THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM AMI THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM A HISTORY OF THE EVOLUTION AND IDEALS OF ISLAM WITH A LIFE OF THE PROPHET BY AMEER ALI, SYED, P.G., LL.D., D.L., CLE. MEMBER OF THE JUDICIAL COMMITTEE OF HIS MAJESTY'S PKIVT COUNCIL AUTHOR OF 'a SHORT HISTORY OF THE SARACENS' '.MOHAMMEDAN LAW,' ETC. " What matters it whether the words thou utterest in prayer are Hebrew or Syrian, or whether the place in which thou seekest God is Jabalka or Jabalsa."— -Sandi LONDON CHRISTOPHERS 22 BERNERS STREET, W. : II \.^ iSil ^—ssJI^a 51 lil i) AJUi )j ^y'-'' >^ ^ ; ^^ — *-*" u r//?^ amplified an.i revised edition was fint published in ig ■^i^^^AS^',^^^^^. ■ / . K. ^ ■ . . '^>-i^'-^'^o^,^^V/^ ^V/' <:^.f^^iJ,^.'y'.^A iJa -^ y^ 'O.O, v* .. ^^^{jt^'yC^^A^. % >-■ ii^iyJ^^^fir^-^'^-f,- w Fac-simile of a Lette R FROM HIS LATE MAJESTY, NASIR-UD-DIN SHAH. TO MY WIFE 50 I uJ PREFACE [N the following pages I have attempted to give the history of the evolution of Islam as a world-religion ; of its rapid spread and the remarkable hold it obtained over the con- ience and minds of millions of people within a short space of me. The impulse it gave to the intellectual development of le human race is generally recognised. But its great work in le uplifting of humanity is either ignored or not appreciated ; or are its rationale, its ideals and its aspirations properly nderstood. It has been my endeavour in the survey of lam to elucidate its true place in the history of rehgions. he review of its rationale and ideals, however feeble, may be help to wanderers in quest of a constructive faith to steady le human mind after the strain of the recent cataclysm ; it also hoped that to those who follow the Faith of Islam it lay be of assistance in the understanding and exposition of le foundations of their convictions. My outline of the life and ministry of the Prophet is based the Sirat-ur-Rasul of Ibn Hisham, who died in 213 a.h. 28-9 A.c), barely two hundred years after the death of the rophet, supplemented by, among other works, Ibn ul-Athir's onumental history, the Chronicles of Tabari, the Insdn Uyun of al-Halabi (commonly known as Sirat-iil-Halahia). wo new chapters have been added in this edition : one on le Imdmate ("The Apostolical Succession"), the other ' The Idealistic and Mystical Spirit in Islam." Considerable iw matter has also been included in the Introduction and viii PREFACE Chapter X., Part II. I take this opportunity of expressing my gratitude to my esteemed friend, Professor E. G. Bro\vn( of Cambridge, one of our foremost OrientaHsts, for his mosi valuable criticisms on the last chapter, and to Mr. Mohammec Iqbal, Government of India Research Scholar at Cambridge for his careful revision of the proofs and the compilation o: the Index. I also desire to express my acknowledgments tc Mr. Abdul Oayum Malik for transcribing for the Printers the Arabic quotations for the new chapters and verifying th( Koranic references, and to the Publishers for their unvarying courtesy and patience over a difficult publication. The work has been carried through the Press under heav} pressure of pubUc duties, and I claim, on that ground, the indulgence of my readers for any mistake that may have passed uncorrected. I N.B. — A few words are necessary to explain the system of translitera- tion adopted in this work. I have tried to adhere with small modificatior to the system I have pursued in my previous publications. The lettei Cj (pronounced by the Arab with a lisp like tb in thin) to a non-Aral conveys a sound almost identical with s in sin, and he accordingl} pronounces it as such. Nor, unless an Arabic scholar, does he percei\( any difference between O and sii: or ^ (sdd). He pronounces them all alike. Similarly 3 (z^l), \ (Zay), ,^ [Zdd — pronouncet by the Arab something like dhad), and Jo [zoi), convey to the non- Arab almost identical sounds ; certainly he cannot help pronouncing them identically. He also perceives no difference between ^y (soft t] and Aj {toi), or between the hard aspirate _. (in Ahmed, Mohammed, Mahmud, etc.) and the softer used in Harun. I have therefore nol attempted to differentiate these letters by dots or commas, which however useful for purposes of translation into Arabic, Persian, Turkist or Urdu, is only bewildering to the general reader unacquainted with the Arabic alphabet and pronunciation. I have given the words as commonly pronounced by non- Arabs. In the case of words spelt with a o in common use in India and Persia such as hadis, masnaui, I sn a-' ash aria, etc., I have not considered it necessary to denote the Arabic pro- nunciation with a ih. .1 PREFACE ix The ordinary /a/Aa I have represented by a (pronounced as ii in ' cut ' Hi 'but'), excepting in such words as are now commonly written in Inglish with an e, as Seljuk (pronounced Saljiik), Merwan (pronounced larw&n), etc. ; the ordinary zamma by u pronounced like u in ' pull,' , r in Buldan ; the ordinary kasra with the letter i, as in Misr. A liph dth thefatha is represented by a, as in ' had ' ; Aliph with the zamma, y M as in Abdul-Muttalib ; with a kasra by i as in Ibn Abi'l Jawari. ^'■Vaw (with a zamma) by o and sometimes by 6. Although like Kufa t(bd several other words, the last syllables in Mahmud. Harun and ttifilamun are spelt with a waw, to have represented them by an o or <5 a ;ould have conveyed a wholly wrong notion of the pronunciation, hich is like oo ; I have, therefore, used m to represent waw in such ords. Waw with a fatha I have represented by an, as in Maudud. 'a with a kcisra, when used in the middle of a word, I have represented vjly i, as in Arish. But in Ameer I have kept the classical and time thj onoured ee. Ya with a. fatha, similarly situated by ai as in Zaid. Ya ith a fatha at the beginning of a word is represented by ye, as in 'ezid ; with a zamma by yu, as in Yusuf. Excepting such names s are commonly known to be spelt with an 'ain (c), as Ahd in Abdul ira lalik, Abdur Rahman, Arab, Abbas, Aziz, Irak, etc., I have used the iverted comma to denote that letter. With regard to names which have become familiar in certain garbs have made no alteration, such as Kaaba, Omar, Abdullah, Basra, pelt with a sdd, etc. Chain (p.) is represented by gh ; but I ave not attempted to differentiate between e) and fj, and made o alteration in the time honoured spelling of the Koran. The com- lon g (the Persian gdf) and p have no place in the Arabic alphabet, nd therefore the Persian g and p are transformed in Arabic into _; or and h ox ph (/), as in Atabek and Isfahan. ^ is represented by leii 1 The / of al when occurring before certain letters (technically called jjjiamstM) is assimilated with them in sound, as ash-Shams, ad-din, jjjlr-Riza, as-Salat, etc. I have used the word " Moslem " in preference iislr " ^^uslim," as most Europeans unacquainted with Arabic pronounce j]j be " u " in " Muslim " as in pubUc. idI; lii CONTENTS INTRODUCTION he continuity of religious development — Bactiia (Balkh) supposed to be the original seat of the human race — Dispersion of the races — Fetishism and Pantheism — The Eastern and Western Aryans — The Assyrians — Babylon and the Jews — Hinduism — Zoroastrianism —The Cult of Isis and of Mythra — Judaism — Christianity — Gnosticism — Manich^ism— Degradation of the earlier creeds — • The tribes of Arabia, their origin, their diversity of culture and religious conceptions — Idolatry among the Arabs— The folk-lore of Arabia — The advent of Mohammed, a necessity of religious development] PART I i THE LIFE AND MINISTRY OF THE PROPHET CHAPTER I MOHAMMED THE PROPHET Iecca, its foundations — Kossay, his descendants — Abdul Muttalib — The Meccan decemvirs — The Abyssinian invasion — The Era of the Elephant — The biith of Mohammed — 'Okaz — The depravity of the Arabs — Mohammed's marriage — Formation of the League of the Fuzul — Mohammed's designation of Al-Amin — The period of probation, of communion, of inspiration — Commencement of the Ministry — Persecution by the Koreish — Moral evidences of Mohammed's Mission — Koreishite hostility — The year of mourning i CHAPTER II THE HEGIRA hs\t to Tayef — Ill-treatment — Return to Mecca — First pledge of 'Akaba — Vision of the Ascension — Second pledge of 'Akaba — The days of persecution — The departure for Medina (the Hegira) - 41 S.I. xi b xii CONTENTS CHAPTER III THE PROPHET AT MEDINA PAGES Erection of the first Mosque in Islam — The preachings of the Prophet — His personality ---_-.. --5( CHAPTER IV HOSTILITY OF THE KOREISH AND THE JEWS Three parties in Medina — Moslems, MunSfikin, Jews — The charter of the Prophet — Attack by the Koreish — Battle of Badr — Victory of Islam — Ideas regarding angels in Islam and in Christianity - 56 CHAPTER V THE INVASION OF MEDINA | Battle of Ohod — Defeat of the Moslems — Barbarities of the Koreish — i Jewish treachery — The Bani-Kainuka', their expulsion — The Bani Nazir, their banishment — Coalition against the Moslems - — Beleagurement of Medina — Bani Kuraizha, their defection — | Success of the Moslems — Punishment of the Kuraizha - - 6t CHAPTER VI j| THE PROPHET'S CLEMENCY Charter granted to the monks of St. Catherine — Cruelty prohibited — Peace of Hudaibiya — The Prophet's message to Heraclius and Parviz — Murder of the Moslem envoy by the Christians CHAPTER VII THE DIFFUSION OF THE FAITH Continued hostility of the Jews — Expedition against Khaibar — The Jews sue for forgiveness — Pilgrimage of Accomplishment — Violation by the Meccans of the Treaty of Hudaibiya — Fall of Mecca — Treatment of the Meccans — Diffusion of the Faith - - Q CHAPTER VIII THE YEAR OF DEPUTATIONS Deputations to Medina — Apprehension of a Greek Invasion — Ex- pedition to Tabuk — Conversion of Orwa — His martyrdom — The Bani Tay, their conversion — Adoption of the Faith by Ka'b Ibn-Zuhair — His eulogium of the Prophet — Idolaters prohibited from visiting the Kaaba - - - - - - - -i( CONTENTS xiii CHAPTER IX FULFILMENT OF THE PROPHET'S WORK PAGES IHis superiority over his predecessors — His appeal to reason — His I Sermon on the Mount — Instructions to the governors — The false prophets — Last illness of the Prophet ; his death — His character - 109 CHAPTER X THE APOSTOLICAL SUCCESSION The Imamate — The Sunni doctrine of the Caliphate — The title of the OsmanU Sultans to the Cahphate - 122 PART II THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM CHAPTER I THE IDEAL OF ISLAM 'slam, its signification — The ethical principles of Islam — Idea of God- head among the different religionists of the world — Mariolatry I and Christolatry — Modern idealistic Christianity — Koranic con- ception of God — Primary aim of the new dispensation — Its morality 137 I CHAPTER n 1 THE RELIGIOUS SPIRIT OF ISLAM ts practical duties — Conception of prayer — Among the Mago-Zoro- astrians and Sabeans, Jews, Christians — Islamic conception of prayer — Of moral purity — Institution of fasting — Of pilgrimage to Mecca — Their raison d'etre — Intoxication and gambling for- bidden — Ethical code of Islam, its disciplinary rules— The Islam of Mohammed, its aims and aspirations — Faith and Charity — Reprobation of hypocrisy and falsehood — No difference between ? true Christianity and true Islam — Reason of their present diverg- ence — Defects of modern Mohammedanism - - - - 159 Sumptuary regulations of Mohammed (Note I.) - - - 187 CHAPTER HI . THE IDEA OF FUTURE LIFE IN ISLAM he idea of a future existence, result of development — The idea of future existence among the Egyptians, the Jews, the Zoroastrians —The Jewish belief in a personal Messiah — Real origin of this CONTENTS belief — Character of the Christian traditions — Strongly-developed idea of an immediate kingdom of heaven in the mind of Jesus and the early disciples— Paradise and Hell, according to the traditional words of Jesus — The millenarian dream — How it has died away — The Islamic conception of a future existence— The parabolic character of many verses of the Koran — Progressive development a necessity of human nature — The Koranic conception of present and future happiness --------- CHAPTER IV THE CHURCH MILITANT OF ISLAM Its wars purely defensive — Toleration in Islam — Intolerance of the Jews, Christians, Mago-Zoroastrians and Hindus — Islam opposed to isolation and exclusiveness — Wars of Islam after the Prophet — The capture of Jerusalem by the Moslems compared with its capture by the Crusaders - - - CHAPTER V THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN ISLAM Polygamy, its origin — Practised by all the nations of antiquity — Poly- gamy among the Christians — Opinion of St. Augustine and the German reformers — Polygamy among the Arabs and the Jews^ — The Prophet's regulations — Monogamy, result of development — Compatibility of the Koranic rule with eveiy stage of develop- ment — Mohammed's marriages examined — Status of women in early Christianity — Conception of Jesus about marriage — Divorce among the Romans and the Jews — Among the Christians — Regulations of the Prophet on the subject — Concubinage forbidden — Custom of female seclusion — Idealisation of womanhood — Prophecy and chivalry, offspring of the desert — The women of Islam — Improvement effected by the Prophet in the status of CHAPTER VI BONDAGE IN ISLAM Slavery existed among all ancient nations — Position of slaves among the Romans and the Jews — Slavery among the Christians — Regulations of the Prophet about slavery — Slavery abhorrent to Islam - CHAPTER VII THE POLITICAL SPIRIT OF ISLAM Degraded conditions of humanity at the time of the Prophet's advent — Serfdom and villeinage — Absence of human liberty and equality ■ — Intolerance of Christianity — The Charter of Mohammed — The CONTENTS XV message of the Prophet to the Christians of Najran — ^The char- paces acter of the early RepubUc — Administration of the CaHphs Abu Bakr and Omar — Equahty of men inculcated by Islam — Spain under the Arabs . . . . 268 CHAPTER VIII THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS OF ISLAM Owed their origin to clannic and desert-feuds, fostered by dynastic disputes — Osman's partiality for the Ommeyj-ades — His death — Accession of Ali — Revolt of JMu'awiyah — The battle of Siffin — The arbitrament of Amr ibn-ul-'As and Abu Musa al-Asha'ri — Assas- sination of Ali — The usurpation of Mu'avviyah — The butchery of Kerbela — The triumph of paganism — The sack of Medina — The rise of the Abbasides — The origin of the Sunni Church — Mamun — The question of the Imamate — Shiahism — Sunnism — The principal Shiah sects — The Zaidias — The Isina'ilias — The Isnd-'asharias — The Paulicians — The doctrine of Abdullah ibn-Maimijn al- Kaddah — The Grand Lodge of Cairo — The assassins of Alamut — The Isna-'Asharias divided into Usiilis and Akhbaris, their respective doctrines — The Sunnis divided into Hanafts, Malikts, Shdfeis, and HanbaJh — The Khdrijis — Bdbism - - - - 290 CHAPTER IX THE LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC SPIRIT OF ISLAM The Arabian Prophet's devotion to knowledge and science — His precepts — The Caliph All's sayings — Learning and arts among the primi- tive Moslems — The school of Medina — Imam Ja'far as-Sadik — The foundation of Bagdad — Mamun, the Augustus of the Saracens — Al-Mu'iz li-din-illah — The Ddr-nl-Hikmat of Cairo — Astronomy and mathematics among the Arabs — Architecture — ■ Histor}'^ — Poetry — The Koran — The intellectual achievements of the Moslems — Their present stagnation, its causes — the terrible destruction committed by the Tartars— the result of the Crusades — The Usbegs and Afghans -------- 360 CHAPTER X THE RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT OF ISLAM rhe Koranic teachings about free-will and divine government — The Prophet's sa>nngs — The exposition of the Caliph Ali and of the early descendants of the Prophet — The Jabarias or predestinarians — The Sijdtias — The Mu'tazilas — Mu'tazilaism the same as the teachings of the philosophers of the family of the Prophet — Ration- alism in Islam — The reign of Mamun — Philosophy among the Moslems — Avicenna and Averroes — The fall of rationaUsm and xvi CONTENTS philosophy in Islam — Its causes — Mutawakkil — His alliance paces with patristicism — The triumph of patristicism — Abu'l Hassan Ali al-Asha'ri — His retrogressive teachings — Abu Hanifa, Malik Shafe'i, and Ibn Hanbal — Ilm-ul-Kalam — The Ikhwan us-Safa (" The Brethren of Purity ") — Their teachings - - - - 403 CHAPTER XI IDEALISTIC AND MYSTICAL SPIRIT IN ISLAM Its origin traceable to the Prophet — The Koranic ideas — The Caliph Ali's Enunciation— Neo-Platonism — The Early Mystics — Imam at Ghazzali — His life and work — The Later Mystics — The Brother- hoods and Lodges — Moslem IdeaHsm 455 Appendices 479 General Index 499 Bibliographical Index 513 I INTRODUCTION U. ^j»;li>i Uw ^ — xfe j^ iS v_fl Tr~MIE continuity of religious progress among mankind I is a subject of enthralling interest to the student -*- of humanity. The gradual awakening of the human ind to the recognition of a Personality, of a Supreme Will rershadowing the universe ; the travails through which dividuals and races have passed before they arrived at le conception of an Universal Soul pervading, regulating, id guiding all existence, — furnish lessons of the deepest iport. The process by which humanity has been lifted om the adoration of material objects to the worship of od, has often been retarded. Masses of mankind and dividuals have broken away from the stream of progress, ive listened to the promptings of their own desires, have {ven way to the cravings of their own hearts ; they have gone lick to the worship of their passions, symbolised in the idols ( their infancy. But though unheard, the voice of God has {ways sounded the call to truth, and when the time has i rived His servants have risen to proclaim the duties of man to Imself and to his Creator. These men have been the veritable xviii THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM " messengers of Heaven." They came among their people as the children of their time ; they represented the burning aspirations of the human soul for truth, purity, and justice. Each was an embodiment of the spiritual necessities of his age ; each came to purify, to reform, to elevate a degraded race, a corrupted commonwealth. Some came as teachers of a smaller culture, to influence a smaller sphere ; others came with a world-wide message — a message not confined to one race or nation, but intended for all humanity. Such was Mohammed. His mission was not to the Arabs alone. He was not sent for one age or clime, but " for all mankind to the end of the world." The advent of this great Teacher, whose life from the moment of his Ministry is a verifiable record, was not a mere accident, an unconnected episode in the history of the world. The same causes, the same crying evils, the same earnest demand for an " assured trust " in an all-pervading Power, which led to the appearance on the shores of Galilee, in the reign of Augustus Caesar, of a Prophet whose life is a! tragedy, operated with greater force in the seventh century of the Christian era. The beginning of the seventh century, as has been rightly said, was an epoch of disintegration- national, social, and religious : its phenomena were such as have always involved a fresh form of positive faith, to recall j all wandering forces to the inevitable track of spiritual evolution ! "towards the integration of personal worship." They all pointed to the necessity of a more organic revelation of divine govern- ment than that attained by Judaism or Christianity. The holy flames kindled by Zoroaster, Moses, and Jesus had been, quenched in the blood of man. A corrupt Zoroastrianism, battling for centuries with a still more corrupt Christianity, had stifled the voice of humanity, and converted some of the happiest portions of the globe into a veritable Aceldama. Incessant war for supremacy, perpetual internecine strife, combined with the ceaseless wrangling of creeds and sects,! had sucked the life-blood out of the hearts of nations, and thei people of the earth, trodden under the iron heels of a lifelessj sacerdotalism, were crying to God from the misdeeds of theiij masters. Never in the history of the world was the need sc great, the time so ripe, for the appearance of a Deliverer. Ir lurniD ustici of hi grade ieis( icam iiera( 1 wa e. H totl whffi i,m listoi esai vai jaliei feis entui intiin itioD' ucha ireca Jutii wind oven leho! h m ianitt oftt Idawi strift sect nd* lifelei ftte d- r I INTRODUCTION xix order, therefore, to appreciate thoroughly the achievement of Mohammed in the moral world, it is necessary to take a rapid survey of the rehgious and social condition of the nations of the earth previous to, and about the time of, the Islamic Dispensation. The high table-land of Bactria, appropriately styled by Arab geographers Unun iil-Bildd, or " mother of countries," is supposed to be the cradle of humanity, the original birth-place of creeds and nations. Through the faint and shadowy light, which comparative ethnology throws on the infancy of man- kind, we perceive groups of families congregated in this primeval home of the human race, gradually coalescing into clans and tribes, and then forced by the pressure of increasing popula- tion, issuing in successive waves to people the face of the globe. The Hamitic branch were apparently the first to leave their ancient habitations. They were followed by the Turanians, or, as they are sometimes called, the Ugro-Finnish tribes, supposed to be an offshot of the Japhetic family. Some of them apparently proceeded northwards, and then spreading themselves in the East, founded the present Mongolian branch of the human race. Another section proceeded westward and settled in Azarbaijan, Hamadan, and Ghilan, countries to the south and south-west of the Caspian, better known in ancient history as Media. A portion of these descending afterwards into the fertile plains of Babylonia, enslaved the earher Hamitic colonies, and in course of time amalgamating with them, formed the Accadian nation, the Kushites of the Jewish and Christian Scriptures. This composite race created Babylon, and gave birth to a form of religion which, in its higher phases, was akin to natural pantheism. In its lower phases, with its pan-daemonism, its worship of the sun-gods and moon-gods, closely associated with the phallic cult and the sexual instincts, the sacrifice of children to Baal and Moloch, of virginity to Beltis and Ashtoreth, it marks an epoch when high material civilisation was alhed to gross licentiousness, and cruelty was sanctioned by religion. The Semites were the next to leave the primeval home. They also, following in the footsteps of the Turanians, migrated towards the West, and apparently settled themselves in the XX THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ( northern part of the Mesopotamian Delta. Increasing in numbers and strength, they soon overthrew the Babylonian kingdom, and founded a far-reaching empire which wielded its sway over all the neighbouring States. In their seat of power between the two great rivers of Western Asia, the Assyrians at times rose to a positive monotheistic conception. Their system of celestial hierarchy furnishes indications of a distinct recognition of one Supreme Personality. Whilst the main body of the Semitic colony was developing itself in the upper parts of the Delta, a small section had penetrated far into a district called Ur, within the boundaries ■ of the Chaldaean monarchy.^ The patriarch of this tribe, whose i self-imposed exile and wanderings have passed into the religious legends of more than one creed, became the father of the , future makers of history. ^ ■ The Japhetic family seems to have tarried longest in its ' ancient habitation. Whilst the other races, which had broken away from the original stock, were forming empires and evolving creeds, the Japhetic branch underwent a development peculiar ; to itself. But the march of nations once set on foot was • never to cease ; actuated by that spirit of unrest which works \ in barbarous tribes, or influenced by the pressure of population | and the scarcity of space in their old haunts for the pursuit i of their pastoral avocations, tribe after tribe moved away towards the West. Among the first were the Pelasgians and the Celts. Other tribes followed, until the Aryans proper '■ were left alone in the old haunts. One section apparently • had its abode near Badakhshan, the other towards Balkh i proper, where for centuries they lived almost isolated from ; the neighbouring nations, unaffected by their wars or their '■ movements. The light of history which has dawned on the Western races, the founders of kingdoms and civilisations, also falls upon these ancient dwellers of the earth, and reveals, though indistinctly and as through a mist, several clans gathered together on that plateau ; just emerged from ^ Rawlinson, Ancient Monarchies, p. 23. I * In the Arabian traditions the father of Abraham is called Azar, which isj evidently the same as Asshur ; and the beautiful idols of Azar are frequently! referred to in Moslem litei-ature. These traditions confirm the belief thatj Abraham was of Assyrian origin. I INTRODUCTION xxi ^§ in Isavageness into barbarism, they are becoming alive to the sense oniaD jof an Universal Ideality. Innumerable idealities are taking the 'fWed iplace of the natural objects, hitherto worshipped with fear and ^t ol trembling. With some of them the host of abstractions and personifications of the powers of nature are subordinated to two comprehensive principles — Light and Darkness. The sun, the bright harbinger of life and light, becomes the symbol of a beneficent Divinity, whose power, though held in check, is eventually to conquer the opposing principle of Evil and Darkness. With others, the idealities which they now impress daries on the fetish they worshipped before, merge in each other ; at one time standing forth as distinct personal entities, at another time resolving themselves into a hylozoic whole. Gradually the clouds lift, and we see the tribal and clan- formations giving way to monarchical institutions ; agriculture taking by slow degrees the place of pastoral avocations ; primitive arts being cultivated ; the use of metals gaining ohing Iground, and, above all, the higher conception of a Supreme ;ciilar ■ Personality forcing itself upon the yet unopened mind. t was iKaiumurs, Hoshang, and the other old kings of whom Firdousi works sings with such wondrous power, are types of an advancing ilatioo 'civihsation. The introduction of the monarchical institutions lursuit lamong the Aryans proper seems to be coeval with that religious away 'conflict between the two branches of the Aryan family which IS and [led to the expulsion of the Eastern branch from their Bactrian proper jhome. A powerful religious revolution had been inaugurated jentl)' jamong the Western Aryans by a teacher whose name has been galli [preserved in the literature of his religion as Citama Zarathustra. [ jroiB |The sharp religious conflict, which resulted from this move- - tjieii iment, has left its mark in the deep imprecations heaped by pjj tjie [the Vedic hymn-singers on the enemy of their race and creed, ijjlsojthe Djaradashti of the Vedas. The attitude of the Vedic hymn-singers towards the reformed faith, even more than the extraordinary coincidence in names, furnishes the strongest proof that the religious divergence was the immediate cause of the split between the two branches of the Aryans proper. In this, probably the first religious war waged among man- kind, the Western dualistic clans were successful in driving their half-polytheistic, half-pantheistic brethren across the ffbicM eqiiently lief that xxii THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM Paropamisadae. The Eastern Aryans burst into India, driving before them the earher black races, massacring and enslaving them, treating them always as inferior beings, Dasyus and I Sudras, slaves and serfs. The difference between the Vedic and the Zoroastrian religions was, however, purely relative. Zoroastrianism substituted for the worship of the phenomena, the adoration of the cause. It converted the gods of the Vedas into demons and the deva-worshippers into infidels ; whilst the Vedic hymn-singer, on his side, called the Ahura of I the Avesta an evil god, an Asura, a power hostile to the gods, . and heaped burning maledictions on the head of Djaradashti. Whilst the place and time of the early Zoroaster's birth | are enwrapt in mystery, under Darius Hystaspes arose another teacher, who, under the same name, revived, organised, and . enlarged the basis of the ancient teachings. Retracing our steps for a moment, we see the tide of Aryan conquest in India flowing eastward and southward for centuries. The old Aryan religion, which the invaders had brought from their ancient homes, consisted chiefly in the worship of the manes and the adoration of the powers of Nature symbolised in visible phenomena. In the land of the Five Rivers the spiritual conception developed further ; we can read in the Vedas the march of progress until we arrive at the zenith of Hindu religious ideas in the Upanishads, which often in the intensity of spiritual yearning approach the highest monotheism. The Upanishads dwell not only on the immanence of God, a conception which gave birth in later times to the material pantheism of India ; but also teach that the Supreme Spirit is the protector of all beings and sovereign over all creation, that he dwells in the hearts of men, and finally absorbs the individual soul in infinity " as the ocean absorbs the river " ; when that absorption takes place the human soul loses all consciousness of its experience in the earthly frame. But these interesting records of human progress contained within themselves unquestioned germs of spiritual decadence which soon reversed the process of evolution ; and thus instead of observing a further uplifting, we see a progressive declension. The Upanishads make way for the Puranic cults, which again succumb to the power of the Tantric worship. INTRODUCTION xxiii The idea to which the Upanishads frequently give expression that the Supreme Spirit manifests Himself in various forms gave rise to the conception of the Avatars or incarnations. Just as in the Western pagan world philosophy failed to satisfy the craving of the popular mind for a personal God who had dwelt among mankind and held famihar discourse with them, the theistic aspirations of the Upanishads did not appeal to the heart or touch the emotions of the masses of India. And a hero-god was soon found in a member of the warrior caste, who came before long to be identified with the Supreme Spirit and to be regarded in his earthly existence as an incarnate god. The development of the Krishna-cult, like that of its rival, the worship of the " dread Mother," illustrates forcibly not merely the religious welter which prevailed in India in the seventh century of the Christian era, but also the gulf which divided the minds of the philosophers who composed the Upanishads and the Bhagavad-Gita ; "the Song of Faith," ^ from the thoughts and feeHngs of the populace. It is abundantly clear that long before they burst into Hindustan proper, the Aryan settlers in the Punjab or their priests and rehgious teachers made the most stringent rules to prevent the intermixture of the invaders and their descendants with the races they had conquered and enslaved in their steady and prolonged march towards the East. The touch of the latter, who were turned into the lowest and servile caste, was pollution ; all the religious rites peculiar to the three higher castes were strictly forbidden to them. Among all the flow and ebb of Aryan-Hindu thought in the region of pantheism the worship of the manes has always clung to the Hindu mind as an essential part of his rehgio- social system. The Sudra was permitted to offer oblations to his dead ancestors, but no Brahman could officiate at the rites without incurring the heaviest penalties. If a Sudra over- heard a Brahman reciting the Vedas, he was to be punished by having molten lead poured into his ears ; if he happened to sit on the same bench with the Brahman he was liable to be ^ A recent writer remarks that the Bhagavad-Gita no doubt shows traces of theism, but this theism is blended with other and non-theistic elements. XXIV THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM branded. Whilst unions, legitimate or illegitimate, between; the " twice born," as the three superior castes were caUed.i and the Sudras were interdicted under the cruellest penalties. No legislation, however, could prevent their religious ideas and practices being inlEluenced by the primitive beliefs. In course of time the divinities of the pre-Aryan tribes and races were incorporated into the Hindu pantheon, and their worship became part of the Hindu daily ritual. The amalgamations of diverse beliefs of unequal growth and varying tendencies had their inevitable result in the debasement of the complex and abstruse pantheism the philosophers were endeavouring through ages to evolve. Before the followers of Islam lifted the veil behind which India had lived enshrouded in mystery for thousands of years,' she possessed no history. It is impossible to say when Vasu- deva-Krishna lived, or to judge of his personality. There are innumerable legends which verge on the absurd and puerile, legends evidently manufactured by the priests, who had become the equals, if not the superiors, of the gods ; and whose interest it was to keep the minds of the vulgar fascinated and enthralled. The place which Vasudeva-Krishna occupies in the Hindu pantheon is that of the incarnation of Vishnu, and as such he forms the central figure in the devotional part of the Bhagavad-Gita. He is evidently a composite divinity ; one of the man-gods associated with him being the gay here who hved among the cowherds of Gokul and disported him- self in the famous groves of Brindabun with his merr}; companions. 1 The cult of Vasudeva-Krishna inculcated absolute dharma^ or faith as the key to salvation ; the believer in this incarnate: Vishnu, whatever his conduct in life, was assured of eternal; happiness. ; The doctrine of perfect faith gave birth to practices andl beliefs which are still current in India. As righteousness; 1 Krishna is usually called the Gopala-Krishna or Cowherd Krishna ; hiV female companions are called the gopis, the " milkmaids." Many a prettj; legend is woven round the adventures of this hero-god of the Ahirs, the cow! herd caste of Upper India. Krishna has been somewhat inaptly called thdj Apollo of the fiindus, though it is difficult to clothe him with the poetrj which generally envelopes the Greek god. INTRODUCTION etwee consists in the concentration of the mind in one's self as identical callel with the Supreme Spirit represented in Krishna, the gymno- naltie 50phic ascetic practices acquired in the eyes of the people a 5 idea Superlative merit. To sit for years in the forest with the is. li eyes fixed on one spot of the human body and the mind on drace tKrishna ; to stand for years on one leg ; to be swung round by vorsliij iliooks fixed in the flesh were acts of devotion which cured all natioi sins. To expiate a sin or to fulfil a vow a man might be dencif employed to measure by the length of his body the distance ompla from the abode of the penitent to the temple of the deity. vouriij jTo read the Bhagavad-Gita wdth true faith or to bathe in the [Ganges or any holy pool, absolved every man or woman from 1 whid ^11 breaches of the moral laws. i{year> ! It is difficult to tell when Sakt'ism acquiied the predominant nVasi 'hold it now possesses on large masses of the Hindu population. lereatjThe Sakti is the female half and active creative side of each puerilt jHindu deity. The Sakti, or spouse of Siva, is the dread goddess ho \i jknown under various names, such as Parbati, Bhavani, j\^,li()Sj jKali, Maha-Kali, Durga, Chamunda. The worship of this yjni goddess, as described in the drama of Bhavabhuti, written ipies 1! pLpparently in the seventh century of the Christian era, was Yijlijij belebrated with human sacrifices and other revolting rites, ^ji]pj[, There is nothing of the "mater dolorosa" in the spouse of [j^.j^jy iSiva, by whatever name she is invoked or in whatever form she j,jj( p worshipped ; she possesses none of the attributes of human '^j [jjj,, pity or sympathy with human suffering, the Alexandrian , j^^g^ worshipper associated with Isis " the goddess of myriad names." This awe-inspiring, not to say, awful concept of a decadent religious mind, evidently borrowed from the pre-Aryan races, ,who delights in human blood and revels in human misery, nas few parallels in the paganism of the world ; for even Cybele, the 7nagna mater of the Romans, was not so merciless ^jpr took so much pleasure in inflicting pain as the Sakti of the ^' God of destruction " ^ This deity is worshipped according !to the ritual of the Tantras, which may be regarded as the ^lij bible of Sakt'ism. Many of the Taniric hymns are imbued yaprettiwdth Considerable devotional spirit, and the invocations ad- ■^'J^"J dressed to the goddess often appeal to her pity ; but whatever ncarnat! ices the pofttJ Siva. xxvi THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM mystical meaning the Tantras may possess for the philosopher, the people commonly accept the worship in its most literal sense. ^ From the two great epics, one of which tells the story of the war between the Pandus and the Kurus, and the other the legend of the abduction of Sita by the king of Ceylon, we can form a fairly accurate idea of the popular creeds of the time. Both represent a developed society and considerable material progress combined with great moral decadence. Thus long before the appearance of Gautama, the founder of Buddhism, religious worship among the masses of India had sunk into mere mechanical performance of sacrifices and oblations at which the ability of the ministering priest, without whose services their observance was not permissible, to perform the " god-compelling " rites with the appropriate incantations, rather than the conduct or piety of the worshipper, supplied the test of merit. The revolt of Gautama and of Mahavira (Mahabir) represented the natural uprise of the Hindu mind against a selfish sacerdotalism. Both deny a Creative Principle and the existence of a Supreme Intelligence governing and regulating the universe, both affirm the eventual annihilation of individual life ; both dwell on the merit of work in bringing about this blissful consummation. But whilst Jainism has hung on to the skirts of Brahmanism and is now practically a Brahmanical sect, Buddhism struck out boldly a new path for itself. It placed Karma in the forefront of its scheme of salvation ; and its great teacher tried to fulfil its claims in his own life. Its conception of the destiny of man after ^ There are two chief divisions of Tantric worshippers : the Dakhshina- chari and Vamachari, or right and left hand rituaHsts ; the worship of the former is pubUc, and not otherwise noticeable than as addressed to other goddesses, such as Lakshmi or ]\Iahalakshini, the Sakti of Vishnu. In the left hand worship, specially called Tantrikn, the exclusive object of adoration is Kali. This worship is private and is said to be celebrated with impure practices. This particular cult has an enormous number of followers all over India and branches into various subdivisions. In the season of the Ditrga Pitja, which is usvially celebrated in the month of August, the image of Durga is carried about seated on a throne. In Upper India she is painted as yellow of complexion ; in Bengal she is represented as absolutely black, with four hands, seated on a tiger. In the temple of Kalighat (from which Calcutta derives its name) dripping skulls might be seen hanging from her neck. In one of the temples at Jeypore the goddess may be seen with her head twisted round ; the tradition is that the lady turned her face in disgust when a goat was offered to her in sacrifice instead of a human being. INTRODUCTION xxvii death was quite opposed to Brahmanical doctrines ; and : its occult mysticism soon passed into other creeds. But in the land of its birth, after a short but glorious existence Buddhism met with a cruel fate ; and the measure of punishment that was meted out to it by a triumphant Brahmanism is depicted on the temples of Southern India. It must be admitted, however, that in its pristine garb Buddhism did not possess the attractions Hinduism offered to its votaries. It never claimed to be a positive religion, and its " rewards " and " sanctions," its promise of bliss in a future existence, its penalties for failure to perform duties in this life, were too shadowy to stir the heart of the masses. It had soon to abandon its contest with the outside world or to arrive at a compromise with the religion it had ip; tried to supplant ; and it was not long before the religion that ,i;/ Buddha preached had to allow its lay- votaries to substitute prayer-wheels for pious work, or to take to Tantrism to supple- ment its own barren efforts. Its failure under the most favourable circumstances in the land of its nativity sealed its fate as a rousing religious system, although in some of its . , mystical aspects it exercised considerable influence on the philosophies of Western Asia and Egypt. On the expulsion of Buddhism from India, Brahmanism regained its supremacy ; the long shadow under which it had lived whilst the religion of Buddha dominated the country had brought no improvement in its spiritual conceptions ; and the lifeless formahsm against which Buddha had revolted ,. was now re-established on a stronger foundation ; the lives of men and women were under the restored Brahmanical regime regulated more closely than ever by a sacrificial cult which appealed to their senses, perhaps to their emotions, rather than to their spiritual instincts. Among the masses religious ;;. vvorship became a daily round of meaningless ritual. For * 'I jthem " the chief objects of worship were the priests, the manes Anjiist, and, for form's sake, the Vedic gods." Fetishism, as a part "jj*: iDf the aboriginal belief, was never eradicated from the Indian it;iroiJ continent by philosophical Hinduism or by practical Buddhism. ^""A"" i[t now entered into the inner life of all castes ; trees, stones -^i*1 md other natural objects, along with the idols in which the xxviii THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM family gods, the household penates and the ancient divinitie were symbolised, shared the adoration of the populace. Th great Code of Manu, of which Hinduism is justly proud, an( which became in later centuries the model for the legal doctrine of other Eastern races, represents a legislation for a state c society where a great advance in material civilisation wa combined with the absolute domination of the priestly cast and an astonishing moral decadence amongst the masse: Like the priest the king was now a divinity. In the secon century of the Christian era, whilst Manu's Code was still he] in reverence and treated as the final authority, its place wj taken by the Commentary of Yajnavalkya, " the Contemplati-\^ Master." To him caste was as iron-bound as to Manu ; arj the Sudra as impure as in early times. ] Female infanticide, as among the pagan Arabs, was commo There is no record when widow-burning was first intrj) duced, but it must have been common in the seventh centuj of the Christian era. To the widow death, however terrib/, must have been a welcome release, for, unless she was t' mother of children her lot was one of dire misery. A woman was debarred from studying the Vedas or parti - pating in the oblations to the manes, or in the sacrifices to tji deities. The wife's religion was to serve her lord ; her eterijl happiness depended on the strict performance of that du|. And the faithful wife, who sacrificed herself on the lunejl pyre of her dead spouse, found a niche in the hearts of all l|e votaries of Hinduism as one of the best and noblest of her se;; and often became herself the object of worship. j Whilst thinking minds saw in the puerile practices of i'e religion a deeper meaning; whilst their souls floated far above '.e ceremonialism of the creed they professed, not one philosopjr or priest viewed with horror the cruel immolations of ;ie helpless widow, usually no more than a child. Religiis associations, generally composed of both sexes and not alw/s remarkable for austerity of life, had already sprung up ; i'id numerous celibate brotherhoods worshipping different diviniies had come into existence. They invariably congregated :in monasteries into which women were admitted as lay memb's. Among them, as among the mendicant fraternities that vie INTRODUCTION xxix established about the same time, the professed ceUbacy was more nominal than real, honoured in its breach rather than in its observance. Large numbers of the mendicant brother- hoods lived in comfort and ease in temples and muths. Others, like the begging friars of the Middle Ages and the vulgar cynics of the Flavian period, wandered in search of merit from the doles of the devout. Their sole recommendation to the charity of the pious consisted in their matted locks, their unkempt beard, the ochre-coloured shirt that hung over their shoulders, the ash-covered naked bodies and the inevitable beggar's gourd and staff. As the divinities loved music and dancing, a large number of dancing girls were attached to the temples, who were by no means vestal, and whose services were at the disposal of the ministrants of the cult. Women occupied a very inferior position in early Hindu legislation, and Manu's extreme denunciation of the sex can be compared only to the fanatical pronouncement of the Christian Saint Tertullian, " Women," says Manu, " have impure appetites ; they show weak fiexi- bihty and bad conduct. Day and night must they be kept in subjection." As regards the Sudras, he declared, almost in the words of the Pandects, that the Creator had made them slaves and that a man belonging to that caste, even when he is emancipated by his master, cannot be free ; for bondage being natural to him, who can deliver him from it ? Such in brief was the rehgious and social condition among the people of one of the most gifted sections of the Arj^an race at the time when the Prophet of Islam brought his Message to the world. Let us turn now to Persia — a country which, by its proximity to the birthplace of Islam, and the powerful influence it has always exercised on Mohammedan thought, not to speak of the character and tone it communicated to Judaism and Christianity, deserves our earnest attention. Consolidated into a nation and with a new spiritual develop- ment, the western Aryans soon burst their ancient bounds, and spread themselves over the regions of modern Persia and Afghanistan. They appear to have conquered or destroyed XXX THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM most of the Hamitic and Kushite races inhabiting those tracts, and gradually reached the confines of the Caspian, where they found the more tenacious and hardy Turanians settled in Media and Susiana. Before, however, they had succeeded in subjugating the Turanians, they themselves fell under the yoke of a foreign invader, Kushite or Assyrian, more probably the latter, under whose iron sway they remained for a consider- able time.^ With the expulsion of the foreigners commenced that conflict between Iran and Turan which lasted with varying fortunes for centuries, and ended with the partial subjugation of the Turanians in Media and Susiana.^ The frequent contact of the followers of Afrasiab and Kai-Kaus in the field and the hall exercised a lasting effect on the Persic faith. The extreme materialism of the Turanians did not fail to degrade the yet undeveloped idealism of their Iranian rivals and neighbours, who, whilst they succeeded in superimposing themselves on the ancient settlers of Media, had partially to incorporate Turanian worship with their own. And thus, whilst in Persia, Ormuzd alone was adored and Ahriman held up to execration, in Media, the good and the evil principle were both adored at the altars. Naturally, the Turanian population was more inclined to worship their ancient national god than the deity of their Aryan conquerors ; and in the popular worship, Ahriman, or Afrasiab, took precedence of Ormuzd. The Assyrian empire had fallen before a coalition, the first of its kind known in history, of the Medes and the Babylonians, but the rehgion of Asshur, from its long domination over many of the parts occupied by the Aryans, left an ineffaceable mark on the conceptions of the Zoroastrians. The complex system of celestial co-ordination and the idea prevalent among the Assyrians of a divine hierarchy engrafted itself on Zoroastrian- ism. Ormuzd was henceforth worshipped as a second Asshur ; and the Persian's symbol of the God of light, the all-beneficent power, became a winged warrior, with bow and lifted hand, enclosed in the world-circle. Their symbol of growth also, 1 According to the Persian traditions, Zahhak ruled over Iran for over a thousand years, and this is supposed by several scholars to represent the exact period of Assyrian domination. The rise of Faridun would, according to this view, be synchronous with the downfall of Nineveh. 2 Lenormant, Ancient Hist, of the East, p. 54. !l INTRODUCTION xxxi the tree with the candelabra branches ending upwards in the pine-cone, was converted into the Persian fir-cone. Before the rise of Cyrus in Farsistan and his consohdating conquests, the symbohc worship in vogue among the early emigrants and settlers became degraded among the masses into pyrolatry, or took the form of Chaldseo-Assyrian Sabaeism. The city of Asshur, — which had ruled Western Asia up to the confines of India for nearly a thousand years, and almost wrested from the Pharaohs the empire of Egypt, — the city of the mighty Sargon and the great Sennacherib, had fallen before the combined forces of the Babylonian and the Mede,i never again to raise its head among the nations of the world. Babylon, which after its early rivalry with Nineveh had been reduced to a dependency of Assyria, became again the centre of Asiatic civilisation. She gathered up the arts and sciences of a thousand years of growth, and the product of " interfused races and religions, temples and priesthoods," and supplied the connecting link between the inorganic faiths of antiquity and the modern beliefs. Assyria had, with the civilisation and literature of the early Accadians, also borrowed much of their religion. Babylon, rising into more potent grandeur from the ashes of Nineveh, centred in herself the essence of the Assyrian and Chaldaean cults. Under Nebuchadnezzar the empire of Babylonia attained the zenith of its power ; Judaea fell, and the flower of the nation was carried into cap- tivity to lament by the waters of Babylon the downfall of the kingdom of Jehovah. The mighty conqueror penetrated into Arabia, and overwhelmed and nearly destro3^ed the Ishmaelites; he smote the T^/rians, and broke the power of the Egyptian Pharaoh. In spite of the maledictions heaped upon her head by the Hebrew patriot, Babylon was by no means such a hard taskmaster as Egypt. ^ The Israelites themselves bear testi- mony to the generosity of their treatment. Not until the redeemer was nigh with his mighty hosts, marching to the conquest of the doomed city, did the children of Israel raise their voice against Babylon. Then burst forth the storm of imprecations, of predictions of woe, which displayed the characteristics of the race in its pristine savagery. " By the ^ 606 B.C. * Jer. xlix. 27 to 29. xxxii THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM rivers of Babylon, there we sat down ; yea, we wept when we remembered Zion. O Daughter of Babylon ! happy shall he be who dasheth thy little ones against the stones." ^ Under Nebuchadnezzar, Babylon was indisputably the centre of all existing civilisations. And the influence wielded by her priesthood did not cease with the empire of Babylonia. The mark of the Babylonian conceptions is traced in unmis- takable characters in both the Judaical and Christian systems. The long exile of the Jews among the Chaldaean priesthood, the influence which some of the Hebrews obtained in the court of the Babylonian king, and the unavoidable interfusion of the two peoples, tended to impart a new character to later Judaism. They were carried to Babylon in a state of semi- barbarism ; they returned to Zion after their long probation in the land of exile a new people, advanced in faith and doctrine, with larger aspirations and their political vision extended. With the conquest of Babylon begins a new era in religious development. Henceforth the religion of dualism holds the empire of Asia. The grand toleration which Cyrus extended towards the Jews naturally led to his exaltation as " the Messiah," " the Redeemer," " the anointed Saviour of the world." The captivity of the Hebraic tribes, and their enforced settlement near the seat of Persian domination, and their sub- sequent intermixture under Cyrus with the Persians, most probably gave impetus to that religious reform among the Zoroastrians which occurred during the reign of Darius IJys- taspes. There was mutual action and reaction. The Israelites impressed on renovated Zoroastrianism a deep and abiding conception of a Divine Personality overshadowing the universe. They received from the Iranians the notion of a celestial hierarchy, and the idea of a duality of principles in the creation of good and evil. Henceforth it is not the Lord who puts a lying spirit into the mouths of evil-doers ; Satan, like Ahriman, from this time takes a prominent part in the religious and moral history of the Hebrews. The reign of Cyrus was one of conquest, hardly of organisation. The reign of Darius was one of consolidation ; stern worshipper of Ormuzd, to whom he ascribes all his victories, he endeavoured ^ Ps. cxxxvii. INTRODUCTION xxxiii to purify the faith of Zoroaster of all its foreign excrescences, to stamp out the Magism of the Medes from its stronghold, and to leave Aryan Persia the dominant power of the civilised e world. Nothing, however, could arrest the process of decay. d Before a hundred years had gone by, Zoroastrianism had i imbibed to the full the evils which it had fought against in its y infancy. The scourgers of idolatry, the uncompromising s, iconoclasts, who, in their fiery zeal, had slaughtered the ], Egyptian Apis and overturned its shrine, soon absorbed into ri the worship of Ormuzd the Semitic gods of their subject states. oi The old Magian element-worship was revived, and Artaxerxes er r jMnemon, one of the immediate successors of Darius, introduced li- ! among the Zoroastrians the worship of that androgynous Mythra — the Persian counterpart of the Chaldsean Myhtta or Anaitis, with its concomitant phallic cult. The development of this Mythra-cult into the gorgeous worship of the beautiful )U5 . |Sun-God is one of the marvels of history. The resplendent the ISun ascending over the cleft mountains, chasing the Bull into jjd : jits lair and with its blood atoning human sins, is a conception ^jie ■ {which has left its ineffaceable mark on one of the dominant tjjg jrehgions of the world. This worship of Mythra was carried (-gj Iby the Roman legionaries from the valley of the Euphrates yl). ito the furthest corners of Europe, and in the reign of ^Pjj , iDiocletian it became the state-religion of Rome. jljg I Never was the condition of woman so bad, never was she I ,j. i peld under greater subjection, — a slave to the caprice of man, — than under the Mago-Zoroastrians. The laws of Manu imposed !:ertain rules of chastity, and the stringency of primitive ex- ;)gamy exercised a restraining effect upon human passions. jrhe Persian in the relations of the sexes recognised no law JDut that of his own will. He could marry his nearest kindred, iind divorce his wives at his pleasure. The system of female ■Jj^g iieclusion was not confined to the Persians alone. Among the onic Greeks, women were confined within the gynaikonitis, >ften kept under lock and key, and never allowed to appear n public. But the Greek gynaikonomoi were not, until later imes, mutilated specimens of humanity. In Persia, the pustom of employing eunuchs to guard the women prevailed rem the remotest antiquity. As in Greece, concubinage was xxxiv THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM a recognised social institution, and was interwoven with the foundations of society. The Persian, however, never allowed lewdness to be incorporated with the national worship. He worshipped no Aphrodite Pandemos ; nor was Zoroastrian society tainted with that " moral pestilence," ^ the most degrading of all vices, which was universal in Greece, which spread itself afterwards in Rome, and was not even rooted out by Christianity. With the downfall of the Achaemenian Empire ended the vitality of Zoroastrianism as a motive power in the growth of the world. The swarms of conquerors, who swept like whirlwinds over the face of Persia, destroyed all social and moral life. The Macedonian conquest, with the motley hordes which followed on its footsteps, the influx of aU the dregs of Lesser Asia, Cilicians, Tyrians, Pamphylians, Phr3'gians, and various others, half Greeks, half Asians, obeying no moral law, the hasty and reckless temper of the conqueror himself, — aU led to the debasement of the Zoroastrian faith. The Mobeds, the representatives of the national life, were placed under the ban of persecution by the foreigner, the aim of whose life was to heUenise Asia. Alexander's career was splendidly meteoric. Shorn of the legends which have surrounded his life and turned it into an epopee, he stands before us a man of gigantic conceptions and masterly purposes, possessed of a towering ambition, a genius which overpowered aU opposition, and a personality which enabled him to mould the minds of all around him according to his own will. His was a nature full of contradictions. A disciple of Aristotle, who aimed at the hellenisation of Asia, with himself as the central figure in the adoration of the world, an associate of philosophers and wise men, his life was dis- graced by excesses of a revolting type. " The sack of Tyre and the enslavement of its population, the massacres and executions in India and Bactria, the homicide of Clytus, the death warrants of Philotas and the faithful Parmenio, the burning of Persepolis and the conflagration of its splendic library at the instigation of a courtezan, are acts," says ai apologist and an admirer, " for which no historian has founc 1 DoUinger, The Gentile and the Jew, vol. ii. p. 239. I INTRODUCTION xxxv a palliation." With the conquest of Alexander and the extinction of the Achasmenian dynasty, Zoroastrianism gave way to Hellenism and the worst traditions of Chaldaean civilisation. The extreme partiality of the hero of many legends towards Babylon, and his anxious desire to resuscitate that city and make it the centre of a mightier and more com- plete civilisation, led him to discourage all creeds and faiths, all organisations, religious or political, which militated with his one great desire. Under the Seleucidae, the process of denationalisation went on apace. Antiochus Epiphanes, the cruel persecutor of the worshippers of Jehovah, won for himself from them as well as the Zoroastrians, the unenviable designa- tion of Ahriman. Even the rise of the Parthian power tended to accelerate the decline and ruin of Zoroastrianism. The Seleucidae ruled on the Tigris and the Orontes ; the Parthians formed for themselves a kingdom in the middle portion of the Achaemenian empire ; the Grseco-Bactrian dynasties were in possession of the eastern tracts, viz. Bactria and the northern part of Afghanistan. The state-religion of the Seleucidae was a mixture of Chaldaeo-Hellenism. The Jews and Zoroastrians were placed under the ban and ostracised. Under the Parthians, Mazdism, though not actually extinguished, was compelled to hide itself from the gaze of the rulers. In quiet and settled parts, Zoroastrianism became mixed with the old Sabaeism of the Medes and the Chaldaeans ; or, where kept alive in its pristine character, it was confined to the hearts of some of those priests who had taken refuge in the inaccessible recesses of their country. But with Parthia enlarged into an empire, and the Parthian sovereigns aspiring to the title of Shah-in- shah, persecution gave way to toleration, and Mago-Zoroastrian- ism again raised its head among the religions of the world. And the rise of the Sasanides gave it another spell of power. The founder of the new empire placed the Mobeds at the head of the State. Last sad representatives of a dying faith ! Around them clustered the hopes of a renovated religious existence under the auspices of the Sasanide dynasty. How far the brilliant aspirations of Ardeshir Babekan (Artaxerxes Longimanus), the founder of the new empire, were realised, is a matter of history. The political autonomy of Persia — xxxvi THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM its national life — was restored, but the social and religious life was lost beyond the power of rulers to revive. The teachings of yore lived perhaps in books, but in the hearts of the people they were as dead as old Gushtasp or Rustam. Under the Sasanides, the Zoroastrians attained the zenith of their power. For centuries they competed with Rome for the empire of Asia. Time after time they defeated her armies, sacked her cities, carried away her Caesars into captivity, and despoiled her subjects of their accumulated riches ; but the fire of Zoroastrianism as a moral factor was extinct. It burnt upon the high altars of the temples, but it had died out from the heart of the nation. The worship of the true God had given place to a Chaldaeo-Magian cult, and the fierce intolerance with which Ardeshir and his successors persecuted rival creeds, failed to achieve its purpose. The Persian empire, under the later Sasanides, only rivalled in the turmoil of its sects and the licentiousness of its sovereigns, in the degeneration of its aristocracy and the overweening pride of its priesthood, the empire of the Byzantines. The kings were gods ; they were absolute masters over the person and property of their subjects, who possessed no rights, and were virtual serfs. The climax of depravity was reached when Mazdak, in the beginning of the sixth century of the Christian era, preached the com- munism with which modern Europe has now become familiar, and " bade all men to be partners in riches and women, just as they are in fire, water, and grass ; private property was not to exist ; each man was to enjoy or endure the good and bad lots of this world." ^ The lawfulness of marriages with sisters and other blood relations had already been recognised by Mago-Zoroastrianism. The proclamation of this extreme communism revolted the better minds even among the Persians. The successor of Zoroaster, as Mazdak styled himself, was put to death ; but his doctrines had taken root, and from Persia they spread over the West. All these evils betokened a complete depravity of moral life, and foreshadowed the speedy extinction of the nation in its own iniquities. This doom, though staved off for a time ^ The Dabistan-i-M azdhib of Mohsini Fani ; see also Shaikh Muhammad Iqtal's Development of Metaphysics in Persia, p. i8. t II INTRODUCTION xxxvii )y the personal character of Kesra Anushirvan, became 'i' nevitable after his death. But a Master had already appeared, ^P'^ ilestined to change the whole aspect of the world ! Eleven centuries had passed over the Jews since their return "^'' rom the Babylonian captivity, and witnessed many changes ^°f jn their fortunes. The series of disasters which one after ^^^- ' i.nother had befallen the doomed nation of Moses, had culmin- .ted in the wars of Titus and Hadrian. Pagan Rome had lestroyed their temple, and stamped out in fire and blood their :xistence as a nation. Christian Constantinople persecuted hem with an equally relentless fury, but the misfortunes of he past had no lessons for them in the future. Their own ufferings at the hands of ruthless persecutors had failed to each them the value of humanity and peace. The atrocious ruelties which they committed in the cities of Egypt, of .yprus and Cyrene, where they dwelt in treacherous harmony vdth the unsuspecting natives, take away all sense of pity for heir future fate. The house of Israel was a total wreck ; rere {ts members were fugitives on the face of the earth, seeking cts, jhelter far and wide, but carrying everywhere their indomitable nax j)ride, their rebellious hardness of heart, denounced and ling leprehended by an endless succession of prophets. The Jews, om- |n their safe retreats in foreign lands, re-enacted the scenes iar, l)f past times. The nation lived in hope, but the hope was tas inixed with rigid uncompromising bigotry on the one hand, not jind a voluptuous epicureanism on the other. Jesus had come bad Imd gone, without producing any visible effect upon them. ters iHie child of his age, he was imbued with the Messianic ideas by 'loating in the atmosphere in which he lived and moved. iM The Book of Daniel, written during one of the greatest travails ms. )f the nation, with its hopes and aspirations, could not but put nake a deep impression on the mind of the Teacher mourning rsia i)ver the sight of his stricken people. The fierce intolerance bf the Zealots seated in their mountain homes, the lifeless oral |-eremonialism of the Sadducees, the half-hearted liberalism ^in i)f the Pharisees, the dreamy hopefulness of the Essenes, with inie i^ne hand extended towards Alexandria and the other towards {Buddhistic India, the preachings and denunciations of the "■^ jvild Dervish, whose life became a sacrifice to the depravity xxxviii THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM of the Herodian court, all appealed to the heart of Jesus. But the Eagle's talons were clutched on the heart of Judaea and its legions crushed out all hope of a violent change. The quietism of Jesus, and his earnest anticipation of a kingdom of heaven, to be ushered in by the direct instrumentality of God, were the outcome of his age. Among a nation of furious and relentless bigots, he had come as the messenger of universal brotherhood and love. In the midst of a proud and exclusive race, he trod the path of humility and meekness ; kind and gentle to his immediate followers, devoted to the cause of all, he left behind him the impress of an elevated, self-denying spirit. Among the powerful, the rich, and the ruling classes, he had roused only feelings of hatred, fear, and opposition ; among the poor, the despised, the ignorant and the oppressed, the deep compassion of the great Teacher had awakened sentiments of gratitude and love. One bright sunny morning he had entered the stronghold of Jewish fanaticism full of hope in his ministry as the promised Messiah ; before a fortnight had run out, he was sacrificed to the vested interests of his day. Amidst the legends which surround his life, so much at least is clear. Born among the poor, his preachings were addressed to the poor. Deeply versed in the Rabbinical lore, his short ministry was devoted almost exclusively to the humble denizens of the country side — the poverty-stricken peasantry and the fishermen of Galilee. His disciples were poor, ignorant folk. In spite of their credulous natures, and the vivid — not to say weird — effect exercised on their imaginations by the untimely disappearance of the Master, they never regarded him as anything more than a man. It was not until Paul adopted the creed of him whose execution he had witnessed, that the idea of an incarnate God or angel was introduced into Christi- anity. In spite of the promise attached to the " effusion of the Holy Ghost," " it was found necessary," says the historian of Ecclesiasticism, " that there should be some one defender of the gospel who, versed in the learned arts, might be able to combat the Jewish doctors and the pagan philosophers with their own arms. For this purpose Jesus himself, by an extraordinary voice from heaven, had called to his service a thirteenth apostle, whose name was Saul (afterwards Paul), i INTRODUCTION xxxix md whose acquaintance both with Jewish and Grecian learning vas very considerable." ^ The Mago-Zoroastrian believed in an angel-deliverer, in the jurush who was to appear from the East ; the Buddhist, in m incarnate god born of a virgin ; the Alexandrian mystic nculcated the doctrine of the Logos and the Demiurge. The isoteric conceptions regarding the birth, death, and resur- ection of Osiris, the idea of the Isis-Ceres, the virgin mother 'holding in her arms the new-born sun-god Horus," ^ were n vogue both in Egypt and Syria. And Paul, the Pharisee ind the scholar, was deeply imbued with these half-mystical, lalf-philosophical notions of his time. A visionary and ^j^ jnthusiast by nature, not free from physical ailments, as strauss suggests, he, who had never come in actual contact vith the Master, was easily inclined to attach to him the ittributes of a Divinity — of an Angel Incarnate. He infused nto the simple teachings of Jesus the most mysterious )rinciples of Neo-Pythagoreanism, with its doctrine of intelli- gences and its notion of the triad, borrowed from the far East. The jealousy between the home and the foreign, the Judaical Lnd the anti-Judaical party, was shown in the curious though veil-known antipathy of the two apostles, Peter and Paul.^ rhe Ebionites most probably represented the beliefs of the (riginal companions of the Prophet of Nazareth. He had on versed with them familiarly, and "in all the actions of ational and animal life " had appeared to them as of the same ature as themselves. They had marked him grow from nfancy to youth and from youth to manhood ; they had een him increase in stature and wisdom. Their belief was empered by their knowledge of him as a man. The deprava- n of ideas from this original faith, through various inter- ior fcediate phases like those of the Docetes, the Marcionites, the i0 *atripassians,^ and various others down to the decisions of the 1 Mosheim, Ecclesiastical History, vol. ii. p. 63. - Comp. Mr. Ernest de Bunsen's Essay on Mohammed's Place in the "hurch, Asiatic Quarterly Review, April 1889. * Milner, Hist, of the Church of Christ, vol. i. pp. 26, 27. ^ The Docetes believed Jesus to be a pure God. The Marcionites regarded lim as a being " most like unto God, even his Son Jesus Christ, clothed with 1 certain shadowy resemblance of a body, that he might thus be visible to lopti xl THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM Council of Nice in 328, forms a continuous chain. The prevale ij belief in aeons and emanations predisposed all classes of peop , especially those who had never beheld the Prophet, observ i his humanity, or noted his everyday life, to accept his divini ' without any question. At the time Jesus began his preaching the Empire of Roii stretched over more than half Europe, and included almct the whole of Northern Africa and a large part of Westei Asia. This vast area by an accident became, in the comi ^ centuries, the seed-ground of Christianity and the battlefiei of contending sects. Exactly a century before the Phrygian Cybele ^ was broug t to Rome, Ptolemy Soter, the most fortunate and probably t i most far-sighted of Alexander's generals, had become masir of Egypt. With the object of fusing the Egyptians a:i Greeks into a homogeneous nation by the unifying bond oil common religion he conceived the design of establishing 1 worship in the practice of which the two peoples would jci hands. The same idea occurred to Akbar some two thousa i years later ; but where the great Akbar failed, Ptoler / succeeded, for all the conditions were in his favour. Te Greeks worshipped Zeus, Demeter and Apollo or Dionysr ; the Egyptians, Osiris, Isis and Horus ; the trinitarian bel f was common to both. The Egyptian faith revolved round te Passion and Resurrection of Horus, the Son ; the Greek 1 the Passion and Resurrection of Dionysus. The Greek hi his Eleusinian mysteries with all the mystic rites of initiatin and communion; the Egyptian hierophant, the mysteries :i Isis with similar rites and similar significance. To neither*.* mattered under what names the gods were worshipped or 1e rituals were conducted. So long as the main idea was ma.- tained they were indifferent to mere names. Thus was bdi the great cult of the Serapeum. Serapis took the place i Zeus among the Greeks, of Osiris among the Egyptiai ; Isis who became the " mater dolorosa " of the votaries of ^'.e mortal eyes." The Patripassians believed that the Father suffered with ,ie Son on the cross (Mosheim and Gibbon, in loco ; and Neander, vol. ii. p. 150, 301 et seq). ^ The worship of Cybele has a very close analogy to the cult of the fan as Hindu goddess Durga or Kali. \ INTRODUCTION xli Alexandrian cult, displaced Demeter ; and Horus Happocrates absorbed the adoration hitherto rendered to Dionysus. This deity does not seem, however, to have lost his hold among the inhabitants of the sea-board of Asia Minor ; and the prevailing belief that a god had lived among mankind, had suffered and died and risen again made easy in later centuries the spread of Christianity. The worship of Isis, whose glory had overshadowed the personality of her consort, was brought to Rome, it is said, some eighty years before the birth of Jesus. It seized at once the fancy both of the populace and of the cultivated classes. Its gorgeous ritual, its tonsured, clean-shaven priests, the young acolytes in white, carrying lighted tapers, the solemn processions in which nothing was wanting to stimulate the emotions, the passionate grief at the suffering and death of Osiris-Horus, the frenzied joy at his resurrection, the mysteries with all their mystical meanings, the initiation, above all the promise of immortality, appealed vividly to a world whose old gods were mute and which yearned for a closer touch with the eternal problem of the Universe. It is not surprising that Isis took a strong hold on the heart of the Roman people. ^ Although the worship of Isis, " the bestower on the wretched the sweet affection of a mother " never lost its power on their emotions, the more virile cult of Mythra the beautiful sun-god, with all its mystic rites, its doctrine of atonement, its insistence on the direct touch of its god with humanity, was held in special favour among the Roman soldiers ; and wherever the legionaries were quartered they appear to have left the memorials of their worship. To form a just estimate of the superlative and exclusive claim advanced by Christianity to enrol under her banner and to dominate the conscience of all mankind, it is necessary to bear in mind the causes that helped in the diffusion of the Galilean faith before the ascension of Constantine to the throne. The promise of the second advent of Jesus with the immediate ushering in of " the Kingdom of God," when the poor would ^Dill's Roman Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius, chapter v.; Legge's Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity, vol. ii. p. 87. xlii THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM be exalted, and Lazarus would take the place of Dives in the enjoyment of heavenly gifts, created among the humble folk a wild excitement. The fervent anticipations of the immediate disciples and followers of Jesus naturally communicated them- selves to the neighbouring peoples ; and as the missionaries of the faith multiplied they carried this vivid belief far and wide. The religion that held forth the promise of an early adjustment of inequalities and redress of wrongs and injustice received a ready acceptance among the masses. So strong a hold did the belief in the establishment of the kingdom of God with the second advent acquire among the populace, that although the fulfilment of the promise, which was assured to take place within the lifetime of the early disciples, receded as decades went by into dim futurity, the anticipations and hopes to which it gave birth did not lose their force until the final collapse of the Crusades. After a thousand years, first of travail and later of success, the warriors of Christianity went forth to destroy the professors of another faith in the fuU belief that the second coming of their Lord was nigh. Besides this there were other causes equally potent which helped the diffusion of Christianity in the shape it assumed after the death or, according to Ebionite and Moslem beUef, the disappearance of the Master. As already observed, among all the peoples of Asia Minor, Syria and the Mediterranean littoral, excepting the Jev/s, the idea of a god who had died and risen again, and of a divine Trinity, was universal. It was an essential part of the Serapean cult ; and with the spread of Isis-worship every part of the Roman world was permeated by the trinitarian conception ; there was no difficulty arising from sentiment or religious predilection to the acceptance of the principal doctrines of post- Jesus Christianity. The philosophers at the same time, albeit unconsciously and without the intention of helping Christianity, even without any knowledge of its tenets, furthered its cause. Their speculations with regard to the nature of God and of a life after death undermined the faith of many thinking pagans in the mysteries of Isis and Mythra, and in the rites and practices of the old cults. And yet the hold of the Alexandrian divinities INTRODUCTION xliii and of the Sun-god on the hearts of the cultivated classes, who looked askance at the revolutionary doctrines of the new cult, was so strong that for nearly three centuries the spread of Christianity was confined to the ignorant and uneducated. Not until the Christian Church had incorporated with its theology and ecclesiastical system many dogmas borrowed from its great and fascinating rivals, and almost all their rites and ceremonialism, and practices and institutions, did it make any headway among people of culture. And when these, under the stress oi religious persecution or imperial pressure, began entering the fold they brought with them all the elements that have gone to mould modern Christianity with its multitudinous sects. ^ Relentless persecution lasting for centuries secured, however, in the early period of its growth a certain uniformity of faith and doctrines. Among the masses Isis-worship was transformed into Mariolatry ; and Mary the mother of Jesus became, instead of the Egyptian goddess, " the haven of peace," and " the altar of pity." Thenceforth she was worshipped, as she still is among the Latin races, as the " madre de dios." Asceticism was a favoured institution among the votaries of the Alexandrian divinities ; it was practised by the Pytha- goreans and Orphics, who had derived much of their inspiration from the hierophants of the Gangetic Delta, among whom it was a common practice ; the Christian Church adopted and sanctified this institution for both sexes. From the simple immersion used by John the Baptist, baptism under the influence of the cult of Isis grew into a mystical and cumbrous rite. Communion took the place of initiation ; and even the dogma connected with the mysteries of Isis regarding the change of wine into the blood of the mourned god was absorbed into the Christian system. In the tonsured clean-shaven, pale-clad priests, the white robed acolytes, in the gorgeous rituals, " in the form of the sacraments, in the periods of the fasts and festivals " ^ of the Christian Church, looking back \ through the vista of ages, one is forcibly reminded of the older cults ; and the religions which Christianity displaced rise ^ Dill's Roman Society from Nero to Marcus A urelius, chapter v. ^ Legge, Forertmners and Rivals of Christianity, in loco. S.I. d xliv THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM before us in all their pomp and pageantry. We seem to hear once more in the litanies of the Church the beautiful touching hymns sung to the Alexandrian goddess (the Mater dolorosa of the Western pagan world), by a thousand white-robed boys and girls, and it requires but little effort of fancy to carr^ back the imagination from St. Peter's or St. Paul's to the Serapeum. The religion of Jesus, as taught by his chief disciples, had besides these borrowed and adventitious recommendations distinct and independent claims to draw to itself the homag< of those who, in the welter of spiritual conceptions and religion beliefs, were groping in semi-darkness for a resting place wheri high and low, ignorant and educated, should stand on th' same plane. In its higher phases, it appealed to the noble instincts of mankind if not more forcibly than the Isiac o; Mythraic creeds, certainly with greater assurance. Its promis of a life after death was less veiled in mysteries ; its doctrine were more positive and concrete than the abstract speculation of the philosophers. It brought solace and comfort to th down-trodden and held forth a promise — not yet fulfilled — c equality and brotherhood among mankind, with an assure trust in future salvation to rich and poor alike among those wh accepted its doctrines. Whilst the dogmatism of its preachei often assisted by secular force silenced questioning mind it satisfied the yearnings of those who, turning from i\ mysticism of the older cults or fleeing from the hidden ind( cencies associated with Nature-worship, hungered for an assu ance that the existence on earth was but part of a larger lif , The whole of the Western pagan world was in short in a expectant mood, waiting for a positive and direct revelatior and all the teachings of the past had attuned its mind to tl reception of a call. The Galilean faith seized the opportunit and after appropriating and absorbing the ritual and doctrin legacies left by its " Forerunners and Rivals," gradual monopolised the homage of the peoples who had been subjects, by Rome. Whether this adaptation of the simple teachin. of Jesus, to make them more readily acceptable, was a develo ■ ment or the reverse must remain for the present unanswere. But the charge the Moslems make against his followers th; INTRODUCTION xlv they corrupted his faith can hardly be said to be altogether unwarranted. The early cessation of the ministry of Jesus and the absence of any organic teaching, whilst it allowed a freer scope to imagination, perhaps " a freer latitude of faith and practice," ^ as shown in the lives of even the early Christians, furnished an open ground for contending factions to dispute not only about doctrines and discipline, but also as to the nature of their Teacher. The expulsion of the Jews and the Christians from Jerusalem, which abounded in so many traditions relating to Jesus as a man ; the intermixture of his followers with the non- Judaic people who surrounded them on all sides, and among whom the Neo-Pythagorean or Platonic ideas as to the government of the universe were more or less prevalent ; the very vagueness which surrounded the figure of Jesus in the conception of his followers — soon gave birth to an infinite variety of doctrines and sects. And age after age everything human, " everything not purely ideal, was smoothed away from the adored image of an incarnate God," the essentially pathetic history of Jesus was converted into a " fairy tale," and his life so surrounded with myths that it is now impossible for us to know " what he really was and did." The fantastic shapes assumed by Christianity in the centuries which preceded the advent of Mohammed are alike interesting and instructive. The Gnostic doctrines, which were wholly in conflict with the notions of the Judaic Christians, are supposed to have been promulgated towards the end of the first century, almost simultaneously with the capture and destruction of Jerusalem by Hadrian. Cerinthus, the most prominent of the Gnostic teachers in this century, inculcated among his followers the dual worship of the Father and the Son, whom he supposed to be totally distinct from the man Jesus, " the creator of the world." The narrowness of Pauline Christianity, and its futile endeav- ours to reconcile its doctrines with the philosophy of the Alexandrian schools, gave birth about the same time to the Neo-Platonic eclecticism of Ammonius Saccas, adopted after- ^ Mosheim, p. 121. xlvi THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM wards by Origen and other leading Christians. This versatile writer, whose impress is visible in the writings of almost all the prominent thinkers of Christendom in the earlier centuries, endeavoured to bring about a general concordance among aU the existing creeds and sects. In some respects, Ammonius was the prototype of Mani, or Manes, and was undoubtedly above the level of his contemporaries. He succeeded in forming a school, but his teachings never regulated the morals or influenced the faith of a community. The second century of the Christian era was ushered in in strife and disorder. Divisions and heresies were rife throughout the Christian Church. Gnosticism was in great force, and left its character indelibly impressed on Christianity. Some of the sects which came into prominence in this century deserve a passing notice, as they show not only the evils which flowed from the teachings of the Church, but also the influence exercised upon Christianity by Zoroastrianism, Neo-Pytha- goreanism, and the ancient Sabseism of the Chaldaeans. The Marcionites, who were perhaps the most important of the early Gnostics, believed in the existence of two principles, the one perfectly good and the other perfectly evil. Between these there existed the Demiurge, an intermediate kind of deity, neither perfectly good nor perfectly evil, but of a mixed nature, who administered rewards and inflicted punishments. The Demiurge was, according to the Marcionite doctrines, the creator of this inferior world, and engaged in perpetual conflict with the Principle of Evil, — mark the impress of the Zoroastrian ideas ! The Supreme Principle, in order to terminate this warfare and to deliver from their bondage the human souls, whose origin is celestial and divine, sent to the Jews, " a being most like unto Himself, even His Son Jesus Christ," clothed with a certain shadowy resemblance of a body, that thus he might be visible to mortal eyes. The commission to this celestial messenger was to destroy the empire, both of the Evil Principle and of the Author of this world, and to bring back wandering souls to God. ' ' On this account he was attacked with inexpressible violence and fury by the Principle of Evil " and by the Demiurge, but without effect, since, having a body only in appearance, he was thereby rendered incapable of suffering. I INTRODUCTION xlvii The Valentinians, whose influence was more lasting, taught that " the supreme God permitted Jesus, His Son, to descend from the upper regions to purge mankind of all the evils into which they had fallen, clothed, not with a real, but with a celestial and aerial body." The Valentinians believed Jesus to be an emanation from the Divine Essence come upon earth to destroy the dominion of the Prince of Darkness. The Ophites, who flourished in Egypt, entertained the same notions as the other Egyptian Gnostics concerning the aeons, the eternity of matter, the creation of the world in opposition to the will of God, the tyranny of the Demiurge, and " the divine Christ united to the man Jesus in order to destroy the empire of this usurper." They also maintained that the serpent, by which Adam and Eve were deceived, was either Christ himself, or Sophia, disguised as a serpent. Whilst the Gnostic creeds were springing into existence under the influence of Chaldsean philosophy, the Greeks on their side endeavoured to bring about a certain harmony between the Pauline doctrine concerning " the Father, Son, and the Holy Ghost, and the two natures united in Christ," and their own philosophical views as to the government of the world. Praxeus was the first of these sophistical preachers of Christi- anity, and he set the ball rolling by denying any real distinction between the " Father, Son, and Holy Ghost," and maintained that the Father was so intimately united with the man Christ, His Son, that He suffered with him the anguish of an afflicted life, and the torments of an ignominious death ! " These sects," says Mosheim, " were the offspring of philo- sophy. A worse evil was to befall the Christian Church in the person of Montanus, a native of Phrygia." This man, who disdained all knowledge and learning, proclaimed himself the Paraclete promised by Jesus. He soon succeeded in attaching to himself a large body of followers, the most famous of whom were Priscilla and Maximilla, the prophetesses, " ladies more remarkable for their opulence than for their virtue." They turned Northern Asia into a slaughter-house, and by their insensate fury inflicted terrible sufferings on the human race. Whilst the Marcionites, Valentinians, Montanists, and the xlviii THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM other Gnostic sects were endeavouring to spread their doctrines throughout the empire of Rome, there arose in Persia a man whose individuahty has impressed itself in ineffaceable char- acters on the philosophy of two continents. Mani was, to all accounts, the most perfect embodiment of the culture of his age. He was an astronomer, a physicist, a musician, and an artist of eminence. The stories relating to his art-gallery ^ have passed into a proverb. Thoroughly acquainted with the Jewish Cabbala and the teachings of the Gnostic masters, imbued with the ancient philosophy and mysticism of the East, a Magi by birth and Christian by education, he rose in revolt against the jarring discord which surrounded him on all sides, and set himself to the task of creating, from the chaos of beliefs, an eclectic faith which would satisfy all demands, the aspirations of all hearts. The audacity with which Mani applied himself to undermine the current faiths by an outward profession, joined to a subtle criticism, which destroyed all foundations of belief in the neophyte — a process afterwards imitated by his congeners, the Isma'ilias, ^ — and his assertion, like the Batinis, of an esoteric insight into all religious doctrines, armed against him every creed and sect ; and naturally, wherever he or his disciples appeared, they were persecuted with unparalleled ferocity. The doctrine of Mani was a fantastic mixture of the tenets of Christianity with the ancient philosophy of the Persians and the Chaldaeans. According to him. Matter and Mind are engaged in perpetual strife with each other. In the course of this conflict human beings were created by the Principle of Matter endowed with two natures, one divine, the other material, the former being a part of the light or spirit which had been filched from heaven. In order to release the struggling divine soul from the prison in which it was coniined, the Supreme God sent from the solar regions an Entity created from His own substance — which was called Christ. Christ accordingly appeared among the Jews clothed with the shadowy form of a human body, and during his ministry taught mortals how to disengage the rational soul from the corrupt body — ^ Arzang-i-Mani. * See post, part ii. chap. x. INTRODUCTION xlix to conquer the violence of malignant matter. The Prince of Darkness having incited the Jews to put him to death, he was apparently, but not in reality, crucified. On the contrary, having fulfilled his mission, he returned to his throne in the sun. The Manichsean Christ thus could neither eat, drink, suffer, nor die ; he was not even an incarnate God, but an illusory phantasm — " the all-pervading light-element imprisoned in nature, striving to escape matter, without assuming its forms." However blasphemous and irrational these doctrines may seem, they appear hardly more so to Moslems than the doctrine of transubstantiation, the changing of the eucharistic elements into the actual flesh and blood of the Deity. Manes divided his disciples into two classes ; one, the " elect," and the other, the " hearers." The " elect " were compelled to submit to a rigorous abstinence from all animal food and intoxicating drink, to abjure wedlock and all gratifica- tions of the senses. The discipline appointed for the " hearers " was of a milder kind. They were allowed to possess houses, lands, and wealth, to feed upon flesh, to enter into the bonds of conjugal relationship ; but this liberty was granted them with many limitations, and under the strictest conditions of moderation and temperance. Manes, or Mani, was put to death by Bahram-G6r, but his doctrines passed into Christianity and were visible in all the struggles which rent the Church in later times. About the middle of the third century arose the sect of the SabeUians, which marked a new departure in the religion of Jesus. They regarded Jesus as only a man, and believed that a certain energy proceeding from the Supreme Father had united itself with the man Jesus, thus constituting him the son of God. This pecuhar doctrine, which Gibbon regards as an approach to Unitarianism, was the cause of serious disorders in the Christian Church, and led to the promulgation in the early part of the fourth century, by Origen, of the doctrine of three distinct personalities in the Godhead. Tritheism was only a modification of the ancient paganism suited to the character of the people who had adopted the creed of Jesus. Polytheism was ingrained in their nature, and tritheism was a compromise between the teachings of Jesus and the ancient 1 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM worship of a number of personalities. In the course of time, tritheism merged into the doctrine of the trinity, but not before it had given birth to the most philosophic sect of Christianity. 1 The rise of Arianism is due principally to the revolt of the human intellect from the irrational teachings of the Church. In Alexandria, which was at that time the most fanatical of Christian cities, Arius had the boldness to preach, in opposition to his own bishop, that Christ was not of the same essence with God. Arianism soon spread itself in Egypt and Northern Africa, and in spite of violent and frequent persecution, kept its hold in these parts as well as Spain until his followers were taken into the fold of Islam. ^ The troubles generated by the schism of Arius induced Constantine, in a.c. 325, to assemble the Council of Nice, in Bithynia. In this general council, after many violent efforts on both sides, the doctrine of Arius was condemned, and " Christ was declared consubstantial with the Father." ^ What- ever may have been the condition of the Christian Church before, henceforth its history presents a constant and deplorable record of trouble and violence, of internecine strife and wrangling, of fearful and cruel persecutions, of bitter hatred and a perpetual endeavour to crush out reason and justice from the minds of men. The vices of the regular clergy assumed monstrous proportions, and the luxury, arrogance, and voluptuousness of the sacerdotal order became the subject of complaint on all sides. The asceticism of the early times had given place to monasticism, and the hcentiousness of the monks became a byword. They were the free lance of the Church, — always foremost in fomenting tumults and seditions, and the streets of Constantinople, Alexandria, and Rome frequently ran with blood in consequence of their unruliness and turbulence. 1 Mosheim, p. 411. 2 In the latter part of the sixteenth century of the Christian era Socinus of Sienna (in Italy) revived and amplified the doctrines of Arius. The unitarians of the present day are the direct spiritual descendants of the Socinians, who denied the divinity of Jesus. They also repudiated the doctrine of original.; sin and atonement. To them God alone was the object of adoration. ' Gibbon, vol. iv. 307. iNtRODUCTION li The disputes of Nestorius with Cyril, the murderer of Hypatia, forms a prominent chapter in the history of Christi- anity. The second Council of Ephesus was convoked partly with the object of conciliating the various parties which had sprung up in the Church ; but " the despotism of the Alex- andrian Patriarch," says Gibbon, " again oppressed the freedom of debate. The heresy of the two natures was for- mally condemned. ' May those who divide Christ, be divided with the sword.' ' May they be hewn in pieces.' ' May they be burned alive ! ' were the charitable wishes of a Christian synod." At the Council of Chalcedon, which was convened at the instance of the Bishop of Rome, the doctrine of the incarnation of Christ in one person but in two natures was definitely settled. The Monophysites and Nestorians, revolting from the doctrine of incarnation, endeavoured to make a stand against the decree of Chalcedon. But they succumbed under the furious onslaught of the orthodox, who had succeeded in solving the mystery of their Teacher's nature. Jerusalem was occupied by an army of monks ; in the name of one incarnate nature they pillaged, they murdered ; the sepulchre of Christ was defiled with blood. The Alexandrian Christians, who had murdered a woman, did not hesitate to massacre their Patriarch in the baptistery, committing his mangled corpse to the flames and his ashes to the wind. About the middle of the sixth century the drooping fortunes of the Monophysites revived under the guidance of one of their leaders, Jacob, bishop of Edessa. Under him and his successor they acquired overwhelming predominance in the Eastern empire, and by their unrelenting persecution of the Nestorians and their bitter quarrels with the orthodox or the Chalcedonians, plunged the Christian Church into internecine warfare and bloodshed. To a non-Christian, the doctrines of the Mono- physites, who taught that " the divine and human nature of Christ were so founded as to form only one nature, yet without any change, confusion, or mixture of the two natures," seem to be in no way different from those laid down by the Council of Chalcedon. And yet this distinction without a difference was the cause of untold misery to a large number of the human lii THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM race. At last, in 630 A.c, Heraclius tried to allay the disorders by starting a new sect, that of the Monothelites, whose doctrines ; were no less monstrous and fantastical. The Monothelites | maintained that " Christ was both perfect God and perfect man, and that in him were two distinct natures so united as to cause no mixture or confusion, but to form by their union only one person." Instead, however, of bringing peace into the bosom of the Church of Jesus, the rise of this sect intensi- fied the evil ; and Western Asia, Northern Africa, and various parts of Europe continued to be the scene of massacres and , murders and every kind of outrage in the name of Christ. ! Such was the religious condition of Christendom during the j centuries which preceded the advent of Islam. ' With the apparent conversion of Constantine, Christianity became the dominant power in the Roman empire. The fate ; of paganism was sealed. Its downfall, though staved off for j a time by the greatest and most sincere of the Roman emperors, j had become inevitable. " After the extinction of paganism," I says Gibbon, " the Christians, in peace and piety, might have enjoyed their solitary triumph. But the principle of discord was alive in their bosom, and they were more solicitous to j explore the nature than to practise the laws of their founder." ^ ■ The whole of Christian Europe was immersed in absolute darkness, and the Church of Jesus was rent with schisms and heresies. The religious conception of the masses had not advanced beyond the pagan stage ; the souls of the dead were worshipped in numbers, and the images of those who were honoured in life were objects of adoration. Relic and saint worship had become universal ; Christianity had reverted to ; heathenism. 1 The social and pohtical condition of the nations subject to i the sway of Christianity was equall}' deplorable. Liberty of thought and freedom of judgment were crushed out from among mankind. And the reign of Christ was celebrated by the sacrifice of heretics who ventured to differ from any idea which predominated for the time. ^ The Emperor Julian (the so-called Apostate) is reported to have said : " No wild beasts are so hostile to man as Christian sects in general are to one another." INTRODUCTION liii In the streets of Alexandria, before the eyes of the civiUsed world, the noblest woman of antiquity was slaughtered with nameless horrors by a Christian who bears the title of saint in the annals of Christendom, and who, in modern times, has found an apologist. The eloquent pages of Draper furnish a vivid account of the atrocious crime which will always remain one of the greatest blots on Christianity. A beautiful, wise, and virtuous woman, whose lecture-room was full to overflowing with the wealth and fashion of Alexandria, was attacked as she was coming out of her academy by a mob of the zealous professors of Christianity. Amidst the fearful yelling of these defenders of the faith she was dragged from her chariot, and in the public street stripped naked. Paralysed with fear, she was haled into an adjoining church, and there killed by the club of a " saint." The poor naked corpse was outraged and then dismembered ; but the diabolical crime was not completed until they had scraped the flesh from the bones with oyster shells and cast the remnants into the fire. Christen- dom honoured with canonisation the fiend who instigated this terrible and revolting atrocity, and the blood of martyred Hypatia was avenged only by the sword of Amru ! ^ The condition of Constantinople under Justinian, the Christian and the glorified legislator, is the best index to the demoralised and degraded state of society all over Christendom. Public or private virtue had no recognition in the social con- ceptions ; a harlot sat on the throne of the Caesars, and shared with the emperor the honours of the State. Theodora had publicly plied her trade in the city of Constantine, and her name was a byword among its dissolute inhabitants. And now she was adored as a queen in the same city by " grave magistrates, orthodox bishops, victorious generals, and captive monarchs." The empire was disgraced by her cruelties, which recognised no religious or moral restraint. Seditions, out- breaks, and sanguinary tumults, in which the priesthood always took the most prominent part, were the order of the day. On these occasions every law, human or divine, was trampled under foot ; churches and altars were polluted by atrocious murders ; no place was safe or sacred from depredations ; ^ 'Amr(u) ibn al-'Asi or 'As of Arabian history. liv THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM the bonds of society were rent asunder, and revolting outrages were perpetrated in broad daylight. Nothing, how- ever, can equal the horrors which were inflicted upon this unholy city during the Nika riots in the fifth year of Justinian's reign. The horrible anarchy of the circus, with its incessant bloodshed and sensuality, stimulated to its worst excesses by the support and encouragement which the imperial cham- pions of orthodoxy extended to the most barbarous of the factions, was unparalleled in any heathen land. As compared with Constantinople at this period, Persia was a country of order and law. Humanity revolts from the accounts of the crimes which sully the annals of Christian Constantinople. Whilst the Prophet of Islam was yet an infant, one of the most virtuous emperors who ever ascended the throne of Byzantium was massacred, with his children and wife, with fearful tortures at the instance of a Christian monarch. The emperor was dragged from his sanctuary, and his five sons were successively murdered before his eyes ; and this tragic scene closed with the execution of the emperor himself. The empress and her daughters were subjected to nameless cruelties and then beheaded on the very ground which had been stained with the blood of the poor Emperor Maurice. The ruthless treatment meted out to the friends, companions and partisans of the imperial victim, serves as an index to the morality of the Byzantine Christians. Their eyes were pierced, their tongues were torn from the root, their hands and feet were amputated ; some expired under the lash, others in the flames, others again were transfixed with arrows. " A simple, speedy death," says Gibbon, " was a mercy which they could rarely obtain." The Byzantine empire, slowly bleeding unto death, torn by political and religious factions, distracted with theological wranglings, and " crazed by an insane desire to enforce uni- formity of religious belief," offered a wretched spectacle of assassinations, dissoluteness, and brutality.^ ^ Milman thus describes the Christianity of those days : " The Bishop of Constantinople was the passive victim, the humble slave, or the factious adversary of the Byzantine emperor ; rarely exercised a lofty moral control . upon his despotism. The lower clergy, whatever their more secret beneficent or sanctifying workings on society, had sufficient power, wealth, and rank ' INTRODUCTION Iv The countries included in Asiatic Turkey westward of the Euphrates, devastated alternately by the Parthians and the Romans, and then by the Persians and the Byzantines, pre- sented a picture of utter hopelessness. The moral misery of the people was surpassed by their material ruin. The followers of Jesus, instead of alleviating, intensified the evil. Mago- Zoroastrianism combating with a degraded Christianity in Mesopotamia, the Nestorians engaged in deadly conflict with the orthodox party, the earher contests of Montanus and the prophetesses, had converted Western Asia into a wilderness of despair and desolation. The whirlwinds of conquest which had passed over Africa, the massacres, the murders, the lawlessness of the professors and teachers of the Christian religion, had destroyed every spark of moral life in Egypt and in the African provinces of the decaying empire. In Europe the condition of the people was, if possible, still more miserable. In the open day, in the presence of the ministers of religion and the people, Narses, the benefactor of his country, was burnt ahve in the market- place of Constantinople. In the streets of Rome, under the eyes of the Exarch, the partisans of rival bishops waged war, and deluged churches with the blood of Christians. Spain exhibited a heart-rending scene of anarchy and ruin. The rich, the privileged few, who held the principal magistracies of the province under the emperors, or who were dignified with the title of magistrates, were exempt from all burdens. They Uved in extreme luxury in beautiful villas, surrounded by slaves of both sexes ; spending their time in the baths, which were so many haunts of immorality ; or at the gaming to tempt ambition or to degrade to intrigue ; not enough to command the pubUc mind for any great salutary purpose, to repress the inveterate immor- ality of an effete age, to reconcile jarring interests, to mould together hostile races ; in general they ruled, when they did rule, by the superstitious fears, rather than by the reverence and attachment of a grateful people. They sank downward into the common ignorance, and yielded to the worst barbarism — a worn-out civilisation. Monasticism withdrew a great number of those who might have been energetic and useful citizens into barren seclusion and religious indolence ; but except when the monks formed themselves, as they frequently did, into fierce political or polemic factions, they had little effect on the conditions of society. They stood aloof from the world — the anchorites in their desert wildernesses, the monks in their jealously-barred convents ; and secure, as they supposed, of their own salvation, left the rest of mankind to inevitable perdition." — Milman, Latin Christianity, vol. i, Introd. p. 4. Ivi THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM table, when not engaged in eating and drinking. The sight of this luxury and opulence offered a terrible contrast to the miseries of the masses. The middle class, the free populatior of the cities and the villages, were ground to the earth by the tyranny of the Romans, Agrarian slavery had disappeared its place was taken by the colonists, occupying an intermediate position between freedom and slavery. They were in some respects happier than the slaves. They could contract valic marriages ; they obtained a limited share of the produce oi the lands they cultivated ; and their patrons could not take' their goods and chattels from them. But in all other respect: they were the slaves of the soil. Their personal services wen at the disposal of the State. They were Uable to corpora chastisement, like the domestic slaves ; ^ slaves, not of ai individual, but of the soil, they remained attached to tb lands they cultivated by an indissoluble and hereditary tie The condition of the slaves, who formed the bulk of the popula tion, was miserable beyond description. They were treatee; with pitiless cruelty, worse than cattle. The invasion of thtj barbarians brought with it a dire punishment upon the iUj fated land. In their wake followed desolation, terrible am; absolute ; they ravaged, they massacred, they reduced int*! slavery the women, children, and the clergy. ' A vast number of Jews were settled in the peninsula fo centuries. The terrible persecutions which they suffered a the hands of the ecclesiastics in the reign of the Visigotl; Sisebut in the year 6i6 a.c, lasted until Islam brought emanci pation to the wretched victims of ignorance and fanaticisnn It was Islam which rendered possible for Judaism to produc, such men as Maimonides or Ibn Gebrol. Let us turn now to Arabia, that land of mystery and romance- which has hitherto lain enwrapt in silence and solitude, isolatei; from the great nations of the world, unaffected by their wan; or their polity. The armies of the Chosroes and the CaesaB' had for centuries marched and re-marched by her frontier without disturbing her sleep of ages. And though the mutter' ings of the distant thunder, which so frequently rolled acres ^ Three hundred lashes was the usual allowance for trivial faults. Sf Dozy, Hist, des Musulmans d'Espagne, vol. ii. p. 87. INTRODUCTION Ivii the dominions of the Byzantine and the Persian, often reached her ears, they failed to rouse her from her shimber. Her turn, however, was come, and she found her voice in that of the noblest of her sons. The chain of mountains which, descending from Palestine towards the Isthmus of Suez, runs almost parallel to the Red Sea down to the southern extremity of the Arabian peninsula, is designated in the Arabic language, Hijaz, or Barrier, and gives its name to all the country it traverses until it reaches the province of Yemen. At times the mountains run close to the sea, at times they draw far away from the coast, leaving long stretches of lowland, barren, desolate, and inhospitable, with occasional green valleys and rich oases formed in the track of the periodical rain-torrents. Beyond this range, and eastward, stretches the steppe of Najd — the " highland " of Arabia — a vast plateau, with deserts, mountain gorges, and here and there green plantations refreshing to the eye. In Hijaz, the barrier-land, he the holy cities, Mecca and Medina, the birthplace and cradle of Islam. This vast region is divided into four tolerably well-defined countries. First, to the north hes Arabia Petraea, including the countries of the ancient Edomites and the Midianites. Then comes Hijaz proper, containing the famous city of Yathrib, known afterwards in history as the City of the Prophet, — Medina't un-Nabi, or Medina. South of Hijaz proper hes the province of Tihama, where are situated Mecca and the port of Jeddah, — the landing-place of the pilgrims of Islam. The fourth and the southernmost part is called Asyr, bordering on Yemen. Yemen, properly so called, is the country forming the south-western extremity of the Arabian Peninsula, bounded on the west by the Red Sea, on the south by the Indian Ocean, on the north by Hijaz, and on the east by Hazramaut (Hadh- ramaut). The name of Yemen is often applied to southern Arabia generally. It then includes, besides Yemen proper, Hazramaut and the district of Mahra to the east of Hazramaut. Beyond Mahra, at the south-east corner of the peninsula, is Oman, and to the north of this al-Bahrain, or al-Ahsa, on the Persian Gulf. This latter country is also called Hijr, from the name of its principal province. Iviii THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM Najd, the highland, is the large plateau which, commencing westward on the eastern side of the mountains of Hijaz, occupies the whole of Central Arabia. That portion of Najd, which borders on Yemen, is called the Najd of Yemen, and the northern part simply Najd. These two divisions are separated by a mountainous province called Yemama, famous in the history of Islam. North of Najd, stretches the Syrian desert, not really a part of Arabia, but where the Arab tribes now roam, free and wild, leading a nomadic life like their ancient Aramaean predecessors. North-east are the deserts of Irak (Barriyat ul-Irak), bordering the fertile territory of Chaldaea on the right bank of the Euphrates, and separating it from the cultivated portions of Arabia. Eastward, Najd is separated from al-Ahsa by one of those strips of desert called Nafud by the Arabs. Towards the south lies the vast desert of Dahna. It separates Najd from Hazramaut and Mahra. This vast region, which embraces an area twice the size of France in the height of its power, was then as now inhabited by two different types of people, " the people of the town " and " the dwellers of the desert." The virtues and the defects of the Bedawee, his devotion to his clan, his quixotic sense of honour, with his recklessness and thirst for revenge, and his disregard for human life, have been portrayed in vivid and sympathetic colours by eminent writers like Burton and Poole. But whatever the difference between the Bedouin and the citizen, the Arab is peculiarly the child of the desert. His passionate love of freedom and his spiritual exaltation are the outcome of the free air which he breathes and of the wide expanse which he treads, — conscious of his own dignity and independence. In spite of the annual gatherings at Mecca and 'Ukaz, the tribes and nationalities which inhabited the soil of Arabia were far from homogeneous. Each was more or less distinct from the other in development and religion. This diversity was mainly due to the diversity of their origin. Various races had peopled the peninsula at various times. Many of them had passed away, but their misdeeds or their prowess were fresh in the memory of successive generations, and these traditions formed the history of the nation. The Arabs themselves divide the INTRODUCTION lix races who have peopled the peninsula into three grand sub- divisions, viz. : (i) the Arab ul-Bciidah, the extinct Arabs, under which are included the Hamitic colonies (Kushites), which preceded the Semites in the work of colonisation, as also the Aramaean populations of Syria, Phcenicia, and other parts ; (2) the 'Arab ul-'Ariba, or Mut'ariba, original Arabs, true Semites, whom tradition represents to be descended from Kahtan, or Joktan, and who, in their progress towards the south, destroyed the aboriginal settlers. The Joktanite Arabs, nomads by nature, super-imposed themselves in those countries on the primitive inhabitants, the Hamitic astral- worshippers. Their original cradle was the region whence also came the Abrahamites, and is precisely indicated by the significant names of two of the direct ancestors of Joktan, Arphaxad, " border of the Chaldaean," and Eber, " the man from beyond (the river)," in reference to Babylon, or the district now called Irak-Araby, on the right bank of the Euphrates. '^ (3) The 'Arab itl-Must'ariba, " or naturalised Arabs," Abrahamitic Semites, who, either as peaceful immi- grants or as mihtary colonists, introduced themselves into the peninsula, and who intermarried and settled among the Joktanite Arabs. ^ These three names, 'Ariba, Mut'ariba, and Must'ariba, are derived from the same root, and by the modification of their grammatical form indicate the periods when these races were naturalised in the country. ^ Among the 'Arab ul-'Ariba, the races which require special mention in connection with the history of Islam are the Bani- 'Ad,* the 'Amahka, the Bani-Thamud,^ and Bani-Jadis (the Thamudiens and Jodicites of Diodorus Siculus and Ptolemy). The Bani-'Ad, Hamitic in their origin, were the first settlers and colonists in the peninsula, and they were established * Lenormant, Ancient History of the East, vol. ii. p. 293. * Ibn-ul-Athir, vol. i. pp. 55-58. ' Caussin de Perceval regards the Bdidah as the same as 'Ariba, and puts the Mut'ariba as forming the second group. In the following pages I adopt his classification. * The 'Adites are said to have been overwhelmed, conquered, and destroyed by the Joktanite Arabs ; the Thamudites, " that strange race of troglodytes," by the Assyrians under Chedorlaomer (Khozar al-Ahmar). * With a cb. Ix THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM principally in that region of Central Arabia, which is called by Arab historians and geographers, the Ahsdf ur-ramal, contigu- ous to Yemen, Hazramaut, and Oman. They appear during one period of their existence to have formed a powerful and conquering nation. One of the sovereigns of this race, Shaddad, whose name is preserved in the Koran, seems to have extended his power even beyond the confines of the Arabian peninsula. He is said to have conquered Irak, and even approached the borders of India. This tradition probably points to the invasion of Babylonia or Chaldaea by the Arabs more than 2000 years before Christ, and possibly might be referred to the same event which, in Persian traditions, is called the invasion of Zahhak. The same Shaddad, or one of his successors bearing the same name, carried his arms into Egypt and farther west. This invasion of Egypt by the Arabs has been identified with the irruption of the Hyksos into that country. And the way in which the nomadic invaders were ultimately driven out of Africa by a combination of the princes of the Thebaid, with the assistance of their Ethiopian or Kushite neighbours towards the south, gives some degree of corroboration to the theory. The bulk of the 'Adites are said to have been destroyed by a great drought which afflicted their country. A small remnant escaped and formed the second 'Adite nation, which attained considerable prosperity in Yemen. These later 'Adites, however, were engulfed in the Joktanide wave, i The Bani-'Amalika, supposed by Lenormant to be of Aramaean origin, who are undoubtedly the same as the Amale- kites of the Jewish and the Christian Scriptures — the Shashu of the Egyptian monuments — expelled from Babylonia by the early Assyrian sovereigns, entered Arabia, and gradually spread themselves in Yemen and Hijaz, as well as Palestine and Syria. They appear to have penetrated into Egypt, and gave her several of her Pharaohs. The 'Amalika of Hijaz were either destroyed or driven out by the Bani-Jurhum, a' branch of the Bani-Kahtan, who had originally settled in the' south, and subsequently moving northwards, overwhelmed the Amalika. The Bani-Thamud, who, like the Bani-'Ad, were Kushite INTRODUCTION Ixi or Hamitic, inhabited the borders of Edom and afterwards the country named Hijr, situated to the east of Arabia Petrsea, and between Hijaz and Syria. These people were troglodytes, and lived in houses carved in the side of rocks. Sir Henry Layard, in his Early Travels, has described the ruins of these rocky habitations, and one can fix the exact location of the Thamudites by comparing the Arabian traditions with the accounts of modern travellers and the results of recent dis- coveries. As the " indispensable middlemen " of the com- merce between Syria and Najd or Hijaz, the Thamudites attained a high degree of prosperity. They were, ultimately, in great part exterminated by Chedorlaomer (Khuzar al- Ahmar), the great Elamite conqueror, in the course of his victorious campaigns in Syria and Arabia. The terrible fate which overtook these ancient cave-dwellers, who, in their solid habitations, considered themselves safe from divine wrath, is often referred to in the Koran as a warning to the Koreishites. After this disaster, the rest of the Bani-Thamud retreated to Mount Seir, on the north of the Elamitic Gulf, where they lived in the times of Isaac and Jacob. But they soon dis- appeared, doubtless absorbed by the neighbouring tribes, and their place was taken by the Edomites who held Mount Seir for a time.^ These Edomites were apparently succeeded in their possessions by a body of Arabs driven from Yemen by the Bani-Kahtan. In the days of Diodorus Siculus, under the same name as their predecessors they furnished contingents to the Roman armies. Leaving the Tasm and Jadis and other smaller tribes, as too unimportant to require any specific mention, we come to the Bani-Jurhum, who, also, are classed under the head of 'Arab ul-'Ariba, and who appear to have overwhelmed, destroyed, and replaced the 'Amahka in Hijaz. There seem to have been two tribes of that name, one of them, the most ancient, and contemporaneous with the 'Adites, and probably Kushite in their origin ; the other, descendants of Kahtan, who, issuing from the valley of Yemen in a season of great steriUty, drove out the 'Amalekite tribes of Hijaz, and estab- lished themselves in their possessions. The irruption of the * Gen. xiv. 4, 6. Ixii THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM Bani-Jurhum, of Kahtanite origin, is said to have taken place at a time when the Ishmaehtic Arabs were acquiring prominence among the 'Amahka, in whose country they had been long settled. The Ishmaelites entered into amicable relations with the invading hordes, and lived side by side with them for a period. Before the advancing tide of the descend- ants of Ishmael, the Jurhumites began gradually to lose their hold over the valley, and before a century was well over the dominion of Hijaz and Tihama passed into the hands of the Abrahamitic Arabs. The development of the Must'ariba Arabs suffered a temporary check from the inroad of the Babylonian monarch, but, as we shall see later, they soon recovered their vitality, and spread themselves over Hijaz, Najd, and the deserts of Irak and Mesopotamia, where they finally absorbed the descendants of Kahtan, their predecessors. The 'Arab ul-Mut' ariba were tribes sprung from Kahtan, son of Eber,^ and were chiefly concentrated in Yemen. The descendants of Kahtan had burst into Arabia from its north- east corner, and had penetrated down into the south, where they lived for a time along with the 'Adites of the race of Kush, subject to their political supremacy, and at last became the governing power. The population sprung from Kahtan was not, however, exclusively confined to Southern Arabia. Their primitive cradle lay in Mesopotamia. In moving south- ward from that locality to Yemen, the Kahtanite tribes must have passed through the whole length of the Arabian peninsula, and no doubt left some settlements behind them along their route. According to the Arab historians, the wave which entered the peninsula at this period was headed by two brothers, Kahtan and Yaktan, the sons of Eber or Heber. And it was the son of Kahtan, Yareb, whom they regard as the first prince of Yemen, who gave his name to all his descendants and to the whole of the peninsula. Yareb is said to have been succeeded by his son Yeshhad, founder of Mareb, the ancient capital ot the realm, and father of the famous Abd ush-Shams, surnamed Saba. This surname, which means Capturer, was given to him on account of his victories. The posterity of ^ Ibn ul-Ath!r calls him Ghgbir or 'Abir, INTRODUCTION Ixiii Saba became the progenitors of the various tribes of Kahtanite descent, famous in Arab traditions. Saba left two sons, Himyar (which means red) ^ and Kuhlan. The former suc- ceeded to his father's throne, and it was after him that the dynasty of Saba were called Himyary or Him37arite.2 His descendants and those of Kuhlan, his brother and successor, alternately ruled Yemen until the century before Mohammed. To this dynasty belonged the great Zu'lkarnain, and the celebrated Bilkis, who went to Jerusalem in the time of Solomon.^ ^ From the red mantle which he used to wear in imitation of the Pharaohs. * The Himyarite sovereigns of Yemen, who were styled Tobbas, seem to have been from the earliest times in communication both with Persia and Byzantium. ' There is considerable doubt as to the identity of Zu'lkarnain. Several Mohammedan historians have thought that the Zu'lkarnain referred to in the Koran is identical with Alexander of Maccdon. This opinion, however, is open to question. Zu'lkarnain in its primitive sense means " the lord of two horns." When we remember the head-dress worn by the ancient Sabaean sovereigns, the crescent-shaped moon with its two horns, borrowed probably from Egypt about the period of this king, there can be little room for doubt that the reference in the Koran is to some sovereign of native origin, whose extensive conquests became magnified in the imagination of posterity into a world-wide dominion. Lenormant thinks that Shaddad, Zu'lkarnain, and Balkis were all Kushites. Judaism was strongly represented among the subjects of the Himyarite sovereigns, and in the year 343 a.c, at the instance of an ambassador sent to Yemen by the Emperor Constantine, several Christian churches were erected in their dominions. But the bulk of the nation adhered to the primitive Semitic cult. Towards the end of the fifth century, Zu-Nawas, known to the Byzantines as Dimion, made himself the master of Yemen and its dependencies, after slaying the ferocious usurper, Zu-Shinatir. His cruel persecution of the Christians, under the instigation of the Jews, whose creed he had adopted, drew upon him the vengeance of the Byzantine emperor. Instigated from Constantinople, an Abyssinian army, under the command of Harith or Aryat, landed on the shores of Yemen, defeated and killed Zu-Nawas, and made themselves masters of Yemen. This occurred about 525 a.c. Shortly afterwards (537 A.c.) Aryat was killed by Abraha al-Ashram, who subsequently became the Abyssinian viceroy. It was under Abraha that the Christian Abyssinians made their abortive attempt to conquer Hijaz. Yemen remained under the Abyssinian domination for nearly half a century, when M'adi Karib, the son of the famous Saif zu'l Yezen, whose heroic deeds are sung up to the present day by the Arabs of the desert, restored the Himyarite dynasty (573 a.c.) with the help of an army furnished by Ke.sra Anushirvan. On M'adi Karib's assassination by the Christians in 597, Yemen came under the direct domination of Persia, and was ruled by viceroys appointed by the court of Ctesiphon. Wahraz was the first Marzban. Under him Yemen, Hazramaut, Mahra, and Oman were added to the Persian empire. The last of these viceroys was Bazan, who became Marzban under Khusru Parviz towards the year 606. It was during the viceroyalty of Bazan that Islam was introduced into Yemen, and he himself accepted the Faith. The Persian Ixiv THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM The traditions respecting the early Ishmaehte settlement in Arabia relate back to the time of Abraham and his expulsion or expatriation from Chaldaea. The descendants of Ishmael prospered and multiplied in Hijaz until they, with their allies the Jurhumites, were overwhelmed and almost destro^^ed by the formidable king of Babylonia, Nebuchadnezzar, who, of all the monarchs that endeavoured to attack the heart of Arabia, was alone successful in wounding it seriously. The foundation of Mecca was apparently co-eval with the establish- ment of the Abrahamitic Arabs in the peninsula, for according to the Arab traditions a Jurhumite chief named Meghass ibn-Amr, whose daughter was married to the progenitor of the Must'ariha Arabs, Ishmael or Isma'il, was the founder of the city. About the same time was built the temple which gave Mecca an overwhelming predominance over the other cities of Arabia. Built by Abraham, that " Saturnian father of the tribes," in the remotest antiquity, the Kaaba ever remained the holiest and most sacred of the temples of the nation. Here were ranged the three hundred and sixty idols, one for each day, round the great god Hobal, carved of red agate, the two ghazdlas, gazelles of gold and silver, and the image of Abraham and of his son. Here the tribes came, year after year, " to kiss the black stone which had fallen from heaven in the primeval days of Adam, and to make the seven circuits of the temple naked." Mecca was thus from the earliest times the centre, not only of the religious associations of the Arabs, but also of their commercial enterprises. Stand- ing on the highway of the commerce of antiquity, it gathered to itself the wealth and culture of the neighbouring countries. Not even the Babylonian monarch could touch her mercantile prosperity ; for, from the necessity of their situation, the Arabs of Hijaz became the carriers of the nations of the world. Mecca was the centre of the commercial activity which has distinguished the Arabs at all times from the other nations of the East. From Mecca eradiated the caravans which carried to the Byzantine dominions and to Persia the rich products of domination of Yemen was extremely mild. All religions enjoyed equal toleration, and the chiefs of the different tribes exercised their authority in their different tracts, subject to the control of the Marzban. INTRODUCTION Ixv Yemen and the far-famed Ind, and brought from Syria the silks and stuffs of the Persian cities. But they brought with them more than articles of trade ; in the train of these caravans came all the luxurious habits and vices which had corroded the very heart of the neighbouring empires. Grecian and Persian slave girls, imported from Syria and Irak, beguiled the idle hours of the rich with their dancing and singing, or ministered to their vices. The poet, whose poems formed the pride of the nation, sung only of the joys of the present life, and encouraged the immorality of the people. And no one bethought himself of the morrow. The Arabs, and especially the Meccans, were passionately addicted to drinking, gambling, and music. Dancing and singing, as in other Eastern countries, were practised by a class of women occupying a servile position, who were called Kiydn, or, in the singular, Kayna, and whose immorality was pro- verbial. And yet they were held in the highest estimation, and the greatest chiefs paid public court to them.^ As among the Hindus, polygamy was practised to an unUmited extent, A widow (other than the mother) was considered an integral part of her deceased husband's patrimony, and passed into the use of the son ; and the atrocious and inhuman practice of burying female infants was universal. The Jews, chased successively from their native homes by the Assyrians, the Greeks, and the Romans, had found among the Arabs safety and protection. But they had brought with their religion that bitter spirit of strife which was perhaps the cause of the greater portion of their misfortunes. They had succeeded, however, in gaining in Arabia a considerable body of proselytes ; and at the time when Mohammed pro- ceeded to announce his mission, Judaism was professed in Yemen by a notable fraction of the descendants of Himyar 1 The moral depravity of the people is evidenced by the fact that these women used to give receptions, which were attended by all the men of light and leading in the city. The town Arab was so passionately addicted to dice that he would frequently, like the Germans of Tacitus, stake away his own liberty. It was on account of these evils, and the immoralities associated with their practice, that Mohammed wisely prohibited to his followers gambling, dancing, and drinking of wine. The Ommeyyades revived all the three evils ; they repre- sented, in fact, the uprise of the old paganism, which had been stamped out with such labour by the great Prophet. Ixvi THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM and Kinda, issue of Kuhlan ; at Khaibar and at Yathrib, by the Kuraizha and the Nazir, tribes of IshmaeHte origin, but naturahsed as Arabs from very ancient times. The Nestorians and the Jacobite Christians had also founded colonies in Arabia, The deadly rivalry between these two creeds to dominate over Arabia occasioned sanguinary wars in the most fertile provinces.^ Christianity had commenced to introduce itself among some famihes of the race of Rabi'a son of Nizar, such as the Taglibites established in Mesopotamia, and the Bani Abd ul-Kais who were settled in al-Bahrain. It flourished at Najran among the Bani-1-Harith ibn Ka'b ; in Irak, among the Ibad ; in Syria, among the Ghassanides and some Khuzaite families ; at Dumat ul-Jandal, among the Saconi and Bani-Kalb. And some of the tribes who roamed over the desert that lay between Palestine and Egypt were also Christians. Magism and Sabseism had also their representatives among the Arabs, and specially among the Himyarites : the Bani-Asad worshipped Mercury ; the Jodham, Jupiter ; the Bani-Tay, Canopus ; the descendants of Kais-Aylan, Sirius ; ^ a portion of the Koreish, the three moon-goddesses — al-Lat, the bright moon, al-Manat the dark, and al-'Uzza, the union of the two, — who were regarded as the daughters of the high god {Bandt-ulldh). Mecca was, at this time, the centre of a far-reaching idolatry, ramifications of which extended throughout the tribes of the peninsula. The Kinana, closely allied to the Koreish politically and by blood, besides the star Aldobaran, served the goddess 'Uzza, represented by a tree at a place called Nakhla, a day and a half's journey from Mecca. The Hawazin, who roamed towards the south-east of Mecca, had for their favourite idol the goddess Lat, located at Tayef. Manat was represented by a rock on the caravan road between Mecca and Syria. The worship of these idols was chiefly phallic, similar in character to that which prevailed among the ancient Semites, the Phoenicians and the Baby- lonians. But the majority of the nation, especially the tribes ^ Ibn ul-Athir, vol. i. p. 308 et seq. ; Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. vi. pp. 114, 115 ; Caussin de Perceval, Hist, des Arabes, vol. i. pp. 128-131. 2 Koran, sura xli. 37. INTRODUCTION Ixvii belonging to the race of Mozar, were addicted to fetishism of a very low type. Animals and plants, the gazelle, the horse, the camel, the palm-tree, inorganic matter like pieces of rock, stones, etc., formed the principal objects of adoration. The idea of a Supreme Divinity, however, was not unrecognised ; but its influence was confined to an inappreciable few, who, escaping from the bondage of idolatry, betook themselves to a philosophical scepticism, more or less tinged with the legendary notions, religious and secular, of their neighbours, the Sabccans, the Jews, or the Christians. Among these some distinctly recognised the conception of the supreme Godhead, and, revolt- ing at the obscenities and gross materialism of their day, waited patiently for the appearance of a DeHverer who, they felt in their hearts, would soon appear. Among some tribes, in the case of a death, a camel was sacrificed on the tomb, or allowed to die from starvation, in the belief that it would serve as a conveyance for the deceased in a future existence. Some believed that when the soul separated itself from the body, it took the shape of a bird called Hama or Sada. If the deceased was the victim of a violent death, the bird hovered over the grave, crying askuni, " Give me drink," until the murder was avenged. Belief in Jins, ghouls, and oracles rendered by their idols, whom they con- sulted by means of pointless arrows, called Azldm or Kiddh, was universal. Each tribe had its particular idols and particular temples. The priests and hierophants attached to these temples received rich offerings from the devotees. And often, there arose sanguinary conflicts between the followers or the worshippers of rival temples. ^ But the prestige of the Kaaba, the chapel of Abraham and Ishmael, stood unimpeached among all. Even the Jews and the Sabaeans sent offerings there. The custody of this temple was an object of great jealousy among the tribes, as it conferred on the custodians the most honourable functions and privileges in the sight of the Arabs. At the time of Mohammed's birth ^ Among others, the temple of Zu'1-Khulasa in Yemen, belonging to the tribe of Bani-Khatham ; the temple of Rodha in Najd, belonging to the Bani- Rabi'a; the temple of Zu Sabat in Irak; and that of Manat at Kodayd, not far from the sea, belonging to the tribe of Aus and Khazraj, domiciled at Yathrib — were the most famous. Ixviii THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM this honour was possessed by his family ; and his grandfather was the venerable chief of the theocratic commonwealth which was constituted round the Kaaba. Human sacrifices were frequent. Besides special idols located in the temples each family had household penates which exacted rigorous observ- ances. Such was the moral and religious condition of the Arabs. Neither Christianity nor Judaism had succeeded in raising them in the scale of humanity. " After five centuries of Christian evangelization," says Muir, " we can point to but a sprinkling here and there of Christians ; — the Bani Harith of Najran ; the Bani Hanifa of Yemama ; some of the Bani Tay at Tayma, and hardly any more. Judaism, vastly more powerful, had exhibited a spasmodic effort of proselytism under Zu Nawas ; but, as an active and converting agent the Jewish faith was no longer operative. In fine, viewed thus in a religious aspect, the surface of Arabia had been now and then gently rippled by the feeble efforts of Christianity ; the sterner influences of Judaism had been occasionally visible in a deeper and more troubled current ; but the tide of indigenous idolatry and of Ishmaelite superstition, setting from every quarter with an unbroken and unebbing surge towards the Kaaba, gave ample evidence that the faith and worship of Mecca held the Arab mind in a thral- dom, rigorous and undisputed." ^ The divisions and jealousies of the tribes, ^ combined with the antagonistic feelings which actuated one against the other from religious and racial differences, had enabled the Assyrians, the Babylonians, the Greeks, the Persians, and Abyssinians, to become masters of various provinces in the north, in the east, and in the south-west. The Abyssinians had even gone so far as to invade Hijaz, with the intention of destroying the national temple. But their power was broken before Mecca by the sturdy patriotism of Abd ul-MuttaUb. After twenty years' oppression, they were driven out of Yemen with the assistance of Persia, by a native prince, the son of the celebrated Saif zu'1-Yezen. On his assassination by the Christians, the ^ Muir, vol i. Introd. p. ccxxxix. * These tribal jealousies and family feuds, which I shall have to describe later, were the causes which led to the ruin of the Arab empire. INTKODUCTION Ixix sovereignty he had enjoyed under the auspices of the great Anushirvan passed entirely into Persian hands, and Yemen became tributary/ to Persia.^ Besides the direct domination which the rival empires of Constantinople and Ctesiphon exercised over the various provinces of Arabia, two of the greatest chieftains, the kings of Ghassan and of Hira, divided their allegiance between the Caesars and the Chosroes ; and in the deadly wars, profitless and aimless, which Persian and Byzantine waged against each other, sucking out the lifeblood ot their people from mere lust of destruction, though oftener the right was on the side of the Zoroastrian than the Christian, the Ghassanide and Hirite stood face to face in hostile array, or locked in mortal combat. 2 The heterogeneous elements of which the Arabian peninsula was thus composed gave an extremely varied character to the folklore of the country. Among uncultured nations, the tendency is always to dress facts in the garb of legends. Im- agination among them not only colours with a roseate hue, but magnifies distant objects. And the variety of culture multiplies legends, more or less based on facts. The Hamitic colonies of Yemen and of the south-west generally ; the true Semites who followed in their footsteps, like the Aryans in the East; the Jews, the Christians, — all brought their traditions, their myths, their legends with them. In the course of ages, these relics of the past acquired a consistency and character, but however unsubstantial in appearance, on analysis there is always to be found underlying them a stratum of fact. In the legend of Shaddad and his garden of Irem, we see in the hazy past the reflection of a mighty empire, which even con- quered Egypt — " of a wealthy nation, constructors of great buildings, with an advanced civilisation analogous to that of ^ Ibn ul-Athir, vol. i. pp. 324, 327 ; Caussin de Perceval, vol. i. p. 138 et seq. ; Tabari (Zotenberg's transl.), vol. ii. pp. 217, 218. ^* The sedentary portion of the Arab population of Yemen, of Bahrain and Irak, obeyed the Persians. The Bedouins of these countries were in reality free from all yoke. The Arabs of Syria were subject to the Romans ; those of Mesopotamia recognised alternately the Roman and Persian rule. The Bedouins of Central Arabia and of Hijaz, over whom the Himyarite kings had exercised a more or less effective sovereignty, had nominally passed under Persian rule, but they enjoyed virtual independence. Ixx THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM Chaldaea, professing a religion similar to the Babylonian ; a nation, in short, with whom material progress was allied to great moral depravity and obscene rites." ^ In the traditional, half-legendary, half-historic destruction of the 'Adites and the Thamudites, we see the destructive fate which overwhelmed these Hamitic races before the Semitic tide, Assyrian and Arab. 2 The children of Jacob, flying from their ruthless enemies, brought their legends and traditions with them, and thus contributed their quota to the folklore of the Peninsula. The last of the Semitic colonies that entered Arabia was acknow- ledged by themselves as well as their neighbours to be descended from Abraham ; and tradition had handed down this belief, and given it a shape and character. Manicheism, stamped out from Persia and the Byzantine dominions, had betaken itself to Arabia. ^ The early Docetes, the Marcionites, the Valentinians, all had their representatives in this land of freedom. They all disseminated their views and traditions, which in course of time became intermixed with the traditions of the country. These Christians, more consis- tent in their views than their orthodox persecutors, beheved that the God incarnate, or at least the Son of God, His Word, born in the bosom of eternity, an iEon, an Emanation issuing from the Throne of Light, could not, did not, die on the cross ; that the words of agony which orthodox Christian traditions put into the mouth of Jesus did not, and could not, escape from his lips ; in short, that the man who suffered on the crosis was a different person from the Divine Christ, who escaped from the hands of his persecutors and Vv^ent away to the regions whence he had come.'* This doctrine, however fanciful, was more consistent with the idea of the sonship of Jesus, and in itself appears to have been based on some strong probabilities. The intense desire of Pilate, whom Tertullian calls a Christian at heart, to save Jesus ; ^ even the unwillingness of Herod ^ Lenormant, Ancient History of the East, vol. ii. p. 296. ^ Ibn ul-Athir, vol. i. pp. 55-58. ^ Beausobre, Hist, dn M anicheisme , pt. i. 1. ii. chap. iv. * Mosheim and Gibbon, in loco. ^ Blunt, History of the Christian Church, p. 138. i INTRODUCTION Ixxi to incur more odium by the murder of the Prophet of Nazareth ; the darkness of the short hours when that great benefactor of humanity was led forth for the consummation of the frightful scenes which had continued throughout the night ; the preternatural gloom which overshadowed the earth at the most awful part of this drama ; ^ all these coincident circumstances lend a strong probabihty to the beUef that the innocent escaped and the guilty suffered.^ Before the Advent of Mohammed, all these traditions, based on fact though tinged by the colourings of imagination, must have become firmly imbedded in the convictions of the people, and formed essential parts of the folklore of the country. Mohammed, when promulgating his faith and his laws, found these traditions current among his people ; he took them up and adopted them as the lever for raising the Arabs and the surrounding nations from the depths of social and moral degradation into which they had fallen. The light that shone on Sinai, the Hght that brightened the lives of the peasants and fishermen of Galilee, is now aflame on the heights of Faran ! ^ ^ Comp. Milman, History of Christianity, vol. i. pp. 348-362. ^ If anything could lend stronger probability to this curious belief, it ought to be the circumstantial account of Luke xxiv. 36 e< seq., about Jesus allowing himself to be touched and felt (after the resurrection) in order to calm his affrighted disciples, who believed him to be a spirit ; and his asking for " meat," and partaking of " a broiled fish and of a honey-comb." *The tradition which I have paraphrased into English is as follows : — ■ " Sfi'ir," says Yakut in his Geographical Encyclopaedia, " is a hill in Palestine and Faran is the hill of Mecca ; " Mu'jam ul-Bulddn, vol. iii. p. 834. PART I. THE LIFE AND MINISTRY OF THE PROPHET CHAPTER I MOHAMMED THE PROPHET Ail — ♦svj ^^.jlJI wiu-i^i : A — xlr ^_U THESE lines, untranslatable in their beauty, do not in the least exaggerate the gentleness of disposition, the nobihty of character, of the man whose hfe, career, and teachings we propose to describe in the following pages. At the dawn of the seventh century of the Christian era, in the streets of Mecca might often be seen a quiet thoughtful man, past the meridian of life, his Arab mantle thrown across his shoulders, his tailasdn ^ drawn low over his face ; sometimes gently sauntering, sometimes hurrying along, heedless of the passers-by, heedless of the gay scenes around him, deeply absorbed in his own thoughts — yet withal never forgetful to return the salutation of the lowliest, or to speak a kindly word to the children who loved to throng around him. This is al-Amin, " the Trusty." He has so honourably and industriously walked through life, that he has won for himself from his compatriots the noble designa- tion of the true and trusty. But now, owing to his strange ' A scarf thrown over the head usually covering the turban, and brought round under the chin and passed over the left shoulder. S.I, A 7. THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. preaching, his fellow-townsmen are beginning to look suspiciously upon him as a wild visionary, a crazed revolutionist, desirous of levelling the old landmarks of society, of doing away with their ancient privileges, of making them abandon their old creeds and customs. Mecca was, at this time, a city of considerable importance and note among the townships of Arabia, both from its associations and its position. Situated in a low-lying valley stretching north to south, bordered on the west by a range of hills, on the east by high granite rocks — the Kaaba in its centre, its regular and paved streets, its fortified houses, its public hall opening on to the platform of the temple, the city presented an unusual appearance of prosperity and strength. The guardianship of the Kaaba, originally an appanage of the children of Ishmael, had in consequence of the Babylonian attack, passed into the hands of the Jurhumites. The combination of the secular and rehgious power enabled the chiefs of the Bani-Jurhum to assume the title of malik or king. In the early part of the third century the Jurhumites were overwhelmed by the irruption of a Kahta- nite tribe, called the Bani-Khuza'a, who, issuing from Yemen, possessed themselves of Mecca and the southern parts of Hijaz. In the meantime, the race of Ishmael, which had i suffered . so terribly at the hands of the Babylonian king, was ' gradually regaining its former strength. 'Adnan, one of the descendants of Ishmael, who flourished about the first century before Christ, had, like his ancestor, married the daughter of the | Jurhumite chief, and estabhshed himself at Mecca, and his son Ma'add became the real progenitor of the Ishmaelites inhabit- ing Hijaz and Najd. Fihr, surnamed Koreish, a descendant of Ma'add, who flourished in the third century, was the ancestor of the tribe which gave to Arabia her Prophet and Legislator. The Khuzaites remained in possession of the temple, and of all the pre-eminence it conferred on them, for more than two centuries. Upon the death of Holayl, the last of the Khuzaite chiefs, Kossay, a descendant of Fihr,i who had married Holayl's daughter, drove the Khuzaites out of Mecca, and possessedij 1 Kossay was the fifth in descent from Fihr, and was born about 398 a.c. The word Koreish is derived from Karash, to trade, as Fihr and his descendants: were addicted to commerce. I. KOSSAY— THE FOUNDER OF MECCA 3 himself of the entire power, both secular and religious, in the city, and thus became the virtual ruler of Hijaz.^ We now arrive on absolutely historical grounds. Kossay appears to have made himself the master of Mecca about the middle of the fifth century of the Christian era, and he at once set himself to the task of placing the administration of the city upon an organised basis. Until Kossay's time, the different Koreishite families had lived dispersed in separate quarters, at considerable distances from the Kaaba, and the extreme sanctity they attached to the temple had prevented their erecting any habitation in its neighbourhood. Perceiving the dangers to which the national pantheon was exposed from its unprotected condition, he induced the Koreish to settle in its vicinity, leaving a sufficient space free on the four sides of the temple for the tawdf (circumambulation) . The families, to whom the lands were allotted, dwelt in strongly fortified quarters. Kossay built for himself a palace, the door of which opened on the platform of the temple. This palace was called the Dan. P'^l-Nadwd,^ " the council hall," where, under the presidency of Kossay, public affairs were discussed and transacted. To this hall, no man under the age of forty, unless a descendant of Kossay, could gain admission. Here also were performed all civil functions. At the Ddr un-Nadwd, the Koreishites, when about to engage in a war, received from the hands of Kossay the standard, liwa. Kossay himself attached to the end of a lance a piece of white stuff, and handed it, or sent it by one of his sons, to the Koreishite chiefs. This ceremony, called the Akd ul-liwa, continued in vogue from the time of its inaugura- tion by Kossay until the very end of the Arab empire. Another of Kossay's institutions endured much longer. By representing to the Koreish the necessity of providing food for the poor pilgrims who annually visited Mecca, and by impressing on them the duties of hospitality, Kossay succeeded in making them submit to the payment of an annual poor-tax, called the Rifdda, which he applied in feeding the poorer pilgrims during ' The next we hear of the Khuzrdtcs is wlion t)ie Koreish invoked tlicir assistance against the Prophet. - This building, after having been renewed several times, was ultimately converted into a mosque, under Abdul Malik II. (one of the Ommeyyades). 