UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 
 
 IN 
 
 AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY 
 
 Vol. 14, No. 1, pp. 1-154 January 10, 1918 
 
 THE LANGUAGE 
 OF THE SAL1NAN INDIANS 
 
 BY 
 J. ALDEN MASON 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS 
 BERKELEY 
 
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University of California Publications in 
 
 VOLUME XIV 
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INDEX* 
 
 Agates, 376. 
 
 Agua Caliente Indians. See Cupefio 
 Indians. 
 
 Alaska Indians, culture of, 368. 
 
 Algonkin linguistic stock, 250-251. 
 
 Arcata, California, 248. 
 
 Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory, 
 sites or deposits, 255, 256-257, 
 258, 260-261, 275-281; classes of 
 remains, 279-281; illustrations of, 
 opp. 414, 416, 424, 428. 
 Gunther island shellmound (site 
 67), 337-386, 352; environment, 
 337; size, shape, composition, 
 339-345; vertebrate remains, 345; 
 age, 347; human remains, 350; 
 material culture, 357. 
 
 Arrow tree, 252, 253; picture of, opp. 
 410. 
 
 Artifacts of the Wiyot Indians, 280, 
 387-392. See also Implements. 
 
 Athapascan Indians, 251-256; plant 
 names, 234; geographical names, 
 284, 285, 290-292. 
 
 Barrett, S. A., 437. 
 
 Basketry, 386. 
 
 "Battle-grounds," Indian, 257. 
 
 Beads, use of, by Wiyot Indians, 386. 
 
 Bear shamans, 209-211. 
 
 Blue Lake, Indian settlements near, 
 263-265. 
 
 Bodega, Spanish explorer, 241. 
 
 Bone, objects of, 382-384. 
 
 Bucksport, California, 248. 
 
 Burials, Indian, 254, 350, 351-353, 
 367-368, 386. See also Cremation. 
 
 Cahuilla Indians, totems of, 169, 170, 
 186; clan and moiety organiza- 
 tion, 186-188, 215, 216, 219; 
 myths, 188; list of clans, 189-191. 
 
 California, aboriginal population, esti- 
 mates, 298-305; treatment of, 
 308-311, 317-329, 334-337; reser- 
 vation system, 311-316; massacres 
 by the whites in 1860, 329-334. 
 See also under Indian and names 
 of Indian tribes. 
 
 Moieties, clans, and totems in, 215- 
 219; map showing locations of, 
 opp. 215; varieties of moiety or- 
 ganization, 215; distribution of 
 clan organization, four groups, 
 216, 217; affinity and ultimate 
 origin of, 218; problem of totem- 
 ism, 219. 
 
 Cardium, 280. 
 
 Charmstones, 255. 
 
 Chert, formation in Humboldt bay 
 region, 279; implements of, 357, 
 359, 360, 361, 375. 
 
 Chilula Indians, 251-253; the "Arrow 
 Tree," 252. 
 
 Chukchansi Indians, 216. 
 
 Chumash Indians, 216. 
 
 Chunut Indians, 216. 
 
 Clan names; Luiseno, 203; of women: 
 Piman, 176, 219; Shoshonean 
 (Serrano), 180; Yuman, 157-161, 
 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 219. 
 
 Clans and Moieties in Southern Cali- 
 fornia, 155-219; Indian inform- 
 ants on, 164, 166, 167, 172, 176, 
 187, 192, 209 note, 211. 
 
 day, objects of, 377-380. 
 
 Clowns, in Indian dance ceremonies, 
 457. 
 
 Composition of Gunther Island shell- 
 mound, 339-344, 346. See also 
 Gunther island. 
 
 Copper, 242. 
 
 Cocopa Indians, 156, 216; clans of, 
 158, 159-161; women's clan 
 names, 162, 163, 164, 165; clan 
 customs, 166; totem beliefs, 166. 
 
 Colorado river Indian tribes, 156, 
 215, 216. 
 
 Coulter, 5. 
 
 Cremation, 347, 353. 
 
 Culture, material, of Indians in Wiyot 
 Territory, 357-392. See also 
 Artifacts; Implements; Names of 
 materials, etc. 
 
 Cupeno Indians, 170; clan and moiety 
 organization, 192-199, 216; to- 
 tems, 192, 193; clans and parties 
 of, 193-195; ceremonies and cus- 
 toms, 196-198; myths, 199-201. 
 
 Curtis, E. S., acknowledgment, 157; 
 cited and quoted on Piman clan 
 system, 174-176. 
 
 Dances (dance ceremonies), 174, 196, 
 208, 213, 268, 269, 282, 461, 462, 
 464, 472; ceremonial objects, 
 441-442; Tuya dances, 447, 454, 
 457, 460; Moki dance, 451; sweat 
 dances, 454, 461; Toto dance 
 songs, 481. See also Orations; 
 Wintun Indians. 
 
 de la Cuesta, A., 5. 
 
 * Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., XIV. 
 
 [503] 
 
Index 
 
 Diegueno Indians, 156; clan features 
 of, 167, 216; list of clans of, 167- 
 168, 174; clan customs, 168-169; 
 culture and origin myth of the 
 Southern Diegueno, 169-172. 
 Northern Diegueno, clans, 172-173; 
 clan customs, 173. 
 
 Dixon, E. B., 5. 
 
 Dixon and Kroeber, cited, 250. 
 
 Drake, Francis, 241. 
 
 Eel river, Indian settlements on, 271- 
 272. 
 
 Emeryville, shellmound, 347. 
 
 Ethnobotany of Humboldt bay re- 
 gion, 231-235; Wiyot plant names 
 and uses, 232; Athapascan plant 
 names, 234. 
 
 Ethnogeography and Archaeology of 
 the Wiyot Territory, 221-436. 
 See also Wiyot Territory. 
 
 Eureka, Indian villages near town 
 of, 266-269. 
 
 Exogamy, 166, 167, 169, 173, 177, 178, 
 180, 186, 193, 213. 
 
 Fauna of Humboldt bay region, 235- 
 251; mammals, 235; birds, 237; 
 fish, 237; mollusks, 239; other 
 fauna, 240. 
 
 Ferrelo, Spanish explorer, 241. 
 
 Flint, 256; implements of, 358, 359, 
 360, 361; illustrated, opp. 420, 
 422; in Gunther island shell- 
 mound, 376. 
 
 Gabrielino Indians, 216. 
 
 Gambling songs, Indian, 483, 484. 
 
 Gashowu Indians, 216. 
 
 Genetic Relationship of the North 
 American Indian Languages, 489- 
 502; early studies of, 489-490; 
 list of linguistic stocks in North 
 America, 490; fundamental re- 
 semblances, morphological, 490- 
 491; with reference to specific 
 tracts, 491 ; three subgroups sug- 
 gested, 492; ethnological consid- 
 erations, 492; data demonstrat- 
 ing, 493-502. 
 
 Geographical names used by Indians: 
 Athapascan, 284, 285, 290-292; 
 Yurok, 297-298; Wiyot, 284-285, 
 286-290, 292-296. 
 
 Geology of the Humboldt bay region, 
 279-280. 
 
 Gifford, E. W., 155. 
 
 Glen Cove, shellmound, 347. 
 
 Goddard, P. E., cited, 255, 264. 
 
 Gould and Yates, 5. 
 
 Gunther island, massacre on, 263, 268. 
 
 Gunther island shellmound, 225, 266, ' 
 268, 283, 352; archaeology of, 
 337-386; environment, size, and 
 shape, 337; composition, 339; 
 
 vertebrate remains, 345; age, 
 347; .human remains, 350; mate- 
 rial culture, 357. 
 
 Hale, N., 5. 
 
 Harrington, J. P., acknowledgment, 
 157. 
 
 Henshaw, H. W., 5. 
 
 Hesi ceremony. See Wintun Hesi 
 ceremony. 
 
 Hokan family of Indian languages, 5. 
 
 Hopi Indians, 219. 
 
 Horn, objects of, 380-381. 
 
 Hudson Bay Company, 247. 
 
 Human remains in shellmounds, 350. 
 
 Human sacrifice among Indians, 368, 
 372. 
 
 Humboldt bay, discovery of, 245; In- 
 dian settlements on, 269-271; 
 early map of, opp. 406. 
 
 Humboldt bay region, 226-248, 279- 
 280; physiography, 226; forest, 
 228; prairie, 230; Indian trails, 
 230; ethnobotany, 231; discovery 
 and settlement, 241. 
 
 Humboldt city, 270. 
 
 Hustenate, shellmound described by 
 Schumacher, 349, 352, 354, 356. 
 
 Implements of the Wiyot Indians, 
 280, 357-375. 
 
 Indian Commissioners for California, 
 1851, report of, 298; various esti- 
 mates of its members as to abo- 
 riginal population, 299-301. 
 
 Indian ceremonial systems, 438, 440. 
 See also Wintun Hesi ceremony; 
 Wintun Indians. 
 
 Indian languages, Hokan, and Isko- 
 
 man, groups, 5; vocabularies of, 
 
 5. See also Genetic Eelationship, 
 
 . etc.; Salinan Indians, Language 
 
 of. 
 
 Indian reservation system in Cali- 
 fornia, 311-316. 
 
 "Indian Wars" in California, 309- 
 311. 
 
 Iron, 242. 
 
 ' ' Iskoman ' ' group, of Indian lan- 
 guages, 5. 
 
 Juaneno Indians, 216. 
 
 Kamia Indians, clan names, 158, 159, 
 161, 162, 164, 167. 
 
 Kawaiisu Indians, 216. 
 
 Klamath river, 248. 
 
 Kohuana Indians, clan names, 156- 
 162. 
 
 Kroeber, A. L., 5; cited, 250, 269, 
 282; acknowledgment, 155, 157. 
 Kroeber and Dixon, E. B., cited, 250. 
 Lindsey, W. E., ited, 259. 
 Loud, L. L., 221. 
 
 [504] 
 
Index 
 
 Luiseno Indians, non-totemic, 201; 
 
 organization, 201-202, 216; clan 
 
 names, 202, 203-205; parties, 206- 
 
 208, 212; customs, 208-212, 213; 
 
 bear shamans, 209-211; myths, 
 
 212; individual names, 214. 
 McKee expedition of 1851, 298-300, 
 
 301. 
 
 Macoma nasuta, 280. 
 Mad river, Wiyot Indian settlements 
 
 on, 258-263. 
 
 Mad river slough, Wiyot Indian set- 
 tlements on, 265-266. 
 Maidu Indians, ceremonial dance sys- 
 tem, 440; ceremonial clown, 457. 
 Maricopa Indians, clan names, 156- 
 
 162. 
 
 Mason, J. Alden, 1. 
 Massacres of, 1860, 270, 272, 274, 329- 
 
 334; at Gunther island, 263, 268. 
 Matthole Indians, 256. 
 Maurelle, cited, 245. 
 Miwok moieties, 176, 215; clan names, 
 
 202; personal names, 219. 
 Mohave Indians, clans of, 156-161; 
 
 women's clan names, 164-165; 
 
 clan organization, 216. 
 Moieties, and Clans, of Southern Cali- 
 
 fornia^ 155-219. 
 Moki, ceremonial dance, cloak for, 
 
 442; the dance, 451; speeches, 
 
 476-479. 
 
 Mono moiety organization, 215. 
 Mythology (mythological interest), 
 
 myths, among the Wiyot Indians, 
 
 281-284; among the Athapascan 
 
 Indians, 283, 284. 
 Mytilus calif ornianus, 280. 
 
 edulis, 280. 
 
 Nongatl Indians, 255. 
 Nutunutu Indians, 216. 
 Obsidian in Humboldt bay region, 
 
 243, 280, 376; ceremonial blades, 
 
 knives, etc., 357, 358, 359, 360, 
 
 361; illustrated, opp. 420. 
 Ophthalmia among Wiyot Indians, 
 
 278. 
 Orations, in Indian dance ceremonies, 
 
 452, 460, 462, 465, 473, 475-482 
 
 (Bole Ho), 476. 
 Papago Indians, totemic clans in, 
 
 174-177; clan names, 219. 
 Paphia, 280. 
 Pestles, sandstone, 361-363; figures 
 
 of, 389. 
 Pima Indians, totemic clans of, 174- 
 
 176; clan names, 219. 
 Piman clans. See Papago Indians; 
 
 Pima Indians. 
 Porno Indians, ceremonial clowns of, 
 
 457. 
 Powell, J. W., 5. 
 
 Powers, S., cited, 253, 254, 256. 
 
 Quartz, 376. 
 
 Eadin, P., 489. 
 
 Eussell, F., cited and quoted, on Pima 
 clan system, 174, 176. 
 
 Eussians, The, on the Pacific Coast, 
 245. 
 
 Salinan Indians, The Language of the, 
 1-154; early work on, 4-6; In- 
 dian informants, 4; dialect of, 6; 
 phonology, 7-17; morphology, 18- 
 58; texts, 59-120; vocabulary, 
 121-154. See also pages 1-3. 
 
 Sandstone, 376; implements, 361-375, 
 379. 
 
 San Francisco bay, shellmounds, 245. 
 
 Sapir, E., 5. 
 
 Saxidomus, 280. 
 
 Schizothaerus, 280. 
 
 Schumacher, Paul, cited, 349. 
 
 Sequoia sempervirens, 228. 
 
 Serrano Indians, 170; clan and moiety 
 organization, 178-182, 216, 219; 
 totems, 178; clan names, 179-180; 
 clan customs, 180-182; myths, 
 182-186. 
 
 Shamans, bear, 209-211. 
 
 Shell, objects of, 384-386; figures 
 showing, 385. 
 
 Shellmounds. See Emeryville; Glen 
 Cove; Gunther island; San Fran- 
 cisco bay. 
 
 Shoshonean Indians, 155, 167, 168, 
 170. 
 
 Shoshonean clans and moieties, 177- 
 214. See also Cahuilla Indians; 
 Cupeno Indians; Luiseno Indians; 
 Serrano Indians. 
 
 Siliqua patula, 280. 
 
 Sinkyone Indians, 256. 
 
 Sitjar, Fray Buenaventura, 5. 
 
 Slave-killers, 366-375; figures of, 371, 
 373, opp. 430. 
 
 Slavery among the Indians, 366-367, 
 368. 
 
 Sparkman, P. S., acknowledgment, 
 203. 
 
 Steatite, 376. 
 
 Surf-fishing sites, 278-281. 
 
 Sweat dances, 454-461. 
 
 Tachi Indians, 216. 
 
 Taylor, A. S., 5. 
 
 Telamni Indians, 216. 
 
 Totemic Indian clans, 155, 156-161, 
 163, 164, 166, 169, 170, 174-176, 
 177. 
 
 Totemism, in California, origin, 219; 
 development of, in moiety organ- 
 ization, 219; expressed in names 
 of individuals, 219. 
 
 Toto ceremony of the Wintun Indians, 
 438, 439. 
 
 [505] 
 
Index 
 
 Trinidad bay, 242; Spanish accounts 
 of Indians on, 242-243; English 
 accounts of Indians on, 244-245; 
 discovery and accounts of, by gold 
 seekers, 247-248. 
 
 Tiibatulabal Indians, 216. 
 
 Tuya, ceremonial dance, 447, 454, 460; 
 costumes, 446, 447. 
 
 Vancouver, George, English explorer, 
 244. 
 
 Vertebrate remains in Gunther island 
 shellmound, 345-346. 
 
 Vizcaino, 241. 
 
 Vocabularies of Indian languages, 5. 
 
 Waterman, T. T., 5. 
 
 Wechikhit Indians, 216. 
 
 Whilkut Indians, 253-255. 
 
 Winship, Captain J., discovery of 
 Humboldt bay, 245-247. 
 
 Wintun Hesi Ceremony, 437-488; In- 
 dian information, 440; detailed 
 description of ceremony of 1906, 
 441-482 ; the " hand " or " grass ' ' 
 game, 482. See also Dances; Win- 
 tun Indians. 
 
 Wintun Indians, territory, languages, 
 culture relationship, mortuary cus- 
 toms, 438; ideas regarding the 
 world, 463; "hand" or "grass" 
 game, 482. 
 
 Ceremonial system, 438-441; major 
 ceremonies, Toto and Hesi, pur- 
 pose of, 438; relative importance, 
 439; minor ceremonies, 439; 
 dances, 439; assemblies, 439; 
 Toto ceremony, 439-440. 
 
 Wiyot geographical names, 284-285, 
 286-290, 292, 296. 
 
 Wiyot house, description of, 264, 267; 
 figures showing, 267. 
 
 Wiyot Indians, leading men of, 260; 
 ophthalmia among, 278; estimates 
 of population, 298-305, 392. 
 
 Wiyot Territory, Ethnogeography 
 and Archaeology of, 221-436; 
 boundaries, 249; Indian neigh- 
 bors, 249-256; map of, opp. 402. 
 Ethnogeography, 256-337; descrip- 
 tion of settlements, 258-285; 
 archaeological sites, 275; sites for 
 surf -fishing, 278; places of mytho- 
 logical interest, 281; geographical 
 names: Wiyot, 286, 292; Atha- 
 pascan, 290; Yurok, 297; aborig- 
 inal population, 298. See also 
 Archaeology of the Wiyot Ter- 
 ritory. 
 
 Yates and Gould, 5. 
 
 Yokut moiety organization, 215, 219; 
 lack of, in certain peoples, 216. 
 
 Yuma Indians, clans of, 156-161; 
 women 's clan names, 162, 163, 
 164, 165, 167; clan organization, 
 216. 
 
 Yuman clans, features common to, 
 156. See also Cocopa Indians; 
 Kamia Indians; Kohuana In- 
 dians; Maricopa Indians; Mohave 
 Indians; Yuma Indians. See also 
 Clan names of women. 
 
 Yurok Indians, early Spanish accounts 
 of, 242-243; settlements of, 249- 
 250; social relations with Wiyot 
 Indians, 250; linguistic relations, 
 250-251; geographical names, 297, 
 298; burial customs, 353. 
 
 [506] 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 NUMBER 1. The Language of the Salinan Indians, J. Aides Mason, pages 1-154. 
 
 NUMBER 2. Clans and Moieties in Southern California, Edward Winslow Gifford, 
 pages 155-219. 
 
 NUMBER 3. Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory, Llewellyn 
 L. Loud, pages 221-436, plates 1-21. 
 
 NUMBER 4. The Wintun Hesi Ceremony, S. A. Barrett, pages 437-488, plates 
 22-23. 
 
 NUMBER 5. The Genetic Relationship of the North American Indian Languages, 
 Paul Eadin, pages 489-502. 
 
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 
 
 IN 
 
 AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY 
 
 Vol. 14, No. 1, pp. 1-154 January 10, 1918 
 
 THE LANGUAGE OF THE SALINAN INDIANS 
 
 BY 
 
 J. ALDEN MASON 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 INTRODUCTION 4 
 
 PART I. PHONOLOGY 7 
 
 Phonetic system 7 
 
 Vowels 7 
 
 Quality 8 
 
 Nasalization 8 
 
 Voiceless vowels 8 
 
 Accent 9 
 
 Consonants 9 
 
 Semi-vowels 9 
 
 Nasals 10 
 
 Laterals 10 
 
 Spirants 10 
 
 Stops 11 
 
 Affricatives 12 
 
 Table of phonetic system 13 
 
 Phonetic processes 13 
 
 Vocalic assimilation 13 
 
 Syncope : 14 
 
 Reduplication 14 
 
 Onomatopoeia 15 
 
 Metathesis 15 
 
 Dissimilation 16 
 
 Elision 16 
 
 Phonetic differences in dialect 17 
 
 PART II. MORPHOLOGY 18 
 
 Etymology 18 
 
 Nominalizing suffixes 18 
 
 Verbalizing suffixes 20 
 
 Adjectivizing suffixes 21 
 
 Nominal etymological prefixes 21 
 
 Grammatical structure 22 
 
 Noun and verb 22 
 
 Plural . 22 
 
2 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Noun 29 
 
 Nominal prefixes 29 
 
 Pronominal possession 30 
 
 Pronominal system 32 
 
 Independent pronouns 32 
 
 Locative pronouns 33 
 
 Table of pronominal forms 33 
 
 The Verb _ 34 
 
 Proclitics 34 
 
 Temporal proclitics 34 
 
 Interrogative proclitics 35 
 
 Proclitic pronominal subject 36 
 
 Prefixes 37 
 
 Transitive, intransitive, nominal 38 
 
 Imperative 40 
 
 Negative 41 
 
 Interrogative 42 
 
 Conditional _ 43 
 
 Dependent ~ 44 
 
 Purposive 44 
 
 Substantive 45 
 
 Verb stem 45 
 
 Objective pronouns 46 
 
 Passive forms 48 
 
 Suffixes 48 
 
 Enclitics 50 
 
 Cjuasi-enclitics 50 
 
 Tense enclitics 52 
 
 Enclitic pronominal subject 54 
 
 Adverbs 54 
 
 Temporal adverbs 55 
 
 Locative adverbs 55 
 
 Other parts of speech 57 
 
 Prepositions 57 
 
 Adjectives 57 
 
 Demonstratives 58 
 
 Conjunctions 58 
 
 PART III. TEXTS 59 
 
 Dialect of San Antonio 1 60 
 
 Prairie-Falcon, Kaven and Coyote 60 
 
 Analysis 64 
 
 Prairie-Falcon and White Owl 67 
 
 Cricket and Mountain Lion 69 
 
 Great Hawk and the Cold 73 
 
 The Animals and God 76 
 
 The Pelican 77 
 
 Coyote and the Salt Water .'. 79 
 
 The Beginning of the World 81 
 
 The Theft of Fire 82 
 
 How People Were Made 83 
 
 The Tar Man 84 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 3 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Prairie-Falcon and Woodpecker 85 
 
 Coyote and Wildcat 86 
 
 Coyote and Hare 87 
 
 Coyote and Kabbit 88 
 
 Coyote and Bull 88 
 
 Coyote and the Sun 90 
 
 The Sun and the Moon 91 
 
 Prairie-Falcon, Xui and the Serpent 92 
 
 The Murderers 93 
 
 The Eainmaker 94 
 
 The Mountain-Lion Hunt 94 
 
 A Forest Fire 97 
 
 A Trip to San Francisco 98 
 
 Toy and Bluejay 99 
 
 The Elk 101 
 
 The Fight 102 
 
 Dialect of San Miguel 104 
 
 The Beginning of the World 104 
 
 The Theft of Fire 105 
 
 The Tar Woman 108 
 
 Prairie-Falcon and Elf 110 
 
 The Serpent 112 
 
 The Elf and the Bear 114 
 
 The Old People 117 
 
 The Eclipse 118 
 
 The Tornado 118 
 
 The Famine Year 119 
 
 The Earthquake 120 
 
 PART IV. VOCABULARY 1 21 
 
 Nominal stems 122 
 
 Animals * 122 
 
 Body parts 126 
 
 Botanical terms 128 
 
 Manufactured objects 130 
 
 Natural phenomena 132 
 
 Personal terms 133 
 
 Abstract and miscellaneous terms 135 
 
 Verbal stems 137 
 
 Adjectival stems 149 
 
 Various stems - 151 
 
 Demonstrative articles 151 
 
 Temporal adverbs 152 
 
 Locative adverbs 152 
 
 Descriptive adverbs 153 
 
 Numerals 153 
 
 Conjunctions 154 
 
 Interjections 154 
 
University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol.14 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 This study of the dialects composing the Salinan linguistic group 
 was begun in September, 1910, when I made a visit to the neighbor- 
 hood of the old Mission of San Antonio in Monterey County, where 
 live the few remaining members of this group. Here a little work 
 was done with the oldest member of each of the two divisions, Jose 
 Cruz of the Antoniaiio and Perfecta Encinales of the Migueleilo 
 dialect. An incomplete acquaintance with Spanish, the medium of 
 communication, coupled with a lack of satisfactory interpreters and 
 other disappointing circumstances, rendered this visit not wholly prof- 
 itable. Consequently arrangements were later made by which Pedro 
 Encinales, one of the middle-aged Indians, visited San Francisco, 
 where I worked with him from Thanksgiving until Christmas. During 
 this time Dr. T. T. Waterman made some researches on the phonetics 
 of the language with the help of various mechanical apparatus. 
 Unfortunately the informant was found to be totally ignorant of all 
 mythology, and the few texts received from him were rather poor. 
 The month of January, 1911, was spent in linguistic work upon the 
 material received. 
 
 For five years I was unable to continue my researches upon Salinan, 
 but these were again taken up in January, 1916, to continue through- 
 out that year. A second trip was made to the region of Jolon, 
 Monterey County. In the intervening years Jose Cruz and Perfecta 
 Encinales were found to have died, but better linguistic informants 
 were found in the persons of David Mora, a pure Antoniaiio Indian, 
 and Maria Ocarpia, a pure Migueleno. An unexpectedly good series 
 of mythological texts were secured from these. Another old Indian, 
 Juan Quintana, was found to be an unsatisfactory linguistic informant, 
 but gave a number of mythological stories in Spanish, which were 
 translated into Salinan by Maria Encinales, a sister of Pedro, and by 
 David Mora. 
 
 Furthermore, all the extant linguistic material from other sources 
 has been examined in the preparation of this paper. This collection 
 was begun more than a century ago with the preparation of a vocab- 
 ulary and phrase-book of the language of the Indians of Mission San 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 5 
 
 Antonio by the founder of the Mission, Fray Buenaventura Sitjar. 
 The manuscript was sent to "Washington by the indefatigable A. S. 
 Taylor and published by J. G. Shea. 1 In 1821 Felipe Arroyo de la 
 Cuesta, the author of the grammar and phrase-book of Mutsun, took 
 a vocabulary from the Salinan Mission, which is preserved in Santa 
 Barbara. A transcription was made by Gatschet and deposited in 
 Washington. Coulter recorded a short vocabulary from San Antonio, 2 
 and Hale a short vocabulary from San Miguel. 3 Yates and Gould 
 collected in 1887 a San Miguel vocabulary, which is now in the pos- 
 session of the Bureau of American Ethnology, and Alexander S. Taylor 
 recorded short vocabularies and phrases. 4 All of these vocabularies 
 have been examined and compared, but with the exception of Sit jar's 
 they are of small value. 
 
 The first really intensive and modern work on Salinan was done 
 by H. W. Henshaw in 1884, when he was engaged in determining the 
 linguistic affinities of the California Indians for Major Powell and 
 the Bureau of American Ethnology. 5 Henshaw 's material was kindly 
 loaned by the Bureau, together with all other Salinan linguistic 
 material in its possession, and has been of great value. 
 
 Dr. A. L. Kroeber visited the region in 1902, and formulated his 
 ideas concerning the language in a paper. 6 Both this and his manu- 
 script notes have been studied. The phonetic data of Dr. Waterman 
 have also been studied and the chief results noted. 
 
 Recently Drs. Dixon and Kroeber have united Salinan with Chu- 
 mash in an "Iskoman" group, 7 which, in turn, they have subsequently 
 come to regard as part of the Hokan family. This reclassification has 
 been accepted by several American anthropologists and many Salinan 
 words have been included by Dr. Sapir in his comparative paper. 8 
 
 1 Buenaventura Sitjar, Vocabulary of the Language of San Antonio Mis- 
 sion, California (in Shea's Library of American Linguistics) (New York, 1861). 
 
 2 Coulter, Journal of the London Eoyal Geographical Society; copied in 
 Transactions of the American Ethnological Society, II, 129, 1848. 
 
 s Horatio Hale, in Transactions of the American Ethnological Society, n, 126, 
 1848. 
 
 * A. S. Taylor, The Indianology of California, in California Farmer (San 
 Francisco, 1860), passim. 
 
 s J. W. Powell, Indian Linguistic Families, Seventh Annual Eeport, Bureau 
 of American Ethnology, Washington, p. 101, 1891. 
 
 e A. L. Kroeber, Languages of the Coast of California South of San Fran- 
 cisco, present series, n, 43-47, 1904. 
 
 7 E. B. Dixon and A. L. Kroeber, New Linguistic Families yfl California, 
 American Anthropologist, n.s. xv, 647-655, 1913. 
 
 s Edward Sapir, The Position of Yana in the Hokan Stock, present series, 
 xin, 1-34, 1917. 
 
6 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 The Salinan language comprises the two surviving dialects of the 
 missions of San Antonio and San Miguel. These two dialects are 
 mutually intelligible with little difficulty. Regarding the prehistoric 
 tribal divisions, conjectures only can be made. 
 
 For all non-linguistic data on the Salinan Indians the reader is 
 referred to my ethnological paper. 9 
 
 8 J. A. Mason, The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians, present series, x, 
 97-240, 1912. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 
 
 PART I. PHONOLOGY 
 
 PHONETIC SYSTEM 
 
 The Salinan dialects are characterized phonetically by a rather 
 harsh acoustic effect. In this they differ radically from the flowing 
 and musical Costanoan languages to the north, but bear a superficial 
 resemblance to the Yokuts and Chumash to the east and south. The 
 two Salinan dialects differ very slightly in phonetics, that of San 
 Miguel being apparently more accentuated in its harsh character, 
 possibly by reason of closer contact with the latter-named extraneous 
 languages, or possibly due merely to peculiarities of the informant. 
 Naturally this harsh character is far more evident when the words 
 are given slowly with the careful enunciation inevitable to the re- 
 cording of native language. In rapid speech much of this harshness, 
 which is evidently due rather to the frequency of glottal stops and 
 surd stops with glottalization than of guttural consonants, is softened. 
 
 The phonetic orthography used is based on the Report of the 
 Committee of the American Anthropological Association on Phonetic 
 Transcription of Indian languages. 10 A few minor changes have been 
 made from the recommendations of this committee to suit the pecu- 
 liarities of the language and to facilitate preparation and printing. 
 
 VOWELS 
 
 Salinan appears to make use of eight fundamental vowels. These 
 are: 
 
 a mid-mixed narrow. This is the broad or Italian a found in Spanish cara and 
 
 approximated in English father. When short in quantity it approaches 
 
 more closely the vocalic sound of American not. 
 a, mid-back narrow. This approaches closely the vocalic sound of but. In 
 
 actual practice these two a sounds have frequently been confused. 
 e mid-front narrow. Nearly as narrow as English say and probably as 
 
 narrow as Spanish beber. It is generally but not invariably long in quantity. 
 e mid-front wide. Like English men. 
 I high-front narrow. Nearly as narrow as English meet; frequently long 
 
 in quantity. 
 i high-front wide. As in pretty. The wide e and i are difficult to analyze. 
 
 When quantitatively long the vowel is invariably heard as e and certain 
 
 short vowels are invariably heard so. Other short vowels are invariably 
 
 heard as i but the greater number are heard as e or i indeterminately. In 
 
 such cases the vowel as originally written, either e or i has been retained. 
 
 Palatogram tests show the closest occlusion for the narrow i, less for the 
 
 indeterminate e-i and least for the wide e. 
 
 10 Smithson. Inst. Misc. Pub., 2415, 1916. 
 
8 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 o mid-back wide round. Intermediate wide-narrow with a greater tendency 
 toward wideness, somewhat as in boy. 
 
 u high -back wide round. Approximately as in put. The o-u vowels present 
 the same difficulties as the e-i vowels and are frequently confused, o is 
 generally certain, especially when of doubled length. Certain other vowels 
 are heard invariably as wide u; these appear to be always of short length. 
 But yet others are heard as intermediate between o and u and when of 
 double length as an ou diphthong, approximately as in American so. As 
 in the case of the indeterminate e-i vowel, this has been written as either 
 o or u according to the auditory impression received. 
 
 e Indeterminate vowel found in Migueleno in rapid speech; related to 
 Antoniano a. 
 
 Summary : 
 
 I u 
 
 180 
 
 e a 
 
 e a 
 
 QUANTITY 
 
 Consonantal quantity is of small importance in Salinan, and it is 
 dubious whether or not it exists. Vocalic quantity is marked and 
 inherent in the stem? and particles. Such doubled length is repre- 
 sented by a raised period following the vowel, as : 
 a- 
 
 NASALIZATION 
 
 Vocalic nasalization plays an unimportant part and is found only 
 in connection with a nasal consonant. It is apparently more marked 
 in the case of m than of n, but is naturally not consummated in the 
 case of surd nasals. It is never very marked in character, but is 
 possibly more evident in the Migueleno dialect. It is denoted by a 
 hook under the vowel thus affected (iota subscript), as: 
 a 
 
 VOICELESS VOWELS 
 
 Vowels become unvoiced, or nearly unvoiced, in Salinan when final 
 in a sentence or when following an aspiration. A different but nearly 
 indistinguishable phenomenon is found when an aspiration, though 
 not truly a vowel, assumes the tinge of the preceding vowel. Voiceless 
 vowels appear to be more characteristic of Migueleno than of 
 Antoniano. They are distinguished by the use of small capital char- 
 acters, as: 
 
 A 
 
 Weakly articulated vowels are closely related to voiceless vowels, 
 but have a definite sonant resonance. They occur in the same positions 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 9 
 
 as voiceless vowels, and the difference may be purely fortuitous. They 
 are represented by superscript vowels of a smaller font, as : 
 
 P tt 
 
 ACCENT 
 
 Stress accent is quite noticeable in Salinan, and appears to be 
 inherent in the roots and particles and inexplicable by any rules. 
 Frequently, however, a word bears primary and secondary stress 
 accents of nearly equal force which may be confused. Primary stress 
 accent is denoted by an acute accent mark, secondary accent by a grave 
 accent mark after the vowel thus stressed, as: 
 
 ft A 
 
 Pitch accent is found, but is not of morphological significance; it 
 is likewise inherent in certain syllables, generally of particles and 
 grammatical elements. Thus the proclitic tarn, "then", and the 
 enclitic ten, "again", generally bear an inflection of a slightly higher 
 pitch. Such is marked by an acute accent mark over the vowel, as : 
 a 
 
 It appears to be more characteristic of the Migueleno dialect. 
 
 Hesitation in the flow of voice and in general any interruption 
 between two normally connected sounds is represented by a period 
 separating these elements, as : 
 a.i, m.o 
 
 This is frequently indistinguishable from and confused with a weak 
 glottal stop. 
 
 Aspiration, when distinct from or weaker than the aspirate }i, is 
 denoted by a reversed superscript comma, as : 
 
 M< 
 
 
 
 CONSONANTS 
 
 The general rules of phonetic orthography employed in the writing 
 of vowels are followed also with consonants. Thus small capitals are 
 used for the voiceless or surd forms of consonants normally voiced, 
 and superscript characters for those which are abnormally weakly 
 voiced. 
 
 Semi-vowels ' 
 y, Y, w, w The semi-vowels w and y are both employed. 
 
 y is probably always a resultant from an i glide preceding another 
 vowel, and is generally initial or intervocalic; it is rare. The voiceless 
 Y is even rarer. 
 
 w on the other hand appears to be a fundamental sound, the occlusion 
 being firmer than with the vocalic u. The voiceless w is rare. Both w 
 and Y appear to be more common in Migueleno. 
 
10 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 Nasals 
 
 m, M, n, N, i) The bilabial and the linguo-dental nasals are frequent in Salinan 
 but the palatal nasal is rare and of secondary production, n is very 
 dental in place of articulation. Final m and less frequently n often 
 occur with simultaneous glottal occlusion; in such position they are 
 purely sonant. 
 
 Nasals are found as sonant, partially surd and entirely surd. It is 
 most probable that these are merely variations from one fundamental 
 sound affected by phonetic laws, but a few aberrant forms hint that 
 possibly two fundamental elements should be recognized. In intervocalic 
 position the nasals are purely sonant; in initial position the kymograph 
 records show them to be frequently unvoiced during a large part of the 
 attack; in final position they are shown to be unvoiced during the latter 
 half of the occlusion. As members of consonantal combinations they par- 
 take of the nature of the companion sound, being sonant when in com- 
 bination with another sonant, slightly unvoiced when preceding a surd 
 and almost entirely unvoiced when following a surd, particularly an 
 aspirate. The pure surd forms are very rare and found only in excep- 
 tional conditions. These kymograph results are compiled from records 
 of a number of cases but the individual records vary greatly; it is 
 difficult to find any two exactly alike. 
 
 Laterals 
 
 I, L The lateral / sounds are articulated in practically the same place as the 
 English I, i.e., they are linguo-alveolars. The voiceless form seems, 
 according to the palatogram records, to require a more extensive occlu- 
 sion than the sonant. In final position, sonant I is frequently accom- 
 panied by a simultaneous glottal stop. 
 
 As in the case of the nasals, two forms are distinguished, the sonant 
 and the surd, with intermediate variants. All these are probably deriva- 
 ations from one fundamental element through the operation of phonetic 
 laws. Thus intervocalic I is invariably sonant, as is medial I in com- 
 bination with a sonant. All other cases display varying amounts of 
 surdness and sonancy with the exception of initial L before a surd which 
 is purely surd. The surd character generally proves less by experiment 
 than by auditory impression and the same is true of other elements which 
 vary between surd and sonant. The surd character may possibly be 
 slightly accentuated in the Migueleno dialect. 
 
 Spirants 
 
 <f>, ft, y, s, c, x, "h The voiceless bilabial spirant and its voiced correspondent |3 
 are developed from the intermediate stop p in rapid speech. <j> develops 
 when p is followed by a surd, j8 when it is followed by a sonant or a 
 vowel. The palatal sonant spirant 7 is a similar development from the 
 intermediate stop fc. 
 
 The linguo-dental and the linguo-alveolar sibilants s and c approxi- 
 mate the sounds s and sh in English. Palatograms of these sounds show 
 a slight difference in place of articulation, that of s extending a little 
 farther forward than that of c. There is probably less difference between 
 these two sounds than between their correspondents in English. Both 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 11 
 
 occur only as surd except that the sonancy of a contiguous sound may 
 intrude very slightly upon them. 
 
 The palatal spirant x has been frequently confused with the glottal 
 spirant h or ' . x appears to occur more often with nominal and verb 
 stems and other important elements, h more often with particles, pronouns 
 and elements of lesser importance, x is articulated rather gutturally; its 
 harshness is most accentuated in final position, less in initial position, 
 and least in medial position. It is invariably surd. 
 
 Stops 
 
 Stopped consonants are found in Salinan in three fundamental varie- 
 ties and in five positions. These are: intermediate surd-sonant, aspirate 
 and glottalized; bilabial, linguo-dental, linguo-alveolar, palatal and glottal. 
 In the latter position, only one variety is possible. The intermediate form 
 furthermore varies as sonant, pure intermediate and surd. The kymo- 
 graph records display all five varieties. In the case of the sonants, sound 
 vibrations commence before the release from the occlusion; these are 
 rare. In the case of the intermediates sonancy commences at the moment 
 of release. With the surds, sonancy begins an appreciable moment after 
 release, during the rise of the oral needle. In the case of aspirates 
 sonancy begins after a marked expulsion of breath, at the crest or dur- 
 ing the fall of the oral needle. In the case of glottalized stops the glottis 
 is closed at the time of oral occlusion and the larynx raised to cause a 
 compression. The oral occlusion is then released, causing an explosion 
 of the compressed air, the glottis is subsequently released and voice fol- 
 lows. The explosion, though very marked auditorily, makes little impres- 
 sion on the kymograph. ' 
 
 b, B, p, p* , p' The bilabial stop occurs in the three fundamental and two 
 derived forms above mentioned. In the surd- sonant forms it is difficult 
 to decide which of the three is fundamental; the ear hears most often 
 unaspirated surds while the kymograph detects all three forms with a 
 preponderance of intermediates. Pure sonant & has been found only in 
 the case of the demonstrative article pe, but many times in this case, 
 both as initial and intervocalic. It is furthermore frequently reduced 
 to the spirant v. But other records detect it as intermediate or, rarely, 
 as surd in identical positions. Eecords of all other words show either inter- 
 mediacy or surdness, frequently with a slightly noticeable hiatus between 
 release and sonancy. In final position the kymograph shows no release, 
 though the ear imagines one; the occlusion is generally long and firm. 
 The same phenomenon occurs when an intermediate stop is the first 
 member of a consonantal combination. 
 
 The symbol B (intermediate) has never been used in the accompany- 
 ing forms and texts, the symbol b (sonant) but rarely. 
 
 The aspirate p< is normally less marked than in English but occasionally 
 as much so; it is of less frequent occurrence than the unaspirated surd. 
 There is a longer hiatus between the release and the commencement of 
 sonancy during which breath, possibly modified by glottal stricture, is 
 released. 
 
 The glottalized p' is the explosive articulation common to many 
 Pacific Coast languages. It is not frequent in Salman nor of marked 
 force, except in emphatic utterance. 
 
12 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and EtJin. [Vol.14 
 
 t, t< , t' In the linguo-dental series the tip of the tongue is pressed against 
 the roots of the teeth. There appear to be no sonants and marked aspira- 
 tion and glottalized forms are rare. By far the greater number of cases 
 are intermediates or unaspirated surds. The hiatus following the glot- 
 talized form is very slight. 
 
 r, t, P, t' The linguo-alveolar stop is one found in many Calif ornian languages. 
 The place of articulation is slightly more alveolar than for the dental 
 but the difference is caused more by the manner of release than by place 
 of articulation. The occlusion is firmer and more extensive, the release 
 slower, causing a semi-affricative effect approximating tc and ty. It is 
 practically identical, however, with the English combination tr but more 
 truly affricative, a simple sound. The sonant variety is unknown in this 
 position also, the most common forms being the intermediate and the 
 unaspirated surd. 
 
 In rapid speech in initial and intervocalic position, this form is fre- 
 quently reduced to the rolled r. In the former case this is as in English, 
 untrilled, the tip of the tongue merely approaching the roof of the mouth, 
 but in the latter case there is a single flip of the tongue as in the Spanish 
 single r. The palatogram record shows the typical grooved r occlusion. 
 
 The other varieties, the aspirate and the glottalized articulations, 
 need no comment. Both are pronounced more strongly than is the case 
 with the dental t. 
 
 g, Q, Tc, fc', fc' In point of articulation the palatal stops are approximately the 
 same as in English, but may be a little more guttural, particularly when 
 preceding a back vowel, in which cases q was sometimes written in text. 
 
 As with the other stops, the fundamental varieties are intermediate, 
 aspirate and glottalized. But as with the bilabial stop, pure sonants and 
 surds are also found. The former has been met with in the case of only 
 one particle, but frequently in this ease, that of the particle gas. This 
 is always heard either as sonant or as voiced spirant. All other cases are 
 either intermediate or unaspirated surd. 
 
 The aspirated and glottalized forms require no comment except that 
 the former is occasionally reduced to the spirant x under favorable condi- 
 tions. They are not forcibly articulated. 
 
 The glottal stop is of a rather different nature from the other stopped con- 
 sonants in that it frequently modifies and accompanies them. It may 
 occur in medial or final position or simultaneously with certain other 
 consonants, particularly nasals and laterals, but is never initial. In final 
 position it is of marked strength, but less so medially. Frequently also 
 it occurs simultaneously with a vowel in which case the vowel is weakly 
 rearticulated following the stop. This gives a strangulated effect to the 
 vowel. Frequently it has been difficult to decide whether a glottal stop 
 is present or whether there is merely a hiatus which should be expressed 
 by a period. 
 
 Affricatives 
 
 ts, ts<, ts' The affricative ts is found most frequently in the glottalized form, 
 the sibilant following the stop without hiatus and before the release of 
 the glottis. As such it is very marked. It may also occur as unaspirate 
 and aspirate but examples are few and equivocal. 
 
1918] 
 
 Mason: The Language of tlie Salinan Indians 
 
 13 
 
 tc, tc* , tc' The affricative tc is less common than ts in the glottalized form, 
 and is less forcibly articulated. It occurs most commonly as surd with 
 slight aspiration; both unaspirate and aspirate have been written but 
 are probably variants of one form. 
 
 TABLE OF SALINAN PHONETIC SYSTEM 
 
 Semi-vowel 
 
 Sonant 
 
 Surd 
 Nasal 
 
 Sonant 
 
 Surd 
 Lateral 
 
 Sonant 
 
 Surd 
 Spirant 
 
 Sonant 
 
 Surd 
 Stop 
 
 Sonant 
 
 Intermed.-surd 
 
 Aspirate 
 
 Glottalized 
 Affricative 
 
 Surd 
 
 Glottalized 
 
 Labial 
 
 w 
 w 
 
 m 
 M 
 
 P 
 
 P< 
 
 P' 
 
 Dental 
 
 t 
 t< 
 t' 
 
 ts 
 ts' 
 
 Alveolar 
 7 
 
 Y 
 
 t 
 t< 
 t' 
 
 tc 
 tc : 
 
 Palatal 
 
 Glottal 
 
 k 
 k< 
 k' 
 
 PHONETIC PROCESSES 
 
 Phonetic processes on the whole are not of great importance in 
 Salinan, and the few found seem to be more or less sporadic and not 
 amenable to formulated rules. 
 
 VOCALIC ASSIMILATION 
 
 The stem vowels of certain words undergo a modification and 
 change in inflection and conjugation, apparently not in accordance 
 with any rule, as : 
 
 with possessive prefix 
 
 with 2 plural possessive 
 
 with possessive (S) 11 
 
 with possessive 
 
 (S) 
 
 plural 
 
 with possessive 
 
 (M) 
 
 11 (S) denotes data taken from Sitjar's Vocabulary; (A) Antoniano dialect; 
 (M) Migueleno dialect; when not otherwise noted, forms are from the dialect 
 of San Antonio. 
 
 t-a-m 
 
 house 
 
 t-e-m 
 
 
 
 -om 
 
 
 
 -im 
 
 akata 
 
 blood 
 
 ekata 
 
 a-xak 
 
 bone 
 
 exak 
 
 xutcai 
 
 dog 
 
 xosten 
 
 
 
 -itco 
 
 t-cik 
 
 knife 
 
 t-ca-k 
 
14 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 The initial vowel of stems commencing in a vowel is ordinarily 
 assimilated or contracted to the vowel of the prefixed pronominal 
 possessive. Thus in the second person plural the stem vowel is assim- 
 ilated to 0: 
 
 t-a-m 
 
 house 
 
 t-e-mo 
 
 his house 
 
 
 
 t< k-omhaL 
 
 your houses 
 
 epxo 
 
 his mother 
 
 t'k-opex 
 
 your mother 
 
 tm-itax 
 
 thy urine 
 
 tok-otax 
 
 your urine 
 
 tm-ik 'es 
 
 thy robe 
 
 t'k-ok'es 
 
 your robe 
 
 t-a-k 'at 
 
 wood 
 
 tk-o-k 'at 
 
 your wood 
 
 Occasionally similar changes are found with other prefixes, as : 
 
 t-itol brother t-atol our brother 
 
 ek-o father tm-ik thy father 
 
 t-iken nest oken nest? (interrog.) 
 
 m-icim drink! k-ostem drink! (pi.) 
 
 tit-acim to drink 
 
 SYNCOPE 
 
 Syncope is commonly employed in Salinan. An unaccented short 
 vowel frequently is so reduced as to be practically or entirely non- 
 existent. It is difficult to determine except by mechanical experi- 
 mentation whether the vowel is entirely lost or only abbreviated. 
 After an aspirate it generally becomes a surd vowel, in other cases 
 weakly articulated or entirely lost. Some examples are : 
 
 spanat hide sapanto its hide 
 
 awaten flies awatneL flies 
 
 t-opinito fat t-upento fat 
 
 t-icok'alo ear t-ick'olo ear 
 
 sukaMo lungs skoilo lungs 
 
 The majority of cases of syncope are of the vowels e and i. 
 
 KEDUPLICATION 
 
 Morphological reduplication is absent, but lexical reduplication is 
 found in certain cases, principally with animate nouns. Such are : 
 
 tc 'emtcem bat 
 
 tciktcik fish-hawk 
 
 tsintsin sand 
 
 nene' grandmother 
 
 tata father 
 
 ONOMATOPOEIA 
 
 Stems of onomatopoetic nature are rare and are confined to names 
 of animals with a characteristic cry, as : 
 
 tciktcik fish-hawk 
 
 kak'a crow 
 
lemem' 
 
 bee 
 
 elmi 'm 
 
 leat' 
 
 duck (M) 
 
 elpat ' 
 
 cik'nai 
 
 fish-spear 
 
 sk 'in-ai 
 
 simtan 
 
 children (S) 
 
 sme-ten 
 
 lice 
 
 winter, year 
 
 elci'taneL 
 
 1918] Mason : The Language of the Salinan Indians 15 
 
 METATHESIS 
 
 Metathesis, although of rather frequent occurrence in Salinan, is 
 probably of secondary nature. The majority of cases are of the initial 
 syllable le. 
 
 bee (S) 
 duck (M) 
 fish-hook 
 children (M) 
 years 
 
 DISSIMILATION 
 
 Dissimilation is practically negligible in Salinan. But one case 
 was noted: 
 
 mamampik pull it out! kamant'apik pull them out! 
 
 The occasional reduction of stops to spirants has already been 
 noted under the head of phonetics, p is reduced to v and p ( to /; 
 k to y and k r to x. 
 
 ELISION 
 
 A few cases of elision have been found which might better be inter- 
 preted as the reappearance, when in expanded form, of a lost final 
 consonant. Thus a final nasalized vowel will be expanded to vowel 
 plus n. 
 
 ketca-' great tiketca'no his size 
 
 Similarly the final p of a stem in the Migueleno dialect, which is 
 normally lost or replaced by a glottal stop in the Antoniafio form, 
 frequently reappears in the latter dialect when the stem is expanded. 
 
 ticxe'xe' feet ticxe-ple'to their feet 
 
 tcxa' stone tcxa'paneL stones 
 
 PHONETIC DIFFERENCES IN DIALECT 
 
 At the present time the Salinan language is spoken in two slightly 
 variant dialects, mutually intelligible on short acquaintance, but it is 
 probable that the former divisions of the stock were different. 12 The 
 few surviving members of the stock have intermarried to such an 
 extent that no purity can be claimed for either dialect. Dr. H. W. 
 Henshaw was informed in 1884 that only five natives spoke the San 
 Antonio dialect in its purity, the speech of the others being more or 
 less tinged with the characteristics of the Migueleno idiom. Never- 
 
 12 Ethnology, p. 104. 
 
16 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlm. [Vol. 14 
 
 theless certain regular differences may be determined by a study of 
 
 the forms of the dialects in bulk. 
 
 The general phonetic differences of the dialects have already been 
 
 noted ; the probable greater harshness of Migueleno and the use of the 
 
 indeterminate vowel 8 being the most evident. 
 
 The most striking lexical divergence between the two groups is 
 
 that a p in Migueleno, in any possible position, is frequently lost in 
 
 Antoniano or replaced by a glottal stop. A few of many examples 
 
 are: 
 
 Antoniano Migueleno 
 
 ac elk p 'ac 
 
 a'kata blood pakata 
 
 axa'k bone paxa'k 
 
 at' oak p'at' 
 
 as son p 'as 
 
 tcxa ' stone cxap 
 
 ka' acorn k'ap' 
 
 tits' e"wu tail (his) t-its'e"p 
 
 t'icele" fingernail icilip 
 
 ticxe"wu foot (his) ticxe'p 
 
 taa' ' deer taa' 'p 
 
 sa'nat' hide spanat 
 
 lea't ' duck elpa't ' 
 
 t'a"ak head to'paka 
 
 ta'ai' ashes top'ai 
 
 But: 
 
 epxo mother (his) e'xo' 
 
 The Migueleno final p frequently reappears as w in the Antoniano 
 form of the 3d singular possessive, as shown in two of the above 
 examples. Its reappearance as p has already been noted (p. 15). 
 
 Stems in Antoniano frequently possess a final a not found in the 
 Migueleno forms. Whether the latter have lost an original final vowel 
 or the former added a suffix is not apparent. 
 
 Antoniano Migueleno 
 
 ta-ma" men ta-m 
 
 le'ma sky lem 
 
 pena'na milk pena'n 
 
 to-'kena day to-'ken 
 
 tuipe'ya raft, boat tuwipe' 
 
 tapleya fire-drill teneple' ' 
 
 tcala blackbird teal 
 
 But: 
 
 t'a."ak head to'paka 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salman Indians 17 
 
 Antoniafio forms occasionally possess a final n, missing in 
 Migueleno, as: 
 
 awa-'ten fly a-we-te' 
 
 stan ' leaf sta 
 
 k'enin acorn bread k'one' 
 
 saiya'n rainbow saiya-pa ' 
 
 All of these forms are more or less doubtful. 
 
 An intervocalic n frequently disappears in Antoniano, as : 
 
 sam' cat, lynx snam 
 
 sai'yu eagle snai 
 
 tekalt eggs tetek-neL 
 
 taple'ya fire-drill teneple' ' 
 
 Practically every stem differs in some characteristic in the two 
 dialects, but these differences seem to be generally irregular and not 
 amenable to or explicable by any rule. Even those given above are 
 more or less problematical, and, with the exception of the frequent 
 loss of the Migueleno p, all seem to be contradicted by as many or 
 more exceptions than examples. 
 
18 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 PART II. MORPHOLOGY 
 
 In general characteristics Salinan bears a superficial resemblance 
 to certain Calif ornian languages, but differs radically from the syn- 
 thetic languages of certain other parts of North America. Its most 
 striking feature is its apparent irregularity combined with compara- 
 tive morphological simplicity. It is with the greatest difficulty that 
 any given element is isolated and assigned a definite idea. In its 
 irregularity and comparative simplicity it gives an impression very 
 much like the English, that of a language which has become simplified 
 and lost much of its grammatical mechanism, and which in this process 
 has achieved considerable irregularity. 
 
 There is on the whole an absence of the polysynthesis characteristic 
 of many American languages; most of the different elements of 
 language are denoted by means of independent words and the nominal 
 and verbal complexes are comparatively simple. The great mass of 
 diverse sentiments are expressed by independent roots of restricted 
 meaning rather than by a modification of roots of rather vague signi- 
 fication by means of etymological and grammatical particles. 
 
 The various morphological processes are accomplished by means 
 of prefixes, suffixes, and infixes. 
 
 ETYMOLOGY 
 
 The usual Salinan root may consist of any number of syllables of 
 any phonetic constitution. The normal root is confined to one of the 
 several parts of speech, as noun, verb, adjective, pronoun, adverb, or 
 particle. Others may function in two or more categories, generally 
 by reason of slight changes in form by means of suffixation of etymo- 
 logical elements. 
 
