 
 the progenitors of the Wakuafi and Masai. Neiter- 
 kob taught Njemasi Enauner among other things, 
 now to tame the mid cattle and buffaloes which 
 roamed in countless numbers round the foot of the 
 AVliite Momitain. Thus was implanted in the Wa- 
 kuafi the habit of that pastoral and nomadic life, 
 which is retained by them to this day. Neiterkob 
 suddenly disappearing from the "WTiite Mountain, 
 Njemasi returned again to the mountain Samba, 
 which became thenceforward the chief seat of the 
 Masai. The Wakuafi, the brothers of the Masai, on 
 the other hand, look upon the White Mountain as their 
 primeval home, and to this day wend their way to 
 it from a far distance, when they -wish to bring 
 sacrifices to Engai, and to pray for rain, health, 
 cattle, and so forth. The broad, level, pasture land 
 which stretches to the south-east of the White Moun-
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 361 
 
 tain, is called Kaptei or Kaputei, and there the 
 primeval Wakuafi tribes abide. They thus possess 
 the entire country which lies between Kiliman- 
 jaro and Kegnia, in the midst of which are the 
 sources of the AYliite River, just as the savage Ayans 
 wander round the som-ces of the Blue River. Never- 
 theless, the two kindred tribes, the Wakuafi and 
 Masai, hate each other mortally, which is, however, 
 a fortmiate circumstance for the weaker African 
 tribes ; since, were they united and ruled by one 
 supreme head, there would soon be an end to the 
 existence of the other East- African tribes, who could 
 not possibly resist them, the savage Gallas them- 
 selves not excepted ; for the latter fly before the 
 Wakuafi and Masai, and at the most only prove 
 dangerous enemies to them by stratagem and cun- 
 ning, but never cope with them in a fair and open 
 field. 
 
 As regards the physical conformation of the 
 Masai and Wakuafi, their forms are tall and slender, 
 with handsome and rather light-complexioned fea- 
 tures. Their greatest resemblance is to the Somali, 
 who are considered Mohammedanized Gallas, and 
 who, divided into many tribes, inhabit the eastern 
 coast of Afirica fi^om the river Jub northward, to 
 the Bay of TajuiTa. From their beauty of form the 
 Masai and Wakuafi slaves, especially the young 
 females, are much sought after by the Arabs and 
 Suahilis of the coast ; and they become much attached 
 to their Mohammedan masters, provided always 
 that the latter do not require from them any kind of
 
 362 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 labour which is repugnant to their habits, such as 
 tilling the soil and similar occupations. 
 
 The Wakuafi and Masai as pastoral tribes con- 
 sider themselves the exclusive possessors of the plains 
 and wildernesses with their springs and rivers, 
 and they do not attack the inhabitants of the moun- 
 tains, so long as they confine themselves to their 
 mountains, and refrain fr'om descending into the 
 level country to turn it to agricultm^al or pastoral 
 purposes. It is said, however, that very recently 
 they have resolved to take possession of the moun- 
 tain Kadiaro to facilitate their fr^eebooting expedi- 
 tions against the Galla, Wanika, and Suahili, and 
 to exclude these tribes of the coast ft-om access to 
 the interior. 
 
 Wliere the Masai and Wakuafi abide for any 
 length of time, they build a large town or Orlma- 
 mara — a smaller is called Engany, and a settlement 
 which promises to be important and is large, is 
 styled Enganassa — in which they construct huts, 
 covered with cow-hides or grass, and smTounded 
 by thorn hedges and ditches for protection against 
 an enemy's attack. The town is guarded by the 
 Elmoran, the young men of from twenty to twenty- 
 five, who form a standing army, as it were, ever 
 ready to ward off the attack of an enemy, and to 
 make incursions into the territories of stranger-tribes. 
 At their head stands the Oilkibroni, or chief, who 
 must be distinguislied by wisdom, fluency of speech, 
 valour, pastoral riches, &c., and in conjunction with 
 the Oilebon, magician, medicine-man, soothsayer.
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 363 
 
 and augur, lie conducts the affaii's of the Wakuafi 
 and Masai republics; but his dignity is not hereditary, 
 for he can be deposed, and even put to death, if he 
 is often defeated by the enemy. 
 
 The subdivisions of age are more nmnerous with 
 the Wakuafi and Masai than among the Wanika and 
 other tribes. The children, Engera, remain mtli 
 their mothers and old people, who tend the cattle and 
 do the household work ; the youths, Leiok, from four- 
 teen to twenty, devote themselves to the national 
 games and the pursuits of the chase ; the young men, 
 Elmoran, fi*om twenty to twenty-five, who among 
 the Wanika form the association of the Kambe, are 
 the warriors ; those older who are married and are 
 designated Khieko, partly engage in war, partly 
 in hunting elephants, buffaloes, &c. ; whilst the aged 
 men, who are termed Eekiilsharo or Eekiminsho, 
 remain at home, and with their wisdom and ex- 
 perience enlighten their juniors, who pay them great 
 respect. Maidens only marry when they have come 
 completely to maturity, and the women are clad in 
 dresses of leather, which descend below their knees. 
 The Wakuafi and Masai marry several wives, whom 
 the bridegroom j^urchases fi'om the parents by the 
 payment of a nmnber of black cattle. Each family 
 recognises its herd by particular marks with which 
 the cattle are branded. 
 
 Like all East-Africans the Wakuafi and Masai 
 are passionately fond of tobacco, but use it more as 
 snufi" than for smoking, and procure it principally 
 fr-om Kokuj^i, Jagga, and Usambara, countries with
 
 364 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 Avliicli they have some connection. They also ob- 
 tain tobacco, as well as clothes, glass beads, cojjper 
 wire, &c. jfrom the Suahili traders, who, in caravans 
 from GOO to 1000 men, strong, and mostly armed 
 with muskets, venture into the countries of the 
 Wakuafi and Masai to fetch ivory, but are often 
 nearly all slain. 
 
 Olmarua, hydromel, or honey-water, is a favourite 
 beverage of the Wakuafi and Masai, who have honey 
 in abundance. Their household-gear consists chiefly 
 of calabashes, leather-bags, baskets, and pots, which 
 are carried by the women, or borne on asses when 
 the tribe wanders from one place to another. 
 
 In the countries of the Masai and Wakuafi, there 
 are many lions, elephants, buffaloes, rhinoceroses, 
 leopards, hysenas, wild boars and swine, giraffes, 
 jackals, zebras, monkeys, many varieties of the ante- 
 lope, crocodile, and hippopotamus. 
 
 Towards beggars, blind men, and strangers of 
 their own nation, the Wakuafi are said to act very 
 liberally and kindly ; but towards " Olmagnati," 
 people of other races, they evince at once suspicion 
 and hostility; the Suahili traders therefore when 
 they go near them have both to exercise caution, 
 and to appear in superior force. The AVakuafi and 
 Masai do not make slaves of their prisoners, but kill 
 men and women alike in cold blood, sparing only 
 very young girls, and consequently do not traffic in 
 slaves ; but there are tribes in the interior, such as 
 the Wandmoho, Elkonono, and Waman, who stand 
 in the same relation to the Masai and Wakuafi, as
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 365 
 
 the Dahalo do to the Galla on the coast of Malindi, 
 who are forced to hunt elej^hants for the Masai and 
 Wakuafi, and to perform other labour, such as the 
 manufactm-e of spears, swords, and knives. 
 
 In biu'ying the dead the Masai and Wakuafi do 
 not appear to get up the howling, tumult, and 
 dancing as is the custom of the agi'icultm^al tribes of 
 Eastern Africa ; nor have they, it is said, any special 
 days of rest like the Wanika for instance, who do 
 no work upon every foi.ui;h day, but spend it in 
 feasting and carousing. Circumcision appears to be 
 practised among the Wakuafi and Masai, as among 
 the other tribes of Eastern Africa, where it has be- 
 come the universal custom. 
 
 As regards the religious notions of the Masai and 
 Wakuafi they appear, like other East-Africans, to 
 have a vague idea of a Suj)reme Being, whom they 
 call Engai, as mentioned at page 359. This Su- 
 preme Being dwells on the White Mountain, whence 
 comes the water or the rain, which is so indis- 
 pensable to their meadows and herds. But, accord- 
 ing to the notion of the Wakuafi, there is an inter- 
 mediary being between Engai and themselves, the 
 Neiterkob, who is, as it were, the mediator between 
 Engai and man ; and it is, therefore, to him that the 
 Wakuafi first tm-n to gain a hearing fi*om Engai, 
 when, as we have seen, they pray for rain, health, 
 victory, or cattle. What notions they entertain of 
 evil spirits, and how far their souls are subjugated 
 by a fear of these, I have not been able to learn, 
 though probably they do not dificr much fr'om other
 
 366 SECOND JOURNEY TO UKAMBANI. 
 
 Africans in this respect ; for the dread of evil spirits 
 is the invariable accompaniment of the worship of 
 Baal, and of fallen man, as long as he does not 
 learn to recognise a reconciled God and Father 
 through Christ. Man must fear and serve the e\dl one 
 as long as he does not strive to become an habitation 
 of God through the Spirit. May it soon be granted 
 to our Protestant Church, to send missionaries to the 
 milHons of Wakuafi and Masai, to proclaim to them 
 the Word which preaches reconciliation, so that 
 these worst of heathen, '' a nation scattered and 
 peeled, a people terrible from their beginning 
 hitherto," may be brought as an acceptable offering 
 in the sight of the Lord God of Sabaoth to Mount 
 Zion, and taught to know, to love, and to honour 
 the true Xeiterkob, '^ the shining light of the world," 
 and cease to murder and to extii'pate their fellow- 
 men. The Wakuafi may be reached by missionaries 
 most easily and expeditiously from Usambara, where 
 they are in communication with the tribes of the 
 coast in the district of Masinde.* 
 
 * Those desirous of further information respecting the Masai and 
 "Wakuafi, will find a more elaborate description of them in the article 
 which I contributed in 1857 to the " Ausland."
 
 367 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 Motives for the Journey — Comparison between Shoa and Usambara 
 — The Pangani district — Forward towards Fuga — A daughter of 
 king Kmeri's — The mountain -land of Usambara — Kmeri and his 
 dynasty — The European trade in fire-arms and its consequences — 
 Anival at Fuga — The capital — Kmeri's Mendly messages — The 
 cannibal "Wadoe — Interview with Kmeri — Anti-missionary in- 
 trigues of the king's sorcerers — Kmeri receives his presents — 
 The Ala- African aborigines — The king consents to the establish- 
 ment of a missionary station — Inter\T.ew with a son of Kmeri — 
 Departure from Fuga — A new route to the coast — The Pangani 
 people and their Mohammedanism — Punishment and pardon of a 
 young thief — Eesults of the journey — Exposition of missionary 
 policy — Advantages of Usambara as a mission-field — The climate. 
 
 Having remained at Rabbai Mpia for a few months 
 after my return from Ukambani, I determined on a 
 second jom^ney to Usambara to procure a renewal 
 and confirmation of the permission given me by its 
 king in 1848 to found a missionary settlement in 
 his territories. My last jom-ney to Ukambani had 
 convinced me that it led to Uniamesi as little as 
 Jagga, the true route to which must be found in 
 Usambara, and the countries to the south of it. 
 If a chain of missions were to be established 
 throughout Southern Africa, and the two ends of the 
 chain were to meet in Uniamesi, Usambara then 
 must be the spot in which the first station should
 
 308 SFX'OND JOURNEY TO USAMBAKA. 
 
 be founded. Resolving tliis time to penetrate to 
 Usambara from the mouth of the river Pangani, not 
 as on the last occasion through the Wakuafi wilder- 
 ness, I hired a boat in Mombaz, and made straight 
 for Tanga to obtain the governor's permission for 
 the journey ; but as he declined to grant it without 
 \\Titten orders of the Sultan Said-Said, I told the 
 skipper to put the ship about and to proceed at once 
 to the mouth of the river Pangani, which we reached 
 on the evening of the 11th of February. I landed 
 T\T^thout delay to visit my friend Minjie-Minjie, and 
 after I had found him I requested him to further 
 the progress of my messengers to Fuga, bearing an 
 Arabic letter in which I explained the object of 
 my journey ; and as Minjie-Minjie was himself 
 about to proceed to the king he willingly took my 
 people with him. In the interim I purj^osed to pro- 
 ceed to Zanzibar, and to return to the Pangani in 
 ten or twelve days, by which time my messengers 
 would have returned. On the 1 3th I reached Zanzi- 
 bar ; but as Major Hamerton had left for Muscat, 
 where there were political differences to be adjusted, 
 I was in some perplexity as to a lodging ; but was 
 however soon relieved fi-om it by the harbom'-master, 
 Jeran, who handed me the keys of the British con- 
 sular residence. 
 
 M. de Belligny, the French consul, also kindly 
 invited me to take up my abode in the French 
 consulate dm^ing my stay, and I experienced like- 
 wise much civility from his wife and fi'om Mr. 
 Kuhlmann, his secretary. This gentleman had a
 
 \ 
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 369 
 
 love, kindred to my own, for all that is in any way 
 connected with the geography and history of Eastern 
 Africa, which made my stay at Zanzibar a pleasant 
 little episode in my life's history. 
 
 As I did not wish to spend my time idly in the 
 island till I should be able to jom-ney to the river 
 Pangani, I made a little trip by sea to the village 
 Kipumbui in the country of the Wasegua, which 
 lies right over against the island of Zanzibar upon 
 an arm of the sea which stretches inland to the 
 mountain Gendagenda, upon which are the chief 
 dwelling-places of the Wasegua, and which is well 
 adapted for a missionary station. 
 
 On the 20th of February I returned again to 
 the Pangani, and had at once the satisfaction of 
 finding my messengers waiting for me on its banks. 
 They told me that in the course of their journey 
 to Fuga, they had been stopped on the 13th of 
 February in the hamlet of Jumbi by the Gro- 
 vernor Muigni Hatubu, who informed them that 
 along with the Mdoe, or royal vizier, and the 
 Mboki, or military chief, he was himself about to 
 proceed to the village of Pangani to collect tribute, 
 and to escort in person the Em-opean who pur- 
 posed to journey to Kmeri. Minjie-Minjie who 
 came on board our vessel confirmed this intelli- 
 gence. As it was now dark I did not care to 
 land, but sent my salutations to the Mdoe, as well 
 as to Muigni Hatubu and to Abdallah, the governor 
 of Dofa. The two latter are the sons of Kmeri, 
 who have embraced the Mohammedan religion witli-
 
 370 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 out hiiiderance from their royal parent, as previously 
 noticed. 
 
 21st Fehniary. — Accompanied by Minjie-Minjie, 
 I paid a visit to these three dignitaries and met 
 with a most friendly recej^tion from them, the Mdoe 
 at once assuring me that he would accompany 
 me to Kmeri, who was at Fuga. Never before had 
 a journey been made so easy for me ; the whole 
 matter was settled in five minutes ; I had no trouble 
 either with the chiefs of the Pangani ^Tillage, or about 
 baggage-bearers ; the Mdoe of his o^ti accord pro- 
 mising to have my luggage transjDorted by his soldiers. 
 I saw at once, that I was in a country where much 
 better order reigns than in the lawless republics 
 of the Wanika and Wakamba. Only in the king- 
 dom of Shoa had I seen anything similar ; and indeed, 
 physically and politically, Shoa offers many points 
 of resemblance to Usambara. In both countries the 
 king is the only lord of the land and its inhabitants, 
 and a foreigner who enjoys his favour need never be 
 at a loss for the transport of his effects. In both, 
 the movements of the stranger must be made in 
 accordance solely with the '^dll of the king, and he 
 can neither enter nor leave the land -without the per- 
 mission of the sovereign. In both, moreover, it is 
 expected that the traveller should offer the king a 
 present. In Shoa, as in Usambara, all property 
 of the people is subject to the king, " Gieta," in 
 Amharic, ''Bana," in Suahili, for he is the soul 
 of the whole countiy. The very women belong 
 to him, and a woman regai'ds it as a gracious conde-
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 371 
 
 scension when her beauty so attracts the king that 
 he prizes her and takes her to himself. '^ Wliy," say 
 the Africans, "is he king, if he is not absolute and a 
 kind of ' Mulungu ?' " True he does not always exer- 
 cise his power to the utmost, just as the lion is not 
 always fierce and seeking whom he may devoui', 
 but rests in his den when his appetite is sated. So 
 is it with the Usambaric Simba wa Muene, the only 
 true lion, as he is called by way of contrast to the 
 governors of districts, who as smaller lions dwell 
 on the mountains of Usambara. He mostly demeans 
 himself gently towards his subjects, but only to 
 make them bear with his despotism all the more 
 patiently. 
 
 I have not done with the comparison between 
 Shoa and Usambara yet. Both countries are very 
 mountainous, though the formations of their moun- 
 tains are very different. The mountains of Shoa 
 are much higher, and have extensive plains on their 
 summits, which yield plenteous crops of wheat 
 and other cereals, whilst the mountains of Usambara 
 are steep and gable-shaped, and their summits do not 
 afford room for many inhabitants or for much culti- 
 vation, and only small villages, groves, and at most, 
 on their summits plantain-plantations are to be found. 
 
 As regards civilization Christian Shoa has cer- 
 tainly made greater progress than heathen Usam- 
 bara ; still it may be doubted whether much has been 
 gained for true Christian civilization. At all events 
 the calling of a missionary is much more arduous 
 in Shoa than in Usambara, inasmuch as in the 
 
 B B
 
 372 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBAEA. 
 
 former country he has to cope with a fanatical priest- 
 hood, whilst in Usambara his only opponents are 
 the magicians, who, however, as counsellors of the 
 king may do him great injury, especially if they 
 are Mohammedans. In Usambara, as elsewhere, the 
 kingdom of God can be established only amidst much 
 affliction ; and missionaries, no less than future Chris- 
 tians of that country, must be content to attain the 
 goal by a painful road. I had something like a pre- 
 sentiment of this this morning before I went on shore. 
 After midnight I had slept but little, and was sub- 
 jected to a severe mental struggle in considering 
 the question : " Shall I proceed to Usambara or not? 
 Is or is not the time rij)e for a mission to that 
 country? Ought I not to go elsewhere?" It was 
 not till the words of our Lord, " The Son of man 
 is come to save that which was lost," spoke to my 
 spirit, that I felt tranquillized and received cou- 
 rage, and determined to land. In the life of an apos- 
 tle of peace there are often experiences like those 
 recorded in Genesis xxxii. 24,* and xv. 12 ; f for 
 the opening of a new mission is often only brought 
 about amidst great agony and conflict in the soul of 
 a missionary ! 
 
 2Srd February. — There was a heavy fall of rain to- 
 day, although the proper rainy season is not looked 
 for until towards the end of March. The people 
 
 * " And Jacob was left alone ; and there wrestled a man with 
 him until the breaking of the day." 
 
 f " And when the sun was going down, a deep sleep fell upon 
 Abram ; and lo, an horror of great darkness fell upon him."
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 373 
 
 kept asking me the cause of my joumey to Usam- 
 bara, and I told them explicitly that I desired 
 to spread Christianity throughout the land. The 
 Pangani villages are inhabited altogether by Mo- 
 hammedans, who, however, are not fanatics, because, 
 in the first place, they are ruled by a pagan prince ; 
 in the second, because they are very ignorant and 
 understand little or nothing of the Koran; and 
 lastly, because, by means of their many slaves and 
 in their trade they are closely connected with heathen 
 men. They procure tlieii' slaves from Uniamesi, 
 from Ngu, from the Wasegua, and other tribes, who 
 dwell to the south of the river Pangani. The popu- 
 lation of the four villages at the mouth of the Pangani 
 amounts to about 4000 persons, and they are in rather 
 ill odour fi'om their sensuality, their idleness, and 
 their propensity to deal in slaves. The Pangani 
 people, who are now subjects of the King of Usam- 
 bara, have constructed little villages along the river 
 and brought the very fruitful soil into cultivation, by 
 wliich they have obtained great influence among the 
 heathen in this district ; indeed, to such an extent 
 that they have compelled the Mkafiri (heathen) to 
 dispose of their produce, rice, Indian corn, horned 
 cattle, sheep, goats, ivory, slaves, &c., to Mohapiv,.,^^ 
 medans only, and not to trade direct with Zanzibar, 1 
 the course preferred by the tribes of the interior, I 
 to whom the Suahili sell clothes, copper-wire, beads, * 
 guns, &c. A large quantity of rice and Indian 
 corn is thus yearly exported from the Pangani 
 district ; and the ivory which is brought into that 
 
 B B 2
 
 374 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 market, comes from the land of the Masai and 
 Wakuafi, from Pare, Ugono, Kisungu, Ngu, and 
 generally from the countries lying to the west and 
 south of Usambara. 
 
 The Pangani villages are only a little above the 
 level of the river, so that during the heavy rain 
 season they are inundated and the inhabitants 
 suffer severely. The whole of the level country, 
 forming the lowlands, a kind of undercliff from the 
 coast to the foot of the mountain-ranges, extends 
 some twelve to eighteen leagues from east to west. 
 Although naturally very fertile the greater portion 
 of these lowlands is a perfect wilderness, partly in 
 consequence of the incursions of the Wasegua, 
 partly from the indolence of the inhabitants. The 
 mountain which lies nearest to the coast, and to 
 the northern bank of the Pangani, is Tongue, the 
 district round which is said to be extremely fertile. 
 Twelve years ago, it seems, there were about and on 
 this mountain numerous villages and plantations, 
 which, however, were destroyed by the Wasegua, and 
 the inhabitants consequently retreated more to the 
 north, to the mountains Mringa and Pambire. The 
 Wasegua appear to have procured fire-arms in Zan- 
 zibar, where newly opened European and American 
 commerce had introduced them in large numbers, 
 and to have surprised the Wasambara, ignorant until 
 then of such weapons. Abandoned, this district of 
 Tongue soon became a forest and the abode of 
 elephants and buffaloes ; but its old inhabitants 
 meanwhile have not forgotten their fertile plains.
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 375 
 
 and abide their time when they may with safety 
 return again to Tongue. A large wood with noble 
 trees, as well as supplies of water, are to be found 
 on the mountain. No wonder that Minjie-Minjie 
 recommended it to me for a missionary settlement, 
 where for the greatest part water was attainable. 
 
 2Srd Fehruary. — At break of day the war-horn 
 sounded, and a soldier ran up and down the vil- 
 lage shouting with a loud voice, " Get ready, ye 
 Wasambara soldiers, the Mazumbe the kings (the 
 vizier and the two governors), are about to depart." 
 The whole collage was at once in motion; for the 
 people were glad of their departure, the soldiers hav- 
 ing behaved to them with violence, and robbed 
 them of poultry and other things, and the o^vner 
 of the house in which I was had bm*ied his valuables 
 out of fear of the soldieiy . The tribute paid on this 
 occasion by the Pangani people to king Kmeri was 
 not very large, consisting of 200 yards of Americano, 
 Lowel calico, of the value of from fifty to sixty 
 dollars. This tribute is exacted only once in every 
 two or three years, when the ^dzier comes to the 
 coast. 
 
 Ere the departure of the Mazumbe I was infoiTaed 
 that they were about to proceed to Madanga, a village 
 some three leagues from the coast, there to levy 
 tribute, and that the day after to-morrow they 
 would proceed to Fuga ; and I was therefore asked to 
 meet them at Madanga. After thefr departure num- 
 bers of people came to visit me, to put questions 
 about my jom-ney, to talk over religious matters, to
 
 376 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 quarrel, and to beg all sorts of tilings. My Mnika, 
 Abbegunja, who takes delight in the Word of 
 God, was a great help to me. Under such circum- 
 stances, it is a priceless blessing to have even a 
 single person who can understand the missionary, 
 and pursue the same object as he does. The Moham- 
 medans were angry, and would not believe that a 
 Mkafiri, heathen, had embraced the Engil (Gospel) ; 
 yet now they saw us pray together, and read and 
 expound the Bible together m om^ dwelling. 
 
 26th February. — * * * Late in the evening, 
 I reached Madanga, where the Mazumbe gave me a 
 Mendly reception, and made every arrangement for 
 my comfort in the way of food and lodging. Cer- 
 tainly a monarchy is thrice as good as a republic, 
 whether it be savage or civilized ! 
 
 2Wi February. — With dawn of day the war-horn 
 announced the marching orders of the Mdoe, who 
 was about to quit Madanga. We journeyed at first 
 through a flat, grazing, and well-wooded country, 
 along a well-trodden path, and at 10 o'clock the heat 
 of the sun became almost unendurable. At five in 
 the afternoon we reached the large village of 
 Jumbi, the residence of Muigni Hattibu, the gover- 
 nor of Pambire, where a number of people collected 
 to see me ; but their demeanour was so courteous, 
 modest, and quiet, that I was agreeably surprised ; 
 for not one of them made himself off'ensive by beg- 
 ging, or by touching my clothes or my person. The 
 governor killed a cow for myself and the \azier, who 
 was still behind me on his way. The great differ-
 
 SECOND JOUKNEY TO USAMBAKA. 377 
 
 ence between monarchical Usambara and the mi- 
 bridled republicanisms of the Wanika and Wakamba 
 struck even my two Wanika servants, who could not 
 sufficiently extol the order prevailing in the land. 
 
 27//i Fehriiary. — The large ants tormented me 
 sadly last night. Many Washinsi came to-day to 
 inquire about the object of my journey. Abbe- 
 gunja prayed aloud in the presence of the Mo- 
 hammedans, of whom there are many in Jumbi. 
 It is fortunate for the Washinsi that they have very 
 few cocoa-nut trees, if any, so that they cannot get 
 intoxicated like the Wanika. 
 
 28?^^ Fchriiary. — I set off from Jumbi without 
 the Mdoe, who had fallen ill; and keeping to the north 
 of the lofty mountain Mringa we crossed a brook 
 called Mruka, which flows into the river Mgambo. 
 While we were sitting on its bank we were joined 
 by a son of Kmeri, who holds a small official post 
 in the neighboui-hood, and who asked me to give 
 him a flint for his gun. The request was so modest 
 that I gave him two, and he was extremely satisfied 
 with the present. "What a difference," I thought 
 to myself, "between this country and Abessinia, 
 where the most trmnpery village official is a mendi- 
 cant, and is scarcely content with a donation of five 
 or six dollars ! " Never have I travelled anywhere 
 so comfortably as in Usambara ; for here I am not 
 tormented by the monster mendicancy ; or, at least, 
 it assumes a very modest form; whilst as regards 
 security, I do not believe that one could be safer in 
 any Em-opean comitry than in Usambara, provided
 
 378 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBAEA. 
 
 tlic country is not in a state of war. Round about 
 the Mruka it is extremely romantic, and reminded 
 me of many parts of Smtzerland and the Black 
 Forest, the river flowing through a deep rock-ravine, 
 clad on either side by noble woods. After refresh- 
 ing om'selves with bananas, meat, and the cool 
 water of the brook, we proceeded through a beau- 
 tiful wood, in which we rested for a while at noon ; 
 when imprudently l}^ng down and going to sleep on 
 the damp ground, without a cowhide or mat beneath 
 me, I awoke with an attack of fever, but soon drove 
 it away by a severe march which threw me into a 
 perspiration. In the evening we reached the village 
 of Kadango, which lies upon a hill, and is ruled by 
 Mbikiri, a daughter of Kmeri, who is so like her 
 father in size and appearance, that there can be no 
 doubt as to her parentage. She gave me forthwith 
 a sheep, and some porridge of Indian com, in return 
 for which I presented her with an Americano (piece 
 of calico), though she would have much preferred a 
 Bersati (colom-ed dress) worth half a dollar. As at 
 Jmnbi, so at Kadango, the demeanour of the peo- 
 ple towards me was very respectful, and nobody 
 attempted to beg. They speak pure Eashinsi, 
 which is the chief dialect of Bondei, or of the dis- 
 trict betweenthe sea-coast and the valley of Kerenge 
 in the west, and has most affinity with the language 
 of the Wasegua tribes, while the proper language 
 of Usambara is more allied to that spoken in Pare 
 and Nga. A missionary in this coimtry has a heavy 
 linguistic task before him, as he must learn Kishinsi,
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 379 
 
 Kisambara, and Kisegna, and then Kij^are and 
 Kingu. It is not possible to compile a truly compre- 
 hensive dictionary of the South-African family of 
 languages, until you have mastered the majority of 
 their dialects, as one dialect explains and expands 
 another. For example, I never kncAv how to explain, 
 in Suahili, the plu-ase, ''yuna wasinm — he is mad," 
 until I learned that in Kisambara, ''wasinm" 
 denotes spirits and, emphatically, evil spirits ; there- 
 fore, he has evil spirits, he is possessed, is tantamount 
 to he is mad, he has lost his wits.* 
 
 29th Fehriiary. — To-day, we ascended the lofty 
 Kombora, 4000 feet high, and which is, in fact, a 
 mountain-range stretching fr^om north to south. 
 Hitherto, we had crossed only smaller hills, from 
 600 to 800 feet in height ; now we began to ascend 
 the alpine region of Usambara. At first Kombora 
 is not very steep, but towards the middle of the 
 ascent the path became extremely difficult and slip- 
 pery, so that at every thirty or forty paces I was 
 fain to lie down on the ground and take a rest, as 
 my chest and feet gave me great pain, so that I 
 was inclined to say to myself: "Better two journeys 
 to Jagga and Ukambani, than one across this pre- 
 cipitous mountain-land." The natives, indeed, think 
 little of this mountain-climbing, to which they are 
 
 * On these South- African languages and dialects the very inter- 
 esting essay by Mr. W. H. J. Bleek, which is prefixed to Sir George 
 Grey's catalogue of philological books, illustrative of the languages 
 of Southern Africa, is at once complete and satisfactory. The Cata- 
 logue is published by Messrs. Triibner and Co.
 
 380 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 accustomed from their childhood ; but with their loads 
 upon their heads they climb up the rocks like monkeys, 
 and they make game of the lowlanders, to whom 
 jom-neying on the heights is laborious and painful. 
 
 About six in the evening we reached the summit 
 of the Kombora, where we were rewarded for our 
 exertions by a magnificent view of the sea, and the 
 lofty mountains and valleys in the neighbourhood. I 
 was very glad to find quarters for the night in a 
 half-finished hut in the Washinsi village, Hingo, 
 for I was weary and hungry. The poor people had 
 nothing to give us but a little Indian corn and 
 maliuta, bananas ; yet, notmthstanding theii' hard 
 fare, how simple and tranquil is their life on their 
 lofty, cold, and isolated momitains ! You hear no 
 wailing, no quaiTelling; you see no di^unkenness, 
 no idolatry ; each goes his ovm. way quietly, and 
 tends his cattle or tills the soil, seemingly harmless 
 and happy; but seemingly only, for how can we 
 call a man '' happy" who passes life away without a 
 knowledge of God, and of his Saviour and Redeemer; 
 mthout hope of everlasting life, in the darkness and 
 shadow of spiritual death, and in total estrangement 
 from that life which is in Christ ? Wlien the gospel 
 reaches these people, it will be seen whether they 
 are as susceptible of truth as their simplicity and 
 harmlessness seem to promise. Perhaps their super- 
 stition, and their fear of evil spirits, may throw as 
 great obstacles in the way of the gospel for a time, 
 as does the elaborate idolatry of other nations, till 
 it shall please the Lord by His light to dispel the
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 381 
 
 clouds of darkness from this mountain-population, 
 now sundered as it were from the rest of the world. 
 Then the sound of the Sabbath-bell will be heard 
 from mountain to mountain, and from valley to 
 valley, calling together the inhabitants to praise and 
 worship the living God! Then will first be made 
 manifest the bright destiny and rank of this wonder- 
 ful alpine land, which will one day bring to light 
 treasures, both animate and inanimate, long hidden 
 fr'om view, from out of the soil itself no less than 
 fr'om the depths of its vast wilderness. 
 
 1st March. — We quitted early the village of Hingo, 
 which is inhabited by Wasegeju. In the feud 
 between the Wadigo and the Wasegeju a por- 
 tion of the latter left the valley of Kerenge, whence 
 some families came to the mountain Kombora, and 
 founded the village Hingo. I always feel great com- 
 miseration for the surviving remnants of scattered 
 or worn-out races, and nom-ish a belief that God 
 in His own time will reveal to such His mercy and 
 His goodness, no less than His justice and judgment. 
 The Wanika, Wakamba, Wandm-obbo, Wasegeju, 
 and several other tribes, are ft-agments of the kind 
 referred to, all driven fi-om their primeval homes by 
 a succession of dominant races. 
 
 Ascending and descending we reached at last 
 the village of Kisara, on the top of the lofty 
 moimtain, whence a son of Kmeri rules the country 
 around. From its height we had a majestic view 
 of the valley of Kerenge, and the lofty mountains 
 of Usambara. The governor told us that only a
 
 382 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 few days before some 800 Masai had passed through 
 the valley on their way to carry off the cattle of the 
 Wasegua ; for as the Wasegua are enemies of king 
 Kmeri he does not prevent the Masai from traversing 
 his country, although I suspect this permission is 
 given more from fear than policy ; for no East- 
 African nation dares to offer resistance to the Masai 
 and Wakuafi. 
 
 2nd March. — We remained to-day at Kisara, as 
 my people wished to wait for the sick Mdoe, who 
 had promised to follow us slowly. For this reason 
 his soldiers had conducted us through the steepest 
 and most mountainous regions, in order to gain time 
 for the recovery of their master, who was to follow 
 by the best route, as he wished to have the honour 
 of personally presenting me to Kmeri. 
 
 To-day Minjie-Minjie gave me some informa- 
 tion respecting the djTiasty of king Kmeri, who 
 is the fourth monarch who has ruled over Usam- 
 bara since it became a kingdom, it having been 
 founded by his great-grandfather, who came from the 
 mountains of Ngu, three or four days to the south- 
 west of Usambara. The first two kings possessed 
 Usambara merely as far as Bondei, a district con- 
 quered by Kmeri' s father. In his younger days 
 Kjneri himself was a great warrior, who made jour- 
 neys of inspection through his whole realm as far as 
 the Pangani. Formerly, his kingdom was more ex- 
 tensive, before he lost a portion of the Wadigo land 
 and other territories. In the Wasegua land, too, he 
 lost his influence tlu-ough European trafiic, which
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 383 
 
 brought fire-arms to Zanzibar, and these the Wa- 
 segna were the first to make use of and to turn 
 against the armies of the king. The East-Afi:ican 
 trade in fire-arms will have at least the efiect of 
 making it even more and more difiicult for the popu- 
 lation of the coast, including of course the Suahili, 
 to penetrate into the interior; for when the inha- 
 bitants of the interior once have fire-arms, travelling 
 will be much impeded. But, if the Suahili can no 
 longer fetch ivory fi:om the interior, what will the 
 Europeans do at Zanzibar ? They will discover too 
 late that they would have done better, if they had 
 foregone the quick profit made in the traffic in fire- 
 arms, and had only brought harmless articles of 
 commerce into the East-Afi:-ican market. Oh ! that 
 the world would but believe that in politics, as in 
 trade, every crooked and perverse course will in 
 time bring down its own judgment upon it, and 
 be punished in the very way in which the sin has 
 been conunitted ! But the children of this world 
 do not recognise the unfailing fact; they wish to 
 be wiser than the Word of God, which teaches the 
 true principles which ought to guide us in every- 
 thing, in trade as well as in the government of 
 nations! God, indeed, allows self-seeking men to 
 play their own game for a time, and to make a 
 temporary profit, but He takes care, eventually, to 
 turn them to mockery and shame ; He suff'ers them to 
 execute and carry out their principles until by their 
 own sufferings they are forced to see that God's Word 
 alone is the only true light for time and eternity !
 
 384 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBAEA. 
 
 Oh ! how the world's progress will yet justify the 
 revealed Book of God, and put to shame the book of 
 man's vaunted reason, and its selfishness ; for history 
 will always be the best apology for the Bible, and 
 for Christianity ! 
 
 In the coui'se of the day I remarked something 
 that gave me fi:esh insight into the superstition ot 
 the Suahili. My servant Hassein, from Zanzibar, 
 sat on the ground in the house where I lodged and 
 was scraping the sand with his hands like a mad- 
 man, whilst he uttered some unintelligible words. I 
 allowed him to go on for some time, but at last 
 interrupted him by asking what such folly meant. 
 He replied that he was looking in the sand for a 
 star, from which he could predict whether we should 
 meet with the Masai. 
 
 The Wasambara call the Suahili '' Waunguana," 
 free people, in contradistinction to themselves. 
 They look upon themselves as slaves* in comparison 
 with the Mohammedans of the coast, who are, indeed, 
 subjects of Kmeri, but are allowed much more fr'ee- 
 dom than the Washinsi and Wasambara. The 
 latter may ride neither horses nor asses, nor wear 
 costly garments, nor travel into distant countries, 
 while all this is permitted to the Suahili. Kmeri 
 knows perfectly well that the Suahili, through their 
 connection with the Arabs, might become dangerous 
 
 * I once asked a native Msambara -wliether in his country there 
 were any liberated slaves ? His reply was : — " With us no one can 
 free a slave ; for we are all slaves of the Zumbc (king), who is our 
 Mulungu."
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA.. 385 
 
 to him if he were to treat them with similar rigom*. 
 Here, again, we may compare Shoa with Usambara ; 
 for whilst the king of Shoa permits his Mohammedan 
 subjects to travel to the coast, he stringently pro- 
 hibits his Clmstian subjects from doing so. Nor can 
 the latter without his special permission use silver 
 or gold, or wear costly garments, or even so much as 
 manufacture hydromel or honey-water, which the 
 Mohammedans are not prevented fr'om doing. Like 
 the Slioans the Wasambara do not care to amass 
 riches ; for in doing this they would live in constant 
 dread of provoking the jealousy and covetousness of 
 the king and his governors. However the social 
 condition of Usambara would be a critical one, if 
 its inhabitants were not ruled by the iron hand of 
 their monarch ; for every petty magistrate or cliief 
 would revolt upon his mountain, and strive to be 
 independent ; and so all intercourse with the coun- 
 try would become impossible. It were well if those 
 quarrelsome and drunken republicans, the Wanika 
 and the Wakamba, could feel, at least for a time, the 
 power of an African lion-king ! 
 
 3rc? March. — ^As we were about to leave Kisara 
 there arrived a messenger from the vizier witli 
 orders for the soldiers who were with me to retm-n 
 immediately to Jumbi, where their assistance was 
 needed in the subjection of a rebellious Washinsi 
 ^dllage. The soldiers obeyed, and started off im- 
 mediately, for a disobedient soldier in Usambara 
 is sold into slavery. After their departure, we per- 
 formed a toilsome journey to Utinde, which Kes on
 
 386 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 the summit of one of the loftiest momitains of Bondei, 
 upon a solid block of granite, which rises abruptly 
 like a perpendicular wall, and forms an impreg- 
 nable natural fortress. From this point I surveyed 
 almost the whole of Kmeri's dominions, and I do 
 not remember to have met with a grander prospect 
 in any African country. I could not approach the 
 edge of this rock without feeling giddy, and had 
 to turn away from it very soon. It is quite other- 
 wise with the natives, who run about the brink of 
 the frightful precipice, and even pasture on it their 
 black cattle, sheep, and goats. The district of 
 Utinde is governed by a son of Kmeri, who by no 
 means resembles his father; and as the "Little 
 Lion " gave us nothing but bananas to eat, we did 
 not care to remain long with him. 
 
 4:th March. — So sparingly dieted by the governor 
 we left Utinde, but were soon recalled by some 
 people, who told us that the vizier would arrive 
 to-day, and that the governor would increase our 
 rations. Although we had reason to doubt the 
 correctness of the information, yet we resolved 
 to wait until to-morrow, and so retm'ned to the 
 village. * * * 
 
 5 — Qth March. — The vizier not arriving, and the 
 provisions given us being still scanty, we quitted 
 Utinde and reached yesterday evening the large 
 village of Jairi, where we discovered to our sur- 
 prise that we might have come from Utinde by a 
 much less mountainous path, but that the soldier of 
 the vizier had purposely led us by a worse route in
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 387 
 
 order to delay us till his master could reach us ; so 
 to-day we rested in the hope that the vizier would 
 arrive. The repose was in other respects very 
 welcome, as I suffered much in my feet from the 
 fatigues of the journey. I employed this leisure in 
 reading and meditating with Abbegunja, who has 
 been of great service to me on this journey. 
 
 7th March. — After we had left Jairi, we had 
 again to mount upwards, and the rays of the sun, 
 hot even when it rose, considerably aggi'avated the 
 exertion of clhnbing the mountain. Day after day 
 I grew more and more weary of this exhausting 
 jom-ney, and longed for its close. My people, too, 
 suffered much from the continual windings and 
 ascents and descents of this singular country. Here 
 we skirted a precipice, there we had only a shrub or 
 some tufts of grass to hold by in clambering up the 
 precipitous path; in ascending the tendons of my 
 ankles, in descending my knees and legs, pained me. 
 Nor could we journey as we pleased, as we had to 
 direct our course in accordance with the distances and 
 the positions of the villages where we might find food 
 and shelter for the night ; for in Usambara any one 
 found by night in the woods, or absent from a village, 
 is taken up for a robber ; but independent of this the 
 cold and other circumstances would not permit it. 
 We passed to-day several brooks, and plantations of 
 sugar-cane and banana-trees ; and at one place I 
 noticed the Mkinda-tree, which resembles the date- 
 tree and bears an edible fi-uit. Its stem is very 
 straight and long, but not thick. 
 
 c c
 
 388 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 I often looked on in astonishment at my Wasam- 
 bara baggage-bearers, who ascended and descended 
 the momitains with the greatest ease. In a few 
 minutes they would shoot far ahead of myself and my 
 Wanika, when they would lie down on the ground 
 and wait till we came up, and then dart foi^w^ard once 
 more to halt again in the same way. The Wasambara 
 are in general of the middle size, the coloui' of their 
 skin is yellowish, and their frames strong enough for 
 them to carry burdens. Their mode of life is of the 
 simplest ; the banana roasted or boiled is all that they 
 require, and all that in many places they possess 
 beside their hetds. The cool mountain-air and the 
 simplicity of their mode of life contribute apparently 
 to the excellent health which they enjoy ; for, except 
 in the shape of rheumatism and cutaneous disorders, 
 iUness is apparently unknown to them. 
 
 The working men have not in an ordinary way 
 more than one wife apiece ; not that they are for- 
 bidden to have more, but they are too poor to be 
 polygamists. From its mountainous character Usam- 
 bara is a poor country", much poorer than Bondei and 
 the lowlands, the inhabitants of which would be 
 rich if they were more industrious. Even the 
 Wasambara might be better off, if they knew how to 
 avail themselves of the natural resources of their 
 country. How many mills and factories might be 
 driven by the numerous streams of this region ! Wood, 
 indeed, is often scarce, so that in many places dried 
 cowdung has to be used for fuel, as in Abessinia and 
 other parts of Africa.
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 389 
 
 The sugar-cane which we came upon to-day was 
 particularly excellent, being extremely sweet and 
 juicy. It is found in deep and moist dells, never on 
 the summits or on the roof-shaped mountain-sides. 
 In the evening we reached the village of Pombe, 
 governed by one of Kmeri's daughters ; and we 
 were obliged to content ourselves with shelter in 
 a hot, smoky, and filthy hut, where men and beasts 
 herded together, the entrance or door to which was 
 made only for goats and calves, and human beings 
 were forced to crawl in literally on theii' hands and 
 knees. 
 