4 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. the Ayydm id-Mind ^ — the day of the sacrificial feast, and the two following days which they passed at Mina. This usage continued after the establishment of Islam, and was the origin of the distribution of food which was made at Mina each year during the pilgrimage, in the name of the Caliphs and the Sultans, their successors. The words nadwa, liwa and rifdda denote the functions exercised by Kossay, being the right of convoking and presiding at the council of the nation, of bestow- ing the standard, — the symbol of military command, — and of levying imposts, raised for the purpose of supplying food to the pilgrims. With these dignities, Kossay also held the administration of the water supplied by the wells in Mecca and its neighbourhood [sikdya) and the custody of the keys of the Kaaba {hijdha), with the ministration to the worship of the gods. Kossay thus united in his own person all the principal religious, civil, and political functions. He was king, magistrate and chief pontiff. His power, which was almost royal, threw great lustre on the tribe of Koreish, of whom he was the acknowledged chief, and from his time the Koreish acquired a marked preponderance among the other descendants of Ishmael. Kossay died at an advanced age, about the year 480 A.c. He had in his lifetime designated his eldest son Abd ud-Dar as his successor, and after his death the son succeeded quietly, and without dispute, to the high position of the father. Upon the death of Abd ud-Dar, serious disputes broke out between his grandchildren and the sons of Abd(u)Manaf, his brother. The various clans and their allies and neighbours ranged themselves on opposite sides. The dispute, however, was amicably settled for the time. By the compromise thus effected, the sikdya and the rifdda were intrusted to Abd US-Shams, the son of Abd(u)Manaf, whilst the hijdha, nadwa, and liwa remained in the hands of the children of Abd ud-Dar. Abd US-Shams, who was comparatively a poor man, transferred the duties which had been intrusted to him to his brother Hashim, a man of great consequence as well as riches among the Koreish. Hashim was the receiver of the tax imposed on the Koreishites by Kossay for the support of the pilgrims, 1 Mina (the ' i ' is pronounced very short) is a suburb of Mecca. I. KOSSAY— THE FOUNDER OF MECCA 5 and the income derived from their contributions joined to his own resources, was employed in providing food to the strangers who congregated at Mecca during the season of the pilgrimage. Like the majority of the Meccans, Hashim was engaged in commerce. It was he who founded among the Koreishites the custom of sending out regularly from Mecca two caravans, one in winter to Yemen, and the other in summer to Syria. Hashim died in the course of one of his expeditions into Syria, in the city of Ghazza, about the year 510 a.c, leaving an only son, named Shayba, by an Yathribite lady of the name of Salma. The charge of the rifdda and the sikdya passed, upon his death, to his younger brother Muttalib, who had won for himself a high place in the estimation of his compatriots, and the noble designation of al-Faiz (the Generous) by his worth and munifi- cence. Muttalib brought Shayba, the white-haired youth, from Yathrib, to Mecca. Mistaking Shayba for a slave of Muttalib, the Meccans called him Abd ul-Muttalib and history recognises the grandfather of the Prophet under no other name than that of Ahcl ul-Muttalib, " the slave of Muttalib." ^ Muttalib died at Kazwan, in Yemen, towards the end of 520 A.c, and was succeeded by his nephew, Abd ul-Muttalib, as the virtual head of the Meccan commonwealth. The government of Mecca was at this time vested in the hands of an oligarchy composed of the leading members of the house of Kossay. After the discovery of the sacred well of Zemzem by Abd ul- Muttalib, and the settlement of the disputes regarding its superintendence, the governing body consisted of ten senators, who were styled Sharif s. These decemvirs occupied the first place in the State, and their offices were hereditary in favour of the eldest member, or chief, of each family. These dignities were — (i). The Hijdha, the guardianship of the keys of the Kaaba, a sacerdotal office of considerable rank. It had been allotted to the house of Abd ud-Dar, and at the time when Mecca was converted to Islam, it was held by Osman, the son of Talha. * Of the sons of Abd(u)Manaf, Hashim died first, at Ghazza; then died Abd ush-Shams at Mecca ; then Muttahb at Kazwan ; and lastly, Naufal, some time after Muttalib, at Silman, in Irfdc. 6 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. (2). The Sikdya, or the intendance of the sacred wells of Zemzem, and of all the water destmed for the use of the pil- grims. This dignity belonged to the house of Hashim, and was held at the time of the conquest of Mecca, by Abbas, the uncle of the Prophet. (3). The Diyat, or the civil and criminal magistracy, which had, for a long time, belonged to the house of Taym ibn- Murra, and, at the time of the Prophet's advent, was held by Abdullah ibn-Kuhafa, surnamed Abu Bakr. (4). The Sifdrah, or legation. The person to whom this office belonged was the plenipotentiary of the State, authorised to discuss and settle the differences which arose between the Koreish and the other Arab tribes, as also with strangers. This office was held by Omar. (5). The Liwa, or the custody of the standard under which the nation marched against its enemies. The guardian of this standard was the general-in-chief of all the forces of the State. This military charge appertained to the house of Ommeyya, and was held by Abu Sufian, the son of Harb, the most im- placable enemy of Mohammed. (6). The Rifdda, or the administration of the poor tax. Formed with the alms of the nation, it was employed to provide food for the poor pilgrims, whether travellers or residents, whom the State regarded as the guests of God. This duty, after the death of Abu Talib, upon whom it had devolved after Abd ul-Muttalib, was transferred to the house of Naufal, son of Abd(u)Manaf, and was held at the time of the Prophet by Harith, son of Amr. (7). The Nadwa, the presidency of the national assembly. The holder of this office was the first councillor of the State, and under his advice all public acts were transacted. Aswad, of the house of Abd ul-'Uzza, son of Kossay, held this dignity at the time of the Prophet. (8). The Kha'immeh, the guardianship of the council chamber. This function, which conferred upon the incumbent the right of convoking the assembly, and even of calling to arms the troops, was held by Khalid, son of Walid, of the house of Yakhzum, son of Marra. (9). Khdzina, or the administration of the pubHc finances. r. THE KOREISHITE OLIGARCHY 7 belonged to the house of Hasan, son of Kaab, and was held by Harith, son of Kais. (10). The Azldm} the guardianship of the divining arrows by which the judgment of the gods and goddesses was obtained. Safwan, brother of Abu Sufian, held this dignity. At the same time it was an established custom that the oldest member exercised the greatest influence, and bore the title of Rais or Syed, chief and lord par excellence. Abbas was at the time of the Prophet the first of these senators. In spite, however, of this distribution of privilege and power, the personal character and influence of Abd ul-Muttalib gave him an undoubted pre-eminence. The venerable patriarch, who had, in accordance with the custom of his nation, vowed to the deities of the Kaaba the sacrifice of one of his male children, was blessed with a numerous progeny .2 And in fulfilment of his vow he proceeded to offer up to the inexorable gods of his temple the hfe of his best beloved son, Abdullah. But this was not to be. The sacrifice of the human life was commuted, by the voice of the Pythia attached to the temple, to a hundred camels — thenceforth the fixed Wehrgeld, or price of blood. Abdullah was married to Amina, a daughter of Wahb, the chief of the family of Zuhri. The year following the marriage of Abdullah was full of momentous events. At the beginning of the year the whole of Arabia was startled by an event which sent a thrill through the nation. Abraha al- Ashram, the Abyssinian viceroy of Yemen, had built a church at San'a, and was anxious to divert into his own city the wealth which the sanctity of the Kaaba attracted to Mecca. The desecration of the church by a Meccan furnished him with an ostensible ^ With a J [zay), plural of zalam. * Abd ul-Muttalib had twelve sons and six daughters. Of the sons, Harith, born towards a.c. 538, was the eldest ; the others were Abd ul-'Uzza, alias Abii Lahah, the persecutor of the Prophet ; Abd(u) Manaf, better known as AbH Tdlib (born in a.c. 540, died in 620 a.c.) ; Zubair and Abduli ah (54.5), born of Fatima, the daughter of 'Amr, the Makhzumi ; Dhirar and Abbas (566 652), born of Xutayla ; Mukawwim, Jahm, surnamed al-Ghaydak (the liberal), and Hamzah, born of Hala. The daughters were Atika, O'mayma, Arwa, Barra, and Umm-i-Hakim, surnamed al-Bayza (the fair), by Fatima, and Safiya, born of Hala, who married Awwam, the grandfather of the famous Abdullah ibn- Zubair, who played such an important part in the histoiy of Islam. The names of the other two sons of Abd ul-Muttalib are not known, probabh' because they left no posterity. 8 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. motive, and he marched a large army to the destruction of the temple, himself riding at the head of his troops on a magnifi- cently caparisoned elephant. The sight of the huge animal striding solemnly in the midst of the vast force so struck the imagination of the Arabian tribes, that they dated an era from this event, and named it as the Era of the Elephant (570 A.c). On the approach of the Abyssinians, the Koreish, with their women and children, retired to the neighbouring moun- , tains, and from there watched the course of affairs, hoping all the while that the deities of the Kaaba would defend their dwelling place. The morning dawned brightly as the Abys- t sinians advanced towards Mecca, when, lo and behold, say the .1 traditionists, the sky was suddenly overcast by an enormous flight of small birds, swallows, which poured small stones over the ill-fated army. These stones, penetrating through I the armour of men and horses, created terrible havoc among ■ the invaders. At the same time the flood-gates of heaven were opened, and there burst forth torrents of rain, carrying away the dead and dying towards the sea. { Abraha fled to San 'a covered with wounds, and died there * soon after his arrival. Ibn-Hisham, after narrating this prodigy, adds, " it was in the same year that small-pox mani- fested itself for the first time in Arabia." " This indication explains the miracle," says Caussin de Perceval. One can well understand the annihilation of Abraha's army by some terrible epidemic, similar to the fate which overtook Senna- cherib, to which was joined perhaps one of those grand down- pours of rain which often produce terrible inundations in the valley of Mecca. Shortly after this event, Abdullah died in the course of a j journey to Yathrib, in the twenty-fifth year of his age.^ And, ' a few days after, the afflicted wife gave birth to a son who was named Mohammed. Mohammed was born on the 12th of Rabi L, in the year of the Elephant, a little more than fifty days after the destruction of the Abyssinian army, or the 29th of August 570.2 His birth, they say, was attended with signs 1 He was buried in th e quarter occupied by the sons of ' Adi, his maternal uncles. ^ Towards the end of the fortieth year of the reign of Kesra Anushirvun, and the end of the year 880 of the era of the Seleucidae. d I. THE CHILDHOOD OF MOHAMMED 9 and portents from which the nations of the earth could know that the DeHverer had appeared. The rationahstic historian smiles, the religious controversialist, who, upon a priori reason- ing, accepts without comment the accounts of the wise men following the star, scoffs at these marvels. To the critical student, whose heart is not devoid of sympathy with earHer modes of thought, and who is not biased with pre-conceived notions, " the portents and signs " which the Moslem says attended the birth of his Prophet are facts deserving of historical analysis. We, moderns, perceive, in the ordinary incidents in the lives of nations and individuals, the current of an irresistible law ; what wonder then that 1400 years ago they perceived in the fall of a nation's memorial the finger of God, pointing to the inevitable destiny, which was to overtake it in its iniquity. In accordance with the custom of the Arabs, the child was confided during his early infancy to a Bedouin woman ^ of the tribe of Bani-Sa'd, a branch of the Hawazin, and upon being returned by her to his mother, was brought up by Amina with the tenderest care. But she died not long after, and the doubly-orphaned child was thus thrown upon the care of his grandfather, Abd ul-Muttalib, who, during the few years that he survived the mother, watched his grandson with the utmost tenderness. But nothing could make up for the loss of that parental care and love which are the blessings of childhood. His father had died before he was born. He was bereft of his mother when only six years of age, and this irreparable loss made a deep impression on the mind of the sensitive child. Three or four years later he lost his grand- father also. Abd ul-Muttalib died towards the year 579 A.c.,2 shortly after his return from a journey to San'a, where he had gone as the representative of the Koreish to congratulate ^ In after life, when this poor Bedouin woman was brought by the Koreish as a captive to Mecca, Mohammed recognised her with tears of joy, and obtained for her from his rich wife an ample provision for her life. ^ Of the two duties of the Sikaya and Rifdda held by Abd ul-Muttalib, the Sikdya, with the custody of the Zemzem, passed to his son Abbas. The second devolved on Abu Talib, who enjoyed at Mecca great authority and consideration. Abu Talib, however, did not transmit the Rifdda to his children. This dignity was transferred, upon his death, to the branch of Naufal, son of Abd(u) Manaf ; and at the time Mecca surrendered to the Prophet, Harith, the son of 'Amr, and the grandson of Naufal, exerci.sed, as we ha\e said before, the functions of the Rifdda ; Zaini, vol. i. p. 14. 10 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. Saif the son of Zu'l Yezen on his accession to the throne of the Tobbas, with the help of the Persians. ; With the death of Abd ul-Muttahb opens another epoch in ! the Hfe of the orphan. On his death-bed the old grandfather ' had confided to Abu TaUb the charge of his brother's child, ; and in the house of Abu Talib Mohammed passed his early life. We can almost see the lad with his deep wistful eyes, earnest and thoughtful, looking, as it were, into futurity, moving about in the humble unpretentious household of his uncle, or going often into the desert to gaze upon the beauteous face of j nature ; sweet and gentle of disposition, painfully sensitive to { human suffering, this pure-hearted child of the desert was the | beloved of his small circle, and there ever existed the warmest j attachment between uncle and nephew. " The angels of God j had opened out his heart, and filled it with light." His early life was not free from the burden of labour. He had often to go ! into the desert to watch the flocks of his uncle. The princely j munificence of Hashim and Abd ul-Muttalib had told upon the fortunes of their heirs, and the Hashimites, owing to the lack of means, were fast losing their commanding position. The duty of providing the pilgrims with food was given up to the rival branch of Ommeyya, who had always entertained the bitterest jealousy towards the children of Hashim. Mohammed was but a child when the " Sacrilegious Wars " — the Ghazwat ul-Fijdr, which continued with varying fortunes and considerable loss of human life for a number of years — broke out at 'Ukaz between the Koreish and the Bani-Kinana on one side, and the Kais-Aylan on the other. 'Ukaz lies between Tayef and Nakhla, three short journeys from Mecca. At this place, famous in Arab history, was held a great annual fair in the sacred month of Zu'1-ka'da, when it was forbidden to engage in war or shed human blood in anger — " a sort of God's truce." Other fairs were held at Majna near Marr uz-Zuhran, not far from Mecca, and at Zu'l Majaz at the foot of Mount 'Arafat ; but the gathering at 'Ukaz was a great national affair. Here, in the sacred month, when all enmity and tribal vendetta was supposed to lie buried for the time, flowed from all parts of Arabia and even more distant lands, the commerce of the world. Here came the merchants of " Araby the blest," of I. THE CHILDHOOD OF MOHAMMED ii Hijaz, of Najd ; the poet-heroes of the desert ; and the actors, often disguised from the avengers of blood, in masks or veils, to recite their poems and win the applause of the nations gathered there. 'Ukaz was " the Olympia of Arabia " ; here they came, not for trade only, but to sing of their prowess, of their glory — to display their poetical and literary talents. The Kasidas, which won the admiration of the assembled multitude, were inscribed in letters of gold {Muzahhahdt, golden), and hung up in the national pantheon as a memorial to posterity.^ During these weeks, 'Ukaz presented a gay scene of pleasure and excitement. But there was also another side to the pic- ture. The dancing women, like their modern representatives the almas and ghawdzin of Egypt, moving from tent to tent, exciting the impetuous son of the desert by their songs and their merriment ; the congregation of Corinthians, who did not even pretend to the calling of music ; the drunken orgies, frequently ending in brawls and bloodshed ; the gaming-tables, at which the Meccan gambled from night till morning ; the bitter hatred and ill-feeling evoked by the pointed personalities of rival poets, leading to sudden affrays and permanent and disastrous quarrels, deepened the shadows of the picture, and made a vivid impression on the orphan child of Amina. During the interval between the first and second of those fratricidal wars, named sacrilegious from the violation of the sanctity of the month in which all quarrel was forbidden, Mohammed accompanied his uncle and guardian on one of his mercantile journeys to Syria. ^ Here was opened before him a scene of social misery and religious degradation, the sight of which never faded from his memory. Silently and humbly, with many thoughts in his mind, the solitary orphan boy grew from childhood to youth and from youth to manhood. Deeply versed in the legendary lore of his nation, education in the modern sense of the term he had none. With all his affection for his people, in his ways and mode of thought he seemed far removed from them, isolated in the midst of a ' Hence also called the Mn'allakdt, or " suspended poems." ' Abu Talib, like his father and grandfather, carried on a considerable trade with Syria and Yemen. He transported to Damascus, to Basra, and other places in Syria the dates of Hijaz and Hijr and the perfumes of Yenaen, and in return brought back with him the products of the Byzantine empire. 12 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. chaotic society with his eyes fixed intently on the moving panorama of an effete and depraved age. The lawlessness rife among the Meccans, the sudden outbursts of causeless and sanguinary quarrels among the tribes frequenting the fairs of 'Ukaz, the immorality and scepticism of the Koreish, naturally caused feelings of intense horror and disgust in the ' mind of the sensitive youth. In the twenty-fifth year of his age, Mohammed travelled once more into Syria as the factor or steward of a noble Koreishite lady named Khadija, a kinswoman of his. The ; prudence with which he discharged his duties made a favourable impression on Khadija, which gradually deepened into attach- ment. A marriage, which proved a singularly happy one, was soon after arranged between Mohammed and his noble kins- . woman, and was solemnised amidst universal rejoicings. In ! spite of the disparity of age between Mohammed and his wife, • who was much the senior of her husband, there always existed the tenderest devotion on both sides. This marriage " brought him that repose and exemption from daily toil which he needed ; in order to prepare his mind for his great work. But beyond that it gave him a loving woman's heart, that was the first to believe in his mission, that was ever ready to console him in his despair, and to keep ahve within him the thin flickering flame of hope when no man believed in him — not even himself — and the world was black before his eyes." Khadija is a notable figure, an exemplar among the woman- hood of Islam. The calumny which is levelled at Mohammed's system, that it has degraded the female sex, is sufficiently j refuted by the high position which his wife and youngest daughter, I our " Lady of Light," occupy in the estimation of the Moslem. | Khadija bore Mohammed several children — three sons and) four daughters ; but the sons all died in infancy, and their loss,' which wrung the heart of the bereaved father so tenderly and; devotedly attached to them, supplied the hostile Koreish lateri with an abusive epithet to apply to the Prophet.^ Theii daughters long survived the new Dispensation. With the; exception of an occasional appearance in public when the; exigencies of his position or the necessities of the city of his:i 1 Al-abtar, literally without a tail ; in its secondary sense, one without issue. I. THE PERIOD OF PROBATION 13 birth demanded it, the next fifteen years after his marriage is a silent record of introspection, preparation, and spiritual com- munion. Since the death of Abd ul-Muttalib authority in Mecca had become more or less divided. Each of the senators enjoyed a somewhat hmited authority, and among the different functions there was no such institution as a magistracy to insure the peaceable enjoyment by individuals of their rights and property. The ties of blood and family esprit de corps afforded some degree of protection to every citizen against injustice and spohation, but strangers were exposed to all kinds of oppression. They would often find themselves robbed, not only of their goods and chattels, but also of their wives and daughters. A famous poet of the name of Hanzala of the tribe of Bani'l Kayn, better known as Abu Tamahan, was publicly robbed in the streets of Mecca, notwithstanding that he had entered the city as a client of a Koreishite notable, Abdullah ibn Juda'an. Another similar act of lawlessness brought matters to a crisis. At the instance of Mohammed, the descendants of Hashim and of Muttalib and the principal members of the family of Zuhra and Taym bound themselves by a solemn oath to defend every individual, whether Meccan or stranger, free or slave, from any wrong or injustice to which he might be subjected in Meccan territories, and to obtain redress for him from the oppressor. This chivalrous league received the name of the Hilf ul-Fiizul, or the Federation of the Fuzul, in memory of an ancient society instituted with a similar object among the Jurhum, and composed of four personages, named Fazl, Fazal, Muffazzal, and Fuzail, col- lectively Fuzul. Mohammed was the principal member of this new association, which was founded about 595 A.c, shortly after his marriage. "The League of the Fuzul" exercised efftcient protection over the weak and oppressed, and during the first year of its institution the simple threat of its intervention was sufficient to repress the lawlessness of the strong, and to afford redress to the helpless. The League continued to exist in full force for the first half-century of Islam. It was some years after the establishment of the Hilf ul-FiizM, and towards the commencement of the seventh century of the Christian era, that an attempt was made by Osman, son of Huwairith, backed 14 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. by Byzantine gold, to convert Hijaz into a Roman dependency. His attempt failed chiefly through the instrumentality of Mohammed, and Osman was obliged to fly into Syria, where he was subsequently poisoned by 'Amr, the Ghassanide prince. In 605 A.c, when Mohammed was thirty-five, the Koreish took in hand the reconstruction of the Kaaba. In the course of this work a dispute among the different famihes engaged in the building of the temple, which at one time seemed likely to lead to great bloodshed, was happily settled by the ready intervention of Mohammed. These are all we know of his public acts within these fifteen years. His gentle disposition, his austerity of conduct, the severe purity of his -life, his scrupu- lous refinement, his ever-ready helpfulness towards the poor and the weak, his noble sense of honour, his unflinching fidehty, his stern sense of duty had won him, among his compatriots, the high and enviable designation of al-Amin, the Trusty. It was at this period that he tried to discharge some portion of the debt of gratitude and obligation he owed his uncle Abu Talib, by charging himself with the education of AH, one of his sons. Abu Talib's endeavour to maintain the old position of his family had considerably straitened his circumstances. Mohammed, rich by his alhance with Khadija, and Abbas, the brother of Abu Talib, were the most opulent citizens of Mecca. During a severe famine which afflicted the country, Mohammed persuaded his uncle Abbas, to adopt one of the sons of Abu Talib, whilst he adopted another. Thus Abbas took Ja'far ; Mohammed, AH, and 'Akil remained with his father.^ Mohammed had lost all his sons in early infancy. In the love of AH he found some consolation for their loss ; and the future marriage of the son of Abu Talib with the youngest daughter of Mohammed, Fatima,^ sealed the bond of love and devotedness. Mohammed about this time set an example to his fellow- citizens by an act of humanity which created a salutary effect upon his people. A young Arab of the name of Zaid, son of Harith, was brought as a captive to Mecca by a hostile tribe, Mbn-Hisham, p. 109; al-Halabi, /«sa«-«/-' [/;')«", vol. 212; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 42. ^ Born in 606 A.c. I. THE PERIOD OF COMMUNION 15 and sold to a nephew of Khadija, who presented the young lad to her. Mohammed obtained Zaid as a gift from Khadija, and immediately enfranchised him. This kindness on the one side gave rise to absolute devotion on the other, and the Arab boy could not be induced, even by his own father, to return to his tribe or forsake Mohammed. Thus passed the fifteen years of trial and probation, years marked by many afflictions and yet full of sympathy with human suffering and sorrow. Before him lay his country, bleeding and torn by fratricidal wars and inter-tribal dissensions, his people sunk in ignorance, addicted to obscene rites and superstitions, and, with all their desert virtues, lawless and cruel. His two visits to Syria had opened to him a scene of unutterable moral and social desola- tion ; rival creeds and sects tearing each other to pieces, wrangling over the body of the God they pretended to worship, carrying their hatred to the valleys and deserts of Hijaz, and rending the townships of Arabia with their quarrels and bitterness. The picture before him was one of dreary hope- lessness. The few who, abandoning their ancient behefs, were groping in the dark for some resting-place, represented a general feeling of unrest.^ In their minds there was nothing capable of appealing to the humanity beyond themselves. Mohammed's soul was soaring aloft, trying to peer into the mysteries of creation, of life and death, of good and evil, to find order out of chaos. And God's words uttered to his soul became at last the life-giving power of the world. For years after his marriage it had been his wont to betake himself, sometimes with his family, at other times alone, for prayer and meditation to a cave on the Mount Hira,^ " a huge barren ' Four men, Zaid, Waraka, son of Naufal and a cousin of Khadija, and two others (Obaidullah and Osman), abandoning the fetishism of their countrymen, had betaken themselves to a search for the true faith. Zaid was the principal person among them. Before the Prophet retired into the wilderness, like Jesus, to commune with God, he had come in contact with Zaid, and learnt to esteem his abhorrence of idolatry. When Zaid's cousin asked the Prophet in later times to supplicate divine mercy for him, Mohammed, who would not pray for his own grandfather, as he had died in idolatry, willingly did .so for Zaid. — Ibn-Hisham, p. 145. 2 Now called the Mount of Light. Ibn-Hisham, Ibn ul-Athir, and Abulfeda mention the month of Kamazan as the month which Mohammed usually spent at Hira in prayer and the succour of the poor and famished wayfarers of the desert. Tabari mentions Kajab. i6 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. rock, torn by cleft and hollow ravine, standing out solitary in the full white glare of the desert sun, shadowless, fiowerless, without well or rill." Sohtude had indeed become a passion with him. Here in this cave he often remained whole nights plunged in profoundest thought, deep in communion ^ CAisJ^-^i ) with the unseen yet all-pervading God of the Universe. Slowly the heaven and earth fill with pre-destined vision and command, A voice seems to issue even from the inanimate objects around him, the stones and rocks and trees, calling on him to fulfil the task an Almighty Power was directing him to undertake. ^ Can the poetry of the soul go further ? The mental visions and the apparitions of angels at these moments were the bright, though gradual, dawnings of those truths with which he was to quicken the world into life. Often in the dark and benighted pathways of concrete existence, the soul of every great man has been conscious of unrealised yet not unseen influences, which have led to some of the happiest achievements of humanity. From Samuel, that ancient Seer, wild and awful as he stands, deep in the misty horizon of the Past, to Jesus in the wilderness, pondering over the darksome fate of his people and the magni- tude of his work, listening to the gentle accents of the God of Truth, — from Jesus to Mohammed in the sohtude of his mountain retreat, there is no break in the action of these influences.2 In the still hours of the night, in the calm- ness of the early dawn, in the depth of solitude, when no human sympathy is near, a Voice comes to him from heaven, softly as the sough of the morning breeze : " Thou art the man. Thou art the Prophet of God " ; or, when wrapt in thought it comes in mighty waves : " Cry in the name of thy Lord." ^ The over- wrought mind at these moments raises a vision before the eye, a vision of the celestial ministrants who are believed to form the medium of inter-communication between the God of Heaven and the man on earth. " The Father of Truth chooses His own prophets, and He speaks to them in a voice stronger than the voice of thunder. It is the 1 Ibn-IIisham, p. 151. 2 Koran, sura xcvi. 2 ; Ibn-Hisham, p. 153 ; Al-Iialabi, Insdn-ul-'Uyihi, vol. i. p. 249 ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 34. ; 3 Comp. Isa. xl. 6. ; I. THE INSPIRATION 17 same inner voice through which God speaks to all of us. That voice may dwindle away, and become hardly audible ; it may lose its divine accent, and sink into the language of worldly prudence ; but it may also from time to time assume its real nature with the chosen of God, and sound in their ears as a voice from heaven. "^ " The natural relations of Mahomet's vast conception of the personality of God with the atmosphere of his age," says a great writer,^ " is the only explanation of that amazing sober- ness and self-command with which he entertained his all- absorbing visions " ; and then adds, " it could not have been accidental that the one supreme force of the epoch issued from the solitudes of that vast peninsula round which the tides of empire rose and fell. Every ex-clusive prophetic claim in the name of a sovereign Will has been a cry from the desert. The symbolic meaning given to Arabia by the withdrawal of the Christian apostle to commune with a power above flesh and blood, in Mahomet became more than a symbol. Arabia was itself the man of the hour, the prophet of Islam its concentrated word. To the child of her exalted traditions, driven by secret compulsion out into the lonely places of the starry night, his mouth in the dust, the desert spoke without reserve." One night — " the Night of Power and Excellence " — when a divine peace rests on creation, and all nature is lifted up towards its Lord — in the middle of that night the Book was opened to the thirsting soul. Whilst lying self-absorbed, he is called by a mighty Voice, surging like the waves of the ocean, to cry. Twice the Voice called, and twice he struggled and waived its caU. But a fearful weight was laid on him, and an answer was wrung out of his heart. " Cry ! " called out the Voice for the third time. And he said, " What shall I cry ? " Came the answer : " Cry — in the name of thy Lord ! " When the Voice had ceased to speak, telling him how from minutest beginnings man had been called into existence and lifted up by understanding and knowledge of the Lord, who is 1 Professor MuUer, quoted from Dean Stanley's Lectures on the History of the Jewish Church, Part i. Lect. xviii. p. 394. ^ Johnson, Oriental Religions, p. 561. S.I. B i8 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. most beneficent, and who hy the Pen had revealed that which men did not know,^ Mohammed woke from his trance, and felt as if the words spoken to his soul had been written on his heart. A great trembling came upon him, and he hastened home to his wife, and said, " O Khadija ! What has happened to me ? " He lay down, and she watched by him. When he recovered from his paroxysm he said, " O Khadija ! he of whom one would not have believed it (meaning himself) has become either a soothsayer ^ [Kdhin) or one possessed — mad." She replied, " God is my protection, O Abu'l-Kasim ! (a name of Mohammed, derived from one of his boys). He will surely not let such a thing happen unto thee ; for thou speakest the truth, dost not return evil for evil, keepest faith, art of a good life, and kind to thy relations and friends. And neither art thou a babbler in the market-places. What has befallen thee ? Hast thou seen aught terrible ? " Mohammed replied, " Yes." And he told her what he had seen. Whereupon she answered and said, " Rejoice, O dear husband, and be of good cheer. He, in whose hands stands Khadija's life, is my witness that thou wilt be the Prophet of this people." Then she arose and went to her cousin Waraka, son of Naufal, who was old and blind, and " knew the Scriptures of the Jews and Christians." When she told him what she had heard, he cried out, " Kuddusun, Kuddusun ! Holy, holy ! Verily this is the Ndmus al-akhar ^ who came to Moses and Jesus. He will be the Prophet of his people. Tell him this. Bid him be of brave heart." In the midst of the \vreck of empires and nations, in the wild turmoil of tribes and clans, there was a voice in the air — east and west, north and south— that God's message was close at hand : the shepherd was nigh who was to call back the ^ Sura xcvi. vers. 1-5. " Ikra " is usually rendered into " read " ; but I have preferred to follow the rendering suggested by Deutsch, as more in accordance with the call to the Prophet ; see Rodwell also, and compare Zamakhshari (the Kashshdf). 2 Diviners and soothsayers were his particular aversions ; most of them were attached to the temples. ' The primary signification of the word Nchm'is in Arabic is a messenger, one who communicates a secret message. It also means law, as the Greek I'o/xos. " In Talmudical phraseology," says Deutsch, " it signifies the revealed law. In Waraka's mind these different significations were combined ; the messenger and the message, both divine, had come to Mohammed even as they had come to Moses and Jesus," I I. COMMENCEMENT OF THE MINISTRY 19 erring flock into the Master's fold. It had spoken to the heart of Waraka. And when the two men met subsequently in the streets, the blind old reader of the Jewish and Christian Scriptures, who had searched in them for consolation and found none, but who knew of the promise held out to mankind of a Dehverer, spoke of his faith and trust. " I swear by Him in whose hand War- aka's life is," said the old man, " God has chosen thee to be the prophet of this people ; the Ndnms al-akbar has come to thee. They will call thee a liar, they will persecute thee, they will banish thee, they will fight against thee. Oh, that I could live to those days ! I would fight for thee."^ And he kissed him on his forehead. These words of hope and trust brought comfort to the troubled soul.^ And then followed a period of waiting for the Voice to come again — the inspiration of Heaven to fall once more on the anxious mind. We can appreciate the spiritual throes, the severe mental conflicts, the doubts, hopes, and misgivings which alternately wrung the heart of Mohammed, when we are told that before he had himself realised his Mission he was driven to the verge of self-destruction, when the angel of God recalled him to his duty to mankind.^ It spoke to the poor grieved heart, agitated by doubt and fear, — of hope and trust, of the bright future when he should see the people of the earth crowding into the one true Faith. Saved by the gracious monition, he hurries home from the desert, exhausted in mind and body, to the bosom of his devoted wife, pra3/ing only to be covered from the overwhelming Presence. His was not the communion with God of those egoists who bury themselves in deserts or forests, and live a life of quietude for themselves alone. His was the hard struggle of the man who is led onwards by a nobler destiny towards the liberation of his race from the bondage of idolatry. His destiny was unfolded to him when, wrapt in profound meditation, melan- choly and sad, he felt himself called by that Voice from heaven 1 Ibn-Hisham, p. 103; al-Halabi, Insan-ul-'UyAn, vol. i. p. 256. ^Waraka died soon after this event. — Ibn-Hisham, p. 104. ^ Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. pp. 35, 36 ; Tibri (Zotenberg's transl.), vol. ii. p. 392. 20 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. which had called those who had gone before him, to arise and preach. " O thou, enwrapped in thy mantle, arise and warn, and glorify thy Lord." ^ And he arose and girded himself for the work to which he was called. Thenceforth his life is devoted to humanity. Preaching with unswerving purpose amidst unremitting persecution, insulted and outraged, he held on in his path of reproof and reform. Khadija was the first to accept his Mission. She was the first to believe in the revelation, to abandon the idolatry of her people, and to join with him in purity of heart in offering up prayers to the All-Merciful. Not only was she the first to believe in him and his divine message, but in the struggle which was to follow she was his true consoler ; and " God," says tradition, " comforted him through her when he returned to her, for she roused him up again and made his burden more light to him, assuring him of her own faith in him, and repre- senting to him the futility of men's babble." In the beginning Mohammed opened his soul only to those who were attached to him, and tried to wean them from the gross practices of their forefathers. After Khadija, Ali was the next disciple. ^ Often did the Prophet go into the depths of the solitary desert around Mecca, with his wife and young j cousin, that they might together offer up their heartfelt thanks ' to the God of all nations for His manifold blessings. Once they were surprised in the attitude of prayer by Abu Talib, the father of AH. And he said to Mohammed, " O son of my i brother, what is this religion that thou art following ? " " It ' is the religion of God, of His angels, of His prophets, and of our ancestor Abraham," answered the Prophet. " God has sent me to His servants to direct them towards the truth ; and thou, O my uncle, art the most worthy of all. It is meet , that I should thus call upon thee, and it is meet that thou 1 shouldst accept the truth and help in spreading it." " Son of my brother," replied Abu Talib, in the true spirit of the sturdy old Semite, " I cannot abjure the religion of my fathers ; but by the Supreme God, whilst I am alive none shall dare to injure 1 Koran, sura Ixxiv. 2 Ibn-Hisham, p. 155 ; al-Halabi, Insdn-ttl-'Uy4n, vol. i. p. 285. I. COMMENCEMENT OF THE MINISTRY 21 thee." Then turning towards AH, his son, the venerable patriarch inquired what rehgion was his. " O father," answered AH, " I beheve in God and His Prophet, and go with him." " Well, my son," said Abu Tahb, " he will not call thee to aught save what is good, wherefore thou art free to cleave unto him." ^ Soon after Zaid, the son of Harith, who notwithstanding his freedom had cast in his lot with Mohammed, became a convert to the new faith. He was followed by a leading member of the Koreishite community of the name of Abdullah, son of Abu Kuhafa, who afterwards became famous in history as Abu Bakr.'^ A member of the important family of Taym ibni-Murra, a wealthy merchant, a man of clear, calm judgment, at the same time energetic, prudent, honest, and amiable, he enjoyed great consideration among his compatriots. He was but two years younger than the Prophet, and his unhesitating adoption of the new faith was of great moral effect. Five notables followed in his footsteps, among them Osman, son of Affan, of the family of Ommeyya, who afterwards became the third caliph ; Abdur Rahman, son of 'Auf ; Sa'd, son of Abi Wakkas, afterwards the conqueror of Persia ; Zubair, son of Awwam and nephew of Khadija, presented themselves before the Prophet and accepted Islam at his hands. Several prose- lytes also came from the humbler walks of life. It is a noble feature in the history of the Prophet of Arabia, and one which strongly attests the sincerity of his character, the purity of his teachings and the intensity of his faith and trust in God, that his nearest relations, his wife, his beloved cousin, and intimate friends, were most thoroughly imbued with the truth of his Mission and convinced of his inspiration. Those who knew him best, closest relations and dearest friends, people who lived with him and noted all his movements, were his sincere and most devoted followers. If these men and women, noble, intelligent, and certainly not less ' educated than the fishermen of GaHlee, had perceived the slightest sign of * The above is a praraphrase of the account given by Ibn Hisham, pp. 159, 160 ; and Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. pp. 42, 43. * Desvergers in a note (p. 108) mentions that before his conversion to Ishtm, he was called Abd ul-Kaaba, " servant of the Kaaba." 22 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. earthliness, deception, or want of faith in the Teacher himself, Mohammed's hopes of moral regeneration and social reform would all have been crumbled to dust in a moment. They braved for him persecution and dangers ; they bore up against physical tortures and mental agony, caused by social excom- munication, even unto death. Would this have been so had they perceived the least backsliding in their master ? But even had these people not believed in Mohammed with such earnest faith and trust, it would furnish no reason for doubting the greatness of his work or the depth of his sincerity. For the influence of Jesus himself was least among his nearest relations. His brothers never believed in him,i and they even went so far as once to endeavour to obtain possession of his person, believing him to be out of his mind.^ Even his immediate disciples were not firm in their convictions.^ Perhaps this unsteadiness may have arisen from weakness of character, or it may have resulted, as Milman thinks,^ from the varying tone of Jesus himself ; but the fact is undeniable.^ The intense faith and conviction on the part of the immediate followers of Mohammed is the noblest testimony to his sincerity and his utter self-absorption in his appointed task. For three weary long years he laboured quietly to wean his people from the worship of idols. But polytheism was deeply rooted among them ; the ancient cult offered attractions, which the new Faith in its purity, did not possess. The Koreish had vested interests in the old worship ; and their prestige was involved in its maintenance. Mohammed had thus to contend, not only with the heathenism of his city sanctified by ages of observance and belief but also with the opposition of the oligarchy which ruled its destinies, and with whom like the generality of their people, superstition was allied to great scepticism. With these forces fighting against him, little wonder that the life and death-struggle of the three years drew ^ John vii. 5. ^ Mark iii. 21. 3 And these were the men whom Jesus called " his mother and brethren," in preference to his own mother and brothers, Matt. xii. 45-48 ; Mark iii. 32, 33. * Milman, History of Christianity, vol. i. pp. 254, 255. * Sir W. Muir admits this in the most positive terms (vol. ii. p. 274) ; he says, " the apostles fled at the first sound of danger." I. THE DEVOTION OF THE DISCIPLES 23 only thirty followers. But the heart of the great Teacher never failed. Steadfast in his trust in the Almighty Master whose behests he was carrying out, he held on. Hitherto he had preached quietly and unobtrusively. His compatriots had looked askance at him, had begun to doubt the sanity of al-x\min, thought him crazed or " possessed," but had not interfered with his isolated exhortations. He now determined to appeal publicly to the Koreish to abandon their idolatry. With this object he convened an assembly on the hill of Safa, and there spoke to them of the enormities of their crimes in the sight of the Lord, their folly in offering adoration to carved idols. He warned them of the fate that had overtaken the races which had passed unheeded the words of the preachers of bygone days, and invited them to abjure their old impious worship, and adopt the faith of love and truth and purity. But the mockers mocked his words, laughed at the enthusiasm of young Ah, and departed with taunts and scoffs on their lips, and fear in their hearts at the spirit of revolution which had risen in their midst. Having thus failed to induce the Koreish to listen to the warnings of Heaven, he turned his attention to the strangers visiting the city for trade or pilgrim- age. To them he endeavoured to convey God's words. But here again his efforts were frustrated by the Koreish. When I the pilgrims began to arrive on the environs of the city, the Koreishites posted themselves on the different routes and warned the strangers against holding any communication with Mohammed, whom they represented as a dangerous magician. i This machination led, however, to a result little expected by the Meccans. As the pilgrims and traders dispersed to their distant homes, they carried with them the news of the advent of the strange, enthusiastic preacher, who, at the risk of his own life, was calling aloud to the nations of Arabia to give up the worship of their fathers. If the Koreish were under the impression that Mohammed would be abandoned by his own kith and kin, they were soon undeceived by a scathing denunciation hurled at them by Abu Talib. The old patriarch, who had refused, with char- acteristic persistency, to abandon his ancient creed, or to adopt the new faith rebelled at the injustice and intolerance of his 24 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. compatriots towards the reformer, and with true desert chivalry , he deplored, in a poem which lies embalmed in history, the enormities of the Koreish towards one who was the benefactor ' of the orphan and the widow — al-Amin, who never failed in word or deed ; and declared that the children of Hashim and of Muttalib would defend the innocent with their hves. About the same time an Yathribite chief wrote to the Koreish of j Mecca, and, holding up the examples of bygone ages, exhorted ij them not to embroil themselves with civil dissensions and ! warfare. He advised them to give a hearing to the new j preacher : " An honourable man has adopted a certain religion, j why persecute him ? for it is only the Lord of the Heaven who | can read the heart of man ! " His counsel had some effect, and occasioned a change of tactics among the Koreish. For a time accordingly, calumnies and vilifications, exasperating contumelies and petty outrages were substituted for open and violent persecution. The hostile Koreish stopped the j Prophet from offering his prayers at the Kaaba ; they pursued ^ him wherever he went ; they covered him and his disciples with dirt and filth when engaged in their devotions. They , incited the children and the bad characters of the town to follow | and insult him. They scattered thorns in the places which he frequented for devotion and meditation. In this act of refined cruelty the lead was always taken by Umm ul- Jamil, the wife of Abu Lahab, one of Mohammed's uncles. She was the most inveterate of his persecutors. Every place which he | or his disciples frequented for devotion she covered with thorns, i This exasperating conduct brought down upon her the designa- \ tion of being " the bearer of faggots " {hammdlat ul-hatab) j [to hell]. j Amidst all these trials Mohammed never wavered. Full of ' the intensest confidence in his Mission, he worked steadily on. Several times he was in imminent danger of his life at the , hands of the Koreish. On one occasion he disarmed their il murderous fury by his gentle and calm self-control. But t persecution only added to the strength of the new faith. " The i blood of the martyrs is the seed of the Church," is a truth not I confined to one creed. The violence of the Koreish towards i Mohammed, their burning and bitter intolerance, led to the ( I. THE DEVOTION OF THE DISCIPLES 25 conversion of the redoubtable Hamza, the youngest son of Abd ul-MuttaUb. This intrepid warrior, brave, generous, and true, vvliose doughty sword was held in dread by all the Koreish, about this time came to the Prophet, adopted his faith, and became thenceforth a devoted adherent of Islam, and finally laid down his life in the cause. Amidst all this persecution Mohammed never ceased calhng to the nation so wedded to iniquity to abandon their evil ways and abominations. He threw his heart and soul into his preachings. He told them in burning words that seared into the hearts of the hsteners, the punishment which had aUghted on the tribes of 'Ad and Thamud who had heeded not the warnings of God's messengers, of the outpouring of Heaven's wrath at the iniquities of Noah's people. He adjured them by the wonderful sights of nature, by the noon-day brightness, by the night when she spreadeth her veil, by the day when it appeareth in glory, to listen to the warning before a like destruction came upon them. He told them of the day of reckoning, when the deeds done by man in this world shall be weighed before the Eternal Judge, when the children who had been buried alive shall be asked for what crime they had been put to death, and when heaven and earth shall be folded up and none be near but God. He spoke to them of the rewards and punishments of the Hereafter, describing to his material- istic people the joys of Paradise and the pains of hell " with all the glow of Eastern imagery." He told them what the unbehevers were like — " They are like unto one who kindleth a fire, and when it hath thrown its light on all around him, God taketh away the light and leaveth him in darkness and they cannot see." " Deaf, dumb, blind, therefore they shall not retrace their steps." " They are like those who, when there cometh a storm-cloud of heaven big with darkness, thunder, and lightning, thrust their fingers into their ears because of the thunder-clap for fear of death. God is round about the infidels." " The lightning almost snatcheth away their eyes ; so oft as it gleameth on them, they walk on in it ; but when darkness closeth upon them, they stop ; and if God pleased, of their 26 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. ears and of their eyes would He surely deprive them : verily God is Almighty." ^ "As to the infidels, their works are like the Sardb on the plain, 2 which the thirsty [traveller] thinketh to be water, and then when he cometh thereto, he findeth it [to be] nothing ; but he findeth God round about him, and He will fully pay him his account ; for swift in taking an account is God." " Or, as the darkness over a deep sea, billows riding upon billows below, and clouds above ; one darkness over another darkness ; when a man stretcheth forth his hand he is far from seeing it ; he to whom God doth not grant light, no light at all hath he." ^ The people were awestruck, and conversions grew frequent. The Koreish were now thoroughly alarmed ; Mohammed's preaching betokened a serious revolutionary movement. Their power and prestige were at stake. They were the custodians of the idols whom Mohammed threatened with destruction ; they were the ministers of the worship which Mohammed denounced — their very existence depended upon their maintaining the old institutions intact. If his predictions were fulfilled, they would have to efface themselves as a nation pre-eminent among the nationalities of Arabia. The new preacher's tone was intensely democratic ; in the sight of his Lord all human beings were equal. This levelling of old distinctions was contrary to all their traditions. They would have none of it, for it boded no good to their exclusive privileges. Urgent measures were needed to stifle the movement before it gained further strength. They accordingly decided upon an organised system of persecution. In order, however, not to violate their laws of vendetta, each family took upon itself the task of strangling the new religion within its own circle. Each household tortured its own members, or clients, or slaves, who were supposed to have attached themselves to the new faith. Mohammed, owing to the protection of Abu Talib and his kinsmen, Abu Bakr and a few others, who were either distinguished by their rank or possessed some influential friend or protector among the Koreish, were, for the time, exempt from immediate 1 Sura ii. ^ i.e. the mirage of the desert. ^ Sura xxiv. 39, 40. I. THE KOREISH TEMPTING MOHAMMED 27 violence. The others were thrown into prison, starved, and then beaten with sticks. The hill of Ramdha and the place called Batha became thus the scenes of cruel tortures.^ The men or women whom the Koreish found abandoning the worship of the idol-gods, were exposed to the burning heat of the desert on the scorching sand, where, when reduced to the last extremity by thirst, they were offered the alternative of adoring the idols or death. Some recanted only to profess Islam once more when released from their torments ; but the majority held firmly to their faith. Such a one was Bilal, the first Muezzin, of Islam. His master, Ommeyya, son of Khalaf, conducted him each day to Batha when the heat of the sun was at its greatest, and there exposed him bare-backed with his face to the burning sun, and placed on his chest a large block of stone with the words, " There shaft thou remain until thou art dead or thou hast abjured Islam." As he lay half -stifled under his heavy weight, dying with thirst, he would only answer, " Ahadun, ahadun," " one [God], one." This lasted for days, until the poor sufferer was reduced to the verge of death, when he was ransomed by Abu Bakr, who had in like manner purchased the liberty of six other slaves. They killed with excruciating torments Yasar and Samiya his wife ; they inflicted fearful tortures on 'Ammar their son. Mohammed was often an eye-witness to the sufferings of his disciples — sufferings borne with patience and fortitude as became martyrs in the cause of truth. And these were not the only martyrs in the early history of Islam. ^ Like the Pharisees tempting Jesus, the Koreish came to Mohammed with temptations of worldly honour and aggrand- isement, to draw him from the path of duty. One day, says the chronicler, he was sitting in the Kaaba, at a little distance from an assembly of the antagonistic chiefs, when one of them, 'Otba, son of Rab'ia, a man of moderate views came to him ' Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 50 ; Ibn-Hisham, pp. 205-209. ^ E.g. Khobaib bin 'Adi, who, being perfidiously sold to the Koreish, was by them put to death in a cruel manner by mutilation and cutting off his flesh piece-meal. In the midst of his tortures, being asked whether he did not wish Mohammed in his place, answered, " / would not wish to be with my family, my substance, and my children on condition that Mohammed was only to be pricked with a thorn." 28 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. and said, " son of my brother, thou art distinguished by thy quahties and thy descent. Now thou hast sown division! among our people, and cast dissension in our famihes ; thou denouncest our gods and goddesses ; thou dost tax our ancestors with impiety. We have a proposition to make to thee ; think well if it will not suit thee to accept it." " Speak, O father of Walid," ^ said the Prophet, " I listen, O son of my brother." Commenced 'Otba : "K thou wishest to acquire riches by this affair, we will collect a fortune larger than is' possessed by any of us ; if thou desirest honours and dignity, i we shall make thee our chief, and shall not do a thing without thee ; if thou desirest dominion, we shall make thee our king ; | and if the spirit (demon) which possesses thee cannot be over- ' powered, we will bring thee doctors and give them riches till! they cure thee." And when he had done, " Hast thou finished, | O father of Wahd ? " asked the Prophet. " Yes," replied he. : " Then listen to me." " I listen," he said. " In the name of the most merciful God," commenced the Warner, " this is ai revelation from the most Merciful : a book, the verses whereof ! are distinctly explained, an Arabic Koran, for the instruction \ of people who understand ; bearing good tidings, and denounc- I ing threats : but the greater part of them turn aside, and ' hearken not thereto. And they say, ' Our hearts are veiled \ from the doctrine to which thou invitest us ; and there is a deafness in our ears, and a curtain between us and thee : wherefore act thou as thou shalt think fit ; for we shall act according to our own sentiments.' Say ' verily I am only a man like you. It is revealed unto me that your God is one j God : wherefore direct your way straight unto Him ; and ask , pardon of Him for what is past.' And woe be to the idolaters, who give not the appointed alms, and believe not in the life to come ! ^ But as to those who believe and work righteous- 1 ness, they shall receive an everlasting reward." ^ When the i| ' Prophet finished this recitation, he said to 'Otba, " Thou i; 1 Walid being a son of 'Otba. It was usual, and is so even now, among the ; Arabs to call a man as the father of so-and-so, instead of using his own name, . as a mark of consideration. ^ Whilst hospitality was regarded as a great virtue, charity was considered a weakness among the Arabs ; and a future life, an old woman's fable. 3 Koran, Sura xli. I. THE HOSTILITY OF THE KOREISH 29 hast heard, now take the course which seemeth best to thee." ^ Profoundly afflicted by the sufferings of his disciples, whose position, as time went on, became more and more unbearable, he advised them to seek a refuge in the neighbouring Christian kingdom of Abyssinia, where ruled a pious sovereign, till God in His mercy wrought a change in the feelings of the Koreish. He had heard of the righteousness of this Christian king, of his tolerance and hospitality, and was certain of a welcome for his followers. Some immediately availed themselves of the advice, and sailed, to the number of fifteen, to the hospitable shores of the Negus (Najashi). This is called the first Exile {muhdjarat) in the history of Islam, and occurred in the fifth year of Mohammed's Mission (615 a.c). These emigrants were soon joined by many more of their fellow-sufferers and labourers in the cause of truth, until their number amounted to eighty- three men and eighteen women. ^ But the untiring hostility of the Koreish pursued them even here. They were furious at the escape of their victims, and sent deputies to the king to demand the delivery of these refugees that they might be put to death. They stated the chief charges against the poor fugitives to be the abjuration of their old religion, and the adoption of a new one. The Negus sent for the exiles, and inquired of them whether what their enemies had stated was true. " What is this religion for which you have abandoned your former faith," asked the king, " and adopted neither mine nor that of any other people ? " Ja'far, son of Abu TaUb, and brother of Ali, acting as spokesman for the fugitives, spoke thus : " O king, we were plunged in the depth of ignor- ance and barbarism ; we adored idols, we lived in unchastity ; we ate dead bodies, and we spoke abominations ; we disre- garded every feeling of humanity, and the duties of hospitality and neighbourhood ; we knew no law but that of the strong, when God raised among us a man, of whose birth, truthfulness, honesty, and purity we were aware ; and he called us to the unity of God, and taught us not to associate anything with ^ Ibn-Hisham, pp. 185, 186. ^ Ibn-Hisham, p. 208 et seq. ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 58 ; Abulfeda, p. 20. 30 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i Him ; ^ he forbade us the worship of idols ; and enjoined m to speak the truth, to be faithful to our trusts, to be merciful; and to regard the rights of neighbours ; he forbade us to speal?!; evil of women, or to eat the substance of orphans ; he ordered us to fly from vices, and to abstain from evil ; to offer prayers, to render alms, to observe the fast. We have believed in him,; we have accepted his teachings and his injunctions to worship; God, and not to associate anything with Him. For thisi reason our people have risen against us, have persecuted us' in order to make us forego the worship of God and return to the worship of idols of wood and stone and other abominations. They have tortured us and injured us, until finding no safetyl among them, we have come to thy country, and hope thou' wilt protect us from their oppression." ^ j The demands of the Koreish were scouted by the king, andj the deputies returned in confusion to Mecca. Whilst the disciples of Mohammed were seeking safety in other lands from the persecution of their enemies, he himself stood bravely at his post, and amidst every insult and outrage pursued his mission. Again they came to him with promises of honour and riches, to seduce him from his duty ; the reply was as before, full of life, full of faith : "I am neither desirous of riches nor ambitious of dignity nor of dominion ; I am sent by God, who has ordained me to announce glad tidings unto you. I give you the words of my Lord ; I admonish you. If you accept the message I bring you, God will be favourable to you both in this world and in the next ; if you reject my admonitions, I shall be patient, and leave God to judge between you and me." They mocked him, scoffed at him, tried by insidious questions to expose the fallacy of his teachings.^ His simple trust and sublime faith in his Master rose superior to all their materialistic scepticism. They asked him to cause wells and rivers to gush forth, to bring down the heaven ^ The idolaters are almost always called " Associaters," MitsJirikiii, in the Koran, or men who associate other beings with God. 2 Can there be a better summary of Mohammed's work or of his teachings ? Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 6i ; and Ibn-Hisham, pp. 219, 220. 3 Ibn-Hisham, p. 188. A Christian historian goes into raptures at the subtlety of the idolaters ; see Osborn, Islam under the Arabs, I. MORAL EVIDENCES OF MOHAMMED'S MISSION 31 in pieces, to remove mountains, to have a house of gold erected, to ascend to heaven by a ladder. ^ It was a repetition of the old story, with this difference, that in the case of Jesus his own followers insisted upon his performing miracles to satisfy them of the truth of his mission. " His immediate disciples," says Professor Momerie, " were always misunderstanding him and his work : wanting him to call down fire from heaven ; wanting him to declare himself king of the Jews ; wanting to sit on his right hand and on his left hand in his kingdom ; wanting him to show them the Father, to make God visible to their bodily eyes ; wanting him to do, and wanting to do themselves, anything and everything that was incompatible with his great plan. This was how they treated him until the end. When that came, they all forsook him, and fled." To these unsatisfied, lukewarm spirits, whose craving for wonders was no less strong than that of the Koreish, and who afterwards clothed the revered figure of Jesus in a mist, a legacy which even modern ideaHstic Christianity cannot shake off, the Master was wont to reply, at times angrily, that it was an evil and adulterous age which sought after a sign, and that no sign should be given to it ; and that if a man believed not in Moses and the prophets, he would not repent even though one rose from the dead.^ It must be said to the credit of the disciples of the Arabian Teacher, that they never called for a miracle from their Master. They — scholars, merchants, and soldiers — looked to the moral evidences of his mission. They ranged themselves round the friendless preacher at the sacrifice of all their worldly interests and worldly hopes, and adhered to him through life and death with a devotion to his human personality to which there is scarcely a parallel in the history of the world. In an age when miracles were supposed to be ordinary occurrences at the beck of the commonest saint, when the ' Sura xvii. 92-96. - Patristic Christianity has held, and still holds, to the miracles as a proof of the divinity of Jesus ; modern Christianity calls them Aberglauhe. It may well be, as the author of Literature and Dogma says, that the miracles arc doomed, and that the miracle-saga of Christianity must, sooner or later, go with all lesrends, Eastern or Western. 32 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. whole atmosphere was surcharged with supematurahsm, not only in Arabia, but in the neighbouring countries where civilisation had made far greater progress, the great Pioneer of rationalism unhesitatingly replies to the miracle-seeking heathens — " God has not sent me to work wonders ; He has sent me to preach to you. My Lord be praised ! Am I more than a man sent as an apostle ? . . , Angels do not commonly walk the earth, or God would have despatched an angel to preach His truth to you.^ I never said that Allah's treasures are in my hand, that I knew the hidden things, or that I was an angel. ... I who cannot even help or trust myself, unless God pleaseth." ... No extraordinary pretensions, no indulg- ence in hyperbolical language, no endeavour to cast a glamour round his character or personahty. "I am only a preacher of God's words, the bringer of God's message to mankind," repeats he always. From first to last no expression escapes him " which could be construed into a request for human worship " ; 2 from first to last there is unvarying soberness of expression, which, considering the age and surrounding, is more marvellous ; from first to last the tone is one of simple, deep humility before the Creator. And in the moment of his greatest exaltation the feeling is one of humble, sweet thank- fulness : — " In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate ! Whatsoever is in heaven and on earth praises God the King, the Holy One, the Almighty, the All-wise. It is He who out of the midst of the illiterate Arabs has raised an apostle to show unto them His signs, and to sanctify them, and to teach them the Scripture and the Wisdom, them who before had been in great darkness. . . . This is God's free grace, which He giveth unto whomsoever He wills. God is of great mercy ! " ^ Disclaiming every power of wonder-working, the Prophet of Islam ever rests the truth of his divine commission entirely upon his Teachings. He never resorts to the miraculous to assert his influence or to enforce his warnings. He invariably appeals to the familiar phenomena of nature as signs of the 1 Sura xvii. 95-98 ; sura Ixxii. 21-24. ^ Professor Momerie. ^ Sura Ixii. vv. i-io. I. MOHAMMED'S APPEAL TO REASON 33 divine presence. ^ He unswervingly addresses himself to the inner consciousness of man, to his reason, and not to his weak- ness or his credulit3^ Look round yourself : is this wonderful world, the sun, the moon, and the stars, holding their swift silent course in the blue vault of heaven, the law and system prevaihng in the universe ; the rain-drops falling to revive the parched earth into life ; the ships moving across the ocean, beladen with what is profitable to mankind ; the beautiful palm covered with its golden fruit — are these the handiwork of your wooden or stone gods ? - Fools ! do you want a sign, when the whole creation is full of the signs of God ? The structure of your body, how wonder- fully complex, how beautifully regulated ; the alternations of night and day, of life and death ; your sleeping and awaking ; your desire to accumulate from the abundance of God ; the winds driving abroad the pregnant clouds as the forerunners of the Creator's mercy ; the harmony and order in the midst of diversity ; the variety of the human race, and yet their close affinity ; fruits, flowers, animals, human beings them- selves — are these not signs enough of the presence of a Master- Mind ? 3 To the Prophet of Islam, nature in itself is a revelation and a miracle. " There is a tongue in every leaf, A voice in every rill, A voice that speaketh everywhere, In flood and fair, through earth and air, A voice that's never still." * The Prophet of Monotheism is pre-eminently the Prophet of Nature. His ethical appeal and his earnest assertion of divine ' The passage of Sir W. Muir on this point is, to say the least, remarkable. He says : " Whether the idolatry of Mecca would not have succumbed with- out a struggle before such preaching as Mahomet's, sitstaivcd by reasonable evidence, may be matter for speculation " (the italics are his own), vol. ii. p. 144. Like the Koreish, Sir W. Muir is not satisfied with the teachings, unless supported by wonder-workings. * Sura XXV. 49-59 ; sura 1. 9, etc. ' Sura vi. 96-99, li. 20, xv. 20, xx. 50-57, xxxiv. 20-28, 39, etc. ' Comp. j^/ if ^j j^ ^ i^:^j * »>Jjj c;^> 31 <*^ t±.^ jA " Every blade that springs from the earth bears testimony to the unity of God." 34 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. Unity are founded upon the rational and intellectual recognition of all-pervading order, of the visible presence of one Mind, one Will, regulating, guiding, and governing the Universe. His grandest miracle is the Book in which he has poured forth with an inspired tongue all the " revelations of nature, conscience, and prophecy." Ask you a greater miracle than this, unbelieving people ! than to have your vulgar tongue chosen as the language of that incomparable Book, one piece of which puts to shame all your golden poesy and suspended songs — to convey the tidings of universal mercy, the warnings to pride and tyranny ! But to all his exhortations the Koreish turned a deaf ear. They were blind to the signs of God, blind to the presence of a Divine Personality in nature, deaf to the call of the Seer to come back to righteousness, to forego the crimes and abomina- tions of antiquity. Their answer to him breathes a fierce animosity paralleled only by the darkest days of Arian or Pelagian persecution in Christendom. " Know this, O Moham- med," said they, " we shall never cease to stop thee from preaching till either thou or we perish." During this interval occurred an incident which has been differently construed by the Moslem historians and the Christian biographers of the Prophet. One day, in one of his prophetic trances, Mohammed was reciting within the Kaaba some verses which now form part of the fifty-third chapter of the Koran. When he came to the words, " What think ye of al-Lat, al-'Uzza, and Man at ? the third besides," an idolater who was present on the occasion, and whom tradition has converted into the devil, anxious to avert the threatened denunciation called out, " They are exalted damsels, and their intercession with God may be hoped for." These words were supposed to form part of the Prophet's revelation. And the Koreish, overjoyed either at the trick or at Mohammed's supposed concession, hastened to express their willingness to come to terms. When Mohammed learnt what had happened, he immediately proclaimed the words, " They are nought but empty names, which you and your fathers have invented." This is the version given by Mohammedan historians and traditionists. According to the Christian biographers, the PERSECUTION CONTINUES 35 incident is supposed to indicate a momentary desire on the part of the Prophet to end the strife with the Koreish by some compromise. The bigot calls it " a lapse " and " a fall " ; but the generous and unbiased historian considers the episode as throwing additional lustre on the Prophet of Arabia. Persecution was becoming fiercer and fiercer every day, the sufferings of his followers were increasing, and the whole city was up in arms against them. The sight of his poor disciples afflicted him deeply ; his weary struggle with the Arabian idolatry filled him with grief. What wonder that a momentary thought crossed his mind to end the conflict by making a slight concession to the bigotry of his enemies. " And so Mohammed made his first and last concession. He recited a revelation to the Koreish, in which he spoke respectfully of the three moon-goddesses, and asserted that their intercession with God might be hoped for : ' Wherefore bow down before God and serve Him ' ; and the whole audience, overjoyed at the compromise, bowed down and worshipped at the name of the God of Mohammed — the whole city was reconciled to the double religion. But this dreamer of the desert was not the man to rest upon a he. At the price of the whole city of Mecca he would not remain untrue to himself. He came forward and said he had done wrong — the devil had tempted him. He openly and frankly retracted what he had said ; and ' as for their idols, they were but empty names which they and their fathers had invented.' " " Western biographers have rejoiced greatly over ' Moham- med's fall' Yet it was a tempting compromise, and few would have withstood it. And the life of Mohammed is not the life of a god, but of a man ; from first to last it is intensely human. But if for once he was not superior to the temptation of gaining over the whole city, and obtaining peace where before had been only bitter persecution, what can we say of his manfully thrusting back the rich prize he had gained, freely confessing his fault, and resolutely giving himself over again to the old indignities and insults ? If he was once insincere — and who is not ? — how intrepid was his after sincerity ! He was untrue to himself for a while, and he is ever referring to it in his public preaching with shame and 36 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. remorse ; but the false step was more than atoned for by his ,, « magnificent recantation." ^ P Upon the promulgation that Lat, 'Uzza, and Manat were ' but empty names, the persecution burst out anew with re- doubled fury. Supported, however, by a firm conviction of divine assistance, and upheld by the admonitions of the heavenly voice within, conveyed to him by the ministrators of heavenly mercy, he continued his preaching undeterred by the hostility of his enemies, or by the injuries they inflicted upon him. In spite [ of all opposition, however, slowly but surely the new teachings gained ground. The seeds of truth thus scattered could not fail to fructify. The wild Arab of the desert, the trading citizen of distant townships who came to the national fair, heard the words of the strange man whom his enemies thought possessed, listened to the admonitions in which he poured forth his soul, listened with awe and wonder to his denunciations of their divinities and of their superstitions, of their unright- eousness, of their evil ways, and carried back to their far-off homes new light and new life, even unconsciously to themselves. And the satires, the ill-names his enemies heaped upon Mohammed, only tended to make his words more extensively known. The Meccans, on their side, were by no means quiet. Several times the Koreish sent deputations to Abu TaUb, asking him to stop his nephew from preaching against their religion. At first Abu Talib turned them away with soft and courteous words. But as Mohammed persisted in his fiery denunciations against their godlessness and impiety, they expelled him from the Kaaba where he had been wont to preach, and then came in a body to his uncle. ^ " We respect thy age and thy rank," said they, " but our respect for thee has bounds, and verily we can have no further patience with thy nephew's abuse of our gods, and his ill words against our ancestors ; wherefore do thou either prevent him from so doing, or thyself take part with him, so that we may settle the matter by fight 1 Stanley Lane-Poole, Introd. to the Selections from the Koran, p. xlix. j 2 Tabari, vol. ii. p. 406 ; according to this author's authorities, ver. 214 ol'j chap. xxi. of the Koran was revealed about this period. j I. KOREISHITE LEAGUE AGAINST MOHAMMED 37 until one of the two parties is exterminated." ^ Having thus spoken, they departed. Abu Talib was unwiUing to separate himself from his people, neither did he like abandoning his nephew to the idolaters. Sending for Mohammed, he informed him of the speech of the Koreish, and begged him to renounce his task, Mohammed thought his uncle washed to withdraw his protection ; but his high resolve did not fail him even at this moment. Firmly he rephed : " O my uncle, if they placed the sim on my right hand and the moon on my left, to force me to renounce my work, verily I would not desist there- from until God made manifest His cause, or I perished in the attempt." But overcome by the thought of desertion by his kind protector, he turned to depart. Then Abu Talib called aloud : " Son of my brother, come back " ; and he came. And Abu Talib said : " Say whatsoever thou pleasest ; for by the Lord, I shall not abandon thee, nay, never." ^ The Koreish made another attempt to persuade Abu Talib to dehver up his nephew to them. They offered in exchange a young man of the family of Makhzum, but it was of no avail. ^ The declared intention of Abu Tahb to support his nephew excited their fury, and they renewed their menaces of violence. The venerable patriarch appealed to the sense of honour of the Bani-Hashim and Bani-Muttalib, the kinsmen of Mohammed, to protect a distinguished member of their family from falling a victim to the hatred of rival clans. And the appeal was nobly responded to, with the sohtary exception of the squint- eyed Abu Lahab, " the Father of the Flame," as the sequel will show. At this time the new Faith gained a valuable adherent in Omar, whose energy of character made him an important factor in the future commonwealth of Islam. His services to the religion of Mohammed have engraved his name on the pages of history. A distinguished member of the family of 'Adi ibn-Ka'b, and the son of Khattab, notorious for the persecution of the Moslems, he was hitherto a violent opponent of Islam, and a bitter adversary of the Prophet. His * Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 47 ; Ibn-Hisham, pp. 167, 168. * Ibn-Hisham, p. 168 ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 48 ; Abulfeda, p. 17. * Ibn-Hisham, p. 169 ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 48. 38 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. conversion is said to have been worked by the magic effect on his mind of a chapter of the Koran which he heard recited in his sister's house, where he had gone in a furious rage and with murderous intent. Struck with the words which he had heard, he went straight to the Prophet with the naked sword in his hand with which he had meant to slay Mohammed and his disciples, causing considerable consternation among the assembly of the Faithful ; listening to the Preacher. He kissed the Master's hand, and \ then demanded to be taken into the fold of God ; and heartfelt ! thanks went up to heaven from the Moslems for the grace! that had fallen on Omar. After his conversion he became I one of the bulwarks of the Faith. ! Islam need no more hide its head in byways and corners, go j about in concealment, or offer its prayers to God in secret and j trepidation. Besides a large following taken from the humbler : walks of life, there were now gathered round the Prophet a chosen band of apostles, consisting, not of ignorant folk, but of men of energy, talent, and worth, like Hamza, Abu Bakr, and Omar. And though Ali was in his youth, he was fast rising into prominence. These important adhesions gave heart to the Moslems, and they now ventured to perform their devotions in public. The Koreish, who were at first thunderstruck at the conversion of Omar, saw the gravity of the situation. And yet they waited to strike the decisive blow. The return of the deputies, however, from Abyssinia, and the announcement of their unsuccessful mission, roused them to frenzy. They determined at last to exterminate with one stroke the entire clan of Hashim and Muttahb. With that purpose they, in the 7th year of the Mission, towards the end of 616 A.c, formed a league against the descendants of Hashim and Muttalib. They bound themselves by a solemn document, which was deposited in the Kaaba, not to enter into any contract of marriage with the Hashimites, or to buy and sell with them. The Hashimites and Muttalibites, Musulmans as well as idolaters, were struck with dismay, and fearful that this might be the prelude to some other attack, judged it safer to abandon their houses dispersed in the city, I. THE YEAR OF MOURNING 39 and concentrate themselves at one point. They betook themselves accordingly to the Shi'b (or quarter) of Abu Talib — a long, narrow mountain defile on the eastern skirts of Mecca, cut off by rocks or walls from the city, except for one narrow gateway. Abu Lahab alone remained aloof, and ranged himself on the side of the enemy. They lived in this defensive position with Mohammed in their midst for nearly three years, beleaguered by the Koreish, and subjected to every privation. The provisions which they had carried with them were soon exhausted, and the cries of the starving children could be heard outside. Probably they would have entirely perished but for the occasional help they received surreptitiously from less bigoted compatriots. Some of the chiefs, however, were beginning to be ashamed of their injustice. Towards the tenth year of the Mission (619 A.c), Hisham, son of 'Amr, who took a lively interest in the Hashi- mites, tried to bring about a reconciliation between the Koreishites and the two families of Hashim and Muttalib. He succeeded in winning over Zubair, son of Abu Ommeyya, to his side ; and, seconded by him and others, the pact was annulled, and the two families were taken back to the enjoy- ment of the communal rights, and were allowed to return to Mecca. During the period Mohammed was shut up in the Shi'b with his kinspeople, Islam made no progress outside. In the sacred months, when violence was considered a sacrilege, the Teacher would come out of his prison and endeavour to obtain hearers among the pilgrims ; but the squint-eyed " Father of the Flame " followed him about, and made his words nought by calling him " a liar and a Sabean." The year which followed is called in the history of Islam " the Year of Mourning " for the loss of Abu Talib and Khadija, who followed each other to the grave within a short interval. In Abu Talib, Mohammed lost the guardian of his youth, who had hitherto stood between him and his enemies. The death of Khadija was a severe blow. When none believed in him, when he himself had not yet awakened to the full consciousness of his mission, and his heart was full of doubts, when all around him was dark and despairing, her love, her faith had stood by 40 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. him. " She was ever his angel of hope and consolation." To the end of his hfe he retained the tenderest recollection of her love and devotion. Note to Chapter I. Sir W. Muir thinks M. Caussin de Perceval has made a mistake in supposing Batha to be the name of a place. He thinks it signifies the nature of the soil over which these people were tortured ; vol. ii, p. 128. To corroborate M. Caussin de Perceval and myself, I have only to add that the existence of this place is an undoubted fact ; and Batha especially has been frequently referred to by Mohammedan authors as a place in the immediate vicinity of Mecca. For example, the celebrated Hakim Sanai says : Cho 'ilniat hast khidmat kun cho bi-'ilman, ke zisht aid, Girifta Chinian ihram, wa Mekki khufta dar Batha. " If thou possessest knowledge, serve like those who are ignorant ; for it is unseemly that people from China should adopt the Ihram (that is to say, come on a pilgrimage to Mecca), and the native of Mecca should lie sleeping at Batha." CHAPTER II THE HEGIRA '» THE children of Ommeyya and other hostile clans, actuated as much by their attachment to the old cult as by their jealousy of, and hatred towards, the Hashimites, considered this a favourable opportunity to crush out Islam in Mecca ; and the death of Abu Tahb, whose personal influence and character had restrained their fury within some limits, became the signal for the Koreish to redouble their persecutions.^ Weighed down by the loss of his venerable protector and of his cherished wife, hopeless of turning the Koreish from idolatry, with a saddened heart, and yet full of trust, he determined to turn to some other field for the exercise of his ministry. Mecca had rejected the words of God, hapless Tayef may listen to them. Accompanied by his faithful servant Zaid, he arrived among the Thakif.^ He spoke to them about his Mission ; told them about their iniquities, and called them to the worship of God. His words caused a storm of indignation. Who was this crazy man, said they, who invited them to abandon the beautiful divinities they wor- shipped with such hghtness of heart and such freedom of morals ? They drove him from the city ; and the rabble and the slaves followed, hooting and pelting him with stones until the evening, when they left him to pursue his way alone. Wounded and bleeding, footsore and weary, he betook himself ^ Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 69. - The people of Tayef. 42 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. to prayer under the shade of some palm trees, which afforded a welcome shelter to the thirsty and famished wayfarer. Raising his hands towards heaven, he cried : " O Lord ! I make my complaint unto Thee, out of my feebleness, and the vanity of my wishes, I am insignificant in the sight of men. Thou most merciful ! Lord of the weak ! Thou art my Lord ! Do not forsake me. Leave me not a prey to strangers, nor to mine enemies. If Thou art not offended, I am safe. 1 seek refuge in the light of Thy countenance, by which all darkness is dispersed, and peace comes here and hereafter. Let not Thy anger descend on me ; solve my difficulties as it pleaseth Thee. There is no power, no help, but in Thee." 1 Mohammed returned to Mecca sorely stricken in heart. He lived here for some time, retired from his people, preaching occasionally, but confining his efforts mainly to the strangers who congregated in Mecca and its vicinity during the season of the annual pilgrimage, hoping, as Tabari expresses it, to find among them some who would believe in him, and carry the truth to their people. One day, whilst thus sadly but yet hopefully working among these half-traders, half-pilgrims, he came upon a group of six men from the distant city of Yathrib conversing together. He asked them to sit down and listen to him ; and they sat down and listened. Struck by his earnestness and the truth of his words, they became his proselytes (620 a.c.) ; ^ and returning to their city, they spread the news, with lightning rapidity, that a Prophet had risen among the Arabs who was to call them to God, and put an end to their dissensions, which had lasted for centuries. The next year these Yathribites returned, and brought six more of their fellow-citizens as deputies from the two principal tribes who occupied that city.^ On the self-same spot which had witnessed the conversion of the former six, the new-comers gave in their adhesion to 1 Ibn-Hisham, pp. 279, 280 ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. pp. 70, 71. * Ibn-Hisham, pp. 286, 287 ; Tabari (Zotenberg's transl.), vol. ii. p. 438. 3 Aus and Khazraj. II. THE FIRST PLEDGE OF 'AKABA 43 Mohammed. This is called the first Pledge of 'Akaba, from the name of the hill on which the conference was lield.^ The pledge they took was as follows : ' ' We will not associate anything with God ; we will not steal, nor commit adultery, nor fornication ; we will not kill our children ; we will abstain from calumny and slander ; we will obey the Prophet in everything that is right ; and we will be faithful to him in weal and in sorrow." ^ After the pledge, they returned home with a disciple of Mohammed to teach them the fundamental doctrines of the new rehgion, which rapidly spread among the inhabitants of Yathrib. The interval which elapsed between the first and second pledge is remarkable as one of the most critical periods of Mohammed's Mission. The subhme trust of Mohammed in God, and the grandeur of his character, never stand forth more prominently than at this period. He was sad at the sight of his people so sternly wedded to idolatry ; ^ but his sorrow was assuaged by the hope that the truth would in the end prevail.'* He might not Hve to see it ; ^ but as surely as darkness flies before the rays of the sun, so surely falsehood will vanish before truth. ^ Regarding this epoch, a few words of unconscious admiration escape even the lips of Muir : " Mahomet, thus holding his people at bay, waiting, in the still expectation of victory, to outward appearance defenceless, and with his little band, as it were, in the Hon's mouth, yet trusting in His Almighty power whose messenger he beUeved himself to be, resolute and unmoved — presents a spectacle of sublimity paralleled only in the sacred records by such scenes as that of the prophet of Israel, when he complained to his Master, ' I, even I only, am left.' " ' ^ In the history of Islam, this pledge is also called the " Pledge of Women," in contradistinction to the second pledge, in which the deputies of Yathrib took an oath to assist the Moslems, even by arms against the attacks and outrages of their enemies. 2 Ibn-Hisham, p. 289 ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol ii. pp. 73, 74. * Koran, sura vi. ver. 107. * Koran, sura xl. ver. 78, xliii. ver. 40, etc. ^ Koran, sura xxi. ver. 18. 6 Koran, sura xvii. ver. 18. ' Life of Mahomet, vol ii. p. 228. 44 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. This period of anxious waiting is also remarkable for that notable Vision of the Ascension which has furnished worlds of golden dreams for the imaginative genius of poets and traditionists. They have woven beautiful and gorgeous legends round the simple words of the Koran : " Praise be to Him who carried His servant by night from the sacred temple to the temple that is more remote, whose precincts We have blessed, that We might show him some of our signs ! for He is the Hearer, the Seer." ^ And again : " And remember we said to thee. Verily, thy Lord is round about mankind ; We ordained the Vision which We showed thee." ^ In spite of the beautiful garb in which the traditionists have dressed this incident, "it is still a grand vision full of glorious imagery, fraught with deep meaning." ^ The following year (622 a.c), the Yathribites who had adopted the new religion repaired to Mecca, to the number of seventy- five, in company with their idolatrous brethren, to invite the Prophet to their city ; ^ but the idolaters had no knowledge ot the intention of their companions. In the stillness of night,* when all hostile elements appeared slumbering, these pioneers of the new faith met under the hill which had witnessed the first pledge. Mohammed appeared among them, accompanied by his uncle Abbas, who, though not a convert, yet took a warm interest in the progress of Islam. He opened the conference, and vividly described to the Yathribites the risk they incurred by adopting Islam and inviting its Teacher to their city. They replied with one ^ Koran, chap. xvii. ver. i. " All that Mohammedans must believe res- pecting the Meraj is, that the Prophet saw himself, in a vision, transported from Mecca to Jerusalem, and that in such vision he really beheld some of the greatest signs of his Lord. It must be evident to the reader that the visions also of a prophet are a mode of divine inspiration." — Syed Ahmed Khan, Ess. xi. p. 3.4. Muir says that " the earliest authorities point only to a vision, not to a real bodily journey," vol. ii. p. 221, note. Compare the early traditions given by Ibn-Hisham, p. 267, which support this view. It may, I think, be fairly asked why Christians, who believe in the bodily resurrection and bodily ascension of Jesus and of Elijah, should look upon those Moslems who believe in the bodily ascension of Mohammed as less rational than them- selves ? 2 Stanley Lane-Poole, Introd. to the Selections from the Koran, p. Ivi. ' Ibn-Hisham, p. 296 ; al-Halabi, Insdn iil-'Uyiln, vol. i. p. 389. * In the night of the first and second day of the Tashrik, the period of three days which follow immediately the celebration of the rites of the pilgrimage. II. THE SECOND PLEDGE OF 'AKABA 45 voice, that they adopted the rehgion fully conscious of the dangers that surrounded them. " Speak, O Prophet of God," said they, " and exact any pledge for thyself and thy Lord." The Prophet began, as was his wont, by reciting several passages of the Koran ; he then invited all present to the service of God, and dwelt upon the blessings of the new dispensation.^ The former pledge was repeated, that they would worship none but God ; that they would observe the precepts of Islam ; that they would obey Mohammed in all that was right, and defend him and his, even as they would their women and children.2 " And," said they, " if we die in the cause of God, what shall be our return ? " " Happiness hereafter," was the reply. ^ " But," said they, " thou wilt not leave us in the hour of prosperity to return to thy people ? " The Prophet smiled and said : " Nay never ; your blood is my blood ; I am yours, you are mine." " Give us then thy hand " ; and each one placing his hand on that of the Prophet, swore allegiance to him and his God. Scarcely had the compact been concluded, when the voice of a Meccan, who had been watching this scene from a distance, came floating on the night air, striking a sudden panic into the self-denying hearts there assembled. The firm words of Mohammed restored their presence of mind. Mohammed then selected twelve men from among them — men of position, pointed out to him by the voice of the people — as his delegates [Nakihs]} Thus was concluded the second Pledge of 'Akaba. The Meccan spy had. already spread the news of this confer- ence through the city. Astounded at the temerity of Moham- med and his followers, the Koreish proceeded in a body to the caravan of the Yathribites to demand the men who had entered into the pledge with him. Finding no clue, however, as to the persons who had taken part at the meeting, they allowed the caravan to depart unmolested. But this apparent modera- 1 Ibn-Hishain, p. 296 ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 76. - Ibid. ^ Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 77. * Ibn-Hisham, pp. 2Q7-300. Seventy- five people, men and women, took part in thi.s Pledge. This event occurred in the month of Zu'1-Hijja, and the Prophet stopped at Mecca throughout the remainder of this month, and Muharram and Safar. In Rabi I. he left for Medina ; Ibn ul Athir, vol. ii. p. 78. 46 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. tion on the part of the Koreish formed only a prelude to a furious persecution of Mohammed and his disciples. The position of the latter became every day more and more perilous. The Prophet, fearing a general massacre, advised his followers to seek immediate safety at Yathrib ; whereupon about one hundred families silently disappeared by twos and threes from Mecca and proceeded to Yathrib, where they were received with enthusiasm. Entire quarters of the city thus became deserted ; and 'Otba, the son of Rab'ia, at the sight of these vacant abodes, once so full of life, " sighed heavily," and recited the old verse : " Every dwelling-place, even if it has been blessed ever so long, will one day become a prey to unhappiness and bitter wind " ; " And," he sorrowfully added, " all this is the work of the son of our brother, who has scattered our assemblies, ruined our affairs, and created dissension amongst us." ^ As it was with Jesus, so it was with Mohammed ; only with this difference, that in one case the Teacher himself says : " Think not that I came to send peace on earth ; I came not to send peace, but a sword : for I am come to set a man at variance against his father, and the daughter against her mother, and the daughter-in-law against her mother-in-law." ^ In Mohammed's case it was one of his most persevering oppon- ents who accused him of creating dissension in families. Throughout this period, when the storm was at its height and might at any moment have burst over his head, Mohammed never quailed. All his disciples had left for Yathrib ; alone he remained bravely at his post, with the devoted Ali and the venerable Abu Bakr. Meanwhile the clouds were gathering fast. Fearful of the escape of the Prophet, an assembly of the Koreish met in all despatch in the town-hall (Dar un-Nadwa), and some chiefs of other clans were invited to attend. The matter had become one of life and death. Stormy was the meeting, for fear had entered their hearts. Imprisonment for Hfe, expulsion from the city, each was debated in turn. Assassination was then proposed ; but assassination by one man would have exposed him and his family to the vengeance of blood. The difificulty 1 Ibn-Hisham, p. 316. 2 Matt. x. 34, 35. II. THE HEGIRA 47 was at last solved by Abu Jahl/ who suggested that a number of courageous men, chosen from different families, should sheathe their swords simultaneously in Mohammed's bosom, in order that the responsibility of the deed might rest upon all, and the relations of Mohammed might consequently be unable to avenge it. This proposal was accepted, and a number of noble youths were selected for the sanguinary deed. As the night advanced, the assassins posted themselves round the Prophet's dwelling. Thus they watched all night long, waiting to murder him when he should leave his house in the early dawn, peeping now and then through a hole in the door to make sure that he still lay on his bed. But, meanwhile, the instinct of self-preservation, the instinct which had often led the great Prophet of Nazareth to evade his enemies, ^ had warned Mohammed of the danger. In order to keep the attention of the assassins fixed upon the bed, he put his own green garment upon the devoted and faithful Ali, bade him lie on his bed,^ " and escaped, as David had escaped, through the windows." He repaired to the house of Abu Bakr, and they fled together unobserved from the inhospitable city of their birth. They lay hid for several days in a cavern of Mount Thaur, a hill to the south of Mecca. ^ The fury of the Koreish was now unbounded. The news that the would-be assassins had returned unsuccessful, and Mohammed had escaped, aroused their whole energy. Horsemen 1 Ibn-Hisham, pp. 323-32,5 ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 79 ; the Koran, sura viii. vcr. 30. According to" Ibn-Hisham, this proposal of Abu Jahl, one of the Koreish, was seconded by a stranger, in the guise of a venerable Sheikh from Najd whom tradition has resolved into Satan himself. Abii Jahl was one of the bitterest enemies of the Prophet. His real name was 'Amr and he was surnamed, for his sagacity, Abit'l Hikam (" father of wisdom," in the plural). Owing to his fanaticism and bigotry, which prevented his perceiving any good in the new Teachings, Mohammed called him instead Abil Jahl {" father of ignorance "). Ignorance has in all ages posed as the champion of orthodoxy. Abu Jahl has thus become a type. It is to this fact Hakim Sanai, the great mystical poet, refers in the following couplet : — " Ahmed-i-Mursal nishista kai raivci darad Khirad. Dil asir-i-s'iyat-i-Bii Jahl-i-Kdfir ddshtan." " Ahmed the Prophet is sitting (in your midst), how can reason allow " The heart to become captive of the qualities of Bu-Jahl the unbeliever." - Comp. Milman, Hist, of Christiauity, vol. i. p. 253. ' Ibn-Hisham, p. 325 ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 80. ' See Desvergers' note (57) to his Abulfeda, p. 116. 48 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED I scoured the country. A price was set upon Mohammed head.^ Once or twice the danger approached so near that th( heart of old Abu Bakr quaked with fear. " We are but two,' said he. " Nay," said Mohammed, " we are three, God i; with us ; " and He was with them. After three days th( Koreish slackened their efforts. All this time Mohammec and his companion were sustained by food brought to therr at night by a daughter of Abu Bakr.^ On the evening of th( third day the fugitives left the cavern, and, procuring witt great difficulty two camels, endeavoured to reach Yathrib bj^ unfrequented paths. But even here the way was full of danger. The heavy price set upon Mohammed's head had brought out many horsemen from Mecca, and they were still diligently seeking for the helpless wanderer. One, a wild and fierce warrior, actually caught sight of the fugitives and pursued them. Again the heart of Abu Bakr misgave him, and he cried, " We are lost." " Be not afraid," said the Prophet, " God will protect us." As the idolater overtook Mohammed, his horse reared and fell. Struck with sudden awe, he entreated the forgiveness of the man whom he was pursuing and asked for an attestation of his pardon. This was given to him on a piece of bone by Abu Bakr.^ The fugitives continued their journey without further molestation and after three days' journeying reached the territories of Yathrib. It was a hot day in June, 622 of the Christian era, when Mohammed alighted from his camel upon the soil which was thenceforth to become his home and his refuge. A Jew watching on a tower first espied him,* and thus were the words of the Koran fulfilled : " They, to whom the Scriptures have been given, recognise him as they do their own children." ^ Mohammed and his companion rested for a few days "^ at a village called Koba,' situated only two miles to the south of Yathrib, and remarkable for its beauty and ^ Of a hundred camels, Ibn-Hisham, p. 328 ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 81. 2 Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 81. 3 Ibn-Hisham, pp. 331, 332 ; Ibn ul-Athir, ibid. ■* Ibn-Hisham, p. 330. * Koran, sura vi. ver. 20. fi Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday, Ibn-Hisham, p. 335 ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 83. ' See Desvergers' Abulfeda, p. 116, note 59. II. THE HEGIRA 49 fertility. Here he was joined by Ali, who had been severely maltreated by the idolaters after their disappointment at Mohammed's escape. ^ Ah fled from Mecca and journeyed on foot, hiding himself in the daytime and travelling only at night, lest he should fall into the hands of the Koreish.^ The Bani 'Amr bin-'Auf, to whom the village belonged, invited the Prophet to prolong his stay amongst them. But his duty lay before him ; and he proceeded towards Yathrib, attended by a numerous body of his disciples. He entered the city on the morning of a Friday, i6th of Rabi I., corresponding (according to M. Caussin de Perceval) with the 2nd of July 622. ^ . Thus was accomplished the Hijrat, called in European annals " the flight of Mohammed," from which dates the Mohammedan calendar. Note i to Chapter II The " Hegira," or the era of the Hijrat, was instituted seventeen years later by the second Caliph. The commence- ment, however, is not laid at the real time of the departure from Mecca, which happened on the 4th of Rabi I., but on the first day of the first lunar month of the year, viz. Muharram — which day, in the year when the era was estabhshed, fell on the 15th of July. But though Omar instituted the official era, the custom of referring to events as happening before or after the Hijrat originated, according to some traditions, with the Prophet himself ; this event naturally marking the greatest crisis in the history of his Mission. — Conip. al-Halabi, Insdn-ul-'Uyun, in loco. Note 2 to Chapter II The twelve Moslem months are ; Muharram (the sacred month), Safar (the month of departure), Rabi I. (first month ' Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 80. ^ Ibid. vol. ii. 82. => Caussin de Perceval, vol. iii. pp. 17-20; IbnHisham, p. 335. S.I. D 50 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. of the spring), Rabi H. (second month of the spring), Jumadi I. (first dry month), Jumadi H. (second dry month), Rajab ! {respected, called often Rajab ul-Murajjah), Sha'ban (the month ! of the budding of trees), Ramazan (month of heat), Shawwal (month of junction), Zu'1-Ka'da (month of truce, rest, or relaxation), Zu'l Hijja (month of pilgrimage). The ancient Arabs observed the lunar year of 354 days, 8 hours, 48 seconds, divided into twelve months of 29 and 30 days alternately. In order to make them agree with the solar year of their neigh- bours, the Greeks and the Romans, and also in order to make the months fall in the right season, they added a month every , third year. This intercalation was called Nasi ; and although i it was not perfectly exact, it served to maintain a sort of } correlation between the denomination of the months and the ] seasons. Since the suppression of the Nasi, on account of the orgies and various heathen rites observed in the intercalary years, the names of the months have no relation to the seasons. CHAPTER III THE PROPHET AT MEDINA U^\ ' y-i ^Uv.>A ,UJb \] U^l IjV i M^' >T ^ Jia^^fe S^ >/«^U/« yi i^Ji jj.*u, Jliw ^j^l ij-i i ,v jI; j IcX^I ' /J^ FEW Musulmans of the present day understand the full import of the mystical verses quoted at the head of this chapter, but all appreciate the deep devotion to the grand Seer implied in those words. And this devotion is not one which has twined itself round a mythical ideal, or has grown with the lapse of time. From the moment of his advent into Yathrib he stands in the full blaze of day — the grandest of figures upon whom the light of history has ever shone. The minutest details of his life are carefully noted and handed down to posterity, to become crystallised, often against the spirit of his own Teachings, which aimed at the perpetual growth of the human race. We have seen this wonderful man as an orphan child who had never known a father's love, bereft in infancy of a mother's care, his early life so full of pathos, growing up from a thoughtful childhood to a still more thoughtful youth. His youth as pure and true as his boyhood ; his manhood as austere and devout as his youth. His ear ever open to the sorrows and sufferings of the weak and the poor ; his heart ever full of sympathy and tenderness towards all God's creatures. He walks so humbly and so purely, that men turn round and 52 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. point, there goes al-Amin, the true, the upright, the trusty. A faithful friend, a devoted husband ; a thinker intent on the mysteries of Ufe and death, on the responsibihties of human actions, the end and aim of human existence, — he sets himself to the task of reclaiming and reforming a nation, nay, a world, with only one loving heart to comfort and solace him. Baffled, he never falters ; beaten, he never despairs. He struggles on with indomitable spirit to achieve the work assigned to him. His purity and nobleness of character, his intense and earnest belief in God's mercy, bring round him ultimately many a devoted heart ; and when the moment of the severest trial comes, like the faithful mariner, he remains steadfast at his post until all his followers are safe, and then betakes himself to the hospitable shore : such we have seen him. We shall see him now the king of men, the ruler of human hearts, chief, lawyer, and supreme magistrate, and yet without any self- exaltation, lowly and humble. His history henceforth is merged in the history of the commonwealth of which he was the centre. Henceforth the Preacher who with his own hands mended his clothes, and often went without bread, was mightier than the mightiest sovereigns of the earth. " Mohammed had shown men what he was ; the nobility of his character, his strong friendship, his endurance and courage, above all, his earnestness and fiery enthusiasm for the truth he came to preach — these things had revealed the hero ; the master whom it was aUke impossible to disobey and impossible not to love. Henceforward it is only a question of time. As the men of Medina come to know Mohammed, they too will devote themselves to him body and soul ; and the enthusiasm will catch fire and spread among the tribes, till all Arabia is at the feet of the Prophet of the one God. ' No emperor with his tiaras was obeyed as this man in a cloak of his own clouting.' He had the gift of influencing men, and he had the nobihty only to influence them for good." Medina, the " illuminated " ^ — the city of many names — is situated about eleven days' journey to the north of Mecca. Now a walled city of considerable strength, in those days it was completely open and exposed to outside attacks until the 1 Munawwareh. III. THE PROPHET AT MEDINA 53 Prophet made the famous moat as a defence against the Koreishites. The city is said to have been estabUshed by an 'Amalekite chief, whose name it bore until the advent of the Prophet. In early times Yathrib^ and its environs were inhabited by the 'Amalekites ; these are said to have been overwhelmed and destroyed by successive colonies of Jews, who, flying before Babylonian and Greek and Roman perse- cutors or avengers, entered Arabia and established themselves in the northern part of Hijaz. The most important of these colonies were the Bani-Nazir at Khaibar, the Bani-Kuraizha at Fidak, the Bani-Kainuka'a near Medina itself. Living in fortified cantons, they had domineered over the neighbouring Arab tribes, until the estabhshment of two Kahtanite tribes, Aus and Khazraj at Yathrib. These two tribes, who yielded at first some sort of obedience to the Jews, were able to reduce them to a state of clientage. Before long, however, they commenced quarrelling among themselves, and it was only about the time when the Prophet announced his Mission at Mecca that, after long years of decimating warfare, they had succeeded in patching up a peace. Such was the political condition of Yathrib when the Prophet made his appearance among the Yathribites. With his advent a new era dawned upon the city. The two tribes of Aus and Khazraj, forgetting their inveterate and mortal feuds in the brotherhood of the Faith, rallied round the standard of Islam and formed the nucleus of the Moslem commonwealth. The old divisions were effaced, and the honor- able designation of Ansdr (Helpers) became the common title of all who had helped Islam in its hour of trial. The faithful band who had forsaken their beloved birthplace, and every tie of home, received the name of Muhdjirin (Emigrants or Exiles). In order to unite the Ansdr and the Muhdjirin in closer bonds, the Prophet estabUshed a brotherhood between them, which linked them together in sorrow and in happiness. Yathrib changed its ancient name, and was henceforth styled Medinat un-Nabi, the City of the Prophet, or shortly, Medina, the city par excellence. 1 With a Cl» (pronounced by the Arabs Hke ih in thiv, by all non-Arabs likes). 54 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. A mosque was soon built, in the erection of which Mohammed assisted with his own hands ; and houses for the accom- modation of the exiles rose apace. Two brothers, who owned the land on which it was proposed to build the mosque, had offered it as a free gift ; but as they were orphans, the Prophet paid them its value. The building was simple in form and structure, suited to the unostentatious religion he taught. The walls were of brick and earth, and the roof of palm leaves. A portion of the mosque was set apart as a habitation for those who had no home of their own. Everything in this humble place of worship was conducted with the greatest simplicity. Mohammed preached and prayed standing on the bare ground or leaning against a palm tree, and the devoted hearts around him beat in unison with his soul-stirring words. " He who is not affectionate to God's creatures and to his own children," he would say, " God will not be affectionate to him. Every Moslem who clothes the naked will be clothed by God in the green robes of Paradise." ^ In one of his sermons he thus dwelt on the subject of charity : " When God created the earth, it shook and trembled, until He put mountains upon it to make it firm. Then the angels asked, ' O God, is there anything in Thy creation stronger than these mountains ? ' And God replied, ' Iron is stronger than the mountains, for it breaks them.' ' And is there anything in Thy creation stronger than iron ? ' ' Yes ; lire is stronger than iron, for it melts it.' ' Is there anything in Thy creation stronger than fire ? ' ' Yes, water, for it quenches fire.' ' Lord, is there anything in Thy creation stronger than water ? ' ' Yes ; wind, for it overcomes water and puts it in motion.' ' Oh, our Sustainer, is there anything in Thy creation stronger than wind ? ' ' Yes ; a good man giving alms ; if he give with his right hand and conceal it from his left, he overcomes all things.' " His definition of charity embraced the wide circle of kindness : " Every good act," he would say, " is charity. Your smiling in 3^our brother's face is charity ; an exhortation addressed to 1 From Abu Huraira, Mishkat, book xii. chap. iii. part i. III. THE PROPHET AT MEDINA 55 your fellow-men to do virtuous deeds is equal to alms-giving. Putting a wanderer in the right path is charity ; assisting the blind is charity ; removing stones and thorns and other obstructions from the road is charity ; giving water to the thirsty is charity." ^ "A man's true wealth hereafter is the good he does in this world to his fellow-men. When he dies, people will ask, What property has he left behind him ? But the angels, who examine him in the grave, ^ will ask, What good deeds hast thou sent before thee ? " " Oh Prophet ! " said one of his disciples, " my mother, Umm Sa'd, is dead ; what is the best alms I can give away for the good of her soul ? " " Water ! " replied Mohammed, bethinking himself of the panting heat of the desert. " Dig a well for her, and give water to the thirsty." The man dug a well in his mother's name, and said, " This is for my mother, that its blessings may reach her soul." " Charity of the tongue," says Irving, " that most important and least cultivated of charities, was likewise earnestly incul- cated by Mahomet." Abu Jariya, an inhabitant of Basra, coming to Medina, and being convinced of the apostolic office of Mohammed, begged of him some great rule of conduct. " Speak evil of no one," answered the Prophet. " From that time," says Abu Jariya, " I never abused any one, whether freeman or slave." The teachings of Islam extended to the courtesies of life. Make a salutation to the dwellers of a house on entering and leaving it.^ Return the salute of friends and acquaintances, and wayfarers on the road. He who rides must be the first to make the salute to him who walks ; he who walks to him who is sitting ; a small party to a large party, and the young to the old." ■* ^ From Abu Sa'id Khazri. ^ See post, pt. ii. chap. x. ^ Compare Koran, chap. xxiv. vers. 27, 28, 61 and 62. ■• From Abu Hurairah, Mishkdt, Bk. xxii. chap. i. part i. Besides the references already given, consult the Kitub ul-Mustatraf, chaps, iv. v. x. xiii. xix. xxii. xxiii. and xxv The Mustatraf gives fully the references to Tirmizi, Muslim, and Bukhari. Consult also the Majcdis ul-Abrdr. Majlis (seance), 84. CHAPTER IV THE HOSTILITY OF THE KOREISH AND THE JEWS I A.H.^igth April 622-'/ th May 623 A.C. .^iJ! ^Ikxj >lsv-, ^^^i^l ^w'»»=>'' AT this time there were three distinct parties in Medina. The Muhajirin (the Exiles) and the Ansar (the Helpers) ; ^ formed the kernel of Islam. Their devotion to the ' Prophet was unbounded. The Exiles had forsaken their ' I A.H. = i9th homes, and abandoned, contrary to all Arab April 622 to 7th traditions, the ties of kith and kin, in the ay 23 A.C. cause of the Faith. They had braved all sufferings, withstood all temptations in the service of the Lord. Many of them had come to the City of Safety ■ without means. They had been received with open arms 1 by the Medinite converts, who in many cases shared their \ worldly goods with the poorer of the new-comers. The i brotherhood of Faith, so wisely established by the Prophet, ; whilst it prevented the growth of jealousy, gave rise to a I IV. THE PROPHET IN MEDINA 57 generous emulation, both among the Ansar and the Muhajiiin, as to who would bring the greatest sacrifice in the service of God and His Prophet. The enthusiasm and earnestness with which these men and women devoted themselves to the new awakening, the zeal with which they laid down their lives, was a manifestation such as had not been seen since the best days of the Christian phase of religious development. The second, and at first by no means an unimportant party, was composed principally of lukewarm converts to the Faith, who retained an ill-concealed predilection for idolatry ; and was headed by Abdullah ibn-Ubayy, a chief of some position in the city, who aspired to the kinghood of Medina. With this object he had gathered round him, like Abu Sufian at Mecca, a strong body of partizans. Everything was ripe for him to seize the reins of power, when the arrival of the Prophet upset his designs. The popular enthusiasm compelled him and his followers to make a nominal profession of Islam ; but, ever ready as they were to turn against the Moslems at the least opportunity, they were a source of considerable danger to the new-bom commonwealth, and required unceasing watchfulness on the part of the Prophet. Towards them he always showed the greatest patience and forbearance, hoping in the end to win them over to the Faith. And this expectation was fully justified by the result. With the death of Abdullah ibn-Ubayy his party, which has been stigmatised ^ as the party of the Mundfikin (the Disaffected), disappeared for a time from view. But the Jews, who may be said to have formed the third party, constituted the most serious element of danger. They had close business relations with the Koreish, and their ramifications extended into various parts hostile to the Faith. At first they were inclined to look with some favour on the preachings of Mohammed. He could not, of course, be their promised Messiah, but perhaps a weak dreamer, a humble preacher, dependent upon the hospitaUty of their old enemies, ^ Koran, sura xlii. ; Ibn-Hisham, pp. 363, 411. The Mundfikin or the Ineconcilables have never disappeared completely from the Islamic body politic. Ever and anon they have exercised the most disastrous effects in Islam. In later times they posed as the champions of orthodoxy ; note for example, the Khurijis of Africa. 58 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. now their patrons, the Aus and the Khazraj, might become their avenger, help them in conquering the Arabs, and found for them a new kingdom of Judali. With this aim in view, they had joined with the Medinites in a half-hearted welcome to the Prophet. And for a time they maintained a pacific ' attitude. But it was only for a time ; for barely a month had i gone by before the old spirit of rebellion, which had led them \ to crucify their prophets, found vent in open seditions and ' secret treachery. One of the first acts of Mohammed after i his arrival in Medina was to weld together the heterogeneous i and conflicting elements of which the city and its suburbs t were composed, into an orderly confederation. With this i object he had granted a charter to the people, by which the ; rights and obligations of the Moslems inter se, and of the j Moslems and Jews, were clearly defined. And the Jews, borne ? down for the moment by the irresistible character of the ' movement, had gladly accepted the Pact. This document, i which has been carefully preserved in the pages of Ibn-Hisham, ' reveals the Man in his real greatness — a master-mind, not only ' of his own age, as Muir calls him, but of all ages. No wild ' dreamer he, bent upon pulling down the existing fabrics of | society, but a statesman of unrivalled powers, who in an age j of utter and hopeless disintegration, with such materials and such polity as God put ready to his hands, set himself to the ' task of reconstructing a State, a commonwealth, a society, upon the basis of universal humanity. " In the name of the most merciful and compassionate God," says this first charter of freedom of conscience, " given by Mohammed, the Prophet, to the Believers, whether of the Koreish or of Yathrib, and all \ individuals of whatever origin who have made common cause i with them, all these shall constitute one nation." Then, after regulating the payment of the Diyat^ by the various clans, and fixing some wise rules regarding the private duties of Moslems as between themselves, the document proceeds thus : ' " The state of peace and war shall be common to all Moslems ; i no one among them shall have the right of concluding peace ! with, or declaring war against, the enemies of his co-religionists. ^ Diyat, Wehrgeld, price which a homicide had to pay to the family of the victim, if they consented to it. IV. THE CHARTER OF MOHAMMED 59 The Jews who attach themselves to our commonwealth shall be protected from all insults and vexations ; they shall have an equal right with our own people to our assistance and good offices : the Jews of the various branches of 'Auf, Najjar, Harith, Jashm, Th'alaba, Aus, and all others domiciled in Yathrib, shall form with the Moslems one composite nation ; they shall practise their religion as freely as the Moslems ; the clients ^ and allies of the Jews shall enjoy the same security and freedom ; the guilty shall be pursued and punished ; the Jews shall join the Moslems in defending Yathrib (Medina) against all enemies ; the interior of Yathrib shall be a sacred place for all who accept this Charter ; the clients and alhes of the Moslems and the Jews shall be as respected as the patrons ; all true Moslems shall hold in abhorrence every man guilty of crime, injustice, or disorder : no one shall uphold the culpable, though he were his nearest kin." Then, after some other provisions regarding the internal management of the State, this extraordinary document concluded thus : "All future disputes between those who accept this Charter shall be referred, under God, to the Prophet." ^ A death-blow was thus given to that anarchic custom of the Arabs, which had hitherto obliged the aggrieved and the injured to rely upon his own or his kinsmen's power in order to exact vengeance, or satisfy the requirements of justice. It constituted Mohammed the chief magistrate of the nation, as much by his prophetic function as by a virtual compact between himself and the people. The Jewish tribes of the Bani-un-Nazir,^ Bani-Kuraizha, and Bani-Kainuka'a settled in the vicinity of Medina, were not at first included in this ^2 ah. 7th May ^, , , , . , 623 to 26th April Charter ; but after a short time they, too, 624 a.c. gratefully accepted its terms. No kindness or generosity, however, on the part of the Prophet would satisfy the Jews ; nothing could conciliate the bitter feelings with which they were animated. Enraged that they could not use him as their instrument for the conversion ^ I.e. the protected. - Ibn-Hisham, pp. 341-343. This is a paraphrase of an important historical document. ■' With a zdd. 6o THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i.; of Arabia to Judaism, and that his behef was so much simpler, than their Talmudic legends, they soon broke off, and ranged j themselves on the side of the enemies of the new Faith. And J when asked which they preferred, idolatry or Islam, they/ like many Christian controversiahsts, declared they preferred ( idolatry, with all its attendant evils, to the creed of Mohammed. ! They reviled him; they "twisted their tongues" and mis- j pronounced the Koranic words and the daily prayers and] formulae of Islam, rendering them meaningless, absurd, or \ blasphemous ; and the Jewish poets and poetesses, of whom • there existed many at the time, outraged all common decency and the recognised code of Arab honour and chivalry by lampooning in obscene verse the Moslem women. But these] were minor offences. Not satisfied with insulting the women ' of the Believers and reviling the Prophet, they sent out emissaries to the enemies of the State, the protection of which . they had formally accepted. The Koreish, who had sworn Mohammed's death, were well acquainted, thanks to the party of Abdullah-ibn-Ubayy and the faithless Israelites, with the exact strength of the Moslems. They also knew that the Jews had accepted Mohammed's alliance only from motives of temporary expediency, and that the moment they showed themselves in the vicinity of Medina the worshippers of Jehovah would break away from him and join the idolaters. And now came the moment of severest trial to Islam Barely had the Prophet time to put the city in a state of defence and organise the Believers, before the blow descended upon him.^ Medina itself was honeycombed by sedition and treachery. And it became the duty of Mohammed to take serious measures to guard against that dreaded catastrophe which a rising within, or a sudden attack from without, would have entailed upon his followers. He was not simply a preacher of Islam ; he was also the guardian of the lives and Hberties of his people. As a Prophet, he could afford to ignore the . revilings and the gibes of his enemies ; but as the head of the ij State, " the general in a time of almost continual warfare," 1 when Medina was kept in a state of military defence and under 1 Koran, sura ix. ver. 13 ; Zamakhshari (the Kashshdf), Egypt, ed., pp. 314, 315 ; al-Halabi, Insdn-ul-'Uyiin, vol. ii. IV. THE BATTLE OF BADR 6i a sort of military discipline, he could not overlook treachery. He was bound by his duty to his subjects to suppress a party that might have led, and almost did lead to the sack of the city by investing armies. The safety of the State required the proscription of the traitors, who were either sowing the seeds of sedition within Medina or carrying information to the common enemy. Some half a dozen were placed under the ban, outlawed, and executed. We are, however, anticipating the course of events in referring to these executions. The Koreish army was afield before Mohammed received God's command to do battle to His enemies. He who never in his life had wielded a weapon, to whom the sight of human suffering caused intense pain and pity, and who, against all the canons of Arab manliness, wept bitterly at the loss of his children or disciples, whose character ever remained so tender and so pathetic as to cause his enemies to call him womanish,^ — this man was now compelled, from the necessities of the situation, and against his own inclination, to repel the attacks of the enemy by force of arms, to organise his followers for purposes of self-defence, and often to send out expeditions to anticipate treacherous and sudden onslaughts. Hitherto, Arab warfare consisted of sudden and murderous forays, often made in the night or in the early morn ; isolated combats or a general melee, when the attacked were aware of the designs of the attacking party. Mohammed, with a thorough know- ledge of the habits of his people, had frequently to guard against these sudden onslaughts by sending forth reconnoitring parties. The Meccans and their allies commenced raiding up to the very vicinity of Medina, destroying the fruit-trees of the Moslems, and carrying away their flocks. A force, consisting of a thousand well-equipped men, marched under the noted Abu Jahl, " the Father of Ignorance," towards Medina to destroy the Moslems, and to protect one of their caravans bringing munitions of war. The Moslems received timely notice of the movement, and a body of three hundred disciples proceeded at once to forestall the heathens by occupying the valley of Badr, upon which Abu Jahl was moving. When 1 Compare Dozy, Histoire des Musidmans d'Espagne, vol. i. p. 32. 62 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED ij Mohammed saw the infidel army arrogantly advancing intc the valley, raising his hands towards heaven, Hke the prophets of Israel, he prayed that the little band of the Faithful might not be destroyed : " O Lord, forget not Thy promise of assist- ance. O Lord, if this httle band were to perish, there will be none to offer unto Thee pure worship." ^ Three of the Koreish advanced into the open space which divided the Moslems from the idolaters, and, according to Arab usage, challenged three champions from the Moslem ranks to single combat. Hamza, Ali, and Obaidah accepted the challenge, and came out conquerors. The engagement then became general. At one time the fortunes of the field wavered, but Mohammed's appeal to his people decided the fate of the battle. " It was a stormy winter day. A piercing; blast swept across the valley." It seemed as if the angels ■ of heaven were warring for the Moslems. Indeed, to the earnest minds of Mohammed and his followers, who, like the ; early Christians, saw God's providence " in all the gifts of nature, in every relation of life, at each turn of their affairs, individual or public," — to them those blasts of wind and sand, the elements warring against the enemies of God, at that critical moment appeared veritable succour sent from heaven ; as angels riding on the wings of the wind, and driving the faithless idolaters before them in confusion. ^ The Meccans were driven back with great loss ; many of their chiefs were slain ; and Abu Jahl fell a victim to his unruly pride. ^ A large number remained prisoners in the hands of the Moslems, but only two of them were executed. They had been noted for their virulent animosity towards the followers of the new Faith, and by the laws of war among the Arabs they now paid the penalty of their conduct.^ 1 Ibn-Hisham, p. 444 ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 97. ^ Koran, Sura viii. ver. 9, and Sura iii. vers. 11, 121-128. Comp. also Muir, vol. iii. p. 106. 3 Ibn-Hisham, p. 443 et seq. ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 26 et seq. Sir W. Muir mentions that when the head of Abii Jahl was brought to Mohammed, he said, " It is more acceptable to me than the choicest camel in Arabia." This passage, which is not to be found either in Ibn-Hisham, Ibn ul-Athir, Abulfeda or Tabari, is apocryphal. * Nazr, son of Harith, referred to in ver. 32 of Sura viii. of the Koran, was one of these men. IV. THE VICTORY OF THE MOSLEMS 63 The rest of the prisoners, contrary to all the usages and traditions of the Arabs, were treated with the greatest human- ity. The Prophet gave strict orders that respect should be paid to their misfortunes, and that they should be treated with kindness. The Moslems, to whose care he confided them, faithfully obeyed his instructions. They shared their own food with the prisoners, giving them the bread which forms the best part of their repast, and contenting themselves with dates alone. 1 The division of the spoil gave rise to sharp dissensions among the Moslem soldiery. For the present, Mohammed calmed their disputes by dividing it equally amongst all.^ But as such dissensions among an unruly people were likely to lead to mischief, the Prophet, with a view to prevent all future quarrels over spoil acquired in war, promulgated a special ordinance, which is incorporated in the chapter of the Koran entitled al-Anfdl (the Spoils). By this law the division of the spoils was left to the discretion of the chief of the common- wealth ; a fifth being reserved for the public treasury for the support of the poor and indigent.^ The remarkable circumstances which led to the victory of Badr, and the results which followed from it, made a deep impression on the minds of the Moslems. They firmly believed that the angels of heaven had battled on their side against the unbelieving host. 1 Ibn-Hisham, pp. 459, 460 ; Caussin de Perceval, vol. iii. p. 79. M"ir speaks thus : " In pursuance of Mahomet's commands, the citizens of Medina, and such of the refugees as possessed houses, received the prisoners, and treated them with much consideration. ' Blessings be on the men of Medina ! ' said one of these prisoners in later days ; ' they made us ride, while they themselves walked ; they gave us wheaten bread to eat when there was little of it ; contenting themselves with dates,' " vol. iii. p. 122. 2 " It is remarkable," says Sale, " that the dispute among Mohammed's men about sharing the booty at Badr arose on the same occasion as did that among David's soldiers in relation to the spoils taken from the Amalekites ; those who had been in the action insisting that they who tarried by the stuff should have no part of the spoil ; and that the same decision was given in both cases, which became a law for the future, to wit, that they should part alike." Prel. Disc. sec. vi. •■' Koran, chap. viii. ver. 41. Though the distribution was left to the dis- cretion of the chief of the State, certain customs were invariably observed which under the Cahphs became precedents, and thus gave a more definite shape to the law. Compare M. Querry's splendid work, entitled Droit Mussul- man (Paris 1871), tome i. p. 335. 64 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. The few simple touches in the Koran which bring into vivid prominence the poetic element involved in the conception of the angels fighting the battle of the Lord, will not yield in beauty or sublimity to the most eloquent words of the Psalmist. Indeed, the same poetic character is perceptible in both.^ Probably Mohammed, like Jesus and other teachers, believed in the existence of intermediate beings, celestial messengers from God to man. The modern disbelief in angels furnishes no reason for ridicuUng the notions of our forefathers. Our disbelief is as much open to the name of superstition as their belief ; only one is negative, the other positive. What we, in modern times, look upon as the principles of nature, they looked upon as angels, ministrants of heaven. Whether there exist intermediate beings, as Locke thinks, between God and man, just as there are intermediate beings between man and i ' the lowest form of animal creation, is a question too deep to be ; fathomed by the reason of man. • Mohammed also, like Jesus, probably beheved in the existence of the Principle of Evil as a personal entity. But an analysis of his words reveals a more rationalistic element, a subjective conception clothed in language suited for the apprehension ^ of his followers. When somebody asked him where Satan j lived, he replied " In the heart of man," whilst Christian : tradition converts the Pharisee who tempted Jesus, into the veritable Prince of Hell.^ The belief in angels and devils has given rise to an extra- ordinary number of legends both in Islam and in Christianity. ! The saints of heaven and angels fight for the Christian. The , Moslem only accepts the assistance of angels in the battles of i life. ', ^ Ps. xviii. ; 2 All the Schleicrmacher school believe the tempter to have been the head priest. Milman mentions this view as well as the patristic and orthodox one, but dexterously leaves for the reader to choose which he likes. The chapter , of Reuss on Angels {History of Christian Theology in the Apostolic Age, Engli-sh ' translation, note i, pp. 401-404), with the mass of references arrayed therein, i distinctly proves that the early Christians, the immediate disciples of Jesus, | firmly believed the angels and devils to be personal entities, beings slightly I ethereal, but in every way human-like ; and this belief those disciples of Jesus ■ must have received from the Master himself, who, indeed, as Renan says, .j could not have been, in these respects, intellectually different from the people ij of his age ; Vie de Jesus, 3rd ed. 1867, p. 267. ; IV. CALUMNY AGAINST MOHAMMED 65 Note to Chapter IV The story of Mohammed's inhuman reply to the appeal of 'Okba, son of Abu Mu'ait, when he was being led forward to execution, is utterly false ; it is said that on 'Okba's asking, " \Vlio will take care of my little children ? " Mohammed answered, " Hell lire." This story is so preposterous in itself, so opposed to Mohammed's true character (one of whose noblest traits was his love for children, and who always in- culcated love and protection of orphans as an absolute duty, and an act most acceptable to God), that it is hardly necessary to search for its true origin. Christian writers, however, seem to gloat over it, and hence it becomes needful to examine how the story arose. It originated most probably from the sobriquet of Sihyat nn-Ndr (children of fire), applied to the children of 'Okba. 'Okba himself belonged to the tribe of 'Ajlan,^ a branch of which inhabited certain valleys near Safra, and were known by the name of Bani un-Nar (children or descendants of fire) . The sobriquet was probably derived from this circumstance ; and the story of Mohammed's reply from the nickname. Another story of Mohammed's having bitterly apostrophised the dead of the idolaters on their burial is, to say the least, distorted. Tabari thus narrates the circumstances which have given rise to this calumny : " The Prophet placed himself by the side of the large grave or pit which had been prepared for the corpses ; and as the bodies were lowered, the names were called out, and Mohammed then uttered these words, ' You, my kindred, you accused me of lying, when others believed in me ; you drove me from my home, when others received me ; what destiny has been yours ! Alas ! all that God threatened is fulfilled.' " These words, which were palpably meant to express pity, have been distorted to imply bitterness. ^Aghani, according to C. de Perceval, vol. iii. p. 79. CHAPTER V THE INVASION OF MEDINA BY THE KOREISH 2 A.H. = 624A.C. SUCCESS is always one of the greatest criterions of truth. Even in the early days of Christianity, the good Pharisee said, " Let them alone ; if these men be false, they will come to nought, or else you yourselves shall perish." If Constantine had not seen, or fancied he had ^ ' ' seen, the notable cross in the heavens ; if he had not marched to success under its auspices ; if it had not led him on to victory and to the throne — we can hardly conceive what would have been the fate of Christianity. What the victory of Badr was for Islam, the victory of the Milvian Bridge was for Christianity.^ It thenceforth ruled from the throne of the Caesars. For the Moslems the victory of Badr was indeed most auspicious. It was not surprising that they, like the Israelites or Christians of yore, saw the hand of Providence in their success over the idolaters. Had the Moslems failed, we can imagine what their fate would have been — a universal massacre. Whilst Mohammed was engaged in this expedition, he lost 1 The Christians themselves look upon the defeat of Maxentius by Con- stantine {312 A.c.) as the greatest triumph of their faith. The chapter of Gibbon, vol. iii. chap, xx., mingled satire Snd historj-, shows how the success of Christianity dates from that event. V HOSTILITY OF THE JEWS AND ARABS 67 one of his favourite daughters, Rukaiya, married to Osman, who had only recently returned from the Abyssinian exile. But the desire for revenge with which the idolaters were burning allowed him no time to indulge in domestic sorrow. As soon as all the Koreishite prisoners had returned liome, Abu Sutian issued forth from Mecca with two hundred horsemen, vowing solemnly never to return until he had avenged himself on Mohammed and his followers. Scouring the country to within a few miles of Medina, he came down with a fell swoop on the unprepared Moslems, slaying the people, and ravaging date-groves which furnished the staple food of the Arabs. The Meccans had provided themselves with bags of " sawik " ^ for the foray. As soon, however, as the Moslems sallied forth from Medina to avenge the murders, the Meccans turned bridle and fled, dropping the bags in order to lighten their beasts : whence this affair was derisively called by the Moslems, Ghazwat us-sau'ik, " the battle of the meal-bags." ^ It was on this occasion that an incident happened to the Prophet, which has been exceedingly well told by Washington Irving. Mohammed was sleep- J^g,. Aprir624 ing one day alone at the foot of a tree, at a distance from his camp, when he was awakened by a noise, and beheld Durthur, a hostile warrior, standing over him with a drawn sword. " O Mohammed," cried he, " who is there now to save thee ? " " God ! " replied the Prophet. The wild Bedouin was suddenly awed, and dropped his sword, which was instantly seized upon by Mohammed. Brandishing the weapon, he exclaimed in turn, " Who is there now to save thee, Durthur ? " " Alas, no one ! " replied the soldier. " Then learn from me to be merciful." So saying, he returned the sword. The Arab's heart was overcome ; and in after years he proved one of the staunchest adherents of the Prophet,^ ^ Sawik is the old and modern Arabic name for a dish of green grain, toasted, pounded, mixed with dates or sugar, and eaten on journeys when it is found difficult to cook. - The place where the affair took place bears now the name of Suwayka — a few hours' journey to the south-west of Medina. ^ The last month of this year was marked by the death of Osman, son of Mahzun, and the marriage of AH, son of Abu Talib, to Fatima, Mohammed's daughter. Osman was one of the earliest believers, and he was the first of the 68 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. But this skirmish, between the idolaters and the Moslems, like others which followed, proved only a prelude to the great drama that was about to be enacted. The idolaters were burning for revenge. They made formid- able preparations for another war upon the 3 A.H.=26th Moslems. Their emissaries succeeded in ob- Aprii 6^25 A.c. taining the assistance of the tribes of Tihama and Kinana, and their united forces soon amounted to three thousand well-equipped soldiers (of whom seven hundred were mailed warriors), animated with but one desire, that of revenge. This army was as formidable to the petty tribes of Arabia as the multitudinous hordes of Xerxes to the Grecian States. Marching under the command of the relentless Abu Sufian, and meeting with no opposition from any side, they took up a well-chosen position to the north-east of Medina, where only the hill of Ohod and a valley separated them from the devoted city. From this safe vantage-ground they ravaged the fields and fruit groves of the Medinites. Forced by the enthusiasm of his followers, and by their fury at the destruction of their property, Mohammed marched out of Medina with a thousand men. The ill-concealed enmity of the Jews led to the defection of Abdullah ibn-Ubayy, the leader of the Munafikin (the Disaffected), with three hundred of his followers. This desertion reduced the strength of Mohammed's small force to seven hundred men, who only possessed two i horses amongst them. But still this gallant band marched j steadily forward. Advancing quietly through groves of fruit | trees, they soon gained the hill of Ohod. They passed the night in the defile, and in the morning, after offering prayers as 1 they stood to arms, they debouched into the plain. Mohammed 1 now took up his position immediately under the hill.^ Posting Muhajirin who died at. Medina, and was interred at Baki, a suburb of Medina, where he buried a number of illustrious and saintly people, whose tombs are , up to the present day venerated by the Moslems. ' Ali had been betrothed to Fatima several days before the expedition to ! Badr, but the marriage was only celebrated three months later, Ali being in ' his twenty-first, and Fatima in her fifteenth year. 1 Burton thus describes the spot : " This spot, so celebrated in the annals of El Islam, is a shelving strip of land, close to the southern base of Mount . Ohod. The army of the infidels advanced from the fiumara in crescent shape, 1 V. THE BATTLE OF OHOD 69 a few archers on a height behind the troops, he gave them strict injunctions not to abandon their place whatever happened but to harass the cavahy of the enemy and protect the flanks of the Moslems. The idolaters, confident in their numbers, marched down into the plain with their idols in the centre of their army, and the wives of the chiefs chanting their war- songs and beating their timbrels. ^ The first violent onslaught of the Koreish was bravely repulsed by the Moslems, led by Hamza, who, taking advantage of the confusion of the enemy, dashed into the midst of the Koreishites, deahng havoc on all sides. Victory had almost declared for the Moslems, when the archers, forgetting the injunctions of the Prophet, and seeing the enemy in flight, dispersed in search of plunder. ^ And what happened in later days at Tours happened at Ohod. Khalid bin Walid, one of the Koreish, at once perceived their error, and rallying his horse, fell on the rear of the Moslems.^ The infantry of the Koreish also turned, and the Moslem troops, taken both in rear and front, had to renew the battle at fearful odds. Some of the bravest chiefs in the Moslem army fell fighting. The intrepid Hamza, with several others, was killed ; Ah, who had chivalrously answered the first call of defiance (Rajz) of the idolaters,^ and Omar and Abu Bakr were severely W'ounded. with Abu Sufiyan, the general, and his idols in the centre. It is distant about three miles from El IMedinah in a northerly direction. All the visitor sees is hard gravelly ground, covered with little heaps of various coloured granite, red sandstone, and bits of porphyry, to denote the different places where the martyrs fell and were buried. Seen from this point, there is some- thing appalling in the look of the holy mountain. Its seared and jagged flanks rise like masses of iron from the plain, and the crevice into which the Moslem host retired, when the disobedience of the archers in hastening to plunder enabled Khalid ben Walid to fall upon Mohammed's rear, is the only break in the grim wall. Reeking with heat, its surface produces not one green shrub or stunted tree ; not a bird or beast appeared upon its in- hospitable sides, and the bright blue sky glaring above its bald and sullen brow made it look only the more repulsive." — Burton's Pilgrimage to Mecca, vol. ii. pp. 236, 237. 1 Extracts from their war-songs are given by Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. Ii8. " Courage ! Ye sons of Abd ud-Dar ; courage ! defenders of women ! strike home with the edges of your swords." Another runs thus : " We are daughters of the Star of the JNIorn (Tarik) ; we tread softly on silken cushions {nanulrik) ; face the enemy boldly, and we shall press you in our arms ; fly, and we shall shun you, shun you with disgust." - This disobedience is referred to in the Koran, sura iii. ver. 146. ^ Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. 119 ; al-Halabi, Tnscni ul-'UyiXn, vol. ii. p. 239. ^ Tabari says that Talha, the standard-bearer of the idolaters, a man of heroic bravery, placed himself before AH, and brandishing his sabre, defied 70 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. The efforts of the idolaters were, however, principally directed towards Mohammed, who, surrounded by a few disciples and separated from the main body of his people, became now the chief object of their assaults. His friends fell fast around him. Though wounded and bleeding he did not forget their loving hearts, and blessed the hand that tried to stanch the blood which flowed from his forehead.^ But rescue was nigh. The brave warriors who under Ali had been fighting in the centre with the energy of despair, succeeded in retreating to a point on the hill, where they were secure from the attacks of the enemy, but full of consternation at the loss, as they supposed, of their great Master. Seeing, however, their brethren still fighting in another part of the field, they rushed down into the midst of the idolaters. Penetrating to the place where the small group of Moslems yet defended the Prophet, and finding that he still lived, they succeeded, after great exertions, in retreating with him to the heights of Mount Ohod, where they breathed again. Ali fetched water in his shield from the hollow of a rock. With this he bathed Mohammed's face and wounds, and with his companions offered up the mid-day prayers sitting. The Koreish were too exhausted to follow up their advantage, either by attacking Medina or driving the Moslems from the heights of Ohod. They retreated from the Medinite territories after barbarously mutilating their slain enemies. The wife of Abu Sufian, Hind, the daughter of 'Otba, with the other Koreishite women, showed the greatest ferocity in this savage work of vengeance, tearing out the heart of Hamza, and making bracelets and necklaces of the ears and noses of the dead. The barbarities practised by the Koreish on the slain created among the Moslems a feeling of bitter exasperation. Even Mohammed was at first so moved by indignation as to him, crying, " You Moslems say that our dead will go to hell, and yours to heaven ; let me see whether I cannot send thee to heaven." Upon this Ali replied, " Be it so ' " and they fought, and Talha was struck to the ground. " Mercy, O son of my uncle," cried he. Ali replied, " Mercy be it ; thou dost not deserve the fire." — Vol. iii. p. 25. 1 Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 114, and Abulfeda, p. 44, mention the date of the battle of Ohod as the 7th of Shawwal ; Tabari, vol. iii. p. 21, mentions the 8th ; Ibn-Hisham, the 5th ; and several others the nth. C. de Perceval, however, calculates the nth to have been the real date of the battle, as according to all the chroniclers the day was a Saturday, and the nth of Shawwal (26th of January) fell on a Saturday. — Hist, des Arabes, vol. iii. p. 96, note. V. HOSTILITY OF THE JEWS 71 declare that the dead of the Koreish should in future be treated in like manner.^ But the gentleness of his nature conquered the bitterness of his heart. " Bear wrong patiently," he preached ; " verily, best it will be for the patiently enduring." ^ And from that day the horrible practice of mutilation which pre- vailed among all the nations of antiquity was inexorably forbidden to the Moslems.^ On his return to Medina the Prophet directed a small body of the disciples to pursue the retreating enemy, and to impress on them that the Moslems, though worsted in battle, were yet unbroken in spirit, and too strong to be attacked again with impunity. Abu Sutian, hearing of the pursuit, hastened back to Mecca, having first murdered two Medinites whom he met on his route. He, however, sent a message to the Prophet, saying that he would soon return to exterminate him and his people. The reply as before was full of trust and faith — " God is enough for us, a good guardian is He ! " ^ The moral effect of this disastrous battle was at once visible in the forays which the neighbouring nomads prepared to make on the Medinite territories. Most of them, however, were repressed by the energetic action of Mohammed, though some of the hostile tribes succeeded in enticing Moslem missionaries into their midst, under the pretence of embracing Islam, and then massacred them. On one such occasion seventy Moslems were treacherously murdered near a brook called Bir-Ma'una, within the territories of two tribes, the Bani-'Amir and the Bani-Sulaim, chiefly through the instru- mentality of the latter. One of the two survivors of the slaughter escaped towards Medina. Meeting on the way two unarmed Arabs belonging to the Bani-'Amir who were travelhng under a safe-conduct of the Prophet, and mistaking ' Ibn-Hisham, p. 580 et seq. ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. pp. 115-126; Tabari, vol. iii. p. 16 et seq. ; al-Halabi, Insdn ul-'Uyun, vol. ii. p. 242. ^ Koran, sura xvii. ver. 127 ; Ibn-Hisham, pp. 584, 585 ; Zamakhshari (the Kashshaf), Egypt, ed., p. 446. ^ The Jews used to burn their prisoners alive, and most barbarously mutilate the slain. The Greeks, the Romans, and the Persians all practised similar barbarities. Christianity effected no improvement in these frightful customs, for as late as the sixteenth century we read of the most horrible mutilations. * Ibn-Hisham, p. 590 ; Koran, sura iii. ver. 167. 72 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. them for enemies, he killed them. When Mohammed heard of this he was deeply grieved. A wrong had been committed b}- one of his followers, though under a mistake, and the relatives of the men that were killed were entitled to redress. Accord- ingly orders were issued for collecting the diyat (the Wehrgeld) from the Moslems and the people who had accepted the Charter. ^ The Jewish tribes of the Bani un-Nazir, the Kuraizha, and others were bound equally with the Moslems to contribute towards this payment.- Mohammed himself, accompanied by \ a few disciples, proceeded to the Bani un-Nazir, and asked I from them their contribution. They seemingly agreed to the demand, and requested him to wait awhile. Whilst sitting with his back to the wall of a house, he observed sinister move- ments amongst the inhabitants, which led him to divine their intention of murdering him. j But to explain the hostility of the Jews we must trace back | the course of events. We have seen with what bitter animosity they dogged Mohammed's footsteps from the moment of his arrival at Medina. They tried to sow disaffection among his people. They libelled him and his followers. They mis- pronounced the words of the Koran so as to give them an offensive meaning. But this was not aU. By their superior education and intelligence, by their union with the party of the Munafikin (the Disaffected), and by the general unanimity which prevailed among them (so different from the disunion of the Arabs), the Jews formed a most dangerous element within the federated State which had risen under the Teacher of Islam. Among unadvanced nations poets occupy the position and exercise the influence of the press in modern times. ^ The Jewish poets by their superior culture naturally ^ See a>ite, pp. 58-59. ^ Ibn ul-Athir, vol. iii. p. 133 ; Tabari, vol. iv. p. 50. Muir and Sprenger have strangely garbled thi.s part of the affair. Sir \V. Muir does not find any authority for M. C. de Perceval's saying, that the Jews were bound by treaty to contribute towards the Diyat. If he had referred to Tabari he would have seen the following statement' "En suite il ordonna de reunir cette somme, ou la repartissant sur la ville de Medine, et d'y faire contribuer egale- , ment les Juifs, tels que les Beni-Nadhir, les Koraizha et ceux de Fadak, qu'y etaient obliges par le traite." — Zotenberg's Iransl. vol. iii. p. 50. So also Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 133. 