 NOMINALIZING SUFFIXES 
 
 Verb stems are nominalized by the suffixation of certain ele- 
 ments, as: 
 
 1. -i, (M.., wci), nominalizing , abstract. 
 
 met'ik-i' race k-mit'ik run 
 
 ti-kauw-i sleep kau sleep 
 
 kVL-i' a fight k'a'aL-a' fight 
 
 p-eta-k-i' ' the making p-eta' 'ko make 
 
1918] 
 
 Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 
 
 19 
 
 ts 'en-l-i' 
 
 amusements 
 
 k-ts'e-n-u' 
 
 enjoy 
 
 lam-a-i' 
 
 food 
 
 k-lam 
 
 eat 
 
 lam-a-u"wi 
 
 food (M) 
 
 
 
 t-ici-wei 
 
 draught (M) 
 
 k-ici-m 
 
 drink 
 
 yete-we" 
 
 earthquake (M) yi'te' e 
 
 t-oxoyota/i' life (M) 
 
 k-o'xoyo-ta-p' 
 
 quake 
 live 
 
 This is probably the same as an abstract nominalizing suffix given 
 frequently by Sit jar as ya or y'a. 
 
 t 'upint-e'y 'a corpulence topinit-o fat 
 
 tipn-iy'a pain (in abstract) tipin pain 
 
 t-anim-ike'ya pardon k-anem give pardon 
 
 t-akc-uwa"yu his thirst k-akc-a' be thirsty 
 
 t-alil-k-e'ya question p-ale'1-ek ask 
 
 t-atsintc-ey 'a unction k-atsintc-a anoint 
 
 When suffixed to adjectival stems the particle appears in the form 
 of -ni'. 
 
 xumo.-ni' quarrel (M) xomo quarrelsome, mean 
 
 ts'ep-ha-ni" thanks ts'ep good 
 
 2. -te, -tee, -a-tc'e, agentive. 
 
 ki'-kau-yel-a-tc'e' great sleepers 
 
 ke' '-kau-iy-a-'tce 
 
 k-licxai-t 'ic 
 
 k-icim-te 
 
 k-amt'a--tce 
 
 k-amt' i-t-cwan 
 
 k'-malox-a-'tce 
 
 kau 
 
 sleep 
 
 sleeper 
 
 
 
 rain-maker 
 
 licxai 
 
 rain 
 
 drinker 
 
 icim 
 
 drink 
 
 hunter 
 
 amte 
 
 hunt 
 
 fisher 
 
 amte-cwan 
 
 hunt fish 
 
 jumper 
 
 malox 
 
 jump 
 
 Another but rarer agentive form seems to be : 
 
 3. -mak, agentive. 
 
 robber 
 speakers 
 
 k-atcen-mak 
 k-ac-tel-m-il-ak 
 k< -La'm-m-a-il-ak' 
 
 eaters 
 
 aten 
 
 as 
 
 lam 
 
 rob 
 
 speak 
 
 eat 
 
 Other apparent nominalizing etymological suffixes, examples of 
 which are not sufficiently frequent to warrant classification, are : 
 
 ta-lam-xat 
 
 food 
 
 lam 
 
 eat 
 
 pa-xat ' 
 
 dance 
 
 pa--ka, pa-ta 
 
 dance 
 
 t-a-'s-e-tiL 
 
 language 
 
 as 
 
 speak 
 
 ti-kak-eL 
 
 song 
 
 ka-k 'a 
 
 sing 
 
 t-eta' '"k-OL 
 
 fire-drill 
 
 eta' ' a k-o 
 
 make, do 
 
 t-itsipx-aiut 'i 
 
 rebirth (S) 
 
 etseipex 
 
 be born 
 
 macal-a'k 
 
 morning star 
 
 maca-L 
 
 burn 
 
 maeal-e' 
 
 flames 
 
 
 
 moce" 
 
 charcoal 
 
 
 
20 
 
 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 Other miscellaneous and occasional suffixes are affixed to nouns 
 and modify their sense in various ways ; some of them might be inter- 
 preted differently had we more complete data. Thus certain cases 
 may really be examples of nominal stem composition, the combination 
 of two nominal stems. 
 
 t-ema-i-c 
 
 village, rancheria 
 
 t-ema 
 
 house 
 
 cxap-alat 
 
 pebble 
 
 cxap 
 
 stone 
 
 skoi-kne'ya 
 
 beard 
 
 sxkoi' ' 
 
 beard 
 
 sul-at 
 
 animal's testicles 
 
 sol 
 
 testicles 
 
 cowa-to 
 
 poison of snake 
 
 cowa 
 
 skunk. 
 
 hu.-ma't'aL-ta 
 
 white people 
 
 ma't< ai> 
 
 white 
 
 kesiyu'k-La 
 
 sweetness 
 
 kesiyu'k' 
 
 sweet 
 
 t'o.l 
 
 heap 
 
 t'oi 
 
 mountain 
 
 lua-nelo 
 
 slave 
 
 lua 
 
 man 
 
 lua-nilayo 
 
 overseer 
 
 lua 
 
 man 
 
 t-icxe-xe' 
 
 tracks 
 
 t-icxe 
 
 foot 
 
 skan-iltai 
 
 rib 
 
 skan 
 
 belly 
 
 axak-elteya 
 
 rheumatism 
 
 axak 
 
 bone 
 
 ti-tca-wen 
 
 foam 
 
 tea 
 
 water 
 
 ti-cxo-kutcin 
 
 mud 
 
 
 
 ca-tole 
 
 dew 
 
 
 
 VERBALIZING SUFFIXES 
 
 Certain elements are occasionally suffixed to nominal stems to 
 change them to verbs which predicate actions or conditions intimately 
 connected with the sense of the nominal stem. There are two im- 
 portant and unequivocal suffixes of this class as well as several more 
 or less uncertain. 
 
 A suffix of not absolutely definite significance appears to denote 
 possession of the noun, or to predicate the action or condition ex- 
 pressed by it. It may possibly be akin to the abstractive prefix no. 1. 
 
 4. -e, 4, possessive, attributive. 
 k< -sotopn-e have a guardian 
 k'-co'wa-n-i catch fish 
 k< tsaxel-e snow 
 
 (?) 
 
 tc'umya-1-e' 
 ts 'a'k< aiy-e 
 k-akat-e 
 k '-epx-ai 
 k'-ek-e-l-e 
 
 The particle is found frequently in Sit jar: 
 
 akut-k'at-e not grassy k'at 
 
 ke-teka'lt-e have eggs -tekalet 
 
 sotopen-o 
 
 guardian 
 
 cwa-n 
 
 fish 
 
 tsa'xeL 
 
 snow 
 
 tc 'umyeL 
 
 ice 
 
 ts 'a'k' ai 
 
 wind 
 
 akata 
 
 blood 
 
 epax 
 
 mother 
 
 ek 
 
 father 
 
 grass 
 egg 
 
litse-we-ko 
 
 marry a woman 
 
 litse 
 
 luwa-we 
 
 marry a man 
 
 luwa 
 
 k-lua-ni 
 
 marry a man 
 
 lua 
 
 lewa-sai'-ni 
 
 married man 
 
 se 
 
 1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 21 
 
 The suffixes -we and -ni, of which examples are given below, evi- 
 dently carry a similar signification and probably are related. 
 
 woman 
 
 man 
 
 man 
 
 wife 
 
 The second suffix predicates the manufacture of the noun thus 
 qualified. 
 
 5. -te, -tene, -ate, manufacture. 
 
 ke-seZfco-te-ne make a fence selko fence (Sp. cerca) 
 
 (ke-selJc-ne) 
 
 k< -co-'luk'-te-ne make holes co.'luk' holes 
 
 m-isxa-'te-L urinate! t-isxaiL urine 
 
 hek-upint-ate I fatten myself upinit fat 
 
 A few other cases of apparent verbalizing etymological suffixes, 
 taken principally from Sitjar, are: 
 
 head 
 
 fat 
 
 pinenuts 
 
 meeting 
 genitals 
 branches 
 wife 
 
 ADJECTIVIZING SUFFIXES 
 
 A few cases have been found in which suffixes appear to form 
 adjectives from nominal or other stems: 
 
 taka-lau capable taka-t trade, work 
 
 k-exak-op bony axak bone 
 
 NOMINAL ETYMOLOGICAL PREFIXES 
 
 Several elements of definite meaning are prefixed to nominal stems 
 and qualify their meaning; it is possible that these are petrified ex- 
 amples of nominal stem composition: 
 
 6. tee-, ce-, cte-, old, aged. 
 
 ctelu-wa" old man lu-wa" man 
 
 tcilu-wai" old man (M) lu-wai" man 
 
 eelte" old woman litse" woman 
 
 tcene" old woman (M) lene" woman 
 
 taa'k-a 
 
 nod 
 
 t<a."k-o 
 
 k-upint-emak 
 
 eat fat 
 
 t-upinit 
 
 tarn 
 
 hunt pinenuts 
 
 to 
 
 to-we 
 
 fetch pinenuts 
 
 
 timuy-ak 
 
 convene 
 
 timuy-o 
 
 sol-eko 
 
 feel genitals 
 
 sol 
 
 ke-cetene-no 
 
 fetch branches 
 
 cetene 
 
 sen-eu 
 
 marry a woman 
 
 sen 
 
 saiyan-emo 
 
 marry a woman 
 
 
22 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 7. il-, 1-, seasonal. 
 
 ilpal, LpaL spring (summer) 
 
 line', il-e' summer 
 
 ilka-p autumn 
 
 iltee winter 
 
 A few other sporadic cases have been found which may be inter- 
 preted either as unusual prefixes or, probably more truly, as examples 
 of stem composition : 
 
 tetsas-kap acorn-meal kap acorn 
 
 tne-paku upper arm puku arm 
 
 ma-poko thigh puku arm 
 
 we-lak' world lak' ground, land 
 
 GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURE 
 
 NOUN AND VEEB 
 
 As with every language, the important parts of Salinan speech are 
 the noun and the verb. These are never combined as with many 
 American languages, and the stems are normally different and unre- 
 lated. Those cases in which nominal and verbal stems are connected 
 have already been considered under etymology. Neither nouns nor 
 verbs are subjected to a great amount of morphological modification 
 and inflection. On the contrary, the majority of inflections, declension, 
 and conjugation are expressed by means of independent adverbs and 
 particles. The stem is modified in very few directions, but these are 
 for the most part very fundamental and frequent, affecting practically 
 every stem. 
 
 Plural 
 
 One of the most striking peculiarities of Salinan is the development 
 of the plural. Every noun, verb, and adjective must display in its 
 form its number, the plural of the verb conveying ordinarily the idea 
 of repetition as frequentative or iterative, and frequently implying 
 plurality of the pronominal subject or object. 
 
 The methods of plural formation fall into several different types, 
 but the details are very variant and almost inexplicable. The two 
 principal methods are by suffixes and by infixes. As subdivisions may 
 be differentiated the various elements employed, which are, generally 
 speaking, composed of one or more of the three elements t, n, and I. 
 
 The majority of stems permit of but one plural form, and it seems 
 to be impossible to determine which of the many types of plural 
 formation any given stem will follow. But certain other stems permit 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Kalinan Indians 23 
 
 of several different forms, according to the several types of plural. 
 It is probable that each of them carries a slightly different significance, 
 such as distributive and iterative, but it has not been possible to 
 differentiate them according to meaning. Thus the following plural 
 forms of one stem, claimed to be of identical meaning, were given : 
 
 ta-m house tama-'neL 
 
 tamelax 
 ta-ma-ten 
 temhal 
 ta-ma-tenax 
 ta-ma-niLax 
 tamaNiLten 
 
 exoxo' brain exoxa'lax 
 
 exotenax 
 exoten 
 
 icxe-'u foot icxepa-'l 
 
 icxe'xe ' 
 icxe-ple't 
 
 Similar varied plural forms are found with certain verbal stems, 
 though possibly in less degree: 
 
 a-m(k) kill, be able a-mkNe"lk 
 
 a-mt 'elik 
 a-mxot'e 
 
 amaue guard, preserve amaulic 
 
 amaucelte 
 amaucelayo 
 
 Most of these varied forms are from Sit jar, suggesting that the 
 different classes of plural formerly had an active functional value, 
 but that these have now become lost or static, resulting in great irreg- 
 ularity. An insight is given into the solution of the problem by the 
 following excerpt from Sit jar : 
 
 kaxo'-ta A man hunts an animal 
 
 kaxo'-ten A man hunts many animals 
 
 kaxo-to'ta Many men hunt an animal 
 
 kaxo'-nilet Many men hunt many animals 
 
 The various types of plural formation with their elements are : 
 
 8. -ten, iterative plural. 
 
 The suffix -ten possibly should not be regarded as a true plural, 
 but generally functions as such. Suffixed to either nouns or verbs, it 
 means "another", "again", and evidently carries an iterative sig- 
 nificance. In the example given just above from Sitjar it denotes 
 plurality of object and singularity of subject, one of the phases of the 
 
24 University of California Publications in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 iterative, but examples taken from linguistic texts do not support this 
 
 explanation. This particle generally carries a slightly raised pitch 
 accent, -ten. Thus : 
 
 wa'kit wakit-ten frogs 
 
 a'xa-k a'xa-k-ten bones 
 
 tatcuaniL tatcuaniL-ten stars 
 
 ketca ketca-ten big 
 
 Jcristia'no Jcristiano-ten Christians 
 
 ta-sko'mcuka''yi'k-ten but do not tread again 
 k'al-ten-a we will fight again 
 
 p< cola/tko-ten he treed him again 
 
 ta-'mulox-ten he jumped again 
 
 When other nominal suffixes or inflections are used with this plural 
 the plural sign precedes such endings, as : 
 
 kotos-na kotos-ten-na noises 
 
 oxot-o oxot-ten-o his testicles 
 
 Two other pluralizing suffixes are evidently akin to the suffix -ten: 
 -tenax and -tenat. These are used solely with nominal forms, and 
 principally with names of animals. They occur rarely. 
 
 9. -tenax, nominal plural. 
 
 taiL-tenax fleas 
 
 tamuL-tenax pumas 
 
 10. -tenat, nominal plural. 
 
 map '-tenat rabbits 
 
 ska-k '-tenat crows 
 
 as-tenat elks 
 
 Lk 'a' -tenat coyotes 
 
 lua '-tenat males 
 
 tama-tenat men 
 
 asak-tenat flints 
 
 ts 'akai'-tenat winds 
 
 A large class of nouns, many apparently irregular, form their 
 plurals by the suffixation or infixation of a particle containing an n 
 element, frequently also with a t element, and probably related to -ten. 
 
 xutc xosten dogs 
 
 celte sle-ten old women 
 
 tcini' tcinten old women 
 
 saxe saxtin birds 
 
 simla' sem 'ta'n boys 
 
 litse" le-tse-n women 
 
 lene" le'ntsen women (M) 
 
 t'o-s t'os-en brothers 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 25 
 
 t-etiya t-etiyen arrows 
 
 ts'axe'L ts'ax-an-eL snows 
 
 tcumieL tcumi-an-eL ices 
 
 kiyo'te ' kiyo't-n-e ' shake 
 
 ko'yi ' ko't< ne reply 
 
 The plural suffix -lax is also used solely with nouns or adjectives. 
 Like -ten, it is of very frequent occurrence. 
 
 11. -lax, nominal plural. 
 
 tepen-lax-o his belly 
 
 topoi-lax-o his knees 
 
 ketpoi-lax cedars 
 
 ts 'open-lax spiders 
 
 ke '-kau-iatce-lax sleepers 
 
 k< pat '-lax hard 
 
 kesiyuk '-lax sweet 
 
 Occasionally -ax is used alone. Compare the -ax of -ten-ax. 
 
 i 'katn-ax-o . anuses 
 
 k'-ts'ep-ax good 
 
 Another very common class of plural suffixes is that ending in -el. 
 There are several varieties of this suffix. 
 
 12. -el, -ne^, -anei*, -nanei>, -teij, plural, 
 -el alone is comparatively rare. 
 
 tcak-el knives 
 
 smat-el beautiful 
 
 A far more common suffix is -weL : 
 
 elk 'a-neL coyotes 
 
 tik'e-neL lice 
 
 telek-nel-o their mouths 
 
 tetalak-nel-o his horns 
 
 at-neL acorns 
 
 apek-nel-op good 
 
 -ane~L is probably a phonetic variation of the above : 
 
 t'elow'-a'NeL storms 
 
 titol-anel brothers 
 
 saiy-aneL eagles 
 
 tcxap-anel stones 
 
 -nanei> is occasional : 
 
 eskaiya-naneL raccoons 
 
 toolec-naneL squirrels 
 
 cumk 'om-o-naneL squirrels 
 
26 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 -teLt is occasional: 
 
 to-'kena-teL days 
 
 smakai-ya-teL nights 
 
 ka'-teL acorns 
 
 Apparent phonetic irregularities in the use of this suffix are : 
 
 tepaL tepa 'neL tongues 
 
 ta'kat tak 'aneL sticks 
 
 toxo toxo-lanel wolves 
 
 taasx-o taasx-aknel-o livers 
 
 lice' elci'-tanel winters 
 
 akata akat-nel-o bloods 
 
 taa' ' taa'-tneL deer 
 
 at' at-nelat acorns 
 
 ka ' ka-t< -nelat' oaks 
 
 Many verbs also form their plurals by the addition of a suffix 
 which contains the element I; these forms are undoubtedly related to 
 the nominal plural forms in -el. The vowel of this verbal suffix is very 
 variable. 
 
 kac-il sit down 
 
 ka'mes-il call 
 
 kaiya-L go 
 
 lam-x-al eat 
 
 yom-al see 
 
 pamat'-el chase off 
 
 A probably related element is the suffix -let, containing the same 
 sound I; it is found most frequently with nouns, occasionally with 
 verbs. 
 
 13. -let, -elet, plural. 
 
 topok-let-o his arms 
 
 exak-let bones 
 
 sk'ot-elet serpents 
 
 ticok 'al-et-o his ears 
 
 itol-ilete brothers 
 
 tipxat-elt-o his entrails 
 
 k 'wak-elt-a long 
 
 kak '-elt-a sing 
 
 Seeming irregularities in the use of plural suffixes involving the 
 element I are : 
 
 mat'-elak animals, meats 
 
 t-icxe-p-lip feet 
 
 Probably related to the suffixes in I are the pluralizing infixes in 
 -1-. These are found more commonly with verbs, less often with nouns. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 27 
 
 The element, generally in combination with a vowel, is interpolated 
 within the apparent stem of the word, generally before the final vowel 
 or before the last syllable. 
 
 14. -1-, 41-, -el-, -al-, plural. 
 
 texiwaiy-o texiw-il-aiy-o their hearts 
 
 ts 'waketi' ' ts 'waket-il-i ' hats 
 
 hak'i hak'-el-i bows 
 
 makawi' ' makaw-il-i ' flowers 
 
 katcenmak katcenm-il-ak robbers 
 
 k< pat 'ak k< pat '-il-ak dancers 
 
 kLe' 'tax kLe' 't-al-ax sharp 
 
 takat tak-el-at-o trades 
 
 t-al-akat-o (S) 
 
 kaua kau-l-a be robust 
 
 ka-set ka-s-il-e name 
 
 katsintca katsinte-el-a anoint 
 
 k'aLi' k'al-el-i' fight 
 
 xata xat-L-a weep 
 
 k'mit'ik k'mit'-L-ik run 
 
 Judging from Sit jar's example above quoted, it would seem that 
 this element denotes plurality of subject and object. Other examples 
 refute this hypothesis. Minor irregularities in the use of the -I- infix 
 are: 
 
 ke'o ke-la'-o knuckles 
 
 epeselet epesel-elm-et enemies 
 
 inexa' ine-lk-xa parents 
 
 anemtak anem-til-tak pardon 
 
 komop kom-ol-op finish 
 
 k 'aLa k 'aL-el-a-'kot fight 
 
 paitceko paitc-ilt-eko visit 
 
 The iterative phase is most commonly expressed by the infix -t-, 
 generally with accompanying vowel. As in the case of -1-, it is normally 
 interposed before the final vowel or syllable of the stem. It is found 
 with both nouns and verbs, but far more frequently with the latter. 
 It is very common. Sit jar's example above quoted would seem to 
 suggest that this infix denotes plurality of subject with singularity of 
 object. Certain other examples dispute this, as, for instance : 
 pa'le'ltko he asked them several times 
 
 15. -t-, -te-, iterative plural. 
 
 kola'le' kola-t-Le' penises 
 
 teteyini' ' teteyi-ti-nai arrows 
 
 kaxap kaxa-te-p corpse, dead 
 
 tikelele tikelil-t-e round 
 
28 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 kwi'le ' 
 
 kwi'1-t-e' 
 
 straight 
 
 kma'lox 
 
 kma'1-t-ox 
 
 jump 
 
 ma- 
 
 ma-tele ' 
 
 carry 
 
 kco'lukne 
 
 kco'luk-te-ne 
 
 make holes 
 
 mamampik 
 
 kaman-t 'a-pik 
 
 take out 
 
 anem 
 
 ane-te-m 
 
 remain 
 
 tas-il-o 
 
 tas-t-il-o 
 
 names 
 
 pale 'Iko 
 
 pa'le '1-t-ko 
 
 inquire 
 
 In a few cases 
 
 , principally of nouns, 
 
 the plural is formed by the 
 
 infixation of an aspirate -h-, frequently 
 
 with repetition of the stem 
 
 vowel. 
 
 
 
 16. -h-, plural. 
 
 
 
 t-a' 'k-o 
 
 t-ahak-o 
 
 heads 
 
 to-le't-o 
 
 le'het 
 
 teeth 
 
 me'n-o 
 
 mehen-o 
 
 hands 
 
 sokent-o 
 
 sukehenet 
 
 eyes 
 
 kau 
 
 kaxau 
 
 sleep 
 
 k-na'ye ' 
 
 k-na'hye ' 
 
 yank away 
 
 k-La'm-aiyak k-Lam-ahyak 
 
 eaters 
 
 Plurals which 
 
 apparently follow none 
 
 of the above categories are : 
 
 t-e-nt-o 
 
 xenet 
 
 teeth 
 
 taken 
 
 ta'nta 
 
 shamans 
 
 lua 
 
 lua-yato 
 
 males (S) 
 
 tciluai 
 
 cteluai 
 
 old men (M) 
 
 steluwa ' 
 
 steluwi' 
 
 old men (A) 
 
 koiyakten-o 
 
 lokoiyini 
 
 beards 
 
 sla' 
 
 sla'at 
 
 basket 
 
 istau " 
 
 iskunta'm 
 
 girls 
 
 stexa ' 
 
 senta'n 
 
 boys 
 
 Tcuwaiyo 
 
 kuyata 
 
 horses 
 
 ats-o 
 
 its-ak-o 
 
 presas (S). 
 
 titcu.-o 
 
 titeu-ak-o 
 
 breasts (S) 
 
 atcaka 
 
 atcakoi 
 
 times( S) 
 
 kLa 
 
 kLapat 
 
 broken 
 
 ts 'epen 
 
 ts 'epeyitini 
 
 small 
 
 k<tai 
 
 k< taiyai 
 
 stink 
 
 liyax 
 
 litax 
 
 shoot 
 
 m-icim 
 
 k-ostem 
 
 drink 
 
 komiyota 
 
 ko 'kiutne 
 
 lie down 
 
 k< se'yine 
 
 k< se'ne 
 
 walk 
 
 The foregoing examples demonstrate the great irregularity and 
 complexity as well as the great importance of the Salinan plural. It 
 is not impossible that a very intensive study might elucidate phonetic 
 laws governing these cases, and also, assign various significations to 
 the different classes; at present the irregularity would seem to be 
 due to historical or other fortuitous causes unexplainable without an 
 extended comparative philological study. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 29 
 
 THE NOUN 
 
 The Salinan noun invariably stands in independent position; it 
 is never incorporated in the verb and is seldom used in apposition to 
 any particle in the verbal complex. It is varied in form only for 
 plural number and possessive case and in certain etymological re- 
 lations. Gender and the other grammatical cases are expressed by 
 independent means. The etymological and plural modifications have 
 already been treated ; it remains to consider pronominal possession and 
 one other minor grammatical phenomenon. 
 
 NOMINAL PREFIXES 
 
 One of the most puzzling and equivocal features of Salinan is a 
 prefix t-. It stands in close analogy to the verbal prefixes p- and k-, 
 to be considered later. It is prefixed to most nouns derived from 
 verbs, and on this account should possibly be considered as an etymo- 
 logical element were it not for the fact that practically all other 
 etymological elements are suffixed. Moreover, it, or a similar prefix, 
 is found with most pronominal possessive prefixes and with certain 
 forms of the verb. Examples of t- as a nominalizing prefix are given 
 below ; its other functions will be considered later. 
 
 17. t-, nominal 
 
 prefix. 
 
 
 
 t-olol-a'iyo 
 
 his flute 
 
 k-o'lo-l-i< 
 
 play flute 
 
 t-olal-a'iyu 
 
 his shame 
 
 k-o'la'l-e' 
 
 be ashamed 
 
 t-a-'s-o 
 
 his name 
 
 k-ajs-et 
 
 be called 
 
 t-ecxai 
 
 dawn 
 
 k-ecxai 
 
 to dawn 
 
 ti-ka-'keL 
 
 song 
 
 ka/k'a 
 
 sing 
 
 t-au-yi 
 
 heat 
 
 k-au-yak 
 
 be hot 
 
 t-alel-k-eya 
 
 question 
 
 p-alel-k-o 
 
 ask 
 
 t-atce-x 
 
 seat 
 
 k-atce-k 
 
 sit down 
 
 With certain nominal stems, principally those denoting terms of 
 relationship, a prefix a- is found, which seems to have no definite sig- 
 nificance unless it may be an abstract possessive form. Many of these 
 are forms taken from Sitjar, the same stems occurring in modern usage 
 without this prefix. 
 
 18. a-, nominal. 
 
 a-ton-o his younger sister ton' my younger sister 
 
 a-pe-u his elder sister pe my elder sister 
 
 a-tos-o his younger brother tos my younger brother 
 
 a-kay-o his elder brother kai my elder brother 
 
30 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 a-xalau-o his grandfather xa'la my grandfather 
 
 axomo foster father 
 
 apai mother 
 
 ama grandfather 
 
 asa'k' o ' uncle 
 
 a-kom-lua'we unmarried woman lua' ' man 
 
 a-lua-nil-ayo overseer lua" man 
 
 a'teloi friend 
 
 a-laxam door, entrance 
 
 z-mis-'ayo mass (Sp. misa) 
 
 PRONOMINAL POSSESSION 
 
 Pronominal possession is expressed by the prefixation, or in certain 
 persons the suffixation, of elements only distantly related to the inde- 
 pendent forms of the personal pronouns. The prefixes are closely 
 welded to the nominal stem and the combination is normally without 
 phonetic change, except as noted below. The elements of the first and 
 second persons are prefixed, those of the third person suffixed. The 
 pronominal possessive prefixes with examples are given below ; they 
 are practically identical in the two dialects. 
 
 Singular 
 
 
 1 
 
 (t)- 
 
 2 
 
 tm-, turn-, tme- 
 
 3 
 
 (t) '-o 
 
 Plural 
 
 
 1 
 
 ta(t)- 
 
 2 
 
 tk-, tuk-, tko- 
 
 3 
 
 (t) -ot, (t) 
 
 Nominal stems beginning in a consonant require little comment. 
 The bare stem expresses the first person singular possessive, the bare 
 stem with suffix -o or -ot the third personal possessives. The other 
 persons take the prefixes turn-, to-, and tuk-: 
 
 sa-'nat' my hide tasa-'nat' our hide 
 
 tumsa-'nat' thy hide tuksa-'nat' your hide 
 
 sana'to his hide sana't'ot their hide 
 
 Stems ending in -a normally change this to -o in the third person : 
 t'me-'ma thy house te-mo' his house 
 
 The suffix -o of the third person generally takes the stress accent 
 and stems ending in -o distinguish their third personal possessives by 
 this method alone. 
 
 ta-'mo my boss ia-mo' his boss 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 31 
 
 Stems ending in -i take a y glide before the -o suffix ; stems ending 
 in -u take a w glide. 
 
 tololi' my flute tolola'yo his flute 
 
 tu my face tu-wo' his face 
 
 Nominal stems commencing in any vowel except a- take the nominal 
 prefix t- (no. 17) in the first and third persons. In the case of the first 
 person plural this follows the pronominal to,-, forming the prefix tat-. 
 Thus in every case the first personal plural possessive form is equiv- 
 alent to the first personal singular form plus the prefix ta. The accent 
 generally falls on this prefix. In the second person nominal stems 
 commencing in vowels take the possessive prefixes tm- and tk-. 
 
 It will be noticed that the prefixes of the second person invariably 
 contain the initial sound t- (frequently heard as t-). As this element 
 is not found with the pronominal forms of this person in the other 
 classes, it is probable that this is the same nominal prefix t-. 
 
 tu my face tatu our face 
 
 tmu- they face tku your face 
 
 tu-wo' his face tuhe'not their faces 
 
 Except in the cases of stems commencing in a- and monosyllabic 
 stems, the initial stem vowel is dissimilated to e- in the case of the 
 second person singular and o- in the case of the second person plural ; 
 this suggests that these vowels are intrinsic to the pronominal forms. 
 Cf. the stem for "dog", absolute xutc: 
 
 ti-'tco my dog ta'titc our dog 
 
 t' me-'tco thy dog t' ko'tco your dog 
 
 ti-tco' his dog ti-'tcot their dog 
 
 Nominal stems commencing in a- display several irregularities. 
 They retain this vowel unchanged in the second personal forms. 
 Certain examples take the nominal prefix t-: 
 
 ta-k my head ta'tak our head 
 
 t'ma-k thy head t'ka'k your head 
 
 ta-'ko hia head ta'kot' their head 
 
 Others do not take this prefix : 
 
 a'xak my bone ta-'xak our bone 
 
 tuma'xak thy bone tuka'xak your bone 
 
 axa'ko his bone axa'kot' their bone 
 
 It is probable that those which do not take the nominal prefix are 
 either reduced from an original initial pa- (p. 16), or else composed 
 with the nominal prefix a- (no. 18). 
 
32 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 In the third person plural an optional form is the use of the 
 singular suffix -o followed by the appropriate independent pronoun 
 heyo't, "they". It is possible that the difference between these two 
 forms may be that between the normal possessive and the distributive. 
 But examples are equivocal, as : 
 
 t-etc-a-'t-o their dogs 
 
 t'-e-'tc-ot every one's dog 
 
 t-e-'m-ot their house 
 
 cpoke't-o-t' every one's hair 
 
 luwuy-iya-t-o their respective husbands 
 
 In the first and last examples there seems to be a suffix -a-t em- 
 ployed. Another element of similar portent seems to be a prefix ku-: 
 
 ko'-otc-te' every man's dog 
 
 tat-ku'-fcwwai every man's horse 
 
 The suffix -f ye ' in such instances means each : 
 
 ko'-otc-te' every man's dog 
 
 po.'fea-t'is' each cow 
 
 The adjective pronouns "mine", "thine", etc., are supplied by the 
 independent forms, generally with the substantive verb appended. 
 
 PRONOMINAL SYSTEM 
 
 The pronouns function in the Salinan dialects in independent and 
 affixed forms, the latter being closely welded to the stem. There are 
 several different series of forms, more or less divergent, but in the 
 majority of cases displaying some resemblance inter se. 
 
 INDEPENDENT PEONOUNS 
 
 The independent pronouns occur mainly as subjective, less often 
 as emphatic or appositional forms for the objective or possessive. The 
 forms in the two dialects differ to some extent : 
 
 Singular Antoniano Migueleno 
 
 1 he- 'k' (kek) k'e' 
 
 2 mo ' mo ' 
 
 3 heyo" heo' 
 Plural 
 
 1 ha-'k< (kak) k'a' 
 
 mo-rn mom 
 
 3 heyo-' 't hewo' 't 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 33 
 
 These independent forms are frequently affixed to the verb as 
 enclitics or proclitics to represent the subjective relation ; they will be 
 more thoroughly treated under the caption of verbs. 
 
 The other forms of the personal pronouns function as true prefixes 
 or suffixes, integral elements of the complex in which they stand. The 
 possessive nominal prefixes have already been considered ; the objective 
 suffixes will be treated under the analysis of the verbal complex. It 
 remains to consider a special oblique or locative form. 
 
 LOCATIVE PEONOUNS 
 
 These are a special group used only after locative prefixes or 
 prepositions. They show for the most part genetic relationship with 
 the independent forms, but are somewhat variant. The form of the 
 second person plural is not absolutely certain, for lack of sufficient 
 examples. The forms employed are: 
 
 Singular 
 
 1 k'e 
 
 2 me 
 
 3 ke'o 
 Plural 
 
 1 k'a 
 
 2 ko 
 
 3 kewa'L 
 
 Thus: 
 
 tewa-'kok 'e near me 
 
 akeme' where art thouf 
 
 umke'o up to him 
 
 ump'ak'a beyond us 
 
 akeamko where ye will be 
 
 makewa'L to them 
 
 TABLE OF PEONOMINAL FOEMS 
 
 Although some of the forms of the personal pronoun have not yet 
 been considered, a table of the various forms is appended below for 
 purposes of comparison. It will be seen that, though there is a super- 
 ficial resemblance between all classes, yet the variations are great. 
 Practically every form shows resemblance with some other, yet it can 
 not be said that any of the classes fall together as opposed to others, 
 except, of course, the enclitic and proclitic forms of the independent. 
 The objective and possessive forms are possibly the more variant. 
 
34 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 Singular Independent Proclitic Objective Locative Possessive 
 
 hp'k 
 
 A 
 
 ak 
 
 -k'e 
 
 
 IlC ix 
 
 mo' 
 
 m 
 
 ka 
 
 -me 
 
 tum- 
 
 hevo' ' 
 
 
 o, ko 
 
 -keo 
 
 -0 
 
 WJ V* 
 
 ha'k 
 
 a 
 
 7 
 
 t'ak 
 
 -k'a 
 
 ta- 
 
 mom 
 
 (om) 
 
 t'kam 
 
 -ko 
 
 tuk- 
 
 hevo' 't 
 
 
 ot, kot 
 
 -kewa'L 
 
 -ot 
 
 THE VERB 
 
 As with most American Indian languages, the Salinan verb is the 
 crux of the sentence, but it does not play the all-important part that 
 it does in many of them. The Salinan verb normally displays within 
 its complex the number of the pronominal subject and the number 
 and person of the pronominal object. It may also show certain 
 etymological and modal phenomena, but tense only incidentally. 
 
 The etymological relations have already been considered, as has 
 the question of the number of the verbal stem; the other relations 
 remain to be elucidated. 
 
 The verbal stem is modified by prefixes, infixes, and suffixes, to a 
 lesser extent by the affixation of enclitics and proclitics. The infixes 
 are concerned exclusively with pluralization and have been already 
 considered; the prefixes express the principal modal qualifications, 
 the suffixes the lesser ones. The various appurtenances of the verbal 
 complex: proclitics, prefixes, suffixes, and enclitics will be considered 
 in this order. 
 
 PROCLITICS 
 
 For the sake of convenience in nomenclature, certain preposed 
 elements are termed ' ' proclitic ' ' in order to distinguish them from the 
 modal prefixes. In certain respects, however, as they are never found 
 independently and may carry the accent, they might better be termed 
 "prefixes of the first class/' 
 
 The verbal proclitics are divided into two classes, temporal and 
 interrogative. 
 
 Temporal Proclitics 
 
 A number of proclitics introduce temporal clauses, preceding the 
 pronominal subject. The principal ones are me-, ma-, ~be-, le-, and 
 kacta-, all meaning ' ' when. ' ' 
 
1918] , Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians .'{5 
 
 19. me-, "when," indefinite time. 
 
 me-t-amp' when it rises 
 
 me'-t'ya when it is finished 
 
 me'-p-t 'ekaxo when he kills 
 
 me-p-a-'lxo whenever he wished 
 
 me'-t-k< onlox whenever people came 
 
 me-yam-tem when I see my house 
 
 me-t-epts'e'n when they stung him 
 
 me"e.-ka-wi' whenever I get sleepy 
 
 me-cko when I am 
 
 me'-t-a'mt' ele' (M) when they go to hunt 
 
 The prefix ma- probably differs only phonetically from me-: 
 
 ma'-yaL when we go 
 
 ma'-paLa when we dance 
 
 ma'-yomal when they see 
 
 20. be-, "when," definite past time. 
 
 bC'-ya' when I went 
 
 be-tom-he"k when I fell 
 
 21. le-, "when," indefinite past time. 
 
 le-yax when I came 
 
 Li-ctexa-e.'n when I was a boy 
 
 le-sko (M) when I was (small) 
 
 le-t-eta-ha'pu (M) when it was made 
 
 This proclitic is probably related to the temporal adverb of past 
 time, lelo. 
 
 22. kacta-, "when?" temporal interrogative. 
 
 kacta-m-amp when will you finish? 
 
 kacta'-umulop' when will we finish? 
 
 kacta-m-ka'ka when will you sing? 
 
 kacta-t-iyax when will he come? 
 
 kacta-konox when will I arrive? 
 
 There are several other possible temporal proclitics but examples 
 are insufficient to establish their case. 
 
 With the temporal proclitics should probably also be considered 
 the particle tarn, ram, or am, "then," one of the most frequent con- 
 nectives. 
 
 Interrogative Proclitics 
 
 Interrogative proclitics are few in number and genetically related 
 to independent forms. In addition to the temporal interrogative given 
 just above there are two adverbial forms : ake-, ' ' how ? ' ' and mena'ko-, 
 "why?", and two pronominal forms: ta-, "who?" and tas-, "what?" 
 
36 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 23. ake-, "what?" "where?" "which?" "how?" interrogative 
 
 adverb. 
 
 ake-nota-'siL what shall we do? 
 
 akl-'c what is there? 
 
 ake-t'm-e.'ke' where art thou going? 
 
 ake-'am' whither? 
 
 ake-me-'nax-ta whence dost thou come now? 
 
 akl-ca' how art thou? 
 
 ake-te-ke'o where is he going? 
 
 ake'ho' (M) which is it? 
 
 ake-ta'ti' (M) what shall we do? 
 
 ake-to'n-ho' (M) which is this? 
 
 ake-ton-ke'u (M) where is he? 
 
 aki'-teno-p^a'mka(M) where is he who is going to kill thee? 
 
 The particle ton in the last three Migueleno examples is of doubt- 
 ful nature. 
 
 24. mena'ko-, (M) miyo'k, "why?" interrogative advert. 
 
 me-'nak< -t< -kom-i'ye why don't you go? 
 
 mi'yo 'k-to-ku'm-icsx (M) why don't you eat it? 
 
 The same particle is also used as conjunctive "because" and as an 
 interjection. 
 
 25. to-, (M) tek'a'-, "who?" "which?" "whose?" animate inter- 
 
 rogative pronoun. 
 
 ta-p-k< -t-aten-ko who stole it? 
 
 ta-'ru-p' which of (them) ? 
 
 ta--kera-'ne whose? 
 
 ta-ko-'-otce-wa-xo'tc whose dog is this? 
 
 ta--lwa"- which is the better man? 
 
 ta--p< -iem-o'< who knows? 
 
 te'k'a' (M) who is he? 
 
 te-k'o (M) who is ? 
 
 26. tas-, (M) taltom', "what?" "which?" inanimate interrogative 
 
 pronoun. 
 
 ta-'s-ten no'vi' what is that which ? 
 
 ta-s-tm-a-'lox what do you wish? 
 
 ta's-ta-'va' what were they which ? 
 
 ta-'s-t'm what (animal)? what (did he say)? 
 
 taLtum, ta'ltom' (M) what is it? 
 
 talt'Ma" (M) what saidst thou? 
 
 PROCLITIC PRONOMINAL SUBJECT 
 
 The pronominal subject of a verb is typically not expressed in the 
 verbal complex but rather by the use of the independent form of the 
 personal pronoun, generally following the verb and sometimes enclitic 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 37 
 
 to it. These independent forms have already been considered (p. 32) 
 and the enclitics will be treated following verbal suffixes. When the 
 verb expresses the third person it frequently stands alone without 
 pronoun and also occasionally in the case of the other persons when no 
 confusion will ensue. In a few cases when, due to special conditions, 
 the independent pronoun precedes the verb, it may become coalesced 
 with the verb in rapid speech and thus act as a proclitic. This 
 phenomenon is rare and inconsequential. 
 
 But in certain constructions the pronominal subject becomes an 
 integral part of the verbal complex. As such it is much reduced or 
 abbreviated in form. Thus certain verbal proclitics and prefixes 
 always require the pronominal first or second personal subject between 
 themselves and the verbal stem. Such are the temporal proclitics and 
 the negative and interrogative prefixes. These reduced subjective 
 forms are : 
 
 Singular Plural 
 
 1. e 1. a 
 
 2. m 2. (om) 
 
 me"-e--ka'W-i' when I get sleepy 
 
 ke'ra' k-e-koL I am not hungry 
 
 kacta-m-amp when will you finish? 
 
 u-m-kaka are you singing? 
 
 ke'ra' k-a-suxtox we are not afraid 
 
 There are no forms for the third person and that of the second 
 person plural is doubtful. 
 
 PEEFIXES 
 
 Prefixed to the verbal stem may stand one or more of ten elements 
 which signify modal relations. These are for the greater part the 
 more abstract and general ideas, the more particular ones being 
 expressed by suffixes. They are generally prefixed directly to the 
 verbal stem though a few of them interpose the pronominal subject 
 between themselves and the stem. But the combination is complete ; 
 there is no suggestion of the nature of proclitics. Some of them are 
 mutually exclusive, while others permit of combination with other 
 prefixes. 
 
 These ten verbal prefixes are of the greatest importance in Salinan 
 morphology. The majority of verbs display one or more of these 
 elements in their complexes. The first three undoubtedly are the most 
 recurrent features in the language and their elucidation supplies the 
 most difficult feature of Salinan grammar. The remaining seven are 
 
38 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 more or less clear and unequivocal in meaning. For convenience in 
 arrangement and nomenclature, each element has been assigned a 
 number, a definite form, and an explanatory title. But in many cases, 
 as the imperative and interrogative, the element appears to be pro- 
 nominal in nature, and in others, as for instance the transitive, intran- 
 sitive and nominal, the titles given by no means adequately explain 
 the meaning and nature of these elements. 
 
 The ten prefixes with their approximate forms and significances 
 are: 
 
 27. p-, transitive 
 
 28. k-, intransitive 
 
 29. t-, nominal 
 
 30. m-, imperative 
 
 31. ko-, negative 
 
 32. o-, interrogative 
 
 33. ta-, conditional 
 
 34. en-, dependent 
 
 35. na-, purposive f 
 
 36. se-, substantive 
 
 Transitive, Intransitive, Nominal 
 
 The three prefixes, 27p-, 28 k-, and 29 t- supply the most striking 
 and at the same time the most elusive feature of Salinan morphology. 
 The majority of verbs contain one of the three elements. But their 
 great frequency only lends added difficulty to the elucidation of their 
 proper values. If they have any absolute meaning it has eluded the 
 present writer for many years. For convenience in nomenclature the 
 titles as above given have been assigned to them for reasons which 
 will be given below. But the titles are applicable to only a restricted 
 number of cases and many examples absolutely refute the suggested 
 explanations. It is possible that they are the vestiges of a once fully 
 functional process, now petrified in its irregularity, or else broken 
 down with the approaching extinction of the language. 
 
 The three prefixes are mutually exclusive ; only one of them may 
 occur in any verbal complex. 
 
 The sign p- frequently precedes stems with an object, generally 
 personal, while k- may precede the same stem when used intransitively. 
 k- also normally precedes stems when used passively, most intrinsically 
 intransitive verbs and most adjectives. On this account these two pre- 
 fixes have been designated by the terms ' ' transitive ' ' and intransitive. ' ' 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 39 
 
 k-ecxai' ' I woke up t-ecxai' ' dawn 
 
 k< -ts 'axe'le it snows ts 'ahe'L snow 
 
 k< -t 'e'pine he is fat t 'e'pen fat 
 
 k-iltee-wi'a winter is coming i'ltce winter 
 
 k-cta'ne it is budding ctan ' leaf 
 
 k-'a'mes he shouted p-'a'mes-ak he cried to me 
 
 k-a-wiyak'ce' it is hot p-a'wi-lo-ko she heated it 
 
 k-e'nai he hurt himself p-e'nai-ko I wounded him 
 
 k-ospolo'x he commanded p-espolo'x-o he seized it 
 
 But many cases are found in which p- introduces an intransitive 
 phrase and k- a transitive one. 
 
 p' -iem.o' I think 
 
 p-ikele-'ntx-o he circled around 
 
 p-a'lx-o he wished (to) 
 
 p-a'mk-o I am able 
 
 k-a'met'i he hunted for him 
 
 k-ena/y-ok he wounded him 
 
 k-tc'a-uye' they sought him 
 
 k-mala.-k they told him 
 
 Many of these apparent cases of the use of k- for the transitive 
 may truly be passives. 
 
 One of the few features of practical certainty regarding these two 
 prefixes is that the p- prefix nearly invariably takes the suffix -o or -ko 
 as its third personal objective form while the objective form in -k 
 occurs exclusively with the k- prefix. 
 
 In many cases the difference between the p- and k- prefixes appears 
 to be that between singular and plural subject. 
 
 p-a-ke"n-o 
 p' -me-'t-o-teN 
 Ma'ita-ko 
 p'ha-'iya-k 
 p-as-iem (M) 
 
 I thought 
 he tried again 
 he told them 
 he paid me 
 he was named 
 
 k-a-ki'n-yi ' 
 k' -me-'ti 
 k' -maltau-k 
 ke-p' ha'iyak 
 k-a's-ile 
 
 they thought 
 they try 
 they told them 
 they paid me 
 they are named 
 
 It is possible that the above cases are also passives, that construc- 
 tion being preferred with plural subjects. 
 
 When the prefix p- precedes a stem commencing in m the com- 
 bination results in a surd M, the p disappearing. 
 
 Many different hypotheses have been advanced and considered 
 concerning the nature of the p- and k- prefixes, but none of them 
 seems to be applicable to every case. 
 
 The prefix t- seems to be an alternative form for either of the above 
 prefixes. It is termed "nominal" merely because its form is the 
 same as that of the nominal prefix no. 17 and there may be some con- 
 
40 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 nection between them. This prefix seems to be found in two circum- 
 stances: it may stand initial as a prefix to certain stems which ordi- 
 narily utilize it, or it may replace one of the other prefixes when pre- 
 ceded by another prefix or proclitic. 
 
 The verbs which ordinarily take the t- prefix initially are prin- 
 cipally verbs of motion : 
 
 t< -ia he went 
 
 t'-iax he came 
 
 Occasionally, though rarely, other stems, principally those com- 
 mencing in a vowel, are found with the prefix t- in initial position. 
 But the most frequent use of t- is in place of one of the other prefixes 
 after another prefix or proclitic. The prefixes p- and Jt- are generally 
 not found following other prefixes. They do occur under certain 
 conditions : 
 
 am-p-ia'tleko he sent them 
 
 am-k< -Na-'yi ' he fled 
 
 But in the great majority of cases, particularly with stems com- 
 mencing in a vowel, after the proclitic tarn (ram, am), me and the 
 other temporal and interrogative proclitics, the negative and the other 
 verbal prefixes and the preposition, the transitive and intransitive pre- 
 fixes are replaced by t-. 
 
 ta'm-t-a-lel-a'ik f they asked him p-ale'1-ko he asked him 
 
 ta'm-t-amp it came out k-a-'mp'Lo it came out 
 
 ra'm-t' -xwen he arrived xwe'nelax they arrived 
 
 am-t'-yax he came yax come! 
 
 me'-t-amt' ele< (M) when they hunt k-a'mti' (M) he was hunting 
 
 me-t-amp' when it came out p-a-ma'mp'ko he took it out 
 
 me-t-epts'e'n when they stung him am-k-epts'en-la'ik they stung him 
 
 me'nak-t-kum-sa mo" why don't you speak? k'-sa' he spoke 
 
 ko'-t-amai he could not ko'-p-amko I can not 
 
 ti-t-a-'leyix if they wish p-a'lxo I wish 
 
 ti-t-a-'mpta' to come out k-a-'mp'Lo it came out 
 
 Imperative 
 
 The imperatives are confined to the second person ; other forms are 
 always academic and theoretical. It is very difficult to formulate the 
 exact rules for the use of the imperative, as puzzling and apparently 
 inexplicable exceptions to any rule are found, but the normal system 
 seems to be : 
 
Mason : The Language of the tialinan Indians 41 
 
 Singular positive imperatives make use of the bare verbal stem if 
 it commences with a consonant, or of the stem plus the prefix m- if it 
 begins with a vowel. This prefix m- is very probably the m of the 
 second personal singular pronoun. Singular negative constructions 
 employ the prefix hum- in all cases. 
 
 Plural imperatives are scarce in the data secured but the prefix k- 
 appears to be used in the majority of cases, the stem in the plural form 
 in other cases. 
 
 A few examples seem to suggest that the m- and k- prefixes are 
 used with transitive verbs, the bare stem with intransitives, but excep- 
 tions to this hypothesis are likewise found. 
 
 30. m-, k-, imperative. 
 
 k'ak'a sing! 
 
 xa'la shoot him! 
 
 male-'ntax remember it! 
 
 m-i'cim drink! 
 
 m-et 'eyine' 'k shoot him ! 
 
 m-ult'i'k cut him! 
 
 m-ama'mpek draw it! 
 
 ku'-m-xa-t^ do not cry! 
 
 ko'-m-icax do not eat! 
 
 ko'-m-pt 'ika ' do not beat her! 
 
 ko-m-eck'wala do not cut yourself! 
 
 yaxte'L come on! 
 
 k-osteM mom drink! 
 
 k<-ts'e'ik< go and see him! 
 
 k'-mit'ka-tek drive them off! 
 
 The imperative takes its third personal pronominal object in -ik, 
 never in -o or -Jco: 
 
 k-a'mamp-ik take it out! 
 
 a'mes-ik shout to him! 
 
 m-alel-ik ask him! 
 
 Negative 
 
 The negative is expressed in two ways in Salinan : by the indepen- 
 dent negative ke'ra' and by the negative verbal prefix. The two are 
 normally used jointly, probably to avoid possible confusion with the 
 intransitive prefix k-, as: 
 
 ke'ra' koxo-'ye' he did not reply 
 
 31. ko-, negative. 
 
 The normal negative prefix seems to be the element k followed by 
 the proclitic form of the subject pronoun. An alternative explanation 
 
42 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 might be that the negative prefix is k- and that when required by 
 phonetic laws the proclitic pronoun is interpolated. In either case the 
 result is the same. As the third person is by far the more common in 
 running text, the most frequent form of the negative is ko-; this again 
 may be the true form of the prefix, the others assimilated to other 
 vowels. 
 
 Verbal stems beginning in a consonant, form their negatives by the 
 prefixation of the negative element k plus the proclitic form of the 
 pronominal subjects, forming the prefixes : 
 
 Singular Plural 
 
 1 ke 1 ka 
 
 2 kum 2 (kum) 
 
 3 ko 3 kot<, ko 
 
 Thus: 
 
 ke'ra' ke-k'a-'k'a I will not sing 
 
 ke'ra' kum-ketca' you art not large 
 
 ko-ts'e'no he is not happy 
 
 ke'ra' ka-suxtax we are not afraid 
 
 kot'-ko'nox they did not arrive 
 
 Verbal stems commencing in a vowel seem to be less regular. In 
 the first person the vowels of the pronominal subject and the stem 
 appear to fuse, but not according to rule ; in the second person, the 
 prefix ending in a consonant, no change is necessary; in the third 
 person singular one of the other verbal prefixes, generally p, is inter- 
 polated ; in the third person plural the .same prefix kot is generally 
 retained. Frequently the sole difference between the singular and 
 plural is in the use of the plural verb stems. When confusion is likely 
 to ensue, the independent prefix ke'ra' is also used, as: 
 
 k-a-'mko I am not able 
 
 kum-'a'mes you did not cry 
 
 ko-p-a-'mko he is not able 
 
 k-amxo-t'e we were not able 
 
 ke'ra' ka-a'cax-t 'elix we will not eat 
 
 (k' o-k< -a'mko you are not able) 
 
 me'nak t'kom-iye why don't you go? 
 
 kot-amai they are not able 
 
 k-yam-anel-ak they did not see me 
 
 Interrogative 
 
 The interrogative is expressed in Salinan by the prefixation to the 
 verbal stem of the reduced proclitic form of the pronominal subject. 
 Since in running text the third personal interrogative is by far the 
 
1918] 
 
 Mason: The Language of the Salman Indians 
 
 43 
 
 most common, the third personal element is arbitrarily adopted as the 
 sign of the interrogative. 
 The prefixed elements are : 
 
 Singular 
 
 1 e 
 
 2 um 
 
 3 o 
 
 32. o-, interrogative. 
 
 e-ki' he'k am I going? 
 
 um-ki' mo' are you going? 
 o-ki' heyo' is he going? 
 
 om-ya'mcep 
 
 um-petxa'u 
 
 um-ka'xa-ulo< 
 
 o-una'< 
 
 o'-yo' 
 
 o-ko'nsele 
 
 Plural 
 
 1 a 
 
 2 (um) 
 
 3 o 
 
 a-kiya'L ha'k 
 um-ki'aL mom' 
 o-kia'L heyo't 
 
 do you see? 
 have you it I 
 are you asleep? 
 this one? 
 is it this? 
 will (he) sell 
 
 are we going? 
 are you going? 
 are they going? 
 
 The negative interrogative is formed by the interrpgative prefix 
 followed by the negative prefix, as : 
 
 o-ko'-p-enai won't he hurt (me)? 
 
 The interrogative is used in many eases of doubt or possibility but 
 where no question is asked: 
 
 o'-yema' 
 o-yo' '16 
 o'yo' '16 
 o'-t'ika 
 o'-tica-'rnko 
 
 who might be seen 
 (to see) if he is there 
 (to see) where he is 
 (go) to see if there is 
 (I wish) I were able to 
 
 o-pa/mko 
 o'-t' amai 
 
 (he tries) to be able to 
 (they try) to be able to 
 
 The same or a similar prefix appears to be used for the vocative, as : 
 
 o-k'ewe'L O, West Wind! 
 
 Hello, friend! 
 
 o'-ta'mi-Tco 
 o-cetelua' ' 
 
 Say, old man! 
 
 Conditional 
 
 Conditional constructions are expressed by the use of a prefix t- 
 with following vowel. In the majority of cases this vowel is assim- 
 ilated to agree with the following vowel of stem or prefix, but other 
 cases seem to show no regularity. In a few cases the vowel may be 
 that of the subjective pronoun. 
 
44 
 
 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 33. t(a), conditional. 
 
 ta'-amka se 
 ta-ko'm-a-mko 
 t r an-t'i-itxa-'-tic se 
 te-etxa' se 
 ti-ko-t-ep' eL 
 ti-'a'pau-te< 
 ti-ki'e-k' a-ka- 
 tic-ta'-a'mka se 
 to-ko-lecxai-ta 
 
 if I am able 
 
 (asked) if he could 
 
 if I had 
 
 if I have them, when 
 
 if it is not filled 
 
 if I overtake him 
 
 if I don't sing 
 
 if I were able 
 
 if it does not rain 
 
 I have them 
 
 Dependent 
 
 Dependent clauses of purpose, intent, doubt, possibility, following 
 verbs of command and similar constructions are introduced by the 
 prefix en- ( em, $, in, iy, an, on, um, etc. ) . 
 
 34. en-, dependent. 
 
