35 
 
HENRY U. BRANDENSTEIN 
 

 LeV 
 
 
 
THE 
 
 TWO LAST PLEADINGS 
 
 OF 
 
 CICERO AGAINST VERRES. 
 

 
THE 
 
 Ctoo last $leatitng0 
 
 OF 
 
 MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO 
 
 AGAINST 
 
 ' CAIUS VERRES; 
 
 TRANSLATED, AND ILLUSTRATED WITH NOTES, 
 
 By CHARLES KELSALL, Esq. 
 
 AUTHOR OF A LETTER FROM ATHENS. 
 
 TO WHICH IS ADDED 
 
 A POSTSCRIPT, 
 
 CONTAINING REMARKS ON THE STATE OF 
 
 MODERN SICILY. 
 
 Virtutes ex seipso effert immortalis ingenii beatissima ubertate vir, 
 dono quodam providentiaj genitus, in quo tota vires suas eloquentia 
 experiretur. Hortemius de actione,secunda, lib. v. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 r Tinted by T. BEN-SLEY, Dolt Court, 
 
 FOR WHITE, COCHRANE, AND CO. HORACE'S HEAD, 
 
 FLEET-STREET. 
 
 1812, 
 
IN MEMORIAM 
 ^o^. 
 
TO 
 
 SIR SAMUEL ROMILLY, 
 
 SIR, 
 
 I TAKE the liberty of dedicating 
 to you this translation of two brilliant spe- 
 cimens of forensic eloquence. 
 
 And to whom, Sir, can the' originals be 
 more acceptable than yourself, the avowed 
 and irreconcilable enemy not only of Ver- 
 rine proceedings, but of all sinister practices, 
 whether in private or in public life, whether 
 behind the shop-board, or the Exchequer? 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 Your very obedient 
 
 and very humble Servant, 
 
 THE TRANSLATOR. 
 

 
ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 A HE pleadings against Caius Verres, praetor of Sicily, 
 must be enumerated among the most * r aluable monu- 
 ments of the eloquence of Cicero. The variety of 
 entertaining anecdotes with whjch they abound, the 
 works of art which are commemorated, the topogra- 
 phical descriptions, the glaring guilt of the accused, 
 the insight afforded into the laws and manners of the 
 ancient Sicilians, conspire to dazzle the imagination, 
 and rivet the attention of the reader. The Translator 
 originally wished to undertake the version of all the 
 pleadings ; but reflection suggested, that exclusive of 
 the great labour of such a task, the continuation of so 
 long an invective, together with the dry statements of 
 the prices of corn, however curious to refer to, would 
 pall upon the English reader. He has therefore at- 
 tempted the translation of the two last only, by far the 
 finest of all, in which indeed, but more especially the 
 last, the quintessence of the crimes of Verres may be 
 said to be concentrated. 
 
 The De signis speaks to the imagination, the De 
 suppliciis to the heart. 
 
 The genius of the orator of the Roman Forum is no 
 where more conspicuously displayed than in the plead- 
 ing concerning the punishments; not in the Catili- 
 narian harangues, nor in the divine Philippic itself. 
 When the reader pictures to his imagination that au- 
 gust tribunal, at which a Roman praetor with his fasces 
 
Vlll 
 
 was arraigned with the commission of every species of 
 crime, surrounded by deputies from nearly all the Sici- 
 lian cities, who came to make their depositions against 
 him; when he remembers the great corruption that 
 prevailed at Rome, and the immense influence of Verres, 
 whose defence devolved on Hortensius ; when he brings 
 to mind the dangers that beset his antagonist during 
 his fifty days' tour, while procuring materials for the 
 impeachment; who received for his trouble neither fee 
 nor present; he will probably be convinced, that the 
 Verrine cause alone would have conferred immortality 
 on Cicero. 
 
 The notes subjoined to each pleading have been 
 added with the view of briefly illustrating the anti- 
 quities of the minor Sicilian cities, which preceding 
 travellers, dazzled probably by the more splendid and 
 notorious monuments of Agrigentum and Syracuse,, 
 have omitted to notice. 
 
;.. 
 
 ^ 
 
 . 
 
 THE 
 
 PLEADING 
 
 CONCERNING 
 
 THE STATUES, 
 
THE 
 
 ARGUMENT, 
 
 WRITTEN BY ERNESTUS. 
 
 THIS book exposes the depredations of Verres in the statues, 
 and other ornaments of Sicily, whether public or private, 
 whether sacred or profane ; how he seized the pictures, tapes- 
 try, gold and silver plate, vases, gems, Corinthian, and Deliac 
 bronzes. The orator proves that the defence of Hortensius is 
 groundless, who maintained that these things were bought, not 
 purloined by Verres. For by law, the governors of provinces 
 were prohibited from buying any thing in their governments. 
 The prices moreover given not being adequate to the value of 
 the articles, could not exculpate Verres from the imputation of 
 theft. This oration is entitled " De Signis," as it records the 
 removal of the statues from the temples, which are consequently 
 of the greater importance. 
 

 
PANORMVS ET METKLLVS 
 
 duo sign a quae extant in 
 
 CVEIA PANOKMITANA. 
 
' 
 
 ,1 AM now, my Lords, to treat of what Verres 
 calls his inclination, what his friends term dis- 
 ease and madness, what the Sicilians, theft; 
 how I shall call it I know not I will state the 
 case to you, and I beg you to estimate it not 
 by its title, but its effects. Be first acquainted, 
 my Lords, with its nature, and then perhaps 
 you will have no great trouble in deciding how 
 it should be termed. I affirm that in all Sicily, 
 thaj wealthy and^anciejrr^^ra^mce; aboundin g 
 with so many towns, so many families, there 
 was no silver, CorinjJiian^^QxJ^gUac .vase, no 
 gem or pearl, nothing worked in gold, ivory, 
 or silver, no painting or tapestry, but what 
 Verres procured and inspected, and seized what 
 he chose.\ 
 
 I appear to say much. Listen now in what 
 manner I will say it; for I do not include every 
 thing for the sake of placing his crimes, or my 
 eloquence, in a stronger light, when I proclaim 
 
that he left no one of these things in the whole 
 province. Know that I address you in simple 
 Latin, and not in the kmgua^e of theHBar. Have 
 
 _ ' O O 
 
 it still plainer: that he left nothing in the pri- 
 vate dwellings, whether of Sicilian or Roman, 
 nothing in the towns, nothing in the places of 
 public resort, nothing that he noticed or heard 
 of, whether private or public, whether sacred 
 or profane, in all Sicily. 
 
 In what manner can I begin my accusation 
 better, than from that city, which you patro- 
 nized and loved, or from what class of men 
 better than those flatterers of your's? For it 
 will be placed in a clearer light how you be- 
 haved towards those, who hate you, accuse you, 
 and persecute you, if you are detected as an 
 infamous freebooter, among your friends the 
 Messanians. 
 
 *2jCaiusHeius is a native of Mcssana ; (those 
 who luvtrvrsitcd that city will not deny it), 
 and he holds there a high station. His house, 
 if not the first at Messana, is certainly of the 
 ;reatest notoriety, and in it our countrymen 
 lire most' hospitably received. Before the ar- 
 rival of Verres, this mansion was so embellished, 
 thaTlt "was" considered as^arPornamenT to the 
 city.j For Messana itself, though beautiful from 
 its situation, walls, and harbour, contains none 
 of those things, which are that fellow's passion. x 
 
JLieius had a magnificent sacristy * attached 
 to his dwelling, of great antiquity, and which 
 he had inherited from his ancestors. In it there 
 were four most beautiful statues, exquisitely 
 carved, and of great repute, which could not 
 only aiford delight to that accomplished dilet- 
 tante, but to any of us, whom he terms idiots. 
 One was a marble Cupid, from the hand of 
 Praxiteles ; 3 for I informecTmyself of the artists' 
 names, as I procured materials for the impeach- 
 ment. I believe he is the same statuary who 
 carved the Thespian Cupid : people 
 pi',* fp sec it, flju) there is np otb 
 for strangers to go thither. \ For which reason, 
 
 Mu mm ius, ^v T l^en_lle_.I^Jlla 1 ^ed-flom that city 
 fh.e statuesjof the Muses, and the other marbles 
 which are deposilecTTinPthe temple^6F~Happi- 
 ness, respected'the Cupid, because it was there 
 held in veneration^' But to return to the sa- 
 cristy. This, as I before said, was a marble 
 Cupid; Qn^4he-t>pposit^-stde^hcre was a Her- 
 ules in bronze _fine_l_Y cast, I believe, byJMvron; 
 certainly so. Before these figures were placed 
 little altars, which might indicate to any one 
 the sanctity of the place. There were, more- 
 over, two bronze figujgs. not very large, but of 
 exquisite beauty, attired asgir^which with 
 ^lifted hands, supported on their heads votive 
 offerings, in thTmanner of the Athenian virgins. 
 
They were called Canephpra?. But who was 
 the artist ? s Who ? Right Pplyclctus, it was 
 believed. Any Roman visiting Messana, went 
 to see these curiosities. The sacristy was daily 
 open to the public ; and the mansion was not 
 more ornamental to its owner, than to the city. 
 Cams Claudius, 6 whose edileship we know 
 was distingiiished with great pomp, Jiad. this 
 Cupid in his possession so long as he occupied 
 thaJfomm, embellished with the jrtatuesTo the 
 gods, and presence of the Roman people. Being 
 the friend of the Heii, and patron of the Mcs- 
 sanians, as he profited from their good will in 
 accommodating him, so was he diligent in re- 
 storing what he had borrowed. People of high 
 birth, my Lords, lately acted in that manner. 
 Why do I say lately ? But just now we have 
 seen some adorn the forum and places of wor- 
 ship, not with the spoils of the provinces, or the 
 thefts of guilty persons, but with the offerings 
 of friends, and pledges of good will ; .which 
 they always took care to return to the pro- 
 prietors. ThejMdid not remove them from the 
 ciUej^oj^ 
 
 for the sake of making a four days' show, with 
 the pretext of the edileship. All these statues, 
 as I before statecITmy tsrds, Verres plundered 
 from the sacristy of Heius. Not one thing did 
 he there leave, except, an ancient figure in wood, 
 
I think, a personification of Good Fortune. 
 TheTfutnis, he would not receive that in his 
 house. 
 
 :^. In the name of heaven and earth, what pre- 
 text could there he for this outrage? These 
 statues, before they were removed by thee, 
 Verres, no one came to Messana, vested with 
 authority, without examining. All the prastors 
 and consuls who have been in Sicily, all of 
 whatever condition of life, I speak not of men 
 of integrity, and observance of religious duties, 
 all the avaricious and abandoned, were they 
 endued with ever so much authority and power, 
 never dared to request, take, or even touch any 
 thing in that sacristy. Shall Verres then rer 
 move what was univesaj.lyj^teemed most pre- 
 cious? Shall iKnone be permitted~to" retain 'any 
 t.h o- i t " ? ^hishouse be ad o r n e d 
 
 Have others abstained from these things, that 
 it might remain with him to force them away? 
 Did C. Clau^iju^ Pnlrhrr restore this marble 
 that Verres might make himself the owner? 
 That Cupid did not require a residence devoted 
 to libertinism and impurity, he was properly 
 stationed in that hereditary sacristy ; he knew 
 that he was transmitted through the family, by 
 a sacred entail, to Heius; he did not look to the 
 heir of a harlot. But why am I thus borne 
 
away by argument? For I am repulsed with 
 one word; " I bought them," he says. An 
 energetic defence forsooth ! \We have sent a 
 pretty commercial Praetor to Sicily, for the sake 
 of buying up the pictures, gold and silver plate, 
 ivory, and gems, and to plunder every body of 
 his property. Here rests his defence : that he 
 purchased them. To begin then, let us grant 
 that you purchased them, for you will plead 
 your cause, in this way, throughout. I demand, 
 in what manner you think equity is administered 
 at Rome, if you imagine that you can escape 
 with the plea of having purchased, when Praetor, 
 articles so precious, so many goods in short, of 
 every assignable value. 
 
 t/TMark well, my Lords, the vigilance of our 
 ancestors, who, notwithstanding that they sus- 
 pected nothing of this nature, took care to pro- 
 vide against what might happen in things of 
 small moment. They never even dreamed that 
 any one vested with proconsular authority, 
 could be so rash as to purchase plate, or clothes ; 
 for they were allowed by law from the treasury, 
 and looked upon as the Praetor's right. This law 
 we all acknowledge, and Praetors are not supplied 
 with these things from the community. It is 
 enacted, " that property cannot be purchased, 
 except the owner be deceased." Is it so with 
 respect to the Praetors in the case of a person's 
 
death at Rome? Certainly it is, as well as else- 
 where. For they did not mean that you should 
 decorate your house at the expense of the pro- 
 vince, but carry with you the means of sup- 
 plying the province with wealth. What then 
 was the reason why they should have been so 
 vigilant in preventing us from making pur- 
 chases in the provinces? \Plainly this, my 
 Lords, for every thing was considered as a theft, 
 and not a purchase, since the vender was not 
 justified in disposing of goods at his own option. 
 
 They were aware, that if permission was granted 
 to any one vested with the pra^torial authority, 
 to purchase the property of another, the result 
 would be, that he might get possession of what 
 he chose, whether saleable or not. Some one 
 may remark, do not deal thus with Verres, do 
 not probe his deeds by the strict test of ancient 
 lawsd grant, that he should be considered the 
 lawful purchaser, provided he bought the goods 
 honestly ; that he procured nothing by an un- 
 just exercise of power : I will deal with him 
 thus. If Heius had any thing for sale, and 
 parted with it at his price, I will no longer ask 
 why you purchased them. O, How now am 1 to 
 act? Am I to have recourse to argument in a 
 cause of this nature^ I must inquire, I con- 
 ceive, whether Heius owed any thing, whether 
 he had a sale by auction ; and if he had, whether 
 
he was involved in such pecuniary difficulties, 
 as to make it necessary for him to part with 
 the ornaments of his sacristy, and sell the deities 
 which he had inherited. I perceive that the 
 man had no sale at all ; Vthat he never sold any 
 thing, but the produce of his estate; that so 
 far from being in debt, he was always in the 
 full enjoyment of his income^and that even if 
 things had not turned out prosperously with 
 him, he would never have parted with what 
 had been so many years in his family, and in 
 the sacristy of his ancestors. Let us suppose, 
 that he was tempted by the considerable sum. 
 It is not even probable that so wealthy and 
 honourable a man could prefer a sum of money, 
 to the monuments of religion, which had been 
 bequeathed him by his ancestors. \The case is 
 as I state it: nevertheless, people are sometimes 
 led to swerve from their determinations, by the 
 temptation of a large sum. > -Jtet us see what 
 this sum was which could induce Heius, a very 
 rich and liberal man, to depart from his reve- 
 rence for the religion of his ancestors. You 
 ordered him, I believe, thus to register it in his 
 account-book: " All these statues of Praxiteles, 
 Myron, and Polycletus, were sold to Verres, 
 for six thousand five hundred sesterces/' 7 Refer 
 to the account-book. 
 
 (The account -book of Hems is read in court.) 
 
. 
 
 I am rejoiced to find that these artists, who 
 are extolled to the skies by the Greeks, are so 
 depreciated by Verres. Here is a Cupid by 
 Praxiteles, for one thousand six hundred ses- 
 terces ! ! No doubt this was the origin of the 
 proverb, " Better buy than beg." 
 V Somebody will say perhaps that I am esti- 
 mating the value of these things at a high rate. 
 I am not computing their price according to 
 my own judgment, or for my own advantage, 
 but am of opinion, that they should be rated 
 according to the judgment of people conver- 
 sant with works of art, and the value usually 
 set upon them; in short, at as much as they 
 would fetch, if publicly sold, or Verres himself 
 would give for them. \ For if he had thought 
 that Cupid worth four hundred pence, he surely 
 would never have committed himself so much 
 as to be the subject of conversation and public 
 reproach. Which of my hearers is ignorant 
 then of the value of these things ? Have we 
 not seen, in a public sale, a small bronze statue 
 fetch one hundred and twenty thousand ses- 
 terces? 8 ^What if I were to name people who 
 have not given less, nay, more? Do you think 
 I cannot? The value is necessarily in propor- 
 tion to the eagerness with which things of this 
 description are sought, and it would be as dif- 
 ficult to set bounds to the one, as to the other\ I 
 
10 
 
 am clear therefore, that Heius was not induced 
 to part with these statues voluntarily, by dis- 
 tress, or the temptation of a large sum. I am 
 clear that with the pretext of buying, you ex- 
 ercised in an unjustifiable manner, your prae- 
 torial authority, to extort these things from a 
 man who had fallen into your power, and was 
 committed to your protection, together with 
 ^he other Sicilians, by the Roman people. 
 
 Nothing would be more satisfactory to me, 
 my Lords, than if Heius were able to confirm 
 what I say; verily, nothing. But let us not 
 hope to clear all difficulties. ^sHeius is a citizen 
 of Messana; that city alone is attached to 
 Verres, and lavishes praises on him in her 
 senate. To the rest of the Sicilians, he is an 
 object of detestation ; by the Messanians alone 
 he is beloved. Heius headed the embassy which 
 was sent to compliment him, he holding the 
 chief rank in the city, with the view probably 
 that Avhile he discharged his public duties, he 
 might be compelled to be silent on his private 
 wrongs. 9 On revolving these circumstances, 
 my Lords, I Jiave nevertheless committed my- 
 self to Heius ;Vor I summoned him as a witness 
 in my first pleading, which I did however 
 without any risk.^And how could he have an- 
 swered me, if he was an unprincipled man, 
 which he is far from being ? Was it possible 
 
11 
 
 for him to sau that he, and not Verres, retained 
 the statues? Could he assert any such thing? 
 Supposing him the most worthless and lying 
 fellow, he would thus state the case ; that he 
 had the statues on sale, and that he had dis- 
 posed of them for what he pleased. \This re- 
 spectable man, who particularly courts your 
 good opinion, in the first place, said, that he 
 joined in the praise of Verres, because he was 
 so ordered ; and in the second place, that he 
 never intended to part with his property; that 
 he was moreover unable, on any terms, to sell 
 those things which were deposited in the sa- 
 cristy, and which he had inherited from his an- 
 cestors. 
 
 (j Why do you keep your seat ; what are you 
 waiting for, Verres? Why do you give out 
 that snares are laid for your destruction by the 
 cities of Centuripe, Catine, Alassa, I0 Tyndaris, 
 Enna, Agyrium, and the other Sicilian towns? 
 Messana, that other country of your's, to use 
 your accustomed phrase, your own Messana, I 
 repeat, the witness of your crimes, the pander 
 of your lewdness, the receptacle of your thefts 
 and depredations, circumvents yorf;^ Here is a 
 nobleman of that city, who left his home for 
 the sake of being present at this trial, who 
 headed the mission sent to congratulate you; 
 who even openly praises you, for he acted 
 
V 12 
 
 under orders. But you well remember how he 
 would answer, if he were interrogated respect- 
 ing your speronara. % He would say that it was 
 built at the public expense, and that a senator 
 of Messam superintended its construction pro- 
 fessedly. This .same man, my Lords, flies to 
 you unobserved. He has recourse to the law 
 which takes cognizance of the private and 
 public property of our allies. The law to pre- 
 vent extortion entitles him to the recovery of 
 his money, which however he is not very soli- 
 citous to regain?^ He looks to you for the re- 
 storation of the sacred property which he in- 
 herited from his aneestorsT^e demands from 
 you his household gods. Have you any shame, 
 any fear, any religion left, Verres? You lodged 
 with Heius at Messana^ "you saw kim attend 
 divine service in his sacristy daily. He is re- 
 gardless of money; he does not therefore wish 
 to recover his statues merely because they are 
 ornamental. Keep the C^nephorx ; but restore 
 the effigies of the gods. \Since this is his de- 
 claration, since he, who is an ally and friend of 
 the Roman people, has modestly submitted his 
 complaints to you at a stated time, since he has 
 been very scrupulous not only in the observance 
 of his religion in demanding the restoration of 
 his objects of worship, but also in his testi- 
 mony and oath,\I would have you know that 
 
13 
 
 Verres dispatched one of his officers to Mes- 
 sana, the same man who superintended the build- 
 ing of the speronara, to use his influence with 
 the senate to brand Heius with infamy. -V O 
 frantic man ! what could be your object ? Was 
 you not aware of the authority which Heius 
 had in Messana, of the esteem in which he was 
 held by his fellow-citizens ?\ But let us suppose 
 you could gain your object, let us suppose the 
 Messanians would decree something severe 
 against Heius ; of what weight do you think 
 would their praise be, who should decree a 
 punishment on him, who it is obvious spoke 
 nothing but the truth in the deliverance of his 
 testimony ? I But of what value is that praise, 
 when the confer rer being questioned, heaps 
 damnation on its object? Are not those your 
 p raisers, my witnesses? >Heius praises you, and 
 is highly injurious to your cause; I will summon 
 others, who may conceal, if they will, what 
 they are able : they must bear testimony to 
 what is essential, whether they will or no. 
 Will these deny that a large speronara was 
 built at Messana ? Let them, if they can ; let 
 them deny that a senator of that city publicly 
 superintended the work. I only wish they would 
 deny it ! There are also other points which I 
 wish to reserve untouched, that as little oppor- 
 tunity as possible may be allowed for the fabri- 
 
cation, and consummation of perjury. Let this 
 praise then which you have gained, serve for 
 one reckoning; let the authority of these men 
 be of service to you, who if they had it in their 
 power, ought not to assist you, and if they 
 willed it, are unable. These are the very men 
 whom you have calumniated in private; this is 
 the very city in which you have ruined many 
 families, by your vile and infamous conduct. 
 Professedly indeed you have come to terms with 
 them, | but not without being noxious to the 
 republic, and the province of Sicily. It used to 
 be their duty to furnish the Roman people with 
 sixty thousand bushels of wheat annually, which 
 you alone have neglected to send. {The republic 
 has suffered, because through you its authority 
 is diminished in one city: (the Sicilians have 
 suffered, because this tribute of corn has not 
 been deducted from the general stock, but 
 transferred, to the inhabitants of Centuripe 
 and Alsesa.; ^people governed by their own laws, 
 who have had to bear alone the burthen of this 
 tribute. 
 
 If you had acted according to the spirit of 
 the treaty, it was your duty to order a vessel to 
 be built ; you delayed doing so for three years. 
 During that time, you never even put a soldier 
 in requisition. You have behaved in the way 
 that pirates do, who though they be the com- 
 
15 
 
 mon enemies of the public, take care to procure 
 some friends whom they not only spare, but en- 
 rich, more especially those who have a harbour 
 in a convenient situation, where it is sometimes 
 necessary for them to moor their vessels. 
 fO-The city of Phaselis, " which P. Servilius 
 took, was not heretofore a receptacle of Cili" 
 cians and pirates. The Lycians, a nation of 
 Grecian origin, dwelt there -.Nike Messana, it is 
 situated on a projecting point of land, so that 
 the pirates were often compelled to take shelter 
 therein. They appropriated that city to them- 
 selves; first by the monopoly of commerce, and 
 afterwards by a ratified alliance. Messana 
 heretofore bore a fair character, and never 
 countenanced rascals. She had a suit with Caius 
 Cato, " concerning army baggage. But what sort 
 of man was he? Why, he was the grandson of 
 the illustrious L. Paulus and Marcus Cato, and 
 nephew of P. Africanus} and who, notwith- 
 standing his being consul, was condemned. At 
 that period, when the laws were strictly en- 
 forced, the damages stood in the city of Mes- 
 sana at eighteen thousand sesterces. The inha- 
 bitants nevertheless, bore him no ill-will, who 
 have often expended for the entertainment of 
 Timarchides, 13 a greater sum, than the going to 
 law with Cato occasioned. 
 
 But Messana has now become a sort of Pha- 
 
16 
 
 sells to that Sicilian free-booter and pirate. 
 Hither every thing was carried, and left in 
 charge to the inhabitants. S If any plate was to 
 be wrought, it was consigned to them and hid; 
 was through them that he contrived to em- 
 bark, and export clandestinely what he chose : 
 he took care, in short, that they should build a 
 large vessel, to send to Italy loaded with his 
 booty. For these services, he excused them 
 from furnishing their quota of taxes, labour, 
 militia, and every thingT^For the space of three 
 years, they alone, not only in Sicily, but I be- 
 lieve throughout the world, were utterly ex- 
 empt from all duties, trouble, and taxes. NHere 
 it was that those scandalous deeds of Verres 
 had their origin : here he ordered Sex. Commi- 
 nius to be dragged into his banquet room, 
 whose head he aimed at with his cup ; whom 
 he throttled in the midst of dinner, and ordered 
 to be thrown into a dungeon in chains.^ Here 
 was reared that cross, to which he attached a 
 Roman citizen, in the presence of numerous 
 spectators, which he would not have dared to 
 put up any where, except in the city of those 
 who were the accomplices of his thefts and 
 crimes.//Do you, Messanians, dare to come and 
 bestow praise on any one ? do you imagine it 
 can have weight? Which do you think it 
 should bias, the senatorial order, or the people ? 
 
17 
 
 / jl only ask, is there a city, either in our pro- 
 vinces, or most distant nations, either endued 
 with power or freedom, with barbarism or 
 ferocity; is there in short, any sovereign who 
 would not shew hospitality to a Roman senator? 
 
 \Which is not only a mark of respect to the in- 
 dividual, but to the Roman people at large, 
 through whose favour, I belong to that rank. 
 It is moreover a compliment to the senate, 
 which unless it be highly respected by our 
 friends, what will become of the dignity and 
 power of the state? The Messanians did not 
 give me a public invitation. With respect to my- 
 self, it was a matter of no consideration ; Nbut 
 in refusing to invite a senator of the Roman 
 people, they shewed want of respect to the order, 
 not to the individual. For to Tuilius himself, 
 the doors of the splendid and spacious mansion: 
 of Cn* Pompeius_Basiliscus were flung open: 
 w r ith whom, nevertheless, he would have lodged, 
 even if he had received an invitation from you. 
 There was an excellent house belonging to 
 the family of the Parcennii, who also are of the 
 family of Pompeius ; I4 with these my brother 
 Lucius lodged conformably to their washes. 
 A senator of the Roman people, you having 
 it in your power to receive him, was compelled 
 to pass the night in a public lodging at Mes- 
 sana. No other city ever behaved in this man- 
 
18 
 
 ner. You summoned my friend to take his 
 trial. Will you signify to the world my private 
 concerns, by diminishing the dignity of the 
 senate? SBut we will complain of these things 
 hereafter, if the senate thinks proper to take 
 \cognizance of your behaviour in slighting them. 
 With what insolence have you conducted your- 
 selves in the eyes of the Roman people? Have 
 you not yet removed that cross, nor committed 
 it to the deep, which stood at your city har- 
 bour, stained with the blood of a Roman citizen? 
 Have you not purified the spot before you en- 
 tered Rome, and this seat of judgment? A 
 monument of the cruelty of Verres is erected 
 in a territory at peace, and in alliance with the 
 republicX Is your city fixed upon as the place, 
 where those who cross from Italy should meet 
 the crucifix of a Roman, before he sees a friend 
 of the republic? You exhibit this cross to the 
 Rhcgians, of whose city you are jealous : you 
 exhibit it to your subjects, and to Roman citi- 
 zens, that they might fall in their own estima- 
 tion, and not think meanly of you, when they 
 see the infringement of your laws punished with 
 the infliction of tortures. 
 
 But you persist in declaring that you bought 
 the statues, Verres./i-How then did you forget 
 to purchase of Heius, those magnificent tapes- 
 tries celebrated throughout. Sicily ? They were 
 
as much in your power as the statues. What 
 have you done? Did you order them not to be 
 set down in the account-book ? The truth is, 
 this escaped the notice of the blockhead, who 
 thought it wduld be less notorious to steal from 
 the press, than from the sacristy. But how 
 did he obtain them? I cannot state it clearer 
 than in the words of Heius. When I asked 
 him whether any of his goods had fallen into 
 the hands of Verres, he replied^ that he was 
 commissioned to send the tapestries to him at 
 Agrigentum. I asked, whether he had sent 
 them ; he said, that such was his duty, since he 
 had heard the praetor give orders that they 
 should be sent. I wanted to be informed 
 whether they had arrived at Agrigentum ; he 
 replied, they had. I asked, if they had been 
 restored; he answered, no, Laughter and mur- 
 murs resounded from the populace. 
 
 Did not Heius come to bid you remember 
 that he should register these articles also, and 
 set them down to your account at six thousand 
 five hundred sesterces? 15 Was you apprehen- 
 sive of increasing your debts, if they stood you 
 in at so much? Articles which you might sell 
 at any day, for two hundred thousand sesterces. 
 If you paid such a sum, you might plead your 
 cause with effect : no one would inquire into 
 the value. Jf you can but prove that you 
 
20 
 
 bought them, it would be easy to convince any 
 one of the justice of your dealings; but you 
 have no possible way of disentangling yourself 
 from the dilemma of these tapestries. 
 
 Tell me now whether you bought, or swin- 
 dled from Philarchus, a rich gentleman of Cen- 
 turipe, those splendid horse-trappings, which, 
 according to report, belonged to King Hiero? 
 For so I heard, when I was in Sicily, both from 
 the inhabitants of Centuripe and others. It is 
 not less true that you robbed Philarchus of his 
 harness, than that you deprived Aristus of Pa- 
 nonnus, and Cratippus of Tyndaris, of theirs. 
 If Philarchus had sold them to you, you would 
 not have promised to return them, after you had 
 stipulated to pay a fixed price. You were aware 
 that many knew this; and if you had restored 
 them, that you would only be a loser, and that 
 your nefarious method of getting them, would 
 still be notorious; you therefore took care not 
 to return the harness. Philarchus, in the de- 
 livery of his testimony against you said, that 
 when he was summoned in your presence, be 
 denied having the trappings in his possession, 
 aware of that rage of your's (to use the language 
 of your friends), to get the ornaments copied 
 by an engraver , and said, to prevent your find- 
 ing them, that they were deposited elsewhere ; 
 but that such was your cunning, you contrived. 
 

 through him, to find the place of their conceal- 
 ment. He then acknowledged that he fell into 
 your snares, and lost the harness, without get- 
 ting an adequate compensation. 
 / v^Jt is worth your while, my Lords, to know 
 how all these things were searched and found- 
 There were two brothers, by name Tlepolemus 
 and Hiero, natives of Cibyra, I6 one was a mo- 
 deller in wax, the other a painter. These, as I 
 have heard, being suspected by their fellow- 
 citizens, of having robbed the temple of Apollo 
 at Cibyra of a statue, and dreading the pu- 
 nishment of the law, fled from their country. 
 When Verves was in Asia, they became ac- 
 quainted with him, knowing his passion for 
 their trades, and as you have heard from the 
 witnesses, consigned themselves to him as out- 
 laws, when he came to Cibyra loaded with un- 
 answerable bonds. At that period he retained 
 them in his service, and he turned them to ac- 
 count in the thefts and plunders he committed 
 when ambassador. These are the men in whose 
 accounts Q. Tadius was registered, when he 
 .gave, by order of Verves, his property to the 
 Grecian painters. These pettifoggers, perfectly 
 skilled in their trade, he took with him to 
 Sicily. The blood-hounds, as soon as they ar- 
 rived, shewed such fine scent and activity, that 
 either through threats or promises, slaves or 
 
frcedmen, friends or enemies, they were sure to 
 trace the object of their search. Whatever 
 pleased them was to be lost ; those, whose plate 
 was put in requisition, thought nothing more 
 desirable than that it should displease Tlepo- 
 lemus and Hiero. Indeed, my Lords, I can 
 pledge the truth of this/^-I remember that 
 Pamphilus, a gentleman of Lilybaeum, who re- 
 ceived me in his house and was my friend, told 
 me, that when he was compelled to deliver up 
 a large water-flagon, exquisitely carved by the 
 hand of Boethus, he returned to his house with 
 sorrow and regret at having lost so fine a vase, 
 which had been bequeathed him by his an- 
 cestors, and which he used to produce, in com- 
 pliment to his friends, on days of festivity. 
 '-' As I was sitting," he said, " in my house re- 
 gretting what had been seized, a slave in the 
 service of the temple of Venus Erycina 17 came 
 in, and ordered me forthwith to produce to the 
 prretor, my cups embossed in alto-relievo. I 
 was surprized," he added ; " I had two. I or- 
 dered them to be brought forth; and lest any- 
 thing worse should befall me, I determined to 
 go with them to the praetor. When I arrived 
 at his palace, he was taking his siesta: Tlepo- 
 lemus and Hiero were walking about, who, when 
 they saw me, cried, 'Where, friend Pamphilus, 
 are your ciips ?' I displayed them mth regret 
 
23 
 
 They gave me credit for being a good sort of 
 man. I began to complain, that if they took 
 these away, there would remain nothing of 
 value in my possession. They then seeing me 
 distressed, proposed, ' What will you give us, if 
 we let you keep them ?' They demanded two 
 hundred sesterces ; I offered one hundred. In 
 the interim, the praetor summoned me in his 
 presence. They told him, that according to 
 ^vhat they had heard, they were at first of opi- 
 nion that the cups were of some value, but that 
 they now found they were trash, and not fit to 
 stand on the side-board of Verres. The pra3tor 
 observed, ' it appeared so to him." Therefore 
 Pamphilus retained his cups, which were very 
 good ones : \and in troth, before I heard of this 
 transaction, though I do not know how it came 
 to pass to be thus adjusted, I was aware that the 
 things were of no moment. I could not help 
 wondering, however, that he should give proofs 
 of any delicacy in affairs of this nature, for he 
 never shewed any before,/ ,Slt was then that I 
 discovered that tl^ese Cibyratic brothers were 
 kept in his service,\hat he might employ their 
 hands and their eyes in his system of plunder. 
 But so ambitious is he of this honourable repu- 
 tation of being thought intelligent in works of 
 art, that it was but lately, (mark the folly of the 
 man), during the adjournment of his trial, 
 when he was looked upon as sure of being con. 
 
24 
 
 demned to die, that he coolly inspected and ex- 
 amined the plate and counterpilts on the morn- 
 ing of the Circensian games, in the splendid 
 dwelling of L. Sisenna, I8 and in the presence of 
 respectable visitors. Some stared at his folly, 
 that during his trial for rapine, he should do all 
 he could to excite, not veil, suspicion ; others 
 at his madness, that in the interval of his ad- 
 *^ journed trial, he should suggest any thing to 
 
 witnesses, who had jnven so much evidence 
 
 ~S^ 
 
 against him. The servants of Sisenna, I helieve, 
 
 who were aware of his character, took care to 
 have their eyes upon him, and not leave the 
 plateTslt is the part of a good judge, my Lords, 
 to draw inference of a person's abandoned pro- 
 pensity to thieve, from trifling circumstances. 
 ^ If he who was guilty, and whose trial was only 
 adjourned, damned almost universally, could 
 pot abstain at a great assembly from examining 
 and handling Sisenna' s,. plate, can any one be- 
 Jieve, that when prastor in a province, he could 
 restrain his cupidity to possess that of the Sici- 
 lians ?/But to return to Lilybaeum. I9 There is 
 one Diodes, the son-in-law of Pamphilus, the 
 same who lost the water-flagon ; his surname is 
 Popilius. From him he seized all the vases 
 which were deposited in the recess of his dining- 
 room. Let him give out that he bought them ; 
 for I conclude that an account was made out in 
 consequence of the magnitude of the theft. He 
 
25 
 
 ordered Timarchides to rate their value. At 
 what sum? Why, as lowly as an actor could. 
 But I have begun wrong, who have already said 
 so much about your purchases, and I must in- 
 quire whether you bought them at all, and if 
 you did, for how much. One word will settle 
 this. Let me see written, what plate you bought 
 in Sicily ; whence you got it, and at what price. 
 What is the result? Strictly speaking, I ought 
 to produce your accounts, and not require them 
 of you. But you deny that you bargained for 
 these things some years since. I demand that 
 you explain the affair of the money : I will look 
 to the rest. 
 
 (Here Verres probably was to answer, " I have 
 no written documents, I cannot tell.') 
 
 What do you think will be the consequence? 
 How do you imagine your judges can act? Your 
 palace was filled with the finest statues before 
 you was named praetor; you had several in your 
 villas, several with your friends, several you 
 bestowed as presents. Ycur account-book does 
 not state that they were bought. In short, all 
 the plate has been removed from Sicily, and 
 nothing of value left with any one. Recourse 
 is had to that wretched plea, that a praetor 
 bought up ail the plate ; and yet he cannot 
 prove that he did so, on the examination of his 
 accounts. If you were able to produce them, 
 
26 
 
 they would not state how you came possessed 
 of any property whatever; notwithstanding you 
 pretend that at this period you bought many 
 goods, you are utterly unable to produce your 
 accounts. Produced, or not, must you not ne- 
 cessarily be considered as guilty Pf^f^ou swin- 
 dled from M^jCglius, a Roman knight, and most 
 promising young man, the silver vases which 
 you selected at Lilybaeum; you did not hesitate 
 to rernoveali the furniture of C. Cacurrus, a 
 most obliging man, and of prepossessing man- 
 ners.\In the same city, you compelled Q. Lu- 
 tatius Diodorus, to give up his beautiful citron 
 jtable, on whom Sylla conferred the rights of 
 Roman citizen, through the kindness, of Q. 
 Catulus, and this every body knows. I will 
 not lay to your charge, that you cheated Apol- 
 lonius, alias A. Clpdius, an inhabitant of Dre- 
 panum, " the son of Nicon, a man exactly your 
 counterpart, of all his service of plate. I am 
 silent upon this : he does not think you did him 
 an injury. "You was of use to a man who had 
 a halter round his neck, for having shared with 
 you the property of his wards at Drepanum, 
 I evencongratulatc you on having robbed 
 him; and declare that you never did a better 
 thing in your life. At the same time, you had 
 no right to defraud L^son, a man of conse- 
 quence at Lilybasum, at whose house you 
 
lodged, of his statue of Apollo. I am aware 
 that you will say you bought it, for six hundred 
 sesterces, I believe ; I know you did. I can 
 produce the account; at the same time you had 
 no right to do it. Those wrought cups, which 
 belonged to a young ward of Marcellus, whom 
 you defrauded of a large sum, will you say that 
 you embezzled or bought at Lily baeum?\ But 
 why should I dwell on these petty larcenies? 
 on these trivial injuries, which only affected 
 those you robbed? ^Hear, my Lords, if you 
 please, a circumstance of the same kind, that 
 you may duly estimate not his avarice, but his 
 extraordinary folly, his mania//^.Thcre is one 
 Diodorus of Melite, who has borne witness 
 
 against" him in your presence. He has inha- 
 bited Lilybaeum many y^ars, and wherever he 
 went, recommended hin^elf by his probity and 
 good breeding. Verres was^ i n form cd, that he 
 M r orks in relief; among others, two 
 
 CUDS tenpp^ r] iKuiiiV? 11 - " finely executed by 
 Mentor. As soon as he heard it, he was so in- 
 flamed with the thirst not only of seeing, but 
 possessing them, that he summoned Diodorus. 
 and jemanded him to givethcm up.^He, who 
 derived much pleasure from retaining them, an- 
 swered, that they were not at Lilybaeum, that 
 he had left them with a relation at Melite ; 
 Verres immediately dispatches confidential 
 
agents to that island, writes to some of the in- 
 habitants, that they should procure for him the 
 vases, and begs Diodorus to write to his rela- 
 tion. The time passes heavily, while in expec- 
 tation of the plate : Diodorus, a careful and 
 active man, who wished to preserve his pro- 
 perty, cautions his relation to tell the agents of 
 Verres, that the cups were sent to Lilyba^um a 
 few days ago.^As soon as the praetor heard this, 
 he, beyond doubt, gave signs of ungovernable 
 madness before all present. Because he was 
 unable to make himself master of the plate, he 
 swore that his finest vases were taken away by 
 Diodorus j^he dealt out threats against him ; he 
 called loudly for him ; he could scarcely refrain 
 from shedding tears. We read in fabulous story, 
 that Eriphyle was so smitten with the lustre of 
 a splendid necklace, composed of gold and 
 gems, that she betrayed her husband's place of 
 concealment. " The avarice of Verres is of this 
 nature, only more violent, and of a madder cast. 
 She only panted for what she saw ; his passions 
 were stimulated not only by eyes, but ears. 
 'He gives orders that search should be made 
 throughout the province for Diodorus, who had 
 removed his head-quarters from Sicily, and car- 
 ried his plate with him. The man, to induce 
 him to come back, devised this scheme : he 
 suborns one of his^ blood-hounds to proclaim 
 
29 
 
 that he Wjgjtgj, JtojaTT*" gri D i o riorum for a Capital 
 offence. The public began to wonder that 
 Diodorus, a most, peaceable man, on whom not 
 the slightest suspicion of an error, much less of 
 crime, had ever fallen, should be considered as 
 a guilty person. They presently discovered, 
 that the possession of plate was his crime. He 
 does not hesitate to impeach him, and it was 
 then, I believe, for the first time, that he heard 
 of his absence, "^it was notorious, throughout 
 Sicily, that people were accused of crime, 
 merely through this man's passion for engraved 
 plate; and that several individuals, whether in 
 or out of Sicily, were taxed with infringement 
 of the lawtfS- Diodorus, reduced to a state of 
 wretchedness, wandered about Rome, relating 
 the circumstance to his patrons and friends. 
 Xetters, couched in strong language, were sent 
 from the father of Verres to his hopeful son : his 
 friends also wrote to caution him against taking 
 any further steps in opposition to Diodorus; to 
 inform him that the aifair was manifest; that 
 Dipdorus was stirring heaven and earth against 
 him ; that unless he minded what he was about, 
 he would ruin himself by this one crime\ At 
 that period he had a sufficient sense of duty to 
 consider his father, if not in the light of. a rela- 
 tion, at least as belonging to the human race. 
 He was not yet sufficiently stored with booty 
 
30 
 
 to make hiriiself amenable as a criminal ; it was 
 the first year of his government, and he was nofy 
 as in the case of Sthenius, * 3 overflowing with 
 plunder; so that his mania was for the moment, 
 curbed by a sense of fear, not shame. He dares 
 not condemn Diodorus; he cancels his name 
 from the list of the accused, In the mean time 
 Diodorus, during the three years of his praetor^ 
 ship, was exiled from his family and country. 
 Several of the Sicilians^ as well as Roman citi-^ 
 zens, had determined to leave Sicily, for he 
 made such strides for the gratification of his 
 avarice, that they imagined no one would be 
 able to retain what struck his fancy ever so 
 \ttle. 
 
 '.As soon as they understood that Q. Arrius 
 was not to replace him in the government, 
 which Sicily hoped from her soul would be the 
 case, they were convinced that it was impossible 
 to have any thing so locked up and hid, but 
 what C. Verres would be sure to get. His next 
 step was to embezzle from Cn. Calidius, whose 
 son he knew was a senator of Rome, his beau- 
 tiful little horses cast in silver, which had be* 
 longed to Q. Maximus. But I have made a 
 mistake, my Lords, he bought them, he did not 
 steal them. I wish I had not said what I have, 
 Well then, let him ride triumphant on his little 
 steeds, and exclaim, " I bought them, I have 
 
31 
 
 paid the money," I believe you; the account 1 
 can be produced. They cost so much. Shew 
 me the statement of the sum. Wash him clean 
 of this crime, while I cast up the account. How 
 came it then that Calidius complained at Rome, 
 that he, as well as the Sicilians, should be de- 
 spised, maltreated, and robbed by you alone, 
 during the many years that he was engaged in 
 business in Sicily? If you bought, and he sold 
 them voluntarily, how came it that he was able 
 to prove that he demanded the restoration of 
 his plate? Could you then take care that it 
 should not be restored to Cn. Calidius, espe- 
 cially as he was intimate with L. Sisenna, a par- 
 tizan of your's, and when you would not re- 
 fuse to restore it to the rest of the friends of 
 Sisenna? 
 
 I believe then you will say that you restored 
 the plate, through your friend Potamon, to L. 
 Cordius, a respectable man, but not of better 
 manners than Calidius. This only makes the 
 testimonies of your other accusers stronger: for 
 when you had pledged the restoration of the 
 articles, you refused to fulfil your promise, after 
 Cordius had asserted in his testimony, that you 
 had consigned them to him ; for you were aware, 
 that if you had let slip your plunder, you still 
 could not escape the deposition against you. 
 Cn. Calidius, a Roman knight, was allowed by 
 
every other praetor, .to retain his superb plate;, 
 he was allowed to decorate his banquet with 
 his private effects, when any magistrate or per- 
 son of high rank partook of his hospitality. 
 Many persons of high authority frequented his 
 house, hut no one was mad enough to think of 
 seizing his fine and costly plate ; no one so au- 
 dacious as to ask for it ; no one so destitute of 
 a sense of propriety as to request him to sell it. 
 It is insupportable arrogance, my Lords, for a 
 praetor in a province to say to a wealthy and 
 respectable man, " Sell me your engraved 
 vases;" just as if he were to say, " You are not 
 worthy of having such fine things, they apper- 
 tain more properly to a person of my rank." 
 Are you, Verres, fitter for these things than 
 Calidius ? you, who gave eighty thousand ses- 
 terces to procure votes for your nomination as 
 praetor; three hundred to silence one of your 
 accusers. God forbid that I should compare 
 his conduct and reputation with your's, for they 
 will not admit of comparison; I only state the 
 case of bribery, in which you certainly are his 
 superior. And for this superiority, do you con- 
 temn and hold cheap the Roman knighthood; 
 was it for this that you accounted Calidius less 
 worthy of possessing what struck your notice 
 than yourself? 
 
 He holds his head high now above Calidius* 
 
33 
 
 ;>nd tells every body that he bought the silver 
 horses. Tell me now whether you purchased 
 of L. Papirius, an eminent and wealthy Roman 
 knight, his censer; who, in the testimony de- 
 livered against you, swore, that when he lent it 
 you to look at, you returned it with one of the 
 reliefs torn off, to prove that you had taste, not 
 avarice; that you was fond of art, not money. 
 It was not with respect to Papirius alone, that 
 he shewed this abstemious modesty; he pur- 
 sued the same system in plundering all the 
 censers besides in Sicily : it is incredible how 
 numerous and beautifully wrought they were. 
 I am of opinion, that when Sicily abounded 
 with wealth and resources, art was carried to a 
 high state of perfection in that island. * 4 For 
 there was no decent house, before his arrival as 
 praetor, in which there was not to be found a 
 censer, a charger inlaid with works in relief, 
 and images of the gods, and a patera, which the 
 women employed in the celebration of sacri- 
 fices, even if there was nothing else besides. 
 All these were works of ancient artists, and 
 elaborately wrought. It may be permitted us 
 to suspect, that they had also family utensils 
 for the service of their dinner-tables, but of 
 which a change of fortune had deprived them, 
 notwithstanding that they retained what was 
 essential for their religious ceremonies. I re- 
 
54 
 
 peat, my Lords, that nearly all the Sicilians 
 were in possession of much property. I, the 
 same man, do now proclaim, that they have 
 nothing left. What is this? What monstrous 
 ahortion of nature have we sent into the pro- 
 vince ? Does he not appear to have acted thus, 
 to satiate on his return to Rome, not merely his 
 own greediness, but that of all the avaricious 
 in the world? Did he visit any town? His 
 Cibyratic blood-hounds were immediately un- 
 muzzled, to get scent of what they could. If 
 they discovered a large vase, or some consider- 
 able work of art, they promptly produced it ; if 
 they could not, they were presently on the 
 scent for other things of that description. Large 
 dishes, patene, and censers, were pitiful game 
 for them. I leave you to imagine what lamen- 
 tations, what tears, these thefts occasioned 
 among the women, which perhaps may appear 
 of trifling moment to you ; they nevertheless 
 cause deep distress to delicate females espe- 
 cially, when these utensils are wrested from 
 them, which they were accustomed to employ 
 in their sacrifices, which they inherited from 
 their ancestors, and had been time immemorial 
 in their family. 
 
 3. 3 Do not expect, my Lords, that I can pos- 
 sibly trace this pilfering system from door to 
 door. He robbed ^Eschylus the Tyndarite, a * of 
 
35 
 
 his patera; Thraso, of the same city, of his 
 charger; and Nymphodorus, of Agrigentum, of 
 his censer; I can interrogate witnesses from 
 Sicily, and will leave him to select which he 
 chooses, respecting his robbery of these articles. 
 I can interrogate every town : no decent family 
 can be found which has not suffered from his 
 rapacity. If, my Lords, he ever went to a 
 banquet, he could not eye any wrought plate 
 without touching it. There is one Cn. Pom- 
 peius Philo, a native of Tyndaris ; he invited 
 A r erres to dine at a villa in the territory of that 
 city. He did there what no Sicilian would 
 dare to do ; and because he was a Roman citi- 
 zen, thought he might do it with impunity. A 
 dish was served up set with fine cameos : he 
 kept his eye constantly fixed on this dish, and 
 blushed not to remove from a friend's table, 
 what was appropriated to the household gods. 
 He restored the dish nevertheless, without any 
 wish to retain it, but not without plucking out 
 the cameos, which he did before, in another 
 proof which I have given of his decorous con- 
 duct. Did he not treat Eupolemus of Calacte, 26 
 the intimate friend of the Luculli, and who is 
 now serving under L. Lucullus, in the same 
 manner? Verres dined with him; he produced 
 all his silver plate, doubtless lest the praetor 
 should steal it if out of his sight. Eupolemus 
 
36 
 
 produced two cups, inlaid with gems : he, like 
 an actor at an opera, took care to pick out the 
 gems in the presence of the spectators, for fear 
 of departing from the entertainment without 
 some little present. I cannot enumerate all 
 his pilferings; it is not indeed necessary; and 
 if it was, I should be unable : I only seek to 
 produce examples and proofs of his method of 
 proceeding with regard to each individual. In 
 these transactions he did not act as if one day 
 or other he should be summoned to give an ac- 
 count erf himself, but exactly as if he should 
 never be arraigned as a criminal; or as if he 
 had in view, that by seizing as much as possible, 
 he might thereby diminish the danger of being- 
 brought to trial. He did not, I affirm, do these 
 things craftily, or through agents and spies, 
 but openly, with a professed exertion of autho- 
 rity. 
 
 gffiVlieu he came to Catine,* 7 a wealthy and 
 populous city, he commanded that Dionysiar- 
 chus, the mayor, should be summoned in his 
 presence; he publicly gave him orders to pro- 
 cure all the plate that was in Catine, and deliver 
 it into his possession. Did you not hear Phi- 
 larchus of Centuripe, a8 a virtuous and wealthy 
 man of rank, swear upon oath, that he commis- 
 sioned him to extort all the plate from the citi- 
 zens of that large and opulent town, and then 
 
37 
 
 .consign it to him? In the same manner, Apol- 
 lodorus, whose testimony you have heard, was 
 ordered to make away with all the Corinthian 
 vases in the city of Agyrium, 29 and transport 
 them to Syracuse. 
 
 I am now going to recite a noble trait in 
 his character. When the indefatigable and 
 duteous prastor arrived at Aluntium, he would 
 not enter the town, because it is situated on an 
 abrupt precipice, difficult of access. He sum- 
 mons in his presence Archagatbus of that city, 
 a man not only the first of his family, but also 
 much respected by all the Sicilians. He com- 
 mands him to bring instantly to the sea-shore 
 all the plate and bronzes that could be found in 
 Aluntium. Archagathus returns home. This 
 nobleman, who sought the esteem and good- 
 will of his fellow-citizens, could not brook that 
 it should devolve on him to be the bearer of so 
 irksome an injunction. He did not know what 
 to do : he proclaims the orders he received, and 
 ordered each individual to produce what he 
 had. The fear was extreme, for the tyrant was 
 at hand, who was waiting for Archagathus and 
 the plate, in his litter, on the shore beneath the 
 town. 
 
 I leave you to imagine the concourse of 
 people that assembled, the murmurs that were 
 made, and the tears of the females that were 
 
38 
 
 shed : they said the Trojan horse had entered 
 their city, and that it must surrender. The 
 vases were taken -without their cases, some 
 were wrenched from the hands of the women, 
 many doors were burst open, and many hars 
 broken. What do you think of this, my Lords? 
 If ever a requisition is made of arms from pri- 
 vate property, in times of war and tumult, 
 people deliver them up unwillingly, though they 
 are aware that it is for the general good. By 
 no means then think that the Aluntians could 
 produce their engraved plate, to fall into the 
 hands of another, without the greatest reluct- 
 ance. Every thing is carried to the praetor. 
 The Cibyratic hell-hounds are called in; they 
 discard a few articles : the mouldings and gems 
 are wrenched off from those they approve. Thus 
 the Aluntians were compelled to return home, 
 with their silver vessels bereft of their choicest 
 ornaments, V^Vas ever such a drag-net 3 as Verres 
 thrown over the province of Sicily. Bad prastors 
 used to misapply the public monies as cun- 
 ningly as possible, and they sometimes dared 
 clandestinely to rifle private property. They 
 nevertheless were condemned ; and if you ask 
 who were the accusers, (to Remove this office 
 from myself), they were those who were able to 
 trace out the thefts committed by men of this de- 
 scription, from some slight printing of footsteps. 
 
39 
 
 But bo\v r are we to act in the case of Verres, 
 whose whole body is bedaubed with the splash- 
 ings of his ? Can it be a matter of difficulty to 
 plead against him, who, as he passed a city, or- 
 dered his litter to wait for a moment, and plun- 
 dered the inhabitants from door to door, not by 
 any under-hand tricks, but openly, by one man- 
 date, by a professed exercise of praetorial autho- 
 rity? 31 But to be able to hold forth that he 
 bought these goods, he commissioned Arclia- 
 gathus to give a paltry sum -to the proprietors 
 of silver plate : Archagathus found a few who 
 were ready to accept what he gave. He did 
 not, however, repay Archagathus, who sought 
 for redress at Rome. Cn. Lentulus Marcellinus 
 dissuaded him, as you have heard him say. Read 
 the testimonies of Archagathus and Lentulus. 
 
 (The testimonies of' Archagathus and Lentulus 
 
 read in court.) 
 
 Do not imagine that the man wished to 
 collect so great a number of ornamental devices, 
 without an adequate reason. Mark how deeply 
 lie is impressed with a proper sense of respect 
 J^rjgyii, the Roman people^ trie lalv^ tlfe tribi^ 
 nals, the Sicilian merchants, and those who are 
 come to arraign him. After he had collected 
 so many reliefs, that nothing longer remained 
 in possession of any one, he opened a vast shop 
 in the pajaceiat Syracuse, where all the manu- 
 
40 
 
 facturers of plate and vases were ordered to 
 attend. x " A great concourse of people was there 
 Brought together, and he had many in his own 
 pay.^VFor eight whole months these men were 
 continually employed in the manufacture of 
 solid gold plate flie then soldered in his golden 
 vases, with such taste, the cameos which he had 
 torn from the censers, dishes, and paterae, that 
 you would declare they were expressly made 
 for each respectively. This same praetor, who 
 gives out that through his vigilance Sicily was 
 at peace, used to preside at this laboratory for 
 the greater part of the day, dressed in black. \I 
 scarcely venture, my Lords, to state these facts, 
 lest, peradventure, you should say that you have 
 heard more concerning him from common re- 
 port, than from me in court. For who is there 
 that has not heard of this shop, of the golden 
 vases, and of his black apparel? Name any re- 
 spectable man of Syracuse; he shall bear wit- 
 ness to what I declare. There is no one verily, 
 who can say that he has not seen or heard of 
 these transactions. 
 
 O the corruption of the times! O the de- 
 generacy of our manners ! I will not quote ex- 
 amples of ancient date. Many of you, my 
 Lords, were acquainted with L, Piso, the father 
 of that Piso who was praetor. 32r When praetor in 
 Spain, (where he met his death), by some acci- 
 
, 
 
 41 
 
 dent or other, as he was fencing, a gold ring 
 which he wore was broken : he wished to re- 
 place it by another, and ordered a goldsmith at 
 Corduba to attend him in the forum, to whom 
 he publicly weighed out the gold : he ordered a 
 chair to be placed for him in the forum, and a 
 ring to be manufactured in the presence of the 
 by-standers. Perhaps you will say this was going 
 too far. Let any one cavil at it if he pleases, 
 and we will have done with it. But he cannot 
 deny the truth of my statement. He was the 
 son of that L. Piso, who first instituted a law 
 against bribery. It is ridiculous for me now to 
 revert to Verres, after dwelling on the rigid dis- 
 cipline of Piso Frugi. But only mark the con- 
 trast. As the one was moulding golden vases for 
 his sideboard, he used his utmost exertions that it 
 should not only be notorious throughout Sicily, 
 but also in a criminal court at Rome : the other, 
 in an affair of half an ounce of gold, wished all 
 Spain to understand how it came into his pos- 
 session. As Verres 33 proved the meaning of his 
 name, so indeed did Piso of his surname^It is 
 impossible for me to remember, or include in 
 my oration, all his nefarious dealings. I only 
 wish to expose briefly, the nature of his depre- 
 dations ; indeed this ring of Piso has suggested 
 what would otherwise have escaped me. How 
 many men of rank do you imagine he deprived 
 
42 
 
 of the rings they wore on their fingers? He 
 never refrained from seizing any cameo or in- 
 taglio belonging to another, which struck his 
 fancy. It may appear incredible, but it is so ma- 
 nifest, that I do not think he will himself deny 
 it. When Valentius, his agent, received a letter 
 from Agrigentum, Verres happened to notice 
 the impression of a seal on the letter; it hit his 
 fancy, and he asked, "Whence came the letter?" 
 Valentius replied, " From Agrigentum." The 
 prretor immediately wrote to his agents in that 
 city, to send the seal as soon as possible. In 
 consequence of this letter, L. Titius, a Roman 
 citizen, was robbed of his seal. His cupidity 
 was insatiable ; for though it would appear that 
 he exceeded all bounds in furnishing his dining- 
 rooms not only at Rome, but in all his villas, 
 with three hundred couches decorated with rich 
 counterpilts, still there was no wealthy house 
 in Sicily, which he did not turn into a furnish- 
 ing warehouse. 
 