3 An example of the influence which poets and rhapsodists exercise among unprogressed nations is afforded by one of the episodes connected with the V. HOSTILITY OF THE JEWS 73 exercised a vast influence among the Medinites ; and this influence was chiefly directed towards sowing sedition among the Moslems, and widening the breach between them and the opposing faction. The defeat of the idolaters at Badr was felt as keenly by the Jews as by the Meccans. Immediately after this battle a distinguished member of their race, called Ka'b, the son of Ashraf, belonging to the tribe of Nazir, publicly deploring the ill-success of the idolaters, proceeded towards Mecca. Finding the people there plunged in grief, he spared no exertion to revive their courage. By his satires against the Prophet and his disciples, by his elegies on the Meccans who had fallen at Badr, he succeeded in exciting the Koreish to that frenzy of vengeance which found vent on the plains of Ohod, Having attained his object, he returned to his home near Medina in the canton of Nazir, where he continued to attack Mohammed and the Musulmans in ironical and obscene verses, not sparing even the women of the Believers, whom he addressed in terms of the grossest character. His acts were openly directed against the commonwealth of which he was a member. He belonged to a tribe which had entered into the Compact ^ with the Moslems, and pledged itself for the internal as well as the external safety of the State. Another Jew of the Nazir, Abu Raf'e Sallam, son of Abu'l Hukaik, was equally wild and bitter against the Musulmans. He inhabited, with a fraction of his tribe, the territories of Khaibar, four or five da3's' journey to the north-west of Medina. Detesting Mohammed and the Musulmans, he made use of every endeavour to excite the neighbouring Arab tribes, such as the Sulaim and the Ghatafan, against them. It was impossible for the Musulman Common- wealth to tolerate this open treachery on the part of those to war of Ohod. Whilst preparing for this eventful campaign, the Koreish requested a poet of the name of Abu 'Uzza to go round the tribes of the desert, and excite them by his songs and poetry against the Moslems, and persuade them to join the confederacy^ formed under the auspices of the Meccans, for the destruction of Mohammed and his followers This man had been taken prisoner by the Moslems in the battle of Badr, but was released by the Prophet, without ransom, on pledging himself never again to take up arms against the Medinites. In spite of this, he was tempted to break his word, and went round the tribes, rousing them to arms by his poetry ; and it is said he was eminently successful in his work. After Ohod he was again taken prisoner and executed by the Moslems; Ibn-Hisham, p. 591. 1 See ante, p. 58. 74 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. whom every consideration had been shown, with the object of securing their neutrality, if not their support. Tlie very existence of the Moslem community was at stake ; and every principle of safety required that these traitorous designs should be quietly frustrated. The sentence of outlawry was executed upon them by the Medinites themselves — in one case by a member of the tribe of Aus, in the other by a Khazrajite. C'hristian controversialists have stigmatised these executions as ' ' assassinations. ' ' And because a Moslem was sent secretly to kill each of the criminals, in their prejudice against the Prophet, they shut their eyes to the justice of the sentence, and the necessity of a swift and secret execution. There existed then no police court, no judicial tribunal, nor even a court-martial, to take cognisance of individual crimes. In the absence of a State executioner any individual might become the executioner of the law. These men had broken their formal pact ; it was impossible to arrest them in public, or execute the sentence in the open before their clans, without causing unnecessary blood- shed, and giving rise to the feud of blood, and everlasting vendetta. The exigencies of the State required that whatever should be done should be done swiftly and noiselessly upon those whom public opinion had arraigned and condemned.^ The existence of the republic, and the maintenance of peace and order within the city, depended upon the prompt execution of the sentence passed upon the culprits before they could rally their clansmen round them. The fate of these two traitors, and the expulsion of their 2 A H Shaw- brethren the Bani-Kainuka' from the Medinite wal, February territories, had given rise to a bitter feeling of ^'^^■^- animosity among the Nazir against the Prophet. The circumstances connected with the banishment of the Kainuka' require a brief notice. Whilst the other Jewish tribes were chiefly agricultural, the Banu-Kainuka' hardly possessed a single field or date plantation. They were * Our Christian historians forget that the " wise " Solon himself, for the safety of his small city, made it obligatory on the Athenians to become executioners of the law, by pursuing the factious, or taking one or two sides in a public riot. They also forget that even the laws of Christian England allow any person to pursue and kill " an outlaw." V. HOSTILITY OF THE JEWS 75 for the most part artisans employed in handicraft of all kinds.' Seditious and unruly, always ready for a broil like their co- religionists of Alexandria, the Banu-Kainuka' were also noted for the extreme laxity of their morals. One day a young girl from the country came to their bazaar or market (Suk) to sell milk. The Jewish youths insulted her grossly. A Moslem passer-by took the part of the girl, and in the fray which ensued the author of the outrage was killed ; whereupon the entire body of the Jews present rose and slaughtered the Moslem. A wild scene then followed. The Moslems, enraged at the murder of their compatriot, flew to arms, blood flowed fast, and many were killed on both sides. At the first news of the riots, Mohammed hastened to the spot, and, by his presence, suc- ceeded in restraining the fury of his followers. He at once perceived what the end would be of these seditions and disorders if allowed to take their course. Medina would be turned into an amphitheatre, in which members of hostile factions might murder one another with impunity. The Jews had openly and knowingly infringed the terms of their compact. It was necessary to put a stop to this with a firm hand, or farewell to all hope of peace and security. Consequently Mohammed proceeded at once to the quarter of the Bani-Kainuka', and required them to enter definitely into the Moslem Common- wealth by embracing Islam, or to vacate Medina. The reply of the Jews was couched in the most offensive terms. " O, Mohammed, do not be elated with the victory over thy people (the Koreish). Thou hast had an affair with men ignorant of the art of war. If thou art desirous of having any dealings with us, we shall show thee that we are men," ^ They then shut themselves up in their fortress, and set Mohammed's authority at defiance. But their reduc- tion was an absolute duty, and siege was accordingly laid to their stronghold without loss of time. After fifteen days they surrendered. At first it was intended to infiict some severe punishment on them, but the clemency of Mohammed's nature ' Tabari, vol. iii. p. 8. Mbn-Hisham, p. 545. Tabari gives the speech of the Kainuka' with a sHght variation. But all historians agree in its being defiant and offensive. I cannot understand whence Gibbon obtained the excessively meek reply he puts into the mouth of these people. 76 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. overcame the dictates of justice, and the Bani-Kainuka' were simply banished. All these circumstances were rankling within the breasts of the Bani un-Nazir. They only waited for a favourable opportunity to rid themselves of Mohammed, and therefore' looked upon his arrival amongst them as providential. But their sinister designs, as we have before said, did not escape the eye of the Prophet. He immediately left the place without raising the suspicions of the Jews, and thus saved himself and his disciples from almost certain destruction. ^ The Bani un-Nazir had now placed themselves in exactly the same position as the Bani-Kainuka' had previously done. They had by their own act put themselves outside the pale of the Charter ; and therefore on his arrival at Medina, Mohammed sent them a message of the same import as that which was sent to the Kainuka'. Relying on the support of the Munafikin and Abdullah ibn-Ubayy, the Bani un-Nazir returned a defiant answer. Disappointed, however, in the promised assistance of Abdullah, and of their brethren, the Bani- Kuraizha, after a siege of fifteen days ^ they sued for terms. The previous offer was renewed, and they agreed to evacuate their territories. They were allowed to take all their movables with them, with the exception of arms.^ In order to prevent the Moslems from occupying their dwellings, they destroyed these before leaving.^ Their lands, warlike materials, etc., which they could not R bi I AH carry away, were distributed by the Prophet = June to July with the consent and cordial approval of the 625 A.c. Ansar, among the Muhajirin, who, up to this time had been entirely dependent for support on the generosity of the Medinites. Notwithstanding the strong brotherly love which existed between the " Refugees " and the " Helpers," ^ Mohammed knew that the assistance of the Medinites afforded 1 As any betrayal of suspicion by Mohammed or his disciples of the intents of the Jews would have made these people desperate, and precipitated matters, the Prophet went away by himself, leaving his followers behind, which led the Jews to suppose he was not gone far, and would quickly return. 2 Tabari says eleven days (vol. iii p. 54). 3 Ibn-Hisham, pp. 652, 653 ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 133 ; Abulfeda, p. 49- ■* Koran, sura lix. ver. 5. ^ See ante, p. 53. V. HOSTILITY OF THE JEWS 77 but a precarious means of subsistence. He accordingly assembled the principal men from among the Ansar, and asked them whether they had any objection to his distributing among their poor brethren who had followed him from Mecca the goods left behind by the Jews. With one voice they answered, " Give to our brothers the goods of the Jews ; assign to them even a portion of ours : we willingly consent." Upon this the Prophet divided the property among the Muhajirin and two of the Ansar who were extremely poor.^ The expulsion of the Bani un-Nazir took place in the month of Rabi L of the fourth year.^ The remaining portion of this year and the early part of the next were passed in repressing the spasmodic hostile attempts of the nomadic tribes against the Moslems, and in inflicting punishments for various murderous forays on the Medinite territories.^ Meanwhile the enemies of the Faith were by no means idle. Far and wide the idolaters had sent their ^^ ^ ^j emissaries to stir up the tribes against the May 626 to 23rd Moslems. The Jews were the most active in ^" ^'^ ^'^' these efforts. Some of the Bani-Nazir had remained behind with their brethren settled near Khaibar, and there, fired with the hope of vengeance, had set themselves to the work of forming another league for the destruction of the Believers.^ Their efforts were successful beyond their utmost hopes. A formidable coalition was soon formed ; and an army, con- sisting of ten thousand well-appointed men, marched upon ' Ibn-Hisham, p. 654 ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 133 ; Tabari, vol. iii. p. 54. A principle was henceforth established that any acquisition, not made in actual warfare, should belong to the State, or the chief of the State ; and that its application should depend upon his discretion (vide Droit Miisiilman by M. Querry, p. 337). Sura lix. of the Koran treats almost entirely of the circumstances connected with the banishment of the Bani un-Nazir. - According to Ibn-Hisham, p. 653, and Abulfeda, p. 49 ; Tabari, vol. iii. p. 55, says it was the month of Safar. ' Of this nature was the expedition against the Christian Arabs of Dijmat ul-Jandal (a place according to Abulfeda, about seven days' journey to the south of Damascus), who had stopped the Medinite traffic with Syria and even threatened a raid upon ^Medina ; these marauders, however, fled on the approach of the Moslems, and JNlohammed returned to Medina, after conclud- ing a treaty with a neighbouring chief, to whom he granted permission of pasturage on the Medinite territories. — C. de Perceval, vol. iii. p. 129 ; Tabari, vol. iii. p. 60. * Ibn-Isham, p. 963 ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 639 ; Tabari, vol. iii. pp. Oo, 01. 78 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. Medina, under the command of the relentless Abu Sufian. Meeting no opposition on their way, they soon encamped within a few miles of Medina, on its most vulnerable side, towards Ohod. To oppose this host the Moslems could only Shawwai, 5 a. 11. ^T^i-^ster a body of three thousand men.^ Forced =2 February thus by their inferiority in numbers, as well as ^^" by the factious opposition of the Mundfikin within the city,^ to remain on the defensive, they dug a deep trench round the unprotected quarters of Medina, and, leaving their women and children for safety in their fortified houses, they encamped outside the city, with the moat in front of them. In the meantime they relied for the safety of the other side, if not upon the active assistance, at least upon the neutrality of the Bani-Kuraizha, who possessed several fortresses at a short distance, towards the south-east, and were bound by the Compact to assist the Moslems against every assailant. These Jews, however, were persuaded by the idolaters to violate their pledged faith, and to join the Koreish. As soon as the news of their defection reached Mohammed, he deputed " the two Sa'ds," Sa'd ibn-Mu'az and Sa'd ibn-'Ubada, to entreat them to return to their duty. The reply was defiant and sullen : " Who is Mohammed, and who is the Apostle of God that we should obey him ? There is no bond or compact betwixt us and him." ^ As these Jews were well acquainted with the locality, and could materially assist the besiegers by showing them the weak points of the city, the consternation among the Moslems became great, whilst the disaffected body within the walls increased the elements of danger.* The idolaters and the Jews, failing in all their attempts to ' Ibn-Hisham, p. 678. - Referred to in the Koran, sura xxxiii. vers. 12, 13, 14, etc. ^ Ibn-Hisham, p. 675 ; Muir, vol. iii. p. 259. ' The whole scene is so beautifully painted in the Koran, sura xxxiii. (Surat ul-Ahzab, " The Confederates "), that I cannot resist quoting a few verses here : " When they assailed you from above you and from below you, and when your eyes became distracted, and your hearts came up into your throats, and ye thought divers thoughts of God, then were the Faithful tried, and with strong quaking did they quake ; and when the disaffected and diseased of heart (with infidelity) said, ' God and His Apostle have made us but a cheating promise.' " V. THE FATE OF THE BANI-KURAIZHA 79 draw the Moslems into the open field, or to surprise the city under the direction of Jewish guides, determined upon a regular assault. The siege had alread}^ lasted twenty days. The restless tribes of the desert, who had made common cause with the Koreish and their Jewish allies, and who had expected an easy prey, were becoming weary of this protracted campaign. Great efforts were made at this critical moment by the leaders of the beleaguering host to cross the trench and fall upon the small Moslem force. Every attempt was, however, repulsed by untiring vigilance on the part of the Prophet. The elements now seemed to combine against the besieging army ; their horses were perishing fast, and provisions were becoming scanty. Disunion was rife in their midst, and the far-seeing chief of the Moslems, with matchless prudence, fomented it into actual division. Suddenly this vast coalition, which had seemed to menace the Moslems with inevitable destruction, vanished into thin air. In the darkness of night, amidst a storm of wind and rain, their tents overthrown, their lights put out, Abu Sufian and the majority of his formidable army fled, the rest took refuge with the Bani-Kuraizha.^ Mohammed had in the night foretold to his followers the dispersion of their enemies. Daybreak saw his prognostications fulfilled, and the Moslems returned in joy to the city.^ But the victory was hardly achieved in the opinion of the Moslems as long as the Bani-Kuraizha ° , . , , 5 A.H. =28th remamed so near, and in such dangerous February 626 to proxhnity to the city of Islam. They had 24^ March 627 proved themselves traitors in spite of their sworn alliance, and had at one time almost surprised Medina from their side, — an event which, if successful, would have involved the general massacre of the faithful. The Moslems therefore felt it their duty to demand an explanation of the treachery. This was doggedly refused. The consequence was that the Jews were besieged, and compelled to surrender at discretion. They made only one condition, that their punishment should be left to the judgment of the Ausite chief, Sa'd ibn-Mu'az. This man, a fierce soldier who had been 1 Ibn-Hisham, p. 683 ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 140. ' In Moslem annals this war is called the " War of the Trench." 8o THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED I. wounded in the attack, and indeed died from his wounds the next day, infuriated by their treacherous conduct, gave sentence that the fighting men should be put to death, and that the women and children should become the slaves of the Moslems ; and this sentence was carried into execution.^ " It was a harsh, bloody sentence," says Lane-Poole, " worthy of the episcopal generals of the army against the Albigenses, or of the deeds of the Augustan age of Puritanism ; but it must be remembered that the crime of these men was high treason against the State during a time of siege ; and those who have read how Wellington's march could be traced by the bodies of deserters and pillagers hanging from the trees, need not be surprised at the summary execution of a traitorous clan." ^ ! The punishment inflicted on the various Jewish tribes has j furnished to the Christian biographers of the Prophet, like \ Muir, Sprenger, Weil and Osborn, a ground for attack. The \ punishment meted out to the Bani-Kainuka' and Bani un-dj Nazir was far below their deserts. The Bani-Kuraizha alone ■ were treated with severity. Human nature is so constituted that, however criminal the acts of an individual may be, the moment he is treated with a severity which to our mind seems harsh or cruel, a natural revulsion of feeling occurs, and the sentiment of justice gives place to pity within our hearts. No doubt the sentence on the Bani-Kuraizha, from our point of view, was severe. But, however much we may regret that the fate of these poor people ; should have been, though at their own special request, left in the hands of an infuriated soldier— however much we may regret that the sentence of this man should have been so carried into effect — we must not, in the sentiment of pity, overlook the stern question of justice and culpabiUty. We must bear in mind the crimes of which they were guilty — their treachery, their open hostility, their defection from an alliance to which they were bound by every sacred tie. Nor must we altogether forget the temptations which they, the worshippers of the pure Jehovah, held out to the heathen Arabs to continue in the 1 Ibn-Hisham, pp. 686-690; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 141 et seq. ; Tabari, vol. iii p. 68 et seq. 2 Selections from the Koran, Introd. p. Ixv. V. HOSTILITY OF THE JEWS 8i practice of idolatry. Some Moslems might naturally be inclined to say, with the Christian moralist : " It is better that the wicked should be destroyed a hundred times over than that they should tempt those who are yet innocent to join their company." ^ These Moslems might say with him, with only the variation of a word : " Let us but think what might have been our fate, and the fate of every other nation under heaven at this hour, had the sword of the Arab ^ done its work more sparingly. The Arab's sword, in its bloodiest executions, wrought a work of mercy for all the countries of the earth to the very end of the world." If the Christian's argument is correct and not inhuman, certainly the Moslem's argument cannot be other- wise. Other Moslems, however, might look upon this fearful sentence on the Bani-Kuraizha in the same light as Carlyle looks upon the order of Cromwell for the promiscuous massacre of the Irish inhabitants of Drogheda : "An armed soldier solemnly conscious of himself that he is the soldier of God the Just,— a consciousness which it well beseems all soldiers and all men to have always, — armed soldier, terrible as death, relentless as doom ; doing God's judgment on the enemies of God." We, however, are not disposed to look at the punishment of these Jews from either of these points of view. We simply look upon it as an act done in complete accordance with the laws of war as then understood by the nations of the world : "a strict application of admitted customs of war in those days." ^ These people brought their fate upon themselves. If they had been put to death, even without the judgment of Sa'd, it would have been in consonance with the principles which then pre- vailed. But they had themselves chosen Sa'd as the sole arbiter and judge of their fate ; they knew that his judgment was not at all contrary to the received notions, and accordingly never munnured. They knew that if they had succeeded they would have massacred their enemies without compunction. People judge of the massacres of King David according to the > Arnold's Sermons, 4th Sermon, " Wars of the Israelites," pp. 35. 36. ^ In the original, of course, Israelites. ' An observation of Grote, Hist. <>/ Greece, vol. vi. p. 499- s.i. F 82 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i " lights of his time." ^ Even the fearful slaughters committe(^ by the Christians in primitive times are judged according t^>- .C5 *o-* - c Kasidat-ul-Burda. AJ 5l_ Banat SuAd. THE ninth year of the Hegira was noted for the embassies which flocked into Medina to render homage to the Prophet of Islam. The cloud which so long had rested over this land, with its wild chivalry, its blood-feuds, and its heathenism, is now Hfted for ever. The age of barbarism is past. A^ri. t," J^th The conquest of Mecca decided the fate of April 631 a. c. idolatry in Arabia. The people, who still regarded with veneration those beautiful moon-goddesses, Manat, Lat, and 'Uzza, and their pecuHar cult, were pain- fully awakened by the fall of its stronghold. Among the wild denizens of the desert the moral effect of the submis- sion of the Meccans was great. Deputations began to arrive ib2 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. from all si'des- 16 tender the allegiance and adherence of tribes hitherto most inimical to the Moslems.^ The principal companions of the Prophet, and the leading citizens of Medina, at his request, received these envoys in their houses, and enter- tained them with the time-honoured hospitality of the Arabs. On departure, they always received an ample sum for the expenses of the road, with some additional presents, corre- sponding to their rank. A written treaty, guaranteeing the privileges of the tribe, was often granted, and a teacher in- variably accompanied the departing guests to instruct the newly-converted people in the duties of Islam, and to see that every remnant of idolatry was obliterated from their midst. Whilst thus engaged in consohdating the tribes of Arabia under the new gospel, the great Seer was alive to the dangers which threatened the new confederation from outside. The Byzantines seem about this time to have indulged in those dreams of Arabian conquests which had, once before, induced the founder of the Roman Empire to despatch expedi- tions into that country. ^ HeracUus had returned to his dominions elated by his victories over the Persians. His pohtical vision could not have been blind to the strange events which were taking place in Arabia, and he had probably not forgotten the repulse of his Ueutenants, at the head of a large army, by a handful of Arabs. During his stay in Syria he had directed his feudatories to collect an overwhelming force for the invasion of Arabia. The news of these preparations was soon brought to Medina, and caused some consternation among the Moslems. If the report was true it meant a serious danger to the Islamic commonwealth. Volunteers were summoned from all quarters to repel the threatened attack. Unfor- tunately, a severe drought had lately afflicted Hijaz and Najd ; the date crops had been ruined, and the beasts of burden had died in large numbers ; and the country people at large were unwilling to engage at this juncture on an expedition far from their homes. To some, the time of the year seemed unseason- able ; whilst the intensity of the heat, the hardships of the journey and the marvellous stories regarding the power of the 1 Ibn-Hisham, p. 934 et seq. ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 219. ^ I allude to the expedition of ^lius Gallus under Augustus. VIII. THE YEAR OF DEPUTATIONS 103 Byzantine empire added largely to the fears of the timorous. Many applied to be exempted from service ; and the Prophet acceded to the prayers of those who were either too weak or too poor to take up arms or leave their homes, and such others as had no one besides themselves to look after their famihes.^ The unwilhngness of the lukewarm was aggravated by the machinations of the Mundfikin, who spared no endeavours to fan it into discontent.^ The example, however, of the principal disciples and other sincere followers of the Faith, infused vitality into the hearts of the timorous, and shamed the back- sliders into enthusiasm which soon spread among the people. Contributions poured in from all sides. Abu Bakr offered all he possessed towards the expenses of the expedition ; Osman equipped and supplied at his own expense a large body of volunteers, and the other prominent and affluent Moslems were equally generous. The women brought their ornaments and jewelleries and besought the Prophet to accept the same for the needs of the State. A sufflcient force was eventually collected,^ and accompanied by the Prophet the volunteers marched towards the frontier. During his absence from Medina the Prophet left Ali in charge of the city. The Mundfikin, with Abdullah ibn-Ubayy, had proceeded with the army as far as "the Mount of Farewell,"^ but they quietly fell back from there and returned to the city. Here they spread the report that the Prophet had not taken his cousin with him as he was apprehensive of the dangers of the expedition. Stung by the malicious rumour, Ali seized his arms and hastened after the army. Overtaking the troops, he told the Prophet what he had heard. Mohammed pronounced 1 These were called the al-Bakkdun, the Weepers, as they were distressed by their inability to join in the sacred enterprise of repelling a dangerous enemy. — Ibn-Hisham, p. 791 ; al-Halabi, Insdn ul-'UyAn, vol. iii. p. 75. - The machinations of the Disaffected are censured in Sura IX, v. 82. These secret conspirators had for their rendezvous the house of a Jew named Suwailim near the suburb of Jasilm. This house was ultimately rased to the ground. It was at this time that the great Teacher made the prophecy that there will always be Mundfikin in Islam to thwart the endeavours of the true followers of the Faith to do good to their people. ^ It was called the Jaish-ul-'usra, " the army of distress," owing to the difficulties with which it was collected ; Ibn-Hisham, p. 795. ^ Thiniat-ul-Wada' with a o.. Mu'jam ul-Bulddn, vol. i. p. 937- 104 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. it to be a base calumny. " I have appointed thee my Vice- gerent {Khaltfa) and left thee in my stead. Return then to thy post, and be my deputy over my people and thine. O Ali, art thou not content that thou art to me what Aaron was to Moses." 1 Ali accordingly returned to Medina. The sufferings of the troops from heat and thirst were intense. After a long and painful march they reached Tabuk, a place situated midway between Medina and Damascus,^ where they halted. Here they learnt to their amazement, and perhaps to their relief, that the apprehended attack was a Grecian dream, and that the emperor had his hands full at home. Finding, therefore, nothing at the moment to threaten the safety of the Medinite commonwealth, the Prophet ordered the Moslems to retrace their steps. ^ After a sojourn of twenty days at Tabuk, where they found abundance of water for them- selves and forage for their famished beasts of burden, the Moslems returned to Medina in the month of Ramazan.'* The Prophet's return to Medina was signalised by the arrival of a deputation from the refractory and hard-hearted idolaters of Tayef, the very people who had driven the poor Preacher from their midst with insults and violence. 'Orwa, the Tayefite chief, who had been to Mecca after the Hudaibiya incident as the Koreishite envoy, was so impressed with the words of the Teacher and his kindness, that shortly after the accompHsh- ment of his mission he had come to the Prophet and embraced his religion. Though repeatedly warned by Mohammed of the dangers he ran among the bigoted of his city, he hastened back to Tayef to proclaim his abjuration of idolatry, and to invite Ibn-Hisham * ^J■^*>'^ cr* ^^)^^ *^^^ t**"* ^>^^ ^1 ij^ k ij^/> ^*f p. 897. According to the Shiahs, the Prophet distinctly indicated in these words that Ah should be his successor. * Caussin de Perceval, vol. iii. pp. 285, 286. 2 Ibn-Hisham, p. 904 ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 215 ; Abulfeda, p. 85. ^ According to C. de Perceval, middle of December 630 a.c. Chapter iv. of the Koran treats vividly of these events. At Tabuk Mohammed received the submission of many of the neighbouring chiefs ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 215. VIII. THE YEAR OF DEPUTATIONS 105 his fellow-citizens to share in the blessings imparted by the new Faith. Arriving in the evening, he made public his conversion and called upon the people to join him. The following morning he again addressed them ; but his words roused the priests and worshippers of 'Uzza into frenzy, and they literally stoned him to death. With his dying breath he said he had offered up his blood unto his Master for the good of his people, and he thanked God for the honour of martyrdom, and as a last wish prayed his friends to bury him by the side of the Moslems who had fallen at Hunain.^ The dying words of 'Orwa had a greater effect upon his compatriots than all his endeavours whilst living. The martyr's blood blossomed into faith in the hearts of his murderers. Seized with sudden compunction, perhaps also wearying of their hostility with the tribes of the desert, the Tayefites sent the deputation to which we have referred above, to pray for forgiveness and permission to enter the circle of Islam. They begged, however, for a short respite for their idols. First they asked two years, then one year, and then six months, but all to no purpose. The grace of one month might surely be conceded, they argued as a last appeal. Mohammed was immovable. Islam and the idols could not exist together. They then begged for exemption from the daily prayers. Mohammed replied that without devotion religion could be nothing. ^ Sorrowfully, at last, they submitted to all that was required of them. They were excused, however, from destroying the idols with their own hands, and the notorious Abu Sufian, the son of Harb, the father of the well-known Mu'awiyah, the Judas Iscariot of Islam, one of those who have been stigmatised as the Muallafat ul-Kulub (the nominal believers) — for they had adopted the Faith from policy, — and Mughira, the nephew of 'Orwa, were selected for that work. They executed their commission amidst uproarious cries of despair and grief from the women of Tayef.^ ' Ibn-Hisham, pp. 914, 915 ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 216. * Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 217. ^ Ibn-Hisham, pp. 917, 918 ; Tabari, vol. iii. pp. 161-163. The great number of deputations received by Mohammed in the ninth year has led to its being called the "Year of Deputations"; {wufHd, pi. of wafad). The principal adhesions which followed immediatelv ui on the conversion of the Thaklf io6 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. The tribe of Tay had about this time proved recalcitrant, and their disaffection was fostered by the idolatrous priesthood. A small force was despatched under Ali to reduce them to obedience and to destroy their idols. 'Adi, the son of the famous Hatim, whose generosity and munificence have been sung by poets and minstrels throughout the Eastern world, was the chief of his tribe. On the approach of Ali he fled to Syria ; but his sister, with some of his principal clansmen, fell into the hands of the Moslems. They were conducted, with every mark of respect and sympathy, to Medina. Mohammed at once set the daughter of Hatim and her people at liberty, and bestowed on them many valuable gifts. She proceeded to Syria, and told her brother of the nobleness of Mohammed. Touched by gratitude, 'Adi hastened to Medina to throw himself at the feet of the Prophet, and eventually embraced Islam. Returning to his people, he persuaded them to abjure idolatry ; and the Bani-Tay, once so wedded to fetishism, became thenceforth devoted followers of the religion of Mohammed.^ Another notable conversion which took place about the same time as that of the Bani-Tay is deserving of more than passing notice. Ka'b ibn-Zuhair, a distinguished poet of the tribe of Mozayna, had placed himself under the ban by trying to incite hostilities against the Moslems. His brother was a Moslem were of the Himyarite princes of Yemen, of Mahra, of Oman, of the country of the Bahrain, and of the tribes domiciled in Yemama. 1 Ibn-Hisham, pp. 948, 949 ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 218 ; Insan id-'UyAn, vol. iii. p. 234. The conversion of 'Adi occurred in Rabi II. of the ninth year (July- August, 630 A.c), and accordingly, ought to have been placed before the expedition to Tabuk. But I have followed the order of the Arab historians. When the daughter of Hatim, whose name was Sufana, came before the Prophet, she addressed him in the following words : " Apostle of God, my father is dead ; my brother, my only relation, fled into the mountains on the approach of the Moslems. I cannot ransom myself ; it is thy generosity which I implore for my deliverance. My father was an illustrious man, the prince of his tribe, a man who ransomed prisoners, protected the honour of women, nourished the poor, consoled the afflicted, never rejected any demand. I am Sufana, daughter of Hatim." " Thy father," answered Mohammed, 'had the virtues of a Musulman ; if it were permitted to me to invoke the mercy of God on any one whose life was passed in idolatry, I would pray to God for mercy for the soul of Hatim." Then addressing the Moslems around him, he said : " The daughter of Hatim is free, her father was a generous and humane man ; God loves and rewards the merciful." And with Sufana, all her people were set at liberty. The Persian poet Sa'di has some beautiful lines in the Bostdn concerning this touching episode. VIII. THE YEAR OF DEPUTATIONS 107 and had counselled him strongly to renounce idolatry and embrace Islam. Ka'b, following the advice of his brother, came secretly to Medina, and proceeded to the mosque where Mohammed was wont to preach. There he saw a man sur- rounded by Arabs listening to his words with the greatest veneration. He at once recognised the Prophet, and penetrat- ing into the circle, said aloud, " Apostle of God, if I should bring before thee Ka'b as a Musulman, would you pardon him ? " " Yes," answered Mohammed. "It is I who am Ka'b, the son of Zuhair." Several people around the Prophet wanted leave to put him to death. " No," said the Prophet, " I have given him grace." Ka'b then begged permission to recite a Kasida ^ (poem) which has always been considered a masterpiece of Arabic poetry. When he came to the hues ^ quoted at the head of this chapter, the Prophet bestowed on the poet his own mantle, which was afterwards sold by his family to Mu'awiyah for 40,000 dirhems, and, after passing into the hands of the Ommeyades and Abbasides, is now in the possession of the Ottoman Caliphs.^ Hitherto no prohibition had issued against the heathens entering the Kaaba, or perforaiing their old idolatrous rites within its sacred precincts. It was now decided to put an end to this anomalous state, and remove once for all any possibihty 1 Called the Kasida of Bdnat Sii'dd from the opening words of the poem, which begins %vith the prologue usual in Arabic Kasidas. The poet tells his grief at the departure of Su'ad (his beloved) ; she has left him, his heart is drooping, distracted and unhappy, following her train like a captive in chains. He praises her beauty, her sweet soft voice, her bright laughter, her winsome smile. The theme suddenly changes, and the poet reaches the climax when he bursts forth into a song of praise of his great subject. The language throughout is sonorous and virile — a quality often wanting in the poems of later times, and the rhythmical swing and cadence are maintained, with extraordinary evenness, up to the last. - " The Prophet is the torch which has lighted up the world ; he is the sword of God for destroying ungodliness." 3 Called the Khirkai-sharif (the Holy Mantle) which is taken out as the national standard in times of great emergency. The Kasida of Bdnat Su'ad, which is sometimes also called the Kasidat-ul-Burda (the Kasida of the Mantle), is different from the Kasfdat-nl-Burda of Abu Abdullah Mohammed ibn-Sa'id, who flourished in the reign of Malik Zahir, which opens with the following lines : — ^a. iXi. ^^ ^,^ (^,j ^^^; . ^: ^^^. ^1^^^ j^: ^- , For translation see Appendix. io8 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. of a relapse into idolatry on the part of those upon whom the new and pure creed hung somewhat lightly. Accordingly, towards the end of this year, during the month of pilgrimage, Ali was commissioned to read a proclamation to the assembled multitudes, on the day of the great Sacrifice [Y euni-un-N ahr) , which should strike straight at the heart of idolatry and the immoralities attendant upon it : " No idolater shall, after this year, perform the pilgrimage ; no one shall make the circuit (of the temple) naked ; ^ whoever hath a treaty with the Prophet, it shall continue binding till its termination ; for the rest, four months are allowed to every man to return to his territories ; after that there will exist no obligation on the Prophet, except towards those with whom treaties have been concluded." ^ This " Declaration of Discharge," as it is styled by Moslem writers, was a manifestation of far-sighted wisdom on the part of the Prophet. It was impossible for the state of society and morals which then existed to continue ; the idolaters mixing year after year with the Moslem pilgrims, if allowed to perform the lascivious and degrading ceremonies of their cult, would soon have undone what Mohammed had so laboriously accomplished. History had already seen another gifted, yet uncultured, branch of the same stock as the Arabs, settling amongst idolaters ; their leaders had tried to preserve the worship of Jehovah by wholesale butcheries of the worshippers of Baal. They had failed miserably. The Israelites had not only succumbed under the evil influences which surrounded them, but had even surpassed those whom they at first despised in the practice of nameless abominations. Mohammed felt that any compromise with heathenism would nullify all his work. He accordingly adopted means seemingly harsh, but yet benignant in their ultimate tendency. The vast concourse who had listened to Ali returned to their homes, and before the following year was over the majority of them were Moslems. 1 Alluding to a disgraceful custom of the idolatrous Arabs. 2 Ibn-Hisham, pp. 921, 922 ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 222 ; Abulfeda, p. 87. CHAPTER IX THE FULFILMENT OF MOHAMMED'S MISSION c/i*^ o* viJ^^'^d v^^-*'^' ^-^il"; * f^'^^^ ; ^'' v^j /i A o c o DURING this year/ as in the preceding, numerous embassies poured into Medina from every part of Arabia to testify to the adhesion of their chiefs and their tribes. To the teachers, whom Mohammed sent into the different provinces, he invariably gave the following injunctions : " Deal gently with ^? J''^- ^th the people, and be not harsh ; cheer them, March 632 a. c and contemn them not. And ye will meet with many people of the books ^ who will question thee, what is the key to heaven ? Reply to them (the key to heaven is) to testify to the truth of God, and to do good work." ^ The mission of Mohammed was now achieved. In the midst of a nation steeped in barbarism a Prophet had arisen " to rehearse unto them the signs of God to sanctify them, to teach them the scriptures and knowledge, — them who before had been in utter darkness." * He found them sunk in a degrading and sanguinary superstition ; he inspired them with the belief in one sole God of truth and love. He saw them disunited, ^ In the tenth year of the Hegira took place the conversions of the remain- ing tribes of Yemen and of Hijaz. Then followed the conversions of the tribes of Hazramut and Kinda ^ Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians. ' Ibn-Hisham, p. 907. ■* Koran, sura Ixii. vers. 2-5. no THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. and engaged in perpetual war with each other ; he united them by the ties of brotherhood and charity. From time immemorial the Peninsula had been wrapped in absolute moral darkness. Spiritual life was utterly unknown. Neither Judaism nor Christianity had made any lasting impression on the Arab mind. The people were sunk in superstition, cruelty, and vice. Incest and the diabolical custom of female infanticide were common. The eldest son inherited his father's widows, as property, with the rest of the estate. The worse than inhuman fathers buried alive their infant daughters ; and this crime, which was most rife among the tribes of Koreish and ■. Kinda, was regarded, as among the Hindu Rajpoots, a mark | of pride. The idea of a future existence, and of retribution of I good and evil, were, as motives of human action, practically j unknown. Only a few years before, such was the condition j of Arabia. What a change had these few years witnessed ! ' The angel of heaven had veritably passed over the land, and breathed harmony and love into the hearts of those who had hitherto been engrossed in the most revolting practices of semi- | barbarism. What had once been a moral desert, where all ' laws, human and divine, were contemned and infringed with- out remorse, was now transformed into a garden. Idolatry, with its nameless abominations, was utterly destroyed. Islam furnishes the only solitary example of a great religion which though preached among a nation and reigning for the most part among a people not yet emerged from the dawn of an early civihsation, had succeeded in effectually restraining its votaries from idolatry. This phenomenon has been justly acknow- ledged as the pre-eminent glory of Islam, and the most remark- able evidence of the genius of its Founder. Long had Christianity and Judaism tried to wean the Arab tribes from their gross superstition, their inhuman practices, and their licentious immorahty. But it was not tiU they heard " the spirit-stirring strains " of the " Appointed of God " that they became conscious of the God of Truth, overshadowing the universe with His power and love. Henceforth their aims are not of this earth alone ; there is something beyond the grave — higher, purer, and diviner — calling them to the practice of charity, goodness, justice, and universal love. God is not IX. FULFILMENT OF MOHAMMED'S MISSION iii merely the God of to-day or of to-morrow, carved out of wood or stone, but the mighty, loving, merciful Creator of the world. Mohammed was the source, under Providence, of this new awakening, — the bright fountain from which flowed the stream of their hopes of eternity ; and to him they paid a fitting obedience and reverence. They were all animated with one desire, namely, to serve God in truth and purity ; to obey His laws reverently in all the affairs of life. The truths and maxims, the precepts which, from time to time during the past twenty years, Mohammed had dehvered to his followers, were embalmed in their hearts, and had become the ruling principles of every action. Law and morality were united. " Never, since the days when primitive Christianity startled the world from its sleep, and waged a mortal conflict with heathenism, had men seen the like arousing of spiritual hfe, — the like faith that suffered sacrifices, and took joyfully the spoihng of goods for conscience' sake." ^ The Mission of Mohammed was now accomphshed. And in this fact — the fact of the whole work being achieved in his lifetime — lies his distinctive superiority over the prophets, sages, and philosophers of other times and other countries. Jesus, Moses, Zoroaster, Sakya-Muni, Plato, all had their notions of realms of God, their republics, their ideas, through which degraded humanity was to be elevated into a new moral life ; all had departed from this world with their aspirations unfulfilled, their bright visions unrealised ; or had bequeathed the task of elevating their fe]low-men to sanguinary disciples or monarch pupils. ^ It was reserved for Mohammed to fulfil his mission, and that of his predecessors. It was reserved for him alone to see accomplished the work of amelioration — no royal disciple came to his assistance with edicts to enforce the new teachings. May not the Moslems justly say, the entire work was the work of God ? The humble preacher, who had only the other day been hunted out of the city of his birth, and been stoned out of the ' ]^Iuir, vol. ii. p. 269. Coming from an avowed enemy of Islam, this observation is of the utmost value. ' A Joshua among the Israelites ; an Asoka among the Buddhists ; a Darius among the Zoroastrians ; a Constantine among the Christians. 112 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. place where he had betaken himself to preach God's words, had, within the short space of nine years, lifted up his people] from the abysmal depths of moral and spiritual degradation to ' a conception of purity and justice. His life is the noblest record of a work nobly and faithfully performed. He infused vitality into a dormant people ; he consohdated a congeries of warring tribes into a nation inspired into action with the hope of everlasting life ; he concentrated into a focus all the fragmentary and broken lights which had ever fallen on the heart of man. Such was his work, and he performed it with an enthusiasm and fervour which admitted no compromise, conceived no halting ; with indomitable courage which brooked no resistance, and allowed no fear of consequences ; with a singleness of purpose which thought of no self. The religion of divine unity preached on the shores of Gahlee had given place to the worship of an incarnate God ; the old worship of a female deity had revived among those who professed the creed of the Master of Nazareth. The Recluse of Hira, the unlettered philosopher — born among a nation of unyielding idolaters — impressed ineffaceably the unity of God and the equality of men upon the minds of the nations who once heard his voice. His " democratic thunder " was the signal for the uprise of the human intellect against the tyranny of priests and rulers. In " that world of wrangling creeds and oppressive institutions," when the human soul was crushed under the weight of unintelligible dogmas, and the human body trampled under the tyranny of vested interests, he broke down the barriers of caste and exclusive privileges. He swept away with his breath the cobwebs which self-interest had woven in the path of man to God. He abolished all exclusiveness in man's relations to his Creator. This unlettered Prophet, whose message was for the masses, proclaimed the value of knowledge and learning. By the Pen, man's works are recorded. By the Pen, man is to be judged. The Pen is the ultimate arbiter of human actions in the sight of the Lord. His persistent and unvarying appeal to reason and to the ethical faculty of man- kind, his rejection of miracles, " his thoroughly democratic conception of divine government, the universality of his religious ideal, his simple humanity," — all serve to differentiate IX. FULFILMENT OF MOHAMMED'S MISSION 113 him from his predecessors, " all affiliate him," says the author of Oriental Religions, " with the modem world." His Hfe and work are not wrapt in mystery. No fairy tale has been woven round his personaUty. When the hosts of Arabia came flocking to join his faith, the Prophet felt that his work was accomplished,^ and under the impression of his approaching end, he determined to make a farewell pilgrimage to Mecca. On the 25th of Zu'1-Ka'da (23rd February 632) , the Prophet left Medina with an immense concourse of Moslems.- On his arrival at Mecca, and before completing all the rites of the pilgrimage, he addressed the assembled multitude from the top of the Jahal ul-' Arafat (8th Zu'1-Hijja, 7th March), in words which should ever live in the hearts of all Moslems. " Ye people ! listen to my words, for I know not whether another year will be vouchsafed to me after this year to find myself amongst you at this place." " Your lives and property are sacred and inviolable amongst one another until ye appear before the Lord, as this day and this month is sacred for all ; and (remember) ye shall have to appear before your Lord, who shall demand from you an account of all your actions. ... Ye people, ye have rights over your wives, and your wives have rights over you. . . . Treat your wives with kindness and love. Verily ye have taken them on the security of God, and have made their persons lawful unto you by the words of God." " Keep always faithful to the trust reposed in you, and avoid sins." " Usury is for- bidden.^ The debtor shall return only the principal ; and the beginning will be made with (the loans of) my uncle Abbas, ' Koran, sura ex. * Ibn-Hisham, p. 966 ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 230. It is said that from 90,000 to 140,000 people accompanied the Prophet. This pilgrimage is called the Hajiat-al-Balagh, the Great Hajj, or Hajjat-ul-Isldm, the Hajj of Islam, and sometimes Hajjat-iil-Wada'a, Pilgrimage of Farewell. ' Ribci or interest in kind was prohibited but not legitimate profit on advances or loans for purposes of business or trade. No one who realises the economic condition of Arabia can fail to appreciate the wisdom of this rule. In fact the same reasons which impelled the great Prophet to forbid usury in his country, induced the Christian divines, up to nearly the end of the seven- teenth century of the Christian era, to anathematise against usury. The elder Disraeli's chapter on this subject in his Curiosities of Literature is most interesting. S.I. H 114 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. son of Abd ul-Muttalib.^ , . . Henceforth the vengeance of blood practised in the days of paganism {Jdhilyat) is prohibited ; and all blood-feud abolished, commencing with the murder of Ibn Rabi'a ^ son of Harith son of Abd ul-Muttalib . . . " And your slaves! See that ye feed them with such food as ye eat yourselves, and clothe them with the stuff ye wear ; and if they commit a fault which ye are not inclined to forgive, then part from them, for they are the servants of the Lord, and are not to be harshly treated." " Ye people ! listen to my words and understand the same. Know that all Moslems are brothers unto one another. Ye are one brotherhood. Nothing which belongs to another is lawful unto his brother, unless freely given out of good-will. Guard yourselves from committing injustice." " Let him that is present tell it unto him that is absent. Haply he that shall be told may remember better than he who hath heard it." ^ This Sermon on the Mount, less poetically beautiful, certainly less mystical, than the other, appeals by its practicality and strong common-sense to higher minds, and is also adapted to the capacity and demands of inferior natures which require positive and comprehensible directions for moral guidance. Towards the conclusion of the sermon, the Prophet, over- come by the sight of the intense enthusiasm of the people as they drank in his words, exclaimed, " O Lord ! I have delivered my message and accomplished my work." The assembled host below with one voice cried, " Yea, verily thou hast." "O Lord, I beseech Thee, bear Thou witness unto it." With these words the Prophet finished his address, which, according to the traditions, was remarkable for its length, its eloquence, and enthusiasm. Soon after, the necessary rites of 1 This shows that Abbas must have been a rich man. In the appHcation of the rule against Riba and blood-feud, the Prophet set to his fiery people the , example of self-denial in his own family. - Ibn Rabi'a, a cousin of the Prophet. He was confided, in his infancy, to the care of a family of the Bani Laith. This child was cruelly murdered by members of the tribe of Huzail, but the murder was not yet avenged. ^ After each sentence the Prophet stopped and his words were repeated in a stentorian voice by Rabi'a, the son of Ommeyya, son of Khalaf, who stood below, so that whatever was said was heard by the entire assembled host. IX. FULFILMENT OF MOHAMMED'S MISSION 115 the pilgrimage being finished, the Prophet returned with his followers to Medina.^ The last year of Mohammed's life was spent in that city. He settled the organisation of the provinces and tribal communities which had adopted Islam " a- "• 29th and become the component parts of the Moslem March 6^3 a.c. federation. In fact, though the Faith had not penetrated among the Arab races settled in Syria and Meso- potamia, most of whom were Christians, the whole of Arabia now followed the Islamic Faith. Officers were sent to the provinces and to the various tribes for the purpose of teaching the people the duties of Islam, administering justice, and collect- ing the tithes or zakdt. Mu'az ibn-Jabal was sent to Yemen, and Mohammed's parting injunction to him was to rely on his own judgment in the administration of affairs in the event of not finding any authority in the Koran. To Ali, whom he deputed to Yemama, he said, " When two parties come before you for justice, do not decide before hearing both." Preparations were also commenced for sending an expedition under Osama, the son of Zaid, who was killed at Muta, against the Byzantines to exact the long-delayed reparation for the murder of the envoy in Syria. In fact, the troops were already encamped outside the city ready for the start. But the poison which had been given to the Prophet by the Jewess at Khaibar, and which had slowly penetrated into his system, began now to show its effects, and it became evident that he had not long to live. The news of his approaching end led to the stoppage of the expedition under Osama. It had also the effect of pro- ducing disorder in some of the outlying provinces. Three pretenders started up claiming divine commission for their reign of licentiousness and plunder. They gave themselves out as prophets, and tried by all kinds of imposture to win over their tribes. One of these, the most dangerous of all, was Ayhala ibn-Ka'b, better known as al-Aswad (the black). He ^ Abdullah the son of Ubayy, the head of the Mnndjikin, died in the month of Zu'l Ka'da (Februaiy, 631 a.c). In his last moments he solicited the Prophet to say the funeral prayers over him. Mohammed, who never rejected the wishes of a dying man, against the remonstrances of Omar, who reminded him of the persistent opposition and calumny of Abdullah, offered the prayers and with his own hands lowered the body into the grave. ii6 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. was a chief of Yemen, a man of great wealth and equal sagacity, and a clever conjuror. Among his simple tribesmen, the conjuring tricks he performed invested him with a divine character. He soon succeeded in gaining them over, and, with their help, reduced to subjection many of the neighbouring towns. He killed Shahr, who had been appointed by Moham- med to the governorship of Sana' in the place of Bazan, his father, who had just died. Bazan had been the viceroy of Yemen under the Chosroes of Persia, and after his adoption of Islam was continued in his viceroy alty by the Prophet. He had during his lifetime exercised great influence, not only over his Persian compatriots settled in Yemen, who were called by the name of Abnd, but also over the Arabs of the province. His example had led to the conversion of all the Persian settlers of Yemen. Al-Aswad, the impostor, had massacred Shahr, and forcibly married his wife Marzbana. He was killed by the Abnd, assisted by Marzbana, when he was lying drunk, after one of his orgies. The other two pretenders, Tulaiha, son of Khu- wailid, and Abu Thumama Haran, son of Habib, commonly called Mosailima, were not suppressed until the accession of Abu Bakr to the Caliphate. Mosailima had the audacity to address the Prophet in the following terms : " From Mosailima, prophet of God, to Mohammed, prophet of God, salutations ! I am your partner : the power must be divided between us : half the earth for me, the other half for your Koreishites. But the Koreishites are a grasping people, not given to justice." Mohammed's reply reveals his sterling nature. " In the name of God the merciful and compassionate, from Mohammed, the Prophet of God, to Mosailima the Liar.^ Peace is on those who follow the right path. The earth belongs to God ; He bestows it on such of His servants as He pleaseth. The future is to the pious [i.e. only those prosper who fear the Lord] ! " The last days of the Prophet were remarkable for the calm- ness and serenity of his mind, which enabled him, though weak and feeble, to preside at the public pra^^ers until within three days of his death. One night, at midnight, he went to the place where his old companions were lying in the slumber of death, and prayed and wept by their tombs, invoking God's ^ Kazzdb, superlative of Kdzih. IX. THE LAST ILLNESS OF THE PROPHET 117 blessings for his " companions resting in peace." He chose 'Ayesha's house, close to the mosque, for his stay during his illness, and, as long as his strength lasted, took part in the public prayers. The last time he appeared in the mosque he was supported by his two cousins, Ali and Fazl, the son of Abbas. A smile of inexpressible sweetness played over his countenance, and was remarked by all who surrounded him. After the usual praises and hymns to God, he addressed the multitude thus : " Moslems, if I have wronged any one of you, here I am to answer for it ; if I owe aught to any one, all I may happen to possess belongs to you." Upon hearing this, a man in the crowd rose and claimed three dirhems which he had given to a poor man at the Prophet's request. They were immediately paid back, with the words, " Better to blush in this world than in the next." The Prophet then prayed and implored heaven's mercy for those present, and for those who had fallen in the persecutions of their enemies ; and recom- , mended to all his people the observance of religious duties and the practice of a life of peace and good-will, and concluded with the following words of the Koran : " The dwelling of the other life we will give unto them who do not seek to exalt themselves on earth or to do wrong ; for the happy issue shall attend the pious." ^ After this, Mohammed never again appeared at public prayers. His strength rapidly failed. At noon on Monday (i2th of Rabi L, 11 a.h. — 8th June 632 a.c), whilst praying earnestly in whisper, the spirit of the great Prophet took flight to the " blessed companionship on high." ^ So ended a life consecrated, from first to last, to the service of God and humanity. Is there another to be compared to his, with all its trials and temptations ? Is there another which has stood the fire of the world, and come out so unscathed ? The humble preacher had risen to be the ruler of Arabia, the equal of Chosroes and of Caesar, the arbiter of the destinies of a nation. But the same humility of spirit, the same nobility ^ Koran, sura xxviii. ver. 83 ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. p. 241 ; Tabari, vol. iii. p. 207 et seq. * Ibn-Hisham, p. 1009 ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. ii. pp. 244, 245 ; Abulf eda, p. 91. Comp. Caussin de Perceval, vol. iii. p. 322 and note ; al-Halabi , in loco. ii8 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. of soul and purity of heart, austerity of conduct, refinement and delicacy of feeling, and stern devotion to duty which had won him the title of al-Amin, combined with a severe sense of self-examination, are ever the distinguishing traits of his character. Once in his life, whilst engaged in a religious con- versation with an influential citizen of Mecca, he had turned away from a humble blind seeker of the truth. He is always recurring to this incident with remorse, and proclaiming God's disapprobation. 1 A nature so pure, so tender, and yet so heroic, inspires not only reverence, but love. And naturally the Arabian writers dwell with the proudest satisfaction on the graces and intellectual gifts of the son of Abdullah. His courteousness to the great, his affability to the humble, and his dignified bearing to the presumptuous, procured him universal respect and admiration. His countenance reflected the benevolence of his heart. Profoundly read in the volume of nature, though ignorant of letters, with an expansive mind, elevated by deep communion with the Soul of the Universe, he was gifted with the power of influencing equally the learned and the unlearned. Withal, there was a majesty in his face, an air of genius, which inspired all who came in contact with him with a feeling of veneration and love.^ His singular elevation of mind, his extreme delicacy and refinement of feeling, his purity and truth, form the constant theme of the traditions. He was most indulgent to his inferiors, 1 The Sura in connection with this incident is known by the title of " He frowned," and runs thus : — "The Prophet frowned, and turned aside, Because the bhnd man came to him. And how knowest thou whether he might not have been cleansed from his sins. Or whether he might have been admonished, and profited thereby ? As for the man that is rich, Him thou receivest graciously ; And thou carest not that he is not cleansed. But as for him that cometh unto thee earnestly seeking his salvation, And trembling anxiously, him dost thou neglect. By no means shouldst thou act thus." After this, whenever the Prophet saw the poor blind man, he used to go out of his way to do him honour, saying, " The man is thrice welcome on whose account my Lord hath reprimanded me " ; and he made him twice governor of Medina. See the remark of Bosworth Smith on Muir about this incident. - Mishkat, Bk. xxiv. chap. 3, pt. 2. IX. THE CHARACTER OF THE PROPHET 119 and would never allow his awkward little page to be scolded whatever he did. " Ten years," said Anas, his servant, " was I about the Prophet, and he never said so much as ' Uff ' to me." ^ He was very affectionate towards his family. One of his boys died on his breast in the smoky house of the nurse, a blacksmith's wife. He was very fond of children. He would stop them in the streets, and pat their little cheeks. He never struck any one in his life. The worst expression he ever made use of in conversation was, " What has come to him ? May his forehead be darkened with mud ! " ^ When asked to curse some one, he replied, " I have not been sent to curse, but to be a mercy to mankind." He visited the sick, followed every bier he met, accepted the invitation of a slave to dinner, mended his own clothes, milked his goats, and waited upon himself, relates summarily another tradition.^ He never first withdrew his hand from another's palm, and turned not before the other had turned. His hand was the most generous, his breast the most courageous, his tongue the most truthful ; he was the most faithful protector of those he protected ; the sweetest and most agreeable in . * Ibid. Bk. xxiv. chap. 4, pt. i. * Ibid. Bk. xxiv. chap. 4, pt. i. Mr. Poole's estimate of Mohammed is so beautiful and yet so truthful that I cannot resist the temptation to quote it here : " There is something so tender and womanly, and withal so heroic, about the man, that one is in peril of finding the judgment unconsciously blinded by the feeling of reverence and well-nigh love that such a nature inspires. He who, standing alone braved for years the hatred of his people, is the same who was never the first to with- draw his hand from another's clasp ; the beloved of children, who never passed a group of little ones without a smile from his wonderful eyes and a kind word for them, sounding all the kinder in that sweet-toned voice. The frank friend- ship, the noble generosity, the dauntless courage and hope of the man, all tend to melt criticism into admiration." " He was an enthusiast in that noblest sense when enthusiasm becomes the salt of the earth, the one thing that keeps men from rotting whilst they live. Enthusiasm is often used despitefuUy, because it is joined to an unworthy cause, or falls upon barren ground and bears no fruit. So was it not with Mohammed. He was an enthusiast when enthusiasm was the one thing needed to set the world aflame, and his enthusiasm was noble for a noble cause. He was one of those happy few who have attained the supreme joy of making one great truth their very life-spring. He was the messenger of the one God ; and never to his life's end did he forget who he was, or the message which was the marrow of his being. He brought his tidings to his people with a grand dignity sprung from the consciousness of his high office, together with a most sweet humility, whose roots lay in the knowledge of his own weakness." 3 Mishkat, Bk. xxiv. chap. 4, pt. 2. 120 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. conversation ; those who saw him were suddenly filled with reverence ; those who came near him loved him ; they who described him would say, " I have never seen his like, either before or after." He was of great taciturnity ; and when he spoke, he spoke with emphasis and deliberation, and no one could ever forget what he said. " Modesty and kindness, patience, self-denial, and generosity pervaded his conduct, and riveted the affections of all around him. With the bereaved and afflicted he sympathised tenderly ... He shared his food even in times of scarcity with others, and was sedulously solicitous for the personal comfort of every one about him." He would stop in the streets listening to the sorrows of the humblest. He would go to the houses of the lowliest to console the afflicted and to comfort the heart-broken. The meanest slaves would take hold of his hand and drag him to their masters to obtain redress for ill-treatment or release from bondage.^ He never sat down to a meal without first invoking a blessing, and never rose without uttering a thanks-giving. His time was regularly apportioned. During the day, when not engaged in prayers, he received visitors and transacted public affairs. At night he slept little, spending most of the hours in devotion. He loved the poor and respected them, and many who had no home or shelter of their own slept at night in the mosque contiguous to his house. Each evening it was his custom to invite some of them to partake of his humble fare. The others became the guests of his principal disciples. ^ His conduct towards the bitterest of his enemies was marked by a noble clemency and forbearance. Stern, almost to severity, to the enemies of the State, mockings, affronts, outrages, and persecutions towards himself were, in the hour of triumph — synonymous with the hour of trial to the human heart — all buried in oblivion, and forgiveness was extended to the worst criminal. Mohammed was extremely simple in his habits. His mode of Hfe, his dress and his belongings, retained to the very last a character of patriarchal simplicity. Many a time, Abu Huraira reports, had the Prophet to go without a meal. Dates and ^ Hayat-ul-Kidub (Shiah) and the Rouzat-ul-Ahbab (Sunni). " Abulfeda, p. 99; al-Halabi, Insan ul-'Uyiln, vol. iii. p. 362. IX. THE CHARACTER OF MOHAMMED 121 water frequently formed his only nourishment. Often, for months together, no fire could be lighted in his house from scantiness of means. God, say the Moslem historians, had indeed put before him the key to the treasures of this world, but he refused it ! The mind of this remarkable Teacher was, in its in- tellectuahsm and progressive ideals, essentially modern. Eternal " striving " was in his teachings a necessity of human existence : " Man cannot exist without constant effort " ; ^ " The effort is from me, its fulfilment comes from God." ^ The world, he taught, was a well-ordered Creation, regulated and guided by a Supreme Intelhgence overshadowing the Universe — " Everything is pledged to its own time," ^ he declared. And yet human will was free to work for its own salvation. His sympathy was universal ; it was he who invoked the mercy of the Creator on all living beings.* It was he who pronounced the saving of one human life as tantamount to the saving of humanity. His social conception was constructive not disintegrating. In his most exalted mood he never overlooked the sanctity of family life. To him the service of humanity was the highest act of devotion. His call to his faithful was not to forsake those to whom they owed a duty ; but in the performance of that duty to earn " merit " and reward. Children were a trust from God, to be brought up in tenderness and affection ; parents were to be respected and loved. The circle of duty embraced in its fold kindred, neighbour, and the humble being " whose mouth was in the dust." Fourteen centuries have passed since he delivered his message, but time has made no difference in the devotion he inspired, and to-day as then the Faithful have in their hearts and on their hps those memorable words : — " May my life be thy sacrifice, O Prophet of God." CHAPTER X THE APOSTOLICAL SUCCESSION THE spiritual life the Prophet had infused into his people did not end with his life. From the first it was an article of faith that he was present in spirit with the worshippers at their prayers, and that his successors in the ministry were his representatives. The immanence of the Master's spirit during the devotions establishes the harmony between the soul of man and the Divine Essence. Amongst all the dynastic rivalries and schismatic strife this mystical conception of his spiritual presence at the prayers has imparted a force to the Faith which cannot be over-estimated. The two great sects into which Islam became divided at an early stage are agreed that the rehgious efficacy of the rites and duties prescribed by the Law {the Shari'at) depends on the existence of the vice-gerent and representative of the Prophet, who, as such, is the rehgious Head [Imam) of the Faith and the Faithful. The adherents of the Apostolical Imams have a development and philosophy of their own quite distinct from " the followers of the traditions." According to them the spiritual heritage bequeathed by the Prophet devolved on Ah and his descend- ants by Fatima, the Prophet's daughter. They hold that the Imamate descends by Divine appointment in the apostolic hne. They do not regard the Pontificate of Abu Bakr, Omar and Osman as rightful ; they consider that AH, who, was indicated by the Prophet as his successor, was the first rightful r THE APOSTOLICAL SUCCESSION 123 Caliph and Imam of the Faithful, and that after his assassina- tion the spiritual headship descended in succession to his and Fatima's posterity in " the direct male line " \mtil it came to Imam Hasan al-'Askari, eleventh in descent from Ali, who died in the year 874 A.c. or 260 of the Hegira in the reign of the Abbaside Caliph Mu'tamid. Upon his death the Imamate devolved upon his son Mohammed, surnamed al- Mahdi (the " Guide "), the last Imam. The story of these Imams of the House of Mohammed is intensely pathetic. The father of Hasan was deported from Medina to Samarra I by the tyrant Mutawakkil, and detained there until his death. Similarly, Hasan was kept a prisoner by the jealousy of Mutawakkil's successors. His infant son, barely five years of age, pining for his father, entered in search of him a cavern not far from their house. From that cavern the child never returned. The pathos of this calamity culminated in the hope, the expectation, which fills the hearts of all Shiahs, that the child may return to relieve a sorrowing and sinful world of its burden of sin and oppression. So late as the fourteenth century of the Christian era, when Ibni Khaldun ^ was writing his great work, the Shiahs were wont to assemble at eventide at the entrance of the cavern and supplicate the missing child to return to them. After a long and wistful waiting, they dispersed to their homes, disappointed and sorrow- ful. This, says Ibn Khaldun, was a daily occurrence. " When they were told it was hardly possible the child could be alive," they answered that, "as the Prophet Khizr^ was ahve why should not their Imam be alive also?" This Imam bears among the Shiahs the titles, the Muntazar, the Expected — the Hujja or the Proof (of the Truth), and the Kami, the Living. The philosophical student of religions will not fail to observe the strange similarity of the Shiah and the Sunni beHefs to older ideas. Among the Zoroastrians the persecution of the Seleucidae engendered the belief that a divinely appointed Saviour, whose name was Sosiosch, would issue from Khorasan to release them from the hated bondage of the foreigner. The same causes gave birth to that burning anticipation > See post, p. 126. - See Appendix III. 124 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. among the Jews in the advent of the Messiah. The Jew beHeves that the Messiah is yet to come ; the Sunni, hke him, beheves that the Saviour of Islam is still unborn. The Christian beHeves that the Messiah has come and gone, and wiU come again ; the Asna-'asharia,^ like the Christian, awaits the reappearance of the Mahdi, the Guide, who is to save the world from evil and oppression. The origin of these conceptions and the reasons of their diversity are traceable to like causes. The phenomena of the age in which the idea of the Mahdi took shape in its two distinct forms were similar to those visible in the history of the older faiths. Every eventide the prayer goes up to heaven in Islam, as in Judaism and Christianity, for the advent of the divinely-appointed Guide, to redeem the world from sorrow and sin. The Shiah beHeves that the Imam though ghdib (absent), is always present in spirit at the devotions of his fold. The expounders of the law and the ministers of religion are his representatives on earth ; and even the secular chiefs represent him in the temporal affairs of the world. Another point of difference between them and the Sunnis consists in the qualities required for the Imamate. According to the Shiahs the Imam must be sinless or immaculate {m'asum), a quality which their Imams alone possess, and that he must be the most ex- cellent {afzal) of mankind. The Sunni doctrines which govern the lives, thoughts, and conduct of the bulk of the Moslem world are diametrically opposed to the Shiah conception. The Sunni religious law insists that the Imam must be actually present in person to impart religious efficacy to the devotions of the Faithful ; and that, where it is not possible for him to lead the prayers, he should be represented by persons possessing the necessary qualifications. These doctrines are enunciated in detail in most works on jurisprudence and scholastic theology. The Khildfat, it is explained, is the Vice-gerency of the Prophet ; it is ordained by Divine Law for the perpetuation of Islam and the continued observance of its laws and rules. For the existence of Islam, therefore, there must always be a Caliph, an actual and direct 1 See post, p. 344. X. THE APOSTOLICAL SUCCESSION 125 representative of the Master. The Imamate is the spiritual leadership ; but the two dignities are inseparable ; the Vice- gerent of the Prophet is the only person entitled to lead the prayers when he can himself be present. No one else can assume his functions unless directly or indirectly " deputed " by him. Between the Imam and the mdmum ^ or congregation, there is a spiritual tie which binds the one to the other in the fealty to the Faith. There is no inconsistency between this dogma and the rule that there is no priesthood in Islam. Each man pleads for himself before his Lord, and each soul holds communion with God without the intermediation of any other human being. The Imam is the link between the individual worshipper and the evangel of Islam. This mystical element in the religion of Islam forms the foundation of its remarkable solidarity. The above remarks serve to emphasise the statement in the Durr-ul-Mukhtdr that Imamate is of two kinds, the Imdmat- al-Kuhrd and the Imdmat-as-Stighrd, the supreme spiritual Headship and the minor derivative right to officiate at the devotions of the Faithful. The Imdm al-Kahir, the supreme Pontiff, is the Caliph of the Sunni world. He combines in his person the spiritual and temporal authority which devolves on him as the vicegerent of the Master. Secular affairs are conducted by him in consultation with councillors as under the first four Caliphs, or, as in later times, by delegates, collect- ively or individually. Similarly with religious and spiritual matters. But in the matter of public prayers, unless physically prostrate, he is bound to conduct the congregational service in person. Among the Shiahs, even Friday prayers and prayers offered at the well-known festivals, may validly be performed indi- vidually and in private. According to the Sunni doctrines congregational prayers, where mosques or other places of pubhc worship are accessible, are obligatory ; abstention from attendance without valid reason is a sin, and the defaulters incur even temporal penalties. In Najd, under the rule of the Wahabis, who have been called the Covenanters of Islam, ^ This is the term used in the Fatdwai-Alamgiri. The individual follower is usually called the Muktadi. 126 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. laggards were whipped into the mosque. And to-day under Ibni S'aud, his followers who designate themselves Ikhwdn, or " Brothers in faith," pursue the same method for enforcing the observance of religious rites. Prayers hi'l jama at being obligatory (farz'ain) naturally made the presence of the Imam absolutely obligatory. ^ The Sunnis affirm that when stricken by his last illness the Prophet deputed Abu Bakr to lead the prayers. On his death, but before he was consigned to his grave, the Master's nomination was accepted by the " congregation " and Abu Bakr was installed as his vicegerent by the unanimous suffrage of the Moslems. And this has ever since been the universal practice in all regular lines. Amongst the qualifications necessary for occupying the pontifical seat, the first and most essential is that he must be a Moslem belonging to the Sunni communion, capable of exercising supreme temporal authority, free of all outside control. The Sunnis do not require that the Imam should be ma' sum, or that he should be " the most excellent of mankind," nor do they insist on his descent from the Prophet. According to them he should be an independent ruler, without any personal defects, a man of good character, possessed of the capacity to conduct the affairs of State, and to lead at prayers. The early doctors, on the authority of a saying of the Prophet, have included a condition which comes at the end of the passage relating to the qualities necessary for the Imamate — viz., that the CaHph-Imam should be a Koreish by birth. The avowed object of inserting this condition, as is stated both in the Durr-ul-Mukhtdr and the Radd-ul-Muhtdr , was to nullify the Shiah contention that the Imamate was restricted to the House of Mohammed, the descendants of Ali and Fatima, and to bring in the first three Caliphs, and the Ommeyyade and the Abbaside Caliphs, into the circle of legitimate Imams. The great jurist and historian, Ibn Khaldun,^ a contemporary of Tamerlane, who died in the year 1406 A.c, long before the ^ There is absolute consensus on these points among the different Sunni schools. The Jurist Khalil ibn Ishak, the author of the monumental work on Maliki Law, enunciates the rules in the same terms as the Hanafis and the Shafeis. - For many years Malikite Chief Kazi of Cairo. X. THE APOSTOLICAL SUCCESSION 127 House of Othman attained the Caliphate, has dealt at great length with this condition in his Mukaddamdt (Prolegomena). He does not dispute the genuineness of the saying on which it is based, but explains that it was a mere recommendation which was due to the circumstances of the times. He points out that when the Islamic Dispensation was given to the world the tribe of Koreish were the most advanced and most powerful in Arabia ; and in recommending or desiring that the temporal and spiritual guardianship of the Moslems should be confined to a member of his own tribe, the Prophet was thinking of the immediate future rather than of laying down a hard and fast rule of succession. At that time a qualified and capable ruler of Islam could only be found among the Koreish ; hence the recommendation that the Caliph and Imam should be chosen from among them. This view eloquently expressed by one of the most learned of Sunni Jurisconsults is universally accepted by the modern doctors (the Mutdkhenn), that subject to the fulfilment of all other conditions the law imposes no tribal or racial restriction in the choice of an Imam. Abu Bakr before his death had nominated Omar his successor in the Vice- gerency, and the appointment was accepted by the " univer- sality " of the people, including the House of Mohammed. Omar died from the effects of a mortal wound inflicted on him by a Christian or Magian fanatic who considered himself aggrieved by the acts of this great Caliph. To avoid all imputation of favouritism Omar had, before his death, appointed an electoral committee consisting of six eminent members of the Moslem congregation to choose his successor. Their choice fell on Osman, a descendant of Ommeyya, who was installed as Caliph with the suffrage of the people. On Osman's unhappy death, Ali, the son-in-law of the Prophet, who, according to the Shiahs, was entitled by right to the Imamate in direct succession to the Prophet, was proclaimed Caliph and Imam. The husband of Fatima united in his person the hereditary right with that of election. But his endeavour to remedy the evils which had crept into the administration under his aged predecessor raised against him a host of enemies. Mu'awiyah, an Ommeyyade by descent, who held the governorship of Syria under Osman, raised the 128 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED I. standard of revolt. Ali proceeded to crush the rebelUon but, after an indecisive battle, was struck down by the hand of an assassin whilst at his devotions in the pubHc Mosque of Kufa in 'Irak. With 'AH ended what is called by the early Sunni doctors of law and theologians, the Khildfat-al-Kdmila, " the Perfect Caliphate," for in each case their title to the rulership of Islam was perfected by the universal suffrage of the Moslem nation. On Ah's death Mu'awiyah obtained an assignment of the Caliphate from Hasan, the eldest son of Ali, who had been elected to the office by the unanimous voice of the people of Kufa and its dependencies ; and received the suffrage of the people of Syria to his assumption of the high office. This happened in 66i A.c. i It should be noted here that the Ommeyyades and , Hashimides were two offshoots from one common stock, that I of Koreish. Bitter rivalry existed between these famihes j which it was the great aim of the Prophet throughout his ministry to remove or reconcile. The Hashimides owe their designation to Hashim, the great grandfather of the Prophet. ; His son Abdul Muttalib had several sons ; one of them, I Abbas, was the progenitor of the Abbaside CaHphs. Abu Talib, another son, was the father of Ah the Caliph, whilst the youngest, Abdullah, was the Prophet's father. Mu'awiyah was the first Cahph of the House of Ommeyya. On the death of Mu'awiyah's grandson, another member of the same family belonging to the Hakamite branch, named Merwan, assumed the Caliphate. Under his son 'Abdul Mahk and grandson Walid, the Sunni Cahphate attained its widest expansion ; it extended from the Atlantic to the Indian Ocean i and from the Tagus to the sands of the Sahara and the confines of Abyssinia. In 749 A.c. Abu'l Abbas, surnamed Saffah, a descendant of Abbas, the uncle of the Prophet, overthrew the Ommeyyade dynasty and was installed as Caliph, in place of ^ Merwan II., the last Pontiff of that House, in the Cathedral Mosque of Kufa, where he received the Bai'at ^ of the people. He then ascended the pulpit, recited the pubfic sermon which the Imam or his representative dehvers at the public pra3^ers. 1 The sacramental oath of fealty. I X. THE APOSTOLICAL SUCCESSION 129 This notable address, religiously preserved by his successors, is to be found in the pages of the Arab historian Ibn-ul-Athir. It is in effect a long vindication of the rights of the children of Abbas to the Caliphate. Abu'l Abbas was henceforth the legitimate ruler of the Sunni world and the rightful spiritual Head of the Sunni Church. His first six successors were men of remarkable ability ; those who followed were of varying capacity, but a few possessed uncommon talent and learning. Mansur, the brother of Saffah, who succeeded him in the Caliphate, founded Bagdad, which became their capital and seat of Government, and was usually called the Ddr-ul- Khildfat and the Ddr-ns-saldm, " The Abode of the Caliphate " and " The Abode of Peace." Here the house of Abbas exercised undisputed spiritual and temporal authority for centuries. Their great rivals of Cairo became extinct in Saladin's time ; the brilliant Ommeyyade dynasty of Cordova disappeared in the first decade of the eleventh century. The Almohades, the Almoravides, and the many Berber and Arab dynasties which, on the decline of the Almoravides, followed each other in succession in Morocco, had no valid title to the headship of the Sunni Church. The right of the Abbasides to the Sunni Imamate stood unchallenged from the Atlantic to the Ganges, from the Black Sea and the Jaxartes to the Indian Ocean. In 493 of the Hegira (1099 a.c.) Yusuf bin Tashfin, the Almohade conqueror after the epoch-making battle of az-Zallaka, where the Christian hordes were decisively beaten, obtained from the Abbaside CaUph al-Muktadi, a formal investiture with the title of Ameer-al-Muslimtn ; and this was confirmed to him by the Caliph al-Mustazhir. It should be borne in mind that neither the " Cahphs " of Cordova nor any of the Moslem sovereigns in after ages assumed the dignity of the representative of the Prophet {Khalifat-ar-Rasid) or arrogated the title of Ameer-ul-Mominin. For full five centuries Bagdad was the centre of all intel- lectual activity in Islam ; and here the rules and regulations appertaining to the Cahphate, as also to other matters, secular and religious, were systematised. And the conception that the CaHph-Imam was the divinely-appointed Vice-gerent of the Prophet became, as it is to-day, welded into the religious life of S.I, I 130 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. the people. It will thus be seen that according to the Sunni doctrines the Caliph is not merely a secular sovereign ; he is the religious head of a Church and a commonwealth, the actual representative of Divine government.^ The Abbaside Caliphate lasted for five centuries from its first estabHshment until the destruction of Bagdad by the Mongols in 1258 of the Christian era. At that time Musta'sim bTllah was the Caliph, and he, together with his sons and the principal members of his family, perished in the general massacre ; only those scions of the House of Abbas escaped the slaughter who were absent from the capital, or succeeded in avoiding detection. For two years after the murder of Musta'sim bTllah the Sunni world felt acutely the need of an Imam and Caliph ; both the poignancy of the grief at the absence of a spiritual Head of the Faith, and the keenness of the necessity for a representative of the Prophet to bring solace and religious merit to the Faithful, are pathetically voiced by the Arab historian of the Caliphs. ^ The devotions of the living were devoid of that religious efficacy which is imparted to them by the presence in the world of an acknowledged Imam ; the prayers for the dead were equally without merit. Sultan Baibars felt with the whole Sunni world the need of a Caliph and Imam. The right to the Caliphate had become vested by five centuries of undisputed acknowledgment in the House of Abbas ; and a member of this family, Abu'l Kasim Ahmed, who had succeeded in making his escape from the massacre by the Mongols, was invited to Cairo for installation in the pontifical seat. On his arrival in the environs of Cairo, the Sultan, accompanied by the judges and great officers of State, went forth to greet him. The ceremony of installa- tion is described as imposing and sacred. His descent had to be proved first before the Chief Kazi or Judge. After this was done, he was installed in the chair and acknowledged as Caliph, under the title of al-Mustansir bTllah, " Seeking the help of the Lord." The first to take the oath of Bai'at was the Sultan Baibars himself ; next came the Chief Kazi Taj-ud-din, the principal sheikhs and the ministers of State, and lastly the » Suyuti. * Ihid, r X. THE APOSTOLICAL SUCCESSION 131 nobles, according to their rank. This occurred on May 12th, 1261, and the new CaHph's name was impressed on the coinage and recited in the Khutba. On the following Friday he rode to the mosque in procession, wearing the black mantle of the Abbasides,^ and delivered the pontifical sermon. As his installation as the Caliph of the Faithful was now complete, he proceeded to invest the Sultan with the robe and diploma so essential in the eyes of the orthodox for legitimate authority. The Abbaside Caliphate thus established in Cairo lasted for over two centuries and a-half. During this period Egypt was ruled by sovereigns who are designated in history as the Mameluke Sultans. Each Sultan on his accession to power received his investiture from the Caliph and " Imam of his time " {Imdm-iil-Wakt) and he professed to exercise his authority as the lieutenant and delegate of the Pontiff. The appointment of ministers of religion and administrators of justice was subject to the formal sanction of the Caliph. Though shorn of all its temporal powers, the religious prestige of the Caliphate was so great, and the conviction of its necessity as a factor in the life of the people so deep-rooted in the religious sentiments of the Sunni world, that twice after the fall of Bagdad the Musulman sovereigns of India received their investiture from the Abbaside Caliphs. The account of the reception in 1343 a.c. of the Caliph's envoy by Sultan Mohammed Juna Khan Tughlak, the founder of the gigantic unfinished city of Tughlakabad, gives us an idea of the venera- tion in which the Pontiffs were held even in Hindustan, in those days said to be full six months' journey from Egypt. On the approach of the envoy the King, accompanied by the Syeds and the nobles, went out of the capital to greet him ; and when the Pontiff's missive was handed to the Sultan he received it with the greatest reverence. The formal diploma of investiture l egitimised the authority of the King. The whole of this incident is celebrated in a poem still extant in India by the poet laureate, the famous Badr-ud-din Chach. f 1 Black was the colour of the Abbusidcs, white of the Ommeyyades and green of the Fatimides, the descendants of Mohammed. 132 THE LIFE OF MOHAMMED i. About the end of the fifteenth century the star of Sehm I., also surnamed Saffah, of the House of Othman, rose in the horizon. His victories over the enemies of Islam had won for him the title of " Champion of the Faith " ; and no other Moslem sovereign — not even his great rival Shah Isma'il, the founder of the Sufi dynasty in Persia and the creator of the first orthodox Shiah State, — equalled the Osmanli monarch in greatness and power. The closing decades of that century had witnessed a vast change in the condition of Egypt, and the anarchy that had set in under the later Mameluke Sultans reached its climax some years later. Invited by a section of the Egyptian people to restore order and peace in the distracted country, Selim easily overthrew the incompetent Mamelukes, and incorporated Egypt with his already vast dominions. At this period the Cahph who held the Vice-gerency of the Prophet bore the pontifical name of Al-Mutawakkil *ala- Allah (" Contented in the grace of the Lord "). According to the Sunni records, he perceived that the only Moslem sovereign who could com- bine in his own person the double functions of Caliph and Imam, and restore the Caliphate of Islam in theory and in fact, and discharge effectively the duties attached to that office, was Selim. He accordingly, in 1517, by a formal deed of assignment, transferred the Caliphate to the Ottoman conqueror, and, with his officials and dignitaries, "made the Bai'at on the hand of the Sultan." In the same year Selim received the homage of the Sharif of Mecca, Mohammed Abu'l Barakat, a descendant of Ali, who presented by his son Abu Noumy on a silver salver the keys of the Kaaba and took the oath by the same proxy. The combination in Selim of the Abbaside right by assignment and by Bai'at, and the adhesion of the representative of the Prophet's House who held at the time the guardianship of the Holy Cities, perfected the Ottoman Sultan's title to the Caliphate, "just as the adhesion of (the Caliph) Ali had completed the title of the first three Caliphs." The solemn prayers with the usual Khutbas offered in Mecca and Medina for the Sultan gave the necessary finality to the right of Sehm. Henceforth Constantinople, his seat of govern- ment, became the Ddr-ul-Khildfat, and began to be called X. THE APOSTOLICAL SUCCESSION 133 " Islambol," " The City of Islam." Before long envoys arrived in Selim's Court and that of his son, Solyman the Magnificent, from the rulers of the Sunni States to offer their homage ; and thus, according to the Sunnis, the Caliphate became the heritage of the House of Othman, which they have enjoyed for four centuries without challenge or dispute. PART IL THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM CHAPTER I THE IDEAL OF ISLAM ^^JJsrvJ ^^^AAlt'i ^^t xj] [)\ ^l\3^; ^__^Aj.lloli V^A**«1 |.U o o ' o o'o . O' -f o " THE religion of Jesus bears the name of Christianity, derived from his designation of Christ ; that of Moses and of Buddha are known by the respective names of their teachers. The religion of Mohammed alone has a distinctive appellation. It is Islam. In order to form a just appreciation of the rehgion of Mohammed it is necessary to understand aright the true significance of the word Islam. Salam {salama), in its primary sense, means, to be tranquil, at rest, to have done one's duty, to have paid up, to be at perfect peace ; in its secondary sense, ^ For translation, see Appendix. 138 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. to surrender oneself to Him with whom peace is made. The noun derived from it means peace, greeting, safety, salvation. The word does not imply, as is commonly supposed, absolute submission to God's wiU, but means, on the contrary, striving after righteousness. The essence of the ethical principles involved and embodied in Islam is thus summarised in the second chapter of the Koran : " There is no doubt in this book — a guidance to the pious, who believe in the Unseen, who observe the prayers, and distribute (charity) out of what We have bestowed on them ; and who beheve in that which We have commissioned thee with, and in that We commissioned others with before thee, and who have assurance in the life to come ; — these have received the direction of their Lord." ^ The principal bases on which the Islamic system is founded are (i) a behef in the unity, immateriality, power, mercy, and supreme love of the Creator ; (2) charity and brotherhood among mankind ; (3) subjugation of the passions ; (4) the outpouring of a grateful heart to the Giver of all good ; and (5) accountability for human actions in another existence. The grand and noble conceptions expressed in the Koran of the power and love of the Deity surpass everything of their kind in any other language. The unity of God, His immateri- ality, His majesty. His mercy, form the constant and never- ending theme of the most eloquent and soul-stirring passages. The flow of life, light, and spirituality never ceases. But throughout there is no trace of dogmatism. Appeal is made to the inner consciousness of man, to his intuitive reason alone. Let us now take a brief retrospect of the religious conceptions of the peoples of the world when the Prophet of Islam com- menced his preachings. Among the heathen Arabs the idea of Godhead varied according to the culture of the individual or of the clan. With some it rose, comparatively speaking, to the " divinisation " or deification of nature ; among others it feU to simple fetishism, the adoration of a piece of dough, a stick, or a stone. Some believed in a future hfe ; others had no idea of it whatever. The pre-Islamite Arabs had their groves, their oracle-trees, their priestesses, like the Syro- 1 Koran, sura ii. i-6. I. THE IDEAL OF ISLAM 139 Phoenicians. Phallic worship was not unknown to them ; and the generative powers received adoration, like the hosts of heaven, under monuments of stone and wood. The wild denizens of the desert, then as now, could not be impervious to the idea of some unseen hand driving the blasts which swept over whole tracts, or forming the beautiful visions which rose before the traveller to lure him to destruction. And thus there floated in the Arab world an intangible, unrealised conception of a superior deity, the Lord of all.^ The Jews, those great conservators of the monotheistic idea, as they have been generally regarded in history, probably might have assisted in the formation of this conception. But they themselves showed what strange metamorphoses can take place in the thoughts of a nation when not aided by a historical and rationalistic element in their religious code. The Jews had entered Arabia at various times, and under the pressure of various circumstances. Naturally, the con- ceptions of the different bodies of emigrants, refugees, or colonists would vary much. The ideas of the men driven out by the Assyrians or Babylonians would be more anthropo- morphic, more anthropopathic, than of those who fled before Vespasian, Trajan, or Hadrian. The characteristics which had led the Israelites repeatedly to lapse into idolatry in their original homes, when seers were in their midst to denounce their backslidings, would hardly preserve them from the heathenism of their Arab brothers. With an idea of " the God of Abraham " they would naturally combine a material- istic conception of the deity, and hence we find them rearing " a statue representing Abraham, with the ram beside him ready for sacrifice," in the interior of the Kaaba. Amongst the later comers the Shammaites and the Zealots formed by far the largest proportion. Among them the worship of the law verged upon idolatry, and the Scribes and Rabbins claimed a respect almost approaching adoration. They believed themselves to be the guardians of the people, the preservers of law and tradition, " living exemplars and mirrors, in which the true mode of life, according to the law, 1 Shahristani ; Tide calls the religion of the pre-Islamite Arabs " animistic polydsemonism." 140 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii, was preserved." ^ They looked upon themselves as the " flower of the nation," and they were considered, through their intercourse with God, to possess the gift of prophecy. In fact, by their people as well as by themselves they were regarded as the prime favourites of God.^ The veneration of the Jews for Moses went so far, says Josephus, that they reverenced his name next to that of God ; and this veneration they transferred to Ezra, the restorer of national life and law under the Kyanian dynasty. ^ Besides, the mass of the Jews had never, probably, thoroughly abandoned the worship of the Teraphim, a sort of household gods made in the shape of human beings, and consulted on all occasions as domestic oracles, or regarded perhaps more as guardian penates.^ This worship must have been strengthened by contact with the heathen Arabs. When Jesus made his appearance in Judaea, the doctrine of divine unity and of a supreme Personal Will, overshadowing the universe with its might and grace, received acceptance only among one race — the worshippers of Jehovah. And even among them, despite all efforts to the contrary, the conception of the divinity had either deteriorated by contact with heathen nations, or become modified by the influence of pagan phil- osophies. On the one hand, Chaldaeo-Magian philosophy had left its finger-mark indelibly impressed on the Jewish traditions ; on the other, their best minds, whilst introducing among the Greek and Roman philosophers the conception of a great Primal Cause, had imbibed, in the schools of Alexandria, notions hardly reconcilable with their monotheistic creed. The Hindus, with their multitudinous hordes of gods and goddesses ; the Mago-Zoroastrians, with their two divinities struggling for mastery ; the Greeks, Romans, and Egyptians, with their pantheons full of deities whose morality was below that of the worshippers, — such was the condition of the civilised world when Jesus commenced his preachings. With aU his dreams and aspirations, his mind was absolutely exempt from 1 Dollinger, The Gentile and the Jew, vol. ii. p. 308. * Josephus, Antiquities, xvii. 24. They were, so to speak, the Brahmans of Judaism. 3 Ezra vii. 10 et seq. * Judges xviii. 14. I. THE IDEAL OF ISLAM 141 those pretensions which have been fixed on him by his over- zealous followers. He never claimed to be a " complement of God," or to be a " hypostasis of the Divinity." Even modem ideaUstic Christianity has not been able yet to shake itself free from the old legacy bequeathed by the anthro- pomorphism of bygone ages. Age after age everything human has been eliminated from the history of the great Teacher, until his personality is lost in a mass of legends. The New Testament itself, with " its incubation of a century," leaves the revered figure clothed in a mist. And each day the old idea of " an /Eon born in the bosom of eternity," gathers force until the Council of Nice gives it a shape and consistency, and formulates it into a dogma. Many minds, bewildered by the far-offness of the universal Father, seek a resting-place midway in a human personality which they call divine. It is this need of a nearer object of adoration which leads modern Christianity to give a name to an ideal, clothe it with flesh and blood, and worship it as a man-God. The gifted author of the Defects of Modern Christianity con- siders the frequency with which the Nazarene Prophet asserted that he was " the Son of God," and demanded the same worship as God Himself, a proof of his Divinity. That Jesus ever maintained he was the Son of God, in the sense in which it has been construed by Christian divines and apologists, we totally deny. Matthew Arnold has shown conclusively that the New Testament records are in many respects wholly unreliable. So far as the divinity of Christ is concerned, one can almost see the legend growing. But assuming that he made use of the expressions attributed to him, do they prove that he claimed to be " the only-begotten of the Father " ? Has the apologist not heard of the Eastern dervish, famous now as al-Hallaj, who claimed to be God Himself ? " An-al-Hakk," " I am God — I am the Truth," said he ; and the Musulman divines, like the Jewish Sanhedrim, pronounced him guilty of blas- phemy, and condemned him to death ? A poor simple heart, kindling with an exalted mysticism, was thus removed from earth. The Babi still believes that his master, " the Gate " to eternal Hfe, was not killed, but miraculously removed to 142 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. heaven. Can it be said that when Abu Mughis al-Hallaj ^ and the Bab called themselves " Truth " and the " Gate to heaven," they meant to imply that they were part of the Divinity, or, if they did, that their " claim " is tantamount to proof ? But, as we said before, we deny that Jesus, whose conceptions, when divested of the Aberglaube of his followers, were singularly free from exaggeration as to his own character or personality, ever used any expression to justify the demand attempted to be fixed upon him. His conception of the " Fatherhood " of God embraced all humanity. All mankind were the children of God, and he was their Teacher sent by the Eternal Father. ^ The Christian had thus a nobler exemplar before him. The teachings of the Prophet of Nazareth should have elevated him to a purer conception of the Deity. But six centuries had surrounded the figure of Jesus with those myths which, in opposition to his own words, resolved him into a manifestation of the Godhead. The " Servant " took the place of the Master in the adoration of the world. The vulgar masses, unable to comprehend or realise this wonderful mixture of Neo-Pythagoreanism, Platonism, Judaeo-Hellen- istic philosophy, and the teachings of Jesus, adored him as God incarnate, or reverted to the primitive worship of relics and of a tinselled goddess who represented the pure mother of Jesus. ^ The Collyridians, who were by no means an un- important sect, went so far as to introduce in the Christian pantheon the Virgin Mary for God, and worship her as such, offering her a sort of twisted cake called coUyris, whence the sect had its name. At the Covmcil of Nice which definitely settled the nature of Jesus, there were men who held that besides " God the Father," there were two other gods — 1 Abu Mughis ibn Mansur, al-Halldj, died in the prime of hfe. He was a man of pure morals, great simpUcity, a friend of the poor, but a dreamer and an enthusiast. For an account of the Bab and Babism, see Gobineau, Les Religions et les Philosophies dans I'Asie Centrale and the History of the Bab by Professor E. G. Browne. 2 The use of the word " Father " in relation to God was cut out from Islam owing to the perversion of the idea among the then Christians. * The Isaurian sovereigns, indirectly inspired by Islam, for over a century battled against the growing degradation of Christianity, strived with all their might to make it run back in the channel pointed out by the great Teacher, but to no purpose. I. THE IDEAL OF ISLAM 143 Christ and the Virgin Mary.^ And the Romanists even now, it is said, call the mother of Jesus the complement of the Trinity. In the long night of superstition the Christians had wandered far away from the simplicity of the Nazarene teachings. The worship of images, saints, and relics had become inseparably blended with the religion of Jesus. The practices which he had denounced, the evils which he had reprehended, were, one by one, incorporated with his faith. The holy ground where the revered Teacher had lived and walked was involved in a cloud of miracles and visions, and " the nerves of the mind were benumbed by the habits of obedience and belief." ^ Against all the absurdities we have described above, the life-aim of Mohammed was directed. Addressing, with the voice of truth, inspired by deep communion with the God of the Universe, the fetish-worshippers of the Arabian tribes on one side and the followers of degraded Christianity and Judaism on the other, Mohammed, that " master of speech," as he has been truly called, never travelled out of the province of reason, and made them all blush at the monstrousness of their beliefs. Mohammed, the grand apostle of the unity of God, thus stands forth in history in noble conflict with the retrogressive tendency of man to associate other beings with the Creator of the universe. Ever and anon in the Koran occur passages, fervid and burning, like the following : " Your God is one God ; there is no God but He, the Most Merciful. In the creation of the heaven and earth, and the alternation of night and day, and in the ship which saileth on the sea, laden with what is profitable to mankind ; and in the rain-water which God sendeth from heaven, quickening again the dead earth, and the animals of all sorts which cover its surface ; and in the change of winds, and the clouds balanced between heaven and earth, — * Mosheim, vol. i. p. 432. - Mosheim's Ecclesiastical Hist. vol. i. p. 432 ; comp. also Hallam, Const. Hist, of England, chap. ii. p. 75. From the text it will be seen how much truth there is in the assertion that Islam derived " everything good it contains " from Judaism or Christianity. " It has been the fashion," says Deutsch, " to ascribe whatever is good in Mohammedanism to Christianity. We fear this theory is not compatible with the results of honest investigation. For of Arabian Christianity at the time of Mohammed, the less said, perhaps, the better . . . By the side of it . . . even modern Amharic Christianity, of which we possess such astounding accounts, appears pure and exalted." — Quarterly Feview, No. 954, p. 31-,. 144 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. are signs to people of understanding ; yet some men take idols beside God, and love them as with the love due to God." ^ What a depth of sympathy towards those benighted people do these words convey ! Again : " It is He who causeth the lightning to appear unto you (to strike) fear and (to raise) hope ; and formeth the pregnant clouds. The thunder celebrateth His praise, and the angels also. ... He launcheth His thunderbolts, and striketh therewith whom He pleaseth while they dispute concerning Him. ... It is He who of right ought to be invoked, and those (the idols) whom they invoke besides Him shall not respond to them at all ; otherwise than as he who stretched forth his hands to the water that it may ascend to his mouth when it cannot ascend (thither). ^ He hath created the heavens and the earth to (manifest His) justice ; far be that from Him which they associate with Him. He hath created man . . . and behold he is a professed disputer. He hath likewise created the cattle for you, and they are a credit unto you when they come trooping home at evening- time, or are led forth to pasture in the morn. . . . And He hath subjected the night and day to your service ; and the sun and the moon and the stars are all bound by His laws. ... It is He who hath subjected the sea unto you, and thou seest the ships ploughing the deep . . . and that ye might render thanks . . . Shall He therefore who createth be as he who createthi not ? Do ye not therefore take heed ? If ye were to reckon" up the blessings of God, ye shall not be able to compute their number ; God is surely gracious and merciful. He knoweth that which ye conceal and that which ye publish. But those [the idols] whom ye invoke, besides the Lord, create nothing, but are themselves created. They are dead and not living." 3 "God! there is no God but He — the Living, the Eternal. No slumber seizeth Him. Whatsoever is in heaven or in earth is His. Who can intercede with Him but by His own permis-, sion ? He knows what has been before, and what shall be. after them ; yet nought of His knowledge shall they grasptj but He willeth. His Throne reacheth over the heavens andj 1 Sura ii. 158-160. * Sura xiii. 13-15. ' Sura xvi. 3-21. I. THE IDEAL OF ISLAM 145 the earth, and the upholding of them both burdeneth Him not, . . .^ He throweth the veil of night over the day, pursuing it quickly. He created the sun, moon, and stars subjected to laws by His behest. Is not all creation and all empire His ? Blessed be the Lord of the worlds. ^ Say, He alone is God : God the Eternal. He begetteth not, and He is not begotten ; there is none like unto Him. Praise be to God, the Lord of the worlds, the Compassionate, the Merciful, King on the day of reckoning ; Thee only do we worship, and to Thee do we cry for help. Guide us on the straight path, — the path of those to whom Thou art gracious, with whom Thou art not angry ; such as go not astray.^ . . . Against the evil in His creation I betake me to the Lord of the daybreak." " Thou needest not raise thy voice, for He knoweth the secret whisper, and what is yet more hidden. Say, Whose is what is in the heavens and the earth ? Say, God's who has imposed mercy on Himself.* . . . With Him are the keys of the unseen. None knows them save He ; He knows what is in the land and in the sea ; no leaf falleth but He knoweth it ; nor is there a grain in the darkness under the earth, nor a thing, green or sere, but it is recorded by itself. He taketh your souls in the night, and knoweth what the work of your day deserveth ; then He awaketh you, that the set life-term may be fulfilled ; then unto Him shall ye return, and then shall He declare unto you what you have wrought.^ Verily, God it is who cleaves out the grain and the date-stone ; He brings forth the living from the dead, and it is He who brings the dead from the living. There is God ! How then can ye be beguiled ? " " It is He who cleaves out the morning, and makes night a repose, and the sun and the moon two reckonings ; that is the decree of the Mighty, the Wise.^ " There is God for you, your Lord ! There is no God but He, the Creator of everything ; then worship Him, for He over everything keeps guard ! " ' Sura ii. 255. * Sura vii. 54. ■^ This is the Surat-ul-Fatiha, the opening chapter of the Koran. ■* Sura vi. 12. * Sura vi. 59, 60. * Sura vi. 97. S.I. K 146 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. " Sight perceives Him not, but he perceives men's sights ; for He is the knower of secrets the Aware." ^ " Say, Verily my prayers and my devotion, and my hfe and my death, belong to God, the Lord of the worlds." ^ " Dost thou not perceive that all creatures both in heaven and earth praise God ; and the birds also ? " Every one knoweth His prayer and His praise. " Unto God belongeth the kingdom of heaven and earth ; and unto God shall be the return. " Whose is the kingdom of the heavens and of the earth ? There is no God but He ! He maketh alive and killeth.^ . . . He is the Living One. No God is there but He. Call then upon Him, and offer Him a pure worship. Praise be to God, the Lord of the worlds ! . . . My prayers and my worship and my life and my death are unto God, Lord of the worlds. He hath no associate.* It is He who hath brought you forth, and gifted you with hearing and sight and heart ; yet how few are grateful ! . . . It is He who hath sown you in the earth, and to Him shall ye be gathered.^ ... O my Lord, place me not among the ungodly people.^ ... He it is who ordaineth the night as a garment and sleep for rest, and ordaineth the day for waking up to life." ' " Is not He the more worthy who answereth the oppressed when they cry to Him, and taketh off their ills, and maketh you to succeed your sires on the earth ? ^ God the Almighty, the All-knowing, Forgiver of Sin, and Receiver of Penitence."^ " Shall I seek any other Lord than God, when He is Lord of all things ? No soul shall labour but for itself, and no burdened one shall bear another's burden." i" " At last ye shall return to your Lord, and He will declare that to you about which you differ.^" Knower of the hidden and the manifest ! the Great, the Most High ! . . . Alike to Him is that person among you who concealeth his words, and 1 Sura vi. 104. * Sura vi. 163. 3 Sura vii. 158. * Sura vii. v. 158. ^ Sura Ixvii. 23, 24. « Sura xxiii. 94. ' Sura XXV. 47. « Sura xxvii. 62. • Sura xl. 1-2. "Sura ii, 286. I THE IDEAL OF ISLAM 147 he that telleth them abroad ; he who hideth him in the night, and he who cometh forth in the day." ^ " God is the Hght of the heavens and the earth ; His Hght is as a niche in which is a lamp, and the lamp is in a glass ; the glass is as though it were a glittering star ; it is lit from a blessed tree, an olive neither of the east nor of the west, the oil of which would well-nigh give light though no fire touched it — light upon light ! God guides to His light whom He pleases ; and God strikes out parables for men, and God all things doth know." " In the houses God has permitted to be reared and His name to be mentioned therein, His praises are celebrated therein mornings and evenings." " Men whom neither merchandise nor selling divert from the remembrance of God, and steadfastness in prayer and giving alms, who fear a day when hearts and eyes shall be upset, that God may recompense them for the best they have done, and give them increase of His grace ; for God provides whom He pleases without count." " But those who misbeheve, their works are like the mirage in a plain, — the thirsty counts it water till when he comes to it he find§ nothing, but he finds that God is with him, and He will pay him his account, for God is quick to take account." " Or like darkness on a deep sea ; there covers it a wave, above which is a wave, above which is a cloud, — darknesses one above the other, — when one puts out his hand he can scarcely see it, for he to whom God has given no light he has no light." " Hast thou seen that God ? All who are in the heavens and the earth celebrate His praises, and the birds, too, spreading out their wings ; each one knows its prayer and its praise, and God knows what they do." " Hast thou not seen that God drives the clouds, and then reunites them, and then accumulates them, and thou mayest see the rain coming forth from their midst ; and He sends down from the sky mountains with hail therein, and He makes it fall on whom He pleases, and He turns it from whom He pleases ; the flashing of His Hghtning well-nigh goes off with their sight." 1 Sura xiii. 9, 10, 11. 148 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. " God interchanges the night and the day ; verily in that is a lesson to those endowed with sight." The chapter entitled " The Merciful," which has been well called the Benedicite of Islam, furnishes one of the finest ex- amples of the Prophet's appeal to the testimony of nature. " The sun and the moon in their appointed time. The herbs and the trees adore. And the heavens He raised them, and set the Balance that ye should not be outrageous in the balance ; But weigh ye aright and stint not the measure. And the earth. He has set it for living creatures ; Therein are fruits, and palms with sheaths, and grain with chaff and frequent shoots. He created man of crackhng clay hke the potter's, and He created the firmament from the smokeless fire. The Lord of the two easts and the Lord of the two wests. He has let loose the two seas that meet together ; between them is a barrier they cannot pass. He brings forth from each pearls both great and small ! His are the ships which rear aloft in the sea like mountains. Every one upon it is transient, but the face of thy Lord endowed with majesty and honour shall endure. Of Him whosoever is in the heaven and in the earth does beg ; every day is He in [some fresh] work. Blessed be the name of thy Lord, possessed of majesty and glory." " Every man's actions have we hung round his neck, and on the last day shall be laid before him a wide-opened Book." ^ . . . " By a soul, and Him who balanced it, and intimated to it its wickedness and its piety, blest now is he who hath kept it pure, and undone is he who hath corrupted it." ^ . . . "No defect canst thou see in the creation of the God of mercy ; 1 Sura xvii. 13. '^ Sura xci. 7-9. I. THE IDEAL OF ISLAM 149 repeat the gaze, seest thou a single flaw, then twice more repeat the gaze, thy gaze shall return to thee dulled and wear}^" ^ . . . "He quickeneth the earth when it is dead ; so too sliall you be brought to life." " The heavens and the earth stand firm at His bidding ; hereafter when at once He shall summon you from the earth, forth shah ye come." ^ . . . " When the sun shall be folded up, and the stars shall fall, and when the mountains shall be set in motion ; when the she-camels shall be left, and the wild beasts shall be gathered together ; when the seas shall boil, and souls be re-paired [with their bodies] ; when the female child that was buried alive shall be asked for what crime she was put to death ; when the leaves of the Book shall be un- rolled, and the heavens shall be stripped away, and the fire of hell blaze forth, and paradise draw nigh, then shall every soul know what it hath done." ^ . . . " What knowledge hast thou [Mohammed] of the hour ? Only God knoweth its period. It is for thee only to warn those who fear it." . . . " What shall teach thee the inevitable ? Thamud and Ad treated the Day of Decision as a lie. They were destroyed with thunderbolts and roaring blasts." And yet with all His might, His tender care and pity are all-embracing : " By the noonday brightness, and by the night when it darkeneth, thy Lord hath not forsaken thee, neither hath He been displeased. Surely the future shall be better for thee than the past ; and in the end He shall be bounteous to thee, and thou shalt be satisfied. Did He not find thee an orphan, and give thee a home ; erring, and guided thee ; needy, and enriched thee ? As to the orphan, then, wrong him not ; and chide not away him that asketh of thee, and tell abroad the favours of thy Lord." ^ " Did ye think We had made you for sport, and that ye should not be brought back again to us ? " " O our God, punish us not if we forget and fall into sin ; blot out our sins and forgive us." " Have mercy, O Lord, for of the merciful. Thou art the best." ^ " The heavy laden 1 Sura Ixvii. 4. » Sura xxx. 25. ' Sura Ixxxi. ^ Sura xciii. 5 Sura xxiii. 118. 150 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. shall not bear another's load. We never punished till we had sent an apostle." " This clear Book, behold, on a blessed night have we sent it down for a warning to mankind." " Not to sadden thee have we sent it thee." And so on goes this wonderful book, appeahng to the nobler feelings of man, — his inner consciousness and his moral sense, proving and manifesting the enormity of idolatrous beliefs. Scarcely a chapter but contains some fervid passages on the power, mercy, and unity of God. The Islamic conception of the Almighty has been misunderstood by Christian writers. The God of Islam is commonly represented as "a pitiless tyrant, who plays with humanity as on a chess-board, and works out His game without regard to the sacrifice of the pieces." Let us see if this estimate is correct. The God of Islam is the All-mighty, the All-knowing, the All-just, the Lord of the worlds, the Author of the heavens and the earth, the Creator of life and death, in whose hand is dominion and irresistible power ; the great, all-powerful Lord of the glorious Throne. God is the Mighty, the Strong, the Most High, the Producer, the Maker, the Fashioner, the Wise, the Just, the True, the Swift in reckoning, who knoweth every ant's weight of good and of ill that each man hath done, and who suffereth not the reward of the faithful to perish. But the Almighty, the All- wise, is also the King, the Holy, the Peaceful, the Faithful, the Guardian over His servants, the Shelterer of the orphan, the Guide of the erring, the Deliverer from every affliction, the Friend of the bereaved, the Consoler of the afflicted ; in His hand is good, and He is the generous Lord, the Gracious, the Hearer, the Near-at-Hand, the Compassionate, the Merciful, the Very-forgiving, whose love for man is more tender than that of the mother-bird for her young. The mercy of the Almighty is one of the grandest themes of the Koran. The very name [Ar-Rahman] with which each chapter opens, and with which He is invoked, expresses a deep, aU-penetrating conviction of that love, that divine mercy which enfolds creation. ^ The moral debasement of the followers of the two previous Dispensations wrings the Teacher's heart, and then burst forth 1 Sura iii. 124, xxv. 50, xxviii 74, xlii. 3, etc. etc. I. THE IDEAL OF ISLAm 151 denunciations on the Christians and the Jews for the super- stitious rites they practised in defiance of the warnings of their prophets. The fire of rehgious zeal, that had burned in the bosoms of Isaiah and Jeremiah, was rekindled in the breast of another and far greater man. He denounces ; but above the wail, the cry of agony at the degradation of humanity, is heard the voice of hope. The Koran severely censures the Jews for their " worship of false gods and idols," the terapkim before referred to, and for their exaggerated reverence for the memory of Ezra ; the Christians, for their adoration of Jesus and his mother. " Hast thou not seen those to whom a portion of the Scriptures have been given ? They believe in false gods and idols. They say to the unbelievers they are better directed in the right way than those that believe [the Moslems]." ^ " The Jews say, Ezra is the son of God ; the Christians say, al-Masih (Jesus) is the son of God. How infatuated they are ! They take their priests and their monks for their lords besides God. . . . They seek to extinguish the light of God with their mouths." - . . . " The Jews and the Christians say. We are the children of God, and His beloved." ^ " Many of those unto whom the Scriptures have been given ^ desire to render you again unbelievers, after ye have believed. . . . Be constant in prayer, and give alms ; and what good ye have sent before you for your souls, ye shall find it with God." . . . " They say, Verily, none shall enter paradise except those who are Jews or Christians. . . . Say, Produce your proof if ye speak the truth. Nay, but he who directeth towards God, and doth that which is right, he shall have his reward with his Lord." ^ " O ye who have received the Scriptures, exceed not the just bounds in your religion, neither say of God otherwise than the truth. Verily, al-Masih, the son of Mary, is the apostle of God and His word. Believe therefore in God and His apostles, and say not. There are three Gods ; forbear this . . . al-Masili doth not proudly disdain to be a servant unto God." ^ "It 1 Sura iv. 45. » Sura ix. 30-32. ' Sura v. 18. * The Jews, the Christians, and the Zoroastrians. ^ Sura v. 105, 106. •Sura iv. 171, 152 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. beseemeth not a man, that God should give him the Scriptures, and the wisdom, and the gift of prophecy, and that then he should say to his followers, ' Be ye worshippers of me, as well as of God,' but rather, ' Be ye perfect in things pertaining to God, since ye know the Scriptures, and have studied deep.' " The following passage shows the feehng with which such religious conceptions were regarded : " They say the God of mercy hath gotten to himself a son.^ Now have ye uttered a grievous thing ; and it wanted but Uttle that the heaven should be torn open, and that the earth cleave asunder, and the mountains fall down, for that they attribute children unto the Merciful ; whereas it is not meet for God to have children. Verily there is none in heaven or on earth but shall approach the Merciful as His servant. He encompasseth them." ^ . . . But the inspired Preacher whose mission it is to proclaim the Truth does not confound the good with the bad : " Yet they are not all alike ; there are of those who have received the Scriptures, upright people ; they meditate on the signs of God in the night season, and worship ; they believe in God and the last day ; and command that which is just ; and forbid that which is unjust, and zealously strive to excel in good works ; these are of the righteous." ^ The mutual and burning hatred of Jew and Christian, the savage wars of Nestorian and Monophysite, the meaningless wrangle of the sects, the heartless and heart-rending logomachy of the Byzantine clergy, ever and anon bring down denuncia- tions like the following : " To Jesus and other apostles we gave manifest signs ; and if God had pleased, their followers would not have fallen into these disputes. But God doeth what He will ! " " Mankind was but one people, and God sent them prophets of warning and glad tidings, and the Book of Truth to settle all disputes. Yet none disputed like those to whom the Book had been sent ; for they were filled with jealousy of each other." " O people of the Book, why wrangle about Abraham ? Why contend about that whereof ye know nothing ? " The primary aim of the new Dispensation was to infuse or * Sura iii. 78. * Sura xix. gi-94. ' Sura iii. 112, 113. I. THE IDEAL OF ISLAM 153 revive in the heart of humanity a Uving perception of truth in the common relations of hfe. " The moral ideal of the new gospel," to use the phraseology of an eminent writer, " was set in the common sense of duty and the familiar instances of love." " Verily, those people ^ have now passed away ; they have the reward of their deeds ; and ye shall have the meed of yours ; of their doings ye shall not be questioned." ^ " Every soul shall bear the good and the evil for which it has laboured ; and God will burden none beyond its power." " Blessed is he who giveth away his substance that he may become pure, and who offereth not favours to any one for the sake of recom- pense . . . but only as seeking the approval of his Lord the Most High." 3 " They are the blest who, though longing for it themselves, bestowed their food on the poor and the orphan and the captive [saying], ' We feed you for the sake of God : we seek from you neither recompense nor thanks.' " * " Worship God alone ; be kind to kindred and servants, orphans and the poor ; speak righteously to men, pray, and pay alms." " Defer humbly to your parents ; with humihty and tenderness say, O Lord, be merciful to them, even as they brought me up when I was helpless." " Abandon the old barbarities, blood-vengeance, and child-murder, and be united as one flesh." " Do thy alms openly or in secret, for both are well." Give of that which hath been given you before the day cometh when there shall be no trafficking, nor friend- ship, nor intercession." " Wouldst thou be taught the steep [path] ? It is to ransom the captive, to feed the hungry, the kindred, the orphan, and him whose mouth is in the dust." "Be of those who enjoin steadfastness and compassion on others." ^ " Woe to them that make show of piety, and refuse help to the needy." " Make not your alms void by reproaches or injury." " Forgiveness and kind speech are better than favours with annoyance." " Abandon usury." " He who spendeth his substance to be seen of men, is like a ^ I.e. Abraham, Ishmael, and Isaac, and the tribes. - Sura ii. 128. ' Sura xcii. i8, 20. * Sura Ixxvi. 8, 9. * Sura xc. 12-17. 154 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. rock with thin soil over it, whereon the rain falleth and leaveth it hard. But they who expend their substance to please God and establish their souls, are like a garden on a hill, on which the rain falleth and it yieldeth its fruits twofold ; and even if the rain doth not fall, yet is there a dew." " Judge between men with truth, and follow not thy passions, lest they cause thee to err from the way of God." ^ " Covet not another's gifts from God." " There is no piety in turning the face east or west, but in believing in God only and doing good." " Make the best of all things ; enjoin justice and avoid the foolish ; and if Satan stir thee to evil, take refuge in God." " Touch not the goods of the orphan. ^ Perform your covenant, and walk not proudly on the earth." " The birth of a daughter brings dark shadows on a man's face." ... " Kill not your children for fear of want : for them and for you will We provide. Verily the kilHng them is a great wickedness." ^ " God hath given you wives that ye may put love and tender- ness between you." " Reverence the wombs that bear you." " Commit not adultery ; for it is a foul thing and an evil way." * " Let the believer restrain his eyes from lust ; let women make no display of ornaments, save to their own kindred." " Know ye that this world's life is a cheat, the multiplying of riches and children is hke the plants that spring up after rain, rejoicing the husbandman, then turn yellow and wither away. In the next life is severe chastisement, or else pardon from God and His peace." " Abandon the semblance of wickedness and wickedness itself. They, verily, whose only acquirement is iniquity, shall be rewarded for what they shall have gained." ^ " Those who abstain from vanities and the indulgence of their passions, give alms, offer prayers, and tend well their trusts and their covenants, these shall be the heirs of eternal happiness." ^ " Show kindness to your parents, whether one or both of them attain to old age with thee : and say not to them ' Fie ! ' neither reproach them ; but speak to them both with respectful speech and tender affection." ^ 1 Sura xxxviii. 25. ^ Sura xvii. 37. ' Sura xvii. 33. ■* Sura xvii. 32. * Sura vi. 121. * Sura xxiii. 8. ^ Sura xvii. 23. I. THE IDEAL OF ISLAM 155 " And to him who is of kin render his due, and also to the poor and to the wayfarer ; yet waste not wastefully." ^ " And let not thy hand be tied up to thy neck ; nor yet open it with all openness, lest thou sit thee down in rebuke in beggary." - " Enjoin my servants to speak in kindly sort." ^ " Turn aside evil with that which is better." * " Just balances will We set up for the day of the Resurrection, neither shall any soul be wronged in aught ; though were a work but the weight of a grain of mustard seed, We would bring it forth to he weighed : and Our reckoning will suftice." ^ " Seek pardon of your Lord and be turned unto Him : verily, my Lord is merciful, loving." ^ " And your Lord saith, ' Call upon me, I will hearken unto you." "^ " Say : O my servants who have transgressed to your own injury, despair not of God's mercy, for all sins doth God forgive. Gracious, merciful is He ! " ^ " The good word riseth up to Him, and the righteous deed will He exalt." ^ " Truly my Lord hath forbidden filthy actions, whether open or secret, and iniquity, and unjust violence." ^^ " Call upon your Lord with lowliness and in secret, for He loveth not transgressors. And commit not disorders on the well-ordered earth after it hath been well ordered ; and call on Him with fear and longing desire : Verily the mercy of God is nigh unto the righteous." ^^ " Moreover, We have enjoined on man to show kindness to his parents. With pain his mother beareth him ; with pain she bringeth him forth ; and he saith, ' O my Lord ! stir me up to be grateful for Thy favours wherewith Thou hast favoured me and my parents, and to good works which shall please Thee ; and prosper me in my offspring : for to Thee am I turned, and am resigned to Thy will.' " 1'^ " For them is a dwelling of peace with their Lord ; and in recompense for their works shall He be their protector." ^^ " Lost are they who, in their ignorance, have foolishly slain their children, and have forbidden that which 1 Sura xvii. 26. ^ Sura xvii. 29. ' Sura xvii. 53. * Sura xxiii. 96. * Sura xxi. 47. * Sura xi. 90. ' Sura xl. 60. 8 Sura xxxix. 53. * Sura xxxv. 10. " Sura vii. 33. 11 Sura vii. 55-58. ^* Sura xlvi. 15. " Sura vi. 28. 156 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. God hath given them for food, devising an untruth against God ! Now have they erred ; and they were not rightly guided." ^ " The likeness of those who expend their wealth for the cause of God, is that of a grain of corn which produceth seven ears, and in each ear a hundred grains ; they who expend their wealth for the cause of God, and never follow what they have laid out with reproaches or harm, shall have their reward with their Lord ; no fear shall come upon them, neither shall they be put to grief. A kind speech and forgiveness is better than alms followed by injury." ^ " God will not burden any soul beyond its power. It shall enjoy the good which it hath acquired, and shall bear the evil for the acquirement of which it laboured." ... " O Lord ! punish us not if we forget, or fall into sin, O our Lord ! and lay not on us a load like that which Thou hast laid on those who have been before us, O our Lord ! And lay not on us that for which we have not strength : but blot out our sins and forgive us and have pity on us." ^ " The patient and the truthful, the lowly and the charitable, they who seek pardon at each daybreak ":*... " Who give alms, alike in prosperity and in success, and who master their anger, and forgive others 1 God loveth the doers of good " ; ^ [theirs a goodly home with their Lord.] " O our Lord ! forgive us then our sin, and hide away from us our evil deeds, and cause us to die with the righteous " : ^ . . . " And their Lord answereth them, ' I will not suffer the work of him among you that worketh, whether of male or female, to be lost, the one of you is the issue of the other.' " ' " And fear ye God, in whose name ye ask favours of each other — and respect women." ® " And marry not women whom your fathers have married : for this is a shame, and hateful, and an evil way." ^ " Covet not the gifts by which God hath raised some of you above others." ^° " Be good to parents, and to kindred, and to orphans, and ^ Sura vi. 141. * Sura ii. 261-263. 3 Sura ii. 286. * Sura iii. 16. ^ Sura iii. 128. 6 Sura iii. 192. ' Sura iii. 194. • Sura iv. i. • Sura iv. 22. ^^ Sura iv. 32. I. THE IDEAL OF ISLAM 157 to the poor, and to a neighbour, whether kinsman or new- comer, and to a fellow-traveller, and to the wayfarer, and to the slaves whom your right hands hold ; verily, God loveth not the proud, the vain boaster." ^ "He who shall mediate between men for a good purpose shall be the gainer by it. But he who shall mediate with an evil mediation shall reap the fruit of it. And God keepeth watch over everything." ^ " O ye Moslems ! stand fast to justice, when ye bear witness before God, though it be against yourselves, or your parents or your kindred, whether the party be rich or poor. God is nearer than you to both. Therefore follow not passion, lest ye swerve from truth." ^ Do the preachings of this desert-born Prophet, addressing a larger world and a more advanced humanity, in the nobility of their love, in their strivings and yearnings for the true, the pure, and the holy, fall short of the warnings of Isaiah or " the tender appeals of Jesus ? " The poor and the orphan, the humble dweller of the earth " with his mouth in the dust," the unfortunate being bereft in early life of parental care, are ever the objects of his tenderest solicitude. Ever and again he announces that the path which leads to God is the helping of the orphan, the reHeving of the poor, and the ransoming of the captive. His pity and love were not confined to his fellow-beings, the brute creation shared with them his sympathy and tenderness. " A man once came to him with a bundle, and said : ' O Prophet, I passed through a wood and heard the voice of the young of birds, and I took them and put them in my carpet, and their mother came fluttering round my head.' And the Prophet said : ' Put them down ' ; and when he had put them down the mother joined the young. And the Prophet said : ' Do you wonder at the affection of the mother towards her young ? I swear by Him who has sent me. Verily, God is more loving to His servants than the mother to these young birds. Return them to the place from which ye took them, and let their mother be with them.' " " Fear God with regard to animals," said Mohammed ; " ride them when they are fit to be ridden, and get off when they are tired. Verily, there are 1 Sura iv. 36. » Sura iv. 85. » Sura iv. 135. 158 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. rewards for our doing good to dumb animals, and giving them water to drink." In the Koran, animal life stands on the same footing as human life in the sight of the Creator. " There is no beast on earth," says the Koran, " nor bird which flieth with its wings, but the same is a people like unto you — unto the Lord shall they return," It took centuries for Christendom to awaken to a sense of duty towards the animal creation. Long before the i Christian nations ever dreamt of extending towards animals tenderness and humanity, Mohammed proclaimed in impressive words the duty of mankind towards their dumb and humble , servitors. These precepts of tenderness so lovingly embalmed : in the creed are faithfully rendered into a common duty of everyday life in the world of Islam. ! J CHAPTER II THE RELIGIOUS SPIRIT OF ISLAM ■<,' o ■ ■^^'- .-^';5- o ^ > ^ -.o, S fi ' C * ..■^U,*! ^ — XU) *j. ^^-tf_, *— .ijj » ^_;»s\llj i^l aJDI * ,ck ^..vl I- FOR the conservation of a true religious spirit, Mohammed attached to his precepts certain practical duties, of which the following are the principal : (i) prayer, (2) fasting, (3) alms-giving, and (4) pilgrimage. Man's consciousness of a supreme, all-pervading Power ; his helplessness in the eternal conflict of nature ; his sense of i6o THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. benefaction, — all lead him to pour out the overflowing senti- ments of his heart in words of gratitude and love, or repentance and solicitation, to One who is every-wakeful and merciful. Prayers are only the utterance of the sentiments which fill the human heart. All these emotions, however, are the result of a superior development. The savage, if supplications do not answer his purpose, resorts to the castigation of his fetish. But every religious system possessing any organic element has recognised, in some shape, the efficacy of prayer. In most, however, the theurgic character predominates over the moral ; in some, the moral idea is entirely wanting. The early Hindu worship consisted of two sets of acts — oblations and sacrifice accompanied with invocations. In the infancy of religious thought the gods are supposed to possess the same appetites and passions as human beings ; and thus whilst man needs material benefits, the gods require offerings and propitiation. This idea often finds expression in the old hymns of the Rig Veda. With the development of religious conceptions, it is probable that, among at least the more advanced or thoughtful minds, the significance attached to oblations and sacrifice underwent considerable modification. But as the hold of the priestly caste, which claimed the posses- sion of a " secret virtue " transmissible only through the blood, strengthened on the minds of the masses, Brahmanism crystal- lised into a literally sacrificial cult. The sacrifice could be performed only by the priest according to rigid and unalterable formula; ; whilst he recited the majitras and went through the rites in a mechanical spirit, without religious feeling or enthusiasm, the worshipper stood by, a passive spectator of the worship which was performed on his behalf. The smallest mistake undid the efficacy of the observances. The devotional spirit, however, could not have been entirely wanting, or the Bhagavad Git a could not have been composed. But for the people as a whole, their worship had become a vast system of sacrifice, the value of which depended not so much upon the moral conduct of the individual worshipper as upon the qualification of the officiating priest. The former had only to believe in the efficacy of the rite and be in a state of legal purity at the time. II. THE RELIGIOUS SPIRIT OF ISLAM i6i The Mago-Zoroastrian and the Sabaean lived in an atmos- phere of prayer. The Zoroastrian prayed when he sneezed, when he cut his nails or hair, while preparing meals, day and night, at the lighting of lamps, etc. Ormuzd was first invoked, and then not only heaven, earth, the elements and stars, but trees, especially the moon-plant,^ and beasts. The formuL-e were often to be repeated as many as twelve hundred times. ^ The moral idea, however pure with the few, would be perfectly eliminated from the minds of the common people. But even the sort of spiritual life enjoyed by exceptional minds was monopolised by the ministers of religion. The barriers of special holiness which divided the priesthood from the laity, shut out the latter from all spiritual enjoyments of a nobler type. The Magians, like the Ophici, had two forms of worship, or rather, two modes of understanding the objects of worship : one esoteric, especially reserved for the priestly classes ; the other exoteric, in which alone the vulgar could participate.^ The Mosaic law contained no ordinances respecting prayers ; only on the payment of tithes to the priests, and the domestic solemnity of the presentation of the firstlings, was there a prescribed formula of a prayer and acknowledgment, when the father of the house, on the strength of his having obediently performed the behests of the law, suppHcated blessings from Jehovah on Israel, " even as He had sworn unto their fathers." * But, with the rise of a more spiritual idea of the Deity among the people and the teachers, and the decUne of an uncompro- mising anthropomorphism, the real nature of prayer, as the medium of intercommunication between God and man, began to be understood. Tradition and custom, in default of any express regulation by the law, made the Jews at last, as Dolhnger says, a people of prayer.^ Three hours daily were consecrated to devotional exercises, viz. nine, twelve, and three o'clock. The necessity, however, for the service of priests, combined 1 Called Soma by the Sanscritic, and Homa or Haoina by the Zend races. 2 Dollinger, The Gentile and the Jew, vol. i. p. 398. The Zend Avesta itself is a grand repertory of prayers, hymns, invocations, etc., to a multitude of deities, among whom Ormuzd ranks first. In fact, it is a book of liturgies. Comp. Clarke, Ten Great Religions, pp. 187, 202, ' Reland, Dissertationes Miscellanys, part i. p. 191 ; Shahristani. ^ Deut. xxvi. 12-15. ^ Dollinger, vol. ii. p. 372. S.I. L i62 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. with the absence of any positive precedent coming down from the Lawgiver himself, tended to make prayer, in the majority of cases, merely mechanical. Phylacteries were in use in the time of Jesus, and the Koran reproaches the Jews in bitter terms for " selling the signs of God." ^ The teachings of Jesus, representing a later development of the religious faculty in man, recognised the true character of prayer. He consecrated the practice by his own example. ^ The early disciples, in the spirit of their Master, laid great stress on the habit of devotion and thanksgiving to God.^ But the want of some definite rule for the guidance of the masses, in process of time, left them completely adrift in all that regarded the practice of devotion, and under subjection to the priests, who monopolised the office of regulating the number, length, and the terminology of prayers. Hence missals, liturgies, coimcils, and convocations to settle articles of faith and matters of conscience ; hence also, the mechanical worship of droning monks, and the hebdomadal flocking into churches and chapels on one day in the week to make up for the deficiency of spiritual food during the other six ; hence also the " presbyter," who, merely a " servant " at first,* came to regard himself as " the Lord of the spiritual heritage " bequeathed by Jesus. All these evils had culminated to a point in the seventh century, when the Prophet of Arabia began to preach a re- formed religion. In instituting prayers, Mohammed recognised the yearning of the human soul to pour out its love and gratitude to God, and by making the practice of devotion periodic, he impressed that disciplinary character on the observance of prayer which keeps the thoughts from wandering into the regions of the material.^ The formulae, consecrated by his example and practice, whilst sparing the Islamic world the evils of contests regarding liturgies, leave to the individual worshipper the amplest scope for the most heartfelt outpouring of devotion and humility before the Almighty Presence. ^ Sura ii. 42. - Luke ix. 1-4. ^ E.g. Eph. vi. 18 ; Col. i. 12 et seq. * Mosheim, vol. i. gg et seq. 5 Comp. Oelsner, Des Effets de la Religion de Mohammed, p. 6. II. THE RELIGIOUS SPIRIT OF ISLAM 163 The value of prayer as the means of moral elevation and the purification of the heart, has been clearly set forth in the Koran : " Rehearse that which hath been revealed unto thee of the Book, and be constant at prayer, for prayer preserveth from crimes and from that which is blameable ; and the remembering of God is surely a most sacred duty." ^ The forms of the supplicatory hymns, consecrated by the example of the Prophet, evince the beauty of the moral element in the teachings of Islam : " O Lord ! I supplicate Thee for firmness in faith and direction towards rectitude, and to assist me in being grateful to Thee, and in adoring Thee in every good way : and I suppHcate Thee for an innocent heart, which shall not incline to wicked- ness ; and I supplicate Thee for a true tongue, and for that virtue which Thou knowest ; and I pray Thee to defend me from that vice which Thou knowest, and for forgiveness of those faults which Thou knowest. O my Defender ! assist me in remembering Thee and being grateful to Thee, and in worshipping Thee with the excess of my strength. O Lord ! I have injured my own soul, and no one can pardon the faults of Thy servants but Thou ; forgive me out of Thy loving-kindness, and have mercy on me ; for verily Thou art the forgiver of offences and the bestower of blessings on Thy servants." ^ Another traditional prayer, called the prayer of David, runs thus ; " O Lord, grant to me the love of Thee ; grant that I may love those that love Thee ; grant that I may do the deeds that may win Thy love ; make Thy love to be dearer to me than self, family or than wealth." ^ The two following prayers of Ali (the Caliph) evince the highest devotional spirit. " Thanks be to my Lord ; He the Adorable, and only to be adored. My Lord, the Eternal, the Ever-existing, the Cherisher, the True Sovereign whose mercy and might overshadow the universe ; the Regulator of the world, and Light of the creation. His is our worship ; to Him belongs all worship ; He existed before all things, and will exist after all that is living has 1 Koran xxix. 45. » Mishkdt, bk. iv. chap. 18, parts 2, 3. ^ Tasfsir-Jaldh, p. 288. i64 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. ceased. Thou art the adored, my Lord ; Thou art the Master, the Loving and Forgiving ; Thou bestowest power and might on whom Thou pleasest ; him whom Thou hast exalted none can lower ; and him whom Thou hast lowered none can exalt. Thou, my Lord, art the Eternal, the Creator of all. All-wise Sovereign Mighty ; Thy knowledge knows everything ; Thy beneficence is all-pervading ; Thy forgiveness and mercy are all-embracing. O my Lord, Thou art the Helper of the afflicted, the Reliever of all distress, the Consoler of the broken- hearted ; Thou art present everywhere to help Thy servants. Thou knowest all secrets, all thoughts, art present in every assembly, Fulfiller of all our needs, Bestower of all blessings. Thou art the Friend of the poor and bereaved ; my Lord, Thou art my Fortress ; a Castle for all who seek Thy help. Thou art the Refuge of the weak ; the Helper of the pure and true. O my Lord, Thou art my Supporter, my Helper, the Helper of all who seek Thy help. ... O my Lord, Thou art the Creator, I am only created ; Thou art my Sovereign, I am only Thy servant ; Thou art the Helper, I am the beseecher ; Thou, my Lord art my Refuge ; Thou art the Forgiver, I am the sinner ; Thou, my Lord, art the Merciful, All-knowing, All-loving ; I am groping in the dark ; I seek Thy knowledge and love. Bestow, my Lord, all Thy knowledge and love and mercy ; forgive my sins, O my Lord, and let me approach Thee, my Lord." " O my Lord, Thou the Ever-praised, the Eternal, Thou art the Ever-present, Ever-exiiting, the Ever-near, the All- knowing. Thou livest in every heart, in every soul, all-pervad- ing ; Thy knowledge is ingrained in every mind." " He bears no similitude, has no equal. One, the Eternal ; thanks be to the Lord whose mercy extends to every sinner, who provides for even those who deny Him. To Him belong the beginning and the end, all knowledge and the most hidden secret of the heart. He never slumbers, the Ever-just, the Ever-wakeful. He forgiveth in His mercy our greatest sins, — loveth all creation. I testify to the goodness of my Lord, to the truth of His Messenger's message, blessings on him and his descendants and his companions." ^ 1 Sahifai-Kdmila. II. THE RELIGIOUS SPIRIT OF ISLAM 165 "It is one of the glories of Islam," says an English writer, " that its temples are not made with hands, and that its ceremonies can be performed anywhere upon God's earth or under His heaven." ^ Every place in which the Almighty is faithfully worshipped is equally pure. The Moslem, whether he be at home or abroad, when the hour of prayer arrives, pours forth his soul in a brief but earnest supplicatory address ; his attention is not wearied by the length of his prayers, the theme of which is always self-humiliation, the glorification of the Giver of all good, and rehance on His mercy. ^ The intensity of the devotional spirit embalmed in the church of Mohammed has hardly been realised by Christendom. Tradition, that faithful chronicler of the past, with its hundred corroborative witnesses, records how the Prophet wept during his prayers with the fervour of his emotions ; how his noble cousin and son-in-law became so absorbed in his devotions that his body grew benumbed. The Islam of Mohammed recognises no caste of priesthood, allows no monopoly of spiritual knowledge or special holiness to intervene between man and his God. Each soul rises to its Creator without the intervention of priest or hierophant. No sacrifice,^ no ceremonial, invented by vested interests, is needed to bring the anxious heart nearer to its Comforter. Each human being is his own priest ; in the Islam of Mohammed no one man is higher than the other. European rationalists have complained of the complex character of the Moslem prayers, but the ritual of the Koran is astonishing in its simplicity and soberness. It includes the necessary acts of faith, the recital of the creed, prayer, almsgiving, fasting, and pilgrimage, but lays down scarcely any rules as to how they are to be performed. " Observe the prayers and the mid-day prayer, and stand ye at tent before God ; seek aid from patience and prayer. Verily, God is with the patient ; " but nothing is said regarding the manner in which the prayers should be offered. " When ye journey ^ Hunter, Our Indian Musalmans, p. 179. * Sura ii. 127, 239, etc., vii. 204, 205, xvii. 79, xx. 130, xxx. 16, 17, etc. etc. See the Kitdb ul-Miistalraf. ^ The annual sacrifice at the Hajj and the Bairam is a mere memorial observance. i66 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. about the earth," says the Koran, "it is no crime to you that ye come short in prayer if ye fear that those that disbeheve will set upon you. God pardons everything except associating aught with Him." The practice of the Prophet has, however, attached certain rites and ceremonies to the due observance of prayers. At the same time it is pointed out in unmistakeable terms that it is to the devotional state of the mind the Searcher of the spirit looks : "It is not the flesh or the blood of that which ye sacrifice which is acceptable to God : it is 5/our piety which is acceptable to the Lord." ^ " It is not righteousness," con- tinues the Koran, " that ye turn your faces in praj^er towards the east or the west ; but righteousness is of him who believeth in God ; . . . who giveth money for God's sake unto his kindred, and unto orphans, and the needy, and the stranger, and those who ask, and for the redemption of captives ; who is constant at prayers and giveth alms ; and of those who perform their covenant, when they have covenanted ; and who behave themselves patiently in hardship and adversity, and in times of violence : these are they who are true." ^ . . . It was declared that prayer without " the presence of the heart " was of no avail, and that God's words which were addressed to all mankind and not to one people, should be studied with the heart and lips in absolute accord. And the Caliph AH held that devotion offered without understanding was useless and brought no blessing. ^ The celebrated Imam al-GhazzaU ^ has pronounced that in reading the sacred book ^ heart and intelligence must work together ; the Ups only utter the words ; intelligence helps in the due apprehension of their meaning ; the heart, in paying obedience to the dictates of duty.