 (commanded) to go 
 
 in order to sleep 
 
 to please myself 
 
 i n order to see 
 
 in order to tell 
 
 so that it entered 
 (said) to come 
 
 to see if I can 
 (sh-3 whom [) seek 
 (he who) speaks 
 
 what I may desire 
 (commanded) to make 
 (commanded) to stop it 
 (go) to see 
 
 so that not to fight 
 
 so that not 
 
 en-t'-ya' 
 
 en-ka'u 
 
 e-'n-i-ts 'e-na' ' 
 
 <en-ts'e"n 
 
 'en-tico-'p 
 
 em-k< -cu-'lukne 
 
 em-ya'< 
 
 em-e'tikas (M) 
 
 em-tc'au 
 
 em-sek' 
 
 tas-em-a-'lox 
 
 e m -p-eta'ko 
 
 m -p-etc'e-ko 
 
 I'N-t-i 'ts 'e-k< 
 
 j?7-kera"-k 'a' Li" 
 
 ' iyj-kera '-racrake 
 
 an-p-alelek (S) 
 
 q,n-ti-xo't 'op' 
 
 a/-a/mko 
 
 oN-p-apa.'yu 
 
 on-e'-p-o'x 
 
 um-ta-'ne (M) 
 
 if I ask 
 (let me) pass 
 (to see) if I can 
 in order to copulate 
 in order to enter 
 (told) to give 
 
 Purposive 
 
 Another prefix of somewhat similar significance but much rarer 
 than en- is na. In the majority of cases it appears to introduce 
 dependent clauses of purpose. Its characteristic vowel seems to be 
 modified by that of the pronominal subject. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 45 
 
 35. na-, purposive. 
 
 na-acak in order to eat 
 
 n-um-ye"m that you may know 
 
 na-paLa let us dance 
 
 na-k'a'ltena they are fighting 
 
 Substantive 
 
 A prefix of very dubious nature is se-. In some cases it appears to 
 be an independent auxiliary verb, either preceding or following the 
 main verb. (Cf. four of the examples of the conditional prefix.) 
 But ordinarily it precedes the verb and may be considered either as 
 prefix or proclitic. In many cases it appears to have a substantive 
 value and consequently is thus named, though in many other examples 
 its exact value is problematical. 
 
 36. se-, substantive. 
 
 se-a'telo 'i thou art my companion 
 
 se-ke'ra ' no 
 
 se-k-ts'e'p thus it is worth 
 
 se-ko-ts'e'p it is not good 
 
 se-k< -La'm-a-ilak' they are gourmands 
 
 se-k-sa-'teL they used to speak 
 
 se-ka' 'wu.ox he slept 
 
 se-ka'wu-cko" he was sleeping 
 
 se-k'i-cxa'lo- ' he was afraid 
 
 se-k'-ce'tep'-Lo he was already dead 
 
 se-p-astcene"ko he lost it 
 
 se-p-eta"ko he must respect 
 
 se- 'Mma'wu-mo" and thou carriest it 
 
 se-k-icxa"-u-mo ' they will eat thee 
 
 se-ki-lo' he went 
 
 se-cko" he remained 
 
 se-p' -xa'p< ko he dug 
 
 se-k'o'lpax it sprung up 
 
 VEEB STEM 
 
 Following the verbal proclitics, the proclitic subjective pronoun 
 and the prefixes comes the verb stem. Little need be said about this. 
 A complete list of verbal stems is given in the vocabulary. They are 
 of many phonetic types and apparently of no standard form. The 
 exact form of any verbal stem is frequently difficult to determine in 
 the absence of numerous paradigms, due to the practical universality 
 of certain affixes with certain stems. Thus it has been impossible to 
 determine in many cases whether an initial p, k, m, or t is a part of the 
 stem or not. Such dubious elements have ordinarily been placed in 
 parentheses and all hapax legomena have been starred. 
 
46 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and JSthn. [Vol. 14 
 
 Verbal stems are varied by means of infixes and suffixes to form 
 the plural. These have already been treated under pluralization 
 (p. 22). Pluralization of the verbal stem may denote any form of 
 duplication: plurality of the subject or the object, or iterative, 
 habitual or repetitive action. The context generally determines the 
 exact meaning. 
 
 A few examples by Sitjar suggest that a change in the character 
 of a stem vowel may denote the frequentative : 
 
 p-amo f leko give alms frequently p-ama f leko give alms 
 
 m-amo"lek Give alms thus! m-ama*lek Give alms! 
 
 OBJECTIVE PRONOUNS 
 
 Immediately after the verb stem follows the pronominal object. 
 This is expressed by suffixing to the verb stem pronominal elements 
 more or less closely related to the other forms of the personal pronoun. 
 The combination seems to be closer than in the case of the enclitic sub- 
 jective forms. When a personal pronominal object is indicated the 
 subject is always expressed by the independent form. The objective 
 pronouns of the Antoniafio dialect are : 
 
 Singular 
 
 1 aic, hak 
 
 2 ka 
 
 3 o, ko 
 
 Plural 
 
 1 t'ak 
 
 2 t'kam 
 
 3 ot, kot, tko 
 
 The simple forms need no explanation : 
 
 p-ale-'l-hak mo' thou asked me 
 
 p-ale-'l-ka' he'k I asked thee 
 
 p-ale-'l-ko mom you asked him 
 
 p-ale-'l-t'ak heyo" he asked us 
 
 p-ale-'l-t'kam ha'k we asked you 
 
 p-ale-'l-kot heyo"t they asked them 
 
 mo' p-cik 'a'iy-ak thou kicked me 
 
 heyo" p-cik 'ai'ka he kicked thee 
 
 he'k p-eik'ai'-ko I kicked him 
 
 heyo"t p-cik 'ai'l-t 'ak they kicked us 
 
 heyo" p-cik 'ai'-t'kam he kicked you 
 
 mo' p-cik 'ai'-ko heyo"t thou kicked them 
 
 The forms of the first and second person require absolutely no 
 comment but those of the third person are more variable. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 47 
 
 Third personal objective forms are -o, -ko, -xo, -tko, -oi, ~kot, -xot, 
 -tkot and -k. With a few inexplicable exceptions, forms involving the 
 element o are found only in connection with the verbal prefix p-, those 
 ending in -k only in connection with the verbal prefix A;-. 
 
 The forms -o, -ko and -xo are probably phonetic variants of one 
 form and the same may be said for the forms -ot, -kot and -xot: 
 
 p-eta"-ko he made it 
 
 p-ise'1-xo he carried all 
 
 p-axo.'t-o he smoked him out 
 
 p-eik 'ai'-kot I kicked them 
 
 pesno'-xot you heard them 
 
 p-iam-ot he saw them 
 
 Of these the forms -ko and -kot are by far the most frequent. Just 
 what is the difference between the objective form in -ko and that in 
 -o is not clear; it is possible that the forms in -xo are really -o pre- 
 ceded by an x of the verbal stem, but they are unexpectedly frequent. 
 
 Between the singular and plural forms of the third person objec- 
 tive there is considerable interchange. It will be noticed that the 
 differentiating element between the similar persons of the different 
 numbers is in every case the element t, probably related to the plural 
 infix t (no. 15). Thus it appears that the forms of the third person 
 singular may be used optionally for the plural if the third person 
 plural independent pronoun is added. The plural infix or suffix t is 
 also more or less optional when the subject is plural, forming the suffix 
 -tko or tkot. The following examples of third personal objectives will 
 well illustrate the variability possible: 
 
 ke 'k p-iam-o I saw him 
 
 ram-p< -iax-te-ko then he brought another 
 
 p-t 'a-k< io'-xo he killed them 
 
 p-eik 'ai'-ko heyo"t I kicked them 
 
 heyo' ' p' -iam-aNe'lko heyo' 't he saw them 
 
 ram-p' -ts 'e-n-tko he observes them 
 
 p-cik 'ai'-tko I kicked them 
 
 p'-ia'm-o't' they met him 
 
 p-esno'-xot heyo' ' they heard him 
 
 mom p'-yam-ot heyo"t you saw them 
 
 p-cik 'ai'-kot he kicked them 
 
 Some of these forms may be paradigms incorrectly given, but the 
 mass of material seems to show no uniformity, the third personal ele- 
 ment ko or o being used for either number and the pluralizing element 
 t added to form kot or tko for either plural subject or object, the inde- 
 pendent forms being added in apposition in case of possible confusion. 
 
48 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and EtJin. [Vol. 14 
 
 Passive Forms 
 
 Frequently, particularly when the pronominal subject is plural 
 and especially with an object of the first person, the passive construc- 
 tion is preferred to the active. Generally either the independent form 
 of the subjective accompanies the construction or else the agentive 
 phrase "by him," "by them" is appended. 
 
 The passive verbal complex requires the prefix k- instead of p- 
 and the objective prefixes end in -k instead of in -o or -ko. The forms 
 are -aiyik (-aiyak, -i'yax) in the singular and -t 'aiyik in the plural. 
 
 k-ci'k 'aiy-aiyik he'k te hiyo"t I am kicked by them 
 
 heyo' 't p-cik 'ai'y-ak they kick me 
 
 k-alel-aiyik mo' thou art asked 
 
 heyo"t p-ale'1-ka' they ask thee 
 
 ram-male'nt-a'iyax then it was remembered 
 
 malent-xo he remembered it 
 
 yom-al-t 'aiyik ha'k we were met 
 
 heyo"t p-yam-al-t'ak ha'k they saw us 
 
 k-ale'1-t 'ayik mom' ye are asked 
 
 heyo' 't p-ale'1-t 'kam they asked you 
 
 heyo"t k-ci'k 'ail-taiyik they are kicked 
 
 heyo"t p-ci'k 'ail-tko they kicked them 
 
 SUFFIXES 
 
 The elements of the verbal complex following the stem and the 
 objective pronoun are rather difficult to classify. Certain of them 
 appear to be true suffixes, generally expressing modal distinctions 
 and others, such as temporal qualifiers and the pronominal subject, 
 are normally independent and, when combined in the verbal complex, 
 evidently serve only as enclitics. Others appear to fall in the class of 
 enclitics as regards their meaning but are not found in independent 
 position. These have arbitrarily been classed as enclitics. The modal 
 suffixes will first be considered. 
 
 There are four elements which may be considered as true verbal 
 suffixes expressing various modal distinctions. These are passive, 
 causative, and two desiderative forms. 
 37. -a', (M) -ap, passive, reflexive. 
 
 t-eta-x-a' which should be done 
 
 ra'm-t'-eta-h-a' and it was done 
 
 me'-p-am-k-a' how you may be killed 
 
 ko-yem-a" he was not seen 
 
 k-yam-a he"k I was seen 
 
 mo-t-as-io-a-ko (S) thy being named 
 
1918] 
 
 Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 
 
 49 
 
 p-esnai' '-ya 
 a'me-t-etax-a'p (M) 
 le-t-etah-a'pu (M) 
 m-ax-ap (M) 
 la'lu-a'p (M) 
 mi's-lip-ap (M) 
 
 he was heard 
 
 and it was done 
 
 when it was done 
 
 climb up! (ax place) 
 
 he departed (la'lu-o leave) 
 
 stinking (mis smell) 
 
 38. -at, -t, (-te), causative. 
 
 yema-t-a-'k (S) 
 
 am-p-ia-'-t-ko 
 
 yax-te'-k' 
 
 k<-mit'k-a-'t-ek< 
 
 p-aktci-u-at-ak (S) they made me thirsty 
 
 p-col-a-'t' -ko-ten he treed him again 
 
 m-anem-t-ak (S) pardon me! 
 
 Possibly: 
 
 k-a-'s-et* he is named 
 
 show me! 
 
 he sent them 
 
 bring him! 
 
 ne chased them off 
 
 p'-iem-et' 
 
 ame-t< -ya' 
 
 yax 
 
 k< -mi't 'ik 
 
 k-akca' 
 
 k-COL 
 ik-a'nem 
 
 k-a-'s-e 
 
 (S) 
 
 i will see you 
 
 he went 
 
 come on! 
 
 I run 
 
 he is thirsty 
 
 he climbed 
 
 snail I remain? 
 
 they call 
 
 39. -ce', desiderative, substantive. 
 
 The suffix -ce' is doubtless related to the prefix se- and is equally 
 difficult to analyze correctly. A number of cases undoubtedly express 
 a substantive meaning, identical with prefix se- when used as a sub- 
 stantive. Yet others appear to express some psychological idea such 
 as desire, generally being suffixed to verbs which are themselves 
 dependent on some verb of desire, thought or some similar concept. 
 It is therefore not a true desiderative. It is quite possible that both 
 here and in the case of prefix se- the substantive forms should be 
 eliminated and placed in a separate category as constituting a different, 
 though homonymous element. 
 
 ctelwa"-l-e"k-ce'< 
 
 ka-'wiya-k' -ce' 
 
 kauya-c-e'k 
 
 ta'me-la-'p'-se-to' (M) 
 
 p-alox-he' 'k-ce ' 
 
 p-alox-nel-kek-ce 
 
 p-alxo-ce' 
 
 p-aLxo-xek-ce 
 
 ram-ko-'-neka '-ce ' 
 
 ta-a-'mela-'i-ce' 
 
 p-i-se-'lxo-k'sa'-ce' 
 
 ku-t< ia.'-t< -ia '-lo-'-ce ' 
 
 ram-k' tr-ts 'e-'nu '-k< sa-lo-'ce ' 
 
 p-a-ke' 'n-u-k' sa-lo-'ce ' 
 
 malentxo-ce' 
 
 I am getting to be an old man 
 
 it is very hot 
 
 I am hot 
 
 and there was the raven again 
 
 a desire, I desire 
 
 desires 
 
 a desire 
 
 I would like to (but can 't) 
 
 he did not wish to 
 
 (he wanted) them to be killed 
 
 (he tried to carry) them all 
 
 he did not wish to go yet 
 
 then he was very contented 
 
 he thought that 
 
 he remembers 
 
50 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 40. -ya', desiderative. 
 
 The suffix -ya' is a rather dubious and rare suffix but the few exam- 
 ples of it found seem to carry a desiderative significance. 
 
 ra-ko"-icxai'-ya' that it did not wish to dawn yet 
 
 kwa-'haliya f I wish to kill 
 
 ki'-at '-ya-lo-he' 'k I wish to go now 
 
 te-ce'tep'-ya' he was as if dead 
 
 ko-citip'-yA' he did not die 
 
 k-iyax-eL-yi they wish to come 
 
 ENCLITICS 
 
 There are six particles of varied significance which are never found 
 in independent position but always suffixed to a verb or, rarely, to 
 some other part of speech. These might possibly be considered as 
 verbal suffixes were it not that their meanings are rather different 
 from those of the true verbal suffixes and more akin to those of the 
 true enclitics. These may be termed the quasi-enclitics ; they express 
 modal and temporal qualifications. The true proclitics, which are 
 normally found in independent position are the tense elements and 
 the pronominal subject. 
 
 Quasi-enclitics 
 
 41. -ten', (M) ton', iterative. 
 
 The verbal suffix or enclitic -ten' in Antoniafio, -ton' in Migueleiio 
 is doubtless akin to the nominal plural ten' (no. 8) and indicates 
 "again," "another." 
 
 ra-ke'ra'-te'n'-lo' (he told them) that there was no more 
 
 p-a-'lxo-teN I want more 
 
 ka-'u-ten' he also slept 
 
 k'-t'o'xo-ke-teN he was also a murderer 
 
 p' -Ne' ' e wu-teN he seized him again 
 
 ko-citip-ten ' he did not die again 
 
 na'lye-ton' (M) they await another 
 
 ne'lj-to'N (M) he also seized it 
 
 noi'yo'ton' (M) he went to gather again 
 
 42. -ts'e, iterative. 
 
 The verbal enclitic -ts'e appears to mean also "again," "another," 
 and the difference in meaning from -ten' is not apparent. 
 
 ra'm'-ecxa-i-ts'e it dawned again 
 
 ra'm-t' -ia-ts 'e he went again 
 
 ra-m-sma'k'ai-ts'e and it became night again 
 
 ra'm-t'i-cko-ts'e and he was there again 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 51 
 
 ta'm-tiea-k-ts'e' and he began again 
 
 p-eta" a ko-ts'e' he did (evil) again 
 
 ca-ke-ni'-ts'i they aimed again 
 
 k'a-'ltena-lo-ts' we will fight again 
 
 no'<-k<e-ts'a (M) 1 first 
 
 p' -mat 'axo-tsa I used to tamp them 
 
 p-ya-'m-ts'e I used to look 
 
 43. -fia, distributive. 
 
 The enclitic fia' means "each," "every" and when suffixed to 
 verbs gives to them a distributive significance. 
 
 k-otco-xna-gas-t'ia' he ran dripping 
 
 te-to"m-t<io' wherever it dropped 
 
 t'oL-t'ia every one 
 
 44. -an, (M) -ani, expletive. 
 
 An enclitic -an or -ani is frequently suffixed to imperative and 
 other forms of verbs, apparently as a mere expletive, though it may 
 be akin to the future particle. It is frequently translated by the 
 Spanish "pues. " 
 
 ya'x-tek '-cm well, let it come! 
 
 ts'ep'-ct.n well, good! 
 
 m-i'cxo'-ha"k t -a'N it is better that thou eat me 
 
 ma 'we-'xe '-an-k< sa" place thyself firmly! 
 
 ka'xaw-an they slept 
 
 xai-pa'ko-a'Ni (M) well, impel thyself! 
 
 There remain two quasi-enclitics which appear to refer to tense ; 
 at least the examples of them suggest no uniformity except that of 
 past intransitive tense. The main tense signs are independent adverbs 
 and only sporadically enclitic, while these two forms appear never to 
 occur independently or to be related to any independent adverbial 
 form. They partake therefore of the nature of enclitics and are occa- 
 sionally suffixed to other parts of speech than verbs. No difference 
 between them has been discerned. 
 
 45. -tek', (M) -tek, past intransitive. 
 
 , ce'tep-te'k' he died 
 
 ce'tep'-na'as-te'k' he died 
 
 ke'ra'-te'k'-ksa he was not seen 
 
 ts'a'telo-m-tek'-k'sa' it became cold 
 
 t'o'loinox-tek' it is finished 
 
 ta'mi-ya.-tek (M) he went (to bring) 
 
 ta'mi-yax-tek (M) I came 
 
 tame-xwe-n-tek he arrived 
 
 tame-lam-tek and he ate 
 
 The enclitic -to' is found principally in the Migueleiio dialect. 
 
52 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 46. -to, (M) -to', past intransitive. 
 
 raM-t< -ia-'-to soon he went 
 
 t< i-k-iya-'-to who knows where they went 
 
 p-ecxai'-to '" (M) it dawned 
 
 me-p-ecxad-to' (M) in the morning 
 
 ta'me-lam-tek-t' o e (M) and I ate 
 
 tame-nal-k< e'-t< o ' (M) I filled myself 
 
 ki-ke.'to' (M) I went 
 
 neij-k'e-to' (M) he went to fetch 
 
 toi'x-to' (M) another 
 
 Tense Enclitics 
 
 Absolute tense is normally expressed in Salinan by means of inde- 
 pendent adverbial particles. These normally follow the verb and 
 frequently are interposed between the preceding verb stem and the 
 following enclitic pronominal subject; in this case the three are fre- 
 quently combined by elision into a single complex. The same particles 
 are frequently suffixed to other parts of speech and give to them the 
 same qualifications of tense. 
 
 Past tense is normally expressed by the particle le-16, le-lu-, lei, lo', 
 (M) le-16 1 '. This is generally reduced in the enclitic forms. 
 
 47. -lo, -le', -leu', -1-, past tense. 
 
 ki-lo-he"k I went 
 
 ki-he"k-lo I went 
 
 ki-l-e"k I went 
 
 ra-ko-t' -ia-'-lo and they did not go 
 
 ko'-yema '-lo' they did not find him 
 
 k< -ce-'pa '-lo' 1 he became afraid 
 
 p-yam-hek-lelo I saw her before 
 
 k-amt'e-1-ek now I can hunt 
 
 nap<-Le" (M) he cooked this 
 
 kewe-ts'na-le" (M) he comes shouting 
 
 sekelelep-le'ij ' (M) . he enveloped it 
 
 yent< xo-le'lj ' (M) he almost overtook him 
 
 ki'y ax-leu' (M) he is coming 
 
 Some instances of the same enclitic suffixed to words other than 
 verbs are : 
 
 k'Lu'wa-16 long ago 
 
 ha"k-lo now from henceforth 
 
 ke'ra'-lo there is no more 
 
 k'o'nxa-lo' it was already late 
 
 ma-keu-leL where they were 
 
 rump* a-ke/u-lo-ta ' there where he is 
 
 lo.'ra ' already 
 
 ctelwa' '-1-e 'k-ee'< I am an old man already 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the tsalinan Indians 53 
 
 Present time is normally not expressed in the verbal complex; 
 when required it is denoted by the independent adverb taha or to,-, 
 (M) tana' '. The idea expressed seems to be that of proximate time, 
 either just passed or approaching. Very rarely is this element found 
 as a verbal enclitic in the form of -ta. 
 
 48. -ta, present tense. 
 
 ki-yax-ta he is coming now 
 
 hek-ta-p-iam-o I am going to see him 
 
 k< -yam-o-l-ek-ta I saw him just now 
 
 In combination with other parts of speech it occurs also : 
 
 me-sma'kai-ta tonight 
 
 na-ta.-sma'kai tonight 
 
 me-ko'nxa-ta this afternoon 
 
 Future time is expressed by the adverb no-no, or non. appearing 
 as enclitic in the verbal complex in the form no or n. 
 
 49. -no, -n-, future tense. 
 
 kI-'-n-e'k< I am going 
 
 ki'-no-hek I am going 
 
 ki-he'k-no I am going 
 
 tc 'a-'uye '-no" they seek him 
 
 te-t* -iya-no'' in order to go 
 
 ake-t<me-'-ke'-no'< where are you going? 
 
 nap'-no'na (M) it is cpoked 
 
 xa-ta-no-k'e" (M) i am going to weep 
 
 p-a'mtak-no' (M) he will seize them 
 
 ki'yax-no" (M) there he comes 
 
 pt'eka--n-ek heyo" he will kill me 
 
 pt 'eka-n-he"kiyax he win kill you 
 
 pt'eka-n he"k I will kill him 
 
 me-'to-n-e'k' I will try it 
 
 tas-k-co'une.-n-ek' i am going to kindle it 
 
 ki--n-e"k< I go 
 
 The same particle is also found suffixed to other parts of speech : 
 
 ka's-no just now 
 
 k< Lu'wa '-no'-p< a little time passed 
 
 A more or less dubious particle which apparently denotes future 
 time, possibly more distant than no is mas. 
 
 50. -mas, future tense. 
 
 hek-mas-p-yam-o I will see 
 
 ke'ra '-mas-ko-licxai' ' it will not rain forever 
 
 xa'ta-mas-he'k I will weep 
 
54 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol.14 
 
 A few uniform examples secured by Henshaw from the Migueleno 
 dialect suggest that position may be of some importance in the deter- 
 mination of tense. Thus in several examples the pronoun is suffixed 
 for the present tense and prefixed for the past. It is a question how 
 much reliance is to be placed on this material. 
 
 seku-ke-meka I am talking ke-seku-meka I was talking 
 
 hati-ke-meka I am crying ke-maka-hata I was crying 
 
 kaka-ke-maka I am singing ke-maka-kaka I was singing 
 
 In the material of Sitjar and Henshaw many verb endings are 
 found which are not explicable by any of the above rules and do not 
 appear to be parts of the verb stem. A few such examples are also 
 found in the present textual material. It has been necessary to dis- 
 regard these sporadic irregularities since not sufficient examples of 
 any instance have been found to warrant formulation and inclusion 
 here would only tend to confuse the work of Salinan comparisons. 
 
 ENCLITIC PRONOMINAL SUBJECT 
 
 As has before been remarked, the pronominal subject, in independ- 
 ent position and form, normally follows the verb. But in rapid speech 
 tense adverbs and the pronominal subject tend to become abbreviated 
 and to coalesce with the verb stem, forming a complex. Practically, 
 this phenomenon is limited to the first person singular which is abbre- 
 viated to -ek. The first personal plural form does not seem to abbre- 
 viate to -ak, possibly to avoid confusion with the first personal singular 
 objective pronoun -ak. The forms of the second person, commencing 
 as they do with a consonant, are not susceptible of abbreviation and 
 the third personal pronominal subjective forms are ordinarily not 
 expressed. 
 
 ctelwa"-l-e'k-ce I am an old man already 
 
 tas-k-co'une.-n-ek' but I will kindle it 
 
 ADVERBS 
 
 Independent adverbs play an important part in Salinan, owing to 
 the paucity, in the verbal complex, of particles expressing adverbial 
 concepts. Thus most of the locative and temporal relations are 
 expressed by independent adverbs. Lists of these adverbs will be 
 found in the vocabulary. In a few cases adverbs are composed with 
 prefixes; these will be given below. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 55 
 
 TEMPOEAL ADVEBBS 
 
 A particle me- when prefixed to temporal nouns or adverbs denotes 
 time when. It is undoubtedly the same element as the verbal prefix 
 me- "when," (no. 19). 
 
 51. (19) me-, time when. 
 
 me-t 'oL-to'kena'-ten another day 
 
 me'-t'ol-lice" the following year 
 
 me-Lpa'L in the summer 
 
 me'-smakai tonight 
 
 me-ko'nxa' this afternoon 
 
 me'-ecxai in the morning 
 
 me-t'oL-ten the next time 
 
 me'-t 'oL-k 'we'L another time 
 
 t< a'CNe'L-me' sometimes 
 
 Similarly a nominal prefix no- appears to denote definite time in 
 the past. 
 
 52. no-, time when (past). 
 
 no-ko'nxa' yesterday 
 
 no-icxai' ' this morning 
 
 no-wa.na" yesterday morning 
 
 no-tcieyo yesterday 
 
 no-p'a' day before yesterday 
 
 LOCATIVE ADVEKBS 
 
 Locative constructions are expressed in three ways. 
 
 The broader and more general relations expressed by many Eng- 
 lish prepositions are in Salinan expressed by an independent or procli- 
 tic particle tu (less often te, ti), evidently related to the prepositional 
 te. In such cases it means "in," "on," "from," "onto," "upon," 
 "to," "by," "up," "into," "over," "within," etc. Either rest or 
 motion is implied. In many, possibly most cases, it appears as turn, 
 rarely as tumd, the difference in meaning from tu being not evident. 
 
 The second class of locative constructions comprises the more gen- 
 eral locative adverbs such as "here" and "there." 
 
 The third class comprises the more definite adverbs, generally 
 expressed by prepositions in English, such as "down," "beneath," 
 "beside," "within," etc. Lists of both of these classes are given in 
 the vocabulary. Many of these are nominal in character and require 
 a locative adverbial or prepositional prefix. These prefixes seem to 
 be varying combinations of four elements: tu (ru or ti), ma, um 
 and pa. 
 
56 
 
 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 53. ma-, place whither, place where. 
 
 ma-le-mo' over, above 
 
 ma-la-'k'o at the foot, below 
 
 ma-t-ika'ko up 
 
 ma-t-icxe'wu at the foot 
 
 ma-t'uLni on the hill 
 
 ma,-swida to the city 
 
 ma-ke'u to where they were 
 
 ma-te-mo' on the house 
 
 ma-k'e'weL to the north 
 
 ma-pxa'nol at the south 
 
 ma/ there 
 
 54. tuma-, place ivhither. 
 
 tu-ma-kLi-he" 
 tu-ma-k 'e-'nax 
 
 down 
 
 whither I had come 
 
 55. um-, place where. 
 
 um-te'ma 
 um-titc V 'ma 
 um-le'saM 
 um-la-'mka 
 em-k 'we'L 
 em-t'ka'teno 
 
 in my house 
 on his back 
 at Morro 
 at the beach 
 through the world 
 on the buttocks 
 
 56. turn-, rum-, hom-, place where. 
 
 rum-t'ca" in the water 
 
 hom-t< -a" a ko on his head 
 
 tum-tetoke'u from there 
 
 tum-tce'N outside 
 
 57. umpa-, rumpa-, tumpa-, place ivhither, place where. 
 
 umpa-k 'e' e -nax where I came 
 
 umpa-f k-o'ma at, to your houses 
 
 umpa.-tc'a" to the water 
 
 ump< a-ka-le-lu- where you were 
 
 tumpa, rumpa there, thither 
 
 58. tu-, ru-, place whither. 
 tu-wr ' 
 
 tu-wi-tce'n 
 ti-sk 'am 
 
 hither 
 outside 
 close by 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 57 
 
 OTHER PARTS OF SPEECH 
 PEEPOSITIONS 
 
 The connective prepositional relations, as distinguished from the 
 locative prepositional relations are expressed by the omnipresent 
 particle te. This is most frequently translated by the English preposi- 
 tion "to," but also by "of," "from," "with," "in," "by," "than," 
 ' ' that, " " for, ' ' and others. It expresses most of the oblique case rela- 
 tions of the Latin genitive, dative and ablative, the infinitive and 
 participial relations, besides following most verbs of thinking, desiring, 
 trying, beginning, ceasing, ability, knowing, purpose, etc. Its normal 
 form seems' to be te or ti, but the vowel is very often assimilated to the 
 vowel of the following stem as ta, to or tu. It similarly often combines 
 with the particle pe to tup and with the pronoun mo to turn. Examples 
 of its use are innumerable in the texts. They include such construc- 
 tions as : 
 
 He finished from work We began to shoot 
 
 I wish to eat I told him to do it 
 
 I shot with an arrow I think that he will come 
 
 You know it to be bad Better man than you 
 
 In order to sleep It was given for her 
 
 Why did he go? He came to us 
 
 Some of my arrows Go with him 
 
 Was killed by them I am able to shoot 
 
 He tried to run Makes no difference to me 
 It is full of atole 
 
 ADJECTIVES 
 
 As in the case of many or most American languages, the adjective 
 partakes very largely of the character of the verb and might possibly 
 be considered as a verb, though lacking many typically verbal func- 
 tions. Thus "blue flower," "strong man," "warm day" are syntac- 
 tically rather "the flower is blue," "the man is strong," "the day is 
 warm." Adjectival roots thus normally bear the intransitive verbal 
 prefix k and are susceptible of change to denote the singular or plural 
 number to agree with their qualified noun. They lack the tense-mode 
 affixes peculiar to verbs. 
 
58 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 Several good examples of the inter-relation between adjectival and 
 other stems are : 
 
 k-i/sil-e' all 
 
 p-i-se-'l-xo (carried) all 
 
 m-isil-i (tell) all! 
 
 k-ecxo'n-e poor 
 
 p-ecxo'n-ect it pains you 
 
 tet-ecxo'n-i' the poor one 
 
 In two of these cases an adjectival suffix -e appears to be present ; 
 this is not found in a sufficient number of examples to warrant its 
 formulation as a rule. A large number of apparently adjectival stems 
 are given in the appended vocabulary. 
 
 DEMONSTEATIVES 
 
 The principal demonstratives "this," "that," "these," "those," 
 are employed very frequently, pe, "that," "those" generally serving 
 as equivalent to the English definite or indefinite article. They are 
 invariable in form as regards number. Full lists will be given in the 
 vocabulary. 
 
 CONJUNCTIONS 
 
 Conjunctions or connectives are of considerable importance in 
 Salinan and frequently used. They are generally prefixed as procli- 
 tics. A list of them will be found in the vocabulary. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 59 
 
 PART III. TEXTS 
 
 The texts following are appended as material illustrative of con- 
 nected Salinan speech. Interlinear translations are given following 
 as closely as possible the sense and order of the Salinan original, and 
 free translations are appended for a fuller understanding of the con- 
 text, and because of the interest they bear to mythological and folk- 
 lore studies. Both the dialects of San Antonio and of San Miguel are 
 represented, the former composing the first part and the majority of 
 the material. 
 
 The Migueleno texts were all taken in 1916 from Maria Ocarpia, 
 an elderly woman living at the "reservation" at the foot of Santa 
 Lucia Peak, a little north of San Antonio Mission. All of the texts 
 secured from her are original and the great majority are of myth- 
 ological importance. It is doubtful if the dialect is represented in its 
 aboriginal purity, but undoubtedly no better material is securable at 
 present. 
 
 The Antoniailo texts are a more heterogeneous body. First in order 
 in the following material are the texts of David Mora, a pure Anton- 
 iafio Indian. These also probably represent as pure a dialect as is 
 procurable at present. These texts supply the bulk of the material 
 and are for the most part original, and of considerable mythological 
 interest. Two texts at the end of this group were translated into 
 Salinan by the informant from the Spanish originals taken from Juan 
 Quintana, an aged Indian unavailable for linguistic purposes. They 
 are of mythological value but the native form and syntax can not be 
 above suspicion of Spanish influence. 
 
 The balance of the material was given by Pedro and Maria Encin- 
 ales, members of the best known surviving Salinan family. The father, 
 Eusabio Encinales, was of the San Antonio group but the mother, Per- 
 fecta, belonged to the other division and spoke Migueleno. It is gen- 
 erally admitted that the language spoken by the children is rather 
 hybrid and must therefore not be taken as a standard. Moreover they 
 are quite ignorant of stories of mythological value. First in this group 
 are a series of texts, mostly short, given by Maria Encinales. They 
 were translated into Salinan from the Spanish of Juan Quintana and 
 are included because of their mythological value and because voluntary 
 
60 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 text material was rather scanty. But they should not be regarded 
 as standard. Last are a series of texts secured from Pedro Encinales, 
 the first informant used. All but one of these were secured in the 
 fall of 1910 in San Francisco, the one exception being secured in 1916. 
 Most of them were voluntary but only a few of any mythological inter- 
 est. Three were translated from mythological texts secured from other 
 linguistic groups and already used several times in similar circum- 
 stances with other Californian languages. 
 
 The reader is referred to page 186 of the author's ethnological 
 paper for a discussion of Salinan mythology. In the appended mytho- 
 logical material the importance of cosmogonical legends is again 
 demonstrated, an interesting point being the widely variant forms 
 which a myth may assume even among closely related and contiguous 
 groups, as witness the variant forms for the "Beginning of the 
 World," "The Theft of Fire" and other myths of this type. These 
 kinds of myths are of widespread occurrence on the Pacific Coast. 
 Apparently of more local interest are the incidents, evidently parts 
 of an important culture epic, relating the adventures of the culture 
 heroes, Prairie-Falcon and Raven, in ridding the country of maleficent 
 characters. The explanatory element, already referred to in the 
 former paper, is again well exemplified in the accompanying material. 
 
 DIALECT OF SAN ANTONIO 
 PEAIEIE-FALCON, EAVEN AND COYOTE is 
 
 kLa'p-ai /?ehiyo-'t ra^mt' ia-'teL xo't'Lop' ro r pt'e-mo' 
 Are three the they. Then went they, passed by his house. 
 
 ra-'mt'e'i belk'a' k'ts'e'ik' nacte-lwa" k' cau Vena-'ni 
 
 Then said the coyote, "Go see this old man, is dancer! 
 
 polo'x tato-'ki po'lox ra'mteta'k' ka'c-el o r smahate'L 
 Enter within ! Enter ! ' ' Then said, ' ' Sit down, beauties ! ' ' 
 
 ra'mt' 6 pa-ta" 'nts'e/' e n ro/3ata-'ma' sniahate'L 
 
 Then said, "Dance in order to see by the men beautiful." 
 
 ra'mt'e' 6 af ctelwa"le'k ce'me-'tone'k' a"a-mko 
 
 Then said, "All right, old man already I. Try will I if can 
 
 ti'ca-'wena-ni ka-'wiyak' ce ' na'taa' taskco'une-nek' 
 
 to dance. Hot is now, but kindle will I. 
 
 ra"me-t ripa-'ta ra'mpet'e-ko tetsV'wu ra'mtica-k' 
 
 Then try to dance." Then straightened his tail, then lifted 
 
 is Told by David Mora, 1916. Cf. Ethnology, p. 193. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 61 
 
 tipa-'ta pike'le-ntxo me'ca-k' tupke-'wu ita-ma sk'amksa" 
 to dance. Whirled around continually to where men, close more 
 
 me'ca-k' tuptuhe'nu peta-ma" t'ka'teno becuwa' 
 
 continually to their faces the men his anus the skunk. 
 
 ra'mteta'k yax rask'a'm ksa yaxten k'sa 
 
 Then said, "Come to close more! Come again more 
 
 rask'a-'mk'sa' we'tenk'sa" pa-'lxo tep'a'lo ramha'la' 
 
 to close more!" ? Wished to fire. Then threw 
 
 tu/3eka-'wi tc'xa" ke'na-yok' k'sa' emk' cu-'lukne 
 
 with the hot stone. Hit him more so that entered hole. 
 
 ra'me'het'e/nxa' ra'mtV 6 aha' peLk'a" xomo" Iwa" 
 Then ran around. Then said, "Yes! The coyote bad man! 
 
 xai'ya' tema-'t'u ra'mt' xwene-lax pese-mta'N ' amte/?eck 'an 
 Many to kill!" Then arrived they the children. Then said the hawk, 
 
 semta'N teskl-'ntui' me'na'ko tuksu'nun kara'mas 
 
 "Children, to be thin why your legs! Not more, 
 
 ko'tap'e-L name-'n ra'me-ti' teta-'poi 'yx peticxe-ple'to 
 not fill this hand!" Then tested to feel their feet. 
 
 amko'tapeL ra'mtetaij n laik' rake'ra 'ten 'lo' kera-lo" 
 
 And not filled. Then said to not again already, not already. 
 
 ra'mMot'oxo ra'mpl e i-t' xo ramtoki kwa-'p r nia'lo-L 
 
 Then squeezed them, then threw them to within sweathouse. Flew 
 
 taa'so rumto-'ki taa'u' ra'mtetak' peLk'a' ma"nten'ri N 
 helplessly to within fire. Then told the coyote, "Come also here!" 
 
 ra'mti tame'na'ko ti'ya'ten' te-'le' po'xra' ramko'neka 'ce ' 
 Then said, "Then why to go also?" "Hurry! Enter!" Then not obeyed. 
 
 ra'mtispa'lax kli"yai'yax rurato-'ke taa'u' amkLo-'L 
 
 Then seized, threw to within fire. Then burnt 
 
 ro/3e belk'a xomo'lwa' pa-'lxo ra'a'mela'i terete' 
 by the the coyote. Bad man! Desired to be killed. Therefore said, 
 
 polo'x ko'te'ik'sa' xomo" Iwa" pa-'lxo taa'mela-'ice ' 
 "Enter!" Not said more. Bad man! Desired that be killed 
 
 yo" u ra'Mt'ia-teL ramko'lo-li' t'ia" bela" pe'snai'yax 
 
 he. Then went they, then played flute. Went the raven. Heard 
 a'ha-ti' tu^tulola'iyo bela" ra'mte'ta'k taa'steN 
 
 music of his flute the raven. Then said, "What again 
 no'vi' k Vines ta-koi'yu' nuk'a'xa-t'i Iwa" ra^ke'rum' 
 this which cried! Not it is music man! Then wherefrom 
 
 ke-no'xo pek'a'xa-te teti'cupax k'sa peaha-ti" 
 
 comes the music?" To hear more the music. 
 
 ramko'tictok'sa' ra'ke rakot'ia-lo ra'ke SC'NJ' kas 
 Then not seen more anywhere; to not go already anywhere; walked only 
 
62 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 tepa'sia-lten' yo' k'a'le'p bela" ramku'yema' akaa-'su 
 to stroll again. He lost himself the raven. Then not was seen. "What think 
 
 me'na'ku tika'lep ramktc 'a-'uye ' ramko'yema 'M kete-ke"wu 
 why to lose?" Then sought, then not found went where. 
 
 tc 'a-'uye' me'ca-k yo' ram-ale-'nta 'iyax teno-'nanax 
 
 Sought continually he. Then remembered to collect 
 
 pet' a xa-'yuxten tc 'a-'uye' no' t'a-penya' yora'M 
 
 the bears. Sought ? gathering. He then 
 
 ta'na-ta 'iyax teho't'ap' ca-xa'ta ca-ke"nu t'ia" 
 
 allowed them to pass. "Open mouth!" Pointed, went. 
 
 ra-'mp' iaxteko t'oLten' ca-xa'ta' p'ca-'ke'nu t'ia" pexwe'n 
 Then brought another. "Open mouth!" Pointed, went the arrive. 
 
 xot'o'p yaxte'k'ten t'oL ra'mt'e' peselo-T k Vines 
 Passed. "Bring another one!" Then told the mouse, shouted 
 
 t'iya'x ra'mt'e ' ka'xai telwane' ra'ts'am-is CO-' U L 
 
 to come. Then said, "Afraid! Strong!" Then shouted, climbed up, 
 
 t'ia'x telwane' ka-mxwe'n petaxai" ra'mt'i' peselo-'i' 
 came strong. Arrived the bear. Then said the mouse, 
 
 ka'xk'o' na' setelwane' a'mca-ke-ni a'mt'e'ta'k ea-xa'ta' 
 "Careful! This is strong!" Then pointed, then said, "Open mouth!" 
 
 ra'mt'i' te'peN tu'le-t ka"a-mko te'ca-'xata' 
 
 Then said, "Hurts tooth! Not able to open mouth." 
 
 ra'mca-ke-ni'tsT ca-xa'ta' skomo" gas amk'ne'ka' 
 
 Then pointed again. "Open mouth little only!" Then obeyed; 
 
 peta"ko k'su-'lukni ka'skumu petee'lko a'mteta'k 
 
 made opening only small the his mouth. Then said, 
 
 a"imya" ra'mhala' umckVyu Lk Vlt' epak' sat' ya' 
 
 "Go ahead!" Then used his talons; went rolling down. 
 
 'amteta'k beselo-'i ma 'a" cko"ra' mo'piem'6' tumti-"u 
 Then told the mouse, "Carry him! Is here! Thou knowest thy ability." 
 
 ki'ca-k ma'a-'wu pi-se-'lxo k'sa'ce' ramko'pa-mko 
 
 Went carried all more. Then not could; 
 
 ke<tc' o-'plo' ra-'mp' ts 'e-'ntko emk'we'L akaa-'so o'yema' 
 tired already. Then watches in world who sees. 
 
 ra'mp' ia-'mo betoo'wu k'so-'menxa' ko'la'le toptoo'wu 
 Then sees the his face stretched. Ashamed of his face. 
 
 rume'pia-'mo ramko'niyi' tetia" make' e wu bexai'ya' 
 
 Then sees it; then afraid to go where they the many. 
 
 ra-'mpox ru^to'ke k'af ko'ho-ma' to<tolola 'iyu 
 
 Then enters to within grass, hides of his shame. 
 
 ko'iyema 'lo' gas yo'loptiat'a'iyo 
 Not is seen already only. He went away. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salman Indians 63 
 
 The three friends Prairie-Falcon, Eaven and Coyote passed by the 
 house of Skunk. Then Coyote said, ' ' Let 's go in and see this old man, 
 the dancer. Come on in ! " He wanted Skunk to kill them. They 
 went inside and Skunk said, ' ' Sit down, my good fellows ! ' ' Then said 
 Coyote, "Please dance, so that these gentlemen may see it." Skunk 
 said, "All right; I am getting pretty old, but I'll try to dance. But 
 it 's very hot ; I '11 light the fire and then try to dance ! ' ' Then he 
 straightened his tail out, lifted it and began to dance. He whirled 
 around, continually bringing his anus closer to the faces of the friends. 
 "Come closer!" he cried. "Come closer!" For he wished to shoot 
 his poison at them. Then Kaven threw a hot stone at him so that it 
 entered his anus. He ran around in pain. Then he cried out, "Yes, 
 this Coyote is a bad man; many has he killed." Then he died. 
 
 Then came the children of Skunk who were little birds. Prairie- 
 Falcon said, "Children, why are your legs so thin? They wouldn't 
 fill my hand ! ' ' He seked their legs to feel them and they did not fill 
 his hand. "No," he said, "there is no more." He seized them tight 
 and threw them into the sweathouse. Blindly they flew around into 
 the fire. 
 
 Then said Prairie-Falcon to Coyote, "Come here also!" "Why 
 should I come?" asked Coyote, frightened. "Come on! Hurry up!" 
 But Coyote did not obey. And Prairie-Falcon seized him and threw 
 him into the fire when he was burnt. A bad man was Coyote ; he 
 wished the others to be killed and so said "Enter!" at the house of 
 Skunk. But he said no more; he was a bad man for wanting the 
 others to be killed. 
 
 Away they went, Raven playing his magic flute. All the people 
 heard the music of Raven's flute and said, "What is that noise? 
 Surely it is not human music! From where comes this music?" 
 More clearly sounded the music but suddenly it ceased and was not 
 heard anywhere. The people wandered about but could not find 
 him; Raven had been lost. "Why do you think he has lost himself?" 
 they asked. They hunted for him but could not find him ; they hunted 
 him everywhere. Then Prairie-Falcon bethought himself of the bears 
 and decided to collect them; he sought them out and gathered them 
 together, for he suspected that one of them had eaten Raven. He 
 made them pass by him one by one. "Open your mouth !" he ordered 
 and pointed his arrow at them. Then he inspected their mouths. One 
 by one they went and another came. "Open your mouth!" and he 
 pointed again. "Bring another one!" Finally there remained only 
 
64 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 one ; Prairie-Falcon told Mouse to call to him to come. But Mouse said, 
 ' ' I am afraid ! He is too strong ! " At last Bear came, climbing up 
 and shouting loudly. Then said Mouse, "Be careful! This one is 
 very strong!" Prairie-Falcon ordered him "Open your mouth!" 
 and pointed his arrow. "My tooth hurts," said Bear. "I can't 
 open my mouth ! ' ' Then he pointed his arrow again. ' ' Open it just 
 a little ways!" Bear obeyed and opened his mouth a very little bit. 
 "Go ahead!" he said. Then Prairie-Falcon stuck in his talons and 
 Bear went rolling down, dead. Then said Prairie-Falcon to Mouse, 
 "Carry him away! There he is; you know your strength!" Mouse 
 endeavored to carry Bear away whole, but he could not ; he became 
 tired. Therefore his nose is stretched out and he goes through the 
 world watching who notices it. He is ashamed of his face. When he 
 sees it he is afraid to go where there are many people. Therefore he 
 keeps in the grass and hides for shame. And he is never seen; he 
 went away. 
 
 Analysis 
 
 To give a clearer idea of the nature of the language an analysis 
 of the foregoing text is presented below. Many of the constructions 
 are doubtful; in such cases the most doubtful have been assigned a 
 question mark, the others given the explanation which seems most 
 probable. 
 
 The following symbols are employed in the analysis : 
 
 S denotes the stem, verbal or nominal 
 
 adj denotes an adjective 
 
 adv denotes an adverb 
 
 art denotes the article (demonstrative) 
 
 con denotes a conjunction or connective 
 
 dem denotes a demonstrative 
 
 int denotes an interjection 
 
 loc denotes a locative adverb 
 
 neg denotes the negative 
 
 num denotes a numeral adverb 
 
 pre denotes a preposition 
 
 pro denotes a proclitic 
 
 plu denotes the plural, when this is irregular 
 
 tern denotes a temporal adverb 
 
 The various numbers from 1 to 58 refer to the numbers given the 
 morphological elements in the preceding grammar. 
 
 The pronouns are denoted by a combination of three elements; 
 the numbers 1, 2 and 3 for the persons, s and p for the singular and 
 
1918] 
 
 Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 
 
 65 
 
 plural numbers, and i for the independent, s for the subjective, p for 
 the possessive, I for the locative, o for the objective and pas for the 
 passive, as: 
 
 Iss first person singular subject 
 2po second person plural object 
 3ppas third person plural passive 
 
 k-Lap-ai 
 
 28-num 
 
 ram-t' e 'i 
 pro-S 
 
 p-ol-ox 
 S-14-S 
 
 /?e-hiyo-t 
 art-3pi 
 
 be-lk 'a 
 
 art-S 
 
 ram-t' -ia-teL 
 
 pro 29-S-12 
 
 xof -L-op' ro-p-t' -e-m-o 
 S-14-S 58-art-17-S-3sp 
 
 k'-ts'e-ik< 
 
 30-S-3so 
 
 na-cte-lwa' 
 
 dem-6-S 
 
 ram-te ' e 
 pro-S 
 
 ram-f e ' e 
 pro-S 
 
 ti'-ca-wena-ni 
 
 pre-S 
 
 ra'-me-t 
 pro-S 
 
 ti-pa-ta 
 pre-S 
 
 sk 'am-ksa' 
 loc-adv 
 
 be-cuwa 
 art-S 
 
 k'sa 
 adv 
 
 ram-hal-a 
 pro-S-37 
 
 ta-to-ki 
 pre-loc 
 
 pa-ta' 
 
 s 
 
 p-ol-ox 
 S-14-S 
 
 ar 
 
 int 
 
 ram-te-ta 'k' k-ac-el 
 
 pro-S-3po 28-S-12 
 
 'n-ts'e/- e n ro-/3a-ta-ma ' 
 
 pre-dem-S 
 
 me-t-on-ek' 
 
 34-S-44 
 
 cte-lwa '-1-e 'k-ce 
 6-S-47-lss-39 
 
 k-a-wiy-ak' -ce ' 
 
 28-S-lso-39 
 
 ri-pa-ta ram-p-et'e-k-o 
 pre-S pro-27-S-3so 
 
 p-ikele-n-t-xo meca-k' 
 
 S-49-lss 
 
 nataa' 
 
 tern 
 
 k' -cauwena-ni 
 
 28-S 
 
 o-sma-ha-t-eL 
 32-S-16-S-12 
 
 sma-ha-t-eL 
 
 S-12-S-12 
 
 a '-a-mk-o 
 34-S-3so 
 
 tas-k-coune-n-ek' 
 
 con-28-S-49-lss 
 
 ram-te-ta 'k 
 pro-S-3po 
 
 ra-sk 'a-m-k' sa' 
 pre-loc-adv 
 
 tu-/?e-k-a-wi 
 pre-art-28-S 
 
 27-S-15-S adv 
 
 meca-k' tu-p-t-u-hen-u 
 adv 58-art-17-S-plu-3sp 
 
 yax ra-sk 'am 
 S pre-loc 
 
 weten-ksa ? 
 S-adv 
 
 t-cxa ' 
 17-S 
 
 em-k' -cu-lukne ram-ehet 'e/nxa ram-t' e ' e 
 34-28-S pro-S pro-S 
 
 xomo' Iwa' xaiya' t-ema-fu 
 
 adj S adv pre-S 
 
 pe-se-mtaN ' amte-^e-ck 'an semtaN 
 art-Splu pro-S-art-S Splu 
 
 tuk-sunun kara '-mas ko-t-ap' e-L 
 2pp-S neg-adv 31-29-S 
 
 te-ta-p-oi'-yax pe-t-icxe-p-let-o am-ko-t-apeL 
 pre-S-37-3ppas art-17-S-13-3sp pro-31-29-S 
 
 t-ets' e 'w-u 
 
 17-S-3sp 
 
 tu-p-ke-wu 
 
 58-art-3sl 
 
 pe-ta-ma' 
 
 art-S 
 
 ram-t-ica-k' 
 pro-29-S 
 
 i-ta-ma 
 
 t 'katen-o 
 S-3sp 
 
 yax-ten 
 S-41 
 
 te-p'-al-o 
 pre-27-S-3so 
 
 k'sa' 
 adv 
 
 pe-Lk'a' 
 int art-S 
 
 ram-t' -xwen-e-lax 
 pro-29-S-ll 
 
 te-skl-ntui ' mena 'ko 
 pre-adj 24 
 
 na-me-n ram-me-t-i ' 
 dem-S pro-S-? 
 
 ram-te-ta-u n la-ik ' 
 pro-S-plu-14-3po 
 
 p-alx-o 
 27-S-3so 
 
 k-ena-y-ok' 
 
 28-S-3so 
 
66 
 
 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 ram-p-l e i-t' -x-o 
 pro-27-S-15-S-3po 
 
 56-loc 
 ram-te-tak' 
 
 pro-S-3so 
 
 ti-ya-ten ' 
 pre-S-41 
 
 k-li 'y-ai '-yax 
 28-S-3 7-3 spas 
 
 be-lk 'a xomo-lwa ' 
 
 adj-S 
 
 ko-te 'i-k' sa' 
 31-S-adv 
 
 raM-t' -ia-teL 
 
 pro-29-S-12 
 
 ram-Mot 'ox-o 
 pro-S-3po 
 
 rum-to-ki t-aau ' 
 
 56-loc 17-S 
 
 ram-ti ta-mena 'ko 
 
 ra-kera '-ten '-lo' kera-lo' 
 
 pre-neg-41 47 neg-47 
 
 rum-toki kwa-p< ma-lo-L taaso 
 S S-14-S adv 
 
 pe-Lk 'a ma 'n-ten-ri 
 
 art-S int-41-loc pro-S pre-24 
 
 te-le' pox-ra' rarn-ko-neka '-ce ' ram-t-isp-a '-1-ax 
 S S-loc pro-31-S-39 pro-29-S-37-12-3pas 
 
 rum-to-ke t-aau' am-k-LO-L ro-/3e 
 
 56-loc 17-S pro-28-S pre-art 
 
 ra'-am-el-a'i 
 pre-S-12-37 
 
 xomo 1 iwa' p-a-lx-o ta-am-el-a- 'i-ce ' 
 adj S 
 
 ram-k-olo-l-i' t' -ia' be-la ' 
 pro-28-S-4 29-S art-S 
 
 'iy-o' be-la' ram-te'-ta'k 
 rt-S pro-S-3so 
 
 nu-k '-axa-t 'i Iwa' 
 
 dem-28-S S 
 
 art-S 
 
 p-ol-ox 
 S-14-S 
 
 yo' u 
 
 3si 
 
 p-a-lx-o 
 
 27-S-3so 
 
 Iwa' 
 
 aha-ti ' 
 
 S 
 
 pre-art-17-S-l-3sp 
 
 k- 'ames ta-ko-iyu ' 
 28-S pre-31-3si 
 
 k-e-noxo pe-k '-axa-te 
 
 28-S art-28-S 
 
 terc-te ' 
 con-S 
 
 27-S-3so pre-S-12-37-39 
 
 pesn-ai 'yax 
 
 S-3 7-3 spas 
 
 taas-teN 
 26-8 
 
 no-v 
 
 dem-? 
 
 rarj-ke-rum' 
 pro-23-56 
 
 ra'ke 
 loc 
 
 3si4 
 
 ram-ko-tic-t-o-k' sa' 
 pro-31-S-15-S-adv 
 
 kas te-pasia-l-ten' 
 con pre-S-41 
 
 aka-a-su mena 'ku 
 
 23-S 24 
 
 ke-te-ke 'wu 
 23-pre-3sl 
 
 te-no-nan-ax 
 pre-S-3ppas 
 
 ta-ana-t-a 'i-yax 
 pre-S-3 7-3ppas 
 
 ra-m-p' -iax-te-ko 
 pro-27-S-38-3so 
 
 xot 'op 
 
 S 
 
 k- 'ames t' i-yax 
 28-S pre-S 
 
 yo-ran 
 3si-con 
 
 29-S 
 
 29-S 
 
 pe-selo-i ! 
 art-S 
 
 te-ticu-p-ax k' sa 
 
 pre-S- ?-3spas adv 
 
 ra-ko-t' -ia-lo ra 'ke 
 
 pre-31-29-S-47 loc 
 
 k'-ale'p be-la' 
 28-S art-S 
 
 ti-k-alep ram-k-tc 'a-u-ye ' 
 pre-28-S pro-28-S-plu 
 
 tc 'a-u-ye ' meca-k yo 
 
 S-plu adv 3si 
 
 tc 'a-u-ye ' 
 S-plu 
 
 te-hot'ap' 
 
 pre-S 
 
 t 'oL-ten ' 
 num-8 
 
 pe-aha-ti' 
 
 art-S 
 
 pe-t' a xa-y-uxten 
 
 art-S-8 
 
 pe-xwen 
 art-S 
 
 ca-xata ' 
 
 S 
 
 ca-xata' 
 
 S 
 
 t'OL 
 num 
 
 ram-t' e ' k-axai 
 pro-S 28-S 
 
 yax-tek' -ten 
 S-38-41 
 
 Splu 
 
 ram-ku-yem-a ' 
 pro-31-S-37 
 
 ram-ko-yem-a 'M 
 pro-31-S-37 
 
 ram-male-nt-a 'i-yax 
 
 pro-S-37-3spas 
 
 t'-a-pen-ya' 
 17-8-1 
 
 ca-ke 'n-u 
 S-3so 
 
 p' -ca-ke 'n-u 
 27-S-3so 
 
 ram-t' e ' 
 
 pro-S 
 
 telwane 
 adj 
 
 110 
 49 
 
1918] 
 
 Mason : The Language of the Salinan Indians 
 
 67 
 
 ra-ts- 'am-is CO- U L t'-iax telwane 
 
 pro-29-S S 29-S adj 
 
 ram-t'i' pe-selo-i*" k-axk'o' na 5 
 pro-S art-S 28-S dem 
 
 am-t' e '-ta 'k ca-xata' ram-t'i' tepeN 
 S pro-S S 
 
 ram-ca-ke-n-i '-ts T ca-xata' 
 
 pro-S-4-42 S 
 
 p-eta '-ko 
 
 27-S-3so 
 
 pro-S-3so 
 
 te'-ca-xata' 
 pre-S 
 
 am-k' -neka ' 
 
 pro-28-S 
 
 am-te-ta 'k a' imya 
 
 pro-S-3so int 
 
 ' am-te-ta 'k be-selo-i 
 pro-S-3so art-S 
 
 ki-ca-k 
 8-1 
 
 ka-m-xwen pe-taxai ' 
 
 pro-S art-S 
 
 se-telwane am-ca-ke-n-i 
 
 36-adj pro-S-4 
 
 t-ule-t ka '-a-m-ko 
 
 17-S 31-S-3so 
 
 skomo' gas 
 
 adv adv 
 
 k' -su-lukni kas-skumu pe-t-eelk-o 
 28-S con-adv art-17-S-3sp 
 
 ram-hal-a ' um-ck 'a u '-yu Lk 'el-t' e-pa-k' sa-t' -ya 
 pro-S-37 55-S-3sp S-15-S-adv-29-S 
 
 Ma a-wu 
 S-3so 
 
 p-i-se-1-xo 
 27-S-3so 
 
 ' o-p-lo' ra-m-p r -ts 'e-n-t-ko 
 28-S-47 pro-27-S-?-15-3so 
 
 cko '-ra ' 
 
 S-loc 
 
 k' sa-ce ' 
 adv-39 
 
 em-k 'WCL 
 
 55-S 
 
 mo -p-iem- o 
 2si-27-S-3so 
 
 tum-ti- 'u 
 
 2sp-S 
 
 ram-ko-p-a-m-ko 
 pro-31-27-S-3so 
 
 aka-a-so 
 
 23-S 
 
 o-yem-a 
 32-S-37 
 
 ram-p -ia-m-o 
 pro-27-S-3so 
 
 rum-me-p-ia-m-o 
 pro-19-27-S-3so 
 
 pe-t-oo-wu k' -so-men-xa ' 
 art-17-S-3sp 28-S-37 
 
 k-ola '1-e ' to-p-t-oo-wu 
 
 28-S-4 pre-art-17-S-3sp 
 
 ra-m-pox 
 pro-S 
 
 koi-yem-a '-lo' 
 31-S-37-47 
 
 ram-k-oniyi ' 
 pro-28-S 
 
 ru-</>-toke k ? at' 
 58-art-loc S 
 
 te-t'-ia< 
 pre-29-S 
 
 ma-ke e wu 
 
 53-3sl 
 
 be-xaiya' 
 art-adv 
 
 k-oho-m-a' 
 
 28-S-37 
 
 to-</)-t-olol-a 'i-yu 
 
 pre-art-17-S-l-3sp 
 
 gas yo'-lo-p-t'-ia-t'-a'i-yo 
 
 adv 3si-47-?-29-S-?-37-3si 
 
 PEAIKIE-FALCON AND WHITE OWL 1* 
 
 teci'k' ka'met'i ru^asna-'k' paxo-'to me'ca-k ramka-' a k'a 
 White Owl hunted for the kangaroo rat. Smoked it constantly. Then sang : 
 
 ts Vxwa-nle'to ti'cxeple'to ticxeple'to ts'o'xwa-nle'to 
 
 "Shrunk his foot! His foot shrunk!" 
 
 ra'mpesnai 'ya tu</>sk'a'n' ra'mti' 1 yo' p'ia-'mo ce'lo' 
 Then was heard by the hawk. Then told, "He knows already 
 
 ke e wu' tice'tep ra'Mti'ts'omyac pet'ika-kelu ra'mwa-ti" 
 where to die." Then liked the his song. Then told 
 
 tik'a-'k'a ramkai"yax to-loli" rumti-lek' 
 
 to sing. Then put flute in hole the flute. 
 
 ra'mta-mumpai'i ta'au'u tit'o"n ta'mwa-ti' 
 Then drew out fire to burn. Then ordered to sing. 
 
 peto-loli' ' 
 rik-ak' a 
 
 "Told by David Mora, 1916; cf. p. 110. 
 
