1365. 

 
 I
 
 JOHN CAMPBEI
 
 THIRD SEMIJBS!, 
 
 -^'Cl,,. 

 
 TALES 
 
 OP 
 
 A GRANDFATHER, 
 
 ^Tfitrtr Series; 
 
 BEING 
 
 STORIES 
 
 TAKEN FROM 
 
 SCOTTISH HISTORY. 
 
 HUMBLY INSCRIBED 
 TO 
 
 HUGH LITTLEJOHN, Esq. 
 
 IN TWO VOLS. 
 
 VOL. r. 
 
 BY SIR WALTER SCOTT, 
 
 AUTHOR OF WAVERLY, &C. 
 
 Exeter, M* J^. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY J. & B. WILLIAMS. 
 1833.
 
 sk
 
 ^mffiffA©^ ®mT i^mwi'sm. 
 
 TO HUGH LITTLEJOHN, ESQ. 
 
 My Dear Child, 
 
 I HAVE now finished the task I had imposed on myself of giv- 
 ing you an opportunity of acquiring a knowledge of the past events 
 of Scottish History; and a Wcody and tragic tale it has been. 
 The generation of which I am an individual, and which, having 
 now 6een the second race ol their successors, must soon prepare to 
 leave the srpne. have been tV.e first Scotsmen who appear likely to 
 quit the stage of life, without witnessing either foreign or domestic 
 war within their country. Our fathers beheld the civil convulsion 
 of 1745-C — the race who preceded them saw the commotions of 
 1715, 1718 and the war of the Revolution in 1688-9. A third and 
 earlier generation witnessed the two insurrections of the Pentland 
 Hills and Bolhwell Bridge, and a fourth lived in the bloody times 
 of the great Civil War; a fifth had in memory the civil contests 
 ol James the Sixth's minority ; and the sixth race carries us back 
 to the long period when the blcMi-g" yf i.e«^c >veic luially un- 
 known, and tb«. =tatR of rnnstant hostility between England and 
 Scotlana. was only interrupted by insecure and ill-kept truces of 
 a few years' endurance. 
 
 And even in your Grandfather's own time, though this country 
 was fortunate enough to escape becoming the tlieatre of bloody con- 
 flict, yet we had only to look abroad to witness such extensive 
 scenes of war and slaughter, such subversion of established states, 
 and extinction of ancient dynasties, as if the European world was 
 again about to return to the bondage of an universal empire. We 
 have, therefore, had an unexpected, and almost nnhoped-for escape 
 from the evils of war in our own country, at the expense of behold- 
 ing from our island the general devastation of the Continent, with 
 the frequent alarm that we ourselves were about to be involved in 
 it. 
 
 It is with sincere joy that I see a period arrived, in which the 
 rising generation may for a time at least be less likely either to 
 hear of, or to witness, the terrors of actual war. Even in the his- 
 tory of this small and barren country of Scotland, men may read 
 enough of its miseries, to make them regret how often they have 
 
 20K1 2.S.1
 
 PREFACTORY LETTER. 
 
 been occasioned by the explosions of party spirit. I have avoided, 
 particularly in this small publication, every attempt to prejudice your 
 mind in favour of any of those speculative opinions, which have 
 been frequently the cause of unsheathing the sword of civil discord. 
 Some years hence, you will, I hope, study with accuracy the his- 
 tory of Scotland, with a veiw to form your own opinion which of 
 the contending parties were right or wrong; and I hope you will 
 then possess enough of judgment to perceive, that in political dis- 
 putes, which, above all others, interest the passions, you are not to 
 expect that either the one party or the other are to be regard- 
 ed as infallible; and that you will remember that each particular 
 action is to be judged of by its own circumstances, and the motives 
 of the actors,— not approved or condemned in the gross, because it 
 it is a measure of any particular faction. The present is not inten- 
 ded to be a controversial work. Indeed, if disputed points should 
 be stated here as subjects of discussioj, tberp is no space to argue 
 them ; and all that could be brouglit forward would t>e the asser- 
 tion of the author's own opinion, tor which he is not entitled to 
 claim any particular deference from other readers, and certainly is 
 not disposed to require it from you, or to desire that you should 
 take upon his authority what should be the subject of your own ia- 
 vestigation. 
 
 Like most men of some experieBce in life, I entertain undoubted- 
 ly my own opinions upon the great political questions of the p>res- 
 ent and of A.tor^ t;n>oc , u^* i Kave no desire to impress these on 
 my juvenile readers. What I have presumed to offer is a general, 
 and, it is hoped, not an uninteresting selection ol tacts, which may 
 at a future time form a secure foundation for political sentiments. 
 
 I am more anxious that the purpose of this work should be UU' 
 derstood, because a friendly and indulgent critic,* whose general 
 judgment has been but too partially pronounced in favour of the au- 
 thor, has in one point misunderstood my intentions. My friendly 
 Aristarchus, for such I must call him, has paid me the great com- 
 pliment, (which I may boast of having to my utmost ability de- 
 served,) that my little work contains no fault of commission; that 
 is to say , he admits that I have not either concealed or falsified the 
 truth of history in controverted points, which, in my opinion, 
 would have been, especially in a work designed for the use of youth, 
 a most unpardonable crime. But he charges me with the offence 
 of omission, in leaving out inferences which he himself would have 
 drawn from the same facts, and which he seems to think are too 
 obvious not to be discerned, and too stubborn to be refuted. It is, 
 ou the contrary, my opinion, and been ever since I came to years of 
 * Westminster Review for April, 1829.
 
 PREFACTORY LETTER. 
 
 understanding, that in many of these points his conclusions are lia- 
 ble to direct challenge, and in others to much modification. I 
 must not, therefore, leave it to be supposed that I have deserted my 
 banners, because I have not at this time and place thought it ne- 
 cessary to unfurl them. 
 
 But I could not introduce political discussions intq any elemen- 
 tary work designed to inspire a love of study. In more mature 
 years, the juvenile reader '.vill have an opportunity of forming his 
 own judgment upon the points of controversy which have disturb- 
 ed our history ; and I think l>e will probably find that the spirit of 
 party faction, far from making demi-gods of the one side, and fiends 
 or fools of the other, is itself the blot and stain of our annals — has 
 produced under one shape or other its most tragic events — has 
 blighted the character of its best and wisest statesmen, and perhaps 
 reserves for Britain at a future day, a repetition of the evils with 
 which it has already afflicted our fathers. 
 
 That you, my dear child, and your contemporaries, may escape 
 60 great an infliction, is the sincere hope and prayer 
 
 Of your affectionate 
 
 Grandfather. 
 
 Abbotsford 
 Ut December y 1829 
 
 .\
 
 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. 
 
 ^THfrTr Series* 
 
 CHAP. I 
 
 Mutual dislike between the Scots and English— Divided 
 Feeling in England in regard to the Union — Universal Discon- 
 tent with the Union in Scotland— Disposition among all Par- 
 ties to restore the Stewart Family— Education and Character 
 of the Chevalier de St George— Promise of Louis XIV, to sup- 
 port the claims of the Family of James II.— Intrigues of the 
 Jacobite Emissaries perplexing to the French King, who re- 
 solves to ascertain the temper of the Country by an Agent of his 
 
 We are now, my dear child approaching a period 
 more resembling our own than those through which 
 I have hitherto conducted you. In England, and 
 in the Lowlands of Scotland, men used the same 
 language, possessed in a considerable degree the 
 same habits of society, and lived under the same 
 forms of government, which have existed in Britain 
 down to the present day. The Highlanders, in- 
 deed, retained their ancient manners ; and although, 
 from the establishment of forts and garrisons in their 
 country, the laws had much more power over them 
 than formerly, so that they could no longer break 
 out into the same excesses, they still remained, in 
 their dress, customs, manners, and language, much 
 more like the original Scots in the reign of Mal- 
 colm Canmore, than the Lowlanders of the same
 
 8 DISLIKE OF THE SCOTS AND ENGLISH. 
 
 period resembled their ancestors of the serenteenth 
 century. 
 
 But though the English ana Lowland Scots ex- 
 hibited little distinction in their manners and habits, 
 excepting that those of the latter people indicated 
 less wealth or refinement of luxurj^, there was no 
 sympathy of feeling between them, and the recent 
 measure of the Union had only an effect resembling 
 that of putting two quarrelsome dogs in the same 
 couples, or two sullen horses in the same yoke. 
 Habit may in course of time teach them to accom- 
 modate themselves to each other ; but the first con- 
 sequence of the compulsory tie which unites them 
 is the feeling of aggrated hostility. 
 
 The predominant prejudices of the English re- 
 presented the Scots, in the language of the celebrat- 
 ed Dean Swift, as a poor, ferocious, and haughty 
 people, detesting their English neighbours, and 
 looking upon them as a species of Egyptians, whom 
 it was not only lawful but commendable to plunder 
 whether by open robbery or secret address. The 
 poverty of the North Britons, and the humble and 
 patient labou^ by which individuals were frequently 
 observed to emerge from it, made them the objects, 
 of contempt to the English ; while,onthe other hand, 
 the irascible and turbulent spirit of the nation, and 
 a habitual use of arms, exposed them to aversion 
 and hatred. This peculiar characteristic was, at 
 the time of the Union, very general in Scotland. 
 The Highlanders, you must remember, always car- 
 ried weapons, and if thought of at all by their south- 
 'em neighbours, they must have been considered as 
 absolute and irreclaimable savages. The Low-
 
 DIVIDED FEELINGS IN ENGLAND Q 
 
 landers were also used to arms at this period, for 
 almost the whole Scottish nation had been trained 
 under the Act of Security ; the population was dis- 
 tributed into regiments, and kept ready for action ; 
 and in the gloomy and irritated state of mind m 
 which the Scots had been placed by the manage- 
 ment of the Union treaty, they spoke of nothing 
 more loudly and willingly than of a war with Eng- 
 land. The English had their especial reasons for 
 disliking the Union. They did not in general, feel 
 flattered by the intimate confederacy and identifica- 
 tion of their own rich country and civilized inhabi- 
 tants with the boreal region of the North, and its 
 rude and savage tribes. They were afraid that the 
 craft, and patient endurance of labour of the Scots, 
 would give them more than their share of colonial 
 trade which they had hitherto monopolized to them- 
 selves. 
 
 Yet, thtjugh such was the opinion held by the 
 English in general, the more enlightened part of the 
 nation, remembering the bloody wars which had 
 so long desolated Britain in its divided state, dated 
 from the Union an era of peace and happiness to 
 both countries ; and, looking far into futurity, fore- 
 saw a time when the national prejudices, which for 
 the present ran so high, would die out, or be eradi- 
 cated, like the weeds which deface the labours of 
 the agriculturist, and give place to plenty and to 
 peace. It was owing to the prevalence of such 
 feelings, that the Duke of Queensberry, the prin- 
 cipal negotiator of the treaty of Union, when he 
 left Scotland for London after the measure was per- 
 fected, was received with the greatest distinction in
 
 10 UNIVERSAL DISCONTENT WITH THE 
 
 the English towns through which he passed. And 
 when he approached the neighbourhood of London, 
 many of the members of the two Houses came to 
 meet and congratulate a statesman, who, but for the 
 guards that surrounded him, would during the pro 
 gress of the treaty, have been destroyed by his coun- 
 trymen in the streets of Edinburgh ! 
 
 In England, therefore, the Union had its friends 
 and partisans. In Scotland it was .regarded with 
 an almost universal feeling of discontent and dis- 
 honour. The Jacobite party, who had entertained 
 great hopes of eluding the act for settling the king- 
 dom upon the family of Hanover, beheld them en 
 tirely blighted ; the Whigs, or Presbyterians, found 
 themselves forming part of a nation in which Prela- 
 cy was an institution of the state ; the Country par- 
 ty, who had nourished a vain but honourable idea 
 of maintaining the independence of Scotland, now 
 saw it wdth all its symbols of ancient sovereignty, 
 sunk and merged under the government of England. 
 All the different professions and classes of men saw 
 each something in the obnoxious treaty, which af- 
 fected their own interest. 
 
 The nobles of an ancient and proud land, which 
 they were wont to manage at their pleasure, were 
 now stripped of their legislative privilege, unless in 
 as far as exercised, like the rights of a petty corpor- 
 ation, by a handful of delegates ; the smaller barons 
 and gentry shared their humiliation, their little band 
 of representatives being too few^, and their voices 
 too feeble to produce any weight in the British 
 House of Commons, to which a small portion was 
 admitted.
 
 UNION IN SCOTLAND. 11 
 
 The clergy's apprehension for their own system 
 of church discipline was sensitively awakened, and 
 their frequent warnings from the pulpit kept the 
 terror of innovation before their congregations. 
 
 The Scottish lawyers had equal reason for alarm. 
 They witnessed what they considered as the degra- 
 dation of their profession, and of the laws, to the 
 exposition of which they had been bred up. They 
 saw their supreme civil court, which had spumed 
 at the idea of having their decrees reviewed even 
 in the Parliament, now subjected to appeal to the 
 British House of Peers ; a body who could be ex- 
 pected to know little of law at all, and in which the 
 Chancellor, who presided, was trained in the juris- 
 prudence of another country. Besides, when the 
 sceptre departed from Scotland, and the lawgiver 
 no longer sat at her feet, it was likely that her mu- 
 nicipal regulations should be gradually assimilated to 
 those of England, and that her lawyers should by 
 degrees be laid aside and rendered useless, by the 
 introduction of the institutions of a foreign coun- 
 try which were strange to their studies. 
 
 The merchants and trading portion of Scotland 
 also found grievances in the Union peculiar to them- 
 selves. The privileges which admitted the Scots 
 into the colonial trade of England, only represented 
 the apples of Tantalus, so long as local prejudices, 
 want of stock, and all the difficulties incident to 
 forcing capital into a new channel, or line of busi- 
 ness, obstructed their benefiting by them. On the 
 other hand, they lost all the advantage of their for- 
 eign trade whenever their traffic became obstructed 
 by the imposition of English duties. They lost at
 
 12 U^'IVERSAL DISCONTENT WITH THE 
 
 the same time, a beneficial, though illicit trade, with 
 England itself, Avhich took place in consequence of 
 foreign commodities being so much cheaper in Scot- 
 land. Lastly, the establishment of two Boards of 
 Customs and Excise, with the introdction of a shoal 
 of officers, all Englishmen, and, it was said, fre- 
 quently men of indifferent and loose character, was 
 severely felt by the commercial part of a nation, 
 Vv'hose poverty had hitherto kept them tolerably free 
 from taxation. 
 
 The tradesmen and citizens were injured in tlie 
 tenderest point, by the general emigration of fami- 
 lies of rank and condition, who naturally went to re- 
 side in London, not only to attend their duties in 
 Parliament, but to watch for those opportunities of 
 receiving favours which are only to be obtained by 
 being constantly near the source of preferment ; not 
 to mention numerous families of consequence, who 
 went to the metropolis merely for fashion's sake. 
 This general emigration naturally drained Scotland 
 of the income of the non-residents, who expended 
 their fortunes among strangers, to the prejudice of 
 those of their country folk, who had formerly lived 
 by supplying them with necessaries or luxuries. 
 
 ' The agricultural interests was equally affected by 
 the scarcity of money, which the new laws, the mo- 
 ney drawn by emigrants from their Scottish estates, 
 to meet the unwonted expenses of London, the de- 
 cay of external commerce, and of internal trade, all 
 contributed to produce. 
 
 Besides these particular grievances which affected 
 certain classes or professions, the Scots felt gener- 
 ally the degradation, as they conceived it, of their
 
 UNION IN SCOTLAND. 13 
 
 country being rendered the subservient ally of the 
 state, of which, though infinitely more powerful, 
 they had resisted the efforts for the space of two 
 thousand years. The poorest and meanest, as well 
 €is the richest and most noble, felt that he shared the 
 national honour ; and the former was ev en more 
 deeply interested in preserving it untarnished than 
 the latter, because he had no dignity or considera- 
 tion due to him personally or individually, beyond 
 that which belonged to him as a native of Scotland. 
 
 There was, therefore, nothing save discontent 
 and lamentation to be heard throughout Scotland, 
 and men of every class vented their complaints 
 against the Union the more loudly, because their 
 sense of personal grievances might be concealed 
 and yet indulged under popular declamations con- 
 cerning the dishonour done to the country. 
 
 To all these subjects of complaint there lay obvi- 
 ous answers, grounded on the future benefits which 
 the Union was calculated to produce, and the pros- 
 pect of the advantages which have since arisen from 
 it. But at the time immediately succeeding that 
 treaty, these benefits were only the subject of dis- 
 tant and doubtful speculation, while the immediate 
 evils which we have detailed were present, tangible, 
 and certain. There was a want of advocates for 
 the Union, as well as of arguments having immedi- 
 ate and direct cogency. A considerable number 
 of the regular clergy, indeed, who did not share the 
 feverish apprehensions of prelatic innovation, which 
 was a bugbear to the majority of their order, con- 
 cluded it was the sounder policy to adhere to the 
 Union with England, under the sovereignty of a 
 
 VOL. 1. 2
 
 14 ODIUM AGAINST THE CLERGY. 
 
 Protestant Prince, than to bring back, under King 
 James VII., the evils in church and state which had 
 occasioned the downfall of his father. But by such 
 arguments, the ministers who used them only low- 
 ered themselves in the eyes of the people, who pet- 
 ulantly replied to their pastors, that none had been 
 more loud than they against the Union, until they 
 had got their own manses,* glebes, and stipendsf 
 assured to them ; although, that being done, they 
 were now contented to yield up the civil rights of 
 the Scottish monarchy, and endanger the stability 
 of the Scottish church. Their hearers abandoned 
 the kirks, and refused to attend the religious ordi- 
 nances of such clergymen as favoured the Union, 
 and went in crowds to wait upon the doctrines of 
 those who preached against the treaty with the same 
 zeal with which they had formerly magnified the 
 Covenant. Almost all the dissenting and Came- 
 ronian ministers were anti-unionists, and some of 
 the more enthusiastic were so peculiarly vehement, 
 that long after the controversy had fallen asleep, I 
 have heard my grandfather say, (for your grand- 
 father, Mr. Hugh Littlejohn, had a grandfather in 
 his time,) that he had heard an old clergyman con- 
 fess he could never bring his sermon, upon what- 
 ever subject, to a conclusion, without having what 
 he called a blaud, that is a slap at the Union. 
 
 If the mouths of the clergymen who advocate 
 the treaty were stopped by reproaches of per- 
 sonal interest, with far more justice were those re- 
 proaches applied to the greater part of the civil 
 statesmen, by whom the measure had been carri- 
 ■* Angelic— Parsonages. t Angelic— Tithes.
 
 WHO FAVOURED Tlliu UNION. 15 
 
 ed through and completed. The people of Scot- 
 land would not hear these gentlemen so much as 
 speak upon the great incorporating alliance, for the 
 accomplishment of which they had laboured so ef- 
 fectually. Be the event of the Union what it 
 would, the objection was personal to many of those 
 statesmen by whom it w^as carried through, that, 
 they had pressed the destruction of Scottish inde- 
 pendence, which it necessarily involved, for private 
 and selfish reasons, resolving into the gratification 
 of their own ambition or avarice. They were 
 twitted with the meanness of their conduct even in 
 the Parliament of Britain. A tax upon linen 
 cloth, the staple commodity of Scotland, having 
 been proposed in the House of Commons, was re- 
 sisted by Mr. Baillie of Jerviswood, and other Scot- 
 tish members, favourers of the Union, until Mr. Har- 
 ley, who had been Secretary of State during the 
 treaty, stood up, and cut short the debate, by saying, 
 " Have we not bought the Scots, and did we not 
 acquire a right to tax them r or for what other pur- 
 pose did we give the equivalent ?" Lockhart of 
 Carnwath arose in reply, and said, he was glad to 
 hear it plainly acknowledged that the Union had 
 been a matter of bargain, and that Scotland had 
 been bought and sold on that memorable occasion ; 
 but he was surprised to hear so great a manager in 
 the traffic name the equivalents as the price, since 
 the revenue of Scotland itself being burdened in re- 
 lief of that sum, no price had been in fact paid, but 
 what must ultimately be discharged by Scotland 
 from her own funds. 
 
 The detestation of the treaty being for the pre-
 
 16 EDUCATION OF THE 
 
 sent the ruling passion of the times, all other distinc- 
 tions of party, and even of religious opinions in Scot- 
 land, -were laid aside, and a singular coalition took 
 place, in which Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Ca- 
 valiers, and many friends of the revolution, drowned 
 all former hostility in the predominant aversion to 
 the Union. Even the Cameronians, who now form- 
 ed a powerful body in the state, retained the same 
 zeal against the Union when established, which had 
 induced them to rise in arms against it while it was 
 in progress. 
 
 It was evident, that the treaty of Union could not 
 be abolished without a counter-revolution ; and for a 
 time almost all the inhabitants of Scotland were dis- 
 posed to join unanimously in the Restoration, as it 
 was called, of James the Second's son, to the 
 throne of his fathers ; and had his ally, the King of 
 France, been hearty in his cause, or his Scottish 
 partisans more united among themselves, or any 
 leader amongst them possessed of distinguished 
 talent, the Stewart family might have repossessed 
 themselves of their ancient domain of Scotland, and 
 perhaps of England also. To understand the cir- 
 cumstances by which that hope was disappointed, 
 it is necessary to look back on the history of James 
 II., and to take some notice of the character and 
 situation of his son. 
 
 The Chevalier de Saint George, as he was called 
 by a conventional name, which neither gave nor de- 
 nied his royal pretensions, was that unfortunate 
 child of James II., whose birth, which ought in or- 
 dinary cases to have been the support of his father's 
 throne, became by perverse chance the strongest
 
 CHEVALIER DE ST. GEORGE. 17 
 
 incentive for pressing forward the Revolution. He 
 lost his hopes of a kingdom, therefore, and was exil- 
 ed from his native country, ere he knew what the 
 words country or kingdom signified, and lived at 
 the court of Saint Germains, where Louis XIV. 
 permitted his father to maintain a hollow pageant 
 of royalty. Thus the son of James II. was brought 
 up in what is generally admitted to be the very 
 worst way in which a prince can be educated ; that 
 is, he was surrounded by all the pomp and external 
 ceremony of imaginary royalty, without learning by 
 experience any part of its real duties or actual busi- 
 ness. Idle and discontented men, who formed the 
 mimicry of a council, and played the part of minis- 
 ters, were as deeply engaged in political intrigues 
 for ideal offices and dignities at the court of Saint 
 Germains, as if actual rank or emolument had at- 
 tended them, — as reduced gamblers have been 
 known to spend days and nights in play, although 
 too poor to stake any thing on the issue of the game. 
 It is no doubt true, that the versatility of the states- 
 men of England, including some great names, offers 
 a certain degree of apology for the cabinet of the de- 
 throned prince, to an extent even to justify the hopes 
 that a counter-revolution would soon take place, and 
 realize the expectations of the St Germains cour- 
 tiers. It is a misfortune necessarily attending the 
 success of any of those momentous changes of gov- 
 ernment, which, innovating upon the constitution 
 of a country, are termed revolutions, that the new 
 establishment of things cannot for some time attain 
 that degree of respect and veneration which antiqui- 
 ty can alone impress. Evils are felt under the new 
 2
 
 18 EDUCATION OF THE 
 
 government, as they must mider every human in- 
 stitution, and men readily reconcile their minds to 
 correct them, either by adopting further alterations, 
 or by returning to that order of things which they 
 have so lately seen in existence. That which is 
 new itself, may, it is supposed, be subjected to fur- 
 ther innovations without inconvenience, and if these 
 are deemed essential and necessary, or even advan- 
 tageous, there seems to ardent and turbulent spirits 
 little reason to doubt, that the force which has suc- 
 ceeded so lately in destroying the institution which 
 had the venerable sanction of antiquity, may be 
 equally successful in altering or remodelling that 
 which has been the work of the present generation, 
 perhaps of the very statesmen who are now desirous 
 of innovating upon it. With this disposition to 
 change still further what has been recently the sub- 
 ject of alteration, mingle other passions. There 
 must always be many of those that have been active 
 in a recent revolution, who have not derived the per- 
 sonal advantages which they were entitled, or, which 
 is the same thing, thought themselves entitled, to 
 expect. Such disappointed men are apt, in their re- 
 sentment, to think that it depends only upon them- 
 selves to pull down what they have assisted to build, 
 and to rebuild the structure in the destruction of 
 which they have been so lately assistants. This 
 was in the utmost extent evinced after the English 
 Revolution. Not only subordinate agents, who 
 had been active in the Revolution, but some men of 
 the highest and most distinguished talents, were in- 
 duced to enter into plots for the restoration of the 
 Stewarts, Marlborough, Carmarthen, and Lord
 
 CHEVALIER DE ST. GEORGE. 19 
 
 Russell, were implicated in a correspondence with 
 France in 1692 ; and indeed, throughout the reigns 
 of William III. and Queen Anne, many men of 
 consequence, not willing explicitly to lend them- 
 selves to counter-revolutionary plots, were yet not 
 reluctant to receive projects, letters, and promises 
 from the ex-king, and return in exchange vague ex- 
 pressions of good-will for the cause of their old 
 monarch, and respect for his person. 
 