 There is a certain lady of Segesta, 34 ex- 
 tremely rich, Lamia by name, and of good 
 family. For three years her house was stocked 
 for him, with carpets and works in embroidery ; 
 every article was dyed with purple. There is 
 Attains, a wealthy man of Neaetum ; 35 Lyso, at 
 Lilybaeum ; Critolaus, at Enna ; 36 JEschrio, Cleo- 
 menes, and Theomnastus, at Syracuse; Arcjio- 
 
43 
 
 nicies and Megistus, at Elorus. " My voice will 
 fail me before I can enumerate them ; he fur- 
 nished, I believe, the purple dyes; his friends, 
 the manufactures. It does not suit me now to 
 charge him with every thing. As if it would 
 not be sufficient reason for his condemnation, 
 that he had so much to give away; that he 
 wished to remove so much, and that, what he 
 himself allows, employed his friends in traffic of 
 this description. Do you believe, my Lords, 
 that any bronze bedsteads and chandeliers, were 
 manufactured at Syracuse, during three years, 
 for any one, but him alone? He bought them. 
 I give him credit for having bought them. 3 * 
 I only, my Lords, beg to inform you, what he 
 did in the province when praetor,' lest he should 
 appear not to have feathered his nest sufficiently 
 when he had it in his power. 
 <$ V. I am now going to state a case, that can 
 neither be termed mere theft, avarice, or cupi- 
 dity ; but a deed of such atrocity, that it may 
 be said to combine all imaginable crimes; in 
 the perpetration of which, the sanctity of the 
 gods has been violated ; the esteem and autho^ 
 rity of the Roman people diminished ; the duties 
 of hospitality subjected to craft and violence ; 
 and the affection of the kings in alliance with 
 Rome, and in allegiance to Syria, alienated 
 from the republic. You are aware, my Lords, 
 
44 
 
 that the young Syrian princes, the sons of An- 
 tiochus, were lately at Rome. They did not 
 come to have their right to that kingdom rati- 
 fied; for that, they beyond dispute,^ were en- 
 titled to, as heirs to their fathers and ancestors ; 
 but they were of opinion, that the kingdom of 
 Egypt devolved on them, in right of their 
 mother, Selene. This the senate could not as- 
 sent to, in consequence of the state of affairs. 
 They therefore departed for their own country, 
 Syria. One of them, by name Antiochus, 39 
 wished to make a tour in Sicily, and duly ar- 
 rived at Syracuse, in the proconsulate of Verres. 
 Upon this, our praetor imagined himself 
 come into possession of a large inheritance; 
 since one had fallen into his power, whom he 
 had heard, and suspected to have many things 
 of value in his retinue. He orders some con- 
 siderable presents to be sent to the prince, for 
 the supply of his kitchen ; as much wine and 
 oil as was necessary, and a sufficient quantity 
 of wheat, from his magazine of tithes. 4 He 
 then invites the prince to dine. His couch is 
 magnificently and elegantly adorned; and his 
 finest plate, of which there was a great profu- 
 sion, produced. He had not at that time manu- 
 factured his golden vessels. He takes care in 
 short, that the banquet should be spendidly 
 served. And the young prince leaves the en- 
 
IS**' (* 
 
 45 
 
 tertainment with the idea that his host pos- 
 sessed much wealth, and had feasted him sump- 
 tuously. In his turn, he gives a dinner to 
 the praetor, displays all his wealth, a consider- 
 able quantity of silver plate, with many golden 
 goblets, which as suited for royal use, especially 
 in Syria, were inlaid with exquisite gems. There 
 was also a wine decanter, hollowed out of a 
 single gem of large size, with a golden handle. 
 You have heard, I believe, Q. Minucius, a re- 
 spectable witness,, state what I do. Immediately 
 our praetor begins to handle, gaze at, and ad- 
 mire every utensil ; and the prince is pleased, 
 that his entertainment answers so well the ex- 
 pectations of a magistrate of the Roman people. 
 After he had departed from the festival, he 
 thought of nothing, as the circumstance itself 
 declares, but how to rob the prince, and send 
 him pennyless from Sicily. He asks permission 
 to see the vases, which struck his fancy the 
 most; pretending that he wanted to shew them 
 to his artists. The prince, ignorant of the sort 
 of man he had to deal with, willingly lent them, 
 without entertaining the slightest suspicion ; 
 he sends also to request the loan of the gem- 
 decanter, stating that he wished to inspect it 
 minutely. That also is consigned to him. 
 
 -I have now, my Lords, to request your par- 
 ticular attention on the subject of an event, 
 
46 
 
 which has not now for the first time been dis- 
 closed to you, and the Roman people. Indeed, 
 the noise of it has spread to foreign nations, and 
 the remotest parts of the earth. These princes 
 brought with them to Rome, a magnificent 
 chandelier, set with precious stones, to be de- 
 posited in the capitol. As the temple was not 
 completed, they were unable to make their de- 
 posit, and consequently were unwilling to make 
 a public exhibition of their present, which, to 
 appear of the greater importance, was to be 
 placed, at an appointed time, in the cell of the 
 temple consecrated to the omnipotent omnis- 
 cient Jupiter ; and that it should strike the at- 
 tention more, was to be suddenly exhibited in 
 public. They resolved on carrying it back with 
 them to Syria, that when they heard of the con- 
 secration of the statue of the God, they might 
 dispatch ambassadors to be the bearers of that 
 splendid present, as well as of other offerings. 
 Somehow or other, this circumstance was made 
 known to Verres. The prince had wished it 
 should be concealed, not that he apprehended 
 its seizure, but that as few as possible should 
 see it, before it was consigned to Rome. Verres, 
 in the most importunate manner, requests that 
 it should be sent to him ; he says he wishes to 
 inspect it, and promises that no one shall see it 
 but himself. 
 
47 
 
 Antiochus, who was of a loyal and unsus- 
 pecting disposition, never dreaming of his vile 
 intentions, orders his servants to carry it well 
 packed, and with as much secrecy as possible, 
 to the praetorial palace. As soon as they had 
 deposited and unpacked it, he exclaims, that it 
 is a present worthy of the kingdom of Syria, 
 worthy of a prince, worthy of the capitol. As 
 indeed he might, for it was of that brilliance 
 which only proceeds from the brightest gems ; 
 of that variety of ornament, that art might be 
 said to contend with the number of the mate- 
 rials ; of that size, that it might appear appro- 
 priated not for human, but divine service. 
 
 As soon as he appeared to the bearers suffi- 
 ciently to have gratified his curiosity, they pre- 
 pare to carry it back. He declares that he 
 wishes to examine it again, and again; that he 
 can never be satiated with looking at it. He 
 orders them to go, and leave the chandelier. 
 They return to Antiochus without their charge. 
 QThe prince at first, apprehended nothing, sus- 
 pected nothing. One day passes ; another ; 
 many : it is not restored. The prince then 
 sends, that if agreeable to him, he should be 
 obliged if he would return it. Verres orders the 
 prince's servants to come for it at a later hour. 
 Antiochus wonders at the delay, and sends 
 again. No answer. He calls upon him, and 
 
48 
 
 entreats him to restore the chandelier. Mark 
 the barefacedness and singular arrogance of the 
 man. He began to beg and vehemently demand 
 what he heard was destined for the capitol, from 
 the prince's own mouth, what he saw was espe- 
 cially preserved for the omniscient omnipotent 
 Jupiter, and for the Roman people. The prince 
 answered, that he was prevented from com- 
 plying with his wishes, out of respect for reli- 
 gion, and public opinion, for he was to make 
 this present to the capitol, in the eyes of nu- 
 merous nations. Verres has recourse to the 
 severest threats; but when he sees that the 
 prince is no more to be influenced by them, 
 than by prayers, he orders him to depart from 
 the province before night, pretending that he 
 had discovered that pirates were on their way 
 from Syria to Sicily. The prince, in the pre- 
 sence of a great assembly at Syracuse, in the 
 forunij (let none imagine I am engaged in an 
 obscure cause, or that I tax him with any thing, 
 merely through general suspicion,) in the 
 forum, I repeat, of the city of Syracuse, with 
 tears in his eyes, as he called the gods and men 
 to witness, began to complain loudly that Gains 
 Verres had forced from his hands that chan- 
 delier embossed with gems, which he had de- 
 stined for the splendid temple of the capitol, to 
 stand there as a monument of the alliance that 
 
subsisted between Syria and the Roman people; 
 that he was indifferent with respect to the fate 
 of his other effects in gold and gems, but that 
 it was shameful and not to be endured that he 
 should be deprived of this ; that though it was 
 sufficiently sacred in his, and his brother's esti^ 
 mation, he nevertheless had made it more so, 
 by dedicating and consecrating it to the om- 
 niscient omnipotent Jupiter, whom he had 
 called to witness the sincerity of his wishes and 
 religion. 
 
 \3 QjWhat voice, what expansion of ribs, what 
 powers of eloquence can suffice to paint this 
 transaction in its true colours? The prince 
 Antiochus, who almost always appeared in public 
 at Rome, with a splendid and royal retinue, at 
 once the ally and friend of the Roman people, 
 as were his father, grandfather, and ancestors, 
 most ancient and illustrious sovereigns, himself 
 heir to an opulent and extensive kingdom, is 
 treated as an outcast in a province of the Roman 
 people ! How do you imagine foreign nations 
 will receive this? What effect do you think 
 the report of your conduct will have in distant 
 kingdoms, and the utmost limits of the earth, 
 when tbey shall be apprized that a prince was 
 robbed by a praetor of a Roman province, who 
 was his guest, and the especial friend and ally 
 ^f the Roman people? Rest assured, my Lords, 
 
50 
 
 that if this crime escapes unpunished, both your 
 name, and that of the Roman people, will be 
 held in abhorrence by foreign nations. This 
 will be the universal sentiment, especially as 
 the belief of the avarice and cupidity of our 
 magistrates has generally obtained, as well as 
 the idea that this was not the deed of Verres 
 alone, but also of those who winked at his 
 crime. Many kings, and free states, many pri- 
 vate persons of property intend indeed to em- 
 bellish the capitol, in a manner that corresponds 
 with the dignity and lustre of our empire, as 
 soon as they shall have understood that you 
 have taken due cognizance of, and disproved 
 this embezzlement of royal property ; they will 
 moreover think, that their zeal and offerings 
 will be acceptable to you, and the Roman 
 people. But if they should understand that you 
 overlooked this outrage against so great a sove- 
 reign, in so glaring a case, in so manifest a 
 guilt, they will not be mad enough to devote 
 their thoughts, money, and trouble to the pur- 
 chase of things, in which they believe you to be 
 indifferent. 
 
 <3'/Here, Quintus Catulus, 41 I call upon thee. I 
 am speaking of your splendid and beautiful or- 
 nament. It belongs to you, not only to repro- 
 bate this crime, with the severity of a judge, 
 but even with that of an enemy, or accuser. 
 
51 
 
 Your glory is raised with that temple, through 
 the kindness of the Roman senate and people ; 
 your name and that temple are together conse- 
 crated. It is your duty, it devolves on you to 
 take care that by how much the more magni- 
 ficently it has been restored, so it should be 
 adorned; that that thunderbolt may appear to 
 have been darted from heaven, not for the sake 
 of destroying the shrine of the omniscient om- 
 nipotent Jupiter, but of requiring a more spa- 
 cious and magnificent fabric 4 * for his residence. 
 You have heard Q. Minucius Rufus state 
 that prince Antiochus lodged with him at Syra- 
 cuse ; that he knew the chandelier was carried 
 to, and not restored by Ver-res.^ You have 
 heard, and will hear in every assembly at Syra- 
 cuse, people declare they understood, that it 
 was dedicated and consecrated by prince An- 
 tiochus, to the omniscient omnipotent Jupiter. 
 If you were not a judge, 4S and the investigation 
 of this crime not committed to you, it would 
 still be your part to inquire into the particulars. 
 I therefore am no longer at a loss to know your 
 sentiments of this crime, you being a judge, 
 since you ought to be a more strenuous pleader 
 and accuser, in the presence of any other judge, 
 than myself. 
 J $But, my Lords, is it possible for an}' thing 
 
52 
 
 to appear more intolerable, more outrageous 
 than this ? Shall Verres possess that chandelier, 
 composed of gold and precious stones, designed 
 for the service of the great God? Which was 
 to irradiate the interior of his temple? Shall 
 that, I say, decorate his banquet polluted with 
 lust and obscenity ? In the house of that vile 
 debauchee, shall the ornaments of the capitol be 
 placed on the same table, as the jewels of Che- 
 lidon? 44 What do you think he can ever hold 
 sacred, what must his religion be, if he is not 
 aware of the atrocity of such a crime? Who 
 must stand his trial without having it in his 
 power to supplicate Jupiter, and demand his aid, 
 as is usual ; from whom the immortal gods 
 themselves demand the restitution of their pro- 
 gerty, at the same tribunal that men do their's?' 
 Can we wonder that he violated the temple of 
 Minerva at Athens, that of Apollo at Delos, that 
 of Juno at Samos, that of Diana at Perga, and 
 several others throughout Asia and Greece, if 
 he was unable to resist from plundering the 
 capitol? 45 That fane, which private persons 
 do, and are about to adorn, from their private 
 purses, C. Verres has not allowed to be em- 
 bellished by kings. Therefore, after he had 
 imagined this crime, he esteemed nothing after- 
 wards as sacred throughout Sicily ; in which pro- 
 
vince, during three years, he so conducted him- 
 self, that he was believed to wage war at once 
 with heaven and earth. 
 
 ^^eggsta, my Lords, is a very ancient Sicilian 
 city j which,it is proved, was founded by ^Eneas, 
 when a refugee From Troy, coming into that 
 quarter. The Segestans therefore consider 
 themselves as connected by a perpetual alliance 
 and strict intimacy with Rome. \This city for- 
 mer Iy_wjij:aj3tu^^ Car- 
 thaginians, when it undertook a war of itself 
 against them ; and every thing ornamental-was 
 transported to Carthage. The Segestans had in 
 their possession a very fine bronze statue of 
 DJana, to which they attached, from time imme- 
 morial, the highest veneration. It was beautir- 
 fully wrought; when it was~transferred to Caiv 
 thage, it only changed its place of abode and 
 worshippers; there also respect was paid to it 
 as of nlfl ; for even enemies thought it worth}' 
 of marked attention, from its exquisite beauty. 
 Some centuries afterwards, P. Scipip in the. 
 third Punic war, took Carthage. x After his vic- 
 tory, (note, I beseech you, the virtue and acti- 
 vity of that general, that you may be pleased 
 with a national example of spendid virtue, and 
 consequently judge the insolence of Verres as 
 meriting the greater reprehension,) he assembled 
 all the Sicilians, and ordered their effects to be 
 
54 
 
 gathered together ; for he knew that Sicily had 
 been frequently and sorely vexed by incursions 
 of the Carthaginians. He promised to use his 
 utmost endeavours to restore to the inhabitants 
 of each city, their respective properties. It was 
 then that the things which had formerly been 
 removed from Hiinera, 46 of which I have pre- 
 viously spoken, were restored to the inhabitants 
 of Thermae, some to the Gelensians, 47 others to 
 the Agrigentines. Among the last, was that 
 celebrated bull, which Phalaris, the most cruel 
 j)f tyrants, is said to ^^ pr^f>rx^ r i an( j j n 
 which he used to enclose criminals alive, while 
 lig^ applied fire^umierneath; : -- v -?ScipT6V when he 
 restored this infernal machine to the Agrigen- 
 tines, is reported to have said, that it would be 
 well for them to weigh, whether it would be 
 more advantageous for the Sicilians, to be go- 
 verned by their own sovereigns, or by the 
 Roman people, since they possessed at once a 
 monument of their ow r n ferocity, and of our 
 clemency. 
 
 <tyAt that period, the_Diana I haye^been speak- 
 ing of, was restored with much pomp to the 
 Segestans, and replaced in its ancient recep- 
 tacle, to the great joy and satisfaction of the 
 citizens. I 3 tja8_placed on a lofty pedestal, 
 which exhibited the name of P Africanus en- 
 graved, and declared that it was re-instated by 
 
him, at the fall of Carthage. It was worshipped 
 by the inhabitants, and visited by all strangers. 
 When I was quaestor, they shewed it me in 
 preference to every thing else, fit was a colossal 
 statue, and robed; 48 but, notwithstanding its 
 size, a virginal age and air was conspicuous. 
 The quiver was suspended from her shoulder; 
 her left handheld the bow, and her right ex- 
 tended a burning torch. /:As soon as this sacri- 
 legious plunderer noticed it, as if set on fire by 
 the torch, he was immediately inflamed with a 
 mad cupidity to have it in his possessions -He 
 orders the magistrates to take it down, and con- 
 sign it to him, stating that it would be impos- 
 sible to oblige him more than by so doing, 
 replied, that they were prohibited by law, 
 as well asT>y a sense 6f religion ;4ie repeated 
 his solicitations, having alternately recourse to 
 threats, hopes, and the inspiration of fear. 'They 
 answered him in the name of Scipio Africanus, 
 and added it was a present of the Roman people, 
 that it was not with them to dispose of what 
 that consummate general designed as a monu- 
 ment of the conquest of Carthage. He daily 
 urges with vehemence his solicitations, and the 
 circumstance is referred to the senate; where 
 the surrender of the statue is violently opposed, 
 and positively denied, at his first arrival in the 
 assembly. He afterwards imposed additional 
 
56 
 
 burdens on the levying of naval equipments, 
 an/Oft the exaction of corn from the Segestons, 
 in a greater degree than they coiiTcTwill bear. 
 He summoned moreover the magistrates in his 
 presence, and selected the most distinguished 
 of their body. He rifled^allJii_.niai'ket-places 
 in their territory ; he declared to one after 
 another, that their refusal would only be pro- 
 ductive of misery to themselves, and threatened 
 ta destroy th^-wJiQlejuty from its foundations. 
 The Segestans at length, intimidated by his 
 threats, decreed to submit to the will of the 
 praetor. With the greatest grief, tears, and 
 lamentations of the male and female inhabitants 
 
 4^_ _- ._ ^ __. ,,,,, , 
 
 o^the city, it is enacted that the statue of 
 Diana be removedSoMark, my Lords, how re- 
 ligiously it was preserved by the Segestans ; be 
 assured there was found no freeman, no slave, 
 no citizen, no foreigner, who dared to touch it. 
 Know, that certain foreign workmen were sum- 
 moned from Lilybaeum to remove it. They 
 dislodged it for a stipulated sum, not aware of 
 the reason of its removal, or of the respect in 
 which it was held. I leave you to imagine the 
 multitude of women assembled on this_occa- 
 sion, and the weepings of the elders, some of 
 whom recollected the day, when that same 
 Diana was brought back from Carthage, and 
 proclaimed by its return, the victory of the 
 
57 
 
 Roman people. How different was that day 
 from this ! Then a most distinguished general 
 of the Roman people restored to the Segestans 
 their own gods recovered from a hostile city ; 
 now, from an allied city, an abominable prastor 
 of that very same people, sacrilegiously made 
 away with those identical gods. What is more 
 notorious throughout Sicily than that all the 
 Segestan matrons and virgins assembled to wit- 
 ness the removal; that they perfumed it with 
 spikenard ; that they crowned it with flowery 
 chaplets that they followed it to the confines 
 of their territory ; burning, as they went, frank- 
 incense and odours ? 
 
 If, Verres, when governor, your cupidity 
 and insolence overwhelmed all sense of religion, 
 do you not now shudder in consequence of its 
 violation, at the urgency of your case and that 
 of your children? What man will fly to your 
 assistance, in opposition to the immortal gods; 
 what god do you think will be propitious to 
 you, so deeply implicated in sacrilege? Could 
 not that Diana inspire you with religious duty 
 at a period of repose and security ? She, who 
 had witnessed the destruction of either of the 
 cities, in which she was stationed? She, who had 
 twice escaped the fire and sword of two destruc- 
 tive wars, who did not lose her veneration by 
 the victory of the Carthaginians ; and recovered 
 
58 
 
 it at her first residence, through the generosity 
 of P. Africanus ? 
 
 After the perpetration of this crime, when 
 the pedestal with the name of Africanus in- 
 scribed, was bereft of its ornament, all thought 
 it scandalous and intolerable, that not only the 
 sanctity of religion was violated, but that the 
 glory of the deeds of the immortal Scipio, the 
 monument of his virtue, the trophy of his vic- 
 tory, should be despoiled by C. Verres. When 
 he heard of the inscription on the pedestal, 
 he concluded^that the whole affair would be 
 forgot, provided he could effect the removal of 
 that pedestal, which proclaimed his outrage. 
 They therefore decreed by his orders, that it 
 should be removed. This has been confirmed 
 to you, my Lords, in the deposition of the 
 Segestans against him, which was read in my 
 first pleading. 
 
 xJ-oThee now, Publius Scipio, thee, I invoke, 
 O illustrious, accomplished youth ! I demand 
 thy interposition, due to thy family and name. 
 Why dost thou exert thyself in his defence, who 
 has robbed thee of thy praise, and family 
 honour? Why dost thou wish him to be de- 
 fended? W T hy is it for me to undertake thy 
 cause? Why am I to bear the weight of it? 
 Marcus Tullius Cicero demands the monument 
 of Publius Scipio Africanus ! P. Scipio defends 
 
59 
 
 him who forced it away ! 49 Since it is an esta- 
 blished custom, that every one should so defend 
 the monuments of his ancestors, as not even 
 to allow another to inscribe them with his name, 
 dost thou come forward in his cause, who has 
 not merely altered the situation of thy monu- 
 ment, but fundamentally removed and destroyed 
 it? Is there any one, in the name of heaven, 
 to defend the memory of the deceased Scipio ? 
 to protect the trophy, and proof of the valour 
 of thy ancestors, if thou dost abandon them? 
 If thou not only sufferest it to be removed, but 
 defendest the free-booter ? Here are the Seges- 
 tans, thy dependants, the allies and friends of 
 the Roman people, to declare to thee, P. Sci- 
 pio, that P. Africanus restored to their ances- 
 tors, the effigy of Diana, after the destruction 
 of Carthage ; that it was dedicated in the city 
 of Segesta, with his name inscribed; that Verre's 
 removed it; and effaced the inscription of the 
 name of P. Scipio ; they entreat thee, they 
 conjure thee to restore the praise clue to thy 
 name and family; that what they recovered 
 through Africanus, from a hostile city, may be 
 rescued by thee, from the house of a despoiling 
 robber3y(Canst thou answer them satisfactorily? 
 Canst thou do any thing to Verres, without 
 their supplicating thy assistance? They are 
 here with their prayers. It rests with thee, 
 
60 
 
 Scipio, to protect the greatness of thy name; 
 it rests with thee. Thou hast all the advan- 
 tages, which fortune and nature can heap on 
 man. I do not anticipate the honour of thy 
 task ; I seek not the praise due to another. I 
 am not to be reproached with being the de- 
 fender and avenger of the monuments of P. 
 Scipio, when thou, illustrious youth ! art still 
 alive. If, then, thou under takes t to plead in 
 defence of thy own name, it will not only be 
 my duty to be silent on this occasion, but like- 
 wise to rejoice at the fortune of the deceased 
 Africanus, whose reputation is defended by one 
 of his own family, and does not require adven- 
 titious support. But if a friendship for Verres 
 should prove an obstacle, if you think this mea- 
 sure which I demand is not strictly appropriated 
 to you, I will be your substitute ; on me shall 
 devolve that duty, which I believed to belong 
 to another. Let our famed and long established 
 nobility no longer complain, that the Roman 
 people commits willingly, and always com- 
 mitted this honourable part to industrious heads 
 of families. It ought not to be a subject of com- 
 plaint that virtue can effect much in that city, 
 which triumphs over the world by its virtue. 
 Let others have the statue of P. Africanus ; let 
 others be honoured by the virtue and reputa- 
 tion of the deceased. So great was that man. 
 
61 
 
 so well deserving of his country, that he merits 
 the praise, not only of one family, but of the 
 whole state. I then must use my strenuous 
 endeavours, as belonging to that city, which he 
 increased, and rendered illustrious by his ex- 
 ploits; especially since as far as lies in my power, 
 I am used to those exercises of the mind, in 
 which he shone, to equity, industry, temper- 
 ance, to the protection of the good, and to the 
 hatred of the bad ; and the association of these 
 qualities is not less valuable, than that respect 
 .and high birth, of which you think so highly. 
 3 $ I demand of thee, Caius Verres, the restitu- 
 tion of the monument of P. Africanus. I have 
 nothing to do for the present with the cause of 
 the Sicilians, which I have undertaken to de- 
 fend. Let there be now no cognizance taken 
 of monies procured unjustly; let the wrongs of 
 the Segestans for the moment be obliterated ; 
 but let the pedestal of P. Africanus be restored ; 
 let the name of the invincible general be en- 
 graved; let the exquisite statue rescued from 
 Carthage be replaced. It is not the defender 
 of the Sicilians, it is not your accuser, it is not 
 the Segestans, who require this of you ; it is 
 he, who has undertaken to preserve inviolated 
 the glory of P, Africanus. I am not afraid of 
 displaying my zeal in the presence of Publius 
 Servilius, 5 the judge, who having executed the 
 
62 
 
 most splendid exploits, and having raised there- 
 by his own monument, devotes his time to the 
 pursuit of glory, and certainly wishes to trans- 
 mit to posterity the monuments of his actions, 
 to be defended by the virtuous, from the de- 
 predations of plunderers. 
 
 I am satisfied it will not displease thee, 
 Quintus Catulus, whose noblest and most con- 
 spicuous monument is established by the opi- 
 nion which you cherish, that all the good are 
 the guardians of monuments, that the defence 
 of the glory of others appertains to them. In 
 contemplating the other thefts and crimes of 
 Verres, I feel so affected as only to think them 
 severely reprehensible; but in this, I am so 
 overwhelmed with grief, that nothing can ap- 
 pear to me more intolerable and scandalous. 
 Shall he decorate his palace filled with lust, ra- 
 pacity, and shame, with the monuments of 
 $cipio? Shall Verres place the statue of the 
 virgin Diana, a monument of a temperate and 
 religious man, in that house of his, the sink of 
 whoredom, and iniquity? 
 
 But have you been satisfied with the viola- 
 tion of this monument of Africanus? What! 
 
 "Pd yrm Tinf rpmnvp tVip fin^ stal-iio o f Mercury, 
 
 presented to the Tynd.arit.csj by the samf? S(*ipi n ? 
 And in what manner? Great God of heaven, 
 with what unbridled insolence, and audacity! 
 
63 
 
 You have lately heard the deputies from Tyn- 
 daris, excellent men, and of high rank, depose, 
 that the Mercury which was worshipped by the 
 inhabitants, on annual festivals, which P. Afri- 
 canus, after the fall of Carthage, presented to 
 them, as a token of reciprocal faith, and monu-> 
 ment of his victory, was forcibly removed by 
 his unjustifiable and criminal orders; who on 
 his arrival in that city, not only as if a matter 
 of right, but of necessity, as if the senate and 
 Iloman people had commissioned him to do it, 
 gave instant orders that the statues should be 
 pulled down, and removed to Messana. This 
 transaction appeared scandalous to those who 
 witnessed it, to those, who only heard of it, in- 
 credible; he did not, however, persist in the 
 execution of his order, on his first arrival. At his 
 departure, he bids Sopater, the mayor, whose tes- 
 timony you have heard, pull the Mercury down. 
 On his refusing- to comply, he addsjviolent 
 thrrafq, nnd rlmi l"iivi 111" l"vm-- The mayor 
 states the circumstance to the senate, who are 
 unanimous in reclaiming it; Verres presently 
 returns, and urges his demand for the statue ; 
 he receivers answer, that_the^senate cannot 
 Accede to his wish ; that it is with them a capital 
 crime, if any one touch the statue without the 
 senate's permission. They mention also the 
 veneration in which it was held. " What have 
 
64 
 
 I to do with your religion," he replies, " what 
 with your punishments, what with your senate? 
 If you do not instantly deliver the statue, you 
 shajj^be flogged to death/* 
 
 Sopater, in tears, carries his message to the 
 senate, and represents the eagerness and me- 
 naces of the prsetor. The senate returns no 
 answer to Sopater, but breaks up in violent agi- 
 tation. He, summoned by one of the praetor's- 
 servants, states the case ; the praetor answers : 
 " My commands must be obeyed.'?/: 'And these 
 things took place, (for I must not omit any trait 
 of his arrogance,) in the presence of the public, 
 from a curule chair, placed in a commanding 
 situation. It was the depth of winter ; the sea- 
 son, as you have heard Sopater himself state, 
 was inclement; it rained hard; notwithstand- 
 ing, he orders the lictors to hurry Sopater from 
 the portico where he was sitting, towards the 
 forum, and strip him naked. Scarcely were these 
 commands delivered, before he was stripped, 
 and environed by lictors. It was the general 
 opinion, that the unhappy and innocent man was 
 doomed to be flogged. It was not well-ground- 
 ed. " Can he cut to pieces without cause (they 
 said), a friend and ally of the Roman people ? he 
 is not quite so bad yet; all crimes are not 
 centered in him ; he never shewed a propensity 
 to cruelty; he received Sopater with mildness 
 
65 
 
 and affability." In--theanid&tjo-hajfQmm at 
 Tyndaris, there are equestrian statues of the 
 
 '"'*' * . 
 
 Marcelli, as in nearly all the other Sicilian 
 cities. Of these, he pitched upon one of Caius 
 Marcellus, whose benefits to Tyndaris, as well 
 as to all Sicily, were considerable, and of late 
 date. He orders Sopater, who is of noble family, 
 and vested with authority, to sit cross-legged 
 on one of the statuSjmd to be strapped to it. 
 Every body must be impressed with a sense of 
 the pain, which such a situation must have oc- 
 casioned to a person bound naked to a bronze 
 statue, and exposed to the inclejnency^of the 
 
 weather. Nor was {Here an end to this outrage, 
 till the multitude, touched with compassion at 
 his situation, compelled the senate with their 
 murmurs to promise the surrender of the statue 
 to Verres. They cried, that the gods would 
 revenge his cruelty, but that it was not for 
 them to suffer an innocent man to die. The 
 senate in a body, goes to him, and promises the 
 statue; and Sopater, almost stiff with cold, is 
 taken down nearly lifeless. If I wished it, I 
 should be unable here to accuse his conduct in 
 due order ; to do so, not only genius, but a won- 
 derful dexterity is necessary ^(It appears to 
 me, that this one crime, and which is stated by 
 me as such, is constituted of many ; but how to 
 distinguish and analyze them, I know not It 
 
66 
 
 is a crime of larceny, for he forced a valuable 
 statue from our friends ; it is a crime of pecu- 
 lation, since he has not hesitated to bear off an 
 image, the common property of the Roman 
 people, which was taken as booty from our 
 enemies, and had our general's name inscribed ; 
 it is a crime against the state, since he has dared 
 to overturn and carry off the monuments of the 
 glory of our empire, and military exploits ; it is 
 a crime of impiety, for he has violated religion; 
 it is a crime of cruelty, for he has devised a new 
 and unparalleled method of punishment, to a 
 man who is at once our friend, and innocent. 
 I cannot indeed now enter upon the nature of 
 the offence, neither do I know how to term this 
 outrage against the statue of Marcellus. What 
 had he in viesv ? Was it that he was -the owner? 
 \Vas it that he meant by this transaction, to 
 assist or injure the cause of our dependants and 
 friends? (Did you do it to prove that no owner 
 of property could keep his goods secure against 
 your rapacity? Who would not understand by 
 this that there is greater po\ver in the mandate 
 of a worthless fellow present, than in the protec- 
 tion of the virtuous, who are absent? Was it 
 that you meant to signify this, by that inveterate 
 obstinacy and pride of your's? You probably 
 hoped to detract from the glory of the Marcelli. 
 Forsooth the Marcelli are no longer to be con- 
 
67 
 
 sidered the patrons of the Sicilians ; Verres is 
 become their substitute. 51 What merit, what 
 virtue do you imagine centered in you, as to 
 make you endeavour to transfer to yourself so 
 illustrious a patronage of so splendid a pro- 
 vince, from its ancient and acknowledged pos- 
 sessors? Do you fancy that by that folly and 
 sluggishness, you are able to patronize even a 
 Sicilian of the lowest rank, as well as a whole 
 province? Was it for you to turn the statue of 
 Marcellus into a crucifix, on which to fasten 
 the dependants of the Marcelli ? Did you seek 
 to inflict punishment on those, who held him in 
 honour, with a monument of that very honour? 
 Do you mean that your statues hereafter should 
 be turned to the same use? But the Tyndarites 
 pulled down his statue, though he ordered it to 
 be raised on a higher pedestal close to the Mar- 
 celli, as soon as they had experienced this out- 
 rage. 
 
 The fortune of the Sicilians has therefore 
 assigned C. JVIarcellus to be your judge, who 
 decrees, that you be tied hand and foot to the 
 same statue to which you strapped the Sicilians 
 during your proconsulate. And first, my Lords, 
 he gave out that the Tyndarites sold this statue 
 of Mercury to C. Marcellus jEserninus; he 
 hoped therefore, that this same Marcellus would 
 plead his cause, which never appeared probable 
 
68 
 
 to me, that a young man born atTyndaris, and 
 a friend of the Sicilians, would lend his name 
 to countenance such a crime. I have never- 
 theless taken such precautions, that even if he 
 be detected as an accomplice, and ready to bear 
 the blame of Verres, such a measure would 
 effect nothing. For I can summon such wit- 
 nesses, and produce such documents, that there 
 can be no doubt of the guilt of Verres. There 
 are written documents, and I do proclaim, that 
 the Mercury was transported to Messana. They 
 ask, for how much? I say that Poleas was com- 
 missioned to do it. Where is Poleas ? Here he 
 is. Listen to his testimony. 
 
 (Here Poleas is brought to the bar, and says, 
 " It was removed by order ofSopater the mayor.") 
 
 Where is he who was strapped to the statue? 
 Call him in. Listen to his deposition. 
 
 (Here Sopater probably gave his deposition, and 
 having done so, left the court.) 
 
 You have seen the man, and heard his testi- 
 mony. Demetrius, the gymnasiarch, saw that 
 it was pulled down, for it was his office. I say 
 that he himself was present. And it was but 
 lately, that Verres promised at Rome to restore 
 to the deputies from Tyndaris the statue, if they 
 would not deliver their testimony against him. 
 Zosippus and Hismenias have deposed this, who 
 are noblemen of Tyndaris. 
 
/. 69 - 
 
 9 f What! did you not plunder from the holy 
 temple of ^Esculapius, 54 at'Agrigeritupi, another 
 monument of the same Scipio, I mean that ex- 
 [uisite statue of Apollo, which exhibited the 
 nameoTTKe" sculp tor Myron, inscribed in small 
 silver letters in the inside of the thigh? When 
 he attempted this clandestinely, my Lords, the 
 whole city was thrown into a ferment, as he 
 employed for this purpose, his nefarious agents. 
 The Agrigentines unanimously demanded to re- 
 tain, what was considered as ornamental to 
 their city, a monument of the kindness and 
 prowess of Scipio, and a pledge of their alliance 
 with the republic. The nobles therefore gave 
 orders to theguestors and ecTifesTjo mount a" 
 nightly watch about the temple. FoFYerTes 
 byjao means^ dared to force away publicly, or 
 even to request at Affrigentum whgt^pleaseH 
 his taste.; I believe he was deterred by the opi- 
 nion that he had of the spirit and good cha- 
 racter of the inhabitants, who had dealings, and 
 were intimate with numerous Roman citizens 
 of high repute, resident at Agrigentum. 
 
 There is a temple of Hercules not far from 
 the forum, helcTurhigh veneration by the Agri- 
 gentines. 53 In it, there is_^JbrjanzL&lalii_pf 
 the deity, than which it would not be easy for 
 me to say I ever saw any thing more beautiful, 
 (not that I profess to be a virtuoso, though 
 
70 
 
 many of these things have fixed my attention :) 
 it would have been perfect, my Lords, had not 
 the chin and mouth been a little worn by the 
 kisses of the numerous votaries, who there 
 offered up their prayers. When Verres was at 
 Agrigentum, an attack is suddenly made on the 
 Hpa.H_njJTe^jiight. J by armed ser- 
 
 vants headed by Timarchides. Alarm is given 
 by the nightly watch; who in their attempt to 
 defend the temple, are driven away, dreadfully 
 mauled by sticks and cudgels. After breaking 
 open the bolts and bars, they endeavour to 
 knock away the statue with their clubs. The 
 alarm spreads throughout the city, that the 
 sanctuary of the gods is violated, not by a 
 sudden incursion of enemies, or pirates, but by 
 an armed band of vagabonds equipped for the 
 purpose from the prastorial guard. There was 
 no one at Agrigentum, ever so infirm by sick- 
 ness or age, who did not leave his bed at the 
 intelligence, and seize whatever weapon lay in 
 his way; a great multitude in consequence 
 flocked to the place; for a whole hour men 
 were employed in endeavouring to effect the 
 removal of the statue, either by making use of 
 levers, or by attaching ropes to it, with which 
 they pulled with all their might; notwithstand- 
 ing which, it did not give way to their efforts. 
 The Agrigen tines crowd together, and pelt the 
 
71 
 
 freebooters with stones. The picquet of our 
 renowned prsetor is put to rout ; they succeeded 
 however in making away with two small cameos, 
 not to return with em pty hands to that arch 
 plunderer. No calamity ever befalls the Sici- 
 lians, but what they turn it off with good 
 humour, 5+ and a witty saying, as upon this oc- 
 casion, when they remarked, that this horrible 
 Verres had no less a claim to be classed among 
 the labours of Hercules, than the Erymanthian 
 boar himself. J 
 
 ^The inhabitants of Assorus, 55 a spirited and 
 honourable people, afterwards imitated the in- 
 trepidity of the Agrigentines, but not with as 
 good success, though their city is opulent and 
 considerable. The river Chrysas flows through 
 theiv territory, which is deified, and held by 
 them in the greatest respect. His temple stands 
 near the road, which leads from Assorus to 
 Enna : in it there was a marble statue of Chrysas 
 beautifully carved. 56 He did not dare to de- 
 mand this of the Assorians, on account of the 
 sanctity in which it was held. He orders there- 
 fore Tlepolemus and Hiero to use their en- 
 deavours to procure it, who conduct an armed 
 force by night, to break open the doors of the 
 temple. The guards are presently aware of his 
 intention, and blow a horn, which was the 
 known signal of alarm to the neighbourhood. 
 
72 
 
 The inhabitants fly to the spot ; Tlepolemus is 
 put to flight, and they are left to regret the loss 
 of nothing from the temple of Chrysas, but a 
 very small bronze figure. There is a temple 
 consecrated to Cybele at Engyium. 57 I find 
 myself not only necessitated to dwell lightly on 
 each circumstance, but wholly to omit many, 
 that I may come without delay to his more 
 notorious burglaries. In this temple there were 
 brazen habergeons, and helmets, worked at 
 Corinth ; also large flagons in bronze, of equally 
 fine execution, which the same excellent Scipio 
 had placed there, and on which his name was 
 inscribed. But not to dwell or complain any 
 longer on his outrages, these my Lords, he all 
 removed. He left nothing in that sacred fane, 
 but the indications of sacrilege, and the name 
 of P. Scipio. In fine, the spoils of our ener 
 mies, the monuments of our generals, the deco- 
 rations of our temples, must be enumerated 
 hereafter among the effects of Verres, bereft of 
 the names of the illustrious donors. 
 
 Are you then the only person to be pleased 
 with Corinthian vases? Are you alone emi- 
 nently skilled in judging of the temper of 
 bronze, and correctness of outline ? Could not 
 the enlightened Scipio estimate the value of 
 these things ? Do you pretend to a knowledge 
 of virtu without genius, literature, or education f 
 
73 
 
 I would have you beware lest he should be 
 found not only superior to you, but likewise to 
 those who aim at being accounted elegant in 
 matters of taste. For he thought those things 
 which are esteemed beautiful, not designed for 
 private luxury, but to be ornamental to towns 
 and temples, that posterity might contemplate 
 them as proofs of our respect for religion. 
 
 . Listen, my Lords, now to another proof of 
 his unbridled and unparalleled phrenzy, in the 
 violation of sanctuaries, which it w r as not only 
 illegal to touch, but even to attach disrespectful 
 thoughts to. At Catine", there is a sacristy of 
 Cere^, hejfl jp as mnrh veneration, as the other 
 temples of that goddess at Kome7"~6F nearly in 
 every part of the world. In the adytum, there 
 stood a most ancient statue of the goddess, of 
 the shape of which men were not only igno- 
 rant, but even of its existence. For the sanc- 
 fyiary was r^t a feasible to males ; matrons and 
 virgins there only officiated. His agents at 
 iright clandestinely remove this statue from its 
 ancient and holy residence. The day after, the 
 priestesses of Ceres, the wardens of the temple, 
 together with respectable women of high birth, 
 state the robbery to the magistrates. It ap- 
 peared universally a subject of grief, and indig- 
 nation. Verres, confounded at the magnitude 
 of his offence, commissions one of his agents to 
 
74 
 
 exert himself in removing all idea of guilt from 
 him, and to pretend that it was the work of 
 another, moreover that he should endeavour to 
 convict him of the offence, and remove suspi- 
 cion from himself. The mock impeachment is 
 conducted without delay. At the praetor's de- 
 parture from the city, the name of some slave 
 is given in, he is accused; and suborned wit- 
 nesses give evidence against him. All the 
 Catanian senate take cognizance of it according 
 to law. The priestesses are summoned, and 
 interrogated in what manner they imagine the 
 statue was made away with. They reply that 
 the praetor's servants were seen about the 
 temple. The circumstance which before, was 
 not doubted, was sufficiently cleared by their 
 deposition. The senate holds a committee, 
 when it is determined unanimously to acquit 
 the slave ; by this, you may with more ease 
 condemn him also unanimously. What have 
 you to say for yourself, Verres? What have you 
 to hope for ? What God or man do you think 
 can favour you? Did you dare to make an 
 irruption with your slaves into that sanctuary 
 which freedmen were not allowed to enter for 
 the sake of praying? To pollute with your 
 hands those things, which by sacred laws you 
 were not even allowed to behold? Notwith- 
 standing that you have the use of your eyes, 
 
75 
 
 you have fallen into the commission of this 
 flagrant offence. You have coveted that, which 
 you never beheld ; you have been enamoured, 
 I say, with what you had never before seen. 
 You have imbibed such covetousness with your 
 ears, that neither the opinion of mankind, nor 
 the fear of offended heaven, has been able to 
 restrain it. Forsooth, I give you credit for 
 having heard of this statue from a good man. 
 How could that be? For it was impossible for 
 you to be apprized of it from any. Some 
 woman then informed you of it, since no man 
 could either see or know of the existence of 
 the statue. What sort of woman then, my 
 Lords, do you conceive this to have been? 
 What modest female to hold conversation with 
 Verres ? What religious woman to indicate to 
 him the method of robbing the sacristy ? But 
 there is no room for wondering that these sacred 
 things, which are protected by the most rigid 
 chastity, both of men and women, should have 
 been violated through his lasciviousness. 
 
 But was this the only thing that he coveted 
 through report? There are many others. Of 
 these I will select the robbery of a most ancient 
 and splendid fane, of which you heard the wit- 
 nesses make their deposition, in a former plead- 
 ing. I beg you, my Lords, to listen with the 
 
76 
 
 same attention to this case, as you have to the 
 preceding. 
 
 oyo*The island of Melite 58 is separated from 
 Sicily by a pretty broad and dangerous sea*. 
 In it, there is a town of the same name, which 
 Verres never visited, where nevertheless he es- 
 tablished a weaver's shop for the manufacture 
 of lawns for three years. Not far from the 
 city, there is a temple dedicated to Juno, of long 
 standing; which was always so venerated, that 
 it not only escaped inviolate, during the Punic 
 wars, of which Melite was often the scene of 
 action, but also from the depredations of pirates, 
 It is moreover related traditionally, that when 
 Masinissa put in here with his fleet, the go- 
 vernor removed some ivory tusks, of incredi- 
 ble size, from the temple, and carried them to 
 present to Masinissa in Africa; that that king 
 was pleased with the present, but that when 
 he heard whence they were taken, he sent 
 confidential persons in a quinquireme to re- 
 place them. They therefore bore this inscrip- 
 tion : 
 
 " King Massanissa received these as presents, 
 not knowing whence they came; as soon as he was 
 informed, he took care to replace them here." 
 
 The temple contained besides, a great quan- 
 tity of ivory, in which there were sculptured 
 
77 
 
 two exquisite figures of Victory. All these 
 things Verres seized at once, by means of slaves 
 in the service of the temple of Venus Erycina," 
 whom he sent for that purpose. In the name 
 of heaven, what sort of man is it that I am 
 pleading against ? who is it that I prosecute at 
 a judiciary tribunal ? what sort of being is it, 
 my Lords, that you have to pronounce sentence 
 against? The deputies from Melit& have de- 
 posed that the temple of Juno was robbed; that 
 he has left nothing in that most sacred fane, 
 to which the enemies of our country resorted 
 with their fleets, and where pirates annually 
 wintered; which no pirate, no enemy ever 
 ventured to violate ; that this same temple has 
 been entirely despoiled by that one man. Can 
 he now be looked upon as an accused person, I, 
 as an accuser, this, as a tribunal ? Is he con- 
 victed as a criminal, or brought only into court 
 on suspicion? It is proved that the gods are 
 forced away, the temples ransacked, the cities 
 plundered. There is no possible way left for 
 him to deny this, or to state any thing in his 
 defence. Of all these crimes he is convicted 
 by me, and by the witnesses ; he is overwhelmed 
 by his own confession ; he is detected in mani- 
 fest villanies; he stands nevertheless, but in 
 silence acknowledges his guilt. I appear per- 
 haps to expatiate too long on one description 
 
78 
 
 of crimes ; I am aware, my Lords, that you must 
 be oppressed with satiety. I therefore will 
 omit many. But, in the name of heaven, I be- 
 seech you, my Lords, to recruit your attention 
 while I relate what follows ; I conjure you, in 
 the name of those very deities, of whose sanc- 
 tity I have just spoken, while I relate and ex- 
 pound another outrage, by which all Sicily was 
 thrown into commotion ; and forgive me, if I 
 dwell rather longer on religious topics, than 
 may appear necessary. The magnitude of the 
 offence will not allow me to descant lightly 
 upon so atrocious a deed. 
 
 oy $-It has been believed, my Lords, from time 
 immemorial, and proved from ancient Grecian 
 literature and records, that the whole island of 
 Sicily is under the especial patronage of Ceres 
 and Proserpine. Foreign nations are also of 
 the same opinion, and the Sicilians are so firmly 
 persuaded of it, that it may be said to be en- 
 grafted in their minds at their birth. They 
 believe that these goddesses were born in the 
 island, that com was there discovered, and that 
 Libera, whom they call Proserpine, was ravished 
 in the groves of Enna ; which city being situ- 
 ated in the middle of the island, is termed the 
 navel of Sicily. Ceres, when she travelled in 
 pursuit of her daughter, is said to have lighted 
 her torches with the flames that burst from the 
 
79 
 
 crater of ^Etna, 60 which she extended before 
 her, as she wandered throughout the world. 
 
 Enna, where these transactions are fabled to 
 have taken place, stands on a lofty and com- 
 manding situation ; on the summit is an even 
 plain, irrigated with living springs. The whole 
 city is insulated, and difficult of access ; in the 
 neighbourhood, there is a lake and numerous 
 groves, where flowers blow throughout the 
 year. The place itself appears to declare that 
 the rape of Proserpine there took place, which 
 we have been accustomed to hear from our 
 cradles. Contiguous, there is a cavern of 
 amazing; height, looking towards the north, 
 
 O O ' O ' 
 
 from which they fable that Pluto suddenly 
 emerged in his car, and having ravished Pro- 
 serpine, penetrated the ground near Syracuse, 
 where a lake was suddenly formed, 6I where even 
 now the Syracusans celebrate annual festivals, 
 numerously attended both by men and women. 
 fG, On account of the ancient date of the opi- 
 nion, that this place is ascertained to be the 
 origin and cradle of these deities, devotion to 
 the Ennasan Ceres is most religiously paid, both 
 publicly and privately, throughout Sicily. Many 
 miracles declare her authority and patronage ; 
 in times of trouble, she interposes with her as- 
 sistance, and in so conspicuous a manner, that 
 the island might seem, not only her delight, but 
 
80 
 
 also her habitation and care. Nor is her wor- 
 ship confined to the Sicilians ; for other nations 
 adore the Ennasan Ceres. If her rites at Eleusis 
 are the special object of attention among the 
 Athenians, whom she is reported to have visited 
 during her peregrination, and to have instructed 
 in the use of corn, how great a veneration is 
 due from those, among whom it is believed she 
 was born, and to have discovered the utility of 
 grain ! At the death therefore of Tiberius Grac- 
 chus, when the republic was beset by difficulties 
 and dangers, and when people were in great 
 apprehension from the appearance of prodigies, 
 the Sibylline oracles were consulted in the con- 
 sulate of P. Mucius, and L. Calpurnius, in which 
 it is said, these words were found : " It is requi- 
 site that the most ancient Ceres be propitiated" 
 It was then that the priests of the most noble 
 decemviral college, notwithstanding that there 
 was a beautiful- and ancient temple at Rome, 
 made a pilgrimage to Enna. For so sacred and 
 ancient was the religion there held, that at their 
 departure, they appeared to be about to visit 
 Ceres herself, and not her shrine. I will not 
 obtrude longer on your patience, I am already 
 afraid that my speech has appeared to deviate 
 from the established forensic usage. I will only 
 say, that this most holy, most ancient Ceres, 
 which held the highest rank among the religious 
 
81 
 
 of all nations, was forced from her sacred re- 
 ceptacle by Caius Verres. If any of you have 
 been at Enna, you have seen there a marble 
 statue of Ceres, and in another temple, a figure 
 of Proserpine. They are very large and beau- 
 tiful, but not of great antiquity ; there Avas a 
 bronze one of moderate size and singular work- 
 manship, bearing torches, 6Z by far the most an- 
 cient statue in the temple. He was not content 
 with merely pillaging this. In the front of 
 the temple, there are two statues, one of Ceres, 
 the other of Triptolemus, both of considerable 
 size and fine execution, and placed in an open 
 and conspicuous situation. Their beauty en- 
 dangered them, their size saved them, for their 
 demolition and transportation appeared exceed- 
 ingly difficult; in the right hand of Ceres, ther 
 was a beautiful little figure of Victory ; this he 
 contrived to dislodge from the statue J^.What 
 must be the state of his mind on the reflection 
 of these crimes, when I in the mere relation of 
 them am not only agitated, but absolutely 
 thunder-struck ? For now the circumstances 
 of the temple, ground, and religion are so im- 
 pressed on my mind, that every thing is trans- 
 acted before my eyes. That day is before me, 
 when I arrived at Enna, and the priestesses of 
 Ceres were at hand with their mitres and sweet- 
 scented herbs; when there was an assembly of 
 
 G 
 
82 
 
 the citizens ; which when I addressed, so great 
 a lamentation took place, that the whole town 
 appeared to be absorbed in grief. His extortion 
 of tithes, his plunder of property, his iniquitous 
 decrees, his barefaced lewdness, his power and 
 reproaches under which they groaned, were no 
 longer subjects of complaint. They sought to 
 redress the violation of Ceres and her ancient 
 temple, by the punishment of that abandoned 
 and audacious villain. They affirmed that they 
 passed over and dwelt not on his other deeds. 
 So great was their consternation, that Verres, 
 like another Pluto, might have appeared to have 
 come to Enna, and not to have ravished Pro- 
 serpine, but Ceres herself. For that city can- 
 not be called a city, but rather a temple of 
 Ceres. The Ennosans are of opinion that Ceres 
 dwelled among them, and so strong is this per- 
 suasion, that all the inhabitants seemed to me 
 to be rather her ministers than citizens of the 
 town. 
 
 Did you, Verres, dare to remove the statue 
 of Ceres from Enna? To pluck the Victory 
 from her hand? to tear away a goddess from a 
 goddess ? Which those who were more inclined 
 to sacrilege than religious observance, having it 
 ever so much in their power, never dared to 
 touch or violate. For vagabond slaves at war 
 with the republic, occupied Enna, in the con- 
 
sulship of Popilius and Rupilius. But they were 
 not such slaves to their masters, as you to your 
 concupiscence ; nor were they such run-a-ways 
 from their lords, as you from your country's 
 laws ; nor were they so barbarous in dialect or 
 race, as you by nature and in manners ; nor 
 were they such enemies of the human kind, as 
 you of the immortal gods. What excuse then 
 can be left for him, who exceeds slaves in vile- 
 ness, vagabonds in audacity j barbarians in im- 
 piety, and enemies in cruelty P^You have heard, 
 my Lords, Theodorus, Numinius, and Nicasio, 
 the deputies from Enna, depose, that they were 
 commissioned by their fellow-citizens, to re- 
 quire of Verres, the restoration of the statues of 
 Ceres, and Victory ; and that if they could have 
 obtained them, they would not have delivered 
 their testimonials against him, and this, for the 
 sake of not deviating from an established custom 
 of the Ennasans, which had been instituted by 
 their ancestors, and which prevented them from 
 deposing against any one, notwithstanding that 
 he was the scourge of Sicily. But that if he 
 refused to comply, that they would denounce 
 him in court, to procure redress for their wrongs, 
 and more especially for their injured religion* 
 In the name of heaven, my Lords, do not turn 
 a deaf ear to their complaints, do not despise, 
 or neglect them. The power of our laws, the 
 
84 
 
 wrongs of our allies are at stake. The opinion 
 of the candour of our tribunals is at stake. They 
 are all of high import, but more especially the 
 last. The whole province is so wrought upon 
 by religion^ so great a superstition has laid hold 
 of the minds of the Sicilians, that whatever 
 public or private adversity has happened, it is 
 looked upon as the consequence of his nefarious 
 dealings. 
 
 You have heard the inhabitants' of CentU" 
 ripe, Agyrium, Catine, Herbita, 63 and Emia, 
 many others also, depose, what a solitude there 
 is in the lands, how abandoned by the husband- 
 men, how uncultivated, and neglected they lie. 
 Notwithstanding that these things have hap- 
 pened through his numerous unjust proceedings, 
 the Sicilians unanimously attribute them to the 
 violation of the sanctity of Ceres, and that on 
 that account all the crops have failed. Heal, 
 my Lords, the wounds which are inflicted on 
 the religion of our allies; preserve your own. 
 It is not foreign, and unknown to you. And 
 if you are not inclined to favour it, and even if 
 foreign to you, still you ought not to let him 
 who has wronged it, pass unpunished. But how 
 is it possible for us to be indifferent, or neglect- 
 ful, even if we willed it, in a religion that is 
 common to all nations, in those rites, which 
 our ancestors have borrowed from foreign 
 
85 
 
 tribes, and which are accounted Greek, as in 
 fact they are ? 
 
 fiZ*I will now, my Lords, commemorate and 
 expatiate upon the plunder of Syracuse^ the 
 most beautiful and splendid of cities; that I 
 may close with it my oration, that exposes this 
 species of depredations. There is no one of 
 you, who has not often heard how Syracuse sur- 
 rendered to Marcellus; you have sometimes 
 
 _".' .'*)_ 
 
 read it in our.,afi rials. Compare ^his peace, with 
 that war; this prtutor's arrival, with that gc- 
 neraTs victory ; this impure cohort, with that. 
 invincible army ; the lust of. Verres with the 
 continence of Marcellus; and you will say that 
 Syracuse was founded by him who captured it; 
 by him who found it entire, destroyed. But I 
 will now omit dwelling upon these points which 
 have been and will be discussed on a future oc- 
 casion: that the Syracusan forum, which .was 
 not stained with slaughter on the entry of Mar- 
 cellus, at the arrival of Verres, overflowed with 
 the blood of innocent Sicilians : that the port, 
 which was not accessible either to our fleets, or 
 those of the Carthaginians, was infested, during 
 his proconsulate, with Cilician feluccas and 
 pirates. I omit, for the present, the pressing of 
 freemen, the violation of matrons, which never 
 took place at the capture of the city, either 
 through the hatred or licentiousness of the 
 
86 
 
 military, nor by the laws of war, nor by the 
 rights of conquerors. I omit, I repeat, all these 
 things, which were perpetrated by him, during 
 three whole years. Listen now to those crimes, 
 which have an intimate connexion with what I 
 have before touched upon. 
 
 You have often heard that the city of Syra- 
 cuse is the largest and most beautiful of the 
 Grecian colonies. It is, my Lords, as report 
 makes it. It is fortified both by sea and land, 
 and its situation is beautiful to behold. It pos- 
 sesses harbours inclosed as it were by the build- 
 ings and site of the city ; they have different 
 entrances, and communicate with each other 
 behind. At their union, the part of the city 
 which is called the island, separated by a narrow 
 channel, is joined to the main land by a bridge. 
 ^3 So vast is Syracuse, that it may be said to con- 
 sist of four large cities. 6+ One of these, as I 
 before stated^ is, the island, which, surrounded 
 by the two havens, is projected to the entrance 
 of either. In\ it there is the palace which be- 
 longed to ^^ffi e - r : pj and which the praetors 
 usually inhabi t7~*~Here there are many temples, 
 but there are two superior to all the others; one 
 is consecrated to Diana, the other, highly em- 
 bellished before the arrival of Verres, to Mi- 
 nerva. At. the P.pjrj_n f1)is islanr^ thcrpjs a 
 
 fountain of sweet water called Arethusa, of in- 
 
87 
 
 credible size, and well stocked with fish, which 
 would be broken in upon by the sea, if it was 
 not hindered by a projecting mole of stones. 
 Another portion of Syracuse is called Aj^rar^a, 
 in^ which there is an extensive forum, magnifi- 
 cent porticoes, a splendid prytaneum, and a 
 spacious senate-house, also a fine temple of the 
 Olympian Jupiter ; the rest of this quarter is 
 divided by one broad street throughout, 65 inter- 
 sected by others transversely, and composed of 
 private buildings. The_third city is called 
 T^cha^ because there was an ancient temple 
 dedicated to Fortune, in which there is a spa- 
 cious gymnasium^ and sacred edifices; this por- 
 tion of the city is thickly inhabited. The 
 fourth, because it was built the last, is termed 
 Neapolis; where, in fine, there is a large 
 theatre, 66 besides two splendid temples, one de- 
 dicated to Ceres, the other to Proserpine. Here 
 also is a statue of Apollo, called Temenites, of 
 large size, and fine workmanship, which if 
 Verres could have made away with, no doubt 
 
 he wrmlfl 67 ' ,"Riif- fr> ygtiirt tri. Marrplliig for 
 
 otherwise I may appear to have been too prolix 
 in what I have here commemorated. When he 
 took this celebrated city after a siege, he did 
 not think that it belonged to the Roman 
 people's honour to raze and demolish such 
 beautiful monuments, especially as no danger 
 
could be apprehended from their remaining ; he 
 therefore so spared all the edifices, whether 
 public or private, whether sacred or profane, 
 that it would appear he came rather to defend 
 than capture them. With regard to the deco- 
 rations of the city, he at once preserved the 
 rights of conquest, and laws of humanity; the 
 rights of conquest, in taking several things which 
 would be ornamental to Rome; the laws of hu- 
 manity, in not entirely despoiling that city, 
 which he wished to spare. In this participation 
 therefore, of the ornaments, he not only grati" 
 iied the Roman people by his victory, but 
 spared the Syracusans by his humanity. We 
 see what were transported to Rome; they are 
 deposited in the temples of Honour and Virtue, 
 as well as in other places. 
 