68 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 ramkopa-lxo tipa'lo pet'ika'keL bek' Epe'snai 'ya tupEskVn 
 Then not wished to use the song, that heard by the hawk. 
 
 prem.6' tisa'l-i' petikake'1-o ko r pa-'lxo tep'a-lo 
 
 Knew that disliked the his song; not desired to use 
 
 pet'ka-ke'lo heyo" palo'wu ka-'k'ano" ts'ututuya' 
 
 the his song he used. Sang, "Tsututuya! 
 
 sk'a-'manleto ra^mteta-ko'iyo ' bet'oLten t'ika-'keL 
 
 Skamanleto! " Then said, "Not that! The other song 
 
 stiyo'Van' ra-'mti' kestiyo'Van' tamka'sno tumxa'lanon 
 beautiful!" Then said, "Is beautiful then only thy use just now!" 
 
 ake-'mxa'lanon anka'snostiyo"win o u na" kap 8 tika-'kelo 
 
 "What to use just now?" "Only just now beautiful! " "This is the his song?" 
 
 aa' yo' u va' t'a'u-ye' te-le'k' ta'mta-lelaik o'yo' 
 
 "Yes, that one." Seek hole. Then asked "Is that?" 
 
 'amti' ka'ra' ake'rum sa^xwelyo'x ke-'wu nama't' 
 Then said, "No!" "Where?" "Smooth-edged, where these animals." 
 
 ra'mtc 'auye ' k'ie'ma' pete-lek' ramticpa'n ' bek'at' 
 
 Tlien hunted, was seen the hole. Then removed the grass 
 
 rupto'me-lo pete-le'k' ra'mtetak wike-'u ramt~uxwen 
 
 from the its edge the hole. Then told, "Here!" Then came 
 pehiyo" ra y mt'eyo" na" a r mtetak-a-ka ra'mk'a-k'a 
 
 the he. Then told him this then to sing. Then sang. 
 ra'mtetak ko'iyo' ramti ake-'rumten tar;ka'snotumha'lan6n 
 
 Then said, "Not that!" Then said, "Which again?" "That only thy use 
 
 just now! " 
 
 ake^emha'la ta^ga'snostiyo'Ven ramka-'k'a ramtetak 
 
 ' ' What to use ? " "That only just now beautiful ! ' ' Then sang. Then said, 
 
 koi'yo' ake'rum. ten' tanga-'sno notumha'lano-' v n6' o-na" 
 
 ' ' Not that ! " " Which then ? " " That only just now. Thy use just now ! " " Is this ? ' ' 
 
 yo'ovi' k'a-k'a paxo-'to cko" a^mtetak mena-ni' 
 "That is." Sang. Smoking it was. Then said, "Come close 
 
 ksa' tisk'am pa-'T/ko tita-'mpta' ka'xa-nlo 'ksa-lo" ts'e'ik 
 more near! Can to emerge now!" Shouted loud already, "Look 
 
 k'sa' tisk'a'm ya-'ko tuma'pa-u' yo" ra'mxot' pet'a'a'u 
 very close! Watch to catch he!" Then blew the fire. 
 
 anpena-ne'u 'ksa cko' ra'mxot rume' ramkLo-'oL pecuke'nto 
 Then approached very was. Then blew then. Then burnt the his eye. 
 
 ka'xa-tela' k'sa' t'o'Ne-wu k'sa' cuke-ntu ka'xa-tela' 
 Wept very. Scratched thus his eye. Wept, 
 
 t'ya' rumle-m ramtetak' me"na-ko tetecxo-ni' naka'met'i 
 went upwards. Then said, "Because poor this hunter; 
 
 ke'cxo-nelwa' ' 
 poor man!" 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salman Indians 69 
 
 White Owl was hunting for kangaroo-rats ; he constantly smoked 
 their holes to drive them out. He was feeling happy for he had 
 found the body of Little Hawk and he sang "His foot is shrunk! 
 His foot is shrunk!" Prairie-Falcon was looking for his younger 
 brother and overheard White Owl's song. "He knows where he died" 
 said Prairie-Falcon to himself; he wanted to hear the song again and 
 told him to sing again. He went to the other end of the hole and 
 inserted his magic flute and sucked out the smoke. 
 
 White Owl did not want to sing the song over because he knew it 
 would anger Prairie-Falcon. So he sang instead "Tsututuya! 
 Skamanleto!" Then said Prairie-Falcon, "No! Not that one! The 
 other beautiful song ! It is beautiful, the song you sang a moment 
 ago." "Which one?" "The beautiful one you sang just now!" 
 ' ' This song ? " " Yes, that one ! " 
 
 Prairie-Falcon looked for the kangaroo-rat's hole. "Is it this 
 one?" he asked. "No!" "Where then?" "The one with the 
 smooth edge, where the animals are." Prairie-Falcon hunted and 
 found the hole; he removed the grass from the edge of the hole. 
 "Here it is!" he said. Then came White Owl. Again Prairie-Falcon 
 asked him to sing and he sang the meaningless song again. "Not 
 that one ! " " Which one ? " " The one you sang just now. " " Which 
 one?" "The beautiful one." Then White Owl sang again. "Not 
 that one ! " " Which, then ? " " The one you sang just now. " " This 
 one?" "Yes, that one." Then White Owl sang it. 
 
 The hole was smoking. Then Prairie-Falcon said, "Come closer! 
 He may come out now ! ' ' Then he shouted loudly, ' ' Look very close ! 
 Watch and catch him ! ' ' White Owl put his head very close. Then 
 Prairie-Falcon blew with his magic flute from the other end of the 
 hole. The smoke and fire came out and covered White Owl's head. 
 His eyes were badly burnt and he wept and rubbed his eyes. He 
 wept and flew upwards. Then said Prairie-Falcon, "Because of this 
 you will be a poor inoffensive hunter, a sorry man!" And White 
 Owl's eyes are still black. 
 
 CEICKET AND MOUNTAIN LION 
 
 xo't'up' beta"muL ru<te-mo" beta"muL ramko'p'iem.o' 
 Passed the puma by the his house. The puma then not knew 
 
 tita-m tip' ha'topa-'fca p<cuk 'a 'iko betip' hatopa-'ka ra-'mtekatop' 
 that house of her dung cow. Trod it the of her dung cow. Then came 
 rumtcen ra-'mte' me'naV rumco'k 'a 'iyik mate-mo' nata-ma' 
 to outside. Then said, "Why to tread on their house these men?" 
 
 Told by David Mora, 1916. 
 
70 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 ra'mti' beta"muL uwi" k'arme' a' a/' tact' ma-'lox 
 Then said the puma, ' ' Here we walk. " " Yes, what thy desire 
 
 rumco'ka'yi'k nate-'ma ruma-'lox ruma-'x k'a'Li" 
 
 to tread this house? To desire to start fight? 
 
 yaxtele'k' t'me'so-lta-to ri'cxa'i yo'ra'k'a-Ltena' 'entico-'p 
 Come thy soldiers tomorrow! Go to fight to see 
 
 ta-lwa" ma'a'wuhek loeti'solta-to' yo'ke' w ra'yema-lt'e' 
 
 who man. Bring I the soldiers where to see, 
 
 yo'ra'ma'me-'t' ra'rnf xwene- 'lax ra'mteta'k ru<Lk'a emya" 
 to test." Then they came, then said to the coyote to go 
 
 ts'e'ntek' oyo"16 ra'mpa-leLko petc'e-T haa' maLtak 
 see if there already. Then asked him the cricket. "Yes, tell him 
 
 rume' entiyaxte-'L rume' ramki' ra'mti' betee-T 
 then to come then!" Then went, then said the cricket 
 
 ru<f>tisolta-to' k' mit 'ka-'tek' palwa" ampia-'tko ka'k'cu 
 to his soldiers, "Chase him off that man!" Then sent two 
 
 leme'm' amkepts 'enla- 'ik emt'ka'teno amk'na-'yi' me'tepts 'e 'n 
 bees. Then stung him on his rump. Then fled when stung. 
 
 amk' Me't W sa tipa-'lxo tito'k'onox t'xwento rumtc'a" 
 Then ran much to desire to reach soon to water, 
 
 tipa-'lxo rimo'kLop belime"m tercto'p'o'inox rumtc'a" 
 to desire to drown the bees. Therefore dove in water. 
 
 pa'lxotela- u wa betep'isri-" klu'wa' teti'ca-k rumtc'a" 
 
 Wished to stop the pain. Long to be in water. 
 
 yo'ra'mla-wa' betep'Ni' k'luwa' teticko" rumtca" 
 
 Then stopped the pain. Long to be in water. 
 
 kot'ia-'t'ia' lo-'ce' k'ce-'pa' lo" k' Lu'wa 'ga-s ra'mta-mp 
 Not wished to go already; afraid already. Long only then left 
 
 tet'iyano" teMa-'lta-ko tetickol'lo ra'mt'konox ra'mtatc 'a- u wi ' 
 to go to tell him that there was. Then came, then met 
 
 t'uxwe'nto ru<ta'muL a'mta-lela'ik' oyo"16' 'aa'te' 
 
 at 'last with the puma. Then was asked if there already. "Yes, 
 
 cko'l'lo' ro/?a" ra'mka 'ase-'lo ra-^kaa-'sna k'wo'slop' k'sa" 
 is already there!" Then added already, "Then but this powerful very! 
 
 ta-Viem'o" tati'ca-kai' kwu'slop k'olop ra-'mti' 
 
 Who knows to go? Strong very!" Then said 
 
 beta"muL ka'me-'t' rome" ra 'mi-'tel-ak ra'mti' petaxai" 
 the puma, "Try then to beat them!" Then said the bear, 
 
 kera' ko'teni-lak tehe-"k' t'o"Ne'wu he-'k' yo' ra'mt'ia-teL 
 "No! No difference to me! Eub I." He then went, 
 
 ka'tc'a-uli' yo 'ra'mti' beta"muL he'l-a' kutc 'e'lnocri 
 
 encountered. Then said the puma, "Wait! Stop here! 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 71 
 
 ki-he'k' IN ti'ts'e-k' ko'nox tu<ke'u rupre' tc'el' 
 Go I to see." Arrived at place of king cricket. 
 
 ra'mte' peta"muL oyo'lo" af ramo-'mce' ra^kaa'snayo'lo" 
 Then said the puma if he already. ' ' All right then you! Then but there already! 
 
 kaa'st'ka-'me-t'rum' 'amp'ia-'tleko rume' tisolta-teno 
 
 But we will try it." Then sent then soldiers. 
 
 mi-telau'k' k'sa' betaxai" t'o'Ne'wu k'sace' kaske'ra' 
 Stung him much the bear. Eubbed much but not 
 
 ti-'t'u xwe'nksa" gacko" a-'mti' beLk'a' xala" mpa-tc'a" 
 did. Came more only were. Then said the coyote, "Jump in water! " 
 
 a'mt'iya kMe-'t'ik k'so,' t'ia' ramko'timxoya-k roptep'Ni" 
 Then went running, but went. Then not endured the pain. 
 
 xwe-n ga-'cko beleme'm' ki'sile' lo' gas umtika"wu 
 Arriving only were the bees all already only on his hide. 
 
 ra^mkick'e-le' loga's me'ca-k ra-'mte' peLkV kop'oiteno'x 
 already only continually. Then said the coyote, "Jump 
 
 yo'ra'ka-mk'Ne-'lik kick'e-"le' ga-s me'ca-k 
 in water! Or to be killed!" Eolled only constantly 
 
 betaxai" becuwa" ce'tep'ya me'ca-k ta-'i lo'ga-s 
 
 the bear. The skunk dying constantly, pest already only. 
 
 amk'Na-'iyi' beLk'a t'o'Lga- v s ke-'u tiha'la' ra'mt'ia' 
 Then fled the coyote, one only place to sting. Then went, 
 
 ku'yema' lo' ti-ke"wu ta'mye-ma' besto" ra'mhala-t'i' 
 not seen already to place. Then seen the fox. Then stung, 
 
 tet'ia-'yu yo' BeLk'a" amk'Na-'yi' k'sa" a'mteta'k 
 thought him the coyote. Then fled swift. Then said, 
 
 ko'mna-yi' mitela-'tak' ramke'ra' ko'pt'a-co ko'telkele-^xa' 
 ' ' Don 't run ! ' ' Attacked. Then no not noticed. Not returned 
 
 k'sa" me-iyo" gas bet'ala"iyu ko'tapa-uye' ki- ra'ke' 
 more. Same only the his appearance. Not overtook. Went there. 
 
 ramk' o'ne-t 'ak betc'e-1' pece-"wu beta"muL ra'mteta'k 
 Then won the cricket; beat him the puma. Then told 
 
 peta"muL ta-lwa" homo" uska'he"k< raga-'smo' i-n 
 the puma, "Who man? Thou or I?" "Surely thou more 
 
 l u wa" tihe-"k' ts'epVn tuhe'k' luwa" rumo" 
 
 man than I!" "Good! That I man than thou! 
 
 ta-sko'mcuka-'yi'kten te'mha-'lo na< ta-ma' numye'm' 
 
 But don't tread again their houses these men. In order to know 
 
 t' u xo'mo rumco'ka'yik temha-lo nata-ma' meca-'k' ga-s 
 
 how bad to trample their houses these men. Always only 
 
 e n ts'ep' t'mi'ca-kai' fkera" k'a'Li" kots'ep' tiki'c^i' 
 to be good thy going to not fight. Not good to be thus. 
 
72 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 gasme'ca-k ke'ra' ke'tc'a-uwe' na'xumo-'ni' ke'ra' ke-'u 
 Only always no not I seek the evil. No where 
 
 ti'o-'wahLik me'ca-k he"k' me'ca-k ra-nmo" xo't'up 
 to molest constantly I. Always and thou passest 
 
 mo" ruwi ta-ke" ranhe-"k ke'^'ni' kica-k tu-wi' 
 thou to here road, and I walk going here 
 
 tee'mo pike-'lentxo he'k' me'ca-k wl tee'mo kera' 
 his house. Circle I always here his house. No, 
 
 ke'ya t'ik'wa" ko'kic mo' ki- to-'kena-teL rumse-'ni' 
 not I go afar; not like thou go. Days, thy going 
 
 ko'kic he'k' ki'yoote' cko' he'k' gas tuwi" tee'mo 
 not like me. Not I move, am I only here his house. 
 
 me"e-ka-wi pox he'k' umto'ki ka'uhek' ke'ra' k'sa' 
 When I am sleepy enter I to within, sleep I. No more. 
 
 ka"a-ke'N k'sa' tet'rya'x ta-'rake" t'e"yo-' he'k' tuwi' 
 Not think more to come anyone. Alone I here 
 
 k'e ts'ep' sma'kai 
 me. Good . night! " 
 
 Mountain Lion was passing by the house of Cricket; he did not 
 know that the cow dung was a house and trampled upon it. Then 
 Cricket came out and said, "Why do you trample upon men's 
 houses?" "I walk where I please," returned Mountain Lion. "Yes, 
 but why do you want to trample on my house ? Do you want to start 
 a fight ? All right ! Let your soldiers come tomorrow and we 11 have 
 a fight to see who is the better man ! I '11 bring my soldiers anywhere 
 to make the test. ' ' 
 
 Mountain Lion went home and gathered his soldiers, who were 
 all the animals. They all came. Then he told Coyote to go and see 
 if Cricket was ready. The latter went, and asked Cricket if he was 
 ready. "Yes," said Cricket. "Tell him to come!" Coyote left and 
 Cricket said to his soldiers, who were the bees, "Chase this fellow 
 away ! " And he sent two bees after him ; they stung him on his rump. 
 When they stung him Coyote fled; he ran headlong in his desire to 
 reach water and drown the bees. Then he dove into the water to 
 lessen his pain and stayed a long time swimming in the water. At 
 last the pain stopped but he did not wish to go; he was afraid. He 
 was in the water a long time. At last he came out and went to inform 
 Mountain Lion that Cricket was ready for him. 
 
 Coyote arrived and at last met Mountain Lion who asked him if 
 Cricket was ready. "Yes," said he. "They are already there!" 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 73 
 
 Then he added, "But they are very powerful. Who knows what we 
 can do ? They are very strong. " " Nevertheless we will try to defeat 
 them," said Mountain Lion. Bear laughed derisively and said, "No, 
 they make no difference to me ! I '11 just rub myself all over and 
 brush them off!" So they went. Then said Mountain Lion, "Wait 
 here ! I will go and look. " So he went and soon arrived at the camp 
 of King Cricket. He inquired if they were ready. "All right! You 
 fellows! We will try it !" 
 
 Then Cricket sent forward his soldiers; they attacked Bear in 
 swarms. He brushed himself vigorously but could not rid himself of 
 them ; more came every moment. Then Coyote cried from his hiding- 
 place, ' ' Make for the water ! ' ' Bear ran ; he could not endure the 
 pain. The arriving bees covered his hide. He rolled over and over 
 in the dirt. Coyote cried to him, ' ' Jump in the water ! Or you will 
 be killed!" Bear rolled continually. Skunk, the pest, was dying 
 too. Then Coyote fled, one sting was enough for him. He ran and 
 was not seen again. Then the bees caught sight of Fox ; they thought 
 he w r as Coyote and stung him. "Don't run!" they cried to him, 
 attacking him. But he took no notice of their entreaties and fled 
 not to return. They did not overtake him. 
 
 And so Cricket won the fight ; he defeated Mountain Lion. Then 
 he said to him, "Now who is the better man, you or I?" "Surely 
 you are a better man than I ! " said Mountain Lion. ' ' Good ! I am 
 a better man than you ! And now never again go trampling on peo- 
 ple 's houses. You ought to know how evil it is to step on men's houses. 
 It is good not to fight, but not good to be as you were. I never seen 
 trouble anywhere and no one must molest me. You shall always 
 wander along the roads and I will pass my time in the house. I con 
 stantly walk about my house ; I never go far away, not like you. 
 Every day you travel far, not like me. I do not wander much ; I am 
 always in my house. When I get sleepy I go inside and go to bed. 
 That 's all. I do not think that anybody may come ; I am alone here 
 by myself. Good night ! ' ' 
 
 GREAT HAWK AND THE COLD i 
 
 la-'mka ta-stmetxa' txa-'uhe'k li'cxai taxts'a-kai' 
 
 "South, what thy possession?" "Have I rain and wind 
 
 taxtc'umye'L ta'mtebespe-k' yaxtek'an ra'mt'ia ru^ke'uta-'k 'at' 
 and ice! " Then said the hawk, "Let them come! " Then went to where tree 
 
 k'e-'L k' o'noxrumt' k' a'ko ru^ku'sululna 'tak 'at ram'ck'o' 
 dry. Came to its top of the straight tree. Then was 
 
 Told by David Mora, 1916. 
 
74 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 rinasma'k' ai tamxwe'n bele'cxai tax ts'a-kai' tax 
 through this night. Then came the rain and wind and 
 
 tc'umye'L ta"mecxai ramkts'e-nu' bespe-k' te'icxa'i 
 
 ice. Then dawned. Then content the hawk to dawn. 
 
 ra"mpa a le- 'Iko va'p'ha-nlo ta v ct'met'a-'wu ra'mti' bep'ha-'nlo 
 Then asked him that east, "What thy possession?" Then said the east 
 
 pet' ha-'wuhe V pets'a-kai tax tc'umye'L yaxtekVn 
 
 "Have I the wind and ice!" "Let them come!" 
 
 ra'mt'ia tse'ru<jf>ke- r wuc6 ra'm'ecxa-its'e ra'mpa-le-'lko 
 
 Then went again to where was. Then dawned again. Then asked him 
 
 va'le'c ra-nmo" tast'met'xa' ra'mte' bele-'c 
 
 that north, "And thou? What thy possession?" Then said the north, 
 
 pet' ha-'wuhe"k' ts'a-ka'i taxle'cxai taxtc 'umye'L yaxte'k'an 
 "Have I wind and rain and ice!" "Let them come!" 
 
 ka' bespe-k' ra'mt'ia tsVru/?me-yo" ta-k'at 
 
 said the hawk. Then went again to same tree. 
 
 ramsma'kaits 'e ramt'xwen pets'a-kai' taxpetc 'umye'L 
 
 Then night again. Then came the wind and the ice. 
 
 ramk'uts'e-'nu k'salo-'ce' pa-ke"nu k'salo-'ce' te'ho'ne-tak 
 Then contented very already; thought very already that would win. 
 
 ra'mte rupk'ewe'L ra-nmo" ok'ewe'L tactmet'xa' 
 
 Then said to the west, "And thou? O West, what thy possession?" 
 
 ra-'mte pek'ewe'L pet' xa-'wuhe"k' le'cxai tax ts'axe'L 
 Then said the west, "Have I rain and snow, 
 
 k'eune'L taxts'a-kai' taxwatc 'umye'L yo 'ra'mte' pespe-'k' 
 hail and wind and that ice!" Then said the hawk 
 
 rako"icxai 'ya 'te^ksa-j" kept 'a" ksa'luk'o'lup' xwe'n 
 
 that not wished to dawn yet. "I am cold already very! " Came 
 
 k'sa-j-Tjk'o'lup' bek'eune'L amkept 'a-'k' sa k'oluplo 
 
 more yet much the hail. Then was cold more much already. 
 
 xwe'nksa lok'ol-up' k'eune'L tca'aten amkept 'a-"k' sa 
 Came more already much hail great. Then was cold more 
 
 lok'olop' ra7/ko"icxayak' sa.i'n k'olop' , n xwe'nk'sa 
 
 much already. Then not dawned more yet much. Then came more 
 
 lopts'axeL yo'ra-'mtom' met'xwen pets'a-kai tamk'me't'o u lo 
 already snow. And fell. When came the wind then thick already 
 
 pets'axe'L meH'xwen ts'a-k'ai yo'ra'mto'M tc 'umya-' a le ' 
 the snow. When came wind then fell icicles 
 
 loyas/3eke-'wu ra'm'ecxai ra'mteta'k keten.a-'so naspe-'k' 
 already only the his place. Then dawned, then said, "What befell this hawk? 
 
 nok'i-'c t'ko'ticko' ce'tep'Ma'aste'k' ke'ra' te'k'ksa' 
 
 Seems that not is, has died! No appears 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 75 
 
 ko'f ico-pra'ke' ter'a'-ke'N tice'tep ka'me-'t ra'tsY'k' 
 not anywhere. Therefore think that dead. Try to see 
 
 oTicko' tu^tet' o 'ina-'so o'ticko' k'o'nlox k'we'L 
 
 if is on the his seat, if is." Arrived people 
 
 ru<ke-'wu a mko'ye-ma ' r a'mts'e"n pet'o'oi'yu peta-'k'at 
 to the his place. Then not seen. Then looked the its trunk the tree. 
 
 ramku'yema' ra'mteta'k cko" mas ra'la-'ko pa'ts'a'xe'L 
 Then not seen. Then said , "Is more below that snow; 
 
 noki-'crum' ket'me'l pats'axe-'L ka'me-'ta xa'pek' o'ticko' 
 seems mass that snow. Try dig if is." 
 
 ra-mcko" yo'ra'mteta'krume' ce'tepte'k' ts Vtelo-mtek 'k' sa' 
 Then was. Then said then, "Died! Was cold very. 
 
 ter c to'm yo 'ramteta V t Vloinoxtek ' bek' la'k' Mak' ye^mno' 
 Therefore fell. " Then said, "Finished the brave one! Henceforth 
 
 rapt Via' kl'ya-te' ce'tepto'wa-f 16 pepeta"ko t' ika-'pt 'ela 
 to be cold always. Dead he already who made that not be cold. 
 
 t'oL ka'tap'nehe' no" ra 'ko-'mat' eltene ' no' tita'te'k 'es 
 One must henceforth to buy now blankets. 
 
 ce'tep to'wa-tLo tu/3epeta" a ko tika-p't'ela' ha"klo piem.o' 
 Died already this who made that not be cold. We already know 
 
 ta'tica-kai ' 
 to go." 
 
 Great Hawk wished to test whether the weather was mild enough 
 to be endured by the people without the aid of blankets. So he went 
 to the South and said, "South, what have you got?" "I have rain 
 and wind and ice!" replied the South. "Let them come!" said 
 Great Hawk and he went and perched on top of his favorite dead 
 tree. All night it rained and blew and froze. At last it downed and 
 Great Hawk was well content. Then he went to the East and said, 
 "East, what have you?" "I have wind and ice!" replied the East. 
 "Let them come!" said Great Hawk, and he went to his favorite 
 place again. All night it blew and froze but when it dawned he 
 was well content and went to the North. "And you, North, what 
 have you?" "I have wind and rain and ice!" "Let them come!" 
 said Great Hawk and he went to the same tree again. Then again 
 it became night and the wind and ice came. But at last it dawned 
 again and Great Hawk was very happy ; he thought he would get the 
 better of the winds. 
 
 Then Great Hawk went to the West and said, "And you, O West, 
 what have you?" Then the West replied, "I have rain and snow, 
 
76 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 hail and wind and ice ! " " Send them along ! ' ' said Great Hawk and 
 he went to his tree again. All night long the blizzard continued and 
 Great Hawk said, ' ' It doesn 't want to dawn yet ; I 'm very cold ! ' ' 
 And yet came more hail and it became colder. And great hail-stones 
 fell. And it did not dawn yet. And then fell more snow. When the 
 wind came the snow w r as very deep, and great icicles formed on Great 
 Hawk's perch. 
 
 At last it dawned and the people said, "What has happened to 
 Great Hawk ? It seems he is not around ; has he died ? He does not 
 appear anywhere, so we think he must be dead. Let's go and see if 
 he is on his accustomed seat. ' ' Then the people came to the place but 
 Great Hawk was not to be seen. They searched the trunk of the tree 
 but could not find him. Then someone said, "There is something 
 beneath the snow; it seems that there is a heap there. Let's dig to 
 see what it is." And there was Great Hawk. Then they said, "He 
 is dead ! It was very cold and therefore he fell. The brave one is 
 dead ! ' ' they said. ' ' Hereafter it will always be cold ; he who wished 
 it not to be cold is dead! Now we must buy blankets; he is dead 
 who would have it not cold. Now we know what we must do. ' ' 
 
 THE ANIMALS AND GOD IT 
 
 pekuwa-'yu sepastcene 'ku bek'e'nca-ni repa'mt'a'k 
 
 The horse beseeched the God to kill him. 
 
 ra'teta'k ke'ra' atelo'yo'mo" yo'puato'wi' meca-k 
 
 Then said, "No, his friend, thou. He commands always; 
 
 sekts 'e'pgact' ko'ka-mko yo 'puwato'wi ' sepeta' ' a komo 
 
 is good only that not kill him. He commands, shouldst do thou 
 
 tume'p' ua-'tuwi ' ruma" a telo'i sekots'ep' rume'ta'k k'i'cvi' 
 then commands thy friend. Is not good to do thus. 
 
 ki'cho-ni yas tuma'Helo 'imo yo'puatowi' tako'myaM 
 Is poor only thy friend thou; he commands. And dost not see 
 
 ka'ra' t'ika'wu pecxo'mect wa-to'wi' gas sea'telo'itu'wa-tMo" 
 not to be pity command; only is friend who commands thou. 
 
 terc'kic'vi' se'Ma'wumo' rumat' Ma-'lxo ti'k'e'wu mo" 
 Therefore thus is carry him thou to thy desire, his place. Thou 
 
 ticxe'Vu yo 'te'rcts 'e'p t' ikomt 'i'kax ta'ml'ko-mo' 
 
 his foot. Therefore good that not thou killest him, friend thou. 
 
 ke'cvitenmot' iheyo" ts 'ep' kact' rp' ua-'tui ' 'ii/kera' rasrake 
 So art also thou of him. Good only to command so that not anything 
 
 xumo-ni ' 
 evil." 
 
 Told by David Mora, 1916. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 77 
 
 pemaT sepastc 'ene" e koten bek' e'nca-niL tipa'mk' NG ' e Lko 
 The beast begged him also the God to kill them 
 
 na't'u-t'a-'L pa-'lxo tipo'taxlele 'eko 'ensa-mo'x ra'mteta'k 
 this people. Wished to gore them in order to die. Then told 
 
 ru<k< e'nca-niL ke'ra' mo' lamxa'to me'pam-ka' 
 
 by the God, "No, thou his food. When kills thee 
 
 ko'p'tc'e-wa-nuwi' rako'ki-cmo" pt 'a-'kioxomo x yas seke'ra' 
 not thrown away, then not like thou. Killest him thou only; is not 
 
 fme"envi" tumt 'a-'k' iax kera' ko'micax pecxont 'a' 'womo 'yds 
 thy need to kill. No, not thou eatest. Poor killest thou only, 
 
 rako'kichiyo' T ruma'ma'i sekicxa"umo'yas tu^hlyo't' 
 that not like them to kill. Art eaten thou only by them. ' ' 
 
 The Horse begged God for permission to kill men. But God 
 replied, " No ! You are his friend ; he must command you always. It 
 is better that you do not kill him. It is his place to command, yours 
 to do your friend's orders. It is not good to do as you ask. Your 
 friend is poor also. Do you not see that it is not painful to be com- 
 manded when it is your friend who commands you? Therefore you 
 must carry him to the place where he wishes; you are his foot. So 
 it is not well that you should kill him, for he is your friend. Like- 
 wise you are a friend of his. It is well that he should command you 
 and that you should not do him any harm. ' ' 
 
 The Ox also begged God for permission to kill people ; he wished 
 to gore them so that they would die. But God replied, "No, you are 
 his food. When they kill you they do not throw you aside. You 
 would not do that ; you would only kill them. You have no need to 
 kill them for you could not eat them. You would only kill the poor 
 f ellows ; you would not do as they, for they kill you merely to eat you. ' ' 
 
 THE PELICAN is 
 
 le-lo" bete-'u ktu'xo-ke tetVwat' k'wa-'kV 
 
 Long ago the pelican was murderer of people. Long 
 
 betee'lko me'tk'onlox k'weL se"Mate'la' w u rumte e mo' 
 the his bill. When came people, invited them to his house 
 
 enhot'Lo'p' tenasma'k'ai ke'taij n laik' ckotet 'oLtica" a wu 
 
 to pass for this night. Told him was one his daughter. 
 
 ke'tau n la-ik' kaxa'u tenalets'e" ke'ra' ko'xaiyi' 
 
 Told him, "Sleep with this woman! No! Not be afraid!" 
 
 18 Told by David Mora, 1916; translated from Spanish of Juan Quintana. 
 
78 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 ts'ep' ka'xawan tu/3ake-'wulits 'e' anheyo" ka-'uten 
 
 "Good!" Slept at that her place woman. And he slept also 
 
 tupsk'a'myas rume'yema-ni 'klo tet'o'xo-ten' yo 'ra'mk 'O-L bete-'u 
 at the near only. When knew already to snore, then arose the pelican. 
 
 tamt'iya'x resk'a-'m bete-'u ramkla'pai pa-'le'ltko 
 
 Then went to near the pelican. Then three asked him, 
 
 umka'xa-ulo' umka'xa-ulo' umka'xa-ulo' rampe'na-iko 
 
 ' ' Art sleeping already ? Art sleeping already ? Art sleeping already ? Then wounded 
 
 ru<tee'lko rumtaa-'wo k'sa' ki'cvi' ti-'t' u' rats ' a 
 
 with the his bill in his heart much. Thus is to do always 
 
 pamk'nelko t'o'wat' yo'ra'mt'k'onlox bela" tax/2esk'an 
 killed people. Then arrived the raven and the hawk. 
 
 pe"snai'yax tit'icko' toxo-ke' ramca'moca-i 'k tast'ma'lox 
 Heard that was murderer. Then greeted him, "What thy desire?" 
 
 yo 'ra'mha' te ' yo 'ra'mtetau n la 'ik kaxa'u kakclo"ux 
 
 Then remained. Then told them, "Sleep both together 
 
 tu/3a 'keu'ctou-" ramka'wu.ox tickomo-yas amke'ta-te' 
 
 in that her place girl." Then slept little only. Then made 
 
 tet'o'xo-ten /Mits'e-" seka'Vu.ox an'Ma'iko raerake' 
 to snore. The woman slept; gave her something 
 
 enka'u yo 'ra'mt' a 'ya,x fa-'kat' k'e-'L ru^ke r uha-'L 
 
 to sleep. Then put logs dry in the places. 
 
 yamke'ta'i tito'xo-ten tik'i-'c t'o'wut' yo'ramk'o-L 
 
 Then made to snore to resemble people. He then arose 
 
 /?elwa" yo'ra'mt'e' ki-ne"k' pt'a-'k'ioxo yo'ra'mt'iyax 
 the man. He then said, "Go will I kill them!" He then went 
 
 t'iskVm yoramt'i' ka'xa-ulo ka'xa-ulo ka'xaulo 
 
 to near. He then said, "Sleep already? Sleep already? Sleep already?" 
 
 yo'ra'mpena-iko peta-'kat' ramka'p' axtenop ksa' 
 
 He then struck the log. Then split entirely 
 
 peta"ako yo'ra'mtitc'o'mnox tita'xap yo'ra'mte' 
 
 the his head. He then fell dead. She then said 
 
 belits'e-' k'i'cva' ki-'ya-te' t'ika" a wu t'lpa-mko 
 
 the woman, "Thus was always to do to kill 
 
 t'o'wut' 
 people. 
 
 Long ago Pelican was a murderer of the people. His bill was very 
 long. When people came by he would invite them to pass the night 
 in his house. He would tell them that he had a daughter and would 
 say to them, "You may sleep with the woman; don't be afraid!" 
 
1918] 
 
 Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 
 
 79 
 
 "Good!" the visitor would reply. Then the stranger would sleep 
 with the daughter. Pelican slept close by and when he heard his 
 guest snore he would arise and go there and ask three times, "Are 
 you asleep? Are you asleep? Are you asleep?" And if he got no 
 answer he would drive his long bill into his heart and kill him. That 
 was the way he always killed people. 
 
 At last one day Raven and Prairie-Falcon came by; they had 
 heard that there was a murderer there. He greeted them and asked 
 them what they wished. They replied that they wished shelter for 
 the night. Pelican agreed and they remained. He said to them, "You 
 may both of you sleep with the girl ! " So they lay with the girl but 
 slept only a little. Then they pretended to snore. The girl was 
 sound asleep for they. had given her something to make her sleep 
 soundly. Then they put two logs of dry wood in their places and hid 
 themselves. They caused the logs to snore like people. Then Pelican 
 arose and said, "I will go and kill them!" He came close by and 
 asked, "Are you asleep? Are you asleep? Are you asleep?" And 
 as he received no answer he gave a hard stroke with his bill. He hit 
 the log and split his head all to pieces. He fell dead. Raven and 
 Prairie-Falcon then awoke the woman who said, "That is the way he 
 always did in order to kill people ! ' ' 
 
 COYOTE AND THE SALT WATEE 
 
 kakca' kopia-'mo tc'a' 
 thirsty. Not saw it water. 
 
 Lk'a kakca' kopia-'mo tc'a' ra-'mt'i y a rumco-k'a' 
 Coyote thirsty. Not saw it water. Then went to stream 
 
 tita'ciM k'mi't'ik' pete' a" ra r mke-'l peco-'k'a' 
 
 to drink. Ean the water. Then dried the stream. 
 
 r a'mtc'ehe-'na' peLk'a' ra-'mt' iyaten ra'mke-lts'e tce'he-na' 
 Then angered the coyote. Then went again, then dried again. Angered, 
 
 ko-'la-wa' takcuwa' 51 yu ra' Male-'ntxo teli'he' tumsk'em 
 not quenched his thirst. Then remembered to go to sea. 
 
 kl-'rumsk' e-m titacim tc'a' ka'cim ro<^tc'a" 
 
 Went to sea to drink water. Drank of the water 
 
 kesio'hol ra'mtese-'na' tupt'micimo tc'a' yo'no' 
 
 salty. Then sick from the drinking water. He "Good!" 
 
 ra'mla-wa' ta'kcuwa'i tickumo" yo'ra-'m'pNewu' 
 
 Then quenched thirst little. He then seized it 
 
 peha"ko tax tet'eyina'i ta'mt'ia tetamet'i cumk'o"m 
 
 the his bow and arrows. Then went to hunt squirrels. 
 
 Told by David Mora, 1916; translated from Spanish of Juan Quintana. 
 
80 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 ra'mt' ierumkeu xa'iya te-le'k' tepe'me-'lko pecumk 'o'm ' 
 Then went to where many holes to catch them the squirrels. 
 
 ra'mtam pet'oL cumk'om' ra'mpa-lxo tepe't'eine-'ko 
 
 Then came out the one squirrel. Then desired to shoot it. 
 
 ra'msa-teL wi-t'e'peno ra'mts'okox pecumk 'om' tc'e'xe-na 
 Then murmured in his bowels. Then frightened the squirrel. Angered 
 
 peLk'a' me'na-ko tits'o'kox pecumk 'om ta'mtam 
 
 the coyote because to frighten the squirrel. Then emerged 
 
 t'olten ts'o'koxten pe-lk'a' tc'e'xe-nalo-ts' pa-ma'mpko 
 another, frightened again. The Coyote angered was again. Drew out 
 
 petse'uto tet 'eyinai ' yu ta-'mto'xot/ Nap' betika'no 
 
 the point of his arrow. Then ripped the his bowels. 
 
 yo 'ramta'xap yo 'ra-mpet 'e'yine 'korumle-m yora-'myema' ' m 
 
 He then died. He then shot arrow upwards. He then was seen 
 
 tupckVn ko'yema' pelk'a' ta'mwa'Li' pexo-pneL 
 
 by the hawk. Not was seen the coyote. Then sent the vulture 
 
 tetc'a-uye' ra-myo" p'ia-'mo ra v mpokolca-'ko 
 
 to seek. Then he saw him. Then reported 
 
 tu/?esk Vn ' tamt 'oke-lax 
 
 to the hawk. Then revived him. 
 
 Coyote was thirsty and could not find any water. He went to a 
 distant stream to drink where the water was running. As he bent 
 over to drink, the water ceased running and the stream dried up. 
 This made Coyote angry but he went to another stream where the 
 water was running also. This also dried up as he tried to drink and 
 he became more angry at not being able to quench his thirst. Then 
 he remembered that there was plenty of water in the sea, so went to 
 the shore and drank some of the salty water. It made him a little 
 sick but he said, ' ' Good ! ' ' for it had quenched his thirst a little. 
 
 Then he took his bow and arrows and went to hunt squirrels; he 
 went to a place where there were many squirrel holes in order to 
 catch them. At last one squirrel came out and he prepared to shoot 
 it. But his bowels made a noise and the squirrel caught fright and 
 ran away. At that Coyote was very angry because the squirrel had 
 become frightened. Then emerged another; Coyote's bowels mur- 
 mured again and again the squirrel fled. Then Coyote became very 
 angry; he took an arrow-point and ripped open his bowels. Just 
 before he fell dead he shot an arrow high into the sky. This was seen 
 by Prairie-Falcon but he could not see Coyote so he sent Vulture to 
 find him. The latter found him and reported to Prairie-Falcon who 
 came and revived him. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 81 
 
 THE BEGINNING OF THE WORLD 20 
 
 lelo" k'lu'wa'lo' lice' ka-'mp' beck'e'M ka-'wi 
 Formerly, long ago years, rose the sea. Hot 
 
 k'sa' ko'potot'na' pap'ene" e ko ki'sile' hoMk'we'L 
 
 very, boiled. Covered all world, 
 
 ki'sile' beket'po'i ta-s besantalusi'a ke'ra' 
 
 all the mountains but the Santa Lucia; no 
 
 kopap'he'ne-ko k'lo'x ki-c ka-'k'cu ticxe'he' 
 
 not covered it. Was high about ' two feet 
 
 teyoxana"yu pete' a' ra-'mt' cko ' besai'yu rumt' ik' a'ko 
 above the water. Then was the eagle on its summit 
 
 bekit'po'i yo'ra'mti' besai'yu ru/?elaa't' tako'ma-mko 
 the mountain. He then said the eagle to the duck, ''Not art able 
 
 rumiya' rumne"tc'xo" ra'mt'i' a/' pa-'mko he"k' 
 to go to fetch earth?" Then said "Yes! Can I!" 
 
 ra'mpox umtoo'ke beck'e'm ra'nkep' tc' o'p' ke'ra' 
 
 Then entered to within the sea. Then tired, no, 
 
 ko't'uxwen ra'mt'a-mp' ra'mf iyaten p'me-'toteN ripo'x 
 not arrived. Then came up; then went again, tried again to enter 
 
 tumto'ke bete' a' ra'mp'Ne' e wu skomu' tc'xo" ra'mt'a-mp' 
 to within the water. Then seized little mud. Then arose 
 
 rumle-mo' peck'e'm tasme-'t'k'onox sek' ce'tep' LO 
 
 to its top the sea. But when arrived was dead already. 
 
 tanbesai'yu pa-ma'mp'ko skomo' tcxo" ru<^>t' icele"wu 
 And the eagle took it little earth of the his nails. 
 
 ra'Mp't'o'xNe'wu bet'icxo' ta a 'm polt'e-"ko p'Le-'to 
 
 Then rolled it the earth. Then cut it pieces. 
 
 peta" a ko ki-'ca' a'mpeta' a ko kefne'l' roySe'tWiya' 
 Made it four. Then made balls of the one every. 
 
 ra'Mp'Ll-" i xo t'oLt'ia' tu/?e' ket'me'l' p'ok'ica" 
 
 Then threw them one every of the balls to four 
 
 na"xo humk'weL yo'ra'm c-ap' peck'e-m 
 
 points* of world. It then sank the sea. 
 
 yo'ra'mt'eta-ha' reki-'c lo nata'a' humk'weL ke'ta-ha' 
 It then was made to resemble already the today world. Were made 
 
 baket'po'i tax co-'k'ateN tax ckoN ta-M fiya' 
 
 the mountains and streams and gullies. Then went 
 
 beck'en rump'ake-'ulota' nata'a' ta-s me't 'oLk WL 
 
 the sea to the place already now today. But when one time 
 ta'pa-mko rita'xapte-he ' beli'cxai tax taXapte-he' 
 
 to be able to end the rain and to end 
 
 20 Translated by Maria Encinales from Spanish of Juan Quintana, 1916. 
 Cf. Ethnology, p. 190; present paper, p. 104. 
 
82 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlm. [Vol. 14 
 
 umk'we'L teN taxrice't' Lip' k'we'L tanbeck'e'M 
 
 world again and to die people. And the sea 
 
 seka-'mp' teN yo 'ramt' uxapte-'he ' umk 'we'L 
 rises again. It then ends world. 
 
 Many long years ago before there were any people on the earth 
 the sea suddenly rose, boiling hot and flooded the whole world. It 
 covered all the mountains except Santa Lucia Peak which remained 
 about two feet above water. And there on the summit gathered all the 
 animals with Eagle as their chief. Then he said to Duck, "Cannot 
 you dive down and bring some earth?" "Yes," replied Duck. "I 
 can do it. " So he dove in the sea. But before he reached the bottom 
 he became tired and had to come up again. Once again he entered 
 the water and tried to reach the bottom. At last he reached bottom 
 and seized a little bit of mud. Then he came up to the top again but 
 when he arrived he was dead from lack of air. But Eagle took the 
 earth that remained beneath his nails and rolled it into a lump. Then 
 he cut it into 'four pieces and made balls of them. Then he threw 
 one of the balls to each of the four cardinal points of the world. 
 Then the sea sank and the world became as it is today. The moun- 
 tains and the streams and the gullies were made and the sea retired 
 to where it is today. 
 
 But some time in the future the rains may end and the world will 
 end again and the people will die. The sea will rise again and the 
 world will come to an end. 
 
 THE THEFT OF FIEE 21 
 
 lelo" ke'ra' ta'aV tasta-cne'L t'u-t'a'L 
 
 Long ago no fire but some people 
 
 pet'xa-'wu taVu ra'mteta'k' ake'nota'a'siL ra'mt'i' 
 
 had fire. Then said, "What to do?" Then said 
 
 pesna-'k' hek pa-'mko te''ne" . taVu' ta-'mteta'k 
 the rat, "I can to fetch fire." Then said, 
 
 ake'tumti-"yu rumne" he'k p'iem.o" tii"o ra'mt'iya 
 "How thy ability to fetch?" "I know to do." Then went, 
 
 k'Mi't'ik' k'sa' ra'mt' k' o'nox rumke'u peta-cne'L 
 
 ran hard. Then arrived to their place the other 
 
 t'o u t'a-'L ra-'molox ramoce" pa-'xo petitsV' e wo rumta'a'u' 
 people. Then jumped in flames, put the his tail in fire. 
 
 ta'maca-L raMt'ia-'to teme't'ik pa'xaiyo tec-a'p' 
 
 Then lighted, then went to run. Feared that extinguish 
 
 21 Translated by Maria Encinales from Spanish of Juan Quintana, 1916. 
 Cf. p. 105. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 83 
 
 petowo"iyu a'mtok' o'nox tiko'c-a'p' t'uxwento tecu-' u ne' 
 
 the his light. Then arrived to not extinguish. Finally kindled 
 
 rumke /w u tika-mpo"t* 
 
 in place their field. 
 
 Long ago the people had no fire, but some other distant people 
 possessed it. So they said, ' ' What shall we do ? " Then the Kangaroo- 
 rat said, "I can go and fetch fire!" "You!" they said. "How can 
 you fetch fire?" "I know what to do," he replied. So he ran hard 
 until he arrived at the camp of the people who had fire. He jumped 
 in the fire and his tail, which was then long and bushy, caught fire. 
 Then he ran away with the people in pursuit. He was afraid that 
 the fire would go out before he arrived but he managed to arrive with 
 the tail still burning. So the people kindled their fires from this and 
 ever since have possessed fire. But Kangaroo-rat's tail is no longer 
 bushy. 
 
 HOW PEOPLE WEEE MADE 22 
 
 besai'yu pa-'xo t'oL lits'e" rumke-'wu beLk'a' 
 The eagle placed her one woman in his place the coyote 
 
 oNpapa-' ! yu pa-'lxo temo'lox tu/31its'e" k'a' 
 
 in order to cohabit with her. Desired to mount to the woman. Said 
 
 /Jesai'yu molo'xrena' lits'e" ra'mpeta' a ko tan 
 
 the eagle, "Mount to this woman!" Then made. Then 
 
 me't'ump' tamMe-'ce' teci'tip tu^ke-'wu belits'e' 
 
 when finished then half to die in her place the woman. 
 
 ra'mt'ryax besai'yu rip' co-'ke ' e no' ra'mp'La' a wu pelits'e" 
 Then came the eagle to revive him. Then left her the woman. 
 
 komp'Lo' teheyo" ra'mtV beLk'a' me'na'kono' 
 
 Finished already with her. Then said the coyote, "Ah, how 
 
 te'ts'e'po na' lits'e" k'ts'e'p k' pe-'ptelop' lu'wa'yas 
 
 to be good this woman! Is good too much." Time only 
 
 teticko" tece'tep'ya' ran la-'ut'a' ke'ra' lo' 
 
 to be dead. Then left. No already 
 
 ko't'ise ti'ckoi' k'Lu'wa'nop' tiskumu" ta'mtica-kts V 
 not strong to be. Time was little Then began again 
 
 beLk'a' temo'lox ro/2elits 'e' taske'ra'lo' ko'citip'ya' 
 
 the coyote to mount to the woman. But not already not died. 
 
 ki'cnak' ts 'e'p' k'a' beLk'a' ke'ra' kocitipten' 
 
 "Thus this is good!" said the coyote. "No not die again! 
 
 22 Translated by Maria Encinales from Spanish of Juan Quintana, 1916. 
 Of. Ethnology, p. 190, 191; present paper, -p. 104. 
 
84 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 me-'mten k'ts'e'pLo" kl'cvi' ran teta-xa' bet 'o u t 'a-L 
 Now is good already thus is then to make the people!" 
 
 ra'mtV besai'yu kts'e'p' k'o'lop' 
 Then said the eagle, "Is good very." 
 
 Eagle placed a woman with Coyote that he might cohabit with 
 her. He had just formed her and as yet she had not been tested. 
 Coyote desired to mount the woman. Then Eagle said, ' ' Mount this 
 woman!" Coyote obeyed but when he had finished he was nearly 
 dead. Eagle came and revived him. Then Coyote retired and said, 
 ' ' Ah, the woman is good ; she is too good ! ' ' He was dead only a 
 short while; then he retired. He was still very weak. A short time 
 passed and again Coyote desired to mount the woman. But this time 
 he did not die. "Now it is all right," said Coyote. "I did not die 
 again ! Now it is good ; this is the way to make people ! ' ' Then said 
 Eagle, "Very good!" 
 