 It is no wonder, therefore, that the Jacobite min- 
 isters at St Germains were by such negotiations 
 rendered confident that a counter-revolution was 
 approaching, or that they intrigued for their share 
 in the honours and power which they conceived 
 would be very soon at their master's disposal. In 
 this they might, indeed, have resembled the hunt- 
 ers in the fable, who sold the bear's hide before 
 they had killed him ; but, on the other hand, they 
 were less like simpletons who spend their time in 
 gambling for nothing, than eager gamesters who 
 play for a stake, which though they do not yet pos- 
 sess, they soon expect to have at their disposal. 
 
 Amid such petty and empty feuds, it was not 
 likely that the son of James II. should greatly aug- 
 ment the strength of mind of which nature had 
 given him but a small share, especially as his father 
 had laid aside those habits of business with which 
 he was once familiar, and resigning all hopes of 
 his restoration, had abandoned himself entirely to 
 the severities of ascetic devotion. From his de- 
 vice and examples, therefore, the Chevalier de St. 
 George could derive no advantage ; and Heaven 
 had not granted him the talents which supply the 
 place of instruction.
 
 20 PROMISE OF LOUIS XIV. 
 
 The heir of this ancient line was not, however, 
 deficient in external qualities which associate well 
 with such distinguished claims. He was of tall 
 stature, and possessed a nobly formed countenance, 
 and courteous manners. He had made one or two 
 campaigns with applause, and showed no deficien- 
 cy of courage, if he did not display much energy. 
 He appears to have been good-humoured, kind, and 
 tractable. In short, born to a throne, and with 
 judicious ministers, he might have been a popular 
 prince ; but he had not the qualities necessary 
 either to win or to regain a kingdom. 
 
 Immediately before the death of his unfortunate 
 father, the Chevalier de St George was consigned 
 to the protection of Louis XIV. in an aff'ecting man- 
 ner. The French monarch came for the last time, 
 to bid adieu to his unfortunate ally when stretched 
 on his deathbed. Affected by the pathos of the 
 scene, and possessing in reality a portion of that roy- 
 al magnanimity by which he was so ambitious of 
 being distinguished, Louis declared publicly his pur- 
 pose to recognise the title of his friend's son, as heir 
 to the throne of Britain, and take his family under 
 his protection. The dying prince half raised himself 
 from his bed, and endeavoured to speak his grati- 
 tude ; but his failing accents were drowned -^n a 
 murmur of mingled grief and joy which broke from 
 his faithful followers. They were melted into tears, 
 in which Louis himself joined. And thus was giv- 
 en, in a moment of enthusiasm, a promise of sup- 
 port which the French king had afterwards reason 
 to repent of, as he could not gracefully shake off an 
 engagement contracted under such circumstances
 
 INTRIGUES OF THE JACOBITES. 21 
 
 of affecting solemnity ; although in after periods 
 of his reign, he was little able to supply the Cheva- 
 lier de St George with such succours as his prom- 
 ise had entitled that prince to expect. 
 
 Louis was particularly embarrassed by the nu- 
 merous plans and schemes for the invasion of Scot- 
 land and England, proposed either by real Jacobites 
 eager to distinguish themselves by their zeal, or by 
 adventurers, who, like the noted Captain Simon 
 Fraser, assumed that character, so as to be enabled 
 either to forward the Chevalier de Saint George's 
 interest, or betray his purpose to the English minis- 
 try^ whichever might best advance the interest of the 
 emissary. This Captain Fraser, (afterwards the 
 celebrated Lord Lovat,) was looked upon with cold- 
 ness by the Chevalier and Lord Middleton his sec- 
 retary, but he gained the confidence of Mary of 
 Este, the widow of James IL Being at length, 
 through her influence, dispatched to Scotland, Fra- 
 ser trafficked openly with both parties ; and al- 
 though whilst travelling through the Highlands, he 
 held the character and language of a highflying Ja- 
 cobite, and privately betrayed whatever he could 
 worm out of them to the Duke of Queensberry, then 
 the Royal Commissioner and Representative of 
 Queen Anne, he had nevertheless the audacity to 
 return to France, and use the language of an injur- 
 ed and innocent man, till he was thrown into the 
 Bastile for his double dealing. It is probable that 
 this interlude of Captain Fraser, which happened 
 in 1703, contributed to give Louis a distrust of 
 Scottish Jacobite agents, and inclined him, not- 
 withstanding the general reports of disaffection to
 
 22 PERPLEXING TO LOUIS XIV. 
 
 Queen Anne's government, to try the temper of the 
 country by an agent of his own, before resolving 
 to give any considerable assistance towards an in- 
 vasion, which his wars in Flanders, and the victo- 
 ries of Marlborough, rendered him ill able to under- 
 take.
 
 I 23 ] 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 The Spirit of Jacobitism kept alive by the improper manner in 
 which the Treaty of Union was concluded — Mission of Lieut. 
 Col. Hooks fron'i France to promote a Rebellion in Scotland — 
 State of the Jacobite Party under the Dukes of Athole and 
 Hamilton — Negotiations ofHooke — Preparations of the French 
 King for an Expedition in behalf of the Chevalier de St George, 
 and Arrival of the Chevalier at Dunkirk to join it — General 
 alarm in England — Sailing of the French Fleet — Their arrival 
 in the Frith of Forth, and Return to Dunkirk, without Landing 
 —Vacillating Conduct of the Duke of Hamilton— Trial and ac- 
 quital of tlie Stirlingshire Jacobites — Introduction of Cora- 
 missions of Oyer and Terminer into Scotland— Abolition of Ex- 
 aminations by Torture— Penalties formerly annexed to Cases of 
 High Treason. 
 
 There are two reflections which arise from 
 what we have stated in the former chapter, too 
 natural to escape observation. 
 
 In the first place, we are led to conclude that all 
 leagues or treaties between nations, which are de- 
 signed to be permanent, should be grounded not 
 only on equitable, but on liberal principles. What- 
 ever advantages are assumed from the superior 
 strength, or more insidiously attained by the supe- 
 rior cunning, of one party or the other, operate as 
 so many principles of decay, by which the security 
 of the league is greatly endangered, if not actually 
 destroyed. There can be no doubt that the open 
 corruption and precipitate violence with which the 
 Union was forced on, retarded for two generations 
 the benefits which would otherwise have arisen 
 from it ; and that resentment, not so much against 
 the measure itself, as against the disadvantageous
 
 24 MISSION OF A FRENCH AGENT 
 
 terms granted to Scotland, gave rise to two, or, 
 taking into account the battle of Glensheal, to three 
 civil wars, with all peculiar miseries which attend- 
 ed them. The personal adherence of many indi- 
 viduals to the Stewart family might have preserved 
 Jacobite sentiments for a generation, but would 
 scarce have had intensity sufficient to kindle a gen- 
 eral flame in the country, had not the sense of the 
 unjust and illiberal manner in which the Union 
 was concluded come in aid of the zeal of the 
 Jacobites, to create a general or formidable attack 
 on the existing government. As the case actually 
 stood, we shall presently see how narrowly the 
 Union itself escaped destruction, and the nation a 
 counter-revolution. 
 
 This conducts us to the second remark, which I 
 wish you to attend to, namely, how that, with all 
 the facilities of intercourse afforded by the manners 
 of modern nations, it nevertheless is extremely dif- 
 ficult for one government to obtain what they may 
 consider as trustworthy information concerning the 
 internal aftairs and actual condition of another either 
 from the statements of partisans, who profess them- 
 selves in league with the state which makes the 
 inquiry, or from agents of their own, sent on pur- 
 pose to pursue the investigation. The first class 
 of informants deceive their correspondents and 
 themselves, by the warm and sanguine view which 
 they take of the strength and importance of their 
 own party ; the last are incapable of forming a 
 correct judgment of what they see and hear, 
 for want of that habitual and familiar know- 
 ledge of tho manners of a country which is neces-
 
 TO SCOTLAND. 25 
 
 sary to enable them to judge what peculiar al- 
 lowances ought to be made, and what special 
 restrictions may be necessary, in interpreting the 
 language of those with whom they communicate 
 on the subject of their mission. 
 
 This was exemplified in the enquiries instituted 
 by Louis XIV. for ascertaining the exact disposi- 
 tion of the people of Scotland towards the Chev- 
 alier de St George. The agent employed by the 
 French monarch was Lieutenant-Colonel Hooke, 
 an Englishman of good family. This gentleman 
 followed King James IL to France, and was there 
 received into the service of Louis XIV. to which 
 he seems to have become so much attached as to 
 have been comparatively indifferent to that of the 
 son of his former master. His instructions from 
 the French King were, to engage the Scots who 
 might be disposed for an insurrection as deeply as 
 possible to France, but to avoid precise promises, 
 by which he might compromise France in any cor- 
 responding obligation respecting assistance or sup- 
 plies. In a word, the Jacobite or anti-unionist 
 party were to have leave from Louis to attempt a 
 rebellion against Queen Anne, at their own proper 
 risk, providing the Grand Monarque, as he was gen- 
 erally termed, should be no further bound to aid 
 them in the enterprise, or protect them in case of 
 its failure, than he should think consistent with his 
 magnanimity, and convenient for his affairs. This 
 was no doubt a bargain by which nothing could be 
 lost by France, but it had been made with too great 
 anxiety to avoid hazard, to be attended with much 
 chance of gaining by it. 
 VOL. 1. ' 3
 
 26 THE JACOBITE PARTY. 
 
 With these instructions Colonel Hooke departed 
 for Scotland in the end of February or beginning ol 
 March 1707, where he found, as has been describ- 
 ed by the correspondence kept up with the Scots, 
 different classes of people eager to join in an in 
 surrection, with the purpose of breaking the Union, 
 and restoring the Stewart family to the throne. 
 We must first mention the state in which he found 
 the Jacobite party, with whom principally he came 
 to communicate. 
 
 This party, which, as it now included the Coun- 
 try faction, and all others who favoured the dissolu- 
 tion of the Union, was much more universally ex- 
 tended than at any other period in Scottish history, 
 either before or afterwards, was divided into two 
 parties, having for their heads the Dukes of Hamil- 
 ton and Athole, noblemen who stood in opposition 
 to each other in claiming the title of the leader o 
 the Jacobite interests. If these two great men were 
 to be estimated according to their fidelity to the 
 cause which they had espoused, their pretensions 
 were tolerably equal, for neither of them could lay 
 much claim to the honour due to political consist- 
 ency. The conduct of Athole during the Revolu- 
 tion had been totally adverse to the royal interest ; 
 and that of the Duke of Hamilton, on his part, 
 though affecting to act as head of the opposition to 
 the Union, was such as to induce some suspicion 
 that he was in league with the government ; since, 
 whenever a decisive stand was to be made, Hamil- 
 ton was sure to find some reason, better or worse, 
 to avoid coming to extremities with the opposite 
 party. Nothwithstanding such repeated acts of de-
 
 JACOBITES EAGER FOR INSURRECTION. 27 
 
 fection on the part of these great dukes, their rank, 
 talents, and the reliance on their general sincerity 
 in the Jacobite cause, occasioned men of that par- 
 ty to attach themselves as partisans to one or other 
 of them. It was natural that, generally speaking, 
 men should choose for their leader the most influ- 
 ential person in whose neighbourhood they them- 
 selves resided, or had their property ; and thus the 
 Highland Jacobites beyond the Tay rallied under 
 the Duke of Athole ; those of the south and west, 
 under the Duke of Hamilton. From this it also 
 followed, that the two divisions of the same faction, 
 being of different provinces, and in different cir- 
 cumstances, held separate opinions as to the course 
 to be pursued in the intended restoration. 
 
 The northern Jacobites, who had more power of 
 raising men, and less of levying money, than those 
 of the south, were for rushing at once into war with- 
 out any delay, or stipulation of foreign assistance ; 
 and without further aid than their own good hearts 
 and ready swords, expressed themselves determin- 
 ed to place on the throne him whom they termed 
 the lawful heir. 
 
 When Hooke entered into correspondence with 
 this class of the Jacobite party, he found it easy to 
 induce them to dispense with any special or precise 
 stipulations concerning the amount of the succours 
 ot be furnished by France, whether in the shape of 
 arms, money, or auxiliaries, so soon as he repre- 
 sented to them that any specific negotiation of this 
 kind would be indelicate and unhandsome to the 
 King of France, and probably diminish his inclina- 
 tion to serve the Chevalier de St George. On
 
 28 CAUTION OF THE WESTERN JACOBITES. 
 
 this point of pretended delicacy were these poor 
 gentlemen induced to pledge themselves to risks 
 likely to prove fatal to themselves, their rank, and 
 their posterity, without any of the reasonable pre- 
 cautions which were absolutely necessary to save 
 them from destruction. 
 
 But when the Duke of Hamilton, Lord Kilsythe, 
 Lockhart of Carnwath, Cochrane of Kilmaronock, 
 and other leaders among the Jacobites of the west, 
 had a conference with Colonel Hooke, their an- 
 swers were of a different tenor. They thought 
 that to render the plan of insurrection at all feasi- 
 ble, there should be a distinct engagement on the 
 part of the King of France, to send over the Che- 
 valier de St George to Scotland, with an auxiliary 
 army of ten, or, at the very least, of eight thousand 
 men. Colonel Hooke used very haughty language 
 in answer to this demand, which he termed a "pre- 
 suming to give advice to Louis XIV. how to man- 
 age his own affairs ;" as if it had not been the busi- 
 ness of the Jacobites themselves to leam to what 
 extent they weie to expect support, before staking 
 their lands and lives in so dangerous an enterprise. 
 
 The extent of Colonel Hooke's success was ob- 
 taining a memorial, signed by ten lords and Chiefs, 
 acting in the name, as they state, of the bulk of the 
 nation, but particularly of thirty persons of distinc- 
 tion, from whom they had special mandates, in 
 which paperthey agreed that upon the arrival of the 
 Chevalier de St George, they would make him mas- 
 ter of Scotland, which was entirely in his interest, 
 and immediately thereafter proceed to raise an ar- 
 my of twenty-five thousand foot, and five thousand
 
 COLONEL HOOKE's NEGOTIATIONS. 29 
 
 horse. With this force they proposed to march in- 
 to England, seize upon Newcastle, and distress the 
 city of London by interrupting the coal trade. They 
 stated their hope that the King would send with the 
 Chevalier an auxiliary army of at least five thousand 
 men, some officers, and a general of high ranks, such 
 as the Scottish nobles would not scruple to obey. 
 The Duke of Berwick, a natural son of the late 
 king, and a general of first-rate talent, was partic- 
 ularly fixed upon. They also complained of a want 
 of field-pieces, battering cannon, and arms of every 
 kind, and stated their desire of a supply. And 
 lastly, they dwelt upon the need they had of a sub- 
 sidy of six hundred thousand livres, to enable them 
 to begin the war. But they stated these in the shape 
 of humble requests, rather than demands or condi- 
 tions, and submitted themselves in the same memo- 
 rial to any modification or alteration of the terms, 
 which might render them more acceptable to King 
 Louis. Thus Hooke made good the important point 
 in his instructions, which enjoined him to take the 
 Scottish Jacobites bound as far as possible to the 
 King of France, while he should on no account 
 enter into any negotiations which might bind his 
 Majesty to any counter stipulations. Louis showed 
 considerable address in playing this game, as it is 
 vulgarly called, of Fast and Loose, giving every 
 reason to conclude that his ministers, if not the sov- 
 ereign himself, looked less upon the invasion of 
 Scotland as the means of effecting a counter-revo- 
 lution, than in the light of a diversion, which would 
 oblige the British to withdraw a large proportion of 
 the troops which they employed in Flanders, and 
 
 o
 
 30 COLONEL HOOKE'S NEGOTIATIONS. 
 
 thus obtain a superiority for France on the general 
 theatre of war. With this purpose, and to take the 
 chance, doubtless, of fortunate events, and the gen- 
 erally discontented state of Scotland, the French 
 court received and discussed at their leisure the 
 prodigal offer of the Scottish Jacobites. 
 
 At length, after many delays, the French mon- 
 arch actually determined upon making an effort. 
 It was resolved to send to Scotland the heir of the 
 ancient kings of that country, with a body of about 
 five or six thousand men, being the force thought 
 necessary by the faction of Athole — that of Hamil- 
 ton having demanded eight thousand men at the 
 very least. It was agreed, that the Chevalier de 
 St George should embark at Dunkirk with this lit- 
 tle army, and that the fleet should be placed under 
 the command of the Comte de Forbin, who had 
 distinguished himself by several naval exploits. 
 
 When the plan was communicated by IMonsieur 
 de Pontchartrain, then minister for naval affairs, 
 the commodore stated numerous objections to 
 throwing so large a force ashore on the naked beach, 
 without being assured of possessing a single har- 
 bour, or fortified place, which might serve them for 
 a defence against the troops which the English gov- 
 ernment would presently dispatch against them. 
 " If," pursued Forbin, " you have five thousand 
 troops to throw away on a desperate expedition, 
 give me the command of them ; I will embark them 
 in shallops and light vessels, and I vrill surprise 
 Amsterdam, and, by destroying the commerce of 
 the Dutch capital, take away all means and desire 
 on the part of the United Provinces to continue the
 
 EXPEDITION FROM DUNKIRK. 31 
 
 war." — " Let us have no more of this," replied the 
 minister; ^'you are called upon to execute the king's 
 commands, not to discuss them. His majesty has 
 promised to the King and Queen Dowager of Eng- 
 land, (the Chevalier de St George and Mary 
 d'Este,) that he is to give them the stipulated as- 
 sistance, and you are honoured with the task of 
 fulfilling his royal word." To hear was to obey, 
 and the Comte de Forbin set himself about the ex- 
 ecution of the design intrusted to him ; but with a 
 secret reluctance, which boded ill for the expedi- 
 tion, since, in bold undertakings, success is chiefly 
 insured by the zeal, confidence, and hearty co-ope- 
 ration of those to whom the execution is commit- 
 ted. Forbin was so far from being satisfied with 
 the commission assigned him, that he started a 
 thousand difficulties and obstacles, all of which he 
 was about to repeat to the monarch himself in a 
 private interview, when Louis obsersang the turn 
 of his conversation, cut his restive admiral short by 
 telling him, that he was busy at that moment, and 
 wished him a good voyage. 
 
 The commander of the land forces was the 
 Comte de Gace who afterwards bore the title of 
 Marechal de Matignon. Twelve battalions were 
 embarked on board of eight ships of the line and 
 twenty-four frigates, besides transports and shal- 
 lops for disembarkation. The King of France dis- 
 played his magnificence, by supplying the Chevalier 
 de St George with a royal wardrobe, services of 
 gold and silver plate, rich liveries for his attendants, 
 splendid uniforms for his guards, and all external 
 appurtenances befitting the rank of a sovereign
 
 32 EXPEDITION FROM DUNKIRK. 
 
 priuce. At parting, Louis bestowed on his 2;uest a 
 sword, having its hilt set with diamonds, and, with 
 that felicity of compliment which was natural to him 
 above all other princes, expressed, as the best wish 
 he could bestow upon his departing friend, his hope 
 that they might never meet again. It was ominous 
 that Louis used the same turn of courtesy in bid- 
 ding adieu to the Chevalier's father, previous to the 
 battle of La Hogue. 
 
 The Chevalier departed for Dunkirk, and em- 
 barked the troops ; and thus far all had been con- 
 ducted with such perfect secrecy, that England was 
 totally unaware of the attempt which was meditated. 
 But an accident at the same time retarded the en- 
 terprise, and made it public. This was the illness 
 of the Chevalier de St George, who was seized 
 with the measles. It could then no longer remain 
 a secret that he was lying sick in Dunkirk, with 
 the purpose of heading an expedition, for which the 
 troops were already embarked. 
 
 It was scarcely possible to imagine a country 
 more unprepared for such an attack than England, 
 unless it were Scotland. The great majority of 
 the English army were then in Flanders. There 
 only remained within the kingdom five thousand 
 men, and these chiefly new levies. The situation 
 of Scotland was still more defenceless. Edinburgh 
 castle was alike unfurnished with garrison, artille- 
 ry, ammunition, and stores. There were not in 
 the country above two thousand regular soldiers, 
 and these were Scottish regiments, whose fidelity 
 was very little to be reckoned upon, if there should, 
 as was probable, be a general insurrection of their
 
 THE FRENCH EXPEDITION. 33 
 
 countrymen. The panic in London was great, at 
 court, in camp, and in city : there was also an un- 
 precedented run on the Bank, which, unless that 
 great national institution had been supported by an 
 association of wealthy British and foreign mer- 
 chants, must have given a severe shock to public 
 credit. The consternation was the more over- 
 whelming, that the great men in England were 
 jealous of each other, and, not believing that the 
 Chevalier would have ventured over upon the en- 
 couragement of the Scottish nation only, suspected 
 the existence of some general conspiracy, the ex- 
 plosion of which would t^ike place in England. 
 
 Amid the wide-spreading alarm, active measures 
 were taken to avert the danger. The few regi- 
 ments which were in South Britain were directed 
 to march for Scotland in all haste. Advices were 
 senfto Flanders, to recal some of the British troops 
 there for the more pressing service at home. Gen- 
 eral Cadogan, with twelve battalions, took shipping 
 in Holland, and actually sailed for Tynemouth. 
 But even amongst these there were troops which 
 could not be trusted. The Earl of Orkney's High- 
 land regiment, and that which is called the Scotch 
 Fusileers, are said to have declared they would 
 never use their swords against their country in an 
 English quarrel. It must be added, that the arri- 
 val of this succour was remote and precarious. But 
 England had a readier and more certain resource 
 in the superiority of her navy. 
 