 8^^^ March. — We started from Pombe and jour- 
 neyed in gi^eat haste, Kmeri's daughter having 
 treated us very shabbily in the matter of provisions. 
 She asked for a cotton-print, which I refused with 
 the remark that my baggage was in the hands of the 
 \dzier, and that what I had with me was intended as 
 a present for the king. 
 
 The nearer we aj^proached to the capital the less 
 savage was the appearance of the mountains; we 
 had no longer to descend into deep ravines, but 
 could march over tolerably level ground; which 
 however became at the same time barer and more 
 destitute of grass, shrub, and tree. The soil looks 
 quite red, so that here the Wakamba have no need to 
 colour themselves with ruddle ; as they have only 
 to squat on the ground to have their clothes and bodies 
 assume its colour; for wherever I sat down my clothes 
 and hands were immediately coloured red. Here 
 and there I saw tobacco, banana, and sugar plan- 
 
 c c 2
 
 390 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 tations; otherwise, tliese mountains are bare, un- 
 fruitful, and uncultivated. They are like the yolk 
 of a hard egg, or the cupola of a tower. On these 
 cupolas stand the huts of the natives, and it is on 
 such a cupola-shaped hill that the capital Fuga, itself, 
 is built. 
 
 A large brook flows towards Fuga, whence turning 
 to the south it runs through the valley of Ke- 
 renge. Before we reached the foot of the hill on 
 which Fuga lies, we passed the hill Muhesa, where 
 Kmeri has recently begun to build a little village, and 
 as we passed the place my people filled a salute in 
 honour of the king, which his musketeers replied to 
 in a similar fashion. As we reached the foot of 
 the hill of Fuga we were met by a troop of soldiers, 
 who fired off their pieces in honour of me, and then 
 conducted us to one of the many huts, which are con- 
 structed in Suahili fashion for the use of strangers. 
 The door of the hut was tolerably high and wide, 
 so that there was light enough within ; and a bed- 
 stead was forthwith procured, and, in a general way, 
 ever5i:hing done to lodge me comfortably. Mbereko, 
 the captain of the king's body-guard, appeared soon 
 aftervN^ards with a sheep and other provisions, which 
 were intended for oui* use ; for he adds to his military 
 functions that of providing foreigners and visitors 
 with food and drink, whether the king is in Fuga or 
 absent fi'om it ; in which, again, there is a resemblance 
 between Shoa and Usambara. After some time 
 we were visited by Bana Osman, a Mohammedan 
 of Zanzibar, who fills the offices of king's ph} sician,
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 391 
 
 chief-magician, and court-jester ! Several years before, 
 he had been summoned by Kmeri from the island 
 Kisimani on the river Pangani, to compose powerful 
 talismans against Kisuma, the chief of Mafe, who 
 gave the king at that time a great deal of trouble. 
 Osman is an intelligent man, and I had pleasure 
 in his conversation. He comprehended the object 
 of my journey. Usually these magicians are full 
 of pride and pretension, nothing of which I re- 
 marked in Osman, high as he stands in favour with 
 the king. 
 
 9th March. — Mbereko and Minjie-Minjie went to 
 Muliesa to inform the king of my arrival, and 
 to ask when I could see him. The captain soon 
 came back with word that the king had expressed 
 great pleasm'e at my return to Usambara, and would 
 gladly permit me to form a settlement at Tongue ; 
 the king's physician, Osman, had long before 
 petitioned for Tongue as the site of a hamlet for 
 trade and tillage, but the king would give that 
 mountain to no one but the Musungu (European). 
 Tliis news was very cheering. At the same time, 
 Mbereko informed me that I was to remain where I 
 was until the vizier arrived with my baggage, when 
 the king himself would come to Fuga. 
 
 1 1 th March. — Another magician arrived yesterday 
 from Buyeni, a Mohammedan \^llage on the Pangani. 
 These impostors teach the people to write talismans, 
 and employ the opportunity thus afforded them to 
 attempt the conversion of the ignorant heathen to 
 Mohammedanism. Many people came to me to ask
 
 392 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 for writing-paper, on wliicli they wished the Moham- 
 medan magicians to scribble magic foiTtiulas. I 
 romidly refused their requests, and declared all 
 magic to be a sin against God. 
 
 I was much interested to-day in hearing some- 
 thing further respecting the Wadoe tribes, who dwell 
 to the south of the Wasegua land, and who are in 
 bad odour on account of their cannibalism. The 
 Wadoe are said to have ruled at one time over all 
 the country to the south of the Pangani, as far as the 
 Ngu momitains in the west, at which time, it seems, 
 the Wakamba inhabited Shikiani, near Sadan, oppo- 
 site the island of Zanzibar, and waged continual wars 
 with the Wadoe. But when the Wadoe were found 
 to drag into the forest the Wakamba whom they 
 had taken prisoners, and even the bodies of the slain, 
 and to cook and devour them, the Wakamba con- 
 ceived such a horror of the Wadoe that they 
 migrated fi'om their own country, and sought a 
 new home in the regions abandoned by the Gallas, 
 who are now in the interior, the neighbours of the 
 Wakamba. This tradition, I may add, hamionizes 
 with the information which I received in Ukambani, 
 — that the Wakamba had come from the south. My 
 informant remarked that the Wadoe at this day 
 drink out of the skulls of men whom thej^ some- 
 times devoiu'. 
 
 At the height of their power the Wadoe perpe- 
 trated great cruelties against the Mohanunedans of 
 the coast, upon which all the Moslems united, and 
 in a decisive battle so completely vanquished the
 
 SECOND JOUENEY TO USAMBARA. 393 
 
 cannibals that the latter have never since recovered 
 their former strength. In warfare they are said to 
 make use of shields of such size that five or six men 
 can conceal themselves behind one, a statement to 
 which I can scarcely give credence. The king of the 
 Wadoe, I was told, at one time sm'passed Kmeri 
 in power, and his officers were placed in regular 
 grades, and great order prevailed among them. I do 
 not doubt that at an earlier period there were 
 greater monarchies in East Afiica than any we find 
 there at this day. Probably the kingdom of ^Ethiopia 
 extended to the Equator, and in its decline gave the 
 African rulers a model of power and strengih. Out 
 of the ruins of the fallen state some of the chief 
 families founded monarchies of their own, which 
 kept their ground for a time, until, becoming more 
 and more feeble, as no individual of mark asrain 
 stepped forth to grasp the sceptre, they sank into the 
 republics of modern times. In our own day a dis- 
 integrating process is ever spreading among the 
 nations of Eastern Africa, and the East-Africans 
 themselves avow that things went better mth them 
 in their fathers' time ; that greater kings and chiefs 
 existed then than now, and that a new element must 
 be introduced among them. The descendants of 
 Ham have outlived themselves ; it is, therefore, evi- 
 dent that the descendants of Japheth must steer the 
 vessel by the might of Clrristianity, the only safe 
 rudder for East- Africa, as for all other continents. Tlie 
 Gospel alone can save Africa from complete destruc- 
 tion. Tliis is the impression wliich cannot fail of
 
 394 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 suggesting itself to others as it did to me in all the 
 countries which I visited. 
 
 One of the earlier kings of the Wadoe is said to 
 have formed the design of conquering the realm of 
 Usambara; but when he arrived in the vicinity of 
 the first mountain of the country, he is reported to 
 have observed a dense fog on it, which he took for the 
 smoke of tobacco-pipes. On this he concluded that 
 the number of the enemy must be so large that the 
 Wadoe army could effect nothing, and therefore it 
 would be wiser not to disturb these countless hosts 
 of tobacco-smokers upon their mountains. 
 
 ISth March. — To-day Kmeri sent a large ox for 
 myself and followers. In a general way we receive 
 daily either a sheep or a goat, so that we have no 
 lack of food. As the vizier has arrived to-day I shall 
 soon be able to see the king ; for without a present 
 to offer a stranger may not appear before the Simba 
 wa Muene ; and the main portion of my baggage, 
 containing the presents intended for the king, had 
 been left behind at Jumbi in the hands of the 
 vizier. 
 
 14:th March. — In the course of the afternoon 
 Kmeri came on foot to Fuga, preceded by a number 
 of soldiers who fired off their muskets, which 
 awoke a powerful echo among the hills. I stationed 
 myself by the side of the road to greet the king 
 in passing; and as soon as he saw me he stood 
 still and looked at me without saying a word, and 
 then went into tlie liut of his chief medicine man, 
 Osman. He wore over his ordinary dress a Boshuti, 
 
 I
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBAEA. 395 
 
 or a thick cloak of black cloth, to protect hini agamst 
 rain and cold, and, like most of the African potentates 
 whom I have seen, he went barefoot. After he had 
 seated himself on a bedstead in the hut he took, 
 without saying a word, a tobacco-pipe, and began to 
 smoke with great gra\T.ty, which in savage life is 
 unmistakable evidence of monarchical dignity. 
 
 A number of people from Fuga and other j^laces 
 came and addressed their sovereign with the words, 
 '' Simba," or " Shimba wa Muene," Lion of heaven, 
 or, as the expression may be also translated, Thyself, 
 thou art the lion ; to which his only reply was a 
 humming '' M," and those who had thus saluted him 
 retired to make room for another party ; so that, after 
 all, but for the more formal ceremonial, the levee of 
 a black king bears a strong affinity to that of his 
 white brother.* This ceremony being over, and only 
 a few courtiers with the chief medicine man, Osman, 
 surrounding him, I explained to the king why I had 
 not been able to fulfil the promise which I had made 
 in 18-i8 to return to him at an earlier period. I told 
 him that I had been twice to Ukambani, that then I 
 had visited my friends in Europe, and that I had been 
 prevented by my labours at Rabbai fr^om returning 
 earlier to Usambara. The king appeared to be satis- 
 fied with tliis explanation, and I retired to my hut. 
 Kmeri looked much older than in 1848, but he had the 
 same piercing eye as then. He is a large stout 
 man, in appearance very like Kivoi, whom I have 
 
 * Wheu the king coughed, the courtiers exclaimed, " Muisa."
 
 396 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 mentioned in the account of my journey to Ukam- 
 bani. 
 
 15ih March. — I heard to-day that the Mohammedan 
 magicians, Osman and Manioka, had advised the 
 king to refuse me permission to reside in Usambara, 
 on the pretext that wherever a Euro2)ean once plants 
 his foot, the whole country must soon fall into his 
 hands. I gave my informants to understand that if 
 the Mohammedans continued to intrigue against me, I 
 would denounce them to the English consul at Zanzibar, 
 and have them punished in an exemplary manner. 
 
 The king sent for me to tell me that he would 
 arrange every thing to my satisfaction as soon as he 
 had received the tribute brought by the vizier from 
 the coast, consisting of 200 pieces Americano, and a 
 number of oxen and sheep. Of the 200 pieces of cloth 
 the king retained 100 for himself and his wives, 
 giving forty-two to the vizier and his soldiers, 
 thirty-tln-ee to the head men of Fuga, and twenty- 
 five to Mbereko and his servants. After his majesty 
 had completed this important financial operation he 
 proceeded to sit in judgment on the relatives of a 
 criminal who, when the vizier was collecting tribute 
 in the village of Mringano, had shot three of his 
 soldiers, and taking to his heels had fled into the 
 forest, where he had not yet been discovered. His 
 relatives, however, were apprehended and brought 
 before the king, who, after hearing the report of the 
 vizier, pronounced the following sentence: — ^" The 
 kinsmen shall be confined in the state-prison until 
 the criminal is discovered and slain; and his children
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBAEA. 397 
 
 who have been apprehended shall be sold as slaves." 
 When the Simba wa Muene had pronounced this 
 sentence the soldiers twisted their garments into the 
 semblance of thick ropes, Tvdth which they bomid 
 the prisoners, who were carried off to the state- 
 dungeon. At the same time messengers were des- 
 patched to all the governors, ordering a search to be 
 made for the criminal, who, when found, was to be 
 despatched to Fuga. 
 
 16^^ March. — The presents which I delivered this 
 morning to the king consisted chiefly of knives, 
 beads, Americano, and some colom-ed articles from 
 Muscat. The coloured caps pleased him most. 
 Whilst the presents lay spread out before him a 
 heavy shower began to fall, penetrating the roof and 
 forcing the king to get the things hurriedly packed 
 away. I feel always sad when I am called upon to 
 bestow merely earthly gifts on a heathen. If the 
 heathen sought first the kingdom of God and his 
 righteousness, they would no longer ask a missionary 
 for earthly gifts; but so long as they only say, 
 ''What shall we eat? Wliat shall we drink? or 
 Wherewithal shall we be clothed?" — so long as no 
 higher motives induce them to allow missionaries 
 ingi'ess to tlieii' country, — so long must he accommo- 
 date himself to circumstances, until they come to prize 
 the spiritual treasures which he has to bestow, — and 
 then their craving for mere earthly gifts will cease of 
 itself The great matter in commencing is that 
 the missionary be admitted into and received in the 
 countrv, that he be allowed to dwell among the
 
 398 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 heathen, and to begin his spiritual labours. But this 
 can only be attained in a heathen land by his making 
 the friendship of its king or chiefs ; and such friend- 
 ship, in accordance with the notions of an African 
 ruler, cannot exist unless the friend bestows on him 
 a suitable present. A missionary has, therefore, to 
 choose between two courses : either he gives a pre- 
 sent and is admitted into the country, or he refuses 
 a present, and is consequently excluded from it, thus 
 closing at once the avenue to his sphere of useful- 
 ness ; for with the mendicant princes and chiefs of 
 Africa there is no third course. 
 
 I was sad at heart as I contemplated the old king, 
 lying on his bedstead, reverenced and flattered by 
 his courtiers and magicians, complacently surveying 
 his presents, or taking them in his hands and tm-ning 
 them over; for I was compelled to note his utter indif- 
 ference to the message of peace and of eternal happi- 
 ness which I would so gladly have offered him by 
 bearing testimony to the gospel of reconciliation. 
 Sitting at his feet and sighing inwardly, I waited 
 anxiously for the moment when it might be j)ossible 
 for me to engage the king in a conversation on spiritual 
 matters ; but the chattering of the people around him, 
 and his own love for the things of this world, did not 
 allow me to do more than to explain in a general way 
 the chief duties of a missionary. How bowed down 
 and penitent will these poor benighted rulers of this 
 darkened land be when they discover that they have 
 put off the day of salvation, and have despised the 
 offer of the great mercy which God has made them
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 399 
 
 through the least of his servants ! During the moments 
 which I passed at Kmeri's feet he might have received 
 what is of more value than his whole kingdom ; he 
 might have listened to words of everlasting life, which 
 would have laid the foundation of his true temporal 
 and spiritual happiness. And, besides, he might have 
 been instrumental in procuring the salvation of mil- 
 lions of souls in his own kingdom and in Eastern 
 Africa. I cannot, indeed, say that Kmeri refused 
 me the chief boon directly in question — the esta- 
 blishment of a missionary in his country; but it 
 pained me that he would not enter into any personal 
 relation with the Truth which, as a missionary, I 
 wished to testify to him. The more comforting it 
 was therefore to me when I was visited afterwards 
 by many of the people of Fuga, with whom I could 
 converse more explicitly and impressively than with 
 their prince, respecting the salvation of their souls. 
 
 I was much interested by what I heard of the 
 Ala, a dispersed little tribe which inhabit the forests 
 of the wilderness, and live by the chase. The Wa- 
 sambara call these people Wassi ; and the Wakuaii, 
 who look upon them as their slaves, call them Wan- 
 durobbo. A number of these Ala are said to dwell 
 in the vicinity of the Wakuafi in Masinde, and the 
 Pangani people repair to them continually to pur- 
 chase ivory. It seems as if the Ala were a surviving 
 remnant of the aboriginal inhabitants of Eastern 
 Africa; they are found in the interior and on the 
 coast, in Shimba, in the Wanika-land, and at Da- 
 luni and Bondei; and are neither agricultui-al nor
 
 400 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 pastoral, but live in the woods on the produce of 
 the chase ; so that wherever they kill an elephant or 
 other wild beast they remain until it is consumed. 
 They are said to speak a language which no other 
 East-Africans understand; and the Arabs maintain 
 that the Ala came originally from Arabia, and 
 therefore they will neither buy them nor sell them 
 as slaves. The Wanika of the Duruma tribe call 
 the Ala, Masaka, and are reported to have sold 
 many of them into slavery in the time of scarcity. 
 It would be interesting to know these people and 
 their language more closely, and it would be well 
 if some families of them could be induced to settle 
 among the missionaries, since history shows that 
 outcast, despised, and poor races, have accepted the 
 Gospel sooner than the poweiful and wealthy. 
 
 \7th March. — Mbereko, the captain of the king's 
 body-guard, informed me by command of the king, 
 that Kmeri had placed my affairs in his hands, and 
 that I need not doubt the bestowal of Tongue, Mringa, 
 or Pambire on me by the king, for a missionary 
 station. I expressed my gratitude for this kindness, 
 but requested that the king would confirm the assur- 
 ance with his own lips. Mbereko replied, that this 
 would be done when Kmeri bade me farewell. 
 
 \Wi March. — I repaired this morning to the king, 
 to take my leave, representing to him that I was 
 in haste to return before the rainy season set in, 
 when the rivers could no longer be passed, and 
 the ground would be extremely slippery. After 
 a short pause, using a kind of form, the king
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 401 
 
 said : ''I gi'ant the European his request without 
 reservation, and I commission thee, Mbereko, to 
 carry out my will." Mbereko then took the king's 
 right hand and pressed it against the king's body, 
 which is done to denote a kind of adjuratory assur- 
 ance. By this act Mbereko became my Mlaw, or 
 guide and intermediary ; for every governor, even 
 although he be the son of the king, must have a 
 Mlaw at the coiu-t of Fuga to whom he communi- 
 cates all his affairs, and who lays them before the 
 king. Mbereko is the Mlaw of the Pangani and 
 the Tongue districts. Here, again, there is an 
 affinity between the customs of Usambara and Abes- 
 sinia, as in the latter country, too, a stranger re- 
 quires to have a Balderaba, an introducer and inter- 
 mediary near the king. 
 
 After the king had finished the affairs of Tongue, 
 he ordered Mbereko to accompany me to the coast, 
 and then to give me an elephant's tusk and two 
 slaves ; and before starting I was to receive three 
 sheep for the journey. I accepted the offer of the 
 sheep, but declined that of the ivory and the slaves. 
 Before I left Fuga the king asked me for a final pre- 
 sent in the shape of an emetic, as he felt unwell ; so 
 I gave him twenty-seven grains of ipecacuanha, 
 which had the desired effect ; but I complied with his 
 wish rather reluctantly, fearing the consequences if 
 anything went wi'ong with him ; for the chief Mabewa 
 put a physician to death whose treatment of his wife 
 had been such that she expired under it. 
 
 19th March — Qth April. — To avoid, as much as
 
 402 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBAEA. 
 
 possible the mountain-regions of Usambara I re- 
 turned by a different route, and one which I had never 
 traversed before, keeping to the south and south-east, 
 wliilst leaving behind us the last mountain of Usam- 
 bara, and reaching the valley of Kerenge on the 
 21st of March. On the 30th we reached the vil- 
 lage of Pangani, where I waited for the arrival of 
 Mbereko, which took place to-day. I had daily 
 conversations with the natives of the place, who 
 visited me in considerable numbers. I felt great 
 commiseration for the Pangani people, who are like 
 lost sheep, without any other shepherd than the 
 false teachers of the Koran. Their chief occupations 
 are, gossiping, drumming, feasting, running into 
 the mosques, cheating those of whom they have 
 borrowed money, &c. The degradation of the 
 Mohammedans of this \dllage is very great, and one 
 cannot but admii'e the long-suffering of God, in 
 permitting such a people still to exist and to sink 
 thus low in the scale of humanity, trusting that in His 
 good time they may in consequence the more readily 
 discern the imposture of the Koran, and become 
 desii'ous of the truth as it is in Clnist, which is now 
 about to be proclauned to them by a Clnristian mission. 
 History shows that the Gospel generally reaches a 
 nation when it is on the brink of destruction, a cir- 
 cumstance sometimes ignorantly and maliciously 
 made use of by the enemies of missions, to ascribe 
 to the latter the ruin of the nations where they are 
 planted. 
 
 A little occurrence which happened in the house
 
 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 403 
 
 where I lodged, enabled me to realize, as it were, 
 to the people, the doctrine of Christ's atonement. 
 A boy, who often visited me to receive instruction 
 (so at least he said) stole a fishing-rod which 
 belonged to my servant, and the latter with the 
 consent of the lad's father tied his hands to a post 
 and gave him a sound flogging. I let the servant 
 flog away for a time, being convinced that the boy 
 deserved a severe chastisement for his thievish prac- 
 tices ; but at last I ordered him to be set at liberty, 
 promising the servant that I would make good the 
 loss of the fisliing-rod. The boy was untied and 
 dismissed in the presence of a number of Mohamme- 
 dans, who were standing round. '' See," I then 
 said, ''this boy has been restored to liberty because 
 I mediated for him, and made good the damage 
 which he had done ; in a much higher sense has 
 Jesus Christ, the Son of God, borne and made com- 
 pensation on the cross for your unrighteousness. If 
 you believe in Him, you will be saved from the 
 T\Tatli of God ; but if you persist in the rejection 
 of the only Saviour whom God has given you, you 
 mil call out in hell for deliverance, but will find 
 no mediator ; for Christ, whom I declare unto you, 
 is the only propitiation for om' sins; and not for 
 om^s only, but also for the sins of the whole world." 
 On the arrival of Mbereko at the Pangani I ac- 
 companied him in a small craft to Zanzibar, where 
 I was at once informed that Brother Rebmann had 
 returned with his wife from Eg}q3t, and had pro- 
 ceeded a fortnight pre\aously to Mombaz, whither I 
 
 D D
 
 404 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 followed liim in a few days, arranging before I 
 started for a boat to take the Mbereko back to the 
 Pangani. He was very grateful for all the kind- 
 ness shown him, and promised to do his utmost for 
 the gratification of my wishes. He had brought 
 with him to Zanzibar some elephants' tusks, but, 
 on account of their small size, did not meet with a 
 purchaser in the French merchant, whom he expected 
 to buy them. As in conformity with Kmeri's orders, 
 he sought to form connections with the European 
 merchants at Zanzibar, so as to obviate the necessity 
 of disposing of the products of Usambara through 
 the agency of the cheating Suahili, I furnished him 
 with the names of some European and American 
 mercantile firms to which he might apply, and forth- 
 with the envy and malice of the Suahili made use 
 of this circumstance to traduce me to the sultan and 
 the English consul at Zanzibar, to whom they repre- 
 sented that I had been conducting political intrigues 
 in Usambara ; a calumny for which they could not 
 offer the shadow of a proof. I was naturally a thorn 
 in the side of the Suahili, because I had taken a 
 IMkafiri (unbeliever) to Zanzibar, where he could see 
 with his own eyes things as they were, and report 
 accordingly to his master at Fuga. In this way an 
 exposure was made, once for all, of the deception 
 practised by the Suahili, who do their utmost to 
 prevent the inhabitants of the interior fi'om knowing 
 what is going on at the coast, as well as Em^opeans 
 fi'om coming personally in contact with the natives 
 of the interior, because they fear that such inter-
 
 SECOND JOUKNEY TO USAMBAEA. 405 
 
 coiu'se would give a blow to their monopoly of the 
 trade mth the interior, from which it would never 
 recover. 
 
 The following are among the results of this and 
 my former journey to Usambara : — 
 
 (1.) It is certain that the king of Usambara is now, 
 as previously, disposed to admit missionaries to his 
 country, and will allow them to select their own 
 locations. 
 
 (2.) Usambara is a country with many and large 
 villages, where a missionary can addi-ess masses of 
 people when he is once master of the language. 
 
 (3.) The natives are accustomed to order and to 
 obey their superiors. They are peaceable, and not 
 without intelligence, or a wish for self-improvement. 
 Drunkenness, mendicancy, and violence, are much 
 less common among them than among the repub- 
 lican tribes. 
 
 (4.) In time of peace a missionary can safely 
 roam about the country everywhere if he has but 
 secured the friendship of the king. 
 
 (5.) It is, however, indispensable that missionaries 
 should conduct themselves towards the king with all 
 respect, and carefully avoid the slightest semblance of 
 political interference in the affairs of the countiy. 
 It is also necessary for them to transmit to the king 
 occasionally a suitable present as a token of respect 
 and gratitude for benefits received: the provision, 
 for instance, made by the governors for their food, 
 lodging, the transport of their effects, &c. A 
 missionary must not suppose that because his is a 
 
 D D 2
 
 406 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 spiritual vocation, and he preaches the gospel to 
 the natives gratuitously, he is therefore to accept 
 the benefactions of the king without rendering 
 an equivalent. That were a folly of which he 
 would have to repent the consequences. On the 
 contrary, he must be grateful for everything, even 
 for the smallest trifle ; and he must distinctly show 
 his gratitude by deeds. True, he is not to court the 
 favour and friendship of the great and powerful of 
 the land ; but wherever their friendship falls to his 
 lot he is not to tlu'ow it away by failing in respect 
 and gratitude. Europeans often commit the fault 
 of not paying sufficient respect to a native ruler, 
 because they find in his demeanour to them that he 
 is coarse, given to begging, selfish, suspicious, and 
 unrefined ; so that it is, indeed, difficult to pay liim 
 always proper respect ; but a missionary must make 
 it a principle in that case, as in every other, to deny 
 himself for the sake of the Master whom he sei^v^es. 
 He must resolutely battle with and conquer every 
 tendency to show, in word or act, anger towards an 
 African ruler, be he great or small. And whilst he 
 must not expect much from the great and powei-ful 
 of the land, with regard to the salvation of theii' 
 souls and to the rendering by them of genuine 
 assistance in the promulgation of the gospel — for 
 " not many wise men after the flesh, not many 
 mighty, not many noble, are called" (1 Cor. i. 26) 
 — yet he must not let any opportunity slip of bring- 
 ing the gospel nigh unto them, as a testimony against 
 them in the day when the secrets of all hearts shall
 
 SECOND JOUKNEY TO USAMBARA. 407 
 
 be made known. Our Saviour himself had little 
 to do with the rulers of his age. He searched out the 
 poor, the sick, and sinners, and they yearned towards 
 him. Therefore I would advise a missionary in 
 Usambara not to remain too long in the A-icinity of 
 the king, in the hope or with the design of first con- 
 verting him and those who surround him. On the 
 contrary, he must keep as far as possible fi:om kings 
 and courts, and rather turn with his glad tidings 
 to the common people ; unless the king should 
 express a wish for him to instruct himself and his 
 sons out of the Word of God. The Jesuits have a 
 maxim that it is well to work first on the prince of 
 a country, and through him to influence liis subjects. 
 In his book ujDon Shoa M. Eochet has lu-gently 
 recommended this principle to the Romish mission- 
 aries ; but a Protestant missionary must act in strict 
 antagonism to it. He must appeal to the heart 
 and conscience of every man as he finds him, in the 
 conviction that the poorest and most insignificant 
 when they truly believe in Christ and are born of 
 God, are more worthy, and contribute more to the 
 extension of Christianity by their prayers and reli- 
 gious life, than is possible in the case of any ruler 
 who simulates Christianity from worldly motives, and 
 seeks by mere force to spread its doctrines. 
 
 (6.) As regards the means of transj^ort available 
 to missionaries in this country, my journey to it 
 proves that there are no great difficulties to be over- 
 come. In the first place, the governors are bound 
 to have the eff'ects of a traveller transported by their
 
 408 SECOND JOURNEY TO USAMBARA. 
 
 peasants or soldiers; in the second place, even 
 were this not the case, and a missionary should prefer 
 to travel at his own expense, he can always, for half 
 a dollar or a dollar, hire people to go a tolerable 
 distance. 
 
 (7.) All personal necessaries required by a mis- 
 sionary, if not to be had in the country, can be 
 prociu-ed from Zanzibar, which is nearer than Rabbai 
 and Mombaz to Bondei and Usambara. 
 
 (8). No country can be better suited than Usam- 
 bara for the extension of the gospel in the interior. 
 Missionaries can proceed fr^om it to the Wasegua, 
 to Pare, Jagga, Ngu, Unguenu, Uniamesi, and even, 
 starting fi'om Masinde, to the savage Wakuafi. 
 
 (9.) In the Alpine country, the climate cannot 
 be other than favourable to the constitution of 
 Europeans, although they must be prepared for an 
 attack of fever of longer or shorter duration ; for as 
 yet, no European in any African country what- 
 ever has wholly escaped the attacks of fever, and it 
 is, once for all, an inevitable ingredient in the cup 
 which must be drunk by every missionary in East 
 Afi'ica, who wishes to preach Christ, and him 
 crucified. 
 
 END OF PART II.
 
 PART III. 
 
 GEOGRAPHY, TOPOGRAPHY, 
 AND HISTORY. 
 
 THE SOUTH SrAHILI COAST— AEESSIXIA—EEBMAXX 
 IN U^^IAMESI— EEHAEDT O:^ THE WAIN^IEA LAN^D— 
 
 se:etch of THE HISTORY OF eastee:n' AFEICA.
 
 411 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 VOYAGE FROM MOMBAZ TO CAPE DELGADO. 
 
 Importance of the Yoyage — Under way — Tiwi — "Wanika fisher- 
 men — Palm wine — Narrow escape from drowning — Magugu 
 missionaries and Mohammedans — Tanga Bay — Yiew of the TJsam- 
 bara mountains — A travelled Suahili — Tangata and its Divani — 
 Buyeni — The coast southward and its inhabitants — Msasani — 
 Mtotana — Caravan from Uniamesi — Maisan and his murder — 
 Sinda — Jole — The cowrie trade — The Banian's sandbank — 
 Kiloa Kibenje — Slave-catching in the interior — The Niassa 
 country — Kiloa Kisiwani — Kisueri — Muania — Mkindani — The 
 Lufuma — To Zanzibar again — Ketum to Europe. 
 
 Before returning to Europe and re-visiting my 
 native country, which I had not seen since 1837, 
 in February 1850 I wished to survey personally the 
 whole of the coast south from Mombaz as far as the 
 Portuguese settlements at Mozambique. With the 
 coast from Mombaz to Zanzibar I had long been 
 familiar; but from that island to Kila and Cape 
 Delgado or Tungue, where Arab rule ceases and that 
 of Portugal begins, the coast had not been visited by 
 me ; and yet it is most important that the friends 
 of missionary labour, who are seeking to encircle the 
 whole of Africa with missions in order to bring this 
 great continent under the ride of the Gospel, should 
 also obtain some knowledge of this unexplored por- 
 tion of the East-African coast, and thus become
 
 412 VOYAGE FROM MOMBAZ TO CAPE DELGADO. 
 
 better acquainted with the various routes by which 
 messengers of the Gospel may press forward to some 
 common centre, which in my opinion is Uniamesi, 
 the great country of the interior, towards wliich 
 missionaries from east, west, and south should con- 
 verge ; as from Uniamesi they can reach the inmmie- 
 rable tribes of Central Africa by water in all direc- 
 tions. 
 
 On the 2nd of February I made arrangements at 
 Mombaz with the skipper of a small Suahili vessel 
 to take my fellow-laboui^er Erhardt and myself to 
 all the important havens and to^ais, or villages, 
 south of Mombaz as far as Cape Delgado. On the 
 4th of February we sailed with a favourable wind 
 from the harboui' of Mombaz, and in accordance 
 with our agreement our Suahili captain was to hug 
 the shore as closely as possible, so that we might 
 survey the entire line of coast. Skiiiing a portion 
 of the shore of the Wadigo-land, with its abundant 
 groves, shrubs, and palm-trees, we sighted the 
 Kinika village Niali, lying almost concealed in a 
 grove of cocoanut-trees, and made for the haven of 
 Tiwi, where we were to pass the night. Seeing on 
 the shore a nmnber of Wanika of the Wadigo tribe 
 catching fish, partly with nets, partly with long and 
 broad pieces of cloth which they dexterously and 
 quickly drew together in the water by the four 
 corners, I told our skipper to launch our canoe, 
 consisting of the trunk of a tree hollowed out which 
 sers^ed as a boat, and to pull me to the natives, while 
 Erhardt remained on board-ship. After some diffi-
 
 VOYAGE FROM MOMBAZ TO CAPE DELGADO. 413 
 
 culty, GUI' frail bark having to contend with a heavy 
 surf, whilst I had to lie on my back while a Suahili 
 sailor paddled, we reached land, where I was soon 
 surrounded by the Wanika, who listened for some 
 minutes attentively to what I had to say, till I asked 
 them to conduct me to the chief of their village, 
 which lies half a league to the west of the shore ; 
 upon which one of them inquii-ed what my presents 
 for the chief were, and what reward I would give 
 the guide ? I replied that I was the bearer of 
 heavenly treasures to the chief and his people, 
 pointing to the Bible, which I held in my hand. 
 The effect produced by this declaration was, that 
 some of the people ran away, a few continued to 
 listen, and others forthwith remarked that it was 
 now time to di'ink tembo, palm-wine, and they 
 must go home. As they would not conduct me to 
 their village, and finding the tide coming in so as to 
 render the lagune leading to the village impassable, 
 I resolved to return to the ship ; but wind and waves 
 were against us, and just when we were nearing her 
 we were driven back towards the shore, not far from 
 which the boat capsized, and I fell backwards into 
 the sea. Fortunately the water was not very deep, 
 otherwise probably I should have been drowned, as 
 I cannot swim. We tried again to reach the vessel, 
 but the rain and the wind and waves drove the 
 frail bark always back towards the shore ; so there 
 was no help for it but to wait till midnight, when 
 the wind generally abates. Near the shore lay a 
 large boat, in which we took refuge to shelter our-
 
 414 VOYAGE FROM MOMBAZ TO CAPE DELGADO. 
 
 selves fi'om the chills of evening, ^Yhich I felt all 
 the more as my clothes were wet. Erhardt, how- 
 ever, who was very anxious about me, got the skipper 
 to despatch a larger boat ' for me after dusk, which 
 entered the haven during the evening, when I got 
 into it and reached our vessel safely, and gave thanks 
 to God for my preservation. 
 
 On the morning of the 5th of February we set 
 sail again, hugging the shore as closely as possible. 
 The coast here is very low and woody, and much 
 honey-combed by the sea. In general the East- African 
 coast southward from the Equator has been veiy much 
 worn by the sea ; whence the many islets and coral- 
 reefs, which though in some resj)ects commodious for 
 coasting vessels are at the same time very dangerous. 
 In the afternoon we ran into the bay of Wassin, 
 where we saw distinctly Kirugu, Mrima, and Jombo, 
 all inhabited by Wadigo-AYanika ; and om* thoughts 
 naturally led us to people these mountains with 
 converts to Christianity rejoicing in the truths of 
 the Gospel. In the evening we anchored in the 
 little bight of Wanga and Magugu, two Mohamme- 
 dan villages which are only a few feet above the 
 level of the sea, and in the morning we paid the 
 villages a visit. In Magugu we found some relatives 
 of Bana Kheri, who had formerly been my guide, 
 and wlio had accompanied Rebmann more than 
 once to Jagga, all of whom had heard long before 
 that Bana Kheri liad been killed on liis last jour- 
 ney from Jagga. I tried to engage the people of 
 Magugu in religious conversation ; but it was -svith 
 
 r
 
 VOYAGE FROM MOMBAZ TO CAPE DELGADO. 415 
 
 them as it is always with Mohammedans ; for as soon 
 as mention was made of the divinity of Christ, they 
 began to wrangle and to say, " God has no son ; 
 neither is He begotten nor begets." In the vicinity 
 of Wanga dwell Wasegeju, who are for the most 
 paii; at war with the Wadigo-Wanika ; and the 
 people of Wanga have much intercom-se with the 
 interior, with the Wanika, Wasegeju, Waschinsi, 
 Wasambara, and even go as far as Dafeta and 
 Jagga to trade and hunt. 
 
 On the 7th we weighed anchor very early, and by 
 noon arrived at the noble bight of Tanga, where we 
 landed. It was with peculiar thoughts and feelings 
 that again I trod this soil. It was in the year 1844 
 that for the first time I saw this coast and the lofty 
 mountains of Usambara, those ramparts of East- 
 African heathenism; then it all lay obscure and 
 unexplored before me ; but now I sailed past with 
 very different sensations. The consciousness that 
 my feet had penetrated yonder, that my heart had 
 prayed to the Lord on the heights of Usambara, and 
 had commended the whole heathen world around to 
 His mercy ; that my lips had been permitted here 
 and there to announce the message of peace both 
 elevated and upheld me. 
 
 Before we landed we received a visit from a 
 Suahili soldier who had visited England, and could 
 thus speak a little English. He had been to London 
 in a trading vessel belonging to the Sultan of 
 Zanzibar, and during two years of illness he had 
 spent a considerable portion in the marine hospital
 
 416 VOYAGE FROM MOMBAZ TO CAPE DELGADO. 
 
 there, until an Englishman took him to Bombay, 
 whence he had returned to Africa. Whilst we were 
 talking with him we heard a noise of shouting and 
 fire-arms discharged in tlie villages Kiumbageni 
 and Mkokoaiii, which at first rather startled us. 
 We soon ascertained, however, that a caravan of 
 traders had arrived from the country of the Masai 
 in the interior ; having made a circuit round Usam- 
 bara, eastward, northward, and westward, journey- 
 ing to Dafeta, and thence to the mountain Mlozo, 
 which is occupied by the Masai, and in the vicinity 
 of which there are elephants in abundance. From 
 our friend the Suahili sailor we learned that the 
 people of Tanga give the ivory-bearers who go to 
 Mlozo ten dollars for their services, and for this, 
 each bearer carries there and back again a heavy 
 load of fifty-four pounds, and is often absent for 
 six months. At Tanga, too, I heard that king 
 Kmeri was anxiously expecting me. 
 
 On the 9th of February, we sailed for Tangata, 
 or Tagnata as it is often called, and on landing 
 met with a friendly reception from the harbour- 
 master. A Banian immediately smnmoned the 
 Divan, who paid me every respect. Divani (man 
 of the divan) is the title of a head-man or governor, 
 appointed by Kmeri to uphold his influence among 
 the Suahili on the coast, whom he considers to be 
 his subjects. If any one Avishes to become a Divani 
 he must make the king a suitable present and, over 
 and above, be recognised and confii-med by the 
 Sultan of Zanzibar, who makes the candidate a
 
 VOYAGE FROM MOMBAZ TO CAPE DELGADO. 417 
 
 present that he may not lose sight of the sultan's 
 interests should they run counter to those of the king 
 of Usambara. Thus the Divani must receive the 
 assent of the sovereign by sea, as well as of the 
 sovereign by land, when he alone may do what is 
 allowed to no one else, wear a particular kind of 
 sandal, carry a state-umbrella, and have musicians 
 going in procession before him. At Tangata I was 
 again asked when I intended to return to Kmeri, 
 a question which perplexed me not a little. We 
 also heard there that the ivory-traders have to pay 
 two dollars by way of duty on every farasala 
 (equivalent to thii'ty-six pounds weight) that comes 
 from the Wadigo-land ; and that if it comes fr^om 
 Jagga and Usambara the duty is four dollars ; 
 if from Uniamesi, twelve dollars. In Mombaz the 
 import-duty levied upon ivory amounts to tln'ee 
 dollars per farasala. These duties go to the Sultan 
 of Zanzibar, who, in a general way, does not trouble 
 himself about this coast except in so far as regards 
 its trade. 
 
 On the 10th of February we left Tangata and 
 reached the mouth of the river Pangani at four in 
 the afternoon. Here, too, I was asked, on landing, 
 when I would return to Kmeri, and what answer 
 I wished taken to the king at Fuga respecting 
 my journey thither. I sent greetings and a message 
 that I was now journeying to Mgau, and should 
 then proceed to Europe ; but that after my retui-n 
 from home my best thoughts should be devoted to 
 him.
 
 418 VOYAGE FROM MOMB.VZ TO CAPE DELGADO. 
 
 In the village of Buyeni to the south of the Pan- 
 gani, I visited the governor, who asked, among 
 other things, why the English attempted everywhere 
 to put down the slave-trade. I replied, that their 
 prohibition of it was based upon the divine com- 
 mand, " Thou slialt love thy neighbour as thyself" 
 The governor then asked me whether the English 
 consul in Zanzibar protected only Serkali people, 
 that is, his fellow-countrymen, or whether other 
 persons came also within his jmisdiction and under 
 his protection ; to which I answered that every consul 
 had to protect all the subjects of his sovereign ; 
 and that, therefore, the English consul took under 
 his protection the Banians also, because, though not 
 his own countrymen, they were subjects of the 
 British crown. This reply delighted the Banian 
 who was seated by the governor's side. 
 
 On the 11th we sailed from the mouth of the Pan- 
 gani along a coast with which I had been hitherto 
 unacquainted. The section of it which we were 
 now to skii't is inhabited by the following tribes: — 
 First, there are the heathen Wasegua, who begin 
 at the south bank of the Pangani, and cease with 
 the Suahili village, Sadan, which is opposite to 
 Zanzibar, and form several sub-divisions. Second, 
 south from the Wasegua are the Wadoie, who are 
 said to be cannibals, but this is scarcely credible ; 
 third, to the south of the Wadoie follow the Wa- 
 seramu ; then, fom^th, the Wakatoa ; fifth, the Wat- 
 umbi ; sixth, the Wagnindo ; seventh, the Wamuera 
 at Kiloa Kilenje ; eighth, the Makonde ; and ninth,
 
 VOYAGE FROM MOMBAZ TO CAPE DELGADO. 419 
 
 the Makua, with whom begins the portion of the sea- 
 coast belonging to the Portuguese. With all these 
 tribes the Suahili inhabiting the seaboard main- 
 tain friendly relations ; all of them are, if not 
 directly, more or less indirectly, subject to the rule 
 of the Sultan of Zanzibar ; and heathen and Moham- 
 medan find it their interest to live on peaceful terms 
 with each other. The Wasegua-coast is very low, 
 and does not possess a single good harbom\ Among 
 these tribes the slave-trade has flourished hitherto 
 to a frightful extent, chiefly owing to the encourage- 
 ment of the Arabs of Zanzibar. 
 
 12th February. — The violence of the north wind 
 forced us to remain all day in the harbom- of Msa- 
 sami, where we had anchored yesterday evening. 
 Our skip2)er, who belonged to the Wamuera-tribe 
 and was born at Kiloa, told us that many years ago 
 he had jom-neyed with a caravan fr-om Kiloa to 
 the country of the Wahiau, near Lake Niassa. 
 The route into the interior was good and level, and 
 from Kiloa he came to Lingabm^a ; then to Kiturika, 
 places in the territory of the Wamuera; then to 
 Jipera, MbuemkmTo, Mkm-a, Mkarre, Lujanda (a 
 river), and, finally, to Keringo and Ripeta, where 
 the caravan procm-ed slaves and ivory, the latter 
 being brought by the Waniassa fr'om the western 
 side of the lake. The Waniassa construct light but 
 water-tight boats of the bark of trees, in which they 
 cross the lake to buy ivory fr-om the Mawisa-tribes. 
 They make clothes, too, out of the bast of a tree. 
 The river Lufuma or Rufiima is said to have its 
 
 E E
 
 420 VOYAGE FROM MOMBAZ TO CAPE DELGADO. 
 
 source in the Niassa, wHch must mean in the eastern 
 shore of the lake. 
 