^ "It is not a sixth nor a tenth of a man's devotion," said the Prophet, " which is acceptable to God, but only such portion thereof as he offers with understanding and true devotional spirit." ' The practice of baptism in the Christian Church, even the 1 Sura xxii. 37. - Sura ii. 177. 3 Ghurrar wa'd Durrar. ^ See post, chap. xx. * The Koran. « The Kit&b ul-Mustatraf, chap. i. ' From Muaz ibn Jabal, reported by Abu Daud and Nisai. II. THE RELIGIOUS SPIRIT OF ISLAM 167 lustrations, which the Egyptians, the Jews, or the hierophants of the heathen reUgions in the East and the West, required as preUminary to the performance of devotional or religious exercises, show the peculiar sanctity which was attached to external purifications. Mohammed, by his example, conse- crated this ancient and beneficent custom. He required cleanliness as a necessary preliminary to the worship and adoration of God.^ At the same time, he especially inculcated that mere external, or rather physical, purity does not imply true devotion. He distinctly laid down that the Almighty can only be approached in purity and humility of spirit.^ Imam al-Ghazzali expressly says, as against those who are only solicitous about external purifications, and have their hearts full of pride and hypocrisy, that the Prophet of God declared the most important purification to be the cleansing of the heart from all blameable inclinations and frailties, and the mind from all vicious ideas, and from all thoughts which distract attention from God.^ In order to keep alive in the Moslem world the memory of the birthplace of Islam, Mohammed directed that during prayers the Moslem should turn his face towards Mecca, as the glorious centre which saw the first glimmerings of the light of regenerated truth. ^ With the true instinct of a prophet he perceived the consolidating effect of fixing a central spot round which, through all time, should gather the rehgious feelings of his followers ; and he accordingly ordained that everywhere throughout the world the Moslem should pray looking towards the Kaaba. " Mecca is to the Moslem what Jerusalem is to the Jew. It bears with it all the influence of centuries of associations. It carries the Moslem back to the cradle of his faith, the childhood of his Prophet, it reminds him of the struggle between the old faith and the new, of the overthrow of the idols, and the establishment of the worship of the one ' Sura V. 6. The Koran, in its universality, speaks of ablutions, but where water is not available it allows any cleansing substitute for lavation, but nowhere lays down the details of the WuzA. As usual, the manner of performing the lavations or ablutions, derived from the practice of the Prophet, has given rise to considerable discussions and difference among the theologians. - Sura vii. 206, ^ Compare the Kitah id-Mustatraf, chap. i. sec. i. ■• Sura ii. 139, 144, etc. i68 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. God ; and, most of all, it bids him remember that all his brother Moslems are worshipping towards the same sacred spot ; that he is one of a great company of believers, united by one faith, filled with the same hopes, reverencing the same things, worshipping the same God. Mohammed showed his knowledge of the religious emotions in man when he preserved the sanctity of the temple of Islam." ^ But that this rule is not an essential requisite for devotion, is evident from the passage of the Koran quoted above. ^ The institution of fasting has existed more or less among all nations. But it may be said that throughout the ancient world the idea attached to it was, without exception, more of penit- ence than of abstinence. Even in Judaism the notion of fasting as an exercise of self-castigation or self-abnegation was of later growth. The Essenians (from their connection with the Pythagoreans, and, through them, with the asceticism of the further East) were the first among the Jews to grasp this moral element in the principle of fasting ; and Jesus probably derived this idea, like other conceptions, from them. The example of Jesus consecrated the custom in the Church. But the predominating idea in Christianity, with respect to fasts generally, is one of penitence or expiation ; ^ and partially, of precedent.- Voluntary corporal mortifications have been as frequent in the Christian Churcli as in other Churches ; but the tendency of such mortifications has invariably been the destruction of mental and bodily energies, and the fosteiing of a morbid asceticism. The institution of fasting in Islam, on the contrary, has the legitimate object of restraining the passions, by diurnal abstinence for a hmited and definite 1 Stanley Lane-Poole, Introd. to the Selections from the Koran, p. Ixxxv. 2 See ante, p. i66. ^ Mosheim, vol. i. p. 131. Mosheim distinctly says that fasting came early to be regarded " as the most effectual means of repelling the force, and dis- concerting the stratagems of evil spirits, and of appeasing the anger of an offended deity." Vol. i. p. 398. * " The weekly and yearly festivals of the Christians," says Neander, " originated in the same fundamental idea, . . . the idea of imitating Christ, the crucified and risen Saviour." And, again, " by the Christians— who were fond of comparing their calling to a warfare, a militia Christi — such fasts, united with prayers, were named stationes, as if they constituted the watches of the soldiers of Christ (the milites Christi) " ; Neander, Church Hist. vol. i. pp. 408, 409. II. THE RELIGIOUS SPIRIT OF ISLAM 169 period, from all the gratifications of the senses, and directing the overflow of the animal spirits into a healthy channel. Useless and unnecessary mortification of the flesh is discounte- nanced, nay, condemned. Fasting is prescribed to the able- bodied and the strong, as a means of chastening the spirit by imposing a restraint on the body. For the weak, the sickly, the traveller, the student (who is engaged in the pursuit of knowledge — the Jihdd-ul-Akhar), the soldier doing God's battle against the assailants of the faith, and women in their ailments, it is disallowed. Those who bear in mind the gluttony of the Greeks, the Romans, the Persians, and the pre-Islamite Arabs, their excesses in their pleasures as well as their vices, will appreciate the value of the regulation, and comprehend how wonderfully adapted it is for keeping in check the animal propensities of man, especially among semi- civihsed races. Mark the wisdom of the rule as given in the Koran : " O ye that have believed, a fast is ordained to you . . . that ye may practise piety, a fast of a computed number of days. But he among you who shall be ailing, or on a journey, (shall fast) an equal number of other days ; and they that are able to keep it (and do not), shall make atonement by maintaining a poor man. . . . But if ye fast, it will be better for you if ye comprehend ; . . . God willeth that which is easy for you." ^ This rule of abstinence is restricted to the day ; in the night, in the intervals of prayer and devotion, the Moslem is allowed, perhaps indeed, is bound, to refresh the system by partaking in moderation of food and drink, and otherwise enjoying himself lawfully. In the true spirit of the Teacher, the legists invari- ably laid down the nfle that, during the fast, abstinence of mind from all base thoughts is as incumbent as the abstinence of the body. 2 No religion of the world prior to Islam had consecrated charity, the support of the widow, the orphan, and the helpless poor, by enrolling its principles among the positive enactments of the system. The agapce, or feasts of charity among the early Christians, depended on the will of individuals ; their influence, therefore, ' Sura ii. 183-4. 2 jj^^ Kitah ul-Mustalraf, chap. i. sec. 4. lyo THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. could only be irregular and spasmodic. It is a matter of history that this very irregularity led to the suppression of the " feasts of charity or love-feasts " only a short time after their introduction. 1 By the laws of Islam every individual is bound to contribute a certain part of his substance towards the help and assistance of his poorer neighbours. This portion is usually one part of forty, or 2| per cent, on the value of all goods, chattels, emble- ments, on profits of trade, mercantile business, etc. But alms are due only when the property amounts to a certain value, ^ and has been in the possession of a person for one whole year ; nor are any due from cattle employed in agriculture or in the carrying of burdens. Besides, at the end of the month of Ramazan (the month of fasting), and on the day of the Id-id- Fitr, the festival which celebrates the close of the Moslem Lent, each head of a family has to give away in alms, for him- self and for ever}^ member of his household, and for each guest who breaks his fast and sleeps in his house during the month, a measure of wheat, barley, dates, raisins, rice, or any other grain, or the value of the same. The rightful recipients of the alms, as pointed out by the practice of Mohammed and his disciples, are (i) the poor and the indigent ; (2) those who help in the collection and distri- bution of the obligatory alms ; (3) slaves, who wish to buy their freedom and have not the means for so doing ; (4) debtors, who cannot pay their debts ; (5) travellers and strangers.^ General charity is inculcated by the Koran in the most forcible terms.* But the glory of Islam consists in having embodied the beautiful sentiment of Jesus ^ into definite laws. ^ Neander, vol. i. p. 450 et seq. ; Mosheim, vol. ii. p. 56. I do not mean to say that this was the only form in which Christian charity expressed itself. The support of the widow, the poor, and orphan was as much insisted upon in Christianity as in Islam. But even this divine charity taught by Jesus received an impress of exclusiveness from the disciples, in whose hands he left his work. The widow, in order to claim the benefits of charity, was required to be " threescore years of age, to have been the wife of one man, to have brought up children," etc. Compare throughout Blunt's History of the Christian Church, p. 27 et seq. ^ For example, no alms are due from a man unless he own twenty camels. ^ Jamaa ut-Tirmizi, chapter on " Alms-giving " ; Jdmaa-Abbdsi ; Querry, Droit Mtisulman. Comp. also the MabsHt. ■* Sura ii. 267, 270, 271, etc., ix. 60, etc. ^ Matt. xxv. 35, 36. II. THE RELIGIOUS SPIRIT OF ISLAM 171 The wisdom which incorporated into Islam tlie time-honoured custom of annual pilgrimage to Mecca and to the shrine of the Kaaba, has breathed into Mohammed's religion a freemasonry and brotherhood of faith in spite of sectarian divisions. The eyes of the whole Moslem world fixed on that central spot, keep alive in the bosom of each some spark of the celestial fire which lighted up the earth in that century of darkness. Here, again, the wisdom of the inspired Lawgiver shines forth in the negative part of the enactment, in the conditions neces- sary to make the injunction obligatory : — (i) ripeness of intelligence and discernment ; (2) perfect freedom and liberty ; (3) possession of the means of transport and subsistence during the journey ; (4) possession of means sufficient to support the pilgrim's family during his absence ; (5) the possibility and practicability of the voyage.^ Owing to the mhmte regulations, almost Brahmxinical in their strictness, in force among the heathen Arabs regarding the lawful or unlawful character of various kinds of food, the Teacher of Islam had frequently to admonish his followers that, with certain exceptions, all food was lawful " And eat of what God hath given you for food that which is lawful and wholesome : and fear God, in whom ye beUeve." ^ " Say," says the Koran, " I find not in what hath been revealed to me aught forbidden to the eater to eat, except it be that which dieth of itself, or blood poured forth, or swine's flesh, for that is an abomination, and meat which has been slain in the name of other than God [idols]." This is amphfied in the fifth sura, which is also directed against various savage and idolatrous practices of the pagan Arabs. " That which dieth of itself, and blood, and swine's .flesh, and all that hath been sacrificed under the invocation of any other name than that of God,^ and the strangled, and the killed by a blow or by a fall, or by goring,* and that which hath been eaten by beasts of prey, » Radd-ul-muhtar , chapter on Hajj ; Querry, Droit Miisulman, vol. i. ; the Mabsut. * Sura V. 98. ' The heathen Arabs, when killing any animal for food, used to consecrate it by invoking the names of their gods and goddesses. ■* The idolatrous Arabs had different savage methods of killing animals. This prohibition has reference to the brutal processes employed by them. 172 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. unless ye give the death-stroke yourselves, and that which hath been sacrificed on the blocks of stone/ is forbidden to you : and to make division of the slain by consulting the arrows, is impiety in you." ^ " Eat ye of the good things wherewith we have provided you and give thanks to God." ^ Intoxication and gambling, the curse of Christian com- nmnities, and the bane of all uncultured and inferior natures, and excesses of all kinds, were rigorously prohibited. Nothing can be simpler or more in accord with the advance of the human intellect than the teachings of the Arabian Prophet. The few rules for religious ceremonial which he prescribed were chiefly with the object of maintaining discipHne and uniformity, so necessary in certain stages of society ; but they were by no means of an inflexible character. He allowed them to be broken in cases of illness or other causes. " God wishes to make things easy for you, for," says the Koran, " man was created weak." The legal principles which he enunciated were either delivered as answers to questions put to him as the Chief Magistrate of Medina, or to remove or correct patent evils. The Prophet's Islam recognised no ^ Sacrificial stones placed round the Kaaba or at the entrance of houses over which the offerings were made to the idols. ^ Sura V. 3. ^ Things by nature abhorrent to man, such as the flesh of carnivorous animals, birds of prey, snakes, etc., required no specific prohibition. The idea prevalent in India, borrowed from the Hindus, that Moslems should not partake of food with Christians, is entirely fallacious, and opposed to the precept contained in the following passage of the Koran (sura v. 5) : " This day things healthful are legalised to you, and the meats of those who have received the Scriptures are allowed to you, as your meats are to them." With regard to the sumptuary regulations, precepts, and prohibitions of Mohammed, it must be remembered that they were called forth by the temporary cir- cumstances of the times and people. With the disappearance of such circumstances, the need for these laws has also disappeared. To suppose, therefore, that every Islamic precept is necessarily immutable, is to do an injustice to history and the development of the human intellect. Ibn Khaldun's words are, in this connection, deserving of our serious consideration : " It is only by an attentive examination and well-sustained application that we can discover the truth, and guard ourselves against errors and mistakes. In fact, if we were merely to satisfy ourselves by reproducing the records transmitted by tradition without consulting the rules furnished by experience, the fundamental principles of the art of government, the nature, even, of the particular civilisation, or the circumstances which characterise the human society ; if we are not to judge of the wants which occurred in distant times by those which are occurring under our eyes, if we are not to compare the past with the present we can hardly escape from falling into errors and losing the way of truth." Prolegonienes d' Ibn Khaldoun, traduits par M. de Slane, Premiere Par tie, p. 13. II. THE RELIGIOUS SPIRIT OF ISLAM 173 ritual likely to distract the mind from the thought of the one God ; no law to keep enchained the conscience of advancing huInanit3^ The ethical code of Islam is thus simimarised in the fourth Sura : " Come, I will rehearse what your Lord hath enjoined on you — that ye assign not to Him a partner ; that ye be good to your parents ; and that ye slay not 3^our children because of poverty : for them and for you will We provide ; and that ye come not near to pollutions, outward or inward ; and that ye slay not a soul whom God hath forbidden, unless by right . . . and draw not nigh to the wealth of the orphan, save so as to better it . . . and when ye pronounce judgment then be just, though it be the affair of a kinsman. And God's compact fulfil ye ; that is, what He hath ordained to you. Verily, this is my right way ; follow it, then." ^ And again, " Blessed are they who believe and humbly offer their thanks-giving to their Lord . . . who are constant in their charity, and who guard their chastity, and who observe their trust and covenants . . . Verily, God bids you do justice and good, and give to kindred their due ; and He forbids you to sin and to do wrong and oppress." " Faith and charity," to use the words of the Christian historian, " are not incompatible with external rites and positive institutions, which, indeed, are necessary in this imperfect state to keep ahve a sense of religion in the common mass." 2 And, accordingly, Mohammed had attached a few rites to his teachings in order to give a more tangible conception to the generahty of mankind. Jesus himself had instituted two rites, baptism and the " Holy Supper." » Probably, had he lived longer, he would have added more. But one thing is certain, that had a longer career been vouchsafed to him, he would have placed his teachings on a more systematic basis. This fundamental defect in Christianity has been, in fact, the real cause of the assembling of councils and convocations for the estabhshment of articles and dogmas, which snap asunder at every slight tension of reason and free thought. The work of Jesus was left unfinished. It was reserved for another Teacher to systematise the laws of morality. * Sura iv. 155 et seq. ^ Mosheim, vol. i. p. 124. ' Ibid. 174 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. Our relations with our Creator are matters of conscience ; our relations with our fellow-beings must be matters of positive rules ; and what higher sanction — to use a legal expression — can be attached to the enforcement of the relative duties of man to man than the sanction of religion. Rehgion is not to be regarded merely as a subject for unctuous declamations by " select preachers," or as some strange theory for the peculiar gratification of dreamy minds. Religion ought to mean the rule of life ; its chief object ought to be the elevation of human- ity towards that perfection which is the end of our existence. The religion, therefore, which places on a systematic basis the fundamental principles of morality, regulating social obligations and human duties, which brings us nearer and nearer, by its compatibility with the highest development of intellect, to the All-Perfect — that religion, we say, has the greatest claim to our consideration and respect. It is the distinctive character- istic of Islam, as taught by Mohammed, that it combines within itself the grandest and the most prominent features in all ethnic and catholic ^ religions compatible with the reason and moral intuition of man. It is not merely a system of positive moral rules, based on a true conception of human progress, but it is also " the establishment of certain principles, the enforcement of certain dispositions, the cultivation of a certain temper of mind, which the conscience is to apply to the ever- var3dng exigencies of time and place." The Teacher of Islam preached, in a thousand varied ways, universal love and brotherhood as the emblem of the love borne towards God. " How do you think God will know you when you are in His presence — by your love of your children, of your kin, of your neighbours, of your fellow-creatures ? " ^ "Do you love your Creator ? love your fellow-beings first." ^ "Do you wish to approach the Lord ? love His creatures, love for them what you love yourself, reject for them what you reject for yourself, do unto them what you wish to be done unto you." He condemned in scathing language the foulness of impurity, the meanness of hypocrisy, and the ungodliness of self-deceit. ' For the use of these words see Clarke, Ten Great Religions, chap. i. 2 Mishkdt, bks. xxii., xxiii. chaps, xv. and xvi. ^Comp. Kastalani's Commentary on the SahVi oj Bukhdri, pt. i. p. 70. II. THE RELIGIOUS SPIRIT OF ISLAM 175 He proclaimed, in unmistakable terms, the preciousness of truth, charity, and brotherly love. The wonderful adaptability of Islamic precepts to all ages and nations ; their entire concordance with the light of reason ; the absence of all mysterious doctrines to cast a shade of sentimental ignorance round the primal truths implanted in the human breast, — all prove that Islam represents the latest development of the religious faculties of our being. Those who have ignored the historic significance of some of its precepts have deemed that their seeming harshness, or unadaptability to present modes of thought ought to exclude it from any claim to universality. But a Uttle inquiry into the historic value of laws and precepts, a little more fairness in the exam- ination of facts, would evince the temporary character of such rules as may appear scarcely consonant with the requirements or prejudices of modern times. The cathoHcity of Islam, its expansiveness, and its charity towards all moral creeds, has been utterly mistaken, perverted, or wilfully concealed by the bigotry of rival religions. " Verily," says the Koran, " those who believe (the Moslems), and those who are Jews, Christians, or Sabasans, whoever hath faith in God and the last day (future existence), and worketh that which is right and good, — for them shall be the reward with their Lord ; there will come no fear on them ; neither shall they be grieved." ^ The same sentiment is repeated in similar words in the fifth Sura ; and a hundred other passages prove that Islam does not confine " salvation " to the followers of Mohammed alone : — " To every one have we given a law and a way. . . . And if God had pleased. He would have made you all (all mankind) one people (people of one religion). But He hath done other- wise, that He might try you in that which He hath severally given unto you : wherefore press forward in good works. Unto God shall ye return, and He will tell you that concerning which ye disagree." ^ Of all the religions of the world that have ruled the conscience ' Sura V. 69. Compare the spirit of these teachings with that of the Athanasian Creed. ^ Sura V. 48. Compare also xxix. 46, xxxii. 23, 24, xxxix. 41, xl. 13, etc. 176 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. of mankind, the Islam of Mohammed alone combines both the conceptions which have in different ages furnished the main- spring of human conduct, — the consciousness of human dignity, so valued in the ancient philosophies, and the sense of human sinfulness, so dear to the Christian apologist. The belief that man will be judged by his work solely, throws the Moslem on the practice of self-denial and universal charity ; the belief in Divine Providence, in the mercy, love, and omnipotence of God, leads him to self-humiliation before the Almighty, and to the practice of those heroic virtues which have given rise to the charge that the virtues of Islam are stoical," ^ patience, resignation, and firmness in the trials of life. It leads him to interrogate his conscience with nervous anxiety, to study with scrupulous care the motives that actuate him,^ to distrust his own strength, and to rely upon the assistance of an Almighty and All-Loving Power in the conflict between good and evil. In some religions the precepts which inculcated duties have been so utterly devoid of practicabihty, so completely wanting in a knowledge of human nature, and partaking so much of the dreamy vagueness of enthusiasts, as to become in the real battles of life simply useless.^ The practical character of a religion, its abiding influence on the common relations of mankind, in the affairs of everyday life, its power on the masses, are the true criteria for judging of its universality. We do not look to exceptional minds to recognise the nature of a religion. We search among the masses to understand its true character. Does it exercise deep power over them ? does it elevate them ? does it regulate their conception of rights and duties ? does it, if carried to the South Sea islander, or preached to the Caffrarians, improve or degrade them ? — are the questions we naturally ask. In Islam is joined a lofty ideaHsm with the most rationahstic practicality. It did not ignore human nature ; it never entangled itself in the tortuous pathways which lie outside the domains of the actual 1 Clarke, Ten Great Religions, p. 484. 2 Compare the first Apologue in the Akhlah (Ethics) of Husain Waiz on Ikhlds. 3 Compare M. Ernest Havet's remarks in his valuable and learned work, Le Christianisine et ses Origines, Pref. p. xxxix. II. THE RELIGIOUS SPIRIT OF ISLAM 177 and the real. Its object, like that of other systems, was the elevation of humanity towards the absolute ideal of perfection ; but it attained, or tries to attain, this object by grasping the truth that the nature of man is, in this existence, imperfect. If it did not say, " If thy brother smite thee on one cheek, turn thou the other also to him " ; if it allowed the punishment of the wanton wrong-doer to the extent of the injury he had done,^ it also taught, in fervid words and varied strains, the practice of forgiveness and benevolence, and the return of good for evil : — " Who speaketh better," says the Koran, " than he who inviteth unto God, and worketh good ? . . . Good and evil shall not be held equal. Turn away evil with that which is better." ^ And again, speaking of paradise, it says, " It is prepared for the godly, who give alms in prosperity and adversity, who bridle their anger, and forgive men ; for God loveth the beneficent." ^ The practice of these noble precepts does not lie enshrined in the limbo of false sentimentalism. With the true follower of the Prophet they form the active principles of life. History has preserved, for the admiration of wondering posterity, many examples of patience under suffering exhibited by the followers of other creeds. But the practice of the virtue of patient forgiveness is easier in adversity, when we have no power to punish the evil-doer, than in prosperity. It is related of Husain, the noble martyr of Kerbela, that a slave having once thrown the contents of a scalding dish over him as he sat at dinner, fell on his knees and repeated the verse of the Koran, " Paradise is for those who bridle their anger." "I am not angry," answered Husain. The slave proceeded, " and for those who forgive men." " I forgive 3^ou." The slave, how- ever, finished the verse, adding, " for God loveth the beneficent." " I give you your liberty and four hundred pieces of silver," replied Husain.* ' Koran, sura xxii. 39, 40. Thonissen's remark, that Mohammed allowed the punishment of the wilful wrong-doer for tiie purpose of preventing enormous evils, must always be borne in mind. — L'Hist. da Droit Crimi}iel des Peuples Anciens, vol. ii. p. 67. - Koran, sura xli. 33, 34. ^ Koran, sura xlii. 37. ' This anecdote has been told by Sale in a note to the third chapter of his translation of the Koran, and also by Gibbon ; but both have, by mistake, S.I. M 178 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. The author of the Kashshdf thus sums up the essence of the Islamic teachings : " Seek again him who drives you away ; give to him who takes away from you ; pardon him who injures you : ^ for God loveth that you should cast into the depth of your soul the roots of His perfections." ^ In the purity of its aspiration, can anything be more beautiful than the following : " The servants of the Merciful are they that walk upon the earth softly ; and when the ignorant speak unto them, they reply, Peace ! they that spend the night worshipping their Lord, prostrate, and standing, and resting : those that, when they spend, are neither profuse nor niggardly, but take a middle course : . . . those that invoke not with God any other God, and slay not a soul that God hath forbidden otherwise than by right ; and commit not fornication : . . . they who bear not witness to that which is false ; and when they pass by vain sport, they pass it by with dignity : who say, ' Oh, our Lord, grant us of our wives and children such as shall be a comfort unto us, and make us examples unto the pious,' — these shall be the rewarded, for that they persevered ; and they shall be accosted in paradise with welcome and salutation : — For ever therein, — a fair abode and resting- place ! " ^ This is the Islam of Mohammed. It is not " a mere creed ; it is a life to be lived in the present " — a religion of right-doing, right-thinking, and right-speaking, founded on divine love, universal charity, and the equality of man in the sight of the Lord. However much the modern professors of Islam may have dimmed the glory of their Prophet (and a volume might also be written on the defects of modern Mohammedanism), the religion which enshrines righteousness and " justification by work " * deserves the recognition of the lovers of humanity. applied the episode to Hasan, the brother of Husain. See the Tafsir- Husaini, Mirat Ed. p. 199. 1 Compare this with the precept of Mohammed reported by Abii Darda, Mishkdt, bk. iv. chap. i. part ii., and the whole chapter on " Forgiveness " (chap, xxxvi.) in the Mustatraf. - Zamakhshari (the Kashshdf), Egypt. Ed. part i. p. 280. ' Koran, sura xxv. 63-76. * Mr. Cotter Morrison, in his Service of Man, calls the other doctrine the most disastrous to human morality. THE RELIGIOUS SPIRIT OF ISLAM 179 " Wishest thou to approach God ? Live purely, and act righteously." Jalal iid-din Rumi says, — r*>^^ ^A- ;; ^^^ Vi-' fiV^ ;' ^)^^^. ^ft ^>U r^'v 3' ;^C " Thou partakest of the nature of the beast as well as the angel ; Leave the nature of the beast, that thou mayest surpass the angel." The present life was the seed-ground of the future. To work in all humility of spirit for the human good, to strive with all energy to approach the perfection of the All-Perfect, is the essential principle of Islam. The true Moslem is a true Christian, in that he accepts the ministry of Jesus, and tries to work out the moral preached by him. Why should not the true Christian do honour to the Preacher who put the finishing stroke to the work of the earlier Masters ? Did not he call back the wandering forces of the world into the channel of progress ? Excepting for the conception of the sonship of Jesus, there is no fundamental difference between Christianity and Islam. In their essence they are one and the same ; both are the outcome of the same spiritual forces working in humanity. One was a protest against the heartless materialism of the Jews and the Romans ; the other a revolt against the degrading idolatry of the Arabs, their ferocious customs and usages. Christianity, preached among a more settled and civilised people subject to an organised government, had to contend with comparatively milder evils. Islam, preached among warring tribes and clans, had to fight against all the instincts of self-interest and ancient superstition. Christianity, arrested in its progress towards the East by a man of cultured but bizarre character, who, though a Jew by birth, was by education an Alexandrian Greek, was carried to Greece and Rome, and there gathering up the pagan civilisation of centuries, gave i8o THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. birth to new ideas and doctrines. Christianity ceased to be Christian the moment it was transplanted from the home of its birth. It became the rehgion of Paul, and ceased to be that of Jesus. The pantheons of ancient paganism were tottering to their fall. Greek and Alexandrian philosophy had prepared the Roman world for the recognition of an incarnate God — a demiurgus, an JEon born in the bosom of eternity, and this conception imbedded itself in Pauline Christianity. Modern idealistic Christianity, which is more a philosophy than a positive rehgion, is the product of centuries of pre-Christian and post-Christian civilisation. Islam was preached among a people, among conditions social and moral, wholly divergent. Had it broken down the barrier which was raised against it by a degraded Christianity, and made its way among the higher races of the earth, its progress and its character would have presented a totally different aspect from what it now offers to the observer among the less cultured Moslem communities. Like rivers flowing through varied tracts, both these creeds have produced results in accordance with the nature of the soil through which they have found their course. The Mexican who castigates himself with cactus leaves, the idol -worshipping South American, the lower strata of Christian nations, are hardly in any sense Christians. There exists a wide gulf between them and the leaders of modern Christian thought. Islam, wherever it has found its way among culturable and progressive nations, has shown itself in complete accord with progressive tendencies, it has assisted civilisation, it has idealised religion.^ A religion has to be eminently positive in its " command- ments and prohibitions " to exercise an abiding salutary influence on the ignorant and vmcultured. The higher and more spiritualised minds are often able to forge on the anvils of their own hearts, lines of duty in relation to their fellow creatures without reference to outside directions. They are ^ The faith which could give birth to the heroic devotion of Ah, the gentle- ness of Ja'far (the Sadik), the piety and patience of Musa, the divine purity of Fatima, the saintliness of Rabi'a ; the religion which could produce men like Ibn-Sina, Al-Beiruni, Ibn-Khaldun, Sanai, Jalal ud-din Rumi, Farid ud-din (the Attar), Ibrahim Adham, and a host of others, suiely contains every element of hopefulness. II. THE RELIGIOUS SPIRIT OF ISLAM i8i in commune with God and are guided by the consciousness of right and wrong, of truth and purity which had grown up with their being. Plato and Aristotle, who had never received the light of the Semitic revelations, spoke to the world of the highest principles of morality in as distinct terms as the great prophets. They too had heard the voice of God, and were lifted up to Him by their own thoughts. To the mass of mankind, however, sunk either in ignorance or barbarism, for the uncultured and the sodden, moral enuncia- tions convey no meaning unless they are addressed in a positive form and formulated with the precision of enactments surrounded with definite sanctions. The ethical side of a religion does not appeal to their feelings or sentiments ; and philosophical conceptions exercise no influence on their minds, their daily conduct or their lives. They are swayed far more by authority and precedent than by sermons on abstract principles. They require definite prescriptions to regulate not only their relations towards their fellow-beings but also towards their Creator whom, in the absence of such rules, they are apt to forget. The success of Islam in the seventh century of the Christian era, and its rapid and marvellous diffusion over the surface of the globe, were due to the fact that it recognised this essential need of human nature. To a world of wrangling sects and creeds, to whom words were of far greater importance than practice, it spoke in terms of positive command from an Absolute Source. Amidst the moral and social wreck in which it found its birth, it aimed at the integration of the worship of a Personal Will, and thereby to recall humanity to the observance of duty which alone pointed to the path of spiritual development. And by its success in lifting up the lower races to a higher level of social morality it proved to the world the need of a positive system. It taught them sobriety, temperance, charity, justice and equality as the commandments of God. Its afhrmation of the principle of equality of man and man and its almost socialistic tendency represented the same phase of thought that had found expression on the shores of Gahlee. But even in his most exalted mood the great Teacher of Islam did not forget the i82 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. limitations imposed on individual capacity which occasion economic inequalities. Alas for the latter-day professors of Islam ! The bUght of patristicism has ruined the blossom of true religion and a true devotional spirit. A Christian preacher has pointed out with great force the distinction between reUgion and theology, and the evils which have followed in his Church from the confusion of the two.^ What has happened in Christianity has happened in Islam. Practice has given way to the mockery of profession, cere- monialism has taken the place of earnest and faithful work, — doing good to mankind for the sake of doing good, and for the love of God. Enthusiasm has died out, and devotion to God and His Prophet are meaningless words. The earnestness without which human existence is no better than that of the brute creation, earnestness in right-doing and right-thinking, is absent. The Moslems of the present day have ignored the spirit in a hopeless love for the letter. Instead of living up to the ideal preached by the Master, instead of " striving to excel in good works," " of being righteous " ; instead of loving God, and for the sake of His love loving His creatures, — they have made themselves the slaves of opportunism and outward observance. It was natural that in their reverence and admiration for the Teacher his early disciples should stereotype his ordinary mode of life, crystaUise the passing incidents of a chequered career, imprint on the heart orders, rules, and regulations enunciated for the common exigencies of the day in an infant society. But to suppose that the greatest Reformer the world has ever produced, the greatest upholder of the sovereignty of Reason, the man who proclaimed that the universe was governed and guided by law and order, and that the law of nature meant progressive development, ever con- templated that even those injunctions which were called forth by the passing necessities of a semi-civilised people should become immutable to the end of the world, is doing an injustice to the Prophet of Islam. No one had a keener perception than he of the necessities of this world of progress with its ever-changing social and moral ^ Professor Momerie in his Defects of Modern Christianity. II. THE RELIGIOUS SPIRIT OF ISLAM 183 phenomena, nor of the Hkelihood that the revelations vouch- safed to him might not meet all possible contingencies. When Muaz was appointed as governor of Yemen, he was asked by the Prophet by what rule he would be guided in his administra- tion of that province. " By the law of the Koran," said Muaz. " But if you find no direction therein ? " " Then I will act according to the example of the Prophet." " But if that fails ? " " Then I will exercise my own judgment." The Prophet approved highly of the answer of his disciple, and commended it to the other delegates. The great Teacher, who was fully conscious of the exigencies of his own times, and the requirements of the people with whom he had to deal, — people sunk in a slough of social and moral despond, — with his keen insight and breadth of views, perceived, and one may say foretold, that a time would come when the accidental and temporary regulations would have to be differ- entiated from the permanent and general. " Ye are in an age," he declared, " in which, if ye abandon one-tenth of what is ordered, ye will be ruined. After this, a time will come when he who shall observe one-tenth of what is now ordered will be redeemed." ^ [sr' ii j^i 1«j£jS ^^'ijo J*.c ^^»a: ^i,,U3 ^li, ^i cl^U ^J^t L« j£j^ ^ii>c ^Jjj As we have already observed, the bUght which has fallen on Musulman nations is not due to the teachings of the Master. No rehgion contained greater promise of development, no faith was purer, or more in conformity with the progressive demands of humanity. The present stagnation of the Musulman communities is principally due to the notion which has fixed itself on the minds of the generahty of Moslems, that the right to the exercise of private judgment ceased with the early legists, ^ This authentic tradition is given in the Jdma' nt-Tirmizi and is to be found also in the Mishkdt. i84 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. that its exercise in modern times is sinful, and that a Moslem in order to be regarded as an orthodox follower of Mohammed should belong to one or the other of the schools established by the schoolmen of Islam, and abandon his judgment absolutely to the interpretations of men who lived in the ninth century, and could have no conception of the necessities of the twentieth. Among the Sunnis, it is the common belief that since the four Imams, ^ no doctor has arisen qualified to interpret the laws of the Prophet. No account is taken of the altered circumstances in which Moslems are now placed ; the con- clusions at which these learned legists arrived several centuries ago are held to be equally applicable to the present day. Among the Shiahs, the Akhbari will not allow his judgment to travel beyond the dictates of " the expounders of the law." The Prophet had consecrated reason as the highest and noblest function of the human intellect. Our schoolmen and their servile followers have made its exercise a sin and a crime. As among Christians, so among Moslems. The lives and conduct of a large number of Moslems at the present day are governed less by the precepts and teachings of the Master, and more by the theories and opinions of the mujtahids and imams who have tried, each according to his light, to construe the revelations vouchsafed to the Teacher. Like men in a crowd listening to a preacher who from a lofty position addresses a large multitude and from his vantage ground overlooks a vast area, they observed only their immediate surroundings, and, without comprehending the wider meaning of his words or the nature of the audience whom he addressed, adapted his utterances to their own limited notions of human needs and human progress. Oblivious of the universality of the Master's teachings, unassisted by his spirit, devoid of his inspiration, they forgot that the Prophet, from the pinnacle of his genius, had spoken to all humanity. They mixed up the temporary with the permanent, the universal with the particular. Like many of the ecclesiastics of Christendom, not a few were the servants of sovereigns and despots whose demands were not consistent with the precepts of the Master. Canons were invented, theories started, traditions discovered, and glosses 1 Abu Hanifa, Shafe'i, Malik, and Ibn Hanbal. II. THE RELIGIOUS SPIRIT OF ISLAM 185 put upon his words utterly at variance with their spirit. And hence it is that most of the rules and regulations which govern now the conscience of so many professors of the faith are hardly derived from any express and positive declarations of the Koran, but for the most part from the lego-religious books with which the Islamic world was flooded in the later centuries. " Just as the Hebrews deposed their Pentateuch in favour of the Talmud," justly observes an English writer, " so the Moslems have abolished the Koran in favour of the traditions and decisions of the learned." " We do not mean to say," he adds most pertinently, " that any Mohammedan if asked what was the text-book of his religion, would answer anything but the ' Koran ' ; but we do mean that practically it is not the Koran that guides his behef or practice. In the Middle Ages of Christendom it was not the New Testament, but the Summa Theologica of Thomas Aquinas, that decided questions of orthodoxy ; and in the present day, does the orthodox churchman usually derive his creed from a personal investiga- tion of the teaching of Christ in the Gospels ? Probably, if he refers to a document at all, the Church Catechism contents him ; or if he be of a peculiarly inquiring disposition, a perusal of the Thirty-nine Articles will resolve all doubts. Yet he too would say his religion was drawn from the Gospels, and would not confess to the medium through which it was filtered. In precisely the same way modern Mohammedanism is constructed, and a large part of what Moslems now believe and practise is not to be found in the Koran at all." And yet each system, each school contains germs of improve- ment, and if development is now stopped, it is not even the fault of the lawyers. It is due to a want of apprehension of the spirit of the Master's enunciations, and even of those of the fathers of the Church. ^ In the Western world, the Reformation was ushered in by the Renaissance and the progress of Europe commenced when ^ The Radd ul-Muhidr of Mohammed Amin the Syrian, and the Majma' ul-Anhdr of the Shaikh Zadeh are as much in advance of the Multeka and the Heddya as the views of an Eldon or Mansfield upon those of a Coke or Black- stone. The opinions of Shaikh Murtaza, in their liberal and liberalising tendencies, are far above those of the narrow-minded self-opinionated Mohak- kik. But the servile Akhbari follows the latter in preference to the former. i86 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. it threw off the shackles of Ecclesiasticism. In Islam also, enlightenment must precede reform ; and, before there can be a renovation of religious life, the mind must first escape from the bondage which centuries of literal interpretation and the doctrine of " conformity " have imposed upon it. The formahsm that does not appeal to the heart of the worshipper must be abandoned ; externals must be subordinated to the inner feeUngs ; and the lessons of ethics must be impressed on the plastic mind ; then alone can we hope for that enthusiasm in the principles of duty taught by the Prophet of Islam. The reformation of Islam will begin when once it is recognised that divine words rendered into any language retain their divine character and that devotions offered in any tongue are accept- able to God. The Prophet himself had allowed his foreign disciples to say their prayers in their own tongue.^ He had expressly permitted others to recite the Koran in their respective dialects ; and had declared that it was revealed in seven languages. In the earliest ages of Islam there was a consensus of opinion that devotion without understanding was useless. Imam Abu Hanifa considered the recitation of the namdz and also of the Khutba or sermon, lawful and vaUd in any language. ^ The disciples of Abu Hanifa, Abu Yusuf and Mohammed, have accepted the doctrine of their master with a certain variation. They hold that when a person does not know Arabic, he may validly offer his devotions in any other language.^ There is, however, one great and cogent reason why the practice of reciting prayers in Arabic should be maintained wherever it is possible and practicable. Not because it was the language of the Prophet, but because it has become the language of Islam and maintains the unity of sentiment 1 Salman the Persian, whom Ali had saved from a lion, was the first to whom this permission was granted. ^ Jawahir ul-Akhldti ; Durr id-Mukhtar, Bab us-Saldt (Chapter on Prayer). This view is also given in the Tajnis. Tahtawi states that the Imam's opinion is authoritative and should be followed. The commentator of the Diirr ul-Mukhtdr also recognises the validity of reciting prayers in Persian. ^ This is construed by the Ulemas of the present day to mean, when the worshipper is unable to pronounce Arabic words ! The absurdity of the explanation is obvious. II. THE RELIGIOUS SPIRIT OF ISLAM 187 throughout the Islamic world. And wherein lies more strength than in unity ? Note I. The sumptuary prohibitions of Mohammed may be divided into two classes, qualitative and quantitative . The prohibition against excess in eating and drinking and others of the like import belong to the latter class. They were called forth in part by the peculiar semi-barbarous epicureanism which was coming into fashion among the Arabs from their intercourse with the demoralised Syrians and Persians, and in part by circumstances of which only glimpses are afforded us in the Koran. The absolute prohibition of swine's flesh, which may be classed under the head of qualitative prohibitions, arose, as is evident, from hygienic reasons and this prohibition must remain unchanged as long as the nature of the animal and the diseases engendered by the eating of the flesh remain as at present. The prohibition against dancing was directed against the orgiastic dances with which the heathen Arabs used to celebrate the Syro-Phoenician worship of their Ashtoreth, Moloch and Baal. CHAPTER III THE IDEA OF FUTURE LIFE IN ISLAM THE idea of a future existence — of an existence after the separation of the Hving principle of our nature from the mortal part- — is so generally shared by races of men, otherwise utterly distinct from each other, that it has led to the belief that it must be one of the first elementary constituents of our being. A more careful examination of facts, however, connected with the infancy of races and tribes, leads us to the conclusion that the conception of a future existence is also the result of the natural development of the human mind. The wild savage has scarcely any idea of a life separate and distinct from that which he enjoys on earth. He looks upon death as the end of existence. Then comes a later stage when man has passed out of his savage state, his hopes and aspirations are bounded no more by an earthly death ; he now anticipates another course of existence after the course here has been fulfilled. But even in this stage the conception of immortahty does not rise out of the groove of daily life. Life after death is a mere continuation of life on earth. This idea of a continued life beyond the grave must have been developed from the yet unconscious longing of the human soul for a more extended ^ See translation at end of this chapter. III. THE IDEA OF FUTURE LIFE IN ISLAM 189 sphere, where the separation of dear friends, so painful to both savage and civiUsed man, should end in reunion. The next stage is soon reached ; man comes to believe that present happiness and misery are not, cannot be, the be-all and end-all of his existence ; that there will he another life, or that there is another life after death, where he will be happy or miserable in proportion to his deserts. Now we have reached a principle and a law. The mind of man goes no further towards developing the idea of future existence. The nihilistic philosopher makes no discovery, asserts no new position. He is only treading in the footsteps of our savage ancestor, whose field of vision was restricted to this life alone. It is a well-authenticated fact, however, that all those ideas which represent the various stages, from a subjective point of view, exist simultaneously not only among different nations but even in the same nation, in different combinations, accord- ing to the individual development. The Egyptians are said to have been the first to recognise the doctrine of a future life, or, at least, to base the principles of human conduct on such a doctrine.^ With an idea of metempsychosis the}^ joined an idea of future recompense and punishment. Man descended into the tomb only to rise again. After his resurrection he entered on a new life, in company with the sun, the principle of generation, the self-existent cause of all. The soul of man was considered immortal like the sun, and as accomphshing the same pilgrimages. All bodies descended into the lower world, but they were not all assured of resurrection. The deceased were judged by Osiris and his forty-two assessors. Annihilation was often believed to be the lot of those adjudged guilty. The righteous, purified from venial faults, entered into perfect happiness, and as the companions of Osiris, were fed by him with delicious food.^ We might naturally expect that the long stay of the Israelites in Egypt would introduce among them some conception of a ' Rawlinson's History of Ancient Egypt, vol. ii. p. 423. ^ Comp. Lenormant, Ancient History oj the East, vol. i. pp. 319-322 ; and Alger. History of the Doctrine of a Future Life, p. 102 et seq. igo THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. future life with its concomitant idea of rewards and punish- ments. But pure Mosaism (or the teachings which pass under that name) does not recognise a state of existence differing from the present. The pivot on which the entire system of Mosaic legislation turns consists of tangible earthly rewards and punishments.^ The vitality of the laws is confined within a very small compass. The doctrine of a resurrection, with the ideas arising from it, which appears in later Judaism, — especially in the writings of Daniel and Ezekiel, — is evidently a fruit of foreign growth derived from Zoroastrian sources. Even the descriptions of Sheol, the common sojourn of departed beings, equally of the just and unjust, which appear in comparatively earl}^ writings, do not seem of true Hebraic origin. In Sheol man can no longer praise God or remember His loving-kindness. ^ It is a shadow-realm, a Jewish counterpart of the heathen Hades, in which the souls lead a sad, lethargic, comfortless existence ; knowing nothing of those who were dear to them on earth, mourning only over their own condition.^ But later Judaism is full of the strongest faith in a future life. Tradition revels in the descriptions of the abodes of bliss, or of the horrors of the damned.* Zoroastrianism thus acted on the Hebraic race in a double way. It not only developed in them a purer and more spiritual conception of a future existence, but later Mago-Zoroastrianism, itself a product of Chaldaeism, strongly coloured the Rabbinical beliefs with materialistic ideas of punishments and rewards hereafter.^ It was, however, among the Aryan nations of the East that the doctrine of a future life after visible death was distinctly and vividly recognised. In one branch of the Aryan family, it took the shape either of an eternal metempsychosis, a ceaseless whirl of births and deaths, or of utter absorption after a prolonged probation in absolute infinity, or endless unfathomable space, 1 Comp. Alger, History of the Doctrine oj a Future Life, p. 157 ; also Milman's Christianity, vol. i. pp. 21, 25, 75, etc. 2 Ps. vi. 5. ^ Job xiv. 22. Comp. DoUinger, vol. ii. p. 389 ; and Alger, History of the Doctrine of a Future Life, pp. 151, 152 et seq. •* See Milman, History of Christianity , vol. i. p. 242, notes. * See the chapter of Alger, tracing the influence of the Persian system on later Judaism, p. 165 et seq. III. THE IDEA OF FUTURE LIFE IN ISLAM 191 or nothing.^ In the other branch, this doctrine was clothed in the shape of a graduated scale of rewards and punishments, in the sense in which human accountability is understood by the modern Christian or Moslem. Whether the Mago- Zoroastrians from the beginning believed in a corporeal resur- rection is a question on which scholars are divided. Bollinger, with Burnouf and others, believes that this notion was not really Zoroastric, and that it is of later growth, if not derived from Hebrews. 2 However this be, about the time of the Prophet of Arabia, the Persians had a strong and developed conception of future hfe. The remains of the Zend-Avesta which have come down to us expressly recognise a belief in future rewards and punish- ments. The Zoroastrianism of the Vendidad and the Bunde- hesh, enlarging upon the beliefs of the Avesta, holds that after a man's death the demons take possession of his body, yet on the third day consciousness returns. Souls that in their lifetime have yielded to the seductions of evil cannot pass the terrible bridge Chinevad, to which they are conducted on the day following the third night after their death. The good successfully pass it, conducted by the Yazatas (in modern Persian, Izad), and, entering the realms of bliss, join Ormuzd and the Amshaspands in their abode, where seated on thrones of gold, they enjoy the society of beautiful fairies {Hoordn-i- Behisht) and all manner of delights. The wicked fall over the bridge or are dragged down into the gulf of Dnzakh where they are tormented by the Dcevas. The duration of this punishment is fixed by Ormuzd, and some are redeemed by the prayers and intercessions of their friends. Towards the end of the world a prophet is to arise, who is to rid the earth of injustice 1 And yet the Brahmanical priests painted the horrors of hell and the pleasures of heaven with the vividness of a thoroughly morbid imagination. The Arabic scholar is referred to the appreciative account of the Buddhistic doctrines (not so much regarding future life as generally) in Shahristani, p. 446. ^ Alger has furnished us with strong reasons for supposing that the early Zoroastrians believed in a bodily resurrection. The extreme repugnance with which the Mago- Zoroastrians regarded corpses is no reason for discarding this conclusion, as most probably this repugnance arose under Manichaean influences ; see Alger, p. 138 et seq. Apropos of the repugnance with which the Persians in Mohammed's time looked upon corpses, consult Dollinger, vol. ii. p. 409. 192 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. and wickedness, and usher in a reign of happiness — the Zoroastrian millennium, Ormuzd's kingdom of heaven.^ After this, a universal resurrection will take place, and friends and relatives will meet again. After the joys of recognition there will follow a separation of the good from the bad. The torments of the unrighteous will be fearful. Ahriman will run up and down Chinevad overwhelmed with anguish. A blazing comet, falling on the earth, will ignite the world. Mountains will melt and flow together like liquid metal. All mankind, good and bad alike, will pass through this glowing flood, and come out purified. Even Ahriman will be changed and Duzakh purified. Evil thenceforth will be annihilated, and all mankind will live in the enjoyment of ineffable delights. Such is the summary of a religion which has influenced the Semitic faiths in an unmistakable manner, and especially the eclectic faith of Mohammed. About the time when Jesus of Nazareth made his appearance, the Phoenicians and Assyrians had passed away. The hellenised Roman ruled the world, checked in the East, however, by triumphant and revived Mago-Zoroastrianism. The Jew had lost his independence for ever. A miserable sycophant occupied the throne of David. A mightier power than that of the Seleucidae kept in subjection his spirit of unruliness. Like every nation animated by a fierce love of their country, creed, and individuality, the Jews, as their fate grew darker and darker, became more and more inspired with the hope that some heaven-commissioned ministrant, like Gideon or Maccabeus, would restore their original glory, and enable them to plant their foot on the necks of their many oppressors. 2 The appearance of a Messiah portrayed in vivid colours by all their patriotic seers, the Jewish bards, was founded on one grand aspiration — the restoration of the ^ Shahristani calls this prophet Ushizerbeka (Cureton's ed. p. i88) ; but according to Western authors his name is said to be Sosiosch, who is to be preceded by two other prophets, called Oscheder Bami and Oschedermah (Dollinger v. ii. p. 401). De Sacy calls him Pashoutan {Sur Div. Ant. de la Perse, p. 95). * It is not necessary, as Alger supposes, that because the Jews looked forward to the reappearance of Elijah or some other prophet among them for these national purposes, we must conclude that they believed in trans- migration. III. THE IDEA OF FUTURE LIFE IN ISLAM 193 kingdom of Israel. Under the influences of the Mago-Zoro- astrians and Chaldaeans in the East, and the Grecian schools of philosophy in the West, among some classes of society (especially among those whom the hellenising tendencies of Herod had withdrawn from the bosom of Israel), the belief in a personal Messiah was either faint and indistinct, or a mere echo from the vulgar masses. But, as Milman beautifully observes, the Palestinian Jews had about this time moulded out of various elements a splendid though confused vision of the appearance of the Messiah, the simultaneous regeneration of all things, the resurrection of the dead, and the reign of Messiah upon earth. All these events were to take place at once, or to follow close upon each other. ^ The Messiah was to descend from the Hne of David ; he was to assemble all the scattered descendants of the tribes, and to expel and destroy their hateful alien enemies. Under the Messiah a resurrection would take place, but would be confined to the righteous of their race.^ Amidst all this enthusiasm and these vague aspirations, the hopes of eternal life and future bliss were strangely mingled. The extremes of despair and enthusiastic expectation of external relief always tend to the development of such a state of mind among the people. One section appears to look forward to an unearthly kingdom, a reign of peace and law under divine agency, as an escape from the galling yoke of brute force ; the other looks forward to the same or cognate means for securing the kingdom of heaven by the blood of aUens and heathens.^ The traditions which record the sayings of Jesus have gone ^ Milman, History of Christianity, vol. i. p. 76. 2 The similarity between the Zoroastrian idea of a deliverer and restorer of religion and order on earth, and the Messianic conception among the Jews, is, to say the least, wonderful. The Jews, it is certain, derived this concep- tion from the Zoroastrians ; and in their misfortunes developed it in more vivid terms. But I am strongly disposed to think that the idea of a Sosiosch, whatever its prophetic significance, arose among the Persians also when labouring; under a foreign yoke — whether of the Semitic Assyrians or the Greek Macedonians it is difficult to say. The very country in which the scene of his appearance is laid — KanguMez in Khorasan, according to De Sacy, Cansoya, according to Dollinger's authorities— shows that the Persians, in their misfortunes, looked to the East, especially to the " Land of the Sun," for assistance and deliverance. ^ Like the modern, though obscure, sect of Christadelphians. S.I. N 194 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. through such a process of ehmination and selection, that it is hardly possible at the present moment to say which are really his own words and which are not.^ But taking them as they stand, and on the same footing as we regard other religioufe documents (without ignoring their real spirit, yet without trying to find m3^sterious meanings like the faithful believer), we see that throughout these traditional records the notion of an immediate advent of a new order of things, " of a kingdom of heaven," is so predominant in the mind of Jesus as to over- shadow all other ideas. The Son of Man has appeared, the kingdom of God is at hand ; such is the burden of every hopeful word. 2 This kingdom was to replace the society and govern- ment which the Prophet of Nazareth found so imperfect and evil. At times his words led the disciples to conclude that the new Teacher was born to lead only the poor and the famished to glory and happiness ; that under the hoped-for theocratic regime these alone would be " the blessed," and would con- stitute the predominating element, for " woe " is denounced in awful terms against the rich and the well-fed.^ At other times, the realm of God is understood to mean the literal fulfilment of the apocalyptic visions or dreams connected with the appearance of the Messiah. Sometimes, however, the kingdom of God is a realm of souls, and the approaching deliverance is merely a spiritual deliverance from the bondage ^ Milman himself admits that the traditions regarding the acts and sayings of Jesus, which were floating about among the Christian communities, were not cast into their present shape till almost the close of the first half of the second century {History of Christianity, vol. i. p. 126). Necessarily, therefore, the ancient collectors and modellers of the Christian Gospels, or as Milman regards them, rude and simple historians, must have exercised a discretionary latitude in the reception of the traditions. They must have decided every- thing on dogmatic grounds. " If a narrative or scripture was, in its tone and substance, agreeable to their (preconceived) views, they looked upon defective external evidence as complete ; if it was not agreeable, the most sufficient was explained away as a misunderstanding." Hence a great many additions were made, though unconsciously, to the sayings and doings of Jesus. On this point the testimony of Celsus, with every allowance for exaggeration, must be regarded as conclusive when he says the Christians were in the habit of coining and remodelling their traditional accounts {Origen c. Celsus, ii. 27). And this on the principle laid down by Sir W. Muir in Canon III. p. Ixxxi. vol. i. (Life of Mahomet). - Matt. iv. 17, X. 7, etc. ^ Luke vii. 20 et seq. In Matthew " the poor in spirit " are mentioned. But the simpler statement of Luke, from a comparison of all the circum- stances, seems more authentic. III. THE IDEA OF FUTURE LIFE IN ISLAM 195 of this miindaiie existence. All these conceptions appear at one period to have existed in the mind of Jesus simultaneously.^ But the fierceness and bigotry of the dominant party and the power of the Roman eagle made any immediate social change impossible. As every hope of present amelioration died away, hopes and aspirations of a brighter future took possession of the heart. Jesus felt the present state could not last long ; that the time of the regeneration of m.ankind was at hand,- when he himself would appear in the clouds of heaven, clothed in divine garments, seated on a throne, surrounded by angels and his chosen disciples.^ The dead would rise from their graves,^ and the Messiah would sit in judgment. The angels would be the executors of his sentence. He would send the elect to a delightful abode prepared from the beginning of the world, and the unrighteous into " everlasting fire prepared for the devil and his angels," ^ where there would be weeping and gnashing of teeth. The chosen, not numerically large, "^ would be taken into an illuminated mansion, where they would partake of banquets presided over by the father of the race of Israel, the patriarchs, and the prophets,' and in which Jesus himself will share. ^ ^ Renan, Vie de Jesus, p. 282. *Matt. xix. 18. There can be no doubt that Jesus himself believed in a corporeal resur- rection, and in tangible rewards and punishments in a future life. He often spoke of " the blessed " in his kingdom eating and drinking at his table. But whilst in the earl}' traditions passing under the name of the four apostles, the accounts, owing to careful pruning, are meagre enough, later traditionists enlarge upon the descriptions of paradise and hell, and revel in the most gorgeous fantasies, which go under the name of revelations {uide Rev. xxi. 8-21, xxii. I, 2). In puerility even the Christian traditionists do not fall short of the followers of other creeds. The tradition handed down by Irenaeus on the authority of John declares Jesus to have said, " Days shall come in which there shall be vines, which shall have each ten thousand branches, and every one of these branches shall have ten thousand lesser branches, and ever}' one of these branches shall have ten thousand twigs, and every one of these twigs shall have ten thousand clusters of grapes, and in every one of these clusters there shall be ten thousand grapes, and every one of these grapes being pressed shall yield two hundred and seventy-five gallons of wine ; and when a man shall take hold of one of these sacred bunches, another bunch shall cry out, I am a better bunch, take me, and bless the Lord by me," etc. ^ Matt. xvi. 27, xxiv. 30, 31, xxv. 31 et seq. etc. ^ Rev. XX. 12, 13. Compare these notions with the Zoroastrian belief. ' Matt. xxv. 41. ^ Luke xiii. 23. ^ Matt. viii. 11 ; Luke xiii. 28, xxii. 30. =* Matt. xxvi. 29. 196 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. That the inauguration of the new regime with the second advent of Jesus and the resurrection of the human race was considered not to be distant, is apparent from the words of the Master himself, when he impressed upon his hearers the approach of the kingdom of God, and the utter futiUty of every provision for the occupations and exigencies of the present hfe.i The words of the Teacher, acting in unison with the state of mind engendered by the circumstances of the age,^ had sunk deep into the hearts of his disciples, and all looked forward, with a vividness of expectation hardly surpassed in the annals of human beliefs, to the literal fulfilment of the prophecies concerning the millennium. " If the first generation of the Christians had a profound and constant behef, it was that the world was approaching its end, and that the great ' revelation ' of Christ was to happen soon." ^ It is only when the Christian Church becomes a regular organisation that the followers of Jesus expand their views beyond the restricted horizon of the Judaic world, and, for- getting their millenarian dream, they pass into the Greek and Roman system, and extend the empire of their creed over untold legions of barbarians fresh from their forests, who looked upon Jesus and his mother as the counterparts of their own Odin and Freya worshipped in their primeval homes. But ever and anon the Christian world has been agitated in moments of convulsions and disasters by the millenary excite- ment and fierce expectation of the apocalyptic appearance of the great Prophet of Nazareth. The idea, however, of the realm of God has, with the lapse of ages and the progress of thought, taken either a spiritual shape or utterly faded away from the mind, or, where it has been retained, derives its character from the surroundings of the individual believers. The Jew, the Mago-Zoroastrian, and the Christian all believed in a bodily resurrection. The crude notions of primitive Mosaism had made way for more definite ideas derived chiefly 1 Matt. X. 23 ; Mark xiii. 30 ; Luke xiii. 35 ; Matt. vi. 25-34, viii. 22. ^ Mark the bitter term which Jesus applies to his generation. ^ Renan, Vie de Jesus, p. 287. Comp. also Milman's History of Christianity, vol. i. p. 378. III. THE IDEA OF FUTURE LIFE IN ISLAM 197 from the Chaldaeo-Zoroastrian doctrines. We know how among the Persians the old worship of the mountains, the simple teachings of the early teachers, had grown, under the magic wands of the Babylonian wizards, into a complex system of graduated rewards and punishments, — how Chaldaean philo- sophy had permeated Mago-Zoroastrianism to its innermost core. Primitive Christianity, with its vivid belief in the immediate advent of the material kingdom of Christ, had imbibed notions from Chaldaean, Mago-Zoroastrian, and Alexandrian sources which had considerably altered the old conceptions. Jew, Christian, and Zoroastrian all looked, more or less, to material rewards and punishments in a future existence. The popular Christian notion, fostered by ecclesiasticism , that Mohammed denied souls to women, is by this time, we believe, exploded. It was a calumny concocted to create an aversion against Islam. But the idea that the Arabian Prophet promised his followers a sensual paradise with hooris, and a graduated scale of delights, still lingers. It is a sign alike of ignorance and ancient bigotry. There is no doubt that in the Suras of the intermediate period, before the mind of the Teacher had attained the full development of religious consciousness, and when it was necessary to formulate in language inteUigible to the common folk of the desert, the realistic descriptions of heaven and hell, borrowed from the floating fancies of Zoro- astrian, Sabaean, and the Talmudical Jew, attract the attention as a side picture, and then comes the real essence — the adoration of God in humility and love. The hooris are creatures of Zoroastrian origin, so is paradise,^ whilst hell in the severity of its punishment is Talmudic. The descriptions are realistic, in some places almost sensuous ; but to say that they are sensual, or that Mohammed, or any of his followers, even the ultra-literalists accepted them as such, is a calumny. The wine " that does not inebriate " and the attendants " that come not nigh," can hardly be said to represent sensual pleasures ! The chief and predominating idea in Islam respecting a future life is founded upon the belief that, in a state of existence here- after, every human being will have to render an account of his 1 In Persian, firdous. igS THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. or her actions on earth, and that the happiness or misery of individuals will depend upon the manner in which they have performed the behests of their Creator. His mercy and grace are nevertheless unbounded, and will be bestowed alike upon His creatures. This is the pivot on which the whole doctrine of future life in Islam turns, and this is the only doctrinal point one is required to beUeve and accept. All the other elements, caught up and syncretised from the floating traditions of the races and peoples of the time, are mere accessories. Setting aside from our consideration the question of subjectivity involved in all ideas of future rewards and punishments, we may say, in all ideas of a hfe after death, we must bear in mind that these ideas have furnished to the moral teachers of the world the most powerful instrument for influencing the conduct of individuals and nations. But though every rehgion, more or less, contains the germ of this principle of future account- ability in another state, all have failed thoroughly to realise its nature as a continuous agency for the elevation of the masses. Virtue, for its own sake, can only be grasped by minds of superior development ; for the average intellect, and for the uneducated, sanctions, more or less comprehensible, will always be necessary. To turn now to the nature of these sanctions, it must be remembered that it is scarcely ever possible to convey an idea of spiritual pleasure or spiritual pain to the apprehensions of the generality of mankind without clothing the expressions in the garb of tangible personalities, or introducing sensible objects into the description of such pleasure or pain. Philosophy has wrangled over abstract expressions, not dressed in tangible phraseology. Such expressions and conceptions have seen their day, have flourished, and have died without making them- selves felt beyond a restricted circle of dreamers, who Hved in the indefinable vagueness of their own thoughts. Mohammed was addressing himself not only to the advanced minds of a few idealistic thinkers who happened to be then living, but to the wide world around him engrossed in materialism of every type. He had to adapt himself to the comprehensions of all. To the wild famished Arab, what more grateful, or what more consonant to his ideas of paradise than III. THE IDEA OF FUTURE LIFE IN ISLAM 199 rivers of unsullied incorruptible water, or of milk and honey ; or anything more acceptable than unlimited fruit, luxuriant vegetation, inexhaustible fertility ? He could conceive of no bliss unaccompanied with these sensuous pleasures. This is the contention of that portion of the Moslem world which, like Sanai and Ghazzali, holds that behind the descriptions of material happiness portrayed in objects like trees, rivers, and beautiful mansions with fairy attendants, lies a deeper meaning ; and that the joy of joys is to consist in the beatific visions of the soul in the presence of the Almighty, when the veil which divides man from his Creator will be rent, and heavenly glory revealed to the mind untrammelled by its corporeal, earthly habiliments. In this they are upheld by the words of the Koran as well as the authentic sayings of the Prophet. " The most favoured of God," said Mohammed, " will be he who shall see his Lord's face (glory) night and morning, a felicity which will surpass all the pleasures of the body, as the ocean surpasses a drop of sweat." One day, talking to his friend, Abu Huraira, the Prophet said, " God has prepared for His good people what no eye hath seen, nor ear heard, nor hath it entered into the heart of anyone," and then recited the following verse of the Koran : "No soul knoweth the joy which is secretly prepared for it as a reward for that it may have wrought." ^ Another tradition ^ reports that Mohammed declared the good will enjoy the beatific vision of God, to which reference, he said, is made in the following verse of the Koran : " And God inviteth unto the dwelling of peace . . . For those who do good there is excellent reward and superabundant addition." ^ As to the parabolical nature of the Koranic expressions, this school of thinkers bases its convictions on the following passage of the inspired Book : " It is He who hath sent down unto thee ' the Book.' Some of the signs (verses) are firm {i.e. per- spicuous or clear to understand) — these are the basis (or fundamental part) of the book — and others are figurative." ^ ^ Koran xxxii. 17 ; Mishkat, bk. xxiii. chap. xiii. pt. i. - From Suhaib. ' Koran x. 26. Consult here Zamakhshari (the Kashshdf), Egyp. Ed., pt. i. p. 244 ; he gives the fullest references to the opinions of the different theo- logians and schools, and especially mentions the doctrines of the Mush- habbahSs and the Jabarias. * Koran iii. 5. 200 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. Another section looks upon the joys and pains of the Here- after as entirely subjective. It holds that as extreme mental pain is far more agonising than physical pain, so is mental pleasure of the higher type far more rapturous than any sensuous pleasure ; that as, after physical death, the indi- vidual soul " returns," to use the Koranic expression, to the Universal Soul, all the joys and pains, portrayed in vivid colours by the inspired Teacher to enable the masses to grasp the truth, will be mental and subjective. This section includes within its bosom some of the greatest philosophers and mystics of the Moslem world. Another, and by far perhaps the larger class, however, believe in the Uteral fulfilment of all the word-paintings of the Koran. Without venturing to pass any opinion on these different notions, we may take this occasion to state our own behef with regard to the Koranic conception of future rewards and punishments. A careful study of the Koran makes it evident that the mind of Mohammed went through the same process of development which marked the religious consciousness of Jesus. Moham- med and Jesus are the only two historic Teachers of the world, and for this reason we take them together. How great this development was in Jesus is apparent, not only from the idealised conception towards the end of his earthly career regarding the Kingdom of Heaven, but also from the change of tone towards the non-Israelites. Thoroughly exclusive at first, 1 with a more developed religious consciousness wider sympathies awaken in the heart. ^ As with Jesus so with Mohammed. The various chapters of the Koran which contain the ornate descriptions of paradise, whether figurative or literal, were delivered wholly or in part at Mecca. Probably in the infancy of his reUgious consciousness, Mohammed himself believed in some or other of the traditions which floated around him. But with a wider awakening of the soul, a deeper communion with the Creator of the Universe, thoughts, which bore a material ^ Matt. X. 5, XV. 22-26. - Matt, xxviii. 19, etc. ; comp. throughout Strauss, New Life of Jesus (1865), vol. i. p. 296 et seq. III. THE IDEA OF FUTURE LIFE IN ISLAM 201 aspect at first, became spiritualised. The mind of the Teacher progressed not only with the march of time and the develop- ment of his religious consciousness, but also with the progress of his disciples in apprehending spiritual conceptions. Hence, in the later suras we observe a merging of the material in the spiritual, of the body in the soul. The gardens " watered by rivers," perpetual shade, ^ plenty and harmony, so agreeable to the famished denizen of the parched, shadeless, and waterless desert, at perpetual discord with himself and all around him, — these still form the groundwork of beautiful imageries ; but the happiness of the blessed is shown to consist in eternal peace and goodwill in the presence of their Creator. " But those," says the Koran, " who are pious shall dwell in gardens, amidst fountains ; they shall say unto them, ' Enter ye therein in peace and security ' ; and aU rancour will we remove from their bosoms ; they shall sit as brethren, face to face,^ on couches ; weariness shall not affect them therein, neither shall they be repelled thence for ever." ^ What can be nobler or grander in its conception or imagery, or give a better idea of the belief in the Prophet's mind when conveying his final message concerning the nature of the present and future life, than the following passage : " It is He who enableth you to travel by land and by sea ; so that ye go on board of ships, which sail on with them, with favourable breeze, and they rejoice therein. But if a tem- pestuous wind overtake, and the waves come on them from every side, and they think they are encompassed therewith, they call on God, professing unto Him sincere religion ; (saying) wouldst Thou but rescue us from this, then we will ever be indeed of the thankful. But when We have rescued them, Behold ! they commit unrighteous excesses on the earth. O men ! verily the excesses ye commit to the injury of your own souls are only for the enjoyment of this earthly life ; soon shall ye return to Us, and We will declare unto you that which ye have done. Verily, the likeness of this present life is not otherwise than the water which We send down from heaven ; and the productions of the earth, of which men and cattle eat, ^ Koran xiii. 34, xlvii. 16, 17. Comp. also chaps, ix., x., and xiv. ^ I.e. with peace and good-will in their hearts. ^ Koran xv. 48. 202 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. are mixed therewith, till the earth has received its beautiful raiment, and is decked out, and they who inhabit it imagine they have power over it ! (But) Our behest cometh unto it by night or by day, and We make it as if it had been mown, as though it had not teemed (with fertihty) only yesterday. Thus do we make our signs clear unto those who consider. And God inviteth unto the abodes of peace, and guideth whom He pleaseth into the right way.^ For those who do good is excellent reward and superabundant addition of it ; neither blackness nor shame shall cover their faces. These are the inhabitants of paradise ; therein do they abide for ever. But those who have wrought evil shall receive the reward of evil equal thereunto ; ^ and shame shall cover them (for there will be none to protect them against God) as though their faces were covered with a piece of the night of profound darkness." ^ Then again, what can be purer in its aspirations than the following : " Who fulfil the covenant of God and break not their com- pact ; and who join together what God hath bidden to be joined ; and who fear their Lord and dread an ill-reckoning ; and who, from a sincere desire to please their Lord,^ are constant amid trials, and observe prayers and give alms, in secret and openly, out of what We have bestowed on them ; and turn aside evil with good : for them there is the recompense of that abode, gardens of eternal habitation, into which they shall enter, together with such as shall have acted rightly from among their fathers, their wives, and their posterity ; and the angels shaU go in unto them by every portal, (saying) ' Peace be with you ! because ye have endured with patience.' Excellent is the reward in that abode ! " ^ Enough has been said to show the utter falsehood of the theory that Mohammed's pictures of future life were all ^ Baizawi explains the expression " whom He pleaseth," as " those who repent " (p. 67, n. i, chap. iv). Compare Zamakhshari (the Kashshaf). - Observe the reward of virtue will not be confined to an exact measure of man's works ; it will far exceed his deserts ; but the recompense of evil will be strictly proportioned to what one has done. ^ Koran x. 23-27. •* This may also be translated as " from a desire to see the face (glory) of their Lord." 6 Koran xiii. 20-24. Compare throughout Zamakhshari (the Kashshaf). III. THE IDEA OF FUTURE LIFE IN ISLAM 203 sensuous. We will conclude this chapter with the following passage from the Koran to show the depth of spirituality in Islam, and the purit}^ of the hopes and aspirations on which it bases its rule of Ufe : " O thou soul which art at rest, return unto thy Lord, pleased and pleasing Him, enter thou among my servants, and enter thou my garden of felicity." ^ ^ Koran Ixxxix. 27-30. CHAPTER IV THE CHURCH MILITANT OF ISLAM THE extraordinary rapidity with which the religion of the Arabian Prophet spread over the surface of the globe is one of the most wonderful phenomena in the history of religions. For centuries Christianity had hidden itself in byways and corners ; not until it had largely absorbed and assimilated paganism, not until a half-pagan monarch had come to its assistance with edicts and orders, was it able to rear its head among the creeds of the world. Islam, within thirty years of the death of its Teacher, found its way into the hearts of millions of people. And before a century was well over the voice of the Recluse of Hira had rolled across three continents. The legions of the Caesars and the Chosroes, who endeavoured to stop the onrush of the new democracy preached in Arabia, were shattered to pieces by the children of the desert. Its remarkable success and marvellous effect upon the minds of men have given rise to the charge that, as a religion of the sword, Islam was propagated 1 Sura ii. 261, " Let there be no compulsion in religion." * Sura V. 69 ; see p. 175. Compare this with the thunders of the Athanasian Creed. IV. THE CHURCH MILITANT OF ISLAM 205 by the sword and upheld by the sword. We propose, therefore, carefully to examine the circumstances and facts connected with the rise of Islam, to see whether there is any truth in the statement. At the time of the Prophet's advent into Medina, the two tribes of Aus and Khazraj, who had been engaged in deadly conflict for years, had just ended their strife by a hollow peace. There was every prospect of the war breaking out again with fiercer animosity. The Jews, who after the onslaught of Jabala had accepted the cHentage of the Medinite Arabs, were fast recovering their strength and were openly threatening their pagan compatriots with the vengeance of the Messiah, whose appearance was hourly expected. The surrounding tribes, among whom the influence of the Koreish was supreme, were arrayed in all their desert ferocity against Medina. The moment Mohammed appeared among the Medinites the elements of danger which threatened the new religion became apparent. The Meccan disciples who had braved death, and now faced destitution and exile for their Master and the light which he had brought to their hearts, were few and weak. His Medinite followers were not many ; they were divided amongst themselves, actuated by tribal jealousies. An important faction, headed by an influential chieftain, an aspirant to the throne of Medina, worked in the city on the side of the heathens. ^ The Jews, compact and united, jealously and relentlessly, with poison and with treachery, opposed him in every direction. But the heart, which did not fail when the Koreish threatened him with death, was not daunted when the existence of others depended on him. He at once set himself to the task of organising into a social entity the varied elements which had gathered round him as the minister of God. He substituted referees for the old tribal vendetta ; he abolished the dis- tinction of Aus and Khazraj ; he comprehended the Jews and Christians in his little commonwealth, and planted germs of cordial relations among all believers ; he proclaimed that a Jew, Sabaean, or Christian, whoever believed in God and future life and acted righteously, " on him shall come no fear." To a people wedded to the worst type of heathenism, to a race with 1 See ante,f-p. 57. 2o6 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM it. whom the shedding of blood was a second nature, he taught purity and truth, self-restraint, charity, and love of one's kind. " It shall be an expiation with God," he said to them, " when one shall drop his right of retaliation." " He who shall mediate between men for a good purpose shall be the gainer thereby, but the mediator for evil shall reap the fruit of his doing." ^ Whilst engaged in this divine work of humanising his people, raising them from the abyss of degradation, purifying them from abominations, he is attacked by his enemies, ruthless and un- tiring in their vengeance. They had sworn his death and the extirpation of his creed. The apostates from the faith of their fathers, as the Koreish regarded Mohammed and his followers to be, had betaken themselves to the rival city, to plant the germs of revolutionary doctrines. United Arabia must annihi- late these crazy enthusiasts who had forsaken home and wealth for the sake of an unseen God, so exacting in His worship, so insistent on the common duties of love, charity, and benevolence, on purity of thought and deed. From the moment of his entry i into Medina, Mohammed's destiny had become intertwined j with that of his people, and of those who had invited and j welcomed him into their midst. His destruction meant the j destruction of the entire body of people who had gathered j round the minister of God. Surrounded by enemies and ; traitors, the whole of Arabia responding to the caU of the j Koreish, the ancient servitors of the national gods marching to j their slaughter, his followers would have inevitably perished j but for the swords in their hands. And it was not until their ; enemies were upon them that it was declared, " The infidels 1 regard not in a behever either ties of blood or covenant ; when they break their oaths of alUance, and attack you, defend yourself " ; and again, " Defend yourself against your enemies ; but attack them not first : God hateth the aggressor." ^ To the Moslems self-defence had become a question of self- preservation. They must either submit to be massacred or fight when they were attacked. They chose the latter alter- native, and succeeded, after a long struggle, in subduing their enemies. The bitter animosity of the Jews, their repeated violations of ^ Sura iv. 85. ^ Sura ii. 190. IV. THE CHURCH MILITANT OF ISLAM 207 the most solemn engagements, their constant seditiousness, and then- frequent endeavours to betray the Moslems to the idolaters, led naturally to severe chastisement. It was essentially neces- sary for the safety of the weak and small community, more as a deterrent warning than as a vindictive punishment. We have no right to assume that because some of the great teachers who have from time to time appeared on earth have succumbed under the force of opposing circumstances and become martyrs, that because others have created in their brams an unreahsed Utopia, that because dreamers have existed, and enthusiasts have suffered, Mohammed was bound to follow their example, and leave the world before he had fulfilled his mission. Nor was he obliged to sacrifice himself and the entire community over which he was called to preside, for the sake of carrying out what, in the present time, would be called an ' Idea.' Let us compare the struggles of the Moslems in self-defence, and for self-preservation, with the frightful wars of the Jews and the Christians, and even of the gentle Parsis, for the propagation of their respective faiths. In the case of the Jews, aggression and extirpation were sanctified by rehgion. They were cursed for sparing. In the case of the early Christians, the doctrine of humility and meekness, preached by the Prophet of Nazareth, was soon forgotten in the pride of power. From the moment Christianity became a recognised force, — the dominant faith of a community, — it became aggressive and persecuting. Parallels have been drawn between Jesus and Mohammed by different writers. Those fully penetrated with the conviction of the godhead of Jesus have recognised in the " earthly " means employed by the Arabian Prophet for the regeneration of his people the result of " Satanic suggestions," while the non-employment of such means (perhaps from want of opportunity to use them) has been looked upon as establishing the divinity of the Prophet of Nazareth. We shall furnish reasons to show that such com- parisons are unfair, based as they are on what is not only false to history, but false to human nature. The circumstances attending the lives of Jesus and Mohammed were wholly different. During his short ministry 2o8 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. the influence of Jesus remained confined to a small body of followers, taken chiefly from the lower and uneducated ranks. He fell a victim ^ to the passions he had evoked by his scathing denunciations of the lifeless sacerdotalism of the priestly classes —to the undying hatred of a relentless race — before his followers had become either numerous or influential enough to require practical rules for their guidance, or before they could form an organisation, either for purposes of spiritual teaching, or as a safeguard against the persecutions of the dominant creed. Drawn from among a people with settled laws, the observance of which was guaranteed by the suzerain power, the followers of Jesus had no occasion to constitute themselves into an organised body, nor had the Teacher any need to frame rules of practical positive morality. The want was felt when the ' community became more extensive, and the genius of a scholar, well-versed in the Neo-Platonic lore, destroyed the individuality ; and simplicity of the teachings of the Master. j Mohammed, like Jesus, was followed from the commence- j ment of his career as a preacher and reformer by the hostility j and opposition of his people. His followers also, in the j beginning, were few and insignificant. He also was preceded i by men who had shaken off the bondage of idolatry, and had ! listened to the springs of the life within. He, too, preached j gentleness, charity, and love. | But Mohammed appeared among a nation steeped in barbar- j ous usages, who looked upon war as the object of life, — a nation \ far removed from the materiahsing, degrading influences of the Greeks and the Romans, yet likewise far from their humanising influences. At first his enunciations evoked scorn, and then ^ vengeful passions. His followers, however, increased in number j and strength until at last the invitation of the Medinites \ crowned his glorious work with success. From the moment he accepted the asylum so nobly proffered, from the moment he , was called upon to become their chief magistrate as well as.; 1 I write according to the generally received opinion among Western scholars ; that Mohammed, in accordance with the traditions current in his time, believed that Jesus miraculously disappeared, there is no doubt. In spite of this so-called apocryphal Gnostic tradition being opposed to the general body of Christian traditions, there is as much historic probability on one side as the other. IV. THE CHURCH MILITANT OF ISLAM 209 their spiritual teacher, his fate became involved in theirs ; from that time the hostilities of the idolaters and their allies required an unsleeping vigilance on the part of the Moslems. A single city had to make head against the combined attacks of the multitudinous tribes of Arabia. Under these circum- stances, energetic measures were often necessary to sustain the existence of the Moslem commonwealth. When persuasion failed, pressure was required. The same instinct of self-preservation which spoke so warmly within the bosom of the great Prophet of Nazareth, ^ when he advised his disciples to look to the instruments of defence, caused the persecuted Moslems to take up arms when attacked by their relentless enemies. Gradually, by gentle kindness and energy, all the disjointed fragments of the Arabian tribes were brought together to the worship of the true God, and then peace settled upon the land. Born among a people the most fiery of the earth, then as now vehement and impulsive by nature, and possessed of passions as burning as the sun of their desert, Mohammed impressed on them habits of self-control and self-denial such as have never before been revealed in the pages of history. At the time of Mohammed's advent international obligations were unknown. When nations or tribes made war upon each other, the result usually was the massacre of the able-bodied, the slavery of the innocent, and plunder of the household penates. The Romans, who took thirteen centuries to evolve a system of laws which was as comprehensive as it was elevated in con- ception, ^ could never realise the duties of international morality or of humanity. They waged war for the sole purpose of subjugating the surrounding nations. Where they succeeded, they imposed their will on the people absolutely. The sacred- ness of treaties was unknown ; pacts were made and broken, just as convenience dictated. The liberty of other nations was never of the slightest importance in their estimation.^ The ' Luke xxii. 256. * In justice to the Semitic races, I must say that almost all the great jurists of Rome were Semites, — Phoenicians, Syrians, or Carthaginians. ^ Compare Dollinger, The Gentile and the Jew, throughout on this subject. S.I. o 210 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. introduction of Christianity made little or no change in the views entertained by its professors concerning international obli- gations. War was as inhuman and as exterminating as before ; people were led into slavery without compunction on the part of the captors ; treaties were entered into and broken just as suited the purpose of some designing chieftain. Christianity did not profess to deal with international morahty, and so left its followers groping in the dark. Modern thinkers, instead of admitting this to be a real deficiency in the Christian system, natural to the unfinished state in which it was left, have tried to justify it. A strange perversion of the human intellect ! Hence, what is right in the individual comes to be considered wrong in the nation, and vice versa. Religion and morality, two convertible terms, are kept apart from the domain of law. Religion, which claims to regulate the ties of individual men, ignores the reciprocal relations of the various aggregates of humanity. Religion is thus reduced into mere sentimentaHsm, an object of gushing effusion, or mutual laudation at debating societies, albeit sometimes rising to the dignity of philosophical morahty. The basis of international obligations consists in the recogni- tion of nations as individuals, and of the fact that there is not one standard for individuals and another for nations ; for as individuals compose a nation, so nations compose humanity ; and the rights of nations and their obligations to each other in nowise differ from those existing between individuals.^ True it is, that the rise of the Latin Church in the West, and the necessary augmentation of the power of the bishops of Rome, introduced in the Latin Christian world a certain degree of international responsibility. But this was absolutely con- fined to the adherents of the Church of Rome, or was occasion- ally extended as a favour to Greek Christianity. The rest of the world was unconditionally excluded from the benefits of such responsibility. " The name of rehgion served as the plea and justification of aggression upon weaker nations ; it led to their spoliation and enslavement." Every act of violation was sanctified by the Church, and, in case of extreme iniquity, ^ Comp. David Urquhart's essay on the " Effects of the Contempt of Inter- national Law," reprinted from The East and West, Feb. 1867. IV. THE CHURCH MILITANT OF ISLAM 211 absolution paved the criminal's way to heaven. From the first slaughters of Charlemagne, with the full sanction of the Church, to the massacre and enslavement of the unoffending races of America, there is an unbroken series of the infringement of international duties and the claims of humanity. This utter disregard of the first principles of charity led also to the persecution of those followers of Jesus who ventured to think differently from the Church.^ The rise of Protestantism made no difference. The wars and mutual persecutions of the several religious factions form a history in themselves. " Persecution," says Hallam, " is the deadly original sin of the Reformed Church, that which cools every honest man's zeal for their cause, in proportion as his reading becomes more expansive." ^ But, however much the various new-born Churches disagreed among themselves, or from the Church of Rome, regarding doctrinal and theological points, they were in perfect accord with each other in denying all community of interests and rights to nations outside the pale of Christendom.^ The spirit of Islam., on the contrary, is opposed to isolation and exclusiveness. In a comparatively rude age, when the world was immersed in darkness, moral and social, Mohammed preached those principles of equality which are only half- realised in other creeds, and promulgated laws which, for their expansiveness and nobility of conception, would bear com- parison with the records of any faith. " Islam," says an able writer, " offered its religion, but never enforced it ; and the acceptance of that religion conferred co-equal rights with the conquering body, and emancipated the vanquished States from the conditions which every conqueror, since the world existed up to the period of Mohammed, had invariably imposed." ^ Compare Milman, Latin Christianity, vol. i. p. 352, and Lecky, History of Rationalism in Europe, chap, on " Persecution." ^ Hallam's Const. Hist, of England, vol. i. chap. ii. p. 62. When Calvin burnt Servetus for his opinions regarding the Trinity, his act was applauded, says Lecky, by all sections of Protestants. Melanchthon, Bullinger, and Farel wrote to express their warm approbation of the crime. Beza defended it in an elaborate treatise ; Lecky, Hist, of Rationalism, vol. ii. p. 49. A study of the penal laws of England against the Catholics, Dissenters, and non-Conformists is enough to shock any candid mind. * Grotius, the founder, perhaps, of international law in Europe, formally excepted the Moslems from all community of rights with the European nations. 212 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. By the laws of Islam, liberty of conscience and freedom of worship were allowed and guaranteed to the followers of every other creed under Moslem dominion. The passage in the Koran, " Let there be no compulsion in religion," ^ testifies to the principle of toleration and charity inculcated by Islam. " If thy Lord had pleased, verily all who are in the world would have beheved together." " Wilt thou then force men to beheve when belief can come only from God ? " — " Adhere to those who forsake you ; speak truth to your own heart ; do good to every one that does ill to you " : these are the precepts of a Teacher who has been accused of fanaticism and intolerance. Let it be remembered that these are the utterances, not of a powerless enthusiast or philosophical dreamer paralysed by the weight of opposing forces. These are the utterances of a man in the plenitude of his power, of the head of a sufficiently strong and well-organised State, able to enforce his doctrines with the edge of his reputed sword. In religion, as in politics, individuals and sects have preached toleration, and insisted upon its practice only so long as they have been powerless and feeble. The moment they have acquired strength enough to battle with the forces which they wish to supersede, tolerance gives way to persecution. With the accession of Constantine to the throne of the Caesars, Christianity was safe from molestation. But from that period ; commenced a system of rehgious persecution in its atrocity | paralleled only by that of the Jews. " From the very moment," i says Lecky, " the Church obtained civil power under Con- ; stantine, the general principle of coercion was admitted and : acted on, both against the Jews, the heretics, and pagans." ^ They were tortured with every refinement of cruelty ; they were burnt at a slow-consuming fire to enable them to think ; of the charity and humanity of the church of Christ. Father after father wrote about the holiness of persecution. One of the greatest saints of the Church, " a saint of the most tender ■ and exquisite piety " — supplied arguments for the most atrocious persecution. Except during the titanic struggles in Europe at the beginning of the nineteenth century, the Christian 1 Sura ii. 257 (a Medina sura). 2 Comp. Hallam, Const. Hist, of England, vol. i. chap. iii. p. 98. IV. THE CHURCH MILITANT OF ISLAM 213 church, purporting to derive its authority from the Apostles, has never hesitated to encourage war,i — or to give its sanction, in the name of reHgion and " the glory of Christ," to exter- minating enterprises against heretics and heathens. These had no claims on Christian humanity or the law of nations ; nor have the poor black races now ! In the fifteenth century, the Pope granted a special charter by which the non-Christian world was allotted to the Portuguese and Spaniards in equal shares with absolute power to convert the inhabitants in any way they chose ! History records how hberally they construed the permission. And all the atrocious doctrines relating to persecution and the treatment of non-Christians are unjustly based upon the words of Jesus himself ! Did not the Master say, " Compel them to come in " ? In the hour of his greatest triumph, when the Arabian Prophet entered the old shrine of Mecca and broke down the idols, it was not in wrath or religious rage, but in pity, that he said — " Truth is come, darkness departeth," — announcing amnesty almost universal, commanding protection to the weak and poor, and freeing fugitive slaves. Mohammed did not merely preach toleration ; he embodied it into a law. To all conquered nations he offered liberty of worship. A nominal tribute was the only compensation they were required to pay for the observance and enjoyment of their faith. Once the tax or tribute was agreed upon, every inter- ference with their religion or the liberty of conscience was regarded as a direct contravention of the laws of Islam. - Could so much be said of other creeds ? Proselytism by the sword was wholly contrary to the instincts of Mohammed, and wrangling over creeds his abhorrence. Repeatedly he exclaims, " Why wrangle over that which you know not ; try to excel in good works ; when you shall return to God, He will tell you about that in which you have differed." We must now return to our examination of the wars of the Prophet. We have seen that the various conflicts of the ^ In the colossal and devastating struggle of the twentieth century, in which all the great nations of Christendom were engaged, the ministers of religion on both sides took vehement part in fostering the warlike spirit. ^ See chapter on The Political Spirit of Islam. 214 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. Moslems under Mohammed with the surrounding tribes were occasioned by the aggressive and unrelenting hostility of the idolaters, and were necessary for self-defence. The battle of Muta and the campaign of Tabuk, the earliest demonstrations against a foreign State, arose out of the assassination of an envoy by the Greeks. Probably we should not have heard of the promulgation of Islam by the sword had the Moslems not punished the eastern Christians for this murder. The battle of Muta was indecisive, and the campaign of Tabuk, which was entirely defensive in its nature (being undertaken to repulse the gathering of the forces of Herachus) , left this international crime unpunished during the lifetime of the Prophet ; but his successors did not forget it, and a heavy penalty was exacted. The extent of the Greek empire brought the Moslems into a state of belligerency with the greatest portion of Christendom. Besides, the anomalous position occupied by the governors of the provinces under the waning suzerainty of the Byzantine emperors rendered it impossible for the Moslem Chiefs to put an end to this condition of affairs by means of treaty-stipula- tions with any one of them. Before one could be subdued and brought to terms another committed some act of hostility, and compelled the Moslems to punish him. Hence the career once entered upon, they were placed in just warfare with nearly the whole of Christendom.^ Religion has often furnished to designing chieftains, among Moslems as among Christians, a pretext for the gratification of ambition. The Moslem casuists, like the Christian jurists and divines, have divided the world into two regions — the Ddr 1 See Urquhart's Isldni as a Political System. I do not mean to assert that the Moslems were never actuated by the spirit of aggression or by cupidity. It would be showing extreme ignorance of human nature to make such an assertion. It was hardly possible, that after the unprecedented progress they had made against their enemies and assailants, and after becoming aware of the weakness of the surrounding nations, they should still retain their moderation, and keep within the bounds of the law. Nor do I shut my eyes to the fact that there have been wars among the followers of Moham- med perhaps as cruelly waged as among the Christians. But these wars have been invariably dynastic. The persecutions to which certain sects have been subjected have arisen also, for the most part, from the same cause. The persecution of the descendants of Mohammed, the children of Ali and Fatima, by the Ommeyyades, found its origin in the old hatred of the Koreish to Mohammed and the HAshimis, as I shall show hereafter. IV. THE CHURCH MILITANT OF ISLAM 215 ul-Harb and the Ddr ul-Isldm, the counterparts of Heathendom and Christendom. An examination, however, of the principles upon which the relations of Moslem states with non-Moslem countries were based, shows a far greater degree of liberality than has been evinced by Christian writers on international law. It is only in recent times, and under stress of circum- stances that non-Christian states have been admitted into the " comity of nations." The Moslem jurists, on the other hand, differentiate between the condition of belligerency and that of peace. The expression, Ddr ul-Harb,^ thus includes countries with which the Moslems are at war ; whilst the States with which they are at peace are the Day ul-Amdn.^ The harhi, the inhabitants of the Ddr ul-Harb, is an alien, pure and simple. He has no right to enter Islamic States without express permis- sion. But once he receives the amdn or guarantee of safety from even the poorest Moslem, he is perfectly secure from molestation for the space of one year. On the expiration of that period, he is bound to depart. The inhabitant of the Ddr ul-Amdn is a mustdmin. The amdn may be for ever or for a Hmited duration ; but so long as it lasts, the nmstdmin's treatment is regulated in strict accordance with the terms of the treaty with his country. ^ The mustdmins were governed by their own laws, were exempt from taxation and enjoyed other privileges. The spirit of aggression never breathed itself into that code which formally incorporated the Law of Nations with the reUgion ; and the followers of Mohammed, in the plenitude of their power, were always ready to say to their enemies, " Cease all hostility to us, and be our alUes, and we shall be faithful to you ; or pay tribute, and we will secure and protect you in all your rights ; or adopt our religion, and you shall enjoy every privilege we ourselves possess." The principal directions of Mohammed, on which the Moslem laws of war are founded, show the wisdom and humanity which animated the Islamic system : " And fight for the reUgion of God against those who fight against you ; but * Lit. The country of war. - The country of peace. 'Tliese Amdns formed the origin of the Capitulations which have proved the ruin of Turkish resources. 2i6 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. transgress not (by attacking them first), for God loveth not the transgressors ; ... if they attack you, slay them ; . . . but if they desist, let there be no hostihty, except against the ungodly." ^ In turning their arms against Persia the Moslems were led on by circumstances. The Munzirs, a dynasty of semi-Arab kings who reigned under the shadow of the Persian monarchy, though politically hostile, were aUied to the Byzantines by ties of faith and community of interests. The first conflicts of the Moslems with the Greeks naturally re-acted on the Hirites, the subjects of the Munzirs. The Hirite territories comprehended a large tract of country, from the banks of the Euphrates west- ward, overlapping the desert of Irak, and almost reaching the pasturage of the Ghassanide Arabs, who owned allegiance to the Byzantines. i The position of Hira under the Persians was similar to that ' of Judasa under Augustus or Tiberias. About the time of the Moslem conquest a Persian nominee ruled this principahty ; , but the jealousy of the Chosroes associated a marzbdn, or | satrap, with the successor of the Munzirs, whose subjects, as ' impatient of control then as their descendants now, engaged in predatory raids on the neighbouring tribes, and became i involved in hostilities with the Moslems. A strong government i under the guidance of a single ruler, whose power had become doubly consohdated after the suppression of the revolts of the nomads on the death of the Prophet, was little incUned to brook quietly the insults of the petty dependency of a tottering empire. A Moslem army marched upon Hira ; the marzbdn ; fled to Madain (Ctesiphon), the capital of the Persian empire,' and the Arab chief submitted, almost without a struggle, to! the Moslems under Khahd bin-Walid. : The conquest of Hira brought the Moslems to the threshold ; of the dominions of the Chosroes. Persia had, after a long period of internecine conflict, signalised by revolting murders and atrocities, succeeded in obtaining an energetic ruler, in the person of Yezdjard. Under the directions of this sovereign, the Persian general brought an imposing force to bear on the Moslems. The great Omar who now ruled at Medina, before 1 Sura ii. i86, compare ver. 257. IV. THE CHURCH MILITANT OF ISLAM 217 taking up the challenge, offered to Yezdjard, through his deputies, the usual terms by which war might be avoided. These terms were, the profession of Islam, which meant the reform of the pohtical abuses that had brought the Sasanian empire so low ; the reduction of all those heavy taxes and perquisites,^ which sucked out the life-blood of the nation ; and the administration of justice by the code of Mohammed, which held all men, without distinction of rank or office, equal in the eye of the law. The alternative offer was the payment of tribute in return for protection. These terms were disdain- fully refused by the Persian monarch and the days of Kadesia followed. After the conquest of Madain (Ctesiphon), the Caliph promulgated peremptory orders that under no circum- stance should the Moslems cross the Tigris towards the East, and that that river should for ever form the boundary between the Persian and the Saracenic empires. Upon this basis a peace was concluded. But Iran chafed under the loss of Mesopotamia ; and the successive breaches of faith by the Persians led to Nehavend. The Kesra's power was irretrievably shattered ; many of his nobles and the chiefs of the priesthood, whose interest it was to keep up the reign of disorder and oppression, were cut off, and he himself became a fugitive Hke another Darius. The nation at large hailed the Moslems as their deliverers. ^ The advance of the Saracens from the Tigris to the Elburz and from the Elburz to Transoxiana was not different from that of the British in India and due to similar causes. The general conversion of the Persians to the religion of Mohammed is often taken as a proof of the intolerant character of Islam. But, in the blindness of bigotry, even scholars forget the circumstances under which the Moslems entered the country. Every trace of religious life was extinct among the people ; the masses were ground down by the worst of all evils, a degenerate priesthood and a licentious ohgarchy. The Mazdakian and Manichaean heresies had loosened every rivet * Save the tenth on landed property, and 2 J per cent, of every man's means for the poor, the distribution of which would have been left to himself and his officers. - Yezdjard, like Darius, was assassinated by his own people. See The Short History of the Saracens (Macmillan, 1921), p. 32. 2i8 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. in the social fabric. Kesra Anushirvan had only postponed for a time the general disruption of society. The consequence was, that as soon as the Moslems entered the country as the precursors of law and order, a general con- version took place, and Persia became for ever attached to Islam. ^ An impartial analyst of facts will now be able to judge for himself how much truth there is in the following remark of Muir : "It was essential to the permanence of Islam that its aggressive course should be continuously pursued, and that its claim to an universal acceptance, or, at the least, to an universal supremacy, should be enforced at the point of the sword." - Every religion, in some stage of its career, has, from the tendencies of its professors, been aggressive. Such also has been the case with Islam ; but that it ever aims at proselytism by force, or that it has been more aggressive than other religions, must be entirely denied.^ Islam seized the sword in self-defence, and held it in self- defence, as it wiU ever do. But Islam never interfered with the dogmas of any moral faith, never persecuted, never established an Inquisition. It never invented the rack or the stake for stifling difference of opinion, or strangling the human conscience, or exterminating heresy. No one who has a com- petent knowledge of history can deny that the Church of Christ, when it pretended to be most infalhble, " shed more innocent blood than any other institution that has ever existed among mankind " ; whilst the fate of the man or woman who forsook the Church, or even expressed a preference for any other creed, was no less cruel.* In 1521, death and confisca- tion of property was decreed by Charles V. against all heretics. Burnings and hangings, and tearing out and twisting of tongues 1 As a testimony to the spirit which animated the Moslems, we quote the following from Gibbon : " The administration of Persia was regulated by an actual survey of the people, the cattle, and the fruits of the earth ; and this monument, which attests the vigilance of the Caliphs, might have instructed the philosophers of every age." — Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. v. p, 97. See also Suyflti, Tdnhh ul-Khulafd {History of the Caliphs). - Muir, Life of Mahomet, vol. iii. p. 251. ^ Compare Niebuhr's remarks in his Description de I'Arabie. ■* In the seventeenth century a young man was hanged for having said, it is stated, that he did not think Mohammed was a bad man. IV. THE CHURCH MILITANT OF ISLAM 219 were the usual penalties of refusal to adopt the orthodox communion. In England, after it became Protestant, the Presbyterians, through a long succession of reigns, were imprisoned, branded, mutilated, scourged, and exposed in the pillory. In Scotland, they were hunted like criminals over the mountains ; their ears were torn from the roots ; they were branded with hot irons ; their fingers were wrenched asunder by thumbkins ; the bones of their legs were shattered in the boots. Women were scourged pubhcly through the streets. The Catholics were tortured and hanged. Anabaptists and Arians were burnt alive. But as regards non-Christians, Catholics and Protestants, orthodox and un-orthodox, were in perfect accord. Musulmans and Jews were beyond the pale of Christendom. In England, the Jews were tortured and hanged. In Spain, the Moslems were burnt Marriages between Christians and Jews, and Christians and " infidels," were null and void, in fact prohibited under terrible and revolting penalties. Even now. Christian America burns alive a Christian negro marrying a Christian white woman ! Such has been the effect produced by Christianity. To this day, wherever scientific thought has not infused a new soul, wherever true culture has not gained a foothold, the old spirit of exclusiveness and intolerance, the old ecclesiastical hatred of Islam, displays itself in writings, in newspaper attacks, in private conversations, in pubhc speeches. The spirit of persecution is not dead in Christianity ; it is lying dormant, ready to burst into flame at the touch of the first bigot. Let us turn from this picture to the world of Islam. Whilst orthodox Christianity persecuted with equal ferocity the Jews and Nestorians, — the descendants of the men who were sup- posed to have crucified its Incarnate God, and the men who refused to adore his mother, — Islam afforded them both shelter and protection. Whilst Christian Europe was burning witches and heretics, and massacring Jews and " infidels," the Moslem sovereigns were treating their non-Moslem subjects with consideration and tolerance. They were the trusted subjects of the State, councillors of the empire. Every secular office was open to them along with the Moslems. The Teacher 220 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. himself had declared it lawful for a Moslem to intermarry with a Christian, Hebrew, or Zoroastrian. The converse was not allowed, for obvious political reasons. Moslem Turkey and Persia entrust their foreign interests to the charge of their Christian subjects. In Christendom, difference of faith has been a crime ; in Islam it is an accident. " To Christians," says Urquhart, " a difference of religion was indeed a ground for war, and that not merely in dark times and amongst fanatics." From the massacres, in the name of religion, of the Saxons, the Frisians and other Germanic tribes by Charle- magne ; from the burning to death of the thousands of innocent men and women ; from the frightful slaughters of the Arians, the Paulicians, the Albigenses and the Huguenots, from the horrors of the sacks of Magdeburg and Rome, from the san- guinary scenes of the Thirty Years' War, down to the cruel persecutions of Calvinistic Scotland and Lutheran England, there is an uninterrupted chain of intolerance, bigotry, and fanaticism. Can anything be more heart-rending than the wholesale extermination of the unoffending races of America in the name of Christ ? It has been said that a warlike spirit was infused into mediaeval Christianity by aggressive Islam ! The massacres of Justinian and the fearful wars of Christian Clovis in the name of religion, occurred long before the time of Mohammed. Compare, again, the conduct of the Christian Crusaders with that of the Moslems. " When the Khalif Omar took Jeru- salem, A.D. 637, he rode into the city by the side of the Patriarch Sophronius, conversing with him on its antiquities. At the hour of prayer, he declined to perform his devotions in the Church of the Resurrection, in which he chanced to be, but prayed on the steps of the Church of Constantine ; for, said he to the Patriarch, ' had I done so, the Musulmans in a future age might have infringed the treaty, under colour of imitating my example.' But in the capture by the Crusaders, the brains of young children were dashed out against the walls ; infants were pitched over the battlements ; men were roasted at fires ; some were ripped up, to see if they had swallowed gold ; the Jews were driven into their synagogue, and there burnt ; a massacre of nearly 70,000 persons took place ; and the pope's IV. THE CHURCH MILITANT OF ISLAM 221 legate was seen partaking in the triumph ! " ^ When Saladin recaptured the city, he released all Christians, gave them money and food, and allowed them to depart with a safe-conduct. ^ Islam " grasped the sword " in self-defence ; Christianity grasped it in order to stifle freedom of thought and liberty of belief. With the conversion of Constantine, Christianity had become the dominant religion of the Western world. It had thenceforth nothing to fear from its enemies ; but from the moment it obtained the mastery, it developed its true character of isolation and exclusiveness. Wherever Christianity pre- vailed, no other religion could be followed without molestation. The Moslems, on the other hand, required from others a simple guarantee of peace and amity, tribute in return for protection, or perfect equality, — the possession of equal rights and privileges, — on condition of the acceptance of Islam, 1 Draper, History of the Intellectual Development of Europe, vol. ii. p. 22. 2 For a full account, seeThe Short History of the Saracens, p. 356. CHAPTER V THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN ISLAM IN certain stages of social development, polygamy, or more properly speaking, polygyny, — the union of one man with several women, — is an unavoidable circumstance. The frequent tribal wars and the consequent decimation of the male population, the numerical superiority of women, combined with the absolute power possessed by the chiefs, originated the custom which, in our advanced times, is justly regarded as an unendurable evil. Among all Eastern nations of antiquity, polygamy was a recognised institution. Its practice by royalty, which every- where bore the insignia of divinity, sanctified its observance to the people. Among the Hindus, polygamy, in both its aspects, prevailed from the earliest times. There was, apparently, as among the ancient Medes, Babylonians, Assyrians, and Persians, no restriction as to the number of wives a man might have. A high caste Brahman, even in modern times, is privileged to marr^^ as many wives as he chooses. Polygamy existed among the Israelites before the time of Moses, who continued the institution without imposing any limit on the number of marriages which a Hebrew husband might contract. In later times, the Talmud of Jerusalem restricted the number by the abihty of the husband to main- tain the wives properly ; and though the Rabbins counselled that a man should not take more than four wives, the Karaites 1 " Paradise is at the foot of the mother ; " the Prophet. V. THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN ISLAM 223 differed from them, and did not recognise the vaHdity of any hmitation. To the Persians, rehgion offered a premium on the plurality of wives. ^ Among the Syro-Phoenician races, whom the Israehtes dis- placed, conquered, or destroyed, polygamy was degraded into bestiality. 2 Among the Thracians, Lydians, and the Pelasgian races settled in various parts of Europe and Western Asia, the custom of plurality of marriages prevailed to an inordinate extent, and dwarfs all comparison with the practice prevailing elsewhere.^ Among the Athenians, the most civiHsed and most cultured of all the nations of antiquity, the wife was a mere chattel marketable and transferable to others, and a subject of testa- mentary disposition. She was regarded in the light of an evil, indispensable for the ordering of a household and procreation of children. An Athenian was allowed to have any number of wives ; and Demosthenes gloried in the possession by his people of three classes of women, two of which furnished the legal and semi-legal wives.* Among the Spartans, though the men were not allowed, unless under especial circumstances, to have more than one wife, the women could have, and almost always had, more than one husband.^ The peculiar circumstances under which the Roman State was originally constituted probably prevented the introduction of legal polygamy at the commencement of its existence. Whatever the historical truth of the Rape of the Sabines, the very existence of the tradition testifies to the causes which helped to form the primitive laws of the Romans on the subject of matrimony. In the surrounding states generally, and especially among the Etruscans, plurality of marriage was a privileged custom. The contact, for centuries, with the other ^ Dollinger, The Gentile and the Jew, pp. 405, 406. ^ Lev. xviii. 24. " Encyclopedie Universelle, art. " Mariage " ; Dollinger, The Gentile and the Jew, vol. ii. p. 233. ^ Dollinger, The Gentile and the Jew, vol. ii. pp. 233-238. ' Grote, History of Greece, vol. vi. p. 136. 224 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. nations of Ital}^ the wars and conquests of ages, combined with the luxurious habits which success engendered, at last resulted in making the sanctity of marriage a mere by-word amongst the Romans. Polygamy was not indeed legalised, but " after the Punic triumphs the matrons of Rome aspired to the common benefits of a free and opulent republic, and their wishes were gratified by the indulgence of fathers and lovers." ^ Marriage soon became a simple practice of pro- miscuous concubinage. Concubinage recognised by the laws of the State acquired the force of a privileged institution. The freedom of women, the looseness of the tie which bound them to men, the frequency with which wives were changed or transferred, betoken in fact the prevalence of polygamy, only under a different name. In the meantime, the doctrines of primitive Christianity preached on the shores of Galilee began to irradiate the whole Roman world. The influence of the Essenes, which is reflected visibly in the teachings of Jesus, combined with an earnest anticipation of the Kingdom of Heaven, had led the Prophet of Nazareth to depreciate matrimony in general, although he never interdicted or expressly forbade its practice in any shape. Polygamy flourished in a more or less pronounced form until forbidden by the laws of Justinian. But the prohibition contained in the civil law effected no change in the moral ideas of the people, and polygamy continued to be practised until condemned by the opinion of modern society. The wives, with the exception of the one first married, laboured under severe disabilities. Without rights, without any of the safe- guards which the law threw around the favoured first one, they were the slaves of every caprice and whim of their husbands. Their children were stigmatised as bastards, precluded from all share in the inheritance of their father, and treated as outcasts from society. Morganatic and left-handed marriages were not confined to the aristocracy. Even the clergy, frequently forgetting their vows of celibacy, contracted more than one legal or illegal union. History proves conclusively that, until very recent 1 Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. ii. p. 206. V. THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN ISLAM 225 times, polygamy was not considered so reprehensible as it is now. St. Augustine ^ himself seems to have observed in it no intrinsic immorality or sinfulness, and declared that polygamy was not a crime where it was the legal institution of a country. The German reformers, as Hallam points out, even so late as the sixteenth century, admitted the validity of a second or a third marriage contemporaneously with the first, in default of issue and other similar causes. Some scholars, whilst admitting that there is no intrinsic immorality in a plurality of wives, and that Jesus did not absolutely or expressly forbid the custom, hold that the present monogamous practice, in one sense general throughout Europe, arose from the engrafting of either Germanic or Hellenic- Roman notions on Christianity. ^ The latter view is distinctly opposed to fact and history and deserves no credit. As regards the Germans, the proof of their monogamous habits and customs rests upon the uncorroborated testimony of one or two Romans, of all men the most untrustworthy witnesses to facts when it was to their interest to suppress them. Besides, we must remember the object with which Tacitus wrote his Manners of the Germans. It was a distinct attack upon the licentiousness of his own people, and, by contrasting the laxity of the Romans with the imaginary virtues of barbarians, was intended to introduce better ideas into Rome. Again, supposing that Tacitus is right, to what cause should we ascribe the poly- gamous habits of the higher classes of the Germans, even up to the nineteenth century ? ^ Whatever may have been the custom of the Romans in early times, it is evident that in the latter days of the republic and the commencement of the empire, polygamy must have been accepted as an institution, or, at least, not regarded as illegal. Its existence is assumed, and its practice recognised, by the edict which interfered with its universality. How far the Praetorian Edict succeeded in remedying the evil, or divert- ing the current of public opinion, appears from the rescript of ^ St. Augustine, lib. ii. cont. Faust, ch. xlvii. *M. Barthelemy St. Hilaire appears to hold the opinion that monogamy was engrafted upon Christianity from Hellenic and Roman sources, ' Comp. EncycJopidie Universelle, art. Mariage. S.I. p 226 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. the Emperors Honorius and Arcadius towards the end of the fourth century, and the practice of Constantine and his son, both of whom had several wives. The Emperor Valentinian II., by an edict, allowed all the subjects of the empire, if they pleased, to marry several wives ; nor does it appear from the ecclesiastical history of those times that the bishops and the heads of the Christian Churches made any objection to this law.^ Far from it, all the succeeding emperors practised polygamy, and the people generally were not remiss in following their example. This state of the laws continued until the time of Justinian, when the concentrated wisdom and experience of thirteen centuries of progress and development in the arts of life resulted in the proclamation of the laws which have shed a factitious lustre on his infamous reign. But these laws owed httle to Christianity, at least directly. The greatest adviser of Justinian was an atheist and a pagan. Even the prohibition of polygamy by Justinian failed to check the tendency of the age. The law represented the advancement of thought ; its influence was confined to a few thinkers, but to the mass it was a perfectly dead letter. In the western parts of Europe, the tremendous upheaval of the barbarians, the intermingling of their moral ideas with those of the people among whom they settled, tended to degrade the relations between man and wife. Some of the barbaric codes attempted to deal with polygamy, ^ but example was stronger than precept, and the monarchs, setting the fashion of plurality of wives, were quickly imitated by the people.^ Even the clergy, in spite of the recommendation to perpetual ceHbacy held out to them by the Church, availed themselves of the custom of keeping several left-handed wives by a simple licence obtained from the bishop or the head of their diocese.* ^ Comp. Encyclopedic Universelle, art. Manage and Davenport, Apology for Mahomet. 2 Like the laws of Theodoric. But they were based on advanced Byzantine notions. ^ For polygamy among the Merovingian and Carlovingian sovereigns, see The Short History of the Saracens, p. 626. * Comp. Hallam's Constitutional History of England, vol. i. p. 87, and note ; Middle Ages, p. 353 (i vol. ed.). V. THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN ISLAM 227 The greatest and most reprehensible mistake committed by Christian writers is to suppose that Mohammed either adopted or legahsed polygamy. The old idea of his having introduced it, a sign only of the ignorance of those who entertained that notion, is by this time exploded ; but the opinion that he adopted and legalised the custom is still maintained by the common masses, as well as by many of the learned in ChristLU- dom. No belief can be more false. Mohammed found polygamy practised, not only among his own people, but amongst the people of the neighbouring countries, where it assumed some of its most degrading aspects. The laws of the Christian empire had indeed tried to correct the evil, but without avail. Polygamy continued to flourish unchecked, and the wretched women, with the exception of the first wife, selected according to priority of time, laboured under severe disabilities. The corruptness of morals in Persia about the time of the Prophet was deplorable. There was no recognised law of marriage, or, if any existed, it was completely ignored. In the absence of any fixed rule in the Zend-Avesta as to the number of wives a man might possess, the Persians indulged in a multitude of regular matrimonial connections, besides having a number of concubines.^ Among the ancient Arabs and the Jews there existed, besides the system of plurality of wives, the custom of entering into conditional, as well as temporary contracts of marriage. These loose notions of morality exercised a disastrous influence on the constitution of society within the peninsula. The reforms instituted by Mohammed effected a vast and marked improvement in the position of women. Both among the Jews and the non-nomadic Arabs the condition of women was degraded in the extreme. The Hebrew maiden, even in her father's house, stood in the position of a servant ; her father could sell her if a minor. In case of his death, the sons could dispose of her at their will and pleasure. The daughter inherited nothing, except when there were no male heirs. ^ Among the settled pagan Arabs, who were mostly influenced ^ Dbllinger, The Gentile and the Jew, vol. i. p. 406. 2 Num. XXX. 17. 228 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. by the corrupt and effete civilisation of the neighbouring empires, a woman was considered a mere chattel ; she formed an integral part of the estate of her husband or her father ; and the widows of a man descended to his son or sons by right of inheritance, as any other portion of his patrimony. Hence the frequent unions between step-sons and step-mothers which, when subsequently forbidden by Islam, were branded under the name of Nikdh ul-Mekt (" shameful or odious marriages "). Even polyandry was practised by the half- Jewish, half-Sabsean tribes of Yemen. ^ The pre-Islamite Arabs carried their aversion to women so far as to destroy, by burying alive, many of their female children. This fearful custom, which was most prevalent among the tribes of Koreish and Kindah, was denounced in burning terms by Mohammed and was prohibited under severe penalties, along with the inhuman practice, which they, in common with other nations of antiquity, observed, of sacri- ficing children to their gods. In both the empires, the Persian and the Byzantine, women occupied a very low position in the social scale. Fanatical enthusiasts, whom Christendom in later times canonised as saints, preached against them and denounced their enormities, forgetting that the evils they preceived in women were the reflections of their own jaundiced minds. It was at this time, when the social fabric was f alhng to pieces on all sides, when all that had hitherto kept it together was giving way, when the j cry had gone forth that all the older systems had been weighed in the scale of experience and found wanting, that Mohammed introduced his reforms. The Prophet of Islam enforced as one of the essential teach- ings of his creed, " respect for women." And his followers, in their love and reverence for his celebrated daughter, proclaimed her " the Lady of Paradise," as the representative of her sex. " Our Lady of Light " ^ is the embodiment of all that is divine in womanhood,— of all that is pure and true and holy in her sex, — the noblest ideal of human conception. And she hasi been followed by a long succession of women, who have 1 Lenormant, Ancient History of the East, vol. ii. p. 318. 2 Khdt4n-i-jinnat, Fdtima't-az-zahrd. j V. THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN ISLAM 229 consecrated their sex by their virtues. Who has not heard of the saintly Rabi'a and a thousand others her equals ? In the laws which the Arabian Prophet promulgated he strictly prohibited the custom of conditional marriages, and though at first temporary marriages were tacitly allowed, in the third year of the Hegira even these were forbidden. ^ Mohammed secured to women, in his system, rights which they had not before possessed ; he allowed them privileges the value of which will be more fully appreciated as time advances. He placed them on a footing of perfect equality with men in the exercise of all legal powers and functions. He restrained polygamy by limiting the maximum number of contempor- aneous marriages, and by making absolute equity towards all obligatory on the man. It is worthy of note that the clause in the Koran which contains the permission to contract four contemporaneous marriages, is immediately followed by a sentence which cuts down the significance of the preceding passage to its normal and legitimate dimensions. The passage runs thus, " You may marry two, three, or four wives, but not more." The subsequent lines declare, " but if you cannot deal equitably and justly with all, you shall marry only one." The extreme importance of this proviso, bearing especially in mind the meaning which is attached to the word " equity " {'ad I) in the Koranic teachings, has not been lost sight of by the great thinkers of the Moslem world. 'Adl signifies not merely equality of treatment in the matter of lodgment, clothing and other domestic requisites, but also complete equity in love, affection and esteem. As absolute justice in matters of feehng is impossible, the Koranic prescription amounted in reahty to a prohibition. This view was propounded as early as the third century of the Hegira. 2 In the reign of al-Mamun, the first Mu'tazilite doctors taught that the developed Koranic laws ^ A section of the Shiahs still regard temporary marriages as lawful. J3ut with all deference to the MujtcLhids, who have expounded that view, I cannot help considering that it was put forward to suit the tastes of the times, or of the sovereigns under whom these lawyers flourished. In many of their doctrines one cannot fail to perceive the influence of personal inclinations. * The Radd ul-Miihtar distinctly says " some doctors [the Mu'tazila] hold that 'adl includes equality in love and affection, but our masters differ from this view and confine it to equal treatment in the matter of nafhah, which in the language of law, signifies food, clothing and lodgment." 230 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. inculcated monogamy. And though the cruel persecution of the mad bigot, Mutawakkil, prevented the general diffusion of their teachings, the conviction is gradually forcing itself on all sides, in all advanced Moslem communities, that polygamy is as much opposed to the teachings of Mohammed as it is to the general progress of civilised society and true culture.^ The fact must be borne in mind, that the existence of poly- gamy depends on circumstances. Certain times, certain conditions of society, make its practice absolutely needful, for the preservation of women from starvation or utter destitution. If reports and statistics speak true, the greatest proportion of the mass of immorality prevalent in the centres of civilisation in the West arises from absolute destitution. Abbe Hue and Lady Duff Gordon have both remarked that in the generahty of cases sheer force of circumstances drives people to polygamy in the East. With the progress of thought, with the ever-changing con- ditions of this world, the necessity for polygamy disappears, and its practice is tacitly abandoned or expressly forbidden. And hence it is, that in those Moslem countries where the circumstances which made its existence at first necessary are disappearing, plurality of wives has come to be regarded as an evil, and as an institution opposed to the teachings of the Prophet ; while in those countries where the conditions of society are different, where the means which, in advanced communities, enable women to help themselves are absent or wanting, polygamy must necessarily continue to exist. Perhaps the objection may be raised, that as the freedom of construction leaves room for casuistical distinctions, the total extinction of polygamy will be a task of considerable difftculty. We admit the force of this objection, which deserves the serious con- sideration of all Moslems desirous of freeing the Islamic teachings from the blame which has hitherto been attached to them, and of moving with advancing civilisation. But it must be remembered that the elasticity of laws is the greatest test of their beneficence and usefulness. And this is the merit of the Koranic provision. It is adapted alike for the acceptance ^ Compare the remarks on this subject of Moulvi Chiragh Ah in his able work called Are Reforms possible in Mohammedan States? V. THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN ISLAM 231 of the most cultured society and the requirements of the least civilised. It ignores not the needs of progressive humanity, nor forgets that there are races and communities on the earth among whom monogamy may prove a dire evil. The task of abolishing polygamy, however, is not so difficult as is imagined. The blight that has fallen on the Moslem nations is due to the patristic doctrine which has prohibited the exercise of indi- vidual judgment {Ijtihdd). The day is not far distant when an appeal to the Teacher's own words will settle the question whether the Moslems will follow Mohammed or the Fathers of the Church, who have misused the Master's name to satisfy their own whimsicalities, or the capricious dictates of Cahphs and Sultans, whose obsequious servants they were. Europe has gone through the same process herself, and instead of hurUng anathemas at the Church of Mohammed, ought to watch, with patience and sympathy, the efforts of regenerated Islam to free itself from patristic bondage. When once the freedom from the enthralment of old ideas is achieved, it will be easy for the jurists of each particular Moslem State to abolish, by an authoritative dictum, polygamy within that State. But such a consummation can only result from a general progress in the conception of facts, and a proper under- standing of the Prophet's teachings. Polygamy is disappearing, or will soon disappear, under the new light in which his words are being studied. As remarked already, the compatibility of Mohammed's system with every stage of progress shows their Founder's wisdom. Among unadvanced communities, polygamy, hedged by all the safeguards imposed by the Prophet, is by no means an evil to be deplored. At least it is preferable to those polyandrous customs and habits and modes of hfe which betoken an utter abandonment of all moral self-restraint. As culture advances, the mischiefs resulting from pol^^gamy are better appreciated, and the meaning of the prohibition better comprehended. We are by no means prepared to say that the Musulmans of India have benefited greatly by their inter- mixture with the Brahmanical races, among whom prostitution was a legalised custom. Their moral ideas have become lax ; the conception of human dignity and spiritual purity has 232 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. become degraded ; the class of hetairai has become as popular among them as among their non-Moslem neighbours. And yet there are signs visible which bid us hope that God's light, which lit up Arabia in the seventh century, will fall on their hearts and bring them out of the darkness in which they are now plunged. The Mu'tazila is, by conviction, a strict monogamist ; according to him the law forbids a second union during the subsistence of a prior contract. In other words, a Mu'tazila marriage fulfils in every respect the requirements of an essentially monogamous marriage as a " voluntary union for life of one man and one woman to the exclusion of all others." Even among the archaic sects, a large and influential body hold polygamy to be unlawful, the circumstances which rendered it permissible in primitive times having either passed away or not existing in the present day. As a matter of fact, the feeling against polygamy is becoming a strong social, if not a moral, conviction, and many extraneous circumstances in combination with this growing feeling, are tending to root out the custom from among the Indian Musul- mans. It has been customary among all classes of the com- munity to insert in the marriage-deed a clause, by which the intending husband formally renounces his supposed right to contract a second union during the continuance of the first marriage. Among the Indian Musulmans ninety-five men out of every hundred are at the present moment, either by conviction or necessity, monogamists. Among the educated classes, versed in the history of their ancestors, and able to compare it with the records of other nations, the custom is regarded with disapprobation. In Persia, only a small fraction of the population enjoy the questionable luxury of plurality of wives. ^ It is earnestly to be hoped that, before long, a general synod of Moslem doctors will authoritatively declare that polygamy, like slavery, is abhorrent to the laws of Islam. We now turn to the subject of Mohammed's marriages, which to many minds not cognisant of the facts, or not honest enough to appreciate them, seem to offer a fair ground of reproach against the Prophet of Islam. His Christian ^ Only two per cent, according to Col. Macgregor. V. THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN ISLAM 233 assailants maintain that in his own person by frequent marriages he assumed a privilege not granted by the laws, and that he displayed in this manner a weakness of character little compatible with the office of Prophet. Truer knowledge of history, and a more correct appreciation of facts, instead of proving him to be a self-indulgent libertine, would conclusively establish that the man, poor and without resource himself, when he undertook the burden of supporting the women whom he married in strict accordance with the old patriarchal institution, was undergoing a self-sacrifice of no light a character. And we beheve that a thorough analysis of motives from the stand- point of humanity will demonstrate the falsehood and un- charitableness of the charges levelled at " the Great Arabian." When Mohammed was only twenty-five years of age, in the prime of life, he married Khadija, much his senior in years. For twenty-five years his life with her was an uninterrupted sunshine of faithfulness and happiness. Through every contumely and outrage heaped on him by the idolaters, through every persecution, Khadija was his sole companion and helper. At the time of Khadija's death Mohammed was in the fifty-first year of his age. His enemies cannot deny, but are forced to admit, that during the whole of this long period they find not a single flaw in his moral character. During the lifetime of Khadija, the Prophet married no other wife, notwithstanding that public opinion among his people would have allowed him to do so had he chosen . Several months after Khadija's death and on his return, helpless and persecuted, from Tayef, he married Sauda, the widow of one Sakran, who had embraced Islam, and had been forced to fly into Abyssinia to escape the persecution of the idolaters. Sakran had died in exile, and left his wife utterly destitute. According to the customs of the country, marriage was the only means by which the Teacher could protect and help the widow of his faithful disciple. Every principle of generosity and humanity would impel Mohammed to offer her his hand. Her husband had given his life in the cause of the new religion ; he had left home and country for the sake of his faith ; his wife had shared his exile, and now had returned to Mecca destitute. As the only means of assisting the poor 234 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM il. woman, Mohammed, though straitened for the very means of daily subsistence, married Sauda. Abdullah, the son of Osman Abu Kuhafa, known afterwards in history as Abu Bakr, was one of the most devoted followers of Mohammed. He was one of the earliest converts to the faith of the Prophet ; and in his sincere, earnest and unvary- ing attachment to Mohammed he might almost be compared with AH. Abu Bakr, as by anticipation we may well call him, had a little daughter named Ayesha, and it was the desire of his life to cement the attachment which existed between himself and the Prophet, who had led him out from the darkness of scep- ticism, by giving Mohammed his daughter in marriage. The child was only seven years of age, but the manners of the country recognised such alliances. At the earnest solicitation of the disciple, the little maiden became the wife of the Prophet. Some time after the arrival of the fugitives at Medina there occurred an incident which throws considerable light on the conditions of life among the Arabs of the time. Those who know the peculiarities of the Arab character — " pride, pugnacity, a peculiar point of honour, and a vindictiveness of wonderful force and patience " — will be able to appreciate the full bearing of the story. Even now " words often pass lightly between individuals," says Burton, " which suffice to cause a blood-feud amongst Bedouins." Omar Ibn ul-Khattab, who afterwards became the second Caliph of Islam, had a daughter of the name of Hafsa. This good lady had lost her husband at the battle of Badr, and being blessed with a temper as fiery as that of her father, had remained ever since without a husband. The disciples bent upon matrimony fought shy of her. It was almost a reflection on the father ; and Omar, in order to get rid of the scandal, offered his daughter's hand to Abu Bakr, and, upon his declining the honour, to Osman. He also met the offer with a refusal. This was little less than a direct insult, and Omar proceeded in a towering rage to Mohammed to lay his complaint before the Prophet. The point of honour must, anyhow, be settled in his favour. But neither Abu Bakr nor Osman would undertake the burden of Hafsa's V. THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN ISLAM 235 temper : — a dispute, ludicrous in its origin from our point of view, but sufficient!