 THE TAB-MAN 23 
 
 le-lo' t'oLk'we'L cko" t'oL t'o'xo-ke pef xa-'wu 
 Long ago one time was one murderer. Had it 
 
 t'oL cla" ka'p'e-L sma'k' ko'potot' icna ' me-Tuxwen 
 one basket filled asphalt, boiled. When came 
 
 ta-'ra'ke ra-ts' p'ca-'mo'cko akl-'c we'e'sxa 
 
 anybody there greeted him, "Howdy, cousin!" 
 
 pespolo'xo peme-'no ra'mp'Lixo rumtoo'ke besma'k' 
 
 Seized him the his hand. Then threw him to within the tar. 
 
 ramt'xwen rume' beckVn tax bela- a " ra-'mca-moca 'yi 'k 
 Then came then the hawk and the raven. Then was greeted. 
 
 ra'mtispa 'lax beme-'no peckVn pespolo'xo pet'olme-'no 
 Then seized the his hands. The hawk seized it the one his hand 
 
 tanbela" a pespolo'xo teN pet'olme-'no ra'mllya 'iyax 
 
 and the raven seized it again the one his hand. Then was thrown 
 
 tumtoo'ke besma'k' ra'mt'o"N besma'k' tu/3eta-ki" 
 
 to within the tar. Then kindled the tar by the making 
 
 ta'a'u' ke"taT ta'a'u' ru/2eteta' a koL ra'mna-yi' 
 
 fire. Made fire with the fire-drill. Then fled 
 
 bekt'o'xo-ke peke'lent'xo kl-'sili' humk'we'L ko'tco-xna' 
 the murderer. Circled all through world. Dropped 
 
 gas t'i</ pesma'k' tanbeke-'u teto'm' t'ia' 
 
 only each the tar. And the place to fall every 
 
 23 Translated by Maria Encinales from Spanish of Juan Quintana, 1916. 
 Cf. Ethnology, p. 194; present paper, p. 108. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 85 
 
 besma'k' sek'o'lpax saxe-T ump'a-'wu beket'poT 
 
 the tar, sprung up mescal. Its other side the mountain 
 
 ka-'se tisantalusi'a yo 'ra'mcetep' bekt'o'xo-ke ramump'a' 
 named of Santa Lucia he then died the murderer. Then there 
 
 ra'mt' icko ' kite' a/ ' saxe-T 
 then are large mescal. 
 
 Once upon a time long ago there was a man who murdered the 
 people. He had a basket full of boiling tar and when anybody would 
 come by he would greet him and say, "Hello, cousin!" Then he 
 would offer to shake hands with him and as soon as he took his hand 
 he would throw him into the boiling tar. Prairie-Falcon and Raven 
 were scouring the country to find and kill all the murderers and came 
 to him. He greeted them and extended his hands. Prairie-Falcon 
 seized one and Raven the other and they threw him into the boiling 
 tar. Then they set fire to the tar with their fire-drills. All ablaze the 
 murderer ran all over the country with the blazing tar dropping. And 
 everywhere that a drop of tar fell sprang up a plant of mescal. On 
 the other side of Santa Lucia Peak the murderer died and there are 
 great quantities of mescal. 
 
 PEAIEIE -FALCON AND WOODPECKEK 2* 
 
 bela-" taxckVn p'ia-'mo't' petc'a'm' ak-i-'c 
 
 The raven and hawk saw the woodpecker. "Howdy, 
 
 octelua" tastumta-' a ket p'xe-'cohe"k' pe.axa-'ko't 
 
 old man! What thy deed?" "Bury I the their bones 
 
 bet'o u t'a'L ksa-'moxlo p'xa'p'ko cko" p'xe-'co 
 
 the people died already." Digging was burying 
 
 onko'tico-p' pe.axa-'k'teno ts'ep' tanbela' a ' p<Ne" e wu 
 
 in order not to see the their bones. Good! And the raven seized it 
 
 t'oL k'Ma't'a-L ts'ep' octelua" p' Ma-'kahe"k< na' 
 one white. "Good! Old man, give thee I this! 
 
 ma'xra't'mo"na'Yi ta'mtV xai'ya' ts 'e'p' ha-ni ' ra'mpa-xo 
 Put on thy waist." Then said, "Many thanks!" Then placed it. 
 
 ra'mpeta' a ko k'ts'e'p' ke'ra' ko'tipt'ak'ai'yx tas 
 
 Then made him good; no not was killed. But 
 
 me-'luwa' ta'mpeta' a ko ts'e xumo" p'wa-'to' 
 
 afterwards then made him again bad. Sent 
 
 besmeko'i' tept'aTko betVwut 'yo' terctee'xai'ya' 
 
 the rattlesnake to sting the people. He therefore fierce 
 
 nata 'a' besme-koT 
 today the rattlesnake. 
 
 2* Translated by Maria Encinales from Spanish of Juan Quintana, 1916. 
 
86 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 Raven and Prairie-Falcon met Woodpecker. "Hello, old man! 
 What are you doing?" "I am burying the bones of the people who 
 have died!" For Woodpecker was also a murderer of the people. 
 He was digging a hole in order to bury the bones so that they could 
 not see the bones of the people he had killed and eaten. Then Raven 
 seized something white like a handkerchief and said, ' ' Good ! Old 
 man, I'm going to give you this present. Put it around your waist!" 
 "Many thanks!" said Woodpecker, and he put the cloth around his 
 waist. At first it did Woodpecker no harm but later it bewitched 
 him and made him die. They did this because Woodpecker was evil 
 and had sent Rattlesnake to sting the people. It is on this account 
 that Rattlesnake is dangerous today. 
 
 COYOTE AND WILDCAT 25 
 
 beLk'a' p'la-'mo e-' e ts' pa-'lxo rept'e'kaxo 
 
 The coyote saw pinacate. Desired to kill him. 
 
 ra'mt'e' beLk'a' tact' mi'yo 'k' wet' a' a miko kite' a 
 
 Then said the coyote, "What thy doing, friend?" Standing 
 
 cko' beLk'a' ra'mts'ok'ox e-' e ts' ra'mt'i' cko" 
 
 was the coyote. Then frightened pinacate. Then said "Am 
 
 he'k' riyo" k 'a'lsalhe"k' ko' rumke'u lime'm' ya'x 
 I here praying I." Was their place wasps. "Come! 
 
 alsa-'L riyo" tamt'i' peLk'a' '$a/ palxohe'V 
 
 Pray here!" Then said the coyote, "Yes! Wish I 
 
 te^pi'snox ta'mt'i' ts'ep' ra^mpa-'xo betick'o'lo 
 
 to hear!" Then said, "Good!" Then placed the his ear 
 
 tumsk'a-'m ru/?eke-'wu beleme'm' a'mt'i' kesna" 
 
 to close to the place the wasps. Then said, "Is true!" 
 
 k'Lu'wa'nop' reticko" ra'mna-yi' pe'e-'ts' tambeLk'a' 
 
 Long time to remain. Then fled the pinacate. Then the coyote 
 
 sep'xa'p'ko peke-'wu beleme"m ta'mta-melep' 
 
 dug the place the wasps. Then came out. 
 
 ra'mtep'ts'e'nla'ik homt'a" a ko kepts 'e'nla 'yik k'o'lop' 
 
 Then stung him on his head. Was stung much. 
 
 ke'ta'f tina-'yi' pe.e-'ts' peta"ako tiko'lu-ne' 
 
 Made to flee the pinacate; made him fool. 
 
 Coyote saw Wildcat and wanted to kill him. So he asked, "My 
 friend, what are you doing?" He was standing close by. Then 
 Wildcat was frightened and replied, "I am praying here. Listen to 
 
 25 Translated by Maria Encinales from Spanish of Juan Quintana, 1916. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 87 
 
 the congregation ! ' ' For there was a hive of wasps. ' ' Come and 
 pray ! ' ' said Wildcat. ' ' Surely ' ' said Coyote. ' ' I want to hear it ! " 
 ' ' Good ! ' ' said Wildcat. Then Coyote put his ear to the ground near 
 the wasps' nest. "To be sure!" he exclaimed. He remained there a 
 long time listening while Wildcat fled. Then he began to dig the 
 wasps' nest. They swarmed out and stung him all over his head; 
 he was stung very badly. Wildcat caused him to run away ; he made 
 a fool of him. 
 
 COYOTE AND HAEE 20 
 le-lo" k'm'wa'16' lic-e' bek-oT k't'o'xo-ke teN 
 
 Long ago, very long ago years the hare was murderer also 
 
 tet'uwut' tanbeLk'a' pa-'lxo tept'e'kaxo bek-ol' 
 
 of people. And the coyote wished to kill the hare. 
 
 tan belk'a' k'ts'e'p* k'o'lop' tepe't 'e 'yine"ko k'a belk'a' 
 And the coyote was good very to shoot arrows. Said the coyote, 
 
 cko'ra' ts'ep' p' t 'e'kaxone 'k' tanbekoT seka'wucko" 
 "Is good! Kill him will II" And the hare sleeping was. 
 
 tant'o'L cteluwa" Lk'a' k'a" micko" rite u wai"yu 
 And one aged coyote said, "Be here, this side!" 
 
 ra'mticko' ra'mp'ia-'mo ra'mpet 'eine-ko tcik taske'ra' 
 Then was; then saw him. Then shot arrow. Chile! But no, 
 
 ko'pena-iko ra'mpeta' a ko t'a'a'u' bekoT tept'o"nko 
 not hit him. Then made fire the hare to burn him 
 
 belk'a' me't'e"ne"k< k<sa< k'wa" k'a" pe'e'ko' 
 
 the coyote. "Shoot him more distant!" said the his father 
 
 beLk'a' tanbet'a'a'u' seka'tanop' taske'ra' ko'tapau-ye' 
 the coyote. And the fire spread, but no, not overtook. 
 
 tan ku'we'nox ke'ra' ko'citip' ka'tc' a-mp' a ' k'o'lop' 
 Then returned. No, not died. Was evil very 
 
 bekoT 
 the hare. 
 
 Many years ago Hare also was a murderer of the people. But 
 Coyote wished to kill him and eat him. And Coyote was a fine shot 
 with bow and arrow. So he said, ' ' All right ! I '11 go and kill him ! ' ' 
 He crept up and found Hare asleep. Coyote's father, an old man, 
 went along with him and said, ' ' Remain here, on this side ! ' ' Coyote 
 saw Hare and shot an arrow at him. Chik! But he did not hit him. 
 Then Hare awoke and made a fire to burn Coyote. For he was a 
 
 26 Translated by Maria Encinales from Spanish of Juan Quintana, 1916. 
 
88 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 great magician. "Shoot him from farther away!" shouted Coyote's 
 father. The fire spread rapidly but did not overtake Coyote. He 
 returned alive. Hare was a very evil man. 
 
 COYOTE AND EABBIT 27 
 
 beLk'a' pa-'lxo restl'yo'wan kic bema'p' ra'mt'e' 
 The coyote desired to beautiful like the rabbit. Then said 
 
 a v ketumti-"yo tet'xa'uwut' ba'tumla-'k'of ta-mt'i' 
 
 "What thy deed to yellow that thy neck?" Then said 
 
 pema'p' pox he'k' kl'ya-te' ruMte'le'k' tamt'e' 
 
 the rabbit, "Enter I always in holes!" Then said 
 
 beLk'a' poxne 'kiya-t' e ' rumte-le'k' ra'mt'iya bema'p' 
 the coyote, ' ' Enter will I always in holes. ' ' Then went the rabbit, 
 
 p'Ne" e wu k'a-'t' ra'mpopo 'xo ' tumte-le'k^ ke-' e wo 
 
 brought hay. Then threw it in hole his place 
 
 peLk'a' ra'mpa-xo ta'a'u' ran yo 'terctet' Axa'wut' 
 
 the coyote. Then put fire. Then he therefore yellow 
 
 beLk 'a' 
 the coyote. 
 
 Coyote wanted to be as beautiful as Rabbit. So he asked him, 
 "What did you do to have such a yellow shoulder?" Rabbit was 
 afraid of Coyote and told him, "Why, my neck is yellow because I 
 am always going into holes in the ground. " " Good ! ' ' said Coyote. 
 "Then I'll go into holes too!" So he found a hole and went in. 
 Then Rabbit went and got some hay and threw it into the hole behind 
 Coyote. Then he set fire to it. Coyote was badly burnt in trying to 
 get out of the hole and on this account has a yellow patch behind his 
 ears. 
 
 COYOTE AND BULL 2s 
 
 beLk'a' pa-'lxo tepi'cxo beto-'lo tarn humt'a' a k'e' 
 The coyote desired to eat the bull. Then in road 
 
 ra'mp'iya-mo ~beto-'lo tax kepole-'ka ta'mt'e' akl-'c 
 then saw him, the bull and the sheep. Then said, "Howdy, 
 
 o'ta'mi-ko a'ket' me-'ke 'no' make-'ra' ke-yas ta'mt'iyo. 
 
 friend! Where thy going now?" "To such place only." Then went 
 
 pelk'a' ta'mpa-lxo tepept 'e'kaxo pa-'lxo tepi'cxo 
 
 the coyote; then desired to kill him. Desired to eat. 
 
 k'o'k'ol'cele' fiya' me'na' a kon6< tets'e'p* pa'tuma"a-tela' 
 Conversed went. "Ah, how to be good that which carriest 
 
 27 Translated by Maria Encinales from Spanish of Juan Quintana, 1916. 
 
 28 Translated by Maria Encinales from Spanish of Juan Quintana, 1916. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 89 
 
 fiya'xra' k'io't'Ne' frya'x ta'sta-' a va' tuma"a 
 
 there, shaking there! What are to carry 
 
 fryax ka'ke'lt'a me'na'k' umpa-'lxo ha$ k'oV 
 
 there?" "Testicles, why thy wish?" "Yes, hungry 
 
 he"k' k'o'lop' taM pet 'a'kha- 'ko keto-'lo betuma"awu 
 
 I very!" Then cut them the bull the his cargo, 
 
 ka'ke'lt'a p'na-'keto beLk'a' rant'xwe'nto tepi'cxo 
 
 testicles. Gave him the coyote. Then at once ate them. 
 
 me'na- ' a kono' tits'e'p' tako'mnaL ke'ra' pa-'lxoteN 
 
 "Ah, how to be good!" "Not thou filled?" "No, desire more 
 
 he'k' tas ke'ra' lo' ra'me-yo" pa-'lxo IN tepept'e'kaxo 
 I but no already!" Then he desired still to kill him. 
 
 'a n loeto-'lo sek'icxa'lo-' k'a' pa-'lxo IN 
 
 Then the bull feared, said, "Desires still 
 
 tipa'mha'k' tuma-'lox rumna'L mi'cxo'ha'k' aN 
 
 to eat me!" Thy desire to fill, eat me then 
 
 ki'sili ts'e'p' pa'mkohe'k' te 'i'cxo u 'ka ' kl"sili' 
 
 all!" "Good! Can I to eat thee all!" 
 
 ra'mt'e' beto-'l mitc'a"ra' caxa'ta'yas one' e po'x 
 
 Then said the bull, "Stand here! Open mouth only to enter 
 
 ta't'me-'lek' ts'e'p' ra'mca-xata ' peta"ako k'sa" 
 
 in thy mouth." "Good!" Then opened mouth, made it very 
 
 kite' a-' betee'lko pa-'lxo repe'penxo ki-'sili' ma'we-'xe' 
 large the his mouth. Desired to swallow all. "Stand 
 
 ank'sa' ra'mt'iyax temi't'ik' bepole-'k ra'mp 'otaxle-ko 
 firm!" Then came to run the sheep. Then butted him 
 
 umtee'lko ra'mp 5 Li'^xo ka'p' haxtenop' peta"ako yo'ra'M 
 in his mouth. Then tumbled, smashed the his head. He then 
 
 ce'tep beLk'a' ra'mt'ia' beto-'lo ke'ra' ko'citip 
 
 died the coyote. Then went the bull. No, not died. 
 
 p'Ne" e wuteN beka'ke'lt'a pa- a 'xoten ra'mt' larume 
 
 Seized again the testicles, placed them again. Then went away. 
 
 Coyote was desirous of eating Bull. One day he met him and Kam 
 in the road and greeted them, "Hello, old friend! Where are you 
 going?" "To such and such a place" replied Bull. Coyote went 
 with them for he desired to kill Bull and eat him. They walked along 
 conversing. Finally Coyote said, "Ah, how good, those things you 
 are carrying there shaking look! What are they?" "My testicles" 
 replied Bull. "Why, do you want them?" "Surely! I'm awfully 
 hungry!" So Bull cut off the things he carried, his testicles, and 
 
90 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol.14 
 
 gave them to Coyote who immediately ate them. "Ah, how good 
 they are !" he said. "Aren't you full?" asked Bull. "No, but there 
 aren 't any more ! ' ' And he still wanted to kill Bull. 
 
 Then Bull w r as afraid and said to himself, "He still wants to kill 
 me!" So he turned to Coyote and said, "If you want to be full, you 
 had better eat me whole ! " " Fine ! I can eat you whole ! " " All 
 right," said Bull. "Stand there and open your mouth so that I can 
 jump into it ! " " Good ! ' ' said Coyote. And he opened his mouth 
 very wide; he wanted to swallow Bull whole. "Stand firm!" said 
 Bull and he motioned to Ram. The latter ran hard and butted Coyote 
 so hard in the mouth that he fell down with his head smashed. Soon 
 he died. Thus Bull did not die. He went and cut open Coyote and 
 took out his testicles and put them on again. Then he went away. 
 
 COYOTE AND THE SUN 29 
 
 beLk'a' peta"ko cko" xa" a k'o rumtitake"wu 
 
 The coyote making was his arrow in his road 
 
 pena" ta'mt'ryax pena" we'ten le-ta'na' 
 
 the sun. Then came the sun about noon. 
 
 ra'mt'uxwen tumke-wu beLk'a peta" a ko cko' 
 
 When arrived to his place the coyote making was 
 
 xa"k'o cko' tuwo"iyu' temlt'o tipa-'uj^o-ko 
 
 his arrow. Was his fire with which to heat it. 
 
 rampet' xa-'wu smak' temi'tV tepa't'unk'a-xo ramfi' 
 Then had tar with which to stick. Then said 
 
 bena" tast'ml'yo'k riyo" ra'mtV peta" a ko he'k' 
 the sun, "What thy doing here?" Then said, "Make I 
 
 xak' cko'yas bena" pts'e" e ko kite 'a cko' 
 
 arrow." Was only the sun watched. Stopped was 
 
 riskumu' ra'mt'i' ts'ep' meta"k nacxomck'i" 
 
 little. Then said, "Good! Make me this favor 
 
 tume'ta'k' rixo't'up' he'l-a ra'mt'i' /3elk'a' 
 
 to permit me to pass!" "Wait!" then said the coyote. 
 
 ra'mtitc'a gac-ko bena" ke'ra' ko'se-ne' ts'ep' 
 
 Then stopped only was the sun, no not journeyed. "Good! 
 
 manata'x antixo't'up' ranke'ra 'ko'sa ' beLk'a' 
 
 Allow me to pass!" Then no, not spoke the coyote. 
 
 ra'mt' ickots 'e skumu' ra'mt'e' rume' Lk'a' ts'ep 
 Then was again little. Then said finally coyote, ' ' Good 
 
 20 Translated by Maria Encinales from Spanish of Juan Quintana. 1916. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 91 
 
 a-n ta'mtitc'a ra'mp'Ne'wu pexa"k'o tax pekisili' 
 now." Then arose, then took the his arrow and the all. 
 
 tanbena" sekl'lo' tanbeLk'a' secko"yas peta'' a ko 
 
 And the sun went already and the coyote was only making 
 
 cko ' xa' 'k 'o 
 was his arrow. 
 
 Coyote was making arrows in the sun's path. About noon the 
 sun came along and when he came to the place, Coyote was making 
 arrows there. There was his fire to heat the arrows and he had tar 
 with which to stick on the point. Then the sun said, "What are you 
 doing here?" And Coyote replied, "I am making arrows!" Then 
 the sun stopped still a little while and watched him. Then he said, 
 "Good ! And now please let me pass." "Wait a couple of moments" 
 replied Coyote and the sun waited a little longer without continuing 
 his journey. "Good!" he said again. "Let me pass!" But Coyote 
 did not answer and the sun waited a little longer. At last Coyote 
 said, "All right now!" And he arose and, took his arrows and every- 
 thing. The sun continued his journey and Coyote continued making 
 his arrows. 
 
 THE SUN AND THE MOON so 
 
 le-16' seksa-'teL kl'sili' pena" tax tats'o-'opi' 
 
 Long ago they spoke all, the sun and the moon 
 
 taxbetatcwa-'niL ki-'sili' pema'tVlak ta'mtV bena" 
 and the stars, all the animals. Then said the sun, 
 
 nat'o u t'a-'L se k' La'ma-ilak' k'o'lop' k'La'mhaL 
 
 "This people are eaters very. Eat they 
 
 gaski'ya-te' ke'ra' ke"yamk'a' tik'a-weL ra'mho'yi' 
 
 only continually. No, not I see them to sleep." Then replied 
 
 betats 'o'pi ' ke'ra' ke'ra' ku'kicvi' ki'kauyela-tc 'e ' 
 
 the moon, "No! No, not thus is! Are sleepers! 
 
 k'a'weL gas ki'ya-te' me"yima' Ne' e lk' ke'ra' 
 
 Sleep only continually! When see them no 
 
 ki 'yamk' a' ' tila'mhaL 
 not I see them to eat" 
 
 Long ago everything was able to converse, the sun, the moon, the 
 stars and all the animals. Then the sun said, "These humans are 
 great eaters ; they eat all the time ; I never see them sleep ! ' ' But the 
 moon replied, "No, it is not so! They are great sleepers; they sleep 
 all the time. When I look I never see them eating ! ' ' 
 
 so Translated by Maria Encinales from Spanish of Juan Quintana, 1916. 
 
92 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 PRAIRIE-FALCON, XUI AND THE SERPENT si 
 
 cko' 
 Was 
 
 ckak ' sotope'no pexu'i 
 crow, his guardian the Xui, 
 
 to' 'xo-ke 
 murderer of 
 
 tet 'a'uwat ' 
 people. 
 
 p'le'ixo u-mp' a-'ulak ' p'i'cho kats'a-Ne'L 
 Threw them other side ground. Ate them little birds. 
 
 mo-pa'k' 
 Laurel 
 
 sko" 
 was on 
 
 mat 5 o'Lni ' ck Vn La/ 
 hill. Hawk raven walked. 
 
 k'se"Ne' 
 
 Sought 
 
 k'tc'a'uye' 
 
 pexu'i 
 the Xui. 
 
 ta-'miyema' pesk'a'k' k'ma'lauk 
 Then seen the crow. Told him seated 
 
 ka'ciL 
 
 mat 'o'Lni 
 on hill. 
 
 yo' metco-'k'a' 
 "Ah! Be quiet! Shoot now!' 
 
 hala'tome 
 ' Then went 
 
 a'mt' yaL 
 
 tome' ' p' Li-'yaiyix a'metitca ' 
 then. Was thrown. then alighted the 
 
 peto-lo-lai'yo' ame't'ya 
 his flute. Then went 
 
 bila" yo' hala'tome mo"ts'a hala'rome a'mep'alo 
 the raven. "Ah! Shoot now! Thou next! Shoot now! " Then shot him. 
 
 pale-'lko pe-t'a-'ko ta-li-ye" xwen pesk'a'n taxLa/' 
 Asked him, tied him serpent. Came the hawk and raven. 
 
 tc'a'uye ta-li-ye" ka't'a-pelt'a k'ye'ma yo' k'a' 
 Sought serpent striped. Was seen. "Ah!" said 
 
 pesk'a'n La' yo na t'ma-'lox k'ai'isaiik' 
 
 the hawk raven. "Ah! This thy desire!" Was spied. 
 
 ke't'eyini-k mo-'ts'a yo' me-tco"ka' k'a'tume" 
 
 Shot him. "Thou next! Ah! Be careful! " said then. 
 
 a-na-x y e" yo-lo" k' iyaxlo-'ba ' ts'a'kai" k'a-'tume' 
 
 "Run! Ah! Already comes already that wind!" Said then 
 
 ku'mxa-t'a p'enla-'k'o te'lp'a' p' ye'nt' onoha'k 
 
 "Don't cry! Quick! Hurry! Approach will we! 
 
 k' o'loxlo-ha'k" male-'ntax tumtca'xaL ki-'yaxng' cko-T 
 
 Arrive already we! Remember thy power Come will snake! 
 
 yo' hala'tome mama'mpek t'mi'cik' mult'i'k' 
 
 Ah! Shoot now! . Draw thy knife! Cut him 
 
 packoT yo-lo" 
 
 that snake! Ah!" 
 
 Crow was the guardian of Xui, the murderer of the people. The 
 latter used to kill them by throwing them over the hill where some 
 little black birds would eat them. There was laurel on the hill. 
 Prairie-Falcon and Raven came along looking for Xui in order to 
 kill him. Crow saw them and told Xui that they were there on the 
 hill. "Be quiet now!" said Prairie-Falcon. "Now hit him!" They 
 
 si Told by Jose Cruz, revised by Pedro Encinales, 1910. Cf. Ethnology, p. 
 192; present paper, pp. 93, 110, 112. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 93 
 
 went closer but Xui seized Prairie-Falcon and threw him over his 
 head. But Prairie-Falcon possessed a magical flute and alighted on 
 this without injury. Then Raven came up. "Hit him! It's your 
 turn now ! Hit him ! ' ' Then Raven took good aim and knocked Xui 's 
 head off. 
 
 Then Prairie-Falcon and Raven came in search of the great striped 
 Serpent. They saw him. " Ah !" said they. "This is the fellow we 
 are after!" Prairie-Falcon shot at him but Serpent spied them. 
 "Now it is your turn! Be careful!" cried Prairie-Falcon. Then 
 Raven shot also but they did not kill him. "Run!" yelled Prairie- 
 Falcon. ' ' Here comes Wind ! " So they fled with Wind and Serpent 
 in pursuit. "Don't cry!" said Prairie-Falcon to Raven. "Quick! 
 Hurry! We are getting there! Now we are there! Don't forget 
 your magic ! Here comes the snake ! Hit him. Draw your knife and 
 cut the snake ! That 's the way ! ' ' 
 
 THE MUEDEEEES 32 
 tatcwa-'niL k'tumlo' niacila-'k' tumle-mo' meTya 
 
 Star fell already, morning star from above. When came 
 
 mk'we'L kl-'yax peckVn k'ci't'ijp nat'au'wat' 
 
 to earth came the hawk. Dead this people. 
 
 k' t Vke-lax a'met'auwat' nadio's peta"ko nat'au'wat' 
 Eevived then people. This God made this people. 
 
 t'oL tcxa" ka'ciL xu'i k'satap'ni' ska-'k' 
 
 One rock named Xui had guardian crow. 
 
 p'Li-'xo nat'au'wat' tila'n co-talai" t'ol ticxe'wu 
 Threw them this people to eat. Limestone one his foot 
 
 k'a'k'a 
 sang. 
 
 In the beginning the morning star fell from heaven. When it 
 reached earth then came Prairie-Falcon and found the people dead. 
 Then he revived the people. But it was God who made people. 
 
 There was a rock named Xui who had Crow as guardian. He 
 used to kill people by throwing them over his head so that they might 
 be eaten. And another murderer was a one-footed character of lime- 
 stone who always sang a song before he killed people. 
 
 32 Told by Jose Cruz, revised by Pedro Encinales, 1910. Of. Ethnology, p. 
 192; present paper, pp. 92, 110. 
 
94 . University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 THE KAINMAKEB ss 
 
 cko' ctelua" klicxa-i't 'ic peta-'k le'cxai 
 
 Was old man rain-maker. Made it rain 
 
 me r pa-'lxo a'mti' pa-'tel kospolo'x pestelua" empeta-'ko 
 when wished. Then said Padre, ' ' Seize the old man to make 
 
 lecxai taa' tokolecxa-ita sekot'ak' takoxwete-lek 
 
 rain now! If not rains now tie him, and punish him. 
 
 tikotep'eL titc'a" ta'koxwete-lek k'ts'ep' take'metumka-'s 
 If not fill of water, to punish him. " "Is good, I try 
 
 a'a/mko amk'a-k'a tamtump' pai' tumle-'m 
 
 if can." Then sang, then came cloud in sky. 
 
 a-mt'uk' pet'e'lo-wa' a'mtuxwen tume' belicxai 
 
 Then thundered the thunder. Then came then the rain 
 
 k'atapNe-xe' beli'cxai kera ko'luwa' tamtep'ena-t'eL 
 
 hard. The rain no not late. Then filled them 
 
 bepale-'lten t'ma-'xo bepa-'tei, kma-la'k' pestelua" 
 
 the barrels that placed the Padre. Told the old man 
 
 m petc'e-ko pali'cxai k'la-uwi' tamte' toku'ka-luxten 
 
 to stop it that rain. Left it. Then said that not wish again, 
 
 ke'ra' k Vlop' lo-'va ' 
 no enough already! 
 
 Long ago there was an old shaman who had a reputation as a rain- 
 maker who could make rain whenever he wished. One year there 
 was a long drought and the Padre of the Mission said, ' ' We will test 
 his powers." He gave orders that the old man should be caught and 
 brought before him. Then he said to him, "If you do not make it 
 rain so that it will fill these barrels I will have you tied and whipped. ' ' 
 " It is good, " replied the shaman, " I will try. " Then he sang. Soon 
 the sky became overcast with clouds and it thundered. Then came 
 the rain furiously ; it did not delay long. The barrels which the 
 Padre had placed were filled quickly. Then he told the man to stop 
 the rain. And it stopped. "We do not wish any more," he said. 
 "No, there is enough already!" 
 
 THE MOUNTAIN LION HUNT 34 
 ke'se-Zfcotene hak' peta'ka ka-'mpo ta'maiyaL 
 
 Fence-making we, made camp. Then went, 
 
 me-'cxai petcamna'xo hak' t'oL at' ta'mat'uina-'pik 
 morning. Felled it we one oak. Then sawed it up. 
 
 Told by Pedro Encinales, 1916. Cf. Ethnology, p. 195. 
 Told by Pedro Encinales, 1910. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 95 
 
 ptVkofna- hak< baVt' a'maxt 'e-lix po-'lpola 
 
 Bored we that oak. Then inserted powder, 
 
 a-'mat'oka' a'mf axatcnap tamataksta-'nte ta'maco-'me 
 
 then lighted, then split. Then made posts. Then shouted. 
 
 ta'mexapik peta'ko hak< k' co-'luk' tene ta'mat'ek 
 
 Then dug; made we holes. Then inserted 
 
 pesta-'nte ta'mamat'ux ta-'maxtelektume ba.ala-'mbre 
 
 the posts. Then tamped. Then fastened next the wire. 
 
 amko'molop' hak' tup' ta-'taLxwa-Lnai ' ta-'maiya-L 
 
 Then quit we from the our work. Then went 
 
 tumta't' ka-'mpo ta'makaxau ta-'mecxai' a-'matak 
 
 to our camp, then slept. Then dawned, then made 
 
 ta-'lemxat ta'maLamxaLtume ko'molop' hak' tala'mxaL 
 our food. Then ate next, finished we to eat. 
 
 a'met'ya pe'a's tumak' t' u'Lne ptsVko tax pete-'etco 
 Then went the son to hill, observed it and the his dog 
 
 sai'yu k'a'se ko't'konax i-n tumake'u besai'u 
 
 eagle nesting. Not arrived yet to where the eagle. 
 
 ta'miyema' peta-'muL xo't'up' ka-s tupek'ci-'kat'i' 
 
 Than saw the puma. Passed only on the slope. 
 
 a'mpama-t'ko peti-'itco ampco'la-t'ko tet'oL at' 
 
 Then chased him the his dog. Then treed him up one oak. 
 
 kyo'xun pete-'etco a'mt'yax pa'a's ptsVeko 
 
 Barked the his dog. Then came that son, sought him. 
 
 ta^mp' ya-'mo ta-'muL t a/m P' amesak ta-'me-ya te-ts'e'k' 
 Then saw him puma. Then called me. Then went to see; 
 
 ke'konax i-n ta-'mulox peta-'muL k'na-'ye' a x pama-'t'ko 
 not I arrived yet. Then sprang the puma. Ban. Then chased him 
 
 te-'etco pama-'t'ko tumta-'ke ta-'kata tampuwe-'nt' xo 
 
 the his dog. Chased him to within woods. Then returned. 
 
 ta-^mp'cola-'at'koten me-yo" baaT ta-'raamesik ba'a's 
 Then treed him again same that oak. Then called him the son. 
 
 ke'ra ko'xoye' ampake-'no hek' tetipt'e'nlo 
 
 No, not answered. Then thought I that wounded already 
 
 tupeta'muL ta-'met 'iyinek tameka-'cak' mek' ta-'mulo-xten 
 
 by the puma. Then shot him. Then missed him. Then sprang again. 
 
 a'met'ya ki- a'mt'yak pexu'tc pama-'t'ko 
 
 Then went, went. Then went the dog. Chased him. 
 
 kok' te Vp' LO pexo'tc tax peta-'muL ko'met'ik'Lo 
 
 Was tired already the dog and the puma. Not ran already. 
 
 tax pexo'tc peta-'muL p'k'e'pot'a'u t'yax pexo'tc 
 
 And the dog the puma followed him. Went the dog. 
 
96 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 peta-'muL ta- v mpcola-'t' koten me-yo" bea't' bekeyuco'tcoL 
 The puma then treed again same the oak the where climbed. 
 
 ta-'mamesikten ba'a's ta-'mxo-yi' ta'mtuxweN ta-'menek' 
 Then called him again the son. Then replied, then came. Then said, 
 
 met'eyine'k ta'mt'ye' ke'ra' skl'tana naha'k' 
 
 "Shoot him!" Then went. No, small this rifle. 
 
 ko't' uxapta' bata-'muL met 'eyine-'k' mo' ta-'met 'eyinek 
 Not dead that puma. "Shoot him, thou!" Then shot him, 
 
 ta-'mtoM 
 then fell 
 
 tume' 
 then. Killed 
 
 pa-'mkohak' 
 him we then. 
 
 
 tume 
 Then carried 
 
 
 ta'mama- 
 
 tumta'm 
 to house. 
 
 ta'malau 
 Then removed 
 
 / j i 
 
 his hide. Then 
 
 ta-'mayopik' tume 
 
 staked it then. 
 
 ta'mamaa 
 Then carried 
 
 ;t'umholo'N p'xanse-' 
 to Jolon, sold it we 
 
 ko hak' 
 the Redmond. 
 
 bere'dmond. 
 
 We were making fence-posts and made a camp. One morning we 
 went and felled an oak tree. We sawed it into lengths and bored 
 holes in it. Then we put powder in the holes and set it off. It split 
 and then we made posts of it. Then we dug holes in the ground and 
 put the posts in. We tamped the posts and fastened the wire on 
 them. Then we left the work and went to our camp to sleep. 
 
 The next day we made breakfast and ate it. When we had finished 
 my son went up on the hill with his dog to see an eagle which was 
 nesting there. Before they arrived where the eagle was they saw 
 the mountain-lion passing by on the slope. The dog chased him and 
 treed him in an oak. The dog barked so that my son came after him. 
 Then he saw the mountain-lion and called to me. I also went to see 
 but before I arrived there the lion jumped and ran with the dog after 
 him. He chased him into the woods and back again and treed him 
 again in the same oak. Then I called to my son but he did not answer 
 and I thought he had been wounded by the lion. Then I shot but 
 missed him and he sprang again and again the dog chased him. The 
 dog was tired but still followed the lion and treed him again in the 
 same oak he had climbed before. Then I called to my son again and 
 he answered and came. "Shoot him!" he cried and I did so, but my 
 rifle was very small and I did not kill him. "You shoot him!" I 
 cried and the boy shot him. Then he fell ; we killed him. We carried 
 him to the house and skinned him. We staked the hide and dried it 
 and then we carried it to Jolon and sold it to Mr. Redmond. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 97 
 
 A FOEEST FIEE 35 
 
 septie'mbre ta-'mticko' ta'a'u' ketca/ ko-'mai'ye 
 
 September, then was fire great. Began 
 
 rumceme-'ni ' ta'mt'konax peta'taa-'wo p'neti'lt'ek 
 
 in Eeliz Canon. Then came the our boss. Brought us, 
 
 he'nrl dan ba.a's tax bet'o's ta'maiya-L kLa'pai 
 Henry Dunn, that son and the younger brother. Then went three 
 
 tenuwa-na" ta-'makonnox tumtika-'ko bela'k' ta'ts'e'k' 
 of morning. Then arrived to its summit the ground to see 
 
 peta'a'u' ke'ra ka-'kaxau ta-'kalamhaL ta ke'ra 
 
 the fire. No, not slept and not ate and no 
 
 ta-'k'es k'ecxai'yaL hak' gas tupeco-'k'a ku-'wate 
 blankets. Dawned we only in the gully. Bad! 
 
 tax kesimo'n ka'stro lu'is sko'sya tax pe'a's 
 And the Simon Castro, Luis Seocia and the son 
 
 k'Lo'xLano r ce' hak' ka'mxot'e raxo't'Lop' tup'tateY 
 
 burnt almost. We not able to pass by the smoke. 
 
 ta'mackoL' k'e-'Lp'a hak' ka-'ke-nilu ' ralo'xLa 
 
 Then were, halted we. Thought already that burn. 
 
 ke'ra ka-'mxote taxo't'Lop' k'Lu'walu snWkai 
 
 No, not able to pass. Long already night. 
 
 ta'mxot'up' peta'a'u' ke'ra ka'lamhaL ta'maiyaM 
 
 Then passed the fire. No, not ate. Then saw 
 
 cwa"N ski'ntai' ta'macaxt 'e- 'lik' yolo' ta'lamxat'be 
 
 fishes small. Then ate them, it already our food the 
 
 ta-me'ta met'o'L to-'kena 'ten ' me'smakai' ta'm'alamhaL 
 until on one day again. When night then ate; 
 
 ko'nlox hak' tumt&'tfkampo ko'neL hak tup' ta'a'u' 
 arrived we to our camp. Escaped we from the fire. 
 
 ts'ep tat'ca-'kai adio's ta'a'u' 
 Good our sleep. Good-bye, fire! 
 
 In September there was a great forest fire which began in Reliz 
 Canon. Our boss, Henry Dunn, came and got me, my son and my 
 younger brother. We went at three o'clock in the morning and 
 arrived at the ridge and saw the fire. We did not sleep and had 
 nothing to eat and no blankets. When it dawned we were alone in 
 the gully; it was very bad. Simon Castro, Luis Seocia and my son 
 were almost burnt to death for we were unable to pass through, the 
 
 35 Told by Pedro Encinales, 1910; University of California Museum of Anthro- 
 pology, phonograph record, 14-1583. 
 
98 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 smoke. We were halted and thought that we would be burnt for we 
 were unable to pass. After a long night the fire passed by. We had 
 nothing to eat but at last saw some little fishes and ate them. That 
 was all we had until the next day. At night we ate and returned 
 to our homes, having escaped from the fire. And we had a good 
 sleep. Good bye, fire ! 
 
 A TEIP TO SAN FEANCISCO se 
 
 leya'x tumte-'ma ko-'maiyu hek' tumxolo' n 
 
 When came to my house left I from Jolon. 
 
 ta-'maiyan peta-'meko aketa-'sona me'san ta-'maiyam 
 Then saw the my friend. What his name this? Mason. Then saw 
 
 me'san petcau'waiik me'konax k'o'nxa-16 ta'mp' yemet 'ik 
 Mason. Was met. When arrived late already. Then saw me, 
 
 ma-'t'ik tumte-'mo ko'nlox hak' tumta-'M p' ma-'t'ik 
 took me to his house. Arrived we to house. Took me 
 
 maswida' tats'ek pets'enli' p'ya'mhek' xai'ya' 
 
 to city to see the amusements; saw I many 
 
 t'a'uwut' p'ma-H'e'k ta-'mekonax make'u ts'enll' 
 
 people. Took me. Then arrived to where amusements 
 
 ketca"ten le-ta'no sma'kai ta'maiya-L tup'ta-'m 
 
 great. Half night then came to the house. 
 
 tame-'cxai' ta'metaLxwaLtenax t'oL to-'kena' snia'kai 
 
 Then morning then worked one day. Night 
 
 ta'tsaiyaL umswida' maa'tak heyo" ta'ts'aiyaL 
 
 to go to city. Took me he. Went 
 
 me-'cxai' tumta-'m k' ta'lxualtenax hak' t'ol 
 
 at morning to house, worked we one 
 
 to-'kena me'sniakai ta'tsaiyaL tats'e'k ts'enll' 
 
 day. At night to go to see amusements. 
 
 me'cxai' ta'tsak'e-lp'a tamk'mai'ya hek' tumt'o'Lten pwe'blo 
 
 In morning returned. Then went I to one again town, 
 
 o'kland ko'kcu a'maiya-L tumpa' ta'tsak 'e-'lpa 
 
 Oakland, two then went there. Then returned 
 
 me'sniakai tumta-'m kl'yaLhak' me'sniakai tats'e-'k 
 
 at night to house. Went we at night to see 
 
 pets'enli krsaliriya'M stiyo'wanlax 
 the amusements. All to see beautiful! 
 
 When your messenger came to my house I started from Jolon. On 
 arriving in San Francisco I met my friend what's his name? 
 
 36 Told by Pedro Encinales, 1910 ; University of California Museum of Anthro- 
 pology, phonograph record, 14-1582. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salman Indians 99 
 
 Mason ; I met Mason. He met me. It was already late when I arrived. 
 Then he took me to his house ; we arrived there. Then he took me to 
 the city to. see the amusements ; I saw many people. We came to where 
 there were great amusements. At midnight we returned to the house. 
 In the morning we worked all day and at night he took me to the city 
 again. In the morning we went again to the house and worked all 
 day. At night we went to see the amusements again and returned in 
 the morning. The next day we two went to another town, Oakland and 
 at night returned to the house. That night we went again to see the 
 amusements and saw them all; they were beautiful. 
 
 IOY AND BLUEJAY37 
 
 yoi tax pa-t'o-'so skl-'tana pewi-tcele" kmai'yaL 
 loy and that her younger brother small the bluejay lived 
 
 tumpa' t'oL smak'ai kiya'xteL pekci'tLip' 
 
 there. One night came the dead. 
 
 k'o-'mat'iirik t'oL se-'wo-t yoi pelits'e' k 'o-'matiliik' 
 Was bought one their wife. loy the woman purchased 
 
 t'eheyo't' pexe'nes ket'xai'ya' tupekce'tLep' cko" 
 
 by them. The beads possessed by the dead were 
 
 tenotili" t'eheyo" kLu'waw 8 le-1 nasma'kai tumpa' 
 to give for her. Married already this night there.. 
 
 ta-'mto'okenatume' ta'mt'ya heyo" pewi-tcile" cko- 
 
 Then day next then went she. The bluejay was 
 
 tumpa' me't'oL lice" ta'mt'e ki-he'k' tiitc'a-'u 
 
 there for one year. Then said, " Go I to seek 
 
 pepe-' ketca/ pale'lko t'oLt'ya' tupetikaT et pa-'lxo 
 the elder sister large." Asked one every of the trees. Wished 
 
 tp'ye'mo akeH'eke'o heyo" peka'xap ki- 
 
 to know, "What his place he the dead?" Went 
 
 tupi-'kilentxo pale'lko t'oLt 'ya' tupekca'xtene ke'ta' 
 to return. Asked him one every of the birds. No, 
 
 ko-'set'aiik heyo" pale'lko t'uxwe'nto t'oL tcxa" 
 not answered. He asked finally one rock. 
 
 heyo" pse-'ko heyo" ma-'hak' peti'cxa' ta'maaf 
 He told him he, ' ' Give me the money, then carry 
 
 mo' tumpa" pxai'iko ta'maaf tumpa" maatela'uo 
 thee there!" Paid him, then carried there, carried him 
 
 pekei'tLlip' petcxa" tax pewi-tcile" kya'xteL tet'oL 
 the dead. The rock and the bluejay came to one 
 
 37 Translated by Pedro Encinales, 1910. Cf . Boas, Chinook Texts, p. 161 ; 
 Kroeber, The Yokuts Language, present series, n, 275; The Washo Language, 
 iv, 303. 
 
100 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 temai-'ic ke'ta' tateT t s petama-'niL a'mt'ya-'L 
 
 village. No smoke from the houses. Then went 
 
 petixapi'cxo ta' m peketca-'le-'lo ta-'m a-m heyo" 
 the last house the large already house. Then he 
 
 p'ya-'ma tate't tumpa' a-m heyo" ki- t'uma' 
 saw smoke there. Then he went there. 
 
 ta^mp'ya-'mo peape'u ketca-' a: pet'o's skl-'tana 
 Then saw her the his elder sister large. "Ah! the younger brother little!" 
 
 heyo" pse-'eko heyo" akeme-'naxta umka'xap' mo' 
 
 She told him he, "Whence thou comest now? Art dead thou?" 
 
 heyo" ksa ke'ra' ka'xap' petcxa" maat'ak 
 
 He said, "No, not dead. The rock carried me 
 
 tuwi' xtiteV'ma ta-^mpo'maiyeu tope'lextLo t'oLt'ya' 
 here on back!" Then began to open one every 
 
 tupet'ama-'niL t'oLt'y*/ tupeta-'m kap' xe'na-teL axa-kten' 
 of the houses. One every of the house was full bones! 
 
 t'oL ta-"ko ka'xap' t'oLke'u tupeape'u ketcg/ 
 
 One head dead near place of the his elder sister large. 
 
 heyo" pse-'ko heyo" tast'ma'lox tum.e'tak' 
 
 He told her, "What thy desire to do 
 
 naaxa-'ten tena t 'axa'ko 
 these bones of these heads?" 
 
 Toy and her younger brother Blue jay lived together. One night 
 the ghosts came to buy a wife and Toy was the woman they purchased. 
 They gave their beads for her. That night she was married there and 
 the next day they took her away with them. Blue jay lived alone for 
 a year and then he got lonely and said, "I will go and seek my elder 
 sister." So he inquired of every one of the trees, wanting to know, 
 "Where do people go when they die?" But they could not tell him. 
 So he returned and asked every one of the birds. But they could not 
 inform him either. At last he asked a rock which said to him, ' ' Give 
 me your money and I will carry you there." So Blue jay paid him 
 all his money and the rock carried him to the country of the dead. 
 The rock and Bluejay came to a village. But there was no smoke 
 coming out of the houses. They went to the large house at the end of 
 the village and there he saw smoke. So he went in and there was his 
 elder sister. "Ah!" she said. "It is my little brother! How did 
 you get here? Are you dead?" "No," he replied. "I am not dead. 
 This rock carried me here on his back. ' ' Then he began to open every 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salman Indians 101 
 
 one of the houses. And every one was full of bones ! One skull was 
 very close to his elder sister. So he said to her, "What do you want 
 me to do with these bones and skulls?" 
 
 THE ELK 38 
 
 k'Lu-'walu k'o-'lap xwan ane'w 8 tax pemarm 
 Long ago very Juan his grandmother and the Maria. 
 
 p'se-'ko ki'ya-te' tetye' teta'mt'e ta.a'c ki-'sile 
 
 Told him always to go to hunt the elk. Every 
 
 too'kana' kl tupa'mkneLko acte'n pt'i'kaxo ki'ya-te' 
 day went to kill them elk. Killed them always 
 
 Lk'a'neL pt'e'kaxo ki'ya-te' cumk'o'm' t'a-CNe'L 
 
 coyotes; killed them always squirrels. Some 
 
 me pt'e'kaxo sk'almo'k' pa-'mko tet'ya" tetamte 
 times killed mice! Could to go to hunt 
 
 ki-'ya-te' ki-ten met'oLten ta'mticko' tupela'k' heyo" 
 always. Went again on one again. Then was on the land. He 
 
 kVmes yax tika'mpo acne'L k'a-'ltena' hak' 
 
 cried, "Come to field, Elk! Fight we, 
 
 k'pa'La hak' peta-'take kiya'x tumtce'N cko' t'oL 
 dance we!" The something came to outside. Was one 
 
 map' naluwa' yo' pse-'ko pemap' heyo" ke'ta' 
 
 rabbit! This man he told the rabbit he, "No! 
 
 k'e'etak'a pet'mi'ck'oLet ki-c kutca'i, pet'aa'ko 
 
 Not I called thee! The thy ears resemble spoons, the its handle 
 
 k'wa-'keLta pema'p' xa-'ta a-'mt'ya tump'a-'wu 
 
 long! ' ' The rabbit wept. Then went to other side 
 
 ta-'kata xa-'ta pema'p' ta'mamesten kiyaxte'L 
 
 woods. Wept the rabbit. Then cried again, "Come 
 
 tuwitcen tup&ka-'mpo o acte'n 
 
 to here outside, to that field, O Elk!" 
 
 Long, long ago Juan lived with his grandmother Maria. She always 
 told him to go and hunt elk. Every day he went out to kill elk, but he 
 always killed only coyotes and squirrels. Sometimes he killed mice. 
 But nevertheless he always went out to hunt. One day he went again 
 to the hunting country and cried, "Come on out into the open, Elk! 
 We will fight and dance ! ' ' Then something came out of the woods ; 
 it was a rabbit ! Then the man said to the rabbit, ' ' I didn 't call you ! 
 Your ears are like spoons with long handles ! ' ' Then the rabbit wept 
 
 38 Translated by Pedro Encinales, 1910. 
 
102 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 and went into the woods again. But Juan remained and cried again, 
 ' ' Come on out into the open, Elk ! ' ' 
 
 ^ 
 
 THE FIGHT 39 
 
 t'oL k'weL t'i-y 8 ' teVmt'e tetaa" amp'ya-'m 
 One time went to hunt of deer. Then saw 
 
 hek' t'ol t'aa/' kas ko'p' yemeT ak pa-ke'n hek' 
 I one deer. Only not saw me. Think I 
 
 tuko'p' me-sowaiik me'nak'o petsa-kai" sexo-mo" pet'eyine'k 
 that not was smelled because the wind was bad. Shot him 
 
 hek' taa/' t' u P' xa 'k' pet'eyine'k hek' umtexiwai'yo 
 I deer with the bow. Shot him I in his heart. 
 
 amki-' hek' tuma' ta-'mo-maiyi' to'o't'iitina-pik 
 
 Then went I there. Then began to cut him up. 
 
 pesno'xo hek' ksa-'teL tuma' t'ick'ema'L peksa-'teL 
 Heard I speaking there. Tulareiios the speakers. 
 
 kya'maNeLak' heyo-'t' a'memet'ik' tumak'e-'nax t'upe 
 Not saw me they. Then ran to where came to the 
 
 a'teloi ka'ctakonax make'u pa'a'teloi ampse-'ko hek^ 
 friend. When arrived to him that friend then told him I 
 
 heyo" a'teloi pa-ke'n hek' tet'i fi'ck'e-maL 
 
 him, "Friend, think I to be Tularenos 
 
 pekya'xt'eL t'iha'k' pt'a'kixo hak' heyo-T tarn 
 
 the comers to us! Kill them we them!" Then 
 
 pa'a'teloi pse-'hak heyo" ' n pt'a-'kixo hak' 
 
 that friend told me he, "Yes! Kill them we! 
 
 k'tce'henmilak hak' heyo-'t' se xai'ya t'an hak' 
 Are brave we! They are many and we 
 
 se ko'kcu kas kasko'f amai' ta-pt'a'k'taiax kaske'ra' 
 
 are two only. But not able to kill us! Only no, 
 
 ko'tce-henmilak pa-ke'nohe'k' t'eheyo'f ksa'ktox 
 
 not are brave! Think I that they afraid 
 
 ma'yomalt'ai'ik' pe.a'teloi pse-'hak heyo" ta-m hak' 
 when are seen! " The friend told me he. Then we 
 
 ka'cil t'oo'ke k'a-'t' ta-m petxa'u hek' petice'ko 
 seated into brush. Then had I the his knife 
 
 pa'a'teloi ma-'kit' ohek' ta-cNe'L t' upete't 'eyitinai ' t'oL 
 
 that friend, gave him I some of the arrows. One 
 
 t'ick'e'M kya'x t'umt'ewa-'ko pek'a-' a'mpet'eyineko 
 
 Tulareno came to beside the us. Then shot him 
 
 39 Translated by Pedro Eneinales, 1910 ; Cf . Kroeber, The Washo Language, 
 present series, iv, 302. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 103 
 
 hak' heyo" ta'met 'eyinek coke'nto t' ampa 'a'teloi 
 
 we him. Then shot him his eye. Then that friend 
 
 pet 'eyine-'ko pet'i'peno t' a^mkitcamnox ka'xap' a-'memet 'ik< 
 shot him the his belly. Then fell dead. Then ran 
 
 umke'o heyo" polt'e-'ko hek' tup't'i'cik pet'a-'ko 
 to where he. Cut it I with the knife the his head. 
 
 ta'mtyaxte^L pet'i'ckema r L t'oma t' a- x momai'ye ' tak Vltena ' 
 Then came the Tularefios there. Then began to fight! 
 
 pet 'eyitinek' hak' a'met 'eyinek' t'oL t'eheyo't' 
 
 Shot them we. Then shot one of them. 
 
 ta^mame'sik heyo-'t' yaxte'L . ke'ra' ka-'suxtax mom 
 Then cried them, "Come! No, not afraid you! 
 
 nao-m k'o'k'a-mko tuko't 'eyine-t' ax t'upe t'ko'tMyinai 
 You not able to shoot us with the your arrows! 
 
 pet'eyine-'t'kam hak' ka'xatep mo-'mta' pse-'t'ko 
 
 Shoot you we! Dead you soon!" Told them 
 
 hek' tel.i-'n k'tsVktox tupesk'a-'mo k' ts Vktoxak' 
 
 I while yet were afraid to the near. Feared me 
 
 pa-'mko keti' hak' ko'kculo teheyo-'t' t'oL 
 
 killed because we two already of them. One 
 
 t'eheyo-'f pet 'eyine-'ko ksa' pe'a'teloi k'ma'Ltox 
 
 of them shot him very the friend. Jumped 
 
 hak' kVk'ot'na-'pelt'e hak' ta'mt'yax petet 'o-'iyiN 
 
 we, dodged we. Then came the arrows 
 
 t'et'ewai'yu ki-'sile pa'a'teloi pt'e'kaxo hak' t'oL 
 to his side all that friend. Killed we one 
 
 ticke-'m t'ya' t'iha'k ta'mamet'Lik mask'a-'mkeu 
 
 Tularefio each of us. Then ran to near him. 
 
 ta-'m.met' Lik tumatce'N k'e-'po-t'ilau hak' heyo-'t' 
 
 Then ran to distance. Followed them we them. 
 
 ko'xom'tela' kasp'a'mko hak' k'i'ca' t'eheyo-T xai'ya' 
 Escaped they but killed we four of them. Many 
 
 heyo-'t' pake-'no hek' tet'o'e t^-ma" ta'mauLt'ek' 
 they. Think I that ten men. Then cut 
 
 kl-'sile' petaxa'ko peki'ca' tama/ n ' ka'xatep' pa'a'teloi 
 all the their heads the four men dead. That friend 
 
 k'e'nai' me-'no ta-'m'oma-iyi' tai'ya'L tumta-'m 
 
 wounded his hand. Then began to go to house. 
 
 ta-'maiya-L t' umat' a-'t' e-ma t'a'pa'tna 
 Then came to our houses, and danced. 
 