 ISth Februarf/.' — At four in the afternoon we an- 
 chored in the haven of the village Mtotana, where we 
 met a large caravan of people belonging to the tribe 
 Ukimbu in Uniamesi. These people who came 
 with their wives and children from the interior and 
 lived in small huts by the seashore, told me that 
 they had spent tliree months on the jom^ney; and 
 had brought slaves and ivory. Their figures and 
 features were by no means unsightly ; indeed many 
 were of tall stature. I could understand a good deal 
 of what they said, which proves that their language 
 belongs to the great South- Afiican family. One of 
 them said that he had been in Sofala, and brought 
 copper thence ; and they seem also to be acquainted 
 with the west coast of Africa. The great lake in 
 Uniamesi, they said, ebbs and flows, a remark which 
 struck me, as it must others, as important. They 
 asked me whether it was true, as they had heard 
 from the Suahili in the interior, that Em^opeans were 
 cannibals ? so I explained to them that the Suahili 
 calumniated Europeans to the tribes of the interior, 
 in order to prevent any direct intercourse between 
 the two, which would tend to destroy the Suahili 
 monopoly of trade. I was anxious and took pains to 
 give the Uniamesi people an accurate notion of Chris- 
 tianity and of Europeans ; and told them that one of 
 these days I would visit Uniamesi, when they said I 
 had only to come, and I should be well treated. 
 At Mtotana I saw a Suahili formerly in the
 
 VOYAGE FROM MOMBAZ TO C.\PE DELGADO. 421 
 
 service of M. Maisan, a Frenchmanj who was mui'- 
 dered by the Washinsi some three days' journey 
 from the coast in the year 1847, in the course of an 
 expedition to Uniamesi, wliilst proceeding into the 
 interior by way of Buyani. AVhen he had reached 
 the chief of the Washinsi, that petty ruler thought 
 fit to covet the chests of the traveller which he 
 fancied were filled with dollars ; so he surrounded 
 by night the house in wliich M. Maisan lodged, and 
 first attacked his servants. Roused by the cries of 
 the d}^g M. Maisan discharged his gun at the assail- 
 ants, but at the same moment fell pierced by their 
 spears. Then the chief set fire to the house, upon 
 which three of the mm-dered man's servants who 
 survived took to flight. When the Sultan of Zan- 
 zibar heard of this atrocious crime he sent 200 
 soldiers to arrest the chief, who it seems had made 
 his escape, and so one of his kinsmen was seized in 
 his stead and carried to Zanzibar. 
 
 14^"^ February, — There was but little mnd, so we 
 got no farther to-day than to the small island of 
 Sinda, and here we met again with many trading 
 people from Uniamesi who build little huts on the 
 strand, and stay in them until they return homeward. 
 The Uniamesi caravans consist generally of from 
 three to four thousand men, that they may be strong 
 enough to defend themselves on the way from the 
 attacks of hostile tribes. These people had been here 
 for several months ; for they leave Uniamesi in Sep- 
 tember, and arrive in December at the coast; and 
 return home again in March and April. 
 
 E E 2
 
 422 VOYAGE FROM MOMBAZ TO CAPE DELGADO. 
 
 16th February. — We passed the small islands of 
 Sliungimbili and Niovro, probably the same which 
 are called on the maps '' Latham's Islands," contain- 
 ing guano, which our skipper told us was most 
 abundant though much spoilt by the rain. The 
 coast opposite is very low, but fertile, the sight of 
 which led one of the sailors to shout, "Hindi Bas- 
 tani Belad ya Baniani," India is a garden and 
 the land of the Banians. In the afternoon we 
 reached the island Mafia, wrongly named Monfia on 
 the maps, and anchored at Kisiman Mafia. 
 
 17 th February. — In the harbour of Kisiman Mafia 
 was a ship fi?om Kiloa with thirty slaves, who were 
 being carried to Zanzibar. The captain of the ship 
 wished to buy rice ft'om us, as his slaves had nothing 
 to eat ; but we were in the same predicament, and 
 very glad to reach the noble island of Jole, where 
 water-melons, cassave, rice, Indian corn, cocoanuts, 
 and many other good things were procm'able. In 
 Jole there has lately sprung up an important 
 trade in cowries, of which there is an abundance on 
 this coast, these shells being bought by traders 
 from Zanzibar, who dispose of them to Europeans 
 there, by whom they are sent to the west coast of 
 Africa where, as is well known, they form the 
 currency. We were told that two measures of cow- 
 ries were given for one measure of rice. 
 
 l^tli February. — At noon we passed the islands 
 Songosongo and Pumbafu, and then the sandbank 
 called " Fungu ya Baniana," Banian's Sandbank, so 
 named from a Banian who perished there, having
 
 VOYAGE FROM MOMBAZ TO CAPE DELGADO. 423 
 
 been landed on it from an Arabian ship in order to 
 prepare liis food, as no one who does not belong to 
 their caste must look on during the preparation of 
 their food by their Banians. The captain, however, 
 set sail during the process and abandoned the un- 
 happy Banian to his fate. 
 
 At four in the afternoon we arrived at the har- 
 bour of Kiloa Kibenje, the most important town 
 on the coast between Mozambique and Zanzibar^ 
 with from twelve to fifteen thousand inhabitants, the 
 centre of the trade of those regions, and the con- 
 fluence, as it were, of the two streams of wealth 
 flowing from north and south. It drives a very con- 
 siderable trade in ivory, rice, copal, tobacco, and es- 
 pecially in slaves, which are brought from Uniamesi, 
 and fr'om the regions of the lake Niassa. From ten 
 to twelve thousand slaves are said to pass yearly 
 tln'ough Kiloa on their way to the various ports of 
 the Suahili coast and to Arabia, and we saw many 
 gangs of from six to ten slaves chained to each other, 
 and obliged to carry burdens on their heads. In 
 this country the life of a man is of small moment, 
 and one would almost be led to wonder why God in 
 His mercy affixes no limits to such horrors and such 
 violations of the laws of humanity, if in the remem- 
 brance of what horrors these slaves would have 
 had to submit to in their own country, we did not 
 see cause to acknowledge, even in this vile traffic, 
 how by luuTian agency, alone. He works out His in- 
 scrutable purposes. 
 
 The Waliiau, who are in the habit of coming to
 
 424 VOYAGE FROM MOMBAZ TO CAPE DELGADO. 
 
 Kiloa, are said often treacherously to sell each other 
 to the Suahili. One kinsman will send another to 
 the house of a Suahili, on the pretence that there is 
 something there for him to fetch back, when the 
 Suahili, with whom the bargain has already been 
 struck, closes the door upon the victim and chains 
 him, and keeps him so chained until there is an 
 opportunity of selling him and shipping him to Zan- 
 zibar or Arabia. Although the Sultan of Zanzibar 
 has prohibited the slave-trade with Arabia, yet 
 many slave-ships proceed there annually, starting 
 from Kiloa and sailing round Zanzibar on the eastern 
 side of the island, so as to evade the sultan's police ; 
 and slaves are often smuggled to Arabia by the aid 
 of a declaration of the captain that they are sailors. 
 Many a Wahiau and Waniassa, returning from Kiloa 
 to his own country, is caught at night in a snare, 
 laid in the way by the Wamueras to entrap travellers 
 after dark, when the captive has a forked-like piece 
 of wood placed round his neck, and his hands bound, 
 and so the poor wretch is taken to Kiloa. The 
 Waniassa are placed on shipboard with their hands 
 bound, nor are they unloosed until the ship is out at 
 sea, far from shore, lest accustomed as they are at 
 home to swimming in their lake Niassa, they might 
 attempt to escape by plunging into the sea. The 
 caravans start in March from Kiloa for the Niassa 
 country, which is still the chief seat of the East- 
 African slave-trade, and they retm'n again in Novem- 
 ber. Tliey must, however, be strong enough to de- 
 fend themselves on the way against the vai^ious chiefs
 
 VOYAGE FROM MOMBAZ TO CAPE DELGADO. 425 
 
 and tribes. From Kiloa you can reach the lake 
 Niassa, commonly termed on the maps Mora^vd, it 
 seems in fifteen or twenty days (even in ten days, 
 according to some.) May Heaven soon grant to the 
 friends of missionary teaching opportunities of spread- 
 ing the Gospel thi'oughout the benighted regions 
 round lake Niassa, and of establishing one missionary 
 station after another I From that central region the 
 Gospel might soon penetrate ftirther, southward, west- 
 ward, and northward, and for this the naA^igation of 
 the lake itself cannot but afford great facilities. 
 
 On the 21st we left Kiloa Kibenje, and sailed 
 to Kiloa Kisiwani, or Kiloa-island, the other Kiloa 
 being on the mainland, Kiloa Kisiwani rising just 
 above the level of the sea, which is encroaching 
 more and more upon the island. We noticed that a 
 portion of the little fortress had been tlrrown down 
 by the force of the ocean, and that the fall of one of 
 the towers was hourly threatened, though when the 
 fort was first built the sea must have been a good 
 distance from its foundations, but now the walls, 
 to a height of four or five feet, are splashed by its 
 waves. In Zanzibar, likewise, the encroachment of 
 the sea and the submersion of the dry land are ob- 
 servable. The East-African coast is, as it were, 
 emblematical of the social condition of the people ; 
 both are in a state of decadence. A new element 
 must be introduced on it creating a new life and 
 sweeping away the mouldy and rotten old. 
 
 I visited the commandant of the fort, an elderly 
 and venerable Beloochee, whose demeanom- was very
 
 426 VOYAGE FROM MOMBAZ TO CAPE DELGADO. 
 
 courteous, and who inquired earnestly whether the 
 Englisli had defeated the Sikhs and annexed the 
 Punjaub to theii' Indian empire. The fort is a good 
 square stone building -with a tower at each corner, 
 and room for a considerable garrison ; but it is now 
 garrisoned only by a few Beloochees in the service 
 of the Sultan of Zanzibar, who claims this island 
 which belonged formerly to the Portuguese. In 1505 
 the Portuguese admiral, Francisco d'Almeyda, landed 
 mth 700 men and conquered and burnt the to^^i 
 upon the island ; and a fort was subsequently built on 
 it by the Portuguese, but not long retained, the un- 
 healthy climate sweeping off its European garrisons. 
 After the departure of the Portuguese the Kiloans 
 had governors of their own until these w^ere sup- 
 planted by the Imam of Muscat, who took possession 
 of the island in the course of last centmy, at the time 
 when the French thought of making Ealoa a slave- 
 depot. 
 
 I wandered for awhile through the ruined city, 
 where I was particularly attracted by the remains of 
 an old and large mosque built in the Eg}"]^)tian style. 
 In the time of its prosperity the island is said to have 
 contained 300 mosques, which naturally suggests a 
 very numerous population ; but in the way of inha- 
 bited buildings, it now contains only some huts 
 tenanted by Suahili. This is all that remains of the 
 once great Kiloat-el-Muluk, Kiloa the Mistress, as the 
 Arabs call lier. Undoubtedly she had been for- 
 merly, like Kiloa Kibenje, a metropolis of the 
 slave-trade, but now she has become herself a slave
 
 VOYAGE FEOM MOMBAZ TO CAPE DELGADO. 427 
 
 and dmndled into a wretched place, whose former 
 glories have all departed for ever. The best thing 
 that could be done with Kiloa-island would be to 
 establish on it a colony like that of Sierra Leone ; 
 as in such a colony, slaves captured at sea by the 
 English might be settled, instructed, and made 
 useful in aiding the civilization of Eastern Africa. 
 
 22^^?, 23rd Febniari/. — Yesterday we anchored in 
 the fine bay of Kisueri, and to-day in that of Lindi, 
 which is still larger and more romantic than that of 
 Kisueri ; in fact, south of Kiloa the coast begins to 
 be altogether very interesting. We anchored facing 
 Muitinge, a village which had been burnt a year 
 before by command of the Imam to punish the 
 inhabitants for having, contrary to the law of 1847, 
 entered into relations with a Portuguese slave-ship, 
 when the governor of Kiloa was commissioned to de- 
 stroy the village through the instrumentality both of 
 a land and of a sea force. The bights and bays of 
 this coast generally look as if they had been pur- 
 posely constructed to harbour slave -shij^s, and for- 
 merly they must here have carried on their horrible 
 traffic undisturbed and unseen. But now tlieu^ occu- 
 pation, at least in so far as regards European slavers, 
 has been destroyed by the influence of the English, 
 though the Suahili may continue the traffic in slaves 
 without let or hindi'ance, provided they do not carry 
 it on south or north, in the limits of the jurisdiction 
 of the Sultan of Zanzibar, or with Europeans and 
 Americans, but merely with Africans, according to the 
 provisions of the Anglo- Arabian convention of 1847.
 
 428 VOYAGE FROM MOMBAZ TO CAPE DELGADO. 
 
 On the 24th we sailed to the biglit of Muania 
 where we met numbers of people. Some of them 
 asked us immediately whether we did not wish 
 to visit lake Niassa, as they would be happy to 
 guide us to it. Others asked whether we would not 
 buy cowries. The governor of Muania said, '' Re- 
 main here ; build a house and do whatever you 
 please; you will be welcome to me." I had told 
 him that we were travelling about to announce to 
 the people the Word of God, as we do at Rabbai. 
 The people of Muania had heard of us before, and, 
 indeed, along the whole coast our residence at Mom- 
 baz was talked of; so we needed no letters of recom- 
 mendation to the governors in that quarter. 
 
 It was melancholy to notice at all these places 
 the evil influence which the trade vdth Europe, 
 centred at Zanzibar, had begun to exert on the 
 people. Brandy was everjnvhere asked for by the 
 natives, even by the governors and their soldiers ; for 
 the love of brandy has spread rapidly among these 
 Mohanmiedans. It is French brandy mainly that is 
 imported into this region. What if this increasing 
 love of ardent spirits should eventually break up the 
 false religion of their prophet, and so great good 
 come out of the evil ? On the other hand, European 
 commerce with the coast has done a great deal of 
 good by introducing more life and activity among 
 the Suahili, who at last must arrive at the conclusion, 
 that they have a great deal more to gain by legiti- 
 mate commerce than by the slave-trade. 
 
 On the 25tli we reached the great bight of
 
 VOYAGE FROM MOMBAZ TO CAPE DELGADO. 429 
 
 Mkindani, surrounded on both sides by hamlets. We 
 anchored near the village of Pemba on the north 
 side, which is scarcely above the level of the sea. 
 The people soon gathered round us in large num- 
 bers, and I had some religious conversation with 
 them. Those of Mkindani often journey to the lake 
 Niassa, and declared themselves ready to accompany 
 us to it if we would give them brandy. 
 
 On the evening of the 26th we reached the bight, 
 which forms the estuary of the river Lufiima. The 
 coast round its mouth lies very low, and there seem 
 to be rocks at the entrance of the river ; but as the 
 wind ceased to blow just when we arrived, we could 
 not go closer and run up the mouth of the river. There 
 are no inhabitants in the neighbourhood, which seems 
 to indicate that the river at its mouth is of no im- 
 portance. In the diy season it is said to be but a few 
 feet deep, but quite impassable in the rainy season. 
 Our skipper assured me repeatedly that this river had 
 its source in Lake Niassa : and if so, it is very desir- 
 able that the Lufiima should be explored by a small 
 steam-boat as far as it is navigable. To the south of 
 the river is Cape Delgado, apparently called Suahu 
 by the Suahili in latitude 10° 41' 2" south, and 
 longitude 40° 34' 6" east. In its vicinity is the vil- 
 lage of Tungue which belongs to the jurisdiction of 
 the Sultan of Zanzibar ; but the region lying farther 
 south is under the rule of the Portuguese in Mozam- 
 bique. We had now completed our vo^^age, the con- 
 clusion of which we were heartily glad of, as day after 
 day we had felt more and more the hardships of our
 
 430 VOYAGE FROM MOMBAZ TO CAPE DELGADO. 
 
 life on board ship, as our food became more scanty 
 and poorer, and the increasing rain was a source of 
 continual annoyance. Yet no less heartily did we 
 feel the desire that this first visit of the messengers 
 of Peace, proclaiming here and there but a syllable 
 of the Word of Life, might herald the da^m of a 
 brighter day, so that these regions may become not 
 only better known to the geographer, but gradually 
 more and more lighted up by the truths of the Gospel. 
 
 On our return-voyage we saw at Kisueri two 
 ships filled with men. We were told that they were 
 only sailors, but it was clear that they were slaves, 
 who, under this jDretext, were to be transported to Mo- 
 zambique. Another Arabian ship had, it was said, 
 forty chests of brandy on board, bought on the coast, 
 to be carried to Mozambique ; but I was told, that 
 at Mozambique slaves were often brought on board 
 ship packed in chests, to escape detection by the 
 police of the harbour. 
 
 On the 5th of March we reached again Kiloa 
 Kibenje, where the governor, who tried to make 
 himself agi'eeable to us in every possible way, gave 
 us a capital dinner in the Arabian fashion. He told 
 us that, even if we arrived at night, the gates of the 
 toTVTi would be opened to us, since the English and 
 the Sultan of Zanzibar were the very best of friends. 
 He also told us of a Suahili, who had journeyed 
 fi:om Kiloa to the lake Niassa, and thence to Lo- 
 ango on the western coast of Afi-ica. 
 
 In the afternoon of the 12th of March after a 
 tedious passage we arrived at Zanzibar, where Major
 
 VOYAGE FROM MOMBAZ TO CAPE DELGADO. 431 
 
 Hamerton, the English consul, received us with his 
 usual hospitality. On the 16th we quitted Zan- 
 zibar, arriving on the 20th at Mombaz, and on the 
 23rd at Rabbai, where we found our poor Rebmann 
 suffering from wounds in the feet, caused by the 
 thoughtlessness of a Mnika, who had poured boiling 
 water on them. I then made my preparations for 
 my journey to Europe, and started on the 10th of 
 April, arriving on the 26th safely at Aden, and on 
 the 10th of June I landed at Trieste.
 
 432 
 
 CHAPTER 11. 
 
 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 
 
 Bishop Gobat and the Abessinian mission — Jerusalem — Cairo — 
 Tor — Greek Christians in Arabia — Jidda — Mohammedan pil- 
 grims — The author's servant, "Wolda-Gabriel — Storm and fire — 
 Massowa — The new king Theodoras — News from Abessinia — 
 Dohono — Shumfeito — A Romish missionary — Halai — The Za- 
 ranna wilderness] — Adowa — Axum — To Gondar — Jan Meda — 
 The king's camp — Conference with the Abuna — Interview with 
 king Theodorus — Back to Gondar — Notes on the city. 
 
 It had long been the wish of Bishop Gobat of 
 Jerusalem, as well as of Mr. Spittler of Basel, to 
 send some of the pupils of the Clirishona Missionary 
 Institute to Abessinia, in order to revive missionary- 
 labours in that country which had been inteiTupted 
 in the year 1838, and to resume them in such a 
 way as should lead to very different results from 
 those that followed that formerly pursued. The new 
 missionaries were to be laymen and handicraftsmen, 
 who were to follow their secidar callings, but, at the 
 same time, by their Christian walk and conversation, 
 to make their light shine before the Abessinians, and 
 to circulate the Bible among them. Accordingly, in 
 the year 1854 six of the pupils were sent to Jeru- 
 salem, there to be prepared for the office under
 
 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 433 
 
 Bishop Gobat's superintendence, and in due course 
 to proceed to Habesh ; for Bishop Gobat, as is well 
 known, had formerly himself been a missionary in 
 Abessinia, and, in sj)ite of all his painful experiences 
 in it, that country was still dear to him. As it hap- 
 pened that at that very time I was about to return to 
 Eastern Africa and to my home at Rabbai Mpia I 
 offered my services, proposing to proceed first to 
 Jerusalem, and thence to take with me one or more 
 of these missionary pupils, and to investigate the 
 actual state of things in Abessinia ; in short to take 
 them to that country, and show them the way, 
 making them acquainted with the condition of 
 Abessinia and the neighboming states, before the 
 whole of the pupils should proceed to Habesh. 
 After completing this my desire was to penetrate 
 from Gondar to Shoa and thence to Gui^ague, with 
 the view of making an exploratory visit to the scat- 
 tered Christian remnants in Kambat, Wolamo, &c., 
 and, if possible, to reach the coast of Marka and 
 Barawa in the vicinity of the equator, whence I 
 could proceed by sea to Rabbai. 
 
 In conformity with this plan, and accompanied 
 by my fellow-labom-er Deimler (from Bavaria), 
 who had been appointed to the Rabbai mission, I 
 set out for Jerusalem, where we arrived in De- 
 cember 1854 ; and upon Bishop Gobat selecting 
 brother Martin Flad (from Wiirtemberg) as my com- 
 panion to Habesh, we proceeded forthwith to Cairo, 
 where we were joined by a young Abessinian, named 
 Maderakal, who had been educated for four years in
 
 434 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 
 
 the English College at Malta, and wishing to retm-n 
 to his native country bore us company to Suez, 
 whence he could take shipping for Abessinia. At 
 Suez Deimler took the steamer for Bombay, where he 
 was to study Ai'abic for a time, and then to cross 
 over to the East-African coast. On the 20th of 
 January, 1855, accompanied by Flad, Maderakal, 
 and my servant AYolda Gabriel (from Shoa), I em- 
 barked in an Arabian vessel for Jidda. 
 
 On the 21st we reached the port of Tor on the 
 Arabian coast, where there are some ten or twelve 
 poor families of Greek Clu^istians, who receive their 
 priest fr'om Mount Sinai, and live by trade and 
 fishing. With the exception of the monks on Mount 
 Sinai, these are the only surviving Christians tole- 
 rated in Arabia. Two of them visited us and asked 
 anxiously after the progress of the war between 
 Russia and Tm-key; their opinion being that the 
 Czar must be victorious, because he was the pro- 
 tector of the true faith. 
 
 23rd January. — We passed with a tolerably fair 
 wind Cape (Ras) Mahomed, the bight of Akaba, 
 and the anchorages of Etzbe, Bogos, Shabane, 
 Yambo, and Jar. Dming the passage, on the 
 whole a pleasant one, I read the Amharic New Tes- 
 tament with Flad and om- Abessinian, and offered 
 up our morning and evening prayers mostly in 
 Amharic, which I had neither heard nor made use of 
 since 1843. 
 
 \st and 2nd Fehriianj. — We arrived yesterday at 
 Jidda, where Mr. Cole, the English consul, gave
 
 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 435 
 
 US a friendly reception, and at once introduced us 
 to an Arabian captain, who agreed for a small sum 
 to take us to Massowa, the chief port of the Abes- 
 sinian coast. Mr. Cole, who by his prudent and 
 friendly demeanour has made himself much beloved 
 by the inhabitants of Jidda, not only entertained 
 us hospitably in his house, but gave us every assist- 
 ance in our preparations for the voyage to Massowa. 
 People at home little know how much good can be 
 effected by a consul abroad, when he combines true 
 morality with necessary official abilities and qualifi- 
 cations. Notwithstanding their official power im- 
 moral and incapable persons, occup}"ing a consular 
 position, do inuneasurable mischief. 
 
 3rd February. — On board our ship were a great 
 number of Mohammedan pilgrims coming fr'om Mecca, 
 and returning to Abessinia. Some were fr^om Mas- 
 sowa and Tigre ; others belonged to the Wollo tribe 
 Tchuladere, on Lake Haik. I heard from these 
 pilgrims that Adara Bille, the chief of Lagga-gora 
 who plundered me in the year 1842 was dead, 
 and that his son ruled in his place. They were 
 very bigoted, and there soon arose a quarrel between 
 them and our servant, Wolda Gabriel, who rather 
 acrimoniously defended Christianity against the 
 attacks of the Wollo-Galla. Let me give a brief 
 history of this Wolda Gabriel. He was bom in 
 the town of Maklifud ia Shoa, and asserts that in 
 his boyhood he saw me at Ankober. From Shoa he 
 went to Gondar with a priest, who had business 
 with the Abuna ; when this was settled the priest 
 
 F F
 
 436 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 
 
 resolved to make a pilgrimage to Jerusalem in the 
 company of Wolda Gabriel and another youth of 
 Shoa. The latter fell ill on their arrival at Jidda, 
 and Wolda Gabriel tended him in his illness. One 
 day Gabriel went to the well to di-aw water and on 
 his retm-n found his sick companion lying dead 
 upon the ground and the priest away, when on 
 inquiry it turned out that the latter had carried off 
 the effects both of the dead youth and of Gabriel 
 himself, and had sailed from Jidda. The owner 
 of the house, a Mohammedan, seized upon the sm^- 
 viving youth and sold him into slavery to Mecca, 
 where he was sold again as a slave to Medina. The 
 priest, no doubt, had sold the lad to the Mohamme- 
 dan to raise funds for his journey to Jerusalem. 
 Gabriel was now forced by actual violence to become 
 a Mohammedan. After he had been about a year 
 in Mecca and Medina his new master took him to 
 Jidda, where he became acquainted with a Mo- 
 hammedan merchant from Massowa, who ad\T.sed 
 him to make his escape from Jidda and to come 
 on board his ship, where he would appoint him over- 
 seer of the slaves, whom he piu-posed to sell at 
 Suez. Gabriel followed the advice, and reached 
 Suez safely with the slave-dealer, where the lying 
 rascal sold him as a slave to a rich Mohammedan at 
 Cairo, by whom he was sent to school. One day, at 
 Cairo he was accosted in the street by an Abes- 
 sinian Christian priest who addressed him in Am- 
 haric, and asked who he was and whence he came. 
 Gabriel told the priest his story, and by the priest
 
 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 437 
 
 it was repeated to the Coptic patriarch, who brought 
 the matter before the Egj^^tian authorities and the 
 youth was restored to freedom. He then jour- 
 neyed with a caravan of Abessinian pilgrims to 
 Jerusalem, where he became an inmate of the Abes- 
 sinian monastery. Dissatisfied with monastic life 
 he quitted the monastery, and entered the service 
 of missionary Georges in Jerusalem, who was em- 
 ployed in the conversion of the Jews, and tlu"ough 
 him Gabriel became acquainted with the Bible 
 and the Protestant faith. On my arrival at Jeru- 
 salem he heard of my intended journey to Gon- 
 dar and Ankober, and offered me his services, 
 which I gladly accepted. This youth knew how to 
 read and wiite, was a clever disputant, and could 
 defend pure Christianity against Mohammedans and 
 bigoted Clmstians of the Greek, Romish, and Abes- 
 sinian chm'ches ; but, in sj)ite of all his intellectual 
 acquirements, his heart was still unrenewed and un- 
 regenerate. He afterwards fell ill at Adowa, and 
 could not accompany us to Gondar. 
 
 \2th February. — ^We were overtaken by a terrible 
 storm, with thunder and lightning, wind and rain, 
 and it was with difficulty that we gained the open 
 harbour of Bii'ket, on the Arabian coast. In his 
 dread and alaiin our poor skipper kept crying out, 
 '' Ya Eabb ! Ya Eabb ! "— '' O God ! O God ! " 
 
 l^th, IQth February. — The storm and rain con- 
 tinued. The sailors tln-ew out four anchors to 
 steady the ship. Had we been driven on the coast 
 inhabited by the fanatical Assir Arabs, and there 
 
 F F 2
 
 438 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 
 
 been wrecked, we " dogs of Christians " would have 
 been plundered and killed beyond all doubt. The 
 violent rain falling on the open boat soaked our 
 luggage, and spoilt a portion of the provisions des- 
 tined for our land-journey, whilst the little cabin, too, 
 was far from impervious to the rain. May I never 
 forget from what dangers the mercy of God has 
 preserved me during the last three days and nights ! 
 
 ISth Feh'uary. — Last night the man at the helm 
 ha\ang gone to sleep at his post, the flame of the 
 binnacle light, which was bm-ning in a little wooden 
 box, caught the paper which surrounded the ship's 
 compass. The flame then fastened on the sails which 
 were lying on deck near the sleeper. Luckily he 
 awoke before it reached the powder-bag, which the 
 sailors had foolishly laid just over the cabin in 
 which we iiie^t. This merciful preservation of God 
 showed us anew how necessary it is to commend 
 ourselves with earnestness, day and night, to his 
 mercy and protection. 
 
 20th Februarij. — To-day we arrived safely at the 
 island of Massowa. Signer Baroni, an Itahan, secre- 
 tary to Mr. Plowden, the English consul, who 
 happened to be absent, hospitably received us into 
 his house, and told us the important news that 
 Ubie, the ruler of Tigre, had been routed by 
 Dejesmaj Kassai. We also had an interview 
 mth the young Abessinian, Guebru, who was 
 educated at Bombay with his brother Mirja by 
 Dr. Wilson, and sent to Tigre to open a school 
 in Abessinia. Guebru told us that after his first
 
 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 439 
 
 return from India, he and his brother had opened 
 a school at Adowa, but they had met with great 
 opposition from the Alaka Kidana Mariam who 
 in 1838 had received a hundred dollars from the 
 Romish priests, as a bribe to procure the expul- 
 sion of the Protestant missionaries fi-om Abessinia. 
 As the two brothers could not establish the school, 
 they employed a priest fi'om Waldubba, and pro- 
 vided hun with the necessary means ; but unfortu- 
 nately the smallpox broke out at Adowa and carried 
 off the priest and some of the scholars, and so the 
 school was shut up. 
 
 2Qth February. — Mr. Plowden, the English consul, 
 returned to-day to Massowa. He thinks that we 
 may proceed mth safety to the fr-ontiers of Tigre, 
 but that we should halt there until the government 
 of the new king, Theodoras, (just mentioned by the 
 name of Kassai), shall be consolidated, and to allow 
 of the dispersion of the bands of robbers, which 
 every political revolution in ill-fated Abessinia is sm-e 
 to call into being ; for as soon as the new king is 
 proclaimed in the chief market-places of the coun- 
 try tranquillity a\411 be restored. Mr. Plowden's 
 opinion is, that the condition of Abessinia will 
 be materially improved by the new monarch, whom 
 he knows personally. The Abessinians (according 
 to Bishop Gobat) have a book, called "Fakera 
 Yasus" (Love of Jesus), which declares that a certain 
 Theodorus will arise in Greece and subject the 
 whole world to his rule, and that from his time 
 forward Christianity will prevail throughout the
 
 440 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAK. 
 
 world. The Falaslia have also a notion that the 
 Messiah will appear as a great conqueror, under the 
 name of Theodorus, and it is possibly out of regard 
 to this saying, that Kassai adopted his new name. 
 
 1st March. — AYe received to-day, fresh and certain 
 tidinffs from Abessinia. Ubie has been com- 
 pletely defeated by Theodorus, taken captive, and 
 imprisoned. His brave son, Shetu, fell in battle ; 
 his two other sons, Kassai and Gongal, have sur- 
 rendered to Kassai ; and the latter, under the name 
 of Theodorus, has had himself crowned '' King of 
 the kings of Ethiopia." Theodorus took 7000 
 muskets, 60,000 dollars, and many other valuables 
 fr'om Ubie, who has to pay besides 40,000 dollars 
 before he ^^11 be set fr'ee. Balgadaraia, a relation 
 of Ras Wolda Selassie and Sabagadis, and a friend 
 to Em-opeans, has been appointed viceroy of Tigre. 
 The Romish missionaries have been expelled from 
 Tigre, and are not to return to it. Upon the 
 receipt of this news the consul encouraged us to 
 prosecute our joinney to Abessinia. 
 
 6th — 10th 3Iarch. — On the 6th we sailed to Har- 
 kiko, or Dohono, and leaving it on the 7th we 
 mounted om* camels, and arrived on the 9th at the 
 Shumfeito, whence the camels had to return, and 
 oxen had to cany our baggage up the momitain 
 to Halai, the fii'st Clu'istian village in TigTO, 
 where we arrived on the lOtli, and met with a 
 fr'iendly reception from Aito Habtai and his brother 
 Wolda Michael, both fr*iends of the English consul. 
 12th March. — The Romish missionary, father
 
 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 441 
 
 Jakobis, arrived to-day from the interior. He had 
 fled from Gondar, and performed the journey in dis- 
 guise. What a wonderfril change in the state of 
 things ! Wlien Jakobis and his companions came six- 
 teen years ago to Abessinia, Isenberg, Blumhardt, 
 and I, were obliged to leave the country, while we 
 are now permitted to return to it, and the Roman- 
 ists must depart. The Romish missionaries have 
 had a long period allowed them for action, and for the 
 promulgation of thefr doctrines ; but no such period 
 was vouchsafed to us to work in. The Romanists 
 made converts in Halai, Dixan, Kaich, Kur, and in 
 other places, on the frontiers of Tigre ; as many 
 priests in the interior played into their hands. Then 
 too, to swell the number they re-baptized their 
 Abessinian converts, and ordained priests a second 
 time. They committed our Bibles to the flames, or 
 locked them up in chests, so that nobody should 
 read them.* They did everything in their power to 
 procure the removal of the present Coptic Abuna, 
 or Primate, who is unfavom-ably dis230sed towards 
 the Romish faith. They strove earnestly to en- 
 courage an exaggerated Mariolatry, and to make the 
 
 * A Jesuit missionary told me once that the apostles had not been 
 commanded to write, but only to preach the gospel ; and that, con- 
 sequently, there was no occasion to read what they had written. 
 "^Tien I showed him Revelation i. 3 ("Blessed is he that readeth 
 and they that hear the words of his prophecy, and keep those 
 things which are written therein: for the time is at hand"), and 
 verse 19 of the same chapter ("Write the things which thou hast 
 seen, and the things which are, and the things which shall be here- 
 after"), he had not a word to say, unless it were to scoff at the 
 Bibliolatry of Protestants.
 
 442 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 
 
 veneration of the Virgin the chief object of their 
 activity in Al^essinia. Ubie, the ruler of Tigre, 
 patronized the Romanists in every way, and they 
 gave him, from time to time, valuable presents to in- 
 sm'e his protection against the Abessinian opposition. 
 Indeed, father Jakobis is said even to have promised 
 him the presence and aid of foreign troops, if Ubie 
 •would make him patriarch of the whole of Ethiopia. 
 But all these successes and plans were rendered 
 nugatory on the day when Kassai conquered Ubie, 
 and had himself proclaimed sovereign of Abessinia. 
 ISth — 18th March. — Many Abessinian priests and 
 others, visited us at Halai, and I had abundant 
 opportunities of bearing testimony to the Word of 
 God at this place. I received the visit of some boys, 
 too, who had received instruction from Father Jako- 
 bis, who wore copper crosses romid their necks, wliich 
 had been given them by him as spiibols of their 
 Clu'istianity, and they maintained that devils could 
 do them no harm so long as they wore these crosses. 
 Then, too, they insisted that the Vii-gin Mary must 
 be worshijoped as the queen of Heaven, and when 
 I asked them for a proof fr'om the Bible of this idle 
 dogma, they could only appeal to an apocryphal 
 work, " Dersana Mariam" (History of the Virgin 
 Mary), a favourite work in Abessinia, and one 
 which father Jakobis is said to have made a 
 handbook when instructing the people. WHien I 
 adduced the passage, 1 Timothy ii. 5, " There is 
 one God, and one Mediator between God and men, 
 the man Christ Jesus," they could say nothing in
 
 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 443 
 
 reply, and scampered off. I afterwards heard that 
 Jakobis had forbidden the boys to visit me again. 
 We were ^dsited tlmce a day by an Abessinian 
 priest, evidently with the design to spy out whether 
 any Abessinians with Komish tendencies came to 
 see us. His son was a priest in the service of the 
 Romanists. I did not engage in any formal refuta- 
 tion of the Romish doctrines, but simply read and 
 expomided the Bible, the sm-est refutation of all 
 errors, whether they come from Rome or from any 
 other church. 
 
 20th— 26th llarch.—Rearmg on the 20th from 
 Mr. Coffin, who had been resident in Abessinia for 
 some forty years, that the way to Adowa was tole- 
 rably safe, and that the new sovereign had been pro- 
 claimed king in the market-place there, we set forth 
 at once. On the 22nd, we quitted Halai, and, tra- 
 versing the Tzaranna walderness (ordinarily infested 
 by robbers), we reached Adowa in the afternoon of 
 the 26th, where we became occupants of the house 
 of Mr. Plowden, whose servants paid us every atten- 
 tion in his absence. 
 
 29th 3Iarch.- — In the course of the day, we received 
 a visit ft'om ]\Iirja, the son ot Aito Workie, and 
 brother of the two youths, Guebru and Mirja, 
 formerly mentioned. He confirmed the news that 
 the king had prohibited the slave-trade and expelled 
 the Romish missionaries, and we now learned that 
 he had forbidden polygamy among his soldiers, and 
 that he had sent an envoy to the Emperor of Russia 
 to fomi an alliance with his Imperial Majesty,
 
 444 FROM JERUSAX,EM TO GONDAR. 
 
 probably witli a view to the extirpation of the 
 Mohammedans, whom he had ordered either to 
 become Christians in two years, or to quit the 
 comitry. 
 
 In the afternoon, I visited Aito Wolda Riifael, in 
 whose house Isenberg and Bishop Gobat had for- 
 merly lived as missionaries. He and his wife told 
 me that since our expulsion from Abessinia they 
 had had a great deal to suffer, and began asking 
 whether now, after the removal of Ubie and all the 
 other opponents of our cause the Protestant mis- 
 sionaries would not return again. I inquired after 
 the Amharic Bibles which we had left behind us in 
 1838, and Rufael told me that they had been partly 
 sold, partly given away, and that only iifty copies 
 remained undisposed of. 
 
 From Rufael' s house I went to the brook Hassam, 
 on the bank of which are the buildings which our 
 sudden expulsion in 1838 prevented us from com- 
 pleting. The little stone house in which Blumhardt 
 and I used to live, was still in tolerable repair, and 
 is tenanted by a priest. But Isenberg's unfinished 
 house and the walls which surromid it have fallen 
 into decay ; and some priests of Adowa have built 
 wretched huts on the site. 
 
 On my return I received a visit from Debtera 
 Matteos, who had assisted Isenberg in translating 
 the Old and New Testaments into the language 
 of Tigre. He inquired earnestly whether Isenberg 
 would not now retmTi to Adowa, as King Theo- 
 dorus and the viceroy would restore the house
 
 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 445 
 
 to my missionary Mend if he wished for it. I 
 did not go into the subject, although I believe that 
 much good might be effected in Tigre by a Euro- 
 pean missionary, with the aid of the yoiuig men 
 Maderakal, Mirja, Guebru, and BeiTu (the latter 
 still in the Institute at IMalta), and with the literary 
 assistance of Debtera Matteos, who knows -^thiopic 
 well and speaks Arabic. It would, indeed, be a pity 
 if such Abessinian aids were to be lost to the cause 
 of Protestant missions. 
 
 I ad^dsed Maderakal to open a school, and also to 
 compile a dictionary of the Tigre language, which 
 might be useful to future missionaries. His mother 
 is possessed of some property, and is a pious 
 woman after the Abessinian fashion, praying a 
 gi'eat deal, and behaving liberally to the poor, the 
 priests, the monks, and the chm-ches. As a boy, 
 Maderakal himself quitted his native city, Adowa, 
 and went to France with M. Lefevre, a French naval 
 officer, and traveller in Abessinia. There he was 
 presented to M. Guizot, who was then minister, 
 and by him to the King Louis Philippe, who had 
 the youth educated with the view of making him 
 afterwards a French agent in Abessinia. After 
 he had spent four years in a French school he 
 intended to return with Lefevre to Abessinia, but 
 in Cairo they separated, and Maderakal became a 
 pupil in the school of Missionary Lieder. There 
 he was made acquainted with the Bible and the 
 Protestant faith, which had so many attractions for 
 liim, that, to gain a more profound knowledge of the
 
 446 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 
 
 Word of God, he asked to be admitted into the 
 Protestant College at Malta where he spent four 
 years, until a strong desire awoke in him to return 
 to his native country, and there diffuse a knowledge 
 of the Bible, which he had learned to love. 
 
 30/^ March. — I had a delightful conversation with 
 Salekh, Mr. Plowden's upper servant, or Bellata. He 
 was a thoughtful man, fond of reading the Bible, and 
 of comparing the ^thiopic text with the Amharic. 
 We talked of fasting, the forgiveness of sins, the 
 worship of the saints, and other points of the Abes- 
 sinian theology. As Salekh was so fond of reading 
 Amharic, I gave him an Amharic Psalter. 
 
 In the evening I had a conversation with Pakha 
 Seine on the chief points of Mohammedanism. As he 
 could not contradict me, he cut the discussion short 
 by remarking, " To-morrow I will bring a learned 
 Mohammedan with me, whom you will not be able 
 to confute." 
 
 31s^ March. — ^Neither Pakha Seine nor the pro- 
 mised learned man made his appearance. We 
 prepared for our jomiiey to Gondar, buying two 
 mules and hiring bearers for the transport of our 
 things, 
 
 2nd April. — We left Adowa at eight in the morn- 
 ing, and in about four hours reached Axum, the 
 former capital of -Ethiopia. We were hospitably 
 received in the house of Agau Deras, who respects 
 white people, and who personally knew and valued 
 Bishop Gobat. His chief inquiry was as to the rea- 
 son why the English had prohibited the slave-trade,
 
 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 447 
 
 in which he was formerly engaged. I referred him 
 to the command, '' Thou shalt love thy neighbom* as 
 thyself," and to the self-sacrifice of the Redeemer on 
 the cross, who became the servant of all that he 
 might save all. In the evening, we went out to see 
 the church and obelisks of Axum,* some of which 
 are still standing, but most of them have fallen ; 
 and it seems to me that the largest obelisks have been 
 hewn out of the granite hill which stood to the east 
 of Axum, and the broken stone and rubbish removed, 
 when the pillar natm'ally remained standing alone. 
 On the base of more than one of the obelisks we saw 
 the figure of a dish distinctly cut, which seems to 
 indicate that sacrifices were here offered to heathen 
 divinities, and that Axum was, perhaps, the central 
 seat of ^thiopic paganism. To the east of the 
 obelisks there is a large pond fi'om which the priests 
 in attendance on the idols procured their water, and 
 in which they performed their lavations. To the 
 present day, the people of Axum fetch their water 
 from this reservoir, which is supplied by rain-fall. 
 In all probability the large stone church in Axum 
 was originally a pagan temple which, when the 
 country was converted to Chi'istianity, was trans- 
 
 * The Abessinians say that the three sons of Noah separated, and 
 each took up his abode in one of three divisions of the world, setting 
 up a pillar in his own division : — Shem in Asia, Japheth in Eu- 
 rope, and Ham in Africa ; the pillar of the last is that at Axum. 
 The common people say that it was made by the devil, as it could 
 not have been the work of a man. According to tradition, Cush, 
 the son of Ham, begat twelve sons in Axum, and one of these was 
 -Sthiops, the progenitor of the Abessinians.
 
 448 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 
 
 formed into a Christian church by the aid of Greek 
 or Egyptian architects of the Byzantine Empire.* 
 Perhaps it is on this accomit that the Abessinians 
 say this chm'ch was built by the devil; wishing 
 thereby to indicate that it was erected in the time 
 of paganism, which is justly regarded in the 
 Bible as the religion of Baal, Beelzebub, or the 
 devil. The Abessinians assert, moreover, that their 
 first kings were serpents; and Sando, i. e. an enor- 
 mous serpent, formerly ruled over Tigre and Ha- 
 massen. This evidently refers to the pagan and 
 despotic kings of Ethiopia. The church of Axum 
 stands in great need of repairs, but no one thinks of 
 restoring it, though it is an inviolable place of refuge, t 
 There is an enomious Worka, or sycamore-tree, 
 in the vicinity of two of the obelisks, still standing. 
 AVhen the people saw us inspecting the obelisks they 
 asked us whether we had come to search for gold under 
 their bases. The tallest of these obelisks is some 
 sixty-five feet high. Axum must once have been a 
 
 * This churcli is called Hedar Tsion. In it, according to Abes- 
 sinian tradition, is preserved the ark of the covenant, which Menelek, 
 the son of Solomon by the Queen of Sheba stole when he returned 
 from Jerusalem to Abessinia, where he founded the Solomonic dy- 
 nasty. The person intrusted with the guardianship of the ark of the 
 covenant at Axum, is called Nabrid. He is governor of Axum and 
 of Tigre proper at the same time. 
 
 f The chief places of refuge in Abessinia are Axum, AYaldubba, 
 Gundigundi, Debra Damo, Debra Abai. The existence of places of 
 refuge forms another point of resemblance between Abessinia and 
 Usambara. In the latter country, there are four such sanctuaries — 
 Fuga, Manga, Kirrei, and Shierri — where a man-slayer is safe from 
 pursuit. These cities remind one of the six cities of refuge men- 
 tioned in the thirty-fifth chapter of the book of Numbers.
 