}^ serious then to throw into commotion the small body of the Faithful. In this extremity the chief of the Moslems appeased the enraged father by marrying the daughter. And public opinion not only approved, but was jubilant over it.^ Hind Umm Salma, Umm Habiba, and Zainab Umm ul-Masakin,2 three other wives of the Prophet, had also been widows, whom the animosity of the idolaters had bereft of their natural protectors, and whom their relations were either unable or unwilling to support. Mohammed had married his devoted friend and freedman, Zaid, to a high-born lady of the name of Zainab, descended from two of the noblest families of Arabia. Proud of her birth, and perhaps also of her beauty, her marriage with a freedman rankled in her breast. Mutual aversion at last culminated in disgust. Probably this disgust on the husband's part was enhanced by the frequent repetition, in a manner which women only know how to adopt, of a few words which had fallen from the lips of Mohammed on once seeing Zainab. He had occasion to visit the house of Zaid, and upon seeing Zainab's unveiled face, had exclaimed, as a Moslem would say at the present day when admiring a beautiful picture or statue, " Praise be to God, the ruler of hearts ! " The words, uttered in natural admiration, were often ^ The story told by Muir, Sprcnger, and Osborn, with some amount of gloating, of the domestic squabble between Hafsa and JMohammed, con- cerning Mary, the Coptic girl presented to the Prophet's household by the Negus, is absolutely false and malicious. A tradition, which is repudiated by all the respectable commentators of the Koran, and which must have been invented in the time of some Ommeyyade or Abbasside sensualist, founded on the weakest authority, has been seized with avidity by these critics for the vilification of the Prophet. The vei'se in the Koran which has been supposed to refer to this story, refers, in truth, to a wholly different circumstance. Mohammed, in his boyhood, when he tended the flocks of his uncle, had acquired a fondness for honey, which was often supplied by Zainab. Hafsa and Ayesha set to work to make him give up honey, and they succeeded in inducing him to vow he would never touch it. But after he had made the vow to her came the thought that he was making something unlawful in which there was nothing unlawful, simply to please his wives. His conscience smote him as to his weakness, and then came the verse, " O Prophet, why boldest thou that to be prohibited which God has made lawful, seeking to please thy wives ? " — (Zamakh?hari.) * " Afother of the poor," so called from her charity and benevolence. 236 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. repeated by Zainab to her husband to show how even the Prophet praised her beauty, and naturally added to his displeasure. At last he came to the decision not to live any longer with her, and with this determination he went to the Prophet and expressed his intention of being divorced. " Why," demanded Mohammed, " hast thou found any fault in her ? " " No," replied Zaid, " but I can no longer live with her." The Prophet then peremptorily said, " Go and guard thy wife ; treat her well and fear God, for God has said ' Take care of your wives, and fear the Lord ! ' " But Zaid was not moved from his purpose, and in spite of the command of the Prophet he divorced Zainab. Mohammed was grieved at the conduct of Zaid, more especially as it was he who had arranged the marriage of these two uncongenial spirits. After Zainab had succeeded in obtaining a divorce from Zaid, she commenced importuning Mohammed to marry her, and was not satisfied until she had won for herself the honour of being one of the wives of the Prophet. ^ Another wife of Mohammed was called Juwairiya. She was the daughter of Harith, the chief of the Bani Mustahk, and was taken prisoner by a Moslem in an expedition undertaken to repress their revolt. She had made an agreement with her captor to purchase her freedom for a stipulated sum. She petitioned Mohammed for the amount, which he immediately gave her. In recognition of this kindness, and in gratitude for her liberty, she offered her hand to Mohammed, and they were married. As soon as the Moslems heard of this alliance, they said amongst themselves the Banu Mustalik are now con- nections of the Prophet, and we must treat them as such. Each victor thereupon hastened to release the captives he had made in the expedition, and a hundred families, thus ^ Tabari (Zotenberg's translation), vol. iii. p. 58. This marriage created a sensation amongst the idolaters, who, whilst marrying their step-mothers and mothers-in-law, looked upon the marriage of the divorced wife of an adopted son (as Zaid at one time was regarded by Mohammed) by the adoptive father as culpable. To disabuse the people of the notion that adoption creates any such tie as real consanguinity, some verses of chap, xxxiii. were delivered, which destroyed the pagan custom of forbidding or making sacred the person of a wife or husband, or intended wife or husband, by merely calling her mother, sister, father, or brother — much less by her or him being first allied to an adopted son or daughter. One of the greatest tests of the Prophet's purity is that Zaid never swerved from his devotion to his master. V. THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN ISLAM 237 regaining their liberty, blessed the marriage of Juwairiya with Mohammed.^ Safiya, a Jewess, had also been taken prisoner by a Moslem in the expedition against Khaibar. Her, too, Mohammed generously liberated, and elevated to the position of his wife at her request. Maimuna, whom Mohammed married in Mecca, was his kinswoman, and was already above fifty. Her marriage with Mohammed, besides providing for a poor relation the means of support, gained over to the cause of Islam two famous men, Ibn-Abbas and Khalid bin-Wahd, the leader of the Koreish cavalry in the disastrous battle of Ohod, and in later times the conqueror of the Greeks. Such was the nature of the marriages of Mohammed. Some of them may possibly have arisen from a desire for male off- spring, for he was not a god, and may have felt the natural wish to leave sons behind him. He may have wished also to escape from the nickname which the bitterness of his enemies attached to him.^ But taking the facts as they stand, we see that even these marriages tended in their results to unite the warring tribes, and bring them into some degree of harmony. The practice of Thar (vendetta) prevailed among the heathen Arabs ; blood-feuds decimated tribes. There was not a family without its blood-feud, in which the men were frequently murdered, and the women and children reduced to slavery. Moses had found the practice of Thar existing among his people (as it exists among all people in a certain stage of development) ; but faihng to abolish it, had legalised it by the institution of sanctuaries. Mohammed, with a deeper conception of the remedies to be apphed, connected various rival families and * Ibn-Hisham, p. 729. * With savage bitterness the enemies of the Prophet apphed to him the nickname of al-ahtar on the death of his last son. This word htcrally means " one whose tail has been cut off." Among the ancient Arabs, as among the Hindoos, a male issue was regarded as the continuation of the blessings of the gods ; and the man who left no male issue behind was looked upon as pecu- liarly unfortunate. Hence the bitter word applied to the Prophet ; Koran, chap, cviii. (see the Kashshdf). Hence, also, the idolatrous Arabs used to bury alive their female offspring, which Mohanmied denounced and repre- hended in burning terms ; comp. Koran xvii. 34, etc. 238 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. powerful tribes to each other and to himself by marriage ties. Towards the close of his mission, standing on the Mount of Arafat, he proclaimed that from that time all blood-feuds should cease. The malevolence of unfair and uncandid enemies has distorted the motives which, under the sanction of the great patriarchs of ancient times, led Mohammed to have a plurality of wives, and so provide helpless or widowed women with subsistence in the lack of all other means. By taking them into his family, Mohammed provided for them in the only way which the circumstances of the age and the people rendered possible. People in the West are apt to regard polygamy as intrinsically evil, and its practice not only illegal, but the result of licentious- ness and immorahty. They forget that all such institutions are the offspring of the circumstances and necessities of the times. They forget that the great patriarchs of the Hebraic race, who are regarded by the followers of all Semitic creeds as exemplars of moral grandeur, practised polygamy to an extent which, to our modern ideas, seems the culmination of legalised immorality. We cannot perhap)s allow their practice or con- duct to pass unquestioned, in spite of the sanctity which time- honoured legend has cast around them. But in the case of the Prophet of Arabia, it is essential we should bear in mind the historic value and significance of the acts. Probably it will be said that no necessity should have induced the Prophet either to practise or to allow such an evil custom as polygamy, and that he ought to have forbidden it absolutely, Jesus having overlooked it. But this custom, like many others, is not absolutely evil. Evil is a relative term. An act or usage may be primarily quite in accordance with the moral conceptions of societies and individuals ; but progress of ideas and changes in the condition of a people may make it evil in its tendency, and, in process of time, it may be made by the State, illegal. That ideas are progressive is a truism ; but that usages and customs depend on the progress of ideas, and are good or evil according to circumstances, or as they are or are not in accordance with conscience, — " the spirit of the time " — is a fact much ignored by superficial thinkers. One of the most remarkable features in the history of early V. THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN ISLAM 239 Christianity is its depreciation of marriage. Matrimony was regarded as a condition of inferiority, and the birth ot children an evil. Monasticism had withdrawn from the world the most vigorous minds ; the lay-clergy were either not allowed to marry, or to marry but once. This morbid feature was partly due to the example of the Master, and partly the resultant of a variety of circumstances which pressed upon the early Christian organisation. The Nazarene Prophet's intimate connection with the Essene ascetics, his vivid anticipation of the immediate advent of a kingdom of God, where all social relations would be at an end, and the early cessation of his ministry, all explain his depreciation of matrimony, and we may add, perhaps, his never entering the married state. His association with the Baptist, himself an Essene, throws light upon the history of a short but most pathetic life. The strong and inexplicable antipathy of Paul towards the female sex, joined to the words of the Master, strengthened in the Church the Essenic conception that the union of man and woman in the holiest of ties was an act of sinfulness, an evil to be avoided as far as possible. Marriage was regarded as having for its sole object the procreation of children and the gratification of " man's carnal lusts," and the marriage services of most of the Christian Churches bear to this day the impress of this primitive notion. It was under these influences, the idea engrafted itself upon Christianity, which still retains its hold where not displaced by humanitarian science, that a person who has never married is a far superior being to one who has contaminated himself by marriage. The ash-covered Yogis of India, the matted-locked ascetics of the East generally, the priests of Buddha, were celibates. Accord- ing to them, " knowledge was unattainable without sundering all the loving ties of home and family, and infinity impossible of realisation without leading a life of singleness." Celibacy passed into Christianity through many hands from Eastern Gnosticism and Asceticism. The " sinlessness " of Jesus has been regarded by some as a proof of his divinity, by others as an indication of his immeasurable superiority over the rest of the teachers of the world. To our mind, the comparison or contrast which is so falsely instituted between Jesus and 240 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. j Mohammed appears wholly misconceived, and founded uponi a wrong estimate of moral ideals. If never marrying con-j stitutes a man an ideal being, then all the ascetics, the hermits, the dervishes are perfect. A perfect life would then imply a total abandonment of ah domestic relations. Surely this view would be a perversion of nature, and end in disastrous con- sequences to humanity. But if it be not so, then why this disparagement of the Prophet, who fulfilled the work of Jesus ?! Is it because he married more wives than one ? We have shown what these marriages meant ; we have at least en- deavoured to show that in those very deeds which have been used to calumniate him, he was undergoing a sacrifice. But let us look for a moment at his marriages from an abstract point of view. Why did Moses marry more than one wife ? Was he a moral, or a sensual man for doing so ? Why did David, " the man after God's heart," indulge in unlimited polygamy ? The answer is plain — each age has its own stan- dard. What is suited for one time is not suited for the other, and we must not judge of the past by the standard of the present. Our ideals do not lose their greatness or their; sublimity by having acted truthfully and honestly up to the;^ standard of their age. Would we be justified in calling Jesus' a vain, ambitious, unpractical dreamer, or Moses and David sanguinary sensualists, because the mind of one was filled with vague imaginings of expected sovereignty, and the lives of the others were so objectionable from the twentieth centurj^; point of view ? In both cases we would be entirely wrong ; the aspirations of the one, the a.chievements of the others, were all historical facts, in accord with their times. It is the truest mark of the Prophet that, in his most exalted mood, he does not lose sight of the living in his anticipation of the yet unborn. In his person he represents the growth and development oJ humanity. Neither Jesus nor Mohammed could at once efface existing society, or obliterate all national and political institu- tions. Like Jesus, Mohammed contented himself, except where ordinances were necessary, to meet the requirements o: the moment, " with planting principles in the hearts of his followers which would, when the time was ripe for it, worl out their abohtion," V. THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN ISLAM 241 As regards the statement that Mohammed assumed to himself a privilege which he denied to his followers, only thus much need be said, that it is founded on a misconception resulting from ignorance. The limitation on polygamy was enunciated at Medina some years after the exile ; and the provision regarding himself, instead of being a privilege assumed by a libertine, was a burden consciously imposed on a self-conscious, self-examining soul. All his marriages were contracted before the revelation came restricting polygamy ; and with that came the other which took away from him all privileges. Whilst his followers were free (subject to the conditions imposed by the law), to marry to the limit of four, and by the use of the power of divorce, which, in spite of the Prophet's denunciations, they still exercised, could ^nter into fresh alliances, he could neither put away any of his wives, whose support he had undertaken, nor could he marry any other. Was this the assumption of a " privilege " ; or was it not a humane provision for those already allied to him — ^and to himself, a revelation of perfect self-abnegation in his prophetic task ? The subject of divorce has proved a fruitful source of mis- conception and controversy ; but there can be no question that the Koranic laws concerning the treatment of women in divorce are of " better humanity and regard for justice than those of any other scripture." Among all the nations of antiquity, the power of divorce has been regarded as a necessary corollary to 'the law of marriage ; but this right, with a few exceptions, was exclusively reserved for the benefit of the stronger sex ; the wife was under no circumstance entitled to claim a divorce. The progress of civilisation and the advancement of ideas led to a partial amelioration in the condition of women. They, too, acquired a qualified right of divorce, which they were never backward in exercising freely, until the facility with which marriages were contracted and dissolved under the Roman emperors passed into a bye-word. Under the ancient Hebraic Law, a husband could divorce his wife for any cause which made her disagreeable to him, and there were few or no checks to an arbitrary and capricious use S.I. Q 242 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. of his power. Women were not allowed to demand a divorce from their husbands for any reason whatsoever. ^ In later times, the Sham^maites, to some extent, modified the custom of divorce by imposing certain restrictions on its exercise, but the school of Hillel upheld the law in its primitive strictness. At the time of the Prophet's appearance, the Hillehte doctrines were chiefly in force among the Jewish tribes of Arabia, and repudiations by the husbands were as common among them as among the pagan Arabs. Among the Athenians the husband's right to repudiate the wife was as unrestricted as among the ancient Israelites. Among the Romans, the legahty of the practice of divorce was recognised from the earliest times. The laws of the Twelve Tables admitted divorce. And if the Romans, as is stated by their admirers, did not take advantage of this law until five hundred years after the foundation of their city, it was not because they were more exemplary than other nations, but because the husband possessed the power of summarily putting his wife to death for acts like poisoning, drinking, and the substitution of a spurious child. But the wife had no right to sue for a divorce ; ^ and if she solicited separation, her temerity made her liable to punishment. But in the later Republic, the frequency of divorce was at once the sign, the cause, and the consequence of the rapid depravation of morals. We have selected the two most prominent nations of antiquity whose modes of thought have acted powerfully on modern ways of thinking and modern life and manners. The laws of the Romans regarding divorce were marked by a progressive spirit, tending to the melioration of the condition of women, and to their elevation to an equality with men. This was the result of the advancement of human ideas, as much as of any extraneous cause. " The ambiguous word which contains the precept of Jesus is flexible to any interpretation that the wisdom of the legislator 1 Ex. xxi. 2 ; Deut. xxi. 14, xxiv. i. Compare also Dollinger, The Gentile and the Jew, vol. ii. pp. 339, 340 ; and Selden's Uxor Hebraica, in loco. * Dollinper, The Gentile and the Jew, vol. ii. p. 255. V. THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN ISLAM 243 can demand." ^ We may well suppose that at the time Jesus uttered the words, " What God has joined, let not man put asunder," he had no other idea than that of stemming the torrent of moral depravity, and he did not stop to consider the ultimate tendency of his words. The subsequent rule, which makes fornication ^ (using the translated word) the only ground of valid divorce, shows abundantly that Jesus was alive to the emergency.^ But the " wisdom " of subsequent legislators has not confined itself to a bhnd adherence to a rule laid down probably to suit the requirement of an embryonic community, and dehvered verbally. The rule may be regarded as incul- cating a noble sentiment ; but that it should be considered as the typical law of divorce is sufficiently controverted by the multitudinous provisions of successive ages in Christian countries. Among the Arabs, the power of divorce possessed by the husband was unlimited. They recognised no rule of humanity or justice in the treatment of their wives. Mohammed looked upon the custom of divorce with extreme disapproval, and regarded its practice as calculated to undermine the founda- tions of society.^ He repeatedly declared that nothing pleased God more than the emancipation of slaves, and nothing more displeased Him than divorce. It was impossible, however, under the existing conditions of society to abolish the custom entirely. He was to mould the mind of an uncultured and semi-barbarous community to a higher development so that in the fulness of time his spiritual lessons might blossom in the hearts of mankind. The custom was not an unmixed evil ; 1 Gihhon Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. iv. (2nd Ed.) p. 209. niatt. j&iKg. lli.f 3 Two of the Christian Gospels make no mention of the reason for which Jesus allowed his followers " to put away " their wives (Mark x. 11 and Luke xvi. 18). If the traditions recorded by these two Gospels be considered of higher authority than those passing undei the name of Matthew, then our contention is that Jesus, whilst preaching noble sentiments, and inculcating high principles of morality, did not intend his words .should be considered as an immutable and positive law, nor had he any other idea than that of stem- ming the rising tide of immorality and irreligion. Selden thinks that by an evasive answer, Jesus wanted to avoid giving offence either to the school of Shammai or that of Hillel, Uxor Hehraica, I. iii c. 18-22, 28, 31. Compare Gibbon's valuable note on the interpretation of the Greek word ■n-opvela, rendered " fornication " in the English version, vol. iv. (2nd Ed.) p. 209. ■* Koran, sura ii. 226, 244 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. and accordingly he allowed the exercise of the power of divorce to husbands under certain conditions. He permitted to ' divorced parties three distinct and separate periods within which they might endeavour to become reconciled and resume their conjugal relationship ; but should all attempts at recon- ciliation prove unsuccessful, then the third period in which the final separation was declared to have arrived, supervened. In case of conjugal disputes, he advised settlement by means of arbiters chosen by the two disputants. M. Sedillot, than whom no Western writer has analysed the ' laws of Mohammed better, has the following passage on the ; subject : "Divorce was permitted, but subject to formalities which, allowed (and, we will add, recommended), a revocation of a! hurried or not well-considered resolution. Three successive \ declarations, at a month's interval, were necessary in order to j make it irrevocable." ^ i The reforms of Mohammed marked a new departure in the,' history of Eastern legislation. He restrained the power of; divorce possessed by the husbands ; he gave to the women the I right of obtaining a separation on reasonable grounds ; andj towards the end of his life he went so far as practically toi forbid its exercise by the men without the intervention of arbiters or a judge. He pronounced " taldk to be the most detestable before God of all permitted things," for it prevented, conjugal happiness and interfered with the proper bringing up of children. The permission, therefore, in the Koran though it gave a certain countenance to the old customs, has to be read'' with the light of the Lawgiver's own enunciations. When it' • is borne in mind how intimately law and religion are connected' in the Islamic system, it will be easy to understand the bearing of his words on the institution of divorce. Naturally, great divergence exists among the various schools) regarding the exercise of the power of divorce by the husband* of his own motion and without the intervention of the judge :| A large and influential body of jurists regard taldk emanating' from the husband as really prohibited, except for necessity such as the adultery of the wife. Another section, consisting 1 Sedillot, Histoire des Arabes, vol. i. p. 85. V. THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN ISLAM 245 chiefly of the Mu'tazilas/ consider taldk as not permissible or lawful without the sanction of the Hakim ush-shara'. They hold that any such case as may justify separation and remove taldk from the category of heing forbidden, should be tested by an unbiased judge ; and, in support of their doctrine, they refer to the words of the Prophet already cited, and to his direction that in case of disputes between the married parties, arbiters should be appointed for the settlement of their differences. The Hanafis, the Malikis, the Shafe'is and the bulk of the Shiahs hold taldk to be permitted, though they regard the exercise of the power without any cause to be unlawful. The Radd ul-Muhtdr, after stating the arguments against the proposition that taldk is unlawful, proceeds to say, " no doubt, it is forbidden, but it becomes muhdh (permitted) for certain outside reasons, and this is the meaning of those jurists who hold that it is really forbidden." Although " the Fathers of the Church " have taken up the temporary permission as the positive rule, and ignored many of the principles of equity inculcated by the Master, the rules laid down by the legists are far more humane and just towards women than those of the most perfect Roman law developed in the bosom of the Church. ^ According to the legists, the wife also is entitled to demand a separation on the ground of ill-usage, want of proper maintenance, and various other causes ; but unless she showed very good and solid grounds for demanding the separation, she lost her " settlement " or dowry. In every case, when the divorce originated with the husband (except in cases of open infidehty), he had to give up to her everything he settled upon her at her marriage.^ 1 See post. « INIilman's Latin Christianity, vol, i. pp. 368, 369. ' M. Sedillot also speaks of the condition which (according to the Sunnite doctrines) requires that in such cases of complete separation, prior to the husband and wife coming together again, the latter should marry another and be divorced anew, — as a very wise measure which rendered separation more rare. Muir censures Mohammed for making such a condition necessary (vol. iii. p. 306). He ignores, that, among a proud, jealous, and sensitive race hke the Arabs, such a condition was one of the strongest antidotes for the evil. The very proverb he quotes ought to have shown the disgrace which was attached to the man who would make his wife go through such " a dis- gusting ordeal." I am afraid, in his dislike towards Mohammed, Sir W. Muir forgot that this condition was intended as a check on that other 246 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. The frequent admonitions in the Koran against separations, the repeated recommendation to heal quarrels by private reconciliation, show the extreme sacredness of the marriage; tie in the eyes of the Arab Legislator : ' " If a woman fear ill-usage or aversion from her husband, it^ shall not be blameable in them ^ if they agree with mutual agreement, for reconciliation (or agreement) is best. (Men's) souls are prone to avarice ; but if ye act kindly and deal! piously, verily God is well acquainted with what ye do. And' ye will not have it at all in your power to treat your wives alike] with equity, even though you fain wanted to do so ; ^ yet yield not to your inclinations ever so much as to leave her in sus-; pense ; and if ye agree and act piously, then, verily, God is! forgiving and merciful." ^ ■ And, again, in a preceding verse, it is declared : " And if ye fear a breach between them (man and wife), then send a judge chosen from his family and a judge chosen; from her family ; if they desire a reconciliation, God will cause! them to agree ; verily, God is knowing and apprised of all." * { The sanctity attached to the institution of marriage in the! Islamic system has either not been apprehended or sufficiently, appreciated by outsiders. " Marriage," says the Ashbdh w'an-\ Nazdir, "is an institution ordained for the protection oil " revolting " practice rife both among the Jews and the heathen Arabs, and by example also among the Christians, of repudiating a wife on every slighl; occasion, at every outburst of senseless passion or caprice. This check wasj intended to control one of the most sensitive nations of the earth, by acting^ on the strongest feeling of their nature, the sense of honour (compare Sale; Preliminary Discourse, p. 134). Sir W. Muir also forgot that many of th«l Shiite doctors do not recognise the obligation or validity of the wife's beinj; married to a third person, prior to her being taken back (compare jNIalcolmj History of Persia, vol. ii. p. 241, and the Mabsiit, in loco). •, For my part, I believe in the correctness of the construction, namely, tha1i the verse which says, " When ye divorce women, and the time for sending them away is come, send them away with generosity ; but retain them nc by constraint so as to be unjust towards them " abrogates the preceding verse which requires the intervention of a third person. ^ The Arabic expression implies " it will be commendable," etc. ' ^ This furnishes another argument against those Mohammedans who hole' that the developed laws of Islam allow plurality of wives. It being declarec that " equity " is beyond human power to observe, we must naturally infe that the Legislator had in view the merging of the lower in the higher prin ciple, and the abolition of a custom which though necessary in some state o society, is opposed to the later development of thought and morals. ' Koran, sura iv. 128, 129. ■• Koran, sura iv. 35. V. THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN ISLAM 247 society, and in order that human beings may guard themselves from foulness and unchastity." " Marriage is a sacrament, insomuch that in this world it is an act of 'ibddat or worship, for it preserves mankind free from pollution." ..." It is instituted by divine command among members of the human species." " Marriage when treated as a contract is a per- manent relationship based on mutual consent on the part of a man and a woman between whom there is no bar to a lawful imion." It has been frequently said that Mohammed allowed his followers, besides the four legitimate wives, to take to them- selves any number of female slaves. A simple statement of the regulation on this point will show at once how opposed this notion is to the true precepts of Islam. " Whoso among you hath not the means to marry a free believing woman, then let him marry such of your maid-servants whom your right hands possess and who are believers. This is allowed unto him among you who is afraid of committing sin ; but if ye abstain from allying yourself with slaves, it will be better for you." On this slender basis, and perhaps on some temporary and accidental circumstances connected with the early rise of the Moslem commonwealth, have our legists based the usage of holding [jdrias) female slaves. And this, though opposed to the spirit of the Master's precepts, has given rise to some of the strongest animadversions of rival religionists. Concubinage, the union of people standing to each other in the relation of master and slave, without the sanction of matrimony, existed among the Arabs, the Jews, the Christians, and all the neighbouring nations. The Prophet did not in the beginning denounce the custom, but towards the end of his career he expressly forbade it. " And you are permitted to marry virtuous women who are believers, and virtuous women of those who have been given the Scriptures before you, when you have provided them their portions, living chastely with them without fornication, and not taking concubines." ^ Compare the spirit of the hrst part of this commandment with the exclusiveness of Christian ecclesiasticism, which ^ Sura V. 5. 248 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM 11. refused to recognise as valid or lawful the union of a Christian with a non-Christian. The stake frequently was the lot of the " infidel " who indulged in the temerity of marrying a Christian. Mohammed's rule was a distinct advance in humanity. The prohibition directed against Moslem women entering into marriage with non-Moslems, which has furnished a handle for attacks, was founded upon reasons of policy and the neces- sities of the early commonwealth. It cannot be denied that several institutions which the Musulmans borrowed from the pre-Islamic period, " the Days of Ignorance," and which exist simply as so many survivals of an older growth, have had the tendency to retard the advance- ment of Mohammedan nations. Among them the system of the seclusion of women is one. It had been in practice among most of the nations of antiquity from the earliest times. The gynaikonitis was a familiar institution among the Athenians ; and the inmates of an Athenian harem were as jealousl}^ guaided from the public gaze as the members of a Persian household then, or of an Indian household now. The gynaikonomoi, like their Oriental counterpart, were the faithful warders of female privacy, and rigorously watched over the ladies of Athens. The seclusion of women naturally gave birth to the caste of Hetairai, various members of whom played such an important part in Athenian history. Were it not for the extraordinary and almost inexplicable spectacle presented by the Byzantine empire and modern Europe and America, we should have said that in every society, at all advanced in the arts of civilised life, the growth of the unhappy class of beings whose existence is alike a reproach to humanity and a disgrace to civilisation, was due to the withdrawal of women from the legitimate exercise of their ennobling, purifying, and humanising influence over the minds of men. The human mind, when it does not perceive the pure, hankers after the impure. The Baby- lonians, the Etruscans, the Athenians and the pre-Islamite Meccans furnish the best exemplification of this view in ancient times. The enormity of the social canker eating into the heart and poisoning the life-blood of nations in modern times is due, however, to the spread of a godless materialism covered V. THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN ISLAM 249 with a thin veneer of rehgion, be it Christianity, be it Moham- medanism, or any other form of creed. Mohammed had, in early hfe, observed with pain and sorrow the depravity prevailing among the Meccans, and he took the most effective step suited to the age and the people to stamp out the evil. " By his severe laws at first," to use the expressive language of Mr. Bosworth Smith, " and by the strong moral sentiment aroused by these laws afterwards, he has succeeded, down to this very day, and to a greater extent than has ever been the case elsewhere, in freeing all Mohammedan countries " — where they are not overgrown by foreign excrescences — " from those professional outcasts who live by their own misery, and, by their existence as a recognised class, are a standing reproach to every member of the society of which they form a part." The system of female seclusion undoubtedly possesses many advantages in the social well-being of unsettled and uncultured communities ; and even in countries, where the diversity of culture and moral conceptions is great, a modified form of seclusion is not absolutely to be deprecated. It prevails at the present moment, in forms more or less strict, among nations far removed from Moslem influences, to which is ascribed the existence of the custom in India and other Oriental countries. In Corea, female seclusion is carried to the height of absurdity. In China and among the Spanish colonies of South America, which are not within the immediate ambit of the European social code, the Pitrdah is still observed. The Prophet of Islam found it existing among the Persians and other Oriental communities ; he perceived its advantages, and it is possible that, in view of the widespread laxity of morals among all classes of people, he recommended to the women-folk the observance of privacy. But to suppose that he ever intended his recommendation should assume its present inelastic form, or that he ever allowed or enjoined the seclusion of women, is wholly opposed to the spirit of his reforms. The Koran itself affords no warrant for holding that the seclusion of women is a part of the new gospel. " Prophet ! speak to thy wives and to thy daughters, and to the wives of the Faithful, that they let their wrappers fall 250 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. low. Thus will they more easily be known, and they will not be affronted. God is indulgent, merciful." ^ " And speak to the believing women, that they refrain their^ looks and observe continence ; and that they display not their ornaments except those which are external, and that they draw their kerchiefs over their bosoms." ^ Directions easy to understand ^ in the midst of the social and moral chaos from which he was endeavouring, under God's Guid- ance, to evolve order, — wise and beneficent injunctions having for their object the promotion of decency among women, the improvement of their dress and demeanour, and their protec- tion from insult.* It is a mistake, therefore, to suppose there is anything in the law which tends to the perpetuation of the custom. Considerable light is thrown on the Lawgiver's- recommendation for female privacy, by the remarkable im-; munity from restraint or seclusion which the members of his! family always enjoyed. 'Ayesha, the daughter of Abu Bakr; who was married to Mohammed on Khadija's death, personall} conducted the insurrectionary movement against Ah. She; commanded her own troops at the famous " Battle of the! Camel." Fatima, the daughter of the Prophet, often tool?! part in the discussions regarding the succession to the Cahphate,: The grand-daughter of Mohammed, Zainab the sister of Husain,, shielded her youthful nephew from the Ommeyyades after the butchery of Kerbela. Her indomitable spirit awed equally the ferocious Obaidullah ibn Ziyad and the pitiless Yezid. \ The depravity of morals, which had sapped the foundations! i 1 Sura xxxiii. 59. * Sura xxiv. 31. ' ' Those who have travelled in Europeanised Egypt and in the Levant wil ' understand how necessary these directions must have been in those times. ; •» Hamilton, the translator of the Hedaya, in his preliminary discourst dealing with the Book of Abominations, has the following : " A subject whict involves a vast variety of frivolous matter, and must be considered chief!} in the light of a treatise upon propriety and decorum. In it is particularlj exhibited the scrupulous attention paid to female modesty, and the avoidance of every act which may tend to violate it, even in thought. It is remarkable however, that this does not amount to that absolute seclusion of women supposed by some writers. In fact, this seclusion is a result of jealousy 01, pride, and not of any legal injunction, as appears in this and several other parts of the Hedaya. Neither is it a custom universally prevalent in Moham medan countries." jNIarsden, in his Travels, says: "The Arab settlers ir Java never observed the custom, and the Javanese Mussulman women enjoy,: the same amount of freedom as their Dutch sisters." i V. THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN ISLAM 251 of society among the prc-Islamic Arabs, as well as ainong the Jews and the Christians, urgently needed some correction. The Prophet's counsel regarding the privacy of women served undoubtedly to stem the tide of immorality, and to prevent the diffusion among his followers of the custom of disguised polyandry, which had evidently, until then, existed among the pagan Arabs. According to von Hammer, " the hare in is a sanctuary : it is prohibited to strangers, not because women are considered unworthy of coniidence, but on account of the sacredness with which custom and manners invest them. The degree of reverence which is accorded to women throughout higher Asia and Europe (among Mohammedan communities) is a matter capable of the clearest demonstration." The idealisation of womanhood is a natural characteristic of all the highest natures. But national pride and religious bigotry have given rise to two divergent theories regarding the social exaltation of women among the cultured classes in modern Christendom. The one attributes it to Mariolatry, the other to Mediaeval chivalry, alleged to be the offspring of Teutonic institutions. Of Christianity, in its relation to womankind, the less said the better. In the early ages, when the religion of the people, high and low, the ignorant and educated, consisted only of the adoration of the mother of Jesus, the Church of Christ had placed the sex under a ban. Father after father had written upon the enormities of women, their evil tendencies, their inconceivable malignity. Tertulhan represented the general feeling in a book in which he described women as " the devil's gateway, the unsealer of the forbidden tree, the deserter of the divine law, the destroyer of God's image — man." Another authority declared with a revolting cynicism, " among women he sought for chastity but found none." Chrysostom, who is recognised as a saint of high merit, " interpreted the general opinion of the Fathers," says Lecky, " when he pronounced women to be a necessary evil, a natural temptation, a desirable calamity, a domestic peril, a deadly fascination, a painted ill." The orthodox Church excluded women from the exercise of all religious functions excepting the lowliest. They were excluded absolutely from 252 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. society ; they were prohibited from appearing in pubHc, from going to feasts or banquets. They were directed to remain in seclusion, to observe silence, to obey their husbands, and to apply themselves to weaving and spinning and cooking. If they ever went out they were to be clothed from head to foot. Such was the position of women in Christianity when Mariolatry was recognised and practised by all classes. In later times, and in the gloomy interval which elapsed between the overthrow of the Western empire and the rise of modern society in Europe, a period which has been described as one of " rapine, falsehood, tyranny, lust, and violence," Christianity, by introducing convents and nunneries, served, in some respects, to improve the lot of women. This questionable amelioration, however, was only suited for an age when the abduction of women was an everyday occurrence, and the dissoluteness of morals was such as to defy description. But the convents were not always the haunts of virtue, nor the inculcation of celibacy the surest safeguard of chastity. The Registnini Visitationem, or the diary of the pastoral visits of Archbishop Rigaud, throws a peculiar light upon the state of morality and the position of the sex during the most glorious epoch of the Age of Faith. The rise of Protestantism made no difference in the social conditions or in the conception of lawyers regarding the status of women. Jesus had treated woman with humanity ; his followers excluded her from justice. The other theory to which we have adverted is in vogue among the romanceurs of Europe. They have represented each historical figure in the Middle Ages to be a Bayard or a Crichton. The age of chivalry is generally supposed to extend from the beginning of the eighth to the close of the fourteenth century — a period, be it noted, almost synchronous with the Saracenic domination in Spain. But, during this period, in spite of the halo which poetry and romance have cast around the conditions of society, women were the frequent subjects of violence. Force and fraud were the distinguishing characteristics of the golden age of Christian chivalry. Roland and Arthur were myths until the West came in contact with the civilisation and culture of the East. Chivalry was not the product of the wilds of Scandinavia or of the gloomy forests of Germany ; — V. THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN ISLAM 253 prophecy and chivalry ahke were the children of the desert. From the desert issued Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed ; from the desert issued 'Antar, Hamza, and Ah. The condition of women among the Arabs settled in the cities and villages, who had adopted the loose notions of morality prevalent among the Syrians, Persians, and Romans, was, as we have already stated, degraded in the extreme. Among some of the nomads, however, they enjoyed great freedom, and exercised much influence over the fortunes of their tribes. " They were not, as among the Greeks," says Perron, " the creatures of misery." They accompanied the warriors to battle, and inspired them to heroism ; the cavaliers rushed into the fights singing the praises of sister, wife, or lady-love. The guerdon of their loves was the highest prize of their prowess. Valour and generosity were the greatest virtues of the men, and chastity that of the women. An insult offered to a woman of a tribe would set in flame the desert tribes from end to end of the peninsula. The " Sacrilegious Wars," which lasted for forty years, and were put an end to by the Prophet, had their origin in an insult offered to a young girl at one of the fairs of Okaz, Mohammed rendered a fitful custom into a permanent creed, and embodied respect for women in his revelations. With many directions, which reflect the rude and patriarchal simphcity of the age, his regulations breathe a more chivalrous spirit towards the sex than is to be found in the teachings of the older masters. Islam, like Christianity, is different with different individuals and in different ages, but on the whole, true chivalry is more intimately associated with true Islam than with any other form of positive faith or social institution. The hero of Islam, the true disciple of the founder of the Hilf-id-Fuzid, was as ready with lance and sword to do battle with God's enemies as to redress the wrongs of the weak and oppressed. Whether on the plains of Irak or nearer home, the cry of distress never failed to bring the mailed knight to the succour of the helpless and suffering. His deeds translated into legends, and carried from the tent to the palace, have served to influence the prowess of succeeding ages. The caliph in his banqueting-hall puts down the half-tasted bowl on being told that an Arab maiden, carried into captivity by the Romans, 254 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. had cried out, " Why does not Abd ul-Mahk come to my help ? " — he vows that no wine or water shall wet his lips until he has released the maiden from bondage. Forthwith he marches his troops upon the Roman caitiffs, and only when the maiden has attained her liberty is he freed from his vow. A Mogul em- peror, ^ sore pressed by relentless foes, is marching towards the frontiers when he receives the bracelet of an alien queen — the token of brotherhood and call for succour. He abandons his own necessities, retraces his steps, defeats her foes, and then resumes his march. Oelsner calls 'Antar " the father of chivalry." AH was its beau-ideal — an impersonation of gallantry, of bravery, of generosity ; pure, gentle, and learned, " without fear and with- out reproach," he set the world the noblest example of chival- rous grandeur of character. His spirit, a pure reflection of that of the Master, overshadowed the Islamic world, and formed the animating genius of succeeding ages. The wars of the Crusades brought barbarian Europe into contact with the civilisation of the Islamic East, and opened its eyes to the magnificence and refinement of the Moslems ; but it was especially the influences of Mohammedan Andalusia on the neighbouring Christian provinces which led to the introduction of chivalry into Europe. The troubadours, the trouveurs of Southern France, and the minnesingers of Germany, who sang of love and honour in war, were the immediate disciples of the romanceurs of Cordova, Granada, and Malaga. Petrarch and Boccaccio, even Tasso and Chaucer, derived their inspiration from the Islamic fountain-head. But the coarse habits and thoughts of the barbarian hordes of Europe communicated a character of grossness to pure chivalry. In the early centuries of Islam, almost until the extinction of the Saracenic empire in the East, women continued to occupy as exalted a position as in modern society. Zubaida, the wife of Harun, plays a conspicuous part in the history of the age, and by her virtues, as well as by her accomplishments, leaves an honoured name to posterity. Humaida, the wife of Faruk, a ^ The Emperor Humayun, pursued by the Afghans, received, on his march to Cabul, the bracelet from the Jodhpur queen, and at once came to her help. I have mentioned two instances of Moslem chivalry, which might be multiplied by hundreds. THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN ISLAM 255 tledinitc citizen, left for many years the sole guardian of hcv ninor son. edncates him to become one of the most distingnished urisconsnlts of the day.^ Sukaina, or Sakina, the daughter of iusain,- and the grand-daughter of Ali, was the most brilliant, nost accomplished, and most virtuous woman of her time, — ' la dame des dames de son temps, la plus belle, la plus gracieuse, la plus brillante de qualites," as Perron calls her. Herself no nean scholar, she prized the converse of learned and pious )eople. The ladies of the Prophet's family were noted for heir learning, their virtues, and their strength of character. 3uran, the wife of the Caliph Mamun, Umm-ul-Fazl, Mamun's ister, married to the eighth Imam of the house of Ali, Umm il-Habib, Mamun's daughter, were all famous for their scholar- hip. In the fifth century of the Hegira, the Sheikha Shuhda, lesignated Fakkr un-nisa ("the glory of women"), lectured )ublicly, at the Cathedral Mosque of Bagdad, to large udiences on literature, rhetoric, and poetry. She occupies in he annals of Islam a position of equality with the most dis- inguished 'iilama. What would have befallen this lady had he flourished among the fellow-religionists of St. Cyril can be udged by the fate of Hypatia. Possibly she would not have )een torn to pieces by enthusiastic Christians, but she would, o a certainty, have been burnt as a witch. Zat ul-Hemma, iorrupted into Zemma, " the lion-heart," the heroine of many )attles, fought side by side with the bravest knights.^ The improvement effected in the position of women by the ^rophet of Arabia has been acknowledged by all unprejudiced vriters, though it is still the fashion with bigoted contro- 'ersialists to say the Islamic system lowered the status of vomen. No falser calumny has been levelled at the great ^rophet. Nineteen centuries of progressive development vorking with the legacy of a prior civilization, under the most avourable racial and climatic conditions, have tended to place ^ Faruk was away for twenty-seven years engaged in wars in Khorasiin. iis son's name is Rabya-ar-Ra}'. * Husain was married to one of the daughters of Yezdjard, the last iasanian king of Persia. * For a full account of the distinguished women who have flourished in slam, see the article in the May number of the Nineteenth Century for 1899 nd The Short History of the Saracens (Macmillan). 256 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. women, in most countries of Christendom, on a higher social level than the men, — have given birth to a code of etiquette which, at least ostensibly, recognises the right of women to higher social respect. But what is their legal position even in the most advanced communities of Christendom ? Until very recently, even in England, a married woman possessed no rights independently of her husband. If the Moslem woman does not attain in another hundred years, the social position i of her European sister, there will be time enough to declaim j against Islam as a system and a dispensation. But the Teacher j who in an age when no country, no system, no community gave any right to woman, maiden or married, mother or wife, who, in a country where the birth of a daughter was considered a calamity, secured to the sex rights which are only unwillingly and under pressure being conceded to them by the civilised nations in the twentieth century, deserves the gratitude of humanity. If Mohammed had done nothing more, his claim to be a bene- factor of mankind would have been indisputable. Even under the laws as they stand at present in the pages of the legists, the legal position of Moslem females may be said to compare favourably with that of European women. We have dealt in another place at length with this subject. We shall do no more here than glance at the provisions of the Moslem codes relating to women. As long as she is unmarried she remains under the parental roof, and until she attains her majority she is, to some extent, under the control of the father or his repre- sentative. As soon, however, as she is of age, the law vests in her all the rights which belong to her as an independent human being. She is entitled to share in the inheritance of her parents along with her brothers, and though the proportion is different, the distinction is founded on the relative position of brother and sister. A woman who is sui juris can under no circumstances be married without her own express consent, " not even by the sultan." ^ On her marriage she does not, lose her individuality. She does not cease to be a separate, member of society. ' 1 Centuries after the principle was laid down by the Moslem jurists, the' sovereigns and chiefs of Christendom were in the habit of forcibly marrying women to their subjects. V. THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN ISLAM 257 An ante-nuptial settlement by the husband in favour of the wife is a necessary condition, and on his failure to make a settlement the law presumes one in accordance with the social position of the wife. A Moslem marriage is a civil act, needing no priest, requiring no ceremonial. The contract of marriage gives the man no power over the woman's person, beyond what the law defines, and none whatever upon her goods and property. Her rights as a mother do not depend for their recognition upon the idiosyncrasies of individual judges. Her earnings acquired by her own exertions cannot be wasted by a prodigal husband, nor can she be ill-treated with impunity by one who is brutal. She acts, if sui juris, in all matters which relate to herself and her property in her own individual right, without the intervention of husband or father. She can sue her debtors in the open courts, without the necessity of joining a next friend, or under cover of her husband's name. She continues to exercise, after she has passed from her father's house into her husband's home, all the rights which the law gives to men. All the privileges which belong to her as a woman and a wife are secured to her, not by the courtesies which " come and go," but by the actual text in the book of law. Taken as a whole, her status is not more unfavourable than that of many European women, whilst in many respects she occupies a decidedly better position. Her comparatively backward condition is the result of a want of culture among the community generally, rather than of any special feature in the laws of the fathers. CHAPTER VI BONDAGE (SLAVERY) " And as to your slaves, see that ye feed them as ye feed yourselves and clothe them as ye clothe yourselves." — The Prophet. SLAVERY in some of its features has been aptly compared with polygamy. Like polygamy, it has existed among all nations, and has died away with the progress of human thought and the growth of a sense of justice among mankind. Like polygamy it was the natural product of passion and pride so strongly marked in certain phases of the communal and individual development. But unlike polygamy, it bears from its outset the curse of inherent injustice. In the early stages, when humanity has not risen to the full appreciation of the reciprocal rights and duties of man ; when laws are the mandates of one, or of the few, for the many ; when the will of the strong is the rule of life and the guide of conduct — then the necessary inequality, social, physical, or mental, engendered by nature among the human race, invari- ably takes the form of slavery, and a system springs into existence which allows absolute power to the superior over the inferior. 1 This complete subserviency of the weak to the strong has helped the latter to escape from the legendary curse laid on man — " In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread till thou return to the ground," and allowed them to employ the leisure thus acquired in congenial pursuits. " The simple wish," says the author of Ancient Law, " to use the bodily powers of another person as the means of ministering to one's ^ Comp. throughout L' Influence des Croisades siir l'£tat des Penples de I' Europe, by Maxime de Choiseul D'Aillecourt, Paris, 1809. VI. BONDAGE (SLAVERY) 259 own ease or pleasure, is doubtless the foundation of slavery, and as old as human nature." ^ The practice of slavery is co-eval with human existence. Historicall3^ its traces are visible in every age and in every nation. Its germs were developed in a savage state of society, and it continued to flourish even when the progress of material civilisation had done away with its necessity. The Jews, the Greeks, the Romans, and the ancient Germans, ^ —people whose legal and social institutions have most affected modern manners and customs, — recognised and practised both kinds of slavery, prasdial servitude as well as household slavery. Among the Hebrews, from the commencement of their existence as a nation, two forms of slavery were practised. The Israelite slave, given into bondage as a punishment for crime or for the payment of a debt, occupied a higher position than a slave of alien birth. The law allowed the former his liberty after six years of servitude, unless he refused to avail himself of his right. But the foreign slaves, whether belonging to the people whom the Israelites had reduced into absolute helotage by a merciless system of warfare, or whether acquired in treacherous forays or by purchase, were entirely excluded from the benefits of this arrangement, an arrangement made in a spirit of national partiaHty and characteristic isolation. ^ The lot of these bondsmen and bondswomen was one of unmitigated hardship. Helots of the soil or slaves of the house, hated and despised at the same time, they lived a life of perpetual drudgery in the service of pitiless masters. Christianity, as a system and a creed, raised no protest against slavery, enforced no rule, inculcated no principle for the mitigation of the evil. Excepting a few remarks on the disobedience of slaves,^ and a general advice to masters to give servants their due, the teachings of Jesus, as portrayed in the Christian traditions, contained nothing expressive of dis- approval of bondage. On the contrary, Christianity enjoined * Maine, Ancient Law, p. 104. * Caesar {De Bell. Gall. lib. vi.), Tacitus {De Moribus German, cap. 24, 25). and Pothier {De Stat. Servor. apud Germ. lib. i.) all testify to the extreme severity of German servitude. " Lev. XXV. 44, 45. * I Tim. iv. i, 2. 26o THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. on the slave absolute submission to the will of his or her pro- prietor. It found slavery a recognised institution of the empire ; it adopted the system without any endeavour to mitigate its baneful character, or to promote its gradual abolition, or to improve the status of slaves. Under the civil law, slaves were mere chattels. They remained so under the Christian domination. Slavery had flourished among the Romans from the earliest times. The slaves, whether of native or of foreign birth, whether acquired by war or purchase, were regarded simply as chattels. Their masters possessed the power of life and death over them. But that gradual improve- I ment which had raised the archaic laws of the Twelve Tables j to the comprehensive code of Hadrian, did not fail to introduce some amehoration in the condition of the slaves. In spite, j however, of the changes which the humanity or the wisdom of ■ the emperors had effected in the old laws, the person of the \ slave was absolutely subject to the will of the master. Each j magnate of the empire possessed thousands of slaves, who were j tortured and subjected to lashings for the most trivial of faults. | The introduction of the religion of Jesus into Europe affected j human chattelhood only in its relation to the priesthood. A j slave could become free by adopting monachism, if not claimed ! within three years. ^ But in other respects, slavery flourished l as much and in as varied shapes as under the pagan domination. The Digest, compiled under a Christian emperor, pronounced slavery a constitution of the law of nature ; and the Code fixed ' the maximum price of slaves according to the professions for | which they were intended. Marriages between slaves were j not legal, and between the slave and the free were prohibited i under severe penalties. ^ The natural result was unrestrained concubinage, which even the clergy recognised and practised.' Such was slavery under the most advanced system of laws known to the ancient world. These laws reflected the wisdom ; of thirteen centuries, and towards the close of their develop- '^ ^ Comp. Milman, Latin Christianity, vol. i. p. 358. | 2 One of the punishments was, if a free woman married a slave, she was ! to be put to death and the slave burnt alive. Comp. the splendid though ; apologetic chapter of Milman on the subject, Latin Christianity, vol. ii. j 2 Comp. Milman, Latin Christianitv, vol. ii. p. 369 ; and also Du Cange, 1, Concubina. ' VI. BONDAGE (SLAVERY) 261 ment had engrafted upon themselves some faint offshoots of the teachings of one of the greatest moral preceptors of the world. \Mth the establishment of the Western and Northern bar- barians on the ruins of the Roman empire, besides personal slavery, territorial servitude scarcely known to the Romans, became general in all the newly settled countries. The various rights possessed by the lords over their vassals and serfs exhibited a revolting picture of moral depravity and degrada- tion.^ The barbaric codes, like the Roman, regarded slavery as an ordinary condition of mankind ; and if any protection was afforded to the slave, it was chiefly as the property of his master, who alone, besides the State, had the power of life and death over him. Christianity had failed utterly in abolishing slavery or alleviating its evils. The Church itself held slaves, and recog- nised in exphcit terms the lawfulness of this baneful institution. Under its influence the greatest civilians of Europe had upheld slavery, and have insisted upon its usefulness as preventing the increase of pauperism and theft. ^ And it was under the same influences that the highly cultured Christians of the Southern States of North America practised the cruellest inhumanities upon the unfortunate beings whom they held as slaves, — many of their own kith, — and shed torrents of blood for the main- tenance of the curse of slavery in their midst. The least trace of the blood of an inferior race, however imperceptible, sub- jected the unfortunate being to all the penalties of slavery. The white Christian could never legitimatise the issue of his illicit connection with his negro slave-women. With her he could never contract a legal union. The mother of his illegitimate children and her descendants, however remote, ^ Comp. De Choiseul, and also consult on this subject the comprehensive chapter of Stephen's Commentaries on the Laws of England, bk. ii. pt. i. chap. ii. One of the miserable and disgusting privileges possessed by the lord was designated in Britain the custom of culiage, which was afterwards commuted into a fine. This custom, as has been correctly supposed, gave rise to the law of inheritance, prevalent in some English counties, and known by the name of Borough English. * Pufendorff, Law of Nature and Nations, bk. vi. c. 3, s. 10 ; Ulricus Huberus, Praelect Jur. Civ. 1. i. tit. 4, s. 6 ; Pothier, De Statu Servorum ; and Grotius, De Jure Bell., 1. ii. c. 5, s. 27. 262 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM il. could be sold by his legitimate white issue at any time. Chris- tianity failed to grasp the spirit of its Master's teachings in regard to the equality of man in the sight of God. Islam recognises no distinction of race or colour ; black or white, citizens or soldiers, rulers or subjects, they are perfectly equal, not in theory only, but in practice. In the field or in the guest-chamber, in the tent or in the palace, in the mosque or in the market, they mix without reserve and without con- tempt. The first Muezzin of Islam, a devoted adherent and an esteemed disciple, was a negro slave. To the white Christian, his black fellow-religionist may be his equal in the kingdom of heaven, but certainly not in the kingdom of this world ; in the reign of Christ, perhaps, but not in the reign of Christianity. The law may compel him, a larger humanity with torrents of blood may force him to give his black brother civic rights, but the pride of race and colour acknowledges no equality, and even in the house of God a strict separation is observed. The Islamic teachings dealt a blow at the institution of slavery which, had it not been for the deep root it had taken among the surrounding nations and the natural obliquity of the human mind, would have been completely extinguished as soon as the generation which then practised it had passed away. It has been justly contended that, as the promulgation of the laws, precepts, and teachings of Islam extended over twenty years, it is naturally to be expected many of the pre- Islamic institutions, which were eventually abolished, were, at first, either tacitly permitted or expressly recognised.^ In one of these categories stood the usage of slavery. The evil was intertwined with the inmost relations of the people among whom Mohammed flourished. Its extinction was only to be achieved by the continued agency of wise and humane laws, and not by the sudden and entire emancipation of the existing slaves, which was morally and economically impossible. Numberless provisions, negative as well as positive, were accordingly introduced in order to promote and accomplish a gradual enfranchisement. A contrary policy would have produced an utter collapse of the infant commonwealth. The Prophet exhorted his followers repeatedly in the name ^Tahzib ul-Akhlak (15th Rajab, 1288), p. 118. VI. BONDAGE (SLAVERY) 263 of God to enfranchise slaves, " than which there was not an act more acceptable to God." He ruled that for certain sins of omission the penalty should be the manumission of slaves. He ordered that slaves should be allowed to purchase their liberty by the wages of their service ; and that in case the unfortunate beings had no present means of gain, and wanted to earn in some other employment enough for that purpose, they should be allowed to leave their masters on an agreement to that effect.^ He also provided that sums should be advanced to the slaves from the public treasury to purchase their liberty. In certain contingencies, it was provided that the slave should become enfranchised without the interference and even against the will of his master. The contract or agreement in which the least doubt was discovered, was construed most favourably in the interests of the slave, and the slightest promise on the part of the master was made obligatory for the purposes of enfranchisement. He placed the duty of kindness towards the slave on the same footing with the claims of " kindred and neighbours, and fellow-travellers, and wayfarers " ; encouraged manumission to the freest extent, and therewith the gift of " a portion of that wealth which God hath given you " ; and prohibited sensual uses of a master's power over the slave, with the promise of divine mercy to the wronged. To free a slave is the expiation for ignorantly slaying a believer, and for certain forms of untruth. The whole tenor of Mohammed's teaching made " permanent chattelhood " or caste impossible ; and it is simply " an abuse of words " to apply the word slavery, in the English sense, to any status known to the legislation of Islam. The Lawgiver ordained, that a fugitive fleeing to the territories of Islam should at once become enfranchised ; that the child of a slave woman should follow the condition of the father, while the mother should become free at his death ; that the slave should be able to contract with his master for his emancipation ; and that a part of the poor-tax should be devoted to the ransom of those held in bondage. The masters were forbidden to exact more work than was just and proper. They were ordered never to address their male or female slaves by that degrading appellation, but by the more affectionate 1 Koran xxiv. 33, etc. 264 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. name of " my young man," or " my young maid " ; it was enjoined that all slaves should be dressed, clothed, and fed exactly as their masters and mistresses. Above all, it was ordered that in no case should the mother be separated from her child, nor brother from brother, nor father from son, nor husband from wife, nor one relative from another.^ In the moral rules laid down for the treatment of those then in bondage, the Arabian Teacher did not prescribe the reciprocal duties of master and slave in the one-sided manner so often visible in other creeds.^ With a deeper and truer knowledge of human nature, he saw that it was not so needful to lay down the duties the weak owe to the strong, as those the strong owe to the weak. In Islam no discredit is attached to the status of slavery. It is an accident, and not, as in the civil law and patristic Christianity, " a constitution of nature." Zaid, the freedman of the Prophet, was often entrusted with the command of troops, and the noblest captains served under him without demur ; and his son 'Osama was honoured with the leadership of the expedition sent by Abu Bakr against the Greeks. Kutb ud-din, the first king of Delhi, and the true founder, therefore, of the Musulman empire in India, was a slave. The slavery which was allowed in Islam had, in fact, nothing in common with that which was in vogue in Christendom until recent times, or with American slavery until the holy war of 1865 put an end to that curse. In Islam the slave of to-day is the grand vizier of to-morrow. He may marry, without discredit, his master's daughter, and become the head of the family. Slaves have ruled kingdoms and founded dynasties. The father of Mahmud of Ghazni was a slave. Can Christianity point to such records as these ? Can Christianity show, in the pages of history, as clear, "as humane an account of her treatment of slaves as this ? From all that we have said it is abundantly clear that the Legislator himself looked upon the custom as temporary in its ^ I see no need of quoting authorities on these points, as they are admitted facts. But I may refer the curious reader to the traditions collected in the Mishkdt, the Sahih of Bukhari, and the Bihar iil- Anwar. The latter contains the noblest monument of generosity and charity practised hy the Prophet's immediate descendants. * See Col. iii. 22 ; i Tim. vi. i. VI. BONDAGE (SLAVERY) 265 nature, and held that its extinction was sure to be achieved by the progress of ideas and change of circumstances. The Koran always speaks of slaves as " those whom your right hands have acquired," indicating thus the only means of acquisition of bondsmen or bondswomen. It recognised, in fact, only one kind of slavery — the servitude of men made captives in bond fide lawful warfare, Jihdd-i-Shara'i. Among all barbarous nations the captives are spared from a motive of selfishness alone, ^ in order to add to the wealth of the individual captor, or of the collective nation, by their sale-money or by their labour. 2 Like other nations of antiquity, the Arab of the pre-Islamic period spared the lives of his captives for the sake of profiting by them. Mohammed found this custom existing among his people. Instead of theorising, or dealing in vague platitudes, he laid down strict rules for their guidance, enjoin- ing that those only may be held in bond who were taken in bond fide legal war until they were ransomed, or the captive bought his or her own liberty by the wages of service. But even when these means failed, an appeal to the pious feelings of the Moslem, combined with the onerous responsibilities attached to the possession of a slave, was often enough to secure the eventual enfranchisement of the latter. Slave- Ufting and slave-dealing, patronised by dominant Christianity,' and sanctified by Judaism, were utterly reprobated and con- demned. The man who dealt in slaves was declared the outcast of humanity. Enfranchisement * of slaves was pro- nounced to be a noble act of virtue. It was forbidden in absolute terms to reduce Moslems to slavery. To the lasting disgrace of a large number of professed Moslems it must 1 Comp. Milman, Latin Christ, vol. ii. p. 387. The ancient jurists based the righf of enslaving the captive on the prior right of killing him. In this they are followed by Albericus Gentilis {De Jur. Gent. cap. de Servitude), Grotius, and Pufendortf. Montesquieu, indeed, was the first to deny this mythical right of killing a captive, unless in case of absolute necessity, or for self- preservation. And this the author of the Spirit of Laws denied, because of his freedom from the thraldom of the Church. * Comp. Milman, Hist, of the Jews, vol. iii. p. 48. ' After the massacre of Drogheda by Cromwell, and the suppression of the insurrection in Ireland, the English Protestants sold the Irish, men and women, wholesale to the colonists in Virginia, Pennsylvania, and other places. The same was done after Monmouth's rebellion. * According to an authentic and well-known tradition from Imam Ja'far as-Sadik (Bihar ul- Anwar), 266 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. be said, however, that, whilst observing, or trying to observe the letter, they have utterly ignored the spirit of the Teacher's precepts, and allowed slavery to flourish (in direct contraven- tion of the injunctions of the Prophet) by purchase and other means. The possession of a slave, by the Koranic laws, was conditional on a bond fide struggle, in self-defence, against unbelieving and idolatrous aggressors, and its permission was a guarantee for the safety and preservation of the captives. The cessation of the state of war in which the Moslem com- munity was at first involved, from the animosity of the surrounding tribes and nations, would have brought about the extinction of slavery by a natural process — the stoppage of future acquisition and the enfranchisement of those in bondage. However, whether from contact with the demoralised nations of the East and the West, and the wild races of the North, or from the fact that the baneful institution was deeply rooted among all classes of society, many Moslems, like the Christians and the Jews, recognised slavery, and to some extent do so even now. But the wild Turkoman, or the African Arab, who glories in slave-lifting, is no more a representative of Islam than is the barbarous Guacho, who revels on the savage prairies of South America, of Christianity.^ Like polygamy, the institu- tion of slavery, prevalent universally among mankind at some stage or other of their growth, has, at least among the nations which claim to be civilised, outlived the necessities which induced its practice, and must sooner or later become extinct. It will be seen, therefore, that Islam, did not " consecrate " slavery, as has been maUciously affirmed, but provided in everj; 1 In order not to break the letter of his Prophet's Commandments, the Turkoman (himself a violent Sunni) forced his captive (whether a Sunni or a, Shiah) to acknowledge himself a heretic. And the African Arab calls hij murderous razzias, on the pagan negroes, Jihads. Mr. Joseph Thompson, th( well-known African traveller, in a letter to the London Times of the i4tl: of November, 1887, thus writes on the subject of slavery in East Africa " I unhesitatingly affirm, and I speak from a wider experience of Easterr Central Africa than any of your correspondents possess, that if the slav( trade thrives it is because Islam has not been introduced in these regions' and for the strongest of all reasons, that the spread of Mahommedanisn, would have meant the concomitant suppression of the slave trade." Hii; account of " the peaceful and unassuming agencies " by which Islam has beer: spread in Western Africa and Central Soudan deserves the attention of ever) reader. " Here," he says, " we have Islam as a living, active force, full o the lire and energy of its early days, proselytizing too with much of the mar vellous success which characterized its early days." VI. BONDAGE (SLAVERY) 267 way for its abolition and extinction by circumscribing the means of possession within the narrowest Hmits. Islam did not deal capriciously with this important question. Whilst proclaiming in the most emphatic terms the natural equality of human beings, it did not, regardless of consequences, enfranchise the men and women already in bondage, which would have only been productive of evil in a world not then ripe for that con- summation of human liberty, moral and intellectual. The mutilation of the human body was also explicitly forbidden by Mohammed, and the institution which flourished both in the Persian and the Byzantine empires was denounced in severe terms. Slavery by purchase was unknown during the reigns of the first four CaHphs. There is at least no authentic record of any slave having been acquired by purchase during their tenure of the office. But with the accession of the usurping house of Ommeyya a change came over the spirit of Islam. Muawiyah w^as the first Musulman sovereign who introduced into the Moslem world the practice of acquiring slaves by purchase. He w^as also the first to adopt the Byzantine custom of guarding his women by eunuchs. During the reigns of the early Abbassides, the Shiah Imam Ja'far as-Sadik preached against slavery. The time is now arrived when humanity at large should raise its voice against the practice of servitude, in whatever shape or under whatever denomination it may be disguised. The Moslems especially, for the honour of their great Prophet, should try to efface that dark page from their history — a page which would never have been written but for their contra- vention of the spirit of his laws, however bright it may appear by the side of the ghastly scrolls on which the deeds of the professors of the rival creeds are recorded. The day is come when the voice which proclaimed liberty, equality, and universal brotherhood among all mankind should be heard with the fresh vigour acquired from the spiritual existence and spiritual pervasion of fourteen centuries. It remains for the Moslems to show the falseness of the aspersions cast on the memory of the great and noble Prophet, by proclaiming in exphcit terms that slavery is reprobated by their faith and discountenanced by their code. CHAPTER VII THE POLITICAL SPIRIT OF ISLAM " The blood of the Zimmi is Uke the blood of the Moslem " — All HITHERTO, we have considered the teachings of th( Arabian Prophet solely from one point of view — ae furnishing the rule of human conduct, and supplying the guide of man's duty to his Creator and to his fellow- creatures. We now propose to examine the influence o^ Islam on collective humanity — on nations, and not merel) on the individual, in short, on the destiny of mankind in the aggregate. Seven centuries had passed since the Master of Nazaretl had come with his message of the Kingdom of Heaven to th( poor and the lowly. A beautiful life was ended before th( ministry had barely commenced. And now unutterable desolation brooded over the empires and kingdoms o: the earth, and God's children, sunk in misery, were anxiousl} waiting for the promised deliverance which was so long ir coming. In the West, as in the East, the condition of the masses wa; so miserable as to defy description. They possessed no civi rights or political privileges. These were the monopoly of th( rich and the powerful, or of the sacerdotal classes. The lav was not the same for the weak and the strong, the rich and th( poor, the great and the lowly. In Sasanide Persia, the priest; and the landed proprietors, the Dehkdns, enjoyed all power anc influence, and the wealth of the country was centred in theii hands. The peasantry and the poorer classes generally wen ground to the earth under a lawless despotism. In the Byzan tine Empire, the clergy and the great magnates, courtezans VII. THE POLITICAL SPIRIT OF ISLAM 269 and other nameless ministrants to the vices of Cjesar and proconsul, were the happy possessors of wealth, influence and power. The people grovelled in the most abject misery. In the barbaric kingdoms — in fact, wherever feudalism had established itself — by far the largest proportion of the population were either serfs or slaves. Villeinage or serfdom was the ordinary status of the peasantry. At first there was little distinction between praedial and domestic slavery. Both classes of slaves, with their families, and their goods and chattels, belonged to the lord of the soil, who could deal with them at his own free will and pleasure.^ In later times the serfs or villeins were either annexed to the manor, and were bought and sold with the land to which they belonged, or were annexed to the person of the lord, and were transferable from one owner to another. They could not leave their lord without his permission ; and if they ran away, or were pur- loined from him, might be claimed and recovered by action, like beasts or other chattels. They held, indeed, small portions of land by way of sustaining themselves and their families, but it was at the mere will of the lord, who might dispossess them whenever he pleased. A villein could acquire no property, either in land or goods ; but if he purchased either, the lord might enter upon them, oust the villein, and seize them to his own use. An iron collar round the neck was the badge of both praedial servitude and domestic slavery. The slaves were driven from place to place in gangs, fed like swine, and housed worse than swine, with fettered feet and manacled hands, linked together in a single chain which led from collar to collar. The trader in human flesh rode with a heavy knotted lash in his hands, with which he ' encouraged ' the weary and flagging. This whip when it struck, and that was frequently, cut the flesh out of the body. Men, women, and children were thus dragged about the country with rags on their body, their ankles ulcerated, their naked feet torn. If any of the wretches flagged and fell, they were laid on the ground and lashed until the skin was flayed and they were nearly dead. The horrors of the Middle Passage, * The Church retained its slaves longest. Sir Thomas Smith in his Common- wealth speaks bitterly of the hypocrisy of the clergy. 270 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. the sufferings of the poor negroes in the Southern States of North America before the War of Emancipation, the cruelties practised by the Soudanese slave-hfters, give us some con- ception of the terrible sufferings of the slaves under Christian domination at the time when Islam was first pro mulg ated, and until the close of the fifteenth century. ^ And even after the lapse of almost two thousand years of Christ's reign, we still find Christians lashing to death helpless women, imprisoned for real or imaginary pohtical offences by one of the most powerful , empires of the civilised world. ^ i The condition of the so-called freemen was nowise better than that of the ordinary serfs. If they wanted to part with their lands, they must pay a fine to the lord of the manor. If they wanted to buy any, they must likewise pay a fine. They could not take by succession any property until they had paid ! a heavy duty. They could not grind their corn or make their | bread without paying a share to the lord. They could not harvest their crops before the Church had first appropriated its tenth, the king his twentieth, the courtiers their smaller shares. They could not leave their homes without the leave of the lord, and they were bound, at all times, to render him gratuitous services. If the lord's son or daughter married, they must ; cheerfully pay their contributions. But when the freeman's ! daughter married, she must first submit to an infamous outrage '. — and not even the bishop, the servant of Christ, when he ; happened to be the lord of the manor, would waive the atrocious ■ privilege of barbarism. Death even had no solace for these poor victims of barbarism. Living, they were subject to the ; inhumanities of man ; dead, they were doomed to eternal perdition ; for a. felo-de-se was the unholiest of criminals, there | was no room for his poor body in consecrated ground ; he ' could only be smuggled away in the dead of night and buried in some unhallowed spot with a stake through his body as a warning to others., \ 1 In the Parliamentary War both sides sold their opponents as slaves to ;l the colonists. After the suppression of the Duke of Monmouth's rebellion i all his followers were sold into slavery. The treatment of the slaves in the i colonies at the hands of " the Pilgrim Fathers " and their descendants will \\ not bear description. » This was written before the fall of the Romanoffs. VII. THE POLITICAL SPIRIT OF ISLAM 271 Such was the terrible misery which hung over the people ! But the baron in his hall, the bishop in his palace, the priest in his cloister, little recked they of the sufferings of the masses. The clouds of night had gathered over the fairest portion of Europe and Africa. Everywhere the will of the strongest was the measure of law and right. The Church afforded no help to the downtrodden and oppressed. Its teachings were opposed to the enfranchisement of the human race from the rule of brute force. " The early Fathers " had condemned resistance to the constituted authorities as a deadly sin. No tyranny, no oppression, no outrages upon humanity were held to justify subjects in forcibly protecting themselves against the injustice of their rulers. The servants of Jesus had made common cause with those whom he had denounced, — the rich and powerful tyrant. They had associated themselves with feudalism, and enjoyed all its privileges as lords of the soil, barons and princes. The non-Christians — Jews, heretics, or pagans — enjoyed, under Christian domination, a fitful existence. It was a matter of chance whether they would be massacred or reduced to slavery. Rights they had none ; enough if they were suffered to exist. If a Christian contracted an ilUcit union with a non- Christian, — a lawful union was out of the question, — he was burnt to death. The Jews might not eat or drink or sit at the same table with the Christians, nor dress hke them. Their children were liable to be torn from their arms, their goods plundered, at the will of the baron or bishop, or a frenzied populace. And this state of things lasted until the close of the seventeenth century. Not until the Recluse of Hira sounded the note of freedom, — not until he proclaimed the practical equality of mankind, not until he abolished every privilege of caste, and emancipated labour, — did the chains which had held in bond the nations of the earth fall to pieces. He came with the same message which had been brought by his precursors and he fulfilled it. The essence of the pohtical character of Islam is to be found in the charter, which was granted to the Jews by the Prophet after his arrival in Medina, and the notable message sent to^the Christians of Najran and the neighbouring territories after 272 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. Islam had fully established itself in the Peninsula. This latter document has, for the most part, furnished the guiding principle ; to aU Moslem rulers in their mode of dealing with their non- Moslem subjects, and if they have departed from it in any instance the cause is to be found in the character of the par- ticular sovereign. If we separate the political necessity which has often spoken and acted in the name of religion, no faith is more tolerant than Islam to the followers of other creeds.^ " Reasons of State " have led a sovereign here and there to display a certain degree of intolerance, or to insist upon a certain uniformity of faith ; but the system itself has ever maintained the most complete tolerance. Christians and Jews, as a rule, have never been molested in the exercise of their religion, or constrained to change their faith. If they are ; required to pa}^ a special tax, it is in lieu of military service, ; and it is but right that those who enjoy the protection of the ; State should contribute in some shape to the pubUc burdens. • Towards the idolaters there was greater strictness in theory, ,j but in practice the law was equally hberal. If at any time i| they were treated with harshness, the cause is to be found in j the passions of the ruler or the population. The religious : element was used only as a pretext. | In support of the time-worn thesis that the non-Moslem i subjects 2 of Islamic States labour under severe disabilities, reference is made not only to the narrow views of the later canonists and lawyers of Islam, but also to certain verses of the Koran, in order to show that the Prophet did not view non-Moslems with favour, and did not encourage friendly . relations between them and his followers.^ In dealing with , this subject, we must not forget the stress and strain of the life-and-death struggle in which Islam was involved when those verses were promulgated, and the treacherous means that were often employed by the heathens, as well as the Jews and the Christians, to corrupt and seduce the Moslems from the new Faith. At such a time, it was incumbent upon the Teacher 1 Comp. Gobineau, Les Religions et les Philosophies dans I'Asie Centrale. 2 In the Islamic system the non-Moslem subjects of Moslem States are called Ahl-uz-zimmah or Zimmis. i.e " people living under guarantees," 3 See Sell's Essays on IsWm, VII. THE POLITICAL SPIRIT OF ISLAM 273 to warn his followers against the wiles and insidious designs of hostile creeds. And no student of comparative history can blame him for trying to safeguard his little commonwealth against the treachery of enemies and aliens. But when we come to look at his general treatment of non-Moslem sub- jects, we find it marked by a large-hearted tolerance and sympathy. Has any conquering race or Faith given to its subject nationalities a better guarantee than is to be found in the following words of the Prophet } "To [the Christians of] Najran and the neighbouring territories, the security of God and the pledge of His Prophet are extended for their lives, their religion, and their property — to the present as well as the absent and others besides ; there shall be no interference \\dth [the practice of] their faith or their observances ; nor any change in their rights or privileges ; no bishop shall be removed from his bishopric ; nor any monk from his monastery, nor any priest from his priesthood, and they shall continue to enjoy every thing great and small as heretofore ; no image or cross shall be destroyed ; they shall not oppress or be oppressed ; they shall not practise the rights of blood-vengeance as in the Days of Ignorance ; no tithes shall be levied from them nor shall they be required to furnish provisions for the troops." ^ After the subjugation of Hira, and as soon as the people had taken the oath of allegiance, Khalid bin-Walid issued a pro- clamation by which he guaranteed the lives, liberty and property of the Christians, and declared that " they shall not be prevented from beating their ndkm ^ and taking out their crosses on occasions of festivals." " And this declaration," says Imam Abu-Yusuf,^ " was approved of and sanctioned by the Caliph * and his council." ^ 1 I.e. nor shall troops be quartered on them ; Fithlh ul-Bulddn (Balazuri). p. 65 ; Kitdb-ul-Khardj of Imam Abu Yusuf. Muir gives this guarantee of the Prophet in an abridged form, vol. ii. p. 299 ; see Appendix. * A piece of wood used in Eastern Christian churches in place of a bell. ' The Chief Kazi of Harun ar-Rashid. * Abu Bakr. '•• Consisting of Omar. Osman and Ali and the other leading Companions of the Prophet ; see the Kitdb \d-Kharaj, p. 84. SI. S 274 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. The non-Moslem subjects were not precluded from building new churches or temples. Only in places exclusively inhabited by Moslems a rule of this kind existed in theory. " No new Church or temple," said Abdullah bin Abbas/ " can be erected in a town solely inhabited by Moslems ; but in other places where there are already Zimmis inhabiting from before, we must abide by our contract with them." ^ In practice, how- ever, the prohibition was totally disregarded. In the reign of Mamun, we hear of eleven thousand Christian churches, besides hundreds of synagogues and fire-temples within the empire. This enlightened monarch, who has been represented as " a bitter enemy " of the Christians, included in his Council the representatives of all the communities under his sway, — Moslems, Jews, Christians, Sabaeans and Zoroastrians ; whilst the rights and privileges of the Christian hierarchy were carefully regulated and guaranteed. It is a notable fact, with few parallels even in modern history, that after the conquest of Egypt the Caliph Omar scrupulously preserved intact the property dedicated to the Christian churches and continued the allowances made by the former government for the support of the priests.^ The best testimony to the toleration of the early Moslem government is furnished by the Christians themselves. In the reign of Osman (the third Caliph), the Christian Patriarch of Merv addressed the Bishop of Ears, named Simeon, in the following terms : " The Arabs who have been given by God the kingdom (of the earth) do not attack the Christian faith ; on the contrary they help us in our religion ; they respect our God and our Saints, and bestow gifts on our churches and monasteries." In order to avoid the least semblance of high-handedness, no Moslem was allowed to acquire the land of a zimmi even by purchase. " Neither the Imam nor the Sultan could dis- possess a zimmi of his property." The Moslems and the zimmis were absolutely equal in the eye of the law. "Their blood," said Ali the Caliph, " was j like our blood." Many modern governments, not excepting | ^ A cousin of the Prophet and a jurist of recognised authority. » Kitab nl-Khardj, p. 88. ^ Makrizi, pp. 492, 499. ; i VII. THE POLITICAL SPIRIT OF ISLAM 275 some of the most civilised, may take the Moslem administration for their model. In the punishment of crimes there was no difference between the rulers and the ruled. Islam's law is that if a zimmi is killed by a Moslem, the latter is liable to the : same penalty as in the reverse case.^ } In their anxiety for the welfare of the non-Moslem subjects, the Caliphs of Bagdad, like their rivals of Cordova, created a special department charged with the protection of the zimmis and the safeguarding of their interests. The head of this department was called, in Bagdad, Kdtih-ul-Jihhdzeh ; in Spain, Kdtib-uz-Zimdm.^ Mutawakkil, who rased to the ground the mausoleum of the martyr Husain and forbade pilgrimages to the consecrated spot, excluded non-Moslems, as he excluded the Moslem I Rationalists, from the employment of the State and subjected them to many disabilities. In the later works of law, written whilst the great struggle was proceeding between Islam and Christendom, on one side for Hfe, on the other for brute mastery, there occur no doubt passages which give colour to the allegation that in Islam zimmis are subject to humiliation. But no warrant for this statement will be found in the rules inculcated by the Teacher, or his immediate disciples or suc- cessors. It must be added, however, that the bigoted views of the later canonists were never carried into practice ; and the toleration and generosity with which the non-Moslems were j treated are evidenced by the fact that zimmis could be { nominated as executors to the wills of Moslems ; that they I often filled the office of rectors of Moslem universities and I educational institutions, and of curators of Moslem endow- I ments so long as they did not perform any religious functions. I And when a non-Moslem of worth and merit died, the Moslems i attended his funeral in a body. ■ In the beginning military commands, for obvious reasons, > Zail'i in his T akhrij-id-Hedaya mentions a case which occurred in the ; Caliphate of Omar. A Moslem of the name of Bakr bin Wail killed a Christian ' named Hairut. The Caliph ordered that " the killer should be surrendered to ■ the heirs of the killed." The culprit was made over to Honain, Hairiit's heir, i who put him to death, p. 338, Delhi edition. A similar case is reported in the reign of Omar bin Abdul Aziz. * With a Zal ; see The Short History of the Saracens, p. 573. 276 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM 11. were not entrusted to non-Moslems, but all other posts of emolument and trust were open to them equally with Moslems. This equality was not merely theoretical, for from the first century of the Hegira we find important offices of state held by Christians, Jews and Magians. The Abbasides, with rare exceptions, recognised no distinction among their subjects on the score of religion. And the dynasties that succeeded them in power scrupulously followed their example. If the treatment of non-Moslems in Islamic countries is compared with that of non-Christians under European Govern- ments, it would be found that the balance of humanity and generosity, generally speaking, inclines in favour of Islam. Under the Mogul Emperors of Delhi, Hindus commanded armies, administered provinces and sat in the councils of the sovereign. Even at the present time can it be said that in no European empire, ruling over mixed nationalities and faiths, is any distinction made of creed, colour or race ? That which Islam had almost exclusively in view was to inculcate among mankind the principle of divine unity and human equality preached by the Prophet. So long as the central doctrine of the unity of God and the message of the Prophet is recognised and accepted, Islam allows the widest latitude to the human conscience. Consequently, wherever the Moslem missionary-soldier made his appearance, he was hailed by the down-trodden masses and the persecuted heretics as the harbinger of freedom and emancipation from a galling bondage. Islam brought to them practical equahty in the eye of the law, and fixity of taxation. The battle of Kadesia, which threw Persia into the hands of the Moslems, was the signal of dehverance to the bulk of the Persians, as the battles of Yermuk and Ajnadin were to the Syrians, the Greeks, and the Egyptians. The Jews, whom the Zoroastrians had massacred from time to time, the Christians, whom they hunted from place to place, breathed freely under the authority of the Prophet, the watchword of whose faith was the brotherhood of man. The people everywhere received the Moslems as their hberators. Wherever any resistance was offered, it was by the priesthood and the aristocracy. The masses and the working classes in general, who were VII. THE POLITICAL SPIRIT OF ISLAM 277 under the ban of Zoroastrianism, ranged themselves with the conquerors. A simple confession of an everlasting truth placed them on the same footing as their Moslem emancipators. The feudal chiefs of the tribes and villages retained all their privileges, honours, and local influence, — " more than we believe," says Gobineau, " for the oppressions and persecutions of the Musulmans have been greatly exaggerated." The conquest of Africa and Spain was attended with the same result. The Arians, the Pelagians, and other heretics hitherto the victims of orthodox fury and hatred, — the people at large, who had been terribly oppressed by a lawless soldiery and a still more lawless priesthood, — found peace and security under Islam. By an irony of fate, which almost induces a belief in the Nemesis of the ancients, the Jews, whose animosity towards the Prophet very nearly wrought the destruction of the Islamic commonwealth, found in the Moslems their best protectors. " Insulted, plundered, hated and despised by all Christian nations," they found that refuge in Islam, that protection from inhumanity, which was ruthlessly denied to them in Christendom. Islam gave to the people a code which, however archaic in its simplicity, was capable of the greatest development in accordance with the progress of material civihsation. It conferred on the State a flexible constitution, based on a just appreciation of human rights and human duty. It limited taxation, it made men equal in the eye of the law, it consecrated the principles of self-government. It established a control over the sovereign power by rendering the executive authority subordinate to the law, — a law based upon religious sanction and moral obligations. " The excellence and effectiveness of each of these principles," says Urquhart " (each capable of immortalising its founder), gave value to the rest ; and aU combined, endowed the system which they formed with a force and energy exceeding those of any other political system. Within the lifetime of a man, though in the hands of a popula- tion, wild, ignorant, and insignificant, it spread over a greater extent than the dominions of Rome. While it retained its primitive character, it was irresistible." ^ * Urquhart, Spirit of the East, vol. i. Introd. p. xxviii. 278 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. The short government of Abu Bakr was too fully occupied with the labour of pacifying the desert tribes to afford time for any systematic regulation of the provinces. But with the reign of Omar — a truly great man — commenced that sleepless care for the welfare of the subject nations which characterised the early Moslem governments. An examination of the political condition of the Moslems under the early Caliphs brings into view a popular government administered by an elective chief with limited powers. The prerogatives of the head of the State were confined to admini- strative and executive matters, such as the regulation of the police, control of the army, transaction of foreign affairs, disbursement of the finances, etc. But he could never act in contravention of the recognised law. The tribunals were not dependent on the government. Their decisions were supreme ; and the early Caliphs could not assume the power of pardoning those whom the regular tribunals had condemned. The law was the same for the poor as for the rich, for the man in power as for the labourer in the field. i As time advances the stringency of the system is relaxed | but the form is always maintained. Even the usurpers, who,i without right, by treachery and murder seized the reins of' government, and who in their persons represented the pagan oligarchy which had been displaced by the teachings of Islam, observed more or less the outward semblance of law-abiding executive heads of a representative government. And the rulers of the later dynasties, when they overstepped the bounds, often unhmited, of arbitrary power, were restrained by the; sentence of the general body of jurisconsults, which in all Musulman States serves as a constitutional check on the sovereign. In the early times, however, the " Companions " of the Master formed as it were an effective Council of State. The consideration attached to the title of " Companion of the Prophet " was as great in the camp as in the city. The power- ful influence which they possessed increased with the conquests of the Moslems. The quality of ashdh carried with it a character of sanctity and nobleness. When a person bearing this title was in an action, the crowd flocked to his side and; VII. THE POLITICAL SPIRIT OF ISLAM 279 followed his lead. In the first degree were those who had accompanied the Prophet from Mecca — the Exiles, and the Ansar who had received him with devotion, and who had battled in defence of the Faith at Badr and Ohod ; those who were charged with any work by him and those who had talked with him, seen him, or heard him. In the last rank came those who had served under any of the sahdba, and thus came indirectly within the magic influence of the Master. An incident which occurred during the Caliphate of Omar shows the absolute equality of all men in Islam. Jabala, king of the Ghassanides, having embraced the Faith, had proceeded to Medina to pay his homage to the Commander of the Faithful. He had entered the city with great pomp and ceremony, and been received with much consideration. Whilst performing the tawdf, or circumambulation of the Kaaba, a humble pilgrim engaged in the same sacred duties accidentally dropped a piece of his pilgrim's dress over the royal shoulders. Jabala turned round furiously and struck him a blow which knocked out the poor man's teeth. The rest of this episode must be told in the memorable words of Omar himself to Abu Obaidah, com- manding the Moslem troops in Syria. " The poor man came to me," writes the Caliph, " and prayed for redress ; I sent for Jabala, and when he came before me I asked him why he had so ill-treated a brother-Moslem. He answered that the man had insulted him, and that were it not for the sanctity of the place he would have killed him on the spot. I answered that his words added to the gravity of his offence, and that unless he obtained the pardon of the injured man he would have to submit to the usual penalty of the law. Jabala replied, ' I am a king, and the other is only a common man.' " King or no king, both of you are Musulmans and both of you are equal in the eye of the law.' He asked that the penalty might be delayed until the next day ; and, on the consent of the injured, I accorded the delay. In the night Jabala escaped, and has now joined the Christian dog.^ But God will grant thee victory over him and the hke of them ..." This letter was read by Abu Obaidali at the head of his * Such was the designation usually given to the Byzantine emperors by the early Moslems. 2So THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. troops. These communications appear to have been frequent under the early Cahphate. No person in the camp or in the city was a stranger to pubHc affairs. Every Friday after divine service, the Commander of the Faithful mentioned to the assembly the important nominations and events of the day. The prefects in their provinces followed the example. No one was excluded from these general assemblies of the public. It was the reign of democracy in its best form. The Pontiff of Islam, the Commander of the Faithful, was not hedged roimd ' by any divinity. He was responsible for the administration of the State to his subjects. The stern devotion of the early Caliphs to the well-being of the people, and the austere simphcity of their lives, were in strict accordance with the example of the Master. They preached and prayed in the mosque like the Prophet ; received in their homes the poor and oppressed, and failed not to give a hearing to the meanest. Without cortege, without pomp or ceremony, they ruled the , hearts of men by the force of their character. Omar travelled i to Syria to receive the capitulation of Jerusalem, accompanied I by a single slave. Abu Bakr on his death-bed left only a suit of clothes, a camel, and a slave to his heir. Every Friday, Ali ! distributed his own allowance from the public treasury among I the distressed and suffering ; and set an example to the people by his respect for the ordinary tribunals. Whilst the Republic lasted none of the CaUphs could alter, or act contrary to, the ■ judgment of the constituted courts of justice.^ Naturally, it is difficult for a new government, introduced by force of arms, to conciliate the affection of the people at once. But the early Saracens offered to the conquered nations motives for the greatest confidence and attachment. Headed by chiefs of the moderation and gentleness of Abu Obaidah, who tempered and held in check the ferocity of soldiers like Khalid, they maintained intact the civil rights of their subjects. They accorded to all the conquered nations the completest religious ' toleration. Their conduct might furnish to many of the i! civilised governments of modern times the noblest example of | I 1 The first sentence of a court of justice which was not carried into execution was under Mu'awi5-ah, who pardoned a man found guilty by the judge upon the criminal reciting a poem in praise of the usurper. VII. THE POLITICAL SPIRIT OF ISLAM 281 civil and religious libe^t5^ They did not lash women to death. They did not condemn innocent females to Siberian mines and the outrages of their guards. They had the sagacity not to interfere with any beneficent civil institution, existing in the conquered countries, which did not militate wkh their religion. The measures taken by Omar to secure the agricultural prosperity of the people evince an ever-present solicitude to promote their well-being and interests. Taxation on land was fixed upon an equable and moderate basis ; aqueducts and canals were ordered to be made in every part of the empire. The feudal burdens, which had afflicted the cultivators of the soil, were absolutely withdrawn, and the peasantry were emancipated from the bondage of centuries. The death of this remarkable man at the hands of an assassin was an un- i doubted loss to the government. His character, stern and yet just, his practical commonsense and knowledge of men, had eminently fitted him to repress and hold in check the ambitious ; designs of the children of Ommeyya. On his death-bed Omar : entrusted to six electors the task of nominating a successor to I the office . The CaHphate was offered to the son of Abu Talib, but Ommeyyade intrigue had annexed to the proposal a ' condition which they knew Ali would not accept. He was i required to govern, not only in accordance with the laws and • precedents of the Prophet, but also with those estabUshed by his two predecessors. With characteristic independence Ali ; refused to allow his judgment to be so fettered. The Caliphate \ was then offered, as it was expected by the Ommeyyades, to ! their kinsman Osman. The accession of this venerable chief I to the vicegerency of the Prophet proved in the sequel an j unquahfied disaster to the commonwealth of Islam. He was I a member of that family which had always borne a deep-rooted I animosity towards the children of Hashim. They had per- ; secuted the Teacher with rancorous hatred, and had driven : him from his home. They had struggled hard to crush the Faith in its infancy, and had battled against it to the last. Strongly united among themselves, and exercising great influence among all the tribes of Mozar,^ of wliicli they were » With a Zdd. 282 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii the prominent members, the Ommeyyades had watched witi ill-concealed jealousy the old power and prestige slip awaj' from their hands. After the fall of Mecca they had acceptec the inevitable, but never forgave the house of Hashim oi Islam for the ruin which the son of Abdullah had wrought tc them. Whilst the Prophet lived, his commanding personalit) overawed all these traitors. Many of them had made c nominal profession of the Faith from self-interest ^ and i greed to secure a part of the worldly goods which the success of the Moslems brought to the Islamic commonwealth. Bui they never ceased to hate the democracy proclaimed b} Mohammed. Libertines and profligates, unscrupulous anc cruel, pagans at heart, they chafed at a religion of equal rights a religion which exacted strict observance of moral duties anc personal chastity. They set themselves, from the commence ment, to undermine the government to which they had sworr allegiance, and to destroy the men upon whom the Republic depended. The lirst two successors of the Prophet had kepi their ambition within bounds, and repressed their intrigue; and treacherous designs. With the election of Osman, thej flocked to Medina like vultures scenting the prey. His acces sion was the signal for that outburst of hatred, that pent-uj profligacy on the part of the Ommeyyades, which convulsec the Islamic world to its innermost core, and destroyed it: noblest and most precious hves. Under Osman there was a complete reversal of the policj' and administration of his two predecessors, whose decisions b had engaged to follow. All the old governors and commanderi taken from among the immediate disciples of the Prophet anc his Companions were displaced. Merit and faithful service were wholly disregarded. All offices of trust and emolumen" were seized by the Ommeyyades. The governorships of the provinces were bestowed on men who had proved themselve; most inimical to Islam, and the treasury was emptied in theii' favour. We shall have to describe the subsequent events ii some detail when dealing with the divisions in the Church o Mohammed ; suffice it for us to say, that the corruptness of th( administration, the total disregard of all precedent, the gros; 1 They were, therefore, called the Muallafat ul-kuliXb. I vil. THE POLITICAL SPIRIT OF ISLAM 283 I favouritism displayed by the old Caliph towards his kinsmen, \ and his refusal to listen to any complaint, gave rise to serious f disaffection among the old companions of the Prophet and the ' general body of the Moslems, ending in revolt in which Osman I lost his life. On Osman's tragical death, AH was elected to i the vacant Caliphate by the consensus of the people. The i rebellions which followed are matters of history. " Had Ali I been allowed to reign in peace," says Oelsner, " his virtues, \ his firmness, and his ascendancy of character would have I perpetuated the old republic and its simple manners." ^ The t dagger of an assassin destro3^ed the hope of Islam. " With ; him," says Major Osborn, " perished the truest-hearted and ! best Moslem of whom Mohammedan history has preserved the I remembrance." Seven centuries before, this wonderful man ! would have been apotheosised ; thirteen centuries later his I genius and talents, his virtues and his valour, would have ! extorted the admiration of the civilised world. As a ruler, he came before his time. He was almost unfitted by his uncom- promising love of truth, his gentleness, and his merciful nature, to cope with the Ommeyyades' treachery and falsehood. With the estabUshment of an autocracy under Mu'awiyah ' the political spirit of Islam underwent a great change. The ! sovereigns were no more the heads of a commonwealth, elected i by the suffrage of the people, and governing solely for the : welfare of their subjects and the glory of the Faith. From the ! time of IMu'awiyah the reigning Cahph nominated his successor ; I and the oath of fealty taken by the people in his presence, or ) in that of his proxy, confirmed his nomination. This system i combined the vices of democracy and despotism without the advantages of either. Under the Repubhc not only were i the Cahphs assisted by a council of the Companions of the ' Prophet, but the provincial governors had similar advisory bodies. During the Ommeyyade rule the government was a pure autocracy tempered by the freedom of speech possessed by the desert Arabs and the learned or holy, which enabled them, often by a phrase or verse from the Koran or from the poets, to change the mood of the sovereign. Under the first five Cahphs of the Abbaside dynasty also the government ' Oelsner, Des Effets de la religion de Mohammed. 284 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. continued to be more or less autocratic, although the j departmental ministers and prominent members of the family ! formed a body of unauthorised councillors. A regular Council l composed of the leading representatives of communities owning allegiance to the Caliph was for the first time established in the reign of Mamun the Great. The Buyides, the Samanides, the Seljukides, and the Ayyubides all had their councils in j which the people were more or less represented. ' But absolutism in the hands of the early Abbasides helped : in the intellectual development and material prosperity of the Islamic nations. In the vigour of their rule and the firmness ; with which they held the reins of government they may be | compared with the Tudors of England. The political and i administrative machinery of the Abbaside Cahphate, which i was afterwards adopted by the succeeding dynasties, owes its ; origin to the genius of Mansur, the founder of Bagdad. In its effective distribution of work and its control of details it ranks with the most perfectly organised systems of modern | times. I At the very commencement of their rule, which lasted forj several centuries, they estabUshed a Chamber of Finance and| a Chancellery of State, the first being charged with the duty of j receiving the taxes and disbursing the expenses of the empire, the second with the duty of impressing a character of authen- ticity on the mandates of the sovereigns. Later, for the better subdivision of work, other departments of state (called diwdns) were created, of which the following are the principal : — the Diwdn-ul-Khardj (Central Offtce of Taxes) or Department of Finance ; the Diwdn-ud-Did (Offtce of the Crown Property) ; the Diwdn-iiz-zimdm (Audit or Accounts Office) ; the Diwdn- ul-Jund (War Office) ; the Diwdn-ul-Mawdli wa'l Ghilmdn (Office for the Protection of Clients and Slaves), where a register was kept of the freedmen and slaves of the Caliph, and arrangements made for their maintenance ; the Diwdn-ul- Barid (the Post Office) ; Diwdn-uz-Zimdm an-Nafakdt (House- hold Expense Office) ; the Diwdn-ur-Rasdil (Board of Corre- spondence or Chancery Office) ; the Diwdn-ut-Toukia (Board of Requests) ; the Diwdn un nazr fi'l Mazdlim (Board for the Inspection of Grievances) ; the Diwdn-ul-Ahdds w'ash-Shurta VII. THE POLITICAL SPIRIT OF ISLAM 285 (Militia and Police Office) ; and the Diwdn-ul-'Atd (Donation Office), analogous to the paymaster-general's department, charged with the payment of the regular troops. The protec- tion of the interests of non-Moslems was entrusted to a special office, the head of which was called the Kdtih-ul-jihhdzeh. Each Government office was presided over by a director who was designated the Rats, or Sadr, and the practical work !of control and supervision was carried on by inspectors, called Mushrifs, or Ndzirs.'^ To this organisation the Abbaside CaHphs added the appointment of an officer with the designation of Hdjib, who introduced the foreign ambassadors, and also foraied a Court of Appeal from the decrees of the Kazis. They instituted the office of Vizier, or Prime Minister, whose duty it was to submit for the consideration of the sovereign the various matters requiring his decision. They gave regularity to the provincial administration, and fixed definitely the contributions due from the provinces. They constructed caravanserais, built cisterns and aqueducts along the road from Bagdad to Mecca, planted trees along the route, and everywhere founded wayside resting- ■ places for the travellers and pilgrims. They made a route . between Mecca and Medina, and laid relays of horses and ! camels between Hijaz and Yemen to facilitate communication I between these two provinces. They established couriers in i every city for the despatch of the post. They formed a central office in the metropolis for the custody and preservation of the archives of the empire, and created an efficient pohce in every part of their dominions. They formed a syndicate of mer- chants, charged with the supervision of commercial transactions, the decision of disputes between mercantile men, and the duty 1 of suppressing fraud. Not only did each centre of commerce ' possess its corporation of merchants but most cities of importance had their town councils. They created the office of Miihtesib, or intendant of the market, who went round daily to examine the weights and measures of the tradespeople. They fostered self-government and protected and encouraged municipal institutions. Agriculture was promoted by advances ^ For a full account of the political and administrative machinery of the Abbasides, see The Short History of the Saracens, pp. 402-443. 286 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. to the peasantry, and periodical reports were required from the provincial officers respecting the prosperity of the people and the state of the country. Many of them, in the midst of their pomp and circumstance, tried to maintain a semblance of republican virtue. Books written by them, baskets woven by them, used to be sold in the market, and the proceeds were supposed to supply the personal expenses of the Caliphs. Their zeal to promote the well-being of their subjects may perhaps be taken into the great Account against their cruelties towards the Alides. Under Mamun and his two immediate successors the Abbaside empire attained the zenith of prosperity. Spain furnishes one of the most instructive examples of the political character of Islam and its adaptability to all forms and conditions of society. This country had suffered fright- fully under the barbarian hordes which had swept over the land, destroying and levelling every institution they found existing. The kingdoms they had formed over the ruins of the Roman administration had effaced the germs of political development. Their subjects were weighted down with feudal burdens, and all the terrible consequences flowing therefrom. Vast areas were completely denuded of population. The introduction of the Islamic Code enfranchised the people as well as the land from feudal bondage. The desert became fruitful, thriving cities sprang into existence on all sides, and order took the place of anarchy. Immediately on their arrival on the soil of Spain, the Saracens published an edict assuring to the subject races, without any difference of race or creed, the most ample liberty, Suevi, Goth, Vandal, Roman, and Jew were all placed on an equal footing with the Moslem. They guaranteed to both Christian and Jew the full exercise of their religions, the free use of their places of worship, and perfect security of person and property. They even allowed them to be governed, within prescribed limits, by their own laws, to fill all civil offices and serve in the army. Their women were invited to intermarry with the conquerors. Does not the conduct of the Arabs in Spain offer an astonishing contrast to that of many European nations, even in modern times, in their treat- ment of conquered nationalities ? Whilst to compare the Arabi 'm. THE POLITICAL SPIRIT OF ISLAM 287 rule with that of the Normans in England, or of the Christians in Syria during the Crusades, would be an insult to common- ^ense and humanity. The fidehty of the Arabs in maintaining their promises, the equal-handed justice which they administered to all classes, without distinction of any kind, secured them the confidence of the people. And not only in these particulars, but also in generosity of mind and in amenity of manner, and in the hospitality of their customs, the Arabians were dis- tinguished above all other people of those times. ^ The Jews had, owing to the influence of the Christian priesthood, suffered bitterly under the barbarians, and they profited most by the change of government. Spanish ladies of the highest rank, among them the sister of Pelagius and the daughter of Roderick, contracted marriages with " the Infidels," as the orthodox Jean Mariana calls the Moslems. They enjoyed all the rights and :privileges which their rank gave them with full liberty of iconscience. The Moslems invited all the landed proprietors, Iwhom the violence of Roderick had driven into the mountains, ito abandon their retreats. Unhappily the depopulation was so igreat that this measure had no effect in supplying inhabitants to the soil. They, accordingly, held forth the most generous advantages to foreign cultivators who wished to establish them- selves in the Peninsula. These offers brought large and industrious colonies from Africa and Asia. Fifty thousand Jews at one time, accompanied by their women and children, j settled in Andalusia. j For seven centuries the Moslems held Spain, and the bene- ficence of their rule, in spite of intestine quarrels and dynastic disputes, is testified to and acknowledged even by their : enemies. The high culture attained by the Spanish Arabs has 'been sometimes considered as due principally to frequent I marriages between Moslems and Christians. This circumstance : undoubtedly exercised a great influence on the development of 1 the Spanish Moslems and the growth of that wonderful civilisa- ■ tion to which modern Europe owes so much of its advance in 'the arts of peace. ^ What happened in Spain happened also in other places. Wherever the Moslems entered a change came 1 Conde's History of the Spanish Moors, » Renan, Averroes et Averroisme, 288 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii over the countries ; order took the place of lawlessness, and peace and plenty smiled on the land. As war was not the privileged profession of one caste, so labour was not the mart of degradation to another. The pursuit of agriculture was as popular wdth all classes as the pursuit of arms.^ The importance which Islam attaches to the duties o1 sovereigns towards their subjects, and the manner in which il promotes the freedom and equality of the people and protects them against the oppression of their rulers, is shown in £ remarkable work ^ on the reciprocal rights of sovereigns anc subjects, by Safi-ud-din Mohammed bin AU bin Taba Taba commonly known as Ibn ut-Tiktaka.^ The book was com posed in 701 a.h. (1301-2), and is dedicated to Fakhr ud-dti Tsa bin Ibrahim, Ameer of Mosul. The first part deals with the duties of sovereigns tc their subjects, and the rules for the administration of public affairs and pohtical economy. The author describes th( qualities essential for a sovereign, — wisdom, justice, know ledge of the wants and wishes of his people, and the fea of God ; and adds emphatically that this latter quality i; the root of all good, and the key to all blessings, " fo when the king is conscious of the presence of God, Hi servants will enjoy the blessings of peace and security." Thi aIJ' jUc xx^ I &lil fc_JlA. S..t sovereign must also possess the quality of mercy, wy3Jt ^;>*^a*. and " this is the greatest of all good quahties." He must hav an ever-present desire to benefit his subjects, and consult wit^ them on their wants ; for the Prophet consulted always wit his Companions, and God hath said,^ " Consult with them ^ 0: every affair." In the administration of pubhc affairs, it is th 1 Oelsner. I 2 This work is generally known as the Kitdb-i-Tarikh-ud-Duwal Hist, tj Dynasties; but its proper title is Kiidb-iil-fakhn fi'l dddb-ul-Sultaniyat wa duwal nl-Isldynia, " the book of Fakhri, concerning the conduct of sovereigi and the Islamic dynasties " ; Derenbourg's Edition ; see Appendix. 3 With a hard kdf. * In the Koran. « I.e. The people. VII. THE POLITICAL SPIRIT OF ISLAM 289 sovereign's duty to superintend the public income, guard the Uves and property of his subjects, maintain peace, check the evil-doer, prevent injuries. He must always keep his word, and then, adds the author significantly, " the duty of the subject is obedience, but no subject is bound to obey a tyrant." Ibn Rushd (the great Averroes) says, " the tyrant is he who governs for himself, and not for his people." The laws of the Moslems, based on equitable principles, and remarkable for their simplicity and precision, did not demand an obedience either difficult to render or incompatible with the intelligence of mankind. The countries where the Moslems estabUshed themselves remained exempt from the disastrous consequences of the feudal system and the feudal code.^ " Admitting no privilege, no caste, their legislation produced two grand results, — that of freeing the soil from factitious burdens imposed by barbarian laws, and of assuring to individuals perfect equality of rights." ^ 1 In Corsica, Sardinia, Sicily, and Lower Italy, the feudal system was introduced after the expulsion of the Arabs. * Oelsner. CHAPTER VIII THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS OF ISLAM iUi\ Hafiz. TO every philosophical student of the history of religion the heading of this chapter must cause surprise, ifj not pain ; to every Islamist devoted to the Founder of his Faith it must cause sorrow and shame. Alas ! that the religion of humanity and universal brotherhood should not have escaped the curse of internecine strife and discord ; that the Faith which was to bring peace and rest to the distracted world should itself be torn to pieces by angry passions and the lust of power. The evils, which we deplored in Christianity arose from the incompleteness of the system, and_ its incompatibihty with human needs ; in Islam, the evilsj that we shall have to describe arose from the greed of earthly] advancement, and the revolutionary instincts of individuals] and classes impatient of moral law and order. j Nothing evinces so clearly the extraordinary genius of thfj Arabian Teacher, his wonderful personality, and the impressive ness of his call to religious unity and universal citizenship, a; the world-movement of which he was the cause, and which, ir spite of internal dynastic wars, carried his people on a tida wave of conquest from one end of the globe to the other. Arabia , hitherto the home of warring tribes and clans, each with itij blood-feud of centuries, was suddenly animated with a commoi purpose. Until now the wars of the Arabs and their alliances their virtues and their vices, their love of independence anc VIII. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 291 their clannish feeling, had alike prevented community of action. Suddenly a nation of shepherds is turned into a nation of kings, a race of semi-nomades transformed into masters of " a world- faith and law." With unexampled energy and self-mastering devotion the congeries of wandering clans planted between three continents take up the banner of the Faith and bear it aloft to ever}^ quarter of the earth. " You have been elected to carry to all mankind the message of mercy, the announcement i of divine unity," is the call addressed to them, and they respond I to it with a determination which acknowledges no obstacle. The intensity of conviction, which alone could carry them through the barriers of hostile creeds and races, explains the mystery of the revolution ! Truth is eternal : Mohammed's message was not new. It had been dehvered before, but had not reached the heart of I man. His voice quickened the dead into life, revived the i dying, and made the pulse of humanity beat with the accumu- lated force of ages. The exodus of the Saracens under this mighty impulse, its magnitude and its far-reaching effects, , form the most marvellous phenomenon of modern times. They ; issued from their desert-fastnesses as the preceptors of ; humanity. Within thirty years — the term prophesied for the ' true CaHphate — they were knocking at the gate of every nation, ; from the Hindu Kush to the shores of the Atlantic, to deliver , their message. In the short space of time which elapsed from ; the death of the Prophet to the subversion of the Republic, I they built up an empire, which, in its vastness, exceeded that j achieved by the Romans after thirteen centuries of continuous 1 expansion. Turn over the pages of Ibn ul-Athir, Tabari, or I Abulfeda, you will find a continuous record of the wave rolling onward, fertilising every soil over which it passes, assimilating in its way all that is good. I The same causes, however, which, until the advent of the , Prophet, had prevented the growth of the Arabs into a nation, I — the same tribal jealousies, the same division of clan and clan, i the marks of which are still visible throughout the Moslem ; world, — led eventually, not only to the ruin of the Republic, but also to the downfall of the Saracenic empire. " Had the followers of Mohammed marched on the lines of the Master 292 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. and adopted the character of the early CaUphs," says d'Ohsson, " their empire would have been still more vast and more durable than that of the Romans." But the greed of the Ommeyyade, the unruliness of the Arab, and his spirit of individualism, which showed itself even when arrayed against a common foe, caused the overthrow of the stupendous fabric which the heroism and devotion of the early Moslems had raised. Owing to this, they lost Tours, even whilst victory was within their grasp ; they were driven out of Spain because they could not forget the old jealousies of the desert, and make common cause against the enemy. But though the Republic fell, and the imperial sceptre passed from the hands of the Saracens, the Faith lived. It was the outcome of ages of evolution. It represented the latest phase in the religious development of man ; it did not depend for its existence or its growth on the life of empires or men. And as it spread and fructified, each race and each age profited by its teachings according to their own spiritual necessities and, intellectual comprehension ! \ The Church of Mohammed, like the Church of Christ, hasj been rent by intestine divisions and strifes. Difference o: opinion on abstract subjects, about which there cannot be an) certitude in a finite existence, has always given rise to greatei bitterness and a fiercer hostility than ordinary differences oi matters within the range of human cognition. The disputei respecting the nature of Christ deluged the earth with th<| blood of millions ; the question of Free-will in man caused, i! not the same amount of bloodshed, equal trouble in Islam; The claim to infaUibility on the part of the Pontiffs of Ronni convulsed Christendom to its core ; the infallibility of tb| people and of the Fathers became in Islam the instrument fa' the destruction of precious fives. Most of the divisions in the Church of Mohammed owe thei origin primarily to political and dynastic causes, — to the oL tribal quarrels, and the strong feeling of jealousy whic animated the other Koreishites against the family of Hashiir It is generally supposed that the Prophet had not expressl designated any one as his [successor in the spiritual and ten poral Government of Islam ; but this notion is founded on VIII. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 293 mistaken apprehension of facts, for there is abundant evidence that many a time the Prophet had indicated Ah for the vice- gerency. Notably on the occasion of the retm^n journey from the performance of " the Farewell Pilgrimage," during a halt at a place called Khumm, he had convoked an assembly of the people accompanying him, and used words which could leave little doubt as to his intention regarding a successor. " Ali," said he, " is to me what Aaron was to Moses. Almighty God ! be a friend to his friends and a foe to his foes ; help those who help him, and frustrate the hopes of those who betray him ! " ^ On the other hand, the nomination of Abu Bakr to lead prayers during the Prophet's illness might point to a different choice. The question came up for discussion and settlement on his decease, when it became necessary to elect a leader for Islam. The Hashimites maintained that the office had devolved by appointment as well as by succession upon Ali. The other Koreishites insisted upon proceeding by election. Whilst the kinsmen of Mohammed were engaged in his obsequies, Abu Bakr was elected to the Caliphate by the votes of the Koreish and some of the Medinite Ansar. The urgency of an immediate selection for the headship of the State might explain the haste. With his usual magnanimity and devotion to the Faith, scrupulously anxious to avoid the least discord among the disciples of the Master, Ali at once gave in his adhesion to Abu Bakr. Three times was he set aside, and on every occasion he accepted the choice of the electors without demur. He himself had never stood forth as a candidate for the suffrages of the electors, and whatever might have been the feeling of his partisans, he had never refrained from giving to the first two Cahphs his help and advice in the governance of the Commonwealth : and they on their side had always deferred to his counsel and his exposition of the Master's teachings. We have already referred to the circumstances connected with the elevation of Osman to the Cahphate. We will here trace ' Ibn Khallikan, vol. i. p. 383. " According to Al-Hazimi," says Ibn- Khallikan, " Khumm is the name of a valley lying between Mecca and Medina, and in the neighbourhood of at-Tuhfa. It contains a pond (Ghadir) near which the Prophet pronounced his invocation." This took place on the i8th of Zu'l-Hijja, for Ibn- Khallikan says the 18th of that month " is the anniversary of the Feast of Ghadir {Id ul-Ghadh). which is the same as that of Ghadir i-Khumm." 294 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. the events which followed upon his accession to elucidate the history of the deplorable schism which has for so long divided the Moslem world into two sects. Osman possessed neither the shrewdness of Abu Bakr nor the intellectual vigour or the moral fibre of Omar. His amiability and easy good nature made him a pliable tool in the hands of his kinsfolk. The venerable Caliph surrounded by his hungry kinsmen, the provinces crying for redress, and the general body of Moslems sullenly watching the proceedings of the head of the State, form an instructive though sad picture of the times. The character of the deluded Pontiff has been graphically portrayed } by Dozy. "The personality of Osman did not justify his election to the Caliphate. It is true he was rich and generous, had assisted Mohammed and the rehgion by pecuniary sacrifices, and that he prayed and fasted often, and was a man of amiable and soft manners. He was, however, not a man of spirit, and was greatly enfeebled by old age. His timidity was such that when placed on the pulpit he knew not how to commence his sermon. Unhappily for this old man, he possessed an inordinate fondness for his kinsmen, who formed the Meccan aristocracy, and who, for twenty years, had insulted, persecuted, and fought against Mohammed. Soon they dominated over him com- pletely. His uncle, Hisham, and especially Hisham's son, Merwan, in reality governed the country, only allowing the title of Cahph to Osman, and the responsibility of the most compromising measures, of which he was often wholly ignorant. The orthodoxy of these two men, especially of the father, was strongly suspected. Hisham had been converted only when Mecca was taken. Having betrayed state-secrets, he had been disgraced and exiled. Abu Bakr and Omar had maintained the order passed (b}' the Prophet). Osman, on the contrary, not only recalled him from his exile, but gave him on his arrival a hundred thousand pieces of silver from the public treasury^ and a piece of land belonging to the State. He made Merwan his secretary and vizier, and married him to one of his daughters and enriched him with the spoils of Africa." ^ . . . He con- firmed Mu'awiyah, the son of Abu Sufian and Hind, who hac fought against Mohammed with such ferocity at Ohod, in tht ' Doz}', Hist, des Mussulmans dans I'Espagne, vol. i. p. 4-|. VIII. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 295 governorship of Syria ; and his foster-brother, Abdullah ibn Sa'd ibn Snrrah, to the satrapy of Egypt. This Abdullah was at one time a secretary to the Prophet, and when the Master dictated his revelations, he used to change the words and " denaturalise " their meaning. His sacrilege being discovered, he had fled, and had relapsed into idolatry. Walid, an uterine brother of the old Caliph, was made governor of Kufa. His father had often ill-treated Mohammed, and once nearly strangled him. An abandoned debauchee, a profligate drunkard, his life was a scandal to the Moslems. He appeared in the mosque at the time of morning-prayers helpless from intoxication, falling prostrate on the ground as he attempted to perform the duties of an Imam, or leader of prayer ; and when the by-standers hurried up to assist him to his feet, shocked them by demanding more wine, in a husky and stam- mering voice. These were the men whom the Caliph favoured ! They fastened upon the provinces like famished leeches, heaping up wealth by means of pitiless extortion. Complaints poured into Medina from all parts of the empire. But the complaints were invariably dismissed with abuses and hard words. ^ A deputation, consisting of twelve thousand men, headed by Mohammed, the son of the Caliph Abu Bakr, came to the capital to lay before Osman the grievances of the people, and to seek redress. Sore pressed at their demands for justice, he had recourse to the intervention of the son-in-law of the Prophet whose advice he had hitherto persistently refused to heed. Ali persuaded the deputation to depart to their homes, by giving them a pledge that their complaints should be redressed. On their way back, and hardly at a day's journey from Medina, they intercepted a letter written by Osman's secretary, which bore the Caliph's own seal, containing a mandate to the un- scrupulous Mu'awiyah to massacre them in a body. Enraged at this treachery, they returned to Medina, entered the old Cahph's house, and killed him. His death furnished to the Ommeyyades what they were long thirsting for, a plea for a revolt against Islam, — against its democracy, its equal rights, and its stern rules of morahty. It furnished to the Meccans and their allies an excuse for organising a conspiracy against ' Ibn ul-Athir, vol. iii. p. 125. 296 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM 11. Medinite dominance, which they hated so bitterly. Ah had tried hard to save Osman, at first by wise counsels not to abandon himself absolutely into the hands of his unprincipled kinsmen, and at the last crisis by placing himself before the infuriated soldiery, and asking for consideration for the vener- able though misguided pontiff. He had nearly sacrificed his own sons in his endeavours to protect Osman. On Osman's death he was raised to the Caliphate by the unanimous voice of the people. Since the death of the Prophet, Ali, though he had never failed to attend the councils of State, had always maintained a dignified reserve and a noble independence of character. In his retirement he had chiefly devoted himself to study and the peaceable occupations of domestic life. Called to the helm of the State, he received the oath of fealty with his usual simplicity, declaring his readiness to resign the office to any one more worthy. " Had," says Sedillot, " the principle of hereditary succession (in favour of Ali) been recognised at the outset, it would have prevented the rise of those disastrous pretensions which engulfed Islam in the blood of Moslems. . . . The husband of Fatima united in his person the right of succession as the lawful heir of the Prophet, as well as the right by election. It might have been thought that all would submit themselves before his glory ; so pure and so grand. But it was not to be." Zubair and Talha, who had hoped that the choice of the people might fall on either of them for the Caliphate, baulked in their am- bitious designs, and smarting under the refusal of the new Caliph to bestow on them the governorships of Basra and Kufa, were the first to raise the standard of revolt. They were assisted by 'Ayesha, the daughter of Abu Bakr, who had taken a decisive part in the former elections. This lady had always borne an inveterate dislike towards the son-in-law of Khadija, and now this feeling had grown into positive hatred. She was:^ the life and soul of the insurrection, and herself accompanied ■; the insurgent troops to the field, riding a camel. The Caliph, with his characteristic aversion to bloodshed, sent his cousin Abdullah bin Abbas to adjure the insurgents by every obliga- tion of the Faith to abandon the arbitrament of war. But toi' no avail. Zubair and Talha gave battle at a place called; VIII. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 297 Khoraiba, and were defeated and killed.^ 'Ayesha was taken prisoner. She was treated with courtesy and consideration, and escorted with every mark of respect to Medina. Hardly had this rebelhon been suppressed, when Ah learnt of the insurrection of Mu'awiyah in Syria. The son of Abu Sufian, like most of his kinsmen whom Osman had appointed to the governorships of the provinces, had, with the gold lavished upon him by the late Pontiff and the wealth of Syria, collected round him a large band of mercenaries. Ali had been advised by several of his councillors to defer the dismissal of the corrupt governors appointed by the late Cahph until he himself was secure against all enemies. " The Bayard of Islam, the hero, without fear and without reproach," ^ refused to be guilty of any duplicity or compromise with injustice. The fiat went forth removing from their offices all the men whom Osman had placed in power, and who had so grossly betrayed the public trust. Mu'awiyah at once raised the standard of revolt. Defeated in several consecutive battles on the plains of Siffin, on the last day when his troops were flying like chaff before the irresistible charge of Malek al-Ashtar, he bethought himself of a ruse to save his men from impending destruction. He made some of his soldiers tie copies of the Koran to their spears, and advance towards the Moslems shouting, " Let the blood of the Faithful cease to flow ; if the Syrian army be destroyed, who will defend the frontier against the Greeks ? If the army of Irak be destroyed, who will defend the frontier against the Turks and Persians ? Let the Book of God decide between us." The Caliph, who knew well the character of the arch-rebel and his fellow-conspirator, Amr(u) the son of al-'As, saw through the artifice, and tried to open the eyes of his people to the treachery ; but a large body of his troops refused to fight further, and demanded that the dispute should be referred to arbitration. In answer to the Caliph's assurances that the son of Abu Sufian was only using the Koran as a device for delivering himself from the jaws of death, these refractory 1 The battle is called the " Battle of the Camel," from 'Ayesha's presence in a litter on a camel. The place where the fight actually took place and where these men were killed, is called Wddi us-Saba', " Valley of the Lion." - These are the designations given to Ali by Major Osborn. 298 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. spirits threatened open defection.^ Malek al-Ashtar was recalled, the battle was stopped, and the fruits of a victory already! won were irretrievably lost.^ An arbitration was arranged.; The bigots, who had compelled AH to sheathe the sword at thei moment of victory, forced upon him, against his own judgment! and wishes, Abu Musa al-Asha'ri as the representative of the{ House of Mohammed. This man, who was also secretly hostile, to Ali, was altogether unfitted by his vanity and religious'i conceit and a somewhat simple nature to cope with the astute and unscrupulous Amr the son of al-'As, who acted as the representative of Mu'awiyah, and he soon fell into the trap laid for him by the latter. Amr led Abu Musa to believe that the removal of both Ali and Mu'awiyah (of the one from the Cali- phate and of the other from the governorship of Syria), and} the nomination of another person to the Headship of Islam,! was necessary to the well-being of the Moslems. The trick] succeeded ; Abu Musa ascended the pulpit and solemnly an-j nounced the deposition of Ali. After making this announcement! he descended aglow with the sensation of having performed, a virtuous deed. And then Amr smilingly ascended the pulpiti vacated by Abu Musa the representative of AH, and pronounced that he accepted the deposition of Ali, and appointed Mu'awiyah in his place. Poor Abu Musa was thunder-struck ; but the treachery was too patent, and the Fatimides refused to accept the decision as vahd.^ This happened at Dumat ul-Jandal. The treachery of the Ommeyyades exasperated the Fatimides, and both parties separated vowing undying hatred towards each other. Ali was shortly after assassinated whilst engaged in prayer in a mosque at Kufa.^ His assassina-i tion enabled the son of Abu Sufian to consolidate his power] both in Syria and Hijaz. On the death of Ali, Hasan, his! ^ Shahristani, pt. i. p. 85. - Ibid. ^ Those very men who had forced upon the CaUph the arbitration after- wards repudiated it, and rose in rebelUon against him for consenting to theii demand for arbitration. They were the original Khawarij (insurgents), whc became afterwards an enormous source of evil to Islam ; see post. ^ With the chivalrous generosity which distinguished him, the Caliph Ali, even in his war against his treacherous foe, always ordered his troops tc await the enemy's attack, to spare the fugitive, and respect the captive, andj never to insult the women. With his dying breath he commanded his sons' to see that the murderer was killed with one stroke of the sword, and that nc unnecessary pain might be inflicted on him. VIII. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 299 eldest son, was raised to the Caliphate. Fond of ease and i quiet, he hastened to make peace with the enemy of his House, and retired into private life. But the Ommeyyade's animosity pursued him even there, and before many months were over ! he was poisoned to death. The star of Hind's son was now in i the ascendant, and Abu Sufian's ambition to become the king , of Mecca was fulfilled on a grander scale by Mu'awiyah. Thus , was the son of the two most implacable foes of the Prophet, ' by the strangest freak of fortune recorded in history, seated on • the throne of the Caliphs. Lest it be considered our estimate I of Mu'awiyah's character is actuated by prejudice, we give the • words of a historian who cannot be accused of bias in favour of either side. " Astute, unscrupulous, and pitiless," says i Osborn, " the first Khalif of the Ommayas shrank from no I crime necessary to secure his position. Murder was his accus- ! tomed mode of removing a formidable opponent. The grand- i son of the Prophet he caused to be poisoned ; Malek-al-Ashtar, : the heroic heutenant of Ah, was destroyed in a hke way. To ! secure the succession of his son Yezid, IMu'awiyah hesitated not i to break the word he had pledged to Husain, the surviving son t of AH. And yet this cool, calculating, thoroughly atheistic ; Arab ruled over the regions of Islam, and the sceptre remained . among his descendants for the space of nearly one hundred and i twenty years. The explanation of this anomaly is to be found ; in two circumstances, to which I have more than once adverted. The one is, that the truly devout and earnest Muhammadan ! conceived that he manifested his religion most effectually by I withdrawing himself from the affairs of the world. The other j is the tribal spirit of the Arabs. Conquerors of Asia, of j Northern Africa, of Spain, the Arabs never rose to the level of i their position. Greatness had been thrust upon them, but in the midst of their grandeur they retained, in all their previous . force and intensity, the passions, the rivalries, the petty : jealousies of the desert. They merely fought again on a wider field ' the battles of the Arabs before Islam.' " With the rise of Mu'awiyah the oligarchical rule of the heathen times displaced the democratic rule of Islam. Paganism, with all its attendant depravity, revived, and vice and immorality followed everywhere in the wake of 300 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. Ommeyyade governors and the Syrian soldiery. Hijaz and Irak groaned under the usurper's rule ; but his hold on the throat of Islam was too strong to be shaken off with impunity. The wealth which he pitilessly extracted from his subjects, he lavished on his mercenaries, who in return helped him to repress all murmurings. Before his death, he convened the chief officers of his army and made them take the oath of fealty to his son Yezid, whom he had designated as his successor to the throne. This was Yezid's title to the Caliphate ! On; Mu'awiyah's death, the Domitian of the house of Ommeyya; ascended the throne founded by his father on fraud andj treachery. As cruel and treacherous as Muawiyah, he did not, ' like his father, possess the capacity to clothe his cruelties in the guise of policy. His depraved nature knew no pity or justice. He killed and tortured for the pleasure he derived from human suffering. Addicted to the grossest of vices, his boon companions were the most abandoned of both sexes. Such was the Caliph — the Commander of the Faithful ! Hus- ain, the second son of Ali, had inherited his father's chivalric nature and virtues. He had served with honour against the Christians in the siege of Constantinople. He united in his person the right of descent from AH, with the holy character of grandson of the Apostle. In the terms of peace signed between Mu'awiyah and Hasan, his right to the Caliphate had been expressly reserved. Husain had never deigned to acknowledge the title of the tyrant of Damascus, whose vices he despised, and whose character he regarded with abhorrence ; and when the Moslems of Kufa besought his help to release; them from the curse of the Ommeyyade's rule, he felt it his; duty to respond to the Irakians' appeal for deliverance. The* assurances he received, that all Irak was ready to spring to its feet to hurl the despot from his throne the moment he appeared on the scene, decided him to start for Kufa with his family He traversed the desert of Arabia unmolested, accompanied by his brother Abbas, a few devoted followers, and a timorous, retinue of women and children ; but as he approached the' confines of Irak he was alarmed by the solitary and hostile face of the country, and suspecting treachery, the Ommey- yade's weapon, he encamped his small band at a place called VIII. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 301 iKerbela near the western bank of the Euphrates. No event in histor}' surpasses in pathos the scenes enacted on this spot. Husain's apprehensions of betrayal proved to be only too true. He was overtaken by an Ommeyyade army under the brutal and ferocious Obaidullah ibn-Ziyad. For days their tents were surrounded ; and as the cowardly hounds dared not come within the reach of the sword of All's son they cut the victims off from the waters of the Tigris. The sufferings of the poor band of martjTS were terrible. In a conference with the chief of the enemy, Husain proposed the option of three honourable conditions : that he should be allowed to return to Medina, or be stationed in a frontier garrison against the Turks, or safely conducted to the presence of Yezid.^ But the com- mands of the Ommeyyade tyrant were stern and inexorable — that no mercy should be shown to Husain or his party, and that they must be brought as criminals before the " Caliph " to be dealt with according to the Ommeyyade sense of justice. As a last resource, Husain besought these monsters not to war upon the helpless women and children, but to kill him and be done with it. But they knew no pity. He pressed his friends to consult their safety by a timely flight ; they unanimously refused to desert or survive their beloved master. One of the enemy's chiefs, struck with horror at the sacrilege of warring against the grandson of the Prophet, deserted with thirty followers " to claim the partnership of inevitable death." In every single combat and close fight the valour of the Fatimides was invincible. But the enemy's archers picked them off from a safe distance. One by one the defenders fell, until at last there remained but the grandson of the Prophet. Wounded and dying he dragged himself to the river-side for a last drink ; they turned him off with arrows from there. And as he re- entered his tent he took his infant child in his arms ; him they transfixed with a dart. The stricken father bowed his head to heaven. Able no more to stand up against his pitiless foes, 1 The author of the Ronzai-tis-Safd. after stating the above, adds that an attendant of Husain, who by chance escaped the butchery of Kerbela, denied that his master, so far as he was aware, ever made any such proposal to the Ommeyyade leader. It is possible, however, that such denial was made in order to show that Husain did not lower himself by proposing terms to the enemy. To my mind, however, it detracts in no way from the grandeur of Husain's character that he proposed terms to the Ommeyyades. 302 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. alone and weary, he seated himself at the door of his tent. One of the women handed him a cup of water to assuage his burning thirst ; as he raised it to his lips he was pierced in the mouth with a dart ; and his son and nephew were killed in his arms. He lifted his hands to heaven, — they were full of blood, — and he uttered a funeral prayer for the living and the dead. Raising himself for one desperate charge, he threw himself among the Ommeyyades, who fell back on every side. But faint with loss of blood he soon sank to the ground, and then the murderous crew rushed upon the dying hero. They cut off his head, trampled on his body, and subjected it to every , ignominy in the old spirit of Hind. They carried the martyr's | head to the castle of Kufa, and the inhuman Obaidullah struck I it on the mouth with a cane : " Alas ! " exclaimed an aged ; Musulman, " on these lips have I seen the lips of the Apostle of God." " In a distant age and climate," says Gibbon, " the tragic scene of the death of Husain will awaken the sympathy of the coldest reader." It will now be easy to understand, if not to sympathise with, the frenzy of sorrow and indignation to which the adherents of Ali and his children give vent on the recurrence of the anniversary of Husain's martyrdom. Thus fell one of the noblest spirits of the age, and with him perished all the male members of his family, — old and young,— with the solitary exception of a sickly child, whom Husain's sister, Zainab (Zenobia), saved from the general massacre. He, too, bore the name of Ali, and in after-life received the noble designation of Zain ul-'Abidin, " the Ornament of the Pious." He was the son of Husain by the daughter of Yezdjard, the last Sasanide king of Persia, and in him was perpetuated the house of Mohammed. He represented also, in his mother's right, the claims of the Sasanians to the throne of Iran. The tragical fate of Husain and his children sent a thrill of horror through Islam ; and the revulsion of feeling which it caused proved eventually the salvation of the Faith. It arrested the current of depravity which flowed from the Ommeyyade court of Damascus. It made the bulk of Moslems think of what the Master had done, and of the injuries which the children of his enemies were inflicting on Islam. For a hundred years, however, the Ommeyyades ruled with the free VIII. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 303 help of tlie sword and poison. They sacked Medina, and drove the children of the Helpers into exile in far-away lands. The city which had sheltered the Prophet from the persecution of {the idolaters, and which he loved so dearly, the hallowed ground he had trod in life, and every inch of which was sanc- tified by his holy work and ministry, was foully desecrated ; and the people who had stood by him in the hour of his need, and helped him to build up the arch of the Faith, were sub- jected to the most terrible and revolting atrocities, which find ;a parallel only in those committed by the soldiers of the Con- stable of France and the equally ferocious Lutherans of George Frundsberg at the sack of Rome. The men were massacred, the women outraged, the children reduced into slavery. The public mosque was turned into a stable, the shrines demolished ifor the sake of their ornaments. During the whole period of lOmmeyyade domination the holy city remained a haunt of iwild beasts.^ The paganism of Mecca was once more trium- 'phant. And " its reaction," says Dozy, " against Islam was cruel, terrible, and revolting." The Meccans and the Ommey- 1 yades thus repaid the clemency and forbearance shown to them iin the hour of Islam's triumph ! The Ommeyyades produced ' many notable men eminent for piety and virtue, chief amongst them Omar bin-'Abdul Aziz, the Marcus Aurelius of the Arabs, ; a virtuous sovereign, a good ruler, and a God-fearing Moslem, 'who modelled his life after his great namesake the second ! Caliph. For the rest they were unabashed pagans and revelled in the disregard of the rules and discipline of the religion they professed. But for the Ommeyyades, the difference between the followers of the Ahl-ul-Bait,^ the upholders of All's right to the apostolical succession, and those who maintained the right of the people to elect their own spiritual as well as temporal chiefs, would never have grown into a schism ; it would have ended in a compromise or coahtion after the accession of Ali to the Cali- phate. The violence and treachery of the children of Ommeyya rendered this impossible. They had waded to the throne ^ Abdul Malik ibn-Merwan went so far as to issue an edict forbidding pilgrims to visit the sepulchre of the Prophet at Medina. * For the meaning of this word see note 2, page 313. 304 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. through manifold crimes and oceans of blood ; it was necessary for them to impart a semblance of validity to their tenure of the ofhce of Caliph. They claimed to have the title of Ameey- nl-Mominin by right of election — election by their own mer- cenaries and pagan partisans. After the sack of Medina and the destruction and dispersion of the family of Mohammed and the Muhajirin and Ansar, it was easy to draw precedents from the early Caliphate, and when that failed, to manufacture ' traditions. Nor was it difficult to appropriate a title which ' might have been assumed, but was not, by those who supported i the right of the universality of the people to elect their chiefs, li The giants who had built up the Republic were dead or de- ! stroyed ; their children were fugitives or slaves ; who was to ' question the validity of the title so adroitly usurped ? The i Ommeyyade policy was pursued by the dynasty which took its place. The same fierce jealousy with which the Bani- ; Ommeyya had pursued or persecuted the Bani-Fatima, char-j acterised the conduct of the Bani-Abbas towards the descen- dants of Mohammed. They had no claim to the Caliphate « themselves ; they made the affection of the people for the children of Fatima the means for their own elevation, and when they had attained the desired end they rewarded the Fatimides with bitter persecution. Their title also was founded on quasi- election, and naturally they hunted, hke the Ommeyyades, all { who questioned the legality of their claim, or who upheld in ! explicit terms the doctrine of the devolution of the Imamate by succession in the line of Mohammed. Every difference of opinion was strictly repressed ; even the jurists of the time j were punished if they ventured to express opinions which didj not find favour with the sovereigns. ^ If we did not keep inj view the circumstances which led to the sudden and unexpected ■ rise of the Abbasides, we would be apt to regard it as pheno- menal. The terrible cruelties inflicted by the Ommeyyades on the children of Fatima, and the sublime patience with which they had borne their sufferings and their wrongs, had given' rise to a universal feeling of horror against the tyrants, andij had invested the objects of persecution, in the eyes of their 1 Imam Malik ibn Anas, the third pillar of the Sunni Church, was publicly punished for an offence of this nature. VIII. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 305 followers and disciples, with a superhuman halo. Persecution, however fierce, has always failed to achieve its end ; instead of stamping out the faith or devotion of a sect or community, it has diverted it into new channels and imparted to it greater vitality. In Islam, as in Christianity, the dangers of the battle- field and the pains of persecution have " clothed with more than earthly splendour the objects for whom they were endured." And the children of Fatima, saints who had submitted to the injustice of man and devoted themselves to intellectual pursuits and the practice of religion, — without arms, without treasure, and without subjects, — ruled more firmly over the hearts of their followers, and enjoyed the veneration of the people to a greater degree, than the caliph in his palace, the master of legions. The cup of Ommeyyade iniquity was full to over- flowing, and men were crying aloud in the anguish of their hearts, O Lord, how long ! On every side there was an eager and passionate longing engendered by the vices and misrule of the pseudo-caliphs that the House of Mohammed might be restored to its rights. They looked wistfully to the Imams to give the sign, but these saints had retired from the world ; their domain was no more of this earth. Successive avengers ^ of their wrongs had risen in arms, and gone down before the serried ranks of their Syrian enemies. The people waited for authority from the divinely-appointed leaders of the Faithful, but they condemned the use of force. What was to be done ? Several scions of the House who had risen against the Bani- Ommeyya, contrary to the counsel and without the sanction of the heads of the family, had sacrificed themselves to their ambition or their religious zeal. It was at this juncture, at this moment of unrest, when the Moslems were longing for a sign from the House of Mohammed, that the Bani-Abbas appeared on the scene. The Bani-Abbas were the descendants of Abbas, an uncle of the Prophet. Abbas had always taken a deep interest in the progress of Islam ; he was Mohammed's companion when the famous " Pledge of the Women " was taken from the Medinites. But from some weakness of char- acter or from policy, he did not embrace Islam definitely until about the time Mecca fell. He was, however, always treated * Sulaiman ibn Surrad, al-Mukhtar, and Yezid ibn Muhallib. S.I. u 3o6 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. with the greatest affection and consideration by Mohammed. The Prophet's example was imitated by Abu Bakr, Omar, and Osman. They dismounted if they met him walking ; and not unfrequently would accompany him to his residence.^ He died in A.H. 32, — according to some, two years later, — leaving four sons, Abdullah {Abu I Abbas Abdullah ibn Abbas), Fazl, Obaid- uUah, and Kaithan. Abdullah, better known in history and tradition as Ibn Abbas, was bom at Mecca in a.c. 619, three years before the Hegira, He was instructed in the Koran and jurisprudence by Ali himself. His reputation as a scholar and expounder of the Koran and of the decisions of the Caliphs stood so high that crowds flocked from all parts to hear his lectures. He gave public lessons one day in the week on the interpretation of the Koran ; another day, on law ; the third, on grammar ; the fourth, on the history of the Arabs, and the fifth on poetry. He gave an impulse to the study and pre- servation of pre-Islamic Arab literature and history by fre- quently quoting verses from the ancient poets to explain and illustrate the difficult and obscure passages of the Koran. He was wont to say, " When you meet with a difficulty in the Koran, look for its solution in the poems of the Arabs, for these are the registers of the Arab nation . " ^ The steady and un var}4ng devotion of Ibn Abbas and his brothers to Ali was proverbial. All four brothers were present at " the Battle of the Camel," and at Siffin, Ibn Abbas, who was no less an accomplished soldier than a scholar, commanded the cavalry of Ali. He acted frequently as the envoy of the Caliph, and it was he whom Ah desired to nominate as the representative of the House of Mohammed when forced by the refractory troops to refer the dispute between himself and Mu'awiyah to arbitration.^ Ibn Abbas died at Tayef of a broken heart, after the murder of Husain, in a.h. 67, in the seventieth year of his age. His son, who was named Ah after the great Caliph, walked in the footsteps of his father in his zealous attachment to the children of Fatima. He died in a.h. 117, 1 Abbas may be called the John of Gaunt of Moslem liistory. 2 Once he was asked how he had acquired his extensive knowledge : his reply was, " By means of an inquiring tongue and an intelligent heart." 3 Shahristani, pt. i. p. 86. nil. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 307 ind was succeeded in the headship of his family by his son Mohammed. At this time, Persia, Irak, and Hijaz, which had suffered nost from the atrocities of the Bani-Ommeyya, were honey- rombed by secret organisations for the overthrow of the hated "amily. The Bani-Abbas were the most active in the move- ment to subvert the Ommeyyade rule, at first, perhaps, from I sincere desire to restore to the Fatimides their just rights, Dut afterwards in their own interests. Mohammed, the son of \li ibn Abdullah, was the first to conceive the project of seizing he Caliphate for himself. He was a man of great ability and mbounded ambition. Whilst working ostensibly for the Fati- nides, he contrived gradually to establish the pretensions of lis own family. He started a new doctrine to justify the ■laims of his house to the Imamate : that on the murder of Tusain at Kerbela, the spiritual headship of Islam was not ransmitted to his surviving son Ali (Zain ul-'Abidin), but to \Iohammed ibn al-Hanafiya, a son of the Caliph Ali by a lifferent mother, whom he had married after the death of .^atima, belonging to the tribe of Hanifa ; that upon his death he office descended upon his son Hashim, who had assigned t formally to the Abbaside Mohammed. This story received redence in some quarters ; but for the bulk of the people, who lung to the descendants of the Prophet, the da' is 1 of the Vbbasides affirmed that they were working for the Ahl-ul-hait. iitherto, the Abbasides had professed great devotion to the iouse of Fatima, and had ascribed to all their movements and )lans the object of securing justice for the descendants of slohammed. The representatives and adherents of the Ahl- d-hait, Uttle suspecting the treachery which lay behind their professions, extended to Mohammed bin Ali and to his party he favour and protection which was needed to impress upon lis action the sanction of a recognised authority. The attach- nent of the Persians to the Fatimide cause was due to historical !.nd national associations. The Fatimides represented in their )ersons, through the daughter of Yezdjard, the right to the hrone of Iran. From the first commencement of the Islamic )reachings, Ali had extended the utmost consideration and ' Missionaries or political agents. 3o8 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. friendship to the Persian converts, Salman the Persian, one of the most notable disciples of the Prophet, was long the associate and friend of the Caliph. After the battle of Kadesia, Ali used to devote his share of the prize-money to the redemp- tion of the captives, and repeatedly by his counsel induced Omar to lighten the burden of the subjects. The devotion oj the Persians to his descendants was intelligible. Mohammed bin Ali beguiled the Persians by preaching to them theii approaching deliverance from the hated rule of their Aral oppressors. To the Yemenites settled in Khorasan, Pars, anc other provinces of Iran, who were equally attached to th( Ahl-ul-hait, and whose animosity against their old enemies, th( descendants of Mozar, was inflamed by many recent injuries he proclaimed he was acting solely on behalf of the Imams o the House of Mohammed. He succeeded in winning over t( his side Abu Mushm, the ablest general of his time, and hithert* a devoted partisan of the children of Ali. Before his death which took place in 125 A.H., he named his sons Ibrahim Abdullah Abu'l Abbas (surnamed Saffdh), Abdullah Abu Ja'fa (surnamed al-Mansur) as his successors, one after the other. • The furious struggle which broke out about the middle of th eighth century between the Yemenites and Mozarites i| Khorasan served as a signal to apply the torch to the well-laij mine. Abu Muslim sent word to his partisans in every cit and village of the Province to raise at once the standard ( revolt. The cause proclaimed was " the rights of the Ahl-u\ bait " against the usurping Bani-Ommeyya. A short tiirj previously, Yahya, a grandson of the Imam Ali Zain-ul-'Abidii had revolted and been killed, and his body was exposed, by tl order of Merwan, upon a gibbet. Abu Muslim ordered tl; remains of the young chief to be taken down and buried wit every mark of respect ; and his followers clothed themselv in black in token of their sorrow, and their determination avenge the death of Yahya. From that day black became t) distinguishing symbol of the Abbaside cause. And wh the order went forth summoning the people to arms against t usurpers, the crowd, clothed in black, which flocked to t; trysting-places showed the widespread character and strengi of the revolt. The gathering was to take place on the nig: VIII. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 309 of the 25th of Ramazan a.h. 127, and the people were to be summoned by large bonfires lighted on the tops of the hills. Vast multitudes poured from every quarter into Merv, where Abu Muslim was dwelhng at the time. Ibrahim, who had succeeded Mohammed bin Ali as the head of the Abbasides, was seized by Merwan and killed ; but before his death he contrived to pass to his second brother, Abu'l Abbas, a docu- ment assigning him the authority in accordance with the testament of their father. Abii Muslim soon made himself master of the whole of Khorasan, and marched his victorious troops towards Irak. Nothing as yet was divulged as to the ultimate purpose of the movement. The Ahl-ul-bait was the watchword which rallied all classes of people round the black standard. Kufa surrendered at once. Hasan ibn Kahtaba, the Ueutenant of Abu Muslim, entered the city at the head of his troops, and was joined at once by Abu Salma Ja'ar ibn Sulaiman al-Khallal, " who," says the author of the Rouzat-us- Safd, " was designated the vizier of the descendants of Moham- med." Apparently this man acted as the agent of the head of the family. He was received with the greatest consideration by the Abbaside general, " who kissed his hand, and seated him in the place of honour," ^ and told him that it was Abu Muslim's orders that he should be obeyed in all things. Abu Salma's vanity was flattered, but as yet he was wholly unaware of the Abbaside design. A proclamation was issued in the joint names of Abu Salma and Hasan ibn Kahtaba, inviting \ the inhabitants of Kufa to assemble the next day at the Masjid- al-Jdmi' (the pubhc mosque). The people flocked to the mosque expecting some announcement ; but the plot had not yet thickened, and Hasan and the other Abbaside partisans considered the moment inopportune for the proclamation of their design. In the meantime, Abu'l Abbas, with his brother Abu Ja'far, had successfully evaded the Ommeyyade guards, and had arrived at Kufa, where they kept themselves con- cealed, waiting for the next event of the drama. Abu Salma, who was still faithful to the masters he purported to serve, sent a message secretly to the Imam (Ja'far as-Sadik) to come and take up his right. The Imam, knowing well the nature of 1 Rouzat-HS-Safd ; Ibn ul-Athir, vol. v. p. 312 el seq. 310 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM h Irakian communications, burnt the missive unopened. Bu before any answer could reach Abu Salma, he had ahead accepted Abu'l Abbas as the Cahph. He then issued a pre clamation, still acting ostensibly in the name of the Ahl-iil-hai inviting the inhabitants, one and all, to assemble on the follow ing day, which was a Friday, to elect a Caliph. On that da Kufa presented a strange aspect. Large crowds of peoplt clothed in the sable garments of the Bani- Abbas, were hastenin from every quarter to the Masjid-al-jdmi' to hear the lon^ deferred announcement. In due time Abu Salma appeared o the scene, and, strangely, dressed in the same sombre blacl Few, excepting the partisans of Abu'l Abbas, knew how 1 had come to sell himself to the Abbaside cause. He preferre his head to the interests of his masters. After leading tl prayers he explained to the assemblage the object of tl meeting. Abu Muslim, he said, the defender of the Faith ar the upholder of the right of the House, had hurled the Omme; yades from the height of their iniquity ; it was now necessai to elect an Imam and Caliph ; there was none so eminent i] piety, abihty, and all the virtues requisite for the office :j Abu'l Abbas ; and him he offered to the Faithful for electio' Up to this Abu Salma and the Abbasides were dubious of tl impression on the people. They were afraid that even tl Kufians might not view their treachery to the house of / with approbation. But the proverbial fickleness of the Irakia was now proved. They had again and again risen in arms support of the Fatimide cause, and as often betrayed thc:; whom they had pledged themselves to help or whose help thS' had invoked. Swayed by the passing whim of the momeil, they had as often shown themselves to be traitors, as t) defenders of truth. After the massacre of Kerbela they hi been so struck with remorse that twenty thousand of the;, after spending a night over the tomb of Husain praying i." forgiveness, had hurled themselves against the serried legico of Yezid. But the remorse did not last long ; fickle a 1 turbulent, faithless and unreliable, Hajjaj ibn-Yusuf, U veritable " Scourge of God," had alone kept them in ord . And now, no sooner had the words passed from the lips f Abu Salma, proposing Abu'l Abbas as the Caliph, than tly VIII. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 311 burst forth with loud acclamations of the takbir ^ signifying their approval. A messenger was sent in haste to fetch Abu'l Abbas from his concealment, and when he arrived at the mosque there was a frantic rush on the part of the multitude to take his hand and swear fealty. The election was complete. He ascended the pulpit, recited the khutha, and was henceforth the Imam and Cahph of the Moslems. ^ Thus rose the Abbas- ides to power on the popularity of the children of Fatima, whom they repaid afterwards in a different coin. The greed of earthly power is the worst form of ambition. It has caused greater disasters to humanity than any other manifestation of human passion. It never hesitates as to the choice of means to attain its object ; it uses indiscriminately both crime and virtue, the one to disguise its design, the other to achieve its ends. It has even pressed religion into its service. Ambition disguised in the cloak of religion has been productive of fearful calamities to mankind. The popes of Rome, in their incessant endeavour to maintain unimpaired their temporal power, deluged the civilised world with human blood. The pontiffs of Islam, Abbaside, Egyptian Fatimide, and Ommeyyade, seized with avidity upon the claim prepared by willing minions to supreme spiritual and temporal rule, and in their desire to maintain the undivided allegiance of their subjects, caused equal bloodshed and strife in the bosom of Islam. The early Abbaside Caliphs were men of great ability, and possessed of vast foresight and statesmanship. From the moment they were raised to the Caliphate by the acclamation of the people of Kufa, they directed their whole energy towards consolidating the spiritual and temporal power in their hands, and to give shape and consistency to the doctrine of divine sanction to popular election. Henceforth it became a point of vital importance to disavow the principle of apostolical succession by descent, and to make the election by the people almost sacramental. During Saffah's ^ reign, Abu Muslim enjoyed some considera- * I.e. Alldho-Akbar, God is great. * For a full account, see The Short History of the Saracens (Macnullan). 'Abu'l Abbas Abdullah received the title of Saffah, " blood-spiller," or "sanguinary," on account of his unsparing use of the sword against his 312 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. tion, but the king-maker was hated and suspected for his ill- concealed Fatimide proclivities. Under Saffah's successor he was accused of heresy — stigmatised with the opprobrious epithet of Zendik ^ — and killed. The pure and unsullied lives of the leading representatives of the House of Mohammed, the extreme veneration in which they were held by the people, frequently evoked the jealousy of the Abbasides, and exposed the children of Fatima to periodic outbursts of persecution. Harun de- stroyed the Barmekides, who were the bulwarks of his empire and had made for him the fame which he so largely appropriated, solely on suspicion of conspiracy with the Fatimides. This state of affairs lasted until the reign of Abdullah al-Mamun, the noblest Cahph of the house of Abbas, who, on his accession to the Caliphate, resolved to restore to the children of Fatima their just rights. He accordingly named Ah ibn Musa, sur- named Riza (" the acceptable or agreeable "), the eighth Imam of the Fatimides, as his successor, and gave his sister Umm ul-Fazl in marriage to this prince. He also abandoned the black, the Abbaside colour, in favour of the green, which was the recognised standard of the Fatimides. ^ Ali ibn Musa ar-Riza was poisoned by the infuriated Abbasides, and Mamun was forced to resume the black as the colour of his house. The tolerance shown by him to the Fatimides was continued by his two immediate successors (Mu'tasim and Wasik).^ The acces- sion of Mutawakkil was the signal for a new and fierce per- secution, which lasted during the whole fifteen years of a reign signalised by gross cruelty and debauchery. He was succeeded by his son Muntasir, whose first care was to restore the tombs of Ali and Husain, destroyed by Mutawakkil, and to re- estabhsh the sacredness of their memory so wantonly outraged by his father. The sagacity of this Caliph was imitated by his successors, and some degree of toleration was thenceforward extended to the Shiahs. In the year 334 a.h. (a.c. 945) Muiz2 ud-dowla (the Deilemite), of the House of Buwaih, became th( enemies ; one of his successors (Mu'tazid b'illah) received the title of Safial as-Sani (Saffah II.), and the Ottoman, SeUm I., bore the same designation. ^ I.e. a Magian, Guebre, from Zend. - The Fatimides had adopted green, the colour of the Prophet, as the symbc of their cause ; the Bani-Ommeyya, the white ; and the Bani-Abbas, black. ^ Mu'tasim-b'illah (Mohammed) and Wasik b'illah (Harun). .III. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 313 Mayor of the Palace at Bagdad. An enthusiastic partisan of :he Fatimides, he entertained at one time the design of deposing die Abbaside Cahph Muti'ullah, and placing in his stead some Bcion of the house of Ali, but was restrained by motives of ipolicy from carrying this project into effect. Muizz ud-dowla also instituted the Yaum-i-'dshum, the day of mourning, in commemoration of the martyrdom of Hussain and his family on the plains of Kerbela. In the year a.h. 645 (a.c. 1247), under Musta'sim b'illah, another fierce persecution of the Shiahs broke out, the consequences of which proved in the end disastrous to Saracenic civilisation, engulfing in one common ruin the Western Asians. Impelled by the perfidious counsels of the fanatics who surrounded him, this imbecile pontiff of the Sunni Church doomed the entire male population of the Shiahs to massacre. By a terrible edict, which reminds us of the fate of the Albigenses and the Huguenots, he permitted the orthodox to plunder the goods, demolish the houses, ravage the fields, and reduce to slavery the women and children of ithe Shiahs. This atrocious conduct brought upon the ill-fated city of Bagdad the arms of the avenging Hulakii, the grandson ;of Chengiz. For three days the Tartar chief gave up the town ;to rapine and slaughter. On the third day the thirty-seventh Caliph of the house of Abbas was put to death with every circumstance of ignominy ; and so ended the Abbaside idynasty ! ^ ; Until the time of Mu'awiyah the adherents of the Ahl-ul-bait - jhad not assumed or adopted any distinctive appellation. They ' * A scion of the house of Abbas escaped into Egypt, and the titular CaUphate flourished there until the Ottoman Selim obtained a renunciation in his favour from the last of the Abbasides ; see ante, p. 130. *The Ahl-ul-bait, " People of the House " (of Mohammed), is the designa- Ition usually given to Fatima and Ali and their children and descendants. I This is the name by which Ibn-Khaldun invariably designates them, and their followers and disciples, — the Shiahs or adherents of the " People of the House." Sanai represents the general feeling with which the descendants ;of Mohammed were regarded in the following verse : — Ij ,.ii.=a/<> ;;; ^'' J/' y> ^J^'^^t " Excepting the Book of God and his family (descendants) nothing has been left by Ahmed the Prophet, memorials such as these can never be obtained till the Day of Judgment." 314 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM i were known simply as the Bani-Hashim. There was no diffe ence between the Bani-Fatima and the Bani- Abbas ; they wei all connected with each other by the closest ties of blood. Aft* Mu'awiyah's seizure of the sovereign power the followers of tl House of Mohammed began to call themselves Shiahs (adheren and their enemies either Nawdsib (rebels) or Khawdrij (insu gents or deserters). ^ The Ommeyyades called themselv( Aviawis (children of Ommeyya). As yet the name of Ahl-u Sunnat wa'l Jama' at was wholly unknown. Under Mansur an Harun this designation first came into existence. In the tent century, a member of the house of Ali wrested Egypt from tl Abbasides, and estabUshed a dynasty which ruled over th; country and Syria until the rise of Saladin. The anathem: which the Caliphs of Bagdad and Cairo hurled at each othe the multitudinous traditions which were unearthed to demoli: the claims of the one and the other, and the fatwas emanatii from the doctors of the two CaUphates, accentuated the stri and bitterness of partisans. Saladin overthrew the Fatimi( dynasty in Egypt, and restored the predominance of the Sun Church in Eastern Africa. Various other branches of tl Bani-Fatima, however, succeeded in establishing the suprema( of their family in different parts of the two continents. ^ T] Isnd-'asharias ^ alone, the followers of the saintly Imams, wl reprehended the use of force, and who claimed and exercist only a spiritual dominion, maintained an attitude of comple withdrawal from temporal interests, until Shah Ismail t] great Safawi monarch made Isnd-'ashariaism the State religic of Persia. Himself a philosopher and a Sufi, he perceived the sympathy and devotion of the people to the House Mohammed, whose descendant he was, a means of nation awakening and consolidation. Since then Isnd-'ashariaism the national church of Persia. 1 The name of Khawarij was especially given to the troops who desert,. Ali at Dumat ul-Jandal and formed a confederacy hostile to IslSm, and w afterwards applied to those who adopted their pernicious doctrines ; see pi. - Besides the Bani-Fatima of Egypt, other branches of Fatiniides ha; ruled under the different denominations of Ameer, Imam, Sharif, and Cali in different parts of the Musulman world, such as the Bani-Ukhaydur, t Bani-jNIusa, the Bani-Kitadah at Mecca, the Bani-Taba-Taba in Northe Yemen, the Bani-Ziyad in Southern Yemen, and the Bani-Idris in MoroC' ^ Isnd with a ^^ ; see post. VIII. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 315 The Bahmani and 'Adil Shahi dynasties of Southern India which Aurungzeb overthrew, thus paving the way for the rise of the Mahratta marauders whom the Bahmani sovereigns had kept in check with an iron hand, were attaclied to the doctrines of the Imams. Such has been the pohtical fate of the Fatimides, which has left its impress on their doctrines. The title of the Bani-Abbas to the spiritual and temporal headship of Islam was founded on bai'at or nominal election. Since Saffah's accession, the Abbaside Caliphs had taken the precaution of obtaining during their lifetime the fealty of the chiefs for their intended successors. And it became necessary to impress on the doctrine of election a sanctity derived from precedent and ancient practice. The rise of the Fatimides in Egypt, their persistent endeavour to wrest the dominion of the East from the Caliphs of Bagdad, made it doubly necessary to controvert the pretensions of the children of Fatima, and to give form and consistency to the orthodox doctrines recognising the Abbaside Pontiffs as the spiritual chiefs of Islam. 1 Every corner of Irak and Hijaz was ransacked for traditions in support of the right of the house of Abbas. The doctors of law were required to formulate the principles of orthodoxy in explicit terms : and gradually the grand superstructure of the Sunni church was raised on the narrow foundations of Abbaside self-interest. Much of the success of the doctors and legists who assisted in the growth and development of Sunnism was due to the Manichaeism of the Egyptian Fatimides. The nature of their doctrines, which were at variance with the teachings * Arslan al-Basasiri, a general in the service of the Abbasides, but an adherent of the Egyptian Fatimides, drove al-Kaim-ba-amr illah, the then Caliph of Bagdad, from the city, and compelled him to take refuge with the phylarch of the Arabs (the Ameer-ul-Arab, a title analogous to the Il-Khani of Persia), until restored by Tughril, the father of Alp Arslan and the founder of the Seljukide dynasty. During the whole of this period the Khutba was read in Bagdad itself in the name of the Fatimide Caliph. The Khutba is the name given to the sermon pronounced on Fridays from the pulpits of the great mosques in all Moslem countries ; it begins by a declara- tion of God's attributes and unity, and an invocation of His blessings upon the Prophet, his family, and successors ; then follows a prayer for the reigning Caliph and for the prince who exercises civil power in the State. The right of being named in the Khutba and that of coining money are two of the principal privileges possessed by the temporal sovereign, and the special marks of his legitimacy. 3i6 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM n. of both the Shiah Imams and the Simni doctors ; the assassi- nations of the best men committed at the instance of Hasan Sabbah (" the Old Man of the Mountain ") ; the disintegrating character of the heresies, which under the influence of the ancient Chaldseo-Magism had sprung up in various quarters, and which were subversive of all order and morality, — added greatly to the strength of a system which formed, in the opinion of the masses, a bulwark against the enemies of Islam. The Shiah Imams strongly condemned the impious or communistic doctrines of the antitypes of Mani and Mazdak, but they lacked the power, even if willing to use it, to suppress heresy or enforce uniformity. Sunnism, associated with the temporal power oj the Abbaside Caliphs, possessed the means and used it, anc thereby won the sympathy and acceptance of all who carec little about the disputes on the abstract question of apostolica descent. ; Until the rise of the House of Abbas there was little or mi difference between the assertors of the right of the Ahl-ul-bai: to the pontificate and the upholders of the right of the peoplt; to elect their own spiritual and temporal chiefs. The peopl«! of Hijaz and the Medinite Ansar especially, who were so ruthj lessly destroyed by the Ommeyyades, whilst they insisted oij the principle of election, abhorred the injustice done to th< children of Fatima. After the murder of Husain, a cry o horror had gone forth from the heart of Islam, and the peoplj of the holy cities had risen in arms against the tyrant, anc; suffered bitterly for it. The adherents of the Ahl-ul-bait and the followers of the first three Caliphs together underwent fearful cruelties in the cause of the common Faith. But when i| became necessary for dynastic reasons to create a gulf betweer the two parties the elements of divergence came ready to ham on both sides. Their doctrinal and legal differences began fron this time to assume the type and proportions they retain at th present moment During the enlightened rule of Mamun and of his two im mediate successors, when humanitarian science and philosoph influenced the conceptions of all classes of society, there wa a break in the development of the Sunni Church. With th exception of this period the entire duration of the Abbasid VIII. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 317 Caliphate ^ was occupied in the consolidation of its dogmas. The Church and State were hnked together ; the Caliph was the Imam — temporal chief as well as spiritual head. The doctors of law and religion were his servants. He presided at the convocations, and guided their decisions. Hence the solidarity of the Sunni church. Many of the sects 2 into which it was originally split up have gradually disappeared, but it is still divided into four principal denominations, differing from each other on many questions of dogma and ritual. Their differences may perhaps be likened to those existing between the Roman Catholic and the Greek, Armenian, and Syrian orthodox churches. Shiahism, on the other hand, shows how the Church and the State have become dissociated from each other, and how the " Expounders of the Law " have assumed, at least among a section, the authority and position of the clergy in Christendom, The freedom of judgment, which in Protestantism has given birth to one hundred and eighty sects, has produced an almost parallel result in Shiahism, and the immense diversity of opinion within the church itself is due to the absence of a controlling temporal power, compelling uniformity at the point of the sword. The question of the Imamate,^ or the spiritual headship of * From 750 A.c. to 1252 A.c. * According to Imam Ja'far Tusi (quoted in the Dabistdn), the Sunnis were originally divided into sixty-five sects. ' A very good definition of the word " Imam " is given by Dr. Percy Badger : " The word ' Imam ' comes from an Arabic root signifying to aim at, to follow after, — most of the derivatives of which partake, more or less, of that idea. Thus Imam means, primarily, an exemplar, or one whose example ought to be imitated. It is applied in that sense, xar' e'^ox7?i', to Mohammed, as being the leader and head of the Muslims in civil and religious matters, and also to the Khalifahs, or legitimate Successors, as his representatives in both capacities. It is also given — in its religious import only — to the heads of the four orthodox sects, namely, the el-Hanafy, esh-Shafa'iy, el-Maliky, and el-Hanbaly ; and, in a more restricted sense still, to the ordinary functionary of a mosque who leads in the daily prayers of the congregation, — an office usually conferred on individuals of reputed piety, who are removable by the Ndzirs or wardens, and who, with their employment and salary, lose the title also." " The term is used in the Koran to indicate the Book, or Scriptures, or record of a people ; also, to designate a teacher of religion. Hence, most probably, its adoption by the Muslims in the latter sense. ' 'VMien the Lord tried Abraham with certain words, which he fulfilled, He said, I have made thee an Imam to the people.' Again, referring to Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, ' We have made them Imams, that they may direct others at our 3i8 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. the Musulman commonwealth, is henceforth the chief battle-; ground of the two sects. ^ The Shiahs hold that the spiritual;; heritage bequeathed by Mohammed devolved on Ali and his descendants. They naturally repudiate the authority of the Jama' at (the people) to elect a spiritual head who should super- sede the rightful claims of the Prophet's family. According to the Shiahs, therefore, the Imamate descends by divine appoint- ment in the apostolical line. The Imam, besides being a descendant of the Prophet, must possess certain qualities, — he must be Ma' sum or sinless, bear the purest and most unsullied character, and must be distinguished above all other men for truth and purity. It is not proper, nor could it be the intention of the Almighty, they argue, that a man whose character is not unimpeachable should have the direction of the human con- science. Human choice is fallible, as is proved by the history of mankind ; and the people have often accepted the worst men for their leaders. God could never have left the religious needs of man to his unaided faculty. If an Imam be needed, he must be one whom the conscience must accept. Accordingly; they declare that if the choice of an Imam be left to the community, it would be subversive of all morality ; and command.' And again, ' We delivered to Moses the Book, therefore be not in doubt of his reception thereof, and we ordained it to be a guide unto the children of Israel. And we appointed some of them to be Imams, to direct the people according to our command.' " — Badger's Imams and Seyyids oj Oman, App. A. ^ "The question of the Imamate forms a subject of controversy," says Mas'udi,j " between the followers of different sects, particularly between those who. adhere to the doctrine of appointment, ^jajJ\ b im»LI&^) ^^^ the followers of the doctrine of election, ,IJli^^|| uj(«^|. The defenders of the doctrine ol appointment are the Imamias, icl/oVl (Ja| who form a section of the! Adherents, Shiahs Sjtj>.JiJ\ of Ali ibn Abi Talib and his holy children (bj; Fatima) j j.!. ^^ Wij'^^l ■ They believe that God does not leave man- kind at any time without a man who maintains the religion of God (and act; as their Imam). Such men are either prophets or their legates. The doctrine of election is defended by a section of the Khawarij ^J'j^^i , the Murjia; AjkAy^^j,, by many of those who admit the traditions and the generally receivec opinions [Ahl-ns-Sunnat), by some of the Mu 'tazalas, and by a section of th( Zaidias, JO^_>/f. They believe that it is the will of God and his Prophe- that the nation should choose a man amongst themselves, and make him thei Imam, for there are times when God does not send a legate. The Shiah. consider such Imams as usurpers of the dignity." — Muriij-uz-zahab. III. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 319 msequently the spiritual guidance of mankind has been ;itrusted to divineh^-appointed persons.^ According to the Sunnis, the Imamate is not restricted to 16 family of Mohammed. The Imam need not be just, irtuous, or irreproachable {Ma'sum) in his life, nor need he e the most excellent or eminent being of his time (^U/| JUii ; long as he is free, adult, sane, and possessed of the capacity ) attend to the ordinary affairs of State, he is qualified for .ection. Another doctrine in which they agree with the hurch of Rome was full of momentous consequences to Islam, hey hold that neither the vices nor the tyranny of the Imam •ould justify his deposition ; ^ nor can the perversity or evil Duduct of the Imam or those who preside at the public divine 3rvice invahdate the prayers of the Faithful.^ They also hold ftat the Im.amate is indivisible, and that it is not lawful to lave two Imams at one and the same time. As Christianity ould yield obedience to but one Pope, so the Moslem world ould yield obedience to but one lawful Caliph. But as three 'opes have often pretended to the triple crown, so have three ^ " It is neither the beauty of the sovereign," says Ibn-Klialdun, " nor 'is great learning, perspicacity, or any other personal accomplishment which useful to his subject. . . . The sovereign exists for the good of his people." The necessity of a ruler," continues this remarkable writer, whose keenness 1 observation was equalled by his versatility, " arises from the fact that uman beings have to live together, and unless there is some one to maintain rder, society would break to pieces. A temporal sovereign only enforces jch orders as are promulgated by man, but the laws framed by a divinely- ispired legislator have two objects in view — the moral as well as social •ell-being of mankind. The Caliph is the Vicar and Lieutenant of the Prophet, le is more than a temporal ruler, he is a spiritual chief as well. The Caliph . thus designated the Imam, his position being similar to that of the leader f the congregation at the public prayers." " This establishment of an Imam," continues Ibn-Khaldun, " is a matter f obligation. The law which declares its necessity is founded on the general ccord of the Companions of the Prophet. The Imam is the spiritual head, •hilst the Caliph or Sultan represents the temporal power." I ' In spite of this doctrine, promulgated at the order of tyrants anxious avoid the penalty of their oppression, the people have never approved ,f it entirely. Under the Ommeyyade Walid, surnamed for his vices the dsik (the Wicked), they rose in revolt and deposed him. Similarly, when 'ic iniquities of Mutawakkil (the Abbaside) became intolerable, he was ;eposed by his own son, Muntasir the Good. The history of the Ottoman .urks contains many examples of the people rising in revolt against a vicious r incapable sovereign, the last being under the unhappy Abdul Aziz. ' Against this doctrine there is now a widespread revolt in the Sunni Church ; ne Ghair-Mukallidin, whom we shall describe later, holding that if the Imam •- not chaste in his life, the prayers of the congregation are invalid. 320 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM Ameer ul-Muslimin laid claim to supreme rule. After tl downfall of the Ommeyyades in Asia a member of thij house succeeded in setting up an independent state in Spaij whilst the family of Abbas exercised power on the banlj of the Tigris, and that of Fatima on the Nile. The fa that at various times two or three sovereigns have assurrn simultaneously the Headship of Islam has given rise to ; opinion that the rule of indivisibility applies only to one ai the same country, or to two countries contiguous to each othe but when the countries are so far apart that the power of o: Imam cannot extend to the other, it is lawful to elect a secoi Imam. The Imam is the patron and syndic of all Musulmar and the guardian of their interests during their lives as well : after their death. He is vested with the power to nomina| his successors, subject to the approval of the Moslems. As t' ofhce is for the temporal and spiritual benefit of the communit: the nomination is dependent on the choice of the people.^ i It might have been expected that persecution would ke^l the Shiahs united among themselves ; but although all we agreed on the question that the supreme pontificate of Isla^. is confined to the line of the Prophet, many of them fell awf from the recognised heads of the family, and attached their selves from design or predilection to other members of tii House. Whilst the acknowledged Imams and their discipr. lived in holy retirement, the others found leisure amidst th(' foreign hostilities for domestic quarrels. They preached, thr disputed, they suffered. i Shahristani divides the Shiahs into five sects, viz. the Zaid'i the Isma'ilia, the Isnd-'asharia or Imdmia, the Kaisdnia, a:;i the Ghdllia or Ghulldt. As a matter of fact, however, as '|; shall show hereafter, some of these sects, and especially t;! branches into which they bifurcated, had, excepting in a mcj! or less exaggerated attachment to Ali, nothing in common wiji Shiahism proper. On the contrary, they derived their origli from sources other than Islamic. \ The Zaidias, says Shahristani, are the followers of Zaid, sji of Ah II. (Zain-ul-'Abidin), son of Husain. They affirm ttit the Imamate descended from Ah to Hasan, then to Husai ; ^ Ibn-Khaldun ; see ante, part i. chapter x. VIII. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 321 from Husain it devolved upon Ali II. (Zain-ul-'Abidin) ; and from him it passed to Zaid, and not, as is held by the Isnd- 'Ashanas, and, in fact, by most Moslems, to Mohammed al-Bakir. In their doctrines they closely approach the Ahl us-Sunnat. They hold that the people have the right of choosing their spiritual head from among the descendants of the Prophet, combining thus the principle of election with the principle which restricts the Imamate to the family of Mohammed. They also affirm that it is lawful to elect the mafziil [tJic less eminent) whilst the afzal {the most eminent) is present. As a consequence of this principle, they accept the Imamate of the first three Caliphs, whose pontificate is generally disclaimed by the other Shiahs. They hold that though All was the most eminent of all the Companions of the Prophet, and by right of descent as well as by his qualities entitled to the Imamate, yet for reasons of policy, and to allay the dis- orders which had broken out upon the death of the Prophet, to settle the minds of the people and to compose the differences among the tribes, a man of a maturer age was required to fill the office. Besides, owing to the struggle in which Ali had been engaged in defence of the Faith, the feeling of retaliation was strong in the bosom of those who had fought against Islam, and who had been only recently reduced to subjection ; and these people would not willingly have bowed before the grandeur of Ah. They hold that the same reason applies to the election of Omar.^ Their acceptance of the Imamate of the first two Caliphs brought upon the Zaidias the name of Rawdfiz, or Dis- senters, by the other Shiahs. Another doctrine held by them is too important to escape notice. They maintain that in addition to piety, truth, knowledge, and innocence or sinless- ness, qualities required by the Shiahs proper for the pontifical office, the Imam should possess bravery, and the capacity to assert by force of arms his right to the Imamate. The Imam Mohammed al-Bakir, who had succeeded his father Ali II., maintained that the use of force was reprehensible. Zaid differed from his brother in this opinion. He rose in arms against the tyrants in the reign of Hisham ibn Abdul Malik (the Ommeyyade), and was killed in the neighbourhood of * Shahristani, pt. i. p. 115. s.i. X 322 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. Kufa. He was succeeded by Yahya, his son, who followed the example of his father, and, against the advice of Imam Ja'far as-Sadik, proceeded to assert his right by force of arms. He collected a large following in Khorasan, but was defeated and killed by one of the generals of Hisham. On the death of Yahya, the Imamate, say the Zaidias, passed to another member of the family, Mohammed ibn Abdullah, surnamed an-N afs-uz-Zakiya (" the Pure Soul "). Mohammed assumed the title of Mahdi, and rose in arms in Hijaz against the Abbaside Mansur. He was defeated and killed at Medina by Tsa, Mansur's nephew. He was succeeded by his brother Ibrahim, who lost his life similarly in a vain struggle against the Abbasides. Isa, another brother, who also endeavoured to assert his claims by force, was seized by Mansur, and im- prisoned for life. After mentioning these facts, Shahristani adds that " whatever befell them was prognosticated by Ja'far as-Sadik, who said that temporal dominion was not for their family, but that the Imamate was to be a toy in the hands of the Abbasides." According to a branch of the Zaidias, the Imamate passed from Ibrahim to Idris, the founder of the Idriside dynasty in Mauritania (^5"'^^' v^*^), and of the city of Fez. After the fall of the Idrisides, the Zaidias became disorganised, but members of this sect are still to be found in different parts of Asia and Africa. A branch of the Zaidias ruled in Tabaristan for a long time, and there is a Zaidia Imam still in Northern Yemen. The Zaidias, according to Shahristani, were divided into four subsections, viz. the Jdrudias, Sulaimdnias, Tabarias, and Sdlehias. They differ from each other about the devolution of the Imamate from Zaid's grandson. The Jdrudias, who up- held the claims of Mohammed Nafs-uz-Zakiya in supersession of Isa, suffered bitterly under Mansur. The Sulaimdnias were named after their founder, Sulaiman ibn Jaris, who declared that the Imamate depended upon the consensus of the people ; , ..." that the Imamate is not intended for regulating religion or for the acquisition of a knowledge of the Deity, or His unity or the laws which He has made for the government of the world,j for these are acquired through Reason. The Imamate is in-' tended for the government of the earth, inflicting punishments III. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 323 a wrong-doers, dealing out justice, and defending the State. : is not necessary for the Imam to be af-^r.l. ..." "A section f the Ahl-us-Sunnat hold similar opinions, for they say that is not required for the Imam to be learned or a Mujtahid, ) long as he is wise and has some one with him capable of vpounding the law." ^ The Sulaimdnias and the Sdlehias ^ree in accepting the Imamate of the first two Caliphs ; the .tter hold that Ali, having himself abandoned his preferential aim in favour of Abu Bakr and Omar, the people have no ght to question their Imamate : but as regards Osman they •e in doubt, for they say " when we see how he travailed for le support of the Bani Ommeyya, we find his character ifferent from the other Sahdba." The Ismailias, also sometimes called Sabi'yiin {Seveners)," ?rive their names from Isma'il, a son of Imam Ja'far as-Sadik, ho predeceased his father. They hold that upon the death •• Imam Ja'far as-Sadik, the Imamate devolved on Isma'il's :)n, Mohammed (surnamed al-Maktum,^ the hidden or un- vealed), and not on Ja'far's son, Musa al-Kazim, as believed y the Isnd-'Asharias and generally by the other Moslems, iohammed al-Maktum was succeeded, according to the Is- .a'ilias, by Ja'far al-Musaddak, whose son Mohammed al-Hahih as the last of the iinrevealed Irndms. i His son, Abu Mohammed Abdullah, was the founder of the atimide dynasty which ruled Northern Africa for three cen- iries. He had been thrown into prison by the Abbaside iliph, Mu'tazid-b'illah Saffah II., but, escaping from his angeon at Segelmessa, he appeared in Barbary, where he :.sumed the title of Ohaidnllah and ISIahdi [the promised Guide). oUowers gathered round him from all sides, and, assisted by * Shahristani, pt. i. pp. 119, 120. * Because they acknowledge only seven Imams — [i) Ali, (2) Hasan, (3) usain, (4) Ali II., (5) Mohammed al-Bakir, (6) Ja'far as-Sadik (the True). •id (7) Isma'il. ' So called, says Makrizi, because his followers kept him " concealed " to cape the persecution of the Abbasides. Isma'il was the eldest son of Imam I'far as-Sadik, and a man of sweet disposition and engaging manners, and cording to Makrizi, had a considerable following in Yemen, in Ketama, id the African provinces. During the lifetime of Isma'tl's mother, says lahristani, the Imam Ja'far never had any other wife, " like the Prophet •th Khadija, and Ali with Fatima." 324 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM i a Sufi, he soon overthrew the Aghlabites, who were ruHng thi African provinces in the name of the Cahphs of Bagdad, anl ; founded an empire which extended from Mauritania to th! ; confines of Egypt. One of his successors (Ma'dd Abu Temimi *! al-Muizz-li-din-illdh [Exalter of the Faith of God) , wrested Egypj i' and a portion of Syria from the Abbasides. Muizz, to marj his victory over the enemies of his House, founded Cair [Kdhira, the Victorious City), and removed his capital froi Mahdieh, near Kairwan, estabUshed by Obaidullah al-Mahd, to the new city. At this time his dominions inchided, besid(, the whole of Northern Africa, the islands of Sardinia anj Sicily. He founded in Cairo the mosque of al-Azhar {fdmi\ al-azhar, the Brilliant Mosque), a vast public library, anl several colleges, and endowed them richly. At these collegej students received instruction in grammar, literature, the intej \ pretation of the Koran, jurisprudence, medicine, mathematicj i and history. " The distinctive character of his reign," says tlj | historian, " was justice and moderation." ^ | Almost all the accounts we possess of the Egyptian Fatimidj ' have come down to us from hostile sources. Since Jouhar, tlj ; general of Muizz, conquered Egypt and Syria from the Caliplj i of Bagdad, there was an incessant struggle between the tv | Caliphates as to the legitimacy of their respective titles. Tlj hold which the claim of the Fatimides to be descended fro Mohammed enabled them to acquire over the people, gave ri, to an unceasing desire on the part of the Abbasides to anrs I hilate the genuineness of their rivals' genealogy, and to impre ; on the world the anti-Islamic character of the doctrines adopt' by them. In the reign of Kadir-b'illah, a secret assemblage the doctors of the law was held at Bagdad at the instance ^ Marcel. The orthodox Jamal ud-din bin Taghri-bardi (in his Maured ■ Latafat, &jl!aiJ| ^J^l says, " though Muizz was a schismatic, he was w . learned, generous, and just to his subjects," For a full account of the Fatimide dynasty, see Short History of the Sarac s (Macmillan). [II. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 325 le frightened Caliph, to fulminate against the Fatimides an iiathema declaring that they were not the genuine descendants <■ Fatima. The Fatimides, on their side, replied by a counter- aathema, signed by the leading doctoi-s of Cairo, among them : any belonging to the IMaliki and Shafe'i persuasions. In spite, jwever, of the doubts thrown on their legitimacy by the .bbaside doctors, great historians like Makrizi, Ibn Khaldun, ,id Abulfeda have accepted the genuineness of the claims of le Fatimides. 1 Makrizi is extremely outspoken on the subject, and plainly aarges the partisans of the Bani-Abbas with misrepresenta- pn and forgery. Dealing with the Abbaside statement that •baidullah al-Mahdi was not a descendant of Mohammed, he pes on to say, " a little examination of facts will show that this ] a fabrication. The descendants of Ali, the son of Abu Talib, ;; that time were numerous, and the Shiahs regarded them with feat veneration. What was it then that could have induced •leir partisans to forsake them, the descendants of Mohammed, ad to recognise in their stead as Imam an offspring of the Magi, ;man of Jewish origin ? No man, unless absolutely devoid of (•mmonsense, would act thus. The report that Obaidullah al- ahdi was by descent a Jew or a Magian owes its origin to the ;tifices of the feeble Abbaside princes, who did not know how i rid themselves of the Fatimides, for their power lasted with- nt interruption for 270 years, and they despoiled the ibbasides of the countries of Africa, Egypt, Syria, the Diar- akr, the two sacred cities (Mecca and Medina), and of Yemen. Ihe Khutba was even read in their names at Bagdad during [rty weeks. The Abbaside armies could not make head ii,^ainst them ; and, therefore, to inspire the people with j/ersion against the Fatimides, they spread calumnies about ■'leir origin. The Abbaside officers and Ameers who could not ontend successfully with the Fatimides gladly adopted these ;inders as a means of revenge. The Kazis, who attested the ;:t of convocation under Kadir b'illah, acted under the orders « the Caliph, and only upon hearsay ; and since then historians kve heedlessly and without reflection given currency to a f.lumny which was invented by the Abbasides." Nothing <.n be more explicit than this statement by a critical historian 326 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM i and a distinguished jurisconsult whose reputation stands hi^ among all Orientals.^ Probably the doctrines professed by the Egyptian Fatimid were subjected to the same process of misrepresentation. St: there can be little doubt that they adopted largely the esoter doctrines of Abdullah ibn Maimun, surnamed the Kadddh (tl Oculist), and made use of his degrees of initiation for tl purposes of a political propaganda. The protracted struggle between pope and emperor for tl suzerainty of Christendom ; the Thirty Years' War, with i concomitant miseries ; the persecution of the Huguenots, which dynastic ambitions played as important a part as religio bigotry, — give us some conception of the evils that have flow* from the greed of earthly power. In Islam it has been tl same. The Abbasides battling with the Ommeyyades, ai then with the Egyptian Fatimides, produced the same d: astrous results. The eastern provinces of the ancient Persian empire were this time the home of a variety of congenial spirits. Here h;. gathered not only the Mago-Zoroastrians, fleeing before ti: Islamic wave, but also the representatives of various Indi;!. sects, with their ideas of metempsychosis, the incarnation li Vishnu, the descent of Krishna from heaven, and his free a:! easy intercourse with the gopis. The revolutionary opinio; and heresies which under the later Sasanides had shaken t ; temple and palace alike, and which Kesra Anushirvan hi endeavoured to exterminate with fire and sword, had surviv \ all persecutions. At least they retained sufficient vitality ^ reappear in Islam in various shapes and forms. Makrizi died in 845 a.c. Jamal ud-din Abu'l Mahasin Yusuf bin Tag ; bardi, in thus :— his 'ij^^ jj^ •J_^^ ^-* »:,^!>'t CJ^> speaks of MaK ^-^ly^^- 1 'is &£ Jisiji OJsvJI ^JlxJI ^Ui' >i^jl ^ ;jUil SiX u- 0^ u' J.^1 cri'^^' ^^' ^j*:^^^^^^ cr ^_5 • .^n ^^' ^ '. f»-*^ c/^ ^ '^^'^ ^^ ,»*a'/^' c/^ '^-^ I s]jJA ^o^J J- " In this year died the learned sheikh and Imam, jurisconsult, and nt eminent historian and traditionist, Taki ud-din Ahmed, son ol Ali," etc. e1 VIII. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 327 The Rdwendis, an Indo-Magian sect who maintained the doctrine of the transmigration of souls, and the Safidjdmagdn} founded by Hakim bin Hashim, the infamous Mokanna,^ revolted in Khorasan, and were suppressed by the Caliph Al- Mcihdi. Mokanna taught that God had assumed the human form, since He had commanded the angels to adore the first man ; and that, since that period, the divine nature had passed from prophet to prophet until it had descended to himself.^ About the same time Mazdakism, which two centuries and a half before had involved the empire of the Chosroes in a general conflagration, and was ruthlessly trampled under foot by the great Anushirvan, raised its head again under the Caliphs. The snake had only been half killed. Babek, surnamed Khurrami (from Khurram, his place of birth), preached, like his prototype Mazdak, the same nihilistic doctrines, — the com- munity of women and goods, and the indifference of all human actions. For a space of twenty years he filled the whole circuit of the Caliphate with carnage and ruin, until at length, in the reign of Mu'tasim b'illah, he was overthrown, taken prisoner, and put to death in the Caliph's presence. It was a repetition of the old story. Islam had to pass through the same throes as Christianity. From the beginning of the second to the end of the ninth century there was an unceasing struggle in Christianity with the ancient cults, which were appearing in diversified characters throughout the wide area in which the religion of Jesus was professed. After this struggle was over, a deadly pall settled over Christendom ; orthodoxy had suc- ceeded in crushing not only the revolutionary Montanists, the Manichaean Paulicians, but also the rationalistic Arians. Ecclesiasticism and orthodoxy, convertible terms, held in bondage the mind of man until the Reformation. Islam had ' So called because they dressed themselves in white, like the Taborides of Europe. * This is the impostor whom Moore has made famous as " the Veiled Prophet of Khorasan." He was called Mokanna because, either to conceal his ugliness, or to impress his followers with a sense of inaccessibility, he always wore a veil. He was also called the Sdzendeh-i-Mah (Moon-maker), because on one occasion he had, by a piece of jugglery, caused an illumination, like that of the moon, at Nakhsheb. ' Ibn Khaldun's General History, Kitdb til-' I bar. &c. (Egypt, cd.), vol. iii. p. 206. 328 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. to pass through the same ordeal, but its Reformation is only just commencing. Islam required from its votaries a simple confession of an eternal truth, and the practice of a few moral duties. In other respects it allowed them the widest latitude of judgment. In the name of divine unity it held forth to all creeds and sects the promise of a democratic equality. Naturally the persecuted heretics of every faith rallied round the standard of the Prophet who had emancipated human judgment from the bondage of priesthood ; and " Avestan scripturalists " and Zoroastrian free-thinkers, Manichaeans, Christians, Jews, and Magi aU hailed the advent of a new dispensation which realised the dream of religious unity. The swarms of gnostic sects which had distracted the Church of Jesus from the second to the sixth century had either merged in the Church of Mohammed, or lived in peace, unmolested by the orthodox Greeks or Catholics, under the large tolerance of the Caliphs. The former, whilst they adopted the faith of Mohammed, retained their primitive conceptions, and gave birth to the docetic sects of Islam, which we shall describe later on. The national characteristics of a people, the climatic condi- tions under which they exist, the natural features of the country in which they dwell, the influence of older cults, all give a colour and a complexion to their faiths and doctrines. It is the same in Christendom and in Islam. Iran gave birth to agnosticism ; from there emanated the docetic conceptions which permeated the Roman world and impressed upon the primitive belief of the judaical Christians the conception of a divinity who dis- coursed familiarly with mankind on earth. Manichasism, that wonderful mixture of fancy and philosophy, to which Chris- tianity owes so much and acknowledges so little, was, in spite of the persecution of Zoroastrian and Christian, alive, not dead. Will it ever die, that child of a bizarre genius, the outcome of a nation's character ? Theologians may try, but will never kill it. The morbidism of the Fathers of the Sunni Church gave place in Iran to imaginative philosophy. All's personality fired the imagination of Manichseism. It took the place of the docetic Christ among the people. The process of deification was not confined to Ali. His successors were deified with him. |iii. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 329 hiaism, like Sunnism, presents therefore two aspects. One the pure, simple S hiaism of Mohammed's immediate descen- ants, which we shall describe shortly. The other is docetic hiaism, fantastic and transmogrified according to the rimitive beliefs of the people among whom it spread. Ultra- liiaism is again as different from docetic Shiaism as ultra- imnism or NaK'dsibism is from docetic Sunnism. Narrow- linded exclusiveness is not the peculiar characteristic of any lie faith or creed ; nor are the thunders of the Athanasian [reed confined to Christianity. In Islam also (be it said with i^rtain exceptions) each sect condemns the others to perdition, iDt eternal (as the orthodox Christian charitably hopes it will te), but sufficiently prolonged to make them feel the evils of : different 'doxy from its own. Still, notwithstanding the nathemas of hell-fire and brimstone which have been hurled y contending parties and sects against each other, the philo- ophical student will not fail to observe the universality of Islam. , About the middle of the seventh century Constantine ylvanus founded the Manichaean sect of PauUcians, who srived their name from St. Paul, whose disciples they professed lemselves to be. The Paulicians disclaimed the designation I Manichaean ; but their doctrines bear the closest analogy to iiose taught by Mani, and all the Christian writers, with the Kception of Milner, ascribe their origin to Manichaeism. The aulicians were the real progenitors of the Reformed Churches if Europe. Their abhorrence of images and relics was pro- ably a reflex of Islamic influences. In their aversion towards •ariolatry and saint-worship, and in the repudiation of all .isible objects of adoration, they closely approached the i'oslems. They believed, however, with Mani, that Christ was pure spirit which bore on earth only the semblance of a body, id that the crucifixion was a mere delusion. They maintained ae eternity of matter ; the origin of a second principle, of an ctive being, who has created this visible world, and exercises ■is temporal reign till the final consummation of sin and death. 1 the interpretation of the Christian Gospels they indulge in legories and figures, and claimed, like Mani, an esoteric insight iito the meaning of words. An outward and expedient profes- :;on of another faith, a doctrine whicli in modern Persia has 330 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM become famous as ketmdn or takiyye,^ was held to be commei - able, I The Paulicians were persecuted by the Greek Church and e Byzantine Court with terrible fury, and for nearly two hundil years they waged a not unequal contest in North Armenia si Cappadocia with the fanatics and despots of Byzantium, i which both sides perpetrated the most fearful atrocities, 2 t last they succumbed to superior force ; but though tl;!r fortresses were razed and their cities ruined, the sect lived, t passed its doctrines to the Bulgarians, who have alw;s been regarded with disfavour by the Orthodox Churcli;. The Paulicians after their destruction in Asia appead in South Provence and Savoy in the thirteenth centr/. Their fate in those countries is known to every reaix of European history. They were annihilated with fire iL., ' speak- ing apostles ' ; that they are seven in number like the planets ; that the progress of the world is in cycles, and at the last stage will occur the Resurrection (^^t^ c-,S.sv; L$ ^^A.iJI i_^j,s\ij ^Jl.-iJlj (_>5liv.i))| . (^y-^ftiJI t^i^i.s^; i^Jai J.C k;l> j..-^ js , iXij «yU^)U ^M^U , ^''Wl v-^iiU; J:^'di ^^,xi.!\ A^li&/, t/5;Vl j^y'c (>;V1 Jj^I ^ ^,$^_U^i| ^^.Jo , 334 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. all the precepts of religion and law have their measures "... " and that each letter and word have two meanings, for every revelation [tanzii) has an interpretation {tdvil), and everything visible has its counterpart in the invisible world ; that know- ledge of truth cannot be acquired by reason but by instruction." Abdullah ibn Maimun's disciples developed his doctrines still further by declaring that Resurrection means the Advent or Revelation of the Imam and of a Heavenly Kingdom in which all the burdens of positive religion and traditions would be removed ; that deception in religion is allowable ; that all the precepts of the Koran have an esoteric sense ; that religion does not consist in external observances, but in an inner sense and feeling ; that every thing or act which is not injurious is lawful ; that fasting is nothing but keeping the secret of the Imam ; that the prohibition against fornication implies that the disciple must not disclose the mysteries of the faith ; and that zakdt means the giving of the tithes to the Imam ma'stlm — a peculiar and fantastical medley of many cults and philosophies, and in its tendency subversive of law and morality. Abdullah ibn Maimun settled in Syria, the home of Christian Gnosticism, where he still further developed his doctrines. Here he converted Hamadan, also called Karmath, whose name has become infamous in the annals of Islam. The method of proselytising adopted by the followers of Abdullah ibn Maimun was the old Manichaean one of throwing the acolyte into a sea of doubt with insidious questions and equivocal replies, " not," says Mohsin Fani's informant, " with any evil object, but simply to bring the seeker after truth and wisdom to the goal of perfection." ^ The process varied with the religious standpoint of the person whom they desired to JixiARj JJsl kI] ^^^j/.yc. J Jxn ^j^Rill> j_svJI- oU*,^ etc; JkxJ — Shahristani, pt. i. pp. 148, I49 » Dabistdn, p. 356. |i. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 335 ivert. The Dd'i ^ (the missionary) would at first give a tacit cognition of the faith of the intended proselyte, and then by insinuation of doubt and difficulties, gradually unsettle his md, and end by suggesting as the only possible solution the iculiar tenets of the Bdtini system. For example, if the Dd'i d to proselytise a Shiah, he would represent himself as a Ivoted partisan of the House of Mohammed. He would patiate on the cruelty and injustice with which they were •ated — on the martyrdom of Husain and the butchery of irbela ; having thus prepared the way, he would instil into !3 now receptive mind the esoteric doctrines of the Bdtinis. ihe had a Jew to deal with, he spoke disparagingly of the ristians and the Musulmans, and while agreeing with his ended convert in still looking forward to a promised Messiah, degrees persuaded the neophyte that this promised Messiah n be none other than the Isma'ilite Imam. If it was a Christian lom he hoped to win over, he enlarged on the obstinacy of the |ws and the ignorance of the Musulmans, he conformed to all e chief articles of the Christian creed, at the same time hinting at they were all symbolic, and pointed to a deeper meaning lich the Bdtini system alone could solve. And after the ,.nd of the neophyte had been so far moulded he would suggest at the Christians had misinterpreted the doctrine of the iraclete, and that the Isma'ilia Imam was the real Paraclete. ^ -)dullah ibn Maimun also formulated in precise terms the ictrine of takeyye — outward conformity with an alien iigious belief or practice. It had been in vogue among all ;;e Manichaean sects — not excepting the Paulicians. It was -introduced by Abdullah ibn Maimun, partly to escape per- cution, partly to facilitate the work of proselytism. Takeyye the natural defence of the weak and suffering against the rong. All people have not the fibre of a martyr ; and the ajority of them have to submit where they cannot oppose. :ie primitive Christians had to practise takeyye. The Isma'ilias .d special reasons for concealing their religious views in all untries within the sway of the Abbaside Caliphs ; and this ig-enforced habit became at last a second nature with them, lorn them the Shiahs proper borrowed the practice of takeyye. ^^1^, one who invites. » Mani, in fact, claimed to be the Paraclete, 336 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM Before Persia and Turkey had entered upon terms of amity i Shiah was unable to perform the Hajj unless he conformed d the Sunni rites, and takeyye in such cases was almost a necessy with the devout Shiah wishing to visit the holy shrines. It takeyye, "the natural offspring of persecution and fear," ]s become so habitual with the Persians that they conform tc t even in circumstances when there is no necessity. Tl^ practise it to avoid giving offence or wounding susceptibilit:;, just as the modern Protestant shows a certain deference o Romish rites in Catholic countries. Hamadan, otherwise called Karmath, had broken away frn his master and formed a sect of his own. Abdullah ibn Main n had disavowed the use of force in his proselytism ; Karm;h advocated it as the corner-stone of his sect. Possibly, ] e Chyroseir, he was driven to it by the persecution of the ort >- dox. He raised an insurrection in al-Ahsa and al-Bahni. The weakness of the Caliph's troops gave him the victcA Collecting a large following he issued from al-Bahrain, a;l, like the Paulician Chyroseir, marked his progress by slauglj^r and ruin. The Karmathites, from their fastnesses in al-Bahij.n and al-Ahsa, waged for nearly a hundred years a sanguiniy contest with the Pontiffs of Bagdad. They pillaged ein Mecca, and carried away the sacred stone, the symbol 3f Abrahamitic antiquity, like the Wahabis 900 years later, n this sacrilege they imitated the example of their congeners, le Paulicians, who had pillaged Ephesus, destroyed the sepuk're of St. John, and turned his cathedral into a stable for m es and horses. They were destroyed ultimately by the Ca)h Mu'tazid b'illah. After the destruction of the Karmathites, Isma'ilism as proscribed ; its votaries were placed under the ban, and hur Jd like vermin. Isma'ilism had to hide itself on all sides util Obaidullah al-Mahdi wrested Africa from the Abbasides, The Fatimides of Egypt were grand supporters of lean ig and science. Yet in their desire to promote the diffusioi ol knowledge among their subjects, they did not ignore .he political advantages of the propaganda established by AbduaJi ibn Maimun, whose esoteric and Manichsean doctrines ley partially adopted for their own purposes, They establijed VIII. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 337 colleges, public libraries, and scientific institutes {Day id- ///^Wi?/), richly furnished with books, mathematical instruments, to which were attached numerous professors and attendants. Access to, and the use of, these literary treasures were free to all, and writing materials were afforded gratis. ^ The Caliphs frequently held learned disputations, at which the professors at these academies appeared, divided according to the different faculties, — logicians, mathematicians, jurists, and physicians, dressed in their Khala', or doctoral mantles. The gowns of the English universities still retain the original form of the Arabic Khala' or Kaftan. Two hundred and fifty-seven thousand ducats, raised by a •carefully regulated taxation, was the amount of the annual revenue of the institutes, for the salaries of the professors and officials, for the provision of the requisites for teaching, and other objects of public scientific instruction. In these institutes they taught every branch of human knowledge. To the central Ddr ul-hikmat was attached a grand Lodge, where the candi- dates for initiation into the esoteric doctrines of Isma'ilism were instructed in the articles of the faith. Twice a week, every Monday and Wednesday, the Dcl'i ud-du'dt, the Grand Prior of the Lodge, convened meetings, which were frequented by both men and women, dressed in white, occupying separate seats. These assemblages were named Majdlis iil-hikmat, or Conferences of Wisdom. Before the initiation the Dd'i ud- du'dt waited on the Caliph, who was the Grand Master, and 'read to him the discourse he proposed to deliver to the neo- phytes, and received his sign-manual on the cover of the manuscript. 2 After the lecture the pupils kissed the hands of the Grand Prior, and touched the signature of the Master reverently with their foreheads. Makrizi's account of the different degrees of initiation adopted in this Lodge forms an invaluable record of freemasonry. In fact, the Lodge at Cairo became the model of all the Lodges created afterwards in Christendom. Abdullah ibn Maimiin had established seven degrees of initiation. Seven was the sacred number : there were seven planets, seven days in the week, and seven Imams, At Cairo, where Egyptian hierophantism with the old mystic ! ^Makrlzi; Chrestomathie Arabe (De Sacy), vol. i. p. 158. * Makkari. S.I. Y 338 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM u ceremonies became superimposed on the Manichaean foimda tion, the number was increased to nine.^ The first degree wa the most difficult of all, and required the longest time to mouL the mind of the neophyte, and incline him to take that mos solemn oath by which he bound himself to the secret doctrin with blind faith and unconditional obedience. After this th process was simple enough : the acolyte was led gradually t recognise all the doctrines, and to become the instrument c insatiable ambition. The Grand Lodges of Mahdieh and afterwards of Caii became thus the centres of a vast and far-reaching politic; propaganda. But the knowledge of the doctrines upon whic they worked was confined to a few. Like the mysteries ( ^ A very good description of the different stages of initiation is given 1 De Sacy in the Journal Asiatiqite, vol. iv. p. 298. In order to induce t neophyte to take the oath of the first degree, his mind was perplexed by t Da'i with doubts. The contradictions of positive religion and reason we dwelt upon, but it was pointed out that behind the apparent literal signific tion there lay a deeper meaning, which was the kernel, as the words wt mere husks. The curiosity of the novice was, however, not satisfied until i had taken an unrestricted oath ; on this he was admitted to the second degn; This inculcated the recognition of divinely-appointed Imams, who were t' source of all knowledge. As soon as the faith in them was well establishf the third degree taught their number, which could not exceed the holy save for, as God had created seven heavens, seven earths, seven seas, seven plane, seven colours, seven musical sounds, and seven metals, so had He appoinli seven of the most excellent of His creatures as revealed Imams : these W"J Ali, Hasan, Husain, Ali II. (Zain ul-'Abidin), Mohammed al-Bakir, Ja' ' as-Sadik, and Isma'il his son, as the last and seventh. In the fourth deg -' they taught that since the beginning of the world there have been se\ i speaking apostles ( {^^^ ). embodiments of the Logos, each of whom 1,1 always, by the command of Heaven, altered the doctrine of his predecessr; each of these had seven coadjutors, who succeeded each other in the ep< 1 from one Natik to another, but who, as they did not manifest themseh , were called Sdmit (>.;►-< t^ ) or Silent. The seven Ndtiks were Adam, No , Abraham, Moses, Jesus, Mohammed, and Isma'il (the son of Ja'far as- Sac ) or Imdm-i-zamdn (Lord or Imam of all times). Their seven colleagues we Seth, Shem, Ishmael son of Abraham, Aaron, Simeon, Ali, and Mohamr i son of Isma'il. The object of having a Sdmit attached to a Ndtik was to al v a free hand to the teachers and emissaries to put forward any one they H d as the Sdmit apostle of the time. The fifth degree inculcated that eacl if the seven Sdmits had twelve Nakibs or delegates for the extension of the 1 e faith, for the number twelve is the most excellent after seven ; hence e twelve signs of the Zodiac, the twelve months, the twelve tribes of Israel, :. In the sixth degree, the principles of IManichaean philosophy were insti d into the heart of the neophyte, and only when he was fully impressed with >e wisdom of those doctrines was he admitted to the seventh, where he pa; d from philosophy to mysticism. He then became one of the knowers ('drij )• In the eighth he shook off the trammels of positive religion : The " veil" iS lifted, and henceforth " everything was pure to the pure." The tendenc Jf these doctrines can be better imagined than described. VIII. THE POLITICAL DR'ISIONS AND SCHISMS 339 Eleiisis, or tlie secret principles of tlie Templars, the Illiiminati, and tlie Revolutionists of France, they were imparted only to the adepts — in whole or in part ; wholly to those alone who 'were intended to be used for the purpose of undermining the [power of their enemies. For the masses and the uninitiated, the State-religion was Islam, and its moral precepts and religious observances were enforced in all its austerity. Most A the Caliphs, especially al-Muizz, were in their lives and practice strict religionists and observers of the duties enjoined by the moral law.^ The doctors of law and the officers of State ivvere pious Moslems. Nevertheless the fact of the existence of li secret body working on mysterious lines loosened the bonds bf society. The organisation of secret emissaries weakened the control of the Abbasides without permanently strengthening |:he hold of the Fatimides or extending their temporal power. [ The Fatimides of Egypt have been called the Western {[sma'ilias, in contradistinction to the followers of Hasan ibn Mohammed Sabbah Himyari, commonly known as Hasan Sabbah, infamous in the history of the West as the founder of the order of the Assassins, ^ but known to his followers as ' Syedna," " our lord." His disciples are sometimes designated * Mohsin Fani says : — jjjjj c ,-i .ftlii '^^L cVi*'* **A v-J;*'* ixU**«kl i*jl Hakim bi-amr-illah, the sixth Fatimide Cahph of Cairo, who is regarded ,;ven at the present day by the Druses (a branch of the Isma'ihas) as an incarnation of the Divinity, has been represented as " a monster of iniquity." rtis was a strangely contradictory character ; and, as Makrizi rightly thinks, 'lis mind was probably affected. He was at times atrociously cruel ; at other limes, a wise and humane sovereign. He abolished all distinction of race ind creed in his dominions ; he introduced the system of lighting up the streets A Cairo for the protection of wayfarers ; he organised a system of police ; he epressed violence. For an account of Hakim bi-amr-illah, see Short History >/ the Saracens, p. 602. It may be noticed, as a remarkable coincidence, that jivan the Terrible, who has been termed just such another monster, was egarded by the average Russian of his day as a monarch of singular force of ;;haracter and ability. The fact is that the cruelties practised by Galeazzo Maria Sforza, by the Norman chief of Sicily who was in the habit of dis- bmboweUing his victims, by the Popes Paul and Alexander VI., by the Kings \ii England, Richard and John, and others, show only too clearly how little jiiSerence creed or country is apt to make in the misdeeds of irresponsible power joined to an innately cruel nature. \ * Sylvestre de Sacy derives the name from the word hashish (the Indian \^hang) with which Hasan Sabbah's followers drugged themselves, and phis derivation is now generally accepted. See Professor Browne's Literary \Hist. of Persia, vol. ii. pp. 204-5. Mohsin Fani describes this man's life and 340 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM as the Eastern Isiiia'ilias or Alamutias, or the Maldhida Kuhistan (" the impious atheists " of Kiihistan). Hasan was the son of a learned Shiah doctor, an Arab 1 descent, as his name betokens, residing in the city of Khoi Persia. He had been carefully trained in all the learning of 1 , time. It is said that at one time he was a fellow-stude of Nizam ul-Mulk (afterwards the renowned minister of h) Arslan and of Malik Shah, the two great Seljukian so^■ reigns of the East) and of the famous mystical poet On: Khayyam. But the story appears now to be discredited^ Baulked in his ambition at the court of MaUk Shah, 3 proceeded to the pontifical court at Cairo, and was t\ni initiated into the mysteries of the Cairene Lodge. Persia t that time was in the most rigid bonds of Sunni orthodo: , the Seljukian Sultans having always been among the mrt devoted upholders of the straitest traditions of Asha'ris . Hasan returned from Egypt to Asia, and partly by force ai partly by fraud possessed himself of an almost impregnae fortress called in the archaic Persian or Pahlavi Alamut,x the Eagles' Nest,^ seated on one of the most inaccessie mountain-fastnesses of Upper Persia ; ^ and during the thir ;- five years that he held the dominion of that place, he organid from there a system of terror throughout Asia and Africa * i d Eastern Europe, fighting the sword with the dagger, and ave ',- ing persecution with assassination. He himself was a st::;t observer of all the precepts of religion, and would not alw drunkenness or dancing or music within the circuit of his rz. His esotericism appears to have been different from that of ae doctrines according to the Isma'ilias themselves, " as hitherto his life had 1 Jn written with the pen of prejudice." (_y / . - « y V « vy J'. 1 Professor E. G. Browne's Lit. Hist, of Persia, vol. ii. pp. 190-193. 2 Wassaf, o-jlii! i^\xi,\ J\ Jitu o^| AaJj ^ Near Kazwin. * Wassaf says : — ^ •^^ fiy'ij'*' J^^^ j/iii. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 341 •Vestern Isma'ilias, and is explained in detail by Shahristani ind Moshin Fani, both of whom speak of him with some awe, vliich induces the conviction that they were not quite un- ipprehensive of the dagger of his Jiddis.^ Leaving the mystical )ortion of his doctrines aside, it may be said that he admitted mly four degrees of initiation. Those who had obtained the irst three degrees were named respectively Fiddi, Rafik, and .)d''i, — fellows, companions, and knights, — to use the terms of ;. system to which Hasan's institution bears the closest resem- plance, viz. that of the Templars. Hasan was the first Grand [iaster of this institution, though he always paid a formal fiomage to the Egyptian Caliphs. The fourth Grand Master, [lasan bin Mohammed, of the Alamutia Lodge, who, in order o further his ends, did not hesitate to claim descent from the I'aliph Mustansir billah of Cairo through his son Nizar, abolished ,11 the ordinances of religion. The Resurrection had arrived ; he revelation of the Imam had taken place in his person ; and ihe Kingdom of Heaven was ushered in with freedom and ,cence from the ordinary trammels of the moral law.^ This ' ^ That their apprehensions were not unjustified will be apparent from the allowing anecdote concerning Imam Fakhr ud-din Razi. This learned Imam sed to lecture on jurisprudence in his native city of Rai (Rhages). Once he ■ad occasion to denounce the Isma'ilias from his professorial chair. The news if this audacious conduct was carried to the Eagles' Nest, and a Fidai was Tomptly deputed to bring the careless professor to reason. The Fidai on his frrival at Rai entered himself as a student in the Imam's college. For seven aonths he waited for an opportunity to carry his design into effect. At last ;ne day he found the Imam alone in his chamber ; he locked the door, and iirowing the Imam on the ground pointed the dagger at his throat. " Why lill me ? " asked the frightened professor. " Because you have cursed the isma'ilias," answered the Fidai. The Imam offered to bind himself solemnly iever again to disparage the brotherhood. The Fidai refused to accept the mam's word unless he agreed to receive a pension from the Grand Alaster, iius binding himself by the debt of " bread and salt." * Hasan died in 508 a.h. Wassaf, following Juwaini, the vizier of Hulaku nd the author of the Jahdn-Kusha, gives an extremely bitter but not unjust ccount of these Isma'iUas. Id'j'* »J.i cjli /.^/ej/o jHji« Jys>. I y ^cVx^sxJ \\ fy-^ ^Ul ' o-;^ S\'i \\ ) ^ :>.«*.i>j cy*) >**; v' \yA *$ oij 342 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM n mad revolutionist is known in the history of the Alamiitias a; ' ala-Zikrihi-as-Saldm , " may his name be blessed " — corruptee into Zikr -US-Sal dm. From this time, imtil the destruction o Alamut, the disciples of the two Hasans maintained a remorse less fight with civil society, in which no quarter was shown oi either side. They were, in fact, the Nihilists of Islam. Unde their stilettoes fell both Christians and Moslems. They wer attacked by Hulaku, and after the destruction of their fortresse in the mountains, they were hunted and killed like vermin. ^ From the Isma'ilias the Crusaders borrowed the conceptioi; which led to the formation of all the secret societies, religiou,' and secular, of Europe. The institutions of Templars an' Hospitallers ; the Society of Jesus, founded by Ignatiii Loyola, composed of a body of men whose spirit of self-sacrific and devotion to their cause can hardly be surpassed in oi times ; the ferocious Dominicans, the milder Franciscans,- may all be traced either to Cairo or to Alamut. The Knigh Templars especially, with their system of grand masters, grar priors and religious devotees, and their degrees of initiatio bear the strongest analogy to the Eastern Isma'ihas. Smc sections of the Western Isma'ilias are still to be found in Yeme in Egypt, and Barbary, where they cannot be distinguish( from the general body of Moslems. On the western coast India there exists, however, a large community called Khojal who are the direct representatives of the original Easte \ji\.;^i} ,^,oj UU Vi'iy'O _j t.i>. ^1 Jflia.'* Aftjkli^ ..^ ry^^'. (^ J;y jh^^ 3' .c^7 ^^-'^^^ cJixU; cly! y J^iU; y^^^ u*A. *— '.^J > ti>il^iw /lUi" Jlvc I,JI^ J.LmS JVC LU*/ S Wagpaf. — ^jIIrS j-H«*il i^j ^J' ^ For a full account of the Alamutias and their crimes against human '. see Von Hammer's History of the Assassins, translated into English by Wc>. Even the Christian sovereigns frequently availed themselves of the service.if the Alamutia assassins to get rid of their enemies. Richard of England :d Conrad of Montferrat assassinated by a Fiddi of Alamiit ; and one of e Popes employed another, though unsuccessfully, to remove Frederick Ban- rossa. After the destruction of Alamiit, Rudbar, and the other castles of e Assassins, the Alamiitias were massacred without compunction by the Tarts. VIII. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 343 Isma'ilias. Hindus by origin, they were converted to Isma'il- ism, in the eleventh or twelfth century of the Christian era, by one Pir Sadr ud-din, an Isma'ilian Dd'i. His teachings fitted in with their own religious conceptions, for part of the old cult was incorporated with the Isma'ilia doctrines.^ The Kaisdnias and Hdshiniias, both of them exclusively political in their character, but tinted by Magianism, are now completely extinct, and hardly require any mention. The Ghdllias or the Ghuldt (Extravagantists), supposed by Ibn Khaldun and Shaliristani to be a sect of the Shiahs, are, in reality, the descendants of the old Gnostics, whose Islam con- sisted merely in the substitution of Mohammed or Ali, chiefly the latter, for Christ. They are, in fact, the Docetes of Islam. The Nusairis, who believe in the divinity of Ali, the Ishdkins, the Numdnias, the Khitdhias, and others, anthropomorphists, behevers in incarnations and metempsychosis, — represent the notions which were prevalent among the Marcionites, the \'alentinians, and the other docetic Christians. Some of these have replaced the Christian triad by a pentad. These believe that Mohammed, Ali, Fatima, Hasan, and Husain jointly represent the Divinity. A form of Docetism is in vogue also in Sunnism. In the mountains of Kurdistan a Sunni Saint ^ occupies almost a similar place in the popular faith to Jesus among the Gnostics. The Roushenias, as tlieir name implies, were the exact counterparts of the Illuminati of Christendom. This sect had its origin in Afghanistan in that dark, turbulent, and san- guinary period which preceded the accession of Akbar to the throne of India. Their founder, Bayezid,^ by birth an Afghan, but of Arab extraction, appears to have been a man of great natural abihties and extreme subtlety of genius. In his early youth he acquired a taint of Manichaeism from the Isma'ilias ^ Numbers of Isma'ilias are also to be found in the mountains of Gilgat and Hunza. * Sheikh Abdul Kadir Ghilani. There are Sunnis who pay an extravagant veneration, verging on adoration, to this Saint. He has received the title among them of Ghaus-i-'uzam, Mahbub-i-Subhani, Kutb-i-Rabbdni — " The great Saint, the beloved of God, the Pole-star of holiness " (see the Giildastai- Keramat). Sheikh Abdul Kadir was a mystic, and a Fatimide by descent. ! He takes a high position in the hierarchy of the mystics and the dervishes ; t see chapter xi. * • Afterwards called Mian Roiishan Bayczid. 344 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. who still flourished in considerable numbers in some of the mountainous districts of Khorasan. The doctrines which he first propagated seem not to have differed essentially from those of the Sufis ; but as he proceeded he diverged wider and wider from the pale of dogmatic Islam. As his sect increased in numbers and power, it assumed a political as well as a religious aspect ; and soon made such formidable progress that, at last, it embraced nearly the whole of Afghanistan. The doctrines taught by Bayezid, when examined critically, show a superstructure of mysticism and pantheism upon a basis of Isma'ilism. The observant reader, however, will not fail to perceive a strange and fantastic analogy between his teachings and the practices and theories of the brotherhood of Fakirs. He taught that God is all-pervading, and that all existing objects are only forms of the Deity ; that the Ptrs or rehgious teachers were the great manifestations of the Divinity ; that the sole test of right and wrong was to follow the path pointed out by the Pir, who is the representative of the Divinity ; that the ordinances of the law have therefore a mystical meaning, and are ordained only as the means of acquiring religious perfec- tion ; and that the mystic sense of the law is only attainable by religious exercises and through the instructions of a Pir ; it is the source of religious perfection, and this perfection being attained, the exterior ordinances of the law cease to be binding, and are virtually annulled. The Bdtinis, the Isma'ilias, and all the cognate sects differ from the general body of Moslems in making /ai^^ the keystone of their doctrines. In this they closely approach most of the Reformed Churches of Christendom. They "believe," like Luther, in "justification by faith." Luther has strenuously inculcated that " faith in Christ " would save all sinners. The Batinis and the Isma'ilias with their offshoots made " faith" or " imdn," which included a firm reUance on the divine Imam, an essential factor in their creed. So long as an individual was blessed with imdn, his outward acts were immaterial. We now come to the Shiahs proper, the followers of the Imams of the house of Mohammed, generally known as the Ism- 'Asharias (the Duo decemians) , so named because they accept the leadership of twelve Imams. The I snd-' Asharias hold •III. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 345 hat the Imamate descended by express appointment in the olio wing order : — 1. Ali, the Caliph, usually styled Murtaza Asad-ullah al- rhdlib, the Chosen, the Lion of God, the Victorious (d. a.h. 40, ..c. 661). 2. Hasan, styled Mujtaba, the Approved (a.h. 44, A.c. 664). 3. Husain, Shahid-i-Kerbela, the Martyr of Kcrhela (a.h. 60, ..c. 679). 4. Ali II., surnamed for his piety Zain ul-'Abidin, the Orna- lent of the Pious (died a.h. 94, a.c. 713). 5. Mohammed al-Bdkir, the Explainer of Mysteries, or the Profound, a man of great learning and ascetic austerity (born .H. 57, a.c. 676 ; died a.h. 113, a.c. 731). 6. Ja'far as-Sddik, the True, was the eldest son of Mohammed '-Bdkir. Ja'far was born in Medina, in the year of the Hegira .H. 80 (a.c. 699). As a scholar, a litterateur, and a juris- onsult, his reputation stands high among all sects of Moslems, 'is learning and his virtues, the transcendental purity and uth of his character, won him the veneration even of the lemies of his family. He died at an advanced age in his native )wn, in the reign of Abu Ja'far al-Mansur, the second bbaside Caliph, in the year of the Hegira 148 (a.c. 765). 7. Abu' I Hasan Musa al-Kdzim, the son of Ja'far as-Sadik, as also surnamed al-Abd iis-Sdleh, the Holy Servant, on account '■ his piety and " his efforts to please God." He was born at edina in the year 129 a.h. (a.c. 746-747). He died at Bagdad a the 25th of Rajab 183 (ist September, 799 A.c.) in a prison "here he was confined for a number of years by Harun, who 'as extremely jealous of the veneration in which the Imam was hid in Hijaz. De Sacy says Musa was put to death secretly in Is confinement by order of Harun. His sufferings and his pure ad exalted character endeared him greatly to all classes of I'ople, and gained for him the title of Kdzim, " the Patient." 18. Ali III., Abu'l Hasan Ali, surnamed ar-Riza, the Accept- cle, for the purity of his character. He was a scholar, a poet, lid. a philosopher of the first rank. He was born in Medina in te year 153 a.h. (a.c. 770), and died at Tus in Khorasan in m.202 (a.c. 817). He married a sister of Mamun, named Inm ul-Fazl. 346 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ] 9. Abu Ja'far Mohammed, surnamed al-Jawwdd for h munificence and generosity, and Taki for his piety. He was nephew of Mamun, and was also married to his daughter, name Umm ul-Habib. He was held in the highest estimation by th; Caliph and his successor Mu'tasim (born a.h. 195, a.c. 811 ; ar died in a.h. 220, a.c. 835). 10. Ali IV., surnamed Naki, the Pure, died a.h. 260, A.c. 86 11. Abu Mohammed al-Hasan ibn Ali al-'Askari, surname al-Hddi, the Director, and called 'Askari from his long residen( under the surveillance of Mutawakkil at Surra man-Raa ^ whic also went by the name of al-'Askar, " the Encampment." t was a man of eminent piety and great nobility of character, distinguished poet and litterateur. He was born at Medir A.H. 231 (a.c. 845-6), and died at al-'Askar in a.h. 260 (a. 874). He is said to have been poisoned by Mutawakkil. 12. Mohammed al-Mahdi (a.h. 265, a.c. 878-9). This k; Imam disappeared, according to the Shiah belief, in a groti! at Surra-man-Raa in the fifth year of his age.^ He is believej to be still alive, and they look forward with earnest anticipatic' to his reappearance to re-establish the universal Caliphate, ar to restore the purity of the human race. He is styled the Ima: Ghdih (the absent Imam), the Muntazar, "the Expected and the Kdim, " the Living." ^ The Isna-'Asharias, now called Shiahs or Imamias />( excellence, are divided into two sub-sects — Usulis and Akhbdr {i.e. the followers of principles and the followers of traditiom There is no difference between them on the question of tl Imamate or its descent to the last Imam. But they differ c the amount of authority to be attached to the exposition of tl Mujtahids, who call themselves the representatives of the Imar The Usuli repudiates entirely the authority of the expounde of the law to fetter his judgment. He contends that the la is clear, and that it is his duty to construe it for himself with tl light of reason and progress of human thought, and not to 1 ^ a place several days' journey to the north-west of Bagdad. * For an account of this pathetic incident, see ante, p. 123, and She History of the Saracens (Macmillan), p. 295. ^ Compare especially the belief of the Christadelphians, according to who Christ will reappear to bring about an earthly kingdom. viii. THE POLITICAL DIVLSIONS AND SCHISMS 347 guided in his judgment by the dictates of men as falhble as him- self, and interested in maintaining the world in ignorance. He holds that God's revelations had not the object of hiding the Divine meaning in words difficult to apprehend. They were addressed through his Prophet to humanity to apprehend and to obey. Thus God's teachings delivered through His Messenger do not require the interpretation of priest or lawyer. The Akhbari, on the other hand, obeys slavishly the expositions of the Muj tabids. According to the L^suli doctrines, the oral precepts of the Prophet are in their nature supplementar}^ to the Koranic ordinances, and their binding effect depends on the degree of harmony existing between them and the teachings of the Koran. Thus, those traditions which seem to be in conflict with the spirit of the Koranic precepts are considered apocryphal. The process of elimination is conducted upon recognised principles, founded upon logical rules and definite data. These rules have acquired a distinctive type among the Mu'tazilas, who have eliminated from the Hadis Kudsi {the holy traditions) such alleged sa^dngs of the Prophet as appeared incompatible and out of harmony with his developed teachings as explained and illustrated by the philosophers and jurists of his family. The Usulis divide the traditions under four heads, viz. : — (a) Sahih, " authentic " ; {h) Hasan, " good " ; (c) Musak, "strong"; and [d) Za'if, "weak." A hadis sahih, or an t authentic tradition, is one the authority of which can be con- clusively traced to the Aimma-i-Ma'sum (the sinless Imams), according to the narration of an Imam 'ddil, " a just or trust- worthy Imam," about whose integrity there is a consensus • among the " masters of traditions " (arbab-i-hadis) . The narra- ; tion must be through a succession of such 'ddils. A hadis-hasan, ; or a good tradition, is one the authority of which goes back, like that of the hadis sahih, to the Ma'sum ; but, according to I the narrative of a venerable Imam, in this way, that although, I in regard to the narrator of it, the words sikah 'ddil, " trust- worthy and just," have not been used by the historians, yet ' they have praised him in other words. A hadis-musak, or a strong tradition, is one handed down by people who are acknow- ledged to be sikah and 'ddil, " virtuous and just," by the 348 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii historians, though some or all of the narrators might not b Imdmias, " followers of Ali." A hadis-za'if, or a weak tradition is one which complies with neither of these conditions. It i only the first three kinds of hadts that are accepted or relie( upon by the Usulis. Again, a tradition before it can be accepted must have beei handed down in regular succession. A tradition is in regula succession when a large number of people in the regular cours( of time make the same narration until it is traced to the Ma'sum subject to the condition that the number of narrators, in eacl particular age, is so great as to exclude the idea of their having, combined in telling a falsehood. A tradition is without C regular succession, when the number of narrators does not, iii all or several stages, reach to such a body of witnesses ; ano this kind of tradition is called, " in the peculiar idiom of th(; masters of traditions, the information of one." ■ The Usuli exercises his own judgment in the construction o the law, and the reception, application, and interpretation of th(; traditions. He does not consider himself bound to follow the exposition of a Muj tabid, if his judgment and conscience tel him that that exposition is against the revealed or natural law or justice, or reason. They protest against the immoderatt] number of traditions accepted by the Akhhdris without an)! criticism, or any application of the rules of exegesis. Th( Usulis represent the Broad Church, if not of Islam, at least o: Shiahism. According to the Dabistdn, the Akhbdris derive their titk from the fact that they rely entirely upon akhbdr, or traditions and repudiate ijtihdd (the exercise of private judgment), as the} consider it contrary to the practice of the Imams. The} accept as authentic whatever tradition happens to be current if only it is labelled with the name of an Imam or of the Prophet It is enough that it is called a hadis ; it becomes ipso facta^^ authentic in their eyes,^ and further inquiry is not required tc| test the source from which it emanates. It need not be saidj that under colour of this easy principle a vast number of tradi-' tions and maxims have become incorporated with the Islami( ^ Adilla-i-Kati', conclusive evidence, which admits of no questioning, anc requires no exercise of judgment. VIII. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 349 teachings which have Uttle in common with them. The ancient faitli had never completely died out of the hearts of the masses, and it was impossible that with the growth of a national Church many of the old thoughts should not find expression in new and more approved garbs. Gobineau has, somewhat harshly, but not quite without reason, charged ultra-Akhbarism with having converted the great hero of Islam into an Ormuzd, and his descendants into Amshaspands. Akhbarism is the favourite creed of the uneducated, who require a leading string for their guidance, or of the half- educated Mullas. LTsulism finds acceptance among the most intellectual classes of the people and the most learned of the clergy. One of the most notable advocates of the Usuli doctrines within recent times was Mulla Sadra ^ (Mohammed bin Ibrahim), a native of Shiraz, and probably the ablest scholar and dialectician of his time. He was the reviver of philosophy and humanitarian science among the Persians. From the fall of the Buwaihs to the rise of the Safawis, Iran had remained under a cloud. Patristic orthodoxy had pro- scribed philosophy and science ; the very name of Avicenna had become hateful, and his works were publicly burnt. During these centuries many Mazdeistic traditions dressed in Islamic garb naturally had found acceptance among the uneducated classes. The true Fatimide scholars had retired into seclusion, and a body of ecclesiastics strongly imbued with national pre- dilections and prejudices had sprung up to maintain the people in ignorance. Mulla Sadra had thus to contend against a clergy as tenacious of their rights as those of Christendom, and as ready to take offence at the slightest approach to an attack on their preserve of orthodoxy. But Mulla Sadra was gifted with great perseverance and tact, and succeeded after considerable difficulty in reviving the study of philosophy and science. Usulism came to the front once more. Its philosophical counter- part, Mu'tazilaism, is unquestionably the most rationalistic and liberal phase of Islam. In its liberalism, in its sympathy with all phases of human thought, its grand hopefulness and ex- pansiveness, it represents the ideas of the philosophers of the House of Mohammed who reflected the thoughts of the Master. ^ Mulla Sadra flourished in the reign of Shah Abbas IJ. 350 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. The political factions which have hitherto kept the Shiahs divided among themselves are disappearing, and the rest of the sects are fast merging into the Isna-'Asharias. The Shiahs of Persia, Arabia, West Africa, and India belong for the most part to this sect. Isnd-'Ashanaism has thus become synony- mous with Shiahism. Like the Akhbaris, the Sunnis base their doctrines on the entirety of the traditions. But they differ from them in accept- ing such only of the traditions as can stand the test of certain rules of criticism peculiar to their school. In this they approach the Usulis. They regard the concordant decisions of the successive Caliphs and of the general assemblies {Ijmd'-ul- . Ummat) as supplementing the Koranic rules and regulations, ; and as almost equal in authority to them. i The Sunnis are divided into several sub-sects, each differing , from the other on various points of dogma and doctrine. These i minor sectarian differences have often given rise to great i bitterness and persecutions. In the main, however, they are agreed on the fundamental bases of their doctrines and laws, deriving them from four unvarying sources, viz. : — (i) The j Koran ; (2) The Hadis or Sunnat (traditions handed down from 1 the Prophet) ; (3) The Ijmd'-td-Ummat (concordance among 1 the followers) ; and (4) The Kiyds (private judgment). The j Hadis {pi. Ahddis) embraces (a) all the words, counsels, and , oral precepts of the Prophet [Kawl) ; {h) his actions, his works, ' and daily practice {Fi'l) ; (c) and his silence [Taknr), implying a tacit approbation on his part of any individual act committed by his disciples. The rules deduced from these subsidiary ; sources vary considerably in respect of the degree of authority which is attached to them. If the rules, or traditional precepts, are of public and universal notoriety {Ahddis-i-Mutawdtireh) , they are regarded as absolutely authentic and decisive. If the traditions, though known publicly by a great majority of \ people, do not possess the character of universal notoriety, they >j are designated Ahddis-i-Mashhtlra, and stand next in rank tOj the Ahddis-i-Mutawdtireh ; whilst the Akhhdr-i-wdhid, which = depend for their authenticity upon the authority of isolated individuals, have little or no value attached to them. Thus every tradition purporting to be handed down by the con- :iii. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 351 emporarics and companions of the PropJiet, regardless of their ictual relationship to liim, is considered to be authentic and genuine, provided certain arbitrary conditions framed with the ;iew of testing the value of personal testimony are complied vith. The expression Ijmd'-ul-Ummat implies general con- :ordance. Under this collective name are included all the ipostolic laws, the explanations, glosses, and decisions of the eading disciples of the Prophet, especially of the first four Caliphs (the Khulafdi Rdshidin), on theological, civil, and ;riminal matters. Since the eighth century of the Christian era, however, all :hese sources of law and doctrine have been relegated to the iomain of oblivion. And each sect has followed blindly its )wn doctors in the interpretation of the law and the exposition A doctrines. This is called Taklid. No man is considered ' orthodox " unless he conforms to the doctrines of one or :he other of the principal doctors. The four most important persuasions or sects ^ among the nmnis are designated Hanafi, Shafe'i, Maliki, and Hanbali, ifter their respective founders. Abu Hanifa,^ who gave his name to the first school, was born n the year 80 of the Hegira, during the reign of Abdul Malik bn Merwan. He was educated in the Shiah school of law, and ■eceived his first instructions in jurisprudence from Imam Ja'far as-Sadik, and heard traditions from Abu Abdullah ibn d-Mubarak and Hamid ibn Sulaiman. Abu Hanifa often juotes the great Shiah Imam as his authority. On his return :o his native city of Kufa, though he continued to remain a :ealous and consistent partisan of the house of Ali, he seceded rom the Shiah school of law and founded a system of his own, liverging completely in many important points from the loctrines of the Shiahs ; and yet, so close is the resemblance )etween his exposition of the law and their views, that there is 10 reason for doubt as to the source from which he derived his )riginal inspiration. The latitude which he allows to private udgment in the interpretation of the law seems to be unques- ionably a reflex of the opinions of the Fatimide doctors. He 1 Called the Mazdhib-arba'a. * Abu Hanifa an-No'man ibn Thabit (a.c. 699-769). 352 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii is called by his followers the Iindiii-ul-Na'zaui (the great Imam) He died in the year a.h. 150. The doctrines taught by him ard in force among the major portion of the Indian Musulmans among the Afghans, Turkomans, almost all Central Asiar Moslems, the Turks, and the Egyptians. His school owns b} far the largest number of followers. The founder of the second school was (Abu Abdullah) Malil^ ibn Anas, who died in the year a.h. 179, in the Caliphate 0. Harun ar-Rashid. Shafe'i was the originator of the third school. He was borrj at Ghazza in Syria, in the same year in which Abu Hanifa died: He died in Egypt in the year a.h. 204 (a.c. 819), during thC Caliphate of Mamun. He was a contemporary of the Fatimid( Imam Ali ibn Musa ar-Riza. Shafe'i's doctrines are generall}, followed in Northern Africa, partially in Egypt, in Southen; Arabia, and the Malayan Peninsula, and among the Musulmansj of Ceylon. His followers are also to be found among the; Borahs ^ of the Bombay Presidency. ; The fourth school was originated by Ibn-Hanbal. H( flourished during the reigns of Mamun and his successor Mu'taj sim b'illah. These two Caliphs were Mu'tazilas. Ibn-Hanbal':! extreme fanaticism, and the persistency with which he tried t(' inflame the bigotry of the masses against the sovereigns, brough him into trouble with the rulers. He died in the odour of grea sanctity in the year a.h. 241. Ibn-Hanbal and his patristicisn are responsible for the ill-success of Mamun in introducing tb-! Mu'tazfla doctrines throughout the empire, and for the frequen outbursts of persecution which deluged the Mohammedan worI( with the blood of Moslems. I have in another place ^ described the legal difference of the various Sunni schools ; their doctrinal divergence run into the minutiae of the ceremonials of worship, unneces sary to detail in a work intended for the general student, It may be said, however, that the Hanbahtes were the mosij pronounced anthropomorphists. To them God was a beinj, in the similitude of man enthroned in heaven. Amonn the other sects the conceptions varied considerably accordinjj 1 These Borahs are partly Shafe'is and partly Isma'ilias of the Egyptian typ( * "Mohammedan Law." VIII. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 353 to the age and the people. Anthropomorphism was, how- ever, the predominating element. There is no doubt that Hanafism was originally the most liberal of these sects, whilst Shafe'ism and Malikism were both exclusive and harsh in their sympathies and ideas. With the advance of time, and as despotism fixed itself upon the habits and customs of the people, and the Caliph or sovereign became the arbiter of their fate without check or hindrance from juris- consult or legist, patristicism took hold of the mind of all classes of society. The enunciations of the Fathers of the Church became law. The Hanafis, who styled themselves, and were styled by their brethren of the rival schools, ahl-ur-rai w'al kiyds, " people of judgment and analogy," in contradistinction to the others, who were called ahl-id-hadis , traditionists par excellence, have long ceased to exercise their judgment in the domains of law or doctrine. What has been laid down by the Fathers is unchangeable, and beyond the range of discussion. The Faith may be carried to the land of the Esquimaux, but it must go with rules framed for the guidance of Irakians ! Patristicism has thus destroyed all hope of development in the Sunni fold. But its endeavours to ensure uniformity of faith and practice have led within the last hundred years to two notable revolts within the bosom of the Sunni Church. Wahabism, which made its appearance at the beginning of the nineteenth century, derived its breath from the Desert. Ghair-mukallidism springs from the innermost recesses of the human heart, seeking an escape from the strait-laced Pharisaism of the established Church. The Ghair-mukallid is a non-conformist, though he has been wrongly and unjustly confounded with the Wahabis. He is undoubtedly more philosophical and rationalistic than the followers of the other denominations of Sunnism. Narrow, no doubt, admittedly hmited and unsympathetic in its scope, Ghair-Mukallidism is nevertheless the one movement in the Sunni Church which contains great promise for the future. The dispute which ushered in the Reformation in Europe has already commenced among the Hanafis, and is sure before long to make itself felt among all sects and schools of Moslems. 354 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM u Does the translation of the Koran stand on the same footin. as the Arabic Koran ; are prayers offered in the vulgar tongue in the tongue of the worshipper ignorant of Arabic, as meri torious as those offered in the language of Hijaz — such are th questions which are now agitating the Moslem world in India The controversy has already caused much bitterness and give: rise to a few anathemas on the side of the orthodox, and th reformers may well be congratulated that the movement whid they have set on foot is conducted under a neutral Government To the old plea, which vested interests have always urge( against every innovation, the leaders of the reform answer by asking. Is Arabic the sole language which God understands ' If not, what is the purpose of the prayer instituted by th Prophet ? If it is to bring the worshipper nearer to God, and t'i purify and ennoble his heart, then how can he feel the elevatin;' effect of prayer if he only mumbles what he cannot understand From reason they appeal to the example of the Prophet, wh allowed his Persian converts to offer their prayers in their ow: tongue.^ This movement, still unknown to Europeans, con tains the germ of great development. It is the beginnin, of the Reformation. Hitherto the theologians of Islam, lik the Christian clergy in the Middle Ages, have exercised, throug" the knowledge of a language not known to the masses or th sovereigns, a dominating influence. Once the principle fc which the reformers are working is accepted, the prescription framed in the ninth and tenth centuries of the Christian ert; for people utterly apart from the culture and civilisation c the present day, will have to be understood and explained wit the light of a thousand years. Khawdrijism has been often regarded as a branch of Sunnisn though in reality it came into existence long before the foundc tions of the Sunni Church were laid. The refractory troop: who had forced the Caliph Ali to abandon the fruits of th well-earned victory at Siffin, and who afterwards rose in anr against him at Nahrwan, were the first to receive the name c Khawdrij (deserters or rebels). Shahristani has given a ver lucid account of this insurrection. These were the men wh were most eager in referring to arbitration the dispute of th ^ See ante, p. i86. VIII. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 355 arch-rebel Mu'awiyah with the CaHph. They had forced upon their chief, against his own judgment, Abu Musa as the repre- sentative of the House of Mohammed ; but no sooner had the terms been settled than these soldier-theologians, these Covenanters of Islam, fell into a hot controversy amongst themselves about the sinfulness of submitting any cause to human judgment. In order to prevent the spectacle of Moslems slaughtering each other in the presence of the enemy, Ali retired to Kufa with the greater part of his army, leaving a small detachment at Dumat ul-Jandal to await the result of the arbitration. The rebels to the number of twelve thousand deserted the Caliph at Kufa, and, retiring to Nahrwan, took up a formidable position from which they threatened the Caliphate. With the repugnance to shed blood which was ever the distinguishing trait in Ali's character, he besought them repeatedly to return to their allegiance. In reply they threatened him with death. Human patience could not bear this contumacy longer. They were attacked and defeated in two successive battles. A few of the rebels escaped, says Shahristani, and betaking themselves to al-Bahrain, that harbour of refuge for all the free lances of Islam, spread their noxious doctrines among the wild inhabitants of that tract. They reappeared in the time of Abdul Malik, who drove them back into their fastnesses in al-Ahsa and al-Bahrain. They issued again under Merwan II., and spread themselves in Yemen, Hijaz, and the Irak. They were attacked and defeated, and forced to take refuge in Oman, where they have remained settled ever since. Under the Abbasides they spread their doctrines among the Berbers of Africa, whom they raised repeatedly against the Pontiffs of Bagdad. The Khawarij are the Calvinists of Islam. Their doctrines are gloomy and morose, hard and fanatical. They are strict predestinarians. They do not accept the Imamate of any of the Caliphs after Omar, their own chiefs being, according to them, the lawful Imams. They differ from the other Sunnis, in maintaining that it is not requisite for a person to be either a Koreishite or a free man for election as Imam of the Moslems. Slaves and non- Koreishites were eligible for the Imamate equally with Kor- eishites and free men. According to Shahristani, the Khawarij 356 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. are divided into six groups, the most important of whom are the Azdrika (the followers of Abu Rashid Nafe ibn Azrak) ; the Ihddhia (the followers of Abdullah ibn Ibadh, who appeared in the reign of Merwan II., the last of the Ommeyyades) ; the Nejdat Azdna (the followers of Nejdat ibn 'Amir) ; the Ajdrida (of Abdul Karim bin 'Ajrad) ; and the Sufdruz Ziadia. Of these, the Azdrika are the most fanatical, exclusive, and narrow. According to them, every sect besides their own is doomed to perdition, and ought to be forcibly converted or ruthlessly destroyed. No mercy ought to be shown to any infidel or Mushrik (an expansive term, including Moslems, Christians, and Jews). To them every sin is of the same degree : murder, fornication, intoxication, smoking, all are damning offences against religion. Whilst the other Moslems, Shiah as well as Sunni, hold that every child is born into the world in the faith of Islam, ^ and remains so until perverted by education, the Azraki declares that the child of an infidel is an infidel. The orthodox Christian maintains that every child who is not baptized is doomed to perdition ; the Khariji, likej the Christian, declares that every child who has not pronounced! the formula of the Faith is beyond the pale of salvation. Thei Azdrika were destroyed by Hajjaj ibn Yusuf ; but their; sanguinary, fierce, and merciless doctrines found expression nine centuries later in Wahabism. The Ihddhia were decidedly less fanatical. They were, foi the most part, settled in Oman, and are still to be found in tht principality of Muscat. The Azdrika, and afterwards the Wahabis, were at deadly feud with the Ibddhias. According to them, the general body of Moslems are un believers, but not Mushrik (polytheists), and that consequentl) they can intermarry with them. They differ from the Azdrik in this and in other respects. They accept the evidence o Moslems against their people ; hold that the taking of the good:, of the Moslems except in time of war, is unlawful, and " proi| nounce no opinion," says Shahristani, " on the infidelity of thf' children of infidels " ; but they agree with their brethren, th( .' ^luiii %jki ^ic jj^ jy^^ J$ \nu. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 357 Azdrika, in denouncing and anathematising the cliief com- panions of the Prophet (the AsIidb-i-Kabai). The I bad hi as have held Oman until now. Sore pressed by the Wahabis, they have succeeded in maintaining their power on the coast of Eastern Arabia, but they seem to be fast merging into the general body of Sunnis. The Wahabis have been depicted in rather favourable colours by Mr. Palgrave, in his Travels in Central Arabia, but, in fact, they are the direct descendants of the Azdrika, who, after their defeat by Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, had taken refuge in the recesses of Central Arabia. Abdul Wahab's doctrines bear the closest resemblance to those held so fiercely by the followers of Nafe ibn al-Azrak. Like them, the Wahabis designate all other Moslems as unbelievers, and permit their despoilment and enslavement. However commendable their revolt against the anthropolatrous usages in vogue among the modern Moslems, their views of religion and divine government, like those of the Ikhwdn of the present day in Nejd, are intensely morose and Calvinistic, and in absolute conflict with progress and development. Babism, wliich made its appearance in Persia in the early part of the nineteenth century, has been represented in widely divergent colours. According to the Moslem authorities, it is nothing but a new form of Mazdakism, an Eastern socialistic communism. Its mixed gatherings of men and women are regarded in the same light as the ancient Agapo'- of the primitive Christians were considered by the followers of the older faiths. On the other hand, a European scholar ^ of great research and learning, who has studied the religious literature of the Babis, and mixed familiarly with them, represents Babism as the latest expression of an eclectic evolution growing out of the innate pantheism of the Iranian mind. During the reign of Mohammed Shah,^ the h^^pocrisy and vices of the national clergy, says this writer, had reached such a pitch that a change was inevitable. The pohtical and social condition of the people was deplorable. In this ^ Gobineau. - The third Kajar King of Persia, who ascended the throne on the death of his grandfather, Fathi Ali Shah. 358 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. state of affairs a young Mullah of Shiraz, Mirza All Mo- hammed, supposed to be a Fatimide by descent, who had studied much, had travelled a great deal and made the pilgrimage to the holy cities, and had for many years resided in Arabia and Syria, began to preach a social and moral reform. He denounced the hypocrisy of the ordinary mullahs, and their reception of the most doubtful traditions to justify practices condemned by Islam. His words struck a sym- pathetic chord in minds already prepared for the reception of his views, and evoked extraordinary enthusiasm. He obtained numerous disciples, among them a young lady of Kazwin, whose learning and eloquence supplied a powerful support to his cause. She is venerated now as Kurrat-ul-'Ayn, " Light of the Eyes." Mirza Ali Mohammed, either carried away by the, enthusiasm of his followers, or unhinged by his own exaltation, | in a fit of pantheistical insanity, assumed the title of Bab ' Hazrat-i-d'ala, and styled himself a part of the Divinity. His followers rose in arms against the constituted authorities and failed. The fanaticism of the clergy and political expediency gave rise to a persecution, for which even Gobineau thinks thei Babis were primarily responsible. The Bab was killed withj most of his prominent disciples. But his teachings have! survived. His social precepts are said by Gobineau to bCj much in advance of the received doctrines. He attached great importance to the marriage-relations, and during the con-, tinuance of the first marriage he allowed the taking of a second! wife only under certain conditions. He absolutely interdicted concubinage, forbade divorce, and allowed the appearance of women in public. The custom of seclusion, as Gobineau justly observes, creates infinite disorders, and exercises a pernicious influence on the early education of children. The usage itself does not depend on any religious prescription, it is simply a convenience. The ancient kings of Persia observed it as a sign of grandeur, and the Moslem sovereigns and chiefs imitated their example, and adopted the custom. Among the Arabs the women of the tribes are perfectly free to move about as they wish. The ladies of the Prophet's family conversed with the disciples, received their visits, and often shared in the repasts of the men. Mirza Ali Mohammed therefore, says VIII. THE POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND SCHISMS 359 Gobineau, made no innovation in endeavouring to free women from the bondage of a mischievous custom. His rehgious doctrines are essentially pantheistic, and his code of morals, far from being lax, is strict and rigid. ^ i Some Moslem writers have divided the religious sects into two comprehensive groups, viz. the Ahl-ul-hdtin, the Intiii- iionalists, and the Ahl-uz-zdhir , those who look into the meaning of ■precepts, and those who look only to the literal sense. The Ahl-nl- bdtin, however, must not be confounded with the Bdtinis. The Ahl-ul-bdtin include the mystical Sufis, the philosophical mutakallimtn, and the Idealists in general, " all those," to use ithe words of Zamakhshari's comment, " who strive to implant !in their hearts the roots of divine perfection," who strive and litruggle to attain the highest standard of human excellence, md who, whilst conforming to the prescriptions of the law, oerceive in them the divine intent to promote concord and larmony among the races of the earth, peace and goodwill imong mankind. 2 * The most recent account of this remarkable religious movement, from he Babi point of view, is to be found in Professor E. G. Browne's New History •f the Bab, which purports to be a translation of a Babi work called Tdrikh-i- 'adid. Professor Browne's Introduction is extremely interesting. From the ^drikh one can picture the fascinating personality of Knrrat-td-'Ayn ; see vppendix III. This great scholar has given to the world in his new work, ailed Materials for the Study of the Babi Religion, considerable additional nformation regarding its development and diffusion. Bahaism, its latest )hase, which flourishes chiefly in the United States of America, appears to ;iave largely assimilated the doctrines of Christian Science. ^ See post, chap. xi. CHAPTER IX THE LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC SPIRIT OF ISLAM WE have already referred to the Arabian Prophet's devotion to knowledge and science as distinguishing him from all other Teachers, and bringing him into the closest affinity with the modern world of thought. Medina, the seat of the theocratic commonwealth of Islam, had, afteij the faU of Mecca, become the centre of attraction, not to the! hosts of Arabia only, but also to inquirers from abroad. Here flocked the Persian, the Greek, the Syrian, the Irakian, and African of diverse hues and nationalities from the north and the west. Some, no doubt, came from curiosity, but most came to seek knowledge and to listen to the words of the Prophet of Islam. He preached of the value of knowledge : " Acquirt knowledge, because he who acquires it in the way of the Lord performs an act of piety ; who speaks of it, praises the Lord who seeks it, adores God ; who dispenses instruction in it bestows alms ; and who imparts it to its fitting objects, per- forms an act of devotion to God. Knowledge enables ite possessor to distinguish what is forbidden from what is not it lights the way to Heaven ; it is our friend in the desert, oui society in solitude, our companion when bereft of friends ; ii| guides us to happiness ; it sustains us in misery ; it is ouij ornament in the company of friends ; it serves as an armouij 1 The translation of this Hadis is given in the text : " Acquire knowledge etc." IX. THE LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC SPIRIT 361 against our enemies. With knowledge, the servant of God rises to the heights of goodness and to a noble position, associates with sovereigns in this world, and attains to the perfection of happiness in the next." ^ He would often say, " the ink of the scholar is more holy than the blood of the martyr " ; and repeatedly impress on his disciples the necessity of seeking for knowledge " even unto China." ^ " He who leaves his home in search of knowledge, walks in the path of God." " He who travels in search of knowledge, to him God shows the way to paradise." ^ The Koran itself bears testimony to the supreme value of learning and science. Commenting on the Surat-nl-'alak* Zamakhshari thus explains the meaning of the Koranic words : " God taught human beings that which they did not know, and this testilieth to the greatness of His beneficence, for He has given to His serv^ants knowledge of that which they did not know. And He has brought them out of the darkness of ignorance to the light of knowledge, and made them aware of the inestimable blessings of the knowledge of writing, for great benefits accrue therefrom which God alone compasseth ; and without the knowledge of writing no other knowledge {'iilum) could be comprehended, nor the sciences placed within bounds, nor the history of the ancients be acquired and their sayings be recorded, nor the revealed books be written ; and if that knowledge did not exist, the affairs of religion and the world, ^■^1 J (^"^i jr*l. could not be regulated." Up to the time of the Islamic Dispensation, the Arab world, properly so called, restricted within the Peninsula of Arabia and some outlying tracts to the north-west and the north-east, had shown no signs of intellectual growth. Poetry, oratory, and judicial astrology formed the favourite objects of pursuit among the pre-Islamic Arabs. Science and literature pos- sessed no votaries. But the words of the Prophet gave a new impulse to the awakened energies of the race. Even within 'Tradition from the Bihdr-ul-Anwdr of Mulla Bakir ibn Mohammed Taki al-majlisi, vol. i. chap, on Knowledge, handed down by the Imam Ja'far as-Sadik, also quoted from Mu'az ibn-Jabal in the Mustatraf, chap. iv. ; also in the Kashf iiz-Zunun of Haji Khalifa, Fluegel's ed. p. 44. - Misbah nsh-Shartat. ^ Jdnti' ul-Akhbdr. * Koran, sura xcvi. : see also other suras. 362 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM r his lifetime was formed the nucleus of an educational institution which in after years grew into universities at Bagdad an( Salerno, at Cairo and Cordova, Here preached the Maste himself on the cultivation of a holy spirit : " One hour' meditation on the work of the Creator [in a devout spirit] i better than seventy years of prayer." ^ "To listen to thi instructions of science and learning for one hour is more meri torious than attending the funerals of a thousand martyrs- more meritorious than standing up in prayer for a thousan( nights ; " "To the student who goes forth in quest of know ledge, God will allot a high place in the mansions of bliss ; evenj step he takes is blessed, and every lesson he receives has it;; reward ; " " The seeker of knowledge will be greeted in Heaver! with a welcome from the angels ; " "to listen to the words o the learned, and to instil into the heart the lessons of sciences is better than religious exercises, . . . better than emancipatin^i a hundred slaves ; " " Him who favours learning and thij learned, God will favour in the next world ; " "He who honourii the learned honours me." Ali lectured on branches of learning; most suited to the wants of the infant commonwealth. Amon^' his recorded sayings are the following : " Eminence in scienct! is the highest of honours ; " "He dies not who gives life t( learning ; " " The greatest ornament of a man is erudition." Naturally such sentiments on the part of the Master and thd chief of the Disciples gave rise to a liberal policy, and animatec all classes with a desire for learning. The art of Kufic writing' which had just been acquired by a disciple at Hira, furtherec the primitive development of the Moslems. It was, however* pre-eminently an age of earnestness and faith, marked by the uprise of the soul against the domination of aimless, lifelessj philosophy. The practice of religion, the conservation of 2' devotional spirit, and the special cultivation of those branches of learning which were of practical value in the battle of every- day life, were the primary objects of the Moslem's attention. , The age of speculation was soon to commence ; its germs werCj contained in the positive precepts of the Master ; and even; whilst he was working, the scholarly Disciple was thinking. The Master had himself declared that whosoever desired tc ' J ami' itl-Akhbar. X. THE LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC SPIRIT 363 ealise the spirit of his teachings must hsten to the words of the >cholar.^ Who more able to grasp the meaning of tJie Master's vords than Ah, the beloved friend, the trusted Disciple, the ievoted cousin and son ? The gentle, calm teachings instilled n early life into the young mind bore their fruit. In spite of the upheaval of the Arab race under the early \iliphs, literature and arts were by no means neglected in the netropolis of primitive Islam. Ali and Ibn Abbas, his cousin, ^ave public lectures on poetry, grammar, history, and mathe- natics ; others taught the art of recitation or elocution ; vhilst some gave lessons in caligraphy, — in ancient times an n valuable branch of knowledge. On Osman's tragical death the Scholar was called by the •oice of the people to the helm of the State. During his retire- nent Ali had devoted himself to the study of the Master's )recepts by the light of reason. "But for his assassination," o quote the language of a French historian, " the Moslem vorld might have witnessed the realisation of the Prophet's eachings, in the actual amalgamation of Reason with Law, md in the impersonation of the first principles of true philosophy n positive action." The same passionate devotion to know- edge and learning which distinguished Mohammed, breathed n every word of his Disciple. With a liberality of mind — far )eyond that of the age in which he lived — was joined a sincere levoutness of spirit and earnestness of faith. His sermons, aithfully preserved by one of his descendants, and his litanies )r psalms, portray a devout uplooking toward the Source of VU Good, and an unbounded faith in humanity. The accession )f the Ommeyyades to the rulership of Islam was a blow to he progress of knowledge and liberalism in the Moslem world, iheir stormy reigns left the nation little leisure to devote to he gentler pursuits of science ; and to this, among the overeigns, was joined a characteristic idolatry of the past, lieir thoughts were engrossed by war and politics. During he comparatively long rule of a century, the House of ' V-^ J'^ C^^^ '^'^i^^ ^Jl " I am the city of learning, .'Mi is its gate." 364 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii Ommeyya produced only one man devoted to the cultivatioi of letters ; and this man was Abii Hashim Khalid ibn Yezid " the philosopher of the Merwanian family," ^ as he has beei called, who was set aside from the succession on account of hi learning. The jealous suspicion and the untiring animosity of th children of Abu Sufian and Hind had obliged the descendant of the Prophet to live a life of humble retirement. " In th«! night of misery and unhappiness " they followed truly an( faithfully the precepts of their ancestor, and found consolatio: in intellectual pursuits. Their ardent love of knowledge, thai passionate devotion to the cause of humanity, — their spiri looking upwards far above the literalness of common interpreta tions of the law, — show the spirituality and expansiveness c Islam. 2 The definition by the Imam Ja'far as-Sadik of science or knowledge gives some idea of their faith in the progress man : " The enlightenment of the heart is its essence ; Trut! its principal object ; Inspiration, its guide ; Reason, it accepter ; God, its inspirer ; and the words of man its utterer." Surrounded by men whom love, devotion, and sympathj with their patience had gathered around them, the earl;* descendants of the Prophet were naturally more or less in fluenced by the varied ideas of their followers. Yet thai philosophy never sinks to that war of words without life an^ without earnestness which characterised the schools of Athen or Alexandria under the Ptolemies. But though literature and philosophy were at a discoun among the rulers, the example of the Imams naturally exercise no small influence on the intellectual activity of the Arabs an the subject races. Whilst the Ommeyyades discouraged th peaceful pursuits of the mind, the children of Fatima, wit remarkable liberalism, favoured learning. They were no ^ M&hhaz-i-'ul'Hm of Moulvi Syed Keramat Ali. This learned scholar w; nearly forty years curator of the Imambara at Houghly. 2 See the Hadis-i-Ihlilaj, from the Imam Ali bin-Musa ar-Raza, reporte^ by Mufazal bin-Omar Joufi, Bihar ul- Anwar. j 3 Tarikh ul-Hukama, by Jamal ud-din al-Kifti, founded upon another wor' bearing the same name, by Shihab ud-din Suhrwardi ; Shihab ud-din was ;| Platonist — an Ishraki — an idealist, and was condemned and put to death U) the orthodox synod in the reign of Saladin's son. Compare the first Khutb of the Nahj-ul-Baldghat, and the traditions on knowledge in the BihAr ul-Anwa X. THE LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC SPIRIT 365 ievotcd to the past, — the salaf was not their guide. Witli he Master's precepts to light their path, they kept in view the ievelopment of humanity, and devoted themselves to the ■ultivation of science and learning in all its branches. Like he Master and the early Caliphs, the " Philosophers of the rlcuse of Mohammed " ^ received with distinction the learned nen whom the fanatical persecution of Justinian's successors Irove for refuge into foreign lands. The academies of philo- sophy and medicine, founded by the Nestorians at Edessa and S'isibis, had been broken up ; its professors and students were efugees in Persia and Arabia. Many betook themselves — as :heir predecessors had done before, in the time of the Prophet md the Caliph Abu Bakr — to Medina, which, after its sack by :he Ommeyyades, had again gathered round Ja'far as-Sadik a galaxy of talented scholars. The concourse of many and v'aried minds in the City of the Prophet gave an impetus to the :ultivation of science and literature among the Moslems. From Medina a stream of unusual intellectual activity flowed towards Damascus. Situated on the northern confines of the Arabian Desert, along the trade-route from Mecca and Medina to Syria, Damascus had been associated from ancient times with the 3mmeyyades ; and the Syrian Arabs were closely allied by interest and kinship to the family whom they had assisted to ,?levate to the rulership of Islam. The Ommeyyades had QaturaUy fixed upon this city as the seat of their empire ; and though shunned with horror by the devout Moslems, it formed the gathering place for the representatives of the many races who had come under the sway of Islam. The controversies of Greek and Saracen furnished a strong incentive to the study of dialectics and Greek philosophy ; and the invention of the diacritical and vowel points furthered the cultivation of grammar and philology. At this time flourished two Christian writers of note, who, fleeing before their orthodox persecutors, had taken shelter in Damascus. These were Johannes Damas- :enus and Theodorus Abucara. Their polemical writings igainst the Moslems, their rationalistic and philosophical disputes with their own orthodox brethren, joined to the influence of the Medinite school, which flourished under 1 Mdkhaz-i-'Ulilm. 