 . He placed nothing in his own house, nothing 
 in his gardens, nothing in his villa; he thought 
 that by not appropriating the ornaments to his 
 own dwelling, that that dwelling would prove 
 ornamental to the city. He left nevertheless 
 many fine things in. Syracuse; he neither touch- 
 ed, nor violated any deity. Coingare with his, 
 the conduct of Verres, (not to draw a^cdm- 
 parison between him, and Marcellus, for by so 
 doing you would do injury to so great a man 
 deceased;) but compare his peace with the 
 pther's war; established laws, with military 
 
19 
 
 force; his forum and judiciary sentences, with 
 the other's sword and arms ; the arrival and re- 
 tinue of the one, with the armed force, and 
 victory of the other.^jln the island, there is a 
 temgle sacred to Minerva, of which \ have 
 hefore spoken, which Marcellus left untouched, 
 and decorated with its ornaments-; which has 
 been so despoiled by Verres, that it would ap- 
 pear not to have been ransacked by an incur- 
 sion of enemies, (who, however, in war, preserve 
 some respect for established customs and reli- 
 gious institutions,) but by barbarous pirates. 
 Here was a battle-piece representing Agathocles 
 charging at the head of his cavalry, finely 
 painted; the inner walls were also hung with 
 pictures. There was nothing finer than this 
 painting, nothing at Syracuse esteemed better 
 worth seeing. These paintings M. Marcellus, 
 when every thing was looked upon as lawful 
 prey in the hour of victory, bound as he was by 
 a sense of religion, did not violate. Verres on 
 the contrary, when he had received these things 
 into his protection, as sacred, removed all the 
 pictures, notwithstanding that the fidelity of 
 the Syracusans demanded that he should be 
 their guarantee. He stripped, in fine, those walls, 
 which with their ornaments had escaped un- 
 touched during so many centuries, and so many 
 >vars. And notwithstanding that Marcellus had 
 
90 
 
 made a vow to dedicate two temples at Home 
 in case of success against Syracuse, he abstained 
 from decorating them with those things, which 
 had fallen into his power. That Verres who 
 never thought of dedicating a temple to Honour 
 and Virtue as Marcellus, hut rather to Cupid 
 and Venus, attempted to despoil the temple of 
 Minerva. The former would not adorn the 
 deities with the spoils of others ; the latter con- 
 signed the ornaments of the virginal Minerva 
 to a harlot's house. He took besides from the 
 same temple, twenty-seven paintings beautifully 
 designed, which exhibited the portraits of the 
 Sicilian sovereigns and tyrants, not only grati- 
 fying as works of art, but as memorials of the 
 individuals. And mark how much more odious 
 a tyrant he was to the Syracusans, than any 
 former, for they took care, in spite of their 
 tyranny, to embellish the temples, he, to rob 
 them of their monuments and ornaments.; .But 
 what am I to say concerning the temple-gates? 
 I am apprehensive that those who have not 
 witnessed these transactions, will accuse me of 
 exaggeration. Let no one suspect that I am so 
 rash as to wish to deceive so many respectable 
 persons, especially those who preside in judg- 
 ment, who have been at Syracuse, and know 
 that these things there took place. I can- affirm, 
 my Lords, that there never were seen in any 
 
91 
 
 temple more magnificent gates, or more elabo- 
 rately wrought in gold and ivory. is It is incre- 
 dible bow many Greeks have left written me- 
 morials of these doors. Perhaps they cried 
 them up too much. Granted. But it is more 
 honourable to our republic, my Lords, for one 
 of our generals to leave these things untouched, 
 which were accounted beautiful, than for a 
 praetor in time of peace to take them from their 
 hinges. There were fine reliefs in ivory on 
 these gates, all of which Verres took care to 
 tear off. He. forced away a fine Gorgon's head 
 with snaky hair ; and proved that he was not 
 only induced to make away with it by the fine- 
 ness of the work, but also for the value of the 
 materials ; for he wrenched out all the golden 
 studs from these gates, which were numerous 
 and heavy, not only for the sake of the art 
 which they displayed, but the weight and value 
 of the metal. He left then these doors in such 
 a state, that what were before considered as 
 highly ornamental to the temple, are now only 
 looked upon as of use to close. The reeden fi * 
 spears too? I perceived that when the wit- 
 nesses deposed to the robbery of these, the court 
 Avas surprised, because they were of such a 
 nature, that one view of them would be suffi- 
 cient to gratify any one's curiosity. In fact, 
 they exhibited neither art nor beauty ; but were 
 
92 
 
 only of incredible size, so that their fame alone 
 would have sufficed any body else ; to see them 
 more than once, would have been more than 
 | enough. Did you also covet these? 69 
 
 But the SapphooaJiirh yon- rfimovfd from 
 the Prytaneum, speaks with so much effect in 
 'your defence/TfraTtiiat violence is surely to be 
 overlooked and forgiven. 7 Is it possible for 
 any private person, or even nation, to possess so 
 elegant, so highly a finished work of Silanion, 7I 
 with so mucE propriety, as that refined and con- 
 summate Dilettante, Caius Verres? Nothing 
 surely can be started against this. For any one 
 of us, though as rich as he, cannot by any 
 means be blessed with so delicate a taste. If, at 
 any future time, he wishes to see any thing of 
 that sort, let him go to the temple of Happiness, 
 to the monument of Catulus, to the portico of 
 Metellus; let him contrive to procure admis- 
 sion into any of their Tusculana, let him ex- 
 amine the ornaments of the forum, to see if any 
 suit the taste of his ediles. Shall Verres retain 
 these things in his mansion r Shall Verres have 
 his^ d3^jQm^_stocked with the ornaments of 
 temples andwhole' towns r* Will you still, my 
 Lords, endure to hear ofl:he pursuits and ele- 
 gance of this mechanic, who is so born and 
 bred, so organized in bodv and mind, as to ap- 
 pear much more suited, to have statues laid at 
 
93 
 
 his feet, than to have them taken from him? 
 It can hardly be described how much regret the 
 removal of this Sappho occasioned. For since 
 it was beautifully carved, it had a Greek epi- 
 gram inscribed on the pedestal, of considerable 
 merit, which that accomplished Greek scholar, 
 who is alone intelligent in works of art, who 
 judges of these things with such discernment, 
 would certainly not have removed, had he 
 known how to read one Greek letter. For now 
 the inscription on the pedestal, bereft of its 
 statue, declares what was there, and what has 
 been taken away. 7X 
 
 What! Did you not force away from the 
 fane of ^Esculapius, tl^v^rieTai)re~ciiid beatttiful 
 statue of Apollo, which e vci yj3ne_was wont to 
 go to see for its beauty, to adore^for its sanc- 
 tity ? Was not the image of Aristaeus removed 
 froimjbhe_ternple of ffa(-nhns 1 hy your positive 
 o^deis? The holy statue of Jupiter, finely 
 carved, which the Greeks call Urius, from the 
 temple of that god ? Did you hesitate to take 
 that beautiful bust from the temple of Proser- 
 pine which we all went to see ? That Apollo, 
 together with the yEsculapius, was worshipped 
 by the Syracusans on annual festivals. Ans- 
 taeus, as the Greeks believe, was the son of 
 Bacchus and the reputed inventor of oil; his 
 statue therefore was consecrated at Syracuse 
 
jii the same temple, as his progenitor. IBut I 
 leave you to judge of the veneration in /which 
 the Jupiter was held, by calling to your me- 
 mories the respect that was shewn to a figure 
 of the same form, brought from Macedonia, 
 and deposited in the capitol by Flaminius. It 
 was believed that there were only three statues 
 of Jupiter Imperator in the world, carved on 
 the same model. One was in Macedonia, which 
 we now see in the capitol ; another in the straits 
 of the Thracian Bosphorus, at the mouth of the 
 Euxine, and a third at Syracuse, before the pro- 
 consulate of Verres. Flaminius therefore re- 
 moved it from his house, to place it in the 
 capitol, the earthly habitation, of Jupiter. But 
 that which is stationed at the entrance of the 
 Euxine, notwithstanding the numerous wars, 
 which have been waged in, and proceeded from 
 that quarter, has remained to this day inviolate. 
 The third at Syracuse, and which our general 
 Marcellus saw, which he conceded to religion, 
 which the Syracusans and strangers go ex- 
 pressly to see and adore, that Verres removed 
 from the sanctuary. Hear this, my Lords, of 
 Marcellus, (to dwell on that general, rather 
 longer than I ought:) that the Syracusans lost 
 more gods by the arrival of Verres, than they 
 did men, by the victory of the other. Mar- 
 cellus is said to have inquired for Archimedes, 75 
 
95 
 
 renowned for his genius and science, and when 
 he was apprized of his murder, to have regretted 
 it deeply. Verres on the contrary put all things 
 in requisition, not for security's sake, but to 
 bear them off. ,1 will pass over those things of 
 lesser moment, such as the Delphic tables of 
 marble, the bronze goblets, and the profusion 
 of Corinthian vases, which he pillaged from all 
 the Syracusan temples. In consequence, my 
 Lords, the showers of these sights, and sacred 
 curiosities, have now their duty reversed ; for 
 as they before conducted strangers to what was 
 to be seen, so they now explain what has been 
 removed. Do you think then, that the loss of 
 these articles is but slightly felt ? It is not so, 
 my Lords. In the first place, people are uni- 
 versally attached to that religion, which they 
 have received from their ancestors, and which 
 they think it their duty to protect. Grecians 
 besides, enthusiastically admire statues, paint- 
 ings, and all works of art. You may therefore 
 conclude from their murmurs, that these losses, 
 which to us may appear trifling and of no mo- 
 ment, are severely felt by them. Believe me, 
 my Lords, (I am sure you are aware of it, since 
 our allies and foreign nations have experienced 
 these outrages of late,) that the Greeks could, 
 least of all calamities, endure the pillages of 
 their temples and cities. Let him hold forth, 
 
96 
 
 as usual, that he bought these things. I de- 
 clare, my Lords, that no city, either in Asia or 
 Greece, sold voluntarily to him, any statue, 
 painting, or ornament. Unless you are of opi- 
 nion that after the laws ceased strictly to be 
 enforced at Rome, natives of Greece began to 
 part with these things, which they were so fai* 
 from selling when our laws were properly ad- 
 ministered, that they bought them up wherever 
 they could. Or unless you think that L. 
 Crassus, Q. Scrcvola, and C. Claudius, men of 
 high authority, and whose edileships were 
 splendid, did not carry on that traffic with 
 Greeks ; and that those did purchase works of 
 art who were made ediles, after the slack ad- 
 ministration of the laws^fBut I would have you 
 to know, that these pretended and simultaneous 
 purchases are more galling to cities, than if any 
 one should clandestinely steal, or openly rob. 
 For they think it a mark of dishonour to have 
 it registered in the public accounts, that a city 
 was induced to sell and alienate at a small rate$ 
 those ?nonuments of art, which it had inherited 
 from its ancestors. The Greeks moreover are 
 passionately fond of those things,- which we 
 think contemptible. Our ancestors, therefore, 
 permitted willingly the enjoyment of them, that 
 our allies might possess them in as great number 
 as possible, and that their cities might prove 
 
i/' 
 
 97 
 
 ornamental to our empire; they also allowed 
 them, to those, who were tributary to the re- 
 public, that what they esteemed, however de- 
 preciated by us, might be left as the solace of 
 their dependent condition. 
 
 What remuneration, do you imagine, could 
 compensate the Rhegians, 7+ now Roman citi- 
 zens, for the loss of their marble Venus? 75 
 What the Tarentines, if they were to lose their 
 Europa on a bull, flieir Satyr, and other works 
 deposited in their temple of Vesta ? What the 
 Thespians, for their statue of Cupid, for which 
 alone strangers crowd to Thespix? What the 
 Cnidians, for their marble Venus? What the 
 Coans, for the picture of that goddess? What 
 the Ephesians, for the loss of their Alexander ? 
 What the inhabitants of Cyzicus, for their Ajax 
 or Medea? What the Rhodians, for their laly- 
 sus? What the Athenians, for their marble 
 Bacchus, their picture of Paralus, or their bronze 
 heifer, by Myron? It would be tedious and 
 superfluous to dwell upon all the rarities, which 
 attract strangers throughout Asia and Greece ; 
 this nevertheless I will dwell upon, and what I 
 wish you to believe, that the loss of these things 
 is very acutely felt by the inhabitants of those 
 cities from whom they are taken. 
 
 But to omit the others, be acquainted with 
 what befell the Syracusans. When I arrived 
 
 H 
 
98 
 
 among the inhabitants, I was at first of opinion, 
 that that city, on account of the hereditament 
 of. Heraclius, was not less friendly to Verres 
 than Messana, the receptacle of all his booty 
 and frauds ; and this I had heard at Rome, from 
 his partizans. I was also apprehensive lest I 
 should be opposed in my inquiries, through the 
 influence of beautiful women of high rank, as 
 well as their husbands who were at his nod, 
 during* his proctorship of three years, and who 
 through deference and generosity, might be un- 
 willing to depose what they knew against him, 
 and prevent my examining the registers of the 
 Syracusans. I therefore resided with Romans 
 at Syracuse, examined into their papers, and 
 made myself acquainted with their wrongs. 
 Having been much embarrassed by care and 
 business, for the sake of recreation and rest, I 
 looked over the fine pictures of Carpinatius. 
 and developed at the same time, the affair of 
 Verrutius, 76 to which I have before alluded, to 
 some distinguished Roman knights. I expected 
 no assistance from the Syracusans, nor indeed 
 did I seek it, in my public or private inquiries. 
 At this time, Heraclius, a magistrate of Syra- 
 cuse, a nobleman, and who had been high priest 
 to Jupiter, a post of high honour among the 
 Syracusans, proposes to me and my brother, if 
 we thought proper, to attend at the senate, 
 
99 
 
 where there was a full meeting) and which they 
 had been ordered to leave for the sake of ask- 
 ing us to come. We at first were undecided 
 what to do ; we presently agreed, that it would 
 be better to go,. .^Vs soon as we arrived in the 
 senate, they stood up and received us honour- 
 ably. We took our seats at the request of the 
 magistrates. Diodorus Timarchides, who took 
 the lead both in rank, authority, and the know- 
 ledge of business, began to speak ; and the 
 whole tenour of his discourse Avas this : that the 
 Syracusan senate and people took it ill, that I 
 in the other Sicilian towns, should suggest to 
 the senate and people what would be of utility 
 and benefit to them, and that having procured 
 testimonies, deputies, and commissions from 
 others, I did not take the same measures at Sy- 
 racuse. To which I replied, that in an assembly 
 of Sicilians at Rome, when my assistance was 
 sought by the common advice of the deputies, 
 and the cause of all Sicily had devolved upon 
 me, no deputies from Syracuse were present, or 
 demanded of me, that any thing should be de- 
 creed against Caius Verres by that senate, 
 wherein I beheld a golden statue of Caius 
 Verres. 
 
 As soon as I had spoken, such a groaning 
 took pfcicj^iit the sight and recollection of the 
 statue, lhat it appeared to have been erected in 
 
100 
 
 the senate-house, as the monument of his 
 crimes, not of his benefits. tfThen every one, 
 according as he was able, bsg'an to inform me 
 of these things, which I have just stated, how 
 the city had been plundered, and the temples 
 robbed, that he had appropriated to himself by , 
 far the greatest part of the hereditament of 
 Heraclius, which he had promised to the wrest- 
 lers ; 77 that it was not a subject of inquiry 
 whether he had any consideration for them, 
 when he had plundered the statue of that deity 
 who was the inventor of oil; and as for the 
 golden statue, it was neither granted nor erected 
 from the public purse ; but that those who 
 shared with him the division of the heredita- 
 ment, had taken care to erect it; that those 
 same persons who had arrived as deputies at 
 Rome, were the assistants of his wickedness, 
 and participators of his thefts ; that I ought to 
 cease to wonder, if they had not joined the 
 other deputies, in procuring the salvation of 
 Sicily. /'^As soon as I was informed, that they 
 were equally as much stung by their wrongs, 
 or even more so, than the rest of the Sicilians. 
 I then declared openly my good disposition to 
 serve them, and revealed the plan of my under- 
 taking. I then encouraged them not to be 
 backward in the common cause, and to oblite- 
 rate that praise, which they said they had de- 
 
101 
 
 creed, overawed by the fear of his power. Tlie 
 Syracusans, then, my Lords, act thus, though 
 they are his dependants and friends. They pro- 
 duce their testimonials to me, which they pre- 
 served in the archives of their treasury; in 
 which all that I have related, and even more 
 than it were possible for me to relate of his 
 thefts, were registered thus : 
 
 " The things from the temple of Minerva, 
 those from the temple of Jupiter ; those from 
 the temple of Bacchus;' 9 meaning what was 
 wanting in each ; as each was nominated to 
 have the charge of these things, so was it or- 
 dained, that he should give an account of them, 
 and implore forgiveness if any were wanting ; 
 and therefore that all the overseers were set at 
 liberty, and that it was unknown to each, what 
 had become of them. These registers I took 
 care to have publicly sealed, and brought away. 
 
 They thus state the reason of their con- 
 ferring a mark of approbation on Verres. At 
 first, a little before my arrival, no notice had 
 been taken of the letters of Verres, concerning 
 a proof of the approbation of his conduct ; some 
 of his friends suggested that it ought to be de- 
 creed; they were opposed with the greatest 
 vehemence and abuse; but as soon as Verres 
 heard of my approach, he ordered it to be done 
 
102 
 
 without delay; it was then so enacted as to 
 have been more prejudicial than of service to 
 him. This circumstance therefore, my Lords, 
 as it was proved to me by them, so understand 
 it now from me. It is a custom at Syracuse, 
 that if any topic is before the senate, any one 
 who chooses, may deliver his opinion. No one 
 is asked for it by name. Every one speaks in 
 his turn, nevertheless, according to his rank and 
 age, and others make way for him. If all are 
 silent, they draw lots, and he on whom it falls, 
 is compelled to deliver his opinion. With this 
 established usage, the senate consults upon a 
 mark of approbation for Verres. As some de- 
 lay at first took place, many stepped forward. 
 When they heard that that task was to devolve 
 on Sextus Peducceus, who had deserved well of 
 Syracuse, and of all the province, when many 
 wished to praise that senator for his great and 
 numerous deserts, they were prohibited by 
 Verres ; notwithstanding that Peducasus would 
 not court th-eir applause, it Avas unfair that they 
 did not of their own accord decree that to him 
 before, which they were now obliged to bestow 
 on another. All concur in deciding that it 
 ought to be done. And a debate takes place 
 concerning Peduceeus. According to his rank, 
 and age, each gives his opinion. Be informed 
 
103 
 
 of this from the decree itself. For the speeches 
 of the principal senators are usually taken 
 down. Read 
 
 (Here the speeches of some of the members of 
 the Syracusan senate concerning Peducaus are 
 read in court.) 
 
 It says who were the first movers of the 
 debate. A decree is passed. They then de- 
 bate concerning Verres. Tell me, I beg, how ? 
 
 (Here the speeches of the Syracusan senate con- 
 cerning Verres are read in court.) 
 
 What is registered afterwards? 
 
 (Here the words " No one rose to deliver his 
 opinion," are read in court.) 
 
 How is this? 
 
 (The words, " They draw lots to speak" are 
 read in court.) 
 
 What! Will no one rise to speak volun- 
 tarily in praise of your preetorship, to be your 
 defender in a period of danger, especially as he 
 was then able to court favour from the praetor? 
 No one. Those guests of your's, those coun- 
 sellors, those companions of your guilt dared 
 not pronounce one word. In that senate, where 
 your statue was erected, as well as a naked one 
 of your son, could no one be found, whom your 
 naked son in a naked province might instigate 
 to speak? 
 
 The senate also informed me, that a decree 
 
104 
 
 passed concerning his praise ; couched in such 
 a manner, that all would think it rather a 
 mockery than a compliment ; all, rather a re- 
 gister of the iniquities of his calamitous procon- 
 sulate, than any thing else. It is thus written ; 
 " That he had flogged no one to death" From 
 which you may infer, that noble and innocent 
 men were decapitated. It is written also : 
 " That he had administered the affairs of the 
 -province with diligence" All his vigils were 
 passed in obscenity and adultery. This also is 
 registered, which the criminal would not dare 
 to assert, nor the accuser to cease from repeat- 
 ing : " That Verres had kept Sicily clear from 
 pirates." These actually penetrated into Orty- 
 gia. As soon as I was informed of these trans- 
 actions, my brother and myself left the senate, 
 to decree if they pleased, any thing in our ab- 
 sence.C/c^They then first passed a resolution, 
 " That my brother Lucius should be publicly en- 
 tertained" because he had shewn the same zeal 
 in the Syracusan cause as I had uniformly. 
 They not only registered that decree, but de- 
 livered it to us inscribed in brass. Forsooth, 
 your Syracusans, whom you are so often men- 
 tioning, love you much, since they think there 
 exists a sufficient reason for forming a strict 
 friendship with your accuser, who came to pro- 
 cure materials for your impeachment. It was 
 
105 
 
 afterwards decreed, but not quite unanimously, 
 " that the praise which had been decreed to 
 " Caius Ferres, should be rescinded.*' When 
 they had adjourned and registered their decrees, 
 the praetor is summoned. But who summons 
 him? Some magistrates? Not one. Some 
 senator? No. Some Syracusan then? Least 
 of all. Who then summons the praetor ? CJECI- 
 lius, who had been his quaestor. Too absurd ! 
 O the wretch utterly abandoned by the Sicilian 
 magistracy ! No friend, no guest, no Sicilian 
 summons the praetor, but a quaestor to prevent 
 the senate from passing a decree, according to 
 their own laws, and established usages. Who 
 ever witnessed, or heard of such a proceeding? 
 The equitable and sagacious praetor orders the 
 assembly to be broken up. A great crowd 
 flocks round me. The senators immediately 
 began to exclaim that they had lost their liber- 
 ties and laws ; the people, to thank the senators, 
 and praise them. The Roman citizens never 
 left my side. Nothing was more difficult on 
 that day to prevent the populace from offering 
 violence to the quaestor, which however I 
 effected at considerable risk. When we en- 
 tered the court, where the praetor was presiding, 
 he was meditating deeply what he should de- 
 cree. And before I could speak, he rose from 
 his seat, and departed. We therefore, as even- 
 
106 
 
 ing approached, left the forum //'6 .The next 
 morning, I requested of him to let me have the 
 decree, which the Syracusans passed the pre- 
 ceding day. He refuses to grant it, and says it 
 is an unpardonable breach of established custom, 
 that I should speak my sentiments in a Grecian 
 senate, that it was absolutely intolerable that I 
 should address Greeks in their own dialect. I 
 answered the man, as I could, as I wished, as 
 I ought. Among other things, I remember to 
 have said, that it was obvious how great a dif- 
 ference there was between him and Numi- 
 dicus, 73 a true and staunch Metellus, who 
 would not flatter L. Lucullus his brother-in-law, 
 though he was on excellent terms with him ; 
 but that he on the contrary, sought to extort 
 praise for himself who was an object of supreme 
 hatred to the city. 
 
 As soon as I understood that he had re- 
 ceived many messengers of late, and that his 
 tributary, but not commendatory letters, had 
 been of essential service to him, at the instiga- 
 tion of the Syracusans, I used all my endeavours 
 to get at the registered decrees. Here another 
 contest with the rabble took place. I would 
 not have you imagine that he is absolutely 
 destitute of friends at Syracuse. There was one 
 Theomnastus who retained the decrees, a ridi- 
 culous madman, whom the Syracusans call 
 
107 
 
 Theoractus, and whom from his behaviour the 
 children follow in the streets. If ever he at- 
 tempts to speak, a universal laughter ensues. 
 This folly, ridiculous to others, proved then a 
 source of real trouble to me. For with foam- 
 ing mouth, and flashing eyes, he cried as loud 
 as he could, that I had assaulted him ; we went 
 into court together. Here I began to demand 
 that I might publicly seal, and bear away the 
 decrees. He, on the other hand, refused to de- 
 liver them up, stating that it was a decree of 
 the senate at which the praetor had been sum- 
 moned. I quoted the law, which authorized 
 the surrender to me of all the letters and de- 
 crees. He furiously retorted, that our laws 
 were nothing to them. The clever praetor in- 
 sisted that it was his pleasure to retain them, 
 that the decree ought not to have been passed 
 in the senate, by which I was allowed to carry 
 them to Rome. What need have I of stating 
 more? Unless I had threatened the man with 
 vehemence, unless I had quoted the sanction 
 and punishment of the laws, I should not have 
 been able to procure them. 
 
 But that maniac, who had declaimed with 
 such fury against me, finding that he could not 
 obtain what he wished, probably with the hopes 
 of reconciliation with me, presented me after- 
 
108 
 
 wards a little scroll, in which all the depreda- 
 tions of Verres were registered, and of which I 
 had before been informed. 
 ^?Let now your Messanians praise you with 
 all their hearts, the only people in the province 
 who hope for your acquittal ; but let them so 
 praise you that Heius, the chief of their em- 
 bassy to you, be also present ; let them so praise 
 you, that they may be ready to reply to what 
 I shall question them. And lest they should be 
 confounded all at once by me, I will ask these 
 things : " Was a ship due from them to the 
 Roman people?" They will confess, there 
 was. " Did they furnish it, in the prastorship 
 of Verres?" They will deny they did. " Did 
 they build at the public expense, an im- 
 mense speronara, which they presented to 
 Verres?" They will not be able to deny they 
 did. " Did Verres require corn of them, to 
 send to the Roman people, like his prede- 
 cessors?" They will deny he did. " What 
 soldiers or sailors did they furnish during his 
 prastorship ?" They will say they furnished 
 none/ They cannot deny that Messana was 
 the receptacle of all his thefts and depreda- 
 tions; that much merchandize was exported by 
 numerous ships from thence ; that in fine, the 
 large speronara presented to him by the Messa- 
 
109 
 
 nians, left the harbour deeply laden, with the 
 praetor himself on board. Glut yourself then 
 with the praises of the Messanians. 
 
 We now perceive that the city of Syracuse, 
 which was never disposed to favour you, is be- 
 come your irreconcilable enemy. For even 
 there those flagitious acts of Verres are abro- 
 gated. Little did it become one to have 
 divine honours paid him, who forced away the 
 statues of the gods. And in troth, I think the 
 Syracusans are reprehensible for having can- 
 celled from their anniversaries a festival which 
 commemorated the capture of Syracuse by Mar- 
 cellus, and for naming another to celebrate 
 games in compliment to Verres ; since the latter 
 plundered them of those things, which the day 
 of the capture of the city had left inviolated. 
 But mark the unprecedented insolence of the 
 man, my Lords, who was not content with in- 
 stituting those vile and ridiculous Verrine 
 games, out of the hereditament of Heraclius, 
 but also ordered the abolition of the Marcel- 
 lean ; that annual sacrifices might be offered to 
 him, through whom, the Syracusans had lost all 
 their deities and sacred rites; while the holi- 
 days should be abolished in compliment to that 
 family, which had restored to them their other 
 festivals. 
 
\ O T E S. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 1 2 BUONFIGLIO, in his Messina Illustrata, calls the temple of 
 Hercules Manticlus, now the church of San Giovanni dei Fio- 
 rentini, the sacristy of Heius j the ruins of whose house, it is 
 pretended, are still to be seen in the Strada d' Austria. All the 
 antiquities which the translator saw at Messina, were the church 
 Delle Anime in Purgatorio, which was a Roman basilica, probably 
 built about the age of Constantine ; and the massive granite 
 columns now in the cathedral, which were taken from the 
 temple of Neptune, near Pelorus. There is a statue on the 
 Dromo, which, though neither ancient nor well executed, is 
 interesting to the classic traveller. It represents Neptune chain- 
 ing Scylla and Charybdis. Underneath are these lines : 
 
 Impia nodosis cohibetur Scylla catenis j 
 
 Pergite securae per freta nostra rates. 
 Capta est praedatrix, Siculique infamia poiiti, 
 
 Nee fremit in mediis sseva Charybdis aquis. 
 
 Ride now secure, ye ships, our seas frequent j 
 In knotty chains outrageous Scylla's pent. 
 Seiz'd is Charybdis, scourge of Zancle's shores ; 
 No more the harpy from her vortex roars. 
 
 There is an interesting inscription in Greek found at Mes- 
 sina recording the fate of some inhabitants of Cyzicus. It pro- 
 bably commemorates those thirty-seven youths, who perished 
 in the straits of Messina, and in whose memory as many statues 
 were erected in that city ; according to Pausanias, they were 
 the works of Cailon of Elis. Pausan. lib. v, 446, 
 
114 
 
 KYZIKOZ HN MIA F1AZI F1ATPIZ KAI 
 MOIPA AE HANTAZ IM 
 AYZEN 
 POAEITA MIA 
 
 OY TO KAAON KOZMEI 
 HEPIKEIMENON OYNO 
 MA TYMBOYZ OY KAYKYZ 
 EZ HMEIN KAN 4>0I 
 MENOIZIN 
 
 The youths to whom proud Cyzicus gave birth, 
 
 A common fate restor'd to kindred earth ; 
 
 Their name adorns not the sepulchral bust, 
 
 Within our hearts it lives, though they 're consign' d to dust. 
 
 Another at Messina, commemorating an actor, with the 
 playfulness of Adrian. 
 
 nA4>IANOCnA4>l 
 OCTHAYnorH 
 AEAIMSKWMU) 
 AOCAW0EIC 
 TON BIOTOYCTS 
 <J>ANON 
 
 3 Pliny fixes the period when Praxiteles flourished, in the 
 hundred and fourth Olympiad. He worked in bronze, as well 
 as marble -, but excelled particularly in the latter material. 
 
 Praxitelem propria vindicat arte lapis. Propert. 
 
 We have a fine copy of his Apollo Sauroctonos in marble. His 
 Niobe is the finest union of grace and sublimity ever perhaps 
 exhibited. The Thespian Cupid alluded to by Cicero, was 
 
115 
 
 transported to Rome by or^er of Caligula, according to Sueto- 
 nius. Claudius sent it back to Thespiae ; and it was removed a 
 second time to Rome, in the reign of Nero, where it was de- 
 stroyed by fire. His Venus of Cos vied with that of Cnidos. 
 Pliny says that the former was clothed, the latter naked. Ac- 
 cording to Winckelmann, there is a copy of the latter some- 
 where in England. Some idea may be formed of the value set 
 on this monument by the Cnidians, whose debts a king of 
 Bithynia promised to remit if they would consign it to him j 
 but the offer was refused. Winckelmann, speaking of his style, 
 says that he was to Phidias, what Guido was to Raphael. Lu- 
 cian thus conceives his idea of a perfect model of female beauty : 
 the face should resemble that of the Venus of Lemnos by 
 Phidias ; the hair, eye-brows, and forehead as the Cnidian of 
 Praxiteles ; with the attractive grace and softness displayed in 
 that statue - } and the hands should be as those of the Venus of 
 Alcamenes. What a sepulchre of art is Constantinople ! In 
 the eleventh century, the Pallas of Lindus, the Olympian Ju- 
 piter of Phidias, the Venus of Cnidos, the Opportunity of 
 Lysippus, the Juno of Polycletus, were, it is confidently be- 
 lieved, there to be seen. 
 
 Winckelmann mentions Myron as one of those artists, who 
 knew how to unite grace with greatness. He flourished in the 
 eighty-seventh Olympiad, and excelled particularly in bronze. 
 His animals were highly esteemed. According to Propertius, 
 there were four oxen by him ranged round the altar of the 
 Palatine Apollo at Rome. His famous heifer has been comme- 
 morated in no less than thirty-six epigrams; two of which are 
 by Anacreon. According to Pliny, he did not execute" hair 
 more happily than his predecessors ; but he was the first to ex- 
 hibit variety of manner. His three colossal statues of Minerva, 
 Hercules, and Jupiter, Mark Antony transported from Samos 
 to Rome ; but Augustus restored the two first. One of his 
 most celebrated works was the Discobolus, of which an indis* 
 putable copy was found some years since on the Esquiline hill. 
 
116 
 
 Quintilian praises it, as one of those works, which proved the 
 transcendant merit of the Grecian artists. Notwithstanding his 
 superior talents, Myron lived and died poor. 
 
 Of Polycletus, we know from Pliny that he lived in the 
 ninety-fifth Olympiad. He was a greater master of grace than 
 Phidias, but probably not equal to him, in the expression of the 
 sublime. The Juno of Argos was his reputed masterpiece 5 
 but as that statue, like the Minerva of Phidias, was composed 
 of gold and ivory, the TO a-s^vov and I'D p,yaAor?p,/voy was most 
 probably more conspicuous in his Doryphorus, a statue of a 
 young warrior, which served as a model to the first artists of 
 Greece. In the schools of art at Athens, the pupils studied the 
 heads of Myron, the arms of Praxiteles, and the breasts of Poly- 
 cletus. 
 
 There is an ancient bas-relief in terra cotta given by Winck- 
 elmann, supposed to represent the Canephorae alluded to by 
 Cicero. Monum. ined. Num. 182. 
 
 4 Now Neocorio, a town of Baeotia, near Mount Helicon. 
 
 5 Here probably some one reminded Cicero of the name of 
 the sculptor. 
 
 6 The Claudii were numerous at Rome. The individual 
 here alluded to was most probably the Claudius, who was 
 praetor in Sicily. Appius Claudius, the consul, has been com- 
 memorated in an inscription preserved in brass at Messina, 
 which however has been thought spurious by Castelli. 
 
 S. P. Q. R. 
 
 APPIO CLAVDIO Q.VINTOGL, FABIO CONSVL1B, ALTERO MES- 
 SANAM SICILIE CIVITATEM CLASSE PROFECTO RESFRANTE 
 PERCEPIT, HYERONEM SIRACVSANORVM REGEM PENOR. GL. 
 COPIAS HYERONI CONIVNCTAS TAM CELERITER SVPERATAS VT 
 APPIVM CLAVDIVM CONSVLEM AD HANC REM GERENDAM POTl' 
 CIVITAS SVE VIRTVTIS ADMIRATOREM, ttVAM BELLI SVSIPERET 
 ADIVTOREM, NAM HYERO REX PENIGt. VRBIS NON TAM MUL- 
 TITVDINE ftVAM ANIMOSA NOBILITATB PROFVLSI, VICTOS 
 
117 
 
 SE DIDICERE CONGRESSOS, dVI ANTE CONSVLIS ADVEN- 
 TVM VLTRA LEONTINVM PROFVGI, PACEM EXPOSCENTES, RO- 
 MANOR. GLORIA, MESSANENSIVM NOBILITATE, PROPRIAft 
 MVLTA, DVCENTA TALENTA HERARIO SOLVENDO SVPPLICES 
 INPETRARVNT, OB ttVOD STATVIT VRBEM IPSAM TITVLO NOBI- 
 I.1TATIS EXTOLLI, ALI1SG. PROVINCIE CIVITATIB, SACERDOTES 
 EIVSQ. GIVES ROMANOR. HONORE SICILIE, CAPVT ILLIC FVNGl 
 POTESTATE ROMANA, LAPIDE3 EIVS ALEONTINIO VSGl PATHAS 
 EX.TENDI, NAM ID SPACIVM CETERIS DEFICIENTIB. ROMANE 
 D1CIONI SERVAVIT, CIROGRAFVM HOC FASTIS ROMANIS AD- 
 IVNCTVM LAVDEM CIVITATIS OSTENTANS, ASCRIBI , ROMANAMft 
 GRATITVDINEM MERITO R ESPON D ERE/APPROBATVM EST FRE- 
 SENS DECRETVM PATRVM A GN. CALATHINO PLEBI TRIBVNO 
 POST VRBEM CONDITAM ANNO QVATRINGENTESIMO OCTVAGE- 
 SIMO TERCIO, REMPVBLICAM PRIMO BELLO PVN1CO CONTVR- 
 BANTE. 
 
 7 Fifty-two pounds nine shillings and four-pence three 
 farthings. The translator has endeavoured to restore the statues 
 in the frontispiece. 
 
 8 Cicero must surely here mean sestertii nummi ? Fine 
 works of art fetched however immoderate prices in antiquity. 
 Pliny says, that the wealth of a whole town was scarcely suf- 
 ficient to buy a fine 'picture. The same author mentions that 
 M. Agrippa paid for a Venus and an Ajax 12,000 sesterces. 
 Augustus gave 100 talents, or about 1 9,000 / English, for the 
 Venus of Apelles. Lucullus promised 60,OOO sesterces for a 
 statue of Happiness. The statue of a boy by Polycletus was 
 sold for the same sum as the Venus of Apelles. And a painting 
 of Parrhasius cost Tiberius 60,000 sesterces. Winckel. passim. 
 
 9 In the original, Cf ne forte dum publicis mandatis serviat, 
 de privatis injuriis reticeat.'.' The translator proposes ut, in- 
 stead of ne with Ernestus. 
 
 10 Aloesa stood very near the fortress of Tusa, on the northern 
 coast. It was founded by a citizen of Herbita, and submitted 
 
118 
 
 successively to the Messanians, Syracusans, Carthaginians, and 
 Romans ; from the latter it enjoyed several immunities, and 
 the privilege of having a senate of its own. Many Roman fami- 
 lies settled in Alaesa, and during the civil wars, when the citi- 
 zens shewed symptoms of disaffection, tranquillity was restored 
 through the exertions of Claudius Pulcher. There is a statue 
 yet preserved at Tusa, with the insignia of a Roman consul, 
 and it has been supposed to represent this benefactor of Alaesa. 
 According to Torremuzza, the city extended three miles in cir- 
 cumference, in which there were temples dedicated to Apollo, 
 Bacchus. Jupiter Milichius, and the Sicilian deity, Adranus. 
 The same author discovered in its ruins three statues, one of 
 Saturn, the others of Triptolemus. We may conclude, that it 
 was a distinguished city, from a passage in a former pleading. 
 " Siciliae civitates multae sunt et honestse > in quibus imprimis 
 enumeranda est civitas Alesina." 
 
 The governor of the fortress told the translator, with an air 
 of pride in his countenance, that Cicero had been at Alaesa, and 
 had admired the situation. The luxuriant growth of the oleander 
 and myrtle is very remarkable along this shore ; the former 
 delights in the beds of the mountain torrents, and even flourishes 
 within a few yards of the sea-beach ; the latter also thrives best 
 near the sea, and often attains such a height as to form a pro- 
 tecting shade, completely verifying the assertion of Virgil : 
 
 Littora myrtetis laetissima. 
 Inscriptions found in the ruins of Alaesa. 
 
 BOH) HA2I 
 
 oAAMOS TON AAAI2IN&N 
 &OFENHN AIOFENEOS 
 
 suEPFESIAS . ENEKEN 
 
 Dys omnibus 
 populus Halcesinorum 
 
119 
 
 Dlogenem Diogenis F. 
 
 Lapironem 
 leneuohnticc causa 
 
 IMP A CAESAREI A 
 
 DIVI A F A 
 AVGVSTO A PO . . 
 MVNICIPIVM A 
 
 The last confirms what Cicero states, that Alaesa was go- 
 verned by its own laws. 
 
 11 City of Lycia in Asia Minor. P. Servilius, who took it, 
 was named Isauricus, in reward of the conquest of Isauria. 
 
 12 The Caius Cato, whose baggage was detained by the 
 citizens of Messana, was condemned subsequently for bribery 
 in Macedonia, and lived in exile at Tarraco, now Tarragona, in 
 Spain. This explains the words (f condemnatus est." The 
 note of Ernestus to the sentence below, " huic irati non fue- 
 runt," is unhappy. The word " huic" must surely refer to 
 Cato, and not to Verres. The passage otherwise is unintelligible. 
 
 13 Agent of Verres. 
 
 14 There are some inscriptions preserved in Sicily, com- 
 memorating different individuals of the family of the Pompeii. 
 
 At Messina. 
 
 CEZTOC nOMRHIOC 
 
 4>OIBOC 
 
 ARO PHMHC 
 
 N0AA KEI 
 
 TAI 
 
 D . M 
 M . VIRGINIO 
 POMPEIO . FIL 
 BENEMERENTI 
 
120 
 
 VIXIT . ANNIS . XxV 
 
 POMPEIA 
 ATTIlici A. MATER 
 
 At Palermo. 
 
 ARAM . VICTORIAE . 
 
 SEX . POMPEIVS . MER 
 
 CATOR . vf.VIR. AVG. 
 
 PRAETER . SVMMVM . 
 
 PRO . KONORE . 
 
 D. D. 
 P . S . P . 
 
 13 This probably is irony, in allusion to the sum given for 
 ihe statues belonging to Heius. 
 
 16 A city of Caria, now called Buraz, famous for its breed 
 of dogs. Hence Cicero calls Tlepolemus and Hiero, Cibyratic 
 blood-hounds. 
 
 17 Boethus was a Carthaginian ; according to Pausanias, he 
 made a statue for the temple of Juno at Elis. Many of his 
 works were deposited in the temple of Minerva at Lindus. 
 Plin. lib. xxxiii. M. de Choiseul Gouffier found a valuable 
 intaglio in the ruins, I think, of the city of Assos, with the in- 
 scription BOH0OY. See his Voyage de la Grece, where it 
 is engraved. 
 
 13 A Roman of high birth, who composed the history of his 
 country, and which Cicero praises. 
 
 19 Lilybaeum is now Marsala, and of repute as furnishing a 
 wine little inferior in quality to Madeira. Lilybaeum was sup- 
 posed, in antiquity, to have been the residence of one of the 
 Sibyls j for an account of these priestesses consult Vossius. 
 Near the town, the translator was shewn a cave, called the 
 Sibyl's j where he found some traces of fresco paintings,, but in- 
 differently executed. Lilybaeum was the seat of government 
 
121 
 
 ibr the western division of Sicily, as was Syracuse for the 
 eastern. It is of note as having been the retreat of Porphyry, 
 during his illness, and here he vented his spleen against that 
 religion which breathes peace and good will to mankind. 
 
 A fragment of an interesting inscription was found some 
 years since near Marsala. May we not suppose that it was a 
 pedestal, which supported a statue either of Scipio, or Cicero ? 
 
 RESTITVTORI . ROMANI . 
 IMPERII . LIBERTATISQUE . 
 
 Another found at Marsala, by which we discover the name 
 of a proconsul of Sicily. 
 
 C . BVLTIO . GEMINIO 
 TITIANO . PRO COS . 
 PROV . SICIL . COC . C 
 OB INSIGNEM EIVS 
 BENIVOLENTIAM 
 ERGA . ORDINEM ET 
 PATRIAM . XII . TRIE 
 PATRONO . MERENTI. 
 
 20 Now Trapani. The modern Trapancse display a greater 
 spirit of industry than the rest of the Sicilians. Here are con- 
 siderable salt-works, which to a person approaching the town, 
 have the appearance of an immense camp. Cotton is much 
 cultivated in the vicinity. It blew a dreadful sirocco, when 
 the translator was there, which brought with it myriads of mus- 
 quitoes from the African shore, and made it <c Drepanum illae- 
 tabile." His chief resource was the fifth JEneid, and some 
 boatmen on the beach, who were engaged in pitching their 
 vessels with fire, added some illusion to the lines : 
 
 furit immissis Vulcanus habenis, 
 
 Transtra per et remoset pictas abiete puppes. 
 
Four miles from Trapani, stands the celebrated mount Eiyx, 
 now called Monte San Giuliano. Of the temple of Venus 
 Erycina, " vicina astris, Erycino in vertice," there remain the 
 foundations, built of large stones, and immediately overhanging 
 a precipice. They are of great antiquity ; in all probability, 
 having been the work of Daedalus, and consequently one of the 
 oldest specimens of masonry existing. These are the words of 
 Diodorus speaking of the works of Daedalus in Sicily : 
 
 xaj ry$ Koc.ro, ro egw r 
 ro ry$ rfslgz; aMJCfij^yoy rfoir^ai Tyv owcoToftiay, xargjrxeua^y sit 
 ai-roy ro-j x^^vou ro^x, Tfo^i(3occa,$ rtx^aSofas ro vife^Ksi^svov 
 rov xgypyov. Diodor lib. iv. p. 278. 
 
 There are also six columns of Egyptian granite, and some 
 fragments. Quite overgrown with brambles is the celebrated 
 well, which was probably in the temple, and still goes by the 
 name of " II pozzo di Venere " 
 
 21 For an interesting dissertation on the Thericlean cups, see 
 Bentley on Phalaris. Mentor is an artist commemorated by 
 Pliny as excellent in works of relief. He is also mentioned in 
 two or three epigrams by Martial. In one of them, there is 3 
 line highly applicable to the Sicilian praetor : 
 
 Solus Mentoreos habes labores. 
 
 22 To Poly n ices she revealed where Amphiaraus was. 
 
 83 Sthenius was an inhabitant of Thermae Himerenses, now 
 called Termini. In the pleading concerning the Sicilian juris- 
 diction, very honourable mention is made of Sthenius. He 
 opposed the rapacity of Verres with becoming spirit, and in the 
 town-hall of Termini, the translator saw some fresco-paintings, 
 very ill executed, representing the honourable conduct of 
 Sthenius. 
 
 Termini is still celebrated for its warm baths, which have 
 been noticed in an ode of Pindar. It was founded by the re- 
 fugees from Himera, after the destruction of that city by Han- 
 nibal. Himera deleta, quos cives belli calamitas reliquos 
 
123 
 
 fecerat, ii sese Thermis collocarunt in ejusdem agri finibus, nee 
 longe ai> oppido antique. De jurisdictione Sicil. The baths, 
 which are very hot, are much frequented for their medicinal 
 virtues, and the translator found them in the same condition 
 that the Romans left them. They were fabled to have sprung 
 forth at the command of the nymphs to refresh Hercules 
 fatigued with travel. In the environs, there are the ruins of a 
 Roman aqueduct, and near the town fragments of various mem- 
 bers of architecture. In the town-hall they have erected a 
 mutilated statue, purposing to put it off for the statue of Stesi- 
 chorus, mentioned in the de jurisdictione Siciliensi, and which 
 Verres attempted to get. In the interior, there are bad fresco- 
 paintings representing the acts of Stesichorus for his country, 
 as related in the spurious letters of Phalaris, and the spirited 
 conduct of Sthenius, as before mentioned. They are indeed un- 
 worthy of the place, which gave birth to Demophiius, the 
 master of Zeuxis. 
 
 Two of the most interesting inscriptions found in the ruins 
 of Thermae Himerenses. 
 
 NICARIN . MVNATIAE . L . L . ZOZI 
 MAE . FILIA . HYMNETRIA . A . S 
 
 TERRA . PRECOR . QVAECVNQVE 
 IACES . NICARIO . SVPER . OSSA 
 
 SIS . LEVIS . IN . TENERO . CORPORE . DEPOSITA 
 VIXIT . ANNOS . XVIII. 
 
 C. MAESIO . AQVILLIO 
 
 FABIO TITIANO CVCOS 
 
 OPTIMO CIVI AC PATRONO BENEME 
 
 RENTI ORDO ET POPVLVS SPLEN 
 
 DIDISSIMAE COL AVG HIMEREORVM 
 
 theRMIT PECVNIA SVA POSVIT 
 
 There are also other hot baths of great celebrity near Sci- 
 acca, the ancient Thermae Selinuntiae. They are, in the opi- 
 nion of the translator, to be enumerated among the most 
 
124 
 
 valuable relics of antiquity in the world -, they being one of the 
 monuments of the ingenuity of Daedalus. They are thus de- 
 scribed by Diodorus, lib. iv. p. 278. <T7rtjX6ov xa7a rr t v 
 Kofls$Kevci$ev ev uj -njy arfuSa, ro'j xaT au7oi 
 s^eAa/Ssy, a^rs oiex, Tr f v paAaxo/vj'/a. r>j 9s ( 
 
 ;, xa/ xa7a piKziv fjv$ gyjarfi/3ov 
 SssaTZ'susfy T'O. crw^ala, pyftsy if ftps'/ oyhQUtASvous UTTO T^ 
 >. The translator explored this fine vapour-bath in 
 September, 1808, still affording relief to numerous invalids, 
 which was excavated previous to the argonautic expedition, 
 and after a lapse of three thousand two hundred years, attesting 
 the dexterity of the architect of Crete. 
 
 24 This the translator can bear witness to. Signer Landolina 
 shewed him at Syracuse, a marble Venus, scarcely inferior to 
 the Medicean in execution ; in the museum of the prince of 
 Biscari, exclusive of numerous cameos and intaglios, there is a 
 torso of Jupiter of very fine execution. Many of the Sicilian 
 medals are finely wrought, especially the Syracusan. But it is 
 probable that art was no where carried to greater perfection in 
 Sicily, than at Centuripe, the modern Centorbi, of which city a 
 fine medal of Hercules is in the possession of the translator. 
 
 23 Tyndaris still exhibits some interesting ruins ; it stood on 
 the projecting point of a steep promontory, and according to 
 tradition, derived its origin from Castor and Pollux : 
 
 geminoque Lacone 
 
 Tyndaris attollens sese adfuit. Sil. Ital. 
 
 Some vestiges of a Greek theatre, and a portal supposed of 
 the temple of Venus, are all the translator could find of the an- 
 cient Tyndaris ; but the waves have undermined a considerable 
 part of the ground, on which the city stood ; and when the sea 
 is tranquil, many of the ruins are discernible at bottom. He 
 can never forget the heavenly view he enjoyed from the balcony 
 of S. Maria di Tindaro. The fragrance of the morning air, the 
 
fecerat, ii sese Thermis collocarunt in ejusdem agri rlnibus, nee 
 longe ai> oppido antique. De jurisdictione Sicil. The baths, 
 which are very hot, are much frequented for their medicinal 
 virtues, and the translator found them in the same condition 
 that the Romans left them. They were fabled to have sprung 
 forth at the command of the nymphs to refresh Hercules 
 fatigued with travel. In the environs, there are the ruins of a 
 Roman aqueduct, and near the town fragments of various mem- 
 bers of architecture. In the town-hall they have erected a 
 mutilated statue, purposing to put it off for the statue of Stesi- 
 chorus, mentioned in the de jurisdictione Siciliensi, and which 
 Verres attempted to get. In the interior, there are bad fresco- 
 paintings representing the acts of Stesichorus for his country, 
 as related in the spurious letters of Phalaris, and the spirited 
 conduct of Sthenius, as before mentioned. They are indeed un- 
 worthy of the place, which gave birth to Demophilus, the 
 master of Zeuxis. 
 
 Two of the most interesting inscriptions found in the ruins 
 of Thermae Himerenses. 
 
 NICARIN . MVNATIAE . L . L . ZOZI 
 MAE . FILIA . HYMNETRIA . A . S 
 
 TERRA . PRECOR . QVAECVNQVE 
 IACES . NICARIO . SVPER . OSSA 
 
 SIS . LEVIS . IN TENERO . CORPORE . DEPOSITA 
 VIXIT . ANNOS . XVIII. 
 
 C. MAESIO . AQVILLIO 
 
 FABIO TITIANO CVCOS 
 
 OPTIMO CIVI AC PATRONO BENEME 
 
 RENTI ORDO ET POPVLVS SPLEN 
 
 DIDISSIMAE COL AVG HIMEREORVM 
 
 theRMIT PECVNIA SVA POSVIT 
 
 There are also other hot baths of great celebrity near Sci- 
 acca, the ancient Thermae Selinuntiae. They are, in the opi- 
 nion of the translator, to be enumerated among the most 
 
This, which the brothers' exploit owns with pride, 
 That, to which Alpheus' streams in secret glide j 
 Alpheus, that speeds to blend his wave with thine, 
 O Arethuse! untainted with the brine. 
 
 Catania is now the most beautiful of the Sicilian cities. It 
 contains several interesting antiquities ; of which, its amphi- 
 theatre is the most striking, but it is nearly obliterated by the 
 united power of time, earthquakes, and streams of lava. There 
 are however considerable remains of the exterior wall to be 
 traced, which is constructed of square pieces of lava, cut with 
 incredible toil. The dens are still shewn, where it is presumed 
 the lions were kept. Of the theatre, one of the entrances to 
 the corridor is yet entire, and a spot is seen where a curule chair 
 was placed for a magistrate. Adjoining is an odeum, to which 
 there was a communication from the theatre. A circular 
 church, called Santa Maria della Rotonda, is supposed to have 
 formed a part of the immense baths, which are now covered by 
 the lava, in front of the Benedictine monastery. Near the con- 
 vent of the Carmelites, there is an octagon chamber, not un- 
 like the temple of the winds at Athens, which was an ancient 
 bath. Under the cathedral, buried by a stratum of lava, are 
 very considerable ruins of the Thermae, or public baths, in 
 which there are vestiges of fresco-paintings. Plans of the anti- 
 quities of Catania have been raised by Ittar, a Maltese architect, 
 and do great credit to the talents of that artist. To the west- 
 ward of the town, there are still to be seen three or four arches 
 of an ancient aqueduct, which braved the force of the dreadful 
 current of lava, A. D. 1669. When perfect it must have been 
 a striking proof of the opulence of the ancient Catanians, for it 
 brought water from a spring eighteen miles distant ; so that this 
 work yielded but little to the aqueducts of ancient Rome. 
 The modern city contains many objects worthy the attention 
 of the stranger, but from the vicinity of so terrible a neighbour 
 as ./Etna, must be always liable to share the fate of the anti- 
 
127 
 
 quities. A torrent of lava flowed to within a league of the city 
 walls in January, 1812. So that the inhabitants are always 
 sensible of the force of the line in Silius Italicus : 
 
 Catine, nimium ardenti vicina Typhaeo. 
 
 Of the inscriptions preserved in Catania, the two following 
 are the most interesting. 
 
 P. ANCITIO . P. F, 
 QVI VIXIT ANNIS 
 VII. ET . DIEBVS VII. 
 CVIVS . FVRIBVND^E RV 
 PERVNT . FILA . SORORES . 
 CVIVS FVNVS . MISERI . V 
 IDERE . PARENTES . ANCITIA 
 FORTVNATA . ET . CORNE 
 LIVS . NEPTVNALIS . FILIO . 
 DVLCISSIMO . FECERVNT . 
 
 The other is in Greek verse : 
 
 TYMBQNOPACHAPOAEITAriEPIKAEITHC 
 POAOrOYNHCHNKTANENOYKOZinC 
 AAECI AEI NOCAN H PKAAYCEAEKAITA 
 POYCABIANIOCHNriAPAKOITINKAl 
 BAIHNCTHAHTHNAAnEAIlKEXAPIN 
 
 Pause, trav'ller, pause, by this sepulchral urn, 
 With tears th* illustrious Rhodoguna mourn : 
 A hardened wretch, who no compassion knew, 
 With pelted stones th' unhappy matron slew. 
 Avienius drops the tributary tear 
 For his lost spouse, and consecrates 
 Small token of his love, and grief sincere. 
 
 this bier ; V 
 sincere. J 
 
 Here the classic traveller will venerate the memory of Cha- 
 rondas, that legislator of Catania, the excellence of whose in- 
 
12$ 
 
 stitutions has been praised by Plato, and whose laws were pre- 
 ferred by Cicero, to those of Rome j he will call to mind the 
 fame of the pious brothers, Amphinomus and Anapius, who, 
 as is seen in the following inscription, gave their name to the 
 city : 
 
 EYCEBEWNKAYTON 
 
 ACTY flANOABIQN 
 
 ANAPA AN E0HKE 
 ZtOCYMI . ANEAHN 
 
 ArtA)NO0E0HPA 
 
 CEBHPON 
 CWPAKA1 ECOM ENOI C( 
 
 IPOriQCASZEBPO 
 
 He will also remember that the poet Stesichorus was here 
 buried , as is shewn in some verses preserved in the Antho- 
 logia. 
 
 ou 
 
 O'u KOiloi HutyovyogEuj $'J$IK<X,V (poilw, a rtgiy 
 
 ulsOV WKl $ Oti . 
 
 With boundless genius fii'd, in lore profound, 
 Stesichorus, whom th' Aonian sisters crown'd 
 Lies dead beneath Catania's fi'ry ground. 
 If Nature's laws Pythagoras defin'd, 
 The fire of Homer glow'd within his mind. 
 
 28 Now called Centorbi, and of note as being the birth- 
 place of Apuleius. The Athenians were quartered in Centu- 
 ripe, and Nicias enrolled the inhabitants among their allies. 
 Centuripe was besieged by the Romans, and resisted their efforts 
 for a considerable time. They derived considerable immunities 
 from Augustus, in whose favour they declared, during the civil 
 
129 
 
 war between him and Pompey. The ruins of an ancient stable 
 and some fragments of a bath inlaid with mosaic, representing 
 fish in different coloured marbles, are all the remains of the 
 ancient town. The statues, vases, and coins found in the ruins, 
 attest the former splendour of the city. The translator, as he 
 pursued his journey over the territory of Centorbi, could not 
 help regretting that the inhabitants should leave it a barren 
 waste, unlike their ancestors, who according to Cicero, were 
 renowned for their energy in speeding the plough. 
 
 Homines Centuripini summi aratores. ") , frument 
 Centuripini fere totam Siciliam arant, 3 
 
 There are still to be seen the ruins of an ancient bridge over 
 the Symsethus (hod. Giarretta) which probably led to Centu- 
 ripe. 
 
 Only inscription of the ancient Centuripe. 
 
 QVINTA 
 
 VIXIT. ANNOS..! 
 COPIA MATER. . 
 FECIT 
 
 99 Now called San Felipe d'Argiro, and of note, as being 
 the birth-place of Diodorus. Henry Stephen asserts with con- 
 siderable confidence, that the works of that valuable historian 
 are entire in some corner of Sicily 3 if there be any foundation 
 for this surmise, perhaps the monasteries of San Felipe would 
 offer the greatest chance of discovery. The only monument of 
 the ancient Agyrium is preserved in the museum of the Prince 
 of Biscari at Catania ; it is a pedestal, which probably supported 
 a statue of Diodorus, the son of Apollonius, as the inscription 
 proves, and from this perhaps we may infer the name of the 
 historian's father. Diodorus commemorates a magnificent 
 theatre of the ancient Agyrium, but no traces of it are now- 
 visible. 
 
 X 
 
130 
 
 s * The original is a sort of pun upon the word Verres everri- 
 culum : a sweeper general of the province. 
 
 31 Aluntium, where this occurrence took place, is probably 
 the same as the modern monastery of San Fratello, situated 
 between Caronia, and Cape Orlando. Its origin is thus related 
 by Dionysius, of Halicarnassus. Speaking ot the navigation of 
 ./Eneas, that historian says, " He passed over the Ionian sea, 
 from Buthrotum, having procured some pilots, who volunteered 
 in his service. He took also one Patron, of Thurium. Many 
 of these returned to their homes, after his army had landed in 
 Italy. But Patron was persuaded by ^Eneas to found a colony ; 
 some of his associates remained in the fleet - } others they say, 
 joined him, and established themselves in Aluntium a Sicilian 
 town." Hist. lib. i. 
 
 Three inscriptions found in the ruins of Aluntium, from two 
 of which we may conclude, that it derived the privileges of 2 
 Roman borough from Augustus. 
 
 AVGVSTO . DIVI . F 
 PONTIF . MAX 
 MVNICIPIVM 
 
 TO MOTNIKiniOv TJlv 
 AAONTINilN IIINAION.. 
 IIOAAEINO HIT. .E. . .AJEHXOE 
 NOMOT EPHPA. . . T. . TAAO. . . 
 . ONONETNOIa<r ENEKEN 
 
 LIVIAE A AVGVSTI 
 
 DEAE 
 MVNICIPIVM 
 
 ** Probably the Macedonian Piso, and nearly as bad a* 
 Verres, whom Cicero also thundered at in a most severe phi- 
 lippic. Very different from his father here alluded to, and sur- 
 named Frugi, from his abstinence. 
 
131 
 
 33 In allusion to Verres, which signifies wild loar. It may 
 also obliquely refer to verrere, i. e. to sweep the province clean. 
 
 34 Now i pileri di Barbara. For the detail of its fine temple, 
 and other antiquities, consult Wilkins's Grsecia Magna. 
 
 3/1 Now called Noto : it is a town beautifully situated, laid 
 out in spacious streets, and has been rebuilt since l6p3, when it 
 was destroyed by an earthquake. It commands a delightful 
 view of the vale, through which the Falconara flows. The 
 translator could not but admire the beauty of the walnuts, 
 which grow on its banks ; doubtless the descendants of those, 
 to which Plutarch alludes, when he mentions that Gylippus, the 
 Lacedaemonian general, hung his trophies on the xaAA^ra 
 xa; peyisra, Ssvfya, which grew on the borders of the Asinarus. 
 Near the mouth of this river, there is a tower in ruins, whicli 
 the Syracusans built to commemorate the defeat of Nicias. 
 
 The Syracusans anciently established an annual festival to 
 commemorate the defeat of Nicias, in which it was customary 
 to cut some boughs on the banks of the Asinarus, and bear 
 them in triumph to Syracuse. It is remarkable, that the same 
 ceremony is to this day continued, with this difference, that the 
 boughs, instead of being borne in honour of Nicias, serve to 
 adorn the shrine of a saint. 
 
 Ancient inscription preserved at Noto. 
 
 AFAQ. . . 
 
 EPIKPAT . 
 NEANISKOI-IEPHNEIO 
 
 Sub Gymnasiarcha 
 Arhtione dgathini F. 
 
 Philistionis N. Epicratis pron. 
 iuniores Hieronei 
 
 36 For an account of the antiquities of Enna, now Castro 
 Giovanni, with a critique on the De I\aptu Proserpmae of Clan 
 
132 
 
 diari, see a Memoir in the Classical Journal, No. IX. by the 
 translator. 
 
 37 Elorus still exhibits some interesting antiquities. There 
 are the ruins of a columbarium, with two Doric Antae well ex- 
 ecuted. These ruins are to be seen near the mouth of the river 
 Abisso. It is not easy to imagine a more beautiful tract of 
 country, than in the environs of Elorus. Ovid calls it " Eloria 
 tempe ;" the aptness of which title the translator can "bear wit- 
 ness to j for the whole territority is variegated with the rig, aloe, 
 opuntia, olive, mulberry, walnut, cypress, and vine. The 
 pomegranate too displayed its refulgent blossoms. It was the 
 month of May when the translator 
 
 " passed the quiet sounds 
 Of still Elorus, and his fruitful bounds." Dryd. Virgil. 
 