 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 449 
 
 great city, and it is a pity that Tlieodorus lias not re- 
 stored it to the dignity of metropolis. A noble plain 
 stretches from it, towards the south and south-east. 
 
 We saw a number of priests in the city, but they 
 seemed careless and indifferent as to religious mat- 
 ters ; for not one of them came to converse with us, 
 either out of curiosity or otherwise, on such topics. 
 
 Srd — 8th April. — We left Axum on the 3rd our 
 route to Gondar lying through the province of 
 Shirre. Yesterday evening we arrived at the village 
 of Heida, where we spent the night, and have re- 
 mained to-day, as it is the day on which the Abes- 
 sinians celebrate Easter this year, and upon which 
 their forty days' fast comes to an end. I tried to 
 awaken Easter thoughts in my people by reading 
 and expomiding the narrative of the resurrection ; 
 but the worldly-minded men had only thoughts 
 for their feast of goat's flesh, their beer, and for idle 
 gossip. It is painful to see the indifference of these 
 so-called Clnristians ; and yet there is a great differ- 
 ence between them and the Mohammedan and 
 heathen ; for low as is the state of Christianity in 
 Abessinia, yet a missionary has one thing at least, 
 a creed in common with the Abessinians, which only 
 needs a reformation and revivification, whilst the 
 heathen are greatly removed from him, both in 
 theory and practice, for they are without all know- 
 ledge of God and Cliiist in the world. 
 
 9th — 15th April. — From Heida to Gondar our 
 journey occupied nearly five days, and during it we 
 were very roughly handled by more than one go-
 
 450 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 
 
 vemor and customs-officer. On arriving at Gondar 
 yesterday we proceeded to Kcdus Gabriel, as the 
 part of the city is called in which the Abuna has 
 his seat ; and, after some delay we were admitted 
 into the archicpiscopal palace. To-day has been 
 one of the most anxious that I have spent in Abes- 
 sinia. We heard that the king, with the Abuna and 
 the army, was approaching the countiy of the hos- 
 tile Wollo-Gallas, so that it became necessary for 
 us to hurry foi^ward to reach him, before he should 
 come into collision with the enemy. This was a diffi- 
 cult enterprise, as the royal camp was some twenty- 
 five to thirty leagues distant from the capital. We 
 requii'ed not only a guide, but luggage-l^earers for 
 the journey; and in this dilemma we were aided by 
 Haji Klier, an Eg}^3tian priest and old acquaint- 
 ance, who gave us some of his people, as nobody in 
 Gondar would enter our sei'vice ; whilst a great man 
 of Kedas Gabriel offered himself as our guide, who, 
 as we afterguards discovered, entertained the wish to 
 proceed to Jerusalem with us on our return. 
 
 16/^ — 18^^ Ajml. — We left Gondar at eight in the 
 morning, and proceeded in a south-easterly direction 
 towards Lake Tzana. From Efak, a town of consider- 
 able commercial importance, which we reached on the 
 17th, we journeyed on the 18th tln'ough the fertile 
 valley of Foggara, which might support thousands of 
 inhabitants. The little province of Foggara is bor- 
 dered on the east by Lake Tzana ; its principal places 
 are Lamge, Nabaga, Terita, and Efak. Near Nabaga 
 the river Ereb flows into Lake Tzana, the shores of
 
 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 451 
 
 which (in the district of Baguesa) are inhabited by 
 heathen Figen who are held in great horror by the 
 Abessinians, who accuse them of sorcery and a love 
 of niiu-der ; and on this account they dare not venture 
 to come to Gondar. They live chiefly by the chase ; 
 selling their ivory to the Agows and to the inhabit- 
 ants of Dembea and Kuara ; and they probably 
 belong to the savage and nomadic tribe of Fuga, 
 who are very much di'eaded in Gurague, making 
 use of poisoned arrows, and eating everything that 
 Christians reject. Perhaps they are a kind of Shan- 
 kela, under which designation the Abessinians com- 
 prehend all the black heathen, who inhabit forests 
 and marshes. To the Fuga, who are reported to 
 have horrible customs, and to dwell in caves, belong 
 also the heathen Woito, who live near Lake Tzana, 
 as well as the Wato on the Hawash, the source of 
 which river I may add, appears to be a marsh close 
 by the momitain Encheti, between the Galla-tribes 
 Mgetscha and Bechoworeb. 
 
 \Qth April — About ten, we arrived at Debra 
 Tabor, the residence of Ras Ali, the former ruler of 
 Western Abessinia. The towTi, if it deserves the 
 name, lies upon a hill, at the foot of which spreads a 
 beautiful meadow, indispensable for an Abessinian 
 ruler, who has to keep a number of horses. 
 
 We made all possible haste to reach the royal 
 camp at Jan Meda, as it was said that the king 
 was about to break it up, and move forward. 
 Reaching the camp at noon we proceeded forthwith 
 to the tent of the Abuna, and as soon as he heard 
 
 G G
 
 452 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 
 
 who we were, lie came to meet us and bade us 
 lieartily welcome upon which I delivered to him the 
 letters of Bishop Gobat and of C^Tillus, the Coptic 
 patriarch at Cairo. After he had made us take om- 
 places on an outspread cow-hide, he ordered his 
 servant, who had formerly been in the service of 
 Isenberg at Adowa, to set bread and wine before 
 us, and in the meantime he perused the letters. 
 
 This done, the archbishop entered into conver- 
 sation mth us as heartily and confidentially as if 
 we had been his equals in rank and importance. 
 He remembered to have seen me at Missionary 
 Kruse's school in Cairo in the year 1837, during 
 my first journey to Abessinia. We spoke in Arabic 
 and Amharic. His chief object seemed to be to give 
 us a correct notion of the actual state of things in 
 Abessinia. He told us that king Theodorus was 
 one in heart and soul with him ; that in every 
 possible way the king supjDorted the CTiurch, which 
 had neither been done by Ras AH nor by Ubie ; that 
 his Majesty's wish was to conquer the territories of 
 the Mohammedan and heathen Gallas, as well as Shoa; 
 to re-establish one great Ethiopian empire, as there 
 Avas of yore ; and to make the Christian religion 
 the ruling one. He added, that the king went regu- 
 larly to chm-ch and has partaken as regularly of the 
 Lord's supper; that he read the Bible in Amharic, 
 while his Ittegie, or Queen, who is an only daughter 
 of Ras Ali, read it in ^thiopic ; that the king had 
 prohibited polygamy and the slave-trade, and had 
 ordered the Mohammedans within a fixed period to
 
 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 453 
 
 embrace Cliristianity. AVlien, uj^on this, I hinted 
 that it was not in harmony with the spirit of the 
 gospel to make people Christians by force, the Abmia 
 replied that the king wished, first of all, to conquer 
 the country of the Gallas, to send priests among them, 
 and to establish chm^ches and schools for the conver- 
 sion of those who were not Chiistians. I then told 
 him that Bishop Gobat proposed to send Christian 
 artizans to Abessinia, whose primary occupation 
 would be to work at their trades ; but who at the same 
 time would be the means of spreading the gospel 
 both by precept and example. The Abuna rejoined 
 that the king would be glad to receive skilled work- 
 men, and that his Majesty had purposed to ^^ite to 
 England, France, and Germany for such persons. 
 He promised to read Bishop Gobat's letter to the 
 king, and to recommend its contents to his Majesty's 
 consideration and approval. 
 
 The Abuna then spoke on the subject of the Ro- 
 mish missionaries. '^ So long as I live," he said " I 
 will not allow them to retm-n to Abessinia ; for they 
 have intrigued against me and endeavom'ed to expel 
 me fi'om Gondar; they have further interfered 
 wdtli my government of the church, by procuring a 
 second baptism and a second ordination of their 
 converts, as if om- Abessinian baptism and ordina- 
 tion were of no value. I would not have disturbed 
 them had they been content to teach, or if they had 
 merely converted and baptized the Gallas ; for I "wdsh 
 the Gallas to become Christians. The Romish mis- 
 sionaries cannot complain if I dismiss them from 
 
 G G 2
 
 454 FROM JERUSALEM TO GOXDAR. 
 
 Abessinia ; for the Pope would in tlie twinkling of an 
 eye drive out of his dominions any priest or teacher 
 of another communion found promulgating its dog- 
 mas in Rome. The Protestant missionaries do not 
 injm-e the Abessinian Chm^ch ; for they ciix'ulate the 
 Bible, and that only. I shall be delighted to receive 
 men like Kruse and Lieder ; but the Romanists shall 
 never return to Abessinia." 
 
 As to-day was the monthly festival of St. Michael 
 on which the king distributes alms, the Abuna could 
 not at once introduce us to the sovereign. I heard 
 afterwards that his Majesty had distributed 3000 
 dollars, and numbers of mules, asses, horses, and 
 quantities of clothing among the poor, sick, and lame 
 priests, monks, &c. Wlien we quitted the tent of 
 the Abuna, he ordered his servant to give us an ox 
 and some hydromel for our present sustenance. 
 
 In the evening we received a visit from Mr. Bell, 
 an intelligent Englishman, who has resided here for 
 many years, and in language and habits has be- 
 come a complete Abessinian. The king has made 
 him his adjutant and Lika Mankuas, i. e., wearer of 
 reeral clothing; in battle. There are four Lika Man- 
 kuas, who have to clothe themselves exactly like 
 his Majesty, so that the enemy may not be able to 
 distinguish the king. It is an honourable but 
 dangerous post, for filling which Mr. Bell has re- 
 ceived considerable estates to support his Abessinian 
 \\dfe and chikfren. The Abuna had commissioned 
 Mr. Bell to tell us that we were not to say anything 
 to the king about the religious vocation of the persons
 
 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDMi. 455 
 
 whom Bishop Gobat proposed to send to Abessmia, 
 but to dwell on the known and secular character 
 of the mission, as religious matters belonged to the 
 jurisdiction of the Abuna who was our friend, and 
 would protect and support Bishop Gobat's people 
 so far as he had it in his power. I told Mr. Bell, 
 that Bishop Gobat cared not merely for the tempo- 
 ral weal and civilization of Abessinia, but principally 
 and above all things, for the religious regeneration 
 of the country, by establishing schools, distributing 
 the Bible, and promulgating the pure faith of the 
 Gospel. Mr. Bell re^^lied : " Very true, this is right 
 and good, and the Abuna knows it to be such ; but 
 he bids me tell you not to speak about it to the king, 
 but only about the artizans ; for the religious aspect 
 of the matter you will have to arrange with the 
 Abuna himself." 
 
 20th Ajml. — About eight in the morning we were 
 conducted by the Abuna to the king, whose hand- 
 some tent was already struck, as he is about to 
 move forward with the army. When the king saw 
 the Abmia he went to meet him, and led him to 
 a kind of bedstead covered mth a beautiful Persian 
 cai'pet, and bid him place himself on it, while we 
 were motioned to a similar carpet on the floor at 
 his Majesty's feet. His Majesty wore the crown 
 upon his head, and a magnificent upper garment. 
 After the introduction the Abuna read the letters 
 fi-om Bishop Gobat and the Coptic patriarch. The 
 king immediately asked, " Is Gobat well ? His 
 letter" his Majesty continued, ''pleases me, and I
 
 456 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 
 
 wish him to send me for the present only three arti- 
 zans, a gunsmith, a builder, and a letter-press printer 
 (by which last, however, according to more recent 
 intelligence received, his Majesty must have meant 
 a die-sinker or seal-engi'aver) ; I will pay them 
 well, and if they are content with what I give them 
 and satisfy me, I mil ask Gobat for more work- 
 men." Wlien the king had said this, the Abmia 
 observed: ''Your Majesty, however, wdll not inter- 
 fere with their religion, but mil allow them to live 
 in their own belief" To this the king replied : 
 ''I will not interfere with matters of belief; that 
 is your business. In regard to that, I will do what- 
 ever you advise me." Upon this, I spoke of our 
 return-journey tln-ough Matamma to Sennar, Khar- 
 tum and Cairo. I remarked that the rainy season 
 was now at hand when fever is rife in the low- 
 lying districts of the country, and that on that ac- 
 count we wished to expedite om- retmTi. The king 
 then said that we could sui-elv remain in Gondar 
 
 aJ 
 
 at least to the close of the rainy season ; but that he 
 would not interfere with our retm-n to Egy^Dt. 
 "When we took our leave his Majesty ordered an 
 officer to pro^dde us Avith two good mules, a soldier, 
 and by way of food on the jom^ney, with two oxen, 
 fifty loaves, three pitchers of mne, and other neces- 
 saries. 
 
 After this audience the king set forth immediately 
 Avith his army which was ahcady in motion. It is 
 said to be 40,000 strong, and to be destined to 
 receive an addition of from 20 to 30,000 men on its
 
 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 457 
 
 march towards the Wollo-Galla-country ; for the 
 divisions from Gojam and Tigre had not yet 
 arrived. The king is about thirty-five years old (the 
 same age as the Abuna), a handsome man, dark- 
 brown complexion, middle statiu-e, and keen glance. 
 Although friendly and condescending towards those 
 about him he never forgets his kingly dignity. Wliat- 
 ever he does, is done with the greatest quiet and 
 circmnspection. His judgment is quick, his replies 
 brief but decisive. He is friendly to Europeans, 
 to whose advice and information he willingly listens. 
 To the poor, the priests, and the churches, he is 
 extremely liberal. In judicial matters he is exact 
 and just, often giving decisions adverse to the 
 opinions of his counsellors learned in the law ; and 
 hence he is continually besieged by people from 
 all parts of Abessinia, who have law-suits pend- 
 ing. Passing the night in the camp we heard as 
 early as two in the morning, the people shout- 
 ing, '' Jan hoi ! Jan hoi ! " * — '' king ! king !" 
 With this cry they were attempting to procure an 
 entrance into the royal tent, to lay their plaints 
 before the king. He at once answered through the 
 Kal Hazie, the Mouth of the King, or State- 
 herald, and ft-om two till eight in the morning, one 
 party after another retfred to make way for others, 
 
 * It was this title, used by the Abessinians in addressing their 
 kings, which, in the fifteenth centuiy, when the Portuguese first 
 came to the "VYestera coast of Afiica, led to the report of a great 
 king, Prester John, " Jan", ruling in Eastern Africa. It was 
 afterwards discovered that it referred to the Khan of Tartary.
 
 458 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAK. 
 
 and each party received an answer and the king's 
 decision. Besides this the king conducts all war- 
 like operations, so that it is incomprehensible 
 how he can endure the labours which he must 
 undergo by night and by day. AVlien his com-- 
 tiers seek to lessen the toil of this strict dispensing 
 of justice, he is in the habit of saying: " If I do 
 not help the poor, they will complain of me to 
 God; I myself have been a poor man." His 
 mother is said to have been a vender of kosso, the 
 well-knoTVTi medicine against the tape-worm, at 
 Gondar, while his father, a kinsman of Dejaj 
 Comfu who, as governor of Dembea, several times 
 defeated the Egjq^tian troops marching forward 
 from Sennar, occupied an official post in the proA^nce 
 of Kuara in the west of Abessinia. Kasai, as 
 King Theodorus was formerly called, learned to 
 read and write at Gondar, and became afterwards 
 a soldier in the army of Dejaj Comfu, who 
 recommended him to his master, Ras Ali. The 
 latter soon recognized Kasai' s prudence and valour, 
 gave him his daughter in marriage, and an official 
 appointment under the superintendence of the famous 
 Waisoro Mennen, the mother of Ras Ali. Kasai soon 
 quarrelled with Waisoro Mennen, defeated her army, 
 took her prisoner, and conquered her fine province 
 of Dembea on Lake Tzana, which he retained, set- 
 ting however the lady herself at liberty, Ras 
 Ali recognizing the danger that threatened made 
 over Dembea to the Dejaj Berru Goshu, tlie 
 governor of Gojam, who drove Kasai back to-
 
 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 459 
 
 wards Kuara in the year 1850. Kasai, however, 
 with a baud of trusty followers made an incursion 
 into Dembea in 1852, surprised the camp of Berru 
 Goshu, shot him dead himself, and defeated his 
 army between Dembea and Jangar close to Lake 
 Tzana. Ras AH now became uneasy, and marched 
 in 1853 against Kasai, but lost a decisive battle and 
 was obliged to fly to the Gallas, while Kasai re- 
 mained master of the whole of Amhara, consisting 
 of the whole country west of Takassie as far as the 
 Blue River. After these successes Kasai sent for the 
 Abuna, Abba Salama, who then resided at Adowa 
 in Tigre, his plan being to form an alliance with 
 the head of the chm^cli before he attacked Ubie. 
 The Abuna returned for rej^ly that he would not 
 come to Gondar so long as the Romish priests were 
 tolerated there ; which led Kasai to expel the priests, 
 and then the Abuna appeared in Gondar, and 
 formed an alliance "s^T-tli him for the restoration of 
 the Abessinian Chm-ch and empire. Kasai' s next 
 step was to summon Ubie, the ruler of Tigre, to 
 pay tribute as subject to the Prince of Amhara. 
 Ubie refused and rushed to arms, but lost at the 
 battle of Debruski in Semien, both his kingdom and 
 his liberty, for he Avas taken prisoner. After this 
 victory Kasai, as has been ah-eady mentioned, 
 under the name of Theodorus, caused himself to 
 be jDroclaimed King of the kings of ^Ethiopia; 
 clearly with a reference to the old Abessinian 
 tradition that a king of the name of Theodorus 
 would arise who should make Abessinia great and 
 
 St
 
 460 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 
 
 prosperous, and destroy Mecca and Medina, the two 
 chief cities of the Mohammedans in Arabia. 
 
 24:th — 2Sth April. — After we had taken leave of 
 the Abmia we commenced our return-journey to 
 Gondar, which we reached in safety. To-day 
 Mr. Plowden arrived in Gondar. He intended to 
 accompany the king during his campaign against 
 the Gallas, and to give him good advice respect- 
 ing the improvement of his country. We took leave 
 of Mr. Plowden, who has shown us much kindness 
 and hospitality. 
 
 Srd May. — To-day we quitted Gondar, which, 
 with the exception of Axum is the most important 
 city in the whole of Abessinia. It contains some 
 10 to 12,000 inhabitants, but was formerly much 
 more populous, as may be gathered from the num- 
 ber of houses in ruins which meet the eye on every 
 side. The streets are extremely crooked, narrow, 
 and often very steep and filthy, as the city lies upon 
 a rising ground north and south. The houses are 
 circular, and almost all built of stone, frequently 
 of two stories, and with thatched roofs. The 
 Christians live at the top of the hill, near the 
 royal palace, built by Portuguese architects and 
 builders. There are a number of churches and 
 monasteries, and some places of refuge, as well 
 as a large market-place, in the Christian quarter. 
 The Mohammedans who amount to several thousands, 
 and who live chiefly by trade, inhabit the south- 
 western slope of the city. The Falasha, or Jews, 
 who in Gondar are artizans, most of the smiths.
 
 FROM JERUSALEM TO GONDAR. 461 
 
 carpenters, and masons, belonging to their fraternity, 
 are settled in a little village in the valley of Galia, 
 at some distance from Gondar. A market is held 
 weekly, where you can buy lard, salt, honey, corn, 
 cattle, coffee-beans, &c. I may mention that the 
 Abessinians have three kinds of coffee-beans (they 
 call coffee in the berry bun, or bunna ; afterwards, 
 when manufactured into the bean, as in Arabic, it 
 is designated kahawa): 1, the coffee-bean, grown 
 near Lake Tzana, of a very inferior quality ; 2, a 
 better quality, produced in Harrar, to the east of 
 Shoa ; and 3, the best quality of all, which comes 
 fr'om Enarea and Kaffa, probably the native country 
 of the coffee-plant. The last two sorts are exported 
 to Arabia, and frequently sold as genuine Mocha. 
 
 During our short residence in Gondar I was par- 
 ticularly struck by the circumstance that so few 
 priests and la^nnen engaged in religious conver- 
 sation with us, although it was in this very Gondar 
 that Bishop Gobat, when a missionary in Abessinia, 
 had found his chief field of active utility. The 
 principal cause of this apparent anomaly must have 
 been that the people were afraid that we were 
 Roman Catholic missionaries, who had recently been 
 banished and excommunicated.
 
 462 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 FROM GONDAR TO CAIRO. 
 
 Departure — Lake Tsambiiru — Singular Telegraph — Bocli — Custom 
 of eating raw flesh — The Alaka Selat ; controversies with priests 
 — Gunter and the river Kuang — The Western Abessinians less 
 indifferent to religious matters — Romish missionaries at Kaffa 
 — Emmanuel — The Camant — The Salane — Cotton, and the 
 cotton district — "VYekhne, and its importance as an emporium — 
 Cotton again — Matamma and its market — Abessinian penitence — 
 Egyptian order and hospitality — Doka — Slave smuggling — 
 Asser, and its hospitality — Sennar — A Roman Catholic priest at 
 Fedasi — Coptic school — General drunkenness — Departure from 
 Sennar — Former diffusion of Christianity — "Wasalie — Coptic 
 scribes — The Coptic communities and their possible futTire — Suf- 
 ferings in the desert — Khartum — Yisit to the Roman Catholic 
 mission, and details respecting it — Fever — Invitation to explore 
 the Sabat — Opening for Protestant missions — Shendi — Egypt's 
 past and present — "Wliat Mehemet Ali has done — Berber and the 
 Barabra — The desert again : anticipations of death — The pure 
 air of the desert medicinal — Camel-drivers and camel-driving — 
 Joyful arrival at Korusko — Assuan, the Syene of the ancients : 
 its quarries and obelisks — Cairo — Kindness of Dr. Lieder — 
 Return to Eiu-ope — Bishop Gobat's dispatch of missionary pupils 
 to Abessinia ; their arrival, reception, and activity — Latest from 
 Abessinia. 
 
 Srd May. — Leaving Gondar behind us we took 
 at first a south-westerly direction to reach the 
 village of Boch, where Aito Engeda, the gover- 
 nor of Dembea, was to receive us, and whence he 
 was to give us an escort to Wekhne. On the way a
 
 FROM GONDAR TO CAIRO. 463 
 
 Mohammedan who had been in Kaffa joined our 
 little caravan. He told me that on the other side 
 of the country of Worata, which lies to the south- 
 east of Kaffa, there is a large lake called Tsamburie, 
 which is probably the large lake Tsambm-u, of which 
 I had heard from the Wakamba in Rabbai Mpia. 
 He mentioned a singular kind of telegraph by 
 means of drums which is used in Kaffa. At given 
 distances drummers are placed near a tall tree, any 
 one of whom upon sighting an enemy immediately 
 climbs the tree, and signals the event by so many 
 beats of the drum, which is taken up by the next 
 drummer also mounting his tree for the pmpose, 
 and so on to the end of the line. They have various 
 other signals all well understood. Late in the even- 
 ing we reached the village of Boch, where we 
 were received in the friendliest manner by Aito 
 Engeda. After a plentiful meal, consisting of raw 
 meat, pepper-soup, bread, beer, and wine, some 
 priests asked religious questions, which I answered 
 conformably to Scripture. The Abessinians call 
 raw flesh Brundo. Wlien they eat it, they take 
 most delight in the Shaluda the double or geminus 
 muscle, of a cow. The practice mentioned by Bruce 
 of the Abessinians cutting a piece of flesh from a 
 living cow, and covering up the place again I never 
 witnessed in any j)art of the country ; but with my 
 own eyes I saw some Christian soldiers of Shoa, on 
 an expedition against the Gallas, cut off the foot of 
 a live sheep, and then leave the animal to its fate. 
 The foot was forthwith devoured raw. It is true
 
 464 FROM GONDAR TO CAIRO. 
 
 that they were in a gi-eat hurry, and had not time 
 to slaughter the animal in the regular way. 
 
 4:th May. — Before our departure the governor in- 
 troduced us to the Alaka Selat who had been per- 
 sonally acquainted with Bishop Gobat, and inquired 
 earnestly after him. I was charmed by his modest, 
 enlightened, and tolerant character. The priests, 
 deacons, and lajmien who were about him paid him 
 great respect. The priests soon began with religious 
 discussions and I had a long controversy with them, 
 chiefly on the natui^e of Clirist ; they were adlierents 
 of the monophysitic doctrine, and I did my best to 
 confute them from Scripture. The old Alaka listened 
 to me patiently and without anger, merely saying : 
 "though we differ, still let us love one another; for 
 love is the greatest of all virtues." I have not seen 
 a more amiable man in Abessinia, more forbearing, 
 more reflective, and better acquainted with the Bible 
 than this Alaka, who bade us greet Bishop Gobat 
 heartily from hun. 
 
 At five in the afternoon we reached the villag-e of 
 Gunter near the river Kuang, chiefly inhabited by 
 priests, monks, and deacons. We were sorry that we 
 could not give them Amharic Bibles, for which some 
 of them expressed a desire ; for these western Abes- 
 sinians seem to take more interest in religious mat- 
 ters than the people of Tigre, and more Bibles 
 should be distributed among them. It was for this 
 reason cliiefly that I selected the route from Gondar 
 to Sennar for our return-jom-ney, to become person- 
 ally acquainted with the condition of this part of
 
 FROM GONDAR TO CAIRO. 465 
 
 Abessinia, where no Protestant missionary had 
 hitherto travelled. The Abuna had proposed to pro- 
 cure us an escort to the sources of the Blue River, 
 in the Agavr-country, said to be twelve days' joui-ney 
 ii'om Gondar. When I talked to him of the journey 
 to Kaffa, he said that the Gallas would not allow 
 white people to visit it, especially if they were pro- 
 vided with fire-arms. In spite of this some Romish 
 missionaries seem to have succeeded in reaching 
 Kaffa, where they are said to have been very well 
 received by the king of the country. 
 
 6th, 6th May. — Proceeding yesterday morning from 
 Gunter down into the valley, we passed the river 
 Kuang, said to have its rise in Dembea near Lake 
 Tsana and to join the Atbara. On the western bank 
 we discovered coal, the use of which is still unkno^^i 
 to the Abessinians. We encamped in the evening 
 at the village of Emmanuel, and to-day we had to 
 ascend and descend in a mountainous country for 
 several hours. We left to the right the country of 
 the Camante who inhabit the momitainous region 
 from Enchiet Amba to Mount Waha, which forms, 
 in the vicinity of Wekhne, an impregnable natural 
 fortress. It is the .duty of the Camante to guard 
 the mountain-passes from the lowlands into the high- 
 lands, and thus into Abessinia proper; they are 
 therefore held in some esteem by the Abessinian 
 rulers. They are baptized, have priests, and receive 
 the sacrament of the Lord's supper ; but, in spite of 
 this, the Abessinians look upon them as heathen. 
 They perform their religious ceremonies in dense
 
 466 FROM GONDAR TO CAIRO. 
 
 forests, where they are said to pay particular reve- 
 rence to the Cactus, ascribing to it a reasonable 
 soul, and believing that the human race sprang from 
 it. Here and there we met a family of the heathen 
 Salane, who wander fi^om place to jolace, leading a 
 pastoral life. They have to pay the sovereign of 
 Abessinia a tribute of oxen, in retmTi for which they 
 are allowed to roam about Western Abessinia. They 
 seem to me to be harmless people, who understand 
 Amharic, indeed, but use among themselves their 
 ovm. Kuara language. 
 
 7th May. — Leaving the village of Sebaskie, where 
 we had spent the night, we descended into the deep 
 valley of the Lagnat, and reached the Senkoa at 
 noon. On our way we met many dealers bring- 
 ing cotton on asses from Wekhne to Gondar and 
 Gojam. The cotton is gro\\ni in the province of 
 Kalabat, which forms the western boundary of Abes- 
 sinia, di^T.ding it fr-om the Egyptian district of 
 Sennar belonging to Soudan. Up hill and down 
 dale, and after many ^-indings through a wild and 
 uninhabited country, we reached the village of 
 Wekhne, consisting of a number of straw huts, 
 erected among gi'oups of noble trees. The inhabit- 
 ants are mostly Christians and chiefly traders. As 
 all articles imported from Sennar and Khartum, or 
 exported from Abessinia, must pass through Weklme, 
 the importance of the place is manifest. Cotton, 
 coffee, hides, ivory, slaves (only on the sly, just now, 
 as Theodoms has forbidden the slave-trade), beads, 
 coloured stuffs, and other Eg}^tian and European,
 
 FROM GOXDAR TO CAIRO. 467 
 
 as well as Abessinian products, pass thi'ough the village 
 of Wekhne wliich lies at the foot of a mountain range. 
 
 Qth May. — ^We rested at Wekhne and laid in a 
 fi'esh stock of provisions for our further journey. 
 Several Abessinians begged us to take them Tvath us 
 to Jerusalem, a pilgTimage thither being considered 
 by the priests a meritorious work, bringing rest and 
 peace to the soul. I showed them the true source 
 of peace in Christ, and warned them against being 
 deceived by theii' own thoughts and ways. 
 
 10^f/^ May. — We left Weklme, keeping along the 
 foot of the mountain, and found ourselves in an 
 undulating plain to which we could see no end. 
 On om- way we met Tvitli bamboo-canes, of which 
 we had seen none since we left the deej) defile formed 
 by the river Takassie. These deep defiles with 
 terraces, are called ''KoUa" in Amharic, and are 
 from 1000 to 6000 feet above the level of the sea, 
 and 3000 feet is about the level of Wekhne. The 
 higher grounds, called " Daga," comprise all that 
 which is above 6000 feet above the level of the 
 sea, and in some places rise to an altitude of 14,000 
 feet, as on the Abba Yared, Bewahit, and Amba 
 Hai. In these "Kolla" are found elephants, rhi- 
 noceroses, bufiuloes, lions, antelopes, and other 
 animals, as well as luxm-ious vegetation, tamarinds, 
 the terebinth or turpentine-tree, fi'ankincense, bam- 
 boo, ebony, cotton, olives, gi'apes, coffee, &c., besides 
 sycamores, adansonia or som'-gom'd, T^illows, and 
 other trees and shrubs. 
 
 It is by no means improbable that the Ethiopian 
 
 H H
 
 468 FROM GONDAR TO CAIRO. 
 
 '' vessels of bulrushes," mentioned in the eighteenth 
 chapter of Isaiah, were made out of bamboo, con- 
 veyed to Meroe, the then centre of j^Ethiopian com- 
 merce, by the waters of the Takassie and other 
 rivers. Before noon, we crossed the Abai (not to 
 be confounded mth the great Abai, the Baher-el- 
 Azrak, the " Blue river" of the Arabs), and the 
 Gendoa. In the evening we met 300 camels and 100 
 asses, carrying cotton from Matamma to Weklme. 
 
 1 1 th, 12 th May. — After a jomniey yesterday tlirough 
 a wooded wilderness, with numbers of antelopes and 
 guinea-fowls we reached a Mohaim^nedan village, 
 where we stopped for the night. To-day we arrived at 
 Matamma, where the new Sheik Ibrahim, a governor 
 appointed by Theodorus, has charge of the frontier 
 between the territories of Egypt and Abessinia. He 
 is a Mohammedan, like most of the inhabitants, and 
 gave us a friendly reception, pro^T^ding us imme- 
 diately Avith a hut to lodge in. 
 
 At Matamma we met Avith people of all nations, 
 who come here for trading pm^poses, Abessinians, 
 Arabs, Tagrm-i, and others; for it is even more of 
 a commercial centre than Weklme. The population 
 is about 1500, more de^^endent upon Abessinia than 
 Egypt, paying, however, tribute to the rulers of 
 both countries. The inhabitants are partly Dabeina 
 Arabs, partly Tagrm^i, who came hither long ago 
 from Darfiu'. They cultivate Indian corn, barley, 
 cotton, tobacco, &c., and have horses, asses, camels, 
 sheep, and black cattle, whilst honey, wax, musk, 
 and ivory are plentiful in their markets.
 
 FROM GONDAR TO CAIRO. 469 
 
 IS th, 14: f/i May. — We rested yesterday waiting for 
 tlie camels which were to take us to Doka. To-day 
 was market-day in Matamma. We saw in the 
 market, cotton, beads, wax, honey, miiTors, razors, 
 nails, drinking vessels, coffee, coffee-cups, salt, 
 onions, dmTa, stibium, horns, coloured fabrics, sheep, 
 goats, black cattle, camels, and many other things, 
 which one would scarcely have sought for, or 
 expected to find in the wilderness of Kalabat. Our 
 servant Darangot, who had offended us yesterday 
 and run away in consequence, returned to us to-day 
 with a large stone u]3on his head, and asked us to 
 forgive him.* 
 
 IQth May. — We started this morning from Matam- 
 ma, and in the evening reached the \dllage of Etteb, 
 where we were hospitably received. We were at 
 once provided with a hut, bedsteads, water, and 
 food ; indeed we met with a similar reception at most 
 places in the com'se of our journey to Sennar, which 
 gave us a good impression of the order introduced 
 into these distant countries by the Egyptian govern- 
 ment. In Abessinia, for the most part, there is 
 a great deal of wrangling and bluster before a 
 lodging and the needful provisions can be obtained, 
 so different from this. 
 
 17th, ISth May.- — ^We travelled yesterday, as the 
 day before, over a level country, frequently covered 
 
 *' Concerning tliis Abessinian custom in "whicli a person, conscious 
 that he has done wrong and seeking forgiveness, places a stone upon 
 his head or neck, see Bp. Gobat's " Joiu-nal of Three Tears' 
 Kesidence in Abessinia," p. 359. 
 
 H H 2
 
 470 FROM GONDAR TO CAIRO. 
 
 witli acacias. At noon to-day wc reached the 
 village of Doka, where we met with a very friendly 
 reception both from Muallem Saad, the government 
 official, a Coptic Christian, as well as fr'om the Kashif, 
 or Judge, Muhammed Kui'd-el-Kuttli, though one 
 would hardly have exjjected so much friendliness and 
 order in this out-of-the-way nook of the globe. Doka 
 was formerly an important centre of the slave-trade, 
 carried on by the Jibberti between Abessinia and 
 Sennar. It is now contrary to law, but the 
 Jibberti nevertheless still transport slaves in disguise 
 through Doka by night. The. slave-dealers can 
 easily conduct their secret traffic, as there are no 
 European consuls here to receive information and 
 make the necessary representations to the authorities. 
 The Mohammedans of Gondar are said to keep their 
 slaves concealed in cellars under their houses, whence 
 they bring them forth at night and send them to 
 Chelga with their mouths stuffed with rags, so that 
 the poor wretches cannot cry out and aj^peal to any 
 one on the road. From Doka they are conveyed 
 to Sennar and other places on the Blue River. 
 
 20//i, 21st 3Iay. — Yesterday we reached Asser, the 
 chief place of the district El Gadarif, and were hos- 
 pitably entertained by the son of Muallem Saad. 
 Wlien we quitted Asser to-day, the governor fur- 
 nished us with a soldier and two camels for which 
 he Imnsclf paid. He seemed to wish us to proceed 
 to Sennar Avith favom-able impressions. Om- Coptic 
 host provided us with pro^^sions, and accompanied 
 us with his people a part of the way, giving the kiss
 
 FROM GONDAR TO CAIRO. 471 
 
 of peace when he bade us farewell. Such cordial hos- 
 pitality Ave had never before experienced. Our Abes- 
 sinians were so touched, that they exclaimed : " These 
 people are kings and Christians indeed, compared with 
 our greedy Abessinian countrymen." We promised 
 to send them Ai-abic Bibles and tracts from Cau'o. 
 
 22nd, 2Sth 3fa?/. — Eight days of painftil progress, 
 sometimes losing our way, and once narrowly escaping 
 by night with the loss of a leather bag containing 
 our cooking utensils, from the clutches of a hysena. 
 We slept on the 22nd at the village of Bela, on the 
 24th at that of Kummer, on the 25th, after crossing 
 the Rabat, we bivouacked under a tree, on the 26th, 
 we rested in a village on the Rabat, which we had 
 reached again, as it has a very winding course, and, 
 on the 27th, we spent a most uncomfortable night at 
 Daud in a hut, frill of soldiers and their ^ives, 
 where there was not room enough for us to spread 
 out our cow-hides to sleep on. This morning the 
 chief constable of the place, who had forced us to 
 accept this wretched lodging, came before our de- 
 parture to apologize for his treatment of us, fearing 
 lest we might comjDlain of him to the governor at 
 Sennar. In about three hom^s we reached the vil- 
 lage of Abbas, on the Blue River. We repaired to 
 the house of a Coptic Clu-istian, named Georgis, who 
 is clerk to the resident Eg}^otian governor. The 
 privations and difficulties of the Abessinian journey 
 were over, and we had now to face those of Nubian 
 travel. 
 
 2dth Ma>j. — To-day we arrived at Sennar, and
 
 472 FROM GONDAR TO CAIRO. 
 
 took up our abode in the house of the Komos Theo- 
 dorus — in the Coptic church, Komos is the next 
 dignitary to the bisliop — who officiates as priest and 
 schoohnaster in his little community of some fifty 
 souls. He gave us a friendly reception, and a 
 chamber where we could rejjose from the fatigues 
 of our jom-ney. Most of the Copts in Sennar are 
 government officials ; others are merchants. 
 
 The rectangular houses of Sennar are built of 
 lime-bricks as there is no stone here, and have flat 
 roofs with covered balconies. These bricks are simply 
 di'ied in the sun, so that the houses often collapse 
 when the rainy season is unusually severe. The tovm 
 occupies a considerable extent of gi'ound, but I doubt 
 whether the popidation amounts to more than 12 or 
 15,000 souls. The Egyptian garrison consists of 
 from 4 to 500 disciplined black soldiers. There is a 
 weekly market where all sorts of Abessinian, Egjqjtian, 
 and Em'opean articles are sold. Caravans proceed 
 fi'om Sennar in all directions, towards Abessinia, 
 Fazokli, and the AA^iite River in the West. The 
 Blue River is na\dgable as far as the seventh cataract 
 at Roseres in the province of Fazokli, which is the 
 limit of the Pacha's sovereignty towards the south. 
 The rocks at Roseres prevent boats fr'om j^roceeding 
 further up than Sennar. 
 
 SOth May. — Upon calling upon the governor of 
 Sennar, and asking him for a boat to KJiartum, we 
 learned that the boats had not yet arrived from 
 Fazokli, so that we must proceed by land to Wad 
 Medine and Khartum. Tliis was very disagreeable
 
 FROM GONDAR TO CAIRO. 473 
 
 news, as we had come to Sennar partly on purpose 
 to journey by water to Khartum. Some time ago 
 an Italian priest is said to have penetrated to Gezan, 
 which is apparently twelve days' journey south of 
 Sennar, and thence to have proceeded to Fadasi, 
 the chief place of the tribe Bene-Shongol. He 
 seems to have purposed to reach Enarea and Kaffa, 
 where there are some Romish missionaries, who 
 went to KafPa fi'om Abessinia. As the priest could 
 not proceed fm-ther than Fadasi, he appears to 
 have remained there for some time, during which 
 he gained the favour of the prince by cm-ing his sick 
 son. The Romish missionaries therefore are about 
 to found a missionary station in Fadasi in connec- 
 tion with Khartum, hoping so to reach Enarea, 
 Kaffa, and the nations of Central Africa, whose con- 
 version they consider to be the goal of the Roman 
 Catholic mission. 
 
 The Coptic priest, Thcodorus, has a little school 
 in which he educates Coptic boys, who are very 
 quick, attentive, and desirous to learn ; more the 
 pity that the mode of instruction is merely me- 
 chanical. It is sad for us to see the addiction of 
 the Copts here to brandy drinking ; indeed drunken- 
 ness is prevalent among both Christians and Mo- 
 hammedans, and has been greatly spread by the 
 Egyi^tian soldiers. 
 
 1st June. — To-day, we visited the chapel which 
 has been built by the Copts with the consent of the 
 Pasha, at Sennar ; but were pained by the noisy 
 and unmeaning ceremonies, which the priests per-
 
 474 FROM GONDAK TO CAIRO. 
 
 formed in a very mechanical manner, and there 
 seemed to be no end to the bowing, the bmning of 
 incense, and the lightmg of candles. One part of 
 the lessons was read in Arabic, and the other in 
 Coptic, although they do not understand a word of 
 the latter ; but the present Copts wish to restore the 
 use of Coptic, or at least to \Yrite Ai'abic in Coptic 
 characters. Komos Theodorus asked me why we 
 did not establish a school in Sennar, as Missionary 
 Lieder has done in Cairo ; and as he had only one 
 Arabic Bible in his school, and that iixiperfect, we 
 promised to send him Bibles from Cairo. 
 
 2nd June. — We left Sennar, where the heat both by 
 day and night is very great. To the south-west of 
 Sennar we saw a hill in the vicinity of the White 
 River, on which the komos told us there are the 
 ruins of a Cluistian church. Doubtless, Christianity 
 was once diffused over the peninsida between the 
 Wliite and the Blue Rivers, and it is possible that 
 there are still Christian remnants to be found in 
 the south, just as in the Galla-countries, where in 
 many places the Christians mthdi-ew to steep 
 mountains, and have since lived isolated from the 
 whole of Chi'istendom. The conquests made by the 
 Eg^^itian government along the White and Blue 
 Rivers, may under ProAadence pave the way for the 
 extension of the Gospel to the heart of Africa. 
 
 3rf7, 4M June. — Last night we slept at the Aollage 
 of Wasalie, and leaving it this morning, reached at 
 noon the toMii of Wad j\Iedine, which appears to 
 be lai'ger than Sennar. The houses are built like
 
 FROM GONDAR TO CAIRO. 475 
 
 those of Sennar, and the language of the people is 
 Arabic. We lodged at the house of a Copt, a 
 government official. Coptic clerks are found, every- 
 where at the cliief seats of government, which is glad 
 of their services. Wherever such an official is 
 stationed, he soon induces his relatives and friends 
 to settle and trade, and thus, by degrees, there is 
 formed a little community of Coptic Christians, who 
 build a chapel and appoint a priest to it ; for they 
 are now allowed to build chapels where they please ; 
 and when in Kenne,* in Upper Egjqot, the Mo- 
 hammedans pulled do^^^l the Co23tic chapel, the 
 Pasha commanded the Cadi to rebuild it at the ex- 
 pense of the Mohammedan population. Who can 
 tell to what importance these little colonies of Copts 
 may yet attain ? Supposing there were to be a 
 thorough re^T-val and awakening among these 
 nominal Cluistians, would not such little commmii- 
 ties become noble centres of light, diffusing it 
 amongst the heathen and Mohammedan ? 
 
 5th — 11th June. — We could not find atWadMedine 
 any boat for Khartum, and so set off again on the 
 6th, and reached the village of Dengai in the evening, 
 where we lodged in a house, like an Arab Caravan- 
 sarai, set apart expressly for travellers, the townspeople 
 providing us Tvdtli water and food. We stopped the 
 
 * The town of Kenne is famous for the manufacture of a porous 
 kind of terra-cotta vessels, used in Egypt for cooling water. Every 
 year bands of Mohammedan pilgrims centre there on theii* way from 
 Kossir to Mecca. No wonder that the town has become so fanatical 
 and demoralized.
 