 With the most active exertions a fleet of forty 
 sail of the line was assembled and put to sea, and, 
 ere the French squadron commanded by Forbin
 
 34 FRENCH AND ENGLISH FLEETS ARRIVED. 
 
 had sailed, they beheld this mightv fleet before 
 Dunkirk, on the 28th of February," 1708. The 
 Comte de Forbin, upon this formidable apparition, 
 dispatched letters to Paris for instructions, having 
 no doubt of receiving orders, in consequence, to 
 disembark the troops, and postpone the expedition. 
 Such an answer arrived accordingly ; but while 
 Forbin was preparing, on the 14tli of March, to 
 carry it into execution, the English fleet was driven 
 off the blockade by stress of weather ; which news 
 having soon reached the court, positive orders came, 
 that at all risks the invading squadron should pro- 
 ceed to sea. 
 
 They sailed accordingly on the 17th March from 
 the road of Dunkirk ; and now not a little depended 
 on the accidental circumstance of wind and tide, as 
 these should be favourable to the French or English 
 fleets. The elements were adverse to the French. 
 They had no sooner left Dunkirk road than the wind 
 became contrary, and the squadron was driven into 
 the roadstead called Newport-pits, from which place 
 they could not stir for the space of two days, when, 
 the wind again changing, they set sail for Scotland 
 with a favourable breeze. The Comte de Forbin 
 and his squadron arrived in the entrance of the Frith 
 of Forth, sailed as high up as the point of Crail, on 
 the coast of Fife, and dropped anchor there, with 
 the purpose of running up the Frith as far as the 
 vicinity of Edinburgh on the next day, and there 
 disembarking the Chevalier de St. George, Mare- 
 chal Matignon, and his troops. In the meantime, 
 they showed signals, fired guns, and endeavoured 
 to call the attention of their friends, whom they 
 expected to welcome them ashore.
 
 ESCAPE OF THE FRENCH FLEET. 35 
 
 None of these signals were returned from the 
 land ; but they were answered from the sea in a 
 manner as unexpected as it was unpleasing. The 
 report of five cannon, heard in the direction of the 
 mouth of the Frith, gave notice of the approach of 
 Sir John Byng and the English fleet, which had 
 sailed the instant their admiral learned' that the 
 Comte de Forbin had put to sea ; and though the 
 French had considerably the start of them, the 
 British admiral contrived to enter the Frith imme- 
 diately after the French squadron. 
 
 The dawn of morning showed the far superior 
 force of the English fleet advancing up the Frith, 
 and threatening to intercept the French squadron in 
 the narrow inlet of the sea into which they had ven- 
 tured. The Chevalier de St George and his at- 
 tendants demanded to be put on board a smaller ves- 
 sel than that commanded by Mons. de Forbin, with 
 the purpose of disembarking at the ancient castle of 
 Wemyss, on the Fife coast, belonging to the earl of 
 the same name, a constant adherent of the Stewart 
 family. This was at once the wisest and most man- 
 ly course which he could have followed. But the 
 son of James II. was doomed to learn, how little 
 freewill can be exercised by the prince who has 
 placed himself under the protection of a powerful 
 auxiliary. Mons. de Forbin, after evading his re- 
 quest for some time, at length decidedly said to 
 him, — " Sire, by the orders of my royal master, I 
 am directed to take the same precautions for the 
 safety of your august person as for his Majesty's 
 own. This must be my chief care. You are at 
 present in safety, and I will never consent to your
 
 36 ESCAPE OF THE FRENCH FLEET. 
 
 being exposed in a ruinous chateau, in an open 
 country, where a few hours might put you in the 
 hands of your enemies. I am intrusted with your 
 person ; I am answerable for your safety with my 
 head ; I beseech you, therefore, to repose your con- 
 fidence in me entirely, and to listen to no one else. 
 All those who dare give you advice different from 
 mine, are either traitors or cowards." Having 
 thus settled the Chevalier's doubts in a manner sa- 
 vouring something of the roughness of his profes- 
 sion, the Comte de Forbin bore down on the En- 
 glish admiral, as if determined to fight his way 
 through the fleet. But as Sir George Byng made 
 signal for collecting his ships to meet the enemy, the 
 Frenchman went off on another tack, and, taking 
 advantage of the manceu-VTe to avoid the English 
 admiral, steered for the mouth of the Frith. The 
 English ships having been long at sea, were rather 
 heavy sailers, while those of Forbin had been care- 
 fully selected and careen'd for this particular ser- 
 vice. The pursuit of Byng was therefore in vain, 
 excepting that the Elizabeth, a slow-sailing vessel 
 of the French fleet, fell into his hands. 
 
 Admiral Byng, when the French escaped him, 
 proceeded to Edinburgh to assist in the defence of 
 the capital, in case of any movement of the Jaco- 
 bites which might have endangered it. The Comte 
 de Forbin, with his expedition, had, on the other 
 hand, the power of choosing among all the ports on 
 the north-east coast of Scotland, from Dundee to 
 Inverness, the one which circumstances might ren- 
 der most eligible for the purpose of disembarking 
 the Chevalier de St George and the French troops.
 
 ESCAPE OF THE FRENCH FLEET. ST 
 
 But whether from his own want of cordiality in the 
 object of the expedition, or whether, as was gener- 
 ally suspected by the Scottish Jacobites at the time, 
 he had secret orders from his court which regulated 
 his conduct, Forbin positively refused to put the 
 disinherited Prince, and the soldiers destined for his 
 service, on shore at any part of the north of Scot- 
 land, although the Chevalier repeatedly required 
 him to do so. The expedition returned to Dunkirk, 
 from which it had been three weeks absent; the 
 troops were put ashore and distributed in garrison, 
 and the commanders hastened to court, each to ex- 
 cuse himself, and throw the blame of the failure 
 upon the other. . 
 
 On the miscarriage of this intended invasion, the 
 malcontents of Scotland felt that an opportunity 
 vv^as lost, which never might, and in fact never did, 
 again present itself. The unanimity with which 
 almost all the numerous sects and parties in Scot- 
 land were disposed to unite in any measure which 
 oould rid them of the Union, was unusual, that it 
 could not be expected to be of long duration in so 
 factious a nation. Neither was it likely that the king- 
 dom of Scotland would after such a lesson, he 
 again left by the English government so ill provi- 
 ded for defence. Above all, it seemed probable 
 ihat tlie vengeance of the ministry would descend 
 so heavily on the heads of those who had been fore- 
 most in expressing their good wishes to the cause 
 of the Chevalier de St George, as might induce 
 others to bev. are of following their example on fu- 
 liire occasions. 
 
 During tiie brief period when the French fleet 
 
 VOL. 1. 4
 
 38 RISING OF THE JACOBITES. 
 
 was known to be at sea, and the landing of the ar- 
 my on some part of the coast of Scotland was ex- 
 pected almost hourly, the depression of the few who 
 adhered to the existing government was extreme. 
 The Earl of Leven, commander-in-chief of the 
 Scottish forces, hurried down from England to take 
 the command of two or three regiments, which were 
 all that could be mustered for the defence of the 
 capital, and, on his arrival, wrote to the Secretary 
 of State that the Jacobites were in such numbers, 
 and showed themselves so elated, that he scarce 
 dared look them in the face as he walked the streets. 
 On the approach of a fleet, the Earl drew up his 
 army in hostile array on Leith sands, as if he meant 
 to withstand any attempt to land. But great was 
 his relief, when the approaching vessels of war 
 showed the flag of England, instead of France, and 
 proved to be those of Sir George B}'Tig, instead of 
 the Comte de Forbin's. 
 
 When this important intelligence was publicly 
 known, it was for the Jocobites in their turn to abate 
 the haughty looks before which their enemies had 
 quailed, and reassume those which they wore as a 
 sufl'ering but submissive faction. The Jacobite 
 gentlemen of Stirlingshire, in particular, had almost 
 gone the length of rising in arms, to speak more 
 properly, they had actually done so, though no op- 
 portunity had occurred of coming to blovrs. They 
 had now, therefore, reason to expect the utmost 
 vengeance of government. 
 
 This little band consisted of several men of 
 wealth, influence, and property. Stirling of Keir, 
 Seaton of Touch, Edmondstoun of Newton, Stir-
 
 CONDUCT OF THE DUKE OF HAMILTON. 39 
 
 ling of Garden, and others, assembled a gallant body 
 of horse, and advanced towards Edinburgh, to be 
 the first who should ofter themselves for the ser- 
 vice of the Chevalier de St George. Learning by 
 the way the failure of the expedition, they dispersed 
 themselves, and returned to their own homes. 
 They were seized, however, thrown into prison, 
 and threatened to be tried for high treason. 
 
 The Duke of Hamilton, with that want of decis- 
 ion which gave his conduct an air of mysterious in- 
 consistency, had left his seat of Kinniel to visit his 
 estates in Lancashire, while the treaty concerning 
 the French invasion was in dependence. He was 
 overtaken on his journey by a friend, who came to 
 apprise him, that all obstiiictions to the expedition 
 being overcome, it might be with certainty expected 
 on the coast in the middle of March. The Duke 
 seemed much embarrassed, and declared to Lock- 
 hart of Carnwath, that he would joyfully return, 
 were it not that he foresaw that this giving such a 
 mark of the interest he took in the arrival of the 
 Chevalier, as that which stopping short on a jour- 
 ney, and returning to Scotland on the first news 
 that he was expected, must necessarily imply, 
 would certainly determine the government to arrest 
 him on suspicion. But his Grace pledged himself, 
 that when he should learn by express that the 
 French were actually arrived, he should return to 
 Scotland in spite of all opposition, and rendezvous 
 at Dumfries, where Mr Lockhart should meet him 
 with the insurgents of Lanarkshire, the district in 
 which both their interests lay. 
 
 The Duke had scarcelv arrived at his house of
 
 40 TRIAL AND ACQUITTAL OF THE 
 
 Ashton, in Lancashire, when he was arrested as a 
 suspicious person, and was still in the custody of the 
 messenger when he received the intelligence that 
 the French armament had actually set sail. Even 
 this he did not conceive a fit time to declare himself, 
 but solemnly protested, that so soon as he should 
 learn that the Chevalier had actually landed, he 
 would rid himself of the officer in whose custody 
 he was, and set off for Scotland at the head of forty 
 horse, to live or die in his service. As the Cheva- 
 lier never set foot ashore, we have no means of 
 knowing whether the Duke of Hamilton would have 
 fulfilled his promise, which Mr Lockhart seems to 
 have considered as candidly and sincerely given, 
 or have had recourse to some evasion, as upon oth- 
 er critical occasions. 
 
 The government, as is usual in such cases, were 
 strict in investigating the cause of the conspiracy, 
 and menacing those who had encouraged it, in a 
 proportion correspDnding to the alarm into which 
 they had been thrown. A great many of the Scot- 
 tish nobility and gentry were arrested on suspicion, 
 secured in prisons and strong fortresses in Scotland, 
 or sent to London in a kind of triumph, on account 
 of the encouragement they were supposed to have 
 given to the invasion. 
 
 The Stirlingshire gentlemen, who had actually 
 taken arms and embodied themselves, were mark- 
 ed out as the first victims, and were accordingly 
 sent back to Scotland, to be tried in the country 
 where they had committed the crime. They met 
 more favourable judges than was perhaps to have 
 been expected.
 
 STIRLINGSHIRE JACOBITES. 41 
 
 Being brought to trial before the High Court of 
 Justiciary, several witnesses were examined, who 
 had seea the gentlemen assembled together in a 
 body, but no one had remarked any circumstance 
 which gave them the character of a military force. 
 They had arms, indeed, but few gentlemen of that 
 day stirred abroad without sword and pistol. No 
 one had heard any treasonable conversation, or 
 avowal of a treasonable purpose. The jury, there- 
 fore, found the crime was Not Proved against them 
 — a verdict which, by the Scottish law, is equivalent 
 in its effects to one of Not Guilty, but which is ap- 
 plied to those cases in which the accused persons 
 are clouded with such a shade of suspicion as renders 
 their guilt probable in the eyes of the jury, though 
 the accuser has failed to make it good by proof. 
 Their trial took place on the 22d November 1708. 
 
 A short traditional story will serve to explain the 
 cause of their acquittal. It is said, the Laird of 
 Keir was riding joyfully home, with his butler in at?- 
 tendance, who had been one of the evidence pro- 
 duced against him on the trial, but who had, upon 
 examination, forgot every word concerning the mat- 
 ter which could possibly prejudice his master. 
 Keir could not help expressing some surprise to the 
 man at the extraordinary shortness of memory which 
 he had shown on particular questions being put to 
 him. "I understand what your honour means very 
 well," said the domestic coolly, " but my mind was 
 made up rather to trust my own soul to the mercy 
 of Heaven than your honour's body to the tender 
 compassion of the Whigs." This tale carries its 
 own commentary. 
 4
 
 42 ACQUITTAL OF THE JACOBITES. 
 
 Having failed to convict conspirators who acted 
 so openly, the government found it would be hope- 
 less to proceed against those who had been arrested 
 on suspicion only. This body included many no- 
 blemen and gentry of the first rank, believed to en- 
 tertain Jacobite sentiments. The Duke of Gordon, 
 the Marquis of Huntly, the Earls Seaforth, Errol, 
 Nithsdale, Marischal, and Murray ; Lords Stormont, 
 Kilsythe, Drummond, Nairne, Belhaven, and Sin- 
 clair, besides many gentlemen of fortune and influ- 
 ence, were all confined in the Tower, or other 
 state prisons. The Duke of Hamilton is supposed 
 to have been successful in making interest with 
 the Whigs for their release, his Grace proposing, 
 in return, to give the ministers the advantage of his 
 interest, and that of his friends, upon future elec- 
 tions. The prisoners were accordingly dismissed 
 on finding bail. 
 
 The government, however, conceived that the 
 failure to convict the Stirlingshire gentlemen accus- 
 ed of high treason, (of which they were certainly 
 guilty,) arose less from the reluctance of witnesses 
 to bear testimony against them, than in advantages 
 afforded to them by the uncertain general provi- 
 sions of the Scottish statutes in cases of treason. 
 They proposed to remedy this by abrogating the 
 Scottish law, and introducing that of England in its 
 stead, and ordaining that treasons committed in 
 Scotland should be tried and decided in what i? 
 technically called a Commission of Oyer and Tcv- 
 miner, i.e. a Court of Commissioners appointed for 
 hearing and deciding a particular cause, or a set of 
 reusep. This, it must he r.otircd, contained an
 
 EXAMINATION BY TORTURES. 43 
 
 important advantage to the government, since the 
 case was taken from under the cognisance of the 
 ordinary courts of justice, and intrusted to commis- 
 sioners named for the special occasion, who must, 
 of course, be chosen from men friendly to govern- 
 ment, awake to the alarm arising from any attack 
 upon it, and, consequently, likely to be some what 
 prejudiced against the parties brought before them, 
 as accomplices in such an enterprise. On the oth- 
 er hand, the new law, with the precision required 
 by the English system, was decided and distinct in 
 settling certain forms of procedure, which in Scot- 
 land, being left to the arbitrary pleasure of the 
 judges, gave them an opportunity of favouring or 
 distressing the parties brought before them. This 
 was a dangerous latitude upon political trials, where 
 every man, whatever might be his rank, or general 
 character for impartiality, was led to take a strong 
 part on the one side or other of the question out of 
 which the criminal interest had arisen. 
 
 Another part of the proposed act was however, 
 a noble boon to Scotland. It freed the country 
 forever from the atrocious powers of examination 
 under torture. This, as we have seen, was currently 
 practised during the reigns of Charles II. and his 
 brother James ; and it had been put in force, though 
 unfrequently, after the Revolution. A greater in- 
 justice cannot be imagined, than the practice of 
 torture to extort confession, although it once made 
 a part of judicial procedure in every country of 
 Europe, and is still resorted to in some conti- 
 nental nations. It is easy to conceive, that a timid 
 man, or one oeculiarly sensible to pain, will confess
 
 44 THE PENALTIES OF HIGH TREASON. 
 
 crimes of which he is innocent, to avoid or escape 
 from the infliction of extreme torture ; while a vil- 
 lain, of a hardy disposition of mind and body, will 
 endure the worst torment that can be imposed on 
 him, rather than avow offences of which he is ac- 
 tually guilty. 
 
 The laws of both countries conformed but too 
 well in adding to the punishment of high treason 
 certain aggravations, which, while they must disgust 
 and terrily the humane and civilized, tend only to 
 brutalize the vulgar and unthinking part of the 
 spectators, and to familiarize them with acts of cru- 
 elty. On this the laws of England were painfully 
 minute. They enjoined that the traitor should be 
 cut down from the gibbet before life and sensibility 
 to pain were extinguished — that while half-stran- 
 gled, his heart should be torn from his breast, and 
 thrown into the fire — his body opened and embow- 
 elled, and, — omitting other more shamefully savage 
 injunctions, — that his corpse should be quartered, 
 and exposed upon bridges and city towers, and 
 abandoned to the carrion crow and the eagle. Ad- 
 mitting that high treason, as it implies the destruction 
 of the government under which we live, is the high- 
 est of all possible crimes, still the forfeiture of Lfe, 
 which it does, and ought to infer, is the highest 
 punishment which our mortal state affords. All the 
 butchery, therefore, which the former laws of En- 
 gland prescribed, only disgusts or hardens the heart 
 of the spectator ; while the apparatus of terror sel- 
 dom-aflects the criminal, who has been generally 
 led to commit the crime by some strong enthusias- 
 tic feeling, either implanted in him by education, or
 
 COMMISSIONS OP OYER AND TERMINER. 45 
 
 caught up from sympathy with others ; and which 
 as it leads him to hazard life itself, is not subdued 
 or daunted by the additional or protracted tortures, 
 which can be added to the manner in which death 
 is inflicted. 
 
 Another penalty annexed to the crime of high 
 treason, was the forfeiture of the estates of the 
 criminal to the crown, to the disinheriting of his 
 children, or natural heirs. There is something in 
 this difficult to reconcile to moral feeling, since it 
 may, in some degree be termed visiting the crimes 
 of the parents upon the children. It may be also 
 alleged, that it is hard to forfeit and take away from 
 the lawful line of succession property which may 
 have been acquired by the talents and industry of 
 the criminal's forefathers, or, perhaps, by their mer- 
 itorious services to the state. But, on the other 
 hand, it must be considered, that there is something 
 not unappropriate in the punishment of reducing to 
 poverty the family of him, who, by his attack on the 
 state, might have wrought the ruin of thousands of 
 families. Nor is it less to be admitted, that this 
 branch of the punishment has a quality always de- 
 sirable — namely, a strong tendency to deter men 
 from the crime. High treason ic usually the of- 
 fence of men of rank and wealth ; at least, such, 
 being the leaders in civil war, are usually selected 
 for punishment. It is natural that such persons, 
 however willingly they may venture their own per- 
 sons, should be apt to hesitate when the enterprise 
 involves all the fortunes of their house, name, rank, 
 and other advantages, which having received per- 
 haps from a long train of ancestors, they are na-
 
 46 COMMISSIONS OF OYER AND TERMINER. 
 
 turally and laudably desirous to transmit to their 
 posterity. 
 
 The proposal for extending the treason law of 
 England into North Britain, was introduced under 
 the title of a bill for further completing and per- 
 fecting the Union. Many of the Scottish members, 
 alleged on the contrary, that the proposed enact- 
 ments were rather a violation of the national treaty, 
 since the bill was directly calculated to encroach 
 on the powers of the Court of Justiciary, which 
 had been guaranteed by the Union. This objection 
 w as lessened at least by an amendment on the bill, 
 which declared that three of the Judges of the Jus- 
 ticiary (so the Criminal Court of Scotland is term- 
 ed,) should be always included in any Commission 
 of Oyer and Terminer. — The bill passed into a 
 statute, and has been ever since the law of the land. 
 
 Thus was the Union completed. We shall next 
 endeavour to show, in the phrase of mechanics, how 
 this new machine worked ; or, in other words, how 
 this great alteration on the internal Constitution of 
 Great Britain answered the expectations of those 
 bv whom the changes were introduced. 
 
 #
 
 [ 47 ] 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Characters of the Leading Men in Scotland— the Dukes of Hamil- 
 ton and Argyle, and the Earl of Mar — Reception of the Scottish 
 Members in Parliament— Differences between the Scottish Peers 
 and Commoners — Reconciliation between them in consequence 
 of the Discussion of the Question, whether Scottish peers, on be- 
 inj created Peers of Great Britain, had a ri^ht to sit in the 
 House of Lords— Debate on the Question, whether the Malt 
 Trtx ou^lit to be extended to Scotland — Motion for the Abolition 
 of the Union — negatived by a Majority of only Four — Feiment 
 occasioned by the Publication of Swift's Pamphlet on "The Pub- 
 lic Spirit of the Whigs." 
 
 In order to give you a distinct idea of the situa- 
 tion in which Great Britain was placed at this event- 
 ful period, I shall first sketch the character of three 
 or four of the principal persons of Scotland whose 
 influence had most effect in producing the course 
 of events which followed. I shall then explain the 
 course pursued by the Scottish representatives in 
 the national Parliament ; and these preliminaries 
 being discussed, I shall thirdly, endeavour to trace 
 the general measures of Britain respecting her for- 
 eign relations, and to explain the effect whicli these 
 produce upon the public tranquillity of the United 
 Kingdom. 
 
 The Duke of Hamilton you are already some- 
 what acquainted with, as a distinguished character 
 during the last Parliament of Scotlaid, when he 
 headed the opposition to the treaty of Union ; and 
 also during the plot for invading Scotland and re-
 
 48 DUKE OF HAMILTON. 
 
 storing the Stewart family, when he seems to have 
 been regarded as the leader of the Lowland Jaco- 
 bites, those of the Highlands rather inclining to the 
 Duke of Athole. He was the peer of the highest 
 rank in Scotland, and nearly connected with the roy- 
 al family ; which made some accuse him of looking 
 towards the crown, a folly which his acknowledged 
 good sense might be allowed to acquit him. He 
 was handsome in person, courtly and amiable in 
 manners, generally popular with all classes, and the 
 natural head of the gentry of Lanarkshire many of 
 whom are descended from his own family. Through 
 the influence of his mother, the Duchess, he had 
 always preserved a strong interest among the Hill- 
 men, or Cameronians, who had since the Revolu- 
 tion shown themselves in arms more than once ; 
 and, in case of a civil war or invasion, must have 
 been of material avail. With all these advantages 
 of birth, character and influence, the Duke of 
 Hamilton had a defect which prevented his attain- 
 ing eminence as a political leader. He possessed 
 personal valour, as he showed in his last and tragic 
 scene, but he was destitute of political courage and 
 decision. Dangers which he had braved at a 
 distance, appalled him when they approached near ; 
 he was apt to disappoint his friends, as the horse 
 who baulks the leap to which he has come gallantly 
 up, endangers, or perhaps altogether unseats, his 
 rider. Even with this defect, Hamilton was belov- 
 ed and esteemed by Lockhart, and other leaders c*' 
 the Tory party, who appear rather to have re 
 gretted his unsteadiness as a weakness, than con- 
 demned it as a fault.
 
 DUKE OF ARGYLE. 49 
 
 The next Scottish nobleman, whose talents made 
 him pre-eminent on the scene during this eventful 
 period, was John, Duke of Argyle, a person whose 
 greatness did not consist in the accidents of rank, 
 influence, and fortune, though possessed of all these 
 in the highest order which his country permitted, 
 since his talents were such as must have forced 
 him into distinction and eminence, in what humble 
 state soever he might have been born. This great 
 man was heir of the ancient house of Argyle, which 
 makes so distinguished a figure in Scottish history, 
 and whose name occurs so often in the former vol- 
 umes of these Tales. The Duke of whom we now 
 speak was the great-grandson of the Marquis of 
 Argyle who was beheaded after the Restoration, 
 and grandson of the earl who suffered the same 
 fate under James II. The family had been reduced 
 to very narrow circumstances, by those repeated 
 acts of persecution. 
 