104 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 Once I went out to hunt deer. I saw one and he didn't see me. I 
 think he didn't smell me because the wind was blowing the other way. 
 So I shot him with my bow and arrow. I got him in the heart. Then I 
 went up to him and began to cut him up. But while I was busy there 
 I heard somebody speak. It was a party of Tulareilos who were speak- 
 ing. But they didn't see me. So I ran back to where I had left my 
 friend and said to him, ' ' Friend, I think that there are some Tulareiios 
 coming up to us. Let 's kill them ! ' ' And my friend replied, ' ' Yes, we 
 can kill them all right ! We are brave men. They are many and we 
 are only two but just the same they won't be able to kill us! They 
 aren't brave; I think they'll be afraid when they see us." That's 
 what my friend said to me. 
 
 So we went into the brush. I took my friend 's knife and I gave him 
 some of my arrows. Then one of the Tulareiios came near us and we 
 shot him. I shot him in the eye and my friend hit him in the belly. 
 He fell dead and I ran up to him and cut his head off with my knife. 
 Then the other Tularenos came up and we began to fight. We shot at 
 them and hit one of them. Then I yelled out, "Come on ! We aren't 
 afraid of you ; you can't shoot us with your arrows ! We'll shoot you ; 
 you'll all be dead pretty soon." That was what I said to them while 
 they were afraid to come close. They were afraid because we had 
 killed two of them already. One of them kept shooting at my friend. 
 But we jumped and dodged and all the arrows passed by on the side. 
 Then each of us killed another Tulareiio and ran up to them. Then 
 they fled to a distance and we followed them. The rest of them 
 escaped but we killed four of them. They were very many; I think 
 there were ten men. 
 
 Then we cut off the heads of the four slain men and then started 
 out for our house. My friend was wounded in the hand. And when 
 we came to the house we had a great celebration and dance. 
 
 DIALECT OF SAN MIGUEL 
 THE BEGINNING OF THE WOELD *o 
 
 letetaha'pu wela-'k' t' a'miyax-olap V ta'mico-L 
 
 When made was the earth then came the sea. Then rose 
 
 tot'op'o'iya xolap'e" ke'kaxosna'it' o ' t'up'o'iya ketc'a" 
 
 to the mountain the sea. Was the eagle then mountain great. 
 
 40 Told by Maria Ocarpia, 1916. Said to be version of San Antonio. Of. Ethn- 
 ology, 190; present paper, pp. 81, 83. 
 
1918] Mason : The Language of the Salinan Indians 105 
 
 ta'meyexotc' ene" ta'meyaxhot' a 'muL ta'met'e't hosna'f 
 
 Then came the old woman. Then came the puma; then said the eagle, 
 
 umta-'net' Me'cax patalok'e' hopVta'L tamet'e't 
 
 "Wilt thou give thy whiskers? Lassoo it I the basket." Then said 
 
 tot'a-xwe'n' xosna'i ne"cxo' ta'mepetak tuhela'k' 
 
 to the dove the eagle, "Fetch earth!" Then made of the earth 
 
 hosna'i ta'mepetakto lene" toteta'p'koL la'pai 
 
 the eagle. Then made did woman of elder, three 
 
 a'metetaxap ho'lene" a'mepuxumk' uwa'p' ta'mete't 
 
 then made the woman. Then entered in sweat house. Then said 
 
 hockVn' ni"hoti'tc'e-lak yikV we'amas ki-' ma'a'u 
 the hawk, "Fetch the barsalillo! Go!" The coyote went bring 
 
 hotc'e-'lak kera" ku-" w huwu 'titc 'e-lak ta'mekik' et' u ' 
 
 the barsalillo. "No! Not is my barsalillo!" Then went did, 
 
 keno-'lk' e'to ' tamepeta'ko lama-'ta komoleple" hot'epo-'t' 
 sweated did. Then made bower, finished the people 
 
 totenake't' o ' ta'metetai p 'e'nap 'e ' 
 made did. Then made fiesta. 
 
 The old Woman of the Sea was jealous of Eagle and wished to be 
 more powerful than he. So she came towards him with her basket in 
 which she carried the sea. Continually she poured the water out of 
 the basket until it covered all the land. It rose nearly to the top of 
 Santa Lucia Peak where were gathered Eagle and the other animals. 
 Then Eagle said to Puma, "Lend me your whiskers to lassoo the 
 basket." He made a lariat out of the whiskers of Puma and lassoed 
 the basket. Then the sea ceased rising and the old woman died. 
 
 Then said Eagle to Dove, "Fetch some earth!" Then Eagle made 
 the world of the mud brought by the dove. Then he took three sticks 
 of elder and formed from these a woman and two men. But still they 
 had no life. They all entered the sweat-house. Then said Prairie- 
 Falcon, "Fetch my barsalillo! Coyote went to bring it but brought a 
 load of different wood. " No ! " said Prairie-Falcon. ' ' That is not my 
 barsalillo/' and Coyote had to go again. Then they all sweated. After 
 sweating the eagle blew on the elder-wood people and they lived. Then 
 they made a bower of branches and held a great fiesta. 
 
 THE THEFT OF FIEE 4i 
 
 sa'nenexoc-kYn ho'toxwa't'o' hockVn wa'lual' t'a'so' 
 Married the hawk, the mother-in-law his the hawk bullbat, her name. 
 
 tc'ine" p'a'lxo' tepokot 'hoto ' hot'e-le'm' ta'miye 
 
 Old woman wished to kill him did the son-in-law. Then went 
 
 4i Told by Maria Ocarpia, 1916. Cf. p. 82. 
 
106 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 hockVn peta"ko' hot'iope" he'kV totoxwa-'to' 
 
 the hawk made her the grubs. Said to his mother-in-law. 
 
 ta'miye hockVn hosene /u ' ki-' ne'ij' ho.e'xo' 
 
 Then went the hawk the his wife, "Go bring the her mother. " 
 
 kit'o' p'i'cxo't tiope" ta'melicxai ta'miyex hotc'ene" 
 Went did, ate they grubs. Then rained, then came the old woman 
 
 ta'xo p'aso umte-mo" ta'metekamkua'pi hosna'i' 
 
 and the her child to her house. Then were in sweat-house the eagle 
 
 ta'xohelk 'a' tamecmak' ai't' o ' umkwa'p' 1 li'cxaifo' 
 
 and the coyote. Then darkened did in sweat -house. Eained did 
 
 kite' a/' ta'mexwent' o ' tc'ine" ake'laxa mak'e'weL 
 
 great. Then came did old woman. "Where door?" "To north." 
 
 ake'laxa map'xa'nol laxa'M ta'met'e't hotc'ene" 
 
 "Where door?" "To south door." Then said the old woman, 
 
 hi'k'a'no" klk'e" neu'ke' lap'e" tamet' ikat' o ' 
 
 "Swear now, go I, bring I sea!" Then was then 
 
 le'cxai ke'rako'p' ecxai ta'metetaka wetelo" yikV 
 
 rain; no, not dawned. Then told martin, "Go 
 
 rnnle'm o't'ika hotc'anone" me-'n' ta'menact'o' 
 
 aloft if is the light." Went, then returned did, 
 
 ta'metet ha-' keka' tc'anone' no" he'ka' hosnaT 
 then said, "Yes, is light." "Good!" said the eagle. 
 
 yike'wesna'k ni' t'a'a'u' wesnak ta'metiko'nox 
 
 "Go the kangaroo-rat, bring fire the kangaroo-rat." Then arrived 
 
 hosna"k cme-"L tot'a'a'u' ta'mecap hot'uma'u' 
 
 the kangaroo-rat, beaten of the fire. Then extinguished the cargo. 
 
 ta'mexwenosna''kto' ta'metet yikVto' xo-"mi kl-'to' 
 Then arrived the kangaroo-rat did. Then told, ' ' Go roadrunner ! ' ' Went did 
 
 OXO"MI pa-'xo ta'a'u' t'ucma-'i' a'mexwento' 
 
 the roadrunner. Put it fire in cheeks. Then arrived did, 
 
 ta'meteta'k kera" ko'xwen k'u'tex tulama'u w 
 
 then said, "No, not arrived." Eemained with food. 
 
 ta'metetak howe-telo" yiki'umle-'m ta'met' okono'xo- 
 
 Then told the martin, ' ' Go aloft ! ' ' Then arrived 
 
 hosa-'xe ki ne'ij' ta'a'u' t'a'miyex hotc'anone" 
 
 the bird, went brought fire. Then came the light. 
 
 hosa-'xe ma 'aumt' ee'lko ' ta'a'u' p'ecxa'ito' xa'ta 
 
 The bird carried _in his beak fire. Dawned did; wept 
 
 hot'a'muL ta'mete V osnaT mi'yo'k fumxa-'ta yi'ke" 
 the puma. Then said the eagle, "Why thy weeping? Go 
 
 tc'a'u taa'V akiti" p'oxe'm' omtipo-'t 'tecko" 
 
 hunt deer!" "How make sinew?" "Thou not human art! 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salman Indians 107 
 
 ma-mo'c hot'me'ma't tamexa-'ta hoto-xo"tu' komxa-'ta 
 Preserve the thy meat." Then wept the wolf did. "Don't weep! 
 
 yike' tc'a'u-' humui" aketi' puxe'm' omtipo't' 
 
 Go hunt the antelope !" "How make sinew?" " Thou not human 
 
 ti'cko mi'cax timi't'ik mixa-'tato' xo-peNe'L 
 
 art! Eat running!" And wept did the vulture. 
 
 tc Vuhopa'mat aketihopoxe'm ' mi'caxka ta'meteto 
 
 ' ' Seek the carrion ! " " How make the sinew ? " " Eat only ! ' ' Them told did 
 
 'elk 'a yike" aketihopoxe'm' mepe'noxka 
 
 coyote, "Go!" "How make the sinew?" "Gulp only!" 
 
 Long ago when all the animals were people Prairie-Falcon was 
 married and his mother-in-law was Bullbat. She wished to kill her 
 son-in-law. Prairie-Falcon went out to make her some grubs to eat, 
 as the animals in this time could make whatever they wanted. Then 
 he said to his wife, "The grubs are ready; bring your mother." So 
 they went and ate grubs. Then it began to rain and the old woman 
 and her daughter returned to the house. 
 
 Eagle and Coyote were in the sweat-house when it became dark 
 and rained hard; the old woman couldn't find the door in the dark- 
 ness. 413 ' ' Where is the door f " she asked. ' ' To the north ! ' ' But she 
 could not find it. ''Where is the door?" she demanded again. "To 
 the south!" Then the old woman became furiously angry and said, 
 ' ' I swear I will go and bring the sea ! ' ' And she went away. 
 
 Many days passed and it did not dawn but rained continually. 
 Then said Eagle to Martin, "Fly up to see if there is any light." 
 Martin flew high in the sky and finally returned and said, "Yes, there 
 is light." "Good!" said Eagle. "Go, Kangaroo-rat and bring it!" 
 Kangaroo-rat went and stole some fire from those who were guarding 
 it. They fought with him but he wrapped the fire around him with a 
 white bandage. On this account he still has a white band around his 
 body. But the fire went out during the long journey and Kangaroo- 
 rat arrived fruitless. Then said Eagle, "Go thou, Roadrunner!" 
 Eoadrunner went and secured the fire and put it in his cheeks. But 
 he liked it so much he remained there eating fire. On this account he 
 has red cheeks. Then they said, after waiting, "He did not arrive 
 there." So they said to Martin, "Go up thou!" Martin went and 
 brought fire in his beak. Then there was light and it dawned. 
 
 Then Puma wept because he was hungry and cold; he was the 
 king of the animals. But Eagle said, "Why dost thou weep? Go 
 
 4ia Of. E. W. Gifford, ' ' Miwok Myths, ' ' this series, XII, 290. 
 
108 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 hunt deer! Thou shalt not be human!" "But how shall I treat 
 them?" inquired Puma. "Guard everything thou catchest!" And 
 Wolf also wept. "Don't weep!" said Eagle. " Go hunt antelopes !" 
 "How shall I treat them?" "Eat them running! Thou art not 
 human ! " And Vulture also wept. ' ' Seek carrion ! ' ' commanded 
 Eagle. ' ' How shall I treat it ? " " Merely eat it ! " And Coyote wept 
 also. " Go ! " " How shall I treat my food ? " " Just gulp it down ! ' ' 
 
 THE TAR- WOMAN " 
 
 t'a'miye hockVn ta'l-o' hola'p' ya'mo' 
 
 Then went the hawk. Accompanied the raven. Saw her 
 
 hotc'a'he' ta'metet hockVn umpet'xa'u otolole" ha/ 
 the Chahe. Then said the hawk, "Hast thou got the flute?' "Yes. 
 
 ta'ltom' t'mi'txa taltumt' ica'xal te'msaxten xa'wela'k' 
 
 What thine, thy possession? What thy power?" "Nephews, far the land; 
 
 ma'xap umti'tc'o'M ta'menutohotolole" ta'metaxap 
 
 get up on shoulder. ' ' Then seized did the flute ; then got up 
 
 umtitc'o'm' ka'xap ta'metet way away e' xe'sekola' 
 
 on shoulder. Got up. Then said, "Wayawaye! Hesekola! 
 
 kew e ts'its'tena tewi'le-tek ta'me.axa-'ta hot'olole" 
 
 Cries this which kill I!" Then got up on the flute; 
 
 ta'metom' hola-'p'i ta'mecauwat ta'meneuto-ck 'an 
 
 then fell the raven; then black. Then seized did the hawk 
 
 hotaca'x ta'memoloxotc' ene-" hotc'axe' lexala-' taxle 
 the feather. Then jumped the old woman, the Chahe. "Grandfather!" And 
 
 already 
 
 ti't'oLpet po'xtela'k' hotc'axe" k'o'Lpex lo-'lk'" 
 
 scalded. Entered in earth the Chahe. Came out, "Burnt I!" 
 
 k'o'Lpext'Ma' hofi-ko" u pisi'lxo' wela'k' k'o'lpex 
 
 Sprouted mescal everywhere whole the earth. Sprouted 
 
 peyexte-'to' ka-'xwen ho-t ? Ma' peke'lentxo wela-'k' 
 
 its seed; many the mescal. Circled the earth. 
 
 lectiko"' smak' tumla'luo ta'metika' t'Ma ketca-' 
 South-west tar then left it. Then is mescal great. 
 
 we-k'e'weL hute't' xaptep hotc'ine-" huke'u' mtana" 
 
 At north ended the old woman, the place. Now 
 
 kite-'mna sikililip niaka-" to-cko'N'E he'u' 
 
 sounds encircle; now implanted she 
 
 te-ta'xaptep ki-'silip to'toxoyota-'i ' tau'me taxa'ptep 
 
 to finish all life until ends 
 
 42 Told by Maria Ocarpia, 1916. Cf. Ethnology, p. 194; present paper, p. 84. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 109 
 
 umk'wa'L tetVnkox okete'a/' ot'a-To' otc'ene/' 
 
 world. Planted the great the fruit. The old woman 
 
 he'u' le'uxo' k'e'wel ke'u' hu'tet' axaptep 
 
 she is north, there. Ended 
 
 hapok' e'lec 
 
 the story. 
 
 In former times there was an old woman known as Chahe. Her 
 stomach was a basket full of boiling tar which she carried on her 
 shoulder. She would inveigle people to approach her and then throw 
 them into the boiling tar where they were digested. One day she was 
 seated on a hill waiting for someone to pass by. Then there came 
 Prairie-Falcon accompanied by his uncle Raven. They saw Chahe 
 and Prairie-Falcon said, "Have you got your flute?" "Yes," said 
 Raven. ' ' "What charms have you ? ' ' For both of the friends possessed 
 magic flutes which aided them in everything they undertook. 
 
 When Chahe saw them she said, ingratiatingly, "Nephews, you 
 have a long journey to go. Better get up on my shoulder and let me 
 carry you. ' ' So they flew up on their flutes and sat on her shoulder ; 
 she was very tall. Then she sang : 
 
 Wayawaye ! Hesekola ! 
 
 It is crying, that which I am going to kill ! 
 
 Then they stood up on their flutes but Raven missed his balance 
 and fell into the basket of tar. That is the reason he is so black ; before 
 this Raven was as beautiful as Prairie-Falcon. But the latter reached 
 down and caught Raven by one feather and hauled him out and 
 revived him. Then they pulled out their fire drills and set fire to the 
 tar. Chahe jumped as the fire touched her and cried out, "Oh, grand- 
 father!" Her skin began to peel off and she ran about furiously. 
 She ran into the earth in her endeavor to extinguish the fire, and then 
 came out again. ' ' I am burning up ! " she cried. All over the earth 
 she ran leaving drops of burning tar, and every place where the tar 
 fell there sprouted the mescal. Much tar fell to the southwest and 
 there is a great mescal. Her course fiinally ended in the north where 
 she still is heard running in circles. And so she will continue all her 
 life to the end of the world, dropping seeds of mescal. There is still 
 the old woman in the north. 
 
 My story is ended. 
 
110 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 PEAIEIE-FALCON AND ELF 4s 
 
 ta'miyax umtake" otcilwa'iyi teci'k' ka'ro' 
 
 Then came in road the old man barn owl. ? 
 
 kamti' he'k'a maka/' ta'miyax hock 'an k'e'sko' 
 
 Hunted, said ? Then came the hawk spying. 
 
 tamik'a-'ka tcilwa'i he'k'a maka/' k'a'ka totewo'ts 'o ' 
 
 Then sang old man, said ? Sang, "With feather 
 
 kakeV ticxe'po' hoskVmAa'n' wi wi wi 
 
 hangs his foot the elf! Wheel Wheel Wheel" 
 
 a'met' ica'to ta'metika howetcele" hik'a te'k'a 
 
 Then walked did. Then was the bunting said, "Who is 
 
 mi'slipap ta'meyax ki-' hoskama'a'n' ko'mop cxa'p 
 smells himself?" Then came went the elf, made himself rock. 
 
 ta'met 'etepai ha'lap ta'a'u' kecme"L ta'met' xauwat 
 
 Then said, "Throw fire." Threw. Then became yellow 
 
 hot'icu" tamexa-'ta' umk'wa'p a'mtepeL ka'pel 
 
 the his breast Then wept in sweat-house. Then filled, filled 
 
 hotica-'to' a'metikonox umtiti'lk'o 'otoca-'to hock YD 
 
 the his tears. Then arrived to his head the his tears the hawk. 
 
 a'miyix ki-'to' ta'meto'yokapto ' a'miyi ki-'to' 
 
 Then came went did. Then revived did. Then went, went did. 
 
 me'topokapto ' ta'meyi hoskVn keuke' xilap'to' 
 
 When revived did then went the hawk where braves did. 
 
 tameka-'to' hotcine" pasie'M xui ka'natapato" 
 
 Then was there the old woman named Xui. Was pounding 
 
 pe"Li ke'ra' cuke'nt'o ta'meye kixola'p'to' loko'xo' 
 pil. No her eyes. Then went, went the raven did, snatched it, 
 
 pamo" hope"L a'miyaxtoN tamiki-'yahock 'an ko'tisen 
 ate it the pil. Then came again then came the hawk, "Be careful! " 
 
 h'" yu'wan nape'L' a'mipacai'yo pane' tamipopa-'uto' 
 ' ' Yes. Sweet this pil ! " Then raised it pestle. Then seized it did. 
 
 me'ten p'o'caito' hop'a'NE ta'mipopa-'uto' hola-'p' 
 
 When again raised did the pestle. then seized it did the raven. 
 
 ta'metet omya'mcep ta'miyehock Vn papo'xo me'neno' 
 
 Then said, "Dost see?" Then went the hawk, put in his hand. 
 
 ta'mepopa-uto ' hotits Vlto ' ta'mexotko' ta'mela-'p 'seto ' 
 
 Then seized did the tip of his wing. Then blew him, then raven was there. 
 
 a'miyito' ki-'to' ya'ma ocka'k' pVmas te'metet 
 Then went did, went did, saw the crow. Shouted, then told, 
 
 he'k'a' ki'yaxno" tepot 'ha'lap ' hotika'uwi amet'o'xoN 
 said, ' ' Come soon people ! ' ' The sleepiness. Then snored, 
 
 43 Told by Maria Oearpia, 1916. Cf . Ethnology, p. 192 ; present paper, pp. 
 67, 92, 93. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 111 
 
 ka'uwi kl'ka ucokonoi' ta'kenco" xu'tia hota'a'p 
 
 slept. Was the great owl, doctor was. Sick the deer 
 
 kitcV ta'metet me'nok'eko' hota'ken ta'met'et 
 
 great. Then said, "Go to see I him the doctor." Then said 
 
 hocokenoV akfteno^pa'mka anato'poka eme-'tikas 
 
 the great owl, "Where he who kills thee? Allow head to see if can 
 
 te-tc'o'ino" 
 suck will ! ' ' 
 
 Old man Barn-Owl came along the road ; he had been hunting with 
 the aid of his magic feather with which he killed his game. Prairie- 
 Falcon came after him,spying. Then the old man sang: 
 Because of my feather, 
 
 Elf hangs by his foot ! 
 Wheel Wheel Wheel 
 
 For he had caught Elf and hung him up by one foot in his sweat- 
 house so as to kill him. Then he went away. 
 
 Then Prairie-Falcon went to the sweat-house and wept; he wept 
 so long that the house filled with his tears, they reached the head of 
 Elf hanging there and revived him. 
 
 Elf was seated smelling his arms when Bunting came by and 
 laughed and said, "Who is this who is smelling himself?" At that 
 Elf went and turned himself into stone. Then Prairie-Falcon got 
 angry and said, ' ' I will throw fire at him ! ' ' He did so, and for that 
 reason Bunting's breast is yellow to this day. 
 
 Then, after reviving Elf, Prairie-Falcon went to meet the other 
 brave animals. There was an old woman named Hui who was pound- 
 ing pil in a mortar. She had no eyes. Raven was there putting his 
 foot in the mortar and stealing some pil. Prairie-Falcon came along 
 and said, ' ' Take care ! " " Yes, ' ' replied Raven, ' ' but this pil is very 
 sweet!" Whenever she raised the pestle Raven would seize a hand- 
 ful of pil. "Do you not see?" he said. At last Raven was a moment 
 slow and Hui pounded him in the mortar. Then Prairie-Falcon 
 reached in his talons and caught him by the tip of the wing and pulled 
 him out. He blew on him and Raven assumed his present shape. 
 
 Prairie-Falcon then went and encountered Crow who cried to 
 him, ' ' The Humans are coming now ! ' ' Prairie-Falcon caused him to 
 sleep and snore. 
 
 Great-Owl was a medicine-man. The big Deer was sick and said, 
 "I will go and see the doctor." Then said Great Owl, "Who is the 
 man who is trying to kill you? Let me suck your head." 
 
112 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlin. [Vol. 14 
 
 THE SEEPENT4* 
 
 ke'ka' hotinele" p'i'cxo' hot'ipo't' petak'a'u 
 
 Was the serpent. Ate him the Indian. Named him. 
 
 pet'xa'u' hot'ukV'Yi hutema'it' o ' tela'Mi ta'mepesno'xo ' 
 Had it the whirlwind that gave did to eat. Then heard him 
 
 hock 'an' ta'metet aketa'ti he'k'a' hola'p' kYlau' 
 the hawk. Then said, "How to do?" Said the raven, "How many 
 
 tumtc'a'haL pet'xa'uk'e/ tike'ra' kopa'utek hock'o't 
 
 thy powers?" "Have I that no not overtake me the snake. 
 
 pet'xa'u kVu' toti'pe'N np nak'e" ha'kic 
 
 Have it where quick." "Good! This I two 
 
 la'pai t'opo' ! yela ke'u' t'ica'xal ake'ho' a-some-'nekA 
 
 three mountains. There power. " " Where the ? " " Asomeneka 
 
 hoke'u' aketo'nho' a-'sumloiya' MI tanmo" ha/ 
 
 the place." "Where again the?" "Asumloyam. And thou?" "Yes. 
 
 pa'xok'e" tei'tc'ai' no' aketunke'u umle'saM 
 
 Place I neck!" "Good! Where again place?" "At Morro, 
 
 tomele'u' t'ca'haL no' poxk'e'to' nu."i me-'no 
 
 last power." "Good! Enter I did. Good is. Let's see 
 
 nok'xa' hock'ot tik'a'mento' ki'yalto' co'keneock'o't 
 we the snake that we saw did. ' ' Went they did, awoke the snake. 
 
 mecu'ke-nock 'of tu ' ke'we-ts'na ta'met'uk' hots'ak'a'i 
 
 When awoke the snake did shouted. Then broke the wind. 
 
 yot'me' wi't'nak t'u'k' hots'aka'i t'ak'ak'o' 
 
 "Come now, nephew!" Broke the wind, felled. 
 
 no' na'i' kat'me' ki'yax leu' hock'o't 
 
 "Good! Eun! Let's go now!" Came then the snake. 
 
 leM kera/' lak' xaipa'ko' pa'mtakna' 119 
 
 "Up!" "No! Down!" "Summon strength! Seize this! Good!" 
 
 klyaxle'u' kewe-ts 'nale" hotinele" male'ntax t'me 
 
 Came then, shouted the serpent. "Eemember pray!" 
 
 np xaiya'L kaxot'Lop t'me xa-'tanokV 
 
 "Good! Went passed then!" "Weep will I." 
 
 ko'mxa-ta lale'x tumtc' a-'haL no' he'la 
 
 "Don't weep! Throw thy power! Good! Wait! 
 
 loiyamka'ka' keutc'a'haL ^- na'i' leM n^ 
 
 Mountain is there power!" "Yes! Eun up! Good! 
 
 male'nt'xo k'e-' umle'saM no' k'a na'i' 
 
 Eemember it I at Morro!" "Good!" said "Eun! 
 
 mel' koptc'eplo kewe'aca' xaipa'koa'Ni pa'mtak 
 
 ahead!" "Tired already, uncle!" "Summon strength please! Seize 
 
 44 Told by Maria Ocarpia, 1916. Cf. Ethnology, p. 193; present paper, p. 92. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 113 
 
 nonack'ot len t'me-'ke' ta'ml'to' klyalumle-'M 
 
 will this snake! Up! Go!" Then went did, went upwards, 
 
 ko't'atnoxto' ta'meteeThock'at'to' ka- a loto' k'e'l-o' 
 
 went headlong did. Then preceded the snake did. Was already did. Enveloped 
 
 hole'san ta'metko'nox tVinox umt'ika'ko' hock'o't 
 
 the Mono. Then arrived, settled on peak. The snake 
 
 se'kelelep leV hock'o't ye'nt' xole'ij ' ta'metot 'oinop 
 
 enveloped then. The snake caught him then. Then jumped 
 
 hockVn' ta'mepeta-no hotitomu'i' ta'mepoko't'o'to' 
 
 the hawk. Then seized the charm. Then killed him did; 
 
 k'i'ca' t'a'kai' hock'o't he'u 'wa'tikasmeko'i 
 
 four pieces the snake. Therefore are rattlesnakes, 
 
 tacni'L wa"tika' tet'xa'ptep le' tinele" 
 
 others; therefore are. Died already serpent. 
 
 hewucwa-'t 'oxo ' hotikalno' ka'xwen ne"wo't 
 
 Therefore poison the flesh. many got they 
 
 co'watot ta'miyax helk'a' ne'uto'N co'wato 
 
 poison. Then came coyote, got also poison. 
 
 ta'mitika hosku'ntui' smiko-'i umla'mka he"k'a' 
 
 Then are the little rattlesnakes at shore Said 
 
 hock'o't ku'xo 1 yo-tap ' kiyax ce'tep taLk'e' 
 
 the snake, "Live always. Die I 
 
 le'u' kasko'xo-yoita'p 
 
 already, but they live." 
 
 Once there was an animal which ate the Indians and was called 
 Serpent. The whirlwind was his protector and brought him food. 
 Prairie-Falcon heard of him and said, "What shall we do?" "How 
 many powers have you ? ' ' asked Raven. ' ' I have one so fast that the 
 snake will not be able to catch me." "Good!" "In two or three 
 different mountains, there are my powers." "Where?" asked Prairie- 
 Falcon. "At Asomeneka." "And the other?" "At Asumloyam." 
 (Both mountains are near to Cholam where the snake also lived.) 
 ' ' And you ? " " Oh, I '11 risk my neck anywhere ! " " Good ! Where 
 is your power?" "At the Morro; that is the last power." "Good! 
 I have been there ; that 's all right. Let 's go and see the snake. ' ' 
 
 They went and the snake awoke, and when he awoke he cried out 
 for the whirlwind. "Come along, nephew!" cried Prairie-Falcon. 
 Along came the wind, felling everything in its path. ' ' Good ! Eun ! ! 
 Come on ! ! ! ' 'shouted Prairie-Falcon and they fled across country with 
 the snake and the wind close behind them. "Fly up!" yelled one. 
 
114 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 "No, down!" shouted the other. "Summon up your strength or he 
 will catch us ! Good ! ' ' Serpent came yelling. ' ' Just remember your 
 powers, ' ' entreated Prairie-Falcon. ' ' Good ! They have passed. " "I 
 am going to cry," said Raven. "No! Don't cry! Cast your spell! 
 Good ! " " Wait a moment ; there in the mountains are my powers ! ' ' 
 ' ' Yes, fly up ! Good ! I remember mine at the Morro. " " Good ! ' ' said 
 the Raven. ' ' Fly ahead ; I am tired, uncle ! " " Just summon all 
 your strength or the snake will get us ! Fly up ! Go ! " And they 
 flew towards Morro with the snake in pursuit. They flew upwards, 
 headlong, before the serpent. He wrapped himself around the Morro 
 from beneath and the allies seated themselves on the top. He had 
 almost caught them when up jumped Prairie-Falcon and seized his 
 charm. With it he cut the snake into four pieces and killed him. 
 
 And from these four pieces were formed the snakes of today. On 
 this account there are rattlesnakes and others; therefore their flesh 
 is poison. Many snakes got their poison thus. Coyote also came and 
 secured poison. There are many little rattlesnakes at the coast near 
 Morro. The old snake said, ; ' They shall live forever ; I have died, but 
 they will live." 
 
 THE ELF AND THE BEAE 
 
 ke'kato hotaa"pi ho.e-'xo' hoskamaxa'n' 
 
 Was then the deer, the his mother the elf. 
 
 ta'mexwen hot'Axa'i' umtantc 'a-'ut' mike he/' k'' 
 
 Then came the bear. "Wilt permit hunt thy lice?" "Yes." "I 
 
 etc'a'u-' np- tc'a'wo k'e' miyok toku'micax 
 
 hunt; now hunt them I." "Why dost not thou eat?" 
 
 ke'ra' ke'rcax wa'kat't'a'L no' k'e-ts'a yi'x 
 
 "No, not I eat toads!" "Good! I first!" "Come! 
 
 etc'a'u' t' mi'ke' a'mp'icxotu' umla'k'aiyo a'meco-ka' 
 Catch thy lice!" Then bit her did in her neck. Then ripped 
 
 t'e'peno ta'metik Vtopto ' hoskam a ha'n' a'metica- 
 
 her belly. Then was there the elf. Then went 
 
 hot'Axai" p'i'cxo' ta'meti 'thoskam Vn ce-'ta ticxe-'po' 
 the bear, ate her. Then said the elf, "Scabby his feet, 
 
 sko'nt'o'yi' coke'ntV t'u'moi-ne' tits' e"p kake'tV 
 little his eyes stubby tail!" said did. 
 
 tok'apeWwi mopkVt'o' a'meya-kike-tu kikeumke'unene" 
 Within the hollow stone grew did. Then went did, went to where grandmother, 
 
 45 Told by Maria Ocarpia, 1916. Cf. E. W. Gifford, "Miwok Myths," this 
 series, XII, 286, 333. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 115 
 
 osaya-'pa' mop'ke-'to' umke'unene" a'mek'ate'k 
 
 the rainbow. Grew did, there where grandmother. Then fight 
 
 hot'eLxo' ta'mete't honene" ko'milyo-ta 
 
 the thunder. Then said the grandmother, "Do not select him now! 
 
 xa'i pena'ika kera/' ku'penaiyako ha-' mono" 
 
 Bad! Wound thee!" "No! Not wound me! "Yes! Thou now! 
 
 kumt' Me'na-iko kecxoneka' tipucxa'f ta'me-ta 
 
 Not thy wounding? Art weak only." "At dawn then test 
 
 hot'ilxo' p'ama'sko kV tepucxa'i ta'miyax 
 
 the thunder. Call him I!" At dawn then came 
 
 t'e'Lxo' oko'penaiyaxto' cuka'iyelak kasko'penaiyak 
 
 thunder. "Not wounded me did; kicked me but not wounded me." 
 
 ka'ceL tamhe/ij to'mel' wela'k' kera' k'e-lap'kV 
 Tested then to end of world. "No, wrap I 
 
 tusie-'t' tc'ka'ten' sieT nene-" ma'xtop'ai' 
 
 in feather, red feather, grandmother." "Put ashes 
 
 umti'kau' misxa-'teL okepenaiyak ole'cxai' no' 
 
 on body! Urinate!" "Not wound me the rain!" "Good! 
 
 ma'menip ki-le'cxai a'metamenep ka'menept'o' 
 
 Come out!" Went rain. Then came out, came out did. 
 
 kace'i t'iTo' a'mekept'a a'mecitipto ' kept'g,' 
 
 Tried to do. Then was cold, then died did. Was cold. 
 
 tametetoanij' ko'milio-ta nak'olciyip ta'metan 'to ' 
 
 Then said the his grandmother, ' ' Don 't concern thyself these things ! ' ' Then 
 
 arose did, 
 
 te'miyi' k'l-t'o' tc'a'wo' le-' pokot'xo e-'xo' lya-'mo' 
 
 then went, went did. Sought him previously killed her his mother. Saw them 
 
 hakisme-'teno' tamepokot 'xo ho-sku'nt' ui ' hotaxa-'iyak'ten' 
 two his children. Then killed them the little ones, the bears, 
 
 papa'to' pani'kV ta'ntica hotAxai' xa'pko' 
 
 roasted them, gave him. Then wandered the bear, dug, 
 
 k'o-tc'e'L taminap'Le" a'mexwen mi'caxna nata'pata 
 
 cacomites. Then cooked then. Then came. "Eat this, this which roasted." 
 
 a'mepicxoto' ta'metitowetcele" te'k'a' pi'cxo' 
 
 Then ate did. Then said the bunting, "Who is eats him 
 
 pa'so' talt'na" kera/' nate'ko'iYi kicksa'na 
 
 his son?" "What thy remark? No, this root resembles 
 
 ticxi'po' napVs le'ut'iie ta'mete't ake" 
 
 his foot the son." When went then said, "Where 
 
 tikiaT onosme-'ten nop'no'na kotc'e'L ts'axwen' 
 
 then went did the children? Cooked these cacomites! Dried 
 
116 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 no'na tametet howe-tcele" k|k'' pema't'ko 
 
 this!" Then said the bunting, "Go I, follow him 
 
 k' e' poko't 'xoke-" tia'pautec kera'm&s kea'pa-u 
 
 I, kill him I if overtake him! No more, not I overtake him. 
 
 kerako't' a-te me'tok' e 
 
 No, not has, try I!" 
 
 Once there was a doe, the mother of an elf. A bear came and said, 
 1 ' Let me louse you. " "All right. " "I will hunt for them. ' ' So the 
 bear loused the doe but threw the lice away. "Why don't you eat 
 them?" asked the doe. "I can't eat toads!" replied the bear. 
 ' ' Good ! ' ' said the doe. ' ' Then I will. " " Come and catch your lice, ' ' 
 said the bear. He was angry at her and when she came bit her on 
 the neck and killed her. Then he ripped open her belly and out came 
 the elf. But the bear continued eating the doe. Then said the elf, 
 ' ' Scabby will be your feet, your eyes small, your tail stubby ! ' ' 
 
 In a little cave the elf grew up. At last he decided to go to his 
 grandmother, the rainbow, and there grew more. Then he decided 
 to fight with the thunder. But his grandmother said, "Don't bother 
 with him; he is evil and will harm you." "No," said the elf, "he 
 can 't hurt me ! " " What ! Who are you that he can not harm you ? 
 You are weak." "In the morning," said the elf, "I will try con- 
 clusions with the thunder. I will shout to him ! " At dawn came the 
 thunder and they fought. "He did not wound me," said the elf. 
 "He kicked me but did not hurt me." And he pursued him to the 
 end of the world. ' ' I will wrap myself in a red feather, grandmother. ' ' 
 "Put ashes all over your body and urinate," she advised him. "The 
 rain will not hurt me," said he. "Good!" he cried. "Come out, 
 rain ! ' ' The rain came and it was very cold, so cold that the elf died, 
 but revived again. Then said his grandmother, "Don't bother your- 
 self about these things ! ' ' 
 
 Then he arose and went to seek him who had killed his mother long 
 before, the bear. He found the two cubs and killed and roasted them. 
 The bear was away digging out cacomites. When he came, the elf 
 said to him, ' ' Eat this food which I have cooked. ' ' And the bear ate 
 it. Then cried the bunting, "Who is this who eats his children?" 
 "What did you say?" asked the bear. "Yes, this root resembles my 
 child's foot!" Then the elf fled and the bear moaned, "Where have 
 my children gone? They are cooked and dried with cacomites!" 
 Then he said to the bunting, ' ' I will go and follow him, and I will kill 
 him if I overtake him. I am afraid I will not overtake him, but I 
 willtry." 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 117 
 
 THE OLD PEOPLED 
 
 le-lo" hoti'pota" a'L hokot' i'cnoma-ic umk'we'L 
 
 Long ago the people the not believed in world. 
 
 kieNo'ma-ic hot'ixai" pi'cxo-t hotana't ki-'sili'p 
 
 Believed the bear. Ate they the seed. All 
 
 k'ona-'ka t'Mi'cxot le-lo" hot' ipotaha-'L kicxo-'tene 
 
 root ate they long ago the people. Were poor 
 
 hot' ipotaha'L le-lo" ts 'ka'te-laxka-" kera' pante'lo-t 
 
 the people long ago. Naked, no pantaloons. 
 
 pi'cxot kas tepaste'n' pe'cxo-t kas taa'p' 
 
 Ate they only root, ate they only deer 
 
 tmi'cxo't ki-'sili'p' hawaT a xoyo-tela 'p ' homat'e'lak 
 
 to eat. All therefore lived they the animals 
 
 tuwela-'k' koxo'yo-tela'pt'o' t'o-sa'xten' kicxa'u' 
 
 in this land; they lived did the birds. They ate 
 
 mu'i' hot'ipo't' tax map' ke'ta-i lime'N 
 
 antelope, the Indian, and rabbit. They made blanket 
 
 hutik'e-'so't tacne'L me'tamt' ele' pet'ene-'k'o' 
 
 the to protect. Some when hunted they shot him 
 
 hopVc a'mepe'cxoto top'a'c ta'mepetakt' ona'siL 
 
 the elk. Then ate him did the elk. Then made did the acorn mush. 
 
 ta'mepetak to-ni'su' t'o-kVmta' tc'e e 'lo'to' 
 
 Then made did the skirt of the tule, wrapped him did 
 
 hopa'so' pa-'xo' totc'aname" tc'a-'mo' hopa'so' 
 
 the her child, put him in the cradle, wrapped him the her child. 
 
 ta'miyi ki-'to' ma'a-'u' hopa'so' ' umtitc Vm ' 
 
 Then went, went did, carried him, the her child on back; 
 
 maVwu hop'e-'talo' ua-'wel ne'ij' he-Lka" 
 
 carried him the carrying basket. Went bring wild seeds, 
 
 ne'i}' hopa'siL no'iyo'ton' k'a'p' pVpex 
 
 brought the chia, gathered again acorn, china oak. 
 
 a'mlyax mt'a-'M po-L xwe'nto' la'mto' kera' 
 
 Then came to house, roasted, arrived did, ate did. Not 
 
 kuyumts'e-'na'i hu-ma't'aLta pa'xa-iyot na'i' 
 
 not knew the whites; afraid they, ran 
 
 humt'opo'iyela' ci'tLip t'a-cNe'L pu'lux umte-'lik' ten 
 into mountains; died they. Some entered into caves. 
 
 Long ago the people did not believe in the world; they believed 
 in (like ?) the bear. They ate all kind of seeds and roots and were 
 very poor. They were naked and wore no trousers; they ate only 
 
 46 Told by Maria Ocarpia, 1916. 
 
118 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 roots and venison. Then all the animals lived in this land and all the 
 birds. The Indians ate antelope and rabbit. They made blankets to 
 protect themselves from the cold. Some hunters were able to shoot 
 elk and ate them. They made acorn mush. They made dresses of 
 tule. The women wrapped up their children and put them in the 
 cradle and carried them on their backs. They also took their carrying 
 baskets and gathered wild seeds, chia and acorns from the china oak. 
 When they returned they roasted the seeds and ate them. They were 
 not familiar with the white people and were frightened when they 
 came. They escaped into the mountains; some died and some hid in 
 caves. 
 
 THE ECLIPSED 
 
 kekake'msgli's lelo" ce'tipona" cmak'a-'i 
 
 Was I in San Luis formerly. Dead the sun, dark, 
 
 ts'ne'teL me-'ten' poxna" ta-meti'c r o'p hona" 
 
 cold. When again rose sun then beheld the sun. 
 
 cxa'lhotipo-"t ' ta'me.alsa-'lotipota'ha-L ka-ki'nyi' 
 
 Frightened the people. Then prayed the people, thought 
 
 tiyino" umk'waL p cxai'to' u tamets 'e-'tenhotiput' a-L 
 
 that finish world. Dawned then. Then content again the people, 
 
 iia'lyeton ' to'ixto ' ce'tep' na' ' 
 
 awaited again one more dead sun. 
 
 I was in San Luis Obispo when there was an eclipse. It was dark 
 and chill. When the sun rose, it appeared eclipsed. The people were 
 frightened and prayed ; they believed that the end of the world had 
 come. Then the sun came out again and they were relieved, awaiting 
 the next eclipse. 
 
 THE TOENADQ48 
 
 ya'mo ke hots'a-kaT ts'a'kai k'e'weL 
 
 Saw I the wind. Wind north, 
 
 ts'a'kai p'a-'noP ki'k 'ate-tep' hots'akai p'a-'noL 
 
 wind south, they contended the wind south. 
 
 ta'mecxa'lo-t' cxa'lok'e na'ik'e tum'peti-'ocko't' 
 
 Then frightened, frightened I, ran I. Then fell the snake 
 
 t'ca' me-p 8/ cxai ta'metumts'ahe'L cmot' ts'ahe'L 
 
 water. When dawned, then fell snow, thick snow. 
 
 a'metom' k'a'une'L mepecxa-ito' ta'melalua'p 
 
 Then fell hail. When dawned did then ceased. 
 
 na' ts'a-'lamkwaL ta'miya-tek ne'uk'e- t'a-'kata 
 
 Sun clear. Then went I, brought I wood. 
 
 47 Told by Maria Ocarpia, 1916. 
 
 48 Told by Maria Ocarpia, 1916. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 119 
 
 ta'meco-n' t'a'a'u' w ta-'melalo xo-'tapai' tamiya-tek 
 
 Then kindled fire. Then threw out the ashes. Then went I 
 
 tene" t'ca' neuk'et'ca' a'mexwe-ntek tene" 
 
 to fetch water. Brought I water. Then arrived I to fetch 
 
 t'ca' ta'me-tak xolama'u' wi ta'melamtekt' o' 
 
 water. Then made the food. Then ate I did; 
 
 tamenal-kVt'o' ta'miya-tek kike-'to' nuk'eto' 
 
 then filled I did. Then went I; went I did. Brought I did, 
 
 pehetc 'na'p' koke ta-'katA ta'miyaxtekt'o' naye'mk'e' 
 
 chopped I wood. Then came I did, brought I 
 
 ta-'katA umti'tc 'o 'p 
 
 wood on shoulder. 
 
 I saw the winds ; the north wind and the south wind battled. Then 
 I was frightened and ran. Torrents of rain fell. When the morn- 
 ing dawned there was snow, thick snow. And the hail fell. When it 
 dawned they ceased, and the sun came out clear. Then I went and got 
 wood and kindled the fire. Then I threw out the ashes and went to 
 get water. When I arrived with the water I cooked breakfast. Then 
 I ate and became filled and then went and chopped wood and brought 
 it to the house on my shoulder. 
 
 THE FAMINE YEAE 
 
 le-lo" k'a-no' lice' ckomolice" kerale'cxai' 
 
 Long ago thin year, bad year, no rain. 
 
 la'pai lice' tike'rala-mau' pe'cxo-t paxa'k 
 
 Three year that no food. Ate they bones 
 
 ma't'a-L t'ot'o-'iyo' t'oxo'L pamo" tamepetaktona'sii, 
 white pounded mortar. Ate, then made acorn mush 
 
 topatVk kerama"t kerataa"p k 'aneketc' a-" 
 
 manzanita. No animals, no deer. Thin great. 
 
 kicxa-'uo seneste'L toke'cxo-tene ' tipotaha'L tameti'ka ' 
 They ate alfilerillos. Poor people. Then was 
 
 t'of tc'ine" poku't'xo' t'o'ix yu 
 
 one old woman killed him one her son, 
 
 pi'cxo' papa-'to' ko'Lt'a'L opa'so' 
 
 ate him, roasted him. Was hungry the her sou. Then came 
 
 o'asa-'kV ta'mepeteneto ' o'ape-'u' la'pai tit'e'ni' 
 
 the his uncle; then shot arrows did the her brother three arrows, 
 
 pecxo'pa'so' lale-'xo' oko'xe-'cto' pe'cxo' xelk'a" 
 
 ate him her son. Shot her, not buried did, ate her coyote. 
 
 k'ane-" ketcVlelo" otipotaha-'L okucitLip 
 
 Scarcity great formerly. The people not they died, 
 
 o Told by Maria Ocarpia, 1916. 
 
120 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 oknad'yal' umla-'mka pi'cxo-t ho-cmaiyi'k' 
 
 the that lived on coast; ate they the abalones, 
 
 tc'a'haliltena' umticu" W) 't keralama'u' powa-'tka 
 
 thin in their breasts. No food, seaweed 
 
 t'mi'cxo' 
 to eat. 
 
 Once there was a famine year, a bad year. For three years there 
 was no rain and no food. They ate bleached bones pounded in the 
 mortar, and acorn mush made of manzanitas. There were no deer and 
 no meat ; it was a great famine. The poor people ate alfilerillo seeds. 
 One old woman killed and roasted and ate her son ; was very hungry. 
 Then her brother came and killed her with three arrows because she 
 had eaten her child. They did not bury her but left her to be eaten 
 by the coyotes. It was a great famine. But the people who lived on 
 the shore did not die because they ate abalones. But even they were 
 thin because they had nothing but seaweed to eat. 
 
 THE EAKTHQUAKEso 
 
 leskosna'tpeteko' kekai'yot 'ewe" yi'te' 6 hola'k' 
 
 When was child was earthquake. Shook the ground; 
 
 ke'xitc'nop hola-'k' umticu' w ec t'a-'M ka'kinyi' 
 
 split the ground at Cholam. Then we thought 
 
 feyimkwe'L cxa'lhoka' lu'wale' wu lice' teka'melep 
 
 that would end world. Frightened we. Long ago years. To come out 
 
 hocwa"Nto te-la'k' ketc'a" yite' e lak' humaT 
 
 the fish did of ground. Great earthquake. The animals 
 
 cxa'lho' hotc'xa" t'oyetewe' t'ola-'k' hota-'kata 
 
 frightened the water of the quaking of the earth. The trees, 
 
 hop'at'ne'lat ko'xote'p tela-'k' ce-'p'etep' alasa-'ltenex 
 the oaks they bent to earth. Frightened, prayed they 
 
 p 'te'lo-to 
 bellies. 
 
 When I was a child there was an earthquake ; the earth shook and 
 the ground cracked in Cholam. "We were frightened and thought that 
 the end of the world had come. It was many years ago. The fish 
 came out of the ground ; it was a great earthquake. The animals were 
 frightened at the water from the earthquake. The oak trees bent to 
 the earth and the people were frightened and fell on their faces and 
 prayed. 
 
 Told by Maria Ocarpia, 1916. 
 
1918] Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 121 
 
 PART IV. VOCABULARY 
 
 In the preparation of the present discussion, all the data available 
 were collected and transferred to card-index and arranged under their 
 respective stems. As the data were large, a considerable body of mate- 
 rial was thus secured which is presented in the following pages both 
 for the better understanding of the accompanying texts and for pur- 
 poses of comparison with other Indian languages. Unfortunately it 
 will never be of any practical value, as the Salinan dialects are doomed 
 to extinction in a very few years. 
 
 Practically all the material here presented is from three sources, 
 the forms collected by myself from the surviving natives in recent 
 years, those recorded by Sitjar more than a century ago and published 
 in his Vocabulary and those recorded by Henshaw in 1884 for the 
 Bureau of American Ethnology. To these have been added a very 
 small number from the vocabularies of De la Cuesta, Yates and Gould, 
 Coulter and Taylor. The forms recorded by Henshaw are for the 
 most part phonetically correct and required but few and uniform 
 changes to make them conform to the most modern phonetic usage. 
 
 The largest extant vocabulary of Salinan is that of Fray Buena- 
 ventura Sitjar, for a long time the resident padre of San Antonio 
 Mission. This is quite large but almost inaccessible to the student on 
 account of the faulty system of orthography employed. Practically all 
 the characters of the English alphabet with the exception of v and w 
 are found, and in addition, many superscript characters, characters 
 crossed by others and by lines, besides various diacritical marks such 
 as asterisks, crosses, acute and grave accents and subscript accents, 
 compounded characters and other similar usages. Comparison shows 
 that no uniformity has been followed in the orthography, rendering 
 the work quite useless for one unacquainted with the language. 
 
 Most of the characters naturally have the approximate value of 
 their correspondents in Spanish but the sounds not found in Spanish 
 require some explanation. 
 
 The alveolar stop t evidently gave Sitjar his greatest trouble and 
 has been written most variantly as z, c, zp, tz, tzz, tzp, ts, pc, ch, c 
 crossed by a line, etc. 
 
 The fortis stop was generally expressed by an asterisk after the 
 vowel. 
 
122 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 The alveolar sibilant c was written as x, ch or z. 
 
 The dental sibilant s is found as s, z, ss, zz, etc. 
 
 z has been found standing for t, tzz for is, x for is, x for 8, etc. 
 
 Most of the other phonetic peculiarities, such as qu and c for k, 
 g and j for x, ch for tc, etc., are explicable by the ordinary usages of 
 Spanish. 
 
 An initial consonantal cluster is generally preceded by a preposed 
 vowel, evidently on the analogy of Spanish. 
 
 On the whole the orthography is so irregular that little reliance 
 can be placed on its accuracy unless checked up by modern researches. 
 When this is done it is seen that the change in the language has been 
 very slight in the century and more which has intervened since the 
 completion of the vocabulary. 
 
 Sit jar's vocabulary has therefore been transcribed to phonetic 
 characters as accurately as possible following the evidence presented 
 in cases where the modern form has been preserved. In the majority 
 of cases, forms taken from Sitjar and absent in the modern material 
 are accompanied by the sign (S). 
 
 In a few cases of possible confusion, forms from the San Miguel 
 dialect have been accompanied by the sign (M). 
 
 The lexical forms have first been arranged in their several cate- 
 gories as nouns, verbs and so forth, and in some cases further sub- 
 divided. They have then been arranged in several columns giving the 
 Antoniano form, the Miguelefio form, the plural form, which unless 
 specially noted is from the Antoniano dialect, and finally the meaning. 
 In these columns the ordinary alphabetic order has been followed for 
 convenience in consultation. 
 
 In very many cases, due to a lack of sufficient forms and to the 
 presence of prefixes, infixes and suffixes, the exact form has been 
 impossible to determine. In such cases the doubtful elements are 
 enclosed within parentheses. In the case of verbal stems, those occur- 
 ring only once, and for this reason of doubtful accuracy, are preceded 
 by an asterisk. 
 