 476 FROM GONDAR TO CAIRO. 
 
 next night at Mot Ferun. The excessive heat and the 
 simoom-like wind were unbearable. The gale did 
 not last more than a few minutes at a time, but it 
 was as hot as if it came from an oven. Never yet 
 had I experienced any thing of the kind, although I 
 had suffered much from the heat in Arabia and in 
 the Adal-desert. I cannot express what I suffered 
 on this journey, and how I longed for its close : for 
 more than once my sensations were as if fire had 
 passed tlirough my brain, and first maddened and 
 then 23aralyzed it. Om- journey was made at the sea- 
 son of the greatest heat, when even the natives keep 
 as much as possible -wdthin doors. Resting at the 
 village Matadib on the evening of the 9th, we slept 
 in the open air ; but on the night of the 10th, there 
 arose all at once so cold and violent a sand- wind, that 
 we had not time to roll our bed clothes over us; 
 and the consequence was a cold, la}4ng the fomida- 
 tion of a fever which attacked me at Khartum, 
 where we arrived at noon. We met with a Mendly 
 reception and hospitable shelter from Mr. Bender, 
 the Austrian Vice- Consul. 
 
 The to^vn of Khartum lies on the Blue Eiver, 
 which joins the White River a little farther to the 
 north. It contains about 20,000 inhabitants. Kliar- 
 tum is the seat of the Governor of Sudan, and all 
 civil and military officers are under his orders. He 
 is the gi^catest person after the Pasha himself, and 
 is the ruler of Egypt, Nubia, and Sudan. 
 
 VSth June. — We visited Messieurs Kirchner and 
 Gossner, the German Roman Catholic missionaries,
 
 FROM GONDAR TO CAIRO. 477 
 
 wlio received us Tvitli much coui'tesy. Mr. Gossncr 
 was prostrate witli fever ; but Mr. Kircliner had the 
 kindness to show us the extensive garden, which the 
 lay missionaries have laid out and planted with all 
 kinds of tropical plants and trees ; it is smTounded 
 by a wall, and is watered ffom the Blue River. 
 Mr. Kirchner showed us, also, their church and 
 school, in which instruction is imparted to thirty 
 boys, collected from different tribes in the interior, 
 most of whom have been liberated fr'om slavery. 
 AYhen their period of instruction is completed they 
 "u-ill be sent back to their countrjTuen. He told 
 us that since the establishment of the mission at 
 Khartum, no less than ten missionaries had died, 
 notwithstanding the many Em^opean comforts which 
 they are enabled to procure from Europe and Cairo. 
 The mission derives great assistance from its lay 
 brothers, artizans, masons, carpenters, &c., who en- 
 joy better health than the fathers themselves. The 
 sedentar^^ life of the latter, and their good living 
 and want of exercise does not quite agree with them 
 — at least, so one of the lay brothers told us. At 
 present an extensive and massive two-storied mis- 
 sionary-house is being built of stone, intended also 
 to serve as a block-house, in case of an attack by the 
 tribes which live on the banks of the Blue and 
 Wliite Rivers. As soon as the large building is 
 completed there ^^dll be an accession of priests and 
 la^^nen, accompanied by nuns and sisters of charity. 
 The mission at Khartum is governed and supported 
 by the Majien-Verein at Vienna, and the mission-
 
 478 FROM GONDAR TO CAIRO. 
 
 arlcs arc mostly Germans from the Austrian T}to1 
 and Bavaria, ^dth a few Italians. Khartmn is the 
 central point of their missionary-stations on the 
 Wliite River ; but they have a station in the Bari- 
 country, four degi'ees north from the equator, and 
 another among the Kiks-tribe, seven degrees north 
 of it. The chief impoiiance of the station at Khar- 
 tum is as a central point and connecting link between 
 Europe, the missions in Central Africa, and that de- 
 signed for Abessinia, Sennar, and the countries both on 
 the Blue and AYliite Rivers. At Khartum itself, the 
 missionaries can eifect little, as the inhabitants are all 
 Mohammedans, with the exception of a few Coptic 
 Christians who have a chm'ch and bishop of their otsti. 
 
 Mr. Kirchner was good enough to show me a 
 dictionary of the Bari language, and, also, a vocabu- 
 lary of twelve languages spoken on the WTiite River, 
 several of which have a mutual affinity. As far as I 
 could perceive, the Bari language does not belong to 
 the great South- African family ; but rather aj^proxi- 
 mates somewhat to that of the Wakuafi, spoken about 
 the Equator. 
 
 13 fh Januarij. — A renewed and severe attack of 
 fever forced me to call to my aid Doctor Kenet, the 
 French military sm^geon, who has abeady spent 
 many years at Khartum. 
 
 At Khartum, we also became acquainted with 
 Mr. Petherick, the English consular agent*, who has 
 a commercial house in Khartimi as well as one at 
 
 * Mr. Petherick is now Her Majesty's consul for Soudan, and is 
 interesting himself to promote the exploration of the countries
 
 FROM GONDAR TO CAIRO. 479 
 
 Kordofan. His boat, some time before, had sailed 
 up the Sobat, which is a tributary of the White 
 River, and seems to have its source in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Kaifa or Enarea. Mr. Petherick asked 
 me to sail with him up the Wliite River, if possible 
 to its source, in October when the temperature is 
 cool, the Wliite River full, and the winds blow from 
 the north. Gladly as I would have accepted his 
 invitation it was quite impossible for me to entertain 
 it under the circumstances. 
 
 VdtliJime. — Taught by experience that there is na. 
 better remedy for fever than change of air, I re- 
 solved to leave Khartum as soon as possible. Mr. 
 Petherick offered us for 600 piastres a vessel from 
 Khartum to Berber. As I quitted Khartum I re- 
 flected how desirable it would be to establish Pro- 
 testant mission-stations in these countries, now so 
 providentially laid open by the power of Egypt. 
 How easy by means of the AVliite River and its many 
 tributaries to reach the nations of Central Africa, 
 which the friends of Protestant missions will do well 
 to bear in mind. 
 
 'iXst June. — We reached about noon the point 
 where the bed of the Nile becomes narrower, and 
 forces itself along through hills. At the risk of seem- 
 ing ungrateful, I must say that the change of air 
 and the coolness of the river did me more good than 
 the doctor's medicine. 
 
 around Lake Nyanza, the region of the supposed soiu-ces of the 
 Nile, about to be undertaken by Captains Speke and Grant, by the 
 employment of boats from Khartum, as I perceive by a letter from 
 him in the " Times " of the 5th of April, in the present year, 1860.
 
 480 FROM GONDAR TO CAIRO. 
 
 22nd June. — We reached the town of Shendi, 
 where we passed the night. How different the 
 aspect of this region from that which it wore in 1811, 
 when Burkhardt travelled through the regions of the 
 Nile ! How gi'eat then was the insecuiity at Shendi 
 from which he was obHged to return to Cairo, aban- 
 doning his i^lan for the discovery of the Niger ! 
 How much reason have travellers to be grateful to 
 Mehemet Ali, by whom the numerous independent 
 little potentates on the banks of the Nile, comporting 
 themselves like sultans, have been removed with iron 
 hand and his own rule substituted for theirs. 
 
 25th June. — At noon we reached the town of Ber- 
 ber, whence we could proceed no further, as the 
 water of the Nile was then too low for us to sail 
 safely over its rocks and rapids. The right tune 
 is in September and October. Since leaving Khar- 
 tum we had heard only the language of the Berber, 
 in the plm-al, Barabra.* They are active, courageous, 
 enterprising, and very different from the timid and 
 sla^dsh Nuba of Sennar. 
 
 2Qth June. — We procm-ed camels for oiu* land 
 journey from Berber to Abu Hamed, and thence 
 tlnough the eastern Nubian desert to the village 
 Korusko on the Nile. As I was suffering severely 
 from fever, and felt extremely weak, I could not 
 conceal from myself and my dear companion Flad, 
 
 * The language of tliesc Berbers, of which I could not under- 
 stand a word, is not the Tcma-.sJiirh-t of the Tarki, or Renegates, of 
 the Arabs, the Berbers more properly so called, which is spoken 
 throughout the greatest part of "Western Sahara, &c.
 
 FROM GONDAR TO CAIRO. 481 
 
 that I feared the most serious results from this 
 long and toilsome journey through the desert ; for 
 I expected notliing less than to find a grave in the 
 desert of Atmor. 
 
 27th June — Wi July. — We left Berber on the 27th. 
 The joui-ney from Khor to Abu Hamed was a 
 painful one to me; as the camel diivers paid no 
 regard to the state of my health, and only wished 
 to finish the journey as quickly as possible. We 
 left Abu Hamed yesterday, the 3rd. 
 
 oth — 14/7^ July. — For some days we travelled over 
 a level plain, where right and left we saw only here 
 and there hills in the distance. The more we pene- 
 trated into the wilderness the purer became the 
 air, so that I felt myself wonderfully strengthened. 
 The dry air of the more elevated desert is evidently 
 more healthftd than the atmosphere on the banks 
 of the Nile ; and although the heat was great I did 
 not suffer fr'om it so much as between Sennar and 
 Khartum. My greatest sufferings were caused by 
 camel riding, and the sand-wind which inflamed 
 my eyes ; our guide often gTowled and grumbled at 
 the slowness of our progress, but for poor sick me, 
 the pace was always too great. 
 
 It was with joy that we greeted our arrival at the 
 little ^allage of Korusko, where we fortunately found 
 at once a boat to take us to Assuan on the 16th. 
 Dm'ing our river voyage we frequently wondered at 
 the narrow slips of land, which are all that the 
 mountains and the rivers have left the inhabitants
 
 482 FROM GONDAR TO CAIRO. 
 
 for cultivation, which are often scarcely 60 to 100 
 feet wide, realizing the words of Isaiah : '' A nation 
 meted out and trodden do^vn, whose land the rivers 
 have spoiled ! " The Berbers or Barabra who inhabit 
 the banks of the Nile live chiefly on durra and dates ; 
 and we found groves of date-trees everywhere along 
 the river. Cows and goats are not very numerous 
 between Korusko and Assuan, the latter being the 
 Syene of the ancients, and remarkable for the Syenite 
 terraces, consisting of a reddish granite containing 
 particles of hornblende. Here are the quarries 
 from which the obelisks and colossal statues of the 
 Egy]3tian temples were dug, and an obelisk partially 
 formed, and still remaining attached to its native 
 rock, seems to bear out the conjecture I ventured to 
 throw out at page 447, whilst also bearing testimony 
 to the toilsome and persevering efforts of ancient 
 art. These terraces, shaped into peaks cross the bed 
 of the Nile, which rolls its mighty waters majestically 
 over them. It was at Assuan that Eratosthenes made 
 the first attempt to measm-e the circumference of the 
 globe, and it is here likewise that Strabo places the 
 well which marked the summer solstice ; for on the 
 day when the style of the sun-dial cast no shade at 
 noon, the vertical sun shot his rays to the bottom of 
 the well. Our boat could not proceed fiu'ther than 
 the island Philse, fi'om which we had to proceed 
 by land on asses, for the distance of a league, to 
 Assuan, where we hired a boat to Cairo. 
 
 l7th—2St/i Julfj.~l had hoped that my health 
 would have been much imi^roved by the river- voyage
 
 FROM GONDAR TO CAIRO. 4(S;3 
 
 from Assuan to Cairo ; but this was not the case. 
 I was, however, glad and grateful to reach Cairo 
 alive, after seeing before me at Abu Hamed, nothing 
 but death and the grave. The oft-tried hospitality 
 and aid of Dr. Lieder, the missionary at Cairo, 
 essentially contributed to such a partial restoration 
 of my health, as allowed me soon to undertake 
 the voyage to Europe, where I arrived in September. 
 The dear companion of my toils, Martin Flad, 
 proceeded to Jerusalem, to make his report respect- 
 ing om' journey to om' excellent friend, Bishop Gobat. 
 The bishop felt induced to send fom^ pupils of the 
 Clmschona Institute at Basel, to Abessinia, where, 
 after a severe struggle with hardship and sickness, 
 they arrived in April 1856, and were well received 
 by king Theodorus. They forthwith set to work to 
 distribute the Bibles, which they had brought with 
 them, chiefly in western Abessinia, and particularly 
 to the Falashe, who are especially desirous to 
 possess them, and among whom the brothers think 
 of settling, although they would almost have pre- 
 ferred to have found a settlement among the Gallas. 
 
 In concluding this chapter devoted to my latest 
 journey in Abessinia I may add that, according to in- 
 telligence recently received by me from that country, 
 king Theodorus has defeated king Haila Malakot 
 in Shoa, and has taken possession of his dominions. 
 Malakot died suddenly, on which tlie army sub- 
 
 I I
 
 484 FROM GONDAR TO CAIRO. 
 
 mitted to the conqueror, who made the son of 
 Malakot Governor of Shoa. He is to make him 
 Viceroy in due time. Several tribes of the WoUo- 
 Gallas have been completely routed by Theodorus ; 
 and among them that of Adara Bille, whose whole 
 family was put to the sword, and whose town, 
 Gatii-a, was burnt. IVIr. Bell, the king's adjutant, 
 directed in person the burning of the town, on 
 which occasion he said, he had not forgotten that 
 there a European had been plundered and his mis- 
 sionary labom's interrupted, a crime now so signally 
 visited upon its perpetrators. In Ankober the king 
 is reported to have found Amharic Bibles still re- 
 maining, which I had left behind in my house ; and 
 to have had them distributed, as for the future he 
 wishes the Bible to be read only in Amharic, the 
 language of the people, and no longer in the old 
 ^thiopic, which the people do not understand. 
 
 I
 
 485 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 Christianity at Eabbai — Geographical results of the mission — Eeb- 
 MANN ON UxiAMESi — Ecports of tho ivory traders as to a great 
 inland-sea — Ecbmann's servant, Saliniini — Erhardt's map of the 
 interior — The lakes, mountains, and rivers of Eastern Afi"ica — 
 Details respecting the great inland-sea — Salimini's countrj' — 
 Futiire missionary labours in Central Africa — Eehaedt on the 
 "Wanika-Land — Eesoiu'ccs and products of the "Wanika-land — 
 Hints for the improvement of the "Wanika and their country — 
 Taxation — Hints to Missionakies. 
 
 It is pleasant in drawing this volmne to a close to 
 be able to announce that the power and mercy of God 
 have revealed themselves anew at Rabbai ]\Ipia. 
 The wife of Abbegunja, whom the reader may ])yo- 
 bably recollect, begins to pray, and he himself is 
 diffusing Cluistianity among his countrjTnen. A 
 single Christian family among a heathen people is of 
 signal value. God allows gTeat things to arise out 
 of small and insignificant beguniings, as He has pro- 
 mised : — '' A little one shall become a thousand." 
 
 If less important, still no less interesting are the 
 geogTaphical results which have proceeded fi'om om' 
 missionary labom*s in Eastern Africa. The follow- 
 ing extract fi'om a communication of my friend 
 Rebmann, dated '' Mombaz, 23rd April, 1855," 
 
 I I 2
 
 486 CONCLUSION. 
 
 points out the source of some recent expeditions 
 and discoveries, made by English travellers in 
 Eastern Africa, which are just now being brought 
 prominently before the notice of the public. 
 
 " During my friend Erhardt's six months' resi- 
 dence at Tanga to study the Kisambara language, 
 he had often noIe}is volens to listen to narratives of 
 journeys, introduced into the conversations held by 
 him with the ivory-traders of that place. They 
 represented to lihn that the Sea of Uniamesi was 
 simply a continuation of the Lake Niassa, the latter, 
 according to them, striking out westward fi^om its 
 northerly dii'ection, and then spreading itself out 
 even to a gi'eater expanse than hitherto, so as to 
 approach the mountains which pass through the 
 centre of the continent, and fonn a most important and 
 impenetrable barrier and water-shed. The northern 
 side of this barrier contains the sources of the Nile, 
 of Lake Tsad, and of the river Chadda, wliile the 
 south side sends its waters partly to the Atlantic 
 Ocean, by the river Congo or Zafre, partly to the 
 Indian Ocean by the Jub, Dana, and Osi, and also, 
 as I think highly probable, to the great lake of the 
 interior itself. 
 
 ''As we must regard all such accounts of the natives 
 necessarily as very vague and inaccurate, Erhardt 
 was not at first inclined to give unqualified credence 
 to this statement ; but one cfrcumstance could not fail
 
 CONCLUSION. 487 
 
 to strike him as remarkable, that persons journey- 
 ing into the interior from very different starting 
 points, such as Uibo, Kiloa, Mbuamaji, Baga- 
 moyo, Pangani, and Tanga, a tract of coast ex- 
 tending some six degrees of latitude, all represent 
 themselves, at very varying points of distance from 
 the coast, as arriving at a Baheri or inland-sea.* 
 This, however, did not necessarily prove to him 
 that the Lake of Uniamesi is a continuation of that 
 of Niassa, and that both thus form but a single large 
 lake, or rather sea, in the centre of the continent. 
 '' After Erhardt's retm-n to Rabbai we natm-ally 
 
 * The chief caravan routes which lead from the Suahili coast to 
 the great inland-sea are the following : — 
 
 1 . The route from the island of Tanga, upon which the Suahili 
 ivory-traders cross several isolated mountain-masses, and among 
 them the snowy Kilimanjaro and Doinio Engai, and upon which 
 also travellers have to pass through the level pasture-land of the 
 
 .Masai tribes to Burgenej. This journey occupies fifty-five days, 
 and is performed at the rate of about seven leagues a day. From 
 Burgenej the route lies for eight days through the very populous 
 country of the Waniamesi, and then suddenly reaches the inland-sea. 
 The Masai are savages, but breeders of cattle ; the Waniamesi, on 
 the contrary, are qiiiet and well-disposed, and cultivate the soil. 
 Thus the distance from Tanga to the inland- sea would appear to 
 be about 400 or 450 leagues. 
 
 2. The second route is from Mbuamaj, south of Zanzibar, to 
 Ujiji, a town in Uniamesi. This route is almost as long as the 
 first, and is used by numerous caravans journeying with beasts 
 of biu-den, horses, asses, &c., to fetch slaves, ivory, and copper 
 ore. The coimtry through which it passes is quite level with the 
 exception of the Ngu range of hUls, which is not far from the coast. 
 
 3. The routes from Kiloa or Kirimba to the ferries of Gnombo 
 and Mdenga, which are used partly by the Portuguese slave- 
 dealers, partly by the Arabs. 
 
 Ujiji is the point from whence large row-boats cross the lake
 
 488 CONCLUSION. 
 
 conversed now and then upon this subject, but could 
 come to no other conclusion than that one of these 
 days a European visiting the localities themselves 
 would alone be able to clear the matter up. Cm-ious 
 enough, however, a man named Salimini had been 
 in my service for a year whose home is but two or 
 three days' journey to the west of Lake Niassa, and 
 who had formerly told me that in his country most 
 of the rivers flow to the north, and that going from 
 his home, Kumpande, at two and a half days' 
 jom-ney eastward, and tliree days' jom^ney north- 
 ward, you reach Lake Nianja, as it is there called. 
 
 '' In the meantime Erhardt had begun to mark 
 down all these geographical data, obtained from one 
 source or another, on a large map, and by this 
 process he exhibited the inland-sea, when drawn in 
 accordance with the statements of the ivory-dealers, 
 in that position towards the rivers, all of which an 
 old English map represented as flowing from the 
 south, so that there could then hardly remain a 
 doubt as to their emptying themselves into it. At 
 last it happened that as we were one November day 
 discussing the matter together, and comparing what 
 we knew of it with the physical conformation of 
 Africa in the south and north, and in the east and 
 
 to the west. In five days these boats reach the mountainous 
 island of Kavogo. It takes another twenty-five days before they 
 reach the western shore, where they purchase copper. The shores 
 of the sea are low, sandy, and shehdng. Only at its south end are 
 there lofty mountains. The waves of the lake are often very high ; 
 it consists of fresh-water, and is full of fish. Its shores are, for the 
 most part, inhabited.
 
 CONCLUSION. 489 
 
 west, at one and the same moment the problem 
 flashed on both of us as solved by the simple sup- 
 position that, where geographical hy|3otheses had 
 hitherto supposed an enormous mountain-land, we 
 must now look for an enormous valley and an in- 
 land sea. With this solution the statements of our 
 African informants completely harmonized, not only 
 with what had been correctly given on former maps 
 as previously discovered, but with what we knew 
 of the conformation of the country from our own 
 observation, extending over no small sxu-face. If 
 the centre of Africa were an elevated mountain- 
 land, how could there be a flow towards the north 
 of the whole series of rivers which the Portuguese 
 cross on their route from east to west ? And why 
 have we not, flowing from the south side of the 
 so-called Mountains of the Moon, a river similar 
 to the Congo in the west, and the Dana and Jub 
 in the east, which could not be much inferior to 
 the Nile or the Chadda ? Both these questions 
 are completely solved by the supposition of an 
 inland-sea in Central Africa. The chief features 
 then of the geographical conformation of Central 
 Africa would thus be a very decided declivity from 
 the north-west and south, forming an enormous 
 basin in the centre; but towards the east an ex- 
 tensive plain upon wliich, however, there is a very 
 remarkable series of single and perfectly isolated 
 mountains and mountain-groups, some of which the 
 all-wise Creator and Architect of the earth has 
 crowned with perennial snow, just where it is hottest,
 
 490 CONCLUSION. 
 
 close to the Equator, to cool and refresh the earth, 
 which seem to form the links of a chain running 
 from south to north to join the so-called Mountains 
 of tlie Moon, just where we have to look for the 
 more eastern som^ces of the White Nile. Its western 
 sources are probably close together in the neighbour- 
 hood of the Shary, which flows into the Tsad, 
 and of the Chadda which joins the Niger. If so 
 the Arabian writers of the middle ages, as well as 
 European geographers up to the middle of the last cen- 
 tury, would be quite correct in their assertion that the 
 Niger by means of its tributary, the Chadda, rises 
 near the som-ces of the Nile, and pursuing a westerly 
 course tln-ough the continent pours its waters into 
 the Atlantic Ocean. The mountain-grou23s referred 
 to, in so far as we ourselves have seen them, 
 from south to north, are chiefly the following : — 
 Ngu, Usambara with Pare, Bm-a with Ndara and 
 Kadiaro, Kilimanjaro with Sliira, Kisongo with 
 Ugono, the snow-mountain Kenia (Kegnia), seen 
 by Dr. Krapf in the distance, along with Kikujni. 
 That none of these mountains form terraces which 
 lead to more elevated lands, and that Kilmianjaro 
 is not, as Dr. Kiepert figm'es it in his Atlas, a 
 mountain-range, or part of mountain-chain, but a com- 
 pletely isolated mountain-mass, merely surrounded 
 by smaller and likewise isolated mountains, we 
 have convinced om^selves with our oa^ti eyes. The 
 mountain-range, some 1500 feet high, and only some 
 four leagues fi'om the coast which stretches from the 
 bay of Kilefi to Usambara, and is inhabited by the
 
 CONCLUSION. 491 
 
 Wanika, is the only approach to such a terrace. A 
 section of it l}T^ng inland from Mombaz is nothing 
 else than our own Rabbai, with Rabbai Mpia and 
 Kisiiludini where we are stationed. From Kilefi 
 to lias Ngome there is also a smaller mountain- 
 ridge in the Galla-land. But thence, as far as Cape 
 Gerdaf the land rises very gently and im2:)erceptibly 
 fr'om the coast towards the interior. In general 
 the country to the south of Usambara as far as 
 Cape Delgado or Mgau j)resents the same character. 
 It is well worthy of remark that the small elevated 
 land which is borne, as it were, on the shoulders 
 of the Wanika-mountains, rather sinks than rises 
 as you go fiuiher inland ; indeed at a good day's 
 journey from our station you have to descend a 
 declivity some 150 feet deep, called 'Xdunguni,' 
 which forms a semicii'cle fr'om Usambara to Ukam- 
 bani, so that, on his journey to Ukambani Dr. Krapf 
 had first to descend, and then at Yata to ascend 
 the heights again. So little do the mountains of 
 Teita form a terrace, that on the jom^ney to 
 Jagga you would leave them altogether on the one 
 side, were it not that you have to purchase food 
 from their inhabitants. Then again, the country 
 slopes gently towards the foot of Kilimanjaro, 
 and in the west of it, as well as round about it, 
 I saw to my smprise the same plain again spreading 
 out no higher than to the east of it, like the smooth 
 sm-face of the sea. Om- African informants, too, 
 who proceed fi'om the various points of the coast 
 already mentioned in a south-westerh', westerly, or
 
 492 CONCLUSION. 
 
 north-westerly clii'ection, to the gi'eat inland-sea, are 
 all unanimous in declaring that any one who main- 
 tains that there are mountains to be traversed in 
 their joui'neys, is neither more nor less than a liar. 
 Certainly there are mountains, but these are, they 
 say, like houses, which you do not climb over but 
 go round as you proceed. Only in the immediate 
 proximity of the lake, which is called Niassa, the 
 traveller has to cross a pretty high mountain-range 
 stretching along its eastern shore, and the depth of 
 his descent on the western side corresponds with 
 the height of his ascent on the eastern. This 
 mountain-range which is, as it were, a wall and 
 water-shed to the lake, and which, according to my 
 servant from Kumpande has in the west a similar 
 and corresponding elevation, is probably joined in 
 the north by other separate and isolated mountains, 
 mountain-chains, and mountain-gi^oups, where the 
 not unimportant rivers Lufiji and Rufmna have 
 their soiu'ces, until we come to the Ngu group, from 
 which the farther continuation of the chain as far as 
 the Equator is knowmi to us from personal survey. 
 
 ''To come to fm-ther details respecting this inland- 
 sea shut in on three sides, at first its southern 
 opening, according to our African informants, is so 
 narrow that people on the opposite shores can call 
 to each other ; and here seems to be the first feiTy, 
 called ' Zandinge,' — come and fetch me. The next 
 ferry, ftirther northward, lies between the village 
 Msauka, on the western shore, and Mjangga on the 
 eastern, between which a boat crosses only twice
 
 CONCLUSION. 493 
 
 or thrice a clay. The next ferry has an intermediate 
 station, the island of Mount Mbaazuru (height). 
 Passengers stop there the first day of their passage 
 across, spend the night on it, and go on the next 
 day. Still further to the north is the ferry between 
 Zenga on the western, and Gnombo on the eastern 
 shore, where it takes the boat the whole day to make 
 the passage, or according to the African mode of 
 reckoning, from cock-crow to the return of the fowls 
 to their roosts. This passage is considered so dange- 
 rous, that it is, only attempted when there is not a 
 breath of wind and when, therefore, sails are not 
 necessary, and merely oars are used. Nor do father 
 and son, or two brothers, ever go together in the 
 same boat, in order that they may avoid a common 
 death. To ascertain beforehand the complete ab- 
 sence of wind they drop thrice during the same 
 day meal from their hands upon the earth. If the 
 meal falls every time straight to the ground the 
 passage is undertaken next day. This is called, 
 ' Ku demba Nianja,' examination of the Niassa. If 
 they return in safety fi-om crossing this ferry, they 
 hold a joyful feast, called Kirosi. Any one who 
 never attempts to cross, is nick-named ' Kiwerenga 
 Masira,' egg-counter — perhaps somewhat equivalent 
 to the English stay-at-home term, ^ Mammy's apron- 
 string.' 
 
 '' The eastern shore of the lake is inhabited by the 
 Wajania, a tribe of Wahiaos, who are spread out 
 for a considerable distance towards the sea-coast, 
 and are called Wanguru by the tribes who live to
 
 494 CONCLUSION. 
 
 the west of the lake. Along the western shore we 
 find the AVamaravi first, whose district is called 
 Maravi, whence the lake has been wTongly designated 
 Maroyi on some old maps. The Wamaravi (people 
 of Maravi) inhabit partly the plain, which extends 
 for about half a day's jomiiey westward from the 
 lake, and partly also the eastern declivity of the 
 elevated mountain-land, wliich meets us here. Such 
 of them as live close by the shore of the lake are 
 also called Wanianja (people of Nianja or Niassa). 
 On the elevated mountain-land itself, we find the 
 Wakamdunda, literally highlanders, to whom our 
 servant from Kumjjande belongs. Besides these 
 there are Wamuera and Wakmnbodo (or Wam- 
 bodo), that is, south and north country-men, clearly 
 appellations derived from the Lake Xiassa, and the 
 suitabihty of which becomes more striking, when 
 it is known that where the Wakmnbodo begin 
 the lake forsakes its northern dii-ection, bends round 
 to the north-west and west, and so receives the rivers 
 coming from the south, the Roanga, the Zambezi (not 
 to be confounded with the other Zambezi, which 
 flows eastward, and is also called Kilimani), the 
 Murusura, the Roapm-a, the Mufira, the Guarava, 
 and the Rofoe. The large stream Bua flows some 
 two days' journey northward from the country of 
 my Kumpande servant, and receives the smaller 
 rivers, Zaru, Pfabui, Mde, Mdede, Kakuw. When 
 the lake, as afready mentioned, bends round to the 
 west, it seems to be so broad that no communica- 
 tion takes place between the opposite shores ; and
 
 CONCLUSION. 495 
 
 on their fishing expeditions the Wakunibodo are 
 said not to go beyond the nearest islands. To what 
 extent westward this collection of waters stretches, 
 before it again bends round to the west ; of its extent 
 northward, and the probable breadth of the Ukerewe, 
 as the inland-sea there is called ; and, finally, as to 
 the position of the wonderful island. Mount Kavogo, 
 said by the natives to touch the skies, and on which, 
 according to tradition, the deity who owns the 
 Ukerewe dwells, and manifests his mercy and his 
 wrath in various ways ; are points to which the 
 reader is referred to the elaborate and admii-ably 
 executed map of my dear fellow-labourer, Erhardt.* 
 *'My informant, Salimini, told me further that in 
 his country the year has only two divisions, Mu- 
 amfii, the hot, and Zinja, the cold or rainy season. 
 The cold there reaches a point at which the leaves 
 fall from the trees, and all the grass withers; and 
 even the water freezes where it is standing in small 
 quantities. The soil seems to be extremely fer- 
 tile and the inhabitants would live in the gi'eatest 
 comfort, if they had not been induced by the Por- 
 tuguese slave-traders to limit and sell each other. 
 The Portuguese, who are called Wakogunda, have 
 two settlements in that country in the vicinity of 
 Kumpande, the one called Kubale, the other Kum- 
 konia." 
 
 Thus far my friend Rebmann, the chief facts con- 
 
 * Erhardt' s Map was published in " The Proceedings of the Eoyal 
 
 Geographical Society," and " The Chm-ch Missionary Intelligencer" 
 of 1856.
 
 496 CONCLUSION. 
 
 tained in whose interesting communication have been 
 confiiined and elucidated by the explorations made 
 by Major Burton and Ca2:)tain Speke in their expe- 
 dition from Zanzibar to Uniamcsi in 1857.* 
 
 As regards myself, so far back as the period of 
 my arrival in Eastern Africa in the year 1844, I 
 heard of an inland-sea in Uniamesi as well as of the 
 Lake Niassa. The inland-sea of Uniamesi was desig- 
 nated to me under the name of Tanganika, the name 
 by which it was known in the part where my in- 
 formant had seen it. AVlien in Ukambani in 1851 
 too, I had heard of a mighty inland-sea, the end of 
 which was not to be reached even after a journey of 
 100 days. Of the existence of an enormous lake in 
 the interior I had long been convinced ; but whether 
 the Lake Niassa is connected with that of Uniamesi 
 may be doubtful, more especially as I heard from 
 several African travellers, such as Bana Klieri, that 
 the lakes were completely separated from one another. 
 
 I join heartily in the wish expressed by my dear 
 friend Rebmann, and in his longing for the time 
 when the messengers of peace shall sail on the Nile, 
 and that arm of the Niger, the Chadda, from the 
 north, and on the Zambezi or Kilimani from the 
 coast to the Ukerewe sea, and after a longer or 
 shorter land journey in the heart of Africa, proceed 
 to proclaim the merciful year of the Lord and the 
 day of salvation to the teeming millions on its shores. 
 
 * Another expedition, to explore the sources of the Kile, is at 
 present about to proceed to the countries bordering on Lake Niassa, 
 imder Captains Speke and Grant.
 
 CONCLUSION. 497 
 
 I am persuaded that the work which in our great 
 weakness we have commenced in Eastern Africa 
 will not be allowed by the Lord to pass away ; but 
 that He will stii' up His people to continue it with 
 energy, and to complete it with glory. But our own 
 too sanguine expectations, — the flesh, ever anxious 
 to rejoice in its own achievements, must first perish; 
 so that we may render all the glory not to ourselves, 
 but to the Lord, who at His o"\,\ti appointed season 
 and hour will also establish His kingdom in Eastern 
 Africa. 
 
 In conclusion, I cannot refi'ain fr-om adding to 
 Rebmann's important communication, the folloT\dng 
 interesting memoir fr^om my dear fellow-labourer 
 Erhardt, on 
 
 THE KESOURCES AND PEODUCTS OF THE WANIKA-LAND. 
 
 " Two things are necessary to the attainment of a 
 correct idea as to the resources of this country, in so 
 far as they serve for the maintenance of the natives 
 or admit of extension, or as the means of promoting 
 a hopeful intercourse with other nations. The first 
 is a thorough investigation of products actually 
 existing, whether they belong to the animal or 
 vegetable systems; the other, a survey of the re- 
 sources that can be oj)ened up by the increased 
 diligence of the natives, in cultivating these products, 
 as well as by the introduction of foreign animals 
 and plants suited to the climate. Add to this a
 
 498 CONCLUSION. 
 
 glance at the means of taxation, in order to render 
 more clearly the nature of the intercourse which may 
 eventually be looked for between Europe and these 
 distant countries. 
 
 ^' That the present period of interference on the part 
 of Said-Said, Sultan of Zanzibar, with the affairs of 
 these coast-tribes is of great importance for our mis- 
 sionary labours is not to be denied; and we must 
 above all things make perfectly clear the mode in 
 which we can best urge on the work confided to us, 
 for the benefit of our Wanil^a j^eople. No doubt, 
 oiu: great mission is to preach Christ and Him 
 crucified; but as there is no spiritual development 
 possible without a worldly one — as no man after 
 being awakened by the light of the Gospel, can re- 
 main in the debased state to which heathenism has 
 confined him, it becomes om- duty so to laboiu" that, 
 with its light the temporal blessings of Christianity 
 may be difiiised among these unciviHzed tribes ; or 
 as Mr. Moffat, the missionary, has very forcibly said: 
 ' Instead of sinking to the low stage of existence 
 occupied by the natives, a descent to which there 
 are great temptations, we must always labour' to 
 raise our converts to om' own level." If riches 
 come without Christianity, they are poison to the 
 soul, instead of a benefit ; but if they follow as the 
 result of Christianity, they entwine around the 
 Gospel, and identify themselves with the missionary. 
 From this often proceeds an appeal for the presence 
 of a missionary ; the heathen seeing that it brings 
 temporal benefits with it. The influence to be in
 
 CONCLUSION. 499 
 
 future exerted on the interior of Africa by an or- 
 ganized mission, will be manifested just as it has been 
 manifested in South and Western Africa. Commer- 
 cial intercourse, too, will then not only receive a new 
 impulse, for Christian commerce and Christian teach- 
 ing go hand in hand, but as resulting from the 
 teaching,._what is much more important for us, 
 tidings of the Book of the Europeans will be borne 
 into the interior and indirectly pave the way for our 
 missionary laboui^s. But so long as oiu* missions 
 are not embodied into a community, however small, 
 so long will Christianity be unable to reveal itself 
 in its complete form, and produce that impression 
 which has always hitherto attracted the heathen. 
 
 ''It is very remarkable to observe how of late 
 Mohammedanism has been forced to assume a pro- 
 tecting attitude towards missionary effort in Egj^t 
 and the Turkish empire, and as it seems, even now 
 in this land of outer darkness. Under this pro- 
 tection, however feeble, it is clearly our duty to 
 prosecute our work with unceasing diligence. When 
 Christianity has once taken root, though the secular 
 arm is not powerful enough to protect it, there is 
 ever One at hand to watch over it. 
 
 '' The sources of the food of a people are not only 
 such as it cultivates and maintains, but also those 
 which nature and the peculiar circumstances of the 
 country spontaneously offer to man. Among the 
 former are the breeding of cattle and tillage of the 
 land ; among the latter, wild animals and wild fi'uits. 
 
 '' The sources of animal food are sustained by the 
 
 K K
 
 500 CONCLUSION. 
 
 breeding of cattle ; and by the war man wages with 
 wild animals, or game, by shooting, fowling, hunt- 
 ing, and fishing. 
 
 '' The animals existing among the Wanika are the 
 following : — 
 
 a. Cattle and poultry : — 
 
 Gnombe, black cattle ; Kondo, sheep ; ^Ibusi, 
 goats ; Punda, donkeys ; Kuku, fowls ; and Bata, 
 ducks. 
 
 1). Wild animals : 
 
 " If we consider the number of destructive animals 
 found in the vicinity, we may easily picture to om'- 
 selves the lazy, listless life in which the natives 
 pass away their days. Nature rules so perfectly un- 
 controlled, that even land capable of cultivation is 
 surrendered to monkeys, apes, and wild swine, and 
 left to run wild as part of the wilderness. 
 
 ''In the following list of animals I have confined 
 myself to such as are met within the Rabbais, and 
 their neighbourhood : — 
 
 Embawa mVe, 
 
 Kuro (dog), 
 
 
 Niati (buffalo). 
 
 Funo, 
 
 Lobe, 
 
 
 Kiiimbu, 
 
 Kemgu mume, 
 
 Malu, 
 
 
 Pa (a kind of 
 
 Kongoni, 
 
 ITburumbu, 
 
 
 antelope), 
 
 Kuagna-sa, 
 
 Ngawa (civet 
 
 cat), 
 
 "Witungule (hares). 
 
 " Among the beasts of prey : — Simba (lion). Gala, 
 Tui (leopard), Fisi (hyaena), Kiboko (crocodile) 
 Kiniegere (Fel. Lynx). 
 
 " Among birds (besides the birds of prey, which 
 include a great variety of the falcon tribe) are the 
 Kanga, Kororo, Kuinsi, Ninga, and Ndiwa (pigeon).
 
 CONCLUSION. 501 
 
 '' The second chief source of nourishment on which 
 man depends is the soil. 
 
 "In the Wanika-land is no soil which is absolutely 
 incapable of cultivation, and its products might be 
 increased at least sixty-fold, when there would still 
 remain pasture and forest-land sufficient to provide 
 for all the wants of the inhabitants. The fruits of the 
 field and of trees which we see cultivated are in- 
 considerable in quantity, because there is an absence 
 of the necessary energy to till the gromid, and also 
 because the inhabitants have no markets for the 
 sm'plus. 
 
 " The cereals and edible vegetables are: — 
 
 Mpunga (rice), Mljasi, ) Madango, 
 
 Mtama (tufted maize), Kunde, j ' Tiingudslia, 
 
 Mahindi (Indian Fiwi (beans), "Wimumunia, 
 
 com), Fiasi (sweet potatoes), Nduniasa, 
 
 Mnhogo (cassave), Fiasi manga (yam), Ndu mawe, 
 
 Uwimbi, \ Ndisi (bananas), Mandano. 
 
 Muelle, j "' Kimanga, Mbono (Thicinus). 
 
 Podsho, 
 
 "The oleaginous plants' are the following: — 
 Mbono,* Mafuta tanga, Tondo, Kweme, Nasi. 
 
 "Resin and gum are contained in: — Handsha, 
 copal. 
 
 Amongst the fruits cultivated will be found : — 
 
 Mdellasini (cinnamon Mfenesi (bread-tree), Mnasi (cocoa-nut tree), 
 
 tree), Muembe (mango), Mjungua (orange- 
 
 Makuadsba (Tama- Mpera (guava), tree), 
 
 rinde). Msambarao, Mlimau (citron- tree), 
 
 Mgandshu, Mdimu (lime-tree), 
 
 Mua (sugar cane), Mkoma munga, Mpapaju, 
 
 Mbamba (cotton Mtomoko, Mgmfa (clove tree), 
 
 plant), Mnanasi (pine-apple), Msufi. 
 
 K K 2
 
 502 CONCLUSION. 
 
 ''Among the many trees growing wild which bear 
 fruit, we may mention : Mkunasi, Mgunga, Mbmigo, 
 Vitoria, Vipo, Futu, &c. 
 
 '' The useful forest trees which produce wood 
 suited for houses and ships, or are adapted for 
 cabinet-makers' work, are : — Mfule (of a reddish 
 colour, and well suited for planks and boards), 
 IVIbambakofi, Muafi, Mdshe, Mdshani, Mkoko, 
 Mgnambo, Mtiwa sliibili, Mdshje, Mgm-ure (teak), 
 Mismari, Mkuaju, Mfunda, Mpingo (ebony), Mbawa, 
 Kikuata (^Acacia vera, producing gum arabic), Mtondo, 
 Msikundasi, Mkomafi, Msandarisi (producing copal : 
 its wood is hard, resinous, and used for the masts 
 of ships).* 
 
 " Looking at the multiplicity of the products of 
 the country enumerated above, and at its uncul- 
 tivated condition, it is clear that there is no necessity 
 for the introduction of foreign products, if an im- 
 provement can be made in the cultivation of those 
 which already exist in the country. 
 
 '' With such a list before us, it is not a difficult 
 matter to answer the obvious question : What can 
 and should be done to benefit the interior of this 
 great continent ? 
 
 " The influence which one people exerts upon 
 another is, in general, regulated by its wealth. If 
 
 * Other forest trees found on the East-coast are : Mkomasi (a red 
 wood), Mgunisi (a very hard wood for beams), Msimbati, Mgniemsu, 
 Mleha, Mnaninga (a hard, yellowish red wood), Mkalambaki (the 
 wood has a pleasant odour, is blackish, and takes a good polish), and 
 Mtata. 
 
 1
 
 CONCLUSION. 503 
 
 a people becomes impoverished, its influence abroad 
 will decrease in proportion to the decrease of its 
 internal prosperity. The social reasons on whicli 
 such a dogma is based, always presuppose that 
 " worldly prosperity follows in the wake of Chris- 
 tianity." It is, consequently, certain, that if 
 the tribes of the coast are to influence those of 
 the interior, they must first be elevated in the 
 social scale. Our duty and self-proposed labour as 
 missionaries should thus be to rouse the natives 
 to be more diligent in agriculture, and in cattle- 
 breeding; to impress upon them the advantages of 
 both; to point out to them such articles as are most 
 profitable; and finally, to place within their reach 
 such animals and seeds as can be useftJly introduced 
 for their benefit. 
 
 '' The breeding of cattle and poultry should first 
 have attention paid to it, and should be increased in 
 an extraordinary degree. A more extensive breeding 
 of oxen, cows, goats, sheep, asses, fowls, ducks, 
 geese, and tm-keys (the two last, as yet, quite mi- 
 known), would add to the prosperity of the natives 
 both at home and elsewhere. Peltiy, too, including 
 the skins of wild animals, should go hand in hand 
 vdth. the trade in ivory and horns ; for example, in 
 the case of buffaloes and rhinoceroses ; nor should 
 the profit to be derived from the Ngawa, civet-cat, 
 be overlooked. 
 