 The house of Argyle was indemnified at the 
 Revolution, when the father of Duke John was re- 
 stored to his paternal property, and in compensation 
 for the injuries and injustice sustained by his father 
 and grandfather, was raised to the rank of Duke. 
 A remarkable circumstance which befel Duke John 
 in his infancy, would, by the pangs, have been sup- 
 posed to augur, that he was under the special care 
 of Providence, and reserved for some great purpos- 
 es. About the time (tradition says on the very 
 day, 30th June, 1685,) that his grandfather, the 
 Earl Archibald, was about to be executed, the heir 
 of the family, then about seven years old fell from a 
 window of the ancient tower of Lethington, near 
 VOL. 1. 5
 
 60 DUKE OF ARGYLE. 
 
 Haddington, the residence at that time of his grand- 
 mother, the Duchess of Lauderdale. The height 
 is so great, that the child escaping unhurt, might be 
 accounted a kind of miracle. 
 
 Having entered early on a military life, to which 
 his family had been long partial, he distinguished 
 himself at the siege of Keyrsewat, under the eye 
 of King William. Showing a rare capacity for bu- 
 siness, he was appointed Lord high Commission- 
 er to the Scottish Parliament in 1705, on which 
 occasion he managed so well, as to set on foot the 
 treaty of Union, by carrying through the Act for 
 the appointment of Commissioners, to adjust that 
 great national measure. The Duke, therefore, 
 laid the first stone of an edifice, which, though car- 
 ried on upon an erroneous and narrow^ system, was, 
 nevertheless ultimately calculated to be, and did in 
 fact prove, the basis of universal prosperity to the 
 United Kingdoms. In the last Scottish Parlia- 
 ment, his powerful eloquence w^as a principal means 
 of supporting that great treaty. Argyle's name 
 does not appear in any list of the sharers of the 
 equivalent money ; and his countrymen, amid the 
 unpopularity which attached to the measure, distin- 
 guished him as having favoured it from real princi- 
 ple. Indeed, it is an honourable part of this great 
 man's character, that, though bent on the restoration 
 of the fortunes of his family, sorely abridged by the 
 mischances of his grandfather and great grandfather, 
 and by the extravagances of his father, he had too 
 much sense and too much honour ever to stoop to 
 any indirect mode of gaining personal advantage, 
 and was able, in a venal age, to set all imputations
 
 DUKE OF ARGYLE. 51 
 
 of corruption at defiance ; whereas the statesman 
 who is once detected bartering his opinions for 
 lucre, is like a woman who has lost her reputation, 
 and can never afterwards regain the public trust and 
 ffood opinion which he has forfeited. Argyle was 
 rewarded, however, by being created an English 
 Peer, by the title of Earl of Greenwich, and Baron 
 Chatham. 
 
 Argyle, after the Union was carried, returned to 
 the army, and served under Marlborough with dis- 
 tinguished reputation, of which it was thought that 
 great general even condescended to be jealous. At 
 least it is certain that there was no cordiality be- 
 tween them, it being understood that when there 
 was a rumour that the Whig administration of Go- 
 dolphin would make a push to have the Duke creat- 
 ed general for life, in spite of the Queen's pleasure 
 to the contrary, Argyle offered, if such an attempt 
 should be made, to make Marlborough prisoner 
 even in the midst of the victorious army which he 
 commanded. At this time, therefore, he was a 
 steady and zealous friend of Harley and Boling- 
 broke, who were then beginning their Tory admin- 
 istration. To recompense his valuable support, he 
 was named by the Tory ministry commander-in- 
 chief in Spain, and assured of all the supplies in 
 troops and money which might enable him to carry 
 on the war with success in that kingdom, where the 
 Tories had all along insisted it should be maintain- 
 ed. With this pledge, Argyle accepted the appoint- 
 ment, in the ambitious hope of acquiring that mili- 
 tary renown which he principally coveted. 
 
 But the Duke's mortification was extreme iu
 
 62 DUKE OF ARGYLE. 
 
 finding, on his arrival in Spain, the British army in 
 a state too wretched to undertake any enterpise of 
 moment, and indeed unfit even to defend its posi- 
 tions. The British ministers broke the word they 
 had pledged for his support, and sent him neither 
 money, supplies nor reinforcements; so that in- 
 stead of rivalling Marlborough,as had been his ambi- 
 tion, in conquering territories and gaining battles, 
 Argyle saw himself reduced to the melancholy ne- 
 cessity of retiring to JNIinorca to save the wreck of 
 the army. The reason given by the ministers for 
 this breach of faith was, that having determined on 
 that accommodation with France which was after- 
 wards termed the peace of Utrecht, they did not de- 
 sire to prosecute the war with vigour either in Spain 
 or any other OjUarter. Argyle fell sick with morti- 
 fied pride and resentment. He struggled for life 
 in a violent fever, and returned to Britain with vin- 
 dictive intentions towards the ministers, who had, 
 he thought, disappointed him, by their breach of 
 promise, of an ample harvest of glory. 
 
 On his return to England, the ministers, Harley, 
 now Earl of Oxford, and the Lord Bolingbroke, en- 
 deavoured to soothe the Duke's resentment by ap- 
 pointing him commander-in-chief in Scotland, and 
 governor of the Castle of Edinburgh ; but notwith- 
 standing, he remained a bitter and dangerous op- 
 ponent of their administration, formidable by his 
 high talents, both civil and military-, his ready elo- 
 quence, and the fearless energy with which he spoke 
 and acted. Such was the distinguished John Duke 
 of Argyle, whom we shall often have to mention in 
 these pages.
 
 EARL OF MAR. 53 
 
 John, eleventh, Earl of Mar, of the name of Ers- 
 kine, was also a remarkable person at this period. 
 He was a man of quick parts and prompt eloquence, 
 an adept in state intrigues, and a successful cour- 
 tier. His paternal estate had been greatly embar- 
 rassed by the mismanagement of his father, but in 
 a great measure redeemed by his own prudent econ- 
 omy. He obtained the command of a regiment of 
 foot, but though we are about to see him at the head 
 of an army, it does not appear that Mar had given 
 his mind to military affairs, or acquired experience 
 by going on actual service. His father had been a 
 Whig, and professed Revolution principles, and the 
 present Earl entered life bearing the same colours. 
 He brought forward in the Parliament of Scotland 
 the proposal for the treaty of Union, and was one of 
 the Scottish commissioners for settling the prelimi- 
 nary articles. Being secretary of state for Scotland 
 during the last Scottish Parliament, he supported 
 the treaty both with eloquence and address. Mar 
 does not appear amongst those who received any 
 portion of the equivalents ; but as he lost his secre- 
 taryship by the Union, he was created keeper of 
 the signet, with a pension, and was admitted into 
 the English Privy Council. Upon the celebrated 
 change of the administration in 1710, the Earl of 
 Mar, then one of the fifteen peers who represented 
 the nobility of Scotland, passed over to the new 
 ministers, and was created one of the British sec- 
 retaries of state. In this capacity he was much 
 €mployed in the affairs of Scotland, and in man- 
 aging such matters as they had to do in the High- 
 lands. His large estate upon the river Dee in 
 5
 
 54 RECEPTION OF THE SCOTTISH 
 
 Aberdeenshire, called the forest of Braemar, placed 
 him at the head of a considerableHighland following 
 of his own, which rendered it more easy for him, 
 as dispenser of the bounties of government, to 
 establish an interest among the chiefs, which ulti- 
 mately had fatal consequences to them and to him- 
 self. 
 
 Such were the three principal Scottish nobles on 
 whom the affairs of Scotland, at that uncertain pe- 
 riod, very much depended. We are next to give 
 some account of the manner in wiiich the forty- 
 five members, whom the Union had settled to be 
 the proportion indulged to Scotland as her share of 
 the legislature, were received in the English sen- 
 ate. 
 
 And here it must be noticed, that although indi- 
 vidually the Scottish members w^ere cordially re- 
 ceived in London, and in society saw or felt no pre- 
 judice whatever existing against them on account 
 of their birth-place, and though there was no dis- 
 like exhibited against them individually, yet they 
 were soon made sensible that their presence in the 
 senate was unacceptable to the English members, 
 as the arrival of a body of strange rams in a pasture, 
 where a flock of the same animals have been feed- 
 ing for some time. The contentions between those 
 Avho are in possession and the new comers, are in 
 that case carried to a great height, and occasion 
 much noise and many encounters ; and for a long 
 time the smaller band of strangers are observed to 
 herd together, and to avoid intermingling with the 
 original possessors, nor, if they attempt to do so, 
 are thev cordially received.
 
 MEMBERS IN PARLIAMENT. 55 
 
 This same species of discord was visible between 
 the great body of the English House of Commons 
 and the handful of Scottish members introduced 
 among them by the Union. It was so much the case, 
 hat the national prejudices of English and Scots 
 pitted against each other, even interfered witn and 
 overcame the political differences, by which the 
 conduct and votes of the representatives of both na- 
 tions would have been otherwise regulated. The 
 Scottish members, for example, found themselves 
 neglected, thwarted, and overborne by numbers, on 
 many occasions where they conceived the immedi- 
 ate interests of their country were concerned, and 
 where they thought that, in courtesy and common 
 fairness, they, as the peculiar representatives of 
 Scotland, ought to have been allowed something 
 more than their small proportion of five-and-forty 
 votes. The opinion even of a single member of 
 parliament is listened to with some deference, when 
 the matter discussed intimately concerns the shire or 
 burgh which he represents, because he obtains credit 
 for having made himself more master of the case 
 than others who are less interested. And it was 
 surely natural for the Scots to claim similar defer- 
 ence when speaking in behalf of a whole kingdom, 
 whose wants and whose advantages could be 
 known to none in the house so thoroughly as to 
 themselves. But they were far from experiencing 
 the courtesy which they expected. It was ex- 
 pressly refused to them in the following instances. 
 
 1. The alteration of the law of high treason, 
 already mentioned, was a subject of discord. The 
 Scottish Miembers were sufficiently desirous that
 
 56 RECEPTION OF THE SCOTTISH 
 
 their law, in this particular, should be modelled 
 anew, by selecting the best parts of the system of 
 both countries, and this would certainly* have been 
 the most equitable course. But the English law, 
 in this particular, was imposed on Scotland with 
 little exception or modification. 
 
 2. Another struggle for national advantage oc- 
 curred respecting the drawbacks of duty allowed 
 upon fish cured in Scotland. This advantage the 
 Scottish merchants had a right to by the letter of 
 the treaty, which expressly declared, that there 
 should be a free communication of trade and com- 
 mercial privileges between the kingdoms, so that 
 the Scottish as well as the English merchant was 
 entitled to these drawbacks. To this the English 
 answered, that the salt with which the Scottish fish 
 were cured before the Union, had not paid the high 
 English duty, and that to grant drawbacks upon 
 goods so prepared, would be to return to the Scot- 
 tish trader sums which he had never advanced. 
 There was some reason, no doubt, in the objection ; 
 but in so great a transaction as the Union of two 
 kingdoms, there must have occurred circumstances 
 which, for one cause or another must necessarily 
 create an advantage to individuals of the one coun- 
 try or the other; and it seemed ungracious in the 
 wealthy kingdom of England to grudge to the 
 poorer people of Scotland so trifling a benefit at- 
 tendant on so important a measure. The English 
 Parliament did accordingly at last agree to this 
 drawback ; but the action lost its grace from the 
 obvious unwillingness with which the advantage 
 was conceded, and, as frequently happens, the giv-
 
 MEMBERS IN PARLIAMENT. 57 
 
 ing up the point in question did not consign to ob- 
 livion the acrimony of the discussions which it had 
 occasioned. The debates on the several questions 
 we have just noticed, all occurred in sessions of 
 the British Parliament during which the Union was 
 completed. 
 
 In 1710, Queen Anne, becoming weary of her 
 Whig ministers, as 1 will tell you more at length, 
 took an opportunity to dismiss them, upon finding 
 the voice of the country unfavourable to them, in 
 the foolish affair of Sacheverel ; and, as is the 
 usual course in such cases she dissolved the Par- 
 liament in which the administration had a majority, 
 and assembled a new one. 
 
 The Tory ministry, like all ministers entering on 
 office, endeavoured, by civility or promises, to gain 
 the support of every description of men ; and the 
 Scottish members, who after all, made up forty-five 
 votes, were not altogether neglected. The new 
 ministry boasted to the representatives of North 
 Britain, that the present Parliament consisted chief- 
 ly of independent country gentlemen who would 
 do impartial justice to all parts of Britain, and that 
 Scotland should have nothing to complain of. 
 
 An opportunity speedily occured of proving the 
 sincerity of these promises. It must first be re- 
 marked, that the opposition made to the measures 
 of Government had hitherto been almost entirely on 
 the side of the Scottish members in the Lower 
 House, who had pursued the policy of threatening 
 to leave the administration in a minority in try- 
 ing questions, by passing in a body to the opposi- 
 tion ; a line of political tactics which will al-
 
 58 SCOTTISH MEMBERS IN PARLIAMENT. 
 
 ways give to a small but united band a certain 
 weight in the House of Commons, where nicely 
 balanced questions frequently occur, and forty-five 
 votes may turn the scale one way or other. By 
 this policy the Scottish commoners had sometimes 
 produced a favourable issue on points in which their 
 country was concerned. But such was not the 
 practice of the representatives of the peerage, who, 
 having some of them high rank, with but small for- 
 tunes to sustain it, were for a time tolerably tracta- 
 ble, voting regularly along with the ministers in 
 power. A question, however, arose of which we 
 shall speak presently, concerning the privileges of 
 their own order, which disturbed this interested 
 and self-seeking course of policy. 
 
 Another reason for the lukewarmness of the 
 Scottish Peers was, that the commoners of Scot- 
 land had been active on two occasions, in which 
 they had interposed barriers against the exorbitant 
 power of the aristocracy. The first was, an enact- 
 ment passed rendering the eldest sons of Scottish 
 peers incapable of sitting as members in the House 
 of Commons. This incapacity was imposed, be- 
 cause, being of the same rank or status as the no- 
 bility, it was considered that the eldest sons of the 
 nobles were, like their fathers, virtually represented 
 by the sixteen Scottish Peers sent to the Upper 
 House. The second regulation displeasing to the 
 Peerage was that which rendered illegal the votes of 
 Ruch electors in Scotland, as, not being possessed 
 in their own right of the qualification necessary by 
 law, had obtained a temporary conveyance of a free- 
 bold qualification of the necessary amount, which
 
 SCOTTISH PEERS AND COMMONERS. 59 
 
 tliey bound themselves to restore to the person, by 
 whom it was lent, for the purpose of voting at elec- 
 tions. The effect of this law was to destroy an in- 
 direct mode by which the peers had attempted to 
 interfere in the election of the commoners. For 
 before this provision, although a peer could not 
 himself appear or vote for the election of a com- 
 moner, he might, by cutting his crown-holding into 
 qualifications of the necessary amount, and distri- 
 buting them among confidential persons, place so 
 many fictitious voters on the roll, as might out-vote 
 those real proprietors, in whom the constitution 
 vested the right of election. These two laws show 
 that the Scottish members of the House of Com- 
 mons were alive to the value of their constitutional 
 rights, and the danger to their freedom from the in- 
 terference of the peers in elections to the Lower 
 House. These differences occasioned some cold- 
 ness between the Sixteen Peers and the Scottish 
 Members of Parliament, and prevented for a time a 
 co-operation between them in cases where the in- 
 terests of their common country seemed to require 
 it. The following incident, to which I have al- 
 ready alluded, put an end to this coldness. 
 
 Queen Anne, in the course of her administration, 
 had begun to withdraw her favours from the Whigs 
 and confer them upon the Tories, even upon such 
 as were supposed to have embraced the Jacobite in- 
 terest. Among these, the Duke of Hamilton being 
 conspicuous, he was, in addition to his other titles, 
 created a peer of Great Britain, by the title of the 
 Duke of Brandon. A similar exertion of the 
 Queen's prerogative had already been made in the
 
 60 RECONCILIATION? OF THE 
 
 case of the Duke of Queensberry, who had been 
 called to the British peerage, by the title of Duke of 
 Dover. But iiotAvithstauding this precedent, there 
 was violent opposition to the Duke of Hamilton 
 taking his seat as a British peer. It was said no 
 Scottish noble could sit in that House by any other 
 title than as one of the sixteen Peers, to^\hich num- 
 ber the peerage of that kingdom had been restricted 
 as an adequate representation ; and the opposition 
 pretended to see great danger in opening any other 
 way to their getting into the Upper House, even 
 through the grant of the Sovereign, than the election 
 of their own number. The fallacy of this reason- 
 ing is obvious, seeing it was allowed on all hands 
 that the Queen could have made any Scotsman a 
 British peer, providing he was not a peer in his own 
 country. Thus the Scottish peerage were likely 
 to be placed in a very awkward situation. They 
 were peers already, as far as the question of all 
 personal privileges went ; but because they were 
 such, it was argued that they were not capable of 
 holding the additional privilege of sitting as legisla- 
 tors, which it was admitted the Queen could con- 
 fer, with all other immunities, upon any Scottish 
 commoner. Their case was that of the bat in the 
 fable, who was rejected both by birds and mice, 
 because she had some alliance with each of them. 
 A Scottish peer, not being one of the elected fif- 
 teen, could not be a legislator in his own country, 
 for the Scottish Parliament was abolished ; and ac- 
 cording to this doctrine, he had become, for no rea- 
 son that can be conjectured, incapable of being 
 called to the British House of Peers, to which the
 
 f 
 
 SCOTTISH PEERS AND COMMONERS. 61 
 
 King could summon by his will any one save him- 
 self and his co-peers of Scotland. Nevertheless, 
 the House of Peers, after a long debate, ajid by a 
 narrow majority, decided, that no Scottish peer be- 
 ing created a peer of Great Britain since the Union, 
 had a right to sit in that house. The Scottish 
 peers, highly offended at the decision, drew up a 
 remonstrance to the Queen, in which they com- 
 plained of it as an infringement of the Union, and a 
 mark of disgrace put upon the whole peerage of 
 Scotland. The resolution of the House of Peers 
 was afterwards altered, and many of the Scottish 
 nobility have, at various periods, been created 
 peers of Great Britain. 
 
 But during the time while it remained binding, it 
 produced a considerable change in the temper of 
 the Scottish peers, and brought them to form a clo- 
 ser union among themselves and with the commons. 
 Influenced by tliese feelings of resentment, and by 
 the energy of the Duke of Argyle, they bestirred 
 themselves to resist the extension of the malt tax 
 to Scotland. 
 
 This tax which the Scots dreaded peculiarly, be- 
 cause it imposed upon their malt a duty equal to 
 that levied in England, had been specially canvas- 
 sed in the course of the treaty of Union ; and it 
 had finally been agreed that Scotland should not 
 pay the tax during the continuance of the war. In 
 point of strict right, the Scots had little to say, ex- 
 cepting that the peace with Spain was not yet pro- 
 claimed, which might have enabled them to claim 
 a delay, but not an exemption from the impo- 
 sition. In point of equity, there was more to be 
 vol.. 1. 6
 
 62 DEBATE ON THE EXTENSION OF 
 
 pleaded. The barley grown in Scotland, being 
 raised on an inferior soil, is not, at least was not at 
 the time of the Union, worth more than one-third 
 or one-half of the intrinsic value of that raised on 
 the fertile soil, and under the fine climate, of Eng- 
 land. If, therefore, the same duty was to be laid 
 on the same quantity as in South Britain, the 
 poorer country would be taxed in a double or 
 triple proportion to that which was better able to 
 bear the burden. Two Scottish peers, the Duke 
 of Argyle, and the Earl of Mar, and two common- 
 ers, Cockburn, younger of Ormiston, and Lockhart 
 of Carnwath, a Whig and Tory of each house, 
 were deputed to wait upon Queen Anne, and repre- 
 sent the dangerous discontents which imposition of 
 a tax so unequal as that upon malt was likely to 
 occasion in so poor a country as Scotland. This 
 was stated to her Majesty personally, who returned 
 the answer ministers had put into her mouth — "She 
 was sorry," she said, " that her people of Scotland 
 thought they had reason to complain ; but she 
 thought they drove their resentment too far, and 
 wished they would not repeat it." 
 
 The war, however, being ended by the peace of 
 Utrecht, the English proposed to extend the ob- 
 noxious tax to Scotland. The debates in both 
 Houses became very animated. The English tes- 
 tified some contempt for the poverty of Scotland, 
 while the Scottish members, on the other hand, re- 
 torted fiercely, that the English took advantage of 
 their great majority of numbers and privilege of 
 place, to say more than, man to man, they would 
 dare to answer. The Scottish peers in the Upper
 
 THE MALT TAX IN SCOTLAND. 63 
 
 House maintained the cause of the country with 
 equal vehemence. But the issue was, the duty- 
 was imposed, with a secret assurance on the part 
 of ministers that it was not to be exacted. This 
 last indulgence, was what Scotland, strictly speak- 
 ing, was not entitled to look for, since her own Es- 
 tates had previously conceded the question ; and 
 they had no right to expect from the British Parlia- 
 ment a boon, which their own, while making the 
 bargain, had neglected to stipulate. But they felt 
 they had been treated with haughtiness and want of 
 courtesy in the course of the debate ; and so great 
 was their resentment, that in a general meeting of 
 the forty-five Scottish members, they came to the 
 resolution to move for the dissolution of the Union, 
 as an experiment which had failed in the good ef- 
 fects it was expected to produce — which resolution 
 was also adopted by the Scottish peers. It was 
 supported* by Scottish members of all parties, 
 Whigs and Revolutionists, as well as Tories and 
 Jacobites ; and as all the English Whigs who, be- 
 ing in office, were so eager for the establishment of 
 the Union, were now, when in opposition, as eager 
 for its dissolution, its defence rested with the En- 
 glish Tories, by whom it had been originally op- 
 posed at every stage of its progress. This impor- 
 tant treaty, which involved so much of national 
 happiness, stood in danger of sharing ihe fate of a 
 young fruit-tree, cut down by an ignorant gardner, 
 because it bears no fruit in the season after it has 
 been planted. 
 
 The motion for the dissolution of the Union was 
 brought forward in the House of Lords by Lord
 
 ,^4 MOTION FOR DISbOLVING. 
 
 Findlater and Seafield, that very Lord Findlater 
 and Seafield, who, being Chancellor of the Scot- 
 tish Parliament by which the treaty was adjust- 
 ed, signed the last adjournment of his country's 
 representatives with the jeering obse^^'ation, that 
 " there was an end of an old song." His lordship, 
 with a considerable degree of embarrassment, aris- 
 ing from the recollection of his own inconsistency, 
 had the assurance to move that this " old song'' 
 should be resumed, and the Union abolished, on 
 account of the four following alleged grievances : — 
 
 1. The abolition of the Privy Council of Scotland ; 
 
 2. The introduction of the English law of High 
 Treason; 3. The" incapacity of Scottish peers of 
 Britain ; 4. The imposition of the malt tax. None 
 of these reasons of complaint vindicated Lord Find- 
 later's proposition, 1. The abolition of the Privy 
 Council was a boon rather than a grievance to Scot- 
 land, which that oppressive body had ruled with a 
 rod of iron. 2. The English treason law was pro- 
 bably more severe in some particulars than that of 
 Scotland, but it had the undeniable advantage of 
 superior certainty and precision. 3. The incapaci- 
 ty of the Scottish peers was indeed an encroach- 
 ment upon their privileges, but it was capable of 
 being reversed, and has been reversed accordingly, 
 without the necessity of destroying the Union. 4. 
 If the malt tax was a grievance, it was one which 
 the Scottish commissioners, and his lordship 
 amongst others, had under their view during the pro- 
 gress of the treaty, and to which they had formally 
 subjected their country, and were not, therefore, 
 entitled to complain, as if something new or unex- 
 pec(«'d had happened, when the English availcfl
 
 THE UNION. 66 
 
 themselves of a stipulation to which they them- 
 selves had consented. 
 