 The deep azure of the Mediterranean was only broken by the 
 white sail of a speronara sailing to Malta; and the uniformity 
 of the sky, by clouds of the lightest fleece. " The landscape 
 laughed around." 
 
 38 Cutting irony, which Cicero managed so dexterously, 
 and in this respect makes him superior to his rival Demosthenes. 
 Indeed the perceptions of Tully were so fine, that no translator 
 can hope always to be able to fender exactly what he meaned. 
 Frequently, (in the Verrine orations especially, to say nothing 
 of the Pro Q. Ligario), an occult vein of subtle irony pervades 
 a sentence, the force of whicli we may presume, depended 
 much on the gesture, the look, the smile of the orator. 
 
 39 The young prince here referred to was son of Antiochus 
 X. surnamed Pius. He is the same whom Pompey deprived of 
 the kingdom of Syria, leaving him only in possession of Com- 
 magene, and a small portion of Mesopotamia. 
 
 40 The praetors were allowed a certain deduction of corn, 
 from the annual tribute to Rome, and in the collection of this, 
 Verres behaved scandalously. See De re frument passim. 
 
 41 This was the Catulus, who repressed the civil' war, 
 
353 
 
 kindled by Lepidus after the death of Sylla. He superintended 
 the rebuilding of the capitol destroyed by fire. Cicero there- 
 fore invokes him. He was one of the most respectable cotem- 
 poraries of 'Cicero. 
 
 42 The capitol was more than once struck by lightning 
 " tactum fulmine Capitolium," says Tacitus in more than one 
 place. 
 
 43 The orator still addresses Catulus. 
 
 44 Courtezan of Verres. 
 
 45 Verres must have been an anomaly in the human race j 
 his depredations were not confined to Sicily, but extended to 
 the remotest provinces. How highly does Cicero stand, when 
 we consider his efforts, in this, and many others of his pleadings, 
 to brave almost alone the torrent of corruption ! For the ruins 
 of the temples of Minerva, Apollo, and Juno, here alluded to, 
 consult Stuart's Athens, and Ionian Antiquities. 
 
 46 This city was situated near Mount Ecnomus, now Monte 
 San Calogero, and was built by a colony of the Messanians, whp 
 inhabited Mylae, now Melazzo. It was burnt and razed to the 
 ground by Hannibal, in the fourth year of the ninety-second 
 Olympiad. The translator witnessed the effectual execution of 
 the Carthaginian chief, for nothing now remains but a few 
 shapeless stones to attest the existence of what Pindar calls the 
 potent Himera. The translator has here to notice an error of 
 P'Anville, who has placed Thermae, where Himera stood, and 
 Himera on the site of Thermae. This error is rectified in the 
 translator's chart of the island, illustrative of the Grecian, Car- 
 thaginian, and Sicilian names. Faden, 1812, 
 
 The spot where Himera stood, is one of the most picturesque 
 imaginable. The full moon had just risen in ail its splendour, 
 as the translator crossed the Fiume Grande, the ancient Himera 
 still winding among oaken woods, and diffused a charm over 
 the landscape, already embellished by the muse of Theocritus, 
 which represents Daphnis pining for his absent mistress on the 
 
134 
 
 banks of the river, and the oaks which grew on its margin, 
 lamenting his disappointed love. 
 
 ?ct,g 
 
 tptTfoXsiTo, KOU tag $gvs$ aulov 
 l^spa, oiife tyvovli TtoLp ox$a,i$iv 
 
 For his lov'd Xenea, so would Daphnis mourn, 
 Daphnis who tended kine, so seek forlorn, 
 The mountain's verdant haunts, or silent grove ; 
 Ye oaks, by Him'ra's stream, you mourned his hopeless 
 love! 
 
 47 Terranova is now built on the ruins of Gela ; which was 
 a colony from Liridus in Rhodes. After going through a great 
 variety of fortunes, it was razed to the ground by Phintias, 
 tyrant of Agrigentum. The real situation of this city has given 
 rise to some literary dispute. Some maintain that Alicata stands 
 on its ruins, while others affirm, as does the translator, that it is 
 the same as Terranova. 
 
 Some years since, an inscription was found in Alicata, which 
 has been recorded by Peter Burmann. It registers a decree of 
 the republic of Gela to remunerate the good conduct of Herac- 
 lides the gymnasiarch, with a crown of olive. From this it 
 seems plausible at first to infer that Alicata was founded on 
 Gela. But it must be remembered, that Phintias, of Agrigen- 
 tum, razed Gela, built a new city which was called after his 
 name, and peopled it with the captive Gelensians. Might not 
 this tablet be transported by the inhabitants to their new city 
 Phintias, which Kluver is of opinion to be the same as Alicata ? 
 Virgil makes ^Eneas descry the vast Gela, so termed from its 
 river. But Alicata is situated on the Fiume Salso, the ancient 
 Himera j and where is the authority to shew that that river 
 was ever named Gela ? Let us then agree with Kluver, who 
 calls the Fiume di Terranova, Gela 5 Terranova, the city Gela, 
 and Alicata, Phintias. 
 
Of the ancient Gela, there is nothing that remains but a 
 Doric column half buried in the sand, and so worn by time, as 
 scarcely to shew any traces of its flutings. Kluver ealls it erro- 
 neously a Corinthian column. The translator as he crossed the 
 river of the same name, on a mule, without so much as wetting 
 the soles of his feet, was sensible how much allowance must be 
 made to poets when they treat of topography : 
 
 Te vCrticibus non adeunde Gela : says Ovid. 
 
 The modern city is the veiy residence of filth and wretch- 
 edness j the more to be wondered at, as it carries on a consider- 
 able trade in grain with Malta. The Geloan fields, comme- 
 morated by Virgil, are still famed for their fine crops of wheat. 
 Where is the tract celebrated by his muse that cannot inspire 
 de'ight and interest? 
 
 et fatis nunquam concessa moveri 
 
 Apparet Camarina procul, campique Geloi, 
 Immanisque Gela, fluvii cognomine dicta. 
 
 Of the ancient Camarina nothing exists ; but a triangular 
 tower, probably built by the Saracens, is seen on its site. The 
 fine vases discovered in its ruins attest its ancient splendour. 
 
 48 The translator has endeavoured to restore it in the frontis- 
 piece. 
 
 49 The Scipio whom Cicero here addresses in court, was 
 descendant of the celebrated ^Emilianus ; he was father-in-law 
 of Pompey, and appointed commander in Macedonia ; he was 
 in the battle of Pharsalia, and afterwards retired with Cato to 
 Africa. We may conclude from this part of the oration, that 
 he was inclined to favour Verres. This apostrophe to Scipio is 
 one of the finest efforts of eloquence in the whole pleading. 
 
 50 The Fublius Servilius, whom Cicero here alludes to, was 
 probably the son of P. Servilius Isauricus; he was colleague 
 with Cicero when augur; and an admirer and imitator of Cato. 
 
136 
 
 51 Vein of corroding irony, which so often is the character- 
 istic of the Verrine orations. 
 
 5a For a detail of the ruins of this temple, consult Wilkins' 
 Antiquities of Grecia Magna. Two columns only remain, and 
 those immured, and mutilated. 
 
 53 The remains of this temple are still to be seen : in the 
 opinion of the translator, they are the most picturesque of any, 
 except those of Juno Lucina. Frusta of columns and fragments 
 of entablatures lie about in the greatest confusion. The temple 
 is of the Doric order. There are few spots in the Sicilian land- 
 scape so striking to the stranger as the site of ancient Agrigen- 
 tum. The magnificent ruins are agreeably blended with every 
 description of fruit trees, while the river Acragas (il flume 
 Drago) winds its course among cultivated fields. The Acragas 
 was deified in antiquity, as well as the Chrysas, the Anapus, 
 Cyane, Crinisus, and Hypsas, and has been commemorated in 
 the following beautiful lines by Preti, a modern poet of Gin- 
 genti : 
 
 Mentre non gia de le palustri fronde 
 Come altri fiume, ma di spighe aurate 
 Cinge Acragante le sue chiome bionde. 
 
 While other rivers roll a troubled course, 
 
 And crowns of sedge, and marshy mallows wear ; 
 
 Blithe Acragas a crystal current pours, 
 
 And braids with golden sheaves his auburn hair. 
 
 54 The same quality is inherent in their descendants. The 
 translator had often occasion to remark this, during his tour 
 round the island. Was the heat intense, or a mule more than 
 ordinarily restive? the campieri were generally jocose upon 
 the occasion, which the translator could not always join in, as 
 he traversed in a lettiga the dangerous passes in the road from 
 Afelazzo to Cefaln. The Sicilians are naturally a fine people, 
 if they did but possess a better government. Here is another 
 
137 
 
 proof of Sicilian waggery. When the translator was at Marsala, 
 he was informed by the Cicerone, that he could shew the 
 house where Tullius lodged when at Lilybaeum. This the 
 translator was preparing to approach with nearly as much vene- 
 ration, as if he was going to tread the site of the Cuman, or 
 Tusculan villas. On his arrival at the house, which was sprucely 
 white-washed, and could not date earlier than the sixteenth 
 century j " Questa, Signer, fu la .casa dove dimorava il Signer 
 Cicerone, quando fu in Marsala," observed the guide, without 
 carrying much conviction with the words. He persisted that it 
 was. It presently appeared, that this was the house where the 
 guide's father had lived, who like his hopeful son, was Cicerone 
 of Marsala. 
 
 The witticism recorded by Cicero is excellent, when it is 
 remembered that Verres is Latin for boar. Horace has a line, 
 highly applicable to the Sicilian praetor 
 
 Verris obliquum meditantis ictum Sanguine donem. 
 
 53 Now Assaro, situated near the source of the Chrysas, the 
 modern Dittaino. It is built on one of the eminences of the 
 Junonian mountains, which are described by Diodorus, as being 
 remarkable for their fertility, and as affording a delightful shade 
 during the summer months ; he says also that they are watered by 
 the purest fountains, and that oaks of a large size and wild vines 
 grew on them. The translator found them now so different, 
 that a Verres would with difficulty find sufficient covert to hide 
 from his pursuers. He took up his abode for the night in a 
 miserable hovel on the Dittaino, the exhalations of which are 
 so noxious, that the peasants are obliged to burn heaps of straw 
 to prevent infection from the marsh miasma. The water of the 
 Chrysas is very bad ; it brought to his recollection what is told 
 of the waters of the Missisippi, that if a glass be filled with 
 them, one half becomes a sediment of thick slime. There are 
 some remains of the temple supposed of Chrysas ; for a view of 
 them, consult Houel voyage pittoresque des deux Siciles. 
 
138 
 
 Piclure of the Sicilian landscape from the banks of the 
 Dittaino, on the evening of the 24th June, 1808. 
 
 Slow rolls the smoke down ^Etna's snowy sides, 
 
 And the grey mist the purple vineyards hides. 
 
 Lo! on Symaethus 1 wave the moon-beams play, 
 
 Athwart yon cloud Sol shoots a crimson ray. 
 
 Fatigu'd the brawny reaper binds his sheaves. 
 
 While gentle airs just stir the locust's leaves j 
 
 Beneath yon hanging precipice's shade, 
 
 The wanton kids beside their dams are laid ; 
 
 And half conceal'd by undulating reeds, 
 
 Spent with meridian heat, the heifer feeds. 
 
 While from the shoots, which th* arm'd Opuntia spreads, 
 
 The freckled lizards raise their little heads ; 
 
 The red pomegranate blooms, and aloe grows, 
 
 Where the fat altars of Palicus rose. 
 
 56 The translator has endeavoured to exhibit it, as he found 
 it represented in an ancient Sicilian coin given by Gronovius. 
 See the frontispiece. 
 
 57 Now Gangi, or very nearly. The modern town is cele- 
 brated as having given birth to the second Sicilian painter, Lo 
 Zoppo di Gargi, who very much resembles II Calabrese in his 
 manner ; four of whose best pictures adorn the cathedral of 
 Castro-Giovanni. 
 
 58 Malta, too celebrated to have its antiquities treated in a 
 note. When the translator was at La Valetta, he was informed 
 that a learned Maltese was engaged in a work of the antiquities, 
 in which, no doubt, he will treat of the temple of Juno here- 
 alluded to. 
 
 There is an interesting inscription recorded by Abela in his 
 Malta Illustrala, which proves that the memory of Cicero was 
 Jield dear by the ancient Maltese ; 
 
 TVLLTOLA . M . TVLLII F 
 
139 
 
 When the translator was at Malta, he found in a field near 
 Citta Vecchia, an Ionic capital, of the temple of Juno, or Pro- 
 serpine. 
 
 59 In the original " servos Vencrios." The translator has 
 adopted the interpretation of Ernestus. These slaves may how- 
 ever have been procured hy Verres from Veneria, a city of 
 Hispania Baetica, known also under the name of Lebrissa, and 
 now called Lebrixa. 
 
 60 Now called II Mongibello. The translator enjoyed that 
 view, so unrivalled for its sublimity, at sun-rise on the 2gth 
 June, 1808. 
 
 " Cosa stupenda signer," exclaimed the guide, while the 
 dense and rapid volumes of smoke at one moment concealed, 
 at another rolled off, to discover the immeasurable prospect. 
 
 JEtna is divided into three regions : the regione pedemon- 
 tese, or cultivated region ; the regione nemcrosa, or woody ; 
 and the regione scoperta, or desert. The distance from Catania 
 to the crater by Nicolosi, is twenty-nine miles. In the desert 
 region, about half a mile from the crater, stand the ruins of an 
 ancient building, called La torre del filosofo. Some have ima- 
 gined it was an observatory, others, that it was built for the ac- 
 commodation of the Emperor Adrian when he ascended -/Etna, 
 and some have believed it to be the ruins of a temple of Vulcan; 
 that there was a temple to that deity on ^Etna, we know from 
 ^Elian, lib. xi. cap. 3. The following inscription was found in 
 the ruins, according to Gualder, but it bears strong marks of 
 being spurious. 
 
 AETNA THALIA 
 
 COELI ET TERRAE FILIA 
 
 IOVI DEORVM DEO PALICOS ET NECEM MIHI 
 
 PEPERl DIGS AC AETERNVM 
 
 IGNIFLVO MONTI ET VRBI IN LICTORE NOMEN 
 
 DEDI 
 NON PERITVRA HIS MOLIBVS. C 
 
HO 
 
 The translator has to claim indulgence for introducing here 
 particulars of the eruption of Mongibelio, which took place 'in 
 March, 1800. 
 
 Since the year 1793, the discharges from JEtna were unat- 
 tended by important consequences, till the month of March 
 1809, when an eruption took place unparalleled for the devas- 
 tation it caused, since the memorable year of 1(X)3. The ocular 
 testimony of many English resident in Messina, and more espe- 
 cially of the Messinese Chiavetta, will afford an additional in- 
 terest to a circumstantial account, which will be acceptable to 
 those who are inclined to suspect Borelli and Carrera of exag- 
 geration in the descriptions of the phaenomeria, they each wit- 
 nessed. 
 
 During the month of February, 180p, scarcely any smoke 
 was perceptible on ./Etna j at intervals, it ceased entirely. The 
 Catanians, Messinese, and circumjacent villagers, were kept in 
 cruel suspense, and momentarily expected that this unusual 
 calm was a prelude to some ravaging eruption or earthquake. 
 
 they trembled lest the force 
 
 Of subterraneous wind transport a hill 
 
 Torn from Pelorus, or the shatter'd side 
 
 Of thund'ring JEtna, whose combustible 
 
 And fuell'd entrails thence conceiving fire, 
 
 Sublim'd with min'ral fury aid the winds, 
 
 And leave a singed bottom all involv'd 
 
 In stench and smoke MILTON. 
 
 Nor were their fears ill-grounded. For at four A. M. on 
 the morning of the 2/th of March, the inhabitants of the little 
 village of Lingua-grossa were awakened by smart shocks of 
 earthquake, and having fled from their dwellings, beheld the 
 atmosphere qbscured by dense volumes of smoke, which issued 
 from the crater; at half past five, a more terrible shock suc- 
 ceeded, which was felt in all the villages from Le Giarre to 
 Randazzo. At seventeen minutes past six, a perpendicular 
 
141 
 
 column of the blackest smoke was sent forth, which spread 
 for the distance of seventy miles, a shower of scoriae of various 
 dimensions. At seven A.M. the ashes began to fall in Messina, 
 distant from yEtria in a right line about forty miles, and in one 
 hour the streets and adjacent country were covered with them. 
 The roofs of the houses in the villages to the north-east of the 
 mountain, were overspread to the depth of four inches, which 
 obliged the peasants to drive the cattle to the plains, or they 
 would have perished for hunger. The eruption lasted-six hours. 
 The atmosphere was cloudy, and the wind blew strongly from 
 the south. For ^he remainder of the day, nothing was dis- 
 charged but a great profusion of smoke, and the mountain ap- 
 peared gradually to resume its tranquillity. At mid-day how- 
 ever on the 28th, the convulsions increased, accompanied by- 
 loud hissings and explosions. Finally, the burning matter having 
 surmounted all obstacles, opened for itself a passage in a spot 
 called, II piano dell' Etna, and almost at the same moment, two 
 others were opened at the distance of ten miles from the first, 
 at a place called La Taoca di Coriazzo : both of these spots are 
 situated in the desert region. At this time the sky was serene, 
 Drops of Avater were then observed to fall on the cinders, which 
 revived, in the opinion of many, the old idea of a communi- 
 cation of the jEtnaean fire with the sea. But the philosopher 
 will trace the origin of the water to another source. He : will 
 look upon /Etna as a grand chemical laboratory, and the drops 
 of water as a necessary result of the union of the oxygen and 
 hydrogen gasses. At half past twelve A. M. flames were shot 
 forth to a great elevation from these apertures j and the burn- 
 ing scoriae formed a rain of fire similar to what is seen in the 
 finest fire-works. On the following day the first eruption 
 seemed extinguished, and nothing issued but a whitish smoke, 
 having, to use the phrase of Ferrara, la morlidezza di cotone. 
 Nevertheless, flames and lava were still emitted from the two 
 apertures in La Tacca di Coriazzo. The fiery torrent pursued 
 fe-north-east direction, and having passed the plain, descended 
 
with great rapidity that part of the mountain, overhanging 
 Randazzo. 
 
 It is five hundred paces in breadth, and having destroyed 
 lofty pines and beeches in its course, stopped at the mountain 
 of S. Maria, having performed a journey of six miles. Five 
 ravins from which the fire issued, are to be seen in this plain, 
 in a right line one above another, of such a depth, as to make 
 the spectator tremble. In the mean time the ashes continued 
 falling in abundance. On the 2pth the shocks were more 
 frequent, the hissings and intonations louder, and the villagers 
 on JEtna apprehended a dismal catastrophe. Their fears were 
 realized \ for at fifteen minutes after seven, the earth opened 
 in many points in the woody region to form new craters, and 
 desolate with fire the surrounding country. At the distance of 
 nine Italian miles from La Tacca di Coriazzo, stands one of the 
 component mountains of ^Etna, called II Monte Rosso. It is 
 chiefly covered with majestic pines, which never experienced 
 the stroke of the hatchet. At the root of this mountain, 
 towards Castiglione and Lingua-grossa, lies an inclined plain 
 covered with pines above, and aged oakes below, in extent 
 about seven miles. A little below, in a right line with Castig- 
 lione, and in a spot called La Dagla di Banditi, a few clays 
 preceding, some labourers had remarked a number of small 
 rents, from which a light sulphureous smoke was emitted. On 
 the evening of the 2Qth, during a smart earthquake, twenty 
 apertures were formed at one instant, from which burning 
 matter was forced to a prodigious height, which presently re- 
 duced to ashes a grove of pine trees contiguous. The lava 
 flowed with surprising rapidity in various directions, and speedily 
 filled up the adjacent valley. Two- of these fissures were more 
 remarkable than the others, but their diameter could not be 
 estimated j for the excessive heat and volleys of stories that 
 were discharged, hindered the most enterprizing spectator from 
 approaching sufficiently near. The first day the Java covered a 
 tract two thousand paces in length, and fifteen hundred in 
 
143 
 
 breadth. The first layer flowed with less velocity than the 
 second, that with less than the third; at last it proceeded with 
 great violence, no sooner tearing up than annihilating the trees 
 that lay in its way, and exhibiting on its surface large masses, 
 which, red hot beneath, but black above, appeared so many 
 substances floating in a lake of fire. In process of time, the 
 first lava became condensed, and the above mentioned masses 
 formed a dike to the successive eruptions, and turned their 
 course. By reason also of these mounds, the stream was re- 
 pelled, and heaped to a considerable height upon the first lava. 
 On its egress, an ebullition was observed, similar to what is 
 seen in the ore of iron founderies. The torrent advanced with 
 increased violence on the thirtieth, and thirty-first of March, 
 and threatened the cultivated lands with ruin. On the thirty- 
 first it spread devastation over the plain of Galiazzi, which 
 bounded the delicious grove of CastigHone. On the first of 
 April, the eruption presented a phenomenon, which adds 
 weight to the theory of the immortal Lavoisier, relative to the 
 composition and decomposition of water through fire. At fif- 
 teen minutes past nine, A. M. a quantity of dense smoke pro- 
 ceeded from the two rents specified above, which raised to a 
 considerable height in the atmosphere, before serene, was 
 dilated, and formed a black cloud about two thousand paces in 
 diameter, which presently discharged a copious shower of large 
 hailstones upon the red-hot lava. The instantaneous decom- 
 position of the elements of the hail, and sudden inflammation 
 of the hydrogen, caused so loud an explosion, that from the 
 contact of each hailstone with the lava, noise was occasioned 
 as violent as from the discharge of cannon of large calibre. To 
 use the words of Borelli descriptive of a former eruption : * 
 
 * That of 1693, indisputably the most violent of the erup- 
 tions of jEtna, which destroyed sixty towns, and killed seventy- 
 thousand people ; eighteen thousand of which perished in the 
 ruins of Catania. See Ferrara Storia Generale dell' 
 Catania, 1793. 
 
144 
 
 ' talera ac tamurn edilmn fuisse sonitnm, quantum vix redderent 
 omnia quae ubique terrarum sunt tormenta bellica, si vel uno 
 ictu exploderentur." That an adequate idea may be formed 
 of this phenomenon, an English officer stationed at La Sca- 
 letta, thirty miles from ./Etna, compared even there, this con- 
 tinued explosion to a brisk fire from numerous batteries. In 
 the mean time the inhabitants of Linguagrossa and Castiglione, 
 when they saw their beautiful vineyards converted into enor- 
 mous and barren mounds of lava, instituted a penitential pro- 
 cession, in which they bore the images of their saints to the 
 borders of the lava, hoping thus to avert its progress. By the 
 second of April, the burning torrent had covered a superficies 
 of seven square miles, and formed three tumuli of scoriae, two 
 of which stand on one base. On the fifth, it reached the vine- 
 yards near Castiglione, and there stopped. But towards Lin- 
 guagrossa., it continued to proceed, and laid waste an estate, the 
 annual rental of which was four hundred and fifty pounds. By 
 the sixth, the accumulation of large masses had presented great 
 obstacles to its farther progress, and the stream expanded in 
 breadth, now reached an ancient lava, which at first opposed 
 its course -, but the burning matter acquiring a constant acces- 
 sion of strength, overcame and cleared it. On the seventh, 
 its progress was sensibly diminished ; but showers of ashes were 
 discharged in great quantities, which darkened the atmosphere 
 around, and cannot be better described than in the emphatic 
 words of Seneca, commemorating the effects of an ancient 
 eruption. '" ^Etna ingentem vim arenae urentis eftudit; invo- 
 lutus est dies pulvere, populosque subita nox terruit." On the 
 evening of the eighth, a violent rain ensued, which continuing 
 for twenty-four hours, contributed to condense and extinguish 
 the burning efTLuvia, which totally ceased to flow on the tenth, 
 having been in activity for thirteen days. It Is difficult to come 
 at a correct estimate of the lava discharged, which must consist 
 of an incredible number of cubic feet. For it extends in length 
 about six thousand paces, in "greatest breadth, two thousand 
 
145 
 
 five hundred, in least, one thousand ; which gives for the super- 
 ficies ten and one half square miles, or very nearly. Its mean 
 depth may be estimated at about twenty-four feet. It is 
 worthy of remark, that Stromboli, which is always in activity, 
 ceased to eject flames during this period. Vesuvius also was 
 quiet, but it was in active travail on the eleventh, when the 
 conflagrations of ,/Etna had ceased. Such are the particulars of 
 an eruption, still fresh in the memory of many English, who 
 were eye-witnesses of the devastation it caused j and who may 
 address each other in the words of Virgil : 
 
 quoties Cyclopum effervere in agros 
 Vidimus itndantem ruptis fornacibus JEtnam 
 Flammanimque globos liquefactaque volvere saxa ! 
 
 For another discharge took place in January, 1812, and the 
 lava flowed to within a league of Catania. Though far worse 
 eruptions have occurred, yet it may be questioned whether we 
 have any record of ./Etna being in such active travail as in the 
 commencement- of the nineteenth century. 
 
 Syllabus of the mineralogy of jEtna, compiled from the 
 general history of the mountain by the Abate Ferrara, of the 
 /Etnaean Academy, Catania. 
 
 Varieties. 
 Simple lavas 4 
 
 Lavas in which feldspath predominates . . 35 
 
 Lavas in which crystals predominate 13' 
 
 Lavas in which chrysolites predominate 5 
 
 Porous lavas 9 
 
 Scoriae 8 
 
 Cinders 7 
 
 Sands 9 
 
 Puzzolani 8 
 
 Lavas which have more than once sustained the 
 
 action of fire r> 
 
 Substances in which sal-ammoniac predominates 3 
 L 
 
146 
 
 Varieties, 
 Metallic substances in which iron predominates 3 
 
 Lavas decomposed by sulphuric acid vapours ..... 2O 
 Lavas decomposed by the influence of the atmo- 
 sphere and water 15 
 
 Substances created by the filtration of water in the 
 lavas , 14 
 
 Agglutination of various volcanic substances 7 
 
 Airs sulphureous, hepatic, inflammable. 
 
 Smokes white, morbidezza di cotone, black. 
 
 Plants flourishing on the decomposed lavas. 
 
 Asphodelus lutaeus, Angelica sylvestris, Psoratea bituml- 
 nosa, Securidaca Sicula, Melissa Calamintha, Valeriana major 
 rubra, Physalis somnifera, Caucolis Daucoides, Scandix odorata, 
 Alsine orbiculatis foKis, Herniaria glabra, Scutellaria, Sedum 
 album, Galium verum, Daphne laureola, Stellar ia nemorum, 
 Xigustrum vulgare, Atropa mandragora, Lycopsis arvensis, 
 Clematis vitalba, Seneciajacobea, Bunias Cakile, Genista florida, 
 Hippomarathrum siculurn, Pastinaea Opoponax, Vitex Agnus- 
 castus, Acanthus mollis, Ruscus aculeatus, Tanacetum vulgare, 
 Berberis vulgaris, Astragalus Tragacantha, Juniperus communis, 
 Rheum Rhaponticum, Cactus Opuntia, Pistacia Terebinthus, 
 Pistacia foemina, &c. 
 
 Elevation of ^Etna according to Dolomieu 10,080 feet above 
 the level of the sea. 
 
 Of the great men, who, attracted by the phcenomena of this 
 wonderful volcano, have visited Sicily, Plato stands in the first 
 rank, who, according to Apuleius, * came expressly to investi- 
 gate its nature. The fate of Empedocles, and the story of one 
 of his slippers having been thrown up from the crater, is toot 
 well known to need repetition > it is however more than pro- 
 
 * Platonis tres in Siciliam adventus : prim, histoiiae gratia* 
 ut yEtnae naturam, et incendia concavi mentis intelligeret 
 APUL. 
 
147 
 
 bable, that his suicide which the poets * have attributed to a 
 wish of immortalizing himself, was merely the result of a 
 violent hypochondriac affection. I do not find that Cicero 
 mentions his having explored this volcano j but as we know that 
 he was twice in Sicily, we may conclude that he did not let slip 
 the opportunity of gratifying his active mind with a sight of th 
 most remarkable feature of the island. According to Donatus, 
 Virgil explored JEtna, and if we may believe their commen- 
 tators, Pindar> and Cornelius Severus, have each observed the 
 phenomenon, which is described in their respective works. 
 
 Ovid f in his elegy to Macer brings to his recollection, that 
 they witnessed an eruption together. And Spartianus relates 
 that the Emperor Adrian went twice to the crater, with the 
 hopes of seeing the sun rise and present the appearance of a 
 rainbo\v. It is extraordinary that Homer, who places the scene 
 of part of his Odyssey in Sicily, should have omitted the de- 
 scription of ^Etna, a subject so worthy the sublimest efforts of 
 his Muse. 
 
 This volcano so panic-struck with its fires the Emperor 
 Caligula, J that he fled precipitately from Messina by night, 
 after having laughed at Polyphemus and his crew. 
 
 Among the moderns, Pietro Bembo, who has composed a 
 dialogue on this mountain, the indefatigable Kluver, who 
 
 * deus immortalis haberi 
 
 Dum cupit Empedocles, ardentem frigidus 
 
 Insiluit. HORAT. 
 
 f Te duce magnificas Asiae perspeximus urbes ; 
 
 Trinacris est oculis, te duce, nota meis. 
 Vidimus ^Etnaea coelum splendescere flamma, 
 
 Suppositus cineri quam vomit ore Gigas. 
 t Peregrinatione quidem Siciliensi, irrisis multcrum loco- 
 rum miraculis, repentc eMessana noctuprofugit, ,/Etnae ivertids 
 fumo ac murmure pavefactus. SUET on. 
 
148 
 
 travelled over all Sicily on foot, Klavius, Grienberger, Kircher, 
 Spallanzani, Hamilton, and Schot, have all come to contemplate 
 and admire the wonders of /Etna. Neither have we any 
 grounds for surprize, why this mountain should present such 
 attractions, not only to the natural philosopher, but also to the 
 lover of the picturesque and sublime. If we refer to Burke, 
 who has analyzed the sublime more philosophically than any 
 one else, we shall find that Mongibello unites more of its qua- 
 lities than perhaps any spot in the world. " To make any 
 thing very terrible," says that illustrious man, <f obscurity seems 
 in general to be necessary." And what can be blacker than 
 the desert region, or what obscurer, than the dense smoke that 
 descends its sides ? " All general privations are great, because 
 they are terrible," says the same philosopher, <( vacuity, dark- 
 ness, solitude, and silence." And where are these to be found 
 more complete than in the regione scoperta by night ? Not a 
 tree, not a shrub, not a blade of grass, not a bird, is there to be 
 seen. When the translator traversed this solitude by night, the 
 wind howled over the dreary waste with a noise similar to what 
 is heard in the shrouds of a man of war, during a gale. " Great- 
 ness of dimension is a powerful cause of the sublime." And 
 where is there more extension either in circumference, height, 
 or depth, than from the edge of the crater of Mongibello ? * 
 
 * It is true there are many higher mountains, but pro- 
 bably none which rise so high immediately from the sea, if we 
 except the Peak of Teneriffe -, or if there be any, they are not 
 accessible. With regard to the Alps or Andes, it may be 
 questioned, whether the view from the highest is so imposing 
 as from yEtna, for they are surrounded by other mountains 
 nearly of equal altitude, which must break the surrounding 
 prospect. /Etna on the contrary, in the words of a Sicilian 
 author, " Si eleva solo, e tutto monta in se stesso, sollevando 
 la supefba sua testa, senza congiunzione di verun' altro 
 monte." 
 
149 
 
 (< Another source of greatness is difficulty." And what can 
 be more difficult than the struggHngs in the interior of the 
 mountain which in the year 1 730 ejected a mass of lava six feet 
 in diameter and ten in length, and which is still to be seen 
 a little below the crater? " Magnificence." And what can 
 be more magnificent than the prospect of the sea, as seen 
 through the gigantic trees, in the regione nemorosa, the ap- 
 pearance of the heavens, or the view itself from the summit * 
 " Light," And what can be more striking than the rising sun 
 seen from the crater, which appears some minutes before it is 
 discernible below ? Or what more imposing than the light 
 afforded by an eruption ? In Catania, ex splendore ipsius ignis 
 quamvis nox erat, ibant gentes ac si lumen in manibus aspor- 
 tassent. Selvaggio, in his description of the eruption of 153(5. 
 " Colour." " An immense mountain covered with a shining 
 turf is nothing in this respect, to one dark and gloomy." This 
 is precisely il Mongibello. " Sound and loudness." And what 
 can be more tremendous than the explosions and intonations, 
 not only during an eruption, but frequently in the usual state 
 of the mountain ? " Suddenness, and intermitting noises " 
 Nowhere more remarkable than on JElna. " Stenches." 
 What can be more mephitic than the sulphureous exhalations ? 
 " Power." Arid what can furnish a higher idea of the power 
 of the First Cause, than the contemplation of ^Etna ? The lines 
 of Lucretius can hardly fail of striking the classic and philo- 
 sophic traveller who reaches the summit. 
 
 His tibi me rebus quaedam divina voluptas 
 Percipit atque horror, quod sic Natura tua vi 
 Tarn manifesta patet ex omni parte retecta ! 
 
 61 The fountain Cyane, now called La Pisma. There is a 
 correct view of it in Wilkins's Antiquities of Graecia Magna. 
 
 63 See the frontispiece. The oi:ly fragment of the temple 
 ol" Ceres which the translator could find was a small column ; 
 
150 
 
 one half was fluted perpendicularly, the other *pirally. For a 
 circumstantial account of the antiquities of Enna, with a cri* 
 tiqae on the De Raptu Proserpinae of Claudian, see a Memoir 
 by the translator in the Classical Journal No. IX. The site of 
 the temple of Ceres, is one of the most picturesque spots in 
 Sicily. See the annexed view. 
 
 63 Sperlinga, or very nearly, remarkable as having been the 
 only town which did not join in the Sicilian vespers. Quod 
 Siculis placuit Sperlinga sola negavit. 
 
 64 The translator, as nearly as he can guess, estimates the 
 circumference of ancient Syracuse, at eighteen miles. The an- 
 tiquities have been so faithfully given by Wilkins, in his Graecia 
 Magna, that though the translator has collected many docu- 
 ments, he thinks it superfluous to give them here. There is 
 an error of Mirabella, which he cannot however resist noticing, 
 especially as it relates to the man of Arpinum. Mirabella 
 places the tomb of Archimedes within the walls of Neapolis, 
 but probably erroneously. For Cicero, when quaestor in 
 Sicily, says, that he discovered that monument overrun with 
 brambles. Now is it likely that a tomb of so illustrious a man 
 should be left in that condition, in a populous part of the city ? 
 Tully adds, that it was without the Agragian gates. May we 
 not plausibly infer that those were in the exterior walls of 
 Neapolis, and faced, as the name would imply, the direction of 
 Agrigentum ? The translator is therefore inclined to assign 
 the probable situation of the Syracusan philosopher's tomb 
 without those gates ; and somewhere near the Anapus (Alfpo) 
 was most likely the spot, 
 
 Where Tully paused amid the wrecks of time, 
 
 On the rude stone, to trace the truth sublime j 
 
 When at his feet, in honour'd dust disclos'd, 
 
 The immortal sage of Syracuse repos'd. ROGERS. 
 
 It is remarkable, that in the ruins of so splendid a city, 
 yhere the arts and sciences were carried to such perfectioni 
 
151 
 
 more interesting inscriptions have not been discovered. Now, 
 of the few which are preserved, there is nothing better than 
 this: 
 
 K 
 NE0APJ TfKNION 
 
 XAIPt 
 
 0ANIN ntnPOTAI 
 Or this : 
 
 K 
 
 H <!>IA KEIZAI 
 TAYTAN <I>ATO MOPZIMON 
 
 There are few spots so gratifying to the classic traveller aa 
 Syracuse. For on retracing the leading features of its history, 
 the reader is impressed with a greater interest, than in the 
 perusal of the annals pf other nations of antiquity. They are 
 not so mucljt stained with nefarious proceedings as those of 
 Athens, Carthage, or Rome j and, generally speaking, we shall 
 find that Syracuse was seldom the aggressor, that she waged 
 war chiefly to repel injuries, and but rarely from motives of 
 ambition. This has been happily recorded in the following 
 lines by Julius Caesar Scaliger. 
 
 Ilia ego sum Romae labor, atque injuria Pseni, 
 
 Pro me etiam cladis Graecia sensit onus. 
 Figere quae voluore aliis in sedibus arma, 
 
 Exturbata jacent sedibus orba suis. 
 
 That Syracuse I am, whose mighty arm 
 
 Proud Carthage of her great resources drain'd ; 
 
 For me Rome delug'd Sicily with blood, 
 
 And Greece for me a weight of woes sustain'd. 
 
 Those armies that with headstrong fury fraught, 
 To wrest their right from others basely try'd -, 
 
 Expel I'd their own domains my vengeance fejt, 
 And prostrate at my feet ignobly dy'd. 
 
The remembrance of Marcellus, on whom so splendid a 
 panegyric is conferred by Cicero, will naturally lead the stranger 
 who visits Syracuse, to the ruins of the castle of Labdalus, 
 where that general, in the midst of victory, gave proofs that the 
 bloody toil of war had not obliterated from his heart those sen- 
 timents which do honour to human nature. In arce earum 
 constititj casum ejus lugubrem intuens, fletum cohibere non 
 potuit. Val. Max. Those who visit spots celebrated in the 
 page of history, experience a double satisfaction when the re- 
 membrance is at once awakened by the accomplishment of a 
 brilliant exploit, and the display of the amiable qualities of the 
 heart. Who does not feel a greater emotion at the idea of 
 Marcellus melting into tears, than at that of his being borne in 
 triumph along the Flaminian way, the eager Romans accosting 
 each other, nearly in the words of the poet ? 
 
 Aspice ut insignis spoliis Marcellus oplmis 
 . Ingreditur, victorque viros supereminet omnes ! 
 
 Inscription preserved at Nola in Italy, commemorating 
 Marcellus. 
 
 M. CL . MARCELLO 
 ROMANORVM . ENSI . 
 FVGATO . HANNIBALE 
 DIREPTIS . SYRACVSIS 
 
 V . CONS 
 S . P . Q . NOLANVS 
 
 Other inscriptions commemorating two of the Marcelli, one 
 of whom we find was praetor of Sicily, both recorded by 
 Castelli. 
 
 .... RER .... 
 . . . . L . CORN . . 
 MARCELLVS .... 
 PR . PROV . SiCIL . L . . . 
 PR . PROV . EIVSD . PRO . . . 
 EX MVLTIS 
 

 153 
 
 C . BVLTIO . GEMINIO 
 MARCELLO CI ---- 
 IN . HONOREM 
 GEMINI . TITIANI 
 PATRIS . XII . TRIE 
 PATRONO . MERENTI 
 
 The ruins of both of the temples mentioned by Cicero, are 
 still to be seen. The temple of Minerva is become the cathe- 
 dral. And the fragments of the temple of Diana are in a pri- 
 vate house. 
 
 The fountain of Arethusa so celebrated by the poets, is still 
 protected by a stone wall, from the incursion of the sea. It is 
 now the rendezvous of all the- washer-women in Syracuse, who 
 prove by their prating disposition, that they are descended 
 from Gorgo and Praxinoe in a rigfy line. Notwithstanding its 
 present uninspiring appearance, mere are some Greek verses, 
 preserved in the Anthologia, relative to this fountain, which 
 the translator subjoins in English. 
 
 hunc Arethusa, mini concede laborem, 
 Sic tibi cum fluctus subterlabere Sicanos, 
 Doris amara suam non intermisceat undam ! 
 
 nai. si. 
 
 Impassion'd Alpheus ! down whose sacred stream 
 
 Roll the bright crowns of Pisa's dusty plain, 
 
 Tranquil awhile : anon precipitate 
 
 Hurries thy rapid wave athwart the trackless main 
 
 Thou bears' t the pledges of thy ardent hopes 
 
 T' enjoy Sicilian Arethusa's charms ; 
 
 Th' enamour' d nymph receives thee panting, faint, 
 
 And locks her wat'ry lover in her arms. 
 
 And gently wipes the briny weed away, 
 
 And prints upon his lips the burning kiss ; 
 
154 
 
 Th' Olympic stream in am'rous fetters bound. 
 Pants on her breast, and quaffs ecstatic bliss. 
 * * * * * 
 
 Thy Syracusan bride delights no more ; 
 Melting desire from thy breast is fled ; 
 The purple blushes rise no more thy Hood 
 Tinges the deep, or Arethusa's bed. 
 Yet oft the thought of tasted joy returns, 
 On am'rous converse bent, thon speed'st away j 
 But fly'st, at seeing thy lov'd mistress' wave 
 Bright, and untainted with the briny spray 
 Fair Arethusa by Pelorus sees 
 Her weeping lover pine, and beats her breast j 
 Wastes like the dew on fragrant roses shed, 
 And sinks, by sympathetic grief oppress'd. 
 
 fl5 This street is still visible 5 and still exhibits the rut* of 
 carriage wheels. 
 
 66 For the detail of its remains see Wilkins. 
 
 67 This statue was transported to Rome by Tiberius, ao 
 cording to Mirabella. Alter Verres ! 
 
 63 Manuzio proposed fraxineas for gramineas. The trans- 
 lator often saw in Sicily, large reeds of sufficient size and stiff- 
 ness for the fabrication of spears. He has therefore followed 
 the old reading. 
 
 69 In the original ef etiamne id concupisti?" The trans- 
 lator proposes " eas" 
 
 70 Fine vein of irony, continued afterwards. The translator 
 has endeavoured to restore the Sappho in the frontispiece. 
 
 71 According to Pliny, Silanion flourished in the hundred 
 and fourteenth Olympiad ; he was cotemporary with Lysippus, 
 and was. self-taught. Zeuxis and lades were his scholars. He 
 cast a statue of Apollodorus, who was so passionately fond of 
 his art, that he could never be satisfied with his productions j 
 often destroying the finest of his works. Silanion executed 3 
 
155 
 
 fine statue of Achilles, and a wrestler. He was a native of 
 Athens, and made a statue of Plato, which was placed in the 
 academy. He executed also a Corinna in bronze, a dying 
 Jocasta, and a Theseus. Junius de Pict. veter. passim. 
 
 79 Verres probably wrenched out the letters, and the holes 
 which were left, still indicated the lines of the epigram j or we 
 must suppose that another epigram was inscribed commemorat- 
 ing the theft. 
 
 73 Here the classical reader will no doubt bring to mind, 
 that if Marcellus inquired for the living Archimedes, Cicero 
 did not forget, when quaestor, to be informed of the spot where 
 he lay ; and of which so entertaining an account is preserved in 
 the Tusculan Questions, book v. ch. 23. 
 
 74 The city of Reggio suffered severely from the earthquake 
 of 1782, and bears dreadful marks of the devastation it caused. 
 The translator could find nothing of the ancient Rhegium, but a 
 few mutilated granite columns. 
 
 75 The Venus here alluded to was probably the work of 
 Pythagoras, a native of Rhegium ; whose skill Pliny comme- 
 morates. He executed the Europa on a bull preserved at Ta- 
 rentum. Tatianus. The Satyr was perhaps one of his works -, 
 unless Cicero alluded to the celebrated one of Praxiteles called 
 FIERI BOHTOX. On the Cnidian Venus and Thespian 
 Cupid by the same sculptor, see a preceding note. The 
 Ephesian Alexander painted by Apelles, as well as the Coan 
 Venus, are mentioned by Pliny. Speaking of the first, he says 
 " Digit! eminere videntur, et fulrnen extra tabulam esse." The 
 Ajax and Medea here alluded to by Cicero, was probably the 
 work of Timanthes, in which he excelled Parrhasius, Plin. lib. 
 xxxv. cap. 10. The lalysus was the finest of the works of 
 Protogenes j for a circumstantial account of which see Plin. 
 loc. citat. When Demetrius besieged Rhodes, he abstained 
 from setting fire to the city for the sake of this picture. The 
 Paralus mentioned by Cicero, was also a work of Protogenes,, 
 an4 placed within the Propylaea at Athens. Plin. ubi supru\ 
 
156 
 
 76 Verrutius, fictitious name which Verres used to mask hi* 
 frauds. In this sentence the words " praeclaras tabulas" occur. 
 They may indeed refer to the registers of Carpinatius, in which 
 Verres was entered under the false title of Verrutius ; but the- 
 words here probably mean " fine pictures 5" for the orator 
 would surely not have discussed a knotty point of law for the 
 sake of recreation ; let us then imagine that Cicero in company 
 with some Roman knights amused himself in the picture gallery 
 of Carpinatius, at the same time indulging in some ironical 
 sallies on the spurious Verres. 
 
 77 It would appear that Heraclius made Verres his heir, 
 who probably to court favour with the wrestlers, promised to 
 consign the property to them ; part of which however he took 
 care to keep back. 
 
 78 Probably a former proconsul of Sicily. 
 

 
 THE 
 
 PLEADING 
 
 CONCERNING THE 
 
 PUNISHMENTS. 
 

 
TH1 
 
 ARGUMENT, 
 
 WRITTEN BY QUINTUS HORTENSIUS.* 
 
 THE fifth and last book of the pleadings against Caius Verres, 
 is beyond comparison the finest. As often as any one peruses 
 the elegant and numerous descriptions of the plunder of the 
 statues in the fourth book $ of the violated temples, and pillaged 
 monuments of Sicily j as often as it is suggested to him with 
 what pathos, with what power of language, the calamity and 
 flight of Sthenius, or the catastrophe and punishment of the 
 Philodami, is described in the preceding books, it would appear 
 that nothing could be added to that elegance and volubility of 
 language, or to the power and dignity of the eloquence. But 
 as soon as he casts his eye on this book, it then becomes evident 
 that Tully only before glanced intentionally at the other iniqui- 
 ties of Verres, that he might insist upon the cruelties practised 
 on Roman citizens, with the greater vehemence, and display in 
 the narration all his powers. 
 
 Cicero might almost seem in his former pleadings only to 
 Lave dipped into the brook of his eloquence, but in this, to have 
 rolled forth his whole torrent in the description of the punish- 
 ments of the captains and of Gavius, and in so atrocious a case, 
 to have consumed all the elocutory powers he possessed ; did 
 tiot he who was born by a special interposition of heaven, and 
 m whom eloquence was destined to exhibit all her powers-, 
 
160 
 
 produce new and unexpected flashes of his exuberant and im- 
 mortal genius. 
 
 It was no longer doubtful that Verres had given in to every 
 species of fraud and depredation, in the most shameless manner ; 
 and that this most abandoned and avaricious man was so clearly 
 convicted, that no room for pleading in his defence appeared 
 left. But since the duties of praetors were two-fold j namely, 
 the administration of the laws, and the direction of war; 
 Hortensius could build his defence on that point, and divert the 
 attention from his avarice, to the praises of his military valour. 
 Cicero therefore having combated and gained the other points, 
 in this book, attacks the citadel of his adversary, and pretends, 
 as in the- preceding pleadings, that the defence of Verres is 
 valid: that for the good of the state, he had sold the tithes 
 for so large a sum, that he had bought, not plundered the pic- 
 tures, statues, and other ornaments of Sicily. These pretended 
 pleas nevertheless he presently tears to pieces, and attacks him 
 in this oration, by a similar stratagem. He takes as a fictitious 
 ground of argument, the military virtue so cried up by Hor- 
 tensius, and contends that his right to the title of good general 
 ought to be eradicated from the opinions of the judges. Tully 
 does not refute this plea of his adversary by argument, but by 
 embellishing and exaggerating it. And he never opposes him 
 so happily as when he develops those playful and facetious 
 sallies, which enliven the narration throughout, and by which 
 the defence of Verres is wholly turned into ridicule. This is 
 the first part of the contest. But when Cicero enters upon the 
 second, and melts into tears, as he describes the tortures of 
 slaves applied to Roman citizens, and the captains of ships, he 
 excites at once in his audience sentiments of indignation, hatred; 
 and compassion, not only by the recollection of the unhappy 
 lot of the sufferers, of the scene, and mode of their punishment, 
 but also by the proof of the goodness of his own heart. The 
 style then of this oration, is most deeply impressive to those 
 who read it, It not merely fascinates, but overwhelms them 
 
with horror. This is effected not only by the painful idea of 
 the infliction of tortures, but by the astonishing profusion of 
 facetious and ironical sallies, to which the descriptions and 
 fictions add force. They are frequent in this book, and so 
 highly wrought, as to strike the imagination deeply, by placing 
 the circumstance before the eyes, so as to appear to be actually 
 carried on, rather than described. But since weariness is near 
 a-kin to the highest pleasures, and an oration, however bril- 
 liantly coloured, could not for ever please, it was necessary for 
 the orator to exhibit his skill in darkly shading some parts of his 
 speech, that it might be more gratifying from its variety, and 
 not weary by profusion of ornament ; that the brilliant parts> 
 in fine, might stand out conspicuous. 
 

169 
 
 racy. The case is laid before Verres. The sus- 
 picious persons are immediately apprehended, 
 and brought to Lilybasum, as may be imagined. 
 Their master is ordered to attend ; a trial takes 
 place, and they are condemned. /.What do you 
 infer from this, my Lords ? Do you think they 
 were guilty of some thvft or depredation? By 
 no means expect it. In the fear of war, what 
 room can there be for pillaging ? And if an oc- 
 casion presented itself, it was passed over in 
 this case. He could then deprive Leonidas of 
 some of his money, when he summoned him in 
 his presence. There was some scandalous cor- 
 ruption, not unpractised by him before, that 
 Leonidas should not plead his cause, and another 
 bribery must have been attempted to effect the* 
 acquittal of the slaves. Since the slaves were 
 condemned, what power could they have of 
 robbing? They must notwithstanding suffer 
 punishment. Those of the council are wit- 
 nesses of this ; the public records attest it ; the 
 splendid city of Lilybseum itself attests it; an 
 honourable and great assembly of Roman citi- 
 zens attest it. It is of no avail. They are to 
 be led forth, and tied to the stake. 
 
 You now, my Lords, appear to wish to be 
 apprized of the issue of this transaction ; for ho 
 never did any thing of this sqrt, without having 
 some lucre in view. What advantage then, do 
 
170 
 
 you apprehend, he gained from an occurrence 
 of this nature ? Picture to your imaginations, 
 as bad a deed as you are able, I will neverthe- 
 less surpass all your expectations. Condemned 
 with the imputation of crime and conspiracy? 
 though given over to punishment, and tied to 
 the stake, all of a sudden, in the presence of 
 many thousand spectators, they are released, 
 and restored to their master Leonidas! O frantic 
 manl what have you to say for yourself? ex- 
 cept that, which I do not seek to know, which 
 nevertheless, in so nefarious a case, though it 
 cannot be doubted, yet if doubted, should be 
 cleared up? How much money did you com- 
 pound for ? I will release you from your anxiety 
 on this score; neither am I apprehensive, of 
 your being able to persuade any one that you 
 accomplished this business for nothing; a deed 
 which no one but you, could have been tempted 
 to do, by any sum. But I will pass over that 
 system of bribery and robbing. I am now to 
 call in question the praise due to your military 
 skill. 
 
 What have you to say, my vigorous admi- 
 nistrator and defender of the province? Did 
 you dare to release those slaves from the stake, 
 whom you had ascertained to wish to take up 
 arms, and ravage Sicily with war, when you had 
 approved of the decree of the court which sen- 
 
171 
 
 tenced them to suffer the usual punishment? 
 Did you release them, for the sake of preserv- 
 ing that crucifix unstained, which you had 
 erected for condemned slaves, to impale inno- 
 cent Roman citizens? States verging to de- 
 struction, generally experience these disastrous 
 ends. The emancipation of the guilty, the re- 
 lease of convicts, the revocation of exiles, the 
 annulling of judiciary sentences usually mark 
 the close of their career. 5 In whatever state 
 these things occur, every body must be sensible 
 of its approaching ruin. And then it is that 
 its case is hopeless. And whenever these things 
 take place, they are so managed that noblemen 
 in favour with the people get their sentences of 
 banishment, or punishment annulled, but not by 
 those who preside at the tribunals ; but not im- 
 mediately ; but not if they be condemned of 
 those crimes, which affect the lives and fortunes 
 of the community. But this is an unprecedented 
 case and of such a nature, that it would appear 
 more credible on account of the character of the 
 person at the bar, than from the case itself; 
 that these slaves whom he himself had judged 
 as guilty of a crime which nearly affected the 
 lives and fortunes of all freemen, should all of 
 a sudden be let loose in the midst of their pu- 
 nishment. 
 
 O the consummate general ! surely not to 
 
res 
 
 be compared to the intrepid M. Aquillius, but 
 to the Paulli, the Scipios, the Marii ! Was he 
 thus far provident in the dangerous crisis of the 
 province? How much terror did he inspire 
 when he saw the dispositions of the slaves ia 
 Sicily held in suspense by the war which was 
 waging against them in Italy? He ordered 
 them to be seized. Who would not be alarmed? 
 The owners to plead for them. How terrible to 
 the slaves ? He said, they appeared to be im- 
 plicated in conspiracy ; and he seems to have 
 extinguished the flame of rebellion by the pu- 
 nishment and death of a few individuals. What 
 follows? Stripes, fire, tortures, and a crucifix, 
 for the sake of deterring others. They are all 
 liberated from these punishments. Who can 
 doubt but that he inspired the minds of the 
 slaves with the greatest terror, when they saw 
 the prsetor so indifferent as to give orders for 
 the release of conspirators, the executioner him- 
 self being the go-between? V.What? Did you 
 not treat Aristodamus of Apollonia, 6 and Leon 
 of Megara in the same way ? I ask, if that sedi- 
 tion of the slaves gave rise to activity in your 
 protection of the province, or to a new system 
 of the vilest peculation? 
 
 When the steward of Eumenides, a noble 
 and wealthy citizen of Alycia, 7 was impeached 
 by your orders, you took sixty sesterces from 
 
173 
 
 his master, and he lately deposed upon oath, 
 how it was transacted. You took a hundred, 
 from C. Matrinius, a Roman knight, in his ab- 
 sence, because you had said his stewards and 
 shepherds were suspicious persons. L. Flavius, 
 the bailiff of Matrinius, declared this, who 
 counted out the money to you. Matrinius him- 
 self declared it ; as will Cn. Lentulus the censor, 
 who took care to send you bills lately, on the 
 credit of Matrinius. p[s it possible to pass over 
 in silence the transaction relative to Apollonius 
 of Panormus, the son of Diocles, whose sur- 
 name is Geminus? What is clearer than this 
 case throughout Sicily, what more scandalous, 
 what more barefaced can be mentioned?. On 
 his arrival at Panormus, he ordered Apollonius 
 to be summoned before him from the seat of 
 judgment, in the presence of a great concourse 
 of people ; "Who began to wonder how he could 
 have so long suffered Apollonius, a wealthy 
 man, to enjoy his fortune unmolested. He me- 
 ditated therefore some plan or other. For no 
 opulent man is suddenly summoned by Verres 
 without some reason. \\\l were eagerly expect- 
 ing what that could be; when behold Apollo- 
 nius, panic struck, hastens towards him with 
 his young son. His father being decrepid with 
 age, had long been confined to his bed. Verres- 
 names a slave of his, who had looked after his 
 
174 
 
 cattle, and whom he accused of having entered 
 into a conspiracy, and excited other families 
 to do the same. There was no such slave in 
 his family. He orders him to be brought forth 
 instantaneously. Apollonius continued to de- 
 clare that he had no servant at all of that de- 
 scription. \yerres orders him to be forced away 
 from the seat of judgment, and to be thrown 
 into prison. The other exclaimed, as they were 
 hurrying him along, that he was wronged, had 
 done nothing, had committed nothing ; that he 
 possessed no ready money, but that some was 
 owing to him. While a great assembly of by- 
 standers witnessed these proceedings, any one 
 of whom was convinced that because he did 
 not surrender his money he was doomed to so 
 severe a punishment ; when, I affirm, he loudly 
 declared the same mUfifirning his money, he 
 was cast into prison.^ mark well the firmness 
 of our prastor, and or that praetor, who now 
 stands an accused person, and is not to be de- 
 fended as a man of moderate capacity, but to 
 be absolutely praised, as a consummate go- 
 vernor. At a period when the servile war was 
 apprehended, he inflicted that punishment on 
 innocent masters, from which he rescued guilty 
 slaves. He consigned Apollonius to prison, 
 with the pretext of there being a revolt among 
 his slaves, without suffering him to plead in his 
 
175 
 
 defence ; himself a wealthy man, and who, had 
 there been any commotions among the slaves 
 in Sicily, would have lost his valuable property. 
 The slaves, whom he ascertained to have con- 
 spired against the peace, without consulting 
 the opinion of the council, and of his own 
 doing, he emancipated from punishment wholly. 
 But if Apollonius had been implicated, how was 
 cognizance of his offence taken legitimately? 
 Shall we, notwithstanding, so state the case, that 
 we may think it ought to be imputed as crime, 
 or a subject of grudge to the accused, if he 
 judged any man with severity? i will not press 
 so hard upon him ; I will not avail myself of 
 that usual method of accusing ; if he has shewn 
 clemency in any case, I will not tax him with 
 negligence ; if he has punished any crime with 
 asperity, I will not draw over him the detesta- 
 tion due to cruelty, u say, I will not deal thus 
 with him ; I will follow your own verdicts, I 
 will defend your authority, as long as you please, 
 and abide by you, as soon as you begin to re- 
 scind your verdicts. Cease therefore to bear 
 animosity against me. For I will contend on 
 my own ground, that he who is condemned by 
 his own verdicts, ought to be so in the opi- 
 nions of judges upon oath. I will not defend 
 the cause of Apollonius, my host and friend, 
 for fear of rescinding your own verdict ; I will 
 
176 
 
 not commemorate the temperance, virtue, anct 
 activity of that man ; I will pass over the cir- 
 cumstance, to which I have before alluded, that 
 his property was so settled whether in slaves, 
 cattle, villas, and money upon trust, that it 
 would suit no one less to witness any distur- 
 bances in Sicily. I will not indeed dwell upon 
 this point, that, be Apollonius ever so guilty, an 
 honourable man of a distinguished city ought 
 not so severely to have been punished, without 
 /having it in his power to plead in his defence. 
 I will not stir up any hatred against you in 
 these proceedings, nor from the circumstance 
 of a man being thrown into a dark and noisome 
 dungeon by your tyrannical edicts, and of his 
 not having it in his power to meet his father, 
 in a state of decrepitude, or his youthful son. 
 ' I will moreover omit this circumstance, that as 
 often as you came to Panormus, 7 during those 
 eighteen months that Apollonius was impri- 
 soned, so often did the senate of that city, at- 
 tended by the magistrates and priests, beseech 
 you with entreaties and prayers to suifer the 
 unhappy and innocent man to be released from 
 his undeserved calamity. N[ will pass over all 
 these things ; which, if I wished to insist upon, 
 I could easily shew that from your cruelty to 
 others, all avenues of compassion from the 
 judges towards you have been long since closed. 
 
