N3Cv3 '» [a 2 ^ 9 - — 3 - The Case of the Democr.qt3 of the Stats of Nevada ,. :0R READUIG ROOM UNLI H2>e'i ^ . <. ^ X ~ortunity to vote. They now seek to perpetuate the new party, yet claim the public patron- age as their reward. Will the Democratic Administration reward and strengthen its enemies, or recosjnize and encourage its friends ? If the sayinsJ-, "to the victors belong the spoils," is not to be liter- ally enforced, it must be concecled that organization and discipline are necessary to political success, and that Democratic i)rincinles antl theories of government can not be promoted by dishonest or un- friendly agencies. It must also be admitted that party traitors should not be en- trusted with party power, or rewarded for their treason by the bestowal of patronage. On the contrary, loyalty to party and fidelity to prin- ciple, should be recognized and commended, as tar as is consistent with good government. It may not be needful, or politic, to expose and punish political perfidy, but it is perilous to take the perfidious into counsel, or clothe them with authority or power. The State of Nevada has long been dominated by rich dema- gogues and great corporations — money without principles, and power without soul. By these instrumentalities, and by their illicit and crimi- nal use, a State, naturally Democratic, has been coerced and bribed into choosing Republican officials — into electing Republicans to the Senate of the United States. Now and again an abuse more flagrant and infamous than usual, has aroused the public indignation, and tem- porarily overthrown licentious power, but money and political perfidy have quickly re-established their ascendency. So potent, and virulent, and persistent have been these influences, that no honest, independent and fearless man — no man not identified with this interest, or supposed to be subservient to it — could hope for political or business success. Nor are these influences less active, or less potential, or less bale- ful now than heretofore. At the last election they were everywhere seen, and everywhere successful. In addition to deception and per- fidy, bribery, coercion and corruption were openly employed. Con- spiracies were formed, treason plotted, offices parcelled out, patronage promised. Newspapers were employed and speakers hired to falsity records, misrepresent candidates, pervert platforms, excite prejudice, and cre- ate and magnify fictitious issues. In the early spring of 1892, a movement was set on foot to control the politics of Nevada, in the interest of the railroad companies. The movement had its origin in the office of the Southern Pacific Company at San Francisco, California, and an experienced and unscrupulous Re- publican and railroad boss was employed to promote it. In its inception it was confined to the election of Senator and Rep- resentative in Congress, but it quickly spread, until it involved all ofifi- ces — County, State and National. The pretense which it put forward was "to benefit s'lver by showing unanimity and earnestness," but its real, though hidden, purpose was to elect men in the interest of the railroads and trusts, in the interest of high tariff taxes, high and dis- criminative freights, cheap money and consequent cheap wages; and it culminated in sending Stewart to the Senate and Newlands to Congress — both Republicans; both monopolists; both railroad attorneys; both opposed to the Interstate C(ininierce Law; both ojjposed to forfeitiiii^ unearned railroad land orants; both opposed to conipelHno- raih'oad companies to pay their debts to tlie nation, and neither of them inhabi- tants of the State, except for poHtical purposes. The men selected to do the work, and who assumed the control, were Republican bosses and nominal Democrats, who have never failed to betray the party when oi;)portunity oftered which gave them profit or advantage. The masses were hoodwinked and led step by step into the trajx At first, "Silver Clubs" were organized, and these declared to be non- partisan and non-political, simply "in the interest of silver. " When the people, who were unanimous for silver, had signed the rolls, meet- ings were called, harangues delivered and resolutions adopted, accus- ing the Government of using its power to destroy mining, the industry by which we live, and denouncing Mr. Harrison and Mr. Cleveland, the then prominent and afterwards successful candidates for nomination for President as "gold bugs," and as "conspirators with bond- holders" to oppress and pillage the debtor classes, and "viestroy the value ol silver." As the strength of the movement became apparent, olifice-seekers, demagogues and designing men joined it, assumed the ^ control, gave it a political direction, and characterized every man a public enemy who was loyal to the old parties. ^ In April, 1S92, a Democratic convention was called to meet in Winnemucca to elect delegates to the Chicago convention, nominate Presidential Electors and candidates for State ofiices, and lor Repre- sentative in Congress. .cs The instigators of the plot immediately put their agents to work to control this convention. Delegates were appointed, and men sent to the convention with proxies who had abandoned the Democratic party, and who were the avowed advocates of the new movement; men who had no intention of abiding the result of the convention, or supporting its nominees, and whose purpose it was to < ontrol the convention in the interest of the enemies of Mr. Cleveland, and of the Democratic party. Against the efforts and protestations of true Democrats, they elected an avowed new party man Chairman of the convention, who was afterwards an alternate Elector on the Weaver ticket, and supporter of Stewart for the Senate, and who voted for Weaver for President and Newlands for Congress. The editor of the Silver Sfafe, a radical Weaver man, and afterwards candidate for Elector on the Weaver 31184^ ticket, and supporter ol Stewart and Newlands, was appointed Chair- man of the Committee on Resolutions. Mr. Cleveland was openly denounced, and resolutions were adopted exonerating candidates from party obligations. A State Central Committee was appointed, nearly all of whom were members of the silver clubs, and a majority of whom were in avowed sympathy with the new party, in open revolt against the Dem- ocratic party, and have since used their utmost endeavor to prevent the election of Democrats, secure the election of so-called silver electors and the return of '^Vm. M. Stewart to the Senate, and election of Fran- cis G. Newlands to Congress. This committee, when assembled, refused to appoint Democratic Electors, or nominate a candidate for Congress to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Mr. Cassidy, thus denying Democrats an opportunity to vote upon National questions. They refused to levy assessments, or provide funds for campaign purposes; or for advertising the names of the Democratic candidates. They refused to appoint meetings, or assemble the people to hear dis- cussion. Many members attended and participated in the conventions of the Weaver party, and in nominating candidates upon the Weaver ticket. They participated in their meetings, joined in their processions, and united in the denunciations of the Democratic party, and in the colum- nies uttered against Mr. Cleveland. They scoffed at, and sneered at, and derided every Democrat who had the honesty and courage to'stand by his political convictions, or dis- play the insignia of his party, and stigmatized every man a "gold con- spirator," and " enemy of the people," who endorsed the National Democratic platform, or favored the election of its candidates. They classed Cleveland and Harrison, Democrats and Republicans, in the same catagory; declared that the Democratic party, at the "dictation of Wall street," had "deserted bimetallism, falsified its promises, and repudiated the platform of 1 884. ' ' Nor was this done, as is sometimes pretended, in the interest of Mr. Cleveland, or to carry the State out of the Republican column. On the contrary, it was done because it was popular; because it paid, and because Mr. Cleveland was not believed to be in accord with their desire to coin silver into money at the ration of 16 to i, free of charge, without restriction or limitation in amount. It was done to defeat Mr. Cleveland and to elect Weaver, or a new man who would pledge him- self to free coinage. The histor)- of the movement, the resolutions that were passed; speeches that were m-**<-v»^»-^ Reno, Nevada, January, 1893. "iro tern 311847 ^.B8 B OHWMKSiTY Oh' iiAUFORNU AT I4OS ANGELES « »-»-»ini 4 ~rf^r UCLA-Young Research Library JK2318.N3 C3 L 009 505 437 5 ■-fiiiii ftA " 330 293 _0.