 The Duke of Argyle supported the motion for 
 abrogating the Union, with far more energy than 
 had beeiudisplayed by Lord Findlater. He declar- 
 ed, that when he advocated the treaty of Union, it 
 was for the sole reason that he saw no other mode 
 of securing the Protestant succession to the throne ; 
 he had changed his mind on that subject, and 
 thought other remedies as capable of securing that 
 great point. On the insults and injuries which had 
 been unsparingly flung upon Scotland and Scots- 
 men, he spoke like a high-minded and high-spirited 
 man ; and to those who had hinted reproaches 
 against him, as having deserted his party, he replied, 
 .. that he scorned the imputations they threw out, as 
 much as he despised their understanding. 
 
 This bold orator came nearest to speaking out 
 the real cause of the universal discontent of the 
 Scottish members, which was less the pressure of 
 any actual grievance, than the sense of the habitual 
 insulting and injurious manner in which they were 
 treated by the English members, as if the represen- 
 tatives of some inferior and subjugated province. 
 But personal resentment, or offended national pride, 
 however powerful, ought not to have been admitted 
 as reasons for altering a national enactment, which 
 had been deliberately and seriously entered into ; 
 for the welfare of posterity is not to be sacrificed to 
 the vindictive feelings of the present generation. 
 
 The debate on Lord Findlater's motion was very 
 animated, and it was wonderful to see the energy 
 with which the Tories defended that Union which 
 6*
 
 66 MAJORixr roR coNTi^uir.u the union. 
 
 they had opposed in every stage, while the Whigs, 
 equally inconsistent, attempted to pull down the 
 fabric which their own hands had been so active in 
 rearing. The former, indeed, could plead, that, 
 though they had not desired to have i^ treaty of 
 Union, yet, such having been once made, and the 
 ancient constitutions of both countries altered and 
 accommodated to it, there was no inconsistency in 
 their being more willing it should remain, than that 
 the principles of the constitution should be rendered 
 the subject of such frequent chtinges and tamper- 
 ings. The inconsistency of the Whigs hardly ad- 
 mits of equal apology. 
 
 The division upon the question was so close, that 
 it was rejected by a majority oi four only; so near- 
 ly had that important treaty received its death-blow 
 within six years after it was entered into. 
 
 Shortly after this hairbreadth escape,- for such 
 we may surely term it, another circumstance oc- 
 curred, tending strongly to show with what sensi- 
 tive jealousy the Scots of that day regarded any re- 
 flections on their country. The two great parties 
 of Whig and Tory, the former forming the Opposi 
 tion, and the latter the Ministerial party, besides 
 their regular war in the House of Commons, had 
 maintained a skirmishing warfare of pamphlets and 
 lampoons, many of them written by persons of dis- 
 tinguished talent. 
 
 Of these, the celebrated Sir Richard Steele wrote 
 a tract, called the Crisi'^, which was widely circu- 
 lated by the Whigs. The still more able Jonathan 
 Swift, the intimate friend and advocate of the exist- 
 ing ministers, published (but anonymously) a reply,
 
 PAMPHLET AGAINST THE WHIGS. 67 
 
 entitled " The Public Spirit of the Whigs set forth, 
 in their encouragement of the author of the Crisis." 
 It was a sarcastic, political lampoon against the 
 . Whigs and their champion, interspersed with bit- 
 ter reflections upon the Duke of Argyle and his 
 country. 
 
 In this composition, the author gives rein to his 
 prejudices against the Scottish nation. He grudg- 
 ed that Scotland should have been admitted into 
 commercial privileges, by means of this Union, 
 from which Ireland was excluded. The natural 
 mode of redressing this inequality, was certainly to 
 put all the three nations on a similar footing. But 
 as nothing of this kind seemed at that time practi- 
 cable, Swift accused the Scots of aflfectation, in pre- 
 tending to quarrel with the terms of a treaty which 
 was so much in their favour, and supposes, that 
 while carrying on a debate, under pretence of 
 abrogating the Union, they were all the while in 
 agony lest they should prove successful. Acute ob- 
 server of men and motives as he M^as, Swift was in 
 this instance mistaken. Less sharp-sighted than 
 this celebrated author, and blinded by their own 
 exasperated pride, the Scots were desirous of wreak- 
 ing their revenge at the expense of a treaty which 
 contained so many latent advantages, in the same 
 manner as an intoxicated man vents his rage at the 
 expense of valuable furniture or important papers. 
 In the pamphlet which gave so much offence. Swift 
 denounced the Union "as a project for which there 
 could not possiby be assigned the least reason ;" and 
 he defied " any mortal to name one single advantage 
 that England could ever expect from such a Uni~
 
 68 swift's pamphlet 
 
 on." The necessity, he justly, but offensively, im- 
 putes to the Scots refusing to settle the Crown on 
 the line of Hanover, when, according to the satir- 
 ist, it was thought "highly dangerous to leave that 
 part of the island, inhabited by a poor, fierce, north- 
 ern people, at liberty to put themselves under a 
 different king." He censures Godolphin highly 
 for suffering the Act of Security to pass, by w hich 
 the Scots assumed the privilege of universally arm- 
 ing themselves. " The Union, he allows, became 
 necessary, because it might have cost England a 
 year or two of war to reduce the Scots." In this 
 admission. Swift pronounces the highest panegyric 
 on the treaty, since the one or two years of hostil- 
 ities might have only been the recommencement of 
 that war, which had blazed inextinguishably for 
 more than a thousand years. 
 
 The Duke of Argyle had been a friend, even a pa- 
 tron of the satirist, but that was when he acted with 
 Oxford and Bolingbroke, in the earlier part of the 
 administration, at which time he gratified at once 
 their party spirit and his own animosity, by attack 
 ing the Duke of Marlborough, and declining to join 
 in the vote of thanks to that great general. While 
 Argvle was in Spain, Swift had addressed a letter 
 to him in that delicate style of flattery, of which he 
 was as great a master as of every power of satirical 
 sarcasm. But when the Duke returned to Britain, 
 embittered against ministers by their breach of prom- 
 ise to supply him with money and reinforcements, 
 and declared himself the unrelenting opponent of 
 them, their party, and their measures. Swift, their 
 intiniHte confident tmd parti'-iai, espov.'cd tlieirnew
 
 AGAixNST THE \'\ HIGS. 6^ 
 
 quarrel, and exchanged the panegyrics of which 
 the Duke had been the object, for poignant satire. 
 Of the number of the Scottish nobility, he talks as 
 XHie of the great evils of the Union, and a;sks if it 
 were ever reckoned as an advantage to a man vv^ho 
 was about to marry a woman much his inferior, 
 and without a groat to her fortune, that she brought 
 in her train a numerous retinue of retainers and de- 
 pendents. He is supposed to have aimed particu- 
 larly at the Duke of Argyle, and his brother. Lord 
 Islay, in these words : — " I could point out some 
 with great titles, who affected to appear very vig- 
 orous for dissolving the Union, although their 
 whole revenue, before that period, would ha\e ill 
 maintained a Welsh justice of the peace, and have 
 since gathered more money than ever any Scotsman 
 who had not travelled could form an idea of." 
 
 These shafts of satire against a body of men so 
 sensitive and vindictive as the Scots had lately 
 shown themselves, and directed also against a per- 
 son of the Duke of Argyle's talents and consequence, 
 were not likely, as the ministers well knew, to be 
 passed over lightly, either by those who felt ag- 
 grieved, or the numerous opposition party, who 
 were sure to avail themselves of such an opportuni- 
 ty for pressing home a charge against Swift, whom 
 all men believed to be the author of the tract, 
 and under whose shafts they had suffered both as 
 a party and as individuals. The ministry there- 
 fore formed a plan to elude an attack, which might 
 have been attended with evil consequences to so 
 valued and valuable a partisan. 
 
 They were in the right to have premeditated a
 
 70 SWIPT*6 PAMPHLET. 
 
 scheme of defence, or rather ofevasion, for the ac- 
 cusation was taken up in the House of Lords by the 
 Earl of Wharton, a nobleman of high talent, and not 
 less eager in the task, that the satirist had publish- 
 ed a character of the Earl himself, drawn when 
 Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, in which he was paint- 
 ed in the most detestable colours. Wharton made 
 a motion, concluding that the honour of the House 
 was concerned in discovering the villanous author 
 of so false and scandalous a libel, that justice might 
 be done to the Scottish nation. The Lord Treas- 
 urer Oxford disclaimed all knowledge of the au- 
 thor, and readily concurred in an order for taking 
 into custody the publisher and printer of the pam- 
 phlet complained of. On the next day, the Earl of 
 Mar informed the House, that he, as Secretary of 
 State, had raised a prosecution in his Majesty's 
 name against John Barber. This course was in- 
 tended, and had the effect, to screen Swift ; for, 
 when the printer was himself made the objoct of a 
 prosecution, he could not be used as an evidence 
 against the author, whom, and not the printer or 
 publisher, it was the pui-pose of the Whigs to prose- 
 cute. Enraged at being deprived of their prey, the 
 House of Peers addressed the Queen, stating the 
 atrocity of the libel, and beseeching her Majesty to 
 issue a proclamation, offering a reward for the dis- 
 covery of the author. The Duke of Argyle and the 
 Scottish Lords, who would have perhaps acted with 
 a truer sense of dignity, had they passed over such 
 calumnies with contempt, pressed their address on 
 the Queen by personal remonstrance, and a reward 
 of three hundred pounds was offered for the dis- 
 covery of the writer.
 
 AGAINST THE WHIGS. 71 
 
 Every one knew Swift to be the person aimed at 
 as the autlior of tlie offensive tract. But he re- 
 mained, nevertheless, safe from legal detection. 
 
 Thus I liave given you an account of some, 
 though not of the whole debates, which the Union 
 was, in its operation, the means of exciting in the 
 first British Parliament. The narrative affords a 
 melancholy proof of the errors into which the wis- 
 est and best statesmen are hurried, when, in- 
 stead of considering important public measures 
 calmly and dispassionately, they regard them in the 
 erroneous light in which they are presented by per- 
 sonal feeling and party prejudices. Men do not in 
 the latter case ask, whether the public will be 
 benefited or injured by the enactment under consid- 
 eration, but whether their own party will reap most 
 advantage by defending or opposing it.
 
 [72 ] 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Influence of the Duchess of Marlborough over Queen Anne — Trial 
 of Doctor Sacheverel — Unpopularity of the Whigs — their Dis- 
 missal from the Ministry — Accession of Harley and the Tory 
 Party to Power— Peace of Utrecht — Plan of the Queen for 
 bringing in her Brother, the Chevalier de St George, as Suc- 
 cessor to the Throne — Intrigues of Viscount Bolingbroke for the 
 same end— Duel between the Duke of Hamilton and Lord Mo- 
 hun— Mission of Bolingbroke to Paris. 
 
 In my last chapter I detailed to you the conse- 
 quences of the Union, and told you how the unfair, 
 unkind, and disparaging reception which the En- 
 glish afforded to the Scottish members in the 
 Houses of Lords and Commons, although treating 
 them in their private capacities with every species 
 of kindness, had very nearly occasioned the breach 
 of the treaty. I must now retrace the same ground, 
 to give you a more distinct idea how Britain stood 
 in general politics, independent of the frequent and 
 fretful bickerings between England and Scotland in 
 the British Parliament. 
 
 King William, as I have already told you, died 
 in 1701, little lamented by his subjects, for though 
 a man of great ability he was too cold and phleg- 
 matic to inspire affection, and besides he was a 
 foreigner. In Scotland his memory was little rev- 
 erenced by any party. The Highlanders remem- 
 bered (^l^coe, the Lowlanders could not forget 
 Darien; tKe Episcopalians resented the destruc-
 
 DUCHESS OF :,IAllLi;OilOUGH. 73 
 
 tion of their hierarchy, the Presbyterians discovered 
 in his measures something of Erastianism, that is, a 
 purpose of subjecting the Church to the State. 
 
 Queen Anne, therefore, succeeded to her brother- 
 in-law, to the general satisfaction of her subjects. 
 Her qualities too, were such as gained for her at- 
 tachment and esteem. She was a good wife, a 
 most affectionate mother, a kind mistress, and to 
 her domestio»virtues, a most confiding and faithful 
 friend. 
 
 The object of her attachment in this latter ca- 
 pacity was Lady Churchill, who had been about 
 her person from a very early period. This woman 
 was so high-spirited, haughty, and assuming, that 
 even her husband, (afterwards the celebrated Duke 
 of Marlborough,) the conqueror in so many battles, 
 frequently came off less than victorious in any do- 
 mestic dispute with her. To this lady, Anne, for 
 several years before her succession to the crown, 
 had been accustomed in a great measure to yield 
 up her own opinions. She left the house of her 
 father James II. and mingled in the Revolution at 
 the instance of Lady Churchill. At her accession 
 Queen Anne was rather partial to the Tories, both 
 from regarding their principles as more favourable 
 to monarchy, and because, though the love of pow- 
 er, superior to most other feelings, might induce 
 her to take possession of the throne, which by he- 
 reditary descent ought to have been that of her 
 father or brother, yet she still felt the ties of family 
 affection, and was attached to that class of politi- 
 cians yv^ho regarded the exiled family with conr pas- 
 iuon, at least, if not with favour. All these, Que<in
 
 74 INFUENCE OF THE 
 
 Anne's own natural wishes and predilections, were 
 overborne by her deference to her favourite's de- 
 sires and interest. Their intimacy had assumed 
 so close and confidential a character, that she in- 
 sisted that her friend should lay aside all the dis- 
 tinctions of royalty in addressing her, and they cor- 
 responded together in terms of the utmost equality, 
 the sovereign assuming the name of Morley, the 
 servant that of Freeman, which lady Churchill, 
 now Countess of Marlborough, chose as expressive 
 of the frankness of her own temper. Sunderland and 
 Godolphin were ministers of unquestionable talent, 
 who carried on with perseverance and skill the 
 scheme formed by King William for defending the 
 liberties of Europe against the encroachments of 
 France. But Queen Anne reposed her confi- 
 dence in them chiefly because they were closely 
 connected with Mrs Freeman and her husband. 
 Now this species of arrangement, my dear boy, 
 was just such a childish w^him as when you and 
 your little brother get into a basket, and play at sail- 
 ing down to A , to see grandpapa. A sovereign 
 
 cannot enjoy the sort of friendship which subsists 
 between equals, for he cannot have equals with 
 whom to form such a union ; and every attempt to 
 play at make-believe intimacy commonly ends in 
 the royal person's being secretly guided and influ- 
 enced by the flattery and assentation of an artful 
 and smooth-tongued parasite, or tyrannized over by 
 the ascendance of a haughtier and higher mind than 
 his own. The husband of Queen Anne, Prince 
 George of Denmark, might have broken off this 
 '. xtreme familiarity between his wife and hei naugh-
 
 DUCHESS OF MARLBOROUGH. 75 
 
 ty favourite; but he was a quiet, good, humane 
 man, meddling with nothing, and apparently con- 
 sidering himself as unfit for public affairs, which 
 agreed with the opinion entertained of him by 
 others. 
 
 The death of Queen Anne's son and heir, the 
 Duke of Gloucester, the sole survivor of a numer- 
 ous family, by depriving her of the last object of 
 domestic affection, seemed to render the Queen's 
 extreme attachment to her friend more direct, and 
 Lady Marlborough's influence became universal. 
 The war which was continued against the French, 
 had the most brilliant success, and the general was 
 loaded with honours ; but the Queen favoured 
 Marlborough less because he was the most ac- 
 complished and successful general at that time in 
 the world, than as the husband of her affectionate 
 Mrs Freeman. In short, the affairs of England, 
 at all times so influential in Europe, turned alto- 
 gether upon the private friendship between Mrs 
 Freeman and Mrs Morley. 
 
 At the moment when it seemed most completely 
 secure, this intimacy was overthrown by the influ- 
 ence of a petty intrigue in the Queen's family. 
 The Duchess of Marlborough, otherwise Mrs 
 Freeman, had used the power with which her mis- 
 tress's partiality had invested her, far too roughly. 
 She was avaricious and imperious in her demands, 
 careless, and even insolent in her conduct towards 
 the Queen herself. For some time this was endur- 
 ed as an exercise of that frank privilege of equal- 
 ity with which her Majesty's frendship had invest- 
 ed her. For a much longer space it may be suppo-
 
 76 INFLUENCE OF THE 
 
 sed, the Queen tolerated her caprice and insolence, 
 partly because she was afraid of her violent temper, 
 partly because she was ashamed to break off the 
 romantic engagement which she had herself form- 
 ed. She was not however, the less impatient of the 
 Duchess of Marlborough's yoke, or less watchful 
 of an apportuuity to cast it off. 
 
 The Duchess had introduced among the Queen's 
 attendants, in the capacity of what was called a 
 dresser, a young lady of good birth, named Abigail 
 Hill, a kinswoman of her own. She was the re- 
 verse of the Duchess in her temper, being good-hu 
 moured, lively, and, from disposition and policy, wil 
 ling to please her mistress in every manner possible. 
 She attracted by degrees first the Queen's favour, 
 and at length her confidence ; so that Anne sought 
 in the solicitous attentions and counsels of her new 
 friend, consolation from the rudeness with which 
 the Duchess treated her both in private and public 
 life. The progress of this intimacy was closely 
 watched by Harley, a statesman of talents, and 
 hitherto professing the principles of the Whigs. 
 He had been repeatedly Speaker of the House of 
 Commons, and was Secretary of State in the exist- 
 ing Whig administration. But he was ambitious 
 of higher rank in the cabinet, being conscious of 
 superior talents, and he caballed against the Duch- 
 ess of Marlborough, in consequence of her having 
 repulsed his civilities towards her with her usual 
 insolence of manner. The partner of Harley's 
 counsels was Mr Henry St John, (afterwards Lord 
 Bolingbroke,) a young man of the most distinguish- 
 ed abilities, and who afterwards made a great 
 figure both in politics and literature. 
 
 i
 
 DUCHESS OF MARLBOROUGH 77 
 
 Harley lost no time in making advances to intima- 
 cy with the new favourite ; and as he claimed some 
 kindred with Miss Hill's family, this was easily ac- 
 complished. This lady's interest with the Queen 
 was now so great, that she was able to procure her 
 cousin private audiences with the Queen, who, ac- 
 customed to the harshness of the Duchess of Marl- 
 borough, whose tone of authority had been adopt- 
 ed by the Whig ministers of the higher class, was 
 soothed by the more respectful deportment of these 
 new counsellors. Harley was more submissive 
 and deferential in his manners, and conducted him- 
 self with an attention to the Queen's wishes and 
 opinions, to which she had been hitherto little ac- 
 customed. It was undoubtedly his purpose to use 
 the influence thus acquired, to the destruction of 
 Godolphin's authority, and to accomplish his own 
 rise to the office of first minister. But his attempt 
 did not succeed in the first instance. His secret 
 intrigues and private interviews with the Sovereign 
 were prematurely discovered, and Harley and his 
 friends were compelled to resign their offices ; so 
 that the Whig administration seemed more deeply 
 rooted than ever. 
 
 About the same time. Miss Hill was secretly 
 married to Mr Masham ; a match which gave 
 great offence to the Duchess of Marlborough, who 
 was beginning to feel that her relation had super- 
 seded her in her mistress's affections. As this 
 high-tempered lady found the Queen's confidence 
 was transferred from her, she endeavoured to main- 
 tain her ascendency by threats and intimidation, 
 and was for a time successful in ruling the mind oi 
 7*
 
 78 TALE OF 
 
 her late friend by means of fear, as she did formerly 
 by affection. But a false step of the Whig admin- 
 istration enabled Queen Anne at last to shake off 
 this intolerable bondage. 
 
 A silly and hot headed clergyman, named Sache- 
 verel, had preached and printed a political sermon, 
 in which he maintained high Tory principles, and 
 railed at Godolphin, the Lord High Treasurer, and 
 head of Queen Anne's administration, whom he 
 termed Yolpone, after an odious character so nam- 
 ed in one of Ben Johnson's Plays. The great ma- 
 jority of the landed gentlemen of England were then 
 addicted to Tory principles, and those of the High 
 Church. So bold and daring a sermon, though it 
 had no merit but its audacity to recommend it, pro- 
 cured immence popularity amongst them. The 
 ministers were incensed beyond becoming mode- 
 ration. The House of Commons impeached the 
 preacher before the tribunal of the House of Lords, 
 and his trial came before the Peers on 27th Febru- 
 ary, 1710. The utmost degree of publicity was 
 given to it, by the eflbrts of the Whigs to obtain 
 Doctor Sacheverel's conviction and a severe sen- 
 tence, and by the corresponding exertions of the 
 Tories to screen him from punishment. The mul- 
 titude took up the cry of High Church and Sache- 
 \erel, with which they beset the difierent members 
 of both Houses as they went down to Parliament. 
 The trial excited public attention, in a degree hith- 
 erto almost unknown. The Queen herself attend- 
 ed almost every day, and her sedan chair was sur- 
 rounded by crowds, shouting, " God bless the 
 Queen and Doctor Sacheverel ! we hope your ^Fa
 
 DOCTOR SACHEVEREL. 79 
 
 jesty is for High Church and Sacheverel." The 
 mob arose, and exhibited their furious zeal for the 
 church by destroying the chapels and meeting-hous- 
 es of dissenters, and committing similar acts of vio- 
 lence. 
 
 The consequence was, that the Doctor was 
 found guilty indeed by the House of Peers, but es- 
 caped with being suspended from preaching for 
 three years ; a sentence so slight, that it was re- 
 garded by the accused and his friends as an acquit- 
 tal, and they triumphed accordingly. 
 
 As these manifestations of the public sentiment 
 were not confined to the capital, but extended over 
 all England, they made evident, the unpopularity 
 of the Whig goverament, and enco\iraged the 
 Queen to put in execution the plan she had long 
 proposed to herself, of changing her ministry, and 
 endeavouring to negotiate a peace, and terminate 
 the war, which seemed to be protracted without 
 end. Anne, by this change of government and 
 system, desired also to secure the church, which 
 her old prejudices taught her to believe was in dan- 
 ger — and, above all, to get rid of the tyranny of her 
 former friend, Mrs Freeman. A new administra- 
 tion, therefore, was formed under Harley and St 
 John, who, being supported by the Tory interest, 
 were chiefly, if not exclusively, governed by Tory 
 principles. At the same time, the Duchess of 
 Marlborough was deprived of all her offices about 
 the Queen's person, and disgraced, as it is termed 
 at court, that is, dismissed from favour and employ- 
 ment. Her husband's services could not be dis- 
 pensed with so easily ; for while the British army
 
 80 CHANGE OF MINISTRY. 
 
 were employed, no general could supply the place 
 of Marlborough, who had so often led them to vic- 
 tory. But the Tory ministers endeavoured to low- 
 er him in the eyes of the public, by an investigation 
 into certain indirect emoluments taken in his char- 
 acter as a general-in-chief, and to get rid of the in- 
 dispensable necessity of his military ser^'ices, by 
 entering into negotiations for peace. 
 