177 
 
 #1 will then give way to you, and not insist 
 upon these atrocities. I foresee how Hortensius 
 intends to defend you. He will say that neither 
 the age of the father, the youthfulness of the 
 son, nor the tears of either, could outweigh 
 your consideration for the welfare and salvation 
 of Sicily : he will say that the affairs of the 
 state cannot be administered without severe 
 measures, or the inspiration of fear\he will ask 
 why the fasces are borne before the praetors, 
 why the axe is committed to their charge, why 
 prisons are built, why so many punishments, in 
 fine, are decreed for the bad by the laws of our 
 ancestors. All of which when he has stated 
 with impressive dignity, I will inquire, why the 
 same Verres ordered the identical Apollonius to 
 be set free from jail, without any assignable 
 reason, plea, or cause. And I will say, that 
 there is so much weight in the suspicion of this 
 crime alone, that I will leave the judges them- 
 selves to guess, without any arguments on my 
 part, how infamously, and how shamefully, with a 
 view to immense gain, this system of peculation 
 appears to have been carried on\Hear, in short, 
 of what nature, and in what number are his unjust 
 proceedings with respect to Apollonius. Then 
 weigh and estimate them by the value of money ; 
 and you will find that this one wealthy man 
 was so variously ill-treated, that from his case 
 
178 
 
 alone, the fear of similar inconveniences, and 
 an example of danger was held out to all other 
 individuals. In the first place, there is a sudden 
 impeachment of an odious and capital crime, 
 (estimate it at what rate you choose, and believe 
 ^that numerous people ransomed him); in the 
 next place, there' is a charge without an accuser, 
 a sentence without a court, a condemnation 
 without a defence, (estimate what could possibly 
 compensate for these deeds, and believe that 
 Apojlonius alone was guilty of those iniquities, 
 and that others liberated themselves from a 
 similar dilemma by the advancement of money) ; 
 lastly, there were chains, a dark and solitary 
 dungeon, seclusion from the light and air, and 
 the company of his parents and children. These 
 things may be compensated by the death of the 
 criminal, but certainly not by any pecuniary 
 donative. Apollonius, it is true, was rescued, 
 though late, but not till he was reduced to a 
 skeleton through grief and calamity ; he never- 
 theless warned others to beware of the avarice 
 and wickedness of Verres ; unless perhaps you 
 are of opinion that this wealthy man, without 
 any view for gain, was pitched upon as a perpe- 
 trator of so incredible a crime, or without the 
 same object, was all of a sudden let loose from 
 jail; or that this method of plundering was 
 adopted by Verres against him alone, and that 
 
179 
 
 I through him, fear was not inspired in all the 
 
 / other opulent Sicilians. 
 
 U*I wish, my Lords, to be prompted hy him, 
 if I should happen to omit any circumstance 
 touching his military prowess. But I appear to 
 have related all his exploits which had any 
 thing to do with suspected disturbances among 
 the slaves. Certainly, I have not knowingly 
 omitted any. You have heard stated the vigi- 
 lance, energy, and foresight, displayed by the 
 man, in his protection of the province. It re- 
 mains for you to know to what class of go- 
 vernors he is to be assigned, for you are aware, 
 there are many. That you should not be longer 
 kept in ignorance of this consummate praetor, 
 especially as there is such a dearth of great 
 men, I beg you not to think there is any thing 
 so contemptible in him as the sagacity of Q. 
 Maximus, the celerity of the movements of the 
 elder Africanus, the singular prudence of the 
 younger, the discipline and firmness of Paulus, 
 or the energy and valour of C. Marius ; but I 
 entreat you to refer him entirely to a higher 
 
 of men. 
 
 ich regard to his mjjjaier of travell i n g, 
 which is an essential requisite in military duties, 
 and more especially in Sicily, listen my Lords, 
 how easy and pheasant he made it both in theory 
 jajid practice, flln the first place7 he provided 
 
180 
 
 >' 
 
 ail excellent remedy againstjh.e. severity of the 
 climate in the winter months, and_the_cpklness 
 
 and inundations. For 
 
 upon the city of Syracuse as his brabi- 
 
 the climate and situation of that 
 no 
 
 
 yiclement season occurs, butjwhatJjic sun at 
 
 visibleTTThis active 
 tiiiie~l:hereaurjgTEe 
 was^Rardlyev 
 
 er seen 
 eTnThe 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 \ 
 ; 
 
 short time he was up was passed in ^ji^ojiej:ing| 
 his Iong~mghts7~m the indulgence of brutal ap- 
 petites.. ) At the a^proachof springpwnTclI was 
 not notified to him by the western breeze, or 
 the appearance of any star, (for he only guessed 
 it had set in, .by the blowing of the roses,) he 
 undertook his fatiguing journies, in which he 
 displayed such dauntless hardihood and pa- 
 tience, that he was never ever seen on horseback, 
 as was customary with the jdngs^of Bi- 
 th^nia, he was carried in a lettiga, 8 borne Jby 
 which there was laTcTlrTrTcrsiin 
 d witffToses, maTulla^ture7r"Tli 
 
 wore a crown on 
 Inecl 
 
 cule spun with the finest thread, and embrot 
 dered with spots, to his nose, filled with roses) 
 Thus journeying, on his arrival at any town, he 
 
181 
 
 wasjcarrifid in- the -same-JjeJ^i^lo^Ms. -lodging. 
 There the Sicilian magistrates, and the Roman 
 l^ip^its^^ere ilT^ you have 
 
 heard from numerous witnesses on oath. Law- 
 suits were privately laid before him, and soon 
 after the verdicts were openly repealed. Then 
 after remaining a little time in his chamber, 
 and 'he had given verdicts according to a stated 
 price, not to the established laws, he^thought 
 
 f^h stinieto Ven us 
 
 and Bacchus. And as I am on this subjecLacon- 
 
 * --- __ . v 
 
 spicuous example of^the^&m^trraT vigilance- and 
 activity of oujran-accomplishcd praetor .jnust 
 I would have you know, there 
 
 is no town in all Sicily, where the praetors are 
 wont to hold the sessions, wherein .some woman 
 
 3- 
 
 ofrcspetablfarmly was not 
 
 gratification of Jiis desires. Some of them ap- 
 p^ a rpfl i n p^ hli r-) a LlliJi2:lI!Il!l^ i ' s j those who 
 had a greater sense of decorum, avoided being 
 
 gp^iT^inrr^piYip a* n <statp3Htirnp^ AnH theSC\ S 
 
 banquets were not observed with thatTiT^nce, / \V 
 an7Tiiio7lesTyp\vhich" usually are attended to at ( 
 the~TcsTi\-als given ''^ 
 
 but with the loudest clamour and abuse. 
 guests not unfrequently came to blows. For 
 our strict and exemplary praetor never obeying 
 the laws of the Roman people, diligently ob- 
 served those which were, enacted at a feast 
 
182 
 
 / T^ese entertainments generally so terminated, 
 
 f / 
 
 I / 
 
 that one or other of the guests was taken home 
 
 w, ^ i- 1 - i . 
 
 3? *f from a fieldot battle ; aiiotter]was~tei\ for 
 
 deadj_ many lay senseless and breathless on the 
 
 so that any one who witnessed these 
 things, would think that they were carried on 
 rather aJklr] of 
 
 summer had fully set in, 
 which portion of thcyeaTaH the 
 
 Avere accustomed IxTpass ill Li a veiling, fui they 
 
 th a f 
 
 r o V i ri C C O Ugh t 
 
 tp__bejgarticularly surveyed, as then_the jcorn 
 is got into the barns, the families are collected, 
 tEcT number of staves are "counted "over, "the 
 labour is "parti cuIarTy lboke7T1litor-^hg.jseason is 
 conjv^ement^^and the^a 
 suggests it; it was then, T _ say 
 
 crops 
 
 about, this O11C, ab- 
 
 [ewm,pitched a station aTy~nun p 
 fcr, himself in theinost beautiful o t uarte]T'of 
 Syracuse. 
 
 At the entrance of the port itself, where the 
 bay inclines from the shore towards the city, he 
 pitched tents composed of fine linen. 9 Hither 
 he retired from the palace which belonge~oSto 
 
 " 
 
 a way, that during" that 
 
 time ? no nnftjgyer saw him elsewhei^. Here 
 \ nobody had accessjg hhn^jsxcepfe som^xlend, 
 or pander of his lust. He'rlr.all those mistresses 
 
183 
 
 which he kept assembled ; and it is incredible, 
 what a multitude of them there were at Syra- 
 cuse. Here^jillJ^ of such an 
 associate, and way of_jjfe a j'frg -regaled . 'Here 
 was his son introduced among his skvs_ancl 
 concubines, being yeFanjctult ;^sothat if nature 
 would have torn him away from the imitation 
 of his father, his habits would have compelled 
 him to resemble hirnjJpThere it was that that 
 Tertia, introduced to him by stratagem, through 
 a Rhoclian minstrel, is reported to have made a 
 distinguished figure at these f&tes champttres ; 
 the wife of Cleomenes, the Syracusan, and of 
 ^Eschrion, both of good family, being affronted 
 that the daughter of Isidorus the actor should 
 be present at the same assembly as themselves. 
 But our Hannibal, who thought that valour 
 should obtain in his camp, not rank, so loved 
 this Tertia, as to carry her with him from Sicily, 
 during this time, while he was engaged in 
 entertaining his concubines, attired in a purple 
 robe which reached to his feet, people were not 
 offended with him, nor did they complain of the 
 absence of the magistrates, or of lawsuits not 
 being adjusted; though the whole shore re- 
 sounded with female voices, and vocal and in- 
 strumental music; it was not complained of; 
 nor was there silence in the courts of judicature ; 
 for the tribunals did not appear to be deserted, 
 
184 
 
 since they were the scene of violence, cruelty, 
 and a scandalous monopoly. 
 
 Will you then persist in defending this go- 
 vernor of your's, Hortensius? Will you en- 
 deavour to veil his thefts, avarice, cruelty, pride, 
 impiety, and insolence, with the magnitude of 
 his exploits, and the praises due to illustrious 
 chieftains? Here forsooth it is to be appre- 
 hended, that at the close of your defence, you 
 may have recourse to that Antonian method of 
 pleading, of producing Verres, stripping him to 
 the breast, for the Romans to behold the wounds 
 received in their service wounds, the conse- 
 quence of his struggles with females, the argu- 
 ments of his lust, and abominations! 
 
 Would to God you would presume to dwell 
 on his military achievements ! All his debts of 
 long standing shall be made known to you, that 
 you may not only ascertain what he was as 
 governor, but also in his payments. That first 
 campaign shall be renewed when he was hurried 
 out of the forum, not as he states, persuaded to 
 go. The camps of the dice-thrower Placen- 
 tinus shall be commemorated, where he fre- 
 quently attended, and- lost all he had. Many 
 of his losses shall be stated, which were paid by 
 him, after deducting the interest due. After he 
 had grown callous from frequently disgracing 
 himself, not through his own satiety, but that 
 
185 
 
 of others ; how can it belong to me to state 
 what sort of man he was, how many garrisons ia 
 of modesty he dismantled, or how to connect 
 any thing with his vile conduct but shame? I 
 will not have recourse to this, my Lords ; I will 
 omit all past offences. But I will state two ex- 
 amples without attaching infamy to any body; 
 and I will leave you to conjecture respecting 
 the rest. There is one so notorious to all, that 
 no countryman came to Home from any corpo- 
 rate town, on his being subpoenaed, during the 
 consulate of L. Lucullus, and M. Cotta, but he 
 knew, that all the verdicts of the praetor were 
 influenced by the nod and pleasure of his mis- 
 tress Chelidon. There is another, which is 
 this : that when Verres went forth in uniform, 
 and offered his prayers for the safety and pros- 
 perity of the Roman people and his own pro- 
 vince, he was carried in his lettiga to a married 
 woman, who was a common prostitute; and 
 this he did in opposition to the laws, in defi- 
 ance of all divine and human; institutions^ O 
 ye immortal gods ! What a contrast is there 
 between the thoughts and intentions of men ! 
 When you and the Roman people consigned 
 those duties to my charge, which I undertook, 
 I thought myself bound by every tie of religion 
 to fulfil them, and may your good opinion, the 
 seeking of which is the main object of my life, 
 
18(5 
 
 always approve my zeal ! When therefore I 
 was made quaestor, I not only thought it an 
 honour, but also a duty intrusted in my hands. 
 And I so filled that office in Sicily, as to believe 
 that the eyes of all were turned towards me, 
 and that I was performing a part on the great 
 theatre of the world ; and I so behaved as not 
 to imagine myself entitled to the gratification 
 of these extraordinary indulgences, but even to 
 deny myself the common requisites of life. I 
 am now edile elect, and take into account what 
 I am about to receive from the Roman people. 
 I am sensible that games are to be celebrated 
 with the greatest splendour, to Ceres, Bacchus, 
 and Proserpine ; that Flora is to be propitiated 
 by festivals; that those most ancient games 
 which had their first origin at Rome, are to be 
 instituted with the greatest solemnity to Jupiter, 
 Juno, and Minerva; that the care of the tem- 
 ples, and the whole city is committed to my 
 hands ; and that, on account of the labour and 
 anxiety, which attend the discharge of these 
 functions, the prerogatives of speaking first in 
 the senate, of wearing the long white robe, of 
 presiding in the curule chair, and of having a 
 bust executed to transmit my memory to pos- 
 terity, are granted. In the fulfilling of these 
 duties, my Lords, I implore the gods to be so 
 propitious to my endeavours, that however sen- 
 
187 
 
 sible of the great honour conferred upon me 
 by the people, I may not look to reaping so 
 much pleasure, as anxiety and labour; that this 
 edileship may appear to be properly bestowed, 
 not because it was necessary to give it to some 
 candidate, but because it had devolved on him 
 by the votes of the people, who might seem 
 capable of filling it. //When you, by whatever 
 means, \y as returned as pnetor, (I will not dwell 
 011 what then took place,) when, I say, you was 
 returned, and admonished by the herald himself 
 repeatedly, that you had been vested with that 
 honour by the suffrages of the old and young, 
 who constituted the hundreds, was you not 
 warned to think that a part of the republic was 
 committed to your care? That for that one 
 year, you was to be deprived of your mistress's 
 villa? When it had fallen to your lot that you 
 should preside at the tribunals, you never took 
 heed of the importance of the duty, nor did you 
 take to account, if it were haply possible to 
 bring you to your senses, that that province 
 which it would be difficult to govern even with 
 consummate prudence and integrity, was about 
 to be committed to an abandoned fool. You 
 was therefore unwilling not only to exclude 
 Chelidon from the prsetorship, but you actually 
 introduced the whole business of government 
 into her boudoir. The province devolved on 
 
188 
 
 you ; and you never imagined that the insignia 
 of office were committed to your charge for any 
 other reason but to break down all the barriers 
 of law, modesty, and duty ; but to pillage every 
 one of his property, but that the life, the dwel- 
 ling, the virtue of each individual should be ex- 
 posed to the attacks of your ungovernable ava- 
 rice. Here you so conducted yourself, that 
 though apprehended as guilty of every thing- 
 laid to your charge, you fly to the circumstances 
 of the servile war for vour defence, which so 
 far from aifording you any plea, you are now 
 aware only heap double damnation upon you. 
 Unless indeed you will state in your excuse, 
 the embers of the servile war in Italy, and the 
 disaster that occurred at Tempsa. 11 In which, 
 if fortune assisted you in the display of any 
 virtue and energy, you will nevertheless be de- 
 tected as being what you always was. When 
 the inhabitants of Valentia came to you, and 
 requested, through M. Marius, an eloquent 
 nobleman, that you would undertake that affair, 
 as you was. vested with prsetorial authority, and 
 head the detachment to annihilate that insigni- 
 ficant force; you not only refused the duty, but 
 was seen loitering on the beach with that Tertia 
 of your's, who was your companion. To the 
 Valentians themselves, inhabitants of a noted 
 free town, you gave no reply concerning things 
 
189 
 
 of such moment, habited as you was in your 
 suit of black. How do you think he would 
 conduct himself in a province, which when he 
 left not to go to a triumph, but a seat of judg- 
 ment, he could not avoid reaping infamy with- 
 out any concomitant pleasure ? 
 
 O those impressive murmurs which re- 
 sounded from a crowded senate in the temple 
 of'Bellona! Do you remember, my Lords, in 
 the evening, and a little before the arrival of 
 the news of this Tempsan disaster, when no one 
 could be found fit to be sent thither with mili- 
 tary authority, that some one said " Ferres is 
 near Tempsa" what universal shouts of indigna- 
 tion ensued ; and how openly the principal mem- 
 bers denounced his going thither ? Can he then 
 who is convicted of so many crimes, by so many 
 depositions, place any reliance upon their suf- 
 frages in his favour, by whose words he was 
 avowedly condemned, ere his guilt was un- 
 known ?/ ^VVell then, he reaped no glory from 
 the servile war, or from the management of it; 
 neither was there any danger of its existence in 
 Sicily, neither did he make any provision against 
 it. But he had a fleet well equipped against 
 the incursions of pirates, and he applied singular 
 diligence in the prosecution of that war. The 
 province then, was well defended during his 
 preetorship, I will now state, my Lords, the 
 
Occurrences of the piratical war, and the move- 
 ments of the Sicilian fleet, so as to be able to 
 confirm all his guilt in avarice, treason, lust, mad- 
 ness, and cruelty. I beseech you, as you have 
 hitherto done, to pay especial attention to my 
 concise statement. In the first place I say that 
 the naval affairs were so administered, that 
 money was required, not for the defence of the 
 province, but with the pretext of furnishing 
 supplies for the fleet. When other prsetors had 
 been accustomed to exact a quota of ships, 
 sailors, and marines, from all the cities, you ex- 
 empted the opulent city of Messana from fur- 
 nishing its share. We shall presently see what 
 money the Messanians gave you clandestinely 
 for their exemption; we will inquire into it 
 from their registers and witnesses. I affirm that 
 a beautiful and immense speronara, equalling a 
 trireme in size, was openly built for you at the 
 public expense, and presented by the magis- 
 trates and senate of Messana, as all Sicily can 
 testify. This vessel, loaded with Sicilian booty, 
 itself forming a part, was drifted with him on 
 board to Velia, IZ stocked with many goods, 
 which with his other thefts, he was before un- 
 willing to consign to Rome, because he w^s 
 particularly pleased with them. I myself saw 
 that very ship at Velia, so, my Lords, did many 
 others ; which appeared to all the spectators to 
 
191 
 
 foresee the banishment, and look out for the 
 absconding of its owner./^What will you an- 
 swer to this? Will you say that it was built 
 from vour private purse, which though impos- 
 sible to be proved, is necessary for you to as- 
 sert in your trial for peculation. Dare at least 
 to say what is necessary. Do not be afraid, 
 Hortensius, of my inquiring what right a senator 
 has to build a ship. Those laws, to use your 
 own phrase, which prohibit it, are become ob- 
 solete. That republic once existed, that seve- 
 rity once prevailed in our tribunals, which 
 might authorize an accuser to object this crime 
 in his enumeration of great offences. What 
 need had you for a vessel? You, to whom 
 ships were allowed both for your protection 
 and conveyance ? But it was unlawful for you 
 in a private manner, to sail any where, or put 
 craft in requisition from those places, where 
 you was not permitted to carry on trade. In 
 the next place, what right had you to provide 
 any thing contrary to law? This crime would 
 tell against you, in the good old times of the 
 republic. I am so far from imputing it to you 
 now as such, that I do not even charge you 
 with common blame. In fine, did you not 
 think that it would be interpreted to your dis- 
 grace and guilt, for a large speronara to be built 
 in a celebrated port, for you who was named 
 
named governor of the province ? What do you 
 think those said, who witnessed it, or what the 
 opinion of those who heard of it? Was it that 
 you was about to carry an empty bark to Italy? 
 Or that on your arrival at Rome, you purposed 
 letting out ships for hire? Might not any one 
 suspect that you had in Italy property employed 
 in carrying on traffic beyond the seas, and that 
 you procured this speronara for the exportation 
 of your stores? Did you wish the public con- 
 versation to turn upon this, that you provided 
 this ship to transport your booty from Sicily, 
 and to return thither for the transportation of 
 your other thefts ? I will yield the point if you 
 prove that it was built from your privy purse. 
 But are you not aware, you desperate madman, 
 that all power of doing this is taken away, by 
 those flatterers of your's, the Messanians? For 
 Heius has deposed, he who is chief of the city, 
 and who headed the embassy to congratulate 
 you, that the Messanians built the ship for you 
 by the city workmen, and that a Messanian 
 senator publicly presided at its construction. 
 But where are the materials? They were pro- 
 vided by the Rhegians, pursuant to your public 
 orders, as they themselves declare, because they 
 could not be procured at Messana ; and this you 
 cannot deny.f^Jf both the materials and work- 
 men were at hand, for the fitting out the vessel 
 
J93 
 
 at your orders, not at a stipulated price, why then 
 is the sum which you say you paid, not accounted 
 for? The Messanians have nothing respecting it 
 in their accounts. First then, it can be made out, 
 I see, that they gave nothing from their trea* 
 sury. And forsooth the capitol, in the same 
 manner, could be built gratis by workmen who 
 received no wages, when our ancestors put 
 them in requisition. In the next place, I per- 
 ceive, which I will prove by the depositions of 
 the witnesses, that a great contribution was ex- 
 acted, and falsely registered to works that never 
 were undertaken. Now we are not to wonder 
 that the Messanians should have a regard for 
 the life of him, whom they knew to have a 
 more tender concern for their welfare, than that 
 of the Roman people, and should refrain from 
 stating his name in their public registers. But 
 if the argument is to stand, that the Messanians 
 did not furnish you with money, because they 
 have it not registered ; let also this hold good, 
 that the ship was furnished you'gratis, because 
 you have no written memorial to prove how 
 you bought it, or what you laid out. You did 
 not then exact this ship from the Messanians, 
 because they are citizens of an allied city. May 
 heaven add weight to your plea ! Here we 
 have a man educated under the eyes of the pro- 
 claimers of treaties, and one, above all others, 
 
 o 
 
194 
 
 especially diligent in their religious observance. 
 Let all the prsetors who preceded you be deli- 
 vered up to the Messanians, for having exacted 
 from them a ship contrary to treaty. But why 
 did you, my religious and scrupulous praetor, why 
 did you require one of the inhabitants of Tau- 
 romenium, I3 which is also a federal city ? Will 
 you prove, that people bound by similar tfea- 
 ties, were subjected to different laws and obli- 
 gations, without your having recourse to bri- 
 bery ? What if, by referring to the treaties of 
 these two cities, my Lords, I could prove that 
 the Tauromenites were especially exempted 
 from furnishing a ship ? That the Messanians 
 were obligated to provide one; that, contrary to 
 compact, he commanded a vessel from the Tau- 
 romenites, and not one from the Messanians? 
 Can it be any longer a matter of doubt to any 
 one, that in the praetorship of Verres, the spe- 
 ronara was of more avail to the Messanians, 
 than the treaty to the Tauromenites ? Read the 
 treaties. 
 
 (Here the treaties of the Messanians and Tau- 
 romenites, with the Roman people, are read in 
 court.) 
 
 j$*It was then by that service of your's, as you 
 hold out, as the circumstance itself declares, by 
 your accepting a stipulated sum, that you have 
 diminished the authority of the republic, as 
 
well as its resources, provided by the wisdom 
 and courage of our ancestors. You have can- 
 celled the right of government, the condition 
 of our allies, the faith of treaties. Those, who 
 from the articles themselves, were bound to 
 equip an armed vessel for the high seas, if we 
 so prescribed, at their own expense and hazard, 
 purchased from you the ratification of a treaty, 
 whereby it should not even sail in defence of 
 their own port, What trouble and expense do 
 you think the Messanians would not have 
 willingly incurred, to have been exempt from 
 furnishing this bireme by treaty with our an- 
 cestors ? For when this severe burthen was im- 
 posed on Messana, it bore, as it were, the stamp 
 of servitude. That privilege which the citizens 
 were unable to attain in a flourishing condition 
 of the Roman empire, by their then good offices, 
 they have been able to procure for money from 
 C. Verres, though for so many years strictly en- 
 forced by the laws of the republic, though in 
 want of a fleet, and though they have displayed 
 no new zeal in our service. But was it merely this 
 that they obtained ? I ask, was there a sailor or 
 soldier either for the fleets or garrisons that the 
 Messanians furnished during the three years 
 that you was praetor ?-,4n the next place, though 
 it was enacted by the Terentian and Cassian 
 law, that corn should be purchased for a similar 
 
196 
 
 price of all the Sicilian cities, you also excused 
 the Messanians this trivial and common burthen. 
 You will say that the Messanians were not re- 
 quired to furnish corn. How not required? 
 Was it, that they were not to sell it ? For their 
 tribute was not from the exacted, but purchased 
 corn. I4 According then to your interpretation 
 of the treaty, the Messanians were not to fur- 
 nish the Roman markets with provisions. Where 
 then is the city which ought to furnish wheat? 
 Since it is enacted by the censorial law, what 
 the tillers of the public lands are required to 
 remit, why did you exact from them any thing 
 besides ? Why were the ty thing-men required 
 to furnish more than the single tenths prescribed 
 by the Hieronic law? What business had you 
 to decree the quota of purchased corn required? 
 Those who enjoy the privileges of Roman citi- 
 zens certainly ought not to furnish any. But 
 you not only exacted it of these, but also laid a 
 greater burthen on them than they could en- 
 dure, by requiring the sixty thousand bushels, 
 from the furnishing of which you exempted 
 the Messanians. I do not say that you did not 
 exact this contribution legally from others ; but 
 I say, that it was not lawfully dispensed with 
 from the Messanians, who, like the inhabitants 
 of other cities, were ordered by preceding prae- 
 tors to supply their quota, and to receive for it 
 
197 
 
 the sum granted by law. And that he might 
 do them this service to some purpose, he takes 
 cognizance of the cause of the Messanians in 
 council, and with that authority declares that 
 he never required from them a supply of corn. 
 
 Listen to the decree of the mercenary prae- 
 tor from his own registered statement, and I 
 leave you to infer what weight there is in the 
 document itself, and in the enaction of the law. 
 Read his prsetorial journal. 
 
 (Here the decree from the journal of the prtfto- 
 rial administrations is read in court.) 
 
 He says he acquiesced wittingly, and so sets 
 it down. What was the use of this word wil- 
 lingly ? Are we to imagine that you looked for 
 gain unwillingly? It is added, " with the opinion 
 of the council" You have heard, my Lords, a 
 splendid council mentioned. When the names 
 were read, which did they appear to you to 
 form, a praetor's council, or a club of knaves ? 
 Here we have, the interpreters of treaties, the 
 negociators of alliances, the promoters of re- 
 ligion ! Never was corn purchased at the public 
 account in Sicily, but what the Messanians 
 were required to supply their "share, before he 
 gave them this delectable and honourable 
 council, to take their money from them, and to 
 become like himself. This decree therefore 
 baa about as much weight as the enactor ought 
 
to have, who had sold it to those, from whom 
 he was bound to have required a supply of corn. 
 And accordingly L. Metellus, his successor, 
 immediately exacted the usual tribute of the 
 Messanians, through a bill proposed by Sex. 
 Peducasus, and C. Sacerdos. x ^They were then 
 aware that they could no longer hold this pri- 
 vilege, which they had bought of an insecure 
 donor. But come, my good friend, you, who 
 thought yourself so exact an interpreter of 
 treaties, why did you require corn of the Tau- 
 romenites, and the Netines, I5 since both belong 
 to federal cities? The Netines indeed were 
 not forgetful of their interest; for as soon as 
 you decreed that you willingly dispensed with 
 the tribute from the Messanians, they came to 
 you, and stated that the same article of treaty 
 would dispense with it from them also. You 
 could not interpret one decree two different 
 ways. You affirm that the Netines ought not 
 to give their tribute, and notwithstanding this, 
 you exact it from them. Hand me over this 
 same praetor's written decrees concerning the 
 exacted and purchased corn. 
 
 (Here the registered decrees of the prat or con- 
 cerning the exacted and purchased corn, are read 
 in court.) 
 
 What, my Lords, can we infer from this 
 fluctuating way of proceeding, but what is the 
 
199 
 
 necessary result, that either the Netines refused 
 the money he asked, or that it was so arranged, 
 that the Messanians should understand that 
 they bribed him so effectually, as to prevent 
 others from obtaining similar privileges in a 
 similar suit ? Will he now dare to mention the 
 praises lavished on him by the Messanians ? And 
 none of you, my Lords, can be insensible of the 
 many wounds he must feel from them. In the 
 first place, he who in a court of judgment can- 
 not name ten approvers of his conduct, it would 
 be more honourable for him, to name none, 
 than be unable to fill up the customary number. 
 Of the many cities that there are in Sicily, 
 which you governed for three years, the rest 
 declare their opinion of you; a few inconsider- 
 able ones, repressed by fear, are silent; one alone 
 praises you. What can we collect from this 
 but the value of real praise, but that you so 
 conducted yourself in your province as to be 
 necessarily bereft of this benefit ? , In the next 
 place, as I have before stated, what is the value 
 of that praise, since the conferrers of it declared 
 that a ship was built for you at the public ex- 
 pense, and that they were clandestinely robbed 
 by you? Lastly, what do they effect but the 
 assistance of us with their testimony, since 
 none but people from Sicily praise you, for 
 having bestowed on them the plunder of thf 
 
200 
 
 republic? What colony or borough is there 
 gifted with such fortunate privileges in Italy, 
 so exempted from burthens of every descrip- 
 tion, as the city of Messana during your pra> 
 torship? That city alone did not contribute 
 what it ought by treaty ; that alone, in his 
 praetorship, was free from taxes ; that alone en- 
 joyed such immunities, as to give nothing to 
 the Roman people, and deny nothing to Verves. 
 5L$JBut to return to the fleet, from which I 
 have digressed. You took a ship from the 
 Messanians contrary to law; you excused them 
 from furnishing one contrary to treaty. You 
 therefore acted twice illegally in one city, in. 
 dispensing with what you ought not, and in 
 taking what you ought not. It was your duty 
 to require a ship against the pirates, not to 
 navigate the seas with your plunder on board ; 
 which should defend, not rob the province, by 
 new depredations. Messana became the de- 
 pository of your plunder, and furnished you 
 with a ship to export it. That city was the 
 receptacle of your booty, its inhabitants the 
 witnesses and guardians of it ; they furnished at 
 once a storehouse and vehicle for your rapine. 
 At the period when you lost our fleet through 
 your wickedness and avarice, you did not for 
 the above reason, dare to require a vessel of 
 the Messanians ; at a time when there was a 
 
201 
 
 scarcity of shipping, and great calamity in the 
 province, a ship could have been obtained from 
 them, even if the request was merely hinted. 
 That fine speronara presented to our praetor, re- 
 pressed all his energy in government, and the 
 power of requiring a bireme for the service of 
 the republic. That, forsooth, was the reward of 
 his government, his assistance, his observance 
 of good faith, and treaties. You have heard of 
 the loss of the alliance of one city, sold to him 
 for a stipulated sum ; listen now to a new system 
 of plunder first devised by him. 
 $JjJt was customary with each city to consign 
 to the captain of the ship it was to furnish, the 
 care of supplying the fleet with corn, payment, 
 and stores. He did not dare to misapply this, 
 for fear of being accused by the sailors, and it 
 was necessary to give a statement of the expen- 
 diture to his fellow-citizens. In the manage' 
 ment of these concerns, he was subjected to 
 great labour, as well as hazard. This method 
 was always had recourse to, not only in Sicily, 
 but in the other provinces, as well as in the 
 payments of the Roman auxiliaries, when we 
 used to call in their assistance. Verres, when 
 vested with authority, first gave orders that all 
 the money should be counted out to him, by 
 the different cities, and that a person named by 
 him should have charge of the cash. Can it be 
 
202 
 
 questioned by any one, wherefore you broke 
 through the established usage, wherefore you 
 neglected the public advantage in suffering the 
 money to pass through the hands of others, 
 wherefore you undertook a task of such dif- 
 ficulty with crime, of so much trouble, with 
 suspicion ? Presently other methods of obtain- 
 ing lucre are instituted, from one system of 
 naval equipment ; and I beg you, my Lords, to 
 mark how many. The acceptance of money 
 from cities to exempt them from furnishing 
 sailors ; the dismissal of sailors sent, for a sti- 
 pulated sum ; the defrauding those of their pay, 
 who were sent; the not giving to the rest their 
 due. All these things shall be proved to you, 
 by the depositions of the cities. Read them. 
 
 (Here the depositions of the Sicilian cities are 
 read in court.) 
 
 callow am I to describe such a man, my Lords? 
 such barefaced audacity? such sums paid by 
 cities in lieu of their quota of troops? The 
 establishment of a fixed price, six hundred ses- 
 terces, for the dismissal of sailors ? The giver 
 of which was deprived of his sustenance for a 
 whole summer; while Verres was to turn to his 
 own profit what he had received for the pay- 
 ment arid support of the sailor! So that a 
 double gain was made by the sending of one 
 man. And these things the maniac did so 
 
03 
 
 openly, that at the moment when the pirates 
 put the province in extreme danger of an attack, 
 they, as well as all Sicily, were witnesses of his 
 proceedings. I In consequence of this inordinate 
 avaHce, "wlien there was nominally a fleet in 
 Sicily, but in fact nothing but empty hulks, fit 
 for carrying plunder to the praetor, not fear to 
 the pirates, P. Cassetius, and P. Tadius, notwith- 
 standing, set sail in them half manned, and con- 
 trived to lead away rather than capture a cer- 
 tain piratical vessel, absolutely overloaded with 
 its cargo. It was stored with young and beau- 
 tiful women, embossed plate, and a profusion 
 of carpets. This one ship was not captured by 
 our fleet, but found off Megara, not far from 
 Syracuse. As soon as Verres got intelligence 
 of this, though he lay drunk on the shore among 
 his concubines, he got up, and immediately or- 
 dered his guards to tell his quaestor and agent, 
 to display before him all the cargo entire. The 
 ship is brought round to Syracuse, and all ex- 
 pect that the captives will be punished. He, 
 as if some plunder was brought, not as if pirates 
 were captured, classes all the old and deformed 
 among the enemies of the republic, and selects 
 all the artists and handsome individuals, whom 
 he distributes to his scribes, his son, and guards, 
 and sends six musicians as a present to a friend 
 at Rome. The whole night is passed in empty- 
 
204 
 
 ing the vessel; no one saw the piratical cap- 
 tain^who by rights ought to have been punish- 
 ed. VVnd all are to this day persuaded, (which 
 you may conjecture was the case) that he took 
 a bribe from the pirates for the rescue of their 
 captain.-vU'iilhe conjecture is valid. No one can 
 be a good judge, who is not moved on secure 
 grounds of suspicion. You know the character 
 of the man ; as well as the usual method of pro- 
 ceeding in cases of this sort; any one capturing 
 a pirate captain or enemy, would most willingly 
 suffer him to be exposed to public view. I saw 
 no man, at Syracuse, my Lords, who affirmed 
 that he beheld this captain of the pirates a pri- 
 soner ; (though a multitude collected, as is usual, 
 demanded, and wished to see him. What hap- 
 pened then to occasion his being concealed 
 with such care, as to prevent him from being- 
 seen by any chance ? Seafaring people at Sy- 
 racuse, who had often heard and dreaded his 
 name, -^HO wished to feed their eyes, and satu- 
 rate their souls with his tortures, had not even 
 the power of beholding him. P. Servilius alone 
 took more chiefs of pirates alive, than all pre- 
 ceding him. When then was any one deprived 
 of that privilege of seeing a pirate who was 
 made prisoner? On the contrary he exhibited 
 to all wherever he went, the agreeable spectacle 
 of enemies in chains. <jreat multitudes of 
 
205 
 
 people therefore flocked together, not only in 
 the towns through which they were led, but 
 also from the neighbouring country, for the 
 sake of seeing them. Why was that very triumph 
 the most gratifying of all others to the Roman 
 people? Because nothing is more satisfactory 
 than the conquest of pirates ; and there is no 
 more certain indication of victory than the wit- 
 nessing of those led in chains to punishment, 
 who had often inspired fear, i Why then did 
 you not do the same ? Why was that pirate so 
 concealed as if it was unlawful to see him? 
 Why did you not inflict upon him punishment? 
 Why did you keep the man out of sight ? Did 
 you ever hear in Sicily of any captured pira- 
 tical captain who was not decapitated? You 
 are the first who have done thus. State a similar 
 case. You destined that captain to accompany, 
 I take it, your triumphal car. Nor had you 
 forsooth any expedient left, but the decree of a 
 naval triumph to remunerate you for having 
 lost a beautiful Roman fledt, and for the devas- 
 tation of a whole provincelbVell then, it pleased 
 you that the piratical captain should be im- 
 prisoned in an unprecedented manner, rather 
 than suffer the customary decapitation. To 
 whom then was he committed? In what sort 
 of dungeon confined? You have all heard of 
 the Syracusan quarries, many of you have seen 
 
206 
 
 them. They are a vast and magnificent work 
 of the kings and tyrants. They are cut in the 
 rock to a prodigious depth, and excavated by 
 immense labour. 17 Nothing can be imagined 
 so secure, so well adapted for the confinement 
 of prisoners. Public criminals are ordered to 
 be brought from the other Sicilian cities, to be 
 lodged in these quarries. For this reason, he 
 ordered many Roman prisoners, as well as pirates 
 to be thrust into this dungeon. He was aware, 
 that if he confined here this counterfeit pira- 
 tical captain, the genuine one would be looked 
 for by the populace in those quarries. He 
 therefore did not dare to consign him to this 
 most secure prison. Besides, he dreads all Sy- 
 racuse. He therefore sends the man elsewhere. 
 Whither? To Lilyb^eum haply. I see that 
 was his intention; though he does not abso- 
 lutely stand in awe of seafaring men. He was 
 not sent, my Lords, to Lilybseum. To Panor- 
 mus then?^ I hear so; although made prisoner 
 in the Syracusan territory, he ought strictly to 
 have been confined, if not condemned to suffer 
 punishment, at Syracuse. My Lords, not even 
 to Panormus. Where then do you imagine he 
 was sent ? Why he was consigned to the Cen- 
 turipans, a people of all others, kept least in 
 alarm from pirates, remote from all seafaring- 
 occupations, an inland tribe, composed of in- 
 
207 
 
 defatigable husbandmen; who never felt ap- 
 prehension at the name of a pirate, though 
 they shuddered at Apronius, 18 during your 
 prsetorship, that terrestrial pirate. And as 
 any one might foresee, that this supposititious 
 captain might pretend to be plausibly the ge- 
 nuine one, he ordered the Centuripans to make 
 a liberal supply of food and necessaries for his 
 use.v Jin the mean time the Syracusans, men of 
 intelligence and acute apprehension, who were 
 not only able to see what was before their eyes, 
 but also could suspect what was secretly ma- 
 naged, took into calculation how many pirates 
 should be decapitated, and how many souls 
 belonged to the captured ship, which they com- 
 puted from the size of the vessel, and the 
 number of oars. Verres had appropriated to 
 himself those who had any skill in art, or beauty 
 in person. And if he had tied the rest to the 
 stake as was usual, he apprehended that the po- 
 pulace would murmur at seeing that more were 
 produced than kept back. \For which reason, 
 though he had determined to produce the others 
 at another opportunity, there was no one in so 
 numerous an assembly, who not only desired 
 the residue, but also incessantly urged a state- 
 ment of their number. 
 
 Since a great number could not be accounted 
 for, that unprincipled wretch began to substi- 
 
208 
 
 tute Roman citizens, whom he had before im- 
 prisoned, in the room of the pirates which he 
 had sequestered. Of these, he pretended that 
 some served under Sertorius, and refugees from 
 Spain, had been drifted to Sicily ; others, he 
 gave out had commercial dealings with the 
 pirates. ^Roman citizens therefore, lest they 
 should be recognized, were hurried from prison 
 to the stake, with their faces wrapped in their 
 mantles; some were decapitated, though they 
 were acknowledged by their friends, and de- 
 fended by all. I shall treat of their cruel and 
 intolerable fate, in the proper place, and I will 
 so treat of it in my invective against his cruelty, 
 that though strength, and even life were to fail 
 me in the narration of the unjustifiable murders 
 of Roman citizens, I shall still think my task 
 honourable and satisfactory, /These then are 
 his exploits ; this is his brilliant victory : at the 
 capture of a piratical felucca, the captain is set 
 free, and musicians are sent to Rome ; artists 
 and beautiful persons are sequestered in his 
 house; Roman citizens are put to the rack, and 
 murdered like enemies, in their room; all the 
 furniture is plundered, all the gold and silver 
 purloined. But how did he inveigle himself, 
 during a former pleading ? He, who for so many 
 days had held his tongue, all of a sudden started 
 forward against the testimony of M. Annius, a 
 
209 
 
 most distinguished man, who deposed that he 
 had decapitated a Roman citizen, and not the 
 piratical captain. Worked up to madness by 
 the consciousness of his guilt, he avowed, that 
 because he knew it would be imputed to him 
 as crime, he had taken money for the rescue of 
 the genuine captain, and therefore did not give 
 him over to punishment ; he said moreover, that 
 there were two captains in his palace. O the 
 unprecedented clemency, or rather forbearance 
 of the Roman people ! Annius, a Roman knight, 
 affirms that a Roman citizen was decapitated. 
 You are struck dumb. He denies that the cap- 
 tain was. You acknowledge the truth of his 
 assertion. Universal murmurs are heard against 
 him ; the Roman people, notwithstanding, with? 
 held for that time your punishment, and re- 
 served it for the severity of the judges, when 
 you were to give an account of your measures 
 for their security. How or wherefore did you 
 know, or even suspect that it would be imputed 
 to you as crime? You had no enemy, and if 
 you had, you would not have led such a life as 
 to make you hold it your duty to stand in awe 
 of the tribunals. Was it as is usual, that your 
 conscience made you timid and suspicious? 
 You then, who shuddered when governor, at 
 your crime and trial, convicted by the deposit 
 tions of so many witnesses, can you now doubt 
 
 p 
 
210 
 
 of your condemnation? But if you dreaded 
 the imputation of having substituted another 
 to be decapitated in lieu of the piratical cap- 
 tain, which do you think will afford you 
 the surest grounds of defence, to be compelled 
 by me to produce in court him, whom you 
 would affirm to be the captain, to people who 
 did not know him personally, or as recently 
 took place, to decapitate him at Syracuse in 
 the eyes of nearly all Sicily, and in the pre- 
 sence of those who knew him? Only mark 
 the difference in whatever you will have re- 
 course to ; in the one case, no blame can attach 
 to you; in the other, you can find no defence. 
 The one has been a common method of pro- 
 ceeding with all; the other, I demand, who ever 
 did but you? You have preserved a pirate 
 alive. To what end, since the government was 
 in your hands? Wherefore did you so? with 
 what precedent? why so long? Why, I ask, did 
 you immediately decapitate the Roman citizens, 
 who had been captured by the pirates, and give 
 the latter so long a lease of life? Well then, 
 I will grant that you might do what you pleased, 
 when vested with authority. But as a private 
 person, as an accused one, even in the jaws of 
 damnation, did you retain the captains of our 
 enemies in your house? They remained there 
 one month after another, nearly, in short, for a 
 
' 
 
 211 
 
 whole year, till, through M. Acilius Glabrio, at 
 my request, they were produced, and cast into 
 prison. 
 
 $$Where is the right, the precedent of such 
 an action? Had any private person the power 
 to confine within his own walls, a most per- 
 secuting enemy of the Roman people, or rather 
 the common enemy of the human race? What 
 could you have to state in your defence, if the 
 day before you was compelled to confess by 
 me, that a piratical captain lodged with you, 
 while Roman citizens were suffering decapita- 
 tion ; if, I say, he could have contrived to make 
 his escape from your house, and head a band 
 against the Roman people, what could you have 
 to say for yourself? " He lodged with me; 
 I preserved him alive to appear at my trial, 
 that I might the easier wash away the charge of 
 my enemies. 5 ' A pretty declaration ! Will you 
 defend your own danger by the public danger? 
 Will you defer those punishments due to con- 
 quered enemies, for your own convenience, not 
 for that of the Roman people? Shall the enemy 
 of the Roman name be consigned to a private 
 prison? Those commanders who are decreed 
 a triumph, and for that reason preserve the con- 
 quered chiefs alive longer than they ought, to 
 afford a splendid exhibition to the Roman 
 people, as soon as they begin to wheel round 
 
212 
 
 their car from the forum to the capitol, order 
 them to be consigned to prison. And the same 
 day seals the destinies of the conquerors, and 
 the conquered. And forsooth any one may 
 doubt whether you would not rather have de- 
 capitated the piratical captain, than preserved 
 him alive to your own hazard, (especially as 
 you had determined, as you say, to try him in 
 your own presence.) For I demand, if he had 
 been killed, how could you prove to any one 
 the crime, which you say you apprehended 
 would be imputed to you ? When it is proved 
 that the piratical captain was seen at Syracuse 
 by no one, though demanded by all ; when no 
 one doubted, that he was released by you for a 
 stipulated sum ; when public rumour gave out, 
 that another was supplanted in his room, whom 
 you wished to pass for the real one ; when you 
 yourself confessed that you dreaded that im- 
 putation before ; if you affirmed that he was 
 dead, who would listen to you ? Now in pro- 
 ducing some substitute, would you also wish 
 that that should obtain belief? What if he had 
 escaped, if he had broken his chains, as the 
 celebrated pirate Nico did, whom P. Servilius 
 was as fortunate in recovering, as he was in 
 capturing? What would you say? But this 
 circumstance took place. If the genuine pira- 
 tical captain had been decapitated, you would 
 
not be in possession of that money. If the 
 false one was dead, or had effected his escape, 
 it would not be difficult to supplant another in 
 his room. I have expatiated more than I 
 wished, concerning this piratical chief; but, 
 notwithstanding, have omitted the strongest 
 arguments of your guilt. I wish to preserve 
 this topic entire. This is reserved for another 
 opportunity, when you will be fully convicted 
 under a particular statute, before another tri- 
 
 3 /-Enriched as he was by the plunder of so 
 many effects from so many free cities, he ex- 
 hibited equal diligence in the equipment of 
 fleets, and the levying and sustenance of troops, 
 not only for the security of the province, but 
 also for the embezzlement of booty. For in 
 the height of summer, when other prsetors were 
 wont to go round the province, and be actively 
 employed in naval manoeuvres, to inspire alarm 
 in the corsairs, he was not content with gratify- 
 ing his lust in the palace which belonged to 
 king Hiero, and which the prastors usually in- 
 habit, but he pitched upon the shore tents 
 lined with fine linen, during the summer, as I 
 have before stated, in that part of Ortygia, 
 behind the fountain of Arethusa, immediately 
 at the entrance of the port, a delicious and 
 sequestered situation. I9 In this spot a Roman 
 
214 
 
 praetor, to whose charge a province was com- 
 mitted, so passed sixty summer days, in the en- 
 tertainment of harlots, that no man but himself 
 and his son, a mere youth, I affirm, without ex- 
 ception, no one had access to him. Sometimes 
 indeed his agent Timarchides was admitted. 
 There were also married women of good family, 
 besides the daughter of Isidorus the comedian, 
 whom he procured for the gratification of his 
 lust, from a Rhodian musician; there was also 
 one Pippa, the wife of ^Eschrion, a Syracusan, 
 and Nice, with beautiful features, who was given 
 out to be the wife of Cleomenes of Syracuse. 
 Many verses lampooning his affection for Pippa, 
 are celebrated in all Sicily. Cleomenes was 
 fond of Nice, but he was unable and dared not 
 oppose the passion of Verres for her.^He was ac- 
 cordingly suborned by numerous presents. Not- 
 withstanding his insolence, at that period he 
 could not make up to Nice, with that facility 
 he wished, while her husband remained at Syra- 
 cuse, nor have her with him for days together 
 on the beach. /He therefore gives to Cleomenes 
 the command of the ships, which a lieutenant 
 commanded. Mark his expedient. He orders 
 a Syracusan to command a fleet of the Roman 
 people. Which he did, not only to remove 
 him from his home, but also to absent him on 
 honourable service, thinking that if he could 
 
215 
 
 get rid of him as a rival, he might have access 
 to Nic6 with rather less difficulty. And where 
 is the person who could ever oppose the pas- 
 sions of Verres? Cleomenes then is named to 
 a ship of the allies.^ CHow, my Lords, am I to 
 begin my accusation and complaints? Is a 
 Sicilian to have the prerogatives of a lieutenant 
 and quasstor, together with the honours and 
 power of a praetor ? If your occupations, Verres, 
 in entertaining women were an obstacle to you, 
 where are the quaestors, where the lieutenants, 
 the mules, the tents, the corn distributed at 
 three-pence per pound? Where, the numerous 
 perquisites granted by government to the ma- 
 gistrates and lieutenants ? Where, in fine, are 
 your prefects and tribunes? If no Roman citizen 
 was deemed fit for these employments, was 
 there no one to be found in the federal cities? 
 Where are the cities of Segesta and Centuripe, 
 so bound by every tie to the Roman people? 
 T) ye immortal gods ! if the Syracusan Cleo- 
 menes is named to command the captains, ships, 
 and marines of these cities, is not all honour 
 due to equity, propriety, and duty, taken away 
 by Verres ? Did we ever carry on war in Sicily, 
 without calling to our aid the Centuripan allies, 
 who were enemies to the Syracusans? I com- 
 memorate these things out of respect for esta- 
 blished custom, not for promoting jealousies of 
 
216 
 
 Cities. For which reason that excellent general 
 M. Marcellus, through whose valour Syracuse 
 was captured and preserved, permitted no Syra- 
 cusan to inhabit Ortygia ; which is continued 
 to this day. It is a place which a handful of 
 men can defend. He therefore consigned the 
 defence of it to his most trusty soldiers, as that 
 part of the city is accessible to ships. He there- 
 fore did not think proper to commit the prin- 
 cipal fortress to the charge of those who had 
 often prevented our army from entering. J\/[ark 
 the difference between your lust, and the autho- 
 rity of our ancestors ; between your ungovern- 
 able appetite, and their discretion. They cut 
 off all approach to the Syracusan shores ; you 
 conceded a maritime command to a native; 
 they would not allow a Syracusan to inhabit a 
 spot accessible to ships ; you vested one with 
 the command of a whole fleet ;Hyou allowed 
 those to share with us a command, who were 
 exempted by them to inhabit a quarter of the 
 city ; and by the assistance of those allies, 
 whose commands the Syracusans obeyed, those 
 very allies, you ordered to be subservient to the 
 dictates of the Syracusans. 
 
 2>3The Centuripan quadrireme sails from port, 
 with its admiral Cleomenes on board. It is 
 followed by the ships of Segesta, of Tyndaris, 
 of Herbita, of Heraclea, * of Apollonia, of Alun- 
 
217 
 
 tium, splendid indeed in appearance, but weak 
 from the dismissal of the rowers and marines. 
 ^As long as our diligent praetor continued his 
 scandalous revels, so long did he see the fleet 
 at his nod. Not having exhibited his person 
 for many days, he deigned to gratify the sailors 
 with a view of it for a while. A Roman praetor, 
 my Lords, was seen to stand upon the beach at \ 
 Syracuse, reclining on the arm of his mistress, 
 sandaled, and clothed in a purple robe reaching 
 to his heels. NVlany Romans as well as Sicilians 
 have often seen him thus attired. After the 
 fleet had made a little way, and was drifted 
 towards Pachynus, ZI the sailors impelled by 
 hunger, pulled up the roots of the dwarf palms 
 which grow in abundance throughout Sicily, 
 and with this wretched food the unhappy men 
 were forced to content themselves. " But Cleo- 
 menes, who fancied himself another Verres, both 
 in profligacy and authority, got dead drunk for 
 whole days together in a tent upon the beach. 
 But lo ! on a sudden, while Cleomenes was in 
 liquor, and the rest perishing with hunger, 
 news arrives of piratical vessels being moored 
 in the port of Edissa, a3 for so that place is 
 named. Our fleet was in the port of Pachynus. 
 As there was a garrison of soldiers at hand, not 
 indeed effective, Cleomenes hoped to be able to 
 fill up with drafts his complement of sailors. In 
 
218 
 
 effecting this, he had recourse to the same ava- 
 ricious method as in the equipment of the fleet. 
 For the residue was small, and the others were 
 dismissed. Cleomenes, the admiral, orders the 
 rigging of the Centuripan quadrireme to be put 
 in order, and the anchor to be weighed. He 
 made a signal for the rest of the ships to follow. 
 This Centuripan vessel was an excellent sailor. 
 No one knew the qualities of any ship during 
 the prastorship of Verres. Though in this qua- 
 drireme, out of compliment to Cleomenes, but 
 few sailors and marines were wanting. The 
 quadrireme had scudded out of sight with in- 
 conceivable rapidity, before the other vessels 
 had left their moorings. The crews of the other 
 ships had spirit and heart left. Though few in 
 number, notwithstanding their plight, they 
 gave out that they were willing to fight, and 
 sell as dearly as possible, the few sparks of life 
 which their hunger had left. And if Cleomenes 
 had not been so much ahead, there would have 
 been some chance of making an effectual re- 
 sistance. The admiral's ship was the only one 
 decked, and so large, that it might have proved 
 a protection to the others. And had it come 
 into action, it would have been a city as it 
 were, among those piratical feluccas. Deserted 
 then by the^idmiral, they began to steer the 
 same course. %Like Cleomenes, they made for 
 
219 
 
 Elorus. They did not so much fly from the 
 pirates, as pursue their admiral. And as each 
 was most in the rear, so was he the more ex- 
 posed to danger. For the pirates attacked each 
 rearmost vessel in its turn. The ship of Alun- 
 tium strikes first ; her captain was Pilarchus, a 
 nobleman of that city; whom the Locrians 
 afterwards redeemed from the pirates. In a 
 former pleading you heard the circumstances 
 from him upon oath. The ship of Apollonia 
 strikes next, and her captain, Anthropinus, is 
 kiUed.Kt-While these transactions are taking 
 place, Cleomenes had touched and landed at 
 
 * 
 
 , Elorus, while he left his quadrireme floating at 
 large. The other captains made after him, 
 since the admiral had landed, and they were 
 unable to fight, or escape from the pirates. 
 Presently the piratical captain, Heracleo, who 
 had gained the victory contrary to liis expec- 
 tations, not through his own valour, but the 
 avarice and wickedness of Verres, as evening 
 approached, ordered a splendid fleet of the 
 Roman people, which lay wrecked on the shore, 
 to be burnt to ashes. 
 
 O the bitter and afflicting moment for the 
 province of Sicily ! O the catastrophe pregnant 
 with calamity to so many innocent men ! O the 
 unprecedented turpitude of Verres ! One and 
 the same night consumed a praetor with the 
 
220 
 
 vilest lust, and a Roman fleet with fire ! In the 
 dead of the night, the bearer of the bad tidings 
 arrives at Syracuse ; he runs to the praetorial 
 palace, where courtezans a little before, had 
 brought back the praetor from his revels, at- 
 tended by vocal and instrumental musicians. 
 Cleomenes, though it was night, dared not shew 
 himself in public, but he shut himself up, nor 
 had his wife access to him, to console her hus- 
 band in affliction. -^3o strict was the discipline 
 observed in the palace of our illustrious praetor, 
 that in a case of such importance, no one was 
 admitted into his presence, no one, who dared 
 to disturb his slumbers, or interrupt him when 
 up. As soon as the circumstance was made 
 known, great multitudes of people flocked 
 together, from all parts of the city. For the 
 approach of the pirates was not signified to 
 them in the customary manner, not by signals 
 placed on an eminence, nor by lights suspended 
 from the towers ; but their calamity and danger 
 was made known by the blaze itself of the whole 
 navy in flames ! Z4> 
 
 & oAs the praetor was inquired for, and it ap- 
 peared that no one had related what had hap- 
 pened, a great concourse of people attack the 
 palace with a loud noise. He at last goes out, 
 and hears the whole affair from Timarchides. 
 Tie puts on his cloak, and about dawn, sallies 
 
221 
 
 forth stupified with wine, lust, and sleep. He 
 is assailed with universal murmurs, so that the 
 counterpart of the danger which he incurred at 
 Lampsacum,* 5 might appear to have been trans- 
 acted before him. This probably appeared the 
 more terrible, for here was a greater concourse 
 of people impelled by similar hatred of Verres. 
 His deeds and flagitious revels were then the 
 subject of animadversion ; his concubines were 
 called by name from the crowd ; ^e was then 
 publicly asked what he had been doing, where 
 he had been for so many days together, that no 
 one could even get a sight of him ; then Cleo- 
 menes, who had been appointed by him as ad- 
 miral, was demanded ; and nothing was nearer 
 taking place, than the transferring of the ex- 
 ample made of Hadrian at Utica, to Syracuse, 
 by erecting two monuments of two vile prastors 
 in two provinces. 26 The mob nevertheless took 
 into account the crisis, the disorder, and their 
 respect for public opinion; for the populace at 
 Syracuse consists of Roman citizens, who are 
 much looked up to, not merely in the province, 
 but throughout the republic. While Verres 
 was stupified with drowsiness, they encourage 
 one another, take up arms, and occupy the 
 forum and the island, which forms a consider- 
 able portion of the city. The pirates as they 
 tarried at Elorus for that one night, while they 
 
222 
 
 left our ships smoking, took measures to attack 
 Syracuse. They had often heard that nothing 
 is more beautiful than the harbour and build- 
 ings of Syracuse, and had established it as an 
 axiom, that they would never be able to see 
 them, except while Verres was praetor. 
 py?Their first step was to approach that part of 
 the shore where our renowned praetor had 
 pitched his summer tents for the gratification 
 of luxury. As soon as they found the spot de- 
 serted, and had discovered that the praetor had 
 struck his tents, they fearlessly began to enter 
 the harbour itself. When I say the harbour, 
 my Lords, (for I must be accurate in my state- 
 ment to those who are ignorant of the situa- 
 tion,) I mean, that the pirates entered the city, 
 the very interior of the city. For the town is 
 not shut in by the port, but the port is sur- 
 rounded by the city ; not that the outer walls 
 are washed by the sea, but the sea flows into 
 the very bosom of the city. 27 Here then, in 
 your pnetorship, the piratical captain, Hera- 
 cleo, navigated at his leisure in paltry feluccas. 
 What! in the name of heaven! Is it possible 
 that a piratical vessel could penetrate into the 
 forum and every crevice of that city which was 
 the seat of the Roman government? which 
 neither the powerful fleets of the Carthaginians, 
 though they had made frequent attempts during 
 
numerous wars, could ever effect; wherein 
 neither the invincible Roman navies could ever 
 penetrate before you was praetor, during the 
 course of so many Punic and Sicilian wars. The 
 place is so fortified, that the Syracusans would 
 sooner expect to see an armed force within 
 their walls, than a single hostile ship in the in- 
 terior of their port. The small craft of pirates 
 here sailed while you was praetor, where the 
 Athenian navy alone, consisting of three hundred 
 ships, was able to force an entrance in the me- 
 mory of man; and which was afterwards sub- 
 dued by the advantageous site of the port itself. 
 There, for the first time, the resources of that 
 city were diminished and kept under ; there it 
 was that a wreck of the Athenian glory, em- 
 pire, and reputation, was believed to have been 
 made.v^^Was it then here that a pirate could 
 penetrate, and not only leave the city to his 
 right, but have it absolutely in his rear? Orty- 
 gia, a considerable portion of Syracuse, was 
 sailed by; where, as I have said before, no Sy~ 
 racusan was permitted to live, for those who 
 garrisoned that quarter, were believed to have 
 the whole port at their beck. And in what 
 manner did they scour the harbour? Why they 
 displayed the roots of the dwarf-palms, which 
 they discovered in our ships, for all Syracuse 
 to witness the calamity of Sicily, and the villany 
 
of the praetor. Was it for Sicilian troops, the 
 sons of husbandmen, whose fathers cultivated 
 so much corn, themselves born in the island of 
 Ceres, where the use of corn was first disco- 
 vered; was it for them, I say, whose fathers 
 supplied the Roman people with grain, to have 
 recourse to that food which their ancestors dis- 
 carded after the introduction of the use of 
 wheat? In your prastorship, Sicilian troops 
 were nourished with the roots of palms, while 
 pirates were devouring corn ! O the afflicting, 
 the heart-rending spectacle ! The glory of Sy- 
 racuse and honour of the Roman name to be 
 turned to scorn in the presence of a great mul- 
 titude ! A pirate in an insignificant boat to 
 triumph over the Roman fleets in the harbour 
 of Syracuse ! While the oars of the free-booters 
 dashed the spray in the eyes of the abominable 
 and indolent pnetor ! After they had departed, 
 not through fear, but satiety, people began to 
 inquire into the cause of so great a calamity. 
 They openly avowed that there was no room 
 for wondering at such a catastrophe, if the 
 sailors and marines were dismissed, and the 
 residue left to perish with hunger, while the 
 prsetor got drunk with his concubines. This 
 blame and infamy was further corroborated by 
 those who had been appointed severally to the 
 ships by each city; and by those who of that 
 
225 
 
 number had been left, and fled to Syracuse, 
 when they heard of the loss of the fleet. They 
 named those sailors whom they knew to have 
 been dismissed from their respective ships. The 
 case was manifest; and not only proved by 
 argument, but also by faithful witnesses of the 
 avarice of Verres. 
 