 "As regards new animals, it might be desirable 
 to introduce the domestic hog and Egjq^tian sheep, 
 the latter of which would peld not only a very
 
 504 CONCLUSION. 
 
 quick, but a very profitable return. Wool and 
 cotton are two articles which are in constant de- 
 mand in England, and which, if cultivated to any 
 extent, would ultimately contribute to bring these 
 countries under Em-opean protection ; and the east- 
 em coast of Africa could almost produce cotton 
 enough to satisfy the demands of the whole of 
 England, and thus in promoting the growth of 
 sheep and cotton a poweiiul blow would be dealt 
 to the American slave-trade. 
 
 ''As regards, in the second place, agriculture and 
 planting, it is questionable whether this country- 
 could ever be a granary for other lands; however 
 enough might be produced to meet the demands of 
 the interior. Of the following productions a sale 
 might be anticipated abroad : — 
 
 ''1. Munga, ]\Ilimau, Mdimu (oranges, limes, 
 lemons, which, on account of their juice, are used 
 in great quantities by the English navy). 
 
 ''2. Ukuadshu (tamarindes, exported in casks, 
 after hot syrup has been poured over them). 
 
 "3. Mua (sugar-cane). 
 
 " 4. Grafa, Dellasini, Mandano. 
 
 ''5. Bamba, cotton, and Sufu — (both of them cul- 
 tivated and gTO"vvang wild; the latter growing on 
 high trees, and used as a substitute for cotton and 
 feathers in stuffing beds). 
 
 '' 6. Uwanga (aiTow-root, grows wild in large 
 quantities). 
 
 " 7. Kauma (calamus, or sweet-flag). 
 
 '' 8. Various kinds of oils : —
 
 CONCLUSION. 505 
 
 a. Mbono (Palma Christi). 
 
 b. Mafata ya nasi (cocoanut-oil). 
 
 c. Mafiita Tanga, which has lately come into 
 use. 
 
 d. Tondo and Kweme, only important as being 
 oleaginous. 
 
 e. Semsem. 
 
 '' As regards the products of the interior, all long 
 known, of most importance, are : — 
 a. Ivory. 
 
 . b. Horns of the Kifaru (rhinoceros). 
 
 / c. Horns of the Niati (Buffalo). 
 
 d. Tusks of the Mamba (Hippopotamus). 
 
 / e. Horns of different Antelopes. 
 
 ' /. Ostrich-feathers. 
 
 " As these nations rise in the social scale, the 
 mineral productions of the soil will also be made 
 available. Amongst these coal and iron are the 
 most important ; the former, the use of which is still 
 im known to the natives, is met with in many parts, 
 and the latter, more particularly in Ukambani and 
 Jagga. Antimony is fomid in Darmna; cornelians 
 and other jDrecious stones in Wabilikimo; and the 
 natives manufacture various articles, such as pretty 
 mats, all of which might be made available as means 
 of spreading the Gospel amongst a nation meted out 
 and trodden do^m. 
 
 "As regards taxation, the condition of the people 
 and of their property must be clearly kept in view; 
 from wliich it is evident that a king would be unable 
 to levy taxes in kind, as to do so would require
 
 606 CONCLUSION. 
 
 beforehand an extended and organized administra- 
 tion, which would cost more than could be dra^m 
 from the poor Schamba, or plantations, of the Wanika ; 
 and consequently such an impost would degenerate 
 into violence and extortion. Taxation of this kind 
 would not only be useless to the king, but directly 
 injurious to the Wanika. 
 
 ^' As all the AVanika individually, in point of 
 wealth, are on a tolerable equality one with an- 
 other, a poll-tax would suit them best. Ivory might, 
 perhaps, be indirectly taxed as an article of export, 
 and other indii'ect taxation levied for a time upon 
 all articles exported or imported. After the general 
 productive power of the nation shall have increased, 
 and the Wanika become more removed from one 
 another in point of income, each branch of productive 
 and remunerative industry might be taxed, and the 
 poll-tax abolished ; but it is desu-able that at first all 
 industry should not be checked by heavy taxation. 
 To tax a marriageable young man two dollars a 
 year would not be too much; for he could easily 
 raise his two dollars without being oppressed, by 
 collecting copal, rearing goats, or from the sale of 
 cocoanuts and palm-wine, Indian-corn, &c. He 
 would, indeed, requii-e to be somewhat more indus- 
 trious than he usually is, and to be less addicted to 
 drinking; but that is just what is to be Tvished for in 
 the case of every Wanika of them all." 
 
 
 And now that I have communicated these two 
 most interesting and important contributions of my
 
 CONCLUSION. 507 
 
 dear friends Rebmann and Erhardt to the geography, 
 natural history, and social economy of Eastern Africa, 
 my work draAvs to a close ; but I would first impress 
 the following points on the attention of missionaries 
 who are destined to labour in that region of the con- 
 tinent : — 
 
 1. Resist with all the power of faith, of prayer and 
 of truth, that mood of despondency and faint-hearted- 
 ness, which is disposed to say with the men sent to 
 spy out the land of Canaan, '' We be not able to go 
 up against the people ; for they are stronger than 
 we." The state of the East- African heathen, their 
 indifference towards all that is spiritual, or to any 
 progress in mere human affairs, (they are, as Reb- 
 mann rightly says, "profitable in nothing either to 
 God or to the world,") may easily beget in the heart 
 of a missionary a mood of disappointment, in which 
 he would say with Isaiah, " I have laboured in vain ; 
 I have spent my strength for nought, and in vain." 
 At tunes, you may be assailed and tried by this 
 mood, in order that you may be made mindful of 
 your own utter want of power, and of complete de- 
 pendence on the Lord, lest you should think that 
 the heathen are given to you, and not to Him, as an 
 inheritance. But this casual desponding must not 
 become habitual, otherwise you will be cast down 
 and numbered amongst the faint-hearted who stand 
 without the gates of the city of God. Labour 
 on courageously, faithfully, patiently, and believ- 
 ingly; for "to continue labouring in patience," says 
 our venerated prelate (Ettinger, "is in itself vie-
 
 508 CONCLUSION. 
 
 tory." Examine yourself at the same time to discover 
 whether your present want of confidence, and your 
 despondency, do not arise from a foregone self- 
 confidence — an egotistical self-sufficiency, which 
 sought to proceed only according to its own thoughts 
 and 2^1ans. Or perhaps you have entered upon the 
 fight without due preparation, and have imagined 
 that you could soon lead a great host of these heathen 
 to the Cross ; and because this has not happened you 
 look upon it as too difficult, and deem that nothing 
 is to be done for the gi'eat cause. Let your first care 
 be to convert the heathen within your ot\ti heart, 
 your self-confidence, your self-love. Be modest, but 
 not faint-hearted, and the Lord will show you His 
 mercy ! 
 
 2. Seek in East- Africa to root out all longing for a 
 life of ease and comfort, and accommodate yourself 
 to the lowliest. 
 
 Many a young missionary when he arrives from 
 Europe, wishes forthwith to make himself stationary 
 in some heathen district, and to settle down com- 
 fortably behind bolt and bar at some place on the 
 coast, instead of moving about for five or six years, 
 until the ft'uits of his labom's make it necessary to 
 exchange his provisional arrangement for a more 
 fixed dwelling-place. The wish to settle down as 
 comfortably as possible and to marry entangles a 
 missionary in many external engagements which may 
 lead him away from his Master and his duty. This 
 wish naturally prompts him to trouble himself about 
 irrelevant or subordinate matters, such for instance,
 
 CONCLUSION. ' 509 
 
 as house-building, all sorts of colonizing schemes, 
 and scientific labours ; till by degrees he puts the 
 chief matter of all, the promulgation of the Gospel, on 
 the shelf. He goes no more, or less frequently, 
 among the h3athen ; does not seek them out in their 
 huts ; but thinks, '' They know where I live ; if they 
 care for the salvation of their souls they can come to 
 me to my house, where I have more room than in 
 their narrow, smoky, gloomy, vermin-breeding huts." 
 Do not allow anything to keep you from your true 
 field of action; go and seek the heathen, speak to 
 them respecting the salvation of their souls, and in 
 time there will come a blessing on yourself, upon your 
 labours, and upon them. But at the same time do 
 not become a mere rolling-stone, but choose head- 
 quarters whence you may go forth, and whither you 
 may return to collect your thoughts and refresh your 
 frame. 
 
 3. Be not either wearied by or angry at the 
 annoying mendicancy of the natives. Display no 
 unnecessary outward splendour, lest the people re- 
 gard you as wealthy and consider themselves justified 
 in begging everything they can from you. Deny 
 yourself, that you may be able to give so much the 
 more to the sick, the poor, and the stranger-guest of 
 the people, among whom you live. Do not expect to 
 receive as a matter of course from the bounty of the 
 people and its chiefs such things as water, wood, shel- 
 ter, &c. ; but be grateful for everything, and show 
 that gratitude by plentiful acts of love, which in the 
 sight of God are as acceptable, and no less efficacious
 
 510 * CONCLUSION. 
 
 as any miracle worked by the immediate followers of 
 our Lord. Let your life be the embodiment of your 
 teaching, otherwise your teaching among the heathen 
 will become a burden ; you will grow weary and long 
 to be away from a barren soil, where your self- 
 idolatry finds neither nourishment nor satisfaction. 
 Think of the missionaries in Labrador, in Green- 
 land, and in the islands of the South Seas, who must 
 toil and deny themselves much more than you have 
 need to do. Remember that capital invested in the 
 conversion of the heathen vdW be repaid with in- 
 terest when they are converted. They will then 
 give to the Missionary^-fand instead of taking fi*om 
 it.* But guard yourself fi:om thinking that giving 
 is an artificial means by which the heathen may be 
 attracted to Christianity. That were the Jesuits' 
 principle of driving out one de\^ by another. Who- 
 ever thinks to convert the heathen by merely external 
 means, is himself still a heathen, and knows not the 
 power of God. Give youi'self up in love daily to 
 your God and to heathen fellow-men, so shall you 
 learn the right mode of giving outwardly without 
 covetousness and without prodigality. 
 
 4. Respect an old and experienced missionary, 
 even although he should take little heed of your 
 thoughts and suggestions as those of a novice. But 
 do not accept unconditionally everything that lie 
 says or does, wlien either his sajdngs or his doings 
 
 * At home, you are every day accosted by beggars and asked for 
 alms. And you yourself are a beggar ; for men beg for you, that 
 they may have the means of sending you to convert the heathen.
 
 CONCLUSION. 511 
 
 appear at variance with the revealed Word of God. 
 If, at the commencement of his com'se, a yomig mis- 
 sionary can humble himself among others, good will 
 come of him ; but if, at starting, he insists on 
 criticising everything, and on having everything 
 done according to his own fancy, he will bring 
 ruin upon himself and the Mission together. No 
 wonder that God arrests many a one in his course 
 by an early death. Better death than a fall, or 
 backsliding, and a slackening of his pace in his 
 spiritual career. This may happen, too, because the 
 person desired to carry out his own wishes ex- 
 clusively, and would not remain at home in some 
 humbler station, bearing his cross in simplicity 
 and truth, and seeking to convert himself If you 
 will not uproot your own self-will at home, God 
 may lead you out into the world of the heathen, 
 and there allow you to die, and after death you 
 will vainly repent that you did not pay greater heed 
 to the will of God, but by the obstinacy of your own 
 self-will became your own murderer. Search your 
 heart, therefore, to see whether your own or God's 
 spirit calls you to the heathen. Many a one need 
 not have died, and many a one could have died 
 more blessed, if he could have separated himself 
 from himself, and have committed himself to the 
 mercy and power of God ; in one word, if he could 
 have made his Ego to disappear so that Christ might 
 have dwelt within him. If any one repairs to the 
 heathen with over-wrought spiritual ideas, ideas, 
 therefore, not conformable to Scripture, he is sure
 
 512 CONCLUSION. 
 
 soon to become carnal and worldly, because he 
 aimed at being too unworldly. Therefore free your- 
 self more and more from all that is not conformable 
 to God's truth. If any one has a call to go into the 
 heathen world, and, from a love of comfort or any 
 other impure motive, does not go forth, he will lose 
 his Cluistianity as certainly as he who has gone forth 
 only to gratify his self-wiU. Yet if both become 
 sobered in tune, recognising the error of their ways, 
 and humbling themselves before God, then all may 
 have been for the best and may help to fiuiher them 
 on their way; for God is willing to convert our 
 faults into blessings, if we repent us of the same, and 
 the very circumstance which made us stumble, can 
 and will serve to raise us up again, provided we do 
 not keep ever brooding over the fault, but cast our 
 care upon the Lamb of God, who careth for us, and 
 both can and wiU save and snatch us out of all 
 trouble. Only do not look merely upon your sin 
 and son'ow, nor desii'e to be unaided help to youi'self, 
 but trust to the power, love and mercy of God in 
 Cluist Jesus, who can and is willing to raise up them 
 that fall, and to blot out every sin. 
 
 5. Expect notliing, or very little, fr-om political 
 changes in Eastern Afr'ica. As soon as you begin to 
 anticipate much good for missionary labour from 
 politics, you will be in danger of mixing yourself up 
 with them. Do not think that because the East- 
 Africans are ' ' profitable in nothing to God and 
 the world," they ought to be brought under the 
 dominion of some European power, in the hope that
 
 CONCLUSION. 513 
 
 they may then bestir themselves more actively and 
 eagerly for what is worldly, and, in consequence, 
 become eventually more awake to what is spii^itual 
 and eternal. On the contrary, banish the thought 
 that Em'ope must spread her protecting wings over 
 Eastern Africa, if missionary work is to prosper in 
 that land of outer darkness. Em^ope would, no doubt, 
 remove much that is mischievous and obstructive 
 out of the way of missionary work, but she would 
 probably set in its place as many, and perhaps, still 
 greater checks. It is a vital error to make the result | 
 of missionary labour dependent on the powers that 
 be. Accept the development and the condition of 
 the heathen as you find them. Be not led away 
 either by the low or high condition of their culture ; 
 by the dulness or the enthusiasm of any heathen 
 people. Assail the heathen only with the sword of 
 the Spirit, with the Word of God, and the right 
 hand of the Lord will vanquish at last, if only at 
 first as with us at Eabbai Mpia, by the conversion 
 of a single soul. The great thing is for you to 
 recognise that the Lord has called you to be a soldier 
 of the Cross. I am assured that it was through 
 the guidance of the Lord that I went to Eastern 
 Africa, and found myself among the Wanika and 
 Wakamba; therefore I am no less certain that the 
 Word of God will be victorious among them, if 
 it is preached to them with energy, without in- 
 terruption for years. Wliether Europeans take 
 possession of Eastern Afr-ica or not, I care very 
 little, if at all ; yet I know full well, that missionary
 
 514 CONCLUSION. 
 
 labour lias its human phase, and that it cannot, as 
 if by magic, without any outward preparation of the 
 people for its reception, gi^asp the life of a nation. 
 But many persons vastly overrate this human phase 
 of our work and, like the Jew, wish to see the 
 bottom of the water before they cross the river. In 
 Eastern Africa the presence of Europeans, especially 
 of the English in Mombaz, has done quite as much 
 in this way as a missionary can vrish. It is not 
 missionaries, but those who are not missionaries, 
 who see imj^ossibilities in the way of the regeneration 
 of Eastern Africa. " Wliere there is a will," says the 
 English proverb, " there is a way," and this saying 
 is worthy of that self-reliant people, and the key to 
 that indomitable perseverance which is their great 
 characteristic. Prosecute your missionary work along 
 the whole coast from Barava to Cape Delgado, and 
 you Tvill find everywhere an opening; but be not 
 led astray by the heathen materialism of Eastern 
 Africa, nor by human reason, nor by the long appa- 
 rent barrenness of your labours. Keep in mind that 
 St. Paul, when the Son was revealed within liim, 
 " that he might preach among the heathen, conferred 
 not with flesh and blood, but went into Arabia," and, 
 as he did, preach Christ crucified to the Heathen.
 
 515 
 
 SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER. 
 
 NOTES ON EAST-AFEICAN HISTOEY. 
 
 The Arabs of the coast and Eastern Africa — The Hamiaritic Kings, 
 Solomon and the Phoenicians — Solomon, the Queen of Sheba, and 
 the Phoenician king, Hiram — The East- African coast, the Ophir of 
 the Bible — Proofs philological and Scriptural — Xotices of Eastern 
 Africa in ancient writers — The Periplus of Arrian — Ptolemy — 
 Cosmas — Xew era in the history of Eastern Africa : — the Mo- 
 hammedan Arabs — Arab settlements on the coast — Portuguese 
 conquest of Eastern Africa — Decline of the Portuguese power 
 and its causes — The princes of Oman and Eastern Africa — Said- 
 Said and the Msara of Mombaz — Long struggle for supremacy 
 over Mombaz and the East-African coast — Mombaz adopts the 
 Protectorate of England — Eefusal of Government to sanction the 
 arrangement — Said- Said's career, character, and death — Europe 
 and Eastern Africa. 
 
 Among the most important phenomena in the early 
 history of Eastern Africa must have been the 
 intercourse kept up vnth. it by the inhabitants 
 of the Ai-abian sea-board. The southern coast of 
 Arabia must from the earliest period have been 
 necessarily connected with Eastern Africa by the 
 wants of its inhabitants. From Eastern Africa the 
 Arab of the coast derived his corn, his rice, his 
 DmTa, his wood, his ivory, and especially his slaves. 
 
 L L
 
 516 NOTES ON EAST-AFRICAN HISTORY. 
 
 It is SO to-day, and it must have been so from 
 immemorial antiquity. Such being the case, it is 
 extremely probable that when the Hamiaritic kings 
 and the Arabs had thus recognised their dependence 
 upon it, and had once established commercial relations 
 with Eastern Africa, and obtained a footing on its 
 coast, they would desii-e to exclude all other nations, 
 especially the Egyptians, from a share in this com- 
 merce ; and that with this design, more especially to 
 keep the power of Egyi^t in check, these South- Arabs 
 would be disposed to form a close connection with 
 the greatest ruler of Western Asia, King Solomon. 
 According to this theory it may have been in part 
 a political connection which was formed between 
 Solomon and the Queen of Sheba, who was at once a 
 South-Arab potentate and sovereign of Abessinia, 
 and ruler of the coast of Eastern Africa lying south- 
 ward. The policy of the king of commercial 
 Phoenicia would naturally coincide with that of these 
 two great sovereigns. The Phoenicians had probably 
 attempted to establish a dii-ect intercom-se with the^ 
 Red Sea and the Arabs by means of Egypt ; but the 
 Egyptians were not fond of the sea ; their monarchs 
 were too haughty, self-seeking, and exclusive ; nor, 
 had it been otherwise, would the Arabs have been 
 disposed to allow the energetic Phoenicians to com- 
 pete with them on the seas of the south. All the 
 more welcome then to the Phoenicians must have 
 been the alliance which Solomon contracted with 
 their King Hii^am, in accordance with which they 
 received a port in Idumea on the Red Sea, appa-
 
 NOTES ON EAST-AFKICAN HISTORY. 517 
 
 reiitly, amongst other tliiugs, for the purpose of 
 teaching the Israelites both shipbuilding and naviga- 
 tion. Hence we read in 1 Kings ix. 26 — 28 : " And 
 king Solomon made a navy of ships in Ezion-Geber, 
 which is beside Eloth, on the shore of the Red Sea, 
 in the land of Edom. And Hiram sent in the navy 
 his servants, shipmen that had knowledge of the sea, 
 with the servants of Solomon. And they came to 
 Ophir, and fetched from thence gold, fom' hundred 
 and twenty talents, and brought it to King Solomon." 
 And again, in 1 Kmgs x. 22, we read: "For the 
 king had at sea a na^y at Tharshish with the nav^^ 
 of Hii'am : once in three years came the navy of 
 Tharshish, bringing gold, and silver, ivory, and apes, 
 and peacocks." That the Ophu* of the Bible is to 
 be sought for on the eastern coast of Africa is evident 
 fi'om two cii'cumstances. One is, that right opposite 
 to Arabia Felix there is to be foimd a people who 
 call themselves " Afer,"the Danakil, called by others 
 Adals, or Danakil, fr-om their chief tribe ''Ad AlK," 
 but whose designation in theii* oi^^ii language is 
 " Afer." In the second place, it must be considered 
 that Opliir beyond a doubt means gold-dust ; for in 
 Job xxviii. 6, the words " dust of gold " in Hebrew 
 are " Ophirot Sahab." Xow it was chiefly gold 
 that the Arabs, as well as the Phoenicians and 
 Israelites T\ished to discover ; so the word Ophir was 
 thus made to comprise two things, the name of a 
 people and of a substance ; and the land of the 
 people called Afer was sunply the land where -^fer 
 Sahab, gold-dust, was fomid. Although the Adal- 
 
 L L 2
 
 518 NOTES ON EAST- AFRICAN HISTORY. 
 
 land was not precisely the gold-dust country, yet it 
 formed the commencement of the line of coast on 
 which, as in Sofala, gold of the purest quality was 
 found in large quantities. That Ophir cannot have 
 been Arabia-Felix,* nor the coast of Malabar, or the 
 island of Ceylon, as has been maintained, is easily 
 demonstrated from the natm-e of the objects which 
 are said to have been brought from it. Neither in 
 Arabia, nor in India, is there either gold or silver in 
 sufficient quantity for export. As there is scarcely 
 enough for the wants of themselves, how could the 
 Arabs or Indians have been in a position to export 
 gold in the quantities indicated in 1 Kings ix. 28 ? As 
 to ivory, there is none at all in Arabia ; and that of 
 India is much less useful than that of Africa. There 
 are, it is true, apes in abundance, both in Arabia 
 and India ; but then the question arises, what kind 
 of ape is alluded to ? Very probably Solomon as a 
 naturalist was desirous of obtaining living specimens 
 of the fine ape Guresaf (Colobus), of which, as far 
 as I know, no living specimen has hitherto been 
 brought to Europe. This family of the ape is found 
 in Abessinia, chiefly in Shoa, in the vicinity of the 
 Adal or Afer country. It is true that peacocks are 
 
 * The locality Dafar in Southern Arabia has been fixed on by- 
 some as the Ophir of the Bible ; but no dangerous voyage of three 
 years would have been needful to reach it, and from it all articles 
 of commerce might have been brought by land on camels ; just as 
 the Queen of Sheba, to whom Dafar certainly belonged, went to 
 Jerusalem by land. 
 
 f The gui'csa has fine black hair on its back, and white on its 
 stomach.
 
 NOTES ON EAST- AFRICAN HISTORY. 519 
 
 not met with in Eastern Africa, but it may be ques- 
 tioned whether the Hebrew word '' Tukijim" 
 means precisely peacocks, or whether it may not 
 rather be taken to denote the guinea-hen, which 
 abomids in Eastern Africa and especially in Abes- 
 sinia. 
 
 Passing over the various references in ancient 
 writers to the alleged circumnavigation of Africa, we 
 come to the Periplus of the Erythraean sea, ascribed 
 to Arrian, and the date of which is referred by none 
 to a period posterior to A. d. 210. The account 
 given in the Perij)lus of the voyage along the East- 
 African coast is most interesting to any one who has 
 a knowledge of the localities ; and in reading it, I 
 feel as if the author had lived in oiu: time and been 
 a modern traveller. We find him quitting 'Egypt in 
 July, sailing in August or September along the 
 Somali coast, and reaching Cape Guardafui in the 
 middle of October. On his way he ran into the 
 chief havens, after the present fashion of the natives. 
 With the aid of the north-east wind he sailed in 
 November fi'om Cupe Guardafru along the eastern 
 coast, which he calls A-zanie, and which afterwards (in 
 the sixth century) was called Zingium, or coast of the 
 Sendsch, whence Sendschibar or Sanguebar, Zanzi- 
 bar, countiy of the blacks or slaves. From Zanzibar 
 he seems to have reached the mouth of the river 
 Lufidschi, which I take to be meant by the Rhapta of 
 his narrative. The chronicle abounds with details 
 which can be verified by any traveller in our day. 
 In his description of the East-African coast the
 
 520 NOTES ON EAST- AFRICAN HISTORY. 
 
 great geographer, Ptolemy,* falls far short of the 
 author of the Periplus, either, perhaps, because he 
 wrote before the latter, or because he wrote, not as an 
 eye-witness, but as a compiler from the accounts of 
 others. With the decay of the Roman empire the 
 Grreeks and Romans ceased from enterprises in distant 
 lands ; and we hear consequently little afterwards 
 from them about Eastern Africa. From the des- 
 cription given of it in his " Topographia," by 
 Cosmas, in the sixth century, we see how little the 
 Greeks and Romans knew of it four hundi-ed years 
 after Ptolemy and the Periplus. No wonder then 
 
 * He tells tliat " a certain pilot of the name of Dioscoms makes 
 the distance from Ehapta to Cape Prasum about 5000 stadia," 
 Avhich would place Prasum somewhere near our Mosambique. 
 Diogenes, the voyager, was driven by a north wind in twenty-five 
 days to the marshes on which the Nile has its source, and these 
 marshes were to the north of Cape Rhaptum. Ptolemy eniunerates 
 the following as the chief places on the East-African coast: — "In 
 the first gulf is the village of Pans, a day's journey from Aromata, 
 and the market town of Opone is six days' beyond the village. 
 Close to Opone is another gulf, just where Azania begins, at the 
 entrance of which are the promontory Zingis and Mount Phalargis, 
 Avith its triple summit. This gulf is called Apokopes, and it takes 
 two days and two nights to sail across it, when the shore is formed 
 into two divisions, one three days in length and the other five, and 
 adjoining the latter is another gulf, on which is the market town of 
 Essina, which is reached by water in two days and two nights. In 
 twenty-four hoiu's after leaving the gulf of Essina the harbour of 
 Sccrapion is reached, and thence begins another gulf, at the entrance 
 to which is the commercial town of Niki, and by means of which in 
 three days and three nights Rhapta is approached. Into Caj:)e 
 Rhaptum flows a river upon A\hicli the capital of the country is 
 situated, both having the same name. Along the coast which 
 stretches from Rhapta to the promontory of Prasum, formin"- a 
 large shallow gulf, dwell none but savage, naked cannibals."
 
 NOTES ON EAST- AFRICAN HISTORY. 521 
 
 that the Arabs resumed their original monopoly 
 without molestation, as barbarism gained the upper 
 hand in Europe, Eg^^^t, and Asia Minor, upon the fall 
 of the Roman Empire. Their supremacy became 
 fixed by the rise and gi'owth of Mohammedanism, 
 which gave them political unity, and sent them forth 
 as conquerors in every direction. Of course, so 
 long as they were pagans they foimded no regular 
 states and kingdoms in Eastern Africa ; nor were its 
 law-givers conquerors or colonizers, but merel}'- 
 traders with commercial establishments. The reason 
 of this lay in the fact that in Arabia itself there was 
 then no political unity ; the inhabitants being divided 
 into a number of republican tribes, generally at war 
 with each other, which rendered it impossible for 
 them to pursue a career of conquest elsewhere. All 
 this was altered by the rise of Mohammedanism, and 
 with it we come to a new era in the history of the 
 East-Ah'ican coast; the Arabs re-appear on it, as 
 disciples of Islam, and founders of small indepen- 
 dent states. 
 
 It is well known that the Mohammedan Arabs, 
 during the first period of theii' history, for 150 years, 
 overran a large section of Asia, Africa, and Em^oj^e, 
 and that soon after the death of their prophet Mo- 
 hammed they fell a prey to political and religious 
 dissensions, and the defeated party resolved to aban- 
 don the land of theii' biiih. ^liere was a better 
 home to be found than in the fr-uitful strand of Eastern 
 Africa ? There they were afready known, and would 
 be safe from the pursuit of their fanatical con-
 
 522 NOTES ON EAST-AFRICAN HISTORY. 
 
 querors. It seems that the first settlements of the 
 kind were made in various points of the East- African 
 coast in the year 740 by the Emosaids, or adherents 
 of Said, a great-grandson of Ali, the prophet's cousin 
 and son-in-law. Said, proclaimed Caliph by the 
 rebels, was defeated and slain, on which his ad- 
 herents had to seek safety by flight ; and it was in 
 East Africa that they found refuge. In the works 
 of various Arabian historians and geographers for 
 several centmies afterwards we find interesting 
 notices of these Arab settlements. From all these 
 notices it is to be gathered that the Mohammedan 
 Arabs founded j)olitical and religious states or towns 
 in Eastern Aft-ica, and that their migration to that 
 region was sometimes voluntary, sometimes forced 
 upon them. Among these Arabian states and towns 
 the most prominent are (1) Mukdisha; (2) Kiloa; 
 (3) Barava, Malindi, and Mombaz. Mukdisha was 
 supreme in the north, while Kiloa was queen of the 
 south, fi'om Zanzibar to Sofala. With the declining 
 power of these two states and towns, Malindi and 
 Mombaz, situated midway between them, appear to 
 have increased in influence and importance. Muk- 
 disha seems to have been founded between a.d. 909 
 and 951 ; and Kiloa between a.d. 960 and 1000. 
 It is likely fi-om the narrative of the famous Ibn- 
 Batuta, who visited Mombaz about 1330, that the 
 Wanil<;a had not then settled in the A-icinity of the 
 coast. Probably they first migrated from the interior 
 after the disaj^pearance of the savage Zimbos, who 
 devastated the coast in 1588. 
 
 I
 
 NOTES ON EAST-AFRICAN HISTORY. 523 
 
 These Ai'abian cities and communities were pros- 
 perous and in some degree civilized; but they were 
 deficient in military organization. They had not 
 been founded by conquerors; but by traders, emi- 
 grants, and exiles, who behaved peaceably to the 
 natives, and so developed and established their 
 influence and power slowly, but at the same time 
 the more surely. They were pacific colonists, and 
 by the trade and commerce which they originated 
 the natives of the interior could not but recognize 
 the advantages of peaceful intercom-se with the 
 strangers, and be glad of their presence. If feuds 
 arose occasionally and the natives of the main-land 
 attacked the settlers, the Arabs could easily protect 
 themselves beliind the walls of their towns mth the 
 aid of their match-locks and small cannon. But the 
 Arabs were not to remain for ever in exclusive 
 possession of the knowledge, the commerce, and the 
 power of Eastern Africa, a possession which would 
 have ultimately led them to rule and to convert the 
 whole of Southern Africa. Providence interposed, 
 and at the right time led into those waters and to 
 that coast a Christian power, to check the progress 
 and weaken the influence of Mohammedanism. 
 
 It was Vasco de Gama's discovery of the route to 
 India by the Cape that led to the establishment of 
 Portuguese and Christian influence on the eastern 
 coast of Africa. During his first voyage he touched 
 at Mozambique, Mombaz, and ]\Ialindi, on the whole 
 meetmg with a friendly reception. The Portuguese 
 soon saw the advantage of the East- African coast to
 
 y\ 
 
 524 NOTES ON EAST- AFRICAN HISTORY. 
 
 ships proceeding to India, and in 1500 Pedro Alvarez 
 Cabral was despatched by king Emmanuel of Portu- 
 gal to extend his influence in that region. 
 
 He set sail with eleven ships and fifteen hundred 
 soldiers, but only six of the ships reached Mozam- 
 bique, the others having been lost or wrecked on the 
 passage. From Mozambique Cabral proceeded to 
 the island of Kiloa, where he entered into a treaty 
 of allegiance with Sheikh Ibraliim, a crafty and in- 
 triguing chief, whose dominions extended as far as 
 Sofala ; but who, upon the departm-e of the Portu- 
 guese Admiral, threw off his allegiance and attached 
 himself to the interests of the Arabian princes. To 
 punish his pei-fidy Vasco da Gama was despatched 
 a second time to East Africa in 1502, where, after 
 ha^ang reached the coast of Sofala, he proceeded to 
 Mozambique and Kiloa, and compelled Sheikh Ibra- 
 him to acknowledge the supremacy of Portugal, and to 
 pay a yearly tribute. But Vasco da Gama did more 
 than found the sovereignty of Portugal in East 
 Africa ; for, proceeding from Kiloa to India, he over- 
 took a ship laden Tvath treasm^es and pilgrims on its 
 way to Mecca, and, ha-vH^ng made himself master of 
 it, he destroyed all on board, except some twenty 
 children, and committed the ship to the flames, thus 
 laying the foundation of that internecine war which 
 afterwards raged so fiercely between Chiistians and 
 Mohammedans in the Indian Ocean and Ai-abian 
 sea, and which ultimately stayed the progi-ess of 
 Islamism towards the south, and destroyed the 
 shipping trade of Ai'abia.
 
 NOTES ON EAST-AFRICAN HISTORY. 525 
 
 The great naval hero, Alphonso D' Albuquerque, 
 followed Gama and Cabral ; and Zanzibar, surrender- 
 ing to Captain Navasco, whose ship had been sepa- 
 rated from the admiral's squadron in a storm, became 
 tributary to Portugal. This was followed by the sur- 
 render of Barava, and gradually, after long and 
 protracted struggles, Portuguese supremacy was esta- 
 blished along the whole East- African coast. Mombaz 
 was the place that gave the Portuguese the most 
 trouble, and it was only after they had taken and burnt 
 it for the second time under Nuno da Cunha in 1528, 
 that Portugal could rest for a time, and claim undis- 
 puted sway over the whole coast from Barava to 
 Cape Corrientes. In 1586 tliere was a general 
 insurrection along the coast against the Portuguese, 
 promoted by Ali Bey, who suddenly appeared in 
 those waters and claimed the sovereignty for the 
 Turkish sultan, upon which Mulidisha, Lusiwa, 
 Lamu, and Patta soon fell into his hands, and 
 Mombaz and Kalifi joined in the revolt, when the 
 Portuguese commandant, Thomas de Suza Cutinho, 
 arrived mth twenty ships before Mombaz, took 
 Ali Bey prisoner, when driven into the sea by the 
 truculent Wasimba, and sent him to Lisbon, where 
 he embraced Christianity and died. While the 
 Portuguese commandant was besieging rebellious 
 Mombaz the savage Wasimba, pressing forward from 
 the south, arrived in the neighbourhood of Mombaz, 
 and promised the islanders that, if they were admitted 
 into the city, they would aid them to shake off the 
 Portuguese j^oke. The people of Mombaz ojDcned
 
 526 NOTES ON EAST- AFRICAN HISTORY. 
 
 their gates to them ; but no sooner were the savages 
 admitted, than they turned indiscruninately upon 
 friend and foe, and murdered every one they met. 
 The inhabitants took refuge from their aUies in the 
 sea, where they were massacred by the Portuguese. 
 The Wasimba came fr'om the banks of the river 
 Kuama in the interior, spreading northward along 
 the coast, devouring in their progress man and beast 
 alike ; for they were cannibals, and are said to have 
 eaten in Kiloa alone no fewer than tluree thousand 
 Mohammedans ! Mombaz was afterwards bmTit, and 
 the rebellious sheiklis of the coast at Lamu, Patta, 
 Pasa, and Mandra surrendered, after the Portuguese 
 had inflicted on those places exemplary punishment. 
 The sovereignty of the Portuguese was thus re-esta- 
 blished, and the Turks, completely defeated, did not 
 venture to retm-n. 
 
 The supremacy of Poiinigal in Eastern Africa 
 as in other parts of the world, gi^adually declined, 
 in spite of the revenues which flowed into her 
 treasury fr-om every quarter, but which could not but 
 become exhausted by the numerous fleets and aniiies 
 which she had to despatch in every dii^ection. Battles 
 by sea and by land, and deadly clunates swept off 
 soldiers and officers by thousands ; governors and 
 high officials became more and more unfit for the 
 discharge of their duties, as their only vdsh. was to 
 become quickly rich, and to enjoy theii' ill-gotten 
 wealth at home ; added to which luxmy came with 
 the spoils of other lands into the mother-countr}^, 
 and gi'adually enervated and corrupted the Portuguese
 
 r 
 
 NOTES ON EAST-AFRICAN HISTORY. 527 
 
 as a nation. Those in authority abroad became 
 unjust and tyrannical towards those subjected to their 
 rule, and what wonder then that there grew up a spirit 
 of discontent among subjugated princes and states 
 which was sedulously encouraged by the Moham- 
 medans in Asia and Africa, the fiercest enemies of 
 the Portuguese then, as they now are of the English. 
 The original enthusiasm which impelled men of all 
 classes in Portugal to adventm-e in foreign countries 
 died away, satiated by the immense achievements 
 and acquisitions of the past; whilst the war of 
 succession which broke out between Portugal and 
 Spain in 1580, compelled the government of the 
 former country to recall its troops to Europe, so that 
 her colonial governors had to fall back upon the 
 services of native troops, and thus the great weakness 
 of her rule could no longer be disguised. Nor was 
 it a rule which any friend of humanity could have 
 wished to see perpetuated. In East-Africa, for 
 instance, Portugal enriched herself by lev^dng tribute 
 and taxes, in addition to her enormous gains from 
 the gold-mines of Sofala ; but East-Afr-ica received 
 nothing in return. She ruled the East-Afr-icans 
 with a rod of iron, and her pride and cruelty had 
 their reward in the bitter hatred of the natives. In 
 Eastern Africa the Portuguese have left nothing 
 behind them but ruined fortresses, palaces, and eccle- 
 siastical buildings. Nowhere is there to be seen a 
 single trace of any real improvement effected by them. 
 No wonder that the Portuguese rule was of short 
 dm^ation, and that it fell as quickly as it had risen.
 
 528 NOTES ON EAST-AFRICAN HISTORY. 
 
 John IV. had, indeed, restored independence to 
 Portugal in 1640 ; but he could no longer save his 
 colonies. In 1620 Portugal had already lost the 
 island of Ormuz in consequence of the alliance 
 between the Shah of Persia and the English ; and 
 its loss was the more felt, because it gave the Ai^abs 
 in Oman courage and leisure to extend and to 
 strengthen their influence in the Persian Gulf and 
 in Eastern Africa. Portugal had no longer men, 
 like Albuquerque, capable of restoring the falling 
 influence of their country in those seas. All were 
 now alike corrupt and incapable. In India and its 
 waters England and Holland had appeared upon the 
 stage, and with their appearance the star of Portugal 
 had to sink to the horizon. 
 
 We have still to show how the authority of the 
 Arabian princes of Oman fii'st arose, and gradually 
 replaced that of the Portuguese along the East- 
 African coast. Oman comprises the north and 
 south-eastern portions of Ai^abia, which lay on the 
 Gulf of Persia and the Indian ocean. In the year 
 1624, after great disorders and dissensions Oman 
 and its inhabitants became subject to the rule of a 
 sagacious and energetic Imam, Nassar Ben Mmjed, the 
 Yarebite. After he had estabhshed his sovereignty 
 in Oman he planned the complete expulsion of the 
 Portuguese fr'om theii' Arabian and African possessions ; 
 indeed theii' supremacy had afready begim to decline 
 with the loss of Ormuz, and mtli the alliance between 
 England and Persia. His victories over the Portu- 
 guese were continued by his cousin and successor,
 
 NOTES ON EAST- AFRICAN HISTORY. 529 
 
 Sultan Ben Sef-Ben-Malek, who took Muscat in 1658, 
 leaving the Portuguese then no sea-port of any 
 consequence on the coast of Arabia. His second 
 son, Sultan Sef, who had defeated his brother Belareb 
 and usurped the throne, at the request of the people 
 of Mombaz sent a fleet to Eastern Africa and captui-ed 
 Mombaz, Zanzibar, and Kiloa, and laid siege to 
 Mozambique in 1698. He placed a governor in 
 Mombaz, who was nominally subject to Oman. 
 After the fall of Mombaz the Portuguese on the 
 East-African coast were everywhere massacred or 
 expelled ; and there was an end to their sovereignty 
 fi'om Cape Delgado to Cape Guardafiii. Even the 
 town of Mukdisha, which had retained its inde- 
 pendence during the period of Portuguese rule, 
 placed itself under the protection of the princes of 
 Oman. The subjection of the African coast to the 
 rulers of Oman was, however, rather nominal than 
 real. The princes of Oman found plenty to occupy 
 them in Arabia, and had but little time to devote to 
 the affairs of their African possessions, contenting 
 themselves apparently with having expelled the 
 infidel Christians. 
 
 Notwithstanding several declarations of indepen- 
 dence to the contrary, we still find this nominal 
 sovereignty of the Imams of Muscat over the East- 
 African coast in existence in the year 1785. In the 
 year 1806 Sultan Said-Said, so often mentioned in 
 this volume, became Imam of Muscat. The governor- 
 ship of Mombaz had previously become, in some 
 measure, hereditary, and confined to the family of
 
 530 NOTES ON EAST-AFRICAN HISTORY. 
 
 the Msara ; and when the office was assiuned in 1814 
 by Abdallah Ben Aklimed, tlie son of Akhmed Ben 
 Muhamed Ben Osman, he formed the design of 
 rendering' Mombaz completely independent of Muscat. 
 Accordingly on assmning his office he sent Said-Said 
 a little powder and shot, with a shii-t of mail, and 
 a kebaba, or small measure for corn, instead of the 
 usual valuable present. Said-Said understood what 
 was meant, but made no comment; and Abdallah, 
 knomng very well what he might expect fi^om the 
 Sultan of Oman, went to Bombay and gained the 
 friendship of the Anglo-Indian government, by whom 
 he was well received. He reduced Barava to depend- 
 ence on Mombaz ; but lost it again in 1822, when 
 Said-Said sent a fleet against it and brought it into 
 subj ection. Abdallah was unsuccessful in his attempts 
 to support the anti-Muscat party in Patta, and to 
 preserve the island of Pemba; an expedition to 
 recover which commanded by his brother, Mbarak, 
 signally failed. He died in 1822. 
 
 In due com'se Abdallah' s brother, Salem, would 
 have succeeded as governor of Mombaz, but Mbarak 
 opposed him. To avoid a civil war Soliman Ben 
 Ali, who had been governor of Pemba, was made 
 provisionally Sultan of Mombaz ; but he was an aged 
 and feeble man, quite incapable of making head 
 against Said-Said, who had abeady become master of 
 Patta, Barava, Lamu, Zanzibar, and Pemba, and 
 now threatened to attack Mombaz itself. In this 
 emergency Soliman Ben Ali resolved to appeal for 
 aid to the English, who were then exploring the
 
 NOTES ON EAST-AFRICAN HISTORY. 531 
 
 waters of the East- African coast under Captain Owen. 
 On the 3rd of December 1823, accompanied by a 
 nmnber of influential persons, Mbarak went on board 
 the English ship of war Baracouta, and requested 
 Captain Vidal to plant the English flag on the 
 fortress and town of Mombaz to which Captain 
 Vidal consented ; and when soon afterwards Said- 
 Said's fleet under Abdallah Ben Selim appeared 
 before Mombaz, and was about to blockade the 
 harboiu', the inhabitants hoisted the English flag. 
 On the Ttli of February 1824 Captain Owen came 
 himself in the fr^igate Leven ; he entered into a conr 
 vention with the islanders, subject to the approval of 
 the English Goverinnent at home, in conformity 
 with which Mombaz and its dependencies, Pemba 
 and the whole of the coast between Malmdi and 
 the river Pangani, were to be under the protec- 
 torate of Great Britain. The government of the 
 whole was to remain hereditarily vested in the 
 family of the Msara, but an English agent was to 
 reside in Mombaz to look after the execution of the 
 convention. One half of the public revenues was to 
 be paid to the English, the other half to the Msara ; 
 and the English were to be entitled to trade with 
 the interior and, finally, the slave-trade was to be 
 abolished in Mombaz. 
 