 
 
 ANIMALS 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 Plural 
 
 awa.'ten 
 
 a-we-te" 
 
 awa-'tneL 
 
 
 cat' 
 
 
 ca'knil 
 
 cra'knil 
 
 
 ca-xwe 
 
 sa-xe 
 
 ca-xten 
 
 Meaning 
 
 fly 
 
 bullhead-fish 
 Lewis woodpecker 
 bird 
 ska'tata cko-'tato ground-owl, gray titmouse 
 
1918] 
 
 Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 
 
 123 
 
 Antoniaiio 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 Plural 
 
 Meaning 
 
 ck'an 
 
 ck'an' 
 
 
 prairie-falcon 
 
 cka-k' 
 
 cka-k ' 
 
 ska.'k 'tenat 
 
 crow 
 
 ck'ot 
 
 ck'ot 
 
 sk 'o'teLet 
 
 snake, worm, grub 
 
 
 clot 
 
 
 gull 
 
 
 cmaiyi'k ' 
 
 
 abalone 
 
 cukunui' ' 
 
 cokonoi" 
 
 
 horned-owl 
 
 cuwa'< 
 
 cowa' 
 
 cuwa" NeL 
 
 skunk 
 
 cu-mk'o'm' 
 
 camko"m 
 
 cumk 'omona'neL 
 
 squirrel 
 
 
 cu'n'cun' 
 
 
 small ducks 
 
 swan 
 
 cwa' 'N 
 
 cwa-ne't 
 
 fish 
 
 swakaka' 
 
 cwa-kek 'a' ' 
 
 
 lizard 
 
 e'ceee 
 
 ee'cesi 
 
 
 gopher 
 
 
 emace' 
 
 
 male squirrel 
 
 e-ts' 
 
 
 
 pinacate 
 
 etskutcha'ten 
 
 
 
 tarantula-hawk 
 
 tik'e" 
 
 i'ke 
 
 tik'eneL 
 
 louse 
 
 ilka't 
 
 ilka't 
 
 
 ant 
 
 kalep 'a'n 
 
 kelep 'a'n 
 
 
 Mexican bluebird 
 
 
 
 l;ats'a-ne'L 
 
 small birds 
 
 
 kalau 
 
 
 blue-crested jay 
 
 kalwatcai' 
 
 k'aluatc'a'i 
 
 
 house-finch 
 
 ka'lak' 
 
 kalak' 
 
 kalak' ne'L 
 
 goose, crane 
 
 
 kaca'p 
 
 
 mosquito 
 
 kacala' 
 
 kaculo' 
 
 
 grasshopper 
 
 
 kiope'ts 
 
 
 Lawrence 's goldfinch 
 
 k'cu'i 
 
 kitcili'tna 
 
 
 kingfisher 
 
 klau'it 
 
 
 
 band-tailed pigeon 
 
 kol' 
 
 ICOL 
 
 kolane'L 
 
 hare 
 
 
 kocai'ye 
 
 
 tarantula 
 
 
 k 'aiya'k' 
 
 
 mountain-quail 
 
 kiltau' 
 
 k'elt'u" 
 
 
 red abalones 
 
 la'kana 
 
 
 
 spider 
 
 
 La'ma 
 
 
 gray rabbit 
 
 la" 
 
 lap' 
 
 
 raven 
 
 
 lape' 
 
 
 tarantula-hawk 
 
 leat' 
 
 helpa't' 
 
 leat 'ten 
 
 duck 
 
 Ime'm' 
 
 leme' 'm 
 
 
 wasps, bees 
 
 le'ponta 
 
 
 
 teal 
 
 le'rporti 
 
 le-'rpati 
 
 
 Gambel's sparrow 
 
 Lk'a' 
 
 helk 'a' 
 
 elk 'ane'L 
 
 coyote 
 
 
 
 elk 'a'lekten 
 
 
 loina' 
 
 t'lai 
 
 
 Canada goose 
 
 
 lowe'cat' 
 
 
 small antelope 
 
 ma'kiL 
 
 ma'kel 
 
 
 rat 
 
 map' 
 
 map' 
 
 map 'tenat 
 
 rabbit 
 
 
 
 map 'a-'nel 
 
 
 masau'hal 
 
 masau'wel 
 
 
 eel 
 
 matse'ko 
 
 mats 'e'ko ' 
 
 
 chipmunk 
 
 ma'ts 'we'l' 
 
 
 
 humming bird 
 
 mu'i' 
 
 mu'i ' 
 
 v 
 
 antelope 
 
 
 naivok ' 
 
 
 clams 
 
124 
 
 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 Plural Meaning 
 
 naka'k 
 
 
 pocket-gopher 
 
 
 note' 
 
 young antelope 
 
 ac 
 
 p'ac 
 
 acte'n, elk 
 
 
 
 astenat 
 
 pela.'k-a' 
 
 pala-'kok ' 
 
 California woodpecker 
 
 
 patalti 
 
 two-pronged buck 
 
 
 pe-'lts'e 
 
 humming bird 
 
 pete'ts 
 
 
 ruby-crowned wren 
 
 pi'ukutc 
 
 
 lark finch 
 
 
 p< u'lxoi' 
 
 sucker 
 
 sam' 
 
 snam 
 
 wildcat 
 
 
 santsn 
 
 black ant 
 
 
 sapele' 
 
 shrike 
 
 
 sektaLkna 
 
 one-pronged buck 
 
 
 senese 
 
 stinking ant 
 
 
 septa'L 
 
 unidentified fish 
 
 senkahl 
 
 senk 'OL 
 
 snake 
 
 sepo 
 
 
 doe 
 
 selo-'i' 
 
 
 mouse 
 
 
 siata'nil 
 
 swallow 
 
 sit 
 
 set' 
 
 canon finch 
 
 
 sik 
 
 red-headed woodpecker 
 
 
 sitaipin 
 
 animal 
 
 
 skalo' 
 
 whippoorwill 
 
 skele'le 
 
 skele-'le 
 
 sparrow-hawk 
 
 
 ska-'u 
 
 blue crane 
 
 
 sk'e-"n 
 
 shellfish 
 
 skaiya' ' 
 
 s 'kai'ya 
 
 skaiyana'neL raccoon 
 
 sk 'almo'k ' 
 
 sk 'almok ' 
 
 sk 'almok 'oten rat 
 
 
 slipe'pe 
 
 green-winged teal 
 
 
 smate-'xan 
 
 quail 
 
 smo'kat 
 
 smo'ket 
 
 bee 
 
 srne-koi' 
 
 smekoi' 
 
 smekoiiten rattlesnake 
 
 
 smohel 
 
 female skunk 
 
 smokok 'e' 
 
 smokike' 
 
 mole 
 
 smie 
 
 
 cat 
 
 sai'yu 
 
 snai 
 
 saiyane'L eagle 
 
 sna-k 
 
 sna'k 
 
 kangaroo-rat, tusa 
 
 soko'ko 
 
 soko'ko 
 
 butterfly 
 
 
 so'ha 
 
 spotted faun 
 
 
 sopokan 
 
 very small ant 
 
 spe-k' 
 
 spi-k' 
 
 red-tailed hawk 
 
 
 sp' oko' ' 
 
 burrowing owl 
 
 sto' 
 
 sto' 
 
 fox 
 
 
 sumhe 
 
 young squirrel 
 
 stamaka'la 
 
 
 bat 
 
 suhao'ye 
 
 
 bat 
 
 swe'ho 
 
 swi-'yo 
 
 black-shining flycatcher 
 
 
 swaa' 
 
 male coyote 
 
 
 ta-lwa-'x 
 
 crane 
 
 ta'lmui 
 
 
 worm 
 
1918] 
 
 Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 
 
 125 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 Plural 
 
 Meaning 
 
 taka'la 
 
 
 
 nuthatch 
 
 ta'nukupel 
 
 
 
 Lawrence 's goldfinch 
 
 
 tapte'L 
 
 
 crane 
 
 tena'k 
 
 
 
 woodpecker 
 
 
 tepee' 
 
 
 male antelope 
 
 tosik' 
 
 teci'k' 
 
 ticik 'neL 
 
 owl 
 
 te.'u 
 
 tewe' 
 
 
 pelican 
 
 
 tik' mo" 
 
 
 pigeon 
 
 
 time'hai 
 
 
 worm 
 
 titc'k 
 
 te 'tc ' 
 
 
 great California vulture 
 
 t' ma'cax 
 
 
 
 badger 
 
 t'G-'i 
 
 
 
 seal 
 
 
 t< o-'io 
 
 
 badger 
 
 
 t'sne 
 
 
 sea-otter 
 
 t'a'i 
 
 
 
 whale 
 
 t'ai' 
 
 tahi 
 
 
 bluejay 
 
 ta-yiL 
 
 taiyeL ' 
 
 tayiLtena'x 
 
 flea 
 
 
 taitc 'a-'tak 
 
 
 crab 
 
 taJi-ye" 
 
 
 
 serpent 
 
 ta' 'muL 
 
 t' a 'muL 
 
 ta' 'multenax 
 
 puma 
 
 taa" 
 
 taa' 'p 
 
 taatne'L 
 
 deer 
 
 tapilale 
 
 
 
 bat 
 
 ta-xwe'ne' 
 
 t' a-xwe'n ' 
 
 
 turtledove 
 
 taxai' ' 
 
 t< Axai' ' 
 
 taxai'yukten 
 
 bear 
 
 tawai 
 
 taws' 
 
 tawaiiten 
 
 turtle 
 
 tetiyau' 
 
 t< eteyau 
 
 tetiyauuten 
 
 salmon 
 
 tike' 
 
 t 'ike' ' 
 
 
 kingbird 
 
 
 t'i-kola' 
 
 
 small frog 
 
 
 tinele" 
 
 
 serpent 
 
 
 t'iope" 
 
 
 grubs, worms 
 
 
 t' oiyslo' ' 
 
 
 mountain lizard 
 
 tooloc 
 
 to-lo'c 
 
 toolecna'ner. 
 
 gray squirrel 
 
 t< o-'xo 
 
 to-xo' ' 
 
 t' o-'xolanel 
 
 wolf 
 
 tea 
 
 tea 
 
 
 curved-bill thrush 
 
 tca'la 
 
 teal 
 
 
 Brewer's blackbird 
 
 tc 'am ' 
 
 tc'a'Mi 
 
 
 red-shafted woodpecker 
 
 tc'e.l' 
 
 
 
 cricket 
 
 tc'ele'u' 
 
 
 
 bluejay 
 
 
 tc 'e'mtcem 
 
 
 bat 
 
 tcik' 
 
 tc'iktcik 
 
 
 fishhawk 
 
 tcpana'hi 
 
 taau' 
 
 
 caterpillar 
 
 
 ts 'aike' ' 
 
 
 mottled snake 
 
 
 ts V 'L 
 
 
 yellow-bellied woodpecker 
 
 
 ts 'e't' enek ' 
 
 
 owl 
 
 ts'ope'n 
 
 sopne't 
 
 ts 'ope'nlax 
 
 spider 
 
 wakeno' 
 
 
 
 red-winged blackbird 
 
 wa-'kit 
 
 wa'kat ' 
 
 wakitten 
 
 frog 
 
 
 
 *wa'kot 't' a'L 
 
 
 
 wa'lwal ' 
 
 
 bullbat 
 
 wa'tc 
 
 watc' 
 
 
 Oregon bunting 
 
 
 wau 
 
 
 white goose 
 
126 
 
 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Higueleno 
 
 Plural 
 
 Meaning 
 
 witcele' ' 
 
 wetcele' ' 
 
 
 bluejay, bunting 
 
 
 we-telo" 
 
 
 martin 
 
 
 we'tok 
 
 
 woodpecker 
 
 xaii'k 
 
 
 
 mussel 
 
 xalau' ' 
 
 
 
 crane 
 
 xane'o 
 
 
 
 ground tit 
 
 xakele' 
 
 xapailo' ' 
 
 
 lizard 
 
 atce'tc 
 
 xatca'tc ' 
 
 
 yellow-billed magpie 
 
 xom 
 
 xo-' 'mi 
 
 
 roadrunner, ground 
 
 
 
 
 cuckoo 
 
 ho'mlik' 
 
 
 
 quail 
 
 xopne'l 
 
 xo-pNe'L 
 
 
 red-headed vulture 
 
 xutc 
 
 xutca-i 
 
 xoste'n 
 
 dog 
 
 
 
 BODY PAETS 
 
 
 a-pela-'i 
 
 amel 
 
 
 finger, toe 
 
 a-' 'ak 
 
 o-'p'ak 
 
 axa-'k 
 
 head 
 
 aa'cx 
 
 a ex 
 
 aasxaknel 
 
 liver 
 
 axwe'm 
 
 
 axwenlax 
 
 skin, hide 
 
 a-'u 
 
 
 
 animal's heart 
 
 ca'lo 
 
 
 
 shell of egg 
 
 ca'MteL 
 
 
 
 corpse 
 
 
 cipainism 
 
 
 sole 
 
 
 cma-'i 
 
 
 cheek 
 
 ckV'il 
 
 cukaiel 
 
 
 lung 
 
 cuke-'net 
 
 coke'net' 
 
 
 eye 
 
 
 co'wat 
 
 
 poison of snake 
 
 co'wan 
 
 cuwa'n 
 
 
 calf of leg 
 
 cu-la-'t', so-lo 
 
 
 sola^'xo 
 
 testicles 
 
 
 cpai'atak 
 
 
 beard 
 
 eiwi's 
 
 
 
 spine 
 
 e-'lek< 
 
 elik 
 
 elekne'l 
 
 mouth 
 
 e.'net' 
 
 e'nenat 
 
 xe'net 
 
 nose 
 
 
 e'ntat 
 
 
 ear 
 
 ecax 
 
 aca'x 
 
 ecaxneL 
 
 feathers, whiskers 
 
 etala-k 
 
 
 etalakneL 
 
 antlers 
 
 etca-i' 
 
 ei'tc 'ai ' 
 
 etcaiila-'x 
 
 neck 
 
 ita' '1 
 
 e'taL 
 
 
 shoulder 
 
 epa-'l 
 
 i'paL 
 
 epa'ne'L 
 
 tongue 
 
 e-xiwai' 
 
 
 e-xiwilai 
 
 heart 
 
 exoxo' 
 
 ihoho' 
 
 exoxa'lax 
 
 brain 
 
 
 
 exoten 
 
 
 
 
 exotenax 
 
 
 
 exas 
 
 
 body 
 
 ewa'la 
 
 ewa'l 
 
 
 fish scales 
 
 ets< e' 'u 
 
 its' e' 'p 
 
 ets< e'wulax 
 
 tail 
 
 icaha-'l 
 
 isxa-L 
 
 
 urine 
 
 icxe-'u 
 
 icxe.'p 
 
 icxepa-'l 
 
 foot 
 
 
 
 icxe"e, icxe'xe' 
 
 
 
 
 iexe-ple't 
 
 
 icele' ' 
 
 i'cilip' 
 
 isi'lewula'x 
 
 nails 
 
1918] 
 
 Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 
 
 127 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 Plural 
 
 Meaning 
 
 ico" 
 
 icu" 
 
 
 breast 
 
 ickV'ol 
 
 
 icok 'alet 
 
 ear 
 
 ikau' ' 
 
 ikau' 
 
 
 body 
 
 ika'n 
 
 ika' 
 
 
 belly 
 
 ita-la'k' 
 
 
 
 horn 
 
 ita'c 
 
 
 
 urine 
 
 
 its 'a'lto ' 
 
 
 point of wing 
 
 ihalte'ya 
 
 
 
 saliva . 
 
 ka'ke 'It 'a 
 
 
 
 testicles of animal 
 
 kacwatni'lea 
 
 ke'cxauL 
 
 
 eyelash, eyelid 
 
 ke'o 
 
 
 kelao 
 
 knuckle 
 
 ko/la'le' 
 
 
 ko-'latLe' 
 
 penis 
 
 k'uwoke-'t* 
 
 ko'naki't 
 
 
 hair 
 
 
 kuma'n 
 
 
 belly of fish 
 
 la'k'oi' 
 
 la'k 'ai 
 
 
 neck 
 
 lamha't 
 
 
 
 dung 
 
 
 le-'wet' 
 
 
 lips 
 
 Lko/ik' ten ' 
 
 
 lokoiyini' 
 
 beard 
 
 lo'kon 
 
 lu'kana 
 
 
 rump 
 
 
 lo'taL 
 
 
 palm 
 
 ma'pok 
 
 ma'puk' 
 
 
 thigh 
 
 mas 
 
 
 
 pubic hair 
 
 mat' 
 
 ma't< 
 
 ma't'e'lak' 
 
 meat, flesh, animal 
 
 m,ata-'n 
 
 mata'n 
 
 matane'l 
 
 limb 
 
 me-'n 
 
 me'nen 
 
 mee'n 
 
 hand 
 
 eno"ol 
 
 noL 
 
 
 penis 
 
 
 notapka'eo 
 
 
 dung 
 
 o'oi' 
 
 
 
 trunk, body 
 
 uca't 
 
 oca-'t 
 
 ucate'l 
 
 tears 
 
 o'na'a'i' 
 
 
 
 waist 
 
 
 otewo'ts 'o ' 
 
 
 feather 
 
 o'xot 
 
 
 oxote'n 
 
 testicles 
 
 a.'kat' 
 
 pa-'kata 
 
 akat' Ne'L 
 
 blood 
 
 akainai' 
 
 pakenai' 
 
 
 animal 's womb 
 
 a'katcanai 
 
 paktaina ' 
 
 
 thumb, big toe 
 
 p' xat< 
 
 p'xat 
 
 p' xa'teLet 
 
 excrement, intestines 
 
 
 pa'telpai 
 
 
 third finger or toe 
 
 axa-'k' 
 
 paxa'k 
 
 axa-kten 
 
 bone 
 
 
 
 axa-'kLet 
 
 
 
 pa'mat 
 
 
 carrion 
 
 pena-'no 
 
 pena'n 
 
 
 milk 
 
 pe-nik 'a-i 
 
 
 
 throat 
 
 oxwe'm ' 
 
 p'oxe'm' 
 
 
 tendon, ligament 
 
 setilkai' 
 
 ske'nluwe 
 
 
 first finger 
 
 
 sie't' 
 
 
 feather 
 
 skan 
 
 
 
 stomach 
 
 aske't, sw7t 
 
 skaniltai, 
 
 
 rib 
 
 
 kane'lt 'o 
 
 
 
 askwe't, swot 
 
 
 
 heel, sole, talons 
 
 skoikne' 
 
 sxkoi' ' 
 
 
 chin, beard 
 
 
 smo'kutu 
 
 
 animal's windpipe 
 
 
 sni'pik 
 
 
 bones of wing 
 
128 
 
 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 Antoniafto 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 Plural Meaning 
 
 so'non 
 
 sa'nau 
 
 leg 
 
 sa'tik 
 
 soti'k 
 
 elbow 
 
 sa.'nat' 
 
 spa'nat 
 
 skin, hide 
 
 se'kel 
 
 spe'keL 
 
 eyebrow 
 
 spoke't 
 
 spoke't 
 
 fur, haii- 
 
 spuk 
 
 
 muscle 
 
 
 suluknai' 
 
 tooth 
 
 taknat 
 
 takna't 
 
 sweat 
 
 
 tamai 
 
 third toe 
 
 
 fan 
 
 animal's tongue 
 
 
 te-rwa'k 
 
 second toe 
 
 titaka'L 
 
 te4ek' EneL 
 
 egg 
 
 tema'i 
 
 
 bird 's entrails 
 
 te'rk 
 
 tie'k 
 
 animal's gall 
 
 teteka'i 
 
 tete'ka 
 
 animal's joint 
 
 tetse'lei 
 
 titsele'l 
 
 rattles of snake 
 
 
 tikai'e 
 
 bird's crest 
 
 
 tilta'l 
 
 breast of fish 
 
 
 titertikup 
 
 knuckle 
 
 
 tito'k 
 
 second finger 
 
 titc V 'mo ' 
 
 ti'tcV'm 
 
 back 
 
 
 titcai 
 
 wrist 
 
 toho'l 
 
 to'hul 
 
 lung, gizzard 
 
 tolola'i 
 
 
 animal 's windpipe 
 
 tulalna'i 
 
 
 bird's crest 
 
 ta-L 
 
 ta-xL 
 
 forehead 
 
 ta-t 
 
 t'aL 
 
 skin, hide, flesh 
 
 t'e'pen 
 
 t 'e'pen 
 
 tepenla'x belly 
 
 t'ka'ten 
 
 
 t'ka'tna-x buttocks, anus 
 
 to'poi 
 
 t' o'p' oi 
 
 topoiilax knee 
 
 t Vpuk 
 
 t 'ne'puk' 
 
 topokLe't arm, wing 
 
 
 
 t 'caknel gills 
 
 tce'nya 
 
 
 glans penis 
 
 tcokelti'nai 
 
 
 ankle 
 
 uca-t' 
 
 
 lips 
 
 ule.'t< 
 
 oi'Lit 
 
 le-'het teeth 
 
 u- 
 
 u- 
 
 face 
 
 uprent 
 
 upe'nt 
 
 fat 
 
 xapi'cucwe-t 
 
 
 navel 
 
 awu' 'L 
 
 ayexte'ya 
 ca'l 
 ck 'ua' 
 
 ca'tala 
 
 atLo-'s 
 awuL ' 
 
 BOTANICAL TEEMS 
 
 axone'L 
 ayextel 'i'ya 
 ca'ltine 
 
 wild oats 
 
 bark 
 
 tule 
 
 seed 
 
 bud 
 
 quijara de pala 
 
 large soap-root 
 
 clover 
 
 brush 
 
1918] 
 
 Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 
 
 129 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Migueleno Plural 
 
 Meaning 
 
 ctan' 
 
 stanane'L 
 
 leaf 
 
 
 elpo'no 
 
 blackberries 
 
 
 he-Lka" 
 
 wild seeds 
 
 k'a-t' 
 
 kat k 'atsane'l 
 
 hay, grass 
 
 
 k 'a-'ciL 
 
 sunflower 
 
 
 k 'a'mta' 
 
 tule 
 
 k'a' 
 
 kap' ka'te'L 
 
 acorn 
 
 ka'pitc ' 
 
 
 small young oaks 
 
 k'e 
 
 k'e 
 
 large pine nut 
 
 
 k 'e-'ciapowat 
 
 fern root 
 
 
 k 'eso'i ' 
 
 tuna 
 
 ketipui 
 
 ketipoilax 
 
 cedar 
 
 
 ko 'iyi 
 
 root 
 
 k 'olopopo' 
 
 
 melon 
 
 
 k 'ona.'ka 
 
 bulb, wild potato 
 
 
 kotc 'e'L 
 
 cacomite 
 
 ku'katak 
 
 
 forest 
 
 makawi' ' 
 
 makewe' makawili' ' 
 
 flower 
 
 
 matai' 'YI 
 
 milkweed 
 
 
 mo-noi"Yl 
 
 toloaehe 
 
 mopa'k' 
 
 
 laurel 
 
 mucuelit 
 
 
 ivy 
 
 
 o.pis 
 
 wild grape 
 
 pa'siL 
 
 pa'siL 
 
 chia 
 
 
 p 'a'pex 
 
 post oak 
 
 at' 
 
 p'a-"t atne'L 
 
 white oak 
 
 
 *p 'at' ne'lat 
 
 
 pat' ax 
 
 pat' a'k pat' axten 
 
 manzanita 
 
 askle't 
 
 paxa'kiL 
 
 live oak 
 
 
 poca" 
 
 buckeye 
 
 
 pesxe't 
 
 willow 
 
 
 petL 
 
 grass 
 
 
 peyexte'to ' 
 
 seedlings 
 
 
 powa'tka 
 
 seaweed 
 
 
 pamputen 
 
 fruit 
 
 
 tenpute's 
 
 fruit 
 
 saxe't 
 
 
 mescal 
 
 
 seneste'L 
 
 alfilerillos 
 
 
 smat 
 
 brush 
 
 
 smo' 
 
 acorn 
 
 
 smo'kumeL 
 
 clover 
 
 
 sxau'wit' 
 
 acorn 
 
 
 tana't 
 
 seeds 
 
 
 tana'st 
 
 wicker 
 
 tate' 
 
 
 grains 
 
 
 tetai' 
 
 small soap-root 
 
 
 teta'p' ko-L 
 
 elderberries 
 
 tepa's 
 
 tepa'so 
 
 root 
 
 
 t' io'i 
 
 oak 
 
 
 t'i'pi' 
 
 acorn 
 
 
 t'Ma 
 
 mescal 
 
130 
 
 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Migueleiio 
 
 Plural 
 
 Meaning 
 
 
 t' ema's 
 
 
 grass 
 
 
 tema-'L 
 
 
 milkweed 
 
 
 t' onawa' ' 
 
 
 grass for baskets 
 
 
 toipen 
 
 
 gooseberries 
 
 taiya'c 
 
 
 
 flower of mescal 
 
 ta.'ka'at' 
 
 ta-'kata 
 
 tak'ane'L 
 
 wood 
 
 tala' 'M 
 
 toela'm 
 
 
 tobacco 
 
 to'pin 
 
 tamoina'co 
 
 
 stump of tree 
 
 tata 
 
 ta/t'o' 
 
 
 fruit 
 
 
 tepasteN 
 
 
 root 
 
 tetaco 
 
 tita'cu 
 
 
 juice 
 
 t<0< 
 
 t<0< 
 
 totene'l 
 
 pine nuts 
 
 toki 
 
 
 
 brush 
 
 
 tc 'e.'lak 
 
 
 barsalillo 
 
 fceV 
 
 
 
 pine 
 
 
 tc' o'Le 
 
 
 wood for pipe 
 
 
 ts 'eta'kiL 
 
 
 chuckberries 
 
 xa'ke 
 
 
 
 spine 
 
 xo'le 
 
 
 
 acorn 
 
 hasliT 
 
 
 
 live oak 
 
 ha'siL 
 
 
 
 acorn 
 
 MANUFACTUEED OBJECTS 
 
 ai'ye< 
 
 
 
 wooden pestle 
 
 a'cime 
 
 a'cime 
 
 
 paper, book 
 
 a'ne-n 
 
 
 
 pillow 
 
 taaneka 
 
 apenik 
 
 
 necklace 
 
 aso'L 
 
 
 
 cord, line, string 
 
 alokoni'ya 
 
 
 alokotini'ya 
 
 oven 
 
 
 eenome' ' 
 
 
 comb 
 
 (t)eik< 
 
 tca-k 
 
 tca-k' CL 
 
 knife 
 
 cenii' 
 
 cik' Enai' 
 
 
 fish-spear 
 
 cla< 
 
 cla' 
 
 cla 'at 
 
 coil basket 
 
 clemiy 'a 
 
 ele-mi-' 
 
 
 coat 
 
 co'pa 
 
 
 
 needle 
 
 
 cotols' 
 
 
 feather headdress 
 
 
 e'tapalepi 
 
 
 breech-cloth 
 
 (t)a'in, (t)e-m 
 
 (t')a-M 
 
 tama-'neL 
 
 house 
 
 
 
 ta-ma-ten 
 
 
 
 
 ta'Tna-tenax 
 
 
 
 
 ta-ma-niLax 
 
 
 
 
 tamaNiLten 
 
 
 elkai'tingey 'a 
 
 
 
 door 
 
 (t)e'tak 
 
 (t)eta'xk 
 
 
 awl 
 
 ek'es 
 
 
 
 blanket 
 
 et 'oi 'yiN ' 
 
 et 'eyini' ' 
 
 et 'eyitinai' 
 
 arrow 
 
 icemet 
 
 
 
 bed 
 
 ioko'c 
 
 
 
 breech-cloth 
 
 itxau' 
 
 
 
 cane 
 
 
 kanelt' &' 
 
 
 storage-basket 
 
 k 'ualane'l 
 
 kanelt' &' 
 
 
 jewelry 
 
1918] 
 
 Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 
 
 131 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Migueleno Plural 
 
 Meaning 
 
 keluktu'xne 
 
 keluktuxtine 
 
 prison 
 
 kitpe'lel 
 
 
 paint 
 
 kitpekle'y 'a 
 
 
 ligature 
 
 k'enin 
 
 k'one" 
 
 acorn-bread 
 
 kua.p' 
 
 k'uwap' 
 
 sweat-house 
 
 laha'm 
 
 laxa'M 
 
 door 
 
 
 lemi', lime'N 
 
 rabbit-skin blanket 
 
 moxweto 
 
 
 sack, bag 
 
 mawe'ya' 
 
 
 net-sinker 
 
 
 mosiwe' 
 
 fish-pole 
 
 asi'l 
 
 na'siL 
 
 acorn atole 
 
 client 
 
 
 whiskey 
 
 o'nus 
 
 o-ni'su' 
 
 skirt 
 
 oxwa't 
 
 
 moccasins 
 
 ame'ya 
 
 pana'me 
 
 quiver 
 
 
 payosne' ' 
 
 whistle 
 
 
 pane', p'on'E 
 
 pestle 
 
 pape'ye 
 
 
 beads 
 
 
 paxuwe' 
 
 bow 
 
 
 pasuwe'r 
 
 doll 
 
 
 p VtaL 
 
 carrying-basket 
 
 
 peu." 
 
 bones for game 
 
 pili 
 
 pe'Li 
 
 pil 
 
 umawi' ' 
 
 pomnawo' ! b 
 
 arrow-straightener 
 
 salinhe'ya 
 
 
 fish-net 
 
 
 sa-ma'k' 
 
 winnowing-tray 
 
 
 sap' k' a'ts ' 
 
 seed-granary 
 
 
 sas 
 
 acorn-meal 
 
 sekeuetni'a 
 
 
 olla, pot 
 
 setami'ya 
 
 
 cap 
 
 sikara'na 
 
 
 clothes 
 
 
 ska'pe, sk 'a'pe' 
 
 tray, cooking-basket 
 
 sone'y 'a 
 
 
 snuff 
 
 sokai'kis 
 
 su-kaikis 
 
 floor 
 
 
 spok 'ai'xa ' a 
 
 drinking-cup 
 
 
 t 5 a'iL 
 
 trap 
 
 ta'tukat 
 
 
 meal of seeds 
 
 
 teca" 
 
 basket 
 
 
 tecoino' 
 
 basket-game 
 
 
 tokausno' 'o 
 
 small pots 
 
 
 tski'wi 
 
 bed 
 
 
 t< e'ltoL 
 
 hunting-net 
 
 
 t 'enika'ntec 
 
 bridge 
 
 taple'ya 
 
 t' eneple' ' 
 
 fire-sticks 
 
 ti'cxa' 
 
 
 money 
 
 te'penca 
 
 tipintea 
 
 whiskey 
 
 tet 'amnai 
 
 tet 'aut 'one' ' 
 
 rattles 
 
 ticxlele' 
 
 
 doll 
 
 
 t'kamatr 
 
 shallow grave 
 
 t'aa'k 
 
 
 handle 
 
 t< a'uun, t< o-'nt 
 
 t'an9 
 
 pipe 
 
132 
 
 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and EtJin. [Vol. 14 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 Plural 
 
 Meaning 
 
 taua't 
 
 
 
 bar, drill 
 
 tau'usi.'a' 
 
 
 
 bed 
 
 
 tayu'wic 
 
 
 well 
 
 teme' 
 
 
 temele'u 
 
 instrument 
 
 
 to-na'L 
 
 
 seed-beater 
 
 
 lopai 
 
 
 fish-basket 
 
 
 topo's 
 
 
 twined-basket 
 
 t< xo'l 
 
 t< OXO'L 
 
 
 mortar 
 
 to'wi 'i 
 
 tuwipe' 
 
 towiyili'' 
 
 raft, boat 
 
 
 tc'aname" 
 
 
 baby-carrier 
 
 tcelela'o 
 
 
 
 leggings 
 
 
 tc'oxo'k 
 
 
 cocoon-rattle 
 
 tcu'leye 
 
 
 
 isley 
 
 tcueyke' 'ya 
 
 
 
 trap 
 
 tsa'ta 
 
 
 
 blanket 
 
 tse'uto 
 
 
 
 arrow-point 
 
 ts 'wa'keti' ' 
 
 ts'wa-ke-te" 
 
 ts'wa-ketili" 
 
 hat 
 
 wumetamu' 
 
 
 
 wall 
 
 xak'e'i', xak' 
 
 
 xak 'CL 
 
 bow 
 
 
 
 xak 'ten 
 
 
 xrt'nis 
 
 xe'nes 
 
 
 beads 
 
 
 NATUEAL 
 
 PHENOMENA 
 
 
 aiyate'ya 
 
 
 
 garden 
 
 asak 'a 
 
 
 asak 'te'nat 
 
 flint 
 
 (t)ca', tc'a' 
 
 1/ea',t'ca',te'xa' 
 
 
 water 
 
 capawe' 
 
 
 
 tide 
 
 ck'eM 
 
 
 
 sea, ocean 
 
 ckoN 
 
 
 ckonane'l 
 
 glade, cave 
 
 co-'k'a' 
 
 so'k 'a 
 
 co'ka 'at^N 
 
 river, brook 
 
 
 
 co'kEte'nat 
 
 
 
 co'xwaL 
 
 
 red stone 
 
 cotalai' 
 
 c 'pa'talai 
 
 
 limestone 
 
 (t)cxo' 
 
 cxo' 
 
 (t)cxo-neL 
 
 earth, ground 
 
 (t)cxa' 
 
 cxap 
 
 (t)ca'paNeL 
 
 stone, pebble, rock 
 
 euy 
 
 
 
 fire carried 
 
 icxai 
 
 esxai 
 
 
 morning, day 
 
 iki-n 
 
 tike'n 
 
 iki-nil 
 
 nest 
 
 ilpoi 
 
 
 
 lake 
 
 iotilak 
 
 yetewe 
 
 iotNela-'k' 
 
 earthquake 
 
 kaiya'ma 
 
 
 
 white clam-shells 
 
 
 kapili'nsa 
 
 
 tide 
 
 ke 'eune'L 
 
 k 'a 'une'L 
 
 
 hail 
 
 ka'we 
 
 
 
 sun, heat 
 
 ket'Me'l' 
 
 
 
 lump, ball 
 
 ket 'poi'< 
 
 
 
 hill 
 
 
 ke'yix 
 
 
 forest 
 
 k'ci-'kat'i' 
 
 
 k' ci.'k 'et' yi 
 
 slope 
 
 k'co-'luxne 
 
 calaknai' 
 
 k'co-'luktene 
 
 hole, cave, hollow 
 
 kutat ' 
 
 
 
 buckskin 
 
 lak' 
 
 la-k' 
 
 
 country, land 
 
1918] 
 
 Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 
 
 133 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 Plural 
 
 Meaning 
 
 leia' 
 
 lap V ' 
 
 
 wave, sea 
 
 le'ma 
 
 Lem 
 
 
 sky 
 
 
 Lo"to' 
 
 
 clay 
 
 
 loiyam 
 
 
 mountain 
 
 lu'a, lu'e a 
 
 
 luaten, lue a ten 
 
 path, trail 
 
 macala'k 
 
 macila'k 
 
 
 morning star 
 
 macita'ma 
 
 
 
 shade, shadow 
 
 moce" 
 
 moce' 
 
 mucale' 
 
 charcoal, flames 
 
 moc 'o-'no 
 
 
 
 mound, hill 
 
 na' 
 
 na' 
 
 
 sun 
 
 pa-'i- ' 
 
 pa-'y ' 
 
 
 cloud 
 
 saiya' 'N 
 
 saiya'pa ' 
 
 
 rainbow 
 
 smak' 
 
 smak' 
 
 
 asphaltum, tar 
 
 sma'k' ai 
 
 cma'k* a-'i 
 
 sma'kaiyateL 
 
 night 
 
 sokanto 
 
 
 
 lightning 
 
 spe'het 
 
 
 
 soot 
 
 ta'pit 
 
 ta'pnit 
 
 
 storm 
 
 telukutca' 
 
 
 
 spring of water 
 
 
 t'en 
 
 
 prairie 
 
 t< ila-'xten 
 
 
 
 rancho, farm 
 
 
 tukalalo'pi-cte' 
 
 
 garden 
 
 t' uLne 
 
 
 
 bill 
 
 ta'a'u' 
 
 t'a'a'u 5 
 
 ta 'a'uneL 
 
 fire 
 
 ta-kai' ' 
 
 takai' 
 
 
 salt 
 
 ta-ke' ' 
 
 take' ' 
 
 
 road 
 
 tcayi'ya 
 
 tapaiye' 
 
 
 dust 
 
 ta'te-t 
 
 tatet' 
 
 
 smoke 
 
 
 tatsuwa'n 
 
 tatcwa-'niL 
 
 stars 
 
 
 
 tatcwa-'niLten 
 
 
 tats'o/opi' 
 
 tats 'o/pe ' 
 
 
 moon 
 
 te.le'k' 
 
 
 *te-'lik' t^n 
 
 holes, caves 
 
 t'e'lowa' 
 
 t 'e'Lxo ' 
 
 t 'eluwa 'NCL 
 
 thunder 
 
 
 
 t 'elowile 
 
 
 toko'i 
 
 t<i.k<o"Yi 
 
 
 whirlwind 
 
 ta'a'i 
 
 tapai', top'ai' 
 
 
 ashes 
 
 tpoi, tpo-1, tso'la 
 
 t'op' o'iya 
 
 *t 'opo'iyela ' 
 
 mountain 
 
 
 t- o-'poiyip 
 
 
 Pleiades 
 
 tc 'ewuni' ' 
 
 tc 'anone' ' 
 
 
 light of day 
 
 tc 'umye'L 
 
 teo-mia'L 
 
 tcumiane'L 
 
 ice 
 
 ts 'a-kai' 
 
 ts 'a-kai" 
 
 ts 'akaite'nat 
 
 wind 
 
 ts 'ahe-'L 
 
 ts 'ahe'L 
 
 ts 'axaneL 
 
 snow 
 
 ts 'ensiL 
 
 tsi'ntsin 
 
 
 sand 
 
 ts 'opo' 
 
 sa'pa 
 
 ts'oponeL 
 
 fog, frost 
 
 emk 'we'L 
 
 umk 'we'L 
 
 
 world 
 
 xaipke'ya 
 
 
 
 escarbason 
 
 PERSONAL TERMS 
 
 ama' ' 
 
 ama" 
 
 
 paternal grandfather 
 
 ane'wu 
 
 aneij' 
 
 
 grandmother 
 
 apai' ' 
 
 apa'i 
 
 
 mother 
 
 
 ape-'u' 
 
 
 brother 
 
134 
 
 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn.- [Vol. 14 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 Plural 
 
 Meaning 
 
 sa-k 
 
 asa-'k' 
 
 
 uncle, mother 's elder 
 
 
 
 
 brother 
 
 
 apa'c 
 
 
 father's younger sister 
 
 a'teloi, aya.oi 
 
 
 aya.eloi 
 
 companion 
 
 atu'kai 
 
 
 
 lord, senor 
 
 a'xomo 
 
 
 
 foster father 
 
 epeselet 
 
 
 epesele'lmet 
 
 enemy 
 
 e'pex 
 
 exo', e'pex 
 
 
 mother 
 
 e'sxa 
 
 tomasa'xo 
 
 *te'msoxten 
 
 cousin, younger sister 's 
 
 
 
 
 child (nephew) 
 
 e'xwat 
 
 oxwa't' 
 
 
 mother-in-law 
 
 iko'lu-ne' 
 
 
 
 fool 
 
 
 i'la 
 
 
 friend 
 
 inexa' 
 
 
 inelkxa 
 
 relation 
 
 ienxe' 
 
 
 
 parent 
 
 insaka' 
 
 
 insakte'n 
 
 godson, adopted son 
 
 ito'l 
 
 
 itolane'l 
 
 brother 
 
 kact 'elmak' 
 
 
 hact 'elmilok 
 
 talker 
 
 ka-i 
 
 ka-iyo' ' 
 
 
 elder brother 
 
 kano'dile 
 
 
 
 trader 
 
 k< e'nca-niL 
 
 
 
 God 
 
 
 ket 'ne' 
 
 
 white people 
 
 
 keue'aca' 
 
 
 uncle 
 
 k'weL 
 
 
 
 people 
 
 la 
 
 laN 
 
 
 husband 
 
 lemikela't 
 
 lamek' nela-T 
 
 
 Coast Indians 
 
 
 La'pae 
 
 
 father's elder brother 
 
 lets'e" 
 
 lene' ' 
 
 lee'tsen 
 
 woman 
 
 lu-wa' ' 
 
 lu-wai' 
 
 *luaya'to 
 
 male, man 
 
 mace'l 
 
 
 
 great-grandchild 
 
 
 mone" 
 
 
 mother's younger brother 
 
 
 
 
 or sister 
 
 nene' ' 
 
 nene" 
 
 
 grandparents 
 
 nunenxa-yo 
 
 
 
 congregation 
 
 pas 
 
 
 
 father's elder sister 
 
 pe' 
 
 pepe' 
 
 
 elder sister 
 
 as 
 
 pa'so', p'a'so 
 
 *pa'seii 
 
 child, son 
 
 ek< 
 
 pexk 
 
 ekxe'l 
 
 father 
 
 se 
 
 SCN 
 
 se-ts'e'n 
 
 wife 
 
 see'l 
 
 
 
 girls 
 
 
 sepxa-' 
 
 
 child 
 
 setilka'i 
 
 
 
 great-great-grandchild 
 
 ska'ata" 
 
 
 sk 'ata'ten 
 
 infant 
 
 
 sk'amaxa n' 
 
 
 elf, dwarf 
 
 
 sna'tpeteko' 
 
 
 little girl 
 
 sotopen 
 
 
 
 pet, guardian 
 
 ste-xa' ' 
 
 
 se-mta'N 
 
 boy 
 
 
 
 *sme-'ten 
 
 
 stau", ctou-" 
 
 su'kumku 
 
 skunta-'m 
 
 girl, maiden 
 
 ta'iyaL 
 
 tema'k 
 
 
 grandchild 
 
 takacau' 
 
 tekica' 
 
 
 twins 
 
1918] 
 
 Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 
 
 135 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 Plural 
 
 Meaning 
 
 ta' 
 
 okV 
 
 
 father's younger brother 
 
 ta'kin 
 
 ta'ken 
 
 k'ta-'nta 
 
 shaman 
 
 ta-k 
 
 te'nak 
 
 
 child of elder brother 
 
 ta'leu 
 
 
 
 brother-in-law 
 
 h ta-ma" 
 
 ta-m 
 
 tarn 'a'ten 
 
 man 
 
 te-le" 
 
 tata' 
 
 
 father 
 
 
 te'pacek 
 
 
 child of younger brother 
 
 
 te'takwa 
 
 
 slave 
 
 tica"au, ti'co 
 
 
 
 daughter 
 
 t< icke'M 
 
 
 t'ickema'L 
 
 Tularenos 
 
 tienkha 
 
 
 tie'neLxa 
 
 friend, family 
 
 timta'L 
 
 
 
 elder brother's wife 
 
 timu'yo 
 
 
 
 congregation 
 
 t'ON 
 
 t'on 
 
 
 younger sister 
 
 tos, t'o-s 
 
 tos 
 
 t 'o'sen 
 
 younger brother 
 
 tuke'wi 
 
 te'mai ' 
 
 
 daughter-in-law 
 
 tutai'yucap 
 
 
 
 blacksmith 
 
 taxate'y 'a 
 
 
 
 gathering of Indians 
 
 
 
 t'ela-t'Nel 
 
 brothers 
 
 te'leM 
 
 t'e-le'm' 
 
 
 son-in-law 
 
 t'o-'wat', teho't 
 
 tepo-"t' 
 
 t'u-t'a-'L 
 
 Indians, natives 
 
 
 
 *tipota'ha-L 
 
 
 
 
 *tepot'ha'lap' 
 
 
 tinaihi, titcon 
 
 
 titco'nel 
 
 enemy 
 
 t< o'xo-ke 
 
 
 
 murderer 
 
 tcaiya' ' 
 
 tena'iyaL 
 
 
 grandchild 
 
 celte' ' 
 
 tc' ene' ' 
 
 slee'ten 
 
 old woman 
 
 
 
 *tci'nten 
 
 
 steluwa' ' 
 
 tcilwai'Yi 
 
 steluwi' ' 
 
 old man 
 
 t< sa-'iniya 
 
 
 
 former wife 
 
 
 wa't' nak 
 
 
 nephew 
 
 xa.la' ', axala'u 
 
 xala-' 
 
 
 maternal grandfather 
 
 hapti' 
 
 
 
 widower 
 
 
 hensi' 
 
 
 trader, peddler 
 
 he'uwukultcaguLastel 
 
 interpreter 
 
 ABSTEACT AND 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS TEEMS 
 
 ani'ya ' 
 
 
 
 liberality 
 
 ats 
 
 
 a'tsten 
 
 booty 
 
 atceco' 
 
 
 
 health 
 
 a'xa-ti' ' 
 
 
 
 music 
 
 t' ica-'kai 
 
 ca-l 
 
 *t< ica'xal 
 
 dream, revelation, 
 
 
 
 
 amulet, luck 
 
 cele' 
 
 
 
 north wind 
 
 exomck 'i' ' 
 
 
 
 favor 
 
 e/ke' 
 
 
 
 direction, journey 
 
 elka-'p 
 
 - 
 
 
 autumn 
 
 elpa'L, LpaL 
 
 
 
 spring, (summer, har- 
 
 
 
 
 vest) 
 
 e'nex 
 
 
 
 bead measure 
 
 e' 'envi' 
 
 
 
 necessity 
 
136 
 
 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 Plural Meaning 
 
 e'u 
 
 
 pain, inconvenience 
 
 ickonmitce'y 'a 
 
 
 love-sickness 
 
 iewutcni'y'a 
 
 
 temptation 
 
 line' 
 
 
 summer 
 
 itomu'i ' 
 
 
 magic wand, revelation 
 
 kai'e 
 
 
 kayte carriage, bringing 
 
 kane'a 
 
 kane' 
 
 cold, influenza 
 
 k 'aitupke'y 'a 
 
 
 k 'a'itupkele'ya disenterring 
 
 kauo'mtop 
 
 
 year 
 
 ka-'keL 
 
 ka-'kel 
 
 ka-'keltenax song 
 
 ka'u 
 
 
 custom 
 
 k 'ane'nxa 
 
 
 thing above 
 
 kemi'li 
 
 
 amulet 
 
 ke'o 
 
 
 place, locality 
 
 ketpa-'t 
 
 
 snake-bite 
 
 k 'ewe'L 
 
 k VWCL 
 
 north, (west) 
 
 kitse'na 
 
 
 reflection 
 
 kla'mta, 
 
 kalam 
 
 sore, scar 
 
 klamte'ya 
 
 
 
 konetco 
 
 
 place 
 
 ko-'nxa' 
 
 poknoyaluna' 
 
 afternoon, evening 
 
 koto'sna' 
 
 
 koto'stena noise 
 
 kato, coto 
 
 
 place 
 
 kwa'lwai 
 
 
 swelling, inflammation 
 
 k'wa'l 
 
 
 season 
 
 kwa'l 
 
 
 *k 'olciyip thing 
 
 la-e'y'a 
 
 
 pity, compassion 
 
 la-'mka 
 
 la-'mka 
 
 west, on coast, (south, 
 
 
 
 north) 
 
 le-ta'na' 
 
 leta'kna 
 
 noon 
 
 le-c 
 
 lee 
 
 east, (north, south) 
 
 lice' 
 
 lice' ' 
 
 elci'taneL year, winter 
 
 
 lo'le 1 
 
 women 's dance 
 
 mano 
 
 
 place, position 
 
 me'seamtca' 
 
 
 west wind 
 
 metsiliu 
 
 
 perforation 
 
 na' 'xo 
 
 
 quarter, cardinal point 
 
 nek 
 
 
 proposition 
 
 nowa-na' ' 
 
 nowana'p ' 
 
 morning 
 
 oa'ik 
 
 
 ablution 
 
 p< a-'nlo 
 
 p'xa-'nol 
 
 south, (east) 
 
 paxat ' 
 
 
 dance 
 
 pok 
 
 
 sickness 
 
 
 p 'e'nap 'e ' 
 
 fiesta, celebration 
 
 p< Le-'to 
 
 
 pieces, bits 
 
 
 sawine' 
 
 dance 
 
 
 sewananhai 
 
 health 
 
 skael 
 
 skwa'l 
 
 scar, cut 
 
 sokani'ya 
 
 
 vision 
 
 ta'kat 
 
 
 takelet, talakat work, trade 
 
 ta'LxwaLnai' 
 
 
 work 
 
1918] 
 
 Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 
 
 137 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Migueleno Plural 
 
 Meaning 
 
 
 taka' 
 
 
 gift 
 
 
 tauiye' 
 
 
 fever 
 
 
 tawa't 
 
 
 east wind 
 
 
 ten.a-'so 
 
 
 happening 
 
 
 tesene'o 
 
 
 sickness 
 
 
 tewia't 
 
 tewililiat 
 
 promise 
 
 
 
 tiat< aula ' 
 
 wound 
 
 
 tipin, tipni'ya 
 
 
 pain 
 
 
 V ica-'kai 
 
 
 sleep 
 
 
 timni'y 'a 
 
 
 sickness 
 
 
 titaku 
 
 
 northwest 
 
 
 tehoni' 
 
 tihoni' 
 
 medicine 
 
 
 toye'm 
 
 
 cause 
 
 
 tu'o 
 
 
 composition, 
 
 manner 
 
 tewa'cyu 
 
 
 first half of 
 
 moon 
 
 
 t'a'kai' 
 
 pieces, bits 
 
 
 tatil 
 
 
 cold 
 
 
 tekeko 
 
 
 summit 
 
 
 tinai'o 
 
 
 flight 
 
 
 to-'kena' 
 
 to-'kan to'kena-teL 
 
 day 
 
 
 
 tokne' 
 
 smallpox 
 
 
 
 tuxtine 
 
 hells 
 
 
 tcaka 
 
 tcakoi 
 
 time 
 
 
 tcinimakwe' 
 
 
 lie 
 
 
 tcap 
 
 
 sickness 
 
 
 tce'e'y'a 
 
 
 mark, sign 
 
 
 tsip 
 
 tsipe'ti 
 
 pomp 
 
 
 
 tsoke' 
 
 battle 
 
 
 
 wate' 
 
 law 
 
 
 
 pia, hia 
 
 half of cardinal point 
 
 xapa'tco 
 
 
 division 
 
 
 
 xiwe'i 
 
 men's dance 
 
 
 
 xolowes 
 
 diarrhoea 
 
 
 
 xomu'nilit 
 
 sins 
 
 
 xo'tapleta^na 
 
 xotapluleta'pna 
 
 afternoon 
 
 
 xuiwai' 
 
 xuyiliwai' 
 
 soul, memory 
 
 , thought 
 
 VERBAL STEMS 
 
 (k)a' 
 
 ka, a' 
 
 
 &, (k)a-n, 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 (k)a'h'a 
 
 
 
 a'cik'mek 
 
 
 
 a'cek 
 
 a'ceP 
 
 a'ciL 
 
 acame 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 aik 'nop 
 
 (S) 
 
 aiktinop 
 
 ai'tim 
 
 (S) 
 
 aitilme' 
 
 
 (S) 
 
 aitilta'k 
 
 (ke')a'yomic 
 
 (S) 
 
 (ke')ayc 
 
 say, decide, permit 
 conceive (animal) 
 
 hit by shooting 
 
 sit, seat, (test, try) 
 
 write 
 
 be tired, faint 
 
 enclose 
 
 divide, distribute 
 
138 
 
 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 Plural 
 
 Meaning 
 
 ai(k), 
 
 (S) 
 
 ayi'lik 
 
 defend, protect, retain 
 
 ait (em) 
 
 (S) 
 
 aitil(me), ayilit 
 
 guard, defend, intercede 
 
 a'yom 
 
 (S) 
 
 a 'ylom, ayomil 
 
 hinder, defend 
 
 akca' 
 
 
 akcela' 
 
 be thirsty 
 
 
 *(k)ake'l' 
 
 
 hung, be hung 
 
 a^'ke'n 
 
 a-ki'nyi ' 
 
 a-'ke'n 
 
 think 
 
 a-'le'l(k) 
 
 
 a-'le'lt(k) 
 
 ask, inquire 
 
 aJe, 'alo-m 
 
 ale(k) 
 
 alilo-m, alele 
 
 teach, learn 
 
 aleknox 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 enter, introduce 
 
 (m)ale'n 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 unite, combine 
 
 a-lx 
 
 
 a-'liyax, a-'lile 
 
 desire, love, want 
 
 alsa-'L 
 
 alsa-'l(o) 
 
 alsa-'ltenex (M) pray (Sp. rezar?) 
 
 amalek 
 
 (S) 
 
 amolek 
 
 give alms, assist 
 
 (p)ama-t' 
 
 (p)ema-'t 
 
 (p)amat'el 
 
 chase, expel 
 
 a'menep 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 defecate 
 
 amaitila' 
 
 (S) 
 
 amaitiltina' 
 
 reconcile, make peace 
 
 'a'mes 
 
 a'mas 
 
 a'mesiL 
 
 shout, cry, yell 
 
 a'male 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 gather food 
 
 a-mt' e 
 
 o'mti' 
 
 a-'mt' ele 
 
 hunt 
 
 
 
 amettine (S) 
 
 
 araitci 
 
 (S) 
 
 amitcinmak 
 
 lie, tell untruth 
 
 amauc (S) 
 
 a-mo'e 
 
 amaulic 
 
 guard, preserve 
 
 
 
 amaucelte 
 
 
 
 
 amaueelayo 
 
 
 ama 
 
 amo" 
 
 ama 
 
 eat, suck gruel 
 
 a-m(k) 
 
 a'mk 
 
 a-mkNe' 'Ik 
 
 be able, can, kill 
 
 
 
 a^mt 'elik 
 
 
 
 
 a-mxot'e 
 
 
 a-m(p) 
 
 a-'menep 
 
 a-melep 
 
 arise, leave 
 
 a-mamp 
 
 
 amant 'ap 
 
 extract, withdraw 
 
 a'nat(ax) 
 
 
 
 leave free 
 
 a'nem 
 
 (S) 
 
 a'netem 
 
 remain 
 
 anemt(ak) 
 
 (S) 
 
 ane'mtilt(ak) 
 
 pardon 
 
 
 *(p)ani'k<o' 
 
 
 give 
 
 '(ra)a"n 
 
 
 
 pass, enter 
 
 
 *(k)a'nata 
 
 
 pound, pulverize 
 
 (k)apale' 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 place in line 
 
 t ( P )apa.' 1 
 
 
 
 copulate 
 
 (a)pak'a 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 close (door) 
 
 
 a'pa-t 
 
 
 roast, tatemar 
 
 (a)pamak'e 
 
 (8) 
 
 
 love 
 
 (a)pa-uye' 
 
 CaVpa-u 
 
 
 overtake, catch 
 
 (a) pane' 
 
 (S) 
 
 apatene 
 
 kiss 
 
 (k)a'p'axtenop 
 
 
 
 smash, shatter 
 
 (a)pena'x 
 
 (S) 
 
 (a)penilax 
 
 receive 
 
 (a)p<ene"(k) 
 
 
 apeinatile(k) 
 
 fill, cover with water 
 
 a'peL, ep'eL 
 
 a'pel, epeL 
 
 ep' ena-teL 
 
 fill 
 
 apokop (S) 
 
 (t)o'pokap 
 
 apeknelop 
 
 be well, cure 
 
 apoi'lek 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 gather, collect 
 
 'a'se 
 
 
 
 bear, give birth 
 
 a'si(k) 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 reserve, guard 
 
1918] 
 
 Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 
 
 139 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 Plural 
 
 Meaning 
 
 a-'se 
 
 as 
 
 a-'sile 
 
 name, call 
 
 (p)astcene"-(k) 
 
 
 
 beg, prohibit 
 
 *a-'su, (m)as 
 
 
 
 think 
 
 
 *(p)ata'lok<e' 
 
 
 lassoo 
 
 a'tanop 
 
 ot 'oinop 
 
 
 rise, jump 
 
 (k)atn,(k)atipn 
 
 > 
 
 (k)a'tap'nehe' 
 
 hurt, torment, oblige 
 
 (k)atce (S) 
 
 
 
 
 (k)aten 
 
 
 
 rob, steal 
 
 a't'unk'a-x, 
 
 
 
 stick, fasten 
 
 atno'x 
 
 
 
 
 atepnek 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 speak rapidly 
 
 ate 'a- u wi ' 
 
 
 ate 'a-uli ' 
 
 meet, encounter 
 
 (m)atcakat 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 be outside 
 
 
 
 atce'weltek (S) 
 
 be cast, stretched 
 
 ateixtei(n) 
 
 18) 
 
 
 beg 
 
 atsintca 
 
 (S) 
 
 atsintcela 
 
 anoint 
 
 *atsatak 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 cook, make food 
 
 autce, otee 
 
 (S) 
 
 autcele 
 
 aid, assist 
 
 a-x 
 
 ax 
 
 a'yax 
 
 place, put, seat 
 
 a'xai 
 
 
 a'xa-iyot (M) 
 
 fear, be afraid 
 
 (p)axaya'u 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 separate, divide 
 
 *(k)a'xa-nla' 
 
 
 
 shout 
 
 
 a'xap, axa-'ta 
 
 
 climb, rise 
 
 a'xap 
 
 ci'xaptep 
 
 a'xatep 
 
 die 
 
 *a.'xat 'a 
 
 
 
 touch 
 
 axatcnap 
 
 e'xtc 'nop 
 
 
 split, part 
 
 *(k)a'xk<o' 
 
 
 
 be careful 
 
 (p)axo.'t 
 
 
 axoten 
 
 hunt burrowing animals 
 
 
 
 axotot 
 
 
 
 
 axo'nilet 
 
 
 axt 'elik 
 
 
 
 insert, pour, fasten 
 
 "(m)a'we-'xe, 
 
 
 
 stand firm, resist 
 
 exwe (S) 
 
 
 
 
 au'we, a'wen 
 
 
 aewetenelo (S) 
 
 prepare, approach 
 
 awi 
 
 
 
 be hot, heat 
 
 
 
 C 
 
 
 ca-ke' 'n 
 
 
 
 point, aim 
 
 ca-'moc(k) 
 
 
 
 salute, greet 
 
 cumwel, camle' 
 
 samal 
 
 
 be blind 
 
 cap' 
 
 cap 
 
 
 extinguish, put out 
 
 ca-wena-ni 
 
 
 
 dance (ceremonial?) 
 