 J^^The man is himself informed that nothing 
 occurs in the forum and assemblies, but ques- 
 tions relative to the loss of the fleet, put to the 
 captains ; who answer individually, that it was 
 in consequence of the dismissal of the rowers, 
 the famine of those who were left on board, and 
 the cowardly flight of Cleomenes. As soon as 
 he heard of this, he devised the following 
 scheme. He had determined to plead his own 
 cause, before he could benefit himself from so 
 doing, as you have heard him state in a former 
 accusation. He saw it was impossible to sup- 
 port the conviction of so great a crime in the 
 presence of the captains who were witnesses of 
 it. He adopts a foolish but gentle mode of 
 proceeding. He orders Cleomenes and the cap- 
 tains to be summoned in his presence. They 
 come. He accuses them of holding out language 
 of this sort against him, beseeches them to de- 
 sist, and to say that they had each their quota 
 of sailors, and that none were dismissed. They 
 make shew that they will act according to hLs 
 
26 
 
 pleasure. He delays no longer convoking his 
 friends, and demands individually how many 
 sailors they each had. Each answers according 
 as it was prescribed. The provident man has 
 the answers registered, and sealed with his 
 friend's seals ; that he might make use of their 
 depositions, if necessary at any time, in answer 
 to this charge. I suspect the madman was 
 laughed to scorn by his advisers, and warned 
 that these registers would have no weight, that 
 they would even tell against him by creating 
 Suspicion from the pains he had taken with 
 them. He frequently had recourse to this 
 foolish expedient before, so as to give public 
 orders to have what he pleased cancelled or re- 
 gistered in the archives of the cities. He now 
 discovers that this plan is of no avail, since he 
 is convicted by the testimonies of faithful re- 
 gisters and witnesses.**/ ("When he sees that their 
 confession, and his own declaration from his 
 fabricated registers are of no advantage, he 
 adopts the expedient (not of a detestable pros tor, 
 for that was to be endured) but of an importu- 
 nate and frantic tyrant. He determined then, 
 with the view of extenuating his crime, (for he 
 did not imagine it could be wholly done away,) 
 to put to death all the captains who were wit- 
 - nesses of his offence. This method of reason- 
 ing was suggested to him : " What can be done 
 
227 
 
 with Cleomenes? Can I punish those who 
 acted under his orders ? Can I pass him over 
 "whom I vested with the supreme command? 
 Can I inflict punishment on his followers? Can 
 I forgive Cleomenes who ordered them to follow 
 him in his flight? Can I he severe towards 
 those who not only had empty ships, but also 
 without decks? Can I overlook him who alone 
 had a decked vessel, and better manned than 
 the others ? Let then Cleomenes suffer death 
 too." If so, where is his faith, where his pro- 
 testations, his right hand pledged, his embraces? 
 Where that female military mess on that effe- 
 minate shore? He cannot possibly act other- 
 wise than spare Cleomenes. 
 
 He summons Cleomenes, and tells him he is 
 determined to punish all the captains, and de- 
 mands an account of the danger he had incurred. 
 " I will spare you alone," he says, " and will 
 bear the imputation of cowardice and blame 
 myself, sooner than be cruel towards you, and 
 surfer so many respectable witnesses of my mis- 
 deeds to escape alive." Cleomenes returns 
 thanks, and approves the design : he says it 
 ought to be so. He nevertheless cautions him, 
 not to animadvert on Phalargus, captain of the 
 Centuripan quadrireme, (which circumstance 
 had escaped him,) because he was with him in 
 
228 
 
 the Centuripan vessel. " What/' he says, " shall 
 that respectable young man remain, belonging 
 to that city, to make his deposition against me?" 
 " It will be better for the present," said Cleo- 
 menes; " we will look to that matter hereafter, 
 if he should happen to be in your way." 
 ^flAs soon as these things are arranged, he 
 starts forth from the pratorial palace inflamed 
 with crime, madness, and cruelty. He goes to 
 the forum, and orders the captains to be sum- 
 moned. They, apprehensive of nothing, im- 
 mediately attend. He orders the unhappy and 
 innocent men to be put in irons. They im- 
 plored the praetor's protection, and demanded 
 why they were thus treated. He replies, be- 
 cause they had surrendered their ships to the 
 pirates. The populace murmur, and are asto- 
 nished at the man's audacity in attributing the 
 cause of the calamity to others, which, it was 
 obvious to all, originated in his own avarice; 
 or that he, who might be deemed an ally of 
 the pirates, should tax others with the crime of 
 treason; and lastly, that on the fifteenth day 
 after the fleet had been lost, he should lay this 
 to their charge. While these things were trans- 
 acting, people inquired, " Where is Cleomenes?" 
 Not that any one thought he should suffer pu- 
 nishment of any description, on account of his 
 disaster. For what could Cleomenes do? (I 
 
229 
 
 cannot, my Lords, lay a false accusation on any 
 body;) what could Cieomenes clo effectively 
 with ships dismantled through the avarice of 
 the praetor? They see him sit by the praetor 
 and whisper, as was usual, familiarly in his ear. 
 It then appeared quite scandalous to all, that 
 honourable men named respectively by the cities 
 to their ships, should be thrown in chains into 
 prison; while Cieomenes, on account of his 
 similar flagitious conduct, remained on the best 
 terms with the praetor. One Naevius Turpio 
 is named for the accusation of these captains, 
 who in the pretorship of C. Sacerdos, was con- 
 demned for an assault, a very proper person for 
 seconding his insolence, who was his emissary 
 and agent in the monopoly of tithes, in impeach- 
 ments for capital offences, and in every species 
 of fraudulent transactions. 
 ?f 5- The parents and relations of the unhappy 
 young men arrive at Syracuse much affected at 
 the sudden news of the calamity which had 
 befallen them. They behold their children 
 bound in chains, and heaving on their necks the 
 punishment due to that wretch's avarice. They 
 are present, Verres; they defend their cause, 
 and speak for them, in your presence; they 
 implore your protection, which was never af- 
 forded tp any one. The father of one of them, 
 Dexio, of Tyndaris, a nobleman who enter- 
 
230 
 
 tained you at his house, and whom you called 
 your friend, was present. When you saw him, 
 a man of authority bending under the weight 
 of his affliction, could not his tears, his age, the 
 rights and title of friendship, tear you away 
 from crime to the exercise of a small degree of 
 -humanity? But why am I putting this unna- 
 tural wretch in mind of the duties of friendship? 
 He who stripped the house of Sthenius, of 
 Therma?, his host, set down his name among 
 the accused, and without instituting a trial, con- 
 demned him capitally? Must we look for the 
 duties of friendship in such a man ! Have we 
 to do with a cruel person, or a wild and fero- 
 cious beast? Could not the tears shed by the 
 father for the danger of his innocent son, touch 
 you with compassion? When you had left the 
 father at home, and had the son in your pos- 
 session, could not the one who was absent re- 
 mind you of indulgence to a father, and the 
 other, who was present, of the clearness of chil- 
 dren ? Your friend, Aristeus, son of Dexio, 
 was in chains. And why ? He had struck his 
 ship. Why this retribution? He had deserted 
 his crew. But what was to become of Cleo- 
 menes? For he had been negligent. But you had 
 presented him with a golden crown to remu- 
 nerate his valour. He had dismissed the sailors. 
 You -had received money from all for their dis- 
 
231 
 
 missal. There was another parent who attend- 
 ed; Eubulides, of Herbita, a distinguished 
 member of his family, who, because he had in- 
 jured Cleomenes in defending his own son, was 
 almost stripped of his property. What had any 
 one to say in his defence? He was not allowed 
 to name Cleomenes. But the cause is urgent. 
 You shall die if you are appealed to. He never 
 used moderate threats to any one. But the 
 rowers were not present. Do you dare accuse 
 the praetor? You had better break your own 
 neck. What could be done since it was neither 
 allowable to appeal to the praetor, or the praetor's 
 rival, though the whole cause rested with these 
 
 7 O 
 
 two. What then is to take place? Heraclius, 
 of Segesta, a leading member of his family, also 
 pleads his cause. Pay attention, my Lords, for 
 your humanity demands it. You shall hear the 
 grievances which our allies have suffered. Know 
 that this Heraclius was also tried, who could 
 not embark on account of a disorder in his eyes, 
 and was ordered to remain at Syracuse by him, 
 who had the supreme command, with the provi- 
 sions for the fleet. Certainly he neither sur- 
 rendered his ship, nor did he fly through cow- 
 ardice, nor did he desert his crew. For this 
 was remarked when the fleet sailed from Syra- 
 cuse. He was nevertheless implicated in the 
 same charge, as if apprehended in manifest 
 
guilt, he, on whom not even the pretext of cri- 
 minality could fall. There was one Furius, of 
 Heraclea, among those captains, (for sometimes 
 Latin names designate the Sicilians,) a man 
 much respected not only as long as he lived, 
 but after death, in his own family, and through- 
 out Sicily. This man had such spirit, that he 
 not only would use his endeavours to injure 
 Verres, for since he saw he was to suffer death, 
 he knew he could do it without danger, hut 
 with death before his eyes, when his weeping 
 mother sat beside him night and day in prison, 
 he wrote his defence, which every body in Sicily 
 has in his possession, and reads, and takes warn- 
 ing from that memoir, of your detestable cruelty. 
 In this, he states how many sailors he received 
 from his city, how many, and for what sum, he 
 dismissed, how many he retained ; and the same 
 of the other ships. When he stated these things 
 to you, his eyes were smitten with rods. As 
 death was before him, he bore his pain with 
 firmness, and exclaimed in these words, which 
 he has left in his written document : " That it 
 was a scandalous crime) that an immodest woman 
 should have more influence with you in procuring 
 the salvation of Cleomenes, than the tears of his 
 another in the sparing of his own life" I perceive 
 besides another thing written, and if the Roman 
 people are sufficiently aware of your character, 
 
233 
 
 he did not prophesy falsely concerning you at 
 his death. 
 
 i r er res cannot wipe away his guilt by the 
 murdering of witnesses; I shal(be a more terrible 
 witness against him hereafter, than if I be brought 
 alive to a seat of justice ; if I live, I can only con- 
 vict you of avarice; if I die, I can depose against 
 you for cruelty, wickedness, and audacity'' Then 
 follow these memorable words : " When your 
 trial takes place, not only crowds cf witnesses, but 
 the punishment of innocent people, together with 
 the furies, will denounce you from the shades below. 
 My punishment I consider light, though the coun- 
 tenance of your butcher Sestius, and the edges of 
 your axes are before me, when compared with the 
 execution of Roman citizens by your orders." No 
 more, my Lords. He abused that liberty which 
 you granted to our allies, and inflicted on them 
 the bitterest punishments of the most degraded 
 slaves. 
 
 He condemns them all with the opinion of 
 his council. He did not however in so im- 
 portant a case, and in the trial of so many citi- 
 zens, summon P. Vettius, the quaestor, to assist 
 him with his advice ; nor P. Cervius, a man of 
 such consequence, an ambassador, and who, be- 
 cause he was such, was first excluded from the 
 court by him ; but he condemns them all by the 
 votes of his associates, or, which is the same, 
 
234 
 
 his villains. Upon this, all the Sicilians, our 
 faithful and old friends, attached to us through 
 the kindness of our ancestors, are greatly 
 troubled at the hazard to which themselves and 
 their fortunes are exposed. The humane pro- 
 ceedings of our government to be turned into 
 such inhumanity! so many innocent men to be 
 condemned! A vile praetor to veil his thefts by 
 the shameful death of innocent people ! Wicked- 
 ness, madness, and cruelty, cannot appear to be 
 carried further, my Lords, in troth, they can- 
 not. He will be found, upon comparison, to 
 surpass in crime infinitely every one else. But 
 he contends with himself; he so acts, that his 
 last crime will be found always worse than the 
 preceding. I have stated that Phalargus, the 
 Centuripan, wasexcepted by Cleomenes, because 
 he was in the same quadrireme with him; the 
 young man nevertheless had cause to fear, for 
 he saw that his case was similar to that of those 
 who were condemned unjustly. Timarchides 
 has an interview with him, and tells him he 
 need not be apprehensive of being decapitated, 
 and cautions him to beware of not being con- 
 demned to be flogged. In short, you Uave 
 heard the young man himself declare, that for 
 fear of being publicly whipped; he gave a sum 
 of money to Timarchides. These are the trivial 
 offences of the accused. The captain of a 
 
235 
 
 splendid city removed the fear of a flogging by- 
 paying a sum of money. This is a mark of his 
 humanity. Another gave a sum not to be con- 
 demned. This is a usual way with him. The 
 Roman people do not want to tax Verres with 
 old-fashioned crimes, They demand to hear of 
 new and unprecedented offences; they think 
 not that a Sicilian preetor stands arraigned at 
 the bar, but a blood-thirsty tyrant//*' The con- 
 demned captains are thrown into prison. Pu- 
 nishment is decreed, not only on them, but their 
 wretched parents, who are prohibited approach- 
 ing them, to furnish them with food or neces- 
 saries. These fathers whom you see before 
 you, lay at the threshold; these unhappy mothers 
 passed the whole night at the prison-gates, pre- 
 vented from embracing their children for the 
 last time. They besought nothing else but to' 
 receive the parting breath of their offspring. 
 The lictor Sestius, who was the jailer, and 
 butcher of the praetor, the death and terror of 
 our allies, was there. His pay was estimated 
 by the groans and distresses of all. " For ad- 
 mittance you must pay so much," he cries ; 
 ." and so much for the introduction of food." 
 No one refused what he asked. " What Avill 
 you give me for dispatching your son with one 
 blow of the axe? that he should not be put to 
 the torture? that he should not die in agonies?" 
 
236 
 
 And money was paid to this lictor for compli- 
 ance with these demands. O their unhappy 
 destiny ! O their insupportable agonies ! Parents 
 were compelled to pay not for the liberation of 
 their children, but for their speedy execution. 
 And the young men themselves bargained with 
 Sestius for one stripe, and blow of the axe. 
 And the children supplicated their parents that 
 money should be given to the lictor for the 
 mitigation of their torments. Severe torments 
 were applied to the parents, and severe ones to 
 their relatives. But death must put an end to 
 their sufferings not so. Can cruelty be car- 
 ried further? A scheme will be devised. For 
 the children as sbdn as dead, will have their 
 bodies thrown to wild beasts. And if the parent 
 is affected at this, he must pay to be empowered 
 to bury them. You have heard Onasus, of Se- 
 gesta, a nobleman, depose, that for the inter- 
 ment of the captain Heraclius, he paid a sum to 
 Timarchides. A man of the first rank declares 
 the truth of this, so do not come forward with 
 the plea that the fathers came angry to you in 
 consequence of the loss of their sons; he avers 
 it, nor does he make mention of his own son. 
 Was there any one at Syracuse that did not 
 hear and know that compacts for burial were 
 entered into by Timarchides and the con- 
 demned? Did they not confer with him in 
 

 237 
 
 public? Were not all their relations applied 
 to ? Were not the funerals of their living chil- 
 dren settled ? When every thing was ratified 
 and settled, they are dragged forth from prison, 
 and tied to the stake. Who was so callous, so 
 inexorable, but you alone, as not to be affected 
 at their misery, age, and condition ? Was there 
 any one who could refrain from tears ? who did 
 not think that the calamity came home to them, 
 and that the fortune of all was endangered? 
 They are decapitated. You exult and triumph 
 in their groans; you rejoice that the witnesses 
 of your avarice are out of the way. You was 
 mistaken, Verres, you was vehemently mis- 
 taken, if you imagined that the spots of your 
 depredations and iniquities could be washed out 
 by the blood of our innocent friends. You was 
 hurried headlong by phrenzy, in thinking that 
 the wounds occasioned by your avarice, could 
 be healed by your cruel proscriptions. For 
 although the witnesses of your crimes are no 
 more, their relations will be neither wanting to 
 you or to them. And some of the captains are 
 yet living, whom fortune seems to have pre- 
 served for this trial, and rescued from the pu- 
 nishment inflicted on the undeserving. Phi- 
 largus, of Aluntium, is present, who, because he 
 did not escape with Cleomenes, was subdued by 
 the pirates, and made prisoner ; but his cala- 
 
238 
 
 mity proved his security: for if he had not 
 been taken by the pirates, he would have fallen 
 into the hands of this pirate of our allies. He 
 will bear witness to the dismissal of the sailors, 
 to their famine, to the flight of Cleomenes. 
 Phalargus, ofCenturipe, is also present, a native 
 of a considerable city. He affirms the same, 
 and no way differs. 
 
 In the name of heaven, my Lords, can you 
 keep your seats with patience? Can you en- 
 dure to hear of these things ? Do I shew my 
 weakness in grieving more than I ought for the 
 affliction of our allies ? Do not these dire tor- 
 tures and calamities of innocent people affect 
 you equally with myself? For when I affirm that 
 natives of Herbita and Heraclea were decapi- 
 tated, the atrocity of their execution appears 
 before my eyes.?/ ;Was it then for those people, 
 the heirs of those lands which furnished an- 
 nually Rome with a vast supply of corn, the 
 fruit of their labours, who were educated by 
 their parents in the hopes of our protection; 
 was it for them to be reserved for the inhu- 
 manity ^and bloody axe of Cains Yerres? As 
 often as I think of that Tyndarite, and Segestan, 
 so often do I remember the rights, and good 
 offices of those cities to the republic. The cities 
 which Publius Africanus deemed fit to be orna- 
 mented with the spoils of our enemies, not only 
 
23Q 
 
 has C. Verres stripped of those ornaments, but 
 also of their most valuable citizens, through his 
 abominable wickedness. 
 
 Behold the voluntary declaration of the 
 Tyndarites : " IV e are classed among the seven- 
 teen Sicilian cities; in all the Punic and Sicilian 
 wars, we have uniformly sided with Rome; by us 
 the Roman people have always been assisted in time 
 of war, and supplied with luxuries in peace" 
 
 Forsooth their rights had much weight with 
 him when praetor. 
 
 Scipio formerly headed your sailors against 
 Carthage ; but now Cleomenes commands half 
 manned vessels against the pirates. Africanus 
 shared with you the spoils of the enemy ; but 
 now you are accounted as enemies, robbed by 
 me ; 28 and your ship is captured by the pirate?. 
 But what besides ? These things are not only 
 related, and inscribed in the archives of the 
 Segestans, but their alliance with Rome is at- 
 tested and confirmed by their good offices. 
 And what is the reward of their fidelity in the 
 pKEtorship of Verres ? This, my Lords ; that a 
 young nobleman should be forced from the 
 bosom of his father, that an innocent son should 
 be torn from the embraces of his mother, and 
 given over to that butcher Sestius. That city, 
 to which our ancestors made considerable grants 
 of rich lands, which they willed should remain 
 
240 
 
 in the enjoyment of its own laws, could not 
 even effect the salvation of one innocent citi- 
 zen by the authority of its antiquity, alliance, 
 and friendship with the republic^Whither shall 
 our allies betake themselves? Whom shall they 
 implore? What hopes can they entertain of 
 enjoying life if you desert them ? Shall they 
 come before the senate to require Verres to be 
 punished? It is not usual, it is not senatorial. 
 Shall they betake themselves to the Roman 
 people? A trial is easily procured from them. 
 They will say that they ordered a law to be 
 passed for the protection of the allies, and 
 named you as the guardians and executors of 
 that law. 
 
 This then is the only place to which they 
 can fly. This is the harbour, this the bulwark, 
 this the altar of our allies ; but they have not 
 recourse to it as heretofore, when they used to 
 reclaim lost property. They demand not a re- 
 storation of plate, of garments, of slaves, nor of 
 the ornaments taken from their temples. Rash 
 men are apprehensive of these concessions being 
 granted by the Roman people. For we have 
 endured with patience for many years, a few 
 individuals monopolizing the wealth of nations, 
 and we appear the more to overlook these out- 
 rages, since no one of them veils his misdeeds, 
 since no one strives to conceal his cupidity. In 
 
241 
 
 our beautiful and highly ornamented city, what 
 picture, what statue is there which was not 
 plundered from our vanquished enemies ? But 
 the villas of our prsetors are filled with the 
 choicest ornaments of our most faithful allies. 
 What do you think is become of the wealth of 
 foreign nations, which they all now stand in 
 want of, since you behold Athens, Pergamus, 
 Qyzicus, Miletus, Chios, Samos, in short all 
 Asia, Achaia, Greece, and Sicily, hid in a few 
 villas ? But of all these things, my Lords, as I 
 have stated, your allies take now no heed. They 
 have taken care by shewing good offices and 
 fidelity, not to be robbed publicly of them by 
 the Roman people. If they could not make an 
 effectual resistance to the avarice of a few, they 
 were able in some measure to compensate for it. 
 But now all power is taken away, not only of 
 resisting, but of making up the deficiency. 
 They therefore neglect their affairs. They do 
 not seek reparation for their losses at that place, 
 which is called a seat of .judgment. They ab- 
 solutely disregard them ; and in this prosperous 
 condition they fly to you for succour. Attend 
 to, my Lords, attend to the wretched plight of 
 our allies^ $3ere is Sthenius, a Thermitan, with 
 dishevelled hair, and tattered vest ; though his 
 whole house has been stripped, he makes no 
 mention of your thefts ; he seeks protection for 
 
his person, and nothing more. In consequence 
 of your rapacious and cruel disposition, he is 
 expelled his country, in which he held a dis- 
 tinguished rank by his good conduct and pre- 
 eminent merit. Here is Dexio ; he does not 
 demand the restoration of the property which 
 you stole privately from himself, and publicly 
 from the city of Tyndaris, but he demands his 
 only, excellent, and innocent son. He does not 
 hope to carry back a compensation in damages 
 for his lost property, but some consolation in 
 your punishment, to the shade and ashes of his 
 offspring. Here is the venerable Eubulides; 
 who did not so late in life undertake this fati- 
 guing journey to recover something of his pro- 
 perty, but that he might see you condemned 
 with those very eyes, wherewith he beheld 
 gouts of blood dropping from the neck of his 
 son! 
 
 Had L. Metellus* 9 permitted it, my Lords, 
 their wives and sisters would have been present. 
 One of them, on my arrival at Heraclea by 
 night, met me, atterilled by all the matrons of 
 that city, and numerous torch-bearers, callmo- 
 me her salvation, and Verres her butcher ; she 
 fell in a swoon at my feet, exclaiming the name 
 of her son, a* if it had been possible for me to 
 raise him from the dead. The elder matrons 
 did the same in the other cities, as well as the 
 
243 
 
 little children of the deceased; and they all 
 implored my labour and assistance as well as 
 the proofs of your attachment, and compassion. 
 In consequence, my Lords, Sicily complained 
 to me of this, rather than of his other iniquities. 
 I was induced to take up their cause by tears, 
 rather than the hope of reaping glory. 
 
 Lt not a groundless conviction, let not a 
 dungeon, let not chains, nor axes, let not the 
 tortures of our allies, let not the innocent blood, 
 nor the cold bodies after death, let not the an- 
 guish of their parents and relations be turned 
 to the gain of our magistrates! If, my Lords, 
 by his condemnation, through your just seve- 
 rity, I shall have removed the fears of all Sicily, 
 I shall think I have done my duty, and fulfilled 
 the wishes of those who have requested my ex- 
 ertions in their behalf. 
 
 %/ w.If then you can find any one who wishes to 
 defend your criminality in this naval transac- 
 tion, let him use this argument : let him omit 
 those common topics which have nothing to do 
 with the cause itself; let him say, that I laid 
 ill fortune to your charge, and called your ca- 
 lamity crime ; that I taxed you with the loss of 
 the fleet, which had often befallen good com- 
 manders in the uncertainty of warfare both by 
 sea and land. I do not lay misfortune to your 
 charge. You will gain no advantage by stating 
 
244 
 
 that other expeditions have been less suc- 
 cessful; nothing, by collecting the wrecks of 
 others' fortune. I affirm, that the ships were 
 not manned, that the rowers and sailors were 
 dismissed, that the residue lived on the roots 
 of dwarf-palms, that a Sicilian commanded a 
 Roman fleet, a Syracusan, our allies ; I say, that 
 during^that time, and the preceding days, you 
 was getting drunk with your concubines upon 
 the beach. And I can produce witnesses of all 
 these things. Do I then appear to insult you 
 in calamity, to shut out a refuge for you in dis- 
 tress ; do I lay to your charge the chances of 
 war? Those notwithstanding who have com- 
 mitted themselves to fortune, and are accus- 
 tomed to its varieties, are unwilling to have 
 their luck laid to their charge. Fortune had 
 nothing to do with your calamity. Generals 
 are wont to try the fortune of war in battle, 
 not in revels. We may safely say, that Venus, 
 and not Mars, occasioned that catastrophe. 
 Since fortune ought not to be laid to your 
 charge, why did you not overlook and forgive 
 the bad fortune of these innocent captains? 
 But let it be allowed that you are not amenable, 
 that you are not to be taxed with crime by riie, 
 because you decreed to decapitate the captains, 
 pursuant to the laws of our ancestors. My ac- 
 cusation does not turn upon the punishment; I 
 
245 
 
 do not say that no one should have lost his 
 head; I do not affirm that the severity of our 
 laws, the punishment of offences, and the fear 
 of our military, should be done away ; I con- 
 fess that severe punishment is often essential 
 not only for our allies, but also for our citizens 
 and troops. /.You may therefore pass this over. 
 I affirm that the fault was not in the captains, 
 but in yourself. I am able to prove that you 
 dismissed the sailors and marines for a bribe. 
 The remaining captains declare this ; the federal 
 city of Neaetum declares it, the cities of Her- 
 bita, of Mytistratum, 30 of Enna, of Agyrium, of 
 Tyndaris, declare it; your own witness, your 
 own admiral, your friend Cleomenes, declares 
 that he landed at Pachynus, and drafted soldiers 
 from the garrison to serve on board the fleet ; 
 which he certainly would not have done, if he 
 had had his complement. For such is the me- 
 thod observed in the full equipment of the fleet, 
 that there is not only no room for many, but 
 none for individuals. I affirm besides, that 
 those remaining sailors perished through hunger; 
 J affirm that no blame could attach to any, ex- 
 cept him, who had the chief command, the best 
 ship, and the most sailors, and that if all the 
 captains were in fault, that Cleomenes ought 
 not to have been constituted the spectator of 
 their distress and punishment. I affirm, besides, 
 
246 
 
 that a price for tears, for stripes, for wounds, for 
 burial, was unlawfully fixed upon. Wherefore if 
 you please to reply in your defence, speak thus : 
 that the fleet was fully equipped, that no marine 
 was absent, that there were no vacant benches of 
 oars, that the rowers were supplied with corn, 
 that the captains lie, that so many respectable 
 cities lie, that all Sicily lies ; that you was be- 
 trayed by Cleomenes, who said that he landed 
 at Pachynus to procure drafts of soldiers ; that 
 spirit was wanting to the forces, rjpt resources ; 
 that Cleomenes while smartly engaged, was 
 deserted by the others ; that no money was 
 given for the burials. And if you declare these 
 things, you shall notwithstanding be convicted; 
 and if you have recourse to other pleas, you 
 will still not be able to refute my charges^Vill 
 you dare now to hold this forth, " My friend is 
 among the judges, that fatherly friend of mine is 
 present?" Would he, however intimate with 
 you, not be highly ashamed of your guilt in this 
 transaction?" " He is your fatherly friend." 
 If your father himself was to try you, what, in 
 the name of heaven, could you say for your- 
 self? " Did you, Verres, when a Roman praetor, 
 in the administration of a naval war, excuse for 
 three whole years, the Messanians from furnish- 
 ing that ship, which they ought to have pro- 
 vided according to -treaty ? .Was a* large spero^ 
 
247 
 
 nara built by them, for your private use, at the 
 public expense? Did you raise money from 
 the cities, with the pretext of equipping a fleet? 
 Did you dismiss the sailors on receiving a stipu- 
 lated sum ? When a piratical ship was taken by 
 y our qiiiEstor, and lieutenant, didyou sequester in 
 your house the captain from public view ? Could 
 you decapitate those who were called Roman 
 citizens, and who were recognized as such by 
 many? Did you lead away the pirates to your 
 house, and produce their captain before a seat 
 of judgment? Did you in so splendid a pro- 
 vince, in the presence of our most faithful allies, 
 when the greatest danger impended, lie banquet- 
 ing upon the beach for whole days together ? 
 Could no one then have access to you in your 
 palace, no one see you in the forum? Did you 
 invite female heads of families to those festivals 
 of your friends, and associates? Did you seat 
 your son, a mere youth, my grandson, 3I among 
 those concubines, to instil into him, at that 
 age, the desire of imitating the profligacy, and 
 corruption of his father? Was you, a praetor 
 of a province, seen attired in purple robes 
 reaching to your heels ? Did you for the grati- 
 fication of your lust, delegate the command of 
 vessels to a Syracusan, instead of an officer or 
 the Roman people? Were your troops left des- 
 titute of corn, in the pro vince of Sicily ? Through 
 
248 
 
 your dissolute conduct and avarice, has a fleet 
 of the Roman people been captured and burnt? 
 From the period of the foundation of Syracuse, 
 what enemy was ever seen in its harbour, pre- 
 vious to your proconsulship? Neither did 
 you endeavour to veil this disgrace by your own 
 dissimulation, or by the silence and oblivion of 
 those who witnessed it? Did you hurry to an 
 Agonizing death, the naval captains without any 
 cause, after tearing them from the embraces of 
 their parents, who were your friends? Could 
 not the remembrance of my name appease you 
 in the bitterness of their grief? Was the blood 
 of innocent men not only your delight, but also 
 a source of profit to you?" 
 
 If your father were to address you in these 
 words, could you on any grounds hope for his 
 pardon? 
 
 My Lords, I have sufficiently fulfilled the 
 wishes of the Sicilians, sufficiently answered 
 the obligations of the task committed to me. 
 It remains for me to state that part of the accu- 
 sation, which has not been delegated to me, but 
 which may be said to be born with me, which 
 is engrafted in the inmost recesses of my soul, 
 which not merely relates to the salvation of 
 our allies, but to that of Roman citizens ; which 
 affects the lives and fortunes of all of us. Do 
 
 , my Lords, expect arguments on this head, 
 
249 
 
 as if it were involved in any doubt. Every 
 thing that I shall state relative to the punish- 
 ments of Roman citizens, shall be placed in so 
 glaring a light, that I can summon all Sicily to 
 be the witness of the truth of my assertions. 
 For a certain mania, the attendant of crime, 
 has so overwhelmed his unbridled passions, his 
 perverted nature, that he never hesitated to ap- 
 ply those punishments, in a public assembly, 
 to Roman citizens, which were only destined 
 for convict slaves. Why should I, relate how 
 many he punished with stripes ?^"f will only, 
 my Lords, briefly declare, that during his prae- 
 torship, there was no discrimination in this 
 
 ^ 
 
 method of punishment, l^nd the hand of the _^ C ^M 
 Victor dealt stripes to Koman citizens^ quite 
 inured by custom, and without waiting for his JU^.^.^ y 
 assentr>*/,Can you, Caius Verres, deny, that in 'j^ty 
 the presence of a great assembly, in the forum ^ 
 at LilybsEiim, C. Servilius, a Roman citizen, of 
 the company of merchants residing at Panor- 
 mus, was whipped on the ground by rods, close 
 to your feet? Dare, if you are ?ible, to refute 
 this first charge. There was rio one of Lily- 
 basum, who did not witness it; no one through- 
 out Sicily, who did not hear of it. I say that 
 PL Roman citizen was cut to pieces by the rods 
 of lictors in your presence. And for what, in 
 the name of Jieayen!" Though in asking the 
 
50 
 
 question, I injure the common cause, and the 
 laws of the republic. For had it been done with 
 any plea, I ask with what right such a punish- 
 ment was decreed on any Roman citizen, or on 
 Servilius? > Pardon him, for this one offence, 
 my Lords, I will not inquire deeply into the 
 rest. x lie had conversed too freely on the un- 
 principled conduct of the praetor. As soon as 
 Verres is informed of this, he orders the man 
 to find bail for his appearance at Lilybiciiin, to 
 a slave in the service of the temple of Venus 
 Erycina. He comes to Lilybseum,\pid begins 
 to compel him to find bail to his lictor in the 
 sum of two thousand sesterces, not to make gain 
 of his booty ; though Servilius had no one to lay 
 crime to his charge, no one to plead in his de- 
 fence. He says that he will furnish commis- 
 sioners to inquire into the matter out cf his 
 prsetorial guard. Servilius began to deprecate his 
 being convicted of a. capital offence by unjust 
 judges, without having any one to charge him 
 with crime. While he was loudly making these 
 entreaties, six powerful lictors immediately 
 environ him, well exercised in flogging; they 
 apply the stripes with all their might. Then 
 Sestius, who stood next to him, (and of whom 
 I have often spoken,) turning the but-end of 
 his staff, began to lay it, with all his might, 
 about his eyes. \He presently fell to the ground 
 
with his mouth and eyes streaming with blood. 
 \Jie notwithstanding had blows applied to his 
 ribs, to make him promise he would find bail. 
 Having undergone this punishment, and being 
 taken up for dead, he presently expired. IThat 
 vile slave in the service of the temple of Venus 
 Erycina, overflowing with wealth and elegan- 
 cies, placed a silver Cupid in the temple of 
 Venus, which belonged to the deceased ;N thus 
 abusing other peoples' fortunes, to perform his 
 nightly orgies to avarice. But why am I to 
 dwell individually on the other punishments of 
 Roman citizens; why not rather generally? 
 That prison which was excavated at Syracuse 
 by the sanguinary tyrant, Dionysius, and called 
 latomice, became during his government the 
 abode of Roman citizens. Mf any one wronged 
 him, either intentionally or apparently, here he 
 was immediately consigned. This must appear 
 shameful to all of you, my Lords, and I was 
 aware it did in a former pleading, when the 
 witnesses gave in thejr depositions. ^ You are 
 of opinion that the rights of liberty ought to be 
 preserved, not only here in the presence of the 
 tribunes, and other magistrates, not only in the 
 forum, and full senate; but you decree, that 
 wherever the rights of Roman citizens are 
 violated, it belongs to the splendour and dignity 
 of the republic to take cognizance thereupon. 
 
252 
 
 Did you, then, dare to imprison such multitudes 
 of Roman citizens in a place allotted to the 
 punishment of the worst malefactor sand pirates? 
 Was you never struck with the idea of this 
 tribunal, this numerous assembly, which now 
 eyes you with the utmost horror and indigna^ 
 tion? Had you never before your eyes the 
 dignity of the Roman people absent, never the 
 spectacle of this multitude present? Was you 
 of opinion that it would never be laid before 
 this tribunal, never be taken cognizance of by 
 the laws? But what was the object of this 
 cruelty, of the commission of so many crimes? 
 None, my Lords, but the accomplishment of an 
 unprecedented system of plundering. For in 
 the same manner that those, whom poets fable to 
 have infested promontories, and inlets of the sea, 
 for the sake of murdering shipwrecked mariners, 
 so did Verres infest all the seas from every 
 part of Sicily. Whatever ship arrived in that 
 island from Asia, Syria, Tyre, or Alexandria, it 
 was sure to be detained by his confidential 
 agents. The transporters of the merchandize 
 were thrown into prison, the cargoes conveyed 
 to the praetorial palace. It was not another 
 Phalaris, riot a Dionysius, after a long interval, 
 who occupied Sicily, (which island has pro- 
 duced many horrid tyrants,) but some frightful 
 abortion of nature, such as is reported in an- 
 
253 
 
 cient times to have infested those parts. For I 
 am of opinion that neither Scylla, nor Chary bdis, 
 was so formidable to sailors, as he was in the 
 same straits. He may be said to have been 
 more terrible, begirt as he was with larger and 
 fiercer blood-hounds. He was infinitely worse 
 than Polyphemus, who occupied JEtna alone, 
 but Verres was the scourge of all Sicily. But 
 what pretext had he, my Lords, for this horrid 
 cruelty? That, which will now be pleaded in 
 his defence. Those who touched in Sicily pretty 
 well stocked with wealth, he gave out to be the 
 troops of Sertorius, and that they had escaped 
 from Dianium. 3 * Some to avert their destiny, 
 offered him purple dyes ; others, frankincense 
 and perfumes; others, linen cloths; some offered 
 gems and pearls; others, Greek wines, and 
 Asiatic slaves, that he might be given to under- 
 stand from what countries their vessels came, 
 by the nature of the presents. They discovered 
 that the offers, which they thought would pro- 
 cure their salvation, would be ultimately the 
 cause of ruin. He said that they belonged to 
 the society of corsairs, and therefore consigned 
 them to the latomia, and took especial care to 
 keep the ships and cargoes/ 'Pursuant to his 
 determinations, when the prison was full of 
 mercantile people, those things then were done, 
 which you will hear stated by the respectable 
 
Roman knight, L. Suetius, as well as by others. 
 The necks of Roman citizens were inhumanly 
 broken in prison, and that exclamation, " I AM 
 A ROMAN CITIZEN,"" which had frequently 
 rescued many from the hands of barbarians in 
 remote countries, only served to accelerate and 
 imbitter their fate.# J What is this, Verres? 
 What do you think you can reply to this charge ? 
 Is it that I lie, or fabricate any thing? Do I 
 exaggerate your guilt? What will you dare to 
 say to these defenders of your's? Give me, I 
 beg, the letters of the Syracusans, which he 
 thinks have been written at his beck; give me 
 the registers of the prison, which have been ac- 
 curately kept, and which state the day when 
 each prisoner was confined, and when put to 
 death. 
 
 (Here the letters of the Syracusans are read 
 in court.) 
 
 Here, my Lords, you have Roman citizens 
 thrown indiscriminately into the latomia ; you 
 see a multitude of your fellow-countrymen 
 heaped together in a noisome dungeon. 34 Now 
 endeavour to find out how they effected their 
 escape from thence. You cannot. Are they 
 then all dead? If he could make that plea 
 plausible, 110 one would believe him. But it is 
 written in these very letters, which that igno- 
 rant barbarian could not expect, or compre- 
 
255 
 
 bend, EAIKH0H2AN, as the Sicilians say, that is, 
 they were condemned to punishment, and 
 death-palf any foreign king or nation were to 
 treat a Roman citizen thus, should we not re- 
 venge ourselves in a public manner? Should 
 we not go to war? Can we let this injurious 
 insult to the Roman name pass unpunished? 
 How many wars do you think our ancestors 
 were engaged in, to avenge the insults offered 
 to Roman citizens, the retention of ships, or 
 the despoiling of our merchants? But I have 
 not now to complain of their being retained ; 
 I think it to be endured that thev were robbed, 
 that the merchants were despoiled of their mer- 
 chandize, ships, and slaves, that they were 
 bound in irons ; I am now to state that Roman 
 citizens were put to death in prison. Were I 
 to proclaim these things in Scythia, not to an 
 assembly of Romans, not to the flower of the 
 senate, not in the Roman forum; if I were to 
 dwell on the many and dreadful punishments 
 inflicted on Roman citizens, I should stir the 
 compassion of barbarians themselves. For so 
 great is the extent of our empire, so weighty 
 the authority of the Roman name among all 
 nations, that it is permitted to no one to ex- 
 ercise cruelty against a native of Italy. Can I 
 then think it possible for you to have any 
 place of refuge left, when I behold you impli- 
 
256 
 
 cated by the severity of our judges, and cir- 
 cumvented in your crimes, by this multitude of 
 Romans who are present? 
 
 If indeed you are able to extricate yourself 
 from this dilemma, (which I do not believe pos- 
 sible) you must necessarily be inveigled in 
 more inextricable toils by me, as I have shewn 
 above. And if I were to yield that point on 
 \vhich you ground your defence, that fictitious 
 plea would be not less ruinous to you, than my 
 true accusation. 
 
 For what has he recourse to in his defence? 
 He affirms that he received refugees from Spain, 
 and condemned them to punishment. Who 
 ever permitted you to act thus? With what 
 right did you do it? Who ever did the same? 
 We see the forum and temples filled with those 
 deserters, and we allow them to take refuge 
 here willingly. For the issue of that civil dis- 
 sension, call it madness, fate, or calamity, i* 
 not so burthensome to us, but what we allow 
 those who survived, to be under our protection. 
 That Verres, the betrayer of a consul, the trans- 
 ferrer of a quaestor ship, the misapplier of the 
 public monies, has obtained forsooth such in- 
 fluence in the republic, as to have it in hi* 
 power to inflict a cruel death on those men 
 whom fortune might waft to any part of Sicily, 
 and who are permitted by the senate, the magis- 
 
257 
 
 trates, and Roman people to be at large in the 
 city, and throughout the republic. After that 
 Perpenna 35 was killed, many soldiers betook 
 themselves to Cn. Pompeius, from the army of 
 Sertorius, To whom of these, did he not shew 
 protection with all his heart? To whom was 
 that invincible arm not extended with the proffer 
 of pardon and the hope of security ? Is it then 
 for those, who were granted protection by him 
 against whom they had borne arms, to suffer 
 tortures and death inflicted by you, who never 
 was of any weight in the state ? Only mark 
 what a valid defence you have devisedu 1 had 
 rather, by heaven, I had rather have your de^ 
 fence proved in the presence of this court and 
 the Roman people, than that, which I lay to 
 your charge. I had rather, I repeat, have you 
 thought inimical to that race of men, than to 
 merchants and seafaring people. My charge 
 only convicts you of unbridled avarice; your 
 defence, of ungovernable madness, unparalleled 
 cruelty, and almost a new proscription. But I 
 cannot turn, my Lords, so much good to his ac-. 
 count. I cannot. Here is all Puteoli; 36 in this 
 court are numerous respectable merchants who 
 will testify; some, that their friends, others, 
 that their enfranchised slaves, were despoiled 
 by him, and that several were decapitated by 
 his order in prison. Only observe how impar- 
 
258 
 
 tially I will deal with him. Refute, if you are 
 able, P. Granius, a witness against you, who 
 deposes that his bondmen lost their heads, and 
 who reclaims from you his ship and merchan- 
 dize. I will desert my witness, I will favour 
 you, I say* I will even assist you. Prove now, 
 that they served under Sertorius, that they were 
 wafted to Sicily, that they were* refugees from 
 Dianium. I should be rejoiced if you were able 
 to prove it. For no crime can be detected de- 
 serving a severer punishment. I will, if you 
 please, summon a second time, L. Flavins, a 
 Roman knight; because in a former pleading, 
 to use the language of your friends, through 
 your uncommon foresight, you interrogated no 
 witness; but all are aware that you was re- 
 pressed by the stings of your own conscience, 
 and the authority of my witnesses. Let then 
 Flavius be questioned, if you will, who was that 
 L. Herennius, who he said made silver plate at 
 Leptis. 37 This man, notwithstanding that there 
 were upwards of one hundred Roman citizens 
 at Syracuse, who not only were acquainted with 
 him, but also defended him with tears and en- 
 treaties, was nevertheless in the presence of all 
 Syracuse, decapitated by you. I only wish you 
 to refute my witness, and to prove that Heren- 
 nius served under Sertorius; //,What. shall we 
 say of that crowd of people, who with heads 
 
259 
 
 wrapped in their mantles, were classed with 
 pirates and captives, and had their heads struck 
 off? For what reason was this new active 
 measure of your's devised? Did the cries of 
 L. Flavins, and of the others for L. Herennius, 
 urge you to the commission of this atrocity? 
 Or, did the esteem and high authority of M. 
 Annius, a most respectable and honest man, 
 make you rather more active and suspicious? 
 who lately deposed, that, not a foreigner, but a 
 Roman citizen, well known by all, and born at 
 Syracuse, suffered decapitation by your orders. 
 After these outcries, these public complaints 
 and murmurs, so far from shewing himself more 
 lenient, he became more cruel in punishing. 
 He dragged to the place of execution Roman 
 citizens, with their heads enveloped in their 
 mantles. And these he put to death openly, 
 because, as I have before stated, they inquired 
 too minutely into the number of the captured 
 pirates. Is this then the condition, to which 
 the Roman people are reduced in your prsetor- 
 ship ? Are these the hopes they have of carry- 
 ing on traffic? Is this the hazard to which 
 their lives are exposed ? Are there then so few 
 risks to which merchants are liable, that these 
 terrors must be held over their heads by our 
 provincial magistrates? Was it for this, that in 
 that intimately connected province, Sicily, filled 
 
260 
 
 with our most faithful allies, and valuable citi- 
 zens, which always allowed most willingly Ro- 
 man colonies to settle, that those, who navi- 
 gated the seas from Syria and JEgypt, who even 
 among barbarians were respected for the sake 
 of the Roman name ; was it for those, I ask, 
 who had escaped from the hands of pirates, or 
 the dangers of tempests, when they believed 
 they had arrived at their homes, to suffer deca- 
 pitation in Sicily ? 
 
 (^?/> In what language can I describe the fate of P. 
 Gavius, a free citizen of Cosa? 38 My Lords ! with 
 what power of words and voice, with what an- 
 guish am I to relate it ? I am full of anguish. But 
 I must exert all my powers in describing it with 
 language suitable to the grief I feel. The offence 
 is of such a nature, that when it was related to 
 me, I did not think it would strengthen the 
 charges against him. For though I was aware 
 it was perfectly true, I did not think it would 
 appear credible. Compelled nevertheless by 
 the tears of all the Roman citizens, who trans- 
 act commercial business in Sicily, induced by 
 the testimonies of the Valentians, respectable 
 men, as well as of all the Rhegians, and many 
 Roman knights, who then happened to be in 
 Messana, I brought such proofs of it, in the 
 course of a former pleading, that no one can 
 entertain the least doubt on the subject. 
 

 261 
 
 What remains to be done, since I am wast* 
 ing so many hours in the narration of his horrid 
 cruelty; since I have exhausted all power of 
 language in the statements of his other iniqui- 
 ties, and was not aware that I should have to 
 call your attention to so multifarious a cata- 
 logue of crimes ? In the statement of so grievous 
 a case, how am I to act ? I am of opinion that 
 there is but one method to be pursued ; which 
 is, the fair statement of the crime ; and which 
 has of itself so much weight, that neither my 
 eloquence, which is nothing, nor that of any 
 one else, can be required to inflame your indig- 
 nation to the highest pitch. This Gavius of 
 Cosa, to whom I allude, after he had been 
 thrown into prison by Verres, and in some 
 secret manner had fled from the latomice to 
 Messana, where, when he saw Italy, and the 
 Avails of Khegium, refreshed, as it were, with 
 the scent of liberty and free air, from which he 
 had been exempted in his dreary dungeon, 
 began to complain at Messana, that he, who 
 was a Roman citizen, had been thrown into pri- 
 son ; and gave out that he would make the best 
 of his way to Rome, where he would be able to 
 denounce Verres on his arrival. ^The unhappy 
 man was not aware that it was the same thing 
 whether he spoke these things at Messana, or 
 in the prastorial palace ; for as I have before in- 
 
formed you, Verres pitched upon this city to 
 assist him in all his frauds, to be the receptacle 
 and associate of all his thefts and villanies. 
 Gavius therefore is immediately carried before 
 the Messanian magistrates ; and on that very 
 clay, as chance would have it, Verres arrived at 
 Messana. He hears that a Roman citizen had 
 complained of his having been confined in the 
 IdtomicB at Syracuse; that as he was actually 
 embarking, and dealing out threats against the 
 praetor, he was detained by order of the magis- 
 trates, that he might receive that punishment, 
 which the praetor might think proper to inflict. 
 Verres returns thanks to the magistrates, 
 and praises their good will and activity in his 
 behalf. Inflamed with choler and phrenzy, he 
 rushes into the forum ; his eyes glistened, and 
 cruelty was shot forth from his visage. All 
 were anxious to know whither he was going, 
 and what he intended to do. When he imme- 
 diately ordered Gavius to be seized, to he 
 stripped and bound in the midst of the forum, 
 and rods tq be got ready. The unhappy man 
 exclaimed, that he was a Roman citizen, that 
 he had obtained the freedom of the city of Cosa, 
 that he had deserved this honour together with 
 L. Pretius, a Roman knight, who had commer- 
 cial dealings at Panormus, and from whom 
 Verres might be informed! of the truth of his. 
 
263 
 
 assertions. The preetor then says, that he had 
 discovered he was sent into Sicily as a spy, by 
 the chiefs of the revolted slaves : of which ac- 
 cusation not the slightest plea or suspicion could 
 be traced. He immediately orders him to be 
 severely flogged. 
 
 A Roman citizen, my Lords, was cut to 
 pieces in the midst of the forum at Messana. 
 No groan, no words were heard to escape him 
 in the midst of his pain, and the crackings of 
 the lashes, but the exclamation, " I AM A RO- 
 MAN CITIZEN." He thought that by this ex<- 
 pression alone, he would be able to avert his 
 stripes, and torments. As he used these words 
 for the sake of procuring a respite from his pu- 
 nishment, as he implored the executioners, and 
 frequently mentioned the name of Rome, a cru- 
 cifix, a crucifix, I repeat, was prepared for this 
 wretched man, who never before had seen that 
 unjustifiable punishment exercised. 
 (0?$iO the dear name of liberty ! O the excel- 
 lent laws of our republic ! O the Porcian, the 
 Sempronian laws,! 39 O the power of the tri- 
 bunes, so devoutly to be wished for, and once 
 granted to the Roman people! Is every thing 
 then come to this, that a Roman citizen, in a 
 province of the Roman people, in a federal city, 
 should be tied to a stake, and beaten with rods 
 by him, who through the kindness of the 
 
254 
 
 man people, had possession of the insignia of a 
 praetor? What if fire, red hot irons, and other 
 tortures be administered ? If his bitter lamen- 
 tations, and entreaties could not fill you with 
 compassion, could not those of the Roman citi- 
 zens, who were present, restrain your seventy ? 
 Did you dare to nail to a cross him who pro- 
 claimed that he was a Roman citizen ? I was 
 unwilling, my Lords, to dwell with such vehe- 
 mence on this topic in my former pleading, I 
 was indeed unwilling. For you saw how the 
 indignation of the populace was stirred against 
 him, by the sense of grief, hatred, and the ap- 
 prehension of common danger. I placed bounds 
 to the violence of my harangue, as well as to 
 the indignation of C. Numitorius, a Roman 
 knight, a man of the first consequence, and my 
 witness ; and glad I was that he expelled from 
 court Glabrio the witness, ,ifi doing which he 
 displayed great judgment. I i For he was appre- 
 hensive that the Roman people would with vio- 
 lence demand justice to be taken against Verres, 
 fearing that he should escape the judgment of 
 the laws, and verdict of this tribunal. 
 
 Now since it is evident to all, how your case 
 is situated, and what will be determined rer 
 specting your guilt, I will thus deal with you. I 
 will prove that thatGavius, whom you pretend- 
 ed to be a spy, was thrown by you into the fato- 
 
265 
 
 mice of Syracuse, and I will not only make it 
 manifest from the testimonials of the Syracu- 
 sans, but I will summon witnesses, whom I will 
 leave to you to name, who will depose, that he 
 was cast by you into those latomice. And this 
 I will do to prevent you saying, that I have 
 coined his name, and taken it from some fabri- 
 cated registers. I will also produce the Cosani, 
 his fellow-citizens, and friends, who will now 
 inform you too late, but not the judges, that 
 that P. Gavius, whom you nailed to a cross, was 
 a Roman citizen, a native of Cosa, and not a 
 spy from the pirates. vAs soon as I shall have 
 made manifest all these things which I promise 
 in the aggregate to those who surround you, 
 I will then apprehend you in that very point, 
 which you have conceded to me. And I will 
 say, that with that I am satisfied. For what 
 were your expressions when you was seized 
 with perturbation, and darted out of court, ter- 
 rified at the clamour of the Roman people ? You 
 said, because he wished to retard his punish- 
 ment, that he exclaimed, he was a Roman citi- 
 zen, though a spy. My true witnesses are at 
 hand. For what does C. Numitorius depose; 
 what M. and P. Cottius; noblemen from the 
 territory of the Tauromenites ? What Q. Luc- 
 ceius, who has a large plate manufactory at 
 Rhegium ? What, the rest ? Here are still wit- 
 
266 
 
 nesses, of the same description, who aver, not 
 that they knew Gavius, but saw him exclaim- 
 ing, that he was a Roman citizen, while he was 
 dragged to crucifixion. You yourself allow this, 
 you yourself confess, Verres, that he exclaimed 
 he was a Roman citizen,Vand that the name of 
 our city had not weight enough with you to 
 make you hesitate in inflicting a most cruel and 
 ignominious death. Here, my Lords, I stop ; 
 with this one circumstance I am content, I pass 
 over the other points. He is absolutely en- 
 trapped and strangled by his own confession. 
 Was you ignorant who he was ? Did you sus- 
 pect he was a spy ? I do not inquire with what 
 grounds. I accuse you by your own assevera- 
 tion. -He said he was a Roman citizen. If, 
 Verres, you were apprehended, and dragged to 
 punishment in Persia, or the extremity of India, 
 what could you say but that you are a Roman 
 citizen ? And if among barbarous and distant 
 nations, the illustrious name of Rome would be 
 of service to you, though unknown as an indi- 
 vidual, could not he, be who he may, when hui> 
 ried to the cross, though unknown to you, upon 
 declaring he was a Roman citizen, by mention* 
 ing the name of the city, procure some respite? 
 Men of small property, born in an obscure 
 place, traverse the seas, and touch at places 
 which thev never before saw, who are neither 
 
267 
 
 able to make it known whence they came, nor 
 can they always be recognized. They never- 
 theless think themselves secure by confiding in 
 the protection of the name of Rome, not merely 
 from our magistrates, who are obligated by law 
 and the risk of losing reputation ; not merely from 
 Roman citizens, who are connected with them 
 by language, laws, and commerce, but wherever 
 they go, they believe that this name alone will 
 afford them protection. 
 
 Take this hope, take this safeguard away ; 
 declare there is no use in this expression, " I 
 AM A ROMAN CITIZEN," is it possible that a 
 praetor can with impunity decree what punish- 
 ment he pleases, on any one who declares that 
 he is of Rome? Let any one be ignorant of 
 this, and you deprive Roman citizens of that 
 protection which they have uniformly found in 
 all free cities, and throughout the world. What 
 if he named L. Pretius, a Roman knight, who 
 was then transacting commercial business in 
 Sicily ? Would that have been a great task to 
 send letters to Panormus? To have kept the 
 man in custody ? To have confined him in the 
 prisons of your own Messanians, till Pretius ar- 
 rived? He would have recognized the man, 
 and you might have remitted the severity of 
 his punishment. Had he not known Gavius, 
 then, if you pleased, you might have established 
 
268 
 
 this law for all, that whether any body was un- 
 known to you, or was unable to name a rich 
 person who did know him, notwithstanding his 
 being a Roman citizen, he should be dragged 
 to crucifixion. 
 
 w3ut what need have I to dwell so long on 
 Gavins ? As if you was in this case, only his 
 enemy, and not the common one of the rights, 
 laws, and name of Roman citizens. I say, that 
 you was not only an enemy to that individual, 
 but to the common cause of liberty. For did 
 it appertain to you to order the cross to be 
 erected in that part of the city which faces the 
 Straits, when the Messanians had placed it, as 
 they were wont to do, in the Pompeian way, 
 behind their city ? What right had you to add, 
 which you can by no means deny, that you 
 pitched upon that spot, (which people heard 
 you say,) that he, who was a Roman citizen, 
 might behold from the tree, Italy and his home? 
 That was the only cross, my Lords, since the 
 foundation of Messana, ever seen there. The 
 view of the Italian shores was fixed upon pur- 
 posely, that Gavius, from his agonizing cross, 
 might witness the narrow sea, which separated 
 slavery from liberty ; and that Italy might be- 
 hold one of her own children writhing in ago- 
 nies upon the strand. It is contrary to law that 
 a Roman citizen be bound ; it is crime to sub- 
 
269 
 
 nrit him to stripes ; it is almost parricide to put 
 him to death ; what can I say if he be crucified ? 
 So nefarious a deed cannot possibly be expressed 
 in adequate language. But he was not content 
 with the infliction of all these punishments; 
 " let him die," he cries, " as he beholds his na- 
 tive shores, let him die, in the presence of his 
 own laws, of liberty." It was not here that 
 you crucified Gavius, nor any Roman citizen; 
 you nailed to the cross the common cause of 
 liberty, and of the republic. Mark in this in- 
 stance the audacity of the man. Do you not 
 think, he could not brook the crucifixion of 
 Roman citizens, in the forum, in the front of 
 the town-hall, in the rostra? He fixed upon a 
 spot, equally conspicuous as these, which were 
 under his jurisdiction, and as contiguous as pos- 
 sible to Italy. He willed that this monument 
 of his unprincipled audacity should stand in the 
 sight of Italy, in the very vestibule of Sicily, 
 and to arrest the attention of all who sailed by. 
 ^7' Were I to complain of and deplore these 
 atrocities, not to Roman citizens, not to the 
 friends of the republic, not to those who had 
 heard of the Roman name ; if, in fine, I were 
 to proclaim them not to the human race, but to 
 the brute creation ; or, to go further, were I to 
 deplore them in some desert wild, to the very 
 rocks, to the very stones, I should touch with 
 
270 
 
 Compassion inanimate nature herself by the bard 
 recital of such horrid deeds. But now that I 
 address the senators of the Roman people, the 
 enactors of laws, and verdicts, I have no rea- 
 son to fear that that Roman citizen be pro- 
 nounced deserving of such a punishment, or* 
 that all the rest were most shamefully exposed 
 to the like danger. A little time since, my 
 Lords, we melted into tears at the circumstance 
 of the wretched and unjust deaths of the naval 
 captains. We felt a proper degree of compas- 
 sion for the fate of our innocent friends ; what 
 now should we feel at the shedding of our own 
 blood, since a regard for the public safety, and 
 for the truth, requires us all to be considered as 
 connected by the same ties of consanguinity? 
 All the Roman citizens here present, as well as 
 elsewhere, beseech and implore your severity in 
 this judgment, they require a proof of your 
 protection, and good faith; they think that all 
 their laws, all the advantages, which they de- 
 rive from their alliance with us, are at issue 
 with your verdict. Notwithstanding that they 
 be satisfied with my exertions, yet if the event 
 be different from their expectations, they shall 
 have still more from me, and probably more 
 than they require. For if some violence should 
 rescue him from the punishment decreed by 
 you, (which, my Lords, I apprehend, cannot 
 
271 
 
 possibly happen,) if, notwithstanding, my ex- 
 pectations be deceived, if the Sicilians will have 
 to complain of the failure of their impeachment, 
 and will also take it ill of me ; the Roman peo- 
 ple shall, in a short time, recover their rights, 
 through my exertions, and by their own suf- 
 frages, before the kalends of February, 4 since 
 the power of pleading in their presence has been 
 delegated to me. 
 