 The French government saw and availed them- 
 selves of the situation in which that of Britain was 
 placed. They perceived that peace was absolute- 
 ly necessary to Oxford and Bolingbroke's existence 
 as ministers, and even more so than it was to 
 France as a nation, though her frontiers had been 
 invaded, her armies repeatedly defeated, and even 
 her capital to a certain degree exposed to insult. 
 The consequence was, that the French rose in their 
 terms, and the peace of Utrecht, after much ne- 
 gotiation, was at length concluded, on conditions 
 which as they respected the allies, and the British 
 nation in particular, were very much disproportion- 
 ed to the brilliant successes of the war. 
 
 That article of the treaty, which was supposed 
 by all friends of Revolution principles to be most 
 essential to the independence and internal peace of 
 Great Britain, seemed indeed to have been adjust- 
 ed with some care. The King of France acknowl- 
 edged, with all formality, the right of Queen Anne 
 to the throne, guaranteed the Act of succession 
 settling it upon the House of Hanover, and agreed 
 to expel from his territories the unfortunate son of 
 James H. This was done accordingly. Yet not- 
 withstanding that the Chevalier de St George was
 
 PEACE OF UTRECHT. 81 
 
 compelled to remove horn the territories of his fa- 
 ther's ally, who, on James's death, had formally- 
 proclaimed him King of England, the unhappy 
 Prince had perhaps at the moment of his expulsion 
 more solid hopes of being restored to his father's 
 throne, than any which the favour of Louis could 
 have afforded him This will appear from the fol- 
 lowing considerations 
 
 Queen Anne, as we have already stated, was at- 
 tached to the High Church establishment and 
 clergy ; and the principles with which these were 
 embued, if not universally Jacobitical, were at 
 least strongly tinctured with a respect for hereditary 
 right. These doctrines could not be supposed to be 
 very unpleasant to the Queen herself, as a woman 
 or as a sovereign, and there were circumstances in 
 her life which made her more ready to adm.it them. 
 We have already said, that the part which Anne 
 had taken at the Revolution, by withdrawing from 
 her father's house, had been determined by the in- 
 fluence of Lady Churchill, who was now as Duchess 
 of Marlborough, the object of the Queen's hatred, 
 as much as ever she had been that of her afl'ection 
 in the character of Mrs Freeman, and her opinions 
 and the steps which they had led to, were not pro- 
 bably recollected with much complacency. The 
 desertion of a father, also, however coloured over 
 with political argument, is likely to become towards 
 the close of life a subject of anxious reflection. 
 There is little doubt that the Queen entertained re- 
 morse on account of her filial disobedience ; more 
 especially, when the early death of her children, 
 and finally that of a hopeful young prince, the Duke
 
 82 PLAN OF QUEEN ANNE FOR 
 
 of Gloucester, deprived her of all chance of leaving 
 the kingdom to an heir of her own. These depri- 
 vations seemed an appropriate punishment to the 
 disobedient daughter, who had been permitted to 
 assume for a time her father's crown, but not to 
 transmit it to her heirs. As the Queen's health be- 
 came broken and infirm, it was natural that these 
 compunctious thoughts should become still more en- 
 grossing, and that she should feel no pleasure in 
 contemplating the prospect which called the Prince 
 of Hanover, a distant relation, to reign over Eng- 
 land at her decease ; or that she should regard with 
 aversion, almost approaching to horror, a proposal 
 of the Whig party, to invite the Electoral Prince to 
 visit Britain, the crown of which was to devolve 
 upon him after the decease of its present possessor. 
 On the other hand, the condition of the Chevalier 
 de St George, the Queen's brother, the only sur- 
 viving male of her family, a person whose restora- 
 tion to the crown of his fathers might be the work 
 of her own hand, was likely to ahect the Queen 
 with compassionate interest, and seemed to afford 
 her at the same time an opportunity of redressing 
 such wrongs as she might conceive wete done to 
 her father, by making a large though a late amends 
 to his son. 
 
 Actuated by motives so natural, there is little 
 doubt that Queen Anne, so soon as she had freed 
 herself from the control of the Duchess of Marl- 
 borough, began to turn her mind towards fixing the 
 succession of the crown on her brother, the Cheva- 
 lier de St George, after her own death, to the pre- 
 judice of the act which settled it on the Electoral
 
 RESTORING HER FATHER'S FAMILY. 83 
 
 Prince of Hanover. And she might be the more 
 encouraged to nourish some hopes of success, since 
 a great portion of her subjects of the Three King- 
 doms were Jacobites upon principle, and others 
 had but a short step to make from the extremity of 
 Tory sentiments to those which were directly fa- 
 vourable to the House of Stewart. Ireland, the 
 last portion of the British dominions which adher- 
 ed to King James the Second, could not be sup- 
 posed indifferent to the restoration of his son. In 
 England, a very great proportion of the High Church 
 clergy, the Universities, and the Tory interest which 
 prevailed among the country gentlemen, entertain- 
 ed the same bias, and were at little pains to con- 
 ceal it. In Scotland men were still bolder in avow- 
 ing their opinions, of which there occurred the fol- 
 lowing instance. 
 
 The Faculty of Advocates in Scotland, that is to 
 say, the incorporated society of lawyers entitled 
 to practise at the bar, are a body even of more 
 weight and consequence than is attached to them in 
 most countries from the nature of their profession. 
 In the beginning of the 18th century, especially, 
 the Faculty comprehended almost all the sons of 
 good family who did not embrace the army as their 
 choice ; for the sword or gown, according to the 
 ideas of that time, were the only occupations which 
 could be adopted by a gentleman. The Advocates 
 are possessed of a noble library, and a valuable 
 collection of medals. To this learned body, Eliz- 
 abeth, Duchess of Gordon, (by birth, a daughter 
 of the noble house of Howard, and a keen Jaco- 
 bite,) sent the present of a medal for their cabinet.
 
 84 THE JACOBINISM ADVOCATES. 
 
 It bore on the one side tlie head of the Chevalier de 
 St George, with the motto Cujusest ? (Whom does 
 it represent?) and on the reverse the British Isles, 
 with the legend, Rcdditc. (Restore them.) The 
 Dean of Faculty having presented this very intelli- 
 gible emblem to his brethren, a debate arose, 
 whether or not it should be received into their col- 
 lection, which was carried on in very warm lan- 
 guage, and terminated in a vote, which, by a ma- 
 jority of sixty-three to twelve, resolved on the ac- 
 ceptance of the medal. Two advocates were de- 
 puted to express, in the name of the learned body 
 their thanks to the Duchess ; and they failed not 
 to do it in a manner expressing pointedly their full 
 comprehension of the import of her Grace's compli- 
 ment. They concluded, by stating their hope, that 
 her Grace would soon have a farther opportunity 
 to oblige the Faculty, by presenting them with a 
 second medal on the subject of a restoration. But 
 when the proceeding became public, the Advocates 
 seem to have been alarmed for the consequences, 
 and at a general meeting of the Faculty (27th July, 
 1711,) the medal was formally refused, and placed 
 in the hands of the Lord Advocate, to be restored 
 to the Duchess of Gordon. The retraction, how- 
 ever, could not efface the evidence, that this learn- 
 ed and important public body, the commentators 
 on the laws of Scotland, from Avhom the guardians 
 of her jurisprudence are selected, had shov.n such 
 boldness as to give a public mark of adherence to 
 the Chevalier de St George. It was also remark- 
 ed, that the Jacobite interest predominated in many 
 of the Scottish elections
 
 BOLI>'GBROKE AND OXFORD. 85 
 
 While the Queen saw a large party among her 
 subjects in each kingdom well disposed to her 
 brother's succession, one at least of her ministers 
 was found audacious enough to contemplate the 
 same measure, though, in doing so, he might be con- 
 strued into impeaching his mistress's own right to 
 the sovereign authority. This was Henry St John 
 created Lord Viscount Bolingbroke. He was a 
 person of lively genius and brilliant parts — a schol- 
 ar, an orator, and a philosopher. There was a re- 
 verse to the fair side of the picture. Bolingbroke 
 was dissipated in private life, daringly sceptical in 
 theological speculation, and when his quick per- 
 ception showed him a chance of rising, he does not 
 appear to have been extremely scrupulous concern- 
 ing the path which he trode, so that it led to pow- 
 er. In the beginning of his career as a public man 
 he attached himself to Harley ; and when that 
 statesman retired from the Whig administration, in 
 1708, St John shared his disgrace, and lost the sit- 
 uation of Secretary at War. On the triumph of the 
 Tories, in 1710, when Harley was made Prime Min- 
 ister, St John was named Secretary of State. Pros- 
 perity, however, dissolved the friendship which had 
 withstood the attacks of adversity ; and it was soon 
 observed that there was a difference of opinion as 
 well as character between the Premier and his col- 
 league. 
 
 Harley, afterwards created Earl of Oxford, was 
 a man of a dark and reserved character — slow, tim- 
 id, and doubtful, both in counsel and action, and 
 apparently one of those statesmen who aifect to gov- 
 ern by balancing the scales betwixt two contendhig 
 
 VOL. I. 8
 
 86 CHARACTERS OF BOLINGBROKE 
 
 factions, until at length they finally become the ob- 
 jects of suspicion and animosity to both. He had 
 been bred a Whig, and although circumstances had 
 disposed him to join, and even to head, the Tories, 
 he was reluctantly induced to take any of the vio- 
 lent party measures which they expected at his 
 hand, and seems, in return, never to have possessed 
 their full confidence or unhesitating support. How- 
 ever far Oxford adopted the principles of Toryism, 
 he stopped short of their utmost extent, and was 
 one of the political sect then called IVhimsicalsy 
 who were supposed not to know their own minds, 
 because they avowed principles of hereditary right, 
 and at the same time desired the succession of the 
 line of Hanover. In evidence of his belonging to 
 this class of politicians, it was remarked that he 
 sent his brother, Mr Harley, to the court of Hano- 
 ver, and through him affected to maintain a close 
 intercourse with the Elector, and expressed much 
 zeal for the Protestant line of succession. 
 
 All this mystery and indecision was contrary to 
 the rapid and fiery genius of St John, who felt that 
 he was not admitted into the private and ultimate 
 views of the colleague with whom he had suffered 
 adversity. He was disgusted, too, that Harley 
 should be advanced to the rank of an earl, while he 
 himself was only created a viscount. His former 
 friendship and respect for Oxford was gradually 
 changed to coldness, enmity, and hatred, and he be- 
 gan, w ith much art, and a temporary degree of suc- 
 cess, to prepare a revolution in the state, which he 
 designed should and in Oxford's disgrace, and his 
 own elevation to the supreme authority. He enter-
 
 AND OXFORD. 87 
 
 ed with zeal into the ulterior designs of the most ex- 
 travagant Tories, and, in order to recommend him- 
 self to the Queen, did not, it is believed, spare to 
 mingle in intrigues for the benefit of her exiled 
 brother. 
 
 It was remarked, that the Cheyalier de St George, 
 when obliged to leave France, found refuge in the 
 territjjries of the Duke of Lorraine ; and that petty 
 German prince had the boldness to refuse an appli- 
 cation of the British Government, for the removal of 
 his guests from his dominions. It was believed 
 that the Duke dared not have acted thus unless he 
 had had some private assurance that the application 
 was only made for an ostensible purpose, and that 
 the Queen did not, in reality, desire to deprive her 
 brother of this place of refuge. Other circumstan- 
 ces led to the same conclusion, tliat Anne and her 
 new ministers favoured the Jacobite interest. 
 
 It is more than probable that the Duke of Hamil- 
 ton, whom we have so often mentioned, was to have 
 been deeply engaged in some transactions with the 
 French court of the most delicate nature, when, in 
 1713, he was named ambassador extraordinary to 
 Paris ; and there can be little doubt that they regard- 
 ed the restoration of the line of Stewart. The un- 
 fortunate nobleman hinted this to his friend. Lock- 
 hart of Carnwath, when, parting with him for the 
 last time, he turned back to embrace him again and 
 again, as one who was impressed with the consci- 
 ousness of some weighty trust, perhaps with a pre- 
 scient sense of approaching calamity. Misfortune, 
 indeed, was hovering over him, and of a strange and 
 bloody character. Having a law suit with Lord
 
 88 DUEL OF MOHUN AND HAMILTON'. 
 
 Mohun, a nobleraan of debauched and profligate 
 manners, whose greatest achievement was having, 
 a few years before, stabbed a poor play actor in a 
 drunken frolic, the Duke of Hamilton held a meet- 
 ing with his adversary, in the hope of adjusting their 
 dispute. In this conference, the Duke, speaking 
 of an agent in the case, said the person in question 
 had neither truth nor honour, to which Lord ]\^huu 
 replied he had as much of both qualities as hisGrace. 
 They parted on the exchange of these words, and 
 one would have thought that the offence received, 
 lay on the Duke's side, and that it was he who way 
 called upon to resent what had passed, in case he 
 should think it worth his while. Lord Mohui>^ow- 
 ever, who gave the affront, contrary to the practice 
 in such cases, also gave the challenge. They met 
 at the Ring in Hyde Park, where they fought with 
 swords, and in a few minutes Lord Mohun was kill- 
 ed on the spot ; and the Duke of Hamilton, mortal- 
 ly wounded, did not survive him for a longer space. 
 Mohun, who was an odious and contemptible liber- 
 tine, was regretted by no one ; but it was far differ- 
 ent with the Duke of Hamilton, who, notwithstand- 
 ing a degree of irresolution which he displayed in 
 politics, his understanding, perhaps, not approving 
 the lengths to which his feeling might have carried 
 him, had many amiable, and even noble qualities, 
 which made him generally lamented. The Tories 
 considered the death of the Duke of Hamilton as 
 so peculiar, and the period when it happened as so 
 critical, that they did not hesitate to avow a confi- 
 dent belief that Lord Mohun had be,(?n pushed to 
 sending the challenge, by some zealots of the Whig
 
 BOLINGBROKE's mission to PARIS. 89 
 
 party j and even to add, that the Duke fell, not by 
 the sword of his antagonist, but by that of General 
 Macartney, Lord Mohun's second. The evidence 
 of Colonel Hamilton, second to the Duke, went far 
 to establish the last proposition ; and General Ma- 
 cartney, seeing, perhaps, that the public prejudice 
 was extreme against him, absconded, and a reward 
 was offered for his discovery. In the subsequent 
 reign he was brought to trial, and acquitted, on ev- 
 idence which leaves the case far from a clear one. 
 
 The death of the Duke of Hamilton, however, 
 whether caused by political resentment or private 
 hatred, did not interrupt the schemes formed for the 
 restoration of the Stewart family. Lord Boling- 
 broke himself went on a mission to Paris, and it 
 appears highly probable he then settled secret arti- 
 cles explanatory of those points of the Utrecht trea- 
 ty, which had relation to the expulsion of the pre- 
 tender from the dominions of France, and the dis- 
 clamation of his right of succession to the Crown 
 of Britain. It is probable, also, that these remain- 
 ed concealed from the Premier Oxford, to whose 
 views in favour of the Hanover succession they 
 were distinctly opposed. 
 
 Such being the temper of the Government of 
 England, divided, as it was, betwixt the dubious 
 conduct of Lord Oxford, and the more secret, but 
 bolder and decided intrigues of Bolingbroke, the 
 general measures which were adopted with respect 
 to Scotland indicated a decided bias to the Jaco- 
 bite interest, and those by whom it was supported. 
 
 1
 
 [90] 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Persecution of the Scottisli Episcopalians by the Presbyterians — 
 Act of Toleration — Abjuratiun Oath— Law of Patronage — Pen- 
 sions given to the Highland Chiefs to preserve their attachment 
 to the Jacobite interest — Preparations of tiie Wiiigs to secure the 
 succession of the House of Hanover — Quarrel between Oxford 
 and Boliiigbroke— Deatli of Queen Anne. 
 
 The Presbyterians of Scotland had been placed 
 by the Revolution in exclusive possession of the 
 Church government of that kingdom. But a con- 
 siderable proportion of the country, particularly in 
 the more northern shires, remained attached to the 
 Episcopal establishment and its forms of worship. 
 These, however, were objects of enmity and fear 
 to the Church of Scotland, whose representatives 
 and adherents exerted themselves to suppress, by 
 every means in their power, the exercise of the 
 Episcopal mode of worship, forgetful of the com- 
 plaints which they themselves had so justly made 
 concerning the violation of the liberty of conscience 
 during the reign of Charles li. and James II. We 
 must here remark, that the Episcopal Church of 
 Scotland had in its ancient and triumphant state, re- 
 tained some very slight and formal differences which 
 distinguished their Book of Common Prayer from 
 that which is used in the Church of England. But 
 in their present distressed and desolate condition, 
 many ol them had become content to resign these 
 points of distinction, and, by conforming exactly to
 
 THE SCOTTISH EPISCOPALIANS. 91 
 
 the English ritual, endeavoured to obtain a free- 
 dom of worship as Episcopalians in Scotland, sim- 
 ilar to the indulgence which was granted to those 
 professing Presbyterian principles, and other Pro- 
 testant dissenters in England. The Presbyterian 
 Church Courts, however, summoned such Episco- 
 pal preachers before them, and prohibited them 
 from exercising their ministry, under the penalty 
 of fine and imprisonment, which in the case of one 
 person, (the Rev. Mr Greenshields,) inflicted with 
 no sparing hand. Others were insulted and ill- 
 used by the multitude, in any attempt which they 
 mode to exercise their form of worship. This was 
 the more indefensible, as some of these Reverend 
 persons joined in prayer for the Revolution estab- 
 lishment ; and whatever conjecture might be form- 
 ed concerning the probability of their attachment to 
 the exiled family, they had laid aside every peculi- 
 arity on which their present mode of worship could 
 be objected to as inferring Jacobitism. 
 
 An Act of Toleration was therefore most justly 
 and rightfully passed (February, 1712) by Parlia- 
 ment, for the toleration of all such Episcopal cler- 
 gymen using the Church of England service, as 
 should be disposed to take the Oath of Abjuration, 
 renouncing all adherence to the cause of James II. 
 or his descendant, the existing Pretender. This 
 toleration gave great offence to the Presbyterian 
 clergy, since it was taking out of their hands a means 
 as they alleged, of enforcing uniformity of worship, 
 which, they pretended, had been insured to them 
 at the Revolution. Every allowance is justly to be 
 made for jealousies and apprehensions, which severe
 
 92 OATH OF ABJURATION. 
 
 persecution had taught the ministers of the Scottish 
 Church to entertain ; but impartial history shows us 
 how dangerous a matter it is to intrust the judica- 
 tures of any church with the power of tyrannizing 
 over the consciences of those who have adopted 
 different forms of worship, and how wise, as well 
 as just, it is to restrict their authority to the regu- 
 lation of their own establishment. 
 
 The Presbyterian Church was still more offend- 
 ed by the introduction of a clause into this Act of 
 Toleration, obliging the members of their own 
 church, as well as dissenters from their mode of 
 worship, to take the Oath of abjuration. This clause 
 had been inserted into the Act, as it passed the 
 House of Commons, on the motion of the Tories, 
 who alleged that the Ministers of the Kirk of Scot- 
 land ought to give the same security for their fidelity 
 to the Queen and Protestant succession, which was 
 to be exacted from the Episcopalians. The Scottish 
 Presbyterians complained bitterly of this application 
 of the Oath of Abjuration to themselves. They con- 
 tended that it was unnecessary, as no one could 
 suspect the Church of Scotland of the least tenden- 
 cy towards Jacobitism, and that it was an usurpa- 
 tion of the State over the Church, to impose by 
 statute law an oath on the ministers of the Church, 
 whom, in religious matters, they considered as 
 bound only by the Acts of their General Assembly. 
 Notwithstanding their angry remonstrances, the 
 Oath of Abjuration was imposed on them by the 
 same act which decreed the tolerance of the Epis- 
 copal form of worship on a similar condition. 
 The greater number of the Presbyterian ministers 
 did at length take the oath, but many continued to
 
 OATH OF ABJURATIONr 93 
 
 be recusants, and suflfered nothing in consequence, 
 as the government overlooked their non-compli- 
 ance. There can be little doubt that this clause, 
 which seems otherwise a useless tampering with 
 the rooted opinions of the Presbyterians, was intend- 
 ed for a double purpose. First, it was likely to 
 create a schism in the Scottish Church, between 
 those who might take, and those who might refuse 
 the oath, which, as dividing the opinions, was like- 
 ly to diminish the authority, and affect the re- 
 spectability, of a body zealous for the Protestant 
 succession. Secondly, it was foreseen that the 
 great majority of the Episcopal clergy in Scotland 
 avowedly attached to the «Kiled family, would 
 not take the Oath of Abjuration, and were like- 
 ly on that account to be interrupted by the Pres- 
 byterians of the country where they exercised their 
 functions. But if a number of the Presbyterian 
 ♦clergy themselves were rendered liable to the same 
 charge for the same omission, and only indebted for 
 their impunity to the connivance of the government, 
 it was not likely they would disturb others upon 
 grounds which might be objected to themselves. 
 The expedient was successful ; for though it was 
 said, that only one Episcopal minister in Scotland, 
 Mr Cockburn of Glasgow, took the Oath of xVbju- 
 ration, yet no prosecutions followed their recusan- 
 cy, because a large portion of the ministers of the 
 Kirk would have been liable to vexation on the 
 same account. 
 
 Another act of the same session of Parliament, 
 which restored to patrons, as they were called, the 
 right of presenting clergymen to vacant churches 
 in Scotland, seemed calculated, and was probably
 
 94 Law of patronage. 
 
 designed, to render the churchmen more dependent 
 on aristocracy, and to separate them in some de- 
 gree from their congregations, who could not be 
 supposed equally attached to, or influenced by a min- 
 ister who held his living by the gift of a great man,as 
 by one who was chosen by their own free voice. Each 
 mode of election is subject to its own particular dis- 
 advantages. The necesssity imposed on the clergy- 
 man who is desirous of preferment, of suiting his 
 style of preaching to the popular taste, together with 
 the indecent heats and intrigues which attend pop- 
 ular elections, are serious objections to permitting 
 the flock to have the choice of their shepherd. At 
 the same time, the fight of patronage is apt to be 
 abused in particular instances, where persons of 
 loose morals, slender abilities, or depraved doctrine 
 may be imposed by the fiat of an unconscientious 
 individual, upon a congregation who are unwilling 
 to receive him. But as the Presbyterian clergy 
 possess the power of examination and rejection, 
 subject to an appeal to the superior Church Courts, 
 whatever may be thought of the law of patronage in 
 theory, it has not, during the lapse of more than a 
 century, had any efl'ect in practice detrimental to 
 the respectability of the Church of Scotland. There 
 is no doubt, however, that the restoration of the right 
 of lay patrons in Queen Anne's time was designed to 
 separate the ministers of the Kirk from the people, 
 and to render them more dependent on the nobility 
 and gentry, amongst whom, much more than the 
 common people, the sentiments of Jacobitism pre- 
 dominated. 
 
 These measures, though all of them indirectly 
 tending to favour the Tory party, which might, in
 
 STATE OF THE iiiGIILANDS. 95 
 
 Scotland, be generally termed that of the Stewart 
 family, had yet other motives which might be plau- 
 sibly alleged for their adoption. 
 