 Abdallah Ben Selim to whom Captain Owen com- 
 municated this convention, promised to observe its 
 stipulations, provided his master at Muscat assented, 
 and quitted Mombaz with his fleet. Mbarak forth- 
 mth resumed the occupation of Pemba, whither 
 
 M M
 
 532 NOTES ON EAST-AFRICAN HISTORY. 
 
 Captain Owen conveyed fifty soldiers from Mombaz, 
 leaving a lieutenant behind at Mombaz with three 
 sailors and a corporal to train the native soldiery. 
 From Pemba Captain Owen proceeded to Zanzibar 
 to induce the governor, Said Ben Muhamed Ben 
 Akhabii'i, to a voluntary surrender of Zanzibar to 
 the ]\Isara ; but the governor referred him to Said- 
 Said at Muscat ; upon which Captain Owen proceeded 
 to the Mamitius with Mbarak, who was well received 
 by Mr. Cole, the English governor, who sent a report 
 of the whole affau' to London, while Mbarak returned 
 to Mombaz, in the hope that the English Government 
 would sanction the convention. In November 182^ 
 Captain Owen retmned to Mombaz where in the 
 meantime Lieutenant Emery, as English Agent had 
 been called upon to give an important judicial decision, 
 in the case of an Arab who, contrary to the conven- 
 tion, had smuggled slaves to Mombaz. Lieutenant 
 Emery took the slaves from hun, and settled them on 
 a tract of land which had been presented to the 
 English, and which he sent them to cultivate ; and 
 the owner of the slaves was transported to the 
 Seychelles, in 1825. Captain Owen proceeded to 
 Mukdisha, the inhabitants of which had been at 
 variance for a year with Said- Said. The English 
 captain hoped that they would voluntarily place 
 themselves under the protection of England, but he 
 was disappointed ; the inhabitants of Barava, how- 
 ever, accej^ted at once the English protec- 
 torate, and placing themselves under the government 
 of Mombaz promised to give up tlie slave-trade.
 
 NOTES ON EAST-AFRICAN HISTORY. 533 
 
 The people of Mombaz could breathe freely again, 
 and their commerce received anew a fresh im- 
 petus ; but at the same time with the removal of the 
 pressure from without their internal dissensions 
 revived. Mbarak insisted that the pro\dsional 
 governor, Soliman Ben Ali, should resign in favour 
 of his brother Salem, and when* Soliman refused he 
 and his sons were imprisoned, and in 1826 Salem 
 became the ruler of Mombaz, the English agent 
 assenting to the arrangement. And now a new and 
 important event occurred; for this state of things 
 was not destined to last. The English government 
 refused to sanction Captain Owen's convention, 
 declined the protectorate, and withdi-ew its agents 
 from Mombaz, which was again abandoned to itself. 
 After the withdrawal of the English permitted 
 Said-Said to take steps against Mombaz, he com- 
 menced operations without delay, seeing very 
 clearly that his hold on Eastern Africa would 
 always be a dubious one, as long as Mwita*, the 
 contumacious, was not completely subdued. His first 
 proceeding was to write and summon Governor 
 Salem to submit, which the latter declined to do, but 
 sent envoys to Muscat in 1827 with a view to open 
 negociations, into which Said-Said, however, refused 
 
 ^- IVIwita is the native name for Mombaz. The Kabila tribe of 
 the Wamwita comprehends the original inhabitants of Mombaz. 
 There are eleven other tribes besides which contribute to the 
 population of Mombaz, many are the remnants of Arabian and 
 native tribes dispersed or destroyed in the course of time, espe- 
 cially during the rule of the Portuguese. 
 
 M M 2
 
 534 NOTES ON EAST- AFRICAN HISTORY. 
 
 to enter. The following year Said-Said arrived in 
 person before Mombaz with 2000 soldiers, a ship of 
 war, the Liverpool of seventy-four gnns, the frigate 
 Shah-Allum of sixty-four guns, two corvettes, and 
 seven smaller vessels. He anchored outside the 
 harbour of Mombaz opposite Serakupa, and sent a 
 negociator to Salem -- who would not hear of peace ; 
 and so, after three days. Said commenced hostilities 
 against the island. The battery Serakupa, and the 
 toTVTi, were bombarded first ; then Said himself ran 
 his largest vessel into the harbour, and sent for the 
 two Msara, Salem and Mbarak, who, however, de- 
 clined the invitation until they had received two 
 hostages of the sultan's own family as a pledge 
 for their safety. By a secret compact between them 
 and Said-Said it was settled and sworn to on the 
 Koran, 1. that the fortress should be surrendered to 
 the Sultan, and garrisoned by fifty Henaui soldiers ; 
 2. that Salem and his posterity should govern Mom- 
 baz in the name of the Imam of Muscat; and 3. that 
 the revenues should be shared between the two con- 
 tracting parties, and be sent to Muscat by a collector 
 of the sultan's. 
 
 This agreement, however, was broken by the 
 sultan a few days after he had gi-adually introduced 
 200 soldiers into the fortress ; when he ordered Salem 
 to evacuate it and withdraw into the town. Aware 
 of Said-Said's superior strength the two Msara, 
 Salem and Mbarak, complied, and at the end of tliree 
 weeks Said-Said dej)arted, leaving a garrison of three 
 hundred soldiers, Belochees, Seidgali, and Arabs, in
 
 NOTES ON EAST-AI^RICAN HISTORY. 535 
 
 the fortress. He sailed to Zanzibar where he gave 
 orders for the construction of a palace, intendmg 
 henceforth to take up his residence in Africa, being 
 wearied of the begging propensities and turbulence 
 of his aristocracy at Muscat. In the course of three 
 months, however, he was obliged to return to Arabia 
 to repress a rebellion which had broken out in his 
 absence ; and he was followed thither by his admiral, 
 who on his way to Muscat bombarded Mulidischa, 
 and compelled it to surrender. 
 
 Soon after the departure of Said discord arose 
 between Mombaz and Muscat. Nasser Ben Soliman, 
 Governor of Pemba, coveted the governorship of 
 Mombaz, and accused the Msara to Said-Said of a 
 design to rebel against him. Proceeding to Mombaz 
 Nasser demanded in the name of the Imam, that 
 Salem should resign into his hands the government 
 of the island. Salem and IVIbarak asked for liis 
 written credentials ; but Nasser replied that he was 
 his own credentials, whereupon Mbarak ordered him 
 to quit the island in four-and- twenty hours, as a person 
 not entitled to represent even the sandals of Said-Said. 
 Withdrawing into the fortress Nasser opened a can- 
 nonade upon the town ; but it was unsuccessfrd. 
 Attacked in turn he and the garrison had to 
 capitulate through want of provisions ; and Nasser 
 was thrown into prison and strangled there. Upon 
 this Said- Said sent his admiral with a military force 
 and the frigate Shah-Allmn, but they came too 
 late ; the people of Mombaz had dissolved their 
 connection with Muscat ; and therefore to restore it,
 
 536 NOTES ON EAST-AFKICAN HISTORY. 
 
 he next year headed in person an expedition against 
 the island; but his bombardment of it tliis time 
 failing in its object, he had to return discomfited to 
 Muscat, where new troubles had broken out. In 
 
 1833 he made another unsuccessfid attack upon 
 Mombaz and, on its failui-e, once more returned to 
 Muscat. 
 
 At last, however, his ambition was gratified. In 
 
 1834 the town of Siwi revolted against him, and 
 the rebel-leader having appealed to Salem at Mombaz 
 for help, the latter went to the aid of the Siwians 
 with a number of soldiers ; but on the blockade of 
 Siwi by Said- Said he had to retm^n to Mombaz, 
 where he died in March 1835, the death of his 
 brother Mbarak having occurred some time prevously. 
 Upon this there arose a violent contest in Mombaz 
 respecting the succession to the governorship, which 
 was not ended by the selection of one of the Msara 
 family in the December of 1836. Muallem Shafei, 
 the Sheikh of Kilendini (a crafty personage who often 
 tried to draw me into politics), and many Suahili 
 were altogether disaffected to the family of the Msara, 
 and were not disposed any longer to recognize a 
 member of it as governor. These traitors repaired 
 to Muscat and asked the sultan, who at the very time 
 was preparing an expedition against Mombaz, to aid 
 them against their native city. Said- Said came with 
 a fleet and soldiers, who were disembarked at Kilin- 
 dini where the traitors welcomed them ; and the 
 Suahili of Gavana, or Mji wa Kale or Har-el-Kadama, 
 (Old Town — so called because its site was said to
 
 NOTES ON EAST-AFKICAN HISTORY. 537 
 
 have been that of the towna of Mombaz formerly), 
 also went over to Said-Said. The AVanika tribes 
 were likewise won over to him by Muallem Shafei 
 and the sultan's liberal presents. The Msara seeing 
 with dismay that they were deserted by their oa\ti 
 people, offered terms to Said-Said, consenting to his 
 stipulations that they should evacuate the fortress, 
 settle in the town, and conform to the articles of the 
 former treaty. Some misunderstanding arising with 
 them aftei^^ards Said-Said listened mllingly to the 
 insinuations of some Suahili, that the island would 
 never be tranquil so long as the family of the Msara 
 remained at the helm, and were thus in a position to 
 rebel. He sent forthwith one of his sons to Mombaz 
 mth a corvette, to seize secretly the chiefs of the 
 Msara. The attempt succeeded, and twenty-five of 
 them were seized in one night, carried on board the 
 vessel, transported to Zanzibar and thence to Arabia, 
 where most of them died from the effects of the 
 severe captivity in iron chains to which they were 
 subjected. Those who were not captured fled 
 on the night of the sm^prise with their mves and 
 childi'en, lea\dng behind them all their property, 
 and took refuge in the Wanika-land, in the north of 
 which they afterwards settled at Takaunga, near 
 Malindi, and in the south at Gassi, and there they 
 still remain. After recovering his sovereignty over 
 Mombaz Said-Said had along the coast, from Muk- 
 discha to Cape Delgado, no enemies of any im- 
 portance with the exception of the peojjle of Siwi in 
 Patta, at whose hands he had suffered several de-
 
 538 NOTES ON EAST-AFRICAN HISTORY. 
 
 feats, and whom he has never been able thoroughly 
 to subdue. 
 
 Thus it happened that Said-Said had attained his 
 long-cherished msh in February 1837 — the very 
 month and year in which I started on my journey 
 from Europe to Abessinia. How little could I 
 suppose, when beginning my journey, that in the 
 distant south of Africa an Arabian prince was pre- 
 paring for me a way to the heathen ! Yet, so it was ; 
 for without the conquest of Mombaz by a prince as 
 well inclined as the Imam of Muscat to Europeans, 
 and especially to the English, the establishment of a 
 missionary station in the Wanika-land could never 
 have been effected. There are two cii^umstances 
 which seem likely to secure the Prince of Oman the 
 possession of Eastern Africa; the one, that his High- 
 ness imposes but few taxes on his African subjects, 
 least of all on those towns and districts which are 
 most quickly roused to revolt, and the reconquest of 
 which fr'om the nature of the gi'ound would be 
 attended with great difficulty to the ruler ; and the 
 other, the fear entertained by the natives of the Eng- 
 lish, French, and Americans, nations which are on the 
 friendliest footing with the Imam of Muscat, and which 
 would and must support him. In the first place the 
 commercial relations of these nations with Eastern 
 Africa could not allow of any lengthened disturbances, 
 and in the second, it would not suit their policy to 
 permit the disintegration of Eastern Africa into a 
 number of small states, since, in such an event, one 
 of these tlu-ee powers might be tempted to interfere
 
 NOTES ON EAST-AFRICAN HISTORY. 539 
 
 and to appropriate to itself a portion of the coast ; 
 while, on the contrary, so long as a single prince is 
 the recognized sovereign of the coast, any annexation 
 of the kind is virtually prevented. 
 
 The excellent climate of Zanzibar, its increasino* 
 commerce, the wishes of the Em-opeans, the general 
 importance of his Afi'ican possessions, the peculiar 
 state of Patta and Mombaz, and his desire to escape 
 from the mendicancy and turbulence of the leading 
 men of Mascat, constituted the circumstances which 
 induced Said-Said to transfer his court, and the seat 
 of his sovereignty fi-om Muscat to Zanzibar in 1840. 
 After the transfer foreign consuls were appointed at 
 Zanzibar — the American was the fii'st, the English 
 followed in 1843, and the French in 1847. Foreign 
 commercial houses were also established, and di'ove 
 a trade which was extremely lucrative from the first. 
 It would lead me too far to chronicle the subsequent 
 history of Said-Said ; I shall only add that on his 
 voyage back from Muscat, towards the close of 1856, 
 this remarkable man died of dysentery, a disease 
 to which he had long been subject. His son 
 Majed succeeded him in the government of his 
 African dominions ; whilst another of his many sons 
 has possessed himself of the sovereignty of his Asiatic 
 provinces, and has his residence at Muscat, 
 
 Hitherto, the more recent relations of Europeans 
 with Eastern Africa have been always of a peaceful 
 kind, and calculated to efface the bad mipressions 
 which the conduct of the Portuguese in earlier 
 times had left behind. The natives are pleased
 
 5^0 NOTES ON EAST-AFRICAN HISTORY, 
 
 with, and desirous of European intercourse, and if 
 Europeans deal with them honourably and justly, 
 it will never be otherwise. In Eastern Africa a 
 very gi'eat deal depends on the consuls of foreign 
 countries. If these are sagacious, energetic, heedful 
 of the interests of the natives as well as of those of 
 their own countrjTnen, and most important of all, if 
 they are men of Cluistian disposition, the respect 
 of the East- Africans will go on increasing, and they 
 will be ever more and more convinced that the 
 Wasungu, Europeans, are really what the name 
 implies, wise and capable people, — "not slothful in 
 business; fervent in spirit, serving the Lord." 
 
 END OF PART III.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 THE SNOW-CAPPED MOUNTAIJS^S OF EASTERN AFRICA. 
 
 THE SOURCES OF THE BAR EL ABIAD, THE WHITE 
 RIVER, OR NILE. 
 
 THE PRESENT LITERATURE OF ABESSINIA ; AND LAN- 
 GUAGES OF EASTERN AFRICA.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 The Snow-capped Mottntains of Eastern Afkica. — Peobable 
 
 SoimCES OF THE BaHR EL AbIAD, THE WhITE EiVEK, OE NllE. 
 
 Abessinian Liteeatuee. — LAXGrAGEs OF Eastern Africa. 
 
 I. — The Snow-capped Mountains of Eastern Africa. 
 
 When first tlie missionaries of the Churcli Missionary Society at 
 Babbai Mpia mentioned the existence of snow-capped mountains in 
 Eastern Africa, they were at once attacked by many European 
 geographers, and it was asserted that they had mistaken for snow 
 the calcareous earth, or rocks, covering the summits of the moun- 
 tains in question, and presenting at a distance the appearance of 
 snow. It may therefore not be out of place to put on record the 
 simple facts of the case. 
 
 Mr. Eebmann, on his first journey to Jagga in 1848, saw on 
 the 11th of May for the first time the snowy peak of Mount 
 Kilimanjaro, or Ndsharo, as the Teita people call the mountain, 
 Kilima meaning simply mountain ; and on subsequent journeys to 
 Jagga he saw it again. On the 10th November 1849, upon my 
 first journey to TJkambani I also beheld it first near Mount Maimgu, 
 thirty-six leagues from Mombaz, and afterwards in TJkambani, 
 whence from every elevation the silver-crowned summit of the lofty 
 mountain was plainly visible. On my second joumey to TJkambani 
 in 1851 the mountain Njaro was not only easily discernible with 
 the telescope, but also with the naked eye. In addition to this 
 Mr. Eebmann slept at the base of the mountain, and even by moon- 
 light could distinctly make out snow. He conversed with the 
 natives in reference to the white matter visible upon the dome-like 
 summit of the mountain, and he was told that the silver-like stufi", 
 when brought down in bottles proved to be nothing but water
 
 544 APPENDIX. 
 
 that many who ascended the nioxmtain perished from extreme cold, 
 or returned AAath frozen extremities, which persons unacquainted 
 with the real cause ascribed to the malignant influence of dshins or 
 evil spii'its.* After all these corroborative circumstances what 
 doubt could longer remain in our minds respecting the existence of 
 snow in Eastern Africa ? 
 
 The second snow-capped mountain bears various names among the 
 native tribes. The Wacamba call it Kima ja Kegnia, Mount of 
 Whiteness, Snow-white Libanon; other tribes Kirenia, or Ndur 
 Kegnia; the Wakuafi, Orldoinio eibor, "White Mountain; it has 
 only been seen by myself. Scarcely had I arrived at Eatui, on the 
 26th of November 1849 in company with the chief Kivoi, when he 
 told me that he had been to Jagga, and had seen the Ejma ja 
 Jeu, Mount of Whiteness, the name given by the Wakamba to 
 the Kilimanjaro, in contradistinction to the Kegnia ; and also stated 
 that there was a stiU greater mountain six days' journey from Kitui, 
 which was called Kimaja Kegnia, adding that if I would ascend 
 the hill a little above his village, if the sky were clear I should be 
 able to see the mountain . As the rainy season had already set in 
 the region about the Kegnia was enveloped in clouds, and in addition 
 to this the Kilimanjaro is usually visible only about 10 a.m. as 
 the sun's progress envelopes it in clouds during the rest of the 
 day. However, it happened that on leaving Kitui on the 3rd of 
 December, 1849 I could see the Kegnia most distinctly, and ob- 
 served two large horns or pillars, as it were, rising over an enormous 
 
 * Mr. Cooley, in lais " Inner Africa Laid Open," published in 1852, quoting 
 from the first volume of the " Missionary Intelligencer," in which the 
 discoveries of the missionaries at Eabbai Mpia were recorded, treats the 
 statement of Mr. Rebmann respecting snow seen by him on the summit of 
 Kilimanjaro, as " a most delightful mental recognition only, not supported by 
 the evidence of bis senses," and sneers at the narrative of the natives as to the 
 frostbitten explorers, noticed above, as a fireside tale. Had Mr. Cooley been 
 accustomed to weigh and sift evidence more closely, he would have argued 
 differently from that very fact ; for by its own law evidence is always 
 strengthened by the record of trivial and immaterial circumstances. The 
 candid reader of Mr. Cooley' s objections will not fail to see that in attempting 
 to prove too much, he has managed to place himself out of court, and the 
 presence of snow-capped mountains in Equatorial Africa will be credited, 
 notwithstanding the implied and open discredit which he attempts to cast 
 upon the narratives of the missionaries of Eabbai Miiia.
 
 SXOW-CAPPED MOUNTAINS. 545 
 
 mountain to the north-west of the Kilimanjaro, covered with a white 
 substance. 
 
 On my second journey to Uliambani in 1851 Kivoi repeated his 
 statement respecting the Kegnia, and the moimtain of smoke, vol- 
 cano, which he said was ia the vicinity of the snow-capped moun- 
 tain. This time I did not see Mount Kegnia owing to the cloudy 
 sky which lay continuously over the region in which I had formerly 
 obsei'ved the mountains ; but Kivoi' s statement was fully borne out 
 by the people from Mbe and XJembu, whom I met with at his village, 
 Rumu wa Kikandi, a native of Uembu, positively stating that the 
 Kegnia was six days' journey from Kitui ; that his tribe was near 
 the white mountain ; that he had often been at the foot of it, 
 but had not ascended it to any great altitude on account of the 
 intense cold and the white matter which rolled down the mountain 
 with a great noise, which last would seem to indicate the existence 
 of glaciers. The people fi'om Kikuyu confirmed these reports, and a 
 Mnika from Rabbai also, who had been at KikujTi mentioned to me a 
 mountain, the summit of which was covered with a substance 
 resembling white flour. 
 
 From personal observation, therefore, which confirmed the repeated 
 information of the natives of different tiibes, I became firmly con- 
 vinced of the existence of at least two snow-capped mountains one 
 of which, the Kegnia, was larger than the other, the Kilimanjaro, 
 the fii'st having peaks at its summit, while the second possesses a 
 dome-like shape, and is situated to the south-east of the former. 
 
 That both mountains are covered with perennial snow is proved 
 by the multitude of rivers rising amidst them. Of these Mr. Reb- 
 mann has counted more than twenty flowing from the heights of 
 Mount Kilimanjaro, and among them two considerable ones, the 
 Gona and the Lumi, forming the main streams of the river Lufu, or 
 Pangani. I myself passed the river Zawo, which at the drj-est 
 season was two feet and a half deep and flows, I was informed, from 
 the Lake Luaya, the northern receptacle of the waters which descend 
 from the snowy Kilimanjaro. In like manner I visited the river 
 Dana at the diy season and found it six or seven feet deep. Its main 
 source was reported to have its rise from ajj'aru, or lake, which was 
 the receptacle of the waters of the snowy Kegnia, and besides the 
 river Dana there are more than fifteen rivers running from the
 
 546 APPEXBIX. 
 
 west and north of the Kcgnia. One of these, the Tumbiri, is verj- 
 hirge and flows, according to the rcpoii made to me by Eiunu "wa 
 Kikandi, in a northerly direction to the great lake Baringu, by "which, 
 in the phrase of my informant, you may travel a hundred days along 
 its shores and find no end. To this lake, or chain of lakes, as it 
 has been foimd to be, I have referred in the introduction. The great 
 river Tumbiri is evidently identical -with the river Tubiri, mentioned 
 by Mr. AVeme as being a name of the "WTiite Eiver, Bahr el Abiad, at 
 four degrees north latitude from the Equator. 
 
 How are we to explain the phenomenon of such a multiplicity of 
 rivers flowing from both moimtains, unless we are to admit the existence 
 of snow ? I have seen the mountains of Usambai'a, of Pare, Kadiaro, 
 Bura, Theuka, Julu, and Mr. Eebmann has seen the mountains of 
 Agono, Usange, Kisungu, and Mloso, but neither of us found that 
 any river of magnitude flowed from these mountains. The Woi and 
 Madade, rising from the Bm'a group, are rapidly exhausted after the 
 rains, and although the rivers Mgambo, TTmba, Mkulumus, in Usam- 
 bara are perennial, they are very small and shallow during the dry 
 season, whereas the Gona, Lumi, Zawo, and the Dana, are considerable 
 streams even at the driest season. Snow existing in considerable 
 masses among these mountains can alone explain this hypothesis in 
 a satisfactory manner. 
 
 And why should the existence of snow in Equatorial Africa be 
 doubted when there is snow under the Equator in America ; when there 
 is snow no less sometimes on the Cameroons of "Western Africa; when 
 snow is frequently observed upon the heights of Mount Amba Hai, 
 in Abessinia, being situated 16,000 feet above the level of the sea ; 
 and when there is snow in the south of Kaffa, as Bruce has positively 
 stated?* On my first arrival at Mombaz in 1844, I had not the 
 least idea of the " silver matter," as it was called, reported to exist 
 in the interior, being snow. I regai-ded the silver and the jins or 
 c\'il spirits of Kilimanjaro as some kind of impalpable white sand 
 which, as the Arabs told me, exists in Southern Arabia, where the 
 sandy baher-el-safi forms a kind of whfrl-pit, swallowing up everything 
 that approaches it. I was not then aware that Ptolemy had alluded 
 to a mountainous country, and that these mountains were covered 
 
 * Brace's Travels, Vol. VII. p. 105.
 
 S>-OW-CAPPED MOUNXAIXS. 547 
 
 "with perennial snow, and considered by him as the real soui-ces of 
 the Nile. The -western branch of the White lliver, according to 
 him, runs fi-om a lake in six degrees of south latitude, and the 
 eastern branch from another lake in seven degrees of south latitude, 
 iiniting at two degrees south latitude. All this was unknown to me 
 on my first arrival. 
 
 The existence of equatorial snow also will be doubted by no one if 
 it is borne in mind that sandy deserts do not exist imder the Equator; 
 but on the other hand that, for hundreds of miles, there extends a 
 region of rich vegetation and forest land, absorbent of the fiery sun- 
 beams, while the north-east and south-west winds are cooling 
 Eastern Africa throughout the year, producing less heat in Equa- 
 torial Africa than would naturally be supposed to be the case from 
 the proximity of the Equator. 
 
 It may be ru'ged, however, that on the recent journey of Major 
 Biu'ton and Captain Speke to the lakes Tanganyika and Ukerewe, 
 they did not see the snowy mountains mentioned by the missionaries. 
 The reason is ob-^-ious. The route of these gentlemen lay far to the 
 south and west of the snow-capped mountains ; nor can their 
 summit be observed except when there is a veiy clear sky. Neither 
 of these travellers object to the existence of such snow-capped 
 mountains ; on the contraiy, as Dr. Petermann rightly observes, 
 they seem to take them for granted, as though their existence were 
 not a matter of dispute. Major Bui'ton, when engaged at Tanga in 
 veiy strict researches about Kilimanjaro, admits that the cold upon 
 that mountain must be very intense. 
 
 In like manner Dr. Petermann very properly states that the fact 
 of Dr. Livingstone having seen in latitudes 12° and 13° S. mountains 
 covered at the summit with white stones, is no argximent against the 
 contemporaneous existence of snowj' mountains in the Equatorial 
 region. The same learned authority states that, since the reports of 
 the Missionaries have been confirmed by Messrs. Burton and Speke 
 in their essentials, reliance may be placed upon the accovmts of the 
 former relative to the existence of such mountains.
 
 548 APPEXDIX. 
 
 II. The peobable SorECES of the White Eiver, ok Xile. 
 
 Whtlst correcting these pages for press I received the " Pro- 
 ceedings of the Eoyal Geographical Society of London," vol. iii., 
 Ko. iv., 1859, and "Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine," September, 
 October, and Xoveniber, 1859. 
 
 In both these publications allusion is frequently made to me in con- 
 nection with the grand problem of the sources of the XUe. Captain 
 Speke, the discoverer of Lakes Tanganyika,*-' and Ukerewe, which 
 latter he styled Victoria Xyanza, Lake Yictoria, remarks that he 
 must be mistaken if the ITkerewe does not ultimately turn out to be 
 the real source of the Xile ; whilst Mr. McQueen, the well-known 
 geographer, thinks that the Xile has nothing to do with the lake, 
 or, in fact, with any river or lake south of the Equator, nor Avith 
 the snow-capped Kilimanjaro ; that the swelling of the TVTiite Eiver 
 is caused by the tropical raios of the northern torrid zone, as JuKus 
 Caesar was told by the Egyptian priest Amoreis, two thousand years 
 ago. Captain Speke, on the contrary, asserts that the swelling of 
 the Xile is caused, not indeed by snow-water, but by the tropical 
 rains swelling the Yictoria Xyanza, from the Monies Luna, the 
 Mountains of the Moon, or mountaias rising in the west of the 
 lake to the height of 6000 feet, and in part from waters flowing 
 from the snow-capped Mount Kegnia, on the eastern shore of Lake 
 Kyanza. 
 
 My own opinion remains the same as that which I recorded in 
 1854 in my " W^akuafi Yocabulaiy," p. 128, and in my preface to 
 Mr. Erhardt's "Yocabulaiy of the Masai language," p. 4 : — '' There 
 can be no question but that the opinion of the ancients, who believed 
 the Caput JVili to be in ^Ethiopia, is truly correct ; for the "^Yakuafi, 
 whose language is of ^thiopico-Semetic origin, are in possession of 
 the countries which give rise to that river. The real sources of the 
 KUe appear to me to be traceable partly to the woody and marshy 
 land of the Wamau people, about 2^ or 3° south of the Equator, of 
 whom Eumu wa Kikandi told me in Ukambani, in 1851." 
 
 As to the marshy land of theWamau people, the reader may com- 
 pare Seneca's description, given in his "Quaestiones Naturales," 
 lib. vi. — "Ego quidem ccnturionos duos, quos Xero Cassar ad inves- 
 tigandum Caput Xili miserat, audivi narrantes, longum illos iter
 
 SOrilCES OF THE NILE. 549 
 
 percgissc, quum a rege ^thiopias instmcti auxilio, commendatique 
 proximis regibus, penetrassent ad ulteriora. Eqiiidem, aiebant, 
 pervcnimus ad immensas paludcs, quarum cxitum ncc incolte 
 noverant, nee sperare quisquani potest, ita implicitse aquis herbse 
 sunt, et aquiB nee pediti eluctabiles, nee navigio, quod nisi parvum 
 et unius capax, limosa et obsita palus non ferat. Ibi, inquit, 
 vidimus duas petras, ex quibus ingens vis fluminis excidebat. Sed 
 sive eaput ilia, sive aceessio est Nili, sive time nascitur, sive in terras 
 ex priore reecpta cursu redit : nonne tu credis, illam, quidquid est, 
 ex magno terrarum lacu ascendere ? Habeat enim oportet pluribus 
 loeis sparsum bumorem, et in imo coactum, ut eructare tanto impetu 
 possit." 
 
 It may be that the Lake TJkerewe of Captain Speke is identical, 
 either with the bog in Umau, or with the Baringu, mentioned by 
 Rumu wa Kikandi. In either case, Captaia Speke has the honour 
 of ha-sdng almost solved the great geographical problem of AMca, the 
 discovery of the Caput Nili. At all events, he has been nearest to 
 the sj)ot where that caput must be sought. ^N'othing, however, can 
 be definitely determined till some scientific traveller, capable of 
 making reliable astronomical observations, as suggested at page 
 xxix, famishes accurate data as to the relative level of the coun- 
 tries to the north of the Yietoria Nyanza. 
 
 Though somewhat figurative and poetical, did not the difficulty in 
 relation to this measui'ement exist, I should at once recur to Colonel 
 Sykes's view, communicated in the " Proceedings of the Royal Geo- 
 graphical Society of London," in May, 1859, (vol. iii., No. iv., 
 p. 213.) : — "He illustrated his observation by a practical reference 
 to the human hand and arm ; supposing the latter to be the main 
 stream, the fingers might fonn the sources, all converging at the wrist 
 to one great whole, the Victoria Lake. The only question was, 
 which of those branches should be considered the chief source of the 
 river ? But each might be equal in size and of equal distance from 
 the point of junction. The fact was, they were aU sources." 
 
 " Captain Spoke described a range of mountains running, not fi-om 
 east to west, but from north to south across the Equator. This range 
 had necessarily a double watershed to the east and to the west. The 
 rivers observed by Dr. Krapf ran doAvn to the eastward, but other 
 rivers mentioned by him ran also down to the westward. Con- 
 
 N N 2
 
 550 APPENDIX. 
 
 scqucntly, there were two directions in which the waters ran in 
 exactly tlie same locality. What, therefore, could he more reason- 
 able than to suppose that the water, parting to the westward, should 
 riin into the lake mentioned by Captain Speke ? And as this lake 
 was at an elevation of 4000 feet above the sea, and the depression 
 of the country was from the lake towards the north generally, as 
 indicated by the coiu-se of the Nile, which had been traced up to 3^° 
 of the Equator, it is more than probable that the lake was one of the 
 chief soui-ccs of the Nile, and that other neighbouring sources would 
 be found in the snow peaks of Kilimanjaro and Kegnia, forming part 
 of the range of mountains spoken of by Captain Speke." 
 
 To this statement of the gallant colonel I will only remark, that 
 no river known to me or to Mr. Rebmann runs from Kilimanjaro to 
 the west. We never heard of any, nor can it run in that direction, 
 owing to the very mountainous country of Kikuyu, which lies nearly 
 west of Kilimanjaro. But rivers do run from the north and west of 
 Mount Kegnia, and these doubtless form Lake Victoria, if it is one 
 of the true sources of the Nile, which can in no way flow from a 
 lake alone, no great river ever doing so, but coming from beyond 
 such lake, as the Abai in Abessinia, and the Ehine in Europe clearly 
 prove. Mr. McQueen is therefore quite right in asserting that the 
 Nile has nothing to do with the Kilimanjaro, but in regard to the 
 Kegnia he is undoubtedly wrong. He is also quite correct in main- 
 taining that the swelling of the White Eiver is caused by the tropical 
 rains in the north of the Equator ; and, in like manner. Captain 
 Speke is correct in stating that it would be highly erroneous to 
 suppose that the NUe could have any great fluctuations from any 
 other source than periodical rains. Were the Nile supplied by snow 
 alone its perennial volimie would ever be the same — there woiild be 
 no material fluctuations observable in it. In proof of the Nile's 
 inundation not being caused by the tropical rains south of the 
 Equator, as Captain Speke seems to suppose in contradistinction to 
 Mr. McQueen, the latter refers to the expedition of the Pasha of 
 Eg)T3t in 1840, which reached the island of lanka, in 4^° N. in the 
 month of January, when the waters of the White Nile were rapidly 
 subsiding, so that the expedition was compelled to return as it could 
 not pass the south cataracts of the Baii land. The rains south of the 
 Equator begin in November; consequently, if they produced the
 
 SOUECES OF THE NILE. 551 
 
 imuidation, the water would not have subsided in January, and the 
 expedition would not have been compelled to return. Mr. McQueen 
 is therefore quite right in this respect, but he goes too far in 
 asserting that, in consequence of this phenomenon, the sources of the 
 Nile do not exist south of the Equator, as Captain Speke and myself 
 argue. His assertion does not mark the distinction between sources 
 and inundation of the river ; for why should not the source of the 
 Nile be situated south of the Equator, and yet the inundation of the 
 river be caused by the tropical rains in the north, where they begin 
 in May and June, so that the Nile begins to rise at Cairo in July.* 
 There are many lakes and ponds which are overflowed in the rainy 
 season, and the river Sobat or Telky is very large and carries a great 
 volume of water into the "WTiite Nile. Besides these there are many 
 other tributaries from the west and east.f 
 
 I have never suggested that the inundation of the Nile is caused 
 by snow, but only that snow is the chief sustaining source of that 
 river, keeping it fresh throughout the year, preventing the lake into 
 which it runs, if it runs into any, from stagnation. Captain Speke 
 himself appears to agree with this view, when he states that the 
 water of Lake Victoria is fresh and sweet, and that the natives prefer 
 it to the water of the Tanganica, As to the inundation, I fuUy 
 believe that neither the snow nor the tropical rains south of the 
 Equator would be sufficient causes for producing it. Hence Mr. 
 McQueen appears to be more correct than Captain Speke in one 
 point, but the latter is right in another — the origin of the Nile south 
 of the Equator. 
 
 Another statement of Captain Speke's I can confirm. He says : — 
 " There must be some insurmountable difficulties between the east 
 of Kifaga and Eikuyu, whither the Arabs go trading via Mombaz 
 
 * The Nile rises at Cairo about the beginning of July, increases during 100 
 days, till the middle of October, then subsides and reaches its lowest level 
 near the end of April. It would fall earlier if the southern equatorial rains, 
 from November to February, did not strengthen it a little. The prevailing 
 winds fi'om March to November are northerly, from December to February 
 chiefly southerly. 
 
 t It is very probable that the White River receives also considerable part 
 of its water from the lake Ufole or Zamburie, which lies near the Doko coun- 
 try, where a great mountain range seems to run from south to north, to- 
 wards the countries "Worata, Susa, and Calfa.
 
 552 APPENDIX. 
 
 from Zanzibar ; for if a passage were open by wHch they could get 
 to Kikuyu, exactly one third of the distance which they now travel 
 A-ia Uniamuezi to Zanzibar would be saved." Kow the reason of 
 this is because the south and west of Kikuyu are infested by Wakuafi 
 savages who have their head (]^uarters in the vicinity of Kikuyu ; 
 besides which many tribes of Kikujoi and its -s-icinity are hostile to 
 the Arabs, which hostility arises chiefly fi-om the Wakamba, who 
 consider themselves entitled to the monopoly of the trade of the inte- 
 rior coastwards, in the direction of Mombaz. Nor will they allow 
 the Suahili and Arabs to trade with TJkambani, Kikuyu, Mberre, 
 TJembu, TJdaka, and other inland countries. By every means in 
 their power they induce the inhabitants to keep off the Arabs, unless 
 the latter have guides of the "Wakamba nations. Once a caravan of 
 Suahali penetrated into the territory of "Wakambani and Kikuyu, 
 but it was instantly repulsed and driven back. A few tribes of 
 Kikuyu, it is true, would like the traders of the coast, but they are 
 prevented by the jealous Wakamba, whose influence extends as far 
 in a westerly and northerly direction, as it does eastward to Mombaz. 
 A traveller, therefore, wishing to see the Kegnia and Lake Victoria 
 or Buringu, must engage "Wakamba, in addition to some "Wanika, 
 Suahili, and others from the tribes beyond Ukambani, unless he is 
 backed by a strong body able to force its way through the latter 
 place and the adjacent country. No doubt Mombaz or Malindi 
 presented in ancient times the readiest route to the soiu'ces of the 
 Nile, and to the Mountains of the Moon, which latter term Captain 
 Speke has very ably explained, whilst Dr. Beke and myself had 
 previously attempted to account for it. Captain Speke has actually 
 seen a crescent-shaped mountain*' to the northward of the Tanganyika, 
 due west of the snow-capped Kilimanjaro and Kegnia, and west 
 beyond TJniamesi, or the country of the Moon. The "Waniamesi 
 tribes have at all periods visited the eastern coasts of Africa ; hence 
 these hills, lying beyond their Moon-coxmtry, may have given rise 
 to the term ^Mountains of the Moon. The Greek merchants, of 
 coiu'se, translated it literally opoc ttjq I^eXi'ji'Tjg. 
 
 In conclusion, I would add some late remarks of Dr. Petennann on 
 the sources of the Nile : — " In spite of the glorious discoveries of 
 
 * Seo page xxviii, ante.
 
 SOURCES OF THE >'ILE. 553 
 
 Captain Sjieke we have not yet reached the grand centre of all the 
 geographical researches of equatorial Afiica, — the decision regard- 
 ing the site of the sources of the Xile ; for it is not yet ascertained 
 whether the !Nile really has its rise from the lake discovered by 
 Captain Speke. "We readily belicye that Captain Speke's view is 
 founded on various and careful researches ; but the ultimate solution of 
 the question can only be expected by farther researches made on the 
 spot. This shows that the solution of the old problem of the !N"ile's 
 sources will yet require a good deal of labour ; but in consequence 
 of the travels and researches made by Captain Speke and the 
 Protestant missionaries in the south, and by the Egyptians and the 
 Eoman Catholic missionaries, the region yet unsurveyed and in 
 Avhich the sources of the Nile must be situated, is so much circum- 
 scribed, that probably a single journey of a scientific traveller 
 proceeding from Zanzibar to Gondokoro, or vice versa, would siiffice 
 to solve definitely this famous geographical problem ; and that such 
 a journey will soon be accomplished is evidenced by the projects of 
 Dr. Eoscher, Friths, and. especially by the Anglo-Indian expedition 
 vmder Lieutenant J. D. Kenelly, at the recommendation of Lord 
 Elphinstone, and which will proceed towards the scene of Major 
 Burton and Captain Speke's discoveries, in order to circumnavigate 
 and survey the whole of " Lake Yictoria." 
 
 My countryman Dr. Eoscher*' will proceed by way of Kitui, a 
 route first traversed by me in 1849, which will doubtless prove to be 
 the nearest route from the coast to Yictoria Xyanza, and to the final 
 solution of the Nile problem, though it may be attended with some 
 difficulties and perils from hostile tiibes in the occupation of those 
 regions. Should the Kittd route prove an abortive one, the route of 
 Barava, \\° IST. of the Equator, must be selected. This route, besides 
 the discovery of the sources of the Nile, will enrich our knowledge 
 with much information respecting the Christian remnants existing in 
 the countries south of Abessinia. By it we shall also derive much 
 information respecting the Galla tribes, and in many ways new dis- 
 coveries will reward the undertaking. Of this I feel so fully assured 
 that, were I equipped and furnished with the requisite means, I 
 should have no hesitation in entering upon such an enterprise at a few 
 days' notice. 
 
 * See IntroductioD, page xxs.
 
 554 AITKNUIX. 
 
 The "Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society" contain some 
 curious and important information connected with the latter route, 
 furnished by a French missionarj', the Pere B. P. Leon, dated Zan- 
 zibar, August, 1858. This missionaiy has been in Enarea. He 
 states that there is a frequented route from Barava on the sea-coast 
 to Kaffa, the journey occupying twenty-four days ; the estimated dis- 
 tance being 360 geographical miles. Twelve days' journey south 
 of Kaffa, he mentions a people nearly white, called Amara, who 
 possess written books, and speak a language different both from the 
 Ethiopic and Arabic. They buUd houses and villages, and cultivate 
 the soil. These are conjectured to be the remains of the Christian 
 nations which in early times spread far to the south of Abessinia, 
 untn they were overrun, massacred, or scattered, by the savage 
 Galla. Four days' journey from the Amara there is a lake whence 
 flows one of the tributaries of the "White JS'ile. M. Leon supposes 
 this to be the source of the Sobat, but it is more probable that it 
 is the main stream of the 'NUe. The Amara, he says, dwell 
 between 2° and 3° N. lat. and to them are subject some tribes of 
 copper-coloured people, who dwell near the Equator. No Mussul- 
 man dare venture into that country.
 
 555 
 
 THE PRESENT LITERATURE OF ABESSINIA. 
 
 The literature of Abessinia has been slightly referred to at page 37. 
 During my residence in Africa, I collected most of the following works, 
 the greater part of which still exist only in manuscript. 
 
 ].. The Bible : the Old and New 
 Testament, with the Apocrypha — 
 both in Ethiopic and in Amharic. 
 The Amharic is the text of the 
 Bible Society. It is printed in 
 4to ; there is an edition of the 
 New Testament with the Psalms 
 in 8vo. Dr. Augustus Dillmann 
 is now publishing the Ethiopic 
 text of the Old Testament in 
 4to. ; and the Bible Society has 
 printed the Ethiopic text of the 
 New Testament also in 4to. Por- 
 tions of the Scriptures have been 
 printed at various times, both in 
 Ethiopic and in Amliaric, and the 
 curious reader is referred to the 
 Catalogue of Mr. David Nutt, of 
 Loudon, for such as are more 
 easily obtainable. The Psalter in 
 Etliiopic was published in 4to by 
 Ludolf at Franckfort in 1701, (see 
 No. 118) and in his history of 
 • Ethiopia he gives the history of 
 the Bible of the Abessiniaus, 
 pointing out its sources and con- 
 tents, and exhibiting specimens of 
 it ^vith a Latin translation. The 
 Amharic text, as issued by the 
 Bible Society, was the translation 
 of an Abessinian monk, Abu 
 Euhh, or Abu Rumi, a native of 
 Godjam. 
 
 2. Haimanot Abau (the Belief of the 
 Fathers) or the Dogmas of the 
 Abessinian Church, consisting of 
 extracts from the Bible, fi'om the 
 Canons and Decrees of Synods 
 and Conncils, and from the wi-it- 
 ings of the Fathers of the Church, 
 
 particularly from Clemens of Alex- 
 andria, Theophilus of Antioch, 
 John and Dionysius of Antioch 
 (? John of Damascus, and Diony- 
 sius of Alexandria) CyrUl of Alex- 
 andria, John Chrysostom, and 
 others. This book is said to have 
 been compiled, or translated by 
 Maba Zion, the son of Ras Amdu 
 in the reign of Nebla Dengel. 
 
 3. Retua Haimanot, the Orthodox 
 Belief. 
 
 4. Amada Mister, Pillars of the Mys- 
 teries of Faith, in Amharic, treat- 
 ing of the Holy Trinity, the Man- 
 hood of Christ, of Baptism and 
 the Holy Communion, and of the 
 Resurrection. 
 
 5. KiRiLLOS, a dogmatic treatise by 
 
 St. Cyrill of Alexandria. 
 