 And if you inquire respecting my glory and 
 greatness, my Lords, it will not be remote from 
 my views of furthering them, that he, if eman- 
 cipated from your tribunal, should be reserved 
 to appear before that of the Roman people. That 
 trial would be brilliant, plausible, and easy for 
 me, and grateful to the Roman people. In fine, 
 if I should appear to have wished to build my 
 fame, (which I have not had in view,) on the 
 condemnation of this one man, I shall hereafter 
 be able to raise it from the condemnation of 
 many, if his acquittal takes place, which cannot 
 be, without the guilt of many. 
 W^But in troth, my Lords, for your sake, and 
 that of the republic, I am unwilling that such a 
 crime, as his acquittal, should be committed by 
 this honourable court. I am unwilling, that 
 these judges, whom I esteem and love, should 
 be so stigmatized by his acquittal, as to peram- 
 bulate this city not bedaubed with wax, 4I but 
 
272 
 
 with mud. Wherefore, Hortensius, from this* 
 place I would recommend you again and again, 
 to beware (if indeed advice be necessary) of 
 what steps you are taking, of what lengths you 
 are going, and to consider well whom you are 
 about to defend. Neither do I wish to circum- 
 scribe your exertions, that you should not con- 
 tend with me by the display of all the orato- 
 rical powers which you possess. But if you ima- 
 gine that you are able to have recourse to any 
 unlawful or secret measures with respect to this 
 trial; if you think you can effect any thing, 
 through artifice, design, power, or favour, or by 
 means of his resources, I am decidedly of opi- 
 nion that you should desist, and use your en- 
 deavours to repress, and allow his sinister prac- 
 tices to go no further, which he has already at- 
 tempted, and which have been detected by me. 
 You will commit yourself in this trial at a very 
 great risk, a greater far than you are aware of. 4 * 
 But if you, consul elect, think yourself exempt 
 from the fear of losing reputation, and quit of 
 your honours, believe me, those dignities con- 
 ferred by the Roman people, are not less diffi- 
 cult to be retained, than to be procured. This 
 city has borne as long as it could, as long as 
 was necessary, that royal authority of your's in 
 the. tribunals, and throughout the republic. But 
 from the clay, that the authority of the tribunes 
 
273 
 
 was restored to the Roman people, all these pre- 
 .rogatives (if you are not aware of it) have been 
 taken from your hands. The eyes of all are 
 now fixed on each of us ; to ascertain with what 
 probity I conduct my accusation, with what 
 sense of religion this court will deliver its ver- 
 dict, with what discretion you will defend the 
 prisoner. 
 
 Of all of us, if any one treads ever so little 
 out of the right path, it will not be noticed by 
 that tacit disapprobation, which you were wont 
 to despise ; but a vehement and open denuncia- 
 tion from the Roman people, will be the conse- 
 quence. You, Hortensius, have no connection 
 of blood, no friendship with the accused. Those 
 pleas which you were wont to have recourse to, 
 with so much zeal, in other causes, you cannot 
 use with respect to this man. It is most espe- 
 cially your concern, to take care, that what he 
 so often held out in the province, may not be 
 thought true, when he said, that for the defence 
 of what he there did, he relied upon your exer- 
 tion./^/I trust that the duties of my task have 
 been discharged to my bitterest foes. For in. 
 the few hours of my first pleading, I have con- 
 demned him in the opinion of all mankind. 
 The remainder of the trial will refer, not to my 
 good faith, which has been proved-; nor to his 
 life, for that has been condemned; but it will 
 
27* 
 
 regard the judges, and, to speak candidly, your- 
 self. But at what time will cognizance be taken 
 of your manner of proceeding ? (For the time 
 and opportunity is always of the greatest im- 
 portance in affairs of state, and is to be taken 
 into consideration, in all transactions ;) it will 
 be at that time, when the Roman people will 
 require another order of men to revise your 
 judgment, which will be done pursuant to the 
 law respecting new judgments and judges; 
 which was not enacted by him, in whose name 
 you see it published; 43 but this identical ac- 
 cused person, with the hopes and opinion he 
 entertained from you, took care to have this 
 law registered and promulgated. In my first 
 pleading, therefore, the law was not passed; 
 while he, thunderstruck at your severity, gave 
 many indications of his not appearing to be able 
 to answer your charges, no mention was made 
 of the law ; but as soon as he was confirmed in 
 the hopes of his acquittal, the law was imme- 
 diately passed. As your dignity is vehemently 
 attacked by this law, so are his false expecta- 
 tions and consummate insolence favoured by it. 
 And on this score, if any one of you commit 
 yourself reprehensibly, either the Roman people 
 will take cognizance of that order, which they 
 before believed unworthy of giving a verdict ; 
 or there will be appointed new judges selected 
 
27.5 
 
 from the old, in consequence of the abuse of 
 the laws, pursuant to the tenor of the new one. 
 With respect to myself, who of all human beings 
 is more aware of the necessity of going all pos- 
 sible lengths? Can I, Hortensius, be silent? 
 Am I to play the hypocrite when the republic 
 has sustained such a wound ? Are the provinces 
 to be despoiled, our allies harassed, religion 
 violated, Roman citizens put to torture and to 
 death with impunity, when the impeachment 
 devolves on me ? Can I discard so great a charge 
 in this court, or remain silent? Is not the 
 question to be discussed, to be brought to light? 
 Is not the good faith of the Roman people to 
 be implored ? Are not all to be summoned be- 
 fore this tribunal, who are implicated in such 
 crime, who have suffered their integrity to be 
 corrupted, our tribunals to be corrupted? 
 
 Some one perchance may ask, will you then 
 undergo this labour, will you brave the enmities 
 of so many individuals? Certainly I do not 
 court their hatred. But I am not to act as 
 those noblemen, who receive with indifference 
 the benefits heaped upon them by the Roman 
 people. I must run a very different career in this 
 commonwealth. I call to recollection Marcus 
 Cato, that wise and diligent man, who believed 
 that he was to be recommended to the Roman 
 people by his virtues, not by his rank; who 
 
276 
 
 willed that the scion of his family should be 
 grafted and propagated by himself; who braved 
 the enmities of powerful people ; and who 
 always lived in the greatest activity, and in the 
 highest honour, to extreme old age. After him, 
 did not Q. Pompeius attain the highest honours 
 pf the state, though of obscure birth, by the 
 great dangers which he ran, in braving the en- 
 mities of many ? 
 
 We have lately witnessed L. Fimbria, C. 
 Marius, and C. Cselius, contending, with no mo- 
 derate share of exertion and enmity, to arrive 
 at those honours, which you have obtained by 
 trivial occupations and neglect. This is the 
 path I intend to tread : these are the examples 
 I purpose to follow, 7/We see how much the 
 virtue and industry of heads of families is ob- 
 noxious to the envy and hatred of certain nobles. 
 If we cast pur eyes ever so little askance, snares 
 are immediately at hand; if we disclose any 
 grounds for the suspicion of guilt, wounds must 
 be received. We see we must be ever on our 
 guard, ever on the alert. Are these then enmi- 
 ties? let them be braved: are these then la- 
 bours? let them be undergone. Indeed occult 
 and tacit hatreds are more to be dreaded than 
 declared and manifest. Scarcely do any nobles 
 look on our exertions with a favourable eye. It 
 is impossible with all our endeavours, to attract 
 
277 
 
 their good will. As if disjoined by nature and 
 species, so are they abhorrent of us in will and 
 disposition. Therefore I ask with what danger 
 can their enmities be accompanied, whose dis- 
 positions you already have adverse and ini- 
 mical, before you do any thing to provoke their 
 resentment? 
 
 It is therefore, my Lords, to be wished that 
 the accusation of this culprit be put an end to ; 
 since I hope the Roman people will be satis- 
 fied, and the task which my friends the Sici- 
 lians have imposed upon me, is discharged. I 
 am nevertheless determined, if the verdict 
 should prove contrary to my expectations, to 
 prosecute not only those, to whom the crime of 
 corrupting the tribunals may be imputed, but 
 also those, with whose knowledge the corrup- 
 tion has been effected. Finally, if there be any, 
 who, to rescue this criminal, may be powerful, 
 or daring enough to venture to corrupt our tri- 
 bunals, let them be so prepared as to look to 
 their contention with me, since the Roman 
 people differ with them in opinion. And if, 
 in the prosecution of this criminal, the Sici- 
 lians are satisfied with my zeal, perseverance, 
 and diligence, let them be warned, that I shall 
 be far more violent and acrimonious with re- 
 spect to those individuals, whose enmity I will 
 court for the sake of the Roman people. 
 
278 
 
 %l IMPLORE and appeal to thee, omniscient 
 Omnipotent Jupiter ! whose royal present Cains 
 Verres hath basely swindled from a prince's 
 hands, fit ornament for thy splendid temple, 
 for the capitol, that bulwark of the nations of 
 the world, and worthy of the sovereigns who 
 consecrated and promised it for thy service ; 
 whose holy and magnificent image he hath re- 
 moved from Syracuse : thee, imperial Juno ! 
 whose two temples, erected in two islands of 
 our allies, Melite and Samos, most holy, most 
 ancient, that same Verres, impelled by a similar 
 audacity, hath despoiled of all their votive offer- 
 ings and ornaments : I implore thee, Minerva ! 
 whose two celebrated and sacred fanes he hath 
 pillaged; one, at Athens, of much precious 
 gold; the other, at Syracuse, of every thing 
 but the roof and walls : you, Latona ! Apollo ! 
 and Diana ! whose ancient seat, and divine ha- 
 bitation (I will not say temple), at Delos, held 
 most sacred according to the religious opinions 
 of mortals, he plundered in a felonious attack 
 by night : thee, a second time, Apollo ! whom 
 he removed from Chios : thee, again and again, 
 Diana! whom he hath despoiled at Perga: 
 whose revered image at Segesta, consecrated 
 not only by the religion of the inhabitants, but 
 also by the victory of P. Africanus, he dislodged 
 and removed: and thee, O Mercury! whom 
 
279 
 
 Verres placed in his villa, and private palaestra, 
 but whom P. Africanus willed should stand in 
 a city of our allies, in the gymnasium of the Tyn- 
 darites, to be the guardian and protector of 
 their youth : thee, O Hercules ! whom Verres, in 
 the dead of the night, by means of an organized 
 band of slaves, dared to force away from thy 
 seat at Agrigentum : thee, Cybele ! great uni- 
 versal mother ! whose most august and holy 
 temple at Engyium, he hath so stripped of the 
 monuments of victory, and other ornaments, 
 that nothing remains now but the name of P. 
 Africanus, and the proofs of thy violated reli^ 
 gion : I invoke you, O Castor and Pollux ! you, 
 who stand in the forum of the Roman people, 
 ye arbiters and witnesses of forensic affairs, of 
 laws, of judgments, of important councils, from 
 whose temple he hath nefariously purloined 
 plunder of exorbitant value: and you, ye as- 
 sembly of the deities ! who enter the crowded 
 games in your sacred cars, whose processions 
 he instituted for the sake of lucre, not for the 
 inspiration of respect for religion: you, O Ceres 
 and Proserpine! whose rites according to the 
 religion of mortals, are observed by the most 
 important and mysterious ceremonies ; you, who 
 have discovered, and disseminated among man- 
 kind, the arts of life, laws, manners, and civili- 
 zation ; whose sacrifices the Roman people have 
 
280 
 
 adopted, and derived from the Greeks, and do 
 hold in such veneration, both publicly and pri- 
 vately, that they are esteemed rather of do- 
 mestic than foreign origin; but which have 
 been so defiled and violated by that one man, 
 that he caused one image of Ceres to be forcibly 
 removed from the sacristy at Catine, which for 
 a man to touch, or even look at, was crime: 
 another, from her abode at Enna, of such exqui- 
 site beauty, that men imagined they saw Ceres 
 herself, or at least her effigy, not from a human, 
 but divine laboratory : I implore and invoke 
 again and again, you, ye revered Goddesses ! 
 who inhabit diose groves, and those lakes of 
 Enna, to whom all Sicily is a care, the defence 
 of which has been consigned to my hands ; 
 whose sacred rites all nations respect, since they 
 are indebted to you for the invention of corn, 
 and its distribution throughout the earth : I 
 implore and conjure the whole company of 
 heaven, against whose temples and sacred rites 
 Verres impelled by an ungovernable and auda- 
 cious mania, hath ahvays declared sacrilegious 
 war ; that, if in the trial of this criminal, all my 
 exertions have been directed with the view of 
 furthering the prosperity of our allies, of sup- 
 porting the dignity of the Roman people, arid 
 of proving my good faith ; if all my attentions 
 and cares have been exerted for no other purr 
 
281 
 
 pose but to discharge my duty, and vindicate 
 the truth ; may that disposition, which has go- 
 verned me throughout this trial, actuate you, 
 my Lords, in the delivery of your verdict. And 
 finally, I pray that by your decree, condign 
 punishment may be conferred on Cains Verres 
 for his nefarious and unexampled deeds of sa- 
 crilege, audacity, perfidy, lust, avarice, and 
 cruelty ; that the republic and my good faith 
 remain satisfied with this one impeachment; 
 and that it may devolve on me henceforth, 
 rather to defend the virtuous, than accuse the 
 abandoned. 44 
 
NOTES. 
 
 

NOTES. 
 
 1 THIS valuable argument is interesting in every point of view. 
 It does no less credit to the taste than the generosity of the rival 
 of Cicero, who is not unfrequently treated with scorn in various 
 passages of the Verrine pleadings. The elegance with which it 
 is written, must make every scholar regret that no specimen of 
 the eloquence of the author has been transmitted to us. Doubt- 
 less there are many, who would be glad to compound for the 
 loss of the In Vatinium, the Pro Murena, Flacco, Sylla, Plancio, 
 and Sextio, for as many of the speeches of Hortensius. 
 
 2 Marcus Antonius who pleaded for Aquillius, was grand- 
 father to the triumvir : he was killed in the civil wars of Marius. 
 M. Aquillius was a praetor of Sicily ; he was accused by Fufius, 
 and acquitted in consequence of his services in the servile 
 war. He was afterwards in Asia Minor, where Mithridates 
 put him to death by pouring liquid gold down his throat. 
 
 3 The slaves that revolted under Spartacus, established the 
 theatre of war in Sicily for a considerable time. 
 
 4 Now Caltabellotta, in the Val di Mazzara. For its situa- 
 tion, consult the translator's chart. Faden, 1812. 
 
 5 Memorable and instructive political lesson. 
 
 6 A town in the north of Sicily, situated according to Kluver, 
 between Calacte and Aluntium, probably the same as the mo- 
 dern Castri. Megara was a city, about five miles north of Sy- 
 racuse ; it was founded by a colony from the Attic Megara. 
 The translator would have passed unconsciously over its ruins, 
 had he not found a mutilated statue, and some vestiges of its 
 ancient walls, now the abode of scorpions, in the middle of a 
 wheat field. 
 
286 
 
 7 Now Salemi, a small town of the Val di Mazzara. 
 
 7 Now Palermo, the modern capital. It exhibits scarcely 
 any vestige of its ancient grandeur. There are however some 
 granite columns at the angles of several of the modern streets. 
 In the sixteenth century, its ancient theatre existed, but the 
 ruins have been since removed to enlarge the square in front of 
 the viceregal palace. The medals illustrated by Paruta, com- 
 memorate temples in honour of Jupiter and Hercules at Pa- 
 lermo. The finest specimen of Roman sculpture existing at 
 Palermo, is indisputably a prosopopeia of Panormus and the 
 consul Caecilius Metellus. As it has reference to the union 
 that subsisted between the Panormitans and Romans, previous 
 to the sanguinary battle which took place on the banks of the 
 river Amiraglio, and which Polybius has at length commemo- 
 rated, an engraving of these statues is annexed at the head of 
 this pleading. Among the few inscriptions preserved at Palermo, 
 the following is the most worth notice : it is in verse, and has 
 been commemorated by Peter Burmann. 
 
 Hujus nympha loci, sacri custodia fontis, 
 Dormio, dum blandae sentio murmur aquae. 
 
 Parce meum, quisquis tangis cava marmora, somnum 
 Rumpere; sive bibas, sive lavere, tace. 
 
 Which has been so beautifully rendered by Pope: 
 
 Nymph of the grot, these sacred streams I keep, 
 And to the murmur of the waters sleep ; 
 Ah ! spare my slumbers, gently tread the cave, 
 And drink in silence, and in silence lave. 
 
 8 The lettiga is a method of conveyance now generally used 
 in Sicily, only instead of being borne by men, it is supported 
 by two mules. It was also anciently carried by mules, as we 
 learn from an epigram by Automedon, preserved in the Antho- 
 logia, recording his journey in a lettiga. 
 
287 
 
 <ryy/Tjp oj 
 
 XwAat TE, pWat T, tfaf a/SAcwTTff r'of S 
 H<j5ar7ou rfopifr} (TKvhva, Soupovioc, 
 
 Owrfole yi> a^va< j,a rov ijAiov, ou J fv 
 Ou 0p0 xp tQijv, oy^' sa^ Of jSoTavav 
 
 H fAa^fj, xevfTjv ?joa 
 
 Twin mules my litter bear, so lean they would affright ye, 
 They each, from crown to heel', resemble Homer's Litae ; 
 Like Mulciber they stumble, their skins dangle from their sides, 
 Such squinting worn-out cattle I envy him who strides j 
 The wretched hacks were ne'er tum'd out to graze in fields by 
 
 day; 
 
 They never ev'n dreamt of oats, or good rich meadow hayj 
 Live on, live on, ye thriving beasts ! your master's age surpass ; 
 Or ev'n a crow's, or stag's ; and grind the air instead of grass. 
 
 9 It must have been very near the fountain Arethusa. The 
 spot is now closely built. 
 
 10 Cicero here continues a vein of irony which always glances 
 at the plea of Hortensius, in favour of the military virtue of 
 Verres. 
 
 11 Tempsa was a town of Calabria, near the modern St. 
 Eufemia. Cicero here alludes to an invasion effected by th 
 slaves near that city, which we may presume that Verms at- 
 tempted to make a show to prevent. Valentia was also a town 
 of Calabria, near the modern Bivona. 
 
 12 A town situated between Paestum, and Cape Palinurus. 
 See D'Anville. 
 
 13 Now Tauormina. It is celebrated for its magnificent 
 theatre, the detail of which not having been given by Mr. 
 Wilkins, will perhaps not here be thought obtrusive. It stands 
 on a bold promontory commanding an extensive view of JEtm 
 
288 
 
 and the Sicilian shore in perspective, as far as Catariia. It wag 
 built of brick, and enough remains of the proscenium and gallery 
 that surrounded the seats, to indicate the general plan. The 
 arches of the corridor still remain, which were continued all 
 round the theatre, and by which the spectators entered, The 
 translator counted thirty-six niches in the wall which bounded 
 the seats, and which served as a socle for the columns that sup- 
 ported the gallery. These were probably filled with statues. 
 The form of the seats is entirely effaced, and his attempts to 
 discover the vomitoria were fruitless. Two apartments to the 
 right and left of the proscenium are yet entire with their roofs ; 
 these, it is supposed, served, one for the actors to retire to, the 
 other, as a depository for the scenery and decorations. Near 
 the spot, where the translator judged the first row of seats 
 begun, there is a hole cut in the rock, where probably there 
 was placed a beam, which served to support an awning to pro- 
 tect the spectators from the sun and rain. The distinctness 
 with which the sounds are heard by a person standing near the 
 corridor is truly surprizing. It possibly precluded the necessity 
 of having those harmonic vases which were used by the anci- 
 ents for the reverberation of sound. These echeia, Vitruvius 
 tells us, were placed in cells between the rows of seats occupied 
 by the spectators ; they were made of brass, or earthenware, 
 and proportioned in magnitude to the size of the building. In 
 the smaller theatres, they were tuned in harmonic proportions 
 of fourths, fifths, eighths, and their replicates ; and in theatres 
 of greater magnitude, there was a vase to correspond with every 
 sound in the disdiapason throughout. The Romans were obliged 
 to the Greeks for this invention, for the echeia xvere first brought 
 into Italy by Mummius. For their probable situation, see 
 Perrault's Vitruvius, In the remains of the amphitheatre at 
 Nismes, there are numerous excavations under the seats, which 
 probably served as receptacles for these vases. See Clerisseau. 
 In the years 1748, 174p, many columns of foreign marble were 
 dug from the ruins of this theatre. From which we may form 
 
289 
 
 some opinion of the luxury of the ancient Sicilians, who not 
 content with the fine marbles, which their own country pro- 
 duces, transported from Italy and Africa materials for building. 
 Travellers have doubted whether the theatre at Tauromenium 
 be Grecian or Roman. It may be proved to be the latter. For 
 by referring to Vitruvius, we find the distinction clearly marked. 
 If a square be inscribed in a circle., the circumference of which 
 determines the range of the lowest rank of seats, the spot 
 where the pulpitum begins shall be determined by a side of the 
 square, if the theatre be Greek; again, if an equilateraltriangle 
 be inscribed in a circle, the side opposite the angle which 
 touches the middle of the seats, shall determine where the pul- 
 pitum begins, if the theatre be Roman. The beginning of the 
 pulpitum in the theatre of Tauromenium coincides with the side 
 of an equilateral triangle. The theatre is therefore Roman. 
 There are also ruins of cisterns and a naumachia, which once 
 displayed naval combats, but now blooms with oranges, lemons, 
 palms, and carroub-trees. The following inscription, preserved 
 at Rome, attests the ancient splendour of Tauromenium. 
 
 THN . EHI . F1AZH . APETH . Zn>POZYNH . 
 TE . Al AnPEHOYZAN . IOYAIAN . BAZZIAAAN . 
 BOYAH . KAI . AHMOZ . THZ . AAMHAZIAZ . 
 PIOAEnZ .TAYPOMENEITON . 
 ANE0HZAN. 
 
 " The senate and people of the splendid city of the Tauro- 
 menians erected this in honour of Julia Vassilla, pre-eminent 
 for her prudence, and other virtues." 
 
 On a chest much worn by time, the translator read FVLGVK 
 CONDITVM, which proves that the custom of preserving earth 
 struck by lightning, and holding it sacred, obtained in Sicily. 
 Another inscription preserved in a church in the square of 
 Tauormina, recording a victor at the Pythian games. 
 
 U 
 
90 
 
 O AHMOZ TON TAYPOMENITAN 
 
 OAYMHIN OAlMniOZ MEZTON 
 
 NIKAZANTA HI0IA KEAHTI 
 
 TEAEION. 
 
 It is impossible to describe in adequate language the beauty 
 of the site of Tauromenium. The translator can never forget 
 the bold features of its promontory, nor the " gemitum ingen- 
 tem pelagi, pulsataque saxa ;" 
 
 Nee vos indigenis suffulta theatra columnis 
 Tauromenitano conspicienda jugo ! 
 
 14 For the various methods of procuring corn from Sicily for 
 the service of the republic, consult the De re frumentaria. 
 
 15 Inhabitants of Neaetum, the modern Noto. See note to 
 the preceding pleading. 
 
 17 These quarries are now become the garden of the Capu- 
 chins. They are so exceedingly picturesque and beautiful, that 
 it was a dungeon much courted by the translator, during his 
 stay at Syracuse. He noticed in one part of the rock, an inci- 
 pient ear of Dionysius, which probably that tyrant originally in- 
 tended to form in this place, but left off the work, and com- 
 pleted another which is still seen in the quarries of Neapolis j 
 and where a wonderful echo is heard. For a faithful view of 
 the garden of the capuchins, the spot where Verres confined 
 many Romans, and where the Athenians under Nicias perished, 
 See Wilkins's Graecia Magna. There are several rings still seen 
 in the sides of the rock, to which the criminals were attached. 
 
 18 Agent of Verres in the monopoly of tithes. See the De 
 re frument. 
 
 19 This part of Syracuse is now very different, being closely 
 built, and laid out in crooked streets. 
 
 80 The scanty remains of Heraclea Minoa, are still to be 
 seen on the left bank of the modern Flume Platani near the 
 
291 
 
 mouth. In the time of Fazello, there remained some arches 
 of an aqueduct. A maenibus urbis ad Lycum usque, aquae 
 ductus integer ad hue extat quadrato, sed gypseo lapide extruc- 
 tus : monumenta reliqua, dum forma careant, ignoratur ad 
 quern usum fuerint confecta. Faz. lib. iv. cap. 2. At pre- 
 sent, there is nothing remaining but some broken walls, and 
 cisterns. 
 
 31 Now Cape Passaro. 
 
 82 The chamaerops humilis of Linnaeus. The dwarf palm 
 is particularly common about Campo-bello, near the mins of 
 Selinus. 
 
 Te que datis linquo vends palmosa Selinus. -#NEID, lib. iii. 
 
 83 Called in Greek O$v<r<rews Xipyv ; for its situation consult 
 the translator's chart. Faden, 1812. Here Ulysses touched, 
 and raised a temple in honour of Hecate on Pachynus. 
 
 on Pachynus' shore, thy cenotaph 
 
 Shall rear its sacred marbles j round it dreams 
 Shall spread their wings of soporific shade. 
 
 ROYSTON'S CASSANDRA. 
 
 84 The whole of this description of the sailing and catas- 
 trophe of the Syracusan fleet, is inimitably fine. It is managed 
 with such wonderful dexterity, that the occurrence seems to 
 pass before the eyes of the reader, as Hortensius has observe^ 
 in his argument. 
 
 25 Alluding probably to the Bacchanalian outrages in the 
 worship of Priapus at Lampsacus. Or it may allude to the 
 danger which Verres incurred in the case of the Philodami, re- 
 lated in a former pleading. 
 
 26 This Hadrian was an officer of Lucullus who conducted 
 himself ill as governor in Africa. 
 
 97 Those who have been at Syracuse will bear testimony to 
 the truth of this accurate and beautiful definition. 
 
292 
 
 28 Cicero here imagines Verres holding forth these words, 
 probably to give a greater emphasis. 
 
 29 The L. Metellus here alluded to, was praetor of Sicily, 
 A. U. C. 685. It appears from a former pleading, that he was 
 a partizan of Verres, and endeavoured to keep back the wit- 
 nesses, to prevent them from deposing against him. 
 
 30 A city in the north of Sicily, now called Mistretta. 
 
 31 It must be remembered, that Tully here imagines the 
 father of Verres calling him to account. 
 
 32 A town situated on a promontory in the kingdom of 
 Valencia, and now called Denia, where there was a celebrated 
 temple to Diana. 
 
 33 It will be remembered, that the apostle Paul escaped 
 being scourged at Jerusalem, by his declaring to the centurion, 
 Cf I am a Roman citizen." See Acts, chap. xxii. ver. 27. 
 
 34 The English reader will here probably bring to mind how 
 an Indian Verres treated several distinguished Englishmen about 
 half a century since, in the East, 
 
 35 This was the Perpenna, who had the meanness- to invite 
 Sertorius to his home and assassinate him. 
 
 , 36 A maritime town between Naples and Baiae, now called 
 Puzzuoli. Here Cicero had a villa. 
 
 37 There were two cities of this name in Africa : one near 
 the Syrtes, the other near Adrumetum. Leptis was also the 
 Carthaginian name of Palermo. 
 
 38 A town of Etruria, now called Cozzo. 
 
 39 The lex Porcia ordained that no magistrate should punish 
 with death, or scourge with rods, a Roman citizen j the Sem- 
 pronia lex ordained that no capital judgment should be passed 
 on a Roman citizen without the authority of the senate. 
 
 40 Cicero here means that on his entering his edileship, he 
 will undertake another prosecution, if the verdict should prove 
 contrary to his expectations. 
 
 41 Sarcastic allusion to the delivery of the verdicts, which 
 were sealed with wax. ^ 
 
203 
 
 45 According to Plutarch,, Hortensius did not venture to 
 plead directly the cause of Verres, but he was prevailed on to 
 appear for him at the laying of the fine, and had received an 
 ivory sphinx from him by way of consideration. In this case, 
 Cicero threw out several enigmatical hints against Hortensius j 
 and when he said, " He knew not how to solve riddles," 
 Cicero retorted, te That is somewhat strange, since you have 
 a sphinx in your house." Plutarch in Ciceron. 
 
 43 The orator here alludes to Aurelius Cotta, whose law for 
 the reform of the tribunals was passed in the consulate of 
 Pompey and Crassus. 
 
 44 This splendid peroration is one of the richest specimens 
 of the eloquence of Cicero. The genius of the English language 
 is not sufficiently in unison with that of the Latin to admit of 
 justice being done it in a translation. It 'flows indeed from a 
 * e copious and redundant fountain of genius." And every 
 scholar on ^>erusing it will probably hail the memory of Cicero 
 in the words which Caesar applied to the orator on another oc- 
 casion : 
 
 Salve omnium triumphorum. lauream adepte majorem! 
 
 The orations against Verres appear to be strangely titled - } 
 since the two first, that is the Divinatio, and Interrogatio tes- 
 tium, were only spoken, there is surely no visible cause for call- 
 ing the others Actio secunda. It would perhaps present a clearer 
 view of the whole (to us moderns at least,) thus to title them : 
 
 In Quintum Caecilium Oratio, quae est Divinatio. 
 
 In Caium Verrem Actio prima, quae est Interrogatio testium. 
 
 Orationum designatarum in C. Verrem, Liber primus. 
 
 De Praetura urbana. 
 
 Orationum designatarum in C. Verrem Liber secundus. 
 
 De Jurisdictione Siciliensi. 
 
 Orationum designatarum in C. Verrem Liber tertius, 
 
 De re frumentaria. 
 
Orationum designatarum in C. Verrem Liber quartos, 
 
 De Signis. 
 
 Orationum designatarum in C. Verrem Liber quintus. 
 
 De Suppliciis. 
 
 For the word actio implies something carrying or carried 
 into effect, which applies to the Divinatio and Interrogatio tes- 
 tium, but not to the other five. 
 
 Verres, after the delivery of the first pleading, absconded, 
 and went into voluntary exile. According to Seneca, he was 
 restored to his country through the influence of Cicero ; and 
 what is worthy of note, both Pliny and Lactantius relate that 
 he perished together with Cicero, in the proscription of Antony, 
 because he refused to surrender his, Corinthian Vases to the 
 triumvir. 
 
 His name is consigned to eternal obloquy and detestation ; 
 and holds out a memorable warning to those governors, who 
 look for provinces as sources of emolument, and places for the 
 gratification of crime, instead of a field for the exercise of huma* 
 pity, and furtherance of salutary measures. 
 
POSTSCRIPT, 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS RELATIVE TO 
 THE STATE OF MODERN SICILY. 
 
 Quicquid Sicilia gignit, proximum est Us, quce optima dicunlur. 
 
 SOLTNUS. 
 
 Pater o Lencee ! tuit hie omnia plena 
 
 Munerilus j Mi pampineo gravidus autumno 
 
 Floret ager: spumat plenis vindemia laltis. VIRGIL. 
 
ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 THE translator has to apologize for introducing 
 here matter certainly irrelevant to the Verrine 
 pleadings. The case is this. When he arrived 
 in Sicily in the year 1 808, he was fully prepared 
 to collect materials for an original work; but 
 he was deterred from proceeding, when he found 
 that in nearly all his inquiries, he had been an- 
 ticipated by Cluver, Mirabella, Arezzo, Hoiiel, 
 or Wilkins for the antiquities; and often by 
 Brydone, and Swinburne, for the description of 
 the modern state of the island. On his arrival 
 in the capital, however, he found that there were 
 some points relative to the natural productions, 
 manufactures, arts, and literature, which had 
 been untouched, or very briefly dwelt upon by 
 preceding travellers. These, however scanty, 
 he lays before the public in the form of a post- 
 script, apprehending that at a period when 
 
298 
 
 Sicily attracts the general attention, they will 
 not be deemed uninteresting or obtrusive. 
 
 The translator invites some future traveller 
 to collect materials for a Flora Slcula ; and the 
 Arabic scholar, who would make drawings of 
 the remains of Saracenic buildings existing in 
 different parts of the island, and consult the pre- 
 cious MSS, preserved in the monastery at Mor- 
 reale, would leave little or nothing to be desired 
 relative to Sicily. 
 
 
POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 Dimensions of the Island. 
 
 ANCIENT geographers and historians differ in 
 their accounts of the size of Sicily. The esti- 
 mates of Diodorus, Pliny, Marcian, andPtolem}', 
 are as follows : 
 
 Distance from P dor us to Lilybceum. 
 
 Miles. Paces. 
 
 Diodorus * 212 500 
 
 Pliny 170 
 
 Marcian 143 
 
 Ptolemy 265 
 
 From Lilybtfum to Pachynus. 
 
 Miles. Paces. 
 
 Diodorus 187 500 
 
 Pliny 200 
 
 Marcian 200 
 
 Ptolemy. . . \66 
 
300 
 
 From P achy nus to P dor us. 
 
 Miles. Paces. 
 
 Diodorus 142 500 
 
 Pliny 166 
 
 Marcian . 166 
 
 Ptolemy . 105 
 
 Of modern geographers, Cluver obtained the 
 most credit, in his determinations relative to 
 Sicily, till a German, by name Schmettau, pub- 
 lished a chart, and dedicated it to the Emperor 
 Charles VI. which is received as the most ex- 
 act, and of which copies have been made by 
 the geographers of England. According to 
 Schmettau, the admeasurements, including the 
 sinuosities of the shores, are as follows : 
 
 ItaL miles. 
 
 From Pelorus to Lilybaeum 282 
 
 Lilybasum to Pachynus 208 
 
 Pachynus to Pelorus 160 
 
 Total circuit of Sicily , 650 
 
 Climate. 
 
 The climate of Sicily, generally speaking, is 
 grateful and salubrious. There are however 
 spots in the interior, which during the autumnal 
 heats, are as dangerous as the Campagna di 
 Roma, from the marsh miasma ; these are fre- 
 
301 
 
 quent along the banks of the Giarretta, and 
 Dittaino, and by the stagnant] pools formed by 
 the Fiume Salso in its course ; which but ill cor- 
 responds with the poetic rapture of one of the 
 shepherds in Theocritus, when he exclaims : 
 
 w 
 
 p a av0' vfafog feil 
 Let floods of milk for water Him'ra pour ! 
 
 The climate of Palermo is the hottest in the 
 island, and at the same time, more liable to 
 changes, than what are experienced in other 
 parts. If the statement made by Count de 
 Borch be correct, a difference of fifty-three de- 
 grees has there been observed in a thermometer 
 by Fahrenheit, in the short space of eight hours. 
 Early in September, 1808, the mercury rose 
 from eighty-two degrees, to one hundred and 
 nine, and the translator has been credibly in- 
 formed, that it has occasionally risen no less 
 suddenly, to one hundred and fourteen, a de- 
 gree of heat probably never exceeded in Syria, x 
 
 1 On examining the observation of the temperature of the 
 atmosphere kept by Dr. Clarke, during his tour in Syria., in the 
 midst of summer, the heat it appears never exceeded 100 in the 
 shade j but during the blowing of the scirocco at Palermo, in 
 September, 1808, the mercury stood for at least six hours at 
 109, though the thermometer was suspended on an inner wali. 
 At this period, the metal buttons which the translator happened 
 then to wear, gave sensible pain to the hand. 
 
302 
 
 or Senegal. The winter is not less remarkable 
 for the abundant rains. The Abate Balsam o, 
 who has been in England, and holds a distin- 
 guished rank among the Sicilian literati, assured 
 the translator, that more rain falls annually in 
 Palermo, than in England; and his assertion 
 may be credited by those, who have observed 
 with what force it is occasionally poured from 
 the clouds during the winter months. The sci- 
 rocco is certainly very pernicious to the animal 
 and vegetable creation in Sicily; during its 
 continuance the profoundest silence reigns in 
 the streets, and nothing appears capable of with- 
 standing its enervating influence, but the stub- 
 born aloe, and opuntia. It is fortunate that 
 this dreadful wind does not last beyond a few 
 hours, or it would be attended by consequences 
 as unpleasant, as what Gili relates of the banks 
 of the Orinoco, where the food is injured by 
 maggots, in the space of one day ; and where 
 the Spaniards are under the necessity of binding 
 their wrists with silver plates, to allay the vio- 
 lent aching which they feel in the pulse. 
 
 Productions and Manufactures. 
 
 To enumerate its productions is the best 
 eulogium of that island, which, from time im- 
 memorial, has been celebrated for its fertility ; 
 
303 
 
 which Marcus Cato* called the provisional^ 
 storehouse of the republic, the nurse of the 
 Roman people. We may venture to pronounce 
 that there is no country in Europe so favoured 
 by nature, and it must excite the admiration 
 of all who consider the variety and richness of 
 its animal, vegetable, and mineral productions. 
 From the little attention paid to breeding, and 
 rural economy in general, the cattle have not 
 attained that degree of goodness of which they 
 are susceptible. The beef is coarse, and the sheep 
 are very inferior to the English, both in point of 
 fineness of fleece, and flavour of flesh. But 
 the pork is excellent ; so is the kid, and lamb. 
 Goats abound, and their milk is substituted for 
 that of cows, both for drinking, and the manu- 
 facture of cheese. As heretofore, grain is con- 
 sidered as the staple commodity of Sicily. They 
 export it principally for Malta, at Augusta, 
 Syracuse, Terranova, and Girgenti. Of fruits, 
 oranges, lemons, figs, (of which they have two 
 crops annually,) almonds, grapes, and walnuts, 
 are all excellent in their kind, and form a con- 
 siderable branch of commerce. Potash is ma- 
 nufactured on the southern coast, and exported 
 chiefly from Trapani, Marsala, and Girgenti. 
 
 2 Ille itaque M. Cato sapiens cellam penuariam Reipublicae 
 nostrae, nutricem populi Romam Siciliam appellavit. Oral. 
 Verrin. -lib. ii. 
 
304 
 
 There are two plants, from which they extract 
 soda, called in Sicily, Spimlla domestica, and 
 selvaggia, and by Linnaeus, Salsola Soda, and Sal- 
 sola tragus. A spot is generally chosen near 
 the sea for their cultivation, as the saline par- 
 ticles are found to be beneficial to the plants. 
 The time of sowing is about February, and of 
 cutting, in July. The crops are liable to suffer 
 from a small insect, called Pulice, which in some 
 years, have increased to so great a degree, as to 
 destroy the whole produce; but this has been 
 remedied by sowing spinage with the spinella, 
 which has the property of poisoning the insects. 
 After cutting the plants, and binding them in 
 bundles, they throw them successively into a 
 furnace, where they are presently consumed, 
 and a liquor is distilled similar in colour to 
 melted brass, which gradually becomes con- 
 densed, and forms a hard stone. As soon as the 
 furnace is filled with this liquefied matter, they 
 leave it for two or three days, and afterwards 
 break it, when it is ready for exportation. They 
 export it annually to the amount of seventy, or 
 eighty thousand ounces. 
 
 Cantharides are common in the woods : the 
 sugar-cane is a plant that will thrive in Sicily ; 
 and who has not heard of the Hyblaean honey ? 
 The herb sumach is an excellent substitute for 
 the oak-bark in tanning hides. According to 
 
305 
 
 an intelligent merchant resident at Palermo, 
 they export annually of this herb, to the value 
 of 240,000 ounces. 3 Hemp is cultivated, espe- 
 cially about Syracuse ; and some attention has 
 been paid to the culture of rice and cotton. 
 The latter is not inferior in quality to the 
 African. The process pursued in the cultiva- 
 tion is as follows : they plough the land destined 
 to receive the seed in November, and in the 
 month of April, they commit it to the ground, 
 having washed and cleared it of the filaments. 
 As soon as the plants have attained the height 
 of a foot, they assume a leaden colour, and then 
 is the time for cutting off the top, which the 
 Sicilians call accimare, and this operation 
 
 3 Table of Sicilian monies, weights, and measures. 
 
 Monies. 
 6 piccioli = 1 grauo, 
 
 20 grani = 1 tari. 
 
 30 tari :=. 1 onze. 
 
 2 1 pezzi, or Spanish dollars 1 onze. 
 
 Weights. 
 
 30 onzi = 1 rotoli. 
 
 10Q rotoli = 1 quintal, 
 
 2 English pounds. ~ 1 rotoli. 
 
 Measures. Of Grain. 
 
 16 tomoli 1 salme. 
 
 1 salme = 2 quintals and 64 rotoli, 
 
 Of Cloths. 
 8 palmi , . . = 1 canna. 
 
 1 
 
306 
 
 strengthens the plant, and makes it produce 
 more blossoms. They gather the crops in Oc- 
 tober, and having carried them to the maga- 
 zines, spread them on hurdles to dry, which faci- 
 litates the separation of the seed. The plants 
 shoot forth a second time, and they gather the 
 produce in December, which however is inferior 
 to the first. What an important branch of com- 
 merce might cotton become in Sicily, were -the 
 cultivation more encouraged ! Near San Felipe 
 d' Argiro, there are annual crops of saffron. Both 
 Pliny and Solinus celebrate the saffron of Cen- 
 turipe. The time of sowing is in May, and of 
 gathering the flowers in September. Liquorice 
 is cultivated chiefly about Lentini, 4 and the 
 plants are gathered in November. The manu- 
 facturers cut the roots into slips, and submit 
 them to the press; after they are sufficiently 
 bruised, they are thrown into a cauldron filled 
 with water, where they leave them to boil for 
 
 4 Very scanty are the remains of the ancient Leontium, the 
 country of Gorgias the orator. On an elevated spot near the 
 modern town, there are however the vestiges of an octangular 
 tower built of square stones, and some fragments of aqueducts 
 and cisterns. There are also some layers of the ancient walls 
 formed of blocks of stone of immense size. They pretend to 
 shew the remains of a gate, near which the Syracusan King, 
 Hieronymus, was murdered. Two fine vases, called Etruscan, 
 which the translator was shewn in the town-hall, were lately 
 discovered in the ruins of Leontium. 
 
307 
 
 five hours. When the roots are sufficiently 
 moistened, they are heaped together in large 
 frails, which have a hole at the bottom, through 
 which the juice drops into a receptacle beneath. 
 The liquor thus procured, is again boiled for 
 twenty-four hours ; it gradually condenses, and 
 becomes at last a thick paste, when it is rolled 
 in bay-leaves, and packed in chests for expor- 
 tation. The best manna-trees grow in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Geraci, and the liquor is distilled 
 from a tree very similar to the ash. They 
 generally select an eastern situation for the 
 culture of manna-trees, ( Fraxinus folio rotun- 
 d'wre. Linn.) In the month of July, they 
 make a horizontal incision in the bark, for the 
 length of a span, taking care to cut it always on 
 the same side, that the opposite one may serve 
 for the ensuing year. A thick whitish liquor 
 presently exudes, and soon becomes condensed. 
 Manna is a cathartic, and is used by dyers to 
 give a lustre to their cloths. Fossil salt is found 
 in Camarata ; artificially procured from the sea, 
 it is a lucrative object of commerce in Trapani. 
 Of sulphur, jEtna alone affords an inexhaustible 
 mine ; it is found also near Palma. The process 
 of the separation from the stones is very simple. 
 After digging them from the mountain, they 
 are put into a furnace, where the heat presently 
 separates and liquefies the sulphur, which flows 
 
308 
 
 through a cock, and fills vessels, in which it is 
 left to cool. The best oil is expressed at Cefalu. 
 If the Sicilian oil is inferior to the Provencal 
 or Lucchese, it must be attributed to the indo- 
 lence of the Sicilians, who will not take the 
 trouble to separate the good berries from the 
 bad. Before they are submitted to the press, 
 they are piled in heaps, and left to ferment. 
 The oil in consequence acquires a pungent and 
 fetid flavour, neither is it obtained in such pro- 
 fusion as from olives newly gathered. 
 
 The village of Le Giarre, between Tauor- 
 mina and Catania, is remarkable for its large 
 manufactures of vermicelli and macaroni. The 
 paste when prepared, is put into a brass pan, at 
 the bottom of which a number of small holes 
 are cut in the shape of a ring; through these 
 the paste is forced, by means of a pestle fitted 
 tight to the pan, and this is pressed downwards 
 by a screw, turned by a windlass. The terrify- 
 ing aloe and opuntia (flood? India. Sic.) afford 
 the best materials for the inclosure of fields, 
 perhaps in the world. The tall stems of the aloe 
 have a singular appearance as they are bent by 
 their own weight downwards, and even lie upon 
 the ground. It is well known that these plants 
 obstructed in no small degree, the operations of 
 the British cavalry in Portugal. Like fixed 
 bayonets, they present their formidable display 
 
309 
 
 of leaves, the strength of which may be esti- 
 mated by any one, who aiming at the point 
 with an oaken stick, may sever it by a moderate 
 blow. The leaves are not without their use, 
 for a strong thread is procured from the fibres. 
 The Sicilians, after having soaked the leaf for 
 eight or ten days in water, pound it between 
 two stones, to clear away the softer parts ; and 
 having nailed it up, draw a blunt knife from 
 one end to the other, to clear away the trans- 
 versal fibres. The thread thus procured, is at 
 first of a bright yellow colour, which it soon 
 loses, by being washed and beat. When dried, 
 it is fit for use, and is employed by the Sicilians 
 for the purposes of sewing. The Catalonians 
 even attempted to make cloth with it, but the 
 experiment failed. The opuntia is a far more 
 valuable plant, for it produces a refreshing fruit 
 during the summer months, and the poor live 
 mostly upon it. But it is of a more repulsive 
 character, than even the aloe ; for not only is 
 each individual leaf thickly beset with thorns, 
 but the exterior of the fruit is armed with 
 prickles, similar to those of the common bar- 
 berry. Nor is this all. Innumerable points 
 almost invisible, surround the outer coat; and 
 of such extreme subtility, that they will pene- 
 trate gloves, and the pores of the skin, where 
 they will remain for some days, causing a sen- 
 sation similar ta what a person would experi- 
 
310 
 
 ence, who should break to pieces in his naked 
 hand, the finest spun glass. The fruit of the 
 carroub tree, called by the Spaniards " algar- 
 roba" is an excellent stomachic, and alterative ; 
 the Sicilians feed their cattle with it ; and the 
 finest trees grow in the neighbourhood of Len- 
 tini, where they are often seen sweeping the 
 ground with their luxuriant branches. 
 
 There is a manufacture of nitre, near the 
 ear of Dionysius, at Syracuse. Silk is procured 
 in great quantities in the Val Demone ; there 
 are many looms at Messina, but many more at 
 Catania, where the manufacture is carried on 
 with spirit, and where they have adopted such 
 machines as are used at Manchester in the 
 cotton manufactories. There is but little timber 
 in Sicily ; the largest woods are in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Polizzi, and in the woody region 
 of ^Etna. The most esteemed wines are those 
 of Castelvetrano, Catania, and Marsala. Mus- 
 cat wine is made at Syracuse, but little inferior 
 to Constantia in flavour. The sea, too, is a 
 source of wealth to Sicily. Anchovies and 
 tunnies are exported in great quantities. Cefalu 
 and Tyndaris were the most renowned for their 
 tunnies in antiquity, 5 as was Tauormina for its 
 
 Ev 
 IIoAAa; 
 
 Antiphon apud Athen, 
 
311 
 
 mullets. 6 The coral fishery is found to answer 
 the expectations of those who undertake it. 
 Sicily is likewise rich in its marbles, and pre- 
 cious stones : agates, jaspers, porphyry, and ala- 
 baster, are found in divers parts of the island ; 
 lapis lazuli in the Fiume di Nisi, and amber, black 
 and yellow, at Ragusa and Catania. There are 
 silver and iron mines near Messina, but now no 
 longer worked ; gold has also been found, but 
 in too inconsiderable a quantity to compensate 
 the expense of extraction. 
 
 Character and Dispositions of the Inhabitants. 
 
 But this munificence of nature is but ill 
 seconded by the exertions of the modern inha- 
 bitants, who seem to place the supreme good in 
 indolence. Notwithstanding however the ge- 
 neral corruption of manners, the nobles are 
 very disinterested and obliging to strangers. 
 Their minds are rarely cultivated, or if they 
 pay attention to any accomplishments, it is to 
 those which have an immediate reference to the 
 imagination. Agriculture and gardening are 
 never thought of, and the innumerable beauties of 
 the Sicilian landscape pass unnoticed before their 
 eyes. This is the way of life which they pursue 
 
 * Mullus erit domino quern misit Corsica, vel quern 
 Tauromenitanse rupes. Juvenal, Sat. iv. 
 
at Catania and in the capital, worthy of Sybaris, 
 or " the crowned, the petulant, and the moist 
 Tarentum." They rise late, and never appear 
 till dinner, which takes place at two or three 
 o'clock ; they adjourn to the siesta about four, 
 which is continued till six. They then appear 
 in their calashes, and parade up and down the 
 high street in Catania, the Marino at Palermo, 
 and the Dromo at Messina. An hypasthral 
 opera then takes place in honour of Saints 
 Agatha, Rosolia, or Placido. 7 
 
 7 That religious mummery, so revolting to the understand- 
 ings of Englishmen, is eminently conspicuous at the festivals of 
 Saint Agatha of Catania, and Saint Rosolia at Palermo j but is 
 perhaps no where more remarkable for absurdity than at Syra- 
 cuse -, where the people, to use the language of Locke, ' ' having 
 been principled with an opinion, that they must not consult 
 reason in the things of religion, however apparently contradic- 
 tory, to common sense, and the very principles of all their 
 knowledge, have let loose their fancies and natural superstition, 
 and have been led by them into so strange opinions and prac- 
 tices in religion, that a considerate man cannot but stand 
 amazed at their follies, and judge them so far from being ac- 
 ceptable to the great and wise God, that he cannot avoid think- 
 ing them ridiculous and offensive to a sober good man." 
 
 The translator witnessed a festival wherein the priesthood 
 moved in procession to the church of St. Lucia, the pro- 
 tectress of Syracuse. Dressed in white with crimson mantles, 
 they bore tapers in their hands, and their faces were covered 
 with hoods, leaving two holes for the eyes. Afterwards fol- 
 lowed an image of the Virgin as large as life : to express the 
 
313 
 
 They afterwards meet to pass their evenings 
 at cards, and generally in the winter, crowd 
 round a charcoal chafing-dish, where they drink 
 iced water and eat sweetmeats : and this is their 
 history. 
 
 The ladies cultivate music with considerable 
 
 poignancy of her grief, they had stuck poignards in her bosom $ 
 she wore a periwig and a gown of crimson silk, while a pale 
 blue pelisse floated behind in the air. Wherever there was an 
 altar in the street, through which she passed, she was saluted 
 with petards, the ringing of bells, and the firing of guns. To- 
 wards the evening she returned to the altar from which she 
 came, which was illuminated with numerous tapers. But on 
 the morning of Easter day, the translator saw from the balcony 
 of Baron Bosco's house, a multitude of people assembled at one 
 corner of the square ; presently appeared the Virgin attired as 
 before, and opposite to her, a figure of Jesus in crimson silk, 
 and crowned with thorns. They first approached slowly, and 
 tli en were made to nod to each other amid repeated vollies of 
 petards. The bearers of the statues then ran towards the centre 
 of the square with as much fury as two regiments on a charge. 
 The ceremony concluded with the laughter, applause, and 
 hootings of the populace. Oh the discordant mind, that could 
 first devise the sounding of warlike instruments, and discharge 
 of engines of destruction in honour of the Prince of Peace ! 
 
 Far be it from the translator to be so presumptuous as to 
 attack the religion of any country or individual. But he is per- 
 suaded that the most zealous Catholic of either France, Ger- 
 many, or Spain, would disapprove of the above ceremonies, 
 which tend only to make religion a theatrical farce, and to draw 
 npon it contempt and ridicule. 
 
314 
 
 success. Their voices however are seldom clear ; 
 so that the expedient of Ulysses might some- 
 times be had recourse to, to prevent harsh 
 sounds from offending the ears. The male in- 
 dividuals of the lower classes, are generally 
 handsome in their persons, athletic, and capable 
 of enduring heat and much labour; but they 
 are liable to fits of ungovernable passion, which 
 often hurry them into the commission of un- 
 premeditated crimes. They are vehement in 
 their gestures and language, and to the northern 
 stranger they often have the appearance of 
 being engaged in quarrel, when they are talking 
 of nothing but the common occurrences of the 
 day. The most remarkable feature in their cha- 
 racter is temperance, a virtue \vhich the nations 
 in the south of Europe possess in an eminent 
 degree. A rind of onion, glass of water, and 
 Indian figs, generally form the frugal repast of 
 the peasantry, who on festivals add an omlet, 
 or salt fish dressed in oil. The women are not 
 handsome ; they generally have a languid and 
 sallow appearance, probably more in conse- 
 quence of the indolent lives they lead, than any 
 thing else. The few however that are beautiful, 
 appear formed in nature's choicest mould. They 
 are indeed, when handsome, so prepossessing, 
 that the stranger who beholds them will cease 
 
to wonder at the great influence which the Sici- 
 lian Lais formerly had in Greece. 8 
 
 8 When the translator was at Palermo, he made an excur- 
 sion to Carini, a town twelve miles westward of the capital, to 
 see if there remained any ruins of the ancient Hyccara, which 
 gave birth to this celebrated beauty. Thucydides relates that 
 Nicias touched at Hyccara, soon after Alcibiades had left Sicily, 
 and that he plundered it, because it was hostile to the Segestans, 
 whose cause the Athenians had espoused. He carried off Lais 
 among the captives, who afterwards became so conspicuous in 
 Greece, for her wit and intrigues. But Hyccara, instead of 
 blooming with myrtles and roses, presents now nothing to the 
 sight but a field overrun with thistles, and a few torn shrubs of 
 the Indian fig. The rocks to the East of Carini, rise in the 
 boldest and most picturesque forms, presenting subjects for pic- 
 tures worthy of Salvator Rosa. The answer which Lais gave 
 to the sculptor Myron, is prettily told by Ausonius. Two epi- 
 grams are preserved in the Anthologia, recording this distin- 
 guished courtezan, the first by Antipater, the second by Pompey 
 the younger, who probably when in Sicily, relaxed his mind 
 from the toils of war, by devoting his leisure hours occasionally 
 to the Muses. 
 
 BY ANTIPATER. 
 Tijv xau dpa, %g vffw, xou oXoygyiS 1 /, xai <rw egwli . xa< . 17. 
 
 Lais who eclips'd in mien. 
 And beauty's hue, the Cyprian queen, 
 Who once resistless charms display 'd, 
 In gold and Tyrian robes array'd, 
 Lies here, the sea-girt Corinth's boast, 
 To Love's delights for ever lost. 
 Whom brighter than Pirene's wave, 
 Mortals would for Venus have ; 
 
316 
 
 Though the Sicilians have submitted for so 
 long- a period to an arbitrary and imbecile go- 
 vernment, occasions have presented themselves 
 when they have resisted with becoming spirit 
 the tyranny of their oppressors. In the vice- 
 royalty of Fuligno, towards the end of the 
 seventeenth century, when intolerable impo- 
 
 Whose blithsome air, and venal joy, 
 
 Distinguish' d suitors did decoy ; 
 
 More numerous than those that try'd 
 
 The virtue of the Spartan bride. 
 
 Nor less for her would Greece have fought, 
 
 Were not her charms too cheaply bought. 
 
 Yet, Lais ! round thy grassy tomb 
 
 The crocus ne'er shall cease to bloom j 
 
 And gales of incense shall declare, 
 
 Where lies conceal' d thy glossy hair j 
 
 Thy ashes spikenard shall exhale : 
 
 Beside thee, Cytherea pale 
 
 Shall tear her cheeks consign'd to woe, 
 
 And Love despairing break his bow. 
 
 BY POMPEY THE YOUNGER. 
 'Hro xaXov xai Tracnv gf aoy&joy av0ij<racra . xa/ . 17. 
 
 She to whom the Graces bow'd, 
 
 And gave the flow'rs themselves had won ; 
 
 Whose cheeks with Love's vermilion glow'd, 
 No more beholds the rising sun. 
 
 She cry'd, a? death upheld his dart, 
 Ye feasts, ye lovers' broils, adieu ! 
 
 Ye jealousies, that rack the heart, 
 . .And lamp, to am'rous vigils true ! 
 
317 
 
 sitions were laid on corn, the Palermitans beset 
 the viceregal palace, and did not leave it till 
 the duties were taken off. The Marquis him- 
 self nearly fell a victim to the fury of the po- 
 pulace. Those celebrated vespers, unexampled 
 in history, for the prompt conception and ex- 
 ecution of the delivery of the island from 
 foreign usurpers, are still fresh in the memory 
 of the inhabitants ; and General Acton informed 
 the translator, that on a late landing of some 
 French prisoners at Palermo, the children in the 
 streets beset them with cries of " i vesperi! 
 i vesperi /" 
 
 Literature and the Fine Arts. 
 
 The literature of the modern Sicilians has 
 been chiefly confined to theology and archeo- 
 logy. St. Rosolia at Palermo, St. Agatha at 
 Catania, and St. Lucia at Syracuse, have ex- 
 ercised the pens of many writers. But with 
 respect to archaeology and topography, the 
 labours of Fazello, Arezzo, and Mirabella, are 
 not merely celebrated in Sicily ; they are known 
 throughout Europe. Of those who have dis- 
 tinguished themselves by various science, Mau- 
 rolico stands perhaps in the first rank. He was 
 born at Messina, in the year 1494 ; and soon 
 rose to such celebrity by his talents, as to attract 
 
318 
 
 the notice and friendship of the most eminent 
 men of his time, especially of Bembo, who de- 
 dicated to him a treatise on geography. The 
 Cardinal Farnese, (whose house was the rendez- 
 vous of men of merit) invited Maurolico to 
 Rome, at the same time sending a present of 
 500 ducats, which he declined, as well as the 
 invitation, preferring a learned retirement to 
 the splendour, noise, and smoke of Rome. 
 Though doubtless a man of very superior parts, 
 he does not appear to have been untainted with 
 the superstition of his times. And we accord- 
 ingly find that he was acceptable to the Duke 
 de Medina Celi, viceroy of Sicily, who admired 
 him, not so much for his astronomical, as astro- 
 logical knowledge. Don John of Austria too, 
 previous to his sailing for Lepanto, consulted 
 Maurolico, who thought he saw, or pretended 
 to see his star in the east. Though his genius 
 was chiefly bent to mathematical science, he 
 has left a history of Sicily in Latin. He was 
 also an orator and poet. He died at the ad- 
 vanced age of eighty, and his epitaph is con- 
 ceived in these lines : 
 
 Te quoque Zancla tulit Maurolice, ne sit in orani 
 
 Clara Syracosio Sicelis ora seni. 
 Te pietas, te religio, te dia Mathesis 
 
 Extinctum, sophiae te quoque flevit amor. 
 Parnassi et divae, desertis fontibus, udis 
 
 Hie oeulis, scissis et gemuere comis. 
 
319 
 
 Francesco Negro, a native of Piazza, a cen- 
 tral town of Sicily, was esteemed a man of con- 
 siderable talents for the age he lived in. Wish- 
 ing to examine the eruption of ^Etna, which 
 burst forth in 1536, he approached too near the 
 burning lava, and, like the elder Pliny, paid for 
 his temerity with his life. The investigation 
 of the phenomena of jEtna has been prosecuted 
 with more success by the Abate Ferrara of Ca- 
 tania, who unites to considerable mineralogical 
 knowledge, agreeable manners, and prepossess- 
 ing attention to strangers. 
 
 The Abate Amico of Catania, has left a use- 
 ful topographical dictionary of Sicily. The 
 JEtn&an academy established in that city, has 
 produced some men of science. Borelli and 
 Carrera have written valuable narrations of the 
 eruptions they each witnessed. The prince of 
 Biscari must not be forgotten, who founded a 
 magnificent museum in the same city. 
 
 Of living authors, the Abate Blasi is the most 
 distinguished. He has written a voluminous 
 work on the Viceroys of Sicily, and is now en- 
 gaged in another on the sovereigns, previous to 
 the time of Queen Bianca, who first established 
 the vice-regal dignity. Medicine is very super- 
 ficially understood in Sicily. And how can it 
 be otherwise, since it is mostly practised by 
 mercenary quacks, who are meanly paid ? The 
 
320 
 
 lights which have been thrown on this science 
 by the new discoveries in chemistry, are un- 
 known to the Sicilian professors of medicine. 9 
 The discovery of the probable method used 
 by the ancients for the preparation of the pa- 
 pyrus, is due to the ingenuity of Signor Lanclo- 
 lina of Syracuse. This plant grows no where 
 in Europe but in the fountain of La Pisma, the 
 ancient Cyane. 9 It is the same as the Egyptian 
 plant described by Pliny and Theophrastus. 
 Landolina, having cut several stems of the plant 
 into thin slices, submits them to the press, after 
 arranging them in parallel order on a plane; 
 the glutinous quality of the plant makes them 
 adhere firmly, and the sheet is formed. He 
 then applies a paste made of the crumb of bread, 
 softened with boiling water, and sprinkled with 
 vinegar. The sheet is thus left to dry in the 
 shade. Afterwards the paste is taken off, and 
 the sheet is again submitted to the press to re- 
 move the little irregularities, when it is fit for 
 use, and found to answer the purposes of com- 
 mon writing paper. Landolina, having brought 
 his experiments to a successful issue, has dis- 
 covered that the text of Pliny, in speaking of 
 
 9 Mr. Wilkins has given a faithful representation of the 
 papyrus in his antiquities of Graecia Magna ; so has Mr. Hayter, 
 to whom the literary world is much indebted for the decypher- 
 ing of the Herculanean MSS. 
 