 Whatever might be the number and importance 
 of the Lowland gentry in Scotland, who were attach- 
 ed to the cause of the Chevalier de St George, and 
 that number was certainly very considerable, the al- 
 tered circumstances of the country had so much re- 
 stricted their authority over the inferior classes, that 
 they could no longer reckon upon raising any con- 
 siderable number of men by their own influence, nor 
 had they, since the repeal of the Aci of Security, 
 the power of mustering or disciplining their follow- 
 ers, so as to render them fit for military service. It 
 was not to be expected that, with the aid of such 
 members of their family, domestics, or dependents, 
 as might join them in any insurrection, they could 
 do morf than equip a few squadrons of horse, and 
 even if they could have found men, they were gen- 
 erally deficient in arms, horses, and the means of 
 taking the field. 
 
 The Highland clans were in a different state ; 
 they were as much under the command of their su- 
 perior chiefs and chieftains as ever they had been 
 during the earlier part of their history ; and, sepa- 
 rated from civilization by the wildernesses in which 
 they lived, they spoke the language, wore the dress, 
 submitted to the government, and wielded the arms 
 of their fathers. It is true, that clan wars were not 
 now practised on the former great scale, and that 
 two or three small garrisons of soldiers quarfiered 
 amongst them put some stop to their predatory in- 
 cursions. The superior chieftains and tacksmen,
 
 96 STATE OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 more especially the dumJie-tcassalsj or dependent 
 gentlemen of the tribe, were in no degree superior 
 in knowledge to the common clansmen. The high 
 chiefs, or heads of the considerable clans, were in 
 a very different situation. They were almost all 
 men of good education, and polite manners, and 
 when in Lowland dress and Lowland society, were 
 scarce to be distinguished from other gentlemen, 
 excepting by an assumption of consequence, the 
 natural companion of conscious authority. They 
 often travelled abroad, and sometimes entered the 
 military service, looking always forward to the time 
 when their swords should be required in the cause 
 of the Stewarts, to whom they were in general ex- 
 tremely attached ; though in the West Highlands 
 the great influence of the Duke of Argyle, and in 
 the North that of the Earl of Sutherland and Lord 
 Reay, together with the chiefs of Grant, Rose, Mun- 
 ro, and other northern tribes, fixed their clans in 
 the Whig interest. 
 
 These chiefs were poor; for the produce of their 
 extensive but barren domains was entirely consum- 
 ed in supporting the military force of the clan, from 
 whom no industry was to be expected, as it would 
 have degraded them in their own eyes, and in those 
 of their leaders, and rendered them unfit for the 
 discharge of their warlike duties. The chiefs, at 
 the same time, when out of the Highlands, were ex- 
 pensive as well as needy. The sense of self-im- 
 portance, which we have already noticed, induced 
 them to im-itate the expenses of a rich country, and 
 many, by this inconsistent conduct, exposed them- 
 selves to pecuniary distress. To such men money 

 
 THE HIGHLAND CHIEFS PENSIONED. 9T 
 
 was particularly acceptable, and it was distributed 
 among them annually by Queen Anne's govern- 
 ment, during the latter years of her reign, to the 
 amount of betwixt three and four thousand pounds. 
 The particular sum allotted to each chief was about 
 £360 sterling, for which a receipt was taken, as 
 for a complete year's payment of the bounty-money, 
 which her Majesty had been pleased to bestow oiw 
 the receiver. 
 
 These supplies were received the more willingly, 
 because the Highland chiefs had no hesitation in 
 regarding the money as the earnest of pay to be is- 
 sued for their exertions in the cause of the House of 
 Stewart, to which they conceived themselves to be 
 attached by duty, and certainly were so by inclina:- 
 tion. And there can be no doubt, as the pensions 
 were sure to be expended in maintaining and in- 
 creasing their patriarchal followers, and keeping 
 them in readiness for action, it seems to have been 
 considered by the chiefs, that the largesses were 
 designed by government for that, and no other pur- 
 pose. The money was placed at the disposal of 
 the Earl of Mar, Secretary of State, and his being 
 the agent of this bounty, gave him the opportunity of 
 improving and extending his influence among the 
 Highland chiefs, afterwards so fatally employed for 
 them and for himself. 
 
 The construction which the chiefs put upon the ^ 
 bounty bestowed on them was clearly shown by 
 their joining in a supplication to the Queen, about 
 the end of the year 1713, which got the name of 
 the Sword-in-hand Address. In one paragraph, 
 they applaud the measures taken repressing the li- 
 
 voL. I. 9 ■ 
 
 1
 
 08 THE HIGHLAND CHIEFS 
 
 cence of the press, and trust that they should no 
 longer be scandalized by hearing the Deity blas- 
 phemed, and the sacred race of Stewart traduced, 
 with equal malice and impunity. In another, they 
 expressed their hopes, that, after her Majesty's de- 
 mise, " the hereditary and parliamentary sanction 
 might possibly meet in the person of a lineal suc- 
 cessor." These intimations are sufficiently plain, 
 ^o testify the sense in which they understood the 
 Queen's bounty-money. 
 
 The Duke of Argyle, whose own influence in 
 the Highlands was cramped and interfered with by 
 the encouragement given to the Jacobite clans, 
 brought the system of their pensions before Par- 
 liament, as a severe charge against the ministers, 
 whom he denounced as rendering the Highland a 
 seminary for rebellion. The charge led to a de- 
 bate of importance. 
 
 The duke of Argyle represented that "the Scots 
 Highlanders, being for the most part either rank 
 Papists, or declared Jacobites, the giving them pe- 
 cuniary assistance was, in fact, keeping up Popish 
 seminaries and fomenting rebellion." In answer 
 to this the Treasurer Oxford alleged, " That in 
 this particular he had but followed the example of 
 King William, who, after he had reduced the High- 
 landers, thought fit to allow yearly pensions to the 
 heads of clans, in order to keep them quiet; 
 and if the present ministry could be charged with 
 any mismanagement on that head, it was only for 
 retrenching part of these gratuities." This refer- 
 ence to the example of King William, seemed to 
 shut the door against all cavil on the subject, 
 and the e«?cape from censure was regarded as a tri-
 
 PENSIONED BY GOVERNMENT. 99 
 
 umph by the ministers. Yet as it was well under- 
 stood, that the pensions were made under the guise 
 of military pay, it might have been safely doubted, 
 whether encouraging the Chiefs to increase the 
 numbers and military strength of their clans was 
 likely to render them more orderly or peaceable 
 subjects ; and the scheme of ministers seemed, on 
 the whole, to resemble greatly the expedient of the 
 child's keeper, who should give her squalling 
 charge a knife in order to keep it quiet. 
 
 These various indications manifested that the 
 Ministry, at least a strong party of them, were fa- 
 vourable to the Pretender, and meant to call him to 
 the throne on the Queen's decease. This event 
 could not now be far distant, since, with every 
 symptom of declining health, Anne was harassed at 
 once with factions among her subjects and divi- 
 sions in her councils, and always of a timid temper, 
 had now become, from finding her confidence be- 
 trayed, as jealous and suspicious as she had been 
 originally docile in suffering herself to be guided 
 without doubt or hesitation. She had many subjects 
 ^ of apprehension pressing upon a mind which, nev- 
 er of peculiar strength, was now enfeebled by dis- 
 ease. She desired, probably, the succession of her 
 brother, but she was jealous lest the hour of that 
 succession might be anticipated by the zeal of his 
 followers ; nor did she less dread, lest the effects 
 of that enthusiasm for the house of Hanover, 
 which animated the Whigs, might bring the Elec- 
 toral Prince over to England, which she compar- 
 ed to digging her grave while she was yet alive. 
 The disputes betwixt Oxford and Bolingbroke di-
 
 100 FLA?JS OF THi: WiiiGS. 
 
 vided her councils, and filled them with ir.utuai up- 
 braidings, which sometimes took pla -e before the 
 Queen ; who naturally very sensitive tj the neglect 
 of the personal etiquette due to her rank, v>as at 
 once alarmed by their violence, and offended by 
 the loose which they gave to their passions in her 
 very presence. 
 
 The Whigs, alarmed at the near prospect of a 
 crisis which the death of the Queen could not fail 
 to bring on, made the most energetic and simulta- 
 neous preparations to support the Hanoverian suc- 
 cession to the crown, by arms, if necessary. They 
 took special care to represent, at the court of Han- 
 over their dangers and sufferings on account of 
 their attachment to the Protestant line ; and such 
 of them as lost places of honour or profit, were, it 
 may be believed, neither moderate in their com- 
 plaints, nor sparing in the odious portraits which 
 they drew of their Tory opponents. The Duke of 
 Argyle, and Generals Stanhope and Cadogan, were 
 actively engaged in preparing such otncers of the 
 British army as they dared trust, to induce the sol- 
 diers, in case of need, to declare themselves against 
 the party who had disgraced Marlborough, their 
 victorious general — had undervalued the achieve- 
 ments which they had performed under his com- 
 mand, and put a stop to the career of British con- 
 quest by so doing. The Elector of Hanover was 
 induced to negotiate with Holland and other pow- 
 ers to supply him with troops and shipping, in case* 
 it should be necessary to use force in supporting 
 his title to the succession of Great Britain. A 
 fecheme was laid for taking possession of the Tow- 
 er on the first appearance of danger ; and the great
 
 DIVISION OF THE MINISTRY. 101 
 
 men of the party entered into an association, bind- 
 ing the*hiselves to stand by each other in defence 
 of the Protestant succession. 
 
 While the Whigs were united in these energetic 
 and daring measures, the Tory ministers were, by 
 their total disunion, rendered incapable of availing 
 themselves of the high ground which they occupied, 
 as heads of the administration, or by the time al- 
 lowed them by the flitting sands of the Queen's life, 
 which were now rapidly ebbing. The discord be- 
 tween Oxford and Bolingbroke had now risen so 
 high, that the latter frankly said, that if the question 
 were betwixt the total ruin of their party, and re- 
 conciliation with Oxford and safety, he would not 
 hesitate to choose the first alternative. Their 
 views of public affairs were totally different. The 
 Earl of Oxford advised moderate measures, and 
 even some compromise or reconciliation with the 
 W^higs. Bolingbroke conceived he should best 
 meet the Queen's opinions by affecting the most 
 zealous high church principles, giving hopes of the 
 succession of her brother after her death, and by 
 assiduously cultivating the good graces of Mrs 
 Hill, (now created Lady Masham,) the royal fa- 
 vourite ; in which, by the superior grace of his 
 manners, and similarity of opinions, he had entire- 
 ly superseded the Lord Treasurer Oxford. 
 
 This dissension betwixt the political rivals, which 
 had smouldered so long, broke out into open hos- 
 tility in the month of July, 1714, when an extreme- 
 ly bitter dialogue, abounding in mutual recrimina- 
 tions, passed in the Queen's presence betwixt Lord 
 Treasurer Oxford on the one part, and Bolingbroke 
 9*
 
 102 DEATH OF QUEEZ; A^^E. 
 
 and Lady Masham on the other. It ended in the 
 Lord Treasurer's being deprived of his office. 
 
 The road was now open to the full career of 
 Bolingbroke's ambition. The hour he had wished 
 and lived for was arrived; and neither he himself, 
 nor any other person, entertained a doubt that he 
 would be raised to the rank of Lord Treasurer and 
 first Minister. But vain are human hopes and ex- 
 pectations ! The unfortunate Queen had suffered 
 so much from the fatigue and agitation which she 
 had undergone during the scene of discord which 
 she had witnessed, that she declared she could not 
 survive it. Her apprehensions proved prophetic. 
 The stormy consultation, or rather debate, to which 
 we have alluded, was held on the 27th July, 1714. 
 On the 2Sth, the Queen was seized with a lethargic 
 disorder. On the 30th, her life was despaired of. 
 
 Upon that day, the Dukes of Somerset and Ar- 
 gyle, both hostile to the present, or, as it might 
 rather now be called, the late, administration, took 
 the determined step of repairing to the Council- 
 board, where the other members, humbled, per- 
 plexed, and terrified, were all contented to accept 
 their assistance. On their suggestion, the trea- 
 surer's staff was conferred on the Duke of Shrews- 
 bury, a step with which the dying Queen declared 
 her satisfaction ; and thus fell the towering hopes 
 of Bolingbroke. 
 
 On the 1st of August Queen Anne expired, the 
 last of the lineal Stewart race who sat on the throne 
 of Britain. She was only fifty years old, having 
 reigned for twelve years ; and her death took place 
 at the most critical period which the empire had 
 pxperit'nred sMicc the Revolution.
 
 [ 103 ] 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Proclamation of King George I. — The Earl of Stair's Embassy to 
 France— his influence in preventing opposition on the part of 
 Louis XIV. to the Accession of the Elector of Hanover — State 
 of Parties on the arrival of George I. — Imprisonment of Oxford, 
 and Impeachment of Bolingbroke and Ormond — Insurrection 
 planned by the Jacobites — The Earl of Mar is repulsed in his 
 advances to the new Monarch, and retires to Scotland — The 
 Scottish Cavaliers — Hunting of Braemar, and resolution of the 
 Jacobite Leaders to take up arms— Attempt to surprise .Edin- 
 bargh Cast le — Preparations of Government to oppose the Insur- 
 gent Jacobites. 
 
 The period of Queen Anne's demise found the 
 Jacobites, for a party who were both numerous and 
 zealous, uncommonly ill prepared and irresolute. 
 They had nursed themselves in the hope that the 
 dark and mysterious conduct of Oxford was design- 
 ed to favour his purpose of a counter revolution ; 
 and the more open professions of Bolingbroke, 
 which reached the Jacobites of Scotland through 
 the medium of the Earl of Mar, were considered as 
 pointing more explicitly to the same important end. 
 
 But they were mistaken in Oxford's purpose, who 
 only acted towards them as it was in his nature 
 to do towards all mankind ; and so regulated his con- 
 duct as to cause the Jacobites to believe he was 
 upon their side, while, in fact, his only purpose was 
 to keep factions from breaking into extremeties, and 
 to rule all parties, by affording hopes to each in their 
 turn, which were all ultimately found delusive. 
 
 Bolingbroke, on the other hand, was more san-
 
 104 HESITATION OF THE JACOBITES. 
 
 guine and decided, both in opinion and action ; and 
 he would probably have been sufficiently active in 
 his measures in behalf of King James, had he pos- 
 sessed the power of maturing them. But being 
 thus mocked by the cross fate which showed him 
 the place of his ambition at one moment empty, and 
 in the next all access to it closed against him, he 
 was taken totally unprepared ; and the Duke ofOr- 
 mond. Sir William Windham, and other leaders of 
 the Jacobite party, shared the same disadvantage. 
 They might, indeed, have proclaimed King James 
 the Third in the person of the Chevalier de St George 
 and trusted to their influence with the Tory landed 
 gentlemen, and with the populace, to effect an uni- 
 versal insurrection. Some of them even inclined 
 to this desperate measure ; and the celebrated Dr 
 Alterbury, Bishop of Rochester, offered to go to 
 Westminster in his rochet and lawn sleeves, and 
 himself to perform the ceremony. This, however, 
 would have been commencing a civil war, in which, 
 the succession of the House of Hanover being de- 
 termined by the existing law, the insurrectionists 
 must have begun by incurring the guilt of high trea- 
 son, without being assured of any force by which 
 they might be protected. Upon the whole, there- 
 fore, the Jacobites, and those who wished them 
 well, remained, after the Queen's death, dejected, 
 confused, and anxiously watchful of circumstances, 
 which they did not pretend to regulate or control. 
 On the contrary, the Whigs, acting with uncom- 
 mon firmness and unanimity, took hold of the power 
 which had so lately been possessed by their op- 
 ponents, like troops who seize in action the artillery 

 
 PROCLAMATION OF KING UECKGE. 106 
 
 of their enemy, and turn it instantly against them. 
 The privy councillors who were of that party, 
 imitating the determined conduct of the Dukes of 
 Somerset and Argyie, repaired to the Council, with- 
 out w^aiting for a summons, and issued instant orders 
 for the proclamation of King George, which were 
 generally obeyed without resistance. The assem- 
 bled Parliament recognized King George I. as the 
 sovereign entitled to succeed, in terms of the act 
 regulating the destination of the crown. The same 
 proclamation took place in Ireland and Scotland 
 without opposition ; and thus the King took legal 
 and peaceable possession of his kingdom. It ap- 
 peared, also, that England's most powerful, and, it 
 Hj^might seem, most hostile neighbour, Louis XIV., 
 was nowise disposed to encourage any machinations 
 which could disturb the Elector of Hanover's acces- 
 sion to the crown. The Chevalier de St George 
 had made a hasty journey to Paris, upon learning 
 the tidings of Queen Anne's death ; but far from ex- 
 periencing a reception favourable to his views on 
 the British crown, he was obliged to return to Lor- 
 raine, with the sad assurance that the monarch of 
 France was determined to adhere to the Treaty of 
 Utrecht, by an important article of which he had re- 
 cognized the succession of the House of Hanover 
 to the Crown of Great Britain. It is more than pro- 
 bable, as before hinted, that there had been, during 
 the dependence of the treaty, some private under- 
 standing, or perhaps secret agreement with Boling- 
 broke, which might disarm the rigour of this article. 
 But it was evident that the power of the ministers 
 with whom such an engjagement had been made, if
 
 106 EARL OF STAIR. 
 
 indeed it existed in any formal shape, was now ut- 
 terly fallen ; and the affairs of Britain were, soon 
 after King George's accession, entrusted to a min- 
 istry, who had the sagacity to keep the French King 
 firm to his engagement, by sending to Paris an am- 
 bassador, equally distinguished for talents in war 
 and in diplomacy, and for warm adherence to the 
 Protestant line. 
 
 This eminent person was John Dalrymple, the 
 second Earl of Stair, whose character demands 
 particular notice amongst the celebrated Scotsmen 
 of this period. He was eldest surviving son of the 
 first Earl, distinguished more for his talents than his 
 principles, in the reigns of King William and Queen 
 Anne, infamous for his accession to the massacre of 
 Glencoe, and unpopular from the skill and political 
 talent which he displayed in favour of the Union, in 
 carrying which through the Scottish Parliament he 
 was a most useful agent. According to the preju- 
 diced observations of the common people, ill fortune 
 seemed to attend his house. He died suddenly du- 
 ring the dependence of the Union treaty, and vulgar 
 report attributed his death to suicide, for which, how- 
 ever, there is no evidence but that of common fame. 
 
 A previous calamity of a cruel nature had occur- 
 red, in which John, his second son, was the unfortu- 
 nate agent. While yet a mere boy, and while play- 
 ing with fire-arms, he had the the great misfortune 
 to shoot his elder brother, and kill him on the spot. 
 The unhappy agent in this melancholy affair was 
 sent off by the ill-fated parents, who could not bear 
 to look upon him, to reside with a clergyman in Ayr- 
 shire, as one who was for ever banished from his
 
 EARL OF STAIR. 107 
 
 family. The person to whose care he was commit- 
 ted was fortunately a man of sound sense, and a 
 keen discriminator of character. The idea he form- 
 ed of the young exile's powers of mind induced him 
 by a succession of favourable reports, mixed with 
 intercession, warmly to solicit his pupil's restoration 
 to the family, of which he afterwards became the 
 principal ornament. It was long before he could 
 effect a reconciliation ; and the youth, when this was 
 accomplished, entered into the army with the advan- 
 tages of his rank, and those arising out of early mis- 
 fortune, which had compelled him to severe study. 
 He was repeatedly distinguished in the wars of 
 Marlborough, and particularly at Ramilies, Ouden- 
 arde, and Malplaquet. Lord Stair rose in rank in 
 proportion to his miltary reputation, but was depriv- 
 ed of his command when the Tory ministers, in the 
 latter end of Queen Anne's reign, new modelled 
 the army, to the exclusion of the Whig officers. 
 Upon the accession of George I.^ he was appointed 
 a Lord of the Bed-chamber, a Privy Councillor, and 
 commander of the Scottish forces in the absence of 
 the Duke of Argyle. Shortly after that great event, 
 the Earl of Stair was, as we have already mention- 
 ed, sent to Paris, where he held for several years 
 the situation of amlDassador extraordinary, and where 
 his almost miraculous power of acquiring informa- 
 tion enabled him to detect the most secret intrigues 
 of the Jacobites, and to watch, and even overawe, 
 the conduct of the court of France, who, well dispo- 
 sed as they Vn ere to encourage privately the under- 
 takings of" the Chevalier St George, which public 
 faith prevented them from countenancing openly,
 
 108 EMBASSY TO FRANCE. 
 
 found themselves under the eye of the most active. 
 and acute of statesmen, from whom nothing seem- 
 ed to remain concealed ; while his character for 
 courage, talent, and integrity, made it equally im- 
 possible to intimidate, deceive, or influence him. It 
 may be added, that his perfect knowledge of good 
 breeding, in a nation where manners are reduced 
 almost to a science, enabled Lord Stair to preserve 
 the good-will and favour of those with whom he 
 treated, even while he insisted upon topics the most 
 unpalatable to the French monarch and his minis- 
 ter, and that in a manner the most courteous in 
 style, though most unyielding in purpose. It may 
 be believed that large sums in secret service money- 
 were lavished in this species of diplomacy. Lord 
 Stair was always able, by his superior information, 
 to counteract the plots of the Jacobites, and, satis- 
 fied with doing so, was often desirous of screening 
 from the vengeance of his own court the misguided 
 individuals who had rashly engaged in them. It 
 was owing to the activity of this vigilant diploma- 
 tist that George I. owed, in a great measure, the 
 neutrality of France, which was a very important 
 addition to the security of his new throne. 
 
 To return to our history: — George I., thus qui- 
 etly installed in his British dominions, landed at 
 Greenwich on the 17th of September, six weeks 
 after the death of his predecessor. Queen Anne. 
 The two great parties of the kingdom seemed in ap- 
 pearance equally disposed to receive him as their 
 rightful monarch ; and both submitted to his sway, 
 though with very different hopes and feelings. 
 
 The triumphant Whigs were naturally assured of 
 King George's favour towards those who had al-
 
 STATE GF lAnXiES. 109 
 
 ways shown themselves friendly to his title to the 
 throne; and confident of the merit tli^ey might claim, 
 were desirous of exerting their influence, to the ut- 
 ter disgrace, discomfiture, and total suppression, of 
 their political opponents. 
 
 The Tories, on the other hand, thought it still 
 possible, while renouncing every plan of opposing 
 the accession of King George, to present them- 
 selves before him in such a manner as might com- 
 mand regard ; for the number, quality, and impor- 
 tance of a party, which comprised a great majority 
 of the established clergy, the greater part of both 
 the universities, many, if not the largest portion of 
 the lawyers, and the bulk of the proprietors of the 
 soil, or what is called the landed interest, rendered 
 their appearance imposing. Though dejected and 
 humbled, therefore, by their fall from power, they 
 consoled themselves with the idea, that they were 
 too numerous and too important to be ill received 
 by a Sovereign whose accession they had not op- 
 posed, and whom, on the contrary, they had shown 
 themselves willing to acknowledge in the capacity 
 of their monarch, disproving, as they might be dis- 
 posed to think, by their dutiful demonstrations, any 
 rumours which might have reached his Majesty of 
 the disaff'ection of many among them to his person. 
 
 It would certainly have been the best policy of 
 the newly enthroned monarch, to have received and 
 rewarded the services of the Whigs, without lend- 
 ing himself to the gratification of their political en- 
 mities. There was little policy in taking measures 
 which were likely to drive into despair, and proba- 
 bly into rebellion, a large party among his subjects ; 
 VOL. 1. 10
 
 no IMPEACHMENT OF THE TORIES. 
 
 anti there might have been more wisdom, perhaps, 
 as well as magnanimity, in overlooking circumstan- 
 ces v^hich had occured before his accession — in 
 receiving the allegiance and dutiful professions of 
 the Tories, without attaching any visible doubts to 
 their sincerity — in becoming thus the King of Great 
 Britain, instead of the ch^ef of a party — and by stifl- 
 ing the remembrance of old feuds, and showing him- 
 self indifferently the paternal ruler of all his sub- 
 jects, to have convinced any who remained disaf- 
 fected, that if they desired to have another prince, 
 they had at least no personal reason for doing so. 
 