366 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ] Mohammed al-Bakir andja'far as-Sadik, soon led to the growl of philosophical tendencies among the Saracens. For centurii Greek philosophy had been known to the Persians and tl Arabs ; the Nestorians had spread themselves in the dominioi of the Chosroes since the beginning of Justinian's reign, but was not until all the varied elements had been fused into a organic whole by Islam that Greek science and culture exercise, any real effect on the intellectual development of Western Asi;' It was towards the close of the Ommeyyade rule that sever; Moslem thinkers came into prominence, whose lectures o subjects then uppermost in the minds of the people attracte great attention. And their ideas and conceptions material) moulded the thoughts of succeeding generations. It was in the second century, however, that the literary an scientific activity of the Moslems commenced in earnest, an the chief impulse to this was given by the settlement of tl: Arabs in towns. Hitherto they had lived in camps isolate! from the races they had subjugated. Osman had laid a pn] hibition on their acquiring lands in the conquered countrie! or contracting marriages with the subject nations. The objec] of this policy was apparent ; it has its parallel in the historl of all nations, ancient and modern. In British India and ii French Algeria it is still in force. During the whole period i] the Ommeyyade rule the Arabs had constituted the dominai element, — the aristocratic military caste amongst their subject The majority of them were occupied in warlike pursuits. Tl gentler avocations of learning and science were left to tl suspected Hashimis and the children of the Ansar, — to tl descendants of Ali, Abu Bakr, and Omar. The Arabs ha carried with them into distant regions the system of clienta^ which had existed in Arabia, as it had existed among tl Romans, from ancient times. Clientage afforded to tl subjects protection and consideration ; to the conqueror the additional strength gained by numbers. Thus, both in tl East and in the West, the leading families allied themselves wit^ members of the prominent desert clans, and became the maulc\ or clients, not freedmen, as has been incorrectly supposed, «j their conquerors. To these clients, besides the Hashimito' and the children of the Ansar and Muhajirin, such as ha IX. THE LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC SPIRIT 367 survived the sack of Medina, was left scholarship and the cultivation of arts and sciences during the Ommeyyade rule. With the rise of the Abbasides commenced a new era. They rose to power with the assistance of the Persians ; and they relied for the maintenance of their rule more upon the attach- ment of the general body of their subjects, than the fickle affection of the military colonists of Arabia. Abu'l Abbas Saffah held the reins of government for but two years. His brother and successor, al-Mansiir, though cruel in his treatment of the Fatimides, was a statesman of the first rank. He organised the State, established a standing army and a corps of police, and gave firmness and consistency to the system of administration. The Arabs had hitherto devoted themselves almost exclusively to the profession of arms ; the method of government adopted by al-Mansur gave a new bent to their genius. They settled in cities, acquired landed properties, and devoted themselves to the cultivation of letters with the same ardour which they had displayed in the pursuit of war. The rich and fertile valley of the Euphrates, watered by the two great rivers of Western Asia, has, from the most ancient times, been the seat of empire and the centre of civilisation. It was in this region that Babylon, Ctesiphon, and Seleucia had risen successively. Here existed at this epoch Basra and Kufa, with their unruly and volatile inhabitants. Basra and Kiifa had, from the first conquest of the Moslems, formed important centres of commercial activity. The latter city was at one time the seat of government. To Basra and Kufa had come all the active spirits of the East, who either could not or would not go to the depraved capital of the Ommeyyades. For the Abbasides, Damascus had not only no attraction, but was a place of peril ; and the uncertain and fickle temperament of the people of Basra and Kufa made those cities undesirable as the seat of government. Al- Mansijr cast about for a site for his capital, and at last fixed upon the locality where Bagdad now stands — a six days' journey by river from Basra. Bagdad is said to have been a summer retreat of Kesra Anushirvan, the famous monarch of Persia, and derived from his reputation as a just ruler the name it bears, — the " Garden 368 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM i of Justice." With the disappearance of the Persian monarch had disappeared the famous Garden where the Lord of Asi dispensed justice to his multitudinous subjects ; traditioi however, had preserved the name. The beautiful site, centr; and salubrious, attracted the eyes of Mansur, and the glorioi city of the Caliphs arose, like the sea-goddess issuing from th waves, under the magic wand of the foremost architects of tl: day. The Bagdad of Mansur was founded in the year 145 of th; Hegira on the western bank of the Tigris. Soon, howeve' another city — a new Bagdad — sprang up on the eastern ban under the auspices of the heir-apparent, the Prince Imperial ( the Caliphate, who afterwards assumed the title of al-Mahd This new city vied in the splendour of its structures with tl beauty and magnificence of the Mansurieh. In the days of ii glory, before the destroying hordes of Chengiz sweeping ove Western Asia had engulfed in ruin every vestige of Saracen civilisation, Bagdad presented a beautiful and imposir; appearance — a fit capital for the Pontiffs of Islam. ^ ; The beauty and splendour of the city, before its sack by ttj Mongols, have been immortalised in glowing lines by Anwari-: most brilliant of panegyrists : — ^ " Blessed be the site of Bagdad, seat of learning and art — None can point in the world to a city equal to her, Her suburbs vie in beauty with the blue vault of heaven. Her climate in quality equals the life-giving breezes < heaven, Her stones in their brightness rival gems and rubies, ^ For a description of Bagdad under the Abbasides, see Shoyt History the Saracens (Macmillan) , p. 444. 2 This English rendering gives an inadequate idea of the beauty of t original : — >*' J^i o-^ jIjxj ^"' ,i l-i^i. ;^^ ^U^ J^^ ;j j>fc^j ^^^^ ^i^ ^; Ux^ jifi*^ c'^^ JI- ,\ .1,- J:ji u ^r^' -' c^jr- ^ .A^j y ^',- /-:rV ' ji- ^^ x^ «.< ■J* w: — i-^livj IX. THE LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC SPIRIT 369 Her soil in beneficence has the fragrance of the amber, The morning breeze has imparted to the earth the freshness of Tiiha (the tree of Paradise), And the winds have concealed in her water the sweetness of Kausar (the spring of Eden) , The banks of the Tigris with their beautiful damsels surpass (the city of) Khullakh} The gardens filled with lovely nymphs equal Cashmere, And thousands of gondolas on the water, Dance and sparkle hke sunbeams in the sky." Its designation of the City of Peace, Ddr us-Saldm, was derived from a prophecy made by the astronomer-royal Nou- bakht, that none of the Caliphs would die within the walls of the city, and the strange fulfilment of this prognostication in the case of thirty-seven Pontiffs. The great number of holy men who have found their last resting-place within or about its walls, and whose tombs are objects of veneration to all Moslems, gave to Bagdad the title of Bulwark of the Holy. Here are the mausoleums of the greatest Imams and the most pious Sheikhs. Here reposes the Imam Musa al-Kazim, and here lie buried Abu Hanifa, the Sheikhs Junaid, Shibh, and Abdul Kadir Ghilani, the chiefs of the Sufis. In the midst of the monuments of the Imams and Sheikhs ;stood those of the Caliphs and their consorts. Of the numerous academies, colleges, and schools which filled the city, two institutions surpassed all others in importance by their wealth / AJI r jixc ^<\^ A** ^s^f^a'x^i ^.,^ o,l> ^^Hivj 1 Ai "^J^ L.^ jiyi C^;X ». ^^;^ A. _ -^v '.- '^^ . i**. -■J^y' *_ -^-^ ;U$ r-s ^,,.U ^h^> <^ x», c^^i- S\ ^. j4 JX X J^xi .>^ 0;;; ;'/* ),1 ,^A«. .J IwV i/l.J *.i V_J^ft..« u'-^' • A city in Cathay famous for the beauty of its women. S.I. 2 A 370 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii and the number of their students. These were the Nizamie] and Mustansarieh ; the first estabhshed in the first half of th fifth century of the Hegira by Nizam ul-Mulk, the great Vizie of Malik Shah, Sultan of the Seljuks ; and the second, buil two centuries later, by the Caliph Al-Mustansir b'illah. " It is a remarkable fact," says the historian of Culture unde the Caliphs, " that the sovereign who makes us forget some c the darker sides of his nature by his moral and mental quahtia' also gave the impetus to the great intellectual movement whic now commenced in the Islamic world." ^ It was by Mansur' command that literary and scientific works in foreign language were first translated into Arabic. Himself no mean scholar an mathematician he had the famous collections of Indian fabk (the Hitopadesa), the Indian treatise on astronomy called th Siddhanta, several works of Aristotle, the Almagest of Claudir Ptolemy, the books of Euclid, as well as other ancient Greel Byzantine, Persian, and Syrian productions, translated int the language of the Arabs. Mas'udi mentions that no soont were these translations published than they were studied wit much avidity. Mansur's successors were not only wan patrons of the learned, who flocked to the metropolis from a quarters, but were themselves assiduous cultivators of eveii branch of knowledge. Under them the intellectual develojl ment of the Saracens, in other words of the conglomerate rac(' of the vast empire which constituted the Cahphate, proceeds with wonderful rapidity. Each great nation of the world has had its golden ag Athens had her Periclean era ; Rome, her Augustan age ; s too, had the Islamic world its epoch of glory ; and we may wii justice look upon the period which elapsed from the accessic of Mansur to the death of Mu'tazid-b'illah, with only a bri intermission during the reign of Mutawakkil, as an epoch equal, if not of superior greatness and magnificence. Und the first six Abbaside Caliphs, but especially under Mamu the Moslems formed the vanguard of civilisation. Tl Saracenic race by its elastic genius as well as by its centr position, — with the priceless treasures of dying Greece ai Rome on one side, and of Persia on the other, and India ai 1 Kremer, Cidturgeschichte des Orients tinter den Chalifen, vol. ii. p. 412. IX. THE LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC SPIRIT 371 China far away sleeping the sleep of ages, — was pre-eminently fitted to become the teacher of mankind. Under the inspiring influences of the great Prophet, who gave them a code and a nationality, and assisted by their sovereigns, the Saracens caught up the lessons of wisdom from the East and the West, combined them with the teachings of the Master, and " started from soldiers into scholars." " The Arabs," says Humboldt, " were admirably situated to act the part of mediators, and to influence the nations from the Euphrates to the Guadalquivir and Mid-Africa. Their unexampled intellectual activity marks a distinct epoch in the history of the world." Under the Ommeyyades we see the Moslems passing through a period of probation, preparing themselves for the great task they were called upon to undertake. Under the Abbasides we find them the repositories of the knowledge of the world. Every part of the globe is ransacked by the agents of the Caliphs for the hoarded wealth of antiquity ; these are brought to the capital, and laid before an admiring and appreciating public. Schools and academies spring up in every direction ; public Ubraries are established in every city free to every comer ; the great philosophers of the ancient world are studied side by side with the Koran. Galen, Dioscorides, Themistius, Aristotle, Plato, Euclid, Ptolemy, and Apollonius receive their due meed Df appreciation. The sovereigns themselves assist at literary meetings and philosophical disquisitions. For the first time in the history of humanity a religious and autocratic government s observed to ally itself with philosophy, preparing and participating in its triumphs. ! Every city in the empire sought to outrival the other in tlie cultivation of the arts and sciences. And governors and provincial chiefs tried to emulate the sovereign. Travelling in search of knowledge was, according to the precept of the Master, I pious duty. From every part of the globe students and -cholars flocked to Cordova, to Bagdad, and to Cairo to listen o the words of the Saracenic sages. Even Christians from remote corners of Europe attended Moslem colleges. Men who )ecame in after-Hfe the heads of the Christian Church, ^ acquired heir scholarship from Islamic teachers. The rise of Cairo ^ Such as Gerbert, afterwards Pope Sylvester II., who studied in Cordova. ■^12 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM n. under al-Muizz li-din-illah added a spirit of rivalry to the patronage of learning on the part of the Caliphs of the Houses of Abbas and Fatima. Al-Muizz was the Mamun of the West — the Maecenas of Moslem Africa, which then embraced the whole of the continent from the eastern confines of Egypt to the shores of the Atlantic and the borders of the Sahara. During the reign of al-Muizz and his first three successors, the arts and sciences flourished under the especial and loving protection of the sovereigns. The free university of Cairo, the Ddy-ul-Hikmat — Scientific Institute — established by al-Muizz, "anticipated Bacon's ideal with a fact." The Idrisides at Fez, and the Moorish sovereigns in Spain, outvied each other in the cultiva- tion of arts and letters. From the shores of the Atlantic eastward to the Indian Ocean, far away even to the Pacific,, resounded the voice of philosophy and learning, under Moslem guidance and Moslem inspiration. And when the House of Abbas lost its grasp on the empire of the East, the chiefs who held the reins of government in the tracts which at one time were under the undivided temporal sway of the Caliphs,| extended the same protection to science and literature as the' Pontiffs from whom they still derived their title to sovereignty. This glorious period lasted, in spite of the triumph of patris- ticism and its unconcealed jealousy towards scientific and philosophical pursuits, until the fall of Bagdad before the Tartar hordes. But the wild savages who overturned the Caliphate and destroyed civilisation, as soon as they adoptee Islam, became ardent protectors of learning ! What was the condition of learning and science in Christen dom at this epoch ? Under Constantine and his orthodo successors the ^Esclepions were closed for ever ; the public libraries established by the liberality of the pagan emperon were dispersed or destroyed ; learning was " branded as magi( or punished as treason " ; and philosophy and science wen exterminated. The ecclesiastical hatred against human learn ing had found expression in the patristic maxim, " Ignoranci is the mother of devotion " ; and Pope Gregory the Great the founder of ecclesiastical supremacy, gave effect to thi obscurantist dogma by expelling from Rome all scientific studies, and burning the Palatine Library founded by Augustu IX. THE LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC SPIRIT 373 Caesar. He forbade the study of the ancient writers of Greece and Rome. He introduced and sanctified the mythologic Christianity which continued for centuries the predominating creed of Europe, with its worship of rehcs and the remains of saints. Science and hterature were placed under the ban by orthodox Christianity, and they succeeded in emancipating themselves only when Free Thought had broken down the barriers raised by orthodoxy against the progress of the human mind. Abdullah al-Mamiin has been deservedly styled the Augustus of the Arabs. " He was not ignorant that they are the elect of God, his best and most useful servants, whose lives are devoted to the improvement of their rational faculties . . . that the teachers of wisdom are the true luminaries and legislators of the world." ^ ! Mamun was followed by a brilliant succession of princes who Continued his work. Under him and his successors, the prin- :ipal distinguishing feature of the school of Bagdad was a true and strongly marked scientific spirit, which dominated over all its achievements. The deductive method, hitherto proudly :'egarded as the invention and sole monopoly of modern Europe, .vas perfectly understood by the Moslems. " Marching from ihe known to the unknown, the school of Bagdad rendered to tself an exact account of the phenomena for the purpose of ■ising from the effect to the cause, accepting only what had Deen demonstrated by experience ; such were the principles :aught by the (Moslem) masters." " The Arabs of the ninth :entury," continues the author we are quoting, " were in the Dossession of that fecund method which was to become long ifterwards, in the hands of the moderns, the instrument of heir most beautiful discoveries." Volumes would be required to enumerate the host of scientific ind learned men who flourished about this epoch, all of whom lave, in some way or other, left their mark on the history of )rogress. Mashallah and Ahmed ibn Mohammed al-Neha- ^endi, the most ancient of the Arab astronomers, Hved in the eign of Mansur. The former, who has been called the Phcenix 'f his time by Abu'l Faraj, wrote several valuable treatises on * Abu'l Faraj. 374 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii the astrolabe and the armiUary sphere, and the nature anc movements of celestial bodies — works which still evoke th( admiration of scientists. Ahmed al-Nehavendi wrote from hi; own observations an astronomical table, al-Mustamal, whicl formed a decided advance upon the notions of both the Greek; and the Hindus. Under Mamun, the Almagest of Ptolemy was re-translated, and the Verified Tables prepared by famou; astronomers like Send ibn Ali, Yahya ibn Abi-Mansur, anc Khalid ibn Abdul Malik. Their observations connected witl the equinoxes, the eclipses, the apparitions of the comets, anc other celestial phenomena, were valuable in the extreme, anc added greatly to human knowledge. Mohammed ibn Musa al-Khwarizmi made a new translation under the orders of Mamun, of the Siddhanta, or the Indiai Tables, with notes and observations. Al-Kindi wrote tw( hundred works on various subjects — arithmetic, geometry philosophy, meteorology, optics and medicine. Thoroughly- versed in the language of the Greeks, he derived from the schooli of Athens and Alexandria part of the information which h' embodied in his invaluable treatises. " His works," say Sedillot, " are full of curious and interesting facts." Abu Ma'shar (corrupted by the Europe of the Middle Ages int' Albumazar) made the celestial phenomena his special study and the Zij-abt-Ma'shar, or the Table of Abu-Ma 'shar, ha always remained one of the chief sources of astronomical know ledge. The discoveries of the sons of Musa ibn Shakir,^ wh flourished under Mamun and his two immediate successon especially with respect to the evaluations of the mean movemen of the sun and other astral bodies, are almost as exact as th latest discoveries of Europe. They ascertained with wonderfi precision, considering the appliances they possessed, th obliquity of the ecliptic, and marked for the first time th variations in the lunar altitudes. They also observed an' determined with remarkable accuracy the precession of th equinoxes, and the movements of the solar apogee (which wer utterly unknown to the Greeks). They calculated the size c the earth from the measurement of a degree on the shor of the Red Sea — this at a time when Christian Europe wa ^ Mohammed, Ahmed, and Hasan. :ix. THE LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC SPIRIT 375 asserting the flatness of the globe. Abu'l Hasan invented the telescope, of which he speaks as '' a tube to the extremities of which were attached diopters." These " tubes " were improved and used afterwards in the observatories of Maragha and Cairo with great success. Al-Nairezi and Mohammed ibn Isa Abii Abdullah continued the great work of Musa ibn Shakir's sons.^ By the time al-Batani appeared, the Moslems had evolved from the crude astronomy of the ancients a regular and harmonious science. 1 Al-Batani, ^ though surpassed by his successors, occupies a high position among astronomers, and a competent judge pronounces his role to be the same among the Saracens as that of Ptolemy among the Greeks. His Astronomical Tables, translated into Latin, furnished the groundwork of astronomy in Europe for many centuries. He is, however, best known in the history of mathematics as the introducer of the sine and co-sine instead of the chord in astronomical and trigonometrical calculations. , Among the numerous astronomers who lived and worked in Bagdad at the close of the tenth century, the names of two men, AH ibn Amajur and Abu'l Hasan Ali ibn Amajur, generally known as Banu-Amajur, stand prominently forward. They are noted for their calculation of the lunar movements. Owing to the weakness of the central power, and an increasing inability to maintain the sway of the Caliphate in outlying and distant parts, there arose on the confines of the empire, towards the end of the tenth century, several quasi-independent chiefs. Spain had been lost to the Abbasides at the commencement of their rule ; about this period the Bani-Idris established them- selves at Fez, the Bani-Rustam at Tahart, and the Bani- Aghlab at Kairowan in Africa. Soon, however, the whole of the northern part of that continent was brought under the domination of the Bani-Fatima, and then another era of glory for arts and literature commenced. Fez, Miknasa, Segelmessa, Tahart, Tlemcen, Kairowan, but above all, Cairo, became centres of culture and learning. In Khorasan the Taherides, * For their names, see ante, p. 374. Mohammed ibn Musa ibn Shakir died in A.H. 259 (a.c. 873). - Abu Abdullah Mohammed ibn Jabir ibn Sinan al-Batani was a native of Ilarran, died ah. 317 (a.c. 929-30). 376 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM i in Transoxiana the Samanides, the Buyides in Tabaristan an^ afterwards in Persia and Bagdad, as mayors of the palace; extended a lavish patronage to scientists and scholars. Abdij Rahman Sufi, one of the most brilHant physicists of the ag( was an intimate friend of the Buyide Ameer 'Azud ud-Dowlfj deservedly called the second Augustus of the Arabs. Abdt! Rahman improved the photometry of the stars. 'Azud uc Dowla,^ himself a scholar and a mathematician, welcomed t his palace as honoured guests the learned men who flocked t; Bagdad from every part of the globe, and took part in theil scientific controversies. Ja'far, the son of the Caliph Muktai b'illah, made important observations regarding the errati movements of comets, and wrote a treatise on them ; an other princes cultivated the sciences side by side with thai; subjects. : Under the Buyides flourished a host of astronomen physicists, and mathematicians, of whom only two need b mentioned here, Al-Kohi and Abu'1-Wafa. Al-Kohi studied an! wrote on the movements of the planets His discoveries cor.; cerning the summer solstice and the autumnal equinox adde' materially to the store of human knowledge. Abu'1-Wafa waj born in 939 A.c. at Buzjan in Khorasan ; he established himseJ in Irak in 959, where he applied himself chiefly to mathematicj and astronomy. His Zij-ush-Shdmil {the Consolidated or Generc\ Table) is a monument of industry and keen and accuratj observation. He introduced the use of the secant and thj tangent in trigonometry and astronomical observations. " Bu! this was not all," says M. Sedillot ; " struck by the imperfec' tion of the lunar theory of Ptolemy, he verified the ancien' observations, and discovered, independently of the equation c the centre and the eviction, a. third inequality, which is no othe! than the variation determined six centuries later by Tych Brahe." ^ Under the Fatimides of Egypt, Cairo had become a neMJ intellectual and scientific centre. Here flourished, in the reigni 1 To 'Azud ud-Dowla (Malik Fanakhusru) Bagdad owed several hospital; for the sick and refuges for orphans. He built magnificent mausoleums ove the tombs of Ali and Husain at Najaf and Kerbela. He rendered navigabi the river which flows by Shiraz by erecting the famous dyke called Bend-emir * Abu'l Wafa died in a.h. 387 (a.c. 997). I IX. THE LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC SPIRIT 377 of Aziz b'illah ^ and Hakim bi-amr-illah, one of the master- spirits of the age, Ibn Yunus,- the inventor of the pendulum 'and the measurement of time by its oscillations. He is, how- ;ever, famous for his great work named after his patron and I sovereign, Zij-ul-Akhar-al-Hdkimi, which soon displaced the iwork of Claudius Ptolemy. It was reproduced among the I Persians by the astronomer-poet Omar Khayyam (1079) ; among the Greeks, in the Syntax of Chrysococca ; among the Mongols by Nasir ud-din Tusi, in the Zij-il-Khdni ; and among the Chinese, in the astronomy of Co-Cheou-king in 1280 ; and thus what is attributed to the ancient civilisation of China ;is only a borrowed light from the Moslems.^ ! Ibn Yunus died in 1009, and his discoveries were continued by Ibn un-Nabdi, who lived in Cairo in 1040, and Hasan ibn Haitham, commonly called in Europe Alhazen, and famous for the discovery of atmospheric refraction. He flourished about ithe end of the eleventh century, and was a distinguished astronomer and optician. He was born in Spain, but resided chiefly in Egypt. He is best known in Europe by his works ton optics, one of which has been translated into Latin by , Risner. He corrected the Greek misconception as to the i nature of vision, and demonstrated for the first time that the I rays of light come from external objects to the eye, and do not issue forth from the eye, and impinge on external things. He determined the retina as the seat of vision, and proved that the impressions made upon it were conveyed along the optic nerves to the brain. He explained the phenomena of a single vision by the formation of visual images on symmetrical portions of the two retinas. He discovered that the refraction of light varies with the density of the atmosphere, and that atmospheric density again varies with the height. He explained accurately and clearly how in consequence of this refraction, astral bodies ;are seen before they have actually risen and after they have iset, and demonstrated that the beautiful phenomenon of ' ' 'Aziz b'illah was one of the greatest sovereigns Egypt ever had. " He loved his people as they loved him." He was married to a Christian lady, whose brothers, Jeremiah and Arvenius, held the posts of patriarchs, one of Jerusalem and the other of Alexandria. Both of them belonged to the orthodox or melkite sect. ■ See Appendix TTI. '^ S6dillot. 378 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii twilight was due to the effect of atmospheric refraction com billed with the reflecting action of the air upon the course o the rays of hght. In his book called the Balance of Wisdom \\< discusses dynamical principles, generally supposed to be thi monopoly of modern science. He describes minutely th connection between the weight of the atmosphere and it density, and how material objects vary in weight in a ran and in a dense atmosphere. He discusses the submergence o floating bodies, and the force with which they rise to thi surface when immersed in light or heavy media ; he full\ understands the principle of gravitation, and recognises gravitjj as a force. He knows correctly the relation between tho velocities, spaces, and times of falling bodies, and has van. distinct ideas of capillary attraction. ^ j In Spain the same activity of mind was at work from th(i Pyrenees to the Straits : Seville, Cordova, Granada, Murcia' Toledo, and other places possessed their public libraries an( colleges, where they gave free instruction in science and letters Of Cordova, an English writer speaks thus : " Beautiful a were the palaces and gardens of Cordova, her claims to admira tion in higher matters were no less strong. The mind was a: lovely as the body. Her professors and teachers made her th( centre of European culture ; students would come from al parts of Europe to study under her famous doctors, and ever the nun Hroswitha far away in her Saxon convent of Ganders heim, when she told of the martyrdom of Eulogius, could no refrain from singing the praises of Cordova, ' the brightes i splendour of the world.' Every branch of science was seriousljl studied there, and medicine received more and greater additionij by the discoveries of the doctors and surgeons of Andalusia thar| it had gained during all the centuries that had elapsed since th( days of Galen. . . . Astronomy, geography, chemistry, natura history, all were studied with ardour at Cordova ; and as fo; the graces of literature there never was a time in Europe whei poetry became so much the speech of everybody — when peoplt 1 The annalist 'Ayni says that at this period the pubHc Hbrary of Cairo con tained over two miUion books, of which six thousand treated exclusively Ojj mathematics and astronomy. I have only mentioned a few of the name.-' among the thousands of mathematicians and physicists who flourished durinf' this epoch, when the scientific spirit of Islam was at its zenith. IX. THE LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC SPIRIT 379 of all ranks composed those Arabic verses which perhaps suggested models for the ballads and canzonettes of the Spanish minstrels and the troubadours of Provence and Italy. No speech or address was complete without some scrap of verse, improvised on the spur of the moment, by the speaker or quoted by memory from some famous poet." ^ To these we may add the words of Renan : " The taste for science and literature liad, by the tenth century, established, in this privileged comer of the world, a toleration of which modern times hardly offer us an example. Christians, Jews, and Musulmans spoke the same tongue, sang the same songs, participated in the same literary and scientific studies. All the barriers which separated the various peoples were effaced ; all worked with one accord in the work of a common civilisation.. The mosques of Cordova, where the students could be counted by thousands, became the active centres of philosophical and scientific studies." ^ The first observatory in Europe was built by the Arabs. The Giralda, or tower of Seville, was erected under the super- intendence of the great mathematician Jabir ibn Afiah in 1190 A.c. for the observation of the heavens. Its fate was not a httle characteristic. After the expulsion of the Moors, it was turned into a belfry, the Spaniards not knowing what else to do with it ! Omar ibn Khaldun, Ya'kub ibn Tarik, Muslimah al-Maghr'ibi, and the famous Averroes (Abu'l Walid Mohammed ibn Rushd) are some of the physicists whom we may mention here. Nor was Western Africa inactive during this period : Ceuta and Tangier, Fez, and Morocco, rivalled Cordova, Seville, and Granada ; their colleges sent out able professors, and numerous learned works testified to the indefatigable ardour of the Moslem mind in all departments of learning. The beginning of the eleventh century saw a great change in the political condition of Central Asia. The rise of ' Stanley Lane-Poole, The Moors in Spain, p. 144. For a full account of Cordova, see Short History of the Saracens (Macmillan), p. 515. 'Renan, Averroes et Averroism, p. 4. The golden age of literature and science in Spain was under Hakam al-Mtistansir b'illdh who died in 976 a.c. The catalogue of his library consists of forty-four quartos. He employed agents in every quarter of the globe to procure for him, at any price, scientific works, ancient and modern. He paid to Abu'l Faraj al-Isphahani 1000 dinars of gold for the first copy of his celebrated Anthology {Kifah ul-Aghdni). 38o THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM i Mahmud/ the great Ghaznavide conqueror, Yemin ud-Dowl^ and Amin iil-Millat, " right hand of the empire " and " custodial of the Faith," brought Transoxiana, Afghanistan, and Persi under the sovereignty of Ghazni. He collected round him body of scholars and Utterateurs who shed a glorious lustre o| his brilliant reign. Attached to the renovated " orthodoxy " c! al-Asha'ri, and consequently piously inimical to the rationalist! school of thinkers, chary in his munificence to the poets wh made his name famous in the annals of the world, he yet haj the genius to perceive the merits of men like Abu Raiha\ Mohammed ibn Ahmed al-Beiruni, philosopher, ma thematiciarj and geographer. Firdousi, the prince of poets, Dakiki, ari'' Unsuri. Al-Beiriini's mind was encyclopaedic. His work o: astronomy, entitled after his patron Sultan Ma.su' d,^ al-Kdnm al-Mas'udi, Canon Masudicus, is a monument of learning ani research. He travelled into India, and studied the languag of the Hindus, their sciences, their philosophy and literature and embodied his observations in a work which has recentl; been furnished to us in an English garb. The philosophica and scientific, not to say sympathetic, spirit which animate al-Beiruni in the treatment of his subject is in marked contras to the mode still in vogue among Western nations, and servcj as an index to the intellectual character of Islam. The IvSiKa of al-Beiruni shows the extent to which the Moslems had utilise(| the treasures of Greek learning, and turned them to fruitfui purposes. Besides these two great works, he wrote on mathe matics, chronology, mathematical geography, physics, and chemistry. I Al-Beiruni communicated to the Hindus the knowledge o' the Bagdadian school in return for their notions and traditions He found among them the remains of Greek science, which ha( been transported to India in the early centuries of the Christiai era, or perhaps earlier, during the existence of the Graeco^j Bactrian dynasties. The Hindus do not seem to have possessec! any advanced astronomical science of their own ; for, had itj ^ A.c. 996-1030. - The son and successor of the Conqueror. 3 Fi't Tahkik ma li'l Hind ; see Short History of the Saracens (Macmillan)* p. 463. Another remarkable work of his is the Asdr nl-B&kieh or the Vestige? of the Past, translated into English by Dr. Sachau. j IX. THE LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC SPIRIT 381 been otherwise, we doubtless would have heard about it, as Sedillot rightly observes, from the Greek writers of the times of Alexander and the Seleucidae. They, like the Chinese, borrowed most of their scientific ideas from foreign sources, and modified them according to their national characteristics, I Under the successors of Mahmud learning and arts flourished abundantly. The rise of the Seljukides and their grand muni- ficence towards scholarship and science rivalled that of the golden days of the Abbaside rule. Tughril, Alp Arslan, Mahk Shah, and San jar were not only remarkable for the greatness of their power, the clear comprehension of what constituted the welfare of their subjects, but were equally distinguished for their intellectual gifts and ardent enthusiasm in the cause of learning. Jaldl nd-din Malik Shah ^ and his vizier, Khwaja Hasan Nizam ul-Mulk,^ collected round them a galaxy of astronomers, poets, scholars, and historians. The astronomical observations conducted in his reign by a body of savants, with Omar Khayyam and Abdur Rahman al-Hazini at their head, led to the refonn of the Calendar which preceded the Gregorian by six hundred years and is said by a competent authority to be even more exact. ^ The era which was introduced upon these observations was named after Malik Shah, the Jaldlian. I The destructive uiroads of the Christian marauders who called themselves Crusaders was disastrous to the cause of learning and science in Western Asia and Northern Africa. Barbarous savages, hounded to rapine and slaughter by crazy priests, they knew neither mercy for the weakness of sex or age, nor the value of letters or arts. They destroyed the splendid library of Tripoli without compunction ; they reduced to ashes many of the glorious centres of Saracenic culture and arts. Christian Europe has held up to obloquy the apocryphal destruction of the Alexandrian library, which had already been burned in the time of Juhus Caesar, but it has no word of blame for the crimes of her Crusaders five centuries later. The calamities inflicted by the Crusaders were lasting in their effect ; and in spite of the endeavours of Saladin and his sons to restore the intellectual life of Syria, it has remained dead from that day to this. ' 1073-1092 A.c. 2 i.e. the Administrator of the Empire. ' Sedillot. 382 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM In the interval which elapsed between the rise of Mahm 1 and the fall of Bagdad, there flourished a number of phi- sophers and scientists, among whom shine the great Avicen i {Abu AH Husain Ibn-Sina),i Fath ibn Nabeghah Khakar^ Mubashshar ibn Ahmed, ^ and his son Mohammed.* The eruption of the Mongols upon the Saracenic world m not like the invasion of the Roman empire by the northeji barbarians. These had proceeded slowly ; and in their coi- paratively gradual progress towards the heart of the empi: they had become partially softened, and had to some exte; cast off their pristine ferocity. The case was otherwise wi the hordes of the devastator Chengiz. They swept like ov€ whelming torrents over Western Asia. Wherever they we they left misery and desolation.^ Their barbarous campaig. and their savage slaughters put an end for a time to t];; intellectual development of Asia. But the moment the wi; savages adopted the religion of the Prophet of Arabia a chanj came over them. From the destroyers of the seats of learnii and arts they became the founders of academies and tl protectors of the learned. Sultan Khoda-Bendah (Uljait Khan), sixth in descent from Chengiz, was distinguished ft his attainments and his patronage of the sciences. But tl fearful massacres which the barbarians had committed amor the settled and cultured population of the towns destroys most of the gifted classes, with the result that, though the grej cities like Bokhara and Samarcand rose again into splendou they became, nevertheless, the seats of a narrower culture, moi casuistical and theological than before. And yet the Mongo protected philosophers like Nasir ud-din Tusi, Muwayya ud-din al-Orezi of Damascus, Fakhr ud-din al-Maraghi, Molj ud-din al-Maghribi, Ali Shah al-Bokhari, and many otherl The successors of Hulaku tried thus to restore to Islam whc' their ancestor had destroyed. Whilst the Mongols in Persi were employed in making some amends to civilisation, Kubkii Khan transported to China the learning of the Arabs. Cc' 1 Died in 1037 a.c. - Died in 1082 a.c. ^ Died in 1135 a.c. ' Died in 1193 a.c. j 5 For a full account of the havoc and ruin caused by the Tartars, see SAoJJ History of the Saracens, pp. 391-400. [X. THE LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC SPIRIT 383 Cheou-king received in 1280 from Jamal ud-din the tables of Ibn-Yunus, and appropriated them for Chinese purposes. Ibn-Shathir, who lived in the reign of Mohammed ibn Kalaim, the Mameluke sovereign of Egypt, developed still further the nathematical and astronomical sciences. And now arose on the eastern horizon the comet-like personality of Timur. ■' From his throne in Samarcand this Titan of the fourteenth bentury called into being the greatest empire ever seen in A.sia, and seemed to extinguish in his one resistless will the mmemorial antagonism of Iran and Turan." He was a patron of science and poetry, himself fond of the society of the scholars md artists of his day, an author, as well as a legislator of no iiean order. ^ Magnificent colleges, splendid mosques, vast ibraries, testified to the taste for letters of this remarkable man. His vast system of colonisation filled the great cities of Eastern Asia, especially Samarcand, with the splendour of all the arts md sciences known to the West. Timur established " the most briUiant empire known to the history of Islam, except that of the Ommeyyads in Spain, and that of the first Abbasides in Arabistan." Jami, master of sciences ; Suhaili, translator of Pilpay ; Ali Sher Ameer, were some of the men who shed lustre on the reigns of his successors. The college founded by his consort, Bibi Khanam, and known by her name, stiU strikes the observer as one of the most imposing and most beautiful products of Saracenic architecture. Timur's son. Shah Rukh Mirza, imitated his father in the cultivation and patronage of arts and letters. His peaceful reign of nearly half a century was remarkable for high intellectual culture and scientific ^tudy. When he transported his government from Samarcand to Herat, the former city lost none of its splendour. Ulugh Beg, his son, charged with the government of Transoxiana, maintained the literary and scientific glories of Samarcand. Himself an astronomer of a high rank, he presided at tlie observations which have immortalised his name. The tables in which those observations were embodied complete the cycle of Arabian thought. Ulugh Beg is separated by only a century and a half from Kepler, the founder of modern astronomy. 1 The MalJAzat-i-Timikri (" The Institutes of Timur ") are couched in the style of the old Assjaian and Kyanian monarchs. 384 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM i It was, however, not astronomy only which the Mosleir. cultivated and improved. Every branch of higher mathf matics bears traces of their genius. The Greeks are said t have invented algebra, but among them, as Oelsner has justl remarked, it was confined to furnishing amusement " for th plays of the goblet." The Moslems applied it to higher pu] poses, and thus gave it a value hitherto unknown. Undt Mamun they had discovered the equations of the secon degree, and very soon after they developed the theory c quadratic equations and the binomial theorem. Not onl algebra, geometry, and arithmetic, but optics and mechanic made remarkable progress in the hands of the Moslems. The invented spherical trigonometry ; they were the first to appl algebra to geometry, to introduce the tangent, and to sub stitute the sine for the arc in trigonometrical calculatiom Their progress in mathematical geography was no less remarl able. The works of Ibn-Haukal, of Makrizi, al-Istakhr Mas'iidi, al-Beiruni, al-Kumi and al-Idrisi, Kazwini, Ibn u Wardi, and Abu'l Feda, show what the Saracens attained i! this department of science, called by them the rasm-ul-an\ At a time when Europe firmly believed in the flatness of th earth, and was ready to burn any foolhardy person who though, otherwise, the Arabs taught geography by globes. The physical sciences were as diligently cultivated. Th method of experimentation was substituted for theorising ; an the crude ideas of the ancients were developed into positiv sciences.^ Chemistry, botany, geology, natural history, amon others occupied the attention and exercised the energies of th ablest men. j Chemistry, as a science, is unquestionably the invention c' the i\Ioslems. Abu Musa Jabir (the Geber of Chris tia writers) ^ is the true father of modern chemistry. " Hi name is memorable in chemistry, since it marks an epoch i that science of equal importance to that of Priestley anvl 1 Humboldt calls the Arabs the real founders of the physical sciences. ^ Abu Musa Jabir ibn Hayyan was a native of Tarsus. Ibn Khallikan sa} " Jabir compiled a work of two thousand pages in which he inserted th problems of his master (the Imam) Ja'far as-Sadik which formed five hundre treatises " ; see also the Tdrikh-nl-Hiikama. X. THE LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC SPIRIT 385 .avoisier." He was followed by others, whose originahty and ndustry, profoundness of knowledge, and keenness of observa- ion, evoke the astonishment of students, and make them ook with regret upon the inertness of the latter-day Moslem. The science of medicine and the art of surgery, the best index a nation's genius and a severe test to the intellectual spirit )f a faith, were developed to the highest degree. Medicine had mdoubtedly attained a high degree of excellence among the jreeks, but the Arabs carried it far beyond the stage in which heir predecessors in the work of civilisation had left it, and )rought it close to the modern standard. We can give here )ut a small conception of the work done by the Saracens for .everal centuries in this department of human study, and in he development of the natural sciences. The study of medical substances, the idea of which struck Dioscorides in the Alexandrian school, is, in its scientific form, 1 creation of the Arabs. They invented chemical pharmacy, ind were the first founders of those institutions which are now :alled dispensaries.^ They established in every city pubHc lospitals, called Ddr ush-Shifa, " the house of cure," or Mdri- tdn (an abbreviation of Mmdristan, " the patient's house ") ind maintained them at the expense of the State. The names of the Arab physicians in the biographical lictionary of Abu Usaibi'a fill a volume. Abu Bakr Mohammed bn Zakaria ar-Razi (known to mediaeval Europe as Rhazes), vho flourished in the beginning of the tenth century, ^ Ali ibn- \.bbas,3 Avicenna (x\bu AH Husain ibn-Sina), Albucasis (Abu'l ^ The persons in charge of the dispensaries were under the control of Govern- lent. The price and quality of medicine were strictly regulated. Many ispensaries were maintained by the State. There were regular examinations 3r physicians and pharmacists, at which licences were given to passed andidates. The licence-holders were alone entitled to practise. Compare Cremer and Sedillot. * This great physician, surnamed Razi, from the place of his birth, Rai incient Rhages), filled successively the office of principal of the public ospitals at Rai, Jund Shapur, and Bagdad. He wrote the Hdwt, which edillot calls " un corpus medical fort estime." His treatises on smallpox nd measles have been consulted by the physicians of all nations. He intro- uced the use of minor atives, invented the seton, and discovered the nerve f the larynx. He wrote two hundred medical works, some of which were ubUshed in Venice in 1510. Ar-Razi died in a.h. 311 (a.c. 923-4)- ^ Ali ibn-Abbas flourished fifty years later than Rhazes. He published a ledical work,'consisting^of^twenty volumes, on the theory and practice of S.I. " 2 B 386 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM Kasim Khalaf ibn Abbas), Aven-Zoar ^ (Abu Merwan iii. Abdul Malik ibn Zuhr), Averroes (Abu'l Walid Mohammed i|. Riishd),^ and Aben-Bethar (Abdullah ibn Ahmed ibn Ali / Beithdr, the veterinary),^ are some of the most brilliant and mc distinguished physicians who have left an enduring impressi. on the world of thought. Albucasis was not only a physicii but a surgeon of the first rank. He performed the most diffici : surgical operations in his own and the obstetrical departmei, In operations on women, we are informed by him, in whi. considerations of delicacy intervened, the services of proper instructed women were secured. The ample description he h. left of the surgical instruments employed in his time gives . idea of the development of surgery among the Arabs.* Avicen l was unquestionably the most gifted man of his age ; a ui' versalist in genius, and encyclopaedic in his writings, . philosopher, mathematician, astronomer, poet, and physicis, he has left his influence impressed on two continents, and wl deserves the title of Aristotle of the East. In spite of patris-; jealousy, his philosophic ideas exercised an undisputed sway 1" several centuries in the schools of the East as well as of Euroj, Avicenna is commonly known in Asia as the Sheikh par excellen. medicine, which he dedicated to the Buyide Ameer 'Azud ud-dowla. This w( : was translated into Latin in 1227, and printed at Lyons in 1523 by Micl Capella. Ali ibn- Abbas corrected many of the errors of Hippocrates i I Galen. ^ Ibn Zuhr or Aven-Zoar was one of the most distinguished physici; > of his age. Born at Penaflor, he entered, after finishing his medical eI scientific studies, the service of Yusuf bin Tashhn, the great Almorav : monarch of Africa, who covered the rising physician with honours and ricl . Ibn Zuhr joined, like Albucasis, the practice of medicine with surgery. ! was the first to conceive the idea of bronchotomy, with exact indicationsf the luxations and fractures, and discovered several important maladies wi their treatment. His son followed in his father's steps and was the cli surgeon and physician of Yusuf bin Tashfin's army. ^ Averroes was the Avicenna of the West. His life and writings have b 1 given to the world by Renan. He was a contemporary of Ibn Zuhr, Ibn B« . and Ibn Tufail. Of Averroes and his contemporaries we shall have to sp' : in the next chapter. Besides these may be mentioned Abu'l Hasan ibn Tilmiz, author of Ah ■ lihi ; Abu Ja'far Ahmed ibn Mohammed at-Talib, who wrote on pleur', etc. ; and Hibatulla. ^ Al-Beithar travelled all over the East to find medicinal herbs, on whii he wrote an exhaustive treatise. The Arab physicians introduced the use f the rhubarb, cassia, senna, camphor, the pulp of the tamarind [tarn ^-hindi — Indian date), etc. * In lithotomy he was equal to the foremost surgeons of modern times, IX. THE LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC SPIRIT 387 He was born in the year 980 A.c. at a village called Afshanah. in Transoxiana, of which place his father was the governor. He finished his medical studies in Bokhara at the age of eighteen, when commenced an extraordinary political and philosophical career. His tenacity in refusing the liberal offers of Mahmud the Conqueror to join his service led to his expulsion from the Ghaznavide dominions. He soon became the vizier of Shams ud-dowla, Ameer of Hamadan, and afterwards of 'Ala ud-dowla, Ameer of Isphahan, where he pursued his scientific and philosophical studies, and wrote his great works, the Kdnun and the Arjuza, afterwards the foundation of all medical knowledge. The Greeks possessed crude notions of anatomy, and their knowledge of pharmacy was restricted within a very narrow compass . The Moslems developed both anatomy and pharmacy into positive sciences. The wide extent of the empire enabled researches and investigations in every quarter of the globe, with the result that they enriched the existing pharmacopoeia by innumerable and invaluable additions. Botany they advanced far beyond the state in which it had been left by Dioscorides, and augmented the herbalogy of the Greeks by the addition of two thousand plants. Regular gardens existed both in Cordova and Bagdad, at Cairo and Fez for the education of pupils, where discourses were delivered by the most learned in the sciences. Ad-Damiri (Aldemri) is famous in the Moslem world for his history of animals — a work which forestalled Button by seven hundred years. Geology was cultivated under the name of 'Ilm-i-Tashrih-ul- Arz, " the science of the anatomy of the earth." The superiority of the Moslems in architecture requires no I comment, for the glorious remains of Saracenic art in the East and in the West still evoke the admiration of the modern world. Their religion has been charged with their backwardness in painting and sculpture, but it must be borne in mind that the prohibition contained in the Koran is similar to the Levitical commandment. It was but a continuation of the Mosaic Law, which had so effectually suppressed the making of " graven images " among the Jews, and its signification rests upon the 388 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. inveterate idolatry of the pre-Islamite Arabs. To the early Moslems, therefore, painting and statuary were odious and unlawful, as emblematic of heathenism, and this deeply implanted iconoclasm undoubtedly saved them from relapsing, as other nations had done, into idolatry. But with the gradual development of the primitive commonwealth into a civilised and cultured empire, and with the ascendency of learning and science, the Moslems grasped the spirit of the prohibition, and cast off the fetters of a narrow literalism. No doubt the spirit of rationalism, which so deeply influenced the early Abbaside and Spanish Caliphs, was the actual cause of the impetus given by them to art. Hence throughout the Moslem world a taste for painting and sculpture arose simultaneously with the progress of literature and science. The palaces of the CaHphs, the mansions of the sovereigns who followed in their footsteps, and the houses of the grandees were decorated with pictures and sculptures. To the Prophet's prohibition of graven images or painting in mosques the world is indebted for the art of arabesque— which possesses such peculiar charm in the decoration oi. Oriental buildings, and which has been widely adopted by Western art. With the gradual enlightenment of the Moslems by contact with the arts of other nations, animals and flowers, birds and fruits were introduced into arabesque ; but the figures of animated beings were throughout absolutely inter- dicted in the decoration of places of worship. In purity oi form and simplicity of outline, in the gracefulness of design and perfection of symmetry, in the harmony of every detail, in the exquisiteness of finish and sublimity of conception, Moslem architecture is equal to any in the world, and the chaste and graceful ornamentation with which so many of the grandest monuments are adorned, indicates a refinement of taste and culture surpassing any of the great monumental relics of ancient Greece or modern Europe. Another branch of Moslem decorative art is that of ornamental writing, which is so often utilised with remarkable effect in the adornment of mosques, mausolea, and palaces, where whole chapters of the Koran are carved or inlaid round domes and minarets, doors and arches, testifying to the same religious earnestness, yet in IX. THE LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC SPIRIT 389 a purely monotheistic spirit, as the pictures of saints and martyrs which decorate Christian churches. Before the promulgation of Islam the profession of music among the Arabs was confined to the slaves of both sexes imported from Syria and Persia, or to the class of hetairai called Kydn. The Prophet had discountenanced, for obvious moral reasons, the songs and dances of these degraded women. But under the Abbasides and the Spanish Arab kings, when ' music was elevated to the rank of a science, and its cultivation was recognised as an art, a love for music spread among all classes of society. A large literature grew up on the subject ; songs were collected and classified according to their melodies and keys, and the musical instruments of the ancients were improved and new ones invented. The sharp conflict between Rationalism and Patristicism, between Idealism and Literalism, which marked the middle of the twelfth century, drove this sweetest of arts back into the arms of the servile classes or forced it to seek a refuge in the chapels of the dervishes. A large general literature existed on the subject of com- merce, agriculture, handicraft and manufacture, the latter I including every conceivable subject, from porcelain to weapons 1 of war. I In historical research the Moslems have not been behind any ( other nation, ancient or modern. At first attention was devoted ■ chiefly to the history of the Prophet, but soon the primitive idea widened into a broad conception. Archaeology, geography, and ethnology were included in history, and the greatest minds applied themselves to the pursuit of this captivating branch of study. Between the simple work of Ibn-Ishak and the universal history of Ibn-Khaldun there is a great difference, but the intervening space is occupied by a host of writers, the product of whose labours supplies some index to the intellectual activity of the Saracenic nations under the inspiration of Islam. i Balazuri, who died in 279 a.h. (a.c. 892), was born at Bagdad, ■where he hved and worked. His " Conquest of the Countries " [Futuh iil-Bulddn) is written in admirable style, and marks a distinct advance of the historical spirit. Hamadani, who flourished towards the end of the third and the beginning of the fourth century of the Hegira, gave to the 390 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii world a comprehensive history of Southern Arabia, with ai account of its tribes, its numerous remains of interest, wit! explanations of their inscriptions, as well as the ethnograph; and geography of Yemen. It is, however, in the monumenta works of Mas'udi, of al-Beiruni, of Ibn ul-Athir, of Tabari, c Ibn-Khaldun, called by Mohl the Montesquieu of Islam, c Makrizi, Makkari, Abu'lfeda, Nuwairi, and Mirkhond that th mental vigour of the Moslem races in this department of know ledge is found in full play. These men were not speciaUst only ; they were encyclopaedists — philosophers, mathema ticians, geographers, as well as historians. Mas'udi was . native of Bagdad, but by descent a Northern Arab, who in hi early youth travelled and saw the greater part of the Moham medan world. He first went to India, visited Multan an Mansura, then travelled over Persia and Kerman, again wen to India, remained for some time at Cambay (Kambaja) an>j the Deccan, went to Ceylon, sailed from there to Kambal.] (Madagascar), and went from there to Oman, and perhaps eve: reached the Indo-Chinese Peninsula and China. He ha' travelled far in Central Asia, and reached the Caspian Sec- After finishing his travels, he lived for some time in Tiberia, and Antioch, and afterwards took up his abode in Basralj where he first published his great work, called the Muruj-u: Zahah (»-**ntral Asia, which still hangs heavy over these unhappy ;ountries, and is slowly lifting in Afghanistan. Under Selim I., Solyman and the Murads, learning received .upport in the Ottoman dominions ; but the Osmanlis were on he whole a military race. At first from ambition, afterwards rom sheer necessity and for self-preservation, they had been it war with a relentless foe, whose designs knew no slackening, vhose purpose was inscrutable. That enemy has disappeared, 3ut the nation has still to fight for its existence. Letters and irts, under such conditions, can make but little progress. Deahng with the charge of obscurantism, often levelled against islam, M. Gobineau makes the following pregnant observation : ' Imagine in any European country the absolute predominance :)f mihtary and administrative despotism during a period of two hundred and fifty years, as is the case in Turkey ; conceive something approaching the warlike anarchy of Egypt under the domination of foreign slaves — Circassians, Georgians, Turks, ind Albanians ; picture to yourself an Afghan invasion, as in Persia after 1730, the tyranny of Nadir Shah, the cruelties and ravages that have marked the accession of the dynasty of the Xajars, — unite all these circumstances with their naturally concomitant causes, you will then understand what would have become of any European country although European, and it will not be necessary to look further for any explanation of the ruin of Oriental countries, nor to charge Islam with any unjust responsibility." From the time of its birth in the seventh century up to the end of the seventeenth, not to descend later, Islam was animated by a scientific and literary spirit equal in force and energy to that which animates Europe of our own day. It carried the Moslems forward on a wave of progress, and enabled them to achieve a high degree of material and mental develop- ment. Since the eruption of the Goths and the Vandals, the progress of Europe has been on a continuous scale. No such calamity as has afflicted Asia, in the persons of the Tartars or the Uzbegs, has befallen Christendom since x\ttila's retreat 402 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. from France. Her wars, cruel and bitter, fierce and inhuman, have been waged on equal terms of humanity or inhumanity. Catholics and Protestants have burnt each other ; but Europe has never witnessed, since the wholesale butcheries of the poor Spanish Moors, the terrible massacres committed by the Tartars in all the centres of civilisation and culture, in which fell the gifted classes who formed the backbone of the nation. ^ And now. The spider holds watch in the palace of Caesar, The owlet beats the drum on the tower of Afrisiab. ^ The sack of Bagdad by the Mongols exemplifies what happened in other cities, but in order to give a true conception of the fearful atrocities perpetrated by the savages, it requires to be painted by another Gibbon. For three days j the streets ran with blood, and the water of the Tigris was dyed red for miles I along its course. The horrors of rapine, slaughter, and outraged humanity] lasted for six weeks. The palaces, mosques, and mausoleums were destroyed ' by fire or levelled to the earth for their golden domes. The patients in the hospitals and the students and professors in the colleges were put to the sword. In the mausoleums the mortal remains of the sheikhs and pious imams, and in the academies the immortal works of great and learned men, were con- sumed to ashes ; books were thrown into the fire, or, where that w-as distant and the Tigris near, were buried in the waters of the latter. The accumulated treasures of five centuries were thus lost for ever to hiimanity. The flower of the nation was completely destroyed. It was the custom of Hulaku, from policy and as a precaution, to carry along with his horde the princes and chiefs of the countries through which they swept. One of these princes was Sa'di bin Zangi, the Atabek of Fars. The poet Sa'di had, it appears, accompanied his friend and patron. He was thus an eye-witness to the terrible state oi Bagdad and its doomed inhabitants. In two pathetic couplets he has given expression to its magnitude and horrors, see Appendix II. CHAPTER X THE RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT OF ISLAM 1 |»*^flAj U L^jkij ^Xa. ^^aj U j^ki^ i' Alii ^1 LIKE all other nations of antiquity, the pre-Islamite Arabs were stern fatalists. The remains of their ancient -^ poetry, sole record of old Arab thought and manners, show that before the promulgation of Islam the people of the Peninsula had absolutely abandoned themselves to the idea of an irresistible and blind fatality. Man was but a sport in the hands of Fate. This idea bred a reckless contempt of death, and an utter disregard for human life. The teachings of Islam created a revolution in the Arab mind ; with the recognition of a supreme Intelligence governing the universe, they received the conception of self-dependence and of moral responsibility founded on the liberty of human volition. One of the remark- able characteristics of the Koran is the curious, and, at first sight, inconsistent, manner in which it combines the existence of a Divine Will, which not only orders all things, but which acts directly upon men and addresses itself to the springs of thought in them, with the assertion of a free agency in man and of the liberty of intellect. Not that this feature is peculiar to the Moslem scripture ; the same characteristic is to be found in the Biblical records. But in the Koran the conception of human responsibihty is so strongly developed that the question naturally occurs to the mind. How can these two ideas be ^ " God changes not as to what concerns any people until they change in respect to what depends upon themselves." 404 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii reconciled with each other ? It seems inconsistent at first sight that man should be judged by his works, a doctrine which forms the foundation of Islamic morality, if all his actions are ruled by an all-powerful Will. The earnest faith of Mohammed in an active ever-living Principle, joined to his trust in the progress of man, supplies a key to this mystery. I propose to illustrate my meaning by a reference to a few of the passages which give expression to the absolutism of the Divine Will and those which assert the liberty of human volition : " And God's ordering is in accordance with a determined decree ; . . . and the sun proceeding to its place of rest — that is an ordinance ; ^^aj ) of the Almighty, the All-wise ; ^ . . . and among His signs is the creation of the heavens and the earth and of the animals which He hath distributed therein, which : He has sovereign power to gather when He will ; ^ . . . and do they not see that God who created the heavens and the earth, and faltered not in creating these, has power to vivify the dead — nay. He has sovereign control over all things ; ^ and other ; things which are not at your command, but which are truly) within His grasp, inasmuch as God is sovereign disposer of all things ( \jj^ ^J^ Jf ^U ) ; * nor is there anything not pro- vided beforehand by Us, or which We send down otherwise than according to a fore-known decree ; ^ . . . the secrets of the heavens and the earth are God's ; . . . God has all thingsi at command ;^ . . . and propound to them a similitude of this; present life, which is Hke water sent down by Us from heaven, so that the plants of the earth are fattened by it, and on the morrow become stubble, scattered by the winds,- — God disposes of all things ; ' . . . and it pertains to God's sovereignty tc defend them ; "^ . . . God creates what He will ; ^ . . . and whc created all things, and determined respecting the same witl absolute determination ; ^" . . . and thy Lord is a supreme sovereign ; ^^ . . . behold thou the imprints of the mercy o God : how He vivilies the earth, after it has died — in ver} deed, a restorer of life to the dead is there, and all things an at His bidding ; ^- . . . to God belongs whatsoever is in th 1 xxxvi. 38. 2 xlii. 28. ^ xlvi. 29. * xlviii. 21. ^ xv. 21. •xvi. 77. ' xviii. 43. « xxii. 40. ' xxiv. 45. i" xxv. 2. " XXV. 54. ^2 /^ ^^ J^ j^ ^j , xxx. 50. X. RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT 405 heavens and whatsoever is on the earth ; and whether ye dis- close that which is within 3'ou or conceal it, God will reckon with you for it ; and He pardons whom He will, and punishes whom He will — inasmuch as God is a Supreme Sovereign ; ^ . . . say thou : O God, Sovereign Disposer of dominion. Thou givest rule to whom Thou wilt, and takest away power from whom Thou wilt, Thou exaltest whom Thou wilt, and humblest whom Thou wilt : all good is at Thy disposal — verily, Thou art a Supreme Sovereign ; ^ . . God punishes whom He will, and pardons whom He will ; ^ . . . to God belongs the dominion of the heavens and the earth, and whatsoever they contain is His, and He is Sovereign over all things.*. . . Verily, God accomplishes what He ordains — He hath established for every- thing a fixed decree ; ^ . . . but God has the measuring out { jZoj ) of the night and the day ; ^ . . . extol the name of Thy Lord, the Most High, who made the world, and fashioned it to completeness, who fore-ordained, and guides accordingly ; ' ... as for the unbeHevers it matters nothing to them whether thou warnest them or dost not warn them ; they will not believe ; God hath sealed up their hearts and their ears ; » . . and the darkness of night is over their eyes ; ^ . . and God guides into the right path whomsoever He will ; ^° . . . God is pleased to make your burthens light, inasmuch as man is by nature infirm. . . . God changes not as to what concerns any people until they change in respect to what depends upon themselves ; ^^ . . . say thou : Verily, Gods leads astray whom- soever He will, and directs to Himself those who are penitent. "^2 It will be noticed that, in many of these passages by " the decree of God " is clearly meant the law of nature. The stars and planets have each their appointed course ; so has every other object in creation. The movements of the heavenly bodies, the phenomena of nature, life and death, are all governed by law. Other passages unquestionably indicate the idea of Divine agency upon human will ; but they are again explained by others, in which that agency is " conditioned " upon human will. It is to the seeker for Divine help that God *ii- 284. »iii. 25. 'v. 18. * V. 120. s Ixv. 3. •Ixxiii. 20. ' Ixxxvii. 1-3. ' ii. 5-6. » ii. 7. 1" xiii. 31 u •^M-iiU U !^^ J^ ^^ U^ y aV\ Jf, xiii. II. " xiii. 27. 4o6 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM n. renders His help ; it is on the searcher of his own heart, who purifies his soul from impure longings, that God bestows grace. To the Arabian Teacher, as to his predecessors, the existence of an Almighty Power, the Fashioner of the Universe, the Ruler of His creatures, was an intense and vivid reality. The feeling of "an assured trust " in an all-pervading, ever-conscious Personality has been the motive power in the world of every age. To the weary mariner, " sailing on life's solemn main," there is nothing more assuring, nothing that more satisfies the intense longing for a better and purer world, than the con- sciousness of a Power above humanity to redress wrongs, to fulfil hopes, to help the forlorn. Our belief in God springs from the very essence of Divine ordinances. They are as much laws, in the strictest sense of the word, as the laws which regulate the movements of the celestial bodies. But the willof God is not an arbitrary will : it is an educating will, to be obeyed by the scholar in his walks of learning as by the devotee in his cell. The passages, however, in which human responsibiUty and the freedom of human will are laid down in emphatic terms define and limit the conception of absolutism. " And who- soever gets to himself a sin, gets it solely on his own responsi- bility ; ^ . . . and let alone those who make a sport and a mockery of their religion, and whom this present world has deluded, and thereby bring to remembrance that any soul perishes for what it has got to itself ; ^ and when they commit a deed of shame they say : We have found that our fathers did so, and God obliges us to do it ; say thou : Surely, God requireth not shameful doing : ^ . . . the}^ did injustice to them- selves ; * yonder will every soul experience that which it hath bargained for ; ^ ... so then, whosoever goes astray, he himself bears the whole responsibility of wandering. I 2 vL.j-.J' Uj jjmAJ JLjj e^l, vi. 70. 3 ^UIsA'l.^L 51 f\J\ ^\, vii. 29. ^ OwAJLjI Le jj,^ Jr \jij3 iJJUa, X. 30. LfiJic cl/A> UJli J/« ,^j A-JoJ ^J<^i4J UJ ti j^oJjki ^^, v. los. X. RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT 407 Man, within the Hmited sphere of his existence, is absolute master of his conduct. He is responsible for his actions, and for the use or misuse of the powers with which he has been endowed. He may fall or rise, according to his own " inclina- tion." There was supreme assistance for him who sought Divine help and guidance. Is not the soul purer and better in calling to its Lord for that help which He has promised ? Are not the weak strengthened, the stricken comforted — by their own appeal to the Heavenly Father for solace and strength ? Such were the ideas of the Teacher of Islam with regard to Divine sovereignty and the liberty of human volition. His recorded sayings handed down from sources which may be regarded as unquestionably authentic, help in explaining the conception he entertained about freewill and predestination (j«>i» J Ui or jljis^] J jx^ ). Not only his own words, but those of his son-in-law, " the legitimate heir to his inspiration," and his immediate descendants, who derived their ideas from him, may well furnish us with a key to the true Islamic notion on the question of the free agency of man — a subject which has for ages, both in Islam and in Christianity, been the battle- ground of sectarian disputes. In discussing this subject, we must not, however, lose sight of the fact that most of the traditions which have supplied to Patristicism its armoury of weapons against the sovereignty of reason, bear evident traces of being ' made to order.' They tell their own story of how, and the circumstances under which, they came into existence. Some of the traditions which purport to be handed down by men who came casually in contact with the Teacher, show palpable signs of changes and transformations in the minds and in the memories of the mediaries. The authentic sayings, however, are many, and I shall refer only to a few to explain what I have already indicated, that in Mohammed's mind an earnest belief in the liberty of human will was joined to a vivid trust in the personality of the heavenly Father. Hereditary depravity and natural sinfulness were emphatically denied. Every child of man was bom pure and true ; every departure in after-life from the path of truth and rectitude is due to education. " Every man is born religiously constituted ; it is his parents who make him afterwards a Jew, Christian, or a 4o8 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. Sabsean, like as ye take up the beast at its birth — do ye find upon it any mutilation, until ye yourselves mutilate it ? " ^ Infants have no positive moral character : for about those who die in early life, " God best knows what would have been their conduct " [had they lived to maturity]. " Every human being has two inclinations, — one prompting him to good and impelling him thereto, and the other prompting him to evil and thereto impelling him ; ^ but the godly assistance is nigh, and he who asks the help of God in contending with the evil promptings of his own heart obtains it." " It is your own conduct which will lead you to paradise or hell, as if you had been destined there- for." No man's conduct is the outcome of fatality, nor is he borne along by an irresistible decree to heaven or hell ; on the contrary, the ultimate result is the creation of his own actions, for each individual is primarily answerable for his future destiny. " Every moral agent is furthered to his own con- duct," or, as it is put in another tradition : " Every one is divinely furthered in accordance with his character." ^ Human conduct is by no means fortuitous ; one act is the result of another ; and life, destiny and character mean the connected series of incidents and actions which are related to each other., as cause and effect, by an ordained law, " the assignment " oi God. In the sermons of the Disciple we find the doctrine more fully developed. " Weigh your own soul before the time foi the weighing of your actions arrives ; take count with yourseh before you are called upon to account for your conduct in thie existence ; apply yourself to good and pure actions, adhere tc the path of truth and rectitude before the soul is pressed tc leave its earthly abode : verily, if you will not guide and warr yourself, none other can direct you." * "I adjure you tc vj)»*«J JU *l**^ «4Ji4J ^*^\ J^» U^ aJUsT^ } ii\j^ J ^\i>j^. * Bukhari's Collections, chapter on the Hadis, " He is secured whom Goc helps " ; reported by Abfi Sa'id al-Khuzri. * Nahj ul-Baldghat, p. 43 (a collection of the Khuthas of the Caliph Ali b; one of his descendants, named Sharif Riza, mentioned by Ibn-Khallikanj printed at Tabriz in 1299 a.h. X. RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT 409 worship the Lord in purity and hohness. He has pointed out to you the path of salvation and the temptations of this world. Abstain from foulness, though it may be fair-seeming to your sight ; avoid evil, however pleasant. . . . For ye knoweth how far it takes you away from Him. . . . Listen, and take warning by the words of the Merciful Guardian." ^ . . . And again, " O ye servants of my Lord, fulfil the duties that are imposed on you, for in their neglect is abasement : your good works alone will render easy the road to death. Remember, each sin increases the debt, and makes the chain [which binds you] heavier. The message of mercy has come ; the path of truth is clear ; obey the command that has been laid on you ; live in purity, and work in piety, and ask God to help you in your endeavours, and to forgive your past transgressions." ^ " Cultivate humility and forbearance : comport yourself with piety and truth. Take count of your actions with your own conscience ( ^j^ij )^ for he who takes such count reaps a great reward, and he who neglects incurs great loss. He who acts with piety gives rest to his soul ; he who takes warning under- stands the truth ; he who understands it attains the perfect knowledge." These utterances convey no impression of pre- destinarianism ; on the contrary, they portray a soul animated with a hving faith in God, and yet full of trust in human development founded upon individual exertion springing from human vohtion. Mohammed's definition of reason and know^- ledge, of the cognition of the finite and infinite, reminds us of AristoteUan phraseology and thought, and Ah's address to his son may be read with advantage by the admirer of Aristotelian ethics. The Ihtijdj ut-Tahrasi ^ supplies further materials to form a correct opinion on the question of predestinarianism in Islam. The Caliph Ali was one day asked the meaning of Kazd (U* ) and Kadar O*^* ) ; he replied, "The first means obedience to the commandments of God and avoidance of sin ; the latter, the ability to live a holy life, and to do that which brings one nearer to God and to shun that which throws him away from ^ Ibid. p. 136. * Nahj ul-Baldghat, p. 170. ' Evidences of Tabrasi, a collection of traditions by the Shaikh ut-Tabrasi. 410 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. I. His perfection. . . . Say not that man is compelled, for that is attribution of tyranny to God ; nor say that man has absolute discretion/ — rather that we are furthered by His help and grace in our endeavours to act righteously, and we transgress because of our neglect (of His commands)." One of his inter- locutors, 'Utba ibn Rabi'a Asadi, asked him once as to the meaning of the words " there is no power nor help but from God," *jJb ill jy ^ ^ Jr=^ ^ • "It means," said the Caliph, " that I am not afraid of God's anger, but I am afraid of his purity ; nor have I the power to observe His commandment, but my strength is in His assistance." ^ . . . God has placed us on earth to try each according to his endowments. Referring to the following and other passages of the Koran, the Cahph went on to say, " God says, ' We will try you to see who are the strivers 'e^ ->•*'«-*) [after truth and purity], and who are the forbearing and patient, and We will test your actions.' ... and ' We will help you by degrees to attain what ye know | ^ not.' ^ . . . These verses prove the liberty of human volition." * f • Explaining the verse of the Koran, " God directs him whom He chooses, and leads astray him whom He chooses," the Caliph ,. said that this does not mean that He compels men to evil or good, that He either gives direction or refuses it according to His caprice, for this would do away with aU responsibility for human action ; it means, on the contrary, that God points | j out the road to truth, and lets men choose as they wiU.^ Arabian philosophy, nurtured afterwards in other cradles, drew its first breath in the school of Medina. The freedom of human will, based on the doctrine that man would be judged by the use he had made of his reason, was inculcated in the teach- ings of the Master, along with an earnest belief in a Supreme Power ruling the universe. The idea assumed a more definite shape in the words of the Disciple, and grew into a philosophy. From Medina it was carried to Damascus, Kufa, Basra, and ^ I.e. to decide what is right and what is wrong. * Ihtijdj ut-Tabrasi, p. 236. «7W(i, p. 237. ^lUd. X. RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT 411 Bagdad, where it gave birth to the eclectic schools, which shed such lustre on the reigns of the early Abbasides. The butchery of Kerbela and the sack of Medina had led to the closing of the lecture-room of the Imams. With the appearance of Jaafar as-Sadik as the head of Mohammed's descendants, it acquired a new life. Extremely Hberal and rationahstic in his views, — a scholar, a poet, and a philosopher, apparently well read in some of the foreign languages, — in constant contact with cultured Christians, Jews, and Zoro- astrians, with whom metaphysical disputations were frequent, — he impressed a distinct philosophical character on the Medinite school. Some of his views respecting predestination deserve to be mentioned. Speaking of the doctrine of Jahr {compulsion or predestinarianism) , which had about this period made its appearance in Damascus, he expressed the following opinion : " Those who uphold Jabr make out God to be a participator in every sin they commit, and a tyrant for punish- ing those sins which they are impelled to commit by the compulsion of their being : this is infidelity." Then (giving the analogy of a servant sent by his master to the market to purchase something which he, the master, knows well that he cannot bring, not possessing the wherewithal to buy it, and, nevertheless, the master punishes him) the Imam adds, " the doctrine of Jabr converts God into an unjust Master." ^ As regards the opposite doctrine of absolute liberty {Tafwiz, delega- tion of authority) — meaning not the freedom of human will, but unqualified discretion in the choice of v/rong and right, he declared that to afiirm such a principle would destroy all the foundations of morality, and give to all human beings absolute licence in the indulgence of their animal propensities ; for if each individual is vested with a discretion to choose what is right or wrong, no sanction, no law can have any force. ^ Ikhtidr (jUiii )| is therefore different from Tafwtz \^jyij), " God has endowed each human being with the capacity to under- stand His commands and to obey them. They who exert themselves to live purely and truly, them He helps : they are those who please Him ; whilst they who disobey Him are sinners." These views are repeated with greater emphasis by ^ Ihiijdj ut-Tabrasi, p. 236. ^ Ibid. p. 235. 412 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM the eighth Imam, Ah ar-Riza, who denomiced Jahr (pi destinarianism) and Tashbih (anthropomorphism) as absolul infidehty,^ and declared the upholders of those doctrines to " the enemies of the Faith." He openly charged the advocate of Jabr and Tashbih with the fabrication of traditions. At tl same time he warned his followers against the doctrine discretion or Tafwiz. He laid down in broad terms, " God h£ pointed out to you the two paths, one of which leads you Him, the other takes you far away from His perfection ; yc are at liberty to take the one or the other ; pain or J03 reward or punishment, depend upon your own conduct. Bi man has not the capacity of turning evil into good, or si into virtue." The Ommeyyades, many of whom remained pagans at heai even after the profession of Islam, were, like their forefather fatahsts. Under them arose a school which purported to deri\ its doctrines from the " ancients," the Salaf, a body of primitiA Moslems. All of them were dead ; it was consequently easj to fabricate any tradition and pass it as handed down by 01 or other of them. Jahm bin Safwan was the founder of tl school, which was called Jabria. The Jabrias ^ rivalle Calvin in the absolute denial of free-will to man. They mail tained " that man is not responsible for any of his actior which proceed entirely from God ; ^ that he has no determinh power to do any act, nor does he possess the capacity of fre volition ; that he is the subject of absolute Divine sovereign^ in his actions, without abihty on his part, or will or power choice ; and that God absolutely creates actions within hira just as He produces activity in all inanimate things ; . . . and that reward and punishment are subject to absolute Divine sovereignty in human actions," The Jabrias maintained certain views regarding Divine attributes which have nc ^ He who believes in Jaby is a Kafir ; Ihtijdj ut-Tabrasi, p. 214. 2 Shahristani divides the Jabrias into two branches, one being Jabriai pure and simple, and the other more moderate. The first maintained thai neither action nor the ability to act belongs in any sense to maC' (^1 J*a)\ ^ aj^ Vj lUi ,yx*iJ o^) ; the latter held that man has an ability which is not at all efficacious ( iLc] ijiyo jjji i^ yi jjjjj w->-»J ) • X. RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT 413 particular significance.^ According to Shahristani, the Jahrias were divided into three sects, viz. : the Jahmia, the Najjdria, and the Zirdria, differing from each other on minor points ; but, so far as the doctrine of predestination was concerned, all of them were agreed in denying free agency. The Najj arias, who, after undergoing several transformations, developed two centuries later into the Asha'rias, maintained that God creates the conduct of His creatures, good and bad, virtuous and vicious, while man appropriates the same. The Jahria doctrines found favour with the Ommeyyade rulers, and soon spread among the people. The uncompromising fatahsm of the Jahrias occasioned among the thinking classes a revolt, which was headed by Ma'bad al-Juhani, Yunus al-Aswari, and Ghailan Dimishki {i.e. of Damascus), who had evidently derived many of their ideas from the Fatimides. They boldly asserted in the capital of the Ommeyyades, in the very stronghold of predestinarianism, the free agency of man.^ But in the assertion of human liberty they sometimes verged on the doctrine of Tafwtz. From Damascus the dispute was carried to Basra, and there the differences of the two parties waxed high. The Jahrias merged into a new sect, called the Sijdtias,^ who, with pre- destinarianism, combined the affirmation of certain attributes in the Deity as distinct from His Essence, which the Jahrias denied. The Sifdtias claimed to be the direct representatives of the SalaJ. According to Shahristani, these followers of the SalaJ " maintained that certain eternal attributes pertain to God, namely, knowledge, power, life, will, hearing, sight, speech, majesty, magnanimity, bounty, beneficence, glory, and greatness,— making no distinction between attributes of essence and attributes of action. . . . They also assert certain de- scriptive attributes ( aj^^ o5a*:; as, for example, hands and face, without any other explanation than to say that these attributes enter into the revealed representation of the Deity, and that, accordingly, they had given them the name of descriptive attributes." Like the Jahrias, they adhered to the doctrine of predestination in all its gloominess and intensity. 1 Shahristani, part i. p. 59. '^ Shahristani, part i. pp. 59-O3. 8 Lit. Attributists, 414 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ill From the Sifdtias sprang the Mushabbihas, " who likened thq Divine attributes to the attributes of created things," ^ and turned God into a simihtude of their own selves. 2 At thi^ period one of the most noted professors belonging to the anti-i predestinarian party was Imam Hasan, surnamed al-BasrJ (from his place of residence). He was a Medinite by birth; and had actually sat at the feet of " the Philosophers of the family of Mohammed." He had imbibed their liberal and rationahstic ideas, and, on setthng at Basra, had started a lecture-room, which was soon thronged by the students of Irak. Here he discoursed on the metaphysical questions of the day in the spirit of his masters. One of his most prominent pupils was Abu Huzaifa Wasil bin 'Ata al-Ghazzal,^ a man of great mental powers, thoroughly versed in the sciences and traditions, who had also studied in the lecture-room of Medina. He differed from the Imam on a question of religious dogma, and was made to withdraw from the lecture-room. He thereupon founded a school of his own His followers have, from this fact, been called Mu'tazilas, 01 Ahl-ul-Ftizdl, Dissenters.'* He soon rivalled the fame of master, whose school before long practically merged in th; of the pupil. In his antagonism against intellectual tyrann he often overstepped the bounds of moderation, and gav utterance to views, especially on the controversy raised b; Mu'awiyah, which were in conflict with those entertained a| Medina. Yet the general rationalism of his school rallied t strongest and most liberal minds round his standard. Proceed! ing upon the lines of the Fatimide philosophers, and appropriatinj 2 Shahristani draws a distinction between the Sifdtia anthropomorphii and those who came into existence later. " At a later period certain persoi went beyond what had been professed by any who held to the primitive fai' ' and said that undoubtedly those expressions (denoting the attributes) i used in the literal sense, and are to be interpreted just as they stand, witho' resort to figurative interpretation, and at the same time, without insistii upon the literal sense alone, whereby they fell into pure anthropomorphisi ( «J^t ixiJiJJ\) in violation of the primitive Moslem faith." ^ J ')*^' ^^^1^ (J'^l^j iSjC>^ >)| . He lived in the days of Abd ul-Mali Walid and Hisham. He was born in 83 a.h. (699-700 A.c.) and died in i A.H. (748-9 A.c). * Shahristani, p. 31 ; Goiihar-i-Miirdd {vide post). Mti'tazala spelt with fatha {a) in the third syllable in the Ghyds-ul-lnghal and the Farhang (Lucknow 1889). See Appendix HI. X. RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT 415 the principles which they had laid down and the ideas to which they had often given forcible expression, he formulated into theses the doctrines which constitute the basis of his difference from the predestinarian schools and from Patristicism generally. For several centuries his school dominated over the intellects of men, and with the support of the enhghtened rulers who during this period held the reins of government, it gave an impetus to the development of national and intellectual life among the Saracens such as had never been witnessed before. Distinguished scholars, prominent physicists, mathematicians, historians — all the world of intellect in fact, including the Caliphs, belonged to the Mu'tazilite school.^ Men like Abu'l Huzail Hamdan,^ Ibrahim ibn Sayyar an- Nazzam,3 Ahmed ibn Hait, Fazl al-Hadasi, and Abu Ah Mohammed al-Jubbai,* well read in Greek philosophy and logic, amalgamated many ideas borrowed from those sources with the Medinite conceptions, and impressed a new feature on the philosophical notions of the Moslems. The study of Aristotle, Porphyry, and other Greek and Alexandrian writers gave birth to a new science among the Mu'tazilas, which was called Ilm-iil-Kaldm, " the science of reason " [Kaldm, logos), ^ with which they fought both against the external as well as the internal enemies of the Faith, — the non-Moslems who assailed the teachings of Islam from outside, and the patristic Moslems who aimed at its degradation from within. The extreme views of Wasil on the political questions which had agitated the Caliphate of Ali were before long abandoned, with the result that moderate Mu'tazilaism became substantially amalgamated with the rationahsm of the Fatimide school, whence it had sprung. It is a well-known fact that the chief doctors of the Mu'tazilite school were educated under the Fatimides, and there can hardly be any doubt that moderate Mu'tazilaism 1 We may mention here two or three prominent Mutazilas whose names are still famous, e.g. Imam Zamakhshari, the author of the Kashshdf, admittedly the best and most erudite commentary on the Koran; Mas'udi, "Imam, historian, and philosopher " ; the famous Al-Hazen, Abu'l Wafa, and Mirk- hond. " Died A.H. 235 (a.c. 849-850), in the beginning of al-Mutawakkil's Caliphate. 3 A nephew of Abu'l Huzail. * Born in 861 ; died in 933. ' Shahristani, p. 18 ; Ibn-Khaldun iv loco. 4i6 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. represented the views of the Caliph Ah and the most hberal of his early descendants, and probably of Mohammed himself. A careful comparison of the Mu'tazilite doctrines will show that they were either word for word the same as were taught by the early Fatimides, or were modifications of those doctrines induced by the requirements of a progressive society, and partly, perhaps, by the study of Greek and Alexandrian philosophy. The Caliph Ali had condemned in emphatic language all anthropomorphic and anthropopathic conceptions of the Deity. " God was not hke any object that the human mind can con- ceive ; no attribute can be ascribed to Him which bore the least resemblance to any quality of which human beings have perception from their knowledge of material objects. The perfection of piety consists in knowing God ; the perfection of knowledge is the affirmation of His verity ; and the perfection of verity is to acknowledge His unity in all sincerity ; and the perfection of sincerity is to deny all attributes to the Deity . . . ' Ajj: ^\suJ\ ^^flj aJ ,j£^2w^t JLf? . He who refers an attribute to God believes the attribute to be God, and he who so beheves an attribute to be God, regards God as two or part of one. . . . He who asks where God is, assimilates Him with some object. God is the Creator, not because He Himself is created ; God is existent, not because He was non-existent. He is with every object, not from resemblance or nearness ; He is outside of every- thing not from separation. He is the Primary Cause (Jcli), not in the meaning of motion or action ; He is the Seer, but no sight can see Him. He has no relation to place, time, or measure.^ . . . God is Omniscient, because knowledge is His Essence ; Mighty, because Power is His Essence ; Loving, because Love is His Essence . . . not because these are attributes apart from His Essence. . . . The conditions of time or space were wholly inapplicable to Him." . . . ^ Takdir [yM> ), construed by the followers of the Salaf to mean predestination, meant " weighing," " probation," " trial." Let us see now what Mu'tazilaism is. On many minor and subsidiary points the prominent Mu'tazilite doctors differed ^ Nahj-ul-Balaghat ; see the comment of Ibn-i-Abi'l Hadid, the Mu'tazihte. * From the Imam Ja'far as-Sadik, ibid. X. RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT 417 among themselves ; but I shall give here a sketch of the doctrines on which they were in accord. According to Shahri- stani, the Mu'tazilas ^ declare that " eternity is the distinguish- ing attribute of the Divine Being ; that God is Eternal, for Eternity is the peculiar property of His Essence ; they unanimously deny the existence of eternal (Divine) qualities C A4j^>ii)i o'fl^'i ) [as distinct from His being], and maintain that He is Omniscient as to His being ; Living as to His being ; Almighty as to His being ; but not through any knowledge, power, or life existing in Him as eternal attributes ; for know- ledge, power, and life are part of His Essence. Otherwise, if they are to be looked upon as eternal attributes of the Deity (separate from His Essence), it would tend to the affirmation of a multipHcity of eternal entities. . . . They also maintain that the Word of God is created, and when created, is expressed in letters and sounds. ... In like manner they unanimously denied that willing, hearing, and seeing are ideas subsistent in the Divine Being, though differing as to the modes of their existence and their metaphysical grounds." ^ " They deny unanimously that God can be beheld in the Ddr-ul-Kardr (in the Abode of Rest) with the corporeal sight. They forbid the describing of God by any quality belonging to material objects, either by way of direction, or location, or appearance, or body, or change, or cessation of action, or dissolution ; and they have explained the passages of the Koran in which expres- sions implying these qualities have been used, by asserting that the expressions are used figuratively and not literally. And this doctrine they call Tauhtd, ' assertion of Divine unity.' . . . ^ " The Mu'tazilas called themselves," says Shahristani, " Ashdb-ul-'adl wa't-tauhid, ' people of justice and unity,' and sometimes Kadarias." As a matter of fact, however, the designation of Kadaria was never applied by the Mu'tazilas to themselves ; it was applied by their enemies to the extreme Mu'tazilas who maintained the doctrine of Tafwtz, and which was condemned by the Fatimide Imams. They always repudiated that designation, and applied it to the predestinarians, who asserted that God is the Creator of every human action. Shahristani admits this, and says : — But he tries to refute the applicability of the word Kadaria to the pre- destinarians. " How can it apply to those who trust in God " ; Shahristani, P- 30. * Shahristani, p. 30. S.I. 2 D 4i8 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. They also agree in believing that man is the creative efficient of his actions, good and bad ((^^^ ji^s .-x^\ k^•• ^tr^j 'V^ ^^ ^^ and gets reward and punishment in the future world by merit for what he does ; and that no moral evil, or iniquity of action, or unbehef, or disobedience, can be referred to God, because, if He had caused unrighteousness to be, He would be Himself unrighteous (UiJS cI^^JL&Jt jLkyaiNI ) . . . They also unanimously maintain that the All-wise does only that which is beneficial and good ( ^"'i ^ j^^^t ^i J^aj ^'). and that a regard in the Hght of wisdom ( i^Sis^t ^^ ^ ) for the good of humanity ( -i*^' ^''-** ) is incumbent upon Him, though they differed as to His being obligated to secure the highest good, and to bestow grace ( f^^ o^ii. Aj^^j ^JSJ waW/i ^ ^UVi t^i j ). And this doctrine they call the doctrine of 'adl, or justice." They further hold that there is no eternal law as regards human actions ; that the Divine ordinances which regulate the conduct of men are the result of growth and development ; that God has commanded and forbidden by a law which grewj gradually. At the same time, they say that he who works righteousness merits rewards, and he who works evil deserves punishment ; and this, they say, is consonant with reason. The Mu'tazilas also say that all knowledge is attained through reason, and must necessarily be so obtained. They hold that the cognition of good and evil is also within the province of reason ; that nothing is known to be wrong or right until reason has enhghtened us as to the distinction ; and that thankfulness for the blessings of the Benefactor is made obligatory by reason,! even before the promulgation of any law on the subject. Theyj maintain that the knowledge of God is within the province of reason ; and, with the exception of Himself, everything else is liable to change or to suffer extinction. " They also maintain that the Almighty has sent His Prophets to explain to mankind His commandments. . . . They differ among themselves as to the question of the Imamate ; some maintaining that if descended by appointment, others holding to the right of the' people to elect." The Mu'tazilas are, therefore, the direct antitheses of the Sif alias, for " these and all other Ahl-us- Sunnat hold that God does whatever He pleases, for He is the X. RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT 419 Sovereign Lord of His dominions, and whatever He wishes He orders . . . and this is 'adl (justice) according to them. According to the Ahl-ul-I'tizdl, what accords with Reason and Wisdom only is justice {'adl), and the doing of acts for (or according to) the good and well-being [of mankind], e^-^^U ^ ^^^y^\ i^j J^^ ■ The Ahl-ul-'adl say that God has commanded and forbidden by created words. According to the Ahl-HS-Sunnat (the Sifatias), all that is obligatory is known from hearsay (^^-.) ; (secular) knowledge only is attained by reason ; Reason cannot tell us what is good, or what is bad, or what is obligatory. The Ahl-id-'adl say (on the contrary) that all knowledge comes through reason. ^ They referred that term of tradition ' pre-destination ' to trial and deliverance, adversity and prosperity, sickness and health, death and life, and other doings of God, exclusive of moral good and evil, virtue and vice, regarding men as responsible for the latter, and it is in the same sense that the whole community of the Mu'tazila employ that term." Thus far we have given the views of the school as a body ; but there were certain opinions held by the prominent doctors individually, which, though not accepted beyond the immediate circle of their particular disciples, are yet deserving of notice. For example Abu-Huzail Hamdan maintained that the Creator is knowing by virtue of knowledge, but that His knowledge is His Essence ; powerful by virtue of power, but that His power is His Essence ; living by virtue of life, but that His life is His Essence. " A view," says Shahristani, " adopted from the Philosophers," but really taken from the Medinite school. He also affirmed that free will ( i sort of efficacy is equivalent to denying ability altogether, and that to affirm some unintelligible influence (of ability), whicl: constitutes a motive cause, amounts to the denial of any specia." influence, and that, inasmuch as conditions and states, on the principle of those who maintain them, are not to be charac terised as existing or non-existing (but must be explained b} reference to their origin), action on the part of man (regardec as an existing state) is to be attributed really to his own ability — though not in the way of origination and creation, for bj creation is meant the causing of something to come into bein^ by supreme power which was not previously in existence ; anc that action depends for its existence upon ability (in man) which itself depends for its existence upon some other cause its relation to that cause being the same as the relation o (human) action to (man's) ability, and so one cause depend: upon another until the causa causans ( ^'^-5'' v-*-** ). th( Creator of causes and of their operations, the Absolute Self 1 Died 1085. X. RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT 421 sufficing, is reached. " This view," adds Shahristani, " was borrowed by Abu'l Ma'aU from the Philosophers of the theistic school, but he presented it in the garb of the Kaldm (scholastic theology)." ^ This is the general outline of the philosophical notions of the Mu'tazilas respecting some of the most burning questions which have agitated the mind of man in every age and country, and have so frequently led to sanguinary strifes and fratricidal wars both in the East and in the West. As the assertors of divine Unity, shorn of all anthropo- morphic conceptions, and the advocates of moral responsibihty, they naturally called themselves ashdh-ul-' adl iva't-tauhid, " upholders of the unity and justice of God," and designated their opponents Mushabbihas {" assimilators " or anthropo- morphists). They reasoned thus : If sin emanated from, or was created by God, and man was pre-ordained to commit it, the imposition of any penalty for its commission would make the Creator an Unrighteous God, — which is infidelity : thus reason and revelation both tell us that piety and sin, virtue and vice, evil and good, are the product of human volition ; man has absolute control over his actions, though he has been told what is right and what is wrong. Evil and good depend upon what is just ; for God's creation is ruled by justice. Reason and justice are the guiding principles of human actions ; and general usefulness and the promotion of the happiness of mankind at large, the chief criterion of right and wrong. Has not God Himself declared that " the two Paths were shown to mankind for their own good ? Has He not Himself called upon them to exercise their understanding ? " Rationalists and Utilitarians, they based the foundations of the moral law on the concordance of Reason with positive revelation. They walked in the footsteps of the Master and his immediate descendants. They upheld the doctrine of Evolution in regarding every law that regulates the mutual relations of man to man as the result and outcome of a process of continuous development. In their ideas of the long ' Comp. Juwaini's views with those of Ibn-Rushd (Averroes). Shahristani evidently had not made himself acquainted with the views of the Fatimide Imams; Shahristani, part i. pp. 70, 71. The views of Abu'l Ma'ali do not commend themselves to the " orthodox " Shahristani. 422 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii." antiquity of man on earth/ they occupy a vantage ground in relation to the natural philosophers of the modern world. Mu'tazilaism spread rapidly among all the thinking and cultured classes in every part of the Empire, and finding its way into Spain took possession of the Andalusian colleges and academies. Mansur and his immediate successors en- couraged RationaHsm, but made no open profession of the Mu'tazihte doctrines. Mamun, who deserves more justly than any other Asiatic sovereign the title of " Great," acknowledged his adhesion to the Mu'tazilite school ; and he and his brother Mu'tasim and nephew Wasik, endeavoured to infuse the rationalistic spirit into the whole Moslem world. Under them Rationalism acquired a predominance such as it has not gained perhaps even in modern times in European countries. The Rationalists preached in the mosques and lectured in the colleges ; they had the moulding of the character of the nation's youth in their hands ; they were the chief counsellors of the Caliphs, and it cannot be gainsaid that they used their influence wisely. As professors, preachers, scientists, physicians, viziers, or provincial governors, they helped in the growth and develop- ment of the Saracenic nation. The rise of the Bani-Idris in Western Africa, and the establishment of the Fatimide power imparted a new life to Mu'tazilaism after its glory had come to an end in Asia. The question now naturally occurs to the mind, how is it that predestinarianism and the subjection of Reason to blind authority, though discountenanced by the Prophet and the Philosophers of his family, became finally predominant in the speculations and practice of the Moslem world ? Before we furnish an answer to this inquiry, let us trace the development of another phase of the Moslem intellect. Mu'tazilaism has been, with considerable plausibility, compared to the scholastic philosophy of the Middle Ages in Europe. . Scholasticism is said to have been the " movement of the intellect to justify by reason several of the dogmas of the Faith." Mu'tazilaism also directed its endeavours to establish a concordance between ^ They derived this notion from a Hadis reported from Ali, Bihar -ul- Anwar, chapter on Creation. X. RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT 423 Reason and positive revelation. But there the parallel ends. In the Christian Church, the dogmas requiring explanation and justification were many. The doctrine of the trinity in unity, of the three " Natures " in one, of original sin, of tran- substantiation, all gave rise to a certain intellectual tension. The dogmas of the Church accordingly required some such " solvent " as scholasticism before science and free thought could find their way into Christendom. In Islam the case was otherwise ; with the exception of the unity of God — the doctrine of Tauhid, which was the foundation of Mohammed's Church — there was no dogma upon which insistence was placed in any such form as to compel Reason to hold back its acceptance. The doctrine of " origin and return " — juahdd ( U^^jQ ) and madd ( iU* ), " coming (from God) and returning (to Him) " — and of the moral responsibility of man, was founded on the conception of a Primal Cause — the Originator of all things. That the Ego will not be entirely lost after it has been set apart from its earthly habiliments, that it will exist as a self-conscious entity after the dissolution of the body, is a notion which has been shared ahke by the wise and the ignorant. Some few have denied a future existence, but the generality have believed in it, though all have differed as to the nature of that existence. So also as regards moral responsibility, there is great divergence of opinion on the mode in which man shall discharge the obligation ; but there is little difference on the question that he is responsible for the use or misuse of his powers. On both these questions the words of the Teacher allow the greatest latitude of judgment ; so long as the original conceptions were retained and accepted, Mohammed's Church permitted the broadest and most rationalistic view. Hence it was that Islam passed at once from the Age of Receptivity into the Age of Activity, from the Age of Faith into the Age of Reason, without any such intermediate stage as was required in Christianity. In the Prophet's time, as well as under the Rdshidtyi Caliphs, no doubt, free independent inquiry was naturally, and perhaps rightly, discouraged. But no questioning was avoided, no doubt was silenced by the terror of authority, and if the teacher was unable to answer the question, the inability was avowed in 424 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. all humility.^ Mu'tazilaism holds therefore a distinctive place in the development of the human intellect. It bears an analogy to European scholasticism, but in reality it is akin in genius to modern rationalism. Scholasticism worked under the shadow of the Church. Mu'tazilaism worked in conjunction with the heads of the Church. The real scholasticism of Islam came later. The cultivation of the physical sciences gave a new direction to Saracenic genius. A body of thinkers sprang up, who received the generic name of Hukamd (pi. of hakim, a scientist or philosopher), whose method of reasoning was analogous to that of modern science. They were mostly Mu'tazilas, but the conceptions of a few were tinged by the philosophical notions of Aristotle and the Neo-Platonic school of Alexandria. Though bigotry and ignorance stigmatised them with the opprobrious epithets of infidel and heretic, historical verity must admit that they did not exclude themselves from Islam, nor advance any theory for which they were unable to find a warrant in the sayings of the Founder of the Faith or his immediate descendants. The doctrine of evolution and progressive development to which these philosophers adhered most strongly has been propounded in clear terms by one of their prominent repre- sentatives, the famous Al-Hazen. The philosophical notions on this subject may be summarised thus : "In the region of existing matter, the mineral kingdom comes lowest, then comes the vegetable kingdom, then the animal, and finally the human being. By his body he belongs to the material world, but by his soul he appertains to the spiritual or immaterial. Above him are only the purely spiritual beings, — the angels,^ — above whom only is God ; thus the lowest is combined by a chain of progress to the highest. But the human soul per- petually strives to cast off the bonds of matter, and, becoming free, it soars upwards again to God, from whom it emanated." And these notions found expression later in the Masnavi of 1 The answer was, " God knows best." - The author of the Goithar-i-Murdd, to which I shall refer later in some detail, explains that what are called in " the language of theology " " angels," are the forces of nature in the language of Hikmat. X. RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT 425 Moulana Jalal ud-din, whose " orthodoxy " can hardly be questioned, — ^t***-' j' ^j — i*-- j^i-i ^ L^ r^-^ c'/;; "^ — ^'^ ;' J — ^^ }'. c^^^^;' o'^^ r-^^ r-"J c^^ ^^;i <^ cJ>- .*^l; A x!l US' ^j. ._,jS " Dying from the inorganic we developed into the vegetable kingdom. Dying from the vegetable we rose to the animal. And leaving the animal we became men. Then what fear that death will lower us ? The next transition will make vis angels. From angels we shall rise and become what no mind can conceive ; we shall merge in Infinity as in the beginning. Have we not been told, ' All of us will return unto Him ' ? " The greatest of the philosophers were al-Kindi, al-Farabi, Ibn-Sina, Ibn-Baja, Ibn-Tufail, and Ibn-Rushd.^ Al-Kindi ^ (Abu Yusuf Ya'kub ibn Ishak), surnamed the Philosopher par excellence, was a descendant of the illustrious family of Kinda, and counted among his ancestors several of the princes of Arabia. His father, Ishak bin as-Sabbah, was the governor of Kufa under al-Mahdi, al-Hadi, and Harun. Al-Kindi, who prosecuted his studies at Basra and Bagdad, rendered himself famous under the Caliphs Mamun and Mu'tasim by the versatility of his genius and the profoundness of his knowledge. He wrote on philosophy, mathematics, ^ Shahristani mentions several others, such as — Yahya al-Nahwy, Abu'l Faraj al-Mufassir, Abu Sulaiman al-Sajzy, Abu Bakr Sabit bin Kurrah, Abu Sulaiman Mohammed al-Mukaddasi, Abii Tamam Yusuf bin Mohammed Nishapuri, Abu Zaid Ahmed bin Saha al-Balkhi, Abu Muharib al-Hasan bin- Sahl bin Muharib al-Kiimy, Ahmed bin Tayyeb al-Sarrakhsy, Talha bin Mohammed al-Nafsy, Abu Hamid Ahmed bin Mohammed al-Safzari, Tsa bin Ali al-Wazir, Abu Ali Ahmed^ bin Muskuya, Abu Zakaria Yahya bin "Adi al-Zumairi, Abu'l Hasan al-'Amri. He does not mention a single Spanish philosopher. - 813 to 842 A.c. ; see Appendix H. 426 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. astronomy, medicine, politics, music, etc. Versed in the languages of the Greeks, the Persians, and the Indians, thoroughly acquainted with their sciences and philosophy, he was selected by Mamun for the work of translating Aristotle and other Greek writers into Arabic. " Cardan," says Munk " places him among the twelve geniuses of the first order whc had appeared in the world up to the sixteenth century." Abu Nasr Fdrdhi (Abu Nasr Mohammed bin Mohammed Turkhan al-Fdrdhi), so called from his native city of Farab ir Transoxiana, was a distinguished physician, mathematician and philosopher. He is regarded as the most learned ane subtle of the commentators of Aristotle. He enjoyed the patronage of Saif ud-dowla Ali bin Hamdan, Prince of Aleppo and died at Damascus in the month of Rajab 339 a.h December (950 a.c). Among his various works some may b( mentioned here to show the tendency of the Arab mind in thai prolific age. In the Encyclopcedia of Science [Ihsd ul-uliim] he gives a general review of all the sciences. A Latin epitome of this work gives an idea of the range over which it extends being divided into five parts dealing with the different branches of science, viz. language, logic, mathematics, natural sciences and political and social economy. Another celebrated worl of Farabi, largely utiHsed by Roger Bacon and Albertuf Magnus, was his commentary on Aristotle's Organon. His Tendency of the Philosophies of Plato and Aristotle, his treatise on ethics, entitled as-Sirat iil-Fazild, and another on politics called as-Siydsat ul-Medtneyya, which forms part of a largei and more comprehensive work bearing the name of Mahddi ul-Moiijuddt, show the versatile character of his intellect Besides philosophy and medicine, Farabi cultivated music which he elevated into a science. He wrote several treatise; both on the theory and the art of music, as well as the manu- facture of musical instruments. In one he compared tht systems of music among the ancients with that in vogue ir his own time. Abu'l Kasim Kinderski, no mean judge, place; Farabi on a level with his great successor, Ibn-Sina.^ 1 See also the 'Uyiln-ul-Masail (Dieterici's ed. p. 52), where he estabUshe: by deductive reasoning that Creation is the work of a Supreme IntelHgence and that nothing in the universe is fortuitous or accidental. X. RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT 427 Of Ibn-Sina I have already spoken as a physician. As a philosopher he occupies a position hardly inferior to that of the great Stagyrite. He was unquestionably the master-spirit of his age, and in spite of the opposition raised against him by fanaticism and self-interest, he left his impress in undying characters on the thoughts of succeeding ages. His voluminous works testify to the extraordinary activity of his mind.^ He systematised Aristotehan philosophy, and filled " the void between God and man " in Aristotle's fragmentary psychology by the doctrine of the intelligence of the spheres conceived after a scientific method. The great object of the Arabian philosophers was to furnish the world with a complete theory of the unity of the Cosmos which would satisfy, not the mind only, but also the religious sense. And accordingly they endeavoured to reconcile the ethical and spiritual with the philosophical side of science. Hence the development of the theory of the two intellects — the passive Reason, or Abstract Soul, in contact with material forms, and subject through them to change and death ; and the Active Reason [Akl-i- fa'dl), conversant with the immutable, and so remaining un- changed in itself. By patient discipline of the heart and soul man can elevate himself to conjunction with this Higher Reason. But the discipline needed was as much moral and spiritual as intellectual. Ibn-Sina represented these ideas in the highest degree. He was the truest and most faithful exponent of the philosophical aspirations of his time. " For ethical earnestness it would be hard to find anything more impressive than the teaching of Avicenna." A severely logical treatment of his subjects is the distinctive character of his writings. His main endeavour was directed towards the demonstration of the theory that there existed an intimate connexion between the human Soul and the Primary Absolute Cause — a conception which is traced in every line of Jalal ud-din Rumi. Shahristani gives a brief but exhaustive sketch of Ibn-Sina's views, culled, as he says, from his various books. After describing Ibn-Sina's treatment of the sciences, logic, and other ' His two greatest works on philosophy and science, the Shifa and the Najat, still exist intact. 428 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii cognate subjects, Shahristani states that the Philosopher discussed metaphysics under ten theses ; under the first fivei he deals with the origin of knowledge, experimentation, induc- tion, and deduction ; matter and force ; the relation of cause and effect ; the primary and accidental, universals and particulars. Under the sixth and seventh he demonstrate* that the Primal Cause — the being whose existence is necessary by virtue of his Essence — is one and Absolute. Under th( eighth and ninth he deals with the unity of the Cosmos, the relation of human souls to the Primal Cause and the Active Intellect, the first created. And lastly, he discusses the con ception of future existence, the doctrine of " Return " ( ^Ijcc ) He proclaims the individual permanence of the human soul and argues that it will retain its individuality after its separatior from the corporeal body ; but that the pleasure and pain o: the future existence will be purely spiritual, depending on th( use or misuse by man of his mental, moral and physical power; to attain the Perfection. He argues under the last head th( necessity for mankind of prophetism. The Prophet expound; to men the Divine laws, explains to them the ethical demand; of God and Humanity in parables comprehensible to commor folk, which appeal to and settle their hearts. The Prophei dissuades from jealousy, rancour, and misdeeds ; lays th( foundations of social and moral development, and is God'; veritable messenger on earth. Abu Bakr Mohammed ibn Yahya, sumamed Ibti-nl-Sdyehu popularly called Ibn-Baja, corrupted by the Europearj; scholiasts into Avenpace, is one of the most celebrated philo| sophers among the Arabs of Spain. He was not only ij distinguished physician, mathematician, and astronomer, bu| also a musician of the first rank. He was born at Saragossi towards the end of the eleventh century of the Christian eraj and in 1118 A.c. we find him mentioned as residing in SevillelJ He afterwards proceeded to Africa, where he occupied a higt position under the Almoravides. He died at Fez in 1138 a.c' Several of his works have come down to us in their entirety and show the free range of the Moslem intellect in thos( days. Ibn-Tufail (Abu Bakr Mohammed ibn Abdul Mahk ibn X. RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT 429 Tufail al-Kaisi) was bom in the beginning of the twelfth century at Gaudix ( Wadi-ash) , a small city of Andalusia, in the province of Granada. He was celebrated as a physician, mathematician, philosopher, and poet, and was held in great esteem at the court of the first two sovereigns of the Almohade dynasty. From 1 163 to 1 184 he filled the office of vizier and physician to Abu Ya'kiib Yusuf, the second Almohade king. Ibn-Tufail died in Morocco in 1185 A.c. He belonged to the contemplative school of Arab philosophy which was designated Ishrdki, an offshoot of ancient Neo-Platonism, and akin in its aspirations to modern mysticism. His contemplative philo- sophy is not founded on mystical exaltation, but on a method in which intuition is combined with reasoning. His famous work, called Hayy ihn Yakzdn, represents the gradual and successive development of intelligence and the power of perception in a person wholly unassisted by outside instruction. 1 Ibn-Rushd or Averroes (Abu'l Walid Mohammed ibn Ahmed) was born in 520 a.h. (1126 A.c.) at Cordova, where his family had for a long time occupied a prominent position. His grand- father was the Kdzi iil-Kuzdt of all Andalusia under the Almoravides. Ibn-Rushd was a jurisconsult of the first rank, but he applied himself mainly to medicine, mathematics, and philosophy. Introduced to Abu Ya'kub Yusuf by Ibn-Tufail, he was received with great favour by that sovereign. In 1169-1170 we find him holding the office of Kazi of Seville, and in 1182 of Cordova. For a few years after the accession of Ya'kub al-Mansur to the throne of the Almohades, Ibn- Rushd enjoyed the consideration and esteem of that monarch, but when the pent-up Berber fanaticism burst forth he was the first to fall a victim to the fury of the lawyers and Mullahs whom he had offended by his philosophical writings, and who were jealous of his genius and his learning. Ibn-Rushd was without question one of the greatest scholars and philosophers the Arab world has produced, and " one of the profoundest commentators," says Munk, " of Aristotle's works." Ibn- Rushd held that the highest effort of man ought to be directed towards the attainment of perfection, that is, a complete 1 See Appendix III. 430 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM .1 identification with the Active Universal Intellect ; that this perfection can only be attained by study and speculation, and abandoning all the desires which belong to the inferior faculties of the soul, and especially to the senses, — but not by mere sterile meditation. He also held that prophetic revelations were necessary for spreading among mankind the eternal verities proclaimed equally by religion and philosophy ; that religion itself directs their search by means of science ; that it teaches truths in a popular manner comprehensible to all people : that philosophy alone is capable of seizing the true religious doctrines by means of interpretation ; but the ignorant apprehend only the literal meaning. On the question of pre- destination he held that man was neither the absolute master of his actions nor bound by fixed immutable decrees. But the truth, says Ibn-Rushd, lies in the middle, j^^^i e^ y«V' words used by the Fatimide Imams, and explained by them somewhat similarly. Our actions depend partly on our own free will and partly on causes outside us. We are free to wish and to act in a particular manner ; but our wiU is always restrained and determined by exterior causes. These causes spring from the general laws of nature ; God alone knows their sequence. It is this which, in the language of theology, is called Kazd and Kadar. Ibn-Rushd's political theories were directed against human tyranny in every shape. He regarded the Arab repubUc under the Rashidin Caliphs as the model government in which was realised the dream of Plato. Mu'awiyah, he says, in establishing the Ommeyyade autocracy, overthrew this ideal, and opened the door to all disasters. Ibn-Rushd considered women to be equal in every respect to men, and claimed for them equal capacity — in war, in philo- sophy, in science. He cites the example of the female warriors of Arabia, Africa, and Greece ; and refers to their superioiity in music in support of his contention, that, if women were placed in the same position as men, and received the same education, they would become the equals of their husbands and brothers in all the sciences and arts ; and he ascribes their inferiority to the narrow lives they lead. In Ibn-Rushd Arabian philosophy reached its apogee. Six centuries divide him from the Prophet. Within these centuries X. RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT 431 the Arab intellect had broadened in every direction. Men like Ibn-Sina and Ibn-Rushd thought with the accumulated wealth of ages on all the most important questions which occupy human attention in modern times, and formulated their ideas, little different from those held by the most advanced scientists of the present day, with logical precision. All these thinkers claimed to be Moslems, and were recognised as such by the best minds of their times. Ibn-Sina repudiated with indignation and contempt the charge of infidelity levelled against him by fanatics or enemies jealous of his fame ; and one of the greatest mystical poets of Islam, Sanai, whose orthodoxy, though doubted by his personal foes, is no longer questioned, has embodied his veneration for " Bu AH Sina " in an immortal poem.^ Ibn-Rushd wrote on the concord of religion with philosophy ; and one of his intimate friends, Abd ul-Kabir, a highly religious person, described him as one anxious to estabhsh a harmony between religion and philosophy.^ Al-Ansari and Abd ul- Walid speak of Ibn-Rushd as sincerely attached to Islam ; and his latest biographer says : " There is nothing to prevent our supposing that Ibn-Rushd was a sincere believer in Islamism, especially when we consider how little irrational the supernatural element in the essential dogmas of this religion is, and how closely this religion approaches the purest Deism." ^ The close of the tenth century was full of the darkest omens for rationalism and science. The star of the son of Sina had not yet risen on the horizon ; but masters like Kindi and Farabi had appeared and departed after shedding an abiding lustre on the Saracenic race. Patristicism was triumphant in every quarter which owned the temporal or spiritual sway of the Abbasides : the college of jurists had placed under the ban of heresy the rationalists and philosophers who had made the name of Moslems glorious in the annals of the world ; a heartless, illiberal, and persecuting formalism dominated the * See Appendix III. Mn the Fasl-ul-Makdl (Muller's ed. published in Munich, 1859), which is said to have been written in a.h. 575 for the Almohade sovereign Yusuf ibn Tashfin, he estabhshes this concordance. ^ Renan, Averroes et Averroism, p. 163. 432 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. spirit of the theologians ; a pharisaical epicureanism had taken possession of the rich, and an ignorant fanaticism of the poor ; the gloom of night was fast thickening, and Islam was drifting into the condition into which ecclesiasticism had led Chris- tianity. It was at this epoch of travail and sorrow for all lovers of truth that a small body of thinkers formed themselves into a Brotherhood to keep alive the lamp of knowledge among the Moslems, to introduce a more healthy tone among the people, to arrest the downward course of the Moslems towards ignorance and fanaticism, in fact, to save the social fabric from utter ruin. They called themselves the " Brothers of Purity," Ikhwdn-us-Safd. The society of the " Pure Brethren " was established in Basra, which still held rank in the fast- dwindling Caliphate as the second city of the empire, the home of rationalism and intellectual activity. To this " Brother- hood " none but men of unsullied character and the purest morals were admitted ; the passport for admission into the select circle was devotion to the cause of knowledge and humanity. There was nothing exclusive or esoteric in their spirit ; though, from the necessities of their situation, and working under a rigid theological and poUtical despotism, their movements were enshrouded in some degree of mystery. They met together quietly and unobtrusively in the residence of the head of the society, who bore the name of Zaid the son of Rifa'a, and discussed philosophical and ethical subjects with a catholicity of spirit and breadth of views difficult to rival even in modern times. They formed branches in every city of the Caliphate, wherever, in fact, they could find a body of thought- ful men, willing and qualified to work according to their scientific method. This philanthropic and scientific movement was led by five men, who, with Zaid, were the life and soul of the " Brotherhood." Their system was eclectic in the highest and truest sense of the word. They contemned no field of thought ; they " culled flowers from every meadow." In spite of the mysticism which slightly tinged their philosophical conceptions, their views on social and poUtical problems were highly practical and intensely humane. As the result of their labours, they gave to the world a general resumd of the know- ledge of the time in separate treatises, which were collectively X. RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT 433 known as the Rasdil ^-i-Ikhwdn-tis-Safd iva-Khulldn-ul-Wafd, " Tracts of the Brothers of Purity and Friends of Sincerity " ; or, shortly, Rasdil-i-IkJmdn-us-Safdr These risdlas range over every subject of human study — mathematics, including astro- nomy, physical geography, music, and mechanics ; physics, including chemistry, meteorology, and geology ; biology, physiology, zoology, botany, logic, grammar, metaphysics, ethics, the doctrine of a future life. They form, in fact, a popular encyclopaedia of all the sciences and philosophy then extant. The theory of these evolutionists of the tenth century as to the development of animal organism may be compared with advantage with that entertained in present times. But I am not concerned so much with the scientific and intellectual side of their writings as with the ethical and moral. The ethics of the " Pure Brethren " are founded on self -study and the purification or abstraction of human thought from all impurity. Moral endowments are prized above intellectual gifts ; and the strength of soul founded upon patient self-discipline and self-control is regarded as the highest of virtues.^ " Faith without work, knowing without doing, were vain." Patience and forbearance, mildness and loving gentleness, justice, mercy, and truth, the sublimity of virtue, the sacrifice of self for others, are taught in every line : cant, hypocrisy, and deceit, envy and pride, tyranny and falsehood, are reprobated in every page ; and the whole is pervaded by a purity of sentiment, a fervent love of humanity, an earnest faith in the progress of man, a universal charity, embracing even the brute creation in its fold.* \\Tiat can be more beautiful, more truly humane, than the disputation between the " animals and mankind " ? Their ethics form the foundation of all later works. ^ Their rehgious idea was identical with that of Farabi and Ibn Sina, — the universe was an emanation from God, but not directly ; the Primal Absolute Cause created Reason, or the Active Intel- 1 Plural of Risala, a tract, a chapter, a monograph. * PubUshed in 4 vols., at Bombay, in 1305 a.h., by Haji Niir ud-din. ' See the third Risala, vol. iv. ^ See the fourth Risala, vol. iv. 5 Such as the Akhldk-i-N asiri of Nasir ud-din Tusi, the Akhlak-i-Jalali, and the Akhlak-i-Muhsini of Husain Waiz Kashifi. 434 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. ligence : and from this proceeded the Nafs-i-nufus, the Abstract Soul, from which sprang primary matter, the protoplasm of all material entities ; the Active Intelligence moulded this primary matter, and made it capable of taking shapes and forms, and set it in motion, whence were formed the spheres and the planets. Their morality is founded on this very conception of the Primal Absolute Cause being connected by an unbroken chain with the lowest of His creation ; for the Abstract Soul individualised in humanity is always struggling to attain by purity of life, self-discipline, intellectual study, the goal of Perfection, — to get back to the source from which it emanated. This is Ma'dd ; this is the " Return " which the Prophet taught ; this is the rest and peace inculcated in the Scripture. It was i thus that the " Pure Brethren " taught. Whatever we may' think of their psychology there is no denying that their morality was of the purest, their ethics of the highest that can be con- ceived, standing on a different plane from those of the theo- logians who induced the bigot Mustanjid to bum their encyclopaedia in Bagdad, before Bagdad itself was burnt by the Mongols. Aristotelian philosophy, which was founded on " observation and experience," was, however, more akin to the Saracenic genius and the positive bent of the Arab mind. AristoteHan logic and metaphysics naturally exercised a great influence on the conceptions of Arab scientists and scholars. Neo-Platonism based on intuition and a certain vague and mystical contempla- tion, did not take root among the Arabs until it was made popular by the writings of the unfortunate Shihab ud-din Suhrwardi. The Aristotelian conception of the First Cause pervades accordingly many of the philosophical and meta- physical writings of this period. And it was in consequence ol the influence exercised by the Stagyrite that a section of Arab thinkers tended towards a belief in the eternity of matter. These men received the name of Dahrts (from dahr, or nature). " The fundamental idea of these philosophers," says Kremer, " was the same as has gained ground, in modern times, owing to the extension of natural science." But they were not, as their enemies called them, atheists. Atheism is the negation of a power or Cause beyond and outside the visible and materia] X. RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT 435 world. These philosophers affirmed no such thing ; they only held that it was impossible to predicate of the Causa Causans any attribute whatsoever, or to explain the mode in which He works on the universe. They were, in fact, the exponents of the doctrine of fa'lU or agnosticism. It appears clear, therefore, that the Islam of Mohammed contains nothing which in itself bars progress or the intellectual development of humanity. How is it, then, that, since the twelfth century of the Christian era, philosophy has almost died out among the followers of Islam and an anti-rationalistic patristicism has taken possession of the bulk of the people ? How is it that predestinarianism, though only one phase of the Koranic teachings, has become the predominant creed of a large number of Moslems ? As regards the supposed extinction among them of philosophy, I should like to call attention to the revival of Avicennism under the Safawi sovereigns of Persia to show that rationalism and free-thought are not yet dead in Islam. But the questions which I have formulated apply to the general body of Moslems, and I propose to explain the causes which have led to this result. Before the Abbaside Mutawakkil's accession to the throne, Islam presented a spectacle similar to that of Christendom in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It was divided into two camps, one of Authority, the other of Reason ; the one advocated the guidance of humanity in matters, natural as well as supernatural, by precedent, pure and simple ; the other, by human judgment tempered so far as practicable by precedent. Between these two parties the difference was irreconcilable. The first was composed chiefly of the lawyers — a class of people who have been regarded in every age and country, and not always without reason, as narrow-minded, self-opinionated, and extremely jealous of their interests as a body. To them were joined the ignorant populace. " The creed of the bishop is the creed of the grocer. But the philosophy of that grocer is in no sense the philosophy of a professor. Therefore it is that the bishop will be revered where the professor will be stoned. Intellect is that which man claims as specially his own ; it is the one limiting distinction ; and thus the multitude, so tolerant of the claims of an aristocracy of birth 436 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. or of wealth, is uneasy under the claims of an aristocracy of intelligence." ^ As I have had occasion to mention in a previous chapter, most of the legal decisions pronounced by the Prophet were called forth by the passing necessities of a primitive and archaic society. After him the Caliph Ali was the expositor of the new Faith. In the Koran these legal doctrines were extremely few, and adaptable to any circumstance or time, and, during the reigns of the Rashidin Caliphs, were expounded chiefly by Ali and his disciple Ibn Abbas. Upon their death, the men who had attended their lectures or listened to their judgments opened classes of jurisprudence on their own account. Fakihs or lawyers multiplied ; they discussed religio-legal questions, gave opinions on points of casuistry, the rites of religion, as well as on the ordinary relations of life. Gradually they became the keepers of the conscience of the people. Naturally there was a keen desire to discover how the Prophet had acted in any particular case ; traditions multiplied. The supply was in proportion to the demand. But, excepting in the school of Medina, there was no uniformity of system or method. The immediate des- cendants of Mohammed followed one definite rule ; if they found any precedent of the time of the Prophet or of the Caliph Ali, authenticated by their own ancestors, which was applicable to the circumstances of the case, they based their decision upon it ; if not, they relied on their own judgment. Law was with them inductive and experimental ; and they decided according to the exigencies and requirements of each particular case. Under the early Ommeyyades there was no fixed rule ; the governors ruled sharply by the sword, according to their own judgment, leaving matters of conscience to the Fakihs. Under the later Ommeyyades, however, the lawyers assumed great preponderance, chiefly on account of their influence with the fickle populace. When the Abbasides rose to power the lecture-room of Imam Ja'far as Sadik was attended by two men who afterwards became the bulwarks of the Sunni Church, — one was Abu Hanifa,^ and the other Malik son of Anas.* 1 Lewes's History of Philosophy, vol. ii.p. 50. - See ante, p. 351. ^ See ante, p. 352. I k I X. RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT 437 Abu Hanifa was a native of Irak ; Malik, of Medina. Both were men of severe morals and great kindliness of nature, and anxious to broaden the foundations of the Church. They were devoted to the family of the Prophet, and suffered in con- sequence of their attachment. Abu Hanifa on his return to Kufa opened a class which became the nucleus of the now famous Hanafi school. He rejected most of the traditions ^ as untrue, and rehed solely on the Koran ; and by " analogical deductions " endeavoured to make the simple Koranic utterances applicable to every variety of circumstance. Abii Hanifa knew nothing of human kind ; nor had he ever been to any city except Medina and Bagdad. He was a speculative legist, and his two disciples, Abu Yusuf, who became Chief Kazi of Bagdad under Harun, and Mohammed ash-Shaibani, fixed Abu Hanifa's conceptions on a regular basis. Malik proceeded on different lines. He excluded from his system all inferences and " deductions." He applied himself to discover in Medina, so full of the Prophet's memories, every real or supposititious incident in the Master's life and based his doctrines thereupon. His was " the Beaten Path," ^ and to the simple Arabs and the cognate races of Africa Malik's enunciations were more acceptable, being suited to their archaic forms of society, than the rationalised views of the Fatimide Imams, or the speculative theories of Abu Hanifa. Soon after came Shafe'i, a man of strong and vigorous mind, better acquainted with the world than Abu Hanifa and Malik, and less casuistical than Abu Yusuf and Mohammed ash-Shaibani. He formed, from the materials furnished by Ja'far as-Sadik, Malik, and Abu Hanifa, an eclectic school, which found accep- tance chiefly among the middle classes. Less adaptable than original Hanafism to the varying necessities of a growing and mixed population, it contained sufficient germs of improvement which, had they not been killed by the rigid formahsm of later times, would have been productive of substantial good.^ Four different systems of law and doctrine, more or less distinct from * Ibn Khallikan. - The Muwatta, i.e. " The Beaten Path," is the name of his work on juris- prudence. ^ Shafe'ism is spreading rapidly among the educated Hanafis of India. n m 438 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. each other, thus estabhshed themselves in the Islamic world. The Fatimide system was chiefly in force among the Shiahs, who were dispersed all over the empire ; Malikism among a large part of the Arabs in the Peninsula, among the Berbers, and most of the Spanish Moslems ; Shafe'ism among the fairly well-to-do classes ; and Hanafism among the more respectable sections of society in Mesopotamia, Syria, and Egypt. The position of Hanafism in the Caliphate was similar to that of Pharisaism among the Jews. It received the countenance of the Court as the only school with sufficient expansiveness to meet the requirements of a mixed population. To have acknowledged the Fatimide system would have been to give too great a preponderance to the descendants of the Prophet ; to have adopted Malikism and Shafe'ism for the administration of a liberal State would have jeopardised the interests of the empire. Hence, whilst rationalism ruled in the colleges and Madrasas} Hanafism held possession of the pulpits and Mahkamas.- In its theological views, Hanafism inclined towards Sifdtism ; but it varied its opinions according to those of the rulers. At this period Hanafism was remarkable for its flexibility. Ahmed ibn Hanbal, commonly known as Imam Hanbal, made his appearance at this juncture, — a red hot puritan, breathing eternal perdition to all who differed from him, he was shocked with the pharisaical liberalism of Hanafism, and disgusted both with the narrowness of Malikism and the common-place character of Shafe'ism, he applied himself to frame a new system, based on traditions, for the whole empire. Abii Hanifa had rejected the majority of the current traditions ; Ibn Hanbal's system included a mass of incongruous, irrational, and bewildering stories, the bulk of which were wholly incon- sistent with each other, and bearing upon their face the marks of fabrication. And now commenced a serious struggle between the parties of progress and retrogression. Ibn Hanbal adopted the extreme Sifdtia views ; he inculcated that the Deity was visible to the human sight ; that His attributes were separate from His essence ; that the statements about His being seated on the throne were to be accepted in their literal sense ; that 1 Madrasa is a place where lectures are given, hence a college, school, etc. 2 Courts of justice. X. RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT 439 man was in no sense a free agent ; that every human action was the direct act of the Deity, and so forth. He denounced learning and science, and proclaimed a holy war against Rationalism. The populace, carried away by his eloquence or his vehemence, took up the cry ; tlie Hanafi jurists, whose power materially depended on their influence over the ignorant masses, and who were jealous of the prominence of the scientists and philosophers in the Court of Harun and Mamun, made common cause with the new reformer. The pulpits began to fulminate brimstone and fire against the upholders of reason and the advocates of philosophy and science. The streets of Bagdad became the scenes of frequent rioting and bloodshed. Mu'tasim and Wasik repressed the fanatical violence of the fiery puritans with some severity. The prime mover of the disturbances was put in prison, where he died in the odour of great sanctity ; his bier was followed to the grave by a crowd consisting of a hundred and forty thousand men and women. ^ His system never took root among any large body of people : but, mixing with Hanafism, it gave a new character to the doctrines of Abu Hanifa. Henceforth Hanafism represents a mixture of the teachings of Abu Hanifa and of Ibn Hanbal. When Mutawakkil was raised to the throne the position of the various parties stood thus : — the Rationalists were the directing power of the State ; they held the chief offices of trust ; they were professors in colleges, superintendents of hospitals, directors of observatories ; they were merchants ; in fact, they represented the wisdom and the wealth of the empire ; Rationalism was the dominating creed among the educated, the intellectual, and influential classes of the com- munity. Sifdtism was in force among the lower strata of society, and most of the Kazis, the preachers, the lawyers of various degree were attached to it. A cruel drunken sot, almost crazy at times, Mutawakkil had the wit to perceive the advantage of an alliance with the latter party. It would make him at once the idol of the populace, and the model Caliph of the bigots. The fiat accordingly went forth for the expulsion of the party of progress from their offices under government. ^ See Appendix II. 440 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. The colleges and universities were closed ; literature, science, and philosophy were interdicted ; and the Rationalists were hunted from Bagdad. Mutawakkil at the same time demolished the mausoleum of the Caliph Ali and his sons. The fanatical lawyers, who were now the priests and rabbis of Islam, be- came the ruling power of the State. Mutawakkil's death and Mustansir's accession gave the victory once more to the Progressists. But their success was short-lived. Under the pitiless and sanguinary Mu'tazid b'iUah the triumph of Patristicism was complete. He mercilessly persecuted the Rationalists. They inculcated that " justice " was the animat- ing principle of human actions ; that God Himself governed the universe by " justice," which was His Essence ; that the test of right and wrong was not any individual wiU, but the good of humanity. These doctrines were terribly revolutionary; they were aimed at the divine right of the Caliph to do wrong. Tom Paine could scarcely preach worse. On the other hand, the clerical party taught very properly " God is the Sovereign ; as the sovereign does no wrong, so God can do no wrong." There could be no question which of these two doctrines was true. The days of Rationalism were now over under the Abbasides. Expelled from Bagdad, it took refuge in Cairo, which was worse, for if there was one place which the Abbaside Caliphs hated with the hatred of death, that was Cairo. The very name of Rationalism became one of dire import to the Pontiffs of Bagdad. A College of Jurists was estabhshed to ferret out " heresy " in the writings of the philosophers and scientists, whose misfortune was still to live within the reach of the patristic influences. The works in which the smallest taint was observed were committed to the flames ; their authors were subjected to tortures and to death. Islam now presented the spectacle of orthodox Christendom. There was a time when, in spite of the fact that the temporal power was arrayed against it, Rationalism would have regained its hold on the masses. In their constant disputations the clerical party always found themselves worsted ; and though, on these occasions, they not infrequently invoked the more forcible reasoning of the sword and bricks and stones, their defeats in argument perceptibly told on the ranks of their followers. X. RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT 441 It was at this period that the retrogressive party received the assistance of an unexpected ally. Hitherto they had fought against Reason with their usual repertory of traditions. Abu'l Hasan al-Asha'ri/ a descendant of the famous Abu Musa al-Asha'ri, who had been tricked by 'Amr ibn al-'As into abandoning the rights of the Caliph Ali, was educated among the Mu'tazilas. He had learnt their logic, their philosophy, their science of reasoning. Actuated by vanity, and partly perhaps by ambition, he one day in the Jdmi' mosque of Basra, in the presence of a large congregation, made a public disavowal of the Mu'tazilite doctrines, and declared his adherence to Sifdtism. His theatrical manner and his eloquent words impressed the people, and the waverers at once went over to him. Asha'ri was now the greatest man in the CaHphate ; he was petted by the legists, idolised by the populace, respected by the Caliph. He gave to the clerical party what they had long been wanting — a logical system, or what may be called by that name, for the defence of patristic theology against the rationahstic conceptions of the Mu'tazilas, the philosophers, and the Fatimide Imams. Abu'l Hasan maintained the Sifatia doctrines, with very slight modifications. A short summary of his views, taken from Shahristani, will explain the present mental lethargy of so many Moslems. " He maintained," says our author, " that the attributes of the Deity are eternal and subsistent in His Essence, but they are not simply His Essence, rather they are additional to His Essence ; . . . that God speaks by an eternal word, and wills by an eternal will, for it is evident that God is a Sovereign, and, as a Sovereign, is One to whom it belongs to command and prohibit, so God commands and prohibits ; . . . that His ordering is eternal, subsistent in Him, a quality pertaining to Him ; that the will of God is indivisible, eternal, embracing all things subject to volition, whether determinate actions of His own or actions of His creatures — the latter, so far as created ^ Al-Asha'ri was born at Basra in 260 a.h. (874 a.c), but passed the greatest part of his Ufa in Bagdad. Up to the fortieth year of his age he was a devoted adherent of the Mu'tazilas. He ascribed his theatrical abjuration of his old behefs to an admonition he received from the Prophet in a dream during the fasting month of Ramazan. 442 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM by Him, not as they are their own actions by appropyiation ; ^ . . . that God wills all things morally, good and evil, beneficial and injurious ; and, as He both knows and wills, that He wills on the part of His creatures what He knows, and has caused to be registered in the memorial-book — which fore-knowledge constitutes His decree. His decisions, and His determination, therein there is no varying or change ; that an appropriated action means an action which is pre-destined to be done by created ability, and which takes place under the condition of. created ability." In plainer language, he taught that every} human action emanates from God, or is pre-destined by His decree, to be performed by a particular person, and this person, having the capacity of appropriation or acquisitiveness, does the act ; the act is primarily God's act, secondarily the man's. For example, if a man applies himself to write a letter, his desire to write is the outcome of an eternal decree that he should write ; then he takes up the pen, it is the will of God that He should do so ; and so on. When the writing is finished, it is due to his acquisitiveness. Shahristani very appropriately observes that, according to Abu'l Hasan, no influence in respect to origination (of action) pertains to created ability. This worthy divine further maintained that " God rules as a Sovereign over His creatures, doing what He wills and deter- mining as He pleases ; so that were He to cause all men to enter Paradise, there would be no injustice, and if He were to send them all to hell, there would be no wrong-doing, because injustice is the ordering in respect to things which do not come within the sphere of control of the Orderer, or the inversion of established relations of things, and God is the Absolute Sovereign, on whose part no injustice is imaginable, and to whom no wrong can be attributed ; . . . and that nothing whatever is obligatory upon God by virtue of reason — neither that which is beneficial, nor that which is most advantageous, nor gracious assistance . . . and that the ground of (human) obligation is nothing which constitutes a necessity binding upon God." . . . After mentioning the doctrines of Abu'l Hasan, Shahristani proceeds to state the views of Abu'l Hasan's principal disciple, ^ Shahristani explains this word later. li X. RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT 443 whose teachings were adopted by a large body of people — Abu Abdullah Mohammed bin Karram, " whom we count as one of the Sifatias." This man maintained that the Divine attributes were distinct from His Essence, that God can be perceived by eyesight, and that He creates human actions from time to time as He wills. No account of al-Asha'ri's teachings would be complete without a reference to Ibn 'Asakir's work.^ Shahristani in his resume of the Asha'rite doctrines maintains a philosophical and judicial attitude. Ibn 'Asakir, on the other hand, makes no pretence of holding an even balance between contending schools. To him, as to Asha'ri, the doctrines of the Rationalists are rank heresy ; and he denounces their teachings with uncompromising violence. His exposition, however, of al-Asha'ri's emphatic rule that the dogmas of the Faith must be accepted by the orthodox, without questioning, helps us to understand the tendencies which were set in motion at an early stage of Moslem development, and which eventually succeeded in arresting the progress of Moslem nations and paralysing, in the course of centuries, their intellectual energy. AU questioning was declared to be an impiety and an unfor- givable sin, whilst the spirit of inquiry was held to be a manifestation of the devil. " God," says the Koran, " sees all things " ; therefore, it was assumed, He must have eyes, and the beUever must accept it hila kaifa, without " why or wherefore " ; — thus reasoned al- Asha'ri, and thus has reasoned his school through all ages. Two hundred and fifty years separate al-Asha'ri from his distinguished exponent and apologist. Within this period of time, Islam had undergone a great change. Until al-Asha'ri started his new school of dogmatic theology, the struggle for ascendancy was confined between Rationalism on one side and Patristicism on the other. Al-Asha'ri supplied the latter with a weapon it had never possessed before. As Ibn 'Asakir 1 Abil-Kasim Ali bin al-Hasan b. Hibat-ullah, b. Abdullah bin al-Hasan Ali Shafe'i, surnamed Ibn 'Asakir, famous for his monumental work on the history of Damascus, was born in 499 a.h., died 571 a. 11. He was a rigid Shafe'ite and a violent partisan of al-Asha'ri, whom he regarded as a renovator and foremost champion of Islam. Ibn 'Asakir's work is called The Exposure by al-Imam Hasan al-Asha'ri of Mischievous Untruths. 444 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. remarks, " al-Asha'ri was the first orthodox dialectician,^ who reasoned with the Rationahsts and other heretics according to their own principles of logic." As an attempted compromise between Rationalism and Patristicism, between " orthodoxy " and " heterodoxy," his doctrines found a ready acceptance among the extreme theologians and divines, who saw in his system the means for overthrowing Rationalism from the pinnacle of power and influence which it had attained in the enlightened reigns of al-Mamun and his two immediate suc- cessors. Rationalism was also favoured by the earlier Buyides, and, under their auspices and encouragement, its influence had become paramount in Mid- Asia. " The power of the Mu'tazila," says Ibn 'Asakir, " was very great in Irak until the time of Fenakhusru " ('Azud-ud-Dowla).