 *ca-xa'ta' 
 
 
 
 open mouth 
 
 ce/pa 'lo< 
 
 
 ce-'p'etep< (M) 
 
 be afraid, fear 
 
 cetene 
 
 (S) 
 
 cetenele 
 
 bud, sprout, bear leaves 
 
 ce'tep 
 
 ci'tip 
 
 ce'tLip 
 
 die 
 
 ce'wili ' 
 
 
 ce'wilt' e 
 
 lie down 
 
 (i)cko' 
 
 (i)eko 
 
 ckol 
 
 be, be there 
 
 
 *cme- 'L 
 
 
 beat, strike 
 
 
 *co-ka' 
 
 
 tear, split 
 
 
 co-'ke"no t 
 
 cukintile (S) 
 
 open eyes, awake 
 
140 
 
 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 co-'lukne 
 
 co'me(n) 
 
 co'k 'a 'iyik 
 
 CO-' U L 
 
 co'une, cu-'ne' 
 
 (i)cxa'lo' 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 CO-L 
 
 co-n' 
 cxa'lo 
 
 Plural 
 
 cukai'yel (M) 
 
 cu-na'tilt 
 sxa'lho 
 
 Meaning 
 
 go through hole 
 
 haul, drag, stretch, creep 
 
 kick, trample 
 
 climb, chase up 
 
 kindle, light 
 
 be afraid, frighten 
 
 E 
 
 *(p)ece-"u 
 
 
 
 defeat, gain 
 
 e'ck 'waL 
 
 
 
 cut, saw, hit 
 
 eck 'op 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 sew 
 
 *eiha'na 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 give 
 
 (p)eya'nekx 
 
 (8) 
 
 (p)eyalenkx 
 
 visit 
 
 *(p)eine 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 sting, pick, bite 
 
 *eipastas 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 arrive, overtake 
 
 
 he'k'a' 
 
 
 tell, say 
 
 
 eka, ika' 
 
 
 be, exist, be there 
 
 *ekatop< 
 
 
 
 go outside 
 
 ekona', ako'ne 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 add water 
 
 (k)ela'utptila.'pek (S) 
 
 (k)elautptilila-'pek 
 
 be cut 
 
 
 e-1' 
 
 
 go ahead 
 
 eleknox 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 conceive 
 
 elut 'na'pek 
 
 
 
 pray 
 
 (e)ma.'t< 
 
 
 
 kill 
 
 emek 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 make cross 
 
 e'na-i 
 
 enai 
 
 
 wound, oblige 
 
 ena-ni' ' 
 
 
 
 observe, look around 
 
 * 'nek 
 
 
 
 decide, say 
 
 *(t)enk'itox 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 season, make spicy 
 
 (k)ecna' (S) 
 
 (k)eno'l 
 
 
 sweat 
 
 eoni 
 
 
 onile 
 
 give medicine 
 
 epe'nxo 
 
 epe'nox 
 
 
 swallow, gulp 
 
 ept'a" 
 
 ept 'a' 
 
 a-pt'e'la' 
 
 be cold 
 
 (e)pt'en 
 
 
 (ke)pt'enil 
 
 scratch, wound 
 
 epts 'e 'n 
 
 
 epts'enla' 
 
 sting, bite 
 
 ep' tc< o-'p' 
 
 optc 'ep 
 
 
 become tired, tire 
 
 ese'l 
 
 (S) 
 
 esele'l 
 
 impede, obstruct 
 
 espolo'x 
 
 
 
 catch, seize 
 
 eta" 
 
 eta 
 
 
 make 
 
 etak 'a' 
 
 etak 'a' 
 
 etakLi 
 
 call, shout 
 
 etatj n la 
 
 
 
 say, be said 
 
 et 'eyine' 
 
 et 'ene' 
 
 et 'eyitine' 
 
 shoot with arrow 
 
 *(p)ete-le" 
 
 
 
 see 
 
 etxau' 
 
 etxau ' 
 
 etxautilau' 
 
 have, possess 
 
 (e)t'a-'k 
 
 
 
 tie, bind 
 
 (p)etot' 
 
 
 
 spear 
 
 et'e-k 
 
 et'a'kox 
 
 at'ek 
 
 stand, remain, halt 
 
 
 *e-tc 'o'i 
 
 
 suck 
 
 *etco'ka' 
 
 
 
 be quiet 
 
 
 (k)e'we4s'na 
 
 (k) e'wets 'its 'tena' 
 
 cry, scream 
 
1918] 
 
 Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 
 
 141 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 Plural 
 
 Meaning 
 
 ewia'mic 
 
 (S) 
 
 ewila'mic 
 
 presume 
 
 ewiate 
 
 (S) 
 
 ewiliate 
 
 do right, not to sin 
 
 *e'het'-i7xa' 
 
 
 
 fly around 
 
 exoyuem 
 
 (S) 
 
 exoyuem 
 
 think 
 
 e'xwaL 
 
 
 oxwete-le 
 
 grind, pound, hit 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 ia, ie 
 
 ia, ie 
 
 ial 
 
 go 
 
 ia-'tek 
 
 ia-'tek 
 
 ia-'tlek 
 
 send 
 
 iam, iem 
 
 ia-m 
 
 iema-lt'e' 
 
 see 
 
 
 
 iamaNeLk 
 
 
 iem'6 
 
 ium 
 
 
 know 
 
 iemat 
 
 (S) 
 
 iematil 
 
 show 
 
 ia.'k 
 
 
 
 guard 
 
 *(k)i'au 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 take, extract 
 
 iau(k) 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 do 
 
 *ia'utc 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 touch, tickle 
 
 iax, iex 
 
 iax, iex 
 
 iaxteL 
 
 come 
 
 ica-k 
 
 ica 
 
 ica-kai' 
 
 go, walk, wander 
 
 icx 
 
 icx 
 
 ecxot 
 
 eat 
 
 (i)cepix 
 
 
 
 pretend 
 
 (ki)c(a)k'e-le' 
 
 
 
 roll, revolve 
 
 (ke)ck'a'lax 
 
 
 
 
 'icxai ' 
 
 'ecxai' 
 
 'ecxai'yaL 
 
 dawn, arise at dawn 
 
 icim 
 
 
 ictem, ostem 
 
 drink 
 
 icko'ne 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 be cruel 
 
 icno'mic 
 
 i'cnomadc 
 
 icno'ma-ic (M) 
 
 believe 
 
 (t)ico-'p 
 
 (t)i'c r o'p 
 
 
 determine, find out 
 
 *(t)icpa"n 
 
 
 
 remove, cut (grass) 
 
 * iema-ni 'k 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 begin, commence 
 
 ienk 
 
 
 
 contain 
 
 ie'nto 
 
 ie'nt'xo 
 
 
 approach, overtake 
 
 iete 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 be sent 
 
 (k)iewilte' 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 argue, quarrel 
 
 (t<)ika"wu 
 
 
 
 do customarily 
 
 iak'owe (S) 
 
 (k)i'k'ate- 
 
 
 fight, battle 
 
 ilik 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 laugh 
 
 
 *(m)ilyo-ta 
 
 
 pay attention to 
 
 (il)k'elpa, 
 
 
 Lk 'elt' epa 
 
 return, turn around 
 
 k'et'p'a 
 
 
 
 
 elk 'ile-'nxa ' 
 
 
 
 return, turn around 
 
 ekele'ntxo, 
 
 
 
 return, turn around 
 
 ikile'nxa 
 
 
 
 
 ilk 'ita 
 
 ik 'e/so ' 
 
 
 cover over 
 
 
 
 *imanila' (S) 
 
 visit 
 
 imxoya-k 
 
 
 iraxoue'le (S) 
 
 await, wait, rest 
 
 ineitil 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 contradict, reject 
 
 inemil 
 
 (S) 
 
 inemilte' 
 
 endanger, lack 
 
 iyo'hun 
 
 
 
 bark, cry 
 
 (a)yo'p(ik) 
 
 
 yop'L(ik) 
 
 stake, implant 
 
142 
 
 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 Plural 
 
 Meaning 
 
 io'tsp 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 fornicate 
 
 ioxt 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 stir 
 
 ise.'na' 
 
 
 isi'tina 
 
 be ill, sick 
 
 isol 
 
 
 
 be compassionate 
 
 
 isxa-'teL 
 
 
 urinate 
 
 
 *(k)ite.'mna 
 
 
 sound 
 
 *(k)itpetmak 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 bite, chew 
 
 itca', Itc 'a', 
 
 
 
 
 etc 'e- 
 
 
 i' 'tciL 
 
 halt, stop, straighten 
 
 ica-, itcu 
 
 
 
 lift, rise, surpass 
 
 *(k)itca 
 
 
 
 prepare 
 
 itco'mnox 
 
 
 ctcumtonox 
 
 fall, fell 
 
 itc 'okmai 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 speak proudly 
 
 itc, ic, exe' 
 
 (S) 
 
 iceL 
 
 hate 
 
 *(k)itcu'mtilai(k) 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 lie, mistake 
 
 i'tse 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 introduce, enter 
 
 (k)itsipex 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 vaporize 
 
 i.'ts 'omyac 
 
 
 
 love, like 
 
 itsoye' 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 lift up high 
 
 itsi 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 break wind 
 
 itspaka 
 
 (S) 
 
 itspakayile 
 
 join 
 
 *iwa'nmak 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 amuse, divert 
 
 
 iyi 
 
 
 end, finish 
 
 
 
 *(k)i'yit'iL 
 
 fight, battle 
 
 i' 'yo-te ' 
 
 yi'te' 
 
 io't'Ne 
 
 shake, move 
 
 *(k)ixa'ya 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 be angry, quarrel 
 
 ixa'te 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 do well 
 
 
 
 K 
 
 
 *(k)ai'yax 
 
 
 
 drop 
 
 (k)ayik 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 receive 
 
 k'a'ina' 
 
 
 k'a'itena' 
 
 play 
 
 ka-k 'a 
 
 k' a-'ka 
 
 ka-k'La 
 
 sing 
 
 (k) ak 'a'ye 
 
 (S) 
 
 (k)ak'a'yile 
 
 be inclined to 
 
 (e)k'au'a, 
 
 (S) 
 
 (e)k'a.'ltin'a 
 
 agree, (be seated) 
 
 k'a-l'a 
 
 
 
 
 k 'a' La 
 
 
 k'a-Ltena' 
 
 fight, battle 
 
 (k)a'lep, 
 
 
 (k)alo'lop (S) 
 
 lose, forget 
 
 (k)e'lep 
 
 
 
 
 (k)a'mau 
 
 (S) 
 
 (k)ameytile 
 
 be together, join 
 
 k 'amle' 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 peep, peer, squint 
 
 k'apk 
 
 (S) 
 
 kapil 
 
 sweep, erase 
 
 *(k<)arme' 
 
 
 
 wander, stroll 
 
 ka-u 
 
 kau'wi 
 
 ka'xa-u 
 
 sleep 
 
 *(k)a'wa 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 be lacking 
 
 
 *(k)auke' 
 
 
 taste, like 
 
 *(k)aunop 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 finish, end 
 
 (k')e-'L 
 
 
 
 dry up 
 
 
 k'e.'lo'(p) 
 
 
 tie, bind . 
 
 k 'epot 'au 
 
 
 k'epo-t'ilau 
 
 follow, pursue 
 
1918] 
 
 Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 
 
 143 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 ke-sk 
 
 k'esk 
 
 *(k)etaye'te 
 (k)e-'yita' 
 k Vtipek 
 ki. 
 
 (S) 
 (k)aite 
 (S) 
 ki, i 
 ki-c 
 
 k 'itipa 
 k<o-l' 
 
 (S) 
 ko'L 
 
 k Vlik 
 k'o-L 
 
 (S) 
 
 k'o'lpax 
 k'o'k'ol'ce 
 
 k 'o'Lpex 
 
 k' o'nox 
 
 
 k'o'mate(k) 
 k 'unip 
 (k)uptun 
 
 (S) 
 (S) 
 *(k<)u'tex 
 
 (ke)la'ye 
 *la-ye' 
 
 (S) 
 (S) 
 lal 
 
 lam 
 
 lam 
 
 (k)La' 
 (k)La-'t'ne 
 la-wa' ' 
 
 (k)La'patene 
 la-'lua' 
 
 lei 
 *(ke)lekema'k 
 (k)LeM' 
 li'cxai 
 
 (S) 
 (S) 
 
 le'cxai ' 
 
 li.xo' 
 
 lale-'xo' 
 
 lo-L 
 
 lo-l 
 
 loxo, lok'o 
 luane 
 lu'etce 
 (ke)luk'ua'la 
 *lum 
 
 loko'xo ' 
 
 (S) 
 (S) 
 (S) 
 (S) 
 
 ma'ca-L 
 
 
 (k)Mad 
 ma-k 
 
 mak 
 
 * (ke) makwoxtel 
 
 (S) 
 
 ma-L 
 
 maL 
 
 male-'ntax 
 
 male'ntox 
 
 mala-k 
 
 
 ma'le 
 *(m)a'nketso 
 ma-t 
 
 (S) 
 (S) 
 
 Plural 
 
 (k)e-'yiteL 
 k 'e'telapek 
 kiya-L 
 
 k 'ilipa 
 ko.'la 
 k 'olitak 
 
 ko'nlox, ko'lox 
 ko-'mat' elte 
 
 (k)uptinil 
 
 L 
 
 (ke)lea'ite 
 lay in e' 
 
 lamhaL 
 (k)La'pat 
 (k)La-'t'tene 
 la-u- 
 
 (k) limit' 
 
 liya 'iyax, li-t' xo 
 lo-'xLa 
 
 luanile 
 lu'etcile 
 
 Meaning 
 
 spy, watch 
 
 present, deliver, devote 
 
 laugh, shout 
 
 banish, exile 
 
 go 
 
 resemble, like 
 
 march 
 
 be hungry 
 
 guard 
 
 lift, arise 
 
 arise, spring up 
 
 converse, speak 
 
 arrive, reach 
 
 buy 
 
 desire 
 
 scratch 
 
 eat 
 
 be merciful 
 
 move, shake 
 
 eject, throw out 
 
 eat 
 
 break, be broken 
 
 swim 
 
 release, separate, leave 
 
 forsake, abandon, divorce 
 
 requite, revenge 
 
 fall 
 
 rain 
 
 throw, cast, hit 
 
 burn oneself 
 
 seize, squeeze, grasp 
 
 know 
 
 serve 
 
 heed, pursue 
 
 separate fire 
 
 M 
 
 maltintak (S) blaze, burn 
 (k)Ma-'iyal' (M) live, possess home 
 
 ma-tak 
 
 ma'lo-L 
 
 maltintak (S) 
 malta-k 
 
 ma-telau 
 
 give 
 
 sigh, breathe deeply 
 
 fly 
 
 remember, think 
 advise, say 
 doubt 
 insert, add 
 fill oneself 
 
144 
 
 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 Antoniano. 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 Plural 
 
 Meaning 
 
 ma-' 'a 
 
 ma'a-'u' 
 
 ma-tele' 
 
 bring, carry, raise 
 
 *me 
 
 
 
 sleep 
 
 mene' (S) 
 
 me-'n' 
 
 
 go to bring 
 
 
 (t)me< (nak) 
 
 
 go to see 
 
 me-'s 
 
 mi'slip 
 
 mest 
 
 smell, scent 
 
 (a')me-'t 
 
 me-'t 
 
 
 try, attempt 
 
 me-t 'au' 
 
 
 
 feel 
 
 *(tam) e-'tca 
 
 
 
 arise, get up 
 
 *(ke)mi'ltop 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 lightning 
 
 *mitac 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 make 
 
 nri-'tel-ak 
 
 
 mi-'tela-tak' 
 
 defeat, beat 
 
 mi't'ik 
 
 mi't'ik 
 
 mi't 'Lik 
 
 run, flee 
 
 mie 
 
 (S)' 
 
 milic 
 
 celebrate, entertain 
 
 
 
 *(i)mo'kLop 
 
 drown 
 
 molo'x 
 
 molox 
 
 ma'ltox 
 
 jump 
 
 map 
 
 mopke/ 
 
 
 grow, increase 
 
 mopxi' 
 
 
 
 be obliged 
 
 mot 'u'xo 
 
 
 
 tighten 
 
 moupx 
 
 (S) 
 
 molopx 
 
 strengthen 
 
 *mue'teko 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 watch, observe 
 
 
 
 N 
 
 
 
 *(e)nac 
 
 
 dismount 
 
 na-'yi' 
 
 nai 
 
 na-ihyi' ' 
 
 flee, run 
 
 
 *naye'm 
 
 
 bring (wood) 
 
 na-'lo 
 
 
 na'lyeton' (M) 
 
 await, wait for 
 
 naL 
 
 nal 
 
 
 fill oneself, satiate 
 
 (ke)na'me 
 
 (S) 
 
 (ke)namo'ten 
 
 heat, warm oneself 
 
 nep (S) 
 
 nap' 
 
 
 cook 
 
 ne'ka' 
 
 
 nixla' (S) 
 
 obey 
 
 ne' 
 
 ne' 
 
 ne'wo't (M) 
 
 take, seize, bring 
 
 (ki)neutile 
 
 (S) 
 
 (ki)neutilte 
 
 change, move 
 
 newiox, 
 
 
 
 
 (pe)noyo'xo 
 
 (S) 
 
 (pe)no'toxo 
 
 assent, agree 
 
 (ki)ni'ya 
 
 
 
 take away, rob 
 
 (e)no-'nanax 
 
 no'iyo ' 
 
 (e)nuntilentaxo 
 
 
 
 
 (S) 
 
 collect, gather 
 
 *nok'i-'c 
 
 
 
 appear 
 
 no'le 
 
 (S) 
 
 no'lele 
 
 run 
 
 (o)noie 
 
 (S) 
 
 (o)no'te 
 
 dare 
 
 
 
 (e)notili' 
 
 trade, barter, pay 
 
 notx 
 
 
 
 push away 
 
 
 
 *(e)nota"asiL 
 
 do 
 
 (e)notcene' 
 
 (S) 
 
 (o)notcen'e'te 
 
 draw near, communicate 
 
 (e)no'xo 
 
 
 (i)naxtilo (S) 
 
 come 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 *(ko)amo 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 move oneself 
 
 
 *(t)o-cko'n'E 
 
 
 be fastened 
 
 oi 
 
 (S) 
 
 oyil 
 
 learn, determine, know 
 
1918] 
 
 Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 
 
 145 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 Plural 
 
 Meaning 
 
 o'ye 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 remain, be left 
 
 o-ye' 
 
 
 ot'Ne' 
 
 respond, reply 
 
 o'yote 
 
 (S) 
 
 uyio'tine 
 
 move 
 
 okot 'nap 
 
 
 okot 'napelte 
 
 dodge 
 
 
 oko't'o' 
 
 
 kill 
 
 ok 'wa'te 
 
 (S)' 
 
 ok 'wa'tile 
 
 flatter, applaud 
 
 o'la'le' 
 
 
 
 be ashamed 
 
 olek, k'alok' 
 
 (S) 
 
 ole'palk 
 
 break 
 
 o'lo.li' 
 
 olole' ' 
 
 
 play flute 
 
 olt 'ek 
 
 
 
 cut, fell 
 
 o'maiye ' 
 
 
 o'mayau (S) 
 
 begin, commence, leave 
 
 o'ma 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 divide 
 
 *omia'm 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 meet 
 
 *o'miyo-te' 
 
 
 o' 'kiut' ne ' 
 
 support oneself, rest 
 
 omp 
 
 o'mop 
 
 omolop 
 
 finish, cease, end 
 
 (k)o-n 
 
 
 (k)o-'neL 
 
 escape, leave 
 
 onai'ye 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 encircle with belt 
 
 *(p)onataksa 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 send, order 
 
 *(k)o'niyi' 
 
 
 
 be afraid, ashamed 
 
 *ontcamaua'te 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 believe, suggest 
 
 opoi' 
 
 opa' 'u 
 
 op' oiteno'x 
 
 enter, insert, throw in 
 
 (k)o'potot'na 
 
 ' 
 
 
 boil 
 
 (e-'k)o-sna' 
 
 
 (e-'k)ostena ; 
 
 whistle 
 
 
 *(t)otenake' 
 
 
 become, make oneself 
 
 (k)otia' 
 
 (S) 
 
 (k)otilia' 
 
 be indisposed 
 
 
 *otokinek 
 
 
 pound, hammer 
 
 o-tatLe', 
 
 o't ? atnox 
 
 o'taxjele ' 
 
 butt, gore, dive 
 
 otaxle-' 
 
 
 
 
 *(k)o'tco-xnct' 
 
 
 
 drop, fall 
 
 (i)ox, (x)ox 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 approach 
 
 o'xoyo-te' 
 
 o'xoyo-ta'p 
 
 o'xoiyo-tela ' 
 
 live, exist 
 
 o'xo-ma' 
 
 
 o'xom'tela' 
 
 hide 
 
 o'xwetel (S) 
 
 o'xote 'p 
 
 
 whip, beat, punish 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 
 (p)aye'm 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 carry, bear 
 
 (p)aitcik 
 
 (S) 
 
 (p)aitciltek 
 
 visit, communicate 
 
 pa-ta, pa-ka 
 
 
 pa'tLa, pa'xLa 
 
 dance 
 
 (p)a'lek 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 heat, warm 
 
 *(p)amtinik 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 see 
 
 (p)aso'kau 
 
 
 
 scratch 
 
 (p)ats'ok' 
 
 a'u 
 
 
 
 *(p<)ca-ko' 
 
 
 
 chop 
 
 * (p)eina'x 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 see 
 
 (p)ele-'t'o 
 
 
 (p)e'lextLo 
 
 open 
 
 
 
 (p)e'me. '1 
 
 use, select 
 
 *penLa-'k'o 
 
 
 
 hustle 
 
 (p)esk'o'na 
 
 
 
 cook 
 
 pesno'xo 
 
 pesno'xo ' 
 
 pesnelo'xo 
 
 hear, listen 
 
146 
 
 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 Antoniano 
 pe'sene 
 
 pex 
 
 *(p)exe'ko 
 *pi' 
 
 *(p)iematilo'xo 
 *(p)ipta'tiko 
 *(p)itca-lta'naxo 
 
 okoleca' 
 
 (p)o'nek 
 
 pox 
 
 psa'lo 
 
 pxa-i 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 *(p) eta.no 
 (S) 
 
 (S) 
 
 (S) 
 (S) 
 (S) 
 
 (p')ocai' 
 pok' e'lec 
 *(p)o.L 
 
 (S) 
 pox 
 
 *p 'te'lo-to 
 
 Plural 
 pe'sintLe 
 
 polox 
 
 pxaiyiL 
 
 Meaning 
 
 think 
 
 seize, grasp 
 
 be born, come out 
 
 reject, separate 
 
 be (substantive) 
 
 suffer 
 
 bite, grind 
 
 dream 
 
 lift, raise 
 
 advise, notify 
 
 toast 
 
 insert, introduce 
 
 enter, go down 
 
 decide, resolve 
 
 fall on stomach 
 
 pay 
 
 sa 
 (i)sa'li 
 
 saiyene 
 
 se 
 
 *sekot 'ak ' 
 
 se- 
 
 se'ni' 
 *sitetenop 
 *sole'k 
 
 sa'nene 
 
 (S) 
 (S) 
 
 S 
 
 sa-teL 
 sa'le-lte : 
 sa-'mox 
 
 se 
 
 se' NI ' 
 
 speak 
 hate 
 
 die (many) 
 marry a woman 
 be, are (substantive, at- 
 tributive) 
 tie, bind 
 tell, say to 
 walk 
 
 arrive at summit 
 feel genitals 
 
 tad 
 
 
 taiyai 
 
 stink, smell 
 
 tale (S) 
 
 ta'lo ' 
 
 talte 
 
 accompany 
 
 ta'LxwaL 
 
 
 ta'lxwaltenax 
 
 work 
 
 *tama'nepek 
 
 
 
 remove, abstract 
 
 *tapen 
 
 
 
 stroke 
 
 tawa 
 
 (S) 
 
 tau'la 
 
 remain, delay 
 
 *t'e'yo' 
 
 
 
 be alone 
 
 *te.'le' 
 
 
 
 hustle 
 
 tepen 
 
 
 
 pain, hurt 
 
 ' 
 
 tl.' 
 
 
 do 
 
 ti'a 
 
 (S) 
 
 tiila 
 
 offend 
 
 *tico. 
 
 
 ticto 
 
 (not) see, hear, observe 
 
 *(e)ti'cxaLta 
 
 
 
 play 
 
 ti'li 
 
 (S) 
 
 tiili 
 
 dispatch, send 
 
 
 *ti't< oLpet 
 
 
 fight, contest 
 
 *ti-'tCON 
 
 
 
 refuse, decline 
 
 *ti'ixai 
 
 
 
 like, wish 
 
1918] 
 
 Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 
 
 147 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 Plural 
 
 Meaning 
 
 *t 'ola.'so 
 
 
 
 exclaim 
 
 *tpx 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 gather 
 
 torn' 
 
 turn' 
 
 to'met 
 
 fall 
 
 *tom, turn 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 agree, assent 
 
 tu'pex 
 
 (S) 
 
 tu'lpex 
 
 scent, give good odor 
 
 
 
 T 
 
 
 t< a-'co 
 
 
 ta'cila (S) 
 
 take notice, constrain, 
 
 
 
 
 press 
 
 *tal 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 scrub, smooth 
 
 *tam 
 
 (S) , 
 
 ta-m 
 
 hunt pine nuts 
 
 *(k'ot)a'mek'ulentax (S) 
 
 lift a fallen object 
 
 
 *(et)an' 
 
 
 arise, get up 
 
 *t< a-penya ' 
 
 
 
 collect, gather 
 
 
 *(t<)a.te 
 
 
 have, be 
 
 *(p)t'a-'x 
 
 
 
 pour out 
 
 te' ' 
 
 t'e' 
 
 tetak 
 
 tell, say to 
 
 
 
 *te'yiteno 
 
 shout, acclaim 
 
 (p)t'e'kax 
 
 t 'ak< ak' o ' 
 
 (pe)tVkha-'k 
 
 break off, saw off, stab, 
 
 
 
 
 shoot 
 
 (p)t'eka 
 
 
 (p)t'aki 
 
 kill 
 
 (p)t'etoyo 
 
 t 'of o-'iyo ' 
 
 
 pound, pulverize 
 
 
 *(e)t'etepai 
 
 
 shoot, throw, cast 
 
 *(t)eni.lak 
 
 
 
 be worth, valuable 
 
 Via-' 
 
 
 
 wish, desire 
 
 tica 
 
 (S) 
 
 tici'la 
 
 sigh 
 
 *ticmi' 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 discharge 
 
 *(ke)ti'cnop 
 
 (S) 
 
 (ke)tictinop 
 
 gather food 
 
 *(p)t'iyena'pak 
 
 
 t' iitenla'pk 
 
 cut one's head off, de- 
 
 
 
 
 capitate 
 
 *(p)t'ika.'l 
 
 
 
 strike, beat 
 
 timti't 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 take, seize 
 
 tiowe 
 
 (S) 
 
 titinowe 
 
 be happy 
 
 *tipaxa 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 remove oneself 
 
 *titspiptup 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 fall 
 
 *toku'mko- 
 
 
 
 continue 
 
 t'o'ina-'so 
 
 t'u'inox 
 
 
 perch, sit above 
 
 t'o'ke-lax 
 
 
 t 'okeltenax 
 
 revive 
 
 t 'o'loinox 
 
 
 tpoleitina'x (S) 
 
 finish, end 
 
 t 'o'Ne-wu 
 
 
 
 rub, scratch oneself 
 
 t< O'N 
 
 
 ptuuniko (S) 
 
 burn 
 
 
 t'o'xON 
 
 t Vxo-tSn ' 
 
 snore 
 
 *topoile 
 
 (S) 
 
 topoilile 
 
 kneel 
 
 t' uina'pik 
 
 
 tuinila'pek (S) 
 
 saw, be torn up 
 
 t'uk' 
 
 t'uk' 
 
 t'oka' 
 
 crash, thunder, smash 
 
 (p)t'u'kotna- 
 
 
 
 bore 
 
 
 
 TC 
 
 
 (i)tca'klax 
 
 (S) 
 
 (i)tca'kiltax 
 
 nail, fasten 
 
 tc 'a-'uwe ' 
 
 t-c'a-'u' 
 
 tc 'a-'uye ' 
 
 seek, hunt 
 
 t'a-u' 
 
 
 
 
148 
 
 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlm. [Vol 14 
 
 Antoniano Migueleno Plural 
 
 tc'e.'lo', tc'a.'mo' 
 
 Meaning 
 
 wrap up, swaddle 
 
 tc'upk, tcakomo 
 
 (S) 
 
 tca'komel 
 
 wash 
 
 *tea'wate 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 lose senses 
 
 *tc'e-wa-nuwi' 
 
 
 tce'welte"e (S) 
 
 be upheld, thrown 
 
 tc'ehe.'na' 
 
 
 
 be angry 
 
 *tci'pk 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 desire, detain 
 
 *tcuileu 
 
 (S) 
 
 tcukle'u 
 
 divide 
 
 tcutna'x, 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 fix, insert, extract 
 
 tcutnepek 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 TS 
 
 
 ts'a-ts'i 
 
 
 
 be wet, damp 
 
 (pe)tseina'k 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 sell 
 
 *tsetmiwe'liko 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 do 
 
 ts'e-n', ts'e.'k 
 
 
 
 see, observe, watch 
 
 ts'e-'nu' 
 
 
 ts'e.'ten (M) 
 
 like, enjoy, be happy 
 
 tsepex 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 give birth, break 
 
 (ke) tsiknop 
 
 (8) 
 
 (ke)tsiktinop 
 
 burst, smash 
 
 tsVtel 
 
 ts 'ne'teL 
 
 
 be cold 
 
 (ke)tsikna 
 
 (S) 
 
 (ke)tsi'ktina 
 
 breathe 
 
 tsil 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 suffer, pain 
 
 *(pe)tsimia'm 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 dress 
 
 ts'ok'ox 
 
 
 tsa'ktox 
 
 frighten, be afraid 
 
 ts 'o'xwan 
 
 ts 'oxwen ' 
 
 
 shrivel, dry 
 
 
 
 U-W 
 
 
 wa.'xaL, o.'wahL 
 
 wi'le' 
 
 wo-'xaLtenax 
 
 kill 
 
 *wo<Li' 
 
 
 
 send, dispatch 
 
 *(k)walita'tce 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 boil vigorously 
 
 * 
 
 wa-'wel 
 
 
 go to bring 
 
 wa-t 
 
 
 watil (S) 
 
 send 
 
 wenx, we'ten, 
 
 
 welnex (S) 
 
 return 
 
 we-ntx 
 
 
 
 
 wi'pu 
 
 
 wi-'tup 
 
 give however 
 
 * 
 
 umtan 
 
 
 permit, give 
 
 upk 'i'na, 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 twist, twine 
 
 umk 'ina 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 
 utneka'lik 
 
 
 
 beat, strike, thrash 
 
 utca-k 
 
 
 
 lend 
 
 *(k)utc'e'l 
 
 
 
 halt, stop 
 
 
 
 X 
 
 
 (ol)xa', (it)xa 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 withstand, bear 
 
 xac 
 
 
 ka'ciL 
 
 sit down, be seated 
 
 *(epe)xayit 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 hate 
 
 
 
 *xai'yaL (M) 
 
 go 
 
 xa-i 
 
 (S) 
 
 xa'yeL 
 
 doubt 
 
 xa'la, ha'la 
 
 
 
 use, shoot 
 
 xam, xap 
 
 
 xameL 
 
 end, finish 
 
 (p)xanse 
 
 
 ko'nsele 
 
 sell 
 
1918] 
 
 Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 
 
 149 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 Plural 
 
 Meaning 
 
 xa'pek 
 
 xa'pko ' 
 
 
 dig, excavate, climb 
 
 xa-'ta 
 
 xa-'ta 
 
 xa'La 
 
 weep 
 
 *ha-te' 
 
 
 
 remain 
 
 xe/co 
 
 xe-c 
 
 xeclu (S) 
 
 inter, bury 
 
 he'la 
 
 he'la 
 
 
 await 
 
 xo'wia 
 
 (S) 
 
 xoiolua 
 
 breathe, live 
 
 *ho'yi' 
 
 
 
 say 
 
 *xoyu'k ' 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 soften 
 
 (h)o'ne-t, 
 
 
 
 defeat, beat 
 
 (k)o'ne-t' 
 
 
 
 
 xot' 
 
 xotk 
 
 
 blow 
 
 xo't 'op 
 
 
 xo't'Lop (M) 
 
 pass by 
 
 xwen 
 
 xwe-n 
 
 xwene 'lax 
 
 arrive 
 
 ADJECTIVAL STEMS 
 
 
 (k)ama'cu 
 
 
 sweet 
 
 (ke)ama-'uk 
 
 (S) 
 
 (ke)ama-'ulik 
 
 pious, compassionate 
 
 (k)atululna 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 straight (road) 
 
 (k)a'tca-mp'a' 
 
 
 (k)a-'tca-tenapa 
 
 mean, fierce, brave 
 
 (k)apa'mak 
 
 (S) 
 
 (k)apa'melmak 
 
 simple, benevolent 
 
 (k)axa'ntee 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 angry, passionate 
 
 (k)a'wa 
 
 ,(S) 
 
 (k)a'ula 
 
 robust, healthy 
 
 ca-'xa'NE 
 
 
 (k)ca-'xa'tena' 
 
 blue 
 
 
 ce.'ta 
 
 
 scabby 
 
 (ku)cu'k 
 
 su'ko 
 
 
 deaf 
 
 (e)cmic 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 poor 
 
 co'wut' 
 
 cauwat 
 
 eo'watLax 
 
 black 
 
 (k)e'sene' 
 
 
 
 bad 
 
 ecxo-ni' 
 
 icxo-ne 
 
 e'cxo-tene' 
 
 poor, thin, feeble 
 
 (k)esiyu'k' 
 
 
 (k)esiyuk'lax 
 
 sweet 
 
 (t)emitcu'k'o 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 holey 
 
 (k)eslo'hol 
 
 
 
 salty 
 
 (k)esna" 
 
 
 
 true 
 
 (k)etca." 
 
 (k)etc'a." 
 
 (k)etca"aten 
 
 large, great 
 
 (k)etpenik 
 
 (S) 
 
 (k)etpenilek 
 
 stony, rough 
 
 (k)icxo'a 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 covered 
 
 (k)i'le 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 lazy 
 
 (k)imoupxa 
 
 (S) 
 
 (k)imoupxela 
 
 valiant 
 
 (k)i'notopa' 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 different, distinct 
 
 (k')io'x 
 
 
 
 high (above water) 
 
 (k)ita'lna 
 
 
 
 first quarter (moon) 
 
 (k)itcka-'ten 
 
 tc'ka'ten' 
 
 (k)itcka-'te-lax 
 
 red 
 
 (k)itetse'nxa 
 
 
 
 expert, crafty 
 
 (k)itcmila 
 
 (S) 
 
 (k)itcmi'lita 
 
 transparent 
 
 (k)itspilil 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 painted 
 
 (k)i'tcowok'a 
 
 (S) 
 
 (k)i'tcowota 
 
 rich 
 
 (k)itsto'lne 
 
 (S) 
 
 (k)itsto'ltine 
 
 twisted 
 
 (k)i'wun 
 
 
 
 savory, tasty 
 
150 
 
 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 Plural 
 
 Meaning 
 
 k 'a'ye 
 
 
 
 disobedient 
 
 k 'ak 'anxa 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 coagulated 
 
 k 'atapNe-'xe ' 
 
 
 
 heavy (rain) 
 
 k'nap 
 
 k'nap 
 
 
 ripe 
 
 k'ockwe'top 
 
 (S) 
 
 kockwe'tilop 
 
 thin 
 
 k'wa-'ka 
 
 
 k'wa-'kelt'a 
 
 long, tall 
 
 (k)la'k'Mak' 
 
 
 
 brave, valiant 
 
 lakulem 
 
 
 
 lower 
 
 le-ma'lem 
 
 
 
 upper 
 
 lama'yu 
 
 lamai 
 
 
 right 
 
 
 la'pai 
 
 
 left 
 
 (k)Le"tax 
 
 
 (k)Le"talax 
 
 sharp 
 
 letapyele 
 
 
 
 last quarter (moon) 
 
 (ke)lu'tca 
 
 (S) 
 
 (ke)lutca'aten 
 
 dumb 
 
 (k)loi 
 
 
 
 lame, crippled 
 
 ma't 5 aL 
 
 ma't' a-L 
 
 (k ( )ma'talta 
 
 white 
 
 (k<)me't'o u 
 
 cmo't 
 
 
 heavy, deep (snow) 
 
 mup 
 
 (S) ' 
 
 
 large (child) 
 
 ok 'elo 
 
 o'kel 
 
 
 left 
 
 (k)osweak 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 agile 
 
 
 (t)oti'pe'N 
 
 
 rapid 
 
 (k)omux 
 
 (S) ' 
 
 
 elder 
 
 (ke)otca' 
 
 (S) 
 
 (ke)otce'la 
 
 benevolent, pious 
 
 (k)owa'te 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 difficult 
 
 (k')pat' 
 
 
 (k')pa't'Lax 
 
 hard 
 
 pi'nxa 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 good, successful (thing) 
 
 sa-x 
 
 (S) 
 
 sakehe'L 
 
 good (person) 
 
 sa'xwelyo'x 
 
 
 
 smooth-edged 
 
 
 sep 
 
 
 right 
 
 ski.'ntui ' 
 
 sku'nt' ui ' 
 
 
 small, thin, lesser 
 
 skl'tana 
 
 sko'tan 
 
 
 small 
 
 
 skusna 
 
 
 half (moon) 
 
 (e)sluteya'mo 
 
 (S) 
 
 ( e ) sluteya'moten 
 
 short, bent (with age) 
 
 smat 
 
 smat 
 
 smahate'L 
 
 beautiful 
 
 (k')so.'le' 
 
 
 
 sad 
 
 
 spukita 
 
 
 upper 
 
 stiyo' 'owan 
 
 
 stiyo-'wanlax 
 
 pretty, graceful 
 
 swa'nan 
 
 swa'nan 
 
 
 lonesome 
 
 (k)te'k'a 
 
 stikwau 
 
 
 young, new 
 
 
 ta'kata 
 
 
 new (moon) 
 
 
 te.'le 'pMi 
 
 
 full 
 
 
 tele'sa 
 
 
 lower 
 
 telwane' 
 
 
 
 strong, fierce 
 
 
 timoen 
 
 
 lame 
 
 tinkxa 
 
 
 ti'nelkxa 
 
 dear, beloved 
 
 t'ise 
 
 
 
 strong, able 
 
 tolep 
 
 
 
 sad 
 
 toyo'weto 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 wise 
 
 
 tunu'iko 
 
 
 red-winged 
 
 ta'to 
 
 (S) 
 
 tatotne'l 
 
 foreign, strange 
 
 t< a'wut 
 
 t< xauwat 
 
 
 yellow 
 
 tU.'kilele' 
 
 
 t'i.'kelilte' 
 
 round 
 
1918] 
 
 Mason : The Language of the Salinan Indians 
 
 151 
 
 Antoniano Migueleno 
 
 tixa'yo (S) 
 
 (kom)tek' (S) 
 
 (kom)teko'lnox (S) 
 (k')t'pelel 
 
 Plural Meaning 
 
 tixa'yout ordinary 
 
 (kom)taka'i (in) corrupt 
 
 (kom)) teko'ltinox (un ) penetrated 
 (k')t'pe'le.lta striped 
 
 
 tukilnu 
 
 
 full (moon) 
 
 
 t'u'moi-ne' 
 
 
 docked 
 
 
 
 *tc'a'haliltena' 
 
 thin, famished 
 
 tcamauk 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 haughty 
 
 tc< a'pa-iyine 
 
 
 tc' a'paiyitine ' 
 
 wide 
 
 (k')tcVp 
 
 
 
 tired 
 
 tcehen(mak) 
 
 
 tce'henmilak 
 
 irritable, mean 
 
 e-li'to 
 
 (S) 
 
 
 equal 
 
 
 ts 'a-'lamkwaL 
 
 
 clear (sky) 
 
 ts'ep 
 
 ts'ep 
 
 ts Vpax 
 
 good, well 
 
 (k<)ts'e'pen> 
 
 
 ts 'e'peyitini 
 
 small 
 
 (k')ts'eteL 
 
 
 
 cold 
 
 
 ts 'ka'teJaxka-' 5 
 
 
 naked 
 
 (k)u'sululna' 
 
 
 (k)esulutina' 
 
 straight (tree) 
 
 
 (k)umtica' 
 
 
 brown 
 
 (k)u'wate 
 
 
 
 very bad 
 
 (k)wi'le' 
 
 
 (k)wi'lte' 
 
 straight 
 
 
 wi'lapne 
 
 
 right 
 
 (k)wi'tcen' 
 
 
 
 smoky 
 
 
 
 (k')wo'slop' 
 
 strong, numerous 
 
 (e)xai' 
 
 xai 
 
 
 brave 
 
 
 xilap ' 
 
 
 valiant, brave 
 
 xii-nig." 
 
 ckomo 
 
 xomoNe'L 
 
 ferocious, bad 
 
 
 xu'tia, ku'tia 
 
 
 sick, ill 
 
 
 yu'wan 
 
 
 sweet 
 
 VARIOUS STEMS 
 
 DEMONSTEATIVE AETICLES 
 
 *aswai 
 
 *aswa 
 
 
 this, these 
 
 keca' ' 
 
 kVlau' 
 
 
 how many? 
 
 kiputa 
 
 
 kipu'tila 
 
 last 
 
 (k)I.'si]e' 
 
 (k)I.'sili'p 
 
 
 all, every 
 
 mas 
 
 
 ta-cne'L 
 
 somebody, someone 
 
 me-yo' ' 
 
 
 
 same 
 
 na 
 
 na, no'na 
 
 
 this, these 
 
 pe 
 
 he, we 
 
 
 the, that, that which, 
 
 
 
 
 those 
 
 pa 
 
 lift 
 
 
 that, those 
 
 *se-'t'kam 
 
 
 
 each 
 
 tama'ya 
 
 
 ta'maila 
 
 next 
 
 t'ya 
 
 
 
 each 
 
 toy Vwe 
 
 (S) 
 
 teyo 'o'we 
 
 alone, sole 
 
 ta'crake ', 
 
 
 tace'Ltake 
 
 some, something 
 
 ta/rake 
 
 
 
 
 xai'ya' 
 
 
 
 many 
 
152 
 
 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol.14 
 
 TEMPOEAL ADVEEBS 
 
 il-a, ilta 
 
 I-n 
 
 ke'tka 
 
 kisa', kwits 
 
 ki-'ya-t'e' 
 
 ki/yax 
 
 (k)Lu-'wa' 
 
 ko'kai 
 
 le-lo', lo' 
 
 moka." 
 
 me'cak 
 
 me-yo" 
 
 na-ta-' 
 
 *noee" 
 
 nomimo 
 
 nopaha' 
 
 noko'nxa ' 
 
 notie'WA 
 
 no-no*. non, no 5 
 
 tana' 
 
 taha', ta- 
 
 tel.I/n 
 
 tats', rats 'a 
 
 t< ikisna' ' 
 
 tupa'ha 
 
 tume', rume' 
 
 t< uxwe'nto 
 
 tcu 
 
 (proclitic) 
 
 (S) 
 
 (enclitic) 
 
 (S) 
 
 (S) 
 
 (proclitic) 
 (S) 
 
 (enclitic) 
 (Mig., enclitic) 
 
 (proclitic) 
 (enclitic) 
 
 (S., proclitic) 
 
 (enclitic) 
 (Mig., enclitic) 
 (enclitic) 
 (enclitic) 
 (proclitic) 
 
 (enclitic) 
 (S) 
 
 soon, presently, after 
 
 soon, afterwards 
 
 yet, still 
 
 already 
 
 always 
 
 always 
 
 always will 
 
 much, long 
 
 yet 
 
 formerly 
 
 now 
 
 continually 
 
 continually 
 
 now 
 
 soon, almost 
 
 before 
 
 day before yesterday 
 
 yesterday 
 
 yesterday 
 
 soon, some time, now 
 
 now 
 
 now 
 
 while, during 
 
 always, continually 
 
 continually 
 
 day after tomorrow 
 
 then, following 
 
 presently, soon 
 
 in the beginning 
 
 LOCATIVE ADVEEBS 
 
 Antoniano 
 ke'u 
 
 ma'ye 
 
 nepa', nepe' 
 
 na'ye, tonai' 
 
 ra 'ke' 
 
 pa 
 
 t< lya'x 
 
 wa' 
 
 wi 
 
 k 'eJi'cxo 
 
 kid'he' 
 
 la-'ko 
 
 General 
 Migucleno 
 
 *hu 
 (S) 
 (8) 
 (8) 
 
 lak' 
 
 Particular 
 beneath 
 down 
 down, below 
 
 Meaning 
 
 indefinite place, there 
 there, ahi 
 there, por alia 
 there, alii, alia 
 here, aqui 
 somewhere 
 there, here 
 there, oM 
 there, distant 
 here, aqui, acd 
 
 (icxe', foot) 
 
1918] 
 
 Mason: The Language of the Salinan Indians 
 
 153 
 
 Antoniano 
 le-mo" 
 p'au 
 pepoxo 
 sk 'a-m 
 
 t'OL 
 
 tewa-'ko 
 
 tewai'yu 
 
 texopi'cxo 
 
 teyoxana' 'yu 
 
 tika'ko 
 
 titco'mo 
 
 to.'ke 
 
 to'me-lo 
 
 tceN 
 
 Migueleno 
 
 (S) 
 
 Meaning 
 over, on, above 
 beyond 
 beneath 
 near, beside 
 near 
 
 beside, near 
 at side of 
 at the edge of 
 at the surface of 
 above, over, at top 
 behind 
 in, within 
 at the end of, edge 
 outside, out 
 
 (noun, other side?) 
 
 (noun side?) 
 (noun side?) 
 (noun edge?) 
 (noun surface?) 
 (ta'ak, head) 
 (ti'tcom', back) 
 
 \noun end?) 
 
 DESCEIPTIVE ADVEEBS 
 
 letano 
 
 kai'yik* 
 
 ka-'xwen 
 
 k Vlop 
 
 koyu'p 
 
 k'sa 
 
 misa'tik 
 
 pe-'ptelop' 
 
 pe-'nle 
 
 skomo' 
 
 tewai' 
 
 tikts 'e'p' ksa 
 
 tutisi 
 
 tce'e 
 
 tcitso 
 
 (Mig.) 
 
 half 
 
 slowly 
 
 much 
 
 very, much, enough 
 
 easily 
 
 more, very, entirely, truly, well 
 
 strongly 
 
 too much 
 
 swiftly 
 
 slightly 
 
 half, partly 
 
 uselessly 
 
 thus 
 
 truly 
 
 only, solely 
 
 
 NUMEBALSsi 
 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 t'OL 
 
 Migueleno 
 t VixYU 
 
 Meaning 
 1 
 
 ka'k< cu 
 
 xa'kic 
 
 2 
 
 kLa'pai 
 k'i'ca' 
 
 la'pai 
 k'i'ca' 
 
 3 
 4 
 
 o'Lt< au 
 
 olta-'to 
 
 5 
 
 paia/neL 
 
 to' 
 
 caa'neL 
 
 paya'teL 
 t'e'p 
 ca't' CL 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 8 
 
 te'tet' o' 'e 
 t' o' 'e 
 t' o' 'etaxt 'OL 
 
 te'tet' o'paL 
 
 t' O'paL 
 
 9 
 10 
 11 
 
 la'paikca ' 
 la'paikcataxt 
 woco'co 
 
 'OL 
 
 12 
 13 
 14 
 
 la'paioLt' au 
 k'pec 
 
 "Numerical System" in 
 
 15 
 16 
 
 Ethnology, p. 134. 
 
 si Cf . discussion on 
 
154 
 
 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 
 
 CONJUNCTIONS 
 
 Antoniano 
 
 Migueleno 
 he'u'wa't 
 
 i-n, yoin 
 
 
 kas 
 
 kas 
 
 kasi'no, maxa'ya 
 
 (S) 
 
 ki-c 
 
 ki-c 
 
 ki'ri, keti' 
 
 
 me'na'ko 
 
 mi'yo 'k 
 
 peti'yo 
 
 (S) 
 
 te'rcte, terc 
 
 
 tayopa 
 
 (S) 
 
 tka- 
 
 (S) 
 
 ti 
 
 (S) 
 
 tarn, ram, am 
 
 
 tan, ran, an 
 
 tan 
 
 tana'i-t 
 
 
 tax 
 
 ta'xo 
 
 uska' ' 
 
 
 Meaning 
 therefore 
 
 more than (comparison) 
 but, only 
 if not 
 
 like, resembling 
 because 
 
 why? ah! because 
 like, as 
 therefore 
 although 
 in case 
 also 
 
 then, next 
 and, but 
 although 
 and 
 
 INTEEJECTIONS 
 
 a" imya" 
 
 ha-'kse 
 
 ko'tisen (Mig.) 
 
 ka-, koa-' 
 
 ke'ra', ka'ra' 
 
 me-'mten 
 
 mai 
 
 no< 
 
 yo' 
 
 yaha 
 
 go ahead! 
 
 all right! 
 
 yes! 
 
 no! 
 
 be careful! 
 
 come on! 
 
 no! 
 
 now then! 
 
 come! 
 
 good! 
 
 now! he! 
 
 hurrah! 
 
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS - (CONTINUED) 
 
 VoL 7. 1. The Emeryville Shellniound, by Max TJhle. Pp. 1-106, plates 1-12, with 
 
 38 text figures. June, 1907 _ _ 1.26 
 
 2. Recent Investigations bearing upon the Question of the Occurrence of 
 
 Neocene Man in the Auriferous Gravels of California, by William 
 
 J. Sinclair, Pp. 107-130, plates 13-14. February, 1908 _. 6 
 
 3. Porno Indian Basketry, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 133-306, plates 15-30, 
 
 231 text figures. December, 1908 * _... 1.76 
 
 4. Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Eegicn, by N. 0. NeiBon. 
 
 Pp. 309-G56, plates 32-34. December, 1909 '. 50 
 
 5. The Ellis Landing Shellmound, by N. 0. Nelson. Pp. 357-426, plates 
 
 S6-50. April, 1910 7S 
 
 Index, pp. 427-443. 
 Vol. 8. 1. A Mission Eecord of the California Indians, from a Manuscript in the 
 
 Bancroft Library, by A. L. Kroebcr. Pp. 1-27. May, 1908 .25 
 
 2. The Ethnography of the Cahuilla Indians, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 29- 
 
 68, plates 1-15. July, 1908 _ 75 
 
 S. The Religion of the Luisefio and Dieguefio Indians of Southern Cali- 
 fornia, by Constance Goddard Dubois. Pp. 69-186, plates 16-19. 
 June, 1908 1.26 
 
 4. The Culture of the Luisefio Indians, by Philip Stedman Sparkman. 
 
 Pp. 187-234, plate 20. August, 1908 .. .50 
 
 5. Notes on Shoshonean Dialects of Southern California, by A. L. Kroe- 
 
 ber. Pp. 235-269. September, 1909 35 
 
 6. The Eeligious Practices of the Dieguefio Indians, by T. T. Waterman. 
 
 Pp. 271-358, plates 21-28. March, 1910 80 
 
 Index, pp. 3f. 9-369. 
 VoL 9. 1. Tana Testa, by Ed-ward Sayir, together with Yana Myths collected by 
 
 Roland B. Dixon. Pp. 1-235. February, 1910 ..., 2.50 
 
 2. The Chumash and Costanoan Languages, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 237- 
 
 271. November, 1910 35 
 
 S. The Languages of tho Coast of California North of San Francisco, by 
 
 A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 273-435, and map. April, 1911 _... 1.50 
 
 Index, pp; 437-439. 
 Vol. 10. 1. Phonetic Constituents of the Native Languages of California, by A. 
 
 L. Kroeber. Pp. 1-12. May, 1911 10 
 
 2. The Phonetic Elements of the Northern Paiute Language, by T. T. 
 
 Waterman. Pp. 13-44, plates 1-5. November, 1311 45 
 
 S. Phonetic Elements of the Mohave Language, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 
 
 45-96, plates 6-20. November, 1911 65 
 
 4. The Ethnology of the Salinan Indians, by J. Alden Maso-j. Pp. 97- 
 
 2'0, plates 21-37. December, 1912 1.75 
 
 5. Papago Verb Stems, by Juan Dolores. Pp. 241-263. August, 1913 25 
 
 6. Notes on the Chilula Indians of Northwestern California, by Pliny 
 
 Earl Goddard. Pp. 265-288, plates 38-41. April, 1914 30 
 
 7. Chilula Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 289-379. November, 
 
 1914 1.00 
 
 Index, pp. 381-385. 
 Vol. 11. 1. Elements of the Kato Language, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 1-176, 
 
 plates 1-45. October, 1912 , 2.00 
 
 2. Phonetic Elements of the Dieguefio Language, by A. L. Kroeber and 
 
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 3. Sarsi Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 189-277. February, 1915.... 1.00 
 
 4. Serian, Tequistlatecan, and Hokan, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 279-290. 
 
 February, 1915 10 
 
 B. Dichotomous Social Organization in South Central California, by Ed- 
 ward Winslow Gifford. Pp. 291-296. February, 1916 .05 
 
 6. The Delineation of the Day-Signs in the Aztec Manuscripts, by T. T. 
 
 Waterman. Pp. 297-398. March, 1916 1.00 
 
 7. The Mutsun Dialect of Costanoan Based on the Vocabulary of De la 
 
 Ouesta, by J. Alden Mason. Pp. 399-472. March, 1916 70 
 
 Index, pp. 473-479. 
 VoL 12. 1. Composition of California Shellmounds, by Edward Winslow Gifford. 
 
 Pp. 1-29. February, 1916 .. SO 
 
 2. California Place Names of Indian Origin, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 
 
 31-69. June, 1916 40 
 
 3. Arapaho Dialects, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 71-138. June, 1916 70 
 
 4. Miwok Moieties, by Edward Winslow Gifford. Pp. 139-194. June, 
 
 1916 55 
 
 5. On Plotting the Inflections of the Voico, by Cornelius B. Bradley. Pp. 
 
 195-218, plates 1-5. October, 1916 25 
 
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