 6. Masgaba Haimanot, the Treasury 
 of Faith, a dogmatic treatise. 
 
 7. Mazhafa Temhert, the Book of 
 Doctrine, another dogmatic trea- 
 tise. 
 
 8. Afa Work, Golden-tongue or 
 
 Chrysostomus, a life of St. Chry- 
 sostom, with his Exposition of the 
 Epistle to the Hebrews. Anbakom, 
 a native merchant of Ai-abia Felix 
 in the time of king Naod, and of 
 Tekla Haimanot is said to have 
 rendered several treatises of St. 
 Chrysostom into Ethiopic. 
 
 9. SiNonos, the Canons and Constitu- 
 tions of the Holy Apostles. (This 
 book has been printed in Ludolf's 
 History of Etluopia.) 
 
 10. Fatha Negest, the King's Court 
 or Book of Laws, said to have
 
 556 
 
 I-KKSKXX LITEEATrilE 
 
 fallen from Heaven in the time of 
 the Emperor Constantine, and to 
 have been rendered into Ethiopic 
 by Petros Abd Essaid, a native of 
 Tigre, in the reign of Sara Jacob, 
 about 1434—1468. 
 
 11. Kebra Negkst, Honour to Kings, 
 an historical work written in 
 praise of the kings of Ethiopia. 
 
 12. Serata Bieta Christian, Rules 
 and Orders of the Church of 
 Christ. 
 
 13. Abi'shaker, the Abessinian Ca- 
 lendar, (printed in Ludolf s His- 
 tory of Ethiopia.) 
 
 14. KEDAsiE,theLiturgy of the Church 
 of Abessinia. 
 
 15. Argaxox (Hours of the Virgin). 
 
 Prayers and Hymns of Praise to 
 the Virgin Mary. 
 
 16. Ardeet, the last Words of Christ 
 to the Apostles before his Ascen- 
 sion. 
 
 17. Siena Fetrat, History of the 
 World before the Flood, deUvered 
 to Moses on Mount Sinai. 
 
 18. Siena Aihud, Sacred and Profane 
 History connected. 
 
 19. Genset, the Burial of the Dead, 
 said to have been written by St. 
 Athanasius, and discovered by the 
 Empress Helena at the finding of 
 the Cross. 
 
 20. Aklementos, Discourses of St. 
 Clement of Alexandria. 
 
 21. Mazhafa Filasfa, Aphorisms of 
 ancient Philosophers. 
 
 22. Mazhaea Enok, the Book of 
 Enoch, (printed by Dr. Augustus 
 DUlmann, in 1851.) 
 
 23. Fakera Jasus, the Love of Jesus. 
 
 24. Fekarie Jasus, Christ's Prophe- 
 
 cies relating to the End of the 
 World. 
 
 25. SiNKESAR, Saints' Calendar, like 
 the Mencnum of the Greek Church, 
 divided into 365 sections, to be 
 read daily in the Churches. 
 
 26. KuFALiE, Hidden Secrets revealed 
 
 to Moses on Mount Sinai, not con- 
 tained in the Pentateuch. 
 
 27. Antiakos, a Dialogue between 
 
 St. Athanasius and Antiakos, a 
 nobleman, 
 
 28. Mazhafa Tojiar, a Letter written 
 by the Saviour. 
 
 29. ToMAR KoPEiANOs, Letter of (?) 
 
 St. Cyprian, or Koprian. 
 
 30. Meelad, a dogmatic book. 
 
 31. Mazhafer Mister, Exi^osition of 
 early Heresies. 
 
 32. Mazhafa Aklil, the Solemnization 
 
 of Matrimony. 
 
 33. Mazhafa Timrat, the ilinistration 
 
 of Baptism. 
 *»* See, No. 19, Gekset, Burial of the Dead. 
 
 34. Mazhafa Faves Manfazavi, the 
 
 Book of Spiritual Medicine. 
 
 35. Mazhafa Gragn, an Amharic ac- 
 coimt of the life of Gragn, the 
 fanatic king of Adal. 
 
 36. Kalata Abau, the Council of Nice 
 
 (with the opinions of the 318 pre- 
 lates who attended it.) 
 
 37. SuASo, an Amliaric Grammar and 
 Dictionary (of Uttle value). 
 
 38. Degua, a book of Hj-mns, which 
 
 St. Jared is said to have compiled 
 and set to music three hundred 
 years ago. The saint is stiQ sup- 
 posed to be in the flesh, and to Hve 
 somewhere the life of a recluse. 
 
 39. Lefafa Zedek, Prayers and Exor- 
 cisms against evil spirits, a book 
 much prized by the Abessinians, 
 and often buried with their dead. 
 
 40. Mazhafa Dorho ; 41 . Ankoritos ; 
 42. Faeetsh ; 43. Lik Vangei. ; 
 44. Gera Moie 5 45. Epiphanios ; 
 46. AxiMAROs ; 47. Saveeos ; 48. 
 Mazhafa Buni ; 49. Didask^alia ; 
 50. Tekla Zion. 
 
 51. Tamera Jasus, the Jliracles of 
 Christ. 
 
 52. Mevaset, Dii-ges. 
 
 53. Ekambani, Prayer-book. 
 
 54. Germama, Exorcisms against evil 
 spirits.
 
 OF AliESSIXIA. 
 
 557 
 
 55. Dkrsaxa Sanbat, Life of St. San- 
 
 bat. 
 
 56. VuDASiE Amlak, the Praise of 
 
 God. 
 
 57. TuRGUAMiE Fidel (iu Amharic.) 
 
 58. Melka Mikael, Prayers to St. 
 
 Michael. 
 
 59. Melka Gabkiel, Prayers to St. 
 
 Gabriel. 
 
 60. Melka Jesus, Prayers to Christ, 
 and the Vii'gia Mary. 
 
 61. Zelota Musie, the exorcisms of 
 Moses against the Spirits of Evil. 
 
 62. ZoMA Degua, Fast-hymns. 
 
 63. Kal Kidax, Words of the Cove- 
 nant. 
 
 64. AuDA Negest, Book of Magic. 
 
 69. Mazhafa Jai ; 65. Egsiabhar 
 Neges ; 66. Mazhafa Shekexat ; 
 67. Baktos ; 68. Dioxasios. 
 
 70. Mazhafa Berhanat, Book of Lights 
 
 (Proofs.) 
 
 71. Maala Salat, Hom-s and Hymns. 
 
 72. Mazhafa Keder, Instruction for 
 Eenegates. 
 
 73. Gebra Haimaxot, Lessons fer Pas- 
 sion-week. 
 
 74. Vudasie Makloi, Praise of the 
 Virgin Mary. 
 
 75. Nagara Mariam, Words of the 
 Virgin Mary. 
 
 76. Naia Mariam, Life of the Virgin 
 
 Mary. 
 
 77. Tamera Mariam, the Miracles per- 
 
 formed by the Virgin, whilst for 
 three years and a half in Abes- 
 sinia with the Infant Jesus. 
 
 78. Dersana Makiam, History of the 
 Virgin Mary. 
 
 79. Georgis Wolda Amid ; 80. Man- 
 
 SHAK. 
 
 81. Gadela Kedusan, Lives of the 
 
 Saints. 
 
 82. MiSTiRA SAMAi,Mystery of Heaven. 
 
 83. Siena Abau, Lives of the Fathers. 
 
 84. Aragavi Manfasavi, for the use of 
 
 the Monks. 
 
 85. Zelota MoNAKOSAT, Prayers of the 
 Monks. 
 
 86. Dersana Mahajavi, History of the 
 
 Giver of Life. 
 
 87. Felikisos, for the use of the 
 
 Monks, 
 
 88. Dersana Gabriel, History of the 
 
 Angel Grabriel. 
 
 89. Zelota Musadod. Prayers against 
 
 the Spirits of Evil. 
 
 90. Tebaba Tabiban, Wisdom of the 
 Wise, Hymns upon the Old and 
 New Testameut. 
 
 91. Gadela Havariat, Lives of the 
 Apostles. 
 
 92. Gadela Mikael, Life of St. Mi- 
 chael. 
 
 93. Gadela Lalibala, Life of King 
 LaUbala, who lived in the com- 
 mencement of the thirteenth cen- 
 tury after the fall of the Jewish 
 dynasty Falasha, and is said to 
 have conceived the notion of turn- 
 ing the bed of the Nile in order 
 to destroy the Mohammedans in 
 Egypt, who exercised great cruelty 
 towards the Christians. 
 
 94. Gadela Sena Markos, Life of St 
 
 Mark. 
 
 95. Gadela Gibra Manfas Kedus, 
 Life of Gibra Manfas Kedus, one 
 of the nine saints of Abessinia. 
 Nine Greek Apostles are said to 
 have arrived in Abessinia in the 
 reign of King Ahamada, in the 
 fifth century, and to have spread 
 Christianity further in the land, 
 which had fii'st been preached by 
 Fnnnanatos,or Frumentius, during 
 the reigns of Abreha and Azbeha, 
 towards the middle of the fom*th 
 century. Frumentius, who is 
 called Abba Salama in Abessinia, 
 translated the New Testament 
 into ^thiopic, the Old Testament 
 already then existing in that lan- 
 guage, as king Menelek, the son 
 of Solomon by the Queen of 
 Sheba, had brought, according to 
 tradition, the Pentateuch and the
 
 558 
 
 PRESENT LITEEATUKE 
 
 Psalms to Aksnm, and the bro- 
 thers Sakri and Pauli had trans- 
 lated the books of the Prophets 
 after the birth of Christ. He was 
 the first Bishop of Abessinia. 
 These nine Greek Apostles ■were 
 called : Panteleon, Likanos, Abba 
 Asfie, Abba Schema, Abba Ga- 
 rima, Gebra Manfas Kedns, 
 Abba Gubba, Aragavi, and Alef. In 
 place of Gebra Manfas, St. Imata 
 is sometimes included in the list 
 of the nine Apostles of Abessinia. 
 
 OG. Gadela Tekla Haimanot, History 
 of the great Abessinian Saint 
 Tekla Haimanot, a native of Shoa, 
 in the thirteenth century, who 
 was the founder of the celebrated 
 
 : convent of Debra Libanos in Shoa. 
 He decreed that all future pri- 
 mates (Abuna) should be Egyp- 
 tian Copts and not Abessinians ; 
 and that one-third of the entire 
 revenues of Abessinia should go to 
 the Church, for the support of the 
 Abuna, the clergy, convents and 
 churches. He also prevailed upon 
 the Jewish dynasty Segue, under 
 their King Naakueto Laab, to ab- 
 dicate in favour of the Solomonian 
 dynasty under king Jekuenu 
 Amiak, by which the original 
 family were again raised to the 
 throne, and the usurpation of the 
 Falash brought to an end. 
 
 97. Gadela Adam, History of Adam. 
 
 98. Gadela Samuel, History of Samuel, 
 who rode upon lions. 
 
 99. Gadela Medhaxalem, Life of the 
 Kedeemer. 
 
 100. Gadelos Kiros, Life of St. Kiros. 
 
 101. Gadela Aragavi, or also, Sami- 
 ch.el, the History of Araga-vi, one 
 of the nine Apostles of Abessinia, 
 who at first took up their abode 
 at Aksum for twelve years, and 
 then spread themselves into the 
 various provinces of the land. 
 
 Abba Aragavi reached Agame in 
 Tigre, and founded a convent 
 upon the lofty rock of Damo, to 
 the summit of which, according to 
 the legend, he was dra\vn up by a 
 large serpent whose tail he had 
 clutched. He is said to have con- 
 verted the Prince of Darkness, 
 and to have prevailed upon him 
 to wear a monk's hood for forty 
 years. Like Jared (in No. 37), 
 he, too, is now living somewhere 
 in the flesh the life of a recluse. 
 
 102. Gadela Tohani, the Life of St. 
 Tohani. 
 
 103. Gadela Antoxios, Life of Anto- 
 nius, the Monk. 
 
 104. Gadela Georgis, Life of the 
 celebrated Saint Georgis. 
 
 105. Gadela Saxxel"; 106. Gadela 
 Ijob ; 107. Gadela Arsemaro ; 
 108. Gadela Ahib ; 109. Gadela 
 Nakod Volab — Lives of five Abes- 
 sinian Saints. 
 
 110. Gadela Gebra Christos, Life of 
 Gebra Christos, the son of the 
 Emperor Theodosius. (?) 
 
 111. Mazhafa Havi. 
 
 Of these writings I picked up about 
 eighty in Shoa, either in manuscript or 
 copied expressly for me, all of which I 
 sent to Europe. No doubt, many works 
 of similar character are scattered over 
 other parts of Abessinia, with the titles 
 of which I am not acquainted ; but in 
 all there is such a preponderance of 
 dross, and so Httle pure gold, that the 
 labour and fatigue of perusal have but 
 a sorry reward, unless one is pos- 
 sessed of the indomitable perseverance 
 and learning of a Ludolph, who two 
 hrmdred years ago earnestly desired to 
 see the Protestant and the Abyssinian 
 Churches united, and whose writings 
 are even to this day the principal sources 
 of information respecting Abessinia. 
 I may as well enumerate the most 
 useful of these :
 
 OF ABESSIXIA. 
 
 559 
 
 112. LUDOLFI (SEU LeUT-IIOLF JOBl) 
 
 HiSTORiA Ethiopica, sive brevis 
 et succincta Descriptio Regni Ha- 
 bessinormn, quod vulgo male 
 Presbyteri Joamiis vocatur ; sive 
 de Natiu'a et Indole Regionis et 
 Incolarom ; de Regimine ; de 
 Statu Ecclesiastico, Initio et Pro- 
 gressu Religionis CkristianaB ; de 
 Rebus privatis ; de Literatura, 
 etc. Francofwrti ad Mcenum, 
 1681, folio. 
 This volume was translated into 
 English and into French. 
 
 113. LUDOLPHI (JOBI) COMMENTAEIUS 
 
 ad suam Historiam jEthiopicam 
 in quo praeter Res ^thiopicas 
 multa S. Scripturas loca decla- 
 rantur, et Antiquitates Ecclesias- 
 ticEe illustrantur, etc. Franco- 
 furti ad Mcenum, 1691, folio. 
 
 114. LuDOLPHi (JoBi) Appendix ad 
 Historiam ^thiopicam iUiusque 
 Commentarium ex nova Relatione 
 de hodieme Statu Habessiaiie ex 
 India nuper allata ; Francofurti 
 ad Manum, 1693, folio. 
 
 115. LUDOLPHI (JoBi) Ajppexdix Se- 
 CUNDA ad Historiam -i3i]thiopicam 
 continens Dissertationem de Lo- 
 custis ; Francofurti ad Mainum, 
 1694, folio. 
 
 These four works fonn his complete 
 history of Ethiopia, in the compilation 
 of which Ludolf received great assist- 
 ance from Abba Gregorius, the Amharic 
 Patriarch, whose porti-ait is prefixed 
 to the second, and who resided with 
 him for a short time at the court of the 
 ancestor of H. R. H. the Prince Consort, 
 Duke Ernest of Saxe Gotha. His own 
 porti-ait is given with the first, and 
 with the third, the portrait of Gulanel 
 Gabas Khan ; besides which, there are 
 plates of natural history, costume and 
 antiquities scattered through aU. In 
 the first, amongst loatters incidentally 
 alluded to, is the correspondence of the 
 Abessinian princes with the kings of 
 
 Spain. The same volume also contains a 
 very interesting catalogue of Ethiopic 
 manuscripts, with specimens and trans- 
 lations, including much curious Htur- 
 gical matter, prayers and ceremonies 
 of the Church, in Ethiopic and Latin, 
 &c. In the second he gives the Canons 
 of the Apostles (see No. 9, ante) ; 
 the Abessioian Calendar (No. 13) ; a 
 curious Computus Ecclesise, and a most 
 valuable dissertation upon the ancient 
 language of Egypt and Northern Africa, 
 with the names of animals, &c. in 
 Ethiopic, Amharic, and Latin, and spe- 
 cimens of the Ethiopic, Amharic, and 
 Galla dialects. 
 
 In 1683 he published : — 116. Epistola, 
 ^thiopice, ad universum Ha- 
 bessinorum gentem ; wliich was 
 followed, in 1688, by the Ejnstolce 
 Sainaritan(B ad Johum Ludolfum, 
 with a Latin version. And here 
 may be mentioned his : — 
 
 117. Fasti Ecclesi^ Alexandrine; 
 and his treatise de Bella Turcica 
 feliciter conficiendo, 
 
 118. LuDOLFi (JoBi) Grammatica Lin- 
 guae ^thiopicae, Francofurti ad 
 M(Bnu7n, 1702, folio. 
 
 119. LuDOLFi (JoBi) Lexicon ^thi- 
 opico- Latinum, Francofm-ti ad 
 Mcennin, 1699, folio. 
 
 Nos. 116 and 117 were originally 
 printed at London, in 1661. The 
 Franckfort editions ai'e much en- 
 larged. 
 
 120. PSALTERIUM ^THIOPICUM ; aCCC- 
 
 dunt Hymni et Orationes aliquot, 
 Canticum Canticorum, ^thiopice 
 et Latine cura Jobi Ludolfi ; Fran- 
 cofuHi ad Mcenum, 1701, quarto. 
 
 121. LuDOLFi (JoBi) Grammatica Lin- 
 gua Amharicae, qute vemacula est 
 Habessinorum ; Francofurti ad 
 Moinum, 1698, foUe. 
 
 122. LuDOLFi (JoBi) Lexicon Amha- 
 rico-Latinum cum Indice Latino 
 copioso ; Francofurti ad Mtf^num, 
 1698, folio.
 
 5 GO 
 
 LITERAXriCE OF ABESSIXIA. 
 
 In the compilation of his Amharic 
 Grammar and Dictionary, he was as- 
 sisted by Abba Gregorius, the pati-iarch 
 of Abessinia, a native of Makana- 
 Selasse, in Shoa. 
 
 I do not enumerate the writings of 
 Bruce, Salt, Eiippel, Gobat, Katte, 
 LefevTe, Combes, Themasier, Eochet, 
 Harris, Johnstone, Beke, Mansfield, 
 and other modem travellers, whose 
 works necessarily contain much illus- 
 trative both of the hterature and lan- 
 guages of Northern Africa. The 
 library of His Excellency Sir George 
 Grey, K.C.B. is rich in all works ap- 
 pertaining to a knowledge of African 
 linguistic development ; and the 
 second part of the first volume of his 
 catalogue is devoted to the languages 
 and dialects north of the Tropic of 
 Capricorn (see No. 170). 
 
 123. Isexbeeg's (C. W.) Geammar of 
 the Amharic Language ; London, 
 1842, royal 8vo. 
 
 124. Isexberg's (0. W.) Dictioxaey 
 of the Amharic Language ; in two 
 parts, Amharic and English, and 
 English and Amharic ; London, 
 1841, quarto. 
 
 This work of my dear friend, the 
 Missionary Isenberg, incorporates the 
 manuscript Amharic vocabulary of 
 Missionary Blumhardt, which was 
 begun in 1837, at Adoa, and finished 
 at Malta in 1839. It contains all the 
 words which occur in the Bible. 
 
 125. Yatejiehekt Majamaeta, a Spell- 
 ing and Beading-book in Amha- 
 ric, by the Kev. C. W. Isenbeeg ; 
 London, 1841, 8vo. 
 
 126. Kateghismos, the Heidelberg 
 Catechism in Amharic, translated 
 by the Eev. C. W. Isexbeeg ; Lon- 
 don, 1841, 8vo. 
 
 127. The Book of Common Peayee, 
 &c. of the Church of England and 
 Ireland, in Amharic, translated 
 by the Rev. C. W. Isenbeeg, 8vo. 
 
 128. Baabxa Bawald, Regni Dei in 
 
 Terris Historia, Amharice, in 
 duabus partibus ; inde Adami 
 lapsn ad Hierosolymitamm Dele- 
 tionem ; et de Rebus Ecclesias- 
 ticis a S. Joannis Morte ad Tem- 
 pera nostra. Auctore C. GuiL. 
 Isexbeeg ; London, 1841, 8vo. 
 
 129. YaAalamtarik, Adumbratio His- 
 toriiB Mundi, Amharice. Auctore C. 
 GuiL. Isexbeeg; London, 1842, 8vo. 
 
 130. Gewogeafiya Yamedee Teme- 
 HEET, a book of Geography in 
 Amharic ; by the Rev. C. W. 
 Isexbeeg ; London, 1841, 8vo. 
 
 Besides these works enumerated 
 above my dear friend Isenberg trans- 
 lated the Psalms, and the foui- Gospels 
 into the language of Tigi-e, but this 
 version has not yet been printed. 
 
 131. Ax Ajihaeic Vocabulaey, pre- 
 pared for my own use, in manu- 
 script. 
 
 I may here mention the existence 
 of a Dictionary of the Bari language, 
 which the Roman Catholic Mission- 
 aries at Khai'tum have prepared, and 
 which, upon my visit to the Mission- 
 house in 1855, Mr. Kirchner, as men- 
 tioned at page 478, was kind enough 
 to place in my hands. By what I 
 saw of it, the Bari language does not 
 appear to belong to the South- African 
 family, but rather to incUne to the 
 Wakaufi, which is spoken in the Equa- 
 torial regions. Mr. Kirchner also 
 showed me a Vocabulary of twelve 
 dialects, which are more or less con- 
 nected, and are spoken on the banks 
 of the White Nile. 
 
 In the second volume of the PrO' 
 ceedings of the London Philological So- 
 cietij is an Essay on the Languages of 
 Abessinia, by Beke. 
 
 Besides the Old TestomeHf, now pub- 
 lishing, mentioned at p. 555, and the 
 Book of Enoch (No. 22.), Dr. DiUmann 
 has pubUshed an Ethiopic Grrammar, 
 in 1857 ; and the LiberJuhilaorum, in 
 1859,
 
 561 
 
 BOOKS ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE LANGUAGES OF 
 EASTERN AFRICA. 
 
 I. ki-su.\:eili. 
 
 132. OUTLIXE OF THE ElEMEXTS OF 
 
 THE Ki-SuAHiLi Language, with 
 special reference to the Kinika 
 Dialect, by the Eev. Dr. J. L. 
 Keapf ; Tiibinrjen, 1850, 8vo. 
 
 133. Salla sa sabuci na jioni sasax- 
 LiWASO Katika KiriaM ja Kien- 
 glese siku sothe sa muaka, Morn- 
 ing and Evening Prayers said in 
 the Chm'ch of England, daily 
 throughout the year, translated 
 into Ki-Suahili by the Rev. Dr. 
 J. L. Keapf ; Tilliiigen, 1854, 
 ISmo. 
 
 134. Thkee Chapters of Genesis 
 translated into the Sooahelee 
 {Ki-Suahili) Language, by the 
 Eev. Dr. J. L. Kkapf, with Intro- 
 duction by W. W. Greenough, 
 printed in the Journal of the 
 American Oriental Society in 1847 
 (vol. i. pp. 259—274). 
 
 135. The entire New Testament in 
 Ki-Sualcili, by the Eev. Dr. J. L. 
 Krapf ; still in manuscript. 
 
 136. Complete Dictionary of the 
 Ki-SuAHiii Tongue, by the Eev. 
 Dr. J. L. Kkapf ; still in manu- 
 script. 
 
 137. Vocabulary of the Soahlli 
 {Ki-Suahili), by Samuel K. 
 Masuby, printed in the Memoirs 
 of the American Academy, Cam- 
 hriilge, Mass., 1845. 
 
 138. DsHUO dsha Herkal, an Accoimt 
 of the Wars of Mohammed with 
 Askaf, Governor of Syria to the 
 Greek Emperor HeracHus, in 
 rhyme ; a manuscript in ancient 
 Ki-Suahili, written in Arabic cha- 
 racters. 
 
 139. DsHuo DSHA Utexsi, Poems 
 and Mottoes in rhyme ; a manu- 
 script in ancient Ki-Suahili, writ- 
 ten in Arabic characters. 
 
 For an account of these curious lin- 
 guistic treasures, in the dialect for- 
 merly spoken in the islands of Patta 
 and Lamu, see the Journal of the Orien- 
 tal Society of Halle, vol. viii. pp. 567 — 
 637. I presented these manuscripts 
 to the hbrary of that Society. 
 
 The Ki-Suahih language is spoken 
 by some 300,000 or 400,000 SuahiH, in 
 the islands of Kiama, Tula, Patta, 
 Lamu, Kau, Slombaz, Tanga, Pemba, 
 Zanzibar, Kiloa, and all places on the 
 mainland which are inhabited by the 
 Mahommedans, from Barava to Cape 
 Delgado. 
 
 II. KI-NIKA. 
 
 140. The Beginning of a Spelling- 
 book of the Kinika Language, 
 accompanied by a translation of 
 the Heidelberg Catechism, by the 
 Eev. J. L. Krapf, D.Ph., and the 
 Eev. J. Eebmann ; Bombay, 1848, 
 12mo. 
 
 141. Evangelic zaavioandika Lukas, 
 translated into Kinika by Dr. J. 
 L. Keapf ; Bombay, 1848, 12mo. 
 
 The Kinika language is spoken by 
 from 50,000 to 60,000 Wanika, between 
 the thh'd and fourth degrees of south- 
 ern latitude, about fifteen to twenty 
 miles inland, at an altitude of 1200 to 
 2000 feet above the level of the sea. 
 See No. 172 for the Wanika Dictionary 
 of Missionary Eebmann. 
 
 III. KI-KAilBA. 
 
 142. Evangelio ta yuxaolete Mal- 
 Kosi, the Gospel according to St..
 
 562 
 
 LANGUAGES OF 
 
 Mark, translated into the Kikamha 
 language by the Rev. Dr. J. L. 
 Krapf ; Tiihingen, 1850, 8vo. 
 
 143. Evangelic ta yunaolete Mat- 
 TEOS, the Gospel according to St. 
 Matthew, translated into the Ki- 
 kamba language by the Rev. Dr. 
 J. L. Krapf ; still in manuscript. 
 
 The Kikamba language is spoken 
 by some 70,000 to 90,000 Wakamba, 
 about 400 miles distant from the sea, 
 in the rear of the Wanika. 
 
 rV. Hinzua. 
 
 144. A Grammar and Vocabulaey of 
 
 THE HlNZUAN LANGUAGE, by the 
 
 Rev. William Elliott, of the Lon- 
 don Missionary Society, wiitten 
 duiing a residence in the Island 
 of Johana, one of the Comoro 
 Islands ; still in manuscript. 
 
 V. SiDI. 
 
 145. In Major Burton's Sindu, and 
 the Races that inhabit the Valley 
 of the Indus, pubhshed at London 
 in 1851, Appendix IV., is a Voca- 
 lulary of the Sidi Language, the 
 language spoken by the slaves 
 imported from Zanzibai', and other 
 parts of the East- African coast, 
 pp. 372 — 374, and ]pas$im, 253 — 
 257. 
 
 VI. Galla. 
 
 146. Tentamen imbeciUum Transla- 
 tionis Evangelii Joannis in Lin- 
 guam GaUarum. Auctore J. L. 
 Krapf, Missionai-io, auxiliante 
 Berkio, viro ex stirpe GaUarum, 
 quam Gelan vocant, oi'iundo. In- 
 ceptum in urbe Ankober, quas 
 regni Shoanorum capitalis est, 
 1839; Londini, 1841, fcap. Svo, 
 
 The first five chapters of St. John's 
 Gospel. 
 
 147. EvANGELiUM Mattiiaei transla- 
 tumia Iii/i(;ua*/i GaUarum. Auc- 
 tore J. L. Krai'f, Missionario 
 
 Ankobari, regni Shoanorum capi- 
 talis. 1811 ; '/lo iniprint ; fcap. 
 Svo. 
 
 148. Genesis in Lingua GaUarum, J. 
 L. Krapf, Missionario, inter- 
 prete ; not yet printed. 
 
 149. An Imperfect Outline of the 
 Elements of the Galla Language, 
 by the Rev. J. L. Krapf. Pre- 
 ceded by a few Remarks concern- 
 ing the nation of the GaUas, etc., 
 by the Rev. C. W. Isenberg ; 
 London, 1840, 12mo. 
 
 150. Vocabulary of the Galla Lan- 
 guage, by the Rev. J. L. Krapf ; 
 together with an English- Galla 
 Vocabulary, prepared from a MS. 
 GaUo-Gennan Vocabulary of Dr. 
 Ki-apf, by the Rev. C. W. Isen- 
 berg ; London, 1840, 12mo. 
 
 151. A Grammar of the Galla Lan- 
 guage, by Charles Tutschek, 
 edited by Lawrence Tutschek, 
 M.D., Munich, 1845, 8vo. The 
 Grammar is followed by some 
 native prayers and letters, in 
 Galla and Enghsh (pp. 84—92). 
 The Grammar was written in Ger- 
 man, and the translation is by 
 Mr. J. Smead, of Richmond, Vir- 
 ginia. 
 
 In the third volume of the Proceed- 
 ings of the London Philological Society 
 is an Essay on Galla Verbs, by New- 
 man ; and in the Transactions of the 
 same Society for 1859, an Essay by 
 Hensleigh Wedgwood, Esq., " On 
 Coincidences between the Galla and 
 different European Languages." 
 
 152. Dictionary of the Galla Lan- 
 guage, composed by Charles 
 Tutschek, and published by Law- 
 rence Tutschek ; (GaUo-English 
 and German) 3 parts, Munich, 
 1844—5. 8vo 
 
 In the Catalgoue of Sir George Grey's 
 Library (vol. i. p. 253), Mr. Bleek states 
 that both the Grammar and Dictionaiy
 
 EASIEEN AFEICA. 
 
 563 
 
 of Tutschek " are chiefly the fruit of 
 au intercourse ia Germany with three 
 Gallas, one of whom was, together 
 with an Umale, a Darfurian, and a 
 Deuka, intrusted by Duke Maximilian 
 of Bavaria to the care of Dr. Charles 
 Tutschek from 1838 to 1843, when the 
 Doctor died, and Dr. Lawrence Tuts- 
 chek, supplied his place, and edited 
 these posthumous works of his brother. 
 The Dictionary is dedicated to H. R. H. 
 Maximilian, Crown Prince of Bavaria ; 
 and the Grammar to Sir Thomas Dyke 
 Aclaud, Bart., who assisted materially 
 m th&se jDublications." In the third vo- 
 lume of the Proceedings of the Pkilologi- 
 cal Society of London, is an Essay by 
 Dr. Tutschek on the Tumali lan- 
 guage. 
 
 Respecting the people who speak 
 the Galla language, consult pp. 72 — 84, 
 o/nte. 
 
 VII. Dankali. 
 153. A Small Vocabulary of the Dcvn- 
 kali Language, in three parts, 
 Dankali and English, English and 
 Dankali, and a selection of Dan- 
 kali sentences, with EngUsh trans- 
 lations, by the Rev. C. W. Isen- 
 BERG ; Lond.on, 1840, 12mo. 
 Compiled chiefly dui'ing a stay at 
 Tadjuri-a. Dankali is spoken between 
 Abessinia and the Red Sea, to the 
 South of the Habab, and by the people 
 of Arkiko, and tribes north of the 
 Somal and the Ittu GaUas, from 11 — 
 58° Northera latitude at Tadjurra, to 
 15 — 40° at Ai-kiko ; by numerous 
 tribes of the Danakil or AiTer, — the 
 Shoho, Hazaorta, and Teltal in the 
 North, and in the South by the Ad 
 Alii, Bui'hanto, Dinsarra, Debeni, Wee- 
 ma, Galeile, Tak'eel, Meshaich, Gidoso, 
 and Mudiato, 
 
 VIII. Somali. 
 154. An Outline of the Somauli 
 
 Language, with Vocabulary, by 
 Lieutenant C. P. Rigby, will be 
 found in the ninth volume of the 
 Transactions of the Bombay Geo- 
 graphical Society, Q)p. 129 — 184), 
 1850, 8vo. 
 
 155. De Azania Africse littoro Orien- 
 tali, Georgius Bunsen Romanus 
 scripsit ; BonnoB, 1852, with a map 
 of Ancient Azania, 8vo. 
 
 The Somali is spoken in the whole 
 Eastern Horn, from Cape Guardafui 
 nearly to Cape Babelmandcb to the 
 north, " where," says Mr. Bleek, " it 
 is bounded by the dialects of the 
 Danakil or Atfer, and Ittoo Gallas, 
 whilst to the south it ranges to the 
 Suahali country, and westwards to a 
 few miles of Harar. 
 
 IX. Harari. 
 
 156. First Footsteps in East Africa ; 
 or an Exploration of Harar; by 
 (Major) Richard Burton ; (with 
 a Grammatical Outhne, Dialogues 
 and Sentences, Specimens of 
 Poetry, Names of months and 
 measures, and English-Hariri Vo- 
 cabulary), London, 1856, 8vo. 
 
 The Hariri language is confined to 
 the walls of the city of Harar, which 
 is surrounded on all sides by the Gallas. 
 
 X. Il-Oigob : 1. Kaufi, or Ki-Kaufi, 
 
 157. Vocabulary of the Engutuk 
 Eloikob, or Language of the Wa- 
 kaufi Nation in the Interior of 
 Equatorial Africa, compiled by 
 the Rev. Dr. J. L. Krapf (in the 
 Island of Mombaz, with the help 
 of Lemasegnot orMerdiiti, a native 
 of the EngangUma tribe). — It con- 
 tains an EngUsh- Kaufi Vocabulary, 
 a specimen of a translation of St. 
 John, a free translation of Genesis 
 iv., dialogues on Wakaufi stories, 
 salutations, materials for gi-am- 
 mar, etc., with Introduction of 28 
 pages. — Tiihingen, 1854, 8vo. 
 
 o o
 
 564 
 
 LANGTTAGES OP 
 
 Respecting the Wakaufi, see p. 358, 
 ante. They call themselves Il-oigoh, 
 and are nicknamed by the Masai Im- 
 ha/)-raivuio, or Em-harawuio. 
 
 2. Masai. 
 
 158. Vocabulary of the Engubuic 
 Iloigob, as spoken by the Masai- 
 tribes in East Africa, compiled by 
 the Rev. J. Erhaedt (edited by 
 the Rev. Dr. J. L. Krapf), in two 
 parts (Masai-English,and English- 
 Kimasai, with a song of the Masai, 
 with a literal translation) — Lud- 
 tvigshii.rg, 1857, post 8vo. 
 
 Respecting the Masai, see p. 358, 
 cm,te. 
 
 XI. Mozambique. 
 
 159. The Languages of Mozam- 
 bique : Vocabularies of the Dia- 
 lects of Lourenzo Marques, In- 
 hambane, Sofala, Tette, Sena, 
 Quellimane, Mozambique, Cape 
 Dclgado, Anjoane, the Maravi, 
 Mudsau, &c. Drawn up from the 
 Manuscripts of Dr.W. Peters, and 
 from other materials, by Dr. W. 
 H. J. Bleek. London, 1856, 8vo. 
 
 These dialects are spoken in the 
 Portuguese possessions by a popula- 
 tion of some 280,000 to 300,000 souls, 
 inhabiting the country between 10 deg. 
 and 26 deg. southern latitude, from 
 Cape Delgado to Delagoa Bay, and 
 stretching considerably inland. The 
 chief towns are Mozambique, on an 
 island at the entrance of MesarU Bay, 
 Inhambane, Sofala, Luabo, QuUimane 
 and Ibo. 
 
 The materials for these Vocabularies 
 were collected by Dr. Peters, during 
 his stay in the Portuguese settlements 
 of Eastern Africa in 1842 — 48, and 
 were arranged by Dr. Block iu 1853 — 
 54, and seen through the press by 
 Mr. Norris, Dr. Block having left Europe 
 before three sheets were printed. The 
 
 book was printed at the erpense of the 
 Foreign Office. This work incorpo- 
 rates, with the exception of some 
 doubtful words, the Vocabulary of 
 Captain White of the tribes inhabitirig 
 Delagoa Bay at the close of the last 
 century, which is contained in pp. 65 
 — 70, &c. of his Jov/mal of a Voyage 
 Ijerformed in the Lion Extra, Inddamam^ 
 from Mad/ras to Cohmtbo, and Da Lagoa 
 Boa/ on the Eastern Coast of Africa, in 
 1798 ; London, 1800, 4to., the words 
 so omitted beiag given in Sir George 
 Grey's Catalogue, vol. i., p. 163. 
 
 160. Alphabetical Index of the Eng- 
 lish words in the Vocabulary of 
 the Languages of Mozambique. 
 Compiled by Dr. W. H. J. Bleek, 
 Cape Toivn, 1858, 4to. In Mam/w 
 script. 
 
 161. Specimens of the Conjugations 
 OF the Verbs in the Languages of 
 Mozambique (Inhambane, Sofala, 
 Tette, Sena, Maravi, Makua, and 
 SuaheU), collected by Dr. W. 
 Peters ; foho. In Manuscript. 
 
 162. Grammatische Tabellen der 
 Nomina, Pronomina, und Adjek- 
 tiva im Idiom von Sena. Ana 
 Dr. W. Peters Papieren zn- 
 sammengetragen von W. H. J. 
 Bleek ; 1853, folio; in Manvh 
 script. Nos. 160, 161, and 162 
 are ia the Collection of Sir George 
 Grey, as are also the three fol- 
 lowing : — 
 
 163. MuATA Cazembe e os povos 
 Maraves, Chevas,Muizas, Muembas, 
 Lundas, e outros da Africa Aus- 
 tral. — Diario da Expedi^ao Portu- 
 giieza commandata pelo Major 
 MoNTEiRo, &c., redigido pelo 
 Major A. C. P. Gamitto. Lisboa, 
 1854, 8vo. 
 
 Account of the Portuguese erpedi- 
 tion of 1831—2 to the Cazembe. 
 App. III. and IV. contain Vocabularies
 
 EA.STEEN AFEICA. 
 
 565 
 
 of the dialects of Tette, Muiza, Ma- 
 shona, Ba-rotse, Maravi, and other 
 tribes of the interior. The subjects of 
 the Cazembe are Amnda, who, like 
 other African tribes, cultivate cassave 
 as their chief food ; and the articles 
 they trade with are copper-bars, peltry, 
 ivory, salt, and slaves. The country is 
 fertile, and rain is regular and plenti- 
 ful ; but though they possess homed 
 cattle in abundance, cow's milk and 
 butter are luxuries still unknown to 
 them. 
 
 164. CoLLECTioxs OF WoRDS in the 
 Languages o{ Ba-rotse and of Tette. 
 by the Eev. Dr. Livingstone 
 1855 — 56. 4to. In ilanvjscnpt 
 Containing also words of the Zam^ 
 bezi generally, collected at Quil 
 limane, and Malagasse words, col 
 lected at St. Augustine's Bay. 
 26th July, 1856. 
 
 165. YocABULAET of the Language of 
 the Mashona; by the Rev. R. 
 Moffat ; 4to. In Ilamiscript. 
 
 Perhaps, in addition to these, it may 
 not be out of place to mention Mr. 
 C. J. Andersson's " Jowmey to Lake 
 Ngami, and an Itinera'ry of tlie jp'^n- 
 cipal routes leading to it from the 
 Oocyst" &c., published ia 1854, at Cape 
 Town, which contains, at pp. 20 — 26, 
 a comparative Table of Otjiherero, 
 Ba-yeye, and Chjilimanse, the latter 
 spoken on some part of Zambeze, or 
 KiUmansi. The Lake itself is nearly 
 equidistant from the Eastern and the 
 Western Coasts. 
 
 XII. Miscellaneous. 
 
 166. Analyse d'un Mestoiee de M. 
 EvGENE DE Froberville sur les 
 Langues et les Races de I'Airique 
 Orientale au sud de I'Equateur 
 (Extraite du Mav/ncien. 4 pp.) 
 Port-Louis He Matirice, 1846, 4to. 
 
 167. YocABULAET of Six East-Afi-ican 
 
 Languages {Ki-Suuhili, Ki-nikaf 
 Ki-hamboj, Ki-pokomo, Ki-Mau, 
 Ki-Galla.) Composed by the Rev. 
 Dr. J. L. Keapf, Missionary of the 
 Church Missionary Society in 
 East Africa : Tuhingen, 1850, 4to. 
 
 168. On certain recent Additions 
 to AfncoM Philology, by R. G. 
 Latham, Esq., 2 parts; in the 
 Transaxtions of the London Philo- 
 logical Society for 1855, 8vo. 
 
 169. Coincidences in the Roots of 
 African and European Languages, 
 by Hensleigh Wedgwood, Esq. ; 
 in the Transactio^as of the London 
 Philological Society for 1858, 8vo. 
 
 See also note to Xo. 151. 
 
 170. The Library of His Excellency 
 Sir George Grey, K.C.B.— Phi- 
 lology, Vol. I. Part 2. Africa, 
 North of the Tropic of Capricorn, 
 by Dr. W. H. J. Bleek. London, 
 Tmbner c^ Co., 1858, Svo. 
 
 The following portions of this highly 
 interesting Catalogue of Books, illus- 
 trative of the languages of Africa, 
 Madagascar, Polynesia, Borneo, New 
 Zealand, Australia, &c., are now com- 
 plete : — 
 
 Vol. I. Part 1. South Africa, within 
 the limits of British influence ; 
 title-page and table, pp. 1 — 186. 
 (I>r. W. H. J. Bleek.) 
 Vol. L, Part 2, Africa, North of the 
 Tropic of Capricorn; title-page 
 and table, pp. 191—261. {Dr. W. 
 H. J. Bleek.) 
 Vol. L, Part 3. Mad.agascar ; title and 
 pp. 1 — 24. (J. Cameron and Dr. 
 W. H. J. Bleek.) 
 Vol. n.. Part 1. Australia; title-page 
 and table, pp. 1—44. (Dr. W. H. 
 J. Bleek.) 
 Vol. II., Part 2. Australia and Poly- 
 nesia, Papuan Languages of the 
 Loyalty Islands and New He- 
 brides ; pp. 1 — 12. {Sir George 
 Grey,K.C.B.)
 
 566 
 
 LANGUAGES OF EASTERN AFEICA. 
 
 Vor,. II., Part 3. Feji Islwndsa'/id Bo- 
 tuma, etc., title-page and pp. 13 — 
 32, and leaf not numbered. ((S'w- 
 G. Grey atid Dr. W. H. J. Bleek.) 
 
 Vol. II. Part 4. Ne^v Zealand, the 
 Chatham Islands, and AuckloMd 
 Islamls ; title page and table, and 
 pp. 1 — 76, {Sir George Grey ami 
 Dr. W. H. J. Bleek.) 
 
 Vol. II. Part 4 (Continuation). Poly- 
 nesia, and Borneo; title-page, II. 
 
 and pp. 1- 
 
 Xnler). 
 
 -154 {no name of co^i- 
 
 The work is printed at the Cape of Good 
 Hope, and is an elegant specimen of 
 Colonial Typography. 
 
 171. De Lingua .<Ethiopic.e cum cog- 
 
 NATIS LiNGUIS COMPARAT.E IXDOLK 
 
 uxivEiiSA, Auctore E. Schrader. 
 1860, 4to. 
 
 Prepared for Press. 
 
 172. A Complete Dictionary of the Wanika and Waniassa Language, by the 
 Rev. J. Rebmann. 
 
 In Progress. 
 
 173. A Translation of the Herzbuechlein into Amharic, by the Rev. Dr. J. L. 
 Krapf. 
 
 Just Published. 
 
 174. A Catalogue of a large Assemblage of Books, appertaining to Lin- 
 guistic Literature, Ancient and Modern ; on sale by Trubner & Co. ; 
 {African Languages, pp. 10 — 15.) London, I860, 8vo. 
 
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