^ In his reign Asha'rism first found favour at Court and graduaUy spread among all classes. Up to the middle of the fifth century of the Hegira it was often confounded with Mu'tazilaism, which al-Asha'ri had professed until his dramatic secession. His disciples appear even to have been subjected to some per- secution at the hands of the sects who claimed the special privilege of orthodoxy. Under Sultan Tughril, the founder of the Seljukide dynasty, the followers of al-Asha'ri were suspected of unorthodoxy, and had to undergo proscription and exile. The Sultan himself was a follower of Imam Abii Hanifa and professed Hanafite orthodoxy. He had given orders for public imprecation on heretics from the pulpits of the mosques. According to Ibn 'Asakir, his vizier,^ who was a Mu'tazili, included the Asha'rites in the imprecation, and started a persecution of the * Mutakallim bi'lisan. - Al-Malik Fenakhusru reigned as the Mayor of the Palace from 367-372 a.h. Ibn 'Asakir tells the story of how Fenakhusru, after attending one of the " Assemblies of the learned " which were held in the house of the Chief Kazi, who was a Mu'tazili, found that there was not a single Asha'rite in their midst. On being told that there was no learned Asha'rite in Bagdad, he pressed the Judge to invite some from outside. It was at his instance, it is stated, that Ibn al-Bakillani, one of the principal disciples of al-Asha'ri, was summoned to Bagdad. To him Fenakhusru confided the education of his sons. Whether this story be true or not, the period of 'Azud-ud-Dowla's reign fixes the date of the rise of the Star of Asha'rism. ^ Abu Nasr Mansur Kunduri, surnamed 'Amid ul-Mulk. X. RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT 445 most prominent Imams and doctors among the disciples of al-Asha'ri. The cloud under which Asha'rism laboured in the reign of j Tughril Beg lifted on his death, and with the accession of Alp i Arslan and the rise of Nizam ul-Mulk, " who favoured the I adherents of the Sunnat," Asha'rism became the dominant I sect. " He recalled the exiles, covered them with honours, i opened colleges and schools in their names." Thus one of the j most generous patrons of learning among the Moslems uncon- sciously allied himself to a tendency to which, more largely than any other cause, the sterilisation of the intellectual energies of the Moslems is due. Ibn 'Asakir's account of the progress of Asha'rism is enthusiastic. From Irak it spread into Syria and Egypt under the Ayyubides ^ and Mamelukes ; from Irak also it was carried into Western Africa by Ibn Tumart,^ and it took firm root in j the Maghrib (Morocco). "There remained no other sect in I Islam, excepting some followers of Ibn Hanbal and some : partisans of Abu Hanifa, to compete with the adherents of I al-Asha'ri." " Ahmed bin Hanbal and al-Asha'ri were in ; perfect harmony," says Ibn 'Asakir, " in their religious opinions and did not differ in any particular, in the funda- : mental doctrines and in tlie acceptance of the authority of the Traditions." " This is the reason," he continues, " why the Hanbalites relied from always and at all times on the ' Asha'rites against the heterodox, as they were the only dialec- ticians among the orthodox." j To throw into relief the cardinal principles of al-Asha'ri's ! teachings, Ibn 'Asakir places in juxtaposition the opinions held by different sects. After mentioning various other sects, he gives an account, in i the words of al-Asha'ri, of the Mu'tazilite doctrines (" in which they have strayed from the right path "). He tells us that the Mu'tazilas repudiate the notion that God can be seen by the corporeal sight, or that the Almighty has any similitude to human beings ; or that there will be a corporeal resurrection on the Day of Account. " They repudiate also," he says, 1 Saladin and his successors. - The founder of the Almohade dynasty in north-west Africa. 446 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii " the doctrine of pains and penalties {'Azdb) ^ in the grave,' nor do they beheve in the intercession (Shafd'at) of the Prophet they hold that human sins can only be forgiven or remitted b} Divine Mercy, and that neither His mercy nor justice can b( influenced or deflected by human intercession ; they beheve that the Koran is created and revealed to the Prophel and that the " law has been announced according to humar needs." After stating the Mu'tazilite doctrines Ibn 'Asakir proceed; to give in detail the creed of al-Asha'ri. They are twenty-fouii in number, but to show the theological attitude of al-Asha'r and his sharp difference with rationalistic Islam it is sufiiciem to refer only to a few. After the confession of Faith, regarding the unity of God and the messengership of the Prophet in which all Islam is agreed, the Asha'rite creed proceeds thus : — " We declare that Paradise and HeU are true, that the arriva of the Hour of Judgment is certain, and that without doub' God will raise the dead from their graves ; that God will appea: to human sight on the Day of Judgment.^ We declare that th< word of God {i.e. the Koran), and every part thereof, i: uncreated : that there is nothing on earth, neither good no: bad, which does not come into existence but by the will of God that nothing, in fact, comes into being unless He wishes. W( beheve that God the Almighty knows the acts of His servant: and their ends and consequences, as well as those which do nc come to pass. We beheve that human actions owe thei: origin to His will and are determined in advance by Him ; tha- man has no power to originate or create anything by himsel {i.e. without God's help). That man is incapable of obtaining by himself that which is good for his soul, or avoiding tha' which is harmful, except by the will of God." The Asha'rite creed then goes on thus : — " We believe ir the intercession of the Prophet, and that God will redeem froir 1 The meaning of 'Azab will become clearer later on. 2 It is believed that on the third day after burial the grave is visitec by two angels named Munkir and Nakir, who raise the dead to Ufe by blow: from their batons, and interrogate him as to his or her past life and recon the answers in a register. They act as a sort of Jt^& v-^^^ii) ; whilst their opponents (cJJi^^ iLih) upheld the literal acceptance [of the verses of the Koran and of the traditions] partly from motives of bigotry and partly from policy ; prohibited all interpretations, and pronounced the interpretations of the Mu'tazilas and all their opinions as heresy ( •jvsc^j ), and designated the Mu'tazilas heretics ( ^<^j^ ), and considered themselves in opposition to them [the Mu'tazilas] as ahl-i- Sunnat wa-Janid'at. ... So much so, that many of them have fallen into the sin of thinking God to be a material being, all of them are immersed in that of anthropomorphism. — And this has happened of their shutting the door upon all interpretations; they have construed in their literal acceptation, the verse that ' He is seated on the Throne,' and such like, and the traditions as to ii^jj) (the sight of God) until they derived tajsim (corporeaUty) from one, and tashbih (similarity, or anthropo- morphism) from the other. These people had at first no method of reasoning or putting forward of logical arguments ; they relied only on the hteral words of the Koran and traditions until the appearance of Abu'l Hasan Asha'ri, who was a prominent disciple of Abu AH Jubbai, one of the learned Imams of the Mu'tazilas. Abu'l Hasan had acquired great knowledge 1 Of this sovereign it is said that he was as tolerant to all religions as his great ancestor Abbas I. He often declared the principle by which his conduct on this point was regulated : " It is for God, not for me, to judge of men's consciences : and I will never interfere with what belongs to the tribunal of the great Creator and Lord of the Universe." X. RATIONALISTIC AND PHILOSOPHICAL SPIRIT 453 off logic J^and argumentation. He abandoned the Mazhab-i- 'itizdl, and] adopted that of the Ahl-i-Sunnat lea-Jamd'at and made great endeavours to advance the cause of this sect, which up to his time^had no influence whatsoever. Henceforth it began to be called after him . He invented principles and rules according to'the^Mu'tazilite^models. . . . And as the tyrannical sovereigns found 'that the doctrines of this Mazhah suited their policy, iy^. cJ^T J^-^o c>»V< o'-^'I v*^-" '^I^J *^ c)'^^ fJ^J <^\s.\^^y} ^y:^ ii^j\ J \ki^ they supported this sect ; and so Asha'rism spread widely among the Ahl-i-Isldm. But, as the doctrines of the Mu'tazilas (Jj-j^i^i_ji) were founded on the principles of reason ( *i^a^ J***' ), they found acceptance among a large number of the true-hearted people .(Axs.^; J=- v>^f>i jo,V And as the Mu'tazilas had studied deeply the philosophical and scientific works, they introduced arguments borrowed from them in the discussion of metaphysical and theological subjects. And when the Asha'ris became aware of this, as they considered everything which was not contained in the bosom of Islam a heresy — Ao>j*i-«>'i.> ^ci-i tb^} j^*.*.* -^^ ;*>>^o;4 ^^y^, they at once pronounced the study of philosophy (^t-sa. j^i^ AAiik«) to be unlawful and dangerous. It was owing to the endeavours of this sect that philosophy became so unpopular among the Ahl-i- Isldm as to affect even the learned of the Mu'tazilas. But the Asha'rta were the originators of this antagonism to philosophy, for, otherwise, it is in truth in no way inconsistent with religion or the mysteries O'-^-O . of the Koran and traditions. . . . The prophets and their representatives ^•'r'O.'J have ex- plained the truths of philosophy which are Divine by tamsil, similitudes." ... " With regard to the freedom of human actions, there are three Mazhahs : the first is the doctrine of Jahr, and that is the Mazhah of the Asha'rias ; they hold that the actions of man are immediately created by God without any exercise of will on the part of human beings — so much so, that if a person lights a fire, the lighting is said to be an act of God." Then after exposing the immorality of this doctrine, the author proceeds to say, " the second Mazhah, that of tafwiz, was adopted by a few Mu'tazilas, who held that man has absolute power to choose what is right and what is wrong, and 454 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM n. do accordingly. The third is the Mazhah of the Fatimide Imams, and the majority of the philosophers and rationahsts who maintain that human actions are the immediate creations of man, but evil and good are pointed out by God." . . . We cannot help contrasting the present condition of the Church which claims to be orthodox in Christendom with that of the one which advances a similar claim in Islam. From the fourth century, ever since its foundation, until the revolt of Luther, Catholicism proved itself the mortal enemy of science, philosophy, and learning. It consigned to the flames myriads of beings for heresy ; it trampled out the hspings of free- thought in Southern France : and closed with violence the schools of rational theology. But CathoHcism, after the great break of Luther and Calvin, discovered that neither the cultiva- tion of science nor the pursuit of philosophy renders the faithful an unbehever. It broadened its base and now includes men of the largest minds, scientists, litterateurs, etc. To an outsider it presents a more liberal aspect than even the Reformed Christian Churches. For five centuries Islam assisted in the free intellectual development of humanity, but a reactionary movement then set in, and all at once the whole stream of human thought was altered. The cultivators of science and philosophy were pronounced to be beyond the pale of Islam. Is it impossible for the Sunni Church to take a lesson from the Church of Rome ? Is it impossible for her to expand similarly — to become many-sided ? There is nothing in Mohammed's teachings which prevents this. Islamic Protestantism, in one of its phases, — Mu'tazilaism, — has already paved the way. Why should not the great Sunni Church shake off the old trammels and rise to a new life ? CHAPTER XI THE MYSTICAL AND IDEALISTIC SPIRIT IN ISLAM THE mystical philosophy which forms the life and soul of modern Persian literature owes its distinct origin to the esoteric significance attached by an important section of Moslems to the words of the Koran. The elevated feehng of Divine pervasion with which the Prophet often spoke, the depth of fervent and ecstatic rapture which characterised his devotions, constitute the chief basis on which Moslem mysticism is founded. During his lifetime, when the per- formance of duties was placed before religious speculation, there was little scope for the full development of the con- templative and mystical element in Islam. This mystical and contemplative element exists in all religions and among every people. And yet it varies with the peculiarities of the indi- vidual and the race, and according to their tendency to confound the abstract with the concrete. The Hindu looks on absorption of the finite into the Infinite as the culmination of happiness ; and to attain that end he remains immovable in one spot, and resigns himself to complete apathy. The sense of infinity makes it difficult for him to distinguish objectively between the priest and the God, or himself and the God ; and eventually between the Deity and the different forms of nature in which He is supposed to be manifested. Gradually this train of contemplation leads to the formal conclusion, as appears from the Bhagavad Gita, that Creator and creation are identical. We see thus how curiously pan- theism, in its extreme manifestation, approaches to fetishism, 455 456 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii., which preceded every other idea of the Divinity. In it infancy the human mind knows no spiritual sentiment bi one of unmixed terror. The primeval forests, which the hanj of man has not yet touched, the stupendous mountains loomn in the distance, the darkness of the night, with the grim, weiri shapes which hover about it, the howling of the wind througj the forest tops, all inspire fear and awe in the infant mind man. He worships every material object he finds mor| powerful or more awe-striking than himself or his immediat surroundings. Gradually he comes to attach an ideahty tl all these objects of nature, and thinks these idealities worthj of adoration. In process of time all these separate idealitif merge in one universal all-embracing Ideahty. Materiahsti pantheism is the first step in the rise from fetishism. Neo-Platonism, itself the child of Eastern thought, hal impressed its character on Christianity, and probably give| rise to the eucharistic idea. With the exception of Johanne Scotus and Eckhart,^ the mystics of Europe during the Middl Ages fought only on this ground. Mysticism, properly sd called, with its higher yearning after the Infinite, was ushere in by the Moslem doctrine of " inward light." The idea among the nobler minds in the world of Islar that there is a deeper and more inward sense in the wore of the Koran, arose not from the wish to escape from the rigoi of " texts and dogmas," but from a profound conviction tha| those words mean more, not less, than the popular expounder supposed them to convey. This conviction, combined with deep feeling of Divine pervasion, — a feeling originating froi and in perfect accordance with the teachings of the Koran am the instructions of the Prophet, led to the developmeni among the Moslems of that contemplative or idealistii philosophy which has received the name of Sufism, and th| spread of which, among the Mohammedans, was probably*' assisted by the prevalence of Neo-Platonic ideas. Imam al-Ghazzali in the East, and Ibn-Tufail in the West, were the two great representatives of mysticism among the Moslems. The former, as we have already seen, dissatisfied with every philosophical system, which based knowledge on experience 1 1260-1328 A.C. XI. THE MYSTICAL AND IDEALISTIC SPIRIT 457 or reason, had taken refuge in Sufism. Al-Ghazzali's influence served greatly to promote the diffusion of Sufism among the Eastern Moslems, and idealistic philosophy was embraced by the greatest intellects of the Mohammedan East. Moulana Jalal ud-din of Rum (Turkey), whose Masnavi ^ is venerated by the Sufi ; Sanai, whom Jalal ud-din himself has called his superior ; 2 Farid ud-din Attar, Shams ud-din Haliz, Khakani, the moralist Sa'di, the romancer Nizami, — all belonged to this school. It must not be supposed that al-Ghazzali was the first preacher of " inward light " in Islam. Intuitive knowledge of God (ta'armf) is inherent in the Faith. The intent {niyyet) of " approach " {kurhat) to and communion with Him is the essential preliminary to true devotion ; the " Ascension " (the mi'rdj) of the Prophet meant the absolute communion of the finite with the Infinite. Not only does God speak to the hearts of men and women who in earnest sincerity seek divine help and guidance, but all knowledge is from the Supreme Intelligence ; it comes to the Prophets by direct revelation ( c^i ) and often " The sacrament of the heart " is conveyed by Him to His chosen few, " fi-sirraf-kalbi, (^^ kr^/(J'' , without an intermediary. This in Islam is called 'Ilmi-ladunni.^ It is referred to in the Koran, where it says, " We taught him [His chosen servant] knowledge from Ourself." * The same conception of intimate communion with God occurs in the well-known hadis, where the Almighty says, " My earth and My heaven contain Me not, but the heart of My faithful servant containeth Me," ^ And the Divine promise finds a responsive note in the human heart when it is uplifted ^ One of the apologues of the Masnavi on true devotion being the service 0/ man, has been beautifully rendered into English by Leigh Hunt in the lines beginning — " Abou ben Adhem (may his tribe increase) Awoke one night from a deep dream of peace," etc. ' See Appendix III. Ci'c^*(^ * Koran, Sura xviii. v. 65, l^t^'^ jt^ 3 * See Appendix II. Also quoted by Dr. Reynold Nicholson of Cambridge in his Mystics of Islam. This work, by a scholar whose knowledge of Suti literature is unrivalled in Europe, gives in a small compass a lucid summary of Persian mysticism. 458 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. j" in prayer : " The Almighty God hears whatever prayers [lit. praises) I offer Him. O my Lord, I thank Thee." ^ The same transcendentaUsm is to be found in other traditions ; and AH discourses on the inward Hght in his sermons ; ^ Fatima'-t az-Zahra, " our Lady of Light," dwells on it in her preachings ; ^ and it finds ecstatic expression in the prayers of the grandson of Ali, the son of Husain the Martyr.* But nowhere in these earliest records of the concep- tion of " Inward Light " is there any ground for the suggestion that either the Prophet or the direct inheritors of his spiritual heritage ever preached the abandonment of the affairs of the world in the pursuit of Truth, or the observance of asceticism which he so strongly reprobated.^ And that is exactly what has happened in the evolution of Moslem esotericism. In the endeavour to obtain spiritual perfection ^ numbers of Moslems have forgotten the precept that human existence depends on constant exertion. How this has taken place is not without interest. The mystic cult neither in Christianity nor in Islam is a new * The Nahj-ul-Baldghat. There are two commentaries on the Nahj-ul- Baldghat, one bv Ibn Abi'l Hadid, the other in Persian by Lutf UUah Kashani. The full name of Ibn Abi'l Hadid is given in the editorial note to the Shark as " Abu Hamid Abdul Hamid bin Hibatullah bin Mohammed bin Mohammed bin Husain bin Abi'l Hadid." He was born at Madain in the month of Zu'l Hijja 586 a.h. (December 1190 a.c). He was a Mu'tazili and a Shiah, and those designations are applied to him in the note. He was a jurisconsult of the first rank, profoundly versed {mutabahhir) in science and learning, a mutakallim (dialectician) and a poet ; and was attached to the Chancellery (the Diwdn) under the Caliphs Nasir and Zahir. Ibn Khallikan (De Slane, vol. iii. p. 543, in the biography of Zia-ud-din Ibn ul-Athir) speaks of him as the " jurisconsult Izz-ud-din and a man of letters " ; but does not mention Ibn Abi'l Hadid's great work, the Commentary on the Nahj-ul-Baldghat ; nor the fact that he was a Mu'tazili and a Shiah. Ibn Abi'l Hadid refutes at the beginning of his work, where he propounds the human duty of thankfulness and worship to the Almighty, the Asha'ri doctrine 1 of the corporeal vision of God on the day of Judgment {r'uyat ul-Bdri fi'l Akhirat). Ibn Abi'l Hadid died at Bagdad in a.h. 655 (1257 a.c), the year before its destruction by the Mongols (Persian Ed., date apparently 1304 a.h.). 8 Lutn'ai-ul-Baiza. * Sahifai Kdmila. ■' The Prophet and the early disciples spent " the greater part of the night in devotion ; and their days in transacting the affairs of the people." So did Omar ibn Abdul Aziz, the fifth Ommeyyade Caliph, who deserved the title of saint more than many others. « To become what in Sufi phraseology is called a " perfect man," " ins&ni kdmil." XI. THE MYSTICAL AND IDEALISTIC SPIRIT 459 development. It existed in the Roman world and was not unknown to the Jews. In Aryan India, it practically ran riot and was cultivated in every form. From India it was trans- ported into Western and Central Asia, where it assumed from time to time most fantastic shapes. Wherever it was planted it implied the abandonment of all commerce with the outside world, the renunciation of family ties and obligations, and the concentration of the human mind on one object to the exclusion of all others. This, in fact, represents the essence of the mystic cult. The call of Jesus was an echo of the world-old teaching of the Mystic. The Prophet of Islam, on the other hand, emphasised the faithful performance of the less impressive duty, the service of man, as the most acceptable worship to God. His call was the direct antithesis of the older con- ceptions. Unfortunately, the convulsions that followed on the break- up ot the original and true Caliphate with the assassination of Ah,i the sack of Medina with all its attendant horrors, and the pagan licence which came into vogue in social life under the more dissolute Ommeyyade sovereigns of Damascus, drove many earnest-minded Moslems to take refuge in retirement and religion. From piety there is only a step to Quietism. Thence- forward the evolution of the mystical cult runs a natural course. The adoption of the distinctive woollen garment (the khirka) as a mark of penitence and renunciation of the world dates from early times. ^ The Sufi theory of spiritual development is based on complete self-abnegation and absolute absorption in the contemplation of God. The Sufi believes that by this absorption and mental concentration ^ he can attain a far ^ See ante, p. 296 ; also Short History of the Saracens, pp. 52 and 70. ^ In Christianity garments made of sackcloth or hair served the same purpose. The Khirka is a sort of gaberdine like a long pillow-case. The Sufi derives his name from the woollen garment he wears, the word silf meaning wool. The term siifi has no connection either with the ahl-us-Suffa, the religious men who were wont to sit and sleep outside the Prophet's mosque and receive daily their food from him, nor with the Ikhwdn-us-Safa, "The Brethren of Purity." ' It is stated that Abu Sa'id bin Abi'l Khair who also holds a high place in Sufi hagiology, kept his mind, like the Hindu yogis, centred on his navel. An excellent biography of Abu Sa'id bin Abi'l Khair is given in Dr. Nicholson's Studies in Islamic Mysticism, published by the Cambridge University Press ; see also Professor E. G. Browne's Literary History of Persia. He is said to have been a contemporary of Avicenna. He died in 1049. 46o THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM il. f closer communion with the Divinity and a truer cognition of the Truth. This belief, whilst it no doubt led many pious and devout men and women to consecrate their lives to rehgion, produced at the same time a rank growth of fantastic ideas. Ah the Caliph and the Imams of his House are regarded as having possessed in a superlative degree the " Inward Know-Bj' ledge." Abu Nasr as-Sarraj, in his work al-Luma' on the" philosophy of Sufism,^ quoting Junaid ^ says, that had Ali not been occupied in so many wars, he would have imparted to the world the vast measure of the 'Ilm-ul-ladunni ^ with which he was endowed.* And in the Tazkirat-nl-Awlia^ of Farid-ud-din 'Attar « the first place in the hst of mystic saints is given to Ja'far as-Sadik, the sixth apostolical Imam. It is worthy of note that in the case of almost every Sufi saint the line of spiritual descent is traced back to AH and through , him to the Prophet.' A few only trace it to Abu Bakr. The holy men and women who flourished in the first two centuries were more Quietists than Sufis. They had abandoned the world and devoted themselves exclusively to devotion and piety {zuhd and takwa). Such were Imam Hasan al-Basri,* '^Al-Luma' fi-tasawwuf ; tasawwtif is the philosophy of Sufism. Thel Luma' of as-Sarraj has been recently edited with great care and erudition by| the learned author of Studies in Islamic Mysticism. According to Nur-ud- din Abdur Rahman Jami {Nafahclt-ul-Uns, Calcutta ed. p. 319) as-Sarrajj occupies an eminent position among the Sufi saints. He appears also fromi J ami's account to have been a proficient mathematician, versed in the abstract sciences. As-Sarraj died in 378 a.h. (988 a.c), nearly 100 years beforet al-Ghazzali. '■ ' ^Al-Luma', p. 129. Junaid was one of the earliest mystics of Islam ; he died A.H. 297 (a.c. 910). He is stated to have declared that " the Sfifi system of doctrine is firmly bound with the dogmas of the Faith and the Koran " (Ibn Khallikan). * The Indian poet Dabir calls Ali the " Knower of the mysteries of God,"^. ramtizddn-i-Khnda. ^ Biography of the Saints. * See ante, p. 396 ; 'Attar was born in 545 a.h. (1150 a.c), and is beheved to have been killed by the Mongols in 627 a.h. (1229-30 a.c). ' See post. * Wasil bin 'Ata, the founder of Mu'tazilaism, was a pupil of Hasan Basri. Imam Hasan Basri died in a.h. iio (a.c. 728). II XL THE MYSTICAL AND IDEALISTIC SPIRIT 461 Ibrahim ibn Adham/ Ma'ruf Karkhi,- Junaid,^ Rabi'a/ the pious lady whose name has become famous in the annals of Islam, Bayezid Bistami and a host of others. In the third century when Junaid flourished, Sufism had become a recog- nised offshoot of Islamic philosophy, but owing to the scope it afforded to indulgence in undiscipHned thought, Sufism began to assume in different minds distinctly non-Islamic shapes. Abu Nasr as-Sarraj denounces the erratic tendencies which now emerged from the welter of old ideas and conceptions. Some of the professors of the mystic cult anticipated Johannes Agricola in declaring that perfect knowledge absolved the " knower " from all trammels of the moral law.^ As-Sarraj was the predecessor of al-Ghazzali in his endeavour to systematise Sufistic philosophy. In spite of his efforts to shape Sufism into a disciplined channel, it still continued to run in the old gnostic and often antinomian currents. And yet throughout the five centuries which elapsed between the death of the Prophet and the rise of Al-Ghazzali there flourished numbers of men and women revered for their learning, piety and nobleness of character. One of these was the famous Imam-ul-Haramain, the master of al-Ghazzali. To Imam al-Ghazzali eastern Sufism owes in a large measure its systematisation and most of the colour and beauty in which it is clothed. His appearance on the stage of the world was well-timed ; for the Sunni Church, owing to causes which I propose to review briefly, needed vitahsation. ' Abu Ishak Ibrahim ibn Adham ibn Mansur is spoken of in the TazkiraU ul-Awlia as the son of a prince of Balkh. His father appears to have been a rich magnate. He abandoned the world, gave all his riches to the poor and lived a life of piety and devotion. He is said to have been a disciple of Abu Hanifa. He died in i6i a.h. ^Ma'riif Karkhi was the son of a Christian; he was converted to Islam by the eighth Apostolical Imam Ali ar-Riza the son of Imam Musa. He was Imam Riza's disciple. The Imam was greatly attached to him and treated him as a son, from which comes the saying " Ali Milsi Riza az-tvai-raza Md." Ma'ruf was killed in a riot at the gate of the Imam's residence in Meshed , ^ In Junaid's time already convents and congregational lodges had come into existence. * Rabi'a died in the year i6o a.h., and her name is embalmed in the annals of mysticism as one of the holiest of saints. She had a long line of successors ; the last of them, Bibi Pakdaman, died in Lahore about the middle or towards the end of the last century. ^ These Sufis or dervishes in India are called Be Shara' — " without law." 462 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM 11^ Al-Asha'ri died in 320 of the Hegira ; al-Ghazzali was born exactly 130 years later, towards the close of the fifth century of the Moslem era, and began his work of revivification when he was forty years of age. The sixth century was the most critical in the history of Islam. Whilst the faith of Mohammed was involved in a deadly struggle with Christendom which threatened its very existence, an insidious enemy within its own bosom was poisoning its life. Hasan Sabbah's tenets inculcated imphcit and unquestioning obedience to him as the vicegerent of the Fatimide Caliph Nizar, commonly regarded by the sect as the incarnate Imam ; he taught that the " path " to Truth led to and through him. His disciples, drugged by hashish, obtained on awakening a foretaste of the delights he promised them in after-life as the reward for their obedience and unfaltering execution of his orders. Beautiful maidens gathered from every quarter helped in fastening his chains on the neck of his votaries. His emissaries, actuated by varied motives, but all subject to an irresistible driving force, abounded in: every city, township and village of Central and Western Asia. Every household contained a concealed member of the! dread fraternity. Neither heroic service to the Faith, norj learning, devoutness or nobihty of character was a protection! against these nihihsts of Islam. ^ The best and noblest of' Moslems were struck down by these enemies of society. Their propaganda was not confined among Moslems alone. Jews, Christians, Zoroastrians and Hindus alike became the victims! of their insidious methods of proselytism. Both men and" women, and even children, were seduced from their faith by| alluring hopes of immediate reward from Heaven. To con-i tend against these enemies of Islam it had become essentials to galvanise the conservative forces into fresh vitality. Whilst ', Asha'rism had hardened into a rigid formalism, among the, populace the cult of the mystic had run wild. Every man or ' woman who found the discipline of the Faith irksome turned' ^ Compare the destructive tendencies of Hasan Sabbah's cult with those of the Illuminati in the eighteenth century. Professor E. G. Browne in his Literary History of Persia gives a list of some of the eminent men who fell victims to the daggers of the Isma'ilis. See also the opening chapter in M.^Guyard's Un Grand Maitre des Assassins au Temps de Saladin ; and the life" of Hasan Sabbah by Moulvi Abdul Halim in Urdu, published in Lucknow. XI. THE MYSTICAL AND IDEALISTIC SPIRIT 463 to Sufism, to a life independent of rules. Philosophical reasoning brought no immediate reHef or consolation to minds in terror from enemies within and without. There was a general relaxation in ethical conceptions and an amazing deterioration in ideals. It was just at this critical period in the life of Islam that al-Ghazzali's call to a mystical life in God, and to the attainment of truth by the individual soul in direct communion with the Almighty, struck a responsive chord in many distracted hearts. It relaxed the tension and gave orthodoxy a new weapon with which to fight the dis- ruptive teachings of Hasan Sabbah's emissaries.^ It is a dispensation of Providence that wherever a religion becomes reduced to formalism cross-currents set in to restore spiritual vitaUty. The author of The Foremnners and Rivals of Christianity enumerates the men, each of whom, according to his Hght, tried to vitalise the old creed of Palestine. But it was the Prophet of Nazareth who, by his mystical summons to the worship of the Spirit in place of the national God of Israel, infused new life into Judaism. Al-Ghazzali was preceded by other intuitionalists besides the Apostolical Imams. Immediately before him came as- Sarraj and al-Kushairi.^ But al-Ghazzali set the coping stone upon their work, and freed the Sunni church from Asha'rite dogmatism. The story of al-Ghazzali's life told by himself, of his trials and tribulations, of his doubts and his hopes, of his final emergence from " darkness into light," is an interesting record of spiritual growth finally ending in Quietism, a form of spiritual relief which brings solace and comfort to many a heart tossed on the ocean of doubt. Al-Ghazzali ^ was born in 450 of the Hegira (1058 a.c.) at ^ In Professor Goldziher's learned chapter on " Ascetism et Sufism " in Le Dogme et la lot ds V Islam, which I read only after I had sent this chapter to the press, I find that my estimate of the causes which brought forward al-Ghazzali is in general accord with the views of that eminent scholar ; compare also the masterly essay of Professor D. B. Macdonald in the Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. xx. * AI-Kushairi (Abu'l Kasim) died in 465 a.h. (a.c. 1074). ^ Aba Hamid Mohammed al-Ghazzali surnamed, says Ibn Khallikan, Hujjat-ul-Islam, "the Proof of Islam," and Zain iid-din, "the ornament of Religion." 464 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. Tus/ a township in the neighbourhood of Meshed in Khorasan. He must have been gifted with a peculiarly virile and inde- pendent mind, for, as he tells us in the Munkiz, he had aban- doned in early youth that test of orthodoxy in all creeds caUed taklid or conformity. To abandon taklid and strike out a path for the exercise of individual judgment in the domain of religious thought has been in all ages and in aU creeds regarded by dogmatic theologians as a sin of the first degree. Orthodoxy in the Sunni Church meant conformity with the principles of one or other of the founders of the four schools of law. Ghazzali, with an audacity which demands admiration, refused to adhere to any particular dogma without independent examina- tion. ^ But as he always called himself ash-Shafe'i', he must have conformed more or less to the doctrines of that school. Ibn Khallikan, in fact, says al-Ghazzali was a doctor of the Shafe'i sect. " Towards the close of his life the Shafe'is had not a doctor to be compared to him." In the twentieth year of his age al-Ghazzali proceeded from Tus to Naishapur, a great centre of learning until its destruction by the Mongols in 1256 A.c. Here he enrolled himself in the Nizamieh College, which had been founded only a few years before, as a pupil of the Imam ul-Haramain al-Juwaini. Al-Ghazzali studied with this saintly Imam until his death in 478 a.h. (1084 a.c). Al-Ghazzali was then in his twenty-eighth year ; ambitious, energetic, weU-versed in all the learning of the Islamic world, he betook himself to the court of Nizam-ul-Mulk,^ the great Vizier of the Seljukide sovereign MaUk Shah. Nizam-ul-Mulk by his munificent patronage of scholarship, science and arts, had gathered round him a brilliant galaxy of savants and learned men. He recognised the worth of the new aspirant for his help and support, and after a short probation in his own 1 Tus is also the birthplace of Firdousi, the greatest of Persian poets. Meshed, properly Mashhad (mausoleum), is venerated by the Shiahs as the eighth Apostolical Imam Ali bin Musa ar-Riza is buried there. * It is only in recent times that a new sect has grown up among the Moslems of India, which bears the proud name of ' Ghair Mtikallid ' {" Non-confor- mists "), see ante, p. 353. 3 Abu Ali al-Hasan, also a native of Tus. He is the author of the Sidsat- Ndmeh, a book on the administration of the commonwealth — " the art of government." The text of this work in the original Persian with a French translation has been published by the late M. Ch. Schefer. XI. THE MYSTICAL AND IDEALISTIC SPIRIT 465 entourage conferred on al-Ghazzali a professorial seat in one of the colleges in Bagdad. Nothing shows so clearly the extra- ordinary solidarity of the intellectual world of Islam nor the link throughout the vast extent of the territories over which the Seljukide sovereigns in the plenitude of their power held sway as the manner in which officials of every rank, including professors and lecturers, were transferred from one centre to another. In Bagdad al-Ghazzali performed his professorial duties for six years. His lectures attracted pupils of all classes from every part of the Empire to hear his discourses on scholastic theology and logic. Towards the end of 488 a.h. (1095 A.c.) he was compelled to leave Bagdad in consequence of a severe nervous breakdown. The very subjects on which he lectured strengthened his doubts in the teachings of the schoolmen and divines of his Church. Asha'ri had emerged from his retreat after a fortnight's contemplation of the comparative virtues of Rationalism and Patristicism. It took ten years for al-Ghazzali to find the resting-place for his soul. That rest he found, as he tells us himself, in the Master's words read in the light of the revelation which the Fashioner of the Universe vouchsafes to all hearts that seek Him. During his prolonged wanderings he visited every centre of learning and every scholastic or religious institution, where he found scholars or holy men engaged in the pursuit of knowledge, secular or divine. Al-Ghazzali was in Jerusalem just before the crusad- ing storm burst on that devoted city (Sha'ban 492).^ He seems to have tarried longest at Damascus, where he lectured in a corner of the cathedral mosque situated on the west bank of the river. The cloister he occupied in the mosque is still called the Zdvia of Imam al-GhazzdU. When he returned to Naishapur after his long wandering, he was forty-eight years of age, still in the prime of life, worn and scarred, though he had found what he sought — the knowledge of God and peace of soul. His great and generous patron, Nizam-ul-Mulk, had been assassinated by an Isma'ih Fiddi, one of Hasan Sabbah's emissaries, in 485 a.h. (1092 a.c), whilst al-Ghazzali was still lecturing in Bagdad. Malik Shah had died six months after ^ He is said to have visited in his wanderings even Alexandria. S.l. 2 G 466 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii the assassination of his faithful servant, the bulwark of hi: empire. Sultan Sanjar, one of Malik Shah's sons, now reignec over the shrunken patrimony of Tughril and Alp Arslan, anc Fakhr-ul-Mulk, a son of Nizam-ul-Mulk, held at this time tht office of Vizier under Sanjar. As great a patron of learning a: his distinguished father, Fakhr-ul-Mulk at once requisitionec the services of Ghazzali and appointed him to a high professoria post in the Maimunieh-Nizamieh College ^ at Naishapur. Heri commenced that marvellous activity of a pro]ific mind whic] has left its impress on the emotional and mystical side o Islam. The Mtmkiz-min-az-Zaldl (" The deliverer from darkness ") was evidently written about this time. In this book, whicl is not more than a discourse, he divides the " seekers of truth ' [at-tdlihin) into three classes or groups (sinf). The first grou] consists of the dogmatic theologians (the Ashar'ite Mutakal limtn). These people base their conceptions on " deductions ' (rdi) and speculation {nazar) . Their unsatisfactory dogmatisn is ruled out in rather a measured criticism. In the secon( group are included the Batinis or Isma'iHas,^ those wh« profess to derive their knowledge from a " living Imam.' After an examination of the views of the philosophers, amoni whom are included the authors of the Ikhwdn-us-Safd, " whicl is no more than a compilation of philosophy," al-Ghazzal subjects the teachings of the Ta'limis, that is the Isma'ilias to a merciless criticism and exposes their anti-Islamic char acter. To their assertion that they follow a living Imam he replies, " There is the Prophet, why should we follow an other leader."* And he adds that these misbelieving heretic would not have met with so much success among the people had their opponents (implying the dogmatists) not been s remiss and feeble in their arguments. In the fourth grou- 1 The old Nizami^h College appears to have been extended and enlarge, by Fakhr-ul-Mulk, and received the new designation. J'uIjj^^^^j;.* Printed with Schmolder's Essai sur les Jtcoles Philosi phiques chez les Arabes ; India Office copy. 3 See ante, note, p. 326. * This is identical in spirit to the famous couplet of Sanai already quotec ante p. 47. XI. THE MYSTICAL AND IDEALISTIC SPIRIT 467 come the Sufis, the intuitionahsts, people of " vision and manifestation." In other words, they see Truth where others find the Divine Essence from reason. According to the his- torian Ibn-ul-Athir, who compiled his great work in Mosul not long after al-Ghazzali's death, the Ihya-ul-Ulum'^ ("the Re- vivification of Knowledge ") was written before the Imam returned to Naishapur. There is some difference of opinion on this point ; although by consensus it is by far the most impor- tant of his productions. The Ihya-ul-' Ulum is an encyclopaedic work dealing comprehensively with the philosophy and ethics of Sufism. Al-Asha'ri had condemned all enquiry into the mysteries of existence. Although equally dogmatic in his denunciation of philosophers and philosophy, of rationalism and its ideals, al-Ghazzali gives them a hearing ; appraises their work and finds it wanting, wanting in the capacity to attain the goal to which, according to him, humanity should strive. And what is more, as people of the same kihleh 2 he includes them within the pale of Islam. It is extraordinary that the greatest mystics of the succeeding ages make little reference to him. Jalal-ud-din sings of Attar and Sanai but expresses no obhgation to al-Ghazzali for his transcendentalism. Is ^ iJ:.tJ\> ^^')t}>'] Cairo Ed. India Office copy. A short reference to some of the subjects with which it deals will show its extraordinary range and the industry and intellectual powers of the writer. The book (in vol. i.) opens with a disquisition on the excellence of learning (knowledge) — fazilat-ul-'Ilm ; and it is established by proofs furnished by reason and authority {ash-shawdhid ul-'aklieh wa'l naklieh) ; there is a disquisition on the "excellence of Reason" {Sharaf-id-'akT) and the difference between soul {nafs) and Reason ('akl) ; and Islam and I man (faith). Toleration is extended to all who bow to the same kibleh {i.e. are followers of Islam). In vol. ii. he deals with the duties of man to man. of the reciprocal duties of children and parents. He defines here the meaning of nafs (the soul) and rilh (the spirit), of kalb (the heart), and 'akl (Reason) ; he points out the distinction between intuition [ilham) and instruction ila'allum). And in this volume he deals with the whole philosophy of Sufism {tank-us-Sufiyeh fi-istikshdf il-Hak wa-tarik un-nazdir). The other two volumes are mainly concerned with the ethics of Islam ; he condemns pride, anger and vindictiveness, avarice and miserliness ; and commends condescension and humility {hilni), forgiveness and mercy, generosity (sakha) and kindness. The Ihya-ul-U'lmn is held in high esteem also among the Shiahs ; in the Bihdr-id- Anwar, in the thesis on Reason and Knowledge it is mentioned as one of the Isndds or " supports." ^ Kibleh is the point to which the Moslem turns his face when offering his orisons, i.e. Mecca, or rather the Kaaba. 468 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. it because the impetus he gave to emotional Islam lost its force in the life and death struggle with the crusading hordes which lasted for nearly two centuries ? To the Christian onslaught in Western Asia, followed by the Mongol avalanche which swept over mid-Asia, destroying in its course every vestige of civil- isation and culture, is entirely due the long night that followed the sack of Bagdad. It is not improbable that the force of his example and precept became barren in the cataclysm that overwhelmed Islam not long after his death. And yet the faith in communion with the Almighty, with its aspirations and inwardness, survived in the hearts of the truly earnest and devout disciples, and the 'drif claimed to have visions where the philosopher and the rationalist obtained cognition by reason. The emotional part of al-Ghazzali's mystical philosophy found refuge in the monasteries of the dervishes ; zdvias, rabdts ^ and khdnkdhs ^ sprang up on all sides. Wherever the holy men who claimed a transcendental insight, an insight beyond the ken of reason, took up their abode, disciples clustered round them ; they founded orders, and imparted mystical knowledge to their followers. Many were sincere and honest, others were impostors. The influence and teachings of the first, whilst they lasted, were undoubtedly beneficent ; the influence of the others, with their sundering tendencies from Islam, were demoralising. Al-Ghazzali himself did not place his trust in dogmatic theology [Kaldm] and denounces it as opposed to reason, but the exact sciences, arithmetic, geometry and the connected branches, are considered by him as absolutely unassailable and not open to doubt or controversy. At Naishapur he wrote, among other works, the Makdsid ul-Faldsifa (" The Aims of Philosophy "), and the Tahdfut-ul-Faldsifa (" the Destruction of the Philosophers "), both directed against philosophy and those who cultivated it, and in both he tries to prove the 1 From the word rabat is derived the word " marabout." In the eleventh century the Murabita established a powerful empire in Morocco and Spain ; see History of the Saracens, p. 532. 2 Meninski defines a khankah thus : domus propter Deus extructa in usum sophorum aut religiosorum ; coenobium. Richardson calls it a monasters' or religious structure built for Eastern Sufis and der\-ishes. There is a startling analog^^ between those Moslem institutions and the Hindu Muths in southern India, where also disciples gather for religious instruction. £i THE MYSTICAL AND IDEALISTIC SPIRIT 469 y of philosophic reasoning and the unsatisfying character teachings of philosophy. the assassination of his patron. and friend Fakhr-ul-Mulk )y an emissary of that arch-enemy of ordered society "the Ian of the Mountain," Hasan Sabbah, in the Muharram D A.H. al-Ghazzali retired sorrow-stricken to his native f Tus, where he had built a raadrassa for students and a ah (monastery) for his disciples. Here he lectured, .ere he laboured on his works which have made him a lahty in the world of Islam. The great Suh died on ay the 14th of Jumadi 11. 505 a.h. (i8th December mi). ;h him passed away one who, in spite of his mysticism, ndowed with a particularly virile character, the influence ich lasted long after his death. Imam al-Ghazzali as a 'er of Shafe'i, was bitterly hostile to Imam Abu Hanifa, ; encouragement of analogical reasoning and of the se of ratiocination ^ he seems to have strongly dis- ved. Whilst on the one hand the mystic Imam by his ism chilled the blood in the veins of the Moslem races rrested their energies ^ for progress and development, on ther he imparted to Ash'arism an idealism it did not )usly possess. I desire to enforce conformity and repress " heresy " sen the curse of every religious system where ecclesiastics Legists have usurped authority in the church. Islam lot escaped from it, though it has been less harsh to elievers " than to its own " innovators," whom ortho- designated as ahl-ul-hida' . Men suffering from spiritual ition, or whose minds had become unhinged by excessive lortification, along with rationalists and reformers, became 470 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. is one of the most pitiful in the annals of mysticism.^ Farid- ud-din-'Attar was, like Firdousi, an adherent of the House of Mohammed ; he was also a Sufi of the first degree. In the Mazhar-id-'Ajdih ^ 'Attar gives an account of his sufferings ; of his expulsion from the place of his birth (Tus) ; of the con- fiscation of his property and goods, and of his subsequent wanderings. Many of them suffered the penalty of death ; in the case of others the punishment was posthumous ; their works were consigned to the flames. Even al-Ghazzali's Ihya-ul-'Ulum met with that fate in Cordova, at one time the home of Saracenic culture.^ But these repressive methods did not succeed in stopping the spread of the mystical cult. Every holy man round whom gathered disciples became a saint or wall. The saints were credited with supernatural powers ; and although the most noted Sufis of early times who rank now as waits of the first rank, like Junaid and Bayezid Bistami, strongly discountenanced thaumaturgic practices, the Tazkirat-nl-Awlia, and the Nafahdt-ul-Uns recount remark- able acts by the saints outside ordinary human experience. These wonders are called kardmdt, performed as they are by virtue of the powers gifted to them by God. In these days they would probably be attributed to what is called " psychic influence." Hypnotism and mesmerism, under the name of tdsir ul-anzdr, and telepathy have long been known in the East. Some of the acts might be due to unconscious hypnotism. Sufism travelled speedily from Irak and Persia into India, where it found a congenial soil. A large number of Sufi saints, both men and women, flourished in Hindustan and the Deccan and acquired great fame in their lifetime for sanctity and good work. Their tombs are up to the present day the objects of pilgrimage to Moslems and, remarkable to note, to Hindus as well.* These saints taught their disciples who congregated in the colleges or monasteries they established Islamic theosophy 1 Tazkirat-ul-Awlia, Pt. ii. p. 135. " Mazhar-td-' Ajdih is a title of the Caliph Ameer nl-Mominin Alt. ' This happened in the reign of 'Ali bin Yusuf Tashfin, who died in 11 43 A.c. * LutfuUah in his QdnAni Islam, translated by Herklot, gives an account of most of these walls, with the practices and superstitions common among the Indian Sufis. XI. THE MYSTICAL AND IDEALISTIC SPIRIT 471 and Sufi rules of life. They, like their successors, were called sajjdd ana shin. ^ They are, in fact, spiritual preceptors. In the West the preceptor is called the sheikh ; in India, ptr or murshid ; the disciple the mund. On the death of the -ptr his successor assumes the privilege of initiating the disciples into the mysteries of dervishism or Suf'ism. This privilege of initiation, of making vmrtds, of imparting to them spiritual knowledge, is one of the functions which the sajjddanashin performs or is supposed to perform. He is the curator of the mausoleum where his ancestor is buried, and in him is supposed to con- tinue the spiritual line {silsila). The shrines [dargahs), which are to be found all over India, are the tombs of celebrated dervishes who in their lifetime were regarded as saints. Some of these men had established khdnkdhs where they lived and where they taught their Sufi doctrines. Many did not possess khdnkdhs and when they died their tombs became shrines. They were mostly Sufis ; but some were undoubtedly the disciples of Mian Roushan Bayezid,^ who lived about the time of Akbar, and who had founded an independent esoteric brotherhood, in which the chief occupied a peculiarly distinctive position. They called themselves dervishes or fakirs, on the hypothesis that they had abjured the world, and were humble servitors of God ; by their followers they were honoured with the title of shah or king. Although the Persian word " dervish " is significantly Moslem in its origin and meaning, " dervishes " have always existed in Western Asia. The minor Prophets of the Hebrews, designated nabiin, were only the prototypes of the modern " dervish." John the Baptist, who lost his life for his temerity before Herod's wife, acted exactly as hundreds of dervishes have done in later ages, challenging kings and princes in their palaces. One of the most celebrated of these Indian walis is Shah Nizam uddin Awha, who came from Ghazni and is buried in the neighbourhood of Delhi, where he lived for many years. He is said to have died in 1325.^ Khwaja Mu'in ud-din Chishti ^ Sajjada is a prayer mat ; and nashin is the person seated on it. 2 See ante, p. 345. This man should not be confounded with the celebrated Bayezid Bistami, who died in a.h. 261 (a.c. 874-5). In the Surah Bistami is spelt as Bastami. ^ In the reign of Ala-ud-din Khilji, who was his murid. 472 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. appears to have preceded Nizam uddin Awlia into India. He died at Ajmere at the age of 97 in 663 a.h. (1265 a.c). His mausoleum at Ajmere is the resort of pilgrims, both Moslem and Hindu, from all parts of India. ^ Another wall, Burhan ud-din, is buried in Burhanpur (named after him) in Central India. Shah Kabir Dervish flourished in the reign of Farrukh Siyar in the eighteenth century. He is buried in Sasseram in Behar. One of his descendants is still in charge of his monastery. Ameer Khusni, poet laureate of Ala-ud-din Khilji, the Pathan King of Delhi, is also claimed as a Sufi saint. 2 In the West, orders of dervishes sprang up on aU sides. One of the most famous and probably the most influential is the Kddiria founded by the celebrated Sunni saint Sheikh Muhi- ud-din Abd ul-Kadir Ghilani.^ Another was founded by Moulana Jalal ud-din, which is called after his title the Moulaviya and has a great reputation for the holy hfe of its members. The N akshhandia is another powerful order, which has many adherents in India. But it is given to few to be saints and to still fewer to combine a holy life of concentrated devotion with the discharge of the daily duties of life. To the bulk of humanity the call to abjure the world and to betake ourselves to complete absorp- tion in the contemplation of the Divinity is an inducement to mental lethargy. The responsibihty for the present decadence of the Moslem nations must be shared by the formalism of the 1 Mu'in ud-din (usually styled among Indian Sufis Moulana Hazrat Sultan ul-Mashaikh) traced his silsila through Ibrahim Adham, and through Ibrahim Adham to Hasan Basri, and through him to the Caliph Ali, and through him to the Prophet, Sarwar-i-Kdindi, " Chief of the Creation." Mu'in ud-din Chisti is the founder of the Chistia order in India. Three hundred years later Sheikh Selim Chishi became the spiritual preceptor of the great Akbar, who named his son and successor Jehangir after his mitrshid. Moulana Jalal ud-din Rumi traced his silsila similarly through Junaid to the 8th Apostolical Imam Ali son of Musa (ar-Riza), and through him to the Caliph Ali and the Prophet. 2 See Appendix III. 3 'Abdul Kadir was a descendant of Ali and is credited with the performance of many miracles. He is the patron saint of the Kurds and is held in great veneration among the Siifis of the Sunni sect in India. He is usually called " Ghous Azam." According to the authors of Les Conjrcries Religieuses Musulmanes (MM. Depont et Cappolani, vol. i. p. 303) the Kadiria order has a wide influence in the East, which extends to Java and China, and its lodges {Zavias) are established in Mecca and Medina. "Abnegation of self," say XI. THE MYSTICAL AND IDEALISTIC SPIRIT 473 Asha'ri and the quietism of the Sufi. Mystical teachings Hke the following : The man who looks on the beggar's bowl as a kingly crown And the present world a fleeting bubble, He alone traverseth the ocean of Truth Who looks upon life as a fairy tale.i can have but one result — intellectual paralysis. I must now return to al-Ghazzali's conceptions of Sufi theosophy and theosophical life. He certainly did not claim any exclusive knowledge of the mysteries of Creation nor were his doctrines so esoteric as those professed by latter-day Sufis. Like as-Sarraj he propounded a scheme of life which he considered formed the true Path {tarikat) to the ultimate goal " the attainment of nearness to God," and final peace in the Beatific Vision. But as his insistence on the Path depends on the larger theory of the Cosmos it is necessary to say something about its essential features. His enunciation about all nature and all existence being the direct Creation of God the Almighty is but an echo of what is told in the Koran. His theory assumes a broader aspect when he begins to state his conception of the universe as a whole. He divides Creation into two categories, viz. the Visible and the Invisible. The Visible world {'dlam-iil-Mulk) is the world of matter ; and is subject to the law of evolution, to change and growth. Here he is in accord with the Rationalists (the Mu'tazilas). The invisible world, imperceptible to human sense, he divides into two sub-categories ; first, the 'dlam-ul-jaharut,^ which stands between pure matter and pure spirit ; it is not wholly matter nor wholly spirit but partakes of the character of both. The forces of nature belong to this category. Had al-Ghazzali lived in these days he would probably have assigned some of the discoveries of modern science like the properties of radium the authors of the Confr cries, " to the service of God ; ecstatic mysticism bordering on hysteria ; philanthropic principles developed to the highest degree, without distinction of race or creed ; intense charity ; vigorous piety, humiUty, pervading all actions, and a gentleness of spirit, have made him (Abdul Kadir) the most popular and most revered saint of Islam." 1 See Appendix III. * " Jabarut, in the language of the scilikdn [those who strive to attain Truth]," says the Farhang, " is the sublime realm, the abode of angels and Divine Attributes" {sifdt Ilaki). 474 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM to the 'dlam-ul-jaharut. His idea of the purely spiritual world.j al-' dlam-ul-nialakut ,^ forms the most interesting part of his theory. The ' dlam-ul-malakut is the realm of " Ideas. The human soul belongs to this world. It comes as a sparl from its original home and on separation from the earthh body, it files back to the region whence it came.^ These divisions are merely al-Ghazzali's deductions froi the Koran. His abhorrence of analogical reasoning does not prevent him from arriving at the conclusion by the usuc process of ratiocination. Neither the theory nor the divisioi was altogether new, for they had been anticipated by al- Farabi in his 'Uyun-ul-Masdil.^ According to the Mu'tazilas^ the references in the Koran to the " Balance " (Mizdn) in whicl human actions are weighed, to the " Pen " (Kalani) and Tablet {Lauh) with which and on which the decrees of Providence are inscribed, are allegorical. As already mentioned, al-Asha' affirms them to be actual, corporeal objects. Imam al-j Ghazzali takes another course ; he relegates them to the 'dlavi ul-malakut, the realm of " abstract ideas." It was thus he endeavoured to reconcile Patristicism with his doctrin( of " inward light " and its longings for the upward flight oi the human soul. Some of the extreme Sufis believe that when the final nearness is attained the human soul becomes absorbed in the Divinity, This is called hulul (absorption) and sometimes ittihdd (union). But this pantheistic conception is strongly repudiated botl by as-Sarraj and al-Ghazzali ; though often the words wisdl and waslat are used to signify the closeness of the approach to the Divine Essence. Even when the SM talks of fana- f'il Alldh (annihilation in God) he does not mean to imply that the human soul becomes merged in the Universal Soul. Al- Ghazzali's notion, like that of his great predecessor, is that the individual soul {riih) at the Almighty's bidding emanates from a realm, the 'dlam ul-Malakut, nearest to the Divine Essence, and on its separation from the corporeal body reverts to its original home ; and that this is the meaning of the Koranic 1 In the Farhang, Malaktlt is defined thus : " in the language of the Sufis, it means the Realm of Ideas " {'dlami ma'ni). * See ante, p. 426. XI. THE MYSTICAL AND IDEALISTIC SPIRIT 475 declaration " We come from God and imto Him we return." ^ The Mu'tazili, the Asha'ri and the follower of al-Ghazzali do not differ in the essentials ; their difference is due more to the angle from which they look at the dogmas of the Faith. The rationalist holds that a knowledge of God is attainable by Reason. He appeals to Reason because the call of the Koran to the worship of one God is based on Reason. The Asha'ri believes because he is so taught ; the Sufi believes because, as he says, of " the inward light." According to the Sufi, the seeker for Truth by intensive " inwardness " and communion with God can rise by successive stages of exaltation to a state when he can actually have a vision of the Divine Essence. The first step for the novitiate is to form the niyyat (the resolve or intention) ; then comes tauha (penitence and renunciation). He is now on the forward path, this stage is called mujdhada (probation or striving). After a prolonged probation the ecstatic soul appears in the Presence still veiled. Hafiz, in a mood of exaltation, refers to this stage, technically called Muhdzara, as huzuri, when the soul presents itself in absolute surrender to God and " abandonment of the world and all its vanities. ' ' ^ The next is ' ' the uplifting of the veil ' ' {mukdshafa) , when the veil which curtained off the Unseen is lifted and the God becomes revealed to the worshipper's heart ; the last stage is the Vision {mushdhada) , when the entranced Soul stands in the presence of Truth itself, and the light falls distinctly on " the human heart." Even in the primary stage, the psychological effort to con- centrate all thought on one object causes the disciple (the nmrid) to see visions, hear the voices of angels and prophets, and gain from them guidance. Exactly parallel forms of psychological exaltation have appeared in Christianity in all ages. In the phraseology of the Sufi the effort by which each stage is gained is called {hdl) a " state." It is a condition of joy or longing. And when this condition seizes on the ^^^>^)H- ^^1 The pious Moslem pronounces these words whenever he passes a bier or a cemetery. * Huziiri gar hami khaki, as-o ghdib mashaii Hafiz Matd md-talk, man-tahwd da'i 'd-dunyd wa amhilha. 476 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM ii. " seeker," he falls into ecstasy (wajd). The dervishes in their monasteries may be seen working themselves up into a con- dition of " ecstasy." ^ :.^ The Sufi holds that the knowledge of God is vouchsafed to l,^,] him by inward light ; the Rationalist affirms that the cognition l|^ comes to him from Reason, a gift of the Creator. Does not ||||q the Koran constantly appeal to human reason and human intelligence " to reflect, to consider, to speculate " about God's Creation and the mysteries of nature ? Had the Koran condemned the exercise of reason, would it have exhorted the people to whom it spoke to look at the marvels of nature and draw their own conclusions whether this wonderful world was a creation of accident, or was brought into existence by an all-pervading Intelligence. Religion and Rationalism are correlated and bound together. If we find anything in the Koran which seems superficially to be in conflict with the results of philosophy, we may be sure there is an underlying meaning, which it should be the work of reason to unravel. Ibn Rushd places this proposition with extreme lucidity in his Fasl-nl-Makdl^ He affirms that there is no disagreement between religion and philosophy ; rehgion is revelation from God ; philosophy is the product of the human mind. He was thus not far removed from al-Ghazzali's plane. For al-Ghazzali did not believe like Asha'ri that the earth was flat because it was said in the Koran "God had spread it out as a carpet." He accepts all the revelations of science and the conclusions of mathematicians and astronomers. The stars and planets revolve round the world according to pre-ordained laws. Nature itself contains its own proof of the Power, Benevolence and Intelligence that brought it into existence. He is thus in complete accord with Ibn Sina, Ibn Rushd and the rationahsts in general. Examined closely it wiU be seen that the mind of al-Ghazzali, who saved Asha'rism from becoming a hard- crusted formahsm, and by joining it to an exalted form of 1 Zikr is the name of the function in which the dervishes usually congregate for obtaining the ecstatic condition. There is an excellent description of a Zikr in an Egyptian Zdvia by Dr. D. B. Macdonald in his Aspects of Islam. In India Zikrs are usually held at the celebration of the 'Uvs (anniversary ceremony of the death of the original spiritual preceptor). - See ante, p. 427. % XI. THE MYSTICAL AND IDEALISTIC SPIRIT 477 emotionalism infused into it fresh vitality, ran really in the same groove as the minds of those masters. The Senussi confraternity ^ is not a religious order like the Kaderia, but unquestionably, in the civilising and uplifting work it is doing in Northern and Central Africa, it imparts a mystical meaning into the teachings of its Ikhwdn. They convey to their converts and disciples some of the lessons of " inward knowledge " without detaching them from the world of struggle and advance. The exalted idealism which breathes in the Prophet's words, in the preachings of the Imams and in the teachings of the expounders of " inward light," rationaHsts, philosophers and Sufis alike, has modelled the lives and inspired the actions of the noblest men in Islam. Heroes like 'Imad-ud-din Zangi, rulers like Salah-ud-din bin Ayyub (the Saladin of European history) have found in it their guiding star. And poets like Sanai, 'Attar and Jalal ud-din have given fervent expression to that universal Divine love, which pervades nature from the lowest type of creation to the highest, and their idylls are regarded by many Moslems with a respect only less than that entertained for the Koran. But Sufism in the Moslem world, like its counterpart in Christendom, has, in its practical effect, been productive of many mischievous results. In perfectly well-attuned minds mysticism takes the form of a noble type of ideahstic philo- sophy ; but the generality of mankind are more likely to unhinge their brains by busying themselves with the mysteries of the Divine Essence and our relations thereto. Every ignorant and idle specimen of humanity, who, despising real knowledge, abandoned the fields of true philosophy and betook himself to the domains of mysticism, would thus set himself up as one of the Ahl-i-Ma'rifat. And that this actually occurred in the time of Ghazzali we see by his bitter complaint that things had come to such a pass that husbandmen were leaving their tillage and claiming the privileges of " the advanced." In fact the greatest objection to vulgar mysticism, whether in Islam or in Christendom, is that, being in itself no religion, wherever it prevails it unsettles the mind and weakens the 1 See Appendix III. 478 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM h. foundations of society and paralyses human energy ; it:| naturally drifts into anthropolatry and naturalistic pantheism. Yet the benefits conferred by the nobler type of idealistic !f philosophy are too great to be ignored ; and the Idealism of Averroes developed in Europe the conception of Universal Divinity. Christian Europe owes its outburst of subjective pantheism— and its consequent emancipation from the intense materialism of a mythological creed — to the engrafting of Moslem ideahsm on the Western mind. It was the influence of Averroistic writings that attracted the attention of reflecting people to the great problem of the connection between the worlds of matter and of mind, and revived the conception of an all-pervading spirit, " which sleeps in the stone, dreams in the animal, and wakes in the man," " the belief that the hidden vital principle which produces the varied forms of organisation is but the thrill of ' the Divine Essence ' that is present in them all." " I would have said He was the Soul of the Universe if I had known the relation of the human soul to the body, for He is present and hidden in the heart of every atom." i; THE END. i t ii I APPENDIX I TRANSLATION OF THE PERSIAN AND ARABIC MOTTOES AT THE HEAD OF THE CHAPTERS PAGE O Thou ! who hast no place in any place, Wonder-struck I am that Thou art at every place. Faith and no-Faith are both engaged in Thy search. Both crying aloud, " He is the one, He is the all-Alone." - i. Introd. He attained the height of eminence by his perfection ; He dispelled the darkness (of the world) by his grace ; Excellent were all his qualities ; Pray for blessings on him and his posterity. . - - - i Mohammed is the lord of the two worlds and of mankind and the Spirits. And of the two nations, the Arabs and the 'Ajam (non-Arabs). - 41 Thou hast come before all the Teachers of the world. Though thou hast appeared last of all ; Last of the Prophets thy Nearness has become known to me ; Thou comest last, as thou comest from a distance. - - - 51 May God ever convey my benedictions and greeting. To the Prophet of Arabia, of Medina, — of Mecca ; The sun of excellence and of splendour, and of sublimest eminence ; The light of full moon, of elegance, and of the sky of generosity ; The noblest of creation in person and in adoration and in watch- fulness ; The most excellent of mankind in munificence and generosity - 56 He is hke the flower in dehcacy and like the full moon in splendour. Like the ocean in liberality, and like Time in resolution. - - 66 He called towards God, and those who took hold of him Took hold of a rope that never breaks. - - - - - 83 But how can the desire of the eulogist come up to What is in him of nobility of disposition and nature ? - - 92 479 48o THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM | He surpassed all the Prophets in constitution and disposition. Nor any did approach him either in knowledge or nobleness. Avoid what the Christians assert about their Prophet ; (But) declare whatever else thou wishest in his praise, and contend for it. ----...... loi Indeed the Prophet is a light from which guidance is sought, And a drawn sword out of God's swords. - ... - loi Is it from the remembrance of the neighbours at Zi-Salam That thou hast mixed tears flowing from the eyes with blood ? 107 When the help of God and victory come and thou seest the people entering into the religion of God in troops. Celebrate the praise of thy Lord, and ask pardon of Him ; for He is the Forgiver. -------- 109 Hold fast, all ye, to the Rock of God And be not disunited. 122 Come to Me, do not seek except Me ; I am the Beneficent ; seek Me thou wilt find Me. Dost thou remember any night in which thou hast called to Me secretly, And I did not hear thee ? Then seek Me thou wilt find Me. When the afflicted one says " dost not Thou seek me " ? I look towards him ; seek Me, thou wilt find Me. Wlien My servant disobeys Me, thou wilt find Me Quick in chastising ; seek Me, thou wilt find Me. - - - I37 Say, unto whom belongeth whatsoever is in heaven and earth ? Say unto God ; He hath prescribed unto Himself mercy. - - 159 (For translation of the other passage, see p. 173.) The disputes of the seventy-two sects put them all aside. As the}' did not see the Truth they took to the path of fiction - 290 He is the Beginning and the End, The Manifest and the Hidden, V And the knower of all things. (Koran), ----- 45J:' APPENDIX II p. 1 66 N_-.li!l . ^^ )) r» I _jJL^ iJ Ibid. ^laJb fJJA^ ^ ^^-J^^ ;[;5| p. 274 - - liij ^ ijj 0^ U'OlX^ A/O t>» Uv«^ *^ c^ ^ v^r^ C^^J J*; /^^' \j^:> ^^'^ 3' ^^ v:/* r**^-' ^-^^-^"^ vi5^ *^^J p. 273 - - J^ rv^^' ^^^ ^^r^-h sj^r^- h '^^ k;" -'j ct^ ^.r^' "^7-^ c/'* c;y^- ^j '^^ ^j ^ r*^ r"^" ^ p. 274 r*^^ r^ ;^ u^-^' s'^' ' 3 j,Vo-- '^j) ^^\ ^}^K^ 3 u P- 457 - - - ^3> \ S.I. 481 * " APPENDIX III Whatever the sins of the Babis may have been, their punishment, in its barbarous inhumanity, far exceeded their deserts — a punishment borne with subhme fortitude which cannot help evoking the admiration of every heart not steeped in racial or religious fanaticism and which is bearing its natural fruit. The sect, instead of dying out, is increasing in number, and judging from the few professed Babis I have met, actuated with bitter hatred against the MuUahs whom they believe to be the primary cause of their persecution. The cruelties to which the Babis were subjected were the acts of an ignorant populace and a frightened governor hounded on by fanatical priests. In China, in our own times, under the eyes of the civilised world, disciplined troops of certain civilised Powers perpetrated the most diabolical and nameless horrors upon unoffending citizens and helpless women and children. Crimes like these destroy one's faith in humanity and progress. (p. 359) The astronomer Ali Ibn Yunus was a man of versatile talent. " He made astronomy his particular study," says Ibn Khallikan, " but he was well-versed in other sciences and displayed an eminent talent for poetry." (p. 377) The Indian Social Reformer of Bombay (of the 28th of July, 1901), in an appreciative article on " The Liberal Movement in Islam," drew my attention to certain statements of M. Renan in one of his lectures delivered in March, 1883, at the Sarbonne.^ In this lecture M. Renan has tried to show that Islam is opposed to science, and that scientific pursuits came into vogue among the Moslems only when the religion became weakened. " Omar," he says, " did not burn, as we are often told, the library of Alexandria ; that library had, by his time, nearly disappeared. But the principle which he caused to triumph in the world was in a very real sense destructive of learned research and of the varied work of the mind." The correctness of this somewhat wild and reckless assertion, which, coming from the author of Averroes and Averroism, is startling, was at once challenged by the learned Shaikh Jamal ud-din who was residing at Paris at the time. M. Renan 's reply to the Shaikh's criticism is instructive. The learned Frenchman had to qualify his generalisations * The lecture is headed " Islamism and Science," and is printed in a book called The Poetry of the Celtic Races and Other Studies. 482 APPENDIX III 483 and to acknowledge that by Islam he meant the religion of Mohammed as accepted and practised by the ignorant and fanatical sections of the Moslem communities. I will quote here the passage in which he limits his strictures, as it may perhaps be of some help in awakening the Musulmans themselves to a sense of their responsibilities : — " One aspect in which I have appeared unjust to the Shaikh is that I have not sufi&ciently developed the idea that all revealed religion is forced to show hostility to positive science ; and that, in this respect, Christianity has no reason to boast over Islam. About that there can be no doubt. Galileo was not treated more kindly by Catholicism than was Averroes by Islam. Galileo found truth in a Catholic country despite Catholi- cism, as Averroes nobly philosophised in a Moslem country despite Islam. If I did not insist more strongly upon this point, it was, to tell the truth, because my opinions on this matter are so well known that there was no need for me to recur to them again before a public conversant with my writings. I have said, sufficiently often to preclude any necessity for repeating it, that the human mind must be detached from all supernatural belief if it desires to labour at its own essential task, which is the construction of positive science. This does not imply any violent destruction or hasty rupture. It does not mean that the Christian should forsake Christianity, or that the Musulman should abandon Islam. It means that the enlightened parts of Christendom and Islam should arrive at that state of benevolent indifference in which religious beliefs become inoffensive. This is half accomplished in nearly all Christian countries. Let us hope that the like will be the case for Islam. Naturally on that day the Shaikh and I will be at one, and ready to applaud heartily. ... I did not assert that all Musulmans, without distinction of race, are and always will be sunk in ignorance. I said that Islamism puts great difficulties in the way of science, and unfortunately has succeeded for five or six hundred years in almost suppressing it in the countries under its sway ; and that this is for these countries a cause of extreme weakness. I believe, in point of fact, that the regeneration of the Mohammedan countries will not be the work of Islam ; it will come to pass through the enfeeblement of Islam, as indeed the great advance of the countries called Christian commenced with the destruction of the tyrannical church of the Middle Ages. Some persons have seen in my lecture a thought hostile to the individuals who profess the Mohammedan religion. That is by no means true ; Musulmans are themselves the first victims of Islam. More than once in my Eastern travels I have been in a position to notice how fanaticism proceeds from a small number of dangerous men who keep the others in the practice of religion by terror. To emancipate the Musulman from his religion would be the greatest service that one could render him. In wishing these populations, in which so many good elements exist, a deliverance from the yoke that weighs them down, I do not believe that I have any unkindly thought for them. And, let me say also, since the Shaikh Jam^l ud-din desires me to hold the balance equally between different faiths, I should not any the more believe that 484 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM I was wishing evil of certain European countries if I expressed a hope that Christianity should have a less dominant influence upon them." It is a matter of regret that European scholars, generally speaking, should persist in comparing the lowest form of Islam with the highest form of Christianity. All religions have different phases : they vary according to the climatic and economic conditions of the country, the environments and education of the people, their national characteristics and a multitude of other causes. To compare modern idealistic Christianity with a debased form of Islam is an insult to common sense and intelligence. In this work I have endeavoured to show how Islam furthered the intellectual movement of the world, how it brought to life a dying world, how it promoted culture and civilisation. It was not the Islam which is professed to-day by the ignorant bigot, the intriguing self-seeker, but it was nevertheless Islam — Isia.m in its truest, highest and noblest sense. I have tried to show the cause of the blight that has fallen on Moslem nations. It is more than probable that my views will not satisfy the critic of Islam who has started with a preconceived bias, or who judges of the Faith by its latter-day professors. All the same I venture to assert that my statements are founded on historical facts. One assertion of M. Renan requires a categorical refutation. He has alleged in his lecture " as a very remarkable thing that among the philosophers and learned men called Arabic, there was but one alone, Alkindi, who was of Arabic origin : all the others were Persians, Trans- oxians, Spaniards, natives of Bokhara, of Samarcand, of Cordova, of Seville. Not only were those men not Arabs by blood, but they were in nowise Arabs in mind." The memory of this great French scholar, whose acquaintance I had the privilege of making, deserves every respect. But surely this sweeping observation is very wide of the truth. A glance at the Wafidt nl-Aydn (Ibn Khallikan's great Biographical Dictionary), the Tdrikh ul-Hiikama and other works of the like nature, will show how utterly unfounded the assertion is. From the genealogy of the eminent men whose lives are contained in these books, it will be seen that a vast number of the great scholars, doctors and savants, although born in places outside Arabia, were Arabs by descent. Probably M. Renan would not have admitted that Ali (the Caliph) was a philosopher, but his descendants Ja'far as-Sadik and Ali ar-Riz4 I were unquestionably entitled to be included in that designation. And Ja'far as-SMik was a scientist besides. Jabir ibn Haiyyan (Geber), the father of modern chemistry, worked in fact with the materials gathered by Ja'far. It is admitted that Al Kindi, " the Philosopher of the Arabs," was descended from the royal family of Kinda and was an Arab of the Arabs. But it is not known that Yahya ibn Ali Mansur (see ante, p. 374) was a pure Arab. Nor is it known that Ali ibn Yunus [ante, p. 377) belonged to the tribe of as-Sadaf — " a great branch," says Ibn KhalUk^n, " of the tribe of Himyar which settled in Egypt." Al-Jahiz, Abu Osman Amr al-Kindni al-Laisi, the celebrated Mutazilite APPENDIX III 485 philosopher, who died at Basra in a.h. 255 (868-9 a.c), was a pure Arab, a member of the tribe of Kinana. Avenpace {ante, p. 428) was a Tujibite by descent. " Tujibi pronounced also Tajibi," says Ibn KhaUikan, " means descended from Tujib the mother of 'Adi and Sa'd, the sons of Ashras ibn us-Sakun. She herself was the daughter of SaubS,n bin Sulaim ibn Mazis, and her sons were surnamed after her." The Avenzoars [ante, p. 386) belonged to the Arabian tribe of lyAz ibn Nizar, and hence bore the title of al-Iyazi. The great grammarian al-Khalil ibn Ahmed was a member of the tribe of Azd. The Spanish historian and philosopher Ibn Bash-kuwal was a descendant of one of the Medinite Ansar who had settled in Spain. Mas'udi {ante, p. 390) was a direct descendant of one of the Prophet's immediate companions and disciples, Ibn Masud, hence the title ; whilst Ibn ul-Athir was a member of the celebrated tribe of Shaiban. The political economist and jurisconsult, al-Mawardi, a native of Basra, was a pure Arab.^ The soldier, statesman, philosopher and poet, Osama was a member of the tribe of Kinana. Sharif al-Murtaza, the author of the Ghitrar wa'd Durar, one of the greatest scholars of his time, was descended from Imam Ali ar-Riz£l. Ibn Tufail {ante, pp. 386, 429) was a member of the tribe of Kais, and hence the title of al-Kaisi. Ibn Khaldun was descended from an Yemenite family which had settled in Spain. They came from Hazramaut and were therefore called al-Hazrami. I have given only a few names picked out at random, but the curious reader will find numberless instances in the books I have mentioned.^ To say that these men were not Arabs and had no Arab blood in them is surely a bold assertion. I might with equal effrontery assert that, because Longfellow, Channing, Emerson, Draper were born in America, they were not Anglo-Saxons. Ibn Khallikan calls al-Farabi " the greatest philosopher of the Moslems," and speaks of him in the following terms : — U4»xc J ^ix^yJi] ^ j^laiJf^^j k*-iulojJ) ««^i.U» .^'^iU.JI ^^\ ^) &' c;"*" r*"' \:^^- r^ c/^^***^' i^iii^l ^* j c^'c;'* jsZ^ AxiXi B^j ^jaJI >ljju« ^1 ^. y] u-^>" :> ^y^ J" *Two of his most important works are the Ahkdm us-Salt&niyyah and as-Si&.sat ul-Mudan, both spoken of highly by Von Hammer. » See also Wfistenfeld's Geschichte der Arabischer Aerzte, Tdrikh xd-Isl&m of Zahabl, and Casiri's Bibliotheca Arabica. 486 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM " Abu Nasr Mohammed bin Mohammed bin Turkhan bin Auslagh al-Farabi at-Turki (the Turk), a celebrated philosopher, author of many works in logic, music, and other sciences. He was the greatest of philosophers among the Moslems, and no one among them attained a rank equal to his in the sciences. And the chief (of philosophers) Abu Ali Ibn Sina, whom I have mentioned before, derived benefit from his writings." (p. 382) Abu'l Kasim Kinderski was a famous poet and Avicennistic philo- sopher of Persia in the eighteenth century Hayy ibn Yakzdn was translated into English and published in London so long ago as 1686. (p. 429) Sanai has given expression to his admiration for Ibn Sina and his devotion to philosophy in the following lines : f V.O .0 Aril \ j^M jO A^ („;>sCL " I do not seek for any reward in this world or the next. " Every moment I pray, whether in prosperity or in adversity. " O my Lord, bestow on Sanai the proficiency in philosophy and sciences " Such as would make even the soul of Bu Ali Sina jealous." The position of San^i in the world of Islam can be gathered from the following lines of Jalal ud-din Ruml, revered nowadays by educated Musulmans throughout Asia and Egypt : " 'Attar was its soul [of the philosophy of mysticism], Sanai was its eyes ; I only walked in the footsteps of 'Attar and Sanai." (p 457) The reactionary character of the influence exercised by Abu'l Hasan Ali al-Asha'ri and Ahmed al-Ghazzali can hardly be over-estimated. It has been happily summed up in a few words by the learned editor of al-Beiruni's al-Asdr ul-Bdkieh — " but for al-Asha'ri and al-Ghazzali the Arabs might have been a nation of Galileos, Keplers and Newtons." By their denunciations of science and philosophy, by their exhortations APPENDIX III 487 that besides theology and law no other knowledge was worth acquiring, they did more to stop the progress of the Moslem world than most other Moslem scholiasts. And up to this day their example is held forth as a reason for ignorance and stagnation. Al-Asha'ri was born at Basra in 883-4 A.c. (270 a.m.), and died at Bagdad ; but the year of his death is not certain ; it occurred probably some time between 941 and 952 a.c. (300 and 340 a.h.). He was originally a Mu'tazili and publicly taught the rationalistic doctrines. A clever, ambitious man he saw no opportunity of power or influence among the Rationalists ; an alliance with the party of retrogression meant fame and tangible reward. He, accordingly, made a public renunciation of his former creed in man's free will and " of his opinion that the Koran was created." This happened on a Friday at the Cathedral mosque of Basra. Whilst seated on his chair lecturing to his pupils, he suddenly sprang up, and cried aloud to the assembled multitude : — " They who know me, know who I am, as for those who do not know me, I shall tell them : I am Ali ibn Isma'il al-Asha'ri, and I used to hold that the Koran was created, that the eyes {of men) shall not see God, and that we ourselves are the authors of our evil deeds ; now I have returned to the truth, I renounce these opinions and I take the engagement to refute the Mu'tazilites and expose their infamy and turpitude." And with the recantation of each doctrine that he formerly professed, he tore off from his person some garment saying, " I repudiate this belief as I repudiate this dress." First went the turban, then the mantle and so on. The effect of this theatrical display was immense among the impressionable inhabitants of Basra, and the fame of al-Asha'ri spread so rapidly among the people that he soon became their recognised leader. Ibn Khallikfln calls him "a great upholder of the orthodox doctrines." Upon the death of the last Fatimide Caliph al-'Azid li-din lUah, Saladin, who was Commander-in-chief and Prime Minister, proclaimed the Abbaside Mustazii and thus restored Egypt to the spiritual sovereignty of Bagdad. Asha'rism henceforth became dominant in that country. The theological students, who were chiefly the followers of Ibn Hanbal, under the weaker Abbaside Caliphs became a source of great trouble in Bagdad. They constituted themselves into a body of irresponsible censors ; they used forcibly to enter houses, break musical instruments, and commit similar acts of vandalism. APPENDIX lll—contd. ADDITIONAL NOTES P. 17. The word Ikra might be rendered also as " recite." P. 106. The incident to which reference is made in the footnote at p. 106 has been immortalised by the Persian Poet Sa'di. The poem opens with the following lines, which are difficult to render properly into another language ; p. 264. The following lines evince the estimation in which Meshed is held by the Shiahs Mash-had afzal tari rui Zamin ast. Ke dn-jd nur-i Rabb ul-'dlanim ast. " Mashhad is the most excellent spot on the face of the earth, for there is to be found the light of the Lord of the Creation (God)." P. 279. Moslem toleration. — " In the first century of Arab rule," says Sir Thomas Arnold in his Preaching of Isldm, " the various Christian churches enjoyed a toleration and a freedom of religious life, such as had been unknown for generations under the Byzantine Govern- 1 ment." And he adds, " In the course of the long struggles with the 1 Byzantine Empire, the Caliphs had had occasion to distrust the loyalty I of their Christian subjects, and the treachery of Nikophoros was not | improbably one of the reasons for Harun's order that the Christians should wear a distinctive dress and give up the good posts they held." Abvl Yusuf 's appeal to Harun ar-Rashid on behalf of the non-Moslem subjects is noteworthy. " It is incumbent on the Commander of the Faithful (May God grant thee His aid !) that thou deal gently with those that have a covenant with thy Prophet and thy cousin Mohammed (the peace and blessing of God be upon him), and that thou take care that they be not wronged or ill-treated and that no burden be laid upon them beyond their strength IjiEg j 488 APPENDIX III 489 and that no part of their belongings be taken from them beyond what they are in duty bound to pay, for it is related of the Apostle of God (the peace and blessing of God be upon him !) that he said whosoever wrongs a zimmi or imposes a burden upon him beyond his strength I shall be his accuser on the Day of Judgment " ; (Arnold). P. 279. The Zimmis. — The following was the charter granted by the Caliph Omar at the capitulation of Jerusalem surrendered in 638 A.H. " In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. This is the security which Omar the Servant of God, the Commander of the Faithful, grants to the people of Aelia. He grants to all, whether sick or sound, security for their lives, their possessions, their churches and their crosses, and for all that concerns their religion. Their churches shall not be changed into dwelling places nor destroyed, neither shall they nor their appurtenances be in any way diminished, nor the crosses of the inhabitants, nor aught of their possessions, nor shall any con- straint be put upon them in the matter of their faith, nor shall anyone of them be harmed " ; Baldzuri, p. 132 ; Kitdh ul-Khardj, p. 54 ; Al- Makin, Historia Saracenica, p. 11. Prophet's declaration : — " Whoever wrongs a Zimmi and lays on him a burden beyond his strength I shall be his accuser." " Whoever torments the Zimmis torments me." Omar's injunction to Osman : — " I commend to your care the Zimmis of the apostle of God ; see that the agreement with them is kept, and they be defended against their enemies, and that no burden is laid on them beyond their strength," Abu Yusuf, p. 71. In similar terms is Ali's injunction to Mohammed Ibn Abu Bakr. Governor of Egypt in 36 a.h. Tabari, in loco. See also D'Ohsson, p. 44. P. 285. In the times of the later Abbaside Caliphs three more Diwdns or departments came into existence, viz., the Diwdn-iil-Kazd (the Ministry of Justice), the Diwdn ul-'Arz (the Paymaster General's office), and the Diwdn ut-Tughra, where the imperial seals were kept and the documents checked. P. 288. In my former edition of the book I had said as follows : " The importance which Islam attaches to the duties of sovereigns towards their subjects, and the manner in which it promotes the freedom and equality of the people and protects them against the oppres- sion of their rulers is shown in a remarkable work by the celebrated publicist Imam Fakhruddin Razi {i.e. of Rhages) on " the Reciprocal Rights of Sovereigns and Subjects," edited and enlarged afterwards by Mohammed bin Ali bin Taba Taba, commonly known as Ibn Tiktaka." This statement represents the view commonly entertained by the Moulvis of India. In his work on the history of Arabic literature (Weimar and Berlin, 1898- 1902), Brockelmann apparently entertained 490 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM the same opinion. And he was not singular among the scholars of Europe on this point. Noel Devergers and apparently de Sacy and several others were in agreement with him. Hartwig Derenbourg, however, strongly challenged this view ; and Brockelmann in his later work {the Nachtrdge, Vol. II. p. 708) altered his opinion. What has influenced me, however, to cut out the attribution of the authorship of the Tdrikh ud-duwal to Imam Fakhr ud din Razi is the fact that in his enumeration of the works of this great scholar Ibn Khallikan does not include the Tdrikh-ud-duwal. His omission is by no means con- clusive, for he often leaves out important works, as in the case of Ibn Ab'il Hadid, to whose great commentary on the Nahj-ul-Baldghat he does not make the slightest reference. It has, however, been a deter- mining factor in my omission of the passage in the new edition. I am indebted to Mr. C. A. Storey of the India Ofi&ce for the following passage from Brockelmann's works bearing on this point : C. Brockelmann in his Geschichte der Arabischen Litteratur (Weimar and Berlin, 1898- 1902), Vol. I. p. 506, has the following entry under Fahraddin Abfi 'Abdallah M. b. 'Omar b. al-Hosain b. al Hatib ar- R^zi : "2. ta'rih adduwal in 2 Teilen : (a) Staatswissenschaft, [b) Gesch. der 4 ersten Chalifen, der Bujiden, Selgilqen und Fatimiden, Paris, 895, Ausziige von Jourdain, Fundgruben d. Or., V. 23. D. R. Henzius, Fragmenta Arabica e. Codd. mss. nunc primum ed. (Fachraddini Razii hist. Chal. prim.) Petrop. 1828." In the Nachtrdge (Vol. II. p. 705) he has the following entry : " 506, 6, 2. zu streichen, = al Fahri von b. at Tiqtaqa." The entry relating to Ibn al Tiqtaqa (Vol. II. p. 161) is as follows: " M. b. 'All b. Tabataba b. a^ Tiqtaqa, geb. um 660/1261, schrieb 701/1301 wahrend eines Aufenthaltes in M6sul fiir den dortigen Statt- halter Fahraddin 'Isa b. Ibrahim : Al k. al^ahri fil adab as Sultanija wad duwal al islamija. Paris 2441, Flirstenspiegel und Geschichte der islamischen Reiche von Anfang bis zu Ende des Chalifats, hrsg. v. W. Ahlwardt, Goth, i860, v. H. Deren- bourg, Paris, 1895, Bibl. de I'ecole des hautes Etudes, fs. 105. Auszug vom Verf. Paris 2442 ; vgl. Cherbonneau JAP. s. 4 t. 7. 8.9. 2 " A footnote to this page says : " 2 Damit identisch ist der tu'rU ad duwal. Bd. I. p. 506 mit Wieder- holung eines alten Irrtums dem Fahraddin ar Razi zugeschrieben." P. 288. Justice. — In the, Kitdb-itl-Mizdn ul-Hikma {" The Balance of Wisdom "), written in the 12th century, occurs the following definition of justice : — " Justice is the stay of all virtues and the support of all excellences. In order to place justice on the pinnacle of perfection, the Supreme Creator {al-Bdri Ta'dla) made himself known to the ^^ APPENDIX III 491 choicest of His Servants under the name of the Just ; and it was by the light of justice that the world became complete and perfected and was brought to perfect order — to which there is allusion in the words of him on whom there be blessings : "By Justice were the Heavens and the Earth established." P. 340. Although some Western scholars have doubted the accuracy of the story that Nizam-ul-Mulk, Omar Khayyam and Hasan bin Sabbah were fellow students, the latest biographer of " The Old Man of the Mountain " re-afhrms that all three were at one time pupils of Imam Musik ud-din (Muwaffak ud-din) (?). This new life of Hasan Sabbah is by the pen of a learned Moulvi of Lucknow (Moulvi Abdul Halim surnamed Sharar), and gives in a short compass an exhaustive and well-balanced summary of Hasan Sabbah's life and objects, and of the pernicious character of his propaganda. P. 340. Hasan Sabbdh. — Moulvi Abdul Halim points out how Hasan Sabbah's followers worked with hashish in carrying out their pernicious propaganda ; how they drugged the minds of their proselytes for the furtherance of their designs against the existing order. He also de- scribes the hydra-headed character of the occult doctrine professed by these enemies of society ; how on the destruction of the Kardmita the Isma'ilias sprang into existence. P. 359. Bdbis. — The Babis, who have now split up into several sections, are to be found chiefly in foreign countries. They are said to abound in the United States ; many of them are settled in Beyrout and not a few in Bombay and Calcutta. The greatest authority in England on Babism, Professor E. G. Browne, says that the Babi cult has nothing in common with Sufism. One fundamental difference between the two cults lies in their mentality ; whilst Siifism shows great charity towards differing systems, Babism is intensely exclusive, not to say fanatical. P. 400. Safawi. — A new theory appears to have been recently started attributing the derivation of the term " Safawi," the designation of the dynasty founded by Shah Isma'il in Persia, to the word Safi which forms part of the name of Safi-ud-din, the ancestor of Shah Isma'il ; and not to " Sufi," the title borne by Safi ud-din. To this theory I venture to enter a respectful protest. For several centuries after the foundation of the Persian Empire the Shahs of Persia were styled by European travellers, merchants, and chroniclers " The Grand Sophi," in contradistinction to " The Grand Mogul " and " The Grand Turk." The reason is obvious. Among oriental writers the word " safawi " has always been recognised as derived from Sufi, just as the other designation of this dynasty, " Musawi," is derived from the Imam Musa al-Kazim. The Rizawi Syeds trace their descent from Imam AU, son of the Imam Mfisa. P. 402. The sack of Bagdad.— In the following couplet Sa'di has 492 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM expressed his horror at the terrible scenes he witnessed at the sack < Bagdad : " It is meet that Heaven should rain tears of blood on earth At the destruction that has befallen The Empire of Musta'sim, Commander of the Faithful. O Mohammed ! If in the Day of Judgment you will raise you head above the earth Raise your head and see the tribulation of the people now." The effect of the picture drawn by the poet is lost in the translation. p. 406. Predestination. — The following tradition reported b 'Ubayy ibn Ka'b throws considerable light on the view held by th Prophet on the subject of predestination : — " the most prosperous ma is he who becomes prosperous by his own exertions ; and the mos wretched man is he who becomes wretched by his own actions." The great Caliph Omar is reported to have inflicted double punist ment on a man who was caught in the act of committing an evil dee and had said in exculpation that he was led to do it by the decre of God. Ameer-ul-Mominin Ali (The Caliph) , in answer to one of his men wh had fought at Sif&n, and had enquired whether it was the decree of Go that had led them to Syria, is reported to have said as follows : " Perhaps you consider predestination to be necessary and th particular decree to be irreversible ; if it were so, then would rewar^ and punishment be vain, and the promise and the threat would be c no account ; and surely blame would not have come from God for th sinner nor praise for the righteous, nor would the righteous be mor worthy of the reward of his good deeds than the wicked, nor the wickei be more deserving of the punishment of his sin than the righteous Such a remark (savours) of the brethren of devils and the worshippers c idols and of the enemies of the Merciful and of those who bear witnes to falsehood and of those that are blind to the right in their concerns- such as the fatalists and the Magians of this church. God hath ordainei the giving of choice (to men) and forbidden the putting (of them) ii fear ; and He hath not laid duties upon men by force, nor sent Hi, Prophets in sport. This is the notion of unbelievers, and woe unto th unbelievers in hell ! " Then asked the old man : " What is this pre destination and particular decree which drove us ? " He answered " The command of God therein and His purpose." Then he repeatec (the verse) : " The Lord hath ordained (predestined) that ye worshi] none but Him, and kindness to your parents." APPENDIX III 493 The second apostolical Imam's letter to the people of Basra also contains the follo%\dng passage which is worthy of note : " Whoever makes his Lord responsible for his sin is a transgressor ; God does not make people obey Him against their will, nor force them to sin against their will." P. 414. The word Mu'tazila. — In the Ghyas-ul-Lughat and the Farhang (Lucknow) the word J^J^ is spelt Avith a fatha on the third syllable, which would make it in its English garb Mu'tazala. The Farhang is the work of three of the most learned Moslem scholars of India, and is the best and most comprehensive lexicon of its kind, a real encyclopaedia. In its compilation the authors have used every existing lexicon, among them the Kashf-ul-Lughdt, the Surdh the Tdj-ul-'Uriis and a number of others, so that it cannot be said they have decided lightly. In Richardson's Dictionary the word is spelt similarly. In the Lisdn-ul-'Arab the word is printed with a Kesra under the third syllable, which would make it read Mu'tazila. And Western Oriental- ists have almost entirely adopted this view. The difference, which to an outsider unacquainted with the Arabic language may sound like a distinction without a difference, arises from the question, did Wasil bin 'Ata leave the majlis of his own accord, or was he asked on account of his disagreement with the Imam to with- draw ? Ibn Khallikan says he was " expelled." In the first case the active participle would be the right form, and the word would be mu'tazila ; in the latter case it would be mu'tazala. The Indian Moulvis hold the opinion that he was asked to leave ; in which they are sup- ported by Ibn Khallikan. And yet de Slane, the translator of the Wafi'dt al-Aydn transliterates the word as Mu'tazilite. In all my previous works I have followed the Ghyds and the Farhang, but in view of the unanimity among Western Orientalists and in order to avoid confusing the reader I have decided in this Edition to range myself with them. This does not, however, alter my adherence to the scholars of my country. P. 419. Mu'tazila doctrines. — " The Mu'tazilas are agreed that the world has a Creator, Eternal, Almighty, Omniscient, Living. He is neither a body nor an accident nor a substance ; He is self-sufficient. One, incomprehensible by sense. Just, All- wise, doth no wrong; nor purposeth any ; He lays duties on human beings by way of indicating retribution to them. He renders man capable of action, removes hindrance out of the way, and retribution is absolutely necessary ; further, they agree upon the necessity of the sending of a Prophet when a sending is desirable, and that the Prophet must bring a new law or revive one of which no trace is left, or provide some new life to human- ity ; and they are agreed that the last of the Prophets is Mohammed ; and that faith is a declaration and knowledge and action. And they agree that man's action is not created in him ; they agree in having friendly feelings towards the Companions of the Prophet, but they disagree about Osmin after the events that he brought about ; most 494 THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM of them, however, have friendly feeHngs towards him and offer explanajj tions for his conduct. And most of them are agreed about standing aloof from Mu'awiyah and 'Amr ibn al-'As and they are agreed upon the necessity of enjoining good acts and the forbidding of evil." P. 472. Ameer Khusru, although he has been accorded a ph amongst the Awlia (the Sufi saints), was certainly not a professed Suf Most of the Moslem poets of India bear more than a tinge of mysticisr and have given expression to it in their poetry. I have alreac mentioned Dabir [ante, p. 460). The three brothers, Anis, Munis, ai Uns {noms de plume derived from one and the same root), were cor temporaries of Dabfr and their thoughts run in the same channe Altaf Husain Khan Hdli and Asad ullah Khan Ghdlib, like the ur fortunate Bahadur Shah, the last titular King of Delhi, who wa deported by the British to Rangoon after the Mutiny, were " intuitional- ists " In one of his finest poems Ghalib speaks of Bahadur Shah' in these terms : Shah-i-roushan dil Bahddur Shah kehai Rdz-i-hasti uspeh sar-ta-sar khula. The King Bahadur Shah of the illumined heart. He has had opened to him fully the mysteries of existence. P. 472. Sennusi. — The Sennusiya order, if it can be so called, was founded by Mohammed bin Ali as-Sennusi al-Idrisi. He was a descend- ant of the Prophet through Idris, who had escaped into the Maghrib (West Africa) from the massacre in Medina by Yezid's troops. He was born in a place called Mustaghanem in Algeria in 1787. He appears to have been a man of a particularly virile character. He travelled much in the Islamic countries which were easy of access, and noted the deterioration in morals which resulted to the Arabs and other Moslems of North Africa from contact with the peoples of the Mediterranean littoral. He also observed how the Moslems had fallen away from the old teachings, and how lethargic and fatalistic they had become. He uplifted them by directing their energies to such industries as conduced to material prosperity and their minds to the duties imposed by their religion. Sidi Mohammed bin Ali, before his death in 1859, had founded numbers of zavias or lodges in the Hijaz and Yemen, in the Libyan Oases, in Cyrenaica and Algeria. And those lodges, in mid-Africa at least, exer- cised considerable moral influence. In Morocco his disciples, who are usually called Brothers (" Ikhwan "), made little or no progress in consequence of the old established Moulai Tyyib order. Sidi Mohammed was succeeded by his son Mohammed al-Mahdi as the head of the fraternity. P. 473. I am quoting from memory — Kajkol ko tdj khusrawdni sahmjhai Aur dunyd dani ko fdni samjhai Dariai Hakikat wahi jawai pair Jo Kisai 'umar ko kahdni samjhai. APPENDIX III 495 Apostasy. — The punishment for apostasy provided by the ecclesiastical laws of Islam has recently caused some amount of perturbation among politicians and others in England. " Apostasy " has always from the earUest times been regarded as a capital offence in all the religious and civil systems of the world, as it formed a breach of loyalty to established order. The Romans condemned the early Christians to death because they had set themselves up against the government and the State-religion. The Christians, when they obtained supremacy, followed the Roman example. The Romish Church burnt apostates, heretics, men, women and even children, without mercy all over the globe. The Reformed Churches were not lacking in ardour in the cause of orthodoxy and maintenance of conformity. Apostates were subject to the penalty of death up to very recent times in England. At the present time a person renouncing Christianity is not put to death, but is subject to social and civil ostracism. The Prophet of IslS.m never condemned freedom of conscience, but treason to the Commonwealth was punished with death. It was frequently the case that the Meccans made a profession of the faith in order to get into the city of Medina, and after obtaining all the information connected with the security of the little Moslem State returned to Mecca and threw ofE Islam. When captured they were condemned to execution. Treason is still in our own days, throughout the world, punishable with death, and no objection can be taken to these executions. The Moslem ecclesiastical law that an apostate must undergo the penalty of death is based on this rule. But women are not punishable with death, they are only imprisoned ; nor is any cliild subject to that penalty. This is the difference between Islam and Christianity in the matter of humanity and freedom of conscience. If I am not mistaken, the penalty of death for " apostasy " was abolished in Turkey in the reign of Sultan Selim II. towards the end of the eighteenth century. APPENDIX IV For the Genealogical Tables of the Saracenic Caliphs and Sovereigna see my Short History of the Saracens. I give here the names of the Ommeyyade Caliphs of Damascus and Spain, of the Abbaside Calipl: of Bagdad and the Fatimide Caliphs of Cairo, with the dates of theii accession to make the text intelligible. THE RASHIDIN CALIPHS. A.H. A.C. 1. Abu Bakr ii= 632 2. Omar 13= 634 3. Osman 23= 644 4- All 35 = 656 THE OMMEYYADE SOVEREIGNS OF DAMASCUS. AH. A.C. 1. Mu'awiyah I. ------- 41= 661 2. Yezid --------- 61 = 681 3. Muawiya'i II. ------- 64 = 683 4. Merwan I. 65= 684 5. Abdul Malik - 65 = 685 6. Walid I. -.-.---- 86 = 705 7. Sulaiman - 96= 715 8. Omar bin Abdul Aziz - 99 = 71? 9. Yezid II. -------- loi = 720 10. Hisham -------- 105 = 724 11. Walid II. 125 = 743 12. Yezid III. - - - - - - - 126 = 744 13. Ibrahim -------- 126 = 744 14. Mervvan II. 127 = 745 THE ABBASIDE CALIPHS OF BAGDAD. 1. As-Saff4h, Abu' I Abbds (Abdullah) - 2. Al-Mansur, Abd Ja'far 496 A.H. A.C. 132 = 750 136 = 754 APPENDIX IV 497 AH. A.C. 3. Al-Mahdi (Mohammed) 158= 775 4. Al-Hadi (Musa) 168 = 785 5. Ar-Rashid (Harun) 170= 786 6. Al-Amin (Mohammed) - - - - - - 193= 809 g7. Al-Mamun (Abdullah) 198 = 813 8. Al-Mu'tasim b'lUah (Abu Ishak Mohammed) - - 218 = 833 9. Al-Wasik b'lllah (Abu Jaafar Harun) - - - 227 = 842 10. Al-Mutawakkil 'ala-Illah (Jaafar) - - - - 232 = 847 11. Al-Muntasir b'lllah (Mohammed) - - . - 247 = 861 12. Al-Mustain b'lllah (Ahmed) ----- 248 = 862 13. Al-Mu'tazz b'lllah (Mohammed) - - - - 252 = 866 14. Al-Muhtadi b'lllah (Mohammed Abfl Ishak) - - 255 = 869 15. Al-Mu'tamid al'-Allah (Ahmed, Abu'l Abb^s) - 256 = 870 16. Al-Mutazid b'lllah (Ahmed, Abu'l Abbas) - - 279 = 892 17. Al-Muktafi b'lllah (Ali, Abu Mohammed) - - 289 = 902 18. Al-Muktadir b'lllah (Ja'far, Abu'l Fazl) - - 295 = 908 19. Al-Kahir b'lllah (Mohammed, Abu Mansur) - - 320 = 932 20. Ar-Razi b'lllah (Mohammed Abu'l Abbas) - - 322 = 934 :i. Al-Muttaki b'lllah (Ibrahim, Abu'l Ishak) - - 329 = 940 22. Al-Mustakfi b'lllah (Abdullah, Abu'l Kasim) - 333 = 944 23. Al-Muti 'Ullah (Fazl, Abul Kasim) ... 334 = 946 >4. At-Tai b'lllah (Abdul Karim, Abu Bakr) - - 363 = 974 >5. Al-Kadir b'lllah (Ahmed, Abu'l Abbas) - - - 381 = 991 •6. Al-Kaim biamr Illah (Abdullah, Abu Jaafar) - - 422 = 1031 •7. Al-Muktadi bi'amr-Illah (Abdullah, Abu'l Kasim) - 467 = 1075 :8. Al-Mustazhir b'lllah (Ahmed, Abu'l Abbas) - - 487 = 1094 ■9. Al-Mustarshid b'lllah (Fazl, Abu'l Mansur) - - 512 = 1118 ,0. Ar-Rashid b'lllah (Mansur, Abu Jaafar) - - 529 =1135 1. Al-Muktaii bi'amr-Illah (Mohammed, Abu Abdullah) 530 = 1136 2. Al-Mustanjid b'lllah (Yusuf, Abu'l Muzaffar) - 555 -^1160 3. Al-Mustazii bi'amr-Illah (Hasan, Abu Mohammed) 566 = 1170 4. An-NS,sir li-din-Iliah (Ahmed, Abu'l Abbas) - - 575 =1180 5. Az-Zahir bi'amr-Illah (Mohammed, AbQ Nasr) - 622 = 1225 6. Al-Mustansir b'lllah (Mansur, Abu Ja'far) - - 623 = 1226 7. Al-Musta'sim b'lllah (Abdullah, Abu Ahmed) - 640 = 1242 I THE FATIMIDE CALIPHS OF EGYPT 1 A.H. A.C. 1. Al-Mahdi, ObaiduUah - - - - - - 296 = 908 2. Al-Kaim bi-amr-IUah 322 ^ 934 5. Al-Mansur bi-amr-Illah ------ 334 = 945 \. Al-Muizz li-din-IUah i— 34^= 953 ). Al-Aziz b'lllah - 3^5 = 975 ■). Al-Hakim bi-amr-Illah - - - - - - 386 = 996 ;'. Az-Zahir r-az&z-din-Illah ----- 411 =1021 !i. Al-Mustansir b'lllah 427 = 1036 s.i, 2 I 498 9- lO. II. 12. 13- 14. THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM Al-Musta'li b'lllah - Al-'Amir bi-Ahkam-Illah Al-Hafiz li-din-Illah Az-Zafir bi-amr-Illah Al-Faiz bi-amr-Illah Al-'Azid-li-din-IUah A.H. A.C. 487 = 1094 494 = IIOI 523 = II30 544 = 1 149 549 = II54 555 = ii6a THE OMMEYYADE CALIPHS OF CORDOVA. 138-422, 756-1031 A.C. A.H. Abdur Rahman I. (ad Ddkhil) 138 = 756 Hisham I. (Abu'l Walid) 172 = 788J Hakam I., al-Muntasir - - - - - - 180= 7961 Abdur Rahman II. [al-Ausat) ----- 206 = 822 Mohammed I. ------- - 238 = 852 Munzir --------- 273 = 88^ Abdullah - - - 275 = 888 An-Nasir li-din-Illah, Abdur Rahman III. - - - 300 = 912 Al-Mustansir b'lllah, Hakam II. - - - - - 350 = 961 Al-Muwayyid b'lllah, Hisham II. - - - - 366 = 97( Al-Mahdi, Mohammed II. - - - - - - 399 = looc Al-Musta'in b'lllah, Sulaiman ----- 400 = ioo( Mohammed II (again) - - 400 = loi* Hisham II. (again) ------- 400 = iok Sulaiman (again) -------- 403 = loi Ali bin Hamud {An-Ndsir the Idriside) . . . 407 == loi' Abdur Rahman IV {al-Mttrtaza) ----- 408 = lor Kasim bin Hamud (al-Mdmun) ----- 408 = loi Yahya bin Ali bin Hamud [al-Mnsta'li) - - - 412 = 102 Kasim bin Hamud (again) - 413 = 102 .\bdur Rahman V. [al-Mustazhir h'llldh) - - - 414 = 102 Mohammed III. [al-Miistakfi b'llldh) - - - - 414 = 102 Yahya bin AU bin Hamud (again) - - - - 416 = 102 Hisham III. [al-Mn'tazz h'llldh) - - - - - 418 = 102 GENERAL INDEX. N.B. — In the following index the definite article al before proper names is disregarded, while the prefix Banu or Bajii (" sons of . . . ") before the names of tribes is omitted ; al-Hallaj, e.g. should be sought under H, and Banu-Abbas under A. The letter b. between two names stands for ibn (" son of . . . "), and n for note. Abbas, uncle of the Prophet, 6, 7, 9 n, 14. 44, 113, 128, 305-6. Abbas II., Shah of Persia, 451. Abbasides (Banu-Abbas), 276, 283-4, 285, 304, 305. 307-13. 315. 316, 324, 325, 326, 339, 367, 371, 372, 389. Abdullah, father of the Prophet, 7, 8, 128. Abdullah Abu'l Abbas, see Saffah. Abdullah Abu Ja'far, see Mansur (Cahph). Abdullah b. Abbas, 237, 274, 296, 306, 363. 436. Abdullah b. Abu Kuhafa, see Abu Bakr. Abdullah b. Ahmed b. Ali al-Beithar, 386. Abdullah b. Juda'an, 13. Abdullah b. Maimun al-Kaddah, 326, 330-5. 336, 337- Abdullah b. Sa'd b. Surrah, 295. Abdullah b. Ubayy, 57, 60, 68. 76, 103, 115 n. Abdullah b. Zubair, 7 n. Abd ud-Dar b. Kosayy, 4, 5. Abd ul-Halim Sharar, Moulvi, 494. Abd ul-Kabir, a friend of Ibn-Rushd, 431- Abd ul-Kadir Ghilani, Sheikh, 343 n, 369. 472. Abd ul-Kais, tribe of, Ixvi. Abd ul-Malik b. Merwan, 128, 254, 303 w. 355- \bd ul-Mahk II. Caliph, 3 n. 499 Abd(u) Manaf, see AbG Talib. Abd(u) Manaf b. Kosayy, 4, 5 «. Abd ul-Muttalib, grandfather of the Prophet, Ixviii, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 13, 128. Abd ur-Rahm&n b. 'Auf, 21. Abd ur-Rahman al-Hazini, astrono- mer, 381. Abd ur-Rahman Sufi, physicist, 376. Abd ur-Razzak b. Ali b. Hasan al-Lahiji, 451, 452. Abd us-Salam ar-Rukn, physician, 450. Abd ush-Shams b. Abd(u) Manaf, 4, 5 «• Abd ush-Shams, surnamed ' Saba,' Ixii-lxiii. Abd ul-'Uzza, see Abu Lahab. Abelard, 397. Aben-Bethar, see Abdullah b. Ahmed b. AH al-Beithar. Abraha al-Ashram, Ixiii n, 7-8. Abraham, Ixiv, Ixx, 20. Abu'l Abbas, see Saffah. Abu Abdullah b. al-Mubarak, 351. Abu Abdullah Mohammed b. Karram, 443- Abu Abdullah Mohammed b. Sa'id, poet, 107 n. Abfi Ali Mohammed al-Jubbai, 415, 420, 452. Abii Bakr, Caliph, 6, 21, 26, 27, 38. 46, 47, 48, 69, 86, 103, 116, 122, 126, 127, 234, 264, 278, 280, 293, 294, 323. 460. 2 I 2 500 GENERAL INDEX Abu Bakr Mohammed b. Yahya, see Ibn-Baja. Abu Bakr Mohammed b. Zakaria ar-Razi, 385. Abucara, Theodorus, 365. Abu'l Feda, geographer, 384, 390, 391. Abu Hanifa, Imam, 186, 351, 369, 436-7. 438, 444. 445. 469- Abu'l Hasan, optician, 375. Abu'l Hasan, see Asha'ri. Abu'l Hasan b. Tilmiz, physician, 386 «. Abu'l Hasan Ali b. Amajur, astrono- mer, 375. Abu Hashim Klialid b. Yazid, 364. Abu Huraira, 120, 199. Abu'l Huzail Hamdan, 415, 419. Abu Ja'far Ahmed b. Mohammed at-Talib, physician, 386 n. Abu Jahl, uncle of the Prophet, 7 n, 47, 61, 62. Abu Jariya, 55. Abu'l Kasim Ahmed, ist Abbaside Caliph in Egypt, 130. Abu'l Kasim Kinderski, 486. Abu Lahab, uncle of the Prophet, 7 n, 37. 39- Abu'l Ma'ali al-Juwaini, 420, 421. Abu Ma'shar, astronomer, 374. Abu Mohammed Abdullah, founder of the Fatimide dynasty, see Obaidullah. Abfi Mughais b. Mansfir, see al- Hallaj. Abu Musa al- Asha'ri, 298, 355, 441. Abu Musa Jabir, chemist, 384, 484. Abu Muslim Khorasani, 308, 309, 311-12. Abu Nasr Farabi, see al-Farabi. Abu Nasr as-Sarraj, 460, 461, 463, 473. 474- Abu Noumy, son of the Sherif of Mecca, 132. Abu Obaidah, 279. Abfl Raf'e Sallam b. Abu'l Hukaik, 73. Abu Sa'id b. Abi'l Khair, 459 n. Abu Salma Ja'far b. Sulaiman al- Khallal, 309-10. Abu Sufian, 6, 57, 67, 68, 69 n, 71, 78, 79, 90, 105, 299. Abu Talib, uncle of the Prophet, 6, J n, g n, 10, 14, 20-21, 23, 26, 36-37, 39, 41, 128. Abfl Thumama Haran b. Habib, see Mosaihma. Abu'l Ula, poet, 395. Abu 'Uzza, poet, 73 n. Abu'l Wafa, mathematician, 376. Abu Ya'kub Yusuf, Almohade, 429. Abu Yflsuf, Imam, 186, 273, 437, 491. Abyssinia, 29, 38. Accadians, the, xix, xxxi. 'Ad, tribe of, lix, Ix, Ixx, 25. 'Adi b. Hatim, 106. 'Adi b. Ka'b, family of, 37. 'adl, doctrine of, 418, 419. 'Adnan, progenitor of the Koreish, 2. Aelia, 492. Afghanistan, 343, 344. Afrasiab, xxx. Afshanah, near Bokhara, 387. Aghlabites, the, 324, 375. Agricola, Johannes, 461. Ahirman, Persian god, xxx, 192. Ahmed b. Halt, 415. Ahmed b. Mohammed, poet, 396. Ahmed b. Mohammed an-Nehavendi, astronomer, 373-4. Ajarida, the, 356. 'Ajlan, tribe of, 65. Ajmere, 472. Ajnadin, battle of, 276. 'Akaba, hill of, 43, 45. Akbar, the Moghul Emperor, x\,\ 472 n. Akhb&ris, the, 346-9. 'Akil b. Abu Talib, 14. 'Ala ud-Dowla, Ameer of Isfaht 387. 'dlam ul-jabarM, 473, 474. 'dlam ul-malaMt, 474. 'dlam til-mulk, 473. Alamiit, 340, 342. Albigenses, the, 80, 220, 313, 397, 35 Albucasis, physician, 385, 386. Alexander the Great, xxxiv, xxxv, liii, Ixiii n. Alexander VI., Pope, 339 n. Alexandria, 75, 140, 482. Algeria, 497. Alhazen, see Hasan b. Haitham. Ali, Caliph, 14, 20-21, 23, 38, 46, 47I 49, 62, 67 n, 68 n, 69, 70, 97, 103I 104, 106, 108, 115, 117, 122-3, I26| 127, 128, 132, 163, 166, 234, 250J 254, 274, 280, 281, 283, 293, 295I 296-7, 298, 303, 306, 307, 308, 32l| 323, 328, 345, 354, 355, 362, 363* 409, 414, 416, 436, 440, 458, 4591 460, 472 n, 484, 492, 495. GENERAL INDEX 501 Ali II. (Zain ul-'Abidin), 302, 307, 321, 345. 458. Ali b. Abbas, physician, 385. Ali b. Abdullah b. Abbas, 306. Ali b. Amajur, astronomer, 375. Ali Mohammed, the Bab, 358. Ali b. Musa Riza, Imam, 312, 345, 352, 412, 461 n, 464 n, 494. Ali Naki, Imam, 346. Ali Shah al-Bokhari, philosopher, 382. Ah Sh^r Ameer, 383. Ali b. Yunus, astronomer, see Ibn- Yunus. Almagest, the, 374. Almeria, 392. Almohades, the 129, 400 n. Almoravides, the, 129, 400 n. Alp Arslan, Sultan, 444. Altaf Husain Hali, poet, 497. 'Amalekites, the, lix, Ix, Ixi, 53. Ameer Khusru, poet, 472, 497. Amina, mother of the Prophet, 7, 9. 'Amir, tribe of, 71. 'Ammar b. Yasar. 27. Ammonius Saccas, xlv, xlvi. 'Amr, the Ghassanide, 14. 'Amr b. al-'As (Amru), liii, 94 n, 297, 298, 497. 'Amr b. 'Auf, clan of, 49. Anabaptists, 219. Anas, servant of the Prophet, 119. Anis, Indian poet, 497. 'Antar, the hero, 254. Anushirvan the Just, xxxvii, Ixiii n, Ixix, 8 n, 218, 326, 327, 367. Anwari, poet, 368, 396. Aquinas, Thomas, 185. Arabia, xxxi, Ivi, Ixiv, 53, 290. Arcadius, Emperor, 226. Ardeshir Babekan, xxxv, xxxvi. Arians and Arianism, 1, 219, 220, 277, 327- Aristotle, xxxiv, 181. Arius, 1. Arnold, Matthew, 141. Arnold, Sir Thomas, 491. Arphaxad, ancestor of Kahtan, lix. , Arslan al-Basasiri, 315 n. . Artaxerxes Mnemon, xxxiii. Arthur, the Knight, 252. . Arvenius, patriarch, 377 n. Arwa, daughter of Abd ul-Muttalib, 7«. Aryans, the, xxi, xxii, xxix. Aryat, the Abyssinian general, Ixiii «. Asad, tribe of, Ixvi. Asad ullah Khan Gh&lib, poet, 497. Asha'ri and Asha'rism, 441-8, 452, 453, 462, 465, 467, 473, 474. 476, 486, 487. Ashtaroth, goddess, xix, 187. Asia Minor, 330. Asoka, Emperor, iii n. Asshur, religion of, xxx, xxxi. Assyria, xxxi. Aswad, of the house of Abd ul-'Uzza, 6. al- Aswad, 'Ayhala b. Ka'b, 115-6. Asyr, border of Yemen, Ivii. Athenians, the, 223, 242, 248. 'Atika, daughter of Abd ul-Muttalib, 7«. Attila, 402. Augustine, St., 225. Augustus Caesar, 372. Aurungzeb, Emperor, 315. Aus, tribe of, 53, 58, 74, 205. Autas, valley of, 98. Avenpace, see Ibn-Baja. Aven-Zoar, see Ibn-Zuhr. Averroes, see Ibn-Rushd. Avicenna, see Ibn-Sina. Awwam, 7 n. 'Ayesha, wife of the Prophet, 117, 234, 250, 296-7. 'Ayhala b. Ka'b, see al- Aswad. ayydm ul-mina, the, 4. Ayyubides, the, 284, 445. Azar, father of Abraham, xx n. Azarbaijan, xix. Azarika, the, 356-7. al-'Azid, Fatimide Caliph, 487. Aziz b'illah, Fatimide Caliph, 377. azlam, the, 7. Aztecs, the, 398. 'Azud ud-Dowla, the Buyide, 376, 386 n, 444. B. Baal, god, xix, 187. Babek Khurrami, 327. Babis and Babiism, 357-8. 482, 494. Babylon, Babylonia and Babylonians, xix, xxxi, xxxii, 248. Bactria, xix, xxxiv. Badakhshan, xx. Badr, battle of, 61-63, 66, 73, 279. Badr ud-Din Chach, poet, 131. Bagdad, 129, 130, 131, 362, 367-70, 371, 397. 402 n, 440, 465, 468, 487. 502 GENERAL INDEX Bahadur Shah, last King of Delhi, 497- Bahaism, 359 n. Bahmani sovereigns of India, 315. al-Bahrain, Ivii, 336, 355. Baibars, Sultan, 130. Baki, suburb of Medina, 68 n. Bakr, tribe of, 95. Balazuri, historian, 389. Balkh, XX. Balkis, Ixiii. Barbarossa, Frederick, 342 n. Barcelona, 392. Barmekides, the, 312. Barra, daughter of Abd ul-Muttalib, jn. Basra, 11 n, 55, 296, 367, 432, 441, 485. 487- al-Batani, mathematician, 375. Batha, near Mecca, 27, 40. Batinias, the, 344. Bayezid Bistami, 461, 470. Bayezid, founder of the Roushenia order, 343-4, 471. Bazan, governor of Yemen, Ixiii n, 116. al-Beiruni, astronomer and historian, 380, 384, 390. Beltis, goddess, xix. Beyrout, 494. Bhagavad Gita, xxiii, xxiv, xxv, 455. Bibi Khanum, Timur's Consort, 383. Bibi Pakdaman, 461 11. Bilal, the Muezzin, 27. Bir-Ma'una, 71. Blagovestchenk, in Manchuria, 87 « Boccaccio, 254. Bokhara, 382, 484. Bombay, 494. Brahe, Tycho, mathematician, 376. Brahmanism, xxvii, 160. Brockelmann, C, 492, 493. Buddhism, xxvi, xxvii. Bundehesh, the, 191. Buran, wife of Mamun, 255. Burhan ud-Din, saint, 472. Busra, near Damascus, 90. Buyides, the, 284, 376, 444, 447-8. Cadiz, 392. Cairo, 129. 130, 131, 324, 337, 340, 362, 371, 372, 375, 376, 393 n, 4^o. Calcutta, 494. Caliphate, theory of, 122-8. Calvin, 211 n, 330, 454. Cansoya, 193 m. Carthagena, 392. Catherine, St., Monastery of, 84. ! ;: Catholics and Catholicism, 219, 454, \M Caussin de Perceval, 8, 40, 49, 70 n,!' 72 n, 95 n. Celts, the, xx. Cerinthus, xlv. Chalcedon, Council of, li. Charlemagne, 211, 220. Charles Martel, 398. 1 Chaucer, 254. jB Chedorlaomer, Ixi. ; Chengiz, 368, 382. China, 249, 381, 482. Chinevad, the bridge in Hell, 191, 192. Chiragh Ali, Moulvi, 230 n. Chrysostom, St., 251. Chyroseir the Paulician, 330, 336. Clovis, Christian, 220. Clytus, xxxiv. Co-Cheou-King, Chinese mathe- matician, 383. CoUyridians, the, 142. Conrad of Montferrat, 342 n. Constantine, xli, 1, lii, Ixiii n, 66, iii «, 212, 221, 226, 372. Constantinople, liv, Ixix, 132-3, 392, 398, 399 Cordova, 129, 362, 371, 378-9, 392, ■^ 397. 470. 484- Corea, 249. Corsairs, the, 400. Cromwell [OUver], 81, 265 n. Cybele, Egyptian god, xl. Cyrenaica, 497. Cyril, St., h, 255. Cyrus, xxxi, xxxii. Dabir, Indian poet, 497. Dahna, desert of, Iviii. Dakiki, poet, 380. Damascus, 11 n, 365, 367, 397. ad-Damiri, zoologist, 387. Daniel, 190. Darius Hystaspes, xxii, xxxii. Ddr un-Nadwa, the, 3, 46. David, 47, 81, 240. Deccan, the, 470. Demeter, god, xl, xli. Demiurge, deity, xlvi, xlvii. Demosthenes, 223. Derenbourg, Hartwig, 492. I GENERAL INDEX 503 Dhirar b. Abd ul-Muttalib, 7 n. Diocletian, xxxiii. Dionysus, god, xl, xli. Dioscorides, 3S5, 387. Dives, xlii. diyai, 6. Docetes, the, xxxix, Ixx. Dominicans, the, 342. Drogheda, 81, 265 h. Duff, Gordon, Lady, 230. Dumat ul-Jandal, Ixvi, 77 n, 86, 298, 355- Durthur, a Bedouin warrior, 67. E. Eber, ancestor of Kahtan, lix. Ebionites, the, xxxix. Eckhart, 456. Edessa, 365. Edom, Ixi. Edomites, the, Ixi. Egypt, Iv, Ix, Ixix, 324, 438, 445, 487. Elephant, year of the, 8. Ehjah, 44 n, 192 n. England, 219, 256, 498. Ephesus, 336. , Council of, li. Epiphanes, Antiochus, xxxv. Essenians, the, xxxvii, 168, 224. Etruscans, the, 223, 248, Ezekiel, 190. Ezra, 140, 151. F. Fakhr ud-Din 'Isa b. Ibrahim, Ameer of Mosul, 288, 493. Fakhr ud-Din al-Maraghi, philo- sopher, 382. Fakhr ud-Din Razi, Imam, 341 tt, 492-3- Fakhr ul-Mulk b. Nizam ul-Mulk, 466, 469. fakirs, the, 471. fandf'illah, doctrine of, 474. al-Farabi, 425, 426, 433, 449, 474, 485. Farid ud-Din 'Attar, 396, 457, 460, 467, 470, 477. Farid un, xxx n. Fath b. Nabeghah Khakani, philo- sopher, 382. Fatima, daughter of the Prophet, 14, 68 n, 122, 123, 126, 250, 393 n, 458. Fatima, daughter of 'Amr Makhrumi, 7M. F&timides, the, 312, 314, 315, 324, 325, 326, 332, 336, 339. 375. 376. Fazal, of Jurhum, 13. Fazl, of Jurhum, 13. Fazl b. 'Abbas, 117, 306. Fazl al-Hadathi, 415. Fez, 322, 375, 400. Fidak, 53, Fihr (also called Koreish), 2. Firdousi, 380, 396, 464 n. Fizara, tribe of, 84, 92. Franciscans, the, 342. Frisians, the, 220. Fuzail. of Jurhum, 13. Gahleo, 483. Gautama, xxvi. Geber the chemist, see Abu Musa Jabir. Ghailan Dimishki, 413. Ghair-Mukallidism, 353. Ghassanides, the, Ixvi, Ixix. Ghatafan, tribe of, 73, 84, 92. Ghazza (or Gaza), in Syria, 5, 90. al-Ghazzali, Imam, 166, 167, 199, 448-469, 470, 473-4, 475, 476, 486. Ghilan, xix. Ghulat (or Ghallia), the, 343. Giralda (tower of Seville), 379. Goths, the, 401. Granada, 392, 397. Greece, xxxiii, xxxiv. Gregory the Great, Pope, 372. Grotius, 211 n. H. Habrar, a Koreishite, 85. Hadrian, xxxvii, xlv, 260. Hafiz, poet, 396, 457, 475. Hafsa, wife of the Prophet, 234-5. Hajjaj b. Yusuf, 310, 357. Hakim bi Amr'illah, Fatimide, 339 n, 377- Hakim b. Hashim al-Mokanna, 327. hdl, Sufi doctrine of, 475. Hala, wife of Abd ul-Muttalib, 7 «. al-Hallaj, 141, 142, 469. Hamadan, xix. Hamadani, historian, 389. Hamid b. Sulaiman, 351. Hamza b. Abd ul-Muttalib, 7 n, 25, 38, 62, 69, 70. Hanifa, tribe of, Ixviii, 85. Hanzala, poet, 13. Harith b. Abd ul-Muttalib, 7 n. Harith b. Abu-Zirar, 87. 504 GENERAL INDEX Harith b. 'Amr, 6, g n. Harith b. Ka'b, Christian tribe, Ixvi, Ixviii. Harith b. Kais, 7. Harun, Abbaside Caliph, 312, 314, 345. 439. 491- Hasan, Imam, 128, 298-9, 300, 345. Hasan al-'Askari, Imam, 123, 346. Hasan al-Basri, 414, 460, 472 ■». Hasan b. Haitham, mathematician, 377. 424- Hasan b. Ka'b, house of, 7. Hasan b. Kahtaba, 309. Hasan b. Mohammed of Alamut, 341. Hasan Sabbah, 316, 339-41, 462, 469, 494- Hashim, ancestor of the Prophet, 4, 5, 6, 10. , Family of. 13, 37, 38, 39, 41, 128, 281-2, 292, 293, 366. Hashim b. Mohammed al-Hanafiya, 307- Hashimias, the, 343. Hawazin, tribe of, Ixvi, 97-8. Hazramaut, Ivii. Heraclius, Emperor, lii, 90, 102. Hibatullah, physician, 386 n. hijdbat, office of, 4, 5. Hijaz, Ivii, Ix, Ixii, Ixiii n, Ixiv, Ixviii, 497- Hijr, in Yemen, Ivii, Ixi. hilf ul-fuzHl, 13. Hillel, school of, 242. Himyar b. Saba, Ixiii. Hind, wife of Abu Sufian, 70. Hind Umm-Salma, wife of the Prophet, 235. Hira, mount, 15. HIra, Ixix, 216, 273, 362. Hisham, uncle of Osman, 294. Hisham b. Abd ul-Malik, Cahph, 321. Hisham b. 'Amr, 39. Hobal. pagan god, Ixiv. Holayl, Khuzaite chief, 2. Honorius, Emperor, 226. Horus Happocrates, xl, xli. Hoshang, Persian king, xxi. Hroswitha, nun, 378. Hue, Abbe, 230. Hudaibiya, peace of, 89, 95. Huguenots, the, 220, 313, 326, 398 Hulaku, 313, 342. hulill, Sufi doctrine of, 474. Humaida, wife of Faruk, 254-5. Humayun, Emperor, 254 n. Hunain, battle of, 98, 105. Husain, Imam, 177, 275, 300-2, 313, 345- Huss, 330. Huzail, tribe of, 114 j;. huzuri, Sufi doctrine, 475. Huksos, the, Ix. Hypatia, liii, 255. I. 'Ibad, the, Ixvi. 'Ibadhia, the, 356, 357. Ibn abi'l Hadid, 458 n. Ibn 'Asakir, 443, 445, 446. Ibn ul-Athir, 390, 391, 485. Ibn-Baja, 397, 425, 428. Ibn-Bakillani, 444 n. Ibn-Bash-kuwal, 485. Ibn-Batuta, 393. Ibn-Duraid, poet, 395. Ibn ul-Faridh, poet, 395. Ibn-Gebrol, Ivi. Ibn-Hanbal, Imam, 352, 438, 445, 487. Ibn-Haukal, 384. Ibn-Hisham, biographer of the Pro- phet, 8, 58. Ibn-Khaldun, 123, 126-7, ^7^ w. 3i9W, 331. 390, 391, 485- Ibn-Khallikan, 496. Ibn un-Nabdi, mathematician, 377. Ibn-Rabi'a b. Harith, 114. Ibn-Rushd, 289, 379, 386, 397, 399, 425, 429-31. 476. 478, 483- Ibn-Sa'ud of Najd, 126. Ibn-Shathir, mathematician, 383. Ibn-Sina, 349, 382, 385, 386-7, 425, 426-8, 431, 433, 449, 476. 486. Ibn ut-Tiktaka, historian, 288, 492-3- Ibn-Tufail, 425, 429, 456, 485. Ibn-Tumart, 445. Ibn ul-Wardi, geographer, 384. Ibn-Yunus, astronomer, 377, 482, 484. Ibn-Zuhr, physician, 386. Ibrahim b. Abdullah, brother of an-Nafs uz-Zakiya, 322. Ibrahim b. Adham, 461, 472 n. Ibrahim b. Mohammed b. Ali, 308, 309- Ibrahim b. Sayyar an-Nazzam, 415, 419. Idris, founder of the Idriside Dynasty, 322, 497- GENERAL INDEX 505 Idrisides, the, 372, 375, 422. al-Idrisi, geographer, 384. ikhtiar, doctrine of, 411. Ikhwan us-Safa, the, 432-4, 466. 'Ikrama b. Abu Jahl, 86, 95. 'Imad ud-Din Zangi, 477. Imamate, theory of, 122-8. Imam ul-Haramain, 461, 464. Incas, the, 398. India, xxii, xxxiv, 470. 'Irak, Iviii, Ix, Ixii, 445, 470. Irving, Washington, 67. 'Isa, nephew of the Cahph Mansur, 322. Ishak b.as-Sabbah, father of al-Kindi, 425- Ishakias, the, 343. Isis, Egyptian god, xl, xli, xhi, xliii. Isma'il, Shah of Persia, 132, 314, 494. Isma'il b. Ja'far as-Sadik, 323. Ismaihas and Ismailism, xlviii, 323, 335. 336. 344- Isna-'Ashariaism, 314, 344, 346. Israelites, the, xxxii, xxxvii, 222, 259. al-Istakhri, geographer, 384. Ivan the Terrible, 339 n. J- Jabala, the Ghassanide, 279. Jabir b. Afiah, mathematician, 379. jabr, doctrine of, 41 1-2, 453. Jabria, the, 412-3. Jacob, bishop of Edessa, li. Jacobites, the, Ixvi. Jadis, tribe of, lix. Ja'far b. Abu Talib, 14, 29, 90, 95 n. Ja'far b. al-Muktafi, 376. Ja'far al-Musaddak, Imam, 323. Ja'far as-Sadik, Imam, 267, 309, 322, 323. 345, 351. 364. 365. 366, 411, 436. 437. 460. 484. al-Jahiz, Abu Osman 'Amr, 484. Jahm b. Safwan, 412. Jahmia, the, 413. Jainism, xxvi. Jalal ud-Din Rumi, 179, 396, 425, 427, 457. 472, 477. 486. Jamal ud-Din, Sheikh, 482, 483. Jami, poet, 383. Jarudias, the, 322. Java, 250 n. Jazima, tribe of, 97. J add ah, Ivii. Jeremiah, patriarch, 377 n. Jerusalem, xlv, li, 44 n, 220, 465, 492. Jesus, xxxvi, xxxviii, xl, xlv, xlvi, xlvii, xlix, Ixx, 16, 27, 31, 44 n, 46, 64, III, 140, 141, 142, 151, 162, 168, 173. 179. 192, 193-4. 195. 196, 200. 207-8, 213, 225, 238, 239, 240, 243, 252, 259, 459. Jews, the, xxxvii, Ivi, 219, 227, 271, 276, 287. Jews of Medina, 53, 57-60, 72-82. Jodham, tribe of, Ixvi. Johannes Damascenus, 365. John the Baptist, xliii, 471. John, King of England, 339 n. Joshua, III M. Jouhar, general of the Caliph al- Mu'izz, 324. Judaea, xxxi. Julian, Emperor, Hi n. Julius Caesar, 381. Junaid, Sheikh, 369, 460, 461, 470, 472 M. Jurhumites, the, Ix, Ixi, Ixii, 2, 13. Justinian, Emperor, liii, liv, 220, 224, 226. Juwairiya, wife of the Prophet, 87, 236-7. K. Kaaba, Ixiv, Ixvii, Ixviii, 2, 3, 14, 36, 38, 88, 107, 132, 139, 167. Ka'b b. Ashraf, 73. Ka'b b. Zuhair, poet, 106-7. Kadesia, battle of, 217, 276, 308. Kadir b'illah, Cahph, 324, 325. Kadiria order of Siifis, 472. Kahtan, lix, Ixii. , children of, Ixi. Kai-Kaus, xxx. Kaim bi Amr'illah, Caliph, 315 n. Kainuka', tribe of, 53, 59, 74-76, 80. Kairowan, 375. Kaisanias, the, 343. Kais-'Aylan, tribe of, Ixvi, 10. Kaithan b. 'Abbas, 306. Kaiumurs, ancient king of Persia, xxi. Kalb, Christian tribe, Ixvi, 86. al-Kamus, fortress of, 92, 93. Kanguedez (in Khorasan), 193 n. Karaites, the, 222. kardmat, 470. Karmath and Karmathites, 334, 336. Kazwan (in Yemen), 5. Kazwini, geographer, 384. Kepler, astronomer, 383. Kerbela, 301. 5o6 GENERAL INDEX 1 Khadijah, wife of the Prophet, 12, 14, 15, 18, 20, 39, 233. Khaibar, Ixvi, 53, 73, 77, 86, 92-3, 115- khaimmeh, office of, 6. KhS.kani, poet, 396, 457. Khalid b. Abd ul-Malik, astronomer, 374- Khalid b. Walid, 6, 69, 94 n, 97, 216, 237. 273- Khalil b. Ahmad, grammarian, 485. Khalil b. Ishak, jurist, 126 n. khdnkdhs, the, 468. Khawarij and Khawarijism, 314, 354-5- khazina, office of, 6. KhazraJ, tribe of, 53, 58, 74, 205. Khitabias, the, 343. Khizr, the Prophet, 123. Khobaib b. 'Adi, 27 m. Khoda-Bendah, Sultan, 382. Khojas of India, 342. Khoraiba, 297. Khorasan, 123, 308, 309, 344. Khui, in Persia, 340. Khumm, near Mecca, 293. Khusru Parvlz, Ixiii «, 90. Khuza'a, tribe of, 2, 3 n, 95. Kinana, tribe of, Ixvi, 10, 68. Kinana the Jew, 93 n. Kindah, tribes of, Ixvi, 110, 228. al-Kindi, philosopher, 374, 425, 484. Koba, near Medina, 48. Kodayd, Ixvii n. al-Kohi, astronomer, 376. Koreish, tribe of, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 12, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 29, 30, 34, 36-7, 39. 41. 45. 46, 47. 48. 49. 53. 57. 60, 62, 69, 70, 73, 78, 79, 88, 89, 94, 95, no, 127, 128, 228. Kosayy, founder of Mecca, 2-4. Kubilai, Mongol Emperor, 382. Kfifa, 128, 296, 298, 300, 309, 310, 355. 367. 437- Kuhlan b. Saba, Ixiii. al-Kumi, geographer, 384. Kuraizha, Jewish tribe, Ixvi, 53, 59, 72, 76, 78, 79-82, 92. Kurrat ul-'Ayn, Babi heroine, 358. al-Kushairi, 463. Kutb ud-Din, Emperor of Delhi, 264. L. Lactantius. St., 87. Laith, tribe of, 114 n. al-Lat, goddess, Ixvi, 34, 36, loi. Lazarus, xlii. Libyan Oases, the, 497. Libyan, tribe of, 83. liwd, office of, 3, 4, 6. Lollards, the, 330. Loyola, Ignatius, 342. Luther [Martin], 330, 344, 454. Lydians, the, 223. M. Ma'add b. 'Adnan, 2. Ma'bad al-Juhani, 413. Madain (Ctesiphon), Ixix, 217. Ma'di Karib b. Saif Zu'l Yezen, Ixiii n. Magdeburg, sack of, 220. Mahavira, founder of Jainism, xxvi, Mahdi, the, 123-4. al-Mahdi, Caliph, 327, 368. MahdiSh, 324, 338. Mahmud of Ghazni, 264, 380, 387. Mahmud, Ottoman Sultan, 498. Mahra, district of, Ivii. Maimonides, Ivi. Maimuna, wife of the Prophet, 237. Majna, near Mecca, 10. al-Makin, historian, 391. Makkari, historian, 390. Makrizi, historian, 325, 326 n, 384, 390. 391- Malaga, 392, 397. Malek al-Ashtar, 297, 298, 299. Malik b. Anas, Imam, 304 n, 352, 436, 437- Malik Shah the Seljuk, 381, 465. Malik Zahir, 107 n. Mameluke Sultans, 131, 132, 445. al-Mamun, CaHph, 229, 274, 284, 286, 312, 316, 370, 373, 374, 384. 422, 439. 444- Manat, goddess, Ixvi, 34, 36, loi. Mani, xlviii, xHx, 329, 332, 335 «. Manicheism, Ixx, 328, 332. Mansur, Caliph, 129, 284, 308, 314. 322, 345, 367, 370, 422. al-Mansur, the chancellor in Spain, 448. Mansur, see al-Hallaj. Mansuri^h, 368. Manu, Code of, xxviii, xxix, xxxiii. MarHgha, 375. Marcionites, the, xxxix, xlvi, xlvii, Ixx, 343. Mariolatry, cult of, 251. 252, 329. GENERAL INDEX 507 Marr uz-Zuhran, near Mecca, 10. Ma'ruf Karkhi, 461. Mary the Copt, wife of the Prophet, 235- Mary the Virgin, xHii, 142, 143. Marzbana, wife of Shahr, 116. Mashallah, astronomer, 373. Maslamah, invader of Constantinople, 399. Mas'udi, historian, 384, 390, 485. Maurice, Emperor, Uv. Mauritania, 322. al-Mawardi, politician, 485. Maxentius, 66 n. Maximilla, prophetess, xlvii. Mazdak and Mazdakism, xxxvi, 327. Mecca, Ivii, Iviii, Ixiv, Ixvi, i, 2, 3-4, 5, 8, 39, 40, 41, 42, 46, 49, 52, 85, 94, 95-7. 113. 132, 167, 213, 282. 303, 360, 498. Media, xxx. Medina, Ivii, 52-3, 56, 60, 61, 67, 68, 69 «, 70, 71. 72, 73, 75, 78, 79, 87, loi, 109, 123, 132, 303, 360, 365, 410, 436, 497, 498. See also Yathrib. Meghass b. 'Amr, the Jurhumite chief, Ixiv. Merv, 309. Merwan I., Caliph, 128. Merwan II., 128, 308, 309, 355, 356. Merwan b. Hisham, Osman's cousin, 294. Meshed, 491. Mesopotamia, Ixii, 115, 438. Messiah, the, 124, 192, 193, 195, 205. Miknasa, 375. Milman [H. H.], 22, 193. Milvian Bridge, 66. Mina, suburb of Mecca, 4. Mirkhond, historian, 390. mizan, the, 474. Mohammed the Prophet ; is called al-amin, 1,14; birth of, 8 ; loses his parents, 9 ; taken charge of by Abu Talib, 10 ; journeys to Syria, II ; marries Khadija, 12 ; joins the hilf ul-fuzM, 13 ; settles a dis- pute at the reconstruction of the Kaaba, 14 ; takes charge of 'Ali, 14 ; gives himself up to solitude and meditation, 15-16 ; receives his first revelation, 17-18; com- mencement of his ministry, 19-20 ; his first converts, 20-21 ; his sincerity, 21-2 ; he is firm in his teaching, 22-3 ; is persecuted by the Koreish along with his dis- ciples, 24-7 ; is tempted by the Koreish, 27, 30 ; moral evidences of his mission, 31-2 ; his appeal to reason, 33 ; is tempted to com- promise with the Koreish, 34-6 ; Koreishite league against him, 37-9 ; visits Tayef, 41-2 ; takes the pledge of 'Akaba, 42-3, 45 ; his vision of the Ascension, 44 ; plot of his assassination by the Koreish, 46-7 ; his flight to Medina, 47-9 ; his character, 51-2, 117-121 ; his teachings at Medina, 54-5 ; his treatment of the Jews, 57-60, 72-82 ; calumnies against him, 65 ; clemency of his nature, 85-7 ; his messages to Heraclius and Parviz, 90-91 ; conquers Mecca, 95-7 ; suc- cess of his mission, 109-112 ; his last daj-s and death, 11 3-7; his marriages examined, 232-8. Mohammed b. Abdullah, an-Nafs uz-Zakiya, 322. Mohammed b. Abu Bakr, 295, 492. Mohammed Abu'l Barakat, Sherif of Mecca, 132. Mohammed b. Ali b. Abdullah, 307, 308, 309. Mohammed b. Ali as-Sennusi, 497. Mohammed al-Bakir, Imam, 321, 345, 366. Mohammed al-Habib, Imam, 323. Mohammed b. al-Hanafiyah, 307. Mohammed b. 'Isa, astronomer, 375. Mohammed Juna KhanTughlak, 131. Mohammed al-Mahdi, Imam, 123, 346. Mohammed al-Mahdi, son of as- Sennusi. 497. Mohammed al-Maktum, 323. Mohammed b. Mubashshir, philo- sopher, 382. Mohammed b. Mfisa al-Khwarazmi, mathematician, 374. Mohammed Shah Kajar, 357. Mohammed ash-Shaibani, Im^m, 186, 437- Mohammed Taki, Imam, 346. Mohyi ud-Din al-Maghribi, philo- sopher, 382. Moloch, god, xix, 187. Mongols, the, 130, 402 n, 464. 5o8 GENERAL INDEX Monophysites, the, li. Monothelites, the, lii. Montanus, xlvii, Iv. Montanists, the, xlvii, 327. Morocco, 129. Mosailima, the false prophet, 116. Moses, 104, III, 140, 222, 237, 240. Moulai Tayyib order, the, 497. Moulaviya order of dervishes, 472. Mu'ammar b. 'Abbad as-Sulami, 419, 420. Mu'awiyah, 105, 107, 127-8, 267, 280 n, 283, 294, 295, 297, 298, 299-300, 313, 314. 355. 414. 430, 497- Mu'az b. Jabal, 115, 183. Mubashshar b. Ahmad, philosopher, 382. Mufazzal of Jurhum, 13. Mughira, nephew of Orwa of Tayef, 105. Mu'in ud-Din Chishti, 471. Muir, Sir William, 40, 43, 72 n. al-Mu'izz li Din'illah, founder of Cairo. 324, 339, 372. Mu'izz ud-Dowla Deilemite, 312-3. mujdhada, Sufi doctrine, 475. mukdshafa, Sufi doctrine, 475. Mukawwim b. Abd ul-Muttalib, 7 n. Muktadi, Caliph, 129. Miinis, Indian poet, 497. Muntasir, Cahph, 312, 319 m. Munzirs, dynasty of, 216. Murcia, in Spain, 392. murid, a Sufi term, 471. murshid, a Sufi term, 471. Musa al-Kazim, Imam, 323, 345, 369, 494. Musa b. Shakir, sons of, 374. Muselo, in Algeria, 497. Mushabbihas, the, 414. mushdhada, Siifi doctrine, 475. Muslimah al-Maghribi, physicist, 379. Mustaghanem, in Algeria, 497. Mustalik, tribe of, 87, 236-7. Mustaniid, Caliph, 434, 450. Mustansarifeh, 370. Mustansir b'illah, Fatimide Caliph, 341, 440. Mustansir b'illah, Abbaside Caliph, 370. Musta'sim b'illah, Caliph, 130, 313, 495- Mustazhir, Caliph, 129. Mustazii, Caliph, 487. Muta, battle of, 95, 115, 214. Mu'tamid, Caliph, 123. Mutanabbi, poet, 395. Mu'tasim b'illah. Caliph, 312, 327, 346, 422, 439. Mutawakkil, Caliph, 123, 230, 275, 312, 319 w, 346, 435, 439-40. al-Mutawakkil 'ala-Allah, the last Abbaside Caliph in Egypt, 132. Mu'tazid b'illah, Saffah II., 323, 336, 370, 440- Mu'tazila and Mu'tazilaism, 414-5, 416-8, 421, 422, 424, 441, 444, 445-6, 447-8, 452, 453, 454, 496. Muti', Caliph, 313. Muttalib, brother of Hashim, 5. , family of, 13, 37, 38, 39. Muwaffak ud-Din, Imam, 494. Muwaid ud-Din al-Orezi, philosopher, 382. Mythra. the sun-god, xxxiii, xli, xlii. N. Nadir Shah, 401. nadwa (council-hall at Mecca), 3, 4, 6, Nahrwan, 354, 355. an-Nairdzi, astronomer, 375. Naishapur, 464, 468. Najd, Ivii, Iviii, Ixii, 2, 102, 125. Najjaria, the, 413. Najran, Christians of, Ixvi, 271, 273. Nakhla near Mecca, Ixvi, 10. Nakshbandia order of Sufis, 472. Nar, tribe of, 65. Narses, Iv. nasi (shifting of months), 50. Nasir ud-Din Tusi, 377, 382. Naufal b. Abd(u) Manaf, 5 «, 6, 9 n. Nazir, Jewish tribe, Ixvi, 53, 59, 72, 73. 74. 76-7. 80, 92. Nazr b. Harith, 62 n. Nebuchadnezzar, xxxi, xxxii, Ixiv, Negus, 29. Nehavend, 217. Nejdat-Azarika, the, 356. Neo-Platonism, 456. Nestorius, li. Nestorians, the, li, Iv, Ixvi, 219, 365, 366. Nice, Council of, xl, 1, 141, 142. Nikophoros, Byzantine Emperor, 491. Nineveh, xxx n, xxxi. Nisibis, 365. niyyat (" intention "), 475. Nizami, poet, 396, 457. geni:ral index 509 Nizami^h, the, 370. Nizam ud-Din Awliya, 471-2. Nizam ul-Mulk, 340, 370, 381, 444, 464, 465, 494. Nizar, Fatimide Caliph, 462. Noah, 25. Normans, the, 287. Noubakht, astronomer, 369. Nu'manias, the, 343. Nusairis, the, 343. Nutayla, wife of 'Abd ul-MuttaUb, 7 n. Nuwairi, historian, 390. Obaidah, 62. ObaiduUah b. Abbas, 306. Obaidullah al-Mahdi, 323, 324, 325, 332 n, 336. Obaidullah b. Ziyad, 301, 302. Ohod, battle of, 68-71, 73, 279. Okba b. Abu Mu'ait, 65. Oman, 355, 356, 357. Omar b. Abdul Aziz, Caliph, 303, 458 n. Omar b. Khaldun, physicist, 379. Omar b. al-Khattab, Caliph, 6, 37-8, 49, 69, 115 M, 122, 127, 216, 220, 234, 274, 275 n, 278, 279, 280, 281, 294, 321, 323, 355, 492. 495- Omar Khayyam, 340, 377, 381, 494. Omayma, daughter of Abd ul-Mut- talib, 7 n. Omeyya b. Khalaf, 27. Omeyyades, Ixv n, 41, 128, 281-3, 295. 302-5, 307, 308, 314, 316, 326, 363-4. 365. 366, 371. 412, 436. Ophites, the, xlvii. Origen, xlvi, xlix. Ormuzd, god, xxx, xxxiii, 161, 191, 192. Orphics, the, xliii. 'Orwa, the Tayefite chief, 104-5. Osama, poet, 485. Osama b. Zaid, 115, 264. Oscheder Bami, prophet, 192 n. Oschedermah, prophet, 192 n. Osiris, Egyptian god, xl, 189. Osman b. 'Aifan, Cahph, 21, 67, 88 n, 103, 122, 127, 234, 274, 282-3, 293. 294-6, 297, 323, 363, 366, 492, 496. Osman b. Huwairith, 13, 14. Osman b. Mahzun, 67 h. Osman b. Talha, 5. Otba b. Rabi'a, 27-8, 46. Paine, Tom, 440. Parmenio, xxxiv. Parthians, the, xxxv, Iv. Patripassians, the, xxxix. Paul, St., xxxviii, xxxi.x, 239. Paul, Pope, 339 n. Paulicians, the, 220, 330, 332. , Manichaean, 327, 329. Pelasgians, the, xx, 223, 277. Perishek Khanum, secretary to Sul- tan Mustafa, 393 n. Persepolis, xxxiv. Persia, xxix, xxxiv, liv, Ixiii «, 227, 232, 470. Peter, St., xxxix. Petrarch, 254. Philotas, xxxiv. Pilate, Ixx. Plato, III, 181. Praxeus, xlvii. Presbyterians, the, 219. Priscilla, prophetess, xlvii. Pythagoreans, the, xliii. r abuts, the, 468. Rabi'a al-Basri, 229, 461. Rabi'a b. Nizar, family of, Ixvi. Rabi'a b. Omeyya b. Khalaf, 114 n. Raihana, wife of the Prophet, 82. Ramdha, hill of, 27. Renan, M., 482, 484. Richard, King of England, 339 ", 342 w. rifada, a kind of poor-tax, 3, 4, 5, 6. gn. Rigaud, Archbishop, 252. Roderick the Goth, 287. Rodha, in Najd, Ixvii n. Roland, the Knight, 252. Rome, sack of, 220, 303. Roushan Bayezid, see Bayezid. Roushenias, the, 343. Rukaiya, daughter of the Prophet, 67. Rustam, family of, 375. S. Sabellians, the, xlix. Sa'd, tribe of, 9. Sa'd b. Abi Wakkas. 21. Sa'd b. Mu'az, 78. 79-80, 81. Sa'd b. 'Ubada, 78. Sadducees, the, xxxvii. Sa'di, poet, 106 w, 396. 457- 49i. 495- 510 GENERAL INDEX Sadra, MuUa, 349, 451. Sadr ud-Din, Pir. 343. Safa, hill of, 23, 96. Safawis, the, 400, 451. Saflfah, Abbaside Caliph, 128-9, 308, 309, 310-11, 315, 367. Safi ud-Din, ancestor of the Safawis, 494- Safiya, daughter of Abd al-MuttaUb, 7 n. Safiya, wife of the Prophet, 237. Safra, 65. Safwan, brother of Abu Sufian, 7. Safwan b. Omeyya, 95. Saif b. Zu'l Yezen, 10. Saif ud-Dowla, prince of Aleppo, 395, 426. sajjddanasktns, the, 471. Sakina, daughter of Imam Husain, 255- Sakran, former husband of Sauda, 233- Sakya-Muni (Buddha), 11 1. Saladin, 221, 314, 381, 448, 477, 487. Salehias, the, 322-3. Salerno, 362, 397. Salibah, in Spain, 392. Salma, wife of Hashim, 5. Salman the Persian, 186 n, 308. Samanides, the, 284, 376. Samarcand, 382, 383, 484. Samarra, 123. Samiya, wife of Yasar, 27. Samuel, the prophet, 16, 87. San'a, in Yemen, 7, 8, 9, 116. Sanai, Persian poet, 40, 47 n, 199, 313 «, 396, 431, 457, 467, 477, 486. Sanjar, Sultan, 466. Sardinia, 324. Sarraj, see Abu Nasr. Sassanides, the, xxxv, xxxvi, 326. Sauda, wife of the Prophet, 233. Sauda, Indian poet, 396 n. Saxons, the, 220. scholasticism, 422, 424. Scotland, 219. Scotus, Johannes, 456. S^dillot, historian, 244. Segelmessa, 375. Seir, mount, Ixi. Seleucidae, xxxv. Selim Chishti, sheikh, 472 n. SeUm I., Sultan, 132, 133, 313 «, 401. Seljukides, the, 284, 381, 465. Send b. Ali, astronomer, 374. Sennacherib, 8. Sennusiya order, the, 497. Serapis, god, xl, xlii. Servetus, 211 n. Seville, 392, 484. Sforza, Galeazzo Maria, 339 n. Shaddad, King, Ix, Ixiii n, Ixix. Shafei, Imam, 352, 437. Shah Kabir Dervish, 472. Shahr b. Bazan, governor of Yemen, 116. Shah Rukh Mirza, Timur's son, 383. Shammaites, the, 139, 242. Shams ud-Dowla, Ameer of Hama- dan, 387. Sharif al-Murtaza, 485. Shayba b. Hashim, see Abd ul- Muttalib. Sheikha Shuhda, 255. Shiahism, 329. Shibli, Sheikh, 369. Shihab ud-Din Suhrwardi, 434. Sicily, 324. Siculus, Diodorus, Ixi. Siddhanta, the, 374. sifdrat, office of, 6. Sifatias, the, 413, 418. Siffin, battle of, 297, 354. sikaya, office of, 4, 5, 6, 9 n. Silman, in Irak, 5 n. Sisebut, the Visigoth, Ivi. Socinus of Sienna, 1 n. Solon, 74 n. Solyman the Magnificent, 133, 401. Sophia, xlvii. Sophronius, patriarch, 220. Sosiosch, prophet, 123, 192 n. Soter, Ptolemy, xl. Spain, 1, 219, 286, 287, 292, 320, 375, 378, 392, 398, 400, 422, 448. Spartans, the, 223. Stagyrite, the, 434. Sufana, daughter of Hatim, 106 n. Sufaruz Ziadia, the, 356. Suhaili, poet, 383. Sulaim, tribe of, 71, 73. Sulaiman b. Jaris, 322. Sulaimanias, the, 322-3. Surra-man-raa, 346. Suriish, the angel, xxxix. Susiana, xxx. Suwailim the Jew, 103 n. Suwayka, near Medina, 67 n. Suzeni, poet, 396. Syed Ahmad Khan, 44 n. GENERAL INDEX 511 Sylvanus, Constantine, 329. Sylvester II., Pope, 371 n. Syria, Ix, 5, 11, 15, 77 n, 102, 115, 127, 128, 324, 438, 445. T. Tabari, historian, 42, 96, 390-1. Tabaristan, 322. Tabuk, expedition of, 104. Tacitus, 225. tafwiz, doctrine of, 41 1-2, 413, 453. Taghli bites, the, Ixvi. Tahart, 375. Taherides of Khorasan, 375. Taj ud-Din, Kazi of Cairo, 130. taheyya, practice of, 335-6. Talha, companion of the Prophet, 296. Talha, standard bearer of the Koreish, 69 n. Talmud, the, 222. Tantarani, poet, 395. tashbih, doctrine of, 412. Tasso, 254. tauba, doctrine of, 475. tauhid, doctrine of, 417, 423. tawaf (circumambulation of the Kaaba), 3. Tay, tribe of, Ixvi, Ixviii, 106. Tayef, Ixvi, 10, 41, 98, 104. Taym, family of, 13. Taym b. Murra, 6. Teraphim, the, 140, 151. Tertullian, St., xxix, 251. Thakif, tribe of, 41, 97-8, 99, 105 n. Thamud, tribe of, lix, Ix, Ixx, 25. Thaur, mount, 47. Theodora, liii, 330 n. Thompson, Joseph, African traveller, 266 n. Thracians, the, 223. Thumama b. Uthal, 85. Tihama, Ivii, Ixii, 68. Timur, 383. Titus, xxxvii. Tlemcen, 375. Toledo, 392. Tours, in France, 69, 292. Treitheism, doctrine of, xlix-1. Tughlakabad, 131. Tughril, Sultan, 315 n, 444. Tulaiha b. Khuwaihd, 116. Turanians, the, xix, xxx. Tus, 464, 469. Tyre, sack of, xxxiv. U. 'Ukaz, fair of , Iviii, lo-ii, 12. Ulugh Beg. Shah Rukh's son, 383. Umm ul-Fazl. MSmun's sister, 255, 312, 345. Umm ul-Habib, M&mfin's daughter, 255- 346. Umm-Hablba, wife of the Prophet, 235- Umm-Hakini, daughter of Abd ul- MuttaUb, 7 n. Umm ul-Jamll, ^vife of Abu Lahab, 24. Uns, Indian poet, 497. 'Unsuri, poet, 380. Upanishads, the, xxii, xxiii. Ur, in Chaldsea, xx. Usulis, the, 346-9. Uzbegs, the, 400, 402. al-'Uzza, goddess, Ixvi, 34, 36, loi. Valentinian, Emperor, 226. Valentinians, the, xlvii, Ixx, 343. Vandals, the, 401. Vasudeva- Krishna, xxiv, xxv. Vendidad, the, 191. W. Wahabis and Wahabism, 125-6, 353, 356, 357- Wahb, grandfather of the Prophet, 7. Wahraz, Marzban of Yemen, Ixiii «. wajd, a Sufi term, 476. Walid, Cahph, 128, 319 «• Walid, Osman's uterine brother, 295. waits, the, 470. Waraka b. Naufal, 15 n. 18, 19. Wasil b. 'Ata al-Ghazzal, 414-5. 496- Wathik, Caliph, 312, 422, 439. Watwat, poet, 396. Welhngton, Duke of, 80. wisdl, a Sufi term, 474. Wychffe, 397. X. Xerxes, 68. Yahya, grandson of Zain ul-'AbidIn, 308, 322. Yahya b. Abi Mansur, astronomer, 374. 484- , ^ Yakhzum b. Murra, house of, 6. 512 GENERAL INDEX Yaktan, brother of Kahtan, Ixii. Ya'kub al-Mansur, Almohade, 429. Ya'kub b. Tarik, physicist, 379. Yareb b. Kahtan, Ixii. Yasar, 27. Yathrib, Ivii, Ixvi, 5, 8, 42, 43, 46, 48, 49. 51. 53. 59- See also Medina. Yazatas (" Izad " in modem Persian), 191. Yemama, Iviii, 85, 115. Yemen, Ivii, Ix, Ixii, Ixiii n, Ixv, Ixviii, Ixix, 2, 5, 115, 116, 497. Yermuk, battle of, 276. Yeshhad b. Yareb, Ixii. Yezdjard, King of Persia, 216, 217. Yezid b. Abu Sufian, 86. Yezid b. Mu'awiyah, 300. Yunus al-Aswari, 413. Yusuf b. Tashfin, 129, 386 n, 400 n. Z. Zahhak, xxx n. Zahir Faryabi, poet, 396. Zaid b. Ali (Zain ul-'Abidin), 320, 321. Zaid b. Harith, 14-5, 21, 41, 95 n. 235-6, 264. Zaid b. Rifa'a, 432. Zaidias, the, 320-2. Zainab, wife of the Prophet, 235-6. Zainab, sister of Imam Husain, 250, 302. Zain ul-'Abidin, see Ali II. Zallaka, battle of, 129. Zamurud Khatun, wife of Nasir ud- Dowla of Hems, 393 n. Zat ul-Hemma, 255. zavias, the, 468. Zealots, the, xxxvii, 139. Z6b un-Nisa, 393 n. Zemzem, the sacred well, 5, 6, 9 n. Zend Avesta, 191, 227. Zeus, xl. zikr, a Sufi term, 476 n. Ziraria, the, 413. Zoroaster (Zarathustra), xxi, xxii, III. Zubaida, wife of Harun, 254, 393 n. Zubair b. Abd ul-Muttalib, 7 n. Zubair b. Abu Omeyya, 39. Zubair b. al-'Awwam, 21, 296. Zuhra, family of, 13. Zu'1-karnain al-Himyari, Ixiii. Zu'1-khulasa, temple of, Ixvii n. Zu'l Majaz, near Mount 'Arafat, 10. Zu Nawas, Tubba', Ixiii n, Ixviii. Zu's-Sabat (in 'Irak), Ixvii n. Zu Shinatir. Tubba'. Ixiii n. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX Akhldk Muhsini (Mulla Husain Waliz). Akhldk Ndsiri (Nasir ud-din Abdur Rahim Ibn Abi Mansur). al-Asdr lU-Bdkieh (Al-Beiruni). Al-Karrdr {Life of the Caliph All) (Riza Ali). Al-Luma' (Abu Nasr as-Sarraj). Aiesh Kadeh (Lutf Ali Azar) . Bihdr-ul-Anwdr (Mulla Bakir Majisi). Dabistdni Mazdhib (Mohsini Fani). Diwdni Hdfiz (Shams ud-din Hafiz) . The Durrul-makhtdr . Fasl-ul-Makdl (Ibn Rushd). The Fatdwai Alamgiri. Fi't Tahktk ma I'il Hind (Al-Beiruni). FutiVi ul-Bulddn (Balazuri). Ghurar wa'durar (Sharif al-Murtaza) . Gouhar-i-Murdd (Mulla Abdur Razzak). Hadika (Sanai). Hayy ibn Yakzdn (Ibn Tufail). Ihya ul-'Ulum (Imam al-Ghazzali) . Ihtijdj ui-Tabrasi (Shaikh at-Tabrasi). 'Ijdz ut-Tanzil (Khalifa Mohammed Hasan). Insdn ul ' Uyun (al-Halabi) . fdyni'-ul-Akhbdr. J ami' -ut-Tivmizi (ImS,m Tirmizi). Kashf uz-Zunun Haji Khalifa). Kirdn us-Sa'dain (Ameer Khusru M. E. 1228 A.H.). Kitdb ul-Ishtikdk (Ibn Doreid). Kitdb-ul-Khardj (Im^m Abu Yusuf). Kitdb ul-Mustatraf. Kitdb al-Tawdsin {The poems of al-Halldj) (M. Louis Massignon, Paris, 1913)- Kitdb Ridz al-Jindn (Ashraf Ali Ibn Abdul Wall). Kitdb ud-duwal al-Fakhri (Ibn Tiktaka, Derenbourg ed. 1877). Kitdb ul-Tabyin (Ibn Asakir (pub. Report Congress Orientalists, 1876 ; Vol. II.) ). Lisdn ul-Arab (Jamaiuddin bin Mohammed al-Misri). Luma't-ul Baiza (Sermons of Fatima't az-Zahra). Makkari (Umdat ut-Talib) . Mdkhaz-'UliXm (Syed Ker^mat Ali). 513 514 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX Mandkihi Martazawi. Masnavi (Moulana Jalil ud-din Rumi). Milal wa'Nihal (Shahristani). Mishkdt al-Masdbih. Mu'jam-ul-Bulddn (Yakut). Munkiz-min azzaldl (Imam al-Ghazzali) . Muruj uz-Zahab (Mas'udi). Nafahdt td-Uns (Nur-uddin Jami). Nahaj-ul-Baldghat (Sermons of Ameer ul-Mominin Ali ibn Abi Talib). Nahaj ul-Baldghat (Sharh of Ibn Abi'l Hadid on the). an-Nujum uz-Zdhira (Jamal ud-Din Abu'l Mahasin Ibn Taghri-bardi). The Radd ul-Mnhtdr. Sharhi Nahaj ul-Baldghat (LutfuUah Kash^ni). Sidsatnameh (Nizam ul-Mulk). Strut ur-Rasul (Ibn Hisham). Strat ur-Nabawiyeh wa'l Asdr ul-Mohammediya (Syed Ahmed Zaini). Tafsir al-Kasshdf (Imam Zamakhshari) . Takhrij ul-Hedaya (Zail'yi). Tdrikh-iil-Isldm (az-Zahabi). Tdrikh al-Kdmil (Ibn ul-Athir). Tdrikh ul-Imdnt Ibn Khaldun. Tdrikh Wassdf. Tdrikh ul-Khulafd (Suy'uti). Tdrikh ul-Hukama (Jamal ud-din Kifti). Tazkirat-ul-Awlia (Farid ud-din 'Attar). Umdat iit-Tdlib (Makkari). ' Uyiin ul-Masdil (Abu Nasr Farabi) . Wafidt ul-'Aydn (Ibn Khallikan). Etc. A Literary History of Persia (E. G. Browne). Ancient History of the East (Lenormant). Angel-Messiah (de Bunsen). Arnold's Sermons. Aspects of Isldm (Duncan Black Macdonald). Code Rabbinique . Concubina (du Cange). Conflict of Religion and Science (Draper). Culturgeschichte des Orients unter den Caliphen (Von Kremer). Curiosities of Literature (Disraeli). Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (Gibbon) . Ecclesiastical History (Mosheim) . Essay on Isldm (Emmanuel Deutsch). Essay on Mahommed's Place in the Church (de Bunsen). Hallam's History of England. Hindu Religion and Castes (H. H. Wilson). Hindu Tribes and Castes (Sherring). Hisioire des Arabes (Sedillot). BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX 515 Histoire des Musulmanes d'Espagne (Dozy). Histoire des Philosaphes et les Theologiens Musulmanes (Gustave Dugat). History of Ancient Egypt (Rawlinson). History of Latin Christianity (Milman). History of Christianity (Milman). History of Christian Theology in the Apostolic Age (Reuss). History of Greece (Grote). History of Rationalism (Leclcy) . History of the Jews (Milman). History of the Doctrine of the Future Life (Alger). History of the Christian Church (Blunt). History of the Church of Christ (Milner). Ibn Khallikdn (De Slane's Translation). Intellectual Development of Europe (Draper). Islam under the Arabs (Osborne). J t' wish Literature and Modern Education (Maitland). Law of Nature and Natioyis (Pufendorfi). Le Dogme et la Loi de V Islam (Goldziher). L' Influence des Croissades sur I'etat des Peuples de I' Europe (d'Aillecourt) . Les Confreries Religieuses Musulmanes (Dupont et Coppolani). Les Ecoles Philosophiques chez les Arabes (Auguste Schmolders). Les Effects de la Religion de Muhammed (Oelsner). Les Riligions et les Philosophies dans I'Asie Centrale (Gobineau). Life of Jesus (Strauss). Life of Mahomet (Muir). Life of Mohammed (Bosworth-Smith) . Literature and Dogma (Matthew Arnold). Manichaeism (Beausobre) . Materials for the Study of the Babi Religion (E. G. Browne). Melange de Philosophic Juive et Arabe (Munk). Oriental Religions (Johnson). Philosophic und Theologie von Averroes (Miiller). Religion des Druzes (de Sacy). Religions of India (Hopkins). Roman Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius (Samuel Dill) Secret Societies of All Ages (C. W. Hecklethorn) . Selections from the Koran (Stanley Lane-Poole) . Studies in Islamic Mysticism (R. A. Nicholson). Tableau General de l Empire Ottoman (d'Ohsson). The Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity (Legge). The Gentile and the Jew (Dollinger). The Jewish Church (Stanley's Lectures on). The Moors in Spain (Stanley Lane-Poole). The Mystics of Isldm (R. A. Nicholson). The Preaching of Islam (Arnold). The Religion of the Tantras {" Arthur Avalon "). The Upanishad', (Tv. Hume). Un Grand Maitre des A ssassins au temps de Saladin (M. Stanislas Guyard) . Vie de Jesus (Renan). Etc. PRIKTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY ROBERT MACLKHO.SE AND CO. 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