321 
 
 the papyrus is corrupt, and he has restored the 
 true reading. 
 
 Voulez vous connoitre le pbre Piazzi? said the 
 Prince of Belmonte one evening to the trans- 
 lator. The astronomer named an hour on the 
 following day, when he would be ready to re- 
 ceive him. He found him in his study, richly 
 stocked with works of science, which was a 
 small room contiguous to the observatory, over 
 the viceregal palace. He was engaged in look- 
 ing over some nautical tables, which had just 
 been sent him from the astronomer royal in 
 England. The translator was desirous of ascer- 
 taining his opinion relative to the state of astro- 
 nomical science in Europe, as he was now 
 closeted with a man, who from the sublimity of 
 his pursuits, would in all probability be superior 
 to any paltry prejudices. The Sicilian astro- 
 nomer was very lavish of his praises of the 
 French mathematicians, " but I do not think," 
 he said, " that any men of transcendant merit 
 have appeared in France since the revolution ; 
 all those who have distinguished themselves in 
 philosophical pursuits, such as Lalande, La- 
 grange, La Place, Messier, and Delambre, were 
 formed under the old regime." Generally speak- 
 ing, he had not a high idea of the state of this 
 science in England ; but he acknowledged the 
 merit of Maskelyne, and said, that astronomy 
 
 Y 
 
was more indebted to him, than any man living. 
 The translator asked his opinion relative to as- 
 tronomical treatises. He replied; " that of 
 Lalancle is a chaos, and contains a heteroge- 
 neous mixture of subjects ; that of La Place is 
 a prodigious effort of human ingenuity. His 
 Mecanique Celeste will remain one of the 
 proudest monuments of science. But it pre- 
 supposes a depth of mathematical skill attain- 
 able only by a few. I consider La Place the 
 first geometer in the world. We have not as 
 yet a clear and purely scientific work on astro- 
 nomy ; it is still a desideratum." 
 
 Of observatories, he had not seen any so 
 good as that at Oxford ; next to which he pre- 
 ferred the observatory at Paris ; and he ex- 
 pressed surprise that there was not a better at 
 Cambridge, the principal residence of abstract 
 science in England. " No nation," he observed, 
 " comes near the English, in the manufacture 
 of philosophical instruments ; which are not 
 only unrivalled for the fineness of the work, 
 but also for the science displayed in the design." 
 Laying his hand on an entire circle, the work 
 of Ramsden, and which had occupied that in- 
 strument-maker for two years ; " it was with 
 this I ascertained that the Ceres Ferdinandea 
 is a planet; three others have been discovered 
 since, and from their minuteness, from the cir- 
 
323 
 
 cumstance of each of their orbits being between 
 Jupiter and Mars, and from there being little 
 or no difference in their mean movements, I 
 conjecture that they may be the fragments of 
 a destroyed planet. I am the first who have 
 paid attention to stars from the sixth to tenth 
 magnitudes ; before, they were neglected, or at 
 best but cursorily surveyed." The translator 
 said, that probably the serenity of the sky in 
 Sicily afforded him greater facility in examin- 
 ing stars of small magnitude, than astronomers 
 in more northern countries. To which he was 
 far from agreeing, alleging, that though the 
 atmosphere was more free from clouds, the sky 
 was generally obscured by a haze, very unfa- 
 vourable for astronomical observations. Padre 
 Piazzi unites to profundity of science, a suavity 
 of manners and politeness not often seen in 
 those who devote their time to philosophical 
 pursuits ; and he brought to the translator's re- 
 collection the Rev. Thomas Jones, late senior 
 tutor of Trinity College, Cambridge, and whose 
 memory is stored in the hearts of his numerous 
 friends. 
 
 Many of the Sicilian nobles have rich col- 
 lections of the medals of their country. There 
 is a prodigiously fine one at Noto, belonging to 
 Astudo ; one on Mount Eryx, close to the 
 temple of Venus Erycina; two at Catania, one 
 
324 
 
 attached to the Museum Biscari, and one in the 
 palace of the prince of Parclo. There is also 
 another belonging to the Cavaliere Calcagni at 
 Palermo. The latter gentleman has published 
 a treatise, in which he endeavours to prove that 
 there were two kings of Syracuse, Phintias and 
 Liparo, not noticed in history, deriving his ar- 
 guments from a passage in the Mensechmi 10 of 
 Plautus, and corroborating them by the testi- 
 mony of some coins in his own collection. There 
 are universities at Palermo and Catania, and 
 clubs of improvisator!. 
 
 The translator during his tour had frequent 
 occasion to notice the aptitude of the Sicilians 
 for the imitative arts ; their genius is but ill 
 seconded by the government, which has neg- 
 lected to establish an academy for painting 
 and sculpture. The arts were not at so low an 
 ebb formerly in Sicily ; for painting was re- 
 vived at Messina, about the same time that it 
 was in Italy. Antonio d' Antonio was cotem- 
 porary with Cimabue, and they preserve in the 
 Duomo at Messina, the martyrdom of St. Pla- 
 cido by his hand. Antonello was descended 
 
 10 Non ego te novi, Menaechme, Moscho prognatum patre, 
 Qui Syracusis perhibere natus esse in Sicilia, 
 Ubi rex Agathocles regnator fuit, et iterum Phintia, 
 Tertium Liparo,, qui in morte regnum Hieroni tradidit, 
 Nunc Hiero est. PLAUT. 
 
325 
 
 from him, and leaving the school of his father, 
 went to Rome, whither he was attracted by the 
 fame of Masaccio. He excelled particularly in 
 the painting of small Madonnas. Antonello 
 painted two women laughing, which were much 
 admired at Palermo; from thence he went to 
 Naples, where seeing two pictures in the col- 
 lection of King Alphonso, painted in oil, which 
 had been sent him as a present by John of 
 Bruges, he learned the secret from the inventor, 
 and communicated it in Venice, where he died 
 in the year 1501. On his tomb is this inscrip- 
 tion : 
 
 Antonius, prtfcipuum Messance sutf, et Sicilice 
 tothis ornamentum, hac humo tegidir ; non soliun 
 j'uit picturis, in quibus singularc artifccium full, sect 
 quod coloribus oleo miscemlis, splendorem et perpe- 
 tuitatem primus Italics picture contuiit, summo 
 semper arttficum studio commendatus. 
 
 But Girolamo Alibrandi eclipsed all the 
 painters of that period who flourished at Mes- 
 sina, and he has been called, not without reason, 
 the Raphael of that city. He was born in the 
 year 1470. He applied himself early to lite- 
 rary pursuits, and was intended by his parents 
 for the law. His predilection for painting soon 
 however developed itself, and he accordingly 
 
526 
 
 frequented the then celebrated school of An- 
 tonio. On the death of his father, he went to 
 Venice, where the fame of Antonello was yet 
 fresh, from the method of painting in oil, in- 
 troduced by that artist. Here he became ac- 
 quainted with the celebrated Giorgione, with 
 whom he lived on terms of intimacy, and as 
 they were both skilled in music, they passed 
 their clays in painting together, and their even- 
 ings in singing, and playing on the violin. After 
 remaining some time in Venice, he went to 
 Milan, where he studied under Leonardo da 
 Vinci, and acquired something of that painter's 
 manner. He returned to Messina in 1514, but 
 wishing to see Raphael d' Urbino, he took Rome 
 in his way, carefully drawing every thing from 
 the antique which he found. He died of the 
 plague, which desolated Messina, in the year 
 1524. His master-piece, representing the puri- 
 fication of the Virgin, is preserved in the church 
 della Candelora : it is indeed a fine production, 
 both for the expression and relief of the figures, 
 and Polidoro has not disdained to copy it. The 
 plague which carried off Alibrandi was also fatal 
 to other painters ; and there was reason to fear 
 that the art would have become extinct, had 
 not Polidoro da Caravaggio taken up his resi- 
 dence in Messina, and established a new school. 
 That painter, after the sacking of Rome in 
 
327 
 
 , took refuge in Naples, and crossed to 
 Messina, which he proposed making his future 
 residence. He was employed to paint the tri- 
 umphal arches, which were erected in that city, 
 to compliment Charles V. on his return from 
 his expedition to Tunis. Polidoro's school con- 
 tinued for some years in a flourishing condi- 
 tion, and some good artists were formed in it. 
 But a Calabrian, by name Tonno, assassinated 
 Polidoro in his sleep. Messina, a few years 
 since, abounded with the works of this good 
 painter ; but several have been sold, and others 
 destroyed by the earthquakes, which made such 
 havoc in that city. The year of the birth of 
 Agostino Scilla, a Messinese, is not recorded. 
 His works are much esteemed in Italy, and 
 bought with avidity. Scilla was a man of 
 letters; he wrote a treatise on petrifactions, 
 and was preparing a work on coins, when death 
 intercepted his labours. 
 
 Pietro Novelli, more generally known under 
 the name of II Morrealese, from Morreale, his 
 birth-place, holds deservedly the highest rank 
 among the Sicilian painters. He passed his 
 early years at Palermo, where he was initiated 
 in the rudiments of his art; he then went to 
 Rome, where he improved rapidly, and on his 
 return to Sicily, embellished many of the 
 churches with his works. In the riots of 1647, 
 
328 
 
 which took place at Palermo, as he was accom- 
 panying the city-guard on horseback, he re- 
 ceived a musket-ball in his shoulder, which 
 proved fatal. The connoisseurs in Sicily, are 
 very lavish of their praises of II Morrealese. 
 He is indeed to be admired for that force of 
 colouring which characterizes the styles of 
 Ribera, Solimena, II Calabrese, and the other 
 artists of the Neapolitan school. And if he had 
 paid more attention to the study of the antique, 
 he might have stood the test of comparison 
 with at least the second-rate artists of Italy. 
 His best production is in the Benedictine mo- 
 nastery at Morreale, for which he was only paid 
 a sum equivalent to ten English pounds. It 
 represents St. Benedict breaking the bread, and 
 distributing it to the several orders of knight- 
 hood under his protection. Morrealese has in- 
 troduced himself in the habit of the order of 
 Calatrava, and his daughter is on her knees in 
 the act of lifting a child from the ground. 
 There is a great sweetness in both of these 
 figures, and the gusto of them is very like 
 Guercino. 
 
 Giovanni di Anselmo, was the first who in- 
 vented the art of cutting cameos on shells. He 
 was a native of Trapani, the inhabitants of which 
 town still cultivate that branch of sculpture 
 with great success. The shell generally em- 
 
329 
 
 ployed is the murex tritonius. It is found in 
 great abundance on the coast between Melazzo 
 and Cefalu. The thickness of the shell is a 
 line and a half, often less, and is composed of 
 three layers easily distinguished ; the exterior 
 is of the thickness of two hairs, and is marked 
 with spiral lines of a tawny colour ; the second 
 is of a milky whiteness, and considerably harder 
 than the first; and the third is of a bluish 
 white, and of a softer consistency than the 
 second. 
 
 This art soon obtained in Italy ; and we 
 have daily experience of the perfection to which 
 it is carried in Rome, where the professors imi- 
 tate with the greatest success, the antique 
 models on the smallest scale. But experience 
 proves that shells found in the East Indies an- 
 swer better than the Sicilian. 
 
 Antonio Gaggino is the chief of the Sicilian 
 sculptors, and he has left so many works of rare 
 merit behind him, that some account of this 
 artist may not probably be deemed uninterest- 
 ing. He was born at Messina in the year 1480. 
 His father, Domenico, was also a sculptor. An- 
 tonio, having studied the principles of his art 
 under his father, went to Rome, and there be- 
 came a disciple of Michael Angelo. He fre- 
 quented at the same time the school of Raphael, 
 in which he acquired true taste, and correct de- 
 
S30 
 
 sign. He made such progress in sculpture, that 
 he assisted Michael Angelo in the execution of 
 some of the bassi-rilievi, which decorate the 
 tomb of Julius the second. On his return to 
 Sicily, he made Palermo his future residence, 
 and embellished it with his labours. He died 
 at an advanced age, A. D. J5?l. Gaggino en- 
 joyed a high reputation at a period when his art 
 had attained a great degree of perfection, 
 through the transcendant genius of Michael 
 Angelo. His faces have a fine expression ; but 
 he excelled particularly in his draperies. It is 
 related of him, that when Michael Angelo had 
 cut a naked Christ for the church Delia Minerva 
 at Rome, he replied to those, who wished it to 
 be covered; " Jf you choose to clothe it, com- 
 mit it to Gaggino." The finest of his works 
 are the numerous statues in the cathedral of 
 Palermo. His St. Mathias is his master-piece. 
 There is in the expression of the-face, a certain 
 divine air, which it is the privilege of genius 
 alone to bestow on works of art. He executed 
 in bronze, the well-known statue of a slave ex- 
 tracting the thorn from his foot, and added the 
 inscription: 
 
 ec Opus Antonii Gaggini" 
 
 The son of Gaggino was also a sculptor; he 
 
 11 Si volete vestirlo, mandatelo pure al Gaggino di Pa- 
 lermo. 
 
331 
 
 has been commemorated in the following epi- 
 gram, happily turned by Carrera, a Sicilian. 
 
 Gaginus fato propior, da marmore condi 
 
 Nate, ait, et sculpas tu patris effigiem. 
 Excessit : natus lacrymans dum sculpsit, imago 
 
 A me caelanda est haec tibi jure pater ; 
 In te alii aeternum vivunt 3 tu vivis in illis ; 
 
 In quo vivit opus nobile, vivit amor. 
 
 Modica gave birth to Tommaso Campailla, 
 esteemed in Sicily a distinguished literary cha- 
 racter, and poet of no inconsiderable merit. 
 He was born in the year \66S. His mental 
 powers did not soon develop themselves, and 
 he was looked upon as a boy of dull capacity. 
 At the age of sixteen, he went to the university 
 of Catania, where he was initiated in the prin- 
 ciples of the Aristotelian philosophy, and em- 
 ployed his leisure hours in the study of poetry 
 and medicine. He afterwards returned to Mo- 
 dica, and there composed his philosophical poem 
 entitled Adamo, which may be considered as an 
 exposition of the Cartesian philosophy. The 
 plot of this poem consists in the archangel 
 Raphael instructing Adam in the various de- 
 partments of human science. Campailla had 
 laid hold of our Milton, and the best parts of 
 his poem consist of translations, or very free 
 imitations of the English original. Whatever 
 privileges poets may claim, the critic will hardly 
 
332 
 
 excuse the archangel, in the fourth canto, con- 
 ducting our forefather into a library, to over- 
 haul the folios and quartos composed by the 
 literary part of his posterity. Doubtless the 
 archangel's wings were brought into play to 
 brush away the dust and cobwebs necessarily 
 adhering to a great many. Had Campailla been 
 content with philosophical pursuits, his fame 
 probably would have been more secure. For 
 he published a good treatise on the motion of 
 animals, which with his Adamo, he sent to the 
 Royal Society of London, who acknowledged 
 his merit, and accordingly elected him one of 
 their members. When the philosopher, who 
 had " every virtue under heaven," travelled in 
 Sicily, he became acquainted with Campailla, 
 and sent him, on his return to England, a letter 
 expressive of his friendship, with a copy of 
 Newton's works. Campailla died at Modica, " 
 after devoting a life entirely to literature, in 
 the year 1740. His sonnets in Italian are ad- 
 mired in Sicily ; and we may conclude, that he 
 was a man of real merit, or Berkeley would not 
 have formed a friendship with him. 
 
 Anna Maria Arduina, a Messinese lady, dis- 
 tinguished herself by various accomplishments. 
 
 12 Modica is admirably. situated for philosophic retirement. 
 It stands at the bottom of a deep ravin, surrounded nearly on all 
 sides by steep declivities. 
 
333 
 
 She was afterwards Princess of Piombino, and 
 her sonnets have been praised by Crescimbeni. 
 The Abate Giovanni Meli is the only one 
 who has cultivated poetry with any success in 
 the Sicilian dialect. He has translated Don 
 Quixote into verse. Don Quixote in ottava 
 rima ! The translator has not had the courage 
 to read this production; but has been informed 
 by those who have, that it will not compensate 
 the trouble. It is however worth while to trans- 
 cribe a few stanzas of his pastorals, not only as 
 a specimen of the Sicilian dialect, but also to 
 shew how his muse sports in Syracusan num- 
 bers. And the reader probably will not fail to 
 remark, that the dialect of Sicily is appropriate 
 to the pastoral ; having much the same affinity 
 to the Italian, that the Doric has to the other 
 dialects of Greece. 
 
 Dameta canta. 
 
 Sti 13 silenzii, sta verdura, 
 Sti muntagni, sti vallati, 
 L' ha criatu la Natura, 
 Pri li cori innamurati. 
 
 Lu susurru di li frundi, 
 Di lu sciurni lu lamentu,, 
 L' aria, 1' ecu chi rispundi, 
 Tuttu spira sentimentu, &c. 
 
334 
 
 There are some pretty stanzas in his idyll, 
 entitled Daphnis : 
 
 Dafni canto. . 
 
 O bianca lucidissima 
 Luna, chi senza velu 
 Sulcannu vai pri 1'aria 
 Li cam pi di lu celu. 
 
 Tu dissipi li tenebri 
 Cu la serena facci j 
 Li stiddi 14 impallidiscinu 
 Appena che tu affacci. 
 
 Li placidi silenzii 
 All* umidu to raggiu 
 Di la natura parranu 
 I/ amabili linguaggiu. 
 
 A tia 1* amanti teneru 
 Cu palpiti segreti, 
 La dulurusa storia 
 Mestissimu ripeti. 
 
 E mentri amari lagrimi 
 La dogghia 13 sua prodnci ; 
 Tu spruzzi a la mestizia 
 Lu sentimentu duci. 
 
 Quannu una negghia 16 pallida 
 Ti vidi pri davanti ; 
 Su 17 li suspiri flebili 
 Di lu miu cori amanti. 
 
 Stelle. /* Doglia. Nebbia. 
 
 17 Sono. 
 
335 
 
 Pri mia la bedda e splendida 
 Tua facci si sculura j 
 Jiu, jiu hi miserabili 
 'Ngramagghiu 18 la natura. 
 
 Pri mia li friddi vausi 19 
 Supra 1' alpestri munti 
 D'orruri e di mestizia 
 Si cuprinu la frunti. 
 
 Cu lamintusu strepitu 
 L'acqui a lu miu duluri 
 Chiancennu, ^ si sdirrupanu 
 Dintra H vaddi oscuri. 
 
 " The sound is an echo to the sense" in the 
 two last lines ; and the idyll is closed with the 
 following poetic stanza. 
 
 Dissi 1' afflittu Dafni, e 1' aspri trunchi 
 'Ntisiru 21 dintra insolitu trimuri j 
 Scossi lu munti la ferrigna basi ; 
 La terra di nov' umbri si cupriu j 
 L' umidu raggiu di la bianca luna 
 'Ntisi 22 d' iddu pieta, ed impallidiu. 
 
 Receipt for the Vapours, ly Meli. 
 
 Recipe quattru amici menzi pazzi, 
 Un ripostu, 'na chianca, e 'na cantina, 
 Vinu a zibbeffu, trunzi, e ramurazzi, 
 Pasta, sosizza, e carni sarvaggina, 
 
 18 Attristo. 19 Baize. 20 Piangendo. 
 
 21 Sentirono, 2a Si mosse di lui a piet^. 
 
muu d wine ; 
 >, and pies, } 
 len you rise, > 
 ercise. J 
 
 336 
 
 Scattagnetti, liuti, e citarazzi j 
 Balla, cavarca, opra, nuota, cammina, 
 Sempri frusciu ad aremi, e fagghiu a mazzi, 
 Sempri testa vacanti, e panza china. 
 
 With noisy friends in number four, 
 Sit where of eatables there's store ; 
 Eat cabbage, radish, when you dine, 
 And sip your beaker of mull'd wine j 
 Eat wild fowl, sausages, 
 And from the table when 
 Fail not to take due exercise. 
 To sound of piercing flageolet, 
 Harp, or cracking castanet, 
 Walk, or kick your heels about : 
 Take ball, bath, opera, and rout. 
 Always of money have enough ; 
 Fear nor cane, nor fisty-cuff. 
 A good long purse, and empty brains 
 Will ease you of your chronic pains. 
 
 The Abate Meli is also the author of some 
 elegies, dithyrambics, and anacreontics ; which 
 though containing some happy thoughts, are ad- 
 mired, more perhaps from their being the only 
 productions of the kind in the Sicilian dialect, 
 than their intrinsic merit. 
 
 Sicelides Musae, pau!6 majora canamus ! 
 
 With respect to architecture, notwithstand- 
 ing that the Sicilians have before their eyes 
 the beautiful models existing at Segesta, Selinus, 
 
337 
 
 and Agrigentum, the abuses of this noble art 
 are really extraordinary. 
 
 The best materials abound almost every 
 where, and the numerous columns found among 
 Grecian ruins would save much labour and ex- 
 pense in the construction of buildings. It causes 
 regret to behold the fine granite columns taken 
 from the theatre at Catania so ill disposed, sup- 
 porting broken entablatures, and every style of 
 deformity, which Borromini and his stye could 
 devise, in the front of the cathedral. The inte- 
 rior is however very handsome, airy, and ele- 
 gant. It may be questioned whether there be 
 any city in the world that exhibits such mag- 
 nificent materials for buildings, and makes 
 withal so indifferent a figure, as the capital. 
 The cathedral is a large pile, and would have 
 presented a valuable specimen of Norman-Sara- 
 cenic architecture, had not some additions in 
 the Italian style been injudiciously added. The 
 wings are separated from the nave by two rows 
 of arches, which are supported by eighty co- 
 lumns of Egyptian granite all of one piece, and 
 of a fine polish. The church of St. Joseph is 
 remarkable for the richness of its altar, inlaid in 
 Mosaic, and presenting to view thirty-four 
 columns of Sicilian marble each single blocks, 
 and thirty-six feet in height. These magnificent 
 shafts are ill-disposed, and disfigured by capitals 
 
338 
 
 in a corrupt taste. The Messinesc, notwith- 
 standing that their city is so liable to earth- 
 quakes, have already begun to rebuild their Pa- 
 lazzata with columns of Segestan Doric, and 
 very handsome it will be, if the design, which 
 the translator has in his possession, be carried 
 into execution. 
 
 The vice-regal palace is a vast irregular pile ; 
 but if uninteresting from its want of architec- 
 tural symmetry, it will not fail to attract the 
 attention of the lover of art from the choice 
 pictures which it contains. Hither has been 
 removed the flower of the collection, which in 
 a happier period of the Neapolitan court, deco- 
 rated the palace at Capo di Monte. The most 
 1 conspicuous for their merit are as follows : 
 
 - 
 
 t It 
 'By RAPHAEL. 
 
 A holy family with the infant St. John 
 
 kneeling: in his very best manner. Another 
 
 ,with the cradle of the infant Jesus : fine, but 
 
 inferior to the first. A Madonna and child 
 
 painted on wood. 
 
 Another holy family, of which there was a 
 duplicate in the Orleans collection. In the 
 works of Raphael, comment is for the most part 
 superfluous. It can admit of little but general 
 praise. 
 
339 
 
 BY LEONARDO DA VINCI. 
 
 A Madonna and child, with that male cha- 
 racter of beauty so peculiar to himself. 
 
 The St. John pointing to the words " Ecce 
 Agnus Dei." 
 
 r BY TITIAN. 
 
 The well-known Danae. The innumerable 
 copies of this picture so greedily purchased 
 argue sufficiently its excellence. The delicacy 
 of the tints is perhaps unequalled. 
 
 A penitent Magdalen. Titian appears to 
 have valued himself on this production, for he 
 has inscribed his name on one side in large gold 
 letters. 
 
 An excellent portrait of Pope Paul the 
 third. 
 
 f BY MICHAEL ANGELO. 
 A small copy of the last judgment painted 
 in the Cappella Sistina at Rome. In spite of 
 the greatness of conception, and the profound 
 knowledge of anatomy displayed in this far- 
 famed painting, do not the devils, some tugging 
 the damned into the bottomless pit, others 
 thumping them with oars, some driving their 
 grotesque griffins' claws into the bodies of those 
 
340 
 
 who have inherited the wages of sin ; do not 
 they, I say, inspire the spectator with senti- 
 ments of disgust and derision, rather than of 
 veneration and fear? It is difficult to contem- 
 plate the bottom of this picture without feeling 
 as much inclination to laugh as when we see 
 the devils, in Hogarth's strolling company, fight- 
 ing for a pot of porter. 
 
 O Michelangiol non vi parlo in giuoco : 
 
 Questo che dipihgeste e un gran giudizio, 
 
 Ma del giudizio voi ne iVete poco. Salvalor Rosa. 
 
 How different is the great painter of Urbino, 
 who could express grace without affectation, 
 and greatness without extravagance ! 
 
 Bv RUBEXS. 
 
 A very good portrait of a grandee of Spain, 
 with that lustre of colouring, and freedom of 
 stroke, which are the characteristics of the chief 
 of the Flemish school. 
 
 DOMENICHINO. 
 
 The guardian angel protecting the young 
 Tobit from an evil spirit. Domenichino is un- 
 riValled in his children, and this picture tends 
 to confirm his merit in that particular. Ihe 
 drapery of the angel is ill-managed. 
 
341 
 
 BY PARMEGGIANO. 
 
 A portrait in full length of his mistress. 
 He has known how to preserve his aceustomed 
 grace, though the figure is strait and the face 
 painted in full ; but there is a notorious defect 
 in the management of the right shoulder. 
 
 A Madonna and child. The Virgin has her 
 hair a la grecque, and is applying her finger to 
 the child's mouth. Parmeggiano in this pic- 
 ture has nearly transgressed the very thin par^ 
 tition which separates grace from affectation. 
 
 A child reading the alphabet. A striking 
 proof that a happy expression of delicacy is the 
 leading trait of Parmeggiano's pencil. 
 
 " BY ANNIBAL CARACCI. 
 A Virgin and dead Christ. The foreshort- 
 ening of the Virgin's arm is so masterly, that it 
 cannot escape the admiration of those who can 
 estimate the high merit of the Caraccis, who 
 were able to exhibit in their works the excel- 
 lencies of the Roman, Venetian, and Florentine 
 schools. 
 
 BY CORREGIO. 
 
 La Madonna del coniglio. Raphael himself 
 does not speak to the heart so sensibly as Cor-* 
 regio. He is the Horace of painting. 
 
 . admissus circum praecordia ludit. 
 
342 
 
 Br SCHIDONE. 
 
 His Charity. In which by a singular ma- 
 nagement of light, he has acquired the merit of 
 the invention of a new style of painting. 
 
 A reclining Cupid. I have read somewhere : 
 " tornd al terzo del dolce ridendo" which may 
 serve as a comment to this picture. 
 
 ' BY CLAUD LORRAIN. 
 
 Diana and her nymphs. Colder than Claud 
 in general. But there is a poetic charm in this 
 picture which no one but Claud could surely 
 express. As for the trees, they live, they sprout, 
 they strike root, they grow. 
 
 To this palace they have also transported 
 some of the most valuable of the ancient Her- 
 culanean pictures; and from these rare speci- 
 mens of art, it is, I think, allowable to infer, 
 that the ancient artists were capable of display- 
 ing in their works, correctness of drawing; 23 
 sometimes, though rarely, an expression of 
 majesty, 44 and the sublimer affections of the 
 mind; 25 and a management of drapery, a6 and 
 
 25 Antichita di Ercolano. Tom. i. tav. 2. 
 Ibid. tav. 5. 25 Ibid. tav. 8, 13. 
 
 26 Tom. iv. tav. 1 . fig. 2. 
 
343 
 
 delineation of graceful attitude, * 7 surpassed by 
 none of the moderns, Raphael and Corregio 
 alone excepted. They probably only yielded 
 to the moderns in colouring, the knowledge of 
 perspective, and force of expression. The 
 Theseus slaying the Minotaur, and figure of 
 Achilles, * 8 are worthy the conception of Ra- 
 phael ; and the Faun embracing a Nymph* 9 
 would not disgrace the pencil of Guido. 
 
 The building in the botanic garden at Pa- 
 lermo, the work of a French architect, would 
 have been the chastest perhaps in Sicily, had 
 not the artist engrafted on the capitals and 
 frize some Parisian conceits. The French cer- 
 tainly surpass us in architecture, but their vanity 
 will not allow them to be satisfied with the pure 
 specimens of Greece. They must have recourse 
 to their fleurs-de-lys and other devices, which 
 are often ostentatiously displayed, and only 
 serve to bewilder the eye. Of late, however, 
 they have made some happy efforts to revive 
 the genuine spirit of the Grecian models. 
 
 Horticulture is as much neglected in Sicily 
 as her sister agriculture. The Capuchins how- 
 ever have many gardens in a rude picturesque 
 
 27 Antichita di Ercolano. Tom. i. tav. 18. E undid se- 
 guentij called i ballatrici di Ercolano. 
 
 2 * Ibid. torn. i. tav. 8. 29 Ibid. tav. 15. 
 
344 
 
 state, attached to their monasteries. That at 
 Syracuse is unrivalled for its singularity, having 
 been the identical Latomiae alluded to in the 
 last pleading against Verres. Th^t at Piazza is 
 also very picturesque, and planted with roses, 
 poplars, cypresses, and pines. The public gar- 
 den, called the Villa Giulia at Palermo, merits 
 a particular description. It is laid out in ave- 
 nues formed by orange trees completely cover- 
 ing trellis-work ; between these avenues are 
 partqrres planted with a great variety of odori- 
 ferous shrubs. There are also several fountains 
 which play perpetually in the hottest weather. 
 Of these, there is one of far better design than 
 the rest. On a rock is seated a colossal statue, 
 representing the genius of Palermo, surrounded 
 by his attributes, and the insignia of the city, 
 which it is said were granted by the Romans 
 for the assistance they derived from the Panor- 
 mitans in the first Punic war, and in the con- 
 sulship of Cseciljus Metellus. The purest water 
 falls in three sheets fro.rn this rock, and fills a 
 feason. Marabiti, who carved this statue, has 
 deservedly acquired the repute of being the best 
 sculptor in Sicily next to Gaggino. Towards 
 the centre of this garden, they have lately 
 erected four cenotaphs in honour of Stesichorus, 
 Diodorus, Epicharmus, and Charondas. And 
 may the remembrance of those illustrious men 
 
345 
 
 serve to rouse the dormant energies and literary 
 spirit of the modern Sicilians ! 
 
 What a country is Sicily for the exhibition 
 of landscape-gardening on the best principles! 
 Those princes who possess such extensive es- 
 tates, and who would take advantage of some 
 spots irrigated with living springs, and adopt 
 the method of laying out their grounds, which 
 Jacob Moor has displayed in the gardens of 
 the Villa Borghdse at Home, might make of 
 their domains paradises indeed! 
 
 Sicily exhibits some specimens of Saracenic 
 architecture : there are remains of a fortress 
 built by the Arabs in the island at Syracuse. 
 Near Palermo stands the Saracenic castle of La 
 Zisa, which is thus described in an Arabic ma- 
 nuscript, preserved in the monastery of Mor- 
 reale : " Near the city, a copious source of water 
 springs, which has been enclosed by a wall, and 
 served for the fattening of fish of different 
 kinds. The Arabs call it Albuhira. This piece 
 of water is ornamented with small barks, painted 
 and adorned with gold and silver. The king 
 occasionally embarked here with his concu- 
 bines, for the sake of recreation. In the royal 
 gardens there is a large palace, the walls of 
 which glitter with gold and silver. There is 
 also a tessellated pavement, representing in Mo- 
 saic, the different productions of the earth." 
 
346 
 
 This castle is still to be seen, but in a dilapi- 
 dated state. In the vice-regal palace, the pre- 
 sent chapel served as a mosque to the Emirs of 
 Palermo, and is a very curious specimen of the 
 Saracenic style. The cathedrals of Morreale, 
 and Castro-Giovanni, are particularly interest- 
 ing; they are composed of a style partly Sara- 
 cenic, and partly Norman ; or what is generally 
 termed Gothic. They serve to add weight to 
 the theory of the late Rev. George Whitting- 
 ton, 30 relative to the origin of Gothic architec- 
 ture in the East; whence it was, in all proba- 
 bility, brought by the Normans, and by them 
 propagated and improved in most European 
 countries. The villa of the Prince of Belmonte 
 at Acqua Santa near Palermo, is indisputably 
 the handsomest building in Sicily. Nor is it 
 less remarkable for the interior, than exterior 
 elegance; some of the floors are inlaid in Mo- 
 saic, with the choicest Sicilian marbles ; and 
 here is a fine portrait by Rubens, a head of the 
 Deity by Correggio, and a Galatea by Gu'ido. 
 A hazardous subject for a man ev 7 en of such 
 talents as Guido to undertake, w r hen it is re- 
 membered how beautifully she has been con- 
 ceived by Raphael in the Chigi palace at Rome. 
 Here there is a cast of the Hebe of Canova. The 
 
 50 See Wellington on Gothic architecture. 
 
347 
 
 walls of one of the apartments are most classi- 
 cally painted by Velasquez, a living artist, and 
 represent, in fresco, the various incidents of the 
 fifth jEneid, the scene of which, it will be re- 
 membered, lies in Sicily. It is from this spot 
 that Palermo and its vale, poetically called La 
 Conca $ oro, is seen to the greatest advantage. 
 But it is no longer admired by its accomplished 
 owner, who has fallen a victim to the capricious 
 tyranny of a female Verres. Though racked 
 with rheumatic pains in his damp dungeon in 
 Pantellaria, he doubtless derives consolation 
 from the reflection, that if he was unable to 
 effect, he at least wished for a reform in the 
 government of his country. 3I 
 
 Abuses of the Sicilian Government. 
 
 There is nothing that conveys so pointed a 
 stigma on the present order of things in Sicily, 
 as a comparison of the ancient and modern po- 
 
 31 Since writing the above, the Prince of Belmonte has been 
 released from confinement, and restored to his country, to the 
 great joy of the Palermitaris. A brilliant career is laid open for 
 him to pursue. The eyes of all Europe are turned towards that 
 parliament in which he presides. May it not disgrace itself by 
 those half measures, by that shew of efficiency, which, it is 
 but too justly feared, are the characteristics of the Spanish 
 eortes ! 
 
34S 
 
 pulation. The census taken A. D. 1798, makes 
 the population of the whole island amount to 
 only 1,655,536 souls, or according to the Abate 
 Balsamo, 1,700,000; 3i so that the number of 
 inhabitants scarcely surpasses that of ancient 
 Agrigentum and Syracuse ; each of which cities 
 contained, according to Diodorus, 800,000 inha- 
 bitants. But it is worth while to enumerate 
 the causes of the diminished population, and 
 the abuses which affect the prosperity of mo- 
 dern Sicily. 
 
 1. And the chief must be considered the 
 
 little attention paid to the encouragement of 
 
 agriculture by the government. The plough 
 
 and other implements of husbandry retain a 
 
 rude and simple form ; the grain is separated 
 
 from the chaff by the treading of cattle, and 
 
 the burning of the weeds and stubble in the 
 
 autumn is the only manure in use. In spite of 
 
 the tributes, with which Sicily was harassed 
 
 when a Roman province, agriculture was in a 
 
 far more flourishing condition than at present, 
 
 even if w r e draw a comparison from an equal 
 
 portion of population. We learn from Cicero, 3 * 
 
 that pursuant to the tributary system established 
 
 by Hiero, Rome exacted from the Sicilians 
 
 32 Viaggio fatto in Sicilia, p. 3O4. 
 33 Qrat. Verrin. de re frument. passim. 
 
349 
 
 eight hundred thousand bushels of corn annu- 
 ally, which was a tenth of the produce of the 
 island; that if it was necessary to exact more^ 
 the owners of land were indemnified by money ; 
 that according to the law of Hiero, the number 
 of persons employed in agriculture was annually 
 registered; that the lands were divided into 
 small portions; that before the prastorsrhip of 
 Verres, the cultivation of an acre was allotted 
 to a considerable number of Sicilians,' who never 
 relinquished their work. We may then con- 
 clude, that though the praetors and quaestors 
 were allowed respectively such large shares, as 
 must necessarily have weakened the energies 
 of the landlords and husbandmen, the ancient 
 Sicilians carried agriculture to a high degree 
 of perfection ; and that if they suffered on the 
 one hand, from severe tributes imposed by the 
 Romans, they gained on the other, from the 
 activity with which tillage was pursued. How 
 often did the translator, as he passed, in a 
 lettiga, the uncultivated tracts in the interior, 
 picture to his imagination the indignation of 
 the Roman orator, could he now witness the 
 neglected state of the lands ! Would he not ex- 
 claim, that imbecility and supineness in a go- 
 vernment, are attended by as great evils as the 
 rapacity of that Verres, against whom he has 
 so vehemently declaimed? Were it possible 
 
350 
 
 for him to traverse the Leontine fields, as he 
 did nineteen hundred years ago, would he not 
 exclaim, in the words which he applied to that 
 very tract, u In uberrimd SicilicE parte, Siciliam 
 quarebam?" Nothing proves more the disor- 
 dered state of Sicily, than the insecurity and 
 alarm in which the peasantry live. In the Val 
 cli Noto, the translator fell in with companies 
 of reapers accoutred with their swords and 
 muskets ; their master on horseback standing 
 beside them armed cap-a-pied, presenting more 
 the appearance of a sudden muster against in- 
 vasion, or the fear of an Apronius, or Heracleo, 
 than of the peaceful pursuits of agriculture. 
 The shepherds, unlike those in the days of 
 Daphnis, who only taught the woods to resound 
 to the music of their pipes, now blow a warlike 
 horn, to muster their companions in case of an 
 attack, and instead of a crook, shoulder a blun- 
 derbuss. 
 
 2. Latifundia perdid&re Italiam, jamverd et 
 provincias, says Pliny ; " et pcrdunt Siciliam^ he 
 would add, were he no\y alive. It does not re- 
 quire the acumen of an Adam Smith to prove 
 that the occupation of a great extent of land by 
 a few possessors, is a severe check to the pro- 
 motion of agriculture, and its consequence, in- 
 crease of population. Estates, surpassing in size 
 those of the greatest landholders .in England, 
 
351 
 
 are possessed by the Princes Butera, Cattolica, 
 Paternd, and perhaps a few others. But it is 
 more especially the mode of tenure, that im- 
 pedes the progress of agriculture. Leases are 
 renewed every six years, nor is it lawful for the 
 owner to let his lands for a longer period than 
 nine. What inducement can the tenant have to 
 undertake works of solid improvement, if he is 
 subject to be dispossessed of his tenement at 
 the expiration of so short a term ? There ex- 
 ists also a pernicious law, which enforces the 
 owners of estates to sell their stock in the town 
 or village contiguous to their property. This 
 institution may have originated from the laud- 
 able motive of preventing that town or village 
 from suffering want. But on the other hand, 
 the owner of stock near a mean village sees the 
 occupier of other lands selling articles of equal 
 value at a higher rate in a richer town. He be- 
 comes discouraged, and instead of using exer- 
 tions to surpass his neighbour in the fineness of 
 his stock, (which would be the case, could he 
 send his goods to the same market) fosters only 
 heart-burnings and jealousies against him. The 
 transfer of landed property is severely taxed ; 
 and the heir on succeeding to his estate, has 
 the privilege of displacing the tenants before 
 the expiration of the term of their leases. 
 
 3. The perplexed state of the civil code 
 
352 
 
 must be considered as another source of dis- 
 order. Sicily is certainly indebted to the Em- 
 peror Frederic the Second, and Alphonso the 
 Wise, for many excellent institutions ; but laws 
 of a contrary tendency to these have been en- 
 acted by sovereigns of different dynasties, and 
 the old ones not effectively repealed. The con- 
 sequence is, that cases frequently occur in the 
 courts of judicature, wherein the judges are 
 thrown into dilemmas, and wherein their sen- 
 tences are but too often arbitrary. 
 
 4. The magistrates are not paid by the go- 
 vernment in Sicily ; and they are changed an- 
 nually. The short period of their remaining in 
 office, and their only emolument proceeding 
 from the claimants, lay open a wide field for 
 corruption, Here is a specimen of the vigour 
 and authority of these Pisones Frugis! A few 
 years since a party of brigands entered Chiara- 
 monte, a considerable town of the Val di Noto, 
 plundered the dwellings of the inhabitants, and 
 inspired terror every where, not by a nocturnal 
 attack, but in broad day, in the very eyes of 
 the magistrates, of the people ! The skulls of 
 many criminals which the translator saw sus- 
 pended in cages before the prison-gates of Cala- 
 tagirone, do not deter the Sicilians from the 
 commission of crimes, which but too often go 
 unpunished. 
 
353 
 
 - Here is another instance of the efficient ad- 
 ministration of the laws by these praise-worthy 
 magistrates. He who would travel securely in 
 Sicily, must be informed that it is necessary to 
 hire campieri, or chiefs of banditti to accompany 
 him, and this must be understood as not merely 
 necessary to be done in villages situated in re- 
 mote and inaccessible parts of the mountains, 
 but in the principal towns, nay, in the capital 
 itself. The reason of this expedient is, that in 
 case the traveller should fall in with these free- 
 booters, they may suffer him to pass unmolested, 
 which is always done, if he be in company with 
 one of their tribe. This was a scheme of the 
 viceroy Villa-Franca, who being unable to clear 
 Sicily of banditti, came to terms with them, 
 and proposed that they should adopt an uni- 
 form, and serve as guides for travellers, and es- 
 corts for the transportation of merchandize. 
 For the most part these cam pier i let horses and 
 mules, and they are generally very civil, and 
 faithful to those who commit themselves to 
 their charge. Nevertheless, many of these 
 fellows correspond but too well with the de- 
 scription given of some of them by the Abate 
 Balsamo ; 34 which the translator bore witness 
 to, as he fell in with a troop near the ruins of 
 
 31 Viaggio fatto in Sicilia, p. 84. 
 
354 
 
 Camarina; 3S and which made him imagine that 
 though in the Val di Noto, he was still in the 
 Val Demone. " Erano grandi, robmti> e dijigura 
 
 35 The solitary chapel of S. Maria di Camarana, was the 
 cella of a temple belonging to the ancient Camarina. There 
 exists also a triangular tower, probably built by the Saracens 
 with the materials of the old city This city was known more 
 anciently under the name of Hypetia, and is the country of 
 Psaumis, who has been immortalized by Pindar. Beneath the 
 hill where the city stood, the lake is still seen nearly overgrown 
 with weeds, which the oracle forbade the inhabitants to fill up 
 in this memorable line : 
 
 M>j xivsi Ka^apivay, axivr y 7o<r 
 
 The Hipparis is so inconsiderable a stream, that the trans- 
 lator waded across it at the mouth ; but commemorated as it is 
 by Pindar's muse, " its noisy billows through the world re- 
 sound." 
 
 Near Camarina an abundant source of water springs, and 
 immediately fills a large antique bason. This probably was the 
 celebrated fountain of Diana, and from its purity, quite emble- 
 matic of the goddess to whom it was consecrated. There is an 
 open stone bath about fifty paces from the source, but the stream, 
 instead of flowing into it, now irrigates an orchard of the finest 
 orange and lemon trees. Solinus relates of this fountain, that 
 unless the water be poured by the hand of a chaste person it 
 will not mix with wine, which is alluded to by Priscianus Rhem- 
 nius, a commentator of Dionysius Periegetes, in the following 
 lines: 
 
 Plurima sunt istic totum memoranda per orbem -, 
 Dianae fons est : Camarinae gignitur unda 
 
355 
 
 anziche no gentilesca ; avevano torva la front e, ed 
 il cigiio; ardito, furbo, mobilissimo F occhio" Be- 
 hold also the effectual and active attention of 
 these magistrates to the comforts of the poor ! 
 There is no church in Sicily, where the avenues 
 are not beset with objects so loathsome, so 
 morbid, that the stranger is rilled with horror at 
 the spectacle. 
 
 " Eccelenza, morto difame" are the words con- 
 stantly rung in his ears ; and the translator can 
 safely affirm, that he never saw either on the 
 shores of the Euxine, or in the boggy swamps 
 of Finland, any thing to be compared with the 
 wretchedness of the Sicilian beggars, who per- 
 ambulate the towns 
 
 QucEdam simulachra modis pallentia mins ! 
 
 Their condition conveys a bitter reproof,, 
 when it is remembered that they inhabit a 
 country abounding with the choicest produc- 
 tions of nature, once the residence and delight 
 
 Q.uem si quis manibus non castis hauserit, unquam 
 Laetifico tristis non miscet pocula Baccho. 
 
 All the fam'd wonders of that shore recount ; 
 From Camarina's wave springs Dian's fount. 
 Whoso belongs not to the goddess' train, 
 Weds the coy water to the wine in vain. 
 
 Doubtless this fountain was a source of merriment to the 
 gossips of Agrigentum and Syracuse. 
 
356 
 
 of Ceres herself, where the population is so in- 
 considerable, and where the lands are for the 
 most part left so waste, ". ut ager ipse lugere, ac 
 pene dtsiderare dominos videretur" to use the em- 
 phatic words of Cicero. 36 
 
 5. Another source of disorder in Sicily 
 springs from the too great preponderance of the 
 priesthood both in number and authority ; which 
 is attended by as bad consequences as the same 
 power exercised by certain sects in England, 
 and perhaps more. The translator has often 
 seen women thrown into hysterics in the 
 churches, as they have unburdened their con- 
 sciences to a fanatical priest, who dictated to 
 them the terms of their acceptance with God, 
 with as much assurance and composure, as if 
 he was just descended from the councils of the 
 Most High. Kissing Madonnas, telling beads, 
 and bowing to exvotos, are powerful opiates for 
 the mind, and much practised in Sicily. 
 
 6. The too great number of the monastic 
 orders of both sexes professing celibacy, must 
 
 36 There are few parts pf Sicily, except the neighbourhood 
 of Castrogiovanni, which reminded the translator of his being 
 in the island of Ceres. There are, it is true, some cultivated 
 tracts about Girgenti, Syracuse, Modica, and the delightful vale 
 where the ancient Parthenicon stood ; but the rest of the island 
 may be considered as nearly left to nature,, who indeed has been 
 too bountiful to Sicily ! 
 
367 
 
 also be enumerated among the existing evils.. 
 The translator was not successful in procuring 
 an exact account of their number, but he has 
 heard it roughly computed at upwards of two 
 hundred thousand. A vast proportion for a 
 population not amounting to two millions ! 
 
 7. Not less subversive of order in Sicily, are 
 the immunities granted to criminals who escape 
 justice, by taking refuge in the churches, the 
 catacombs, the episcopal palace, and the rector's 
 house, provided it be attached to a church. But 
 his present Majesty has been aware of the de- 
 structive tendency of this privilege; and it is 
 now only extended to debtors, and persons 
 guilty of small offences. 
 
 8. The number of festivals, and the inordi- 
 nate expense of religious ceremonies, must be 
 mentioned as prejudicial to the welfare of Sicily. 
 There are eighty-six days in the year devoted 
 to festivity and idleness. It is an erroneous 
 idea that many holidays augment the happiness 
 of the labouring classes of society. If one day 
 in the week be devoted to a suspension of 
 labour, the working part of the community will 
 experience more enjoyment than if there be 
 two holidays or more. And a comparison of 
 the English and Sicilian mechanic, or labourer, 
 will prove this assertion. The former, who in- 
 habits a country not so conducive to cheerful- 
 
358 
 
 ness as Sicily, appears in general animated, and 
 enjoys his hours of relaxation on a Sunday; 
 but the Sicilian, in his numerous holidays, after 
 the pageantry of his religion is over, stands 
 gaping in the streets, or employs himself in a 
 disgusting operation, and appears not even 
 capable of attaining that negative state of hap- 
 piness known to the Turk. 
 
 9. Pernicious" are the relaxed morals which 
 pervade all classes of society in Sicily. But it 
 is left for those who are as great as Cicero, to 
 launch forth their thunders against the morals 
 of the Sicilians. 37 
 
 Such the translator considers the principal 
 causes of the decline of the prosperity of this 
 celebrated island. 38 And perhaps the fault 
 should be attributed partly to the imbecile go- 
 vernment, and partly to the circumstances of 
 its political situation. For if in ancient times, 
 Sicily has suffered from the ambition of the 
 most powerful nations, and the iniquities of 
 Roman praetors, it has incurred great disadvan- 
 tages in modern, from the frequent vicissitudes 
 which the government has experienced. Since 
 
 37 Those who undertake it would do well to weigh atten- 
 tively the two first sections of one of the Verriiie pleadings. 
 Orat. Verrin. lib. iii. act. 2. 
 
 38 Insula totius orbis terrarum celeberrima. KLUVER. 
 
359 
 
 the expulsion of the Saracens, the Sicilians have 
 submitted to no less than eight dynasties. 39 It is 
 
 39 COUNTS op SICILY. 
 
 A.D. 
 
 3070. Roger I. conqueror of the Sfcracens. 
 1101. Simon. 
 1105. Roger II. 
 
 KINGS OF SICILY. 
 
 1130. Roger II. 
 
 1154. William I. 
 
 1166. William II. 
 
 1189. Tancred. 
 
 1195. William III. 
 
 1195. Constance, who married Henry of Swabia. 
 
 1198. Frederic. 
 
 1250. Conrade. 
 
 1254. Manfred. 
 
 1265. Conradine. 
 
 1265. Charles of Anjou. 
 
 ] 282. Peter of Aragon. 
 
 1286. James. 
 
 1296. Frederic II. 
 
 1321. Peter II. 
 
 1342. Lewis. 
 
 1374. Frederic III. 
 
 1 398. Mary. 
 
 1402. Martin I. 
 
 1409. Martin II. 
 
 14 1 0. Ferdinand I. of Castile. 
 1416. Alphonso the Great. 
 1458. John. 
 
 1479. Ferdinand the Catholic. 
 1516. Joanna. 
 
360 
 
 obvious how prejudicial such frequent changes 
 in the administration must be to a state, wherein 
 the rulers, actuated by different views and dif- 
 ferent prejudices, institute plans of improve- 
 . ment shortly to be disregarded, or overset, and 
 which, however beneficial, have been prevented 
 from taking the desired effect. 
 
 Sicily consumed by a disease similar to the 
 atrophy in the human body, with the circula- 
 tion of her nutritive juices stopped, with her 
 nerves palsied, and her vitals preyed upon, cries 
 loudly for such a physician as the Marquis of 
 Caraccioli, who began to remedy the disorders 
 of his country, by levelling a death-blow at the 
 inquisition. And perhaps the best method of 
 effecting a gradual and salutary change would 
 be: 
 
 1516. Charles V. of Austria and of Spain. 
 
 1556. Philip II. 
 
 1598. Philip III. 
 
 1621. Philip IV. 
 
 1665. Charles II. 
 
 1700. Philip V. Bourbon. 
 
 1713. Victor ' Amadeus of Savoy. 
 
 1 720. Charles VI . of Austria. 
 
 1734. Charles IIL Bourbon. 
 
 1 759. Ferdinand III. of Sicily, and IV of Naples, his 
 
 present Majesty. 
 
 Houses of Normandy, Swabia, Anjou, Aragop, Castile, 
 Austria, Savoy, and Bourbon 3 in all eight. 
 
By sending to England or France, a certain 
 number of Sicilians at an early age, there to be 
 educated ; and on their return to Sicily, to es- 
 tablish seminaries, placing them at the head. 
 This is a step towards improvement, which 
 might be entered upon immediately without 
 risk. The other desiderata, and which can only 
 be the work of time, are as follows : 
 
 1st. The greater and more equal distribu- 
 tion of landed property, and the establishment 
 of a more unfettered mode of tenure. 
 
 2d. The institution of agricultural societies 
 in the capital, Catania, Messina, Noto, and Ca- 
 latagirone, all of which cities are inhabited by 
 rich landholders. 
 
 3d. The residence of the nobility on their 
 estates as in England, and their taking interest 
 in the amelioration of the various productions 
 of their domains. 
 
 4th. The dissolution, or diminution at least, 
 of the monasteries and nunneries, the transfor- 
 mation of several into hospitals, or manufac- 
 tories. The retrenchment of the revenues of 
 the ecclesiastical dignitaries, especially of the 
 archbishops, whose incomes are more inordi- 
 nately out of proportion to the resources of the 
 country, than even those of Spain. 
 
 5th. The institution of an academy of arts 
 at Catania, and in the capital 
 
6th. The revision and reform of the national 
 code. 
 
 But before any permanent advantages can 
 be obtained through the measures of a wise 
 and vigorous head, it is evident that a new im- 
 pulse must be given to the minds of the Sici- 
 lians ; they must break from the leading-strings 
 of their priests, 4 and view religion with a 
 temper of mind, as remote on the one hand from 
 bigotry, as on the other from indifference. In 
 fine, before any effectual change for the better 
 can take place, those absurd and priest-ridden 
 prejudices must be exterminated, which in all 
 ages, and in all countries, have presented the 
 strongest barriers to national prosperity. Then, 
 and not till then, may the Sicilians exclaim in 
 the words, which a friend of the Abate Balsam o 
 used : " sara tut to altro paese que or e, la nostra 
 bella Sicilia" 4I 
 
 They must endeavour to imitate their an- 
 cestors, of whom so fine a portrait has been 
 
 40 It is not with Sicily as with England, where a respectable 
 and exemplary ecclesiastic possesses a proper but not over- 
 bearing influence. -In Sicily, the priesthood interfere in do- 
 mestic concerns, depress the energies of the inhabitants, and 
 that without even having the merit of setting active examples 
 of virtue, or presenting the august and all-eloquent spectacle 
 of the followers of La Trappe. 
 
 41 Balsamo Viaggio fatto in Sicilia, p. 64. 
 
363 
 
 drawn by him, 4 * whose praise, whether lavished 
 on individual or nation, confers the highest 
 honour; and thus might the Sicilians, with 
 competent exertions, expect to see, as in the 
 golden days of Gelon, 43 and either Hiero, their 
 
 42 Jam verb hominum ipsorum, Judices, ea patientia, virtus, 
 frugalitasque est, ut proxime ad illam nostram disciplinam 
 veterem, non ad hanc, quae nunc increbuit, videantur accedere. 
 Nihil cseterorum simile Graecorum ; nulla desidia, nulla luxuria j 
 contra, summus labor in publicis privatisque rebus, summa par- 
 simonia, summa diligentia. De Jurisdictione Siciliensi. 
 
 43 The high qualities of this sovereign do not appear to be 
 sufficiently appreciated. Montesquieu relates a noble trait in 
 his character : 
 
 " Le plus beau Traite de Paix dont 1* histoire ait parle, est, 
 je crois, celui que Gelon fit avec les Carthaginois. II voulut 
 qu'ils abolissent la coutume d' immoler leurs enfans. Chose 
 admirable! Apres avoir defait trois cens mille Carthaginois, 
 il exigeoit une condition, qui n' etoit utile qu' a eux, ou plutot 
 il stipuloit pour le genre humain." L' Esprit des Loix, chap. v. 
 liv. 10. 
 
 The translator begs it may be understood, that in the pre- 
 ceding remarks he disclaims having had in view any reflections 
 on individuals, which would only draw upon him the stigmas of 
 presumption and ingratitude. But it must be obvious to every 
 person who has been in Sicily, that the system of government 
 there pursued has placed her in the very lowest class of Euro- 
 pean nations, while the adoption of a few salutary changes 
 would probably exalt her high in the second rank. He repeats 
 that it is the system he attacks,, and not individuals. And if he 
 has been severe in his animadversions, it has been solely with 
 
364 
 
 vallies clothed with the cypress, oak, poplar, 
 chesnut, olive, mulberry, and pine, and their 
 uplands smiling with the vine, and waving fields 
 of Ceres. 
 
 ExORIARE ALIQUIS ! 
 
 Such were the ideas and hopes with which 
 the translator embarked at Palermo on board 
 his Majesty's ship the Cephalus, after a resi- 
 dence of one year in Sicily. Her intrepid arid 
 generous captain weighed anchor by night. It 
 blew a fresh breeze, which now veiled the 
 moon with a cloud, and now as suddenly dis- 
 closed the full orb in all its lustre. It was such 
 a night, when from the ruins of the theatre of 
 Tauromenium, the summit of uEtna appeared at 
 one moment shrouded in clouds, at another 
 illuminated with the pale beams ; it was such a 
 night, when from the top of Minerva's Mount 
 at Agrigentum, the columns of the temples of 
 Juno Lucina and of Concord, were at one mo- 
 ment scarcely discernible; at another, were seen 
 casting their long shadows to the greatest ad- 
 vantage. When all the sails were set, he dwelt 
 
 the hopes of inducing those with whom it may rest, to direct 
 their attention to the amelioration of the interior, and further- 
 ance of the prosperity of the inhabitants. 
 
365 
 
 on the pleasure he twice experienced on such 
 a night; and saw with increased regret, the 
 Sicilian shores gradually disappear, which pre- 
 sent a delicious feast to the sight, the memory, 
 and the imagination. 44 
 
 44 The proceedings of the parliament of Palermo excite 
 great interest at present in England. It is, the translator thinks., 
 much to be questioned whether the immediate introduction of 
 a government on the principles of the British, be an advisable 
 measure. We all know that our Constitution, as described by 
 De Lolme, and praised by Montesquieu, is the work of ages j 
 that it was long before even English minds were properly tem- 
 pered (if it be allowable to use the phrase) for its reception. 
 There is also a phlegm in our countrymen admirably suited to it, 
 which we may look in vain for among the Sicilians, who have 
 a redundant flow of animal spirits, uncultivated minds, and 
 ardent imaginations. And among a people thus constituted, can 
 it be hoped to introduce immediately the blessings of our welU 
 balanced constitution with any prospect of success ? As well 
 may any one weave cloth of gold in a garment of shreds and 
 patches. Surely every step to improvement must be gradual. 
 Let us hope that the Sicilian parliament will steer an even 
 course between the Scylla of inactivity, ancj Charybdis of pre- 
 cipitation. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 T, P.ensley, Printer, 
 Bolt Court, Fleet Street, Londsn. 
 

ERRATA. 
 
 Page 22, line 12, the reference to note 17 applies to the word ** Boethus, 
 
 and not to " Venus Erycina," line 19. 
 . . . 180, . . 20, for " ever," read " even." 
 . . . 139, . . 20, for " unknown," read " known." 
 340, . . Htfor " ivete," read " avete." 
 
WAS PUBLISHED, 
 
 Beautifblty Printed in Quarto, with three elegant 
 Engravings, price I/. 5s. in boards, 
 
 A LETTER FROM ATHENS, 
 
 ADDRESSED TO 
 
 A FRIEND IN ENGLAND. 
 
 Reverere conditores Decs, Nomina Deorum ; reverere Gloriam. 
 veterem, et hanc ipsam senectutem, quae in Homine vene- 
 rabilis, in Urbibus, sacra est, Sit apud te Honor Anti- 
 quitatis, sit ingentibus Factis, sit Fabulis quoque. Nihil 
 ex cujusquam Dignitate, nihil ex Libertate, nihil ex Jac- 
 tatione decerpseris. Habe ante oculos, hanc esse terram, 
 quae nobismiserit Jura, quae Leges non victa acceperit, sed 
 petentibus dederit j Athenasesse quas adeas. 
 
 Caius Plimits Secundus. 
 
 
 
 

14 DAY USE 
 
 RETURN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORROWS! 
 
 LOAN DEPT. 
 
 Renewed books are subject to immediate recall. 
 
 
 
 REC'D LD 
 
 LD 2lA-50m-8,'61 
 (Cl795slO)476B 
 
 General Library . 
 University of Cahforo 
 Berkeley 
 
VC 51.996. 
 
 UX. BERKELEY LIBRARIES 
 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 
 
 
 <p 
 
 V S