 We cannot, however, be surprised that George 
 I., a foreign prince, totally unacquainted with the 
 character of the British nation, their peculiar con- 
 stitution, and the spirit of their parties, — which usu- 
 ally appear, when in the act of collision, much more 
 violent and extravagant than they prove to be when 
 a cessation of hostilities takes place, — should have 
 been disposed to throw himself into the arms of the 
 Whigs, wlio could plead their sufferings for having 
 steadily adhered to his interest ; or that those who 
 had been his steady adherents should have found 
 him willingly inclined to aid them in measures of 
 vindictive retaliation upon their opponents, whom 
 he had some reason to regard as his personal ene- 
 mies. It was a case, in which to fprgive would 
 have been politic, as well as magnanimous ; but to 
 resent injuries, and revenge them, was a course nat- 
 ural to human feeling. 
 
 The late ministers seemed for a time disposed to 
 abide the shock of the enmity of their political ri- 
 vals. Lord Oxford waited on the King at his land- 
 ing, and though coldly received, remained in Lon-
 
 IMPEACHMENT OF ORMOND. Ill 
 
 don till impeached of high treason by the House 
 of Commons, and committed to the Tower. Lord 
 Bolingbroke continued to exercise his office of Sec- 
 retary of State until he was almost forcibly depriv- 
 ed of it. An impeachment was also brought against 
 him. His conscience probably pleaded guilty, for 
 he retired to France, and soon after became Secre- 
 tary to the Chevalier de St George. The Duke 
 of Ormond, a nobleman of popular qualities, brave, 
 generous, and liberal, was in like manner impeach- 
 ed, and in like manner made his escape to France. 
 His fate was peculiarly regretted, for the general 
 voice exculpated him from taking any step with a 
 view to selfish aggrandisement. Several of the 
 Whigs themselves, who were disposed to prosecute 
 to the uttermost the mysterious Oxford and the in- 
 triguing Bolingbroke, were inclined to sympathise 
 with the gallant and generous cavalier, who had al- 
 ways professd openly the principles on which he 
 acted. Many other distinguished persons of the 
 Tory party were threatened with prosecutions, or 
 actually subjected to them ; which filled the whole 
 body with fear and alarm, and inclined some of the 
 leaders amongst them to listen to the desperate 
 counsels of the more zealous Jacobites, wli> ex- 
 horted them to try their strength with an enemy 
 who showed themselves implacable, and not to sub- 
 mit to their ruin without an effort to defend them- 
 selves. A large party of the populace all through 
 the country, and in London itself, renewed the cry 
 of "High Church forever," with which were min- 
 gled the names of Ormond and Oxford, the princi- 
 pal persons under prosecution. Among the cler-
 
 112 INSURRECTION IN SCOTLAND. 
 
 gy, there were found many who, out of zeal for their 
 order, encouraged the lower classes in their disor- 
 derly proceedings ; in which they burnt and de- 
 stroyed the meeting-houses of dissenters, pillaged 
 the houses of their ministers, and committed all 
 those irregularities by which an English mob is dis- 
 tinguished, but whose vehemence of sentiment gen- 
 erally evaporates in such acts of clamour and vio- 
 lence. 
 
 There were, however, deeper symptoms of disaf- 
 fection than those displayed in the empty roar and 
 senseless ravage of the populace. Bolingbroke 
 and Ormond, who had both found refuge at the court 
 of the Pretender to the crown, and acknowledged 
 his title, carried on a secret correspondence with 
 the Tories of influence and rank in England, and 
 encouraged them to seek, in a general insurrection 
 for the cause of James III., a remedy for the evils 
 with which they were threatened, both personally 
 and as a political party. But England had been 
 long a peaceful country. The gentry were opulent, 
 tnd little disposed to risk, in the event of war, their 
 fortunes and the comforts which they procured them. 
 Strong assistance from France might have render- 
 ed the proposal of an insurrection more acceptable ; 
 but the successful diplomacy of Lord Stair at the 
 Court of Louis destroyed all hopes of this, unless 
 on a pitifully small scale. Another resource occur- 
 red to the Jacobite leaders, which might be attain- 
 ed by instigating Scotland to set the example of in- 
 surrection. The gentry in that country were ready 
 for war, which had been familiar to them on many 
 occasions during tlie lives of their fathers and their
 
 CONDUCT OF THE EARL OF MAR. 113 
 
 own. They might be easily induced to take arms 
 — the Highlanders, to whom war was a state pre- 
 ferable to peace, were sure to take the field with 
 them — the Border counties of England were most 
 likely to catch the flame, from the disposition of 
 many of the gentry there — and the conflagration, it 
 ^vas expected, might, in the present humour of the 
 nation, be extended all over England. To effect 
 a rising, therefore, in Scotland, with a view to a 
 general insurrection throughout Great Britain, be- 
 came the principal object of those who were affect- 
 ed by, or who resented, the prosecution directed 
 with so much rigour against the members of Queen 
 Anne's last ministry. ^i 
 
 The Earl of Mar, whom we have repeatedly 
 mentioned as Secretary of State durihg the last years 
 of Queen Anne, and as the person to whom the dis- 
 tribution of money among the Highland clans, and 
 the general management of Scottish affairs, was in- 
 trusted by her ministry, was naturally considered as 
 the person best qualified to bring his countrymen to 
 the desired point. Mar had not felt any difl[iculty 
 in changing from the Whig principles which he pro- 
 fessed at the time of the Union, — on which occasion 
 he was one of the Scottish Secretaries of State, — 
 to the Tory principles of Bolingbroke, which he now 
 professed. We do him, therefore, no wrong in sup- 
 posing, that he would not have sturdily rejected any 
 proposal from the court of George I. to return to 
 the party of Whig and Low Church. At least it is 
 certain, that when the heads of the Tory party had 
 determined to submit themselves to George I., 
 Lord Mar, in following the general example, en- 
 10*
 
 114 DONDUCT OF THE 
 
 deavoured to distinguish himself by a display of iu- 
 fluence and consequence, which might mark him 
 as a man whose adherence was worth securing, and 
 who was, at the same time, willing to attach him- 
 self to the new sovereign. In a letter addressed to 
 King George while in Holland, and dated 30th 
 August, 1714, the Earl expresses great apprehen- 
 sion that his loyalty or zeal for the King's interests 
 may have been misrepresented to his Majesty, be- 
 cause he found himself the only one of Queen An- 
 ne's servants whom the Hanoverian ministers at the 
 court of London did not visit. His lordship then 
 pleads the loyalty of his ancestors, his own services 
 at the Union, and in passing the Act of Succession ; 
 and, assuring the King that he will find him as faith- 
 ful a subject and servant as ever any of his family 
 had been to the preceding royal race, or as he him- 
 self had been to the late Queen, he conjures him 
 not to believe any misrepresentations of his conduct, 
 and concludes with a devout prayer for the quiet and 
 peaceful reign of the monarch, in disturbing which 
 he himself was destined to be the prime instrument. 
 But it was not only on his individual application 
 that the Earl of Mar expected indemnity, and per- 
 haps favour, at the court of George I. He desired 
 also to display his influence over the Highlanders, 
 and for that purpose procured a letter, subscribed 
 by a number of the most influential Chiefs of the 
 clans, addressed to himself, as having an estate and 
 interest in the Highlands, conjuring him to assure 
 the government of their loyalty to his Sacred Majes- 
 ty, King George, and to protect them, and the heads 
 of other clans who, from distance, could not attend
 
 EARL OF MAR. 115 
 
 at the signing of the letter, against the misrepresen- 
 tations to which they might be exposed; protesting, 
 that as they had been ready to follow Lord Mar's 
 directions in obeying Queen Anne, so they would 
 be equally forward to concur with him in faithfully 
 serving King George. At the same time a loyal 
 address of the clans to the same effect, drawn 
 up by Lord Grange, brother to Mar, was for- 
 warded to and placed in the hands of the Earl, to 
 be delivered to the King at his landing. Lord Mar 
 attended at Greenwich accordingly, and doubtless 
 expected a favourable reception, when delivering to 
 the new Monarch a recognition of his authority on 
 the part of a class of his subjects who were sup- 
 posed to be inimical to his accession, and were cer- 
 tainly best prepared to disturb his new reign. Lord 
 Mar, was, however, informed that the King would 
 not receive the address of the clans, alleging it had 
 been concocted at the court of the Pretender ; and 
 he was at the same time commanded to deliver up 
 the seals, and informed that the King had no far- 
 ther occasion for his services. 
 
 On the policy of this repulse it is almost unne- 
 cessary to make observations. Although it might 
 be very true, that the address was made up with the 
 sanction of the Chevalier de St George and his ad- 
 visers, it was not less the interest of George L to 
 have received, with the usual civility, the expres- 
 sions of homage and allegiance which it contained. 
 In a similar situation. King William did not hesi- 
 tate to receive, with apparent confidence, the sub- 
 mission of the Highland clans, though it was well 
 understood that it was made under the express au-
 
 116 COINDUCT OF THE EARL OF MAR. 
 
 thority of King James the II. A monarch whose 
 claim to obedience is yet young, ought in policy to 
 avoid an immediate quarrel with any part of his sub- 
 jects who are ready to profess allegiance as such. 
 His authority is, like a transplanted tree, subject to 
 injury from each sudden blast, and ought, therefore, 
 to be secured from such, until it is gradually con- 
 nected by the ramilication of its roots incorporating 
 themselves with the soil in which it is planted. A 
 sudden gust may in one case overturn, what in the 
 other can defy the rage of a continued tempest. It 
 seems at least certain, that in bluntly, and in a dis- 
 paraging manner, refusing an address expressing 
 allegiance and loyalty, and affronting the haughty 
 courtier by whom it was presented. King George 
 exposed his government to the desperate alterna- 
 tive of civil war, and the melancholy expedient of 
 closing it by bringing many noble victims to the 
 scaffold, which during the reign of his predecessor 
 had never been stained with British blood shed for 
 political causes. The impolicy, however, cannot 
 justly be imputed to a foreign prince, who, looking 
 at the list of Celtic names, and barbarously unpro- 
 nounceable designations which were attached to the 
 address, could not be supposed to infer from thence, 
 that the subscribers were collectively capable of 
 bringing into the field, on the shortest notice, ten 
 thousand men, who, if not regular soldiers, were ac- 
 customed to a sort of discipline which rendered 
 them equal to such. There were many around the 
 King who could have informed him on this subject ; 
 and, to their failing to do so, the blood-shed, and 
 concomitant misfortunes of the future civil war, 
 must iii'^tlv W attributed.
 
 MAR^S ARRIVAL IN SCOTLAND. 117 
 
 The Earl of Mar, thus repulsed in his advances 
 to the new monarchy, necessarily concluded, that 
 his ruin was determined on ; and with the desire 
 of revenge, which was natural at least, if not justi- 
 fiable, he resolved to place himself at the head of 
 the disaffected party in Scotland, encouraging them 
 to instant insurrection, and paying back the contu- 
 mely with which his offer of service had been re- 
 jected, by endangering the government of the prince 
 at whose hands he had experienced such an insult. 
 
 It was early in August, 1715, that the Earl of 
 Mar embarked at Gravesend, in the strictest incog- 
 nito, having for his companions Major-general 
 Hamilton and Colonel Hay, men of some military 
 experience. They sailed in a coal-sloop, working, 
 it was said, their passage, the better to maintain 
 their disguise, till they landed at the small port of 
 Elie, on the eastern shore of Fife, a country which 
 then abounded with friends to the Jacobite cause. 
 The state of this province in other respects offered 
 facilities to Mar. It is a peninsula, separated from 
 Lothian by the Frith of Forth, and from the shire of 
 Angus by that of Tay ; and as it did not, until a 
 very late period, hold much intercourse with the 
 metropolis, though so near it in point of distance, it 
 seemed like a district separated from the rest of 
 Scotland, and was sometimes jocosely termed the 
 "Kingdom of Fief." The commonalty were, in 
 the beginning of the 18th century, almost exclusive- 
 ly attached to the Presbyterian persuasion ; but it 
 was otherwise with the gentry, who were numer- 
 ous in this province to a degree little known in oth- 
 er parts of Scotland. Its security, during the long
 
 113 THE SCOTTISH CAVALIERS. 
 
 wars of former centuries, had made it early ac- 
 quainted -with civilization. The value of the soil, 
 on the sea-coasts at least, had admitted of great 
 subdivision of property ; and there is no county of 
 Scotland which displays so many country-seats 
 within so short a distance of each other. These 
 gentlemen were, as we have said, chiefly of the To- 
 ry persuasion, or, in other words, Jacobites ; for the 
 subdivision of politicians termed IVhimsicals, or 
 Tories attached to the House of Hanover, could 
 hardly be said to exist in Scotland, though well 
 known in South Britain. Besides their tenets, the 
 Fief Lairds were most of them men who had not 
 much to lose in civil broils, having to support an 
 establishment considerably above the actual rents 
 of their estates, which were, of course, impaired by 
 increasing debts : they were, therefore, the less un- 
 willing to engage in dangerous enterprises. As a 
 party affecting the manners of the ancient Cava- 
 liers, they were jovial in their habits, and cautious 
 to omit no opportunity of drinking the King's health; 
 a point of loyalty which, like virtue of other kinds, 
 had its own immediate reward. Loud and bold 
 talkers, the Jacobites had accustomed themselves 
 to think they were the prevailing party ; an idea 
 which those of any particular faction, who converse 
 exclusively with each other, are usually found to 
 entertain. Their want of knowledge of the world, 
 and the total absence of newspapers, save those of 
 a strong party leaning, whose doctrines or facts 
 they took care never to correct by consulting any 
 of an opposite tendency, rendered them at once cu- 
 rious and crcdaloiis. This slight sketch of the
 
 THE SCOTTISH CAVALIERS. 119 
 
 Fife lairds may be applied, with equal justice, to 
 the Jacobite country gentlemen of that period in 
 most counties of Scotland. They had virtues to 
 balance their faults and follies. The political prin- 
 ciples they followed had been handed down to them 
 from their fathers ; they were connected, in their 
 ideas, with the honour of their country ; and they 
 were prepared to defend them with a degree of zeal, 
 which valued not the personal risks in which the 
 doing so might place life and property. There 
 were also individuals among them who had natural 
 talents improved by education. But, in general, 
 the persons whom the Earl of Mar was now desir- 
 ous to stir up to some sudden act of mutiny, were 
 of that frank and fearless class who are not guilty 
 of seeing far before them. They had already par- 
 taken in the general excitation caused by Queen 
 Anne's death, and the approaching crisis which was 
 expected to follow that important event. They 
 had struggled with the Whig gentry, inferior in num- 
 ber, but generally more alert and sagacious in coun- 
 sel and action, concerning the addresses of head- 
 courts and the seats on the bench of justices. Many 
 of them had commissioned swords, carabines, and 
 pistols from abroad. They had bought up horses 
 fit for military service ; and some had taken into 
 their service additional domestics, selecting in pref- 
 erence men who had served in some of the dragoon 
 regiments, which had been reduced in consequence 
 of the peace of Utrecht. Still, notwithstanding 
 these preparations for a rising, some of the leading 
 men in Fife, as elsewhere, were disposed to hesi- 
 tate before engaging in the irretrievable step of re-
 
 120 THE SCOTTISH CAVALIERS. 
 
 bellion against the established government. Their 
 reluctance was overcome by the impatience of the 
 majority, excited by the flattering though premature 
 rumours which were actively circulated by a set of 
 men, who might be termed the Intelligencers of the 
 faction. 
 
 It is well known, that in every great political body 
 there are persons, usually neither the wisest, the 
 most important, or most estimable, who endeavour 
 to gain personal consequence by pretending pecu- 
 liar access to information concerning its most inti- 
 mate concerns, and who are equally credulous in 
 believing, and indefatigable in communicating, 
 whatever rumours are afloat concerning the affairs 
 of the party, whom they encumber by adhering to. 
 With several of these Lord Mar communicated, and 
 exalted their hopes to the highest pitch, by the ad- 
 vantageous light in which he placed the political 
 matters which he wished them to support, trusting 
 to the exaggerations and amplifications w4th which 
 they were sure to retail what he had said. 
 
 Such agents, changing what had been stated as 
 probabilities into certainties, furnished an answer to 
 every objection which could be off'ered by the more 
 prudent of their party. If any cautious person ob- 
 jected to stir before the EnglishJacobites had shown 
 themselves serious — some one of these active vouch- 
 ers was ready to afiirm, that every thing was on the 
 point of a general rising in England, and only wait- 
 ed the appearance of a French fleet with ten thou- 
 sand men, headed by the Duke of Ormond. Did 
 the listener prefer an invasion of Scotland, — the 
 same number of men, with the Duke of Bermckat
 
 THE SCOTTISH CAVALIERS. 121 
 
 their head, were as readily promised. Supplies of 
 every kind were measured out, according to the de- 
 sire of the auditors ; and if any was moderate enough 
 to restrain his wish to a pair of pistols for his own 
 use, he was assured of twenty brace to accommo- 
 date his friends and neighbours. This kind of mu- 
 tual delusion was every day increasing ; for as 
 those who engaged in the conspiracy were inter- 
 ested in obtaining as many proselytes as possible, 
 they became active circulators of the sanguine hopes 
 and expectations by which they, perhaps, began al 
 ready to suspect that they had been themselves de- 
 ceived. 
 
 It is true, that, looking abroad at the condition 
 of Europe, these unfortunate gentlemen ought to 
 have seen, that the state of France at that time was 
 far from being such, as to authorize any expecta- 
 tions of the prodigal supplies which she was repre- 
 sented as being ready to furnish, or, rather, as being 
 in the act of furnishing. Nothing was less likely, 
 than that kingdom, just extricated from a war 
 in which it had been nearly ruined, by a peace so 
 much more advantageous than they had reason to 
 expect, should have been disposed to afford a pre- 
 text for breaking the treaty which had pacified Eu- 
 rope, and for renewing against France the confed- 
 eracy under whose pressure she had nearly sunk. 
 This was more especially the case, when, by the 
 death of Louis XIV.,* whose ambition and sense- 
 less vanity had cost so much blood, the government 
 devolved on the Regent Duke of Orleans. Had 
 Louis survived, it is probable that, although heneith- 
 
 * 1st of August, 1715. 
 VOL. I 11
 
 122 THE SCOTTISH CAVALIERS. 
 
 er did nor dared to have publicly adopted the cause 
 of the Chevalier de St George, as was indeed evi- 
 dent by his refusing to receive him at his court ; 
 yet, the recollection of his promise to the dying 
 James the II., as well as the wish to embarrass Eng- 
 land, might have induced him to advance money, 
 or give some underhand assistance to the unhappy 
 exile. But, upon Louis's death, the policy of the 
 Duke of Orleans, who had no personal ties what- 
 ever with the Chevalier de St George, induced 
 him to keep entire good faith with Britain — to com- 
 ply with the requisitions of the Earl of Stair — and 
 to put a stop to all such preparations in the French 
 ports, as the vigilance of that minister had detected, 
 and denounced as being made for the purpose of 
 favouring the Jacobite insurrection. Thus, while 
 the Chevalier de St George was represented as 
 obtaining succours in arms, money, and troops, 
 from France, to an amount which that kingdom 
 could hardly have supplied, and, from her inferiority 
 in naval force, certainly must have found it difficult 
 to have transported into Britain, even in Louis's 
 most palmy days, the ports of that country were 
 even closed against such exertions as the Chevalier 
 might make upon a small scale by means of his 
 private resources. 
 
 But the death of Louis XIV. was represented in 
 Scotland as rather favourable, than otherwise, to 
 the cause of James the Pretender. The power of 
 France was now wielded, it was said, by a courage- 
 ous and active young prince, to whose character en- 
 terprise was more natural than to that of an aged 
 and heart-broken old man, and who would, ot course.
 
 THE SCOTTISH CAVALIERS. 123 
 
 be ready to hazard as much, or more, in the cause 
 of the Jacobites, than the late monarch had so often 
 promised. In short, the death of Louis the Great, 
 long the hope and prop of the Jacobite cause, was 
 boldly represented as a favourable event during the 
 present crisis. 
 
 Although a little dispassionate enquiry would 
 have dispelled the fantastic hopes, founded on the 
 baseless rumour of foreign assistance, yet such fic- 
 tions as I have here alluded to, tending to exalt the 
 zeal and spirits of the party, were circulated be- 
 cause they were believed, and believed because they 
 were circulated ; and the gentlemen of Stirlingshire, 
 Perth, Angus, and Fifeshire, began to leave their 
 homes, and assemble in arms, though in small par- 
 ties, at the foot of the Grampian hills, expecting the 
 issue of Lord Mar's negotiations in the Highlands. 
 
 Upon leaving Fifeshire, having communicated 
 with such gentlemen as were most likely to serve 
 his purpose. Mar proceeded instantly to his own 
 estates of Braemar, lying along the side of the river 
 Dee, and took up his residence with Farquharson 
 of Invercauld. This gentleman was chief of the 
 clan Farquharson, and could command a very con- 
 siderable body of men. But he was vassal to Lord 
 Mar for a small part of his estate, which gave the 
 Earl considerable influence with him ; not how- 
 ever, sufficient to induce him to place himself and 
 followers in such hazard as would have been occa- 
 sioned by an instant rising. He went to Aberdeen, 
 to avoid importunity on the subject, having previ- 
 ously declared to Mar, that he would not take 
 arms until the Chevalier de St George had actual-
 
 124 HUNTING OP BRAEMAR. 
 
 ly landed. At a later period he joined the insur- 
 gents. 
 
 Disappointed in this instance, Mar conceived, 
 that as desperate resolutions are usually most rea- 
 dily adopted in large assemblies, where men arc 
 hurried forward by example, and prevented from 
 retreating, or dissenting, by shame, he should best 
 attain his purpose in a large convocation of the 
 chiefs and men of rank, who professed attachment 
 to the exiled family. The assembly was made un- 
 der pretext of a grand hunting match, which, as 
 maintained in the Highlands, was an occasion of 
 general rendezvous of a peculiar nature. The lords 
 attended at the head of their vassals, all, even Low- 
 land guests, attired in the Highland garb, and the 
 sport was carried on upon a scale of rude magnifi- 
 cence. A circuit of many miles was formed around 
 the wild desolate forests and wildernesses, which 
 are inhabited by the red deer, and is called the tin- 
 did. Upon a signal given, the hunters who com- 
 pose the tinchel began to move inwards, closing 
 the circle, and driving the terrified deer before 
 them, with whatever else the forest contains of 
 wild animals who cannot elude the surrounding 
 sportsmen. Being in this manner concentrated 
 and crowded together, they are driven down a de- 
 file, where the principal hunters lie in wait for them, 
 and show their dexterity, by marking out and shoot- 
 ing those bucks which are in season. As it requir- 
 ed many men to form the tinchel, the attendance 
 of vassals on these occasions was strictly insisted 
 upon. Indeed, it was one of the feudal services 
 required by the law, attendance on the superior at
 
 HUNTING OF BRAEMAR. 126 
 
 hunting being as regularly required as at hosting^ 
 that is, joining his banner in war; or loatching and 
 warding^ garrisoning, namely, his castle in times of 
 danger. 
 
 An occasion such as this was highly favourable; 
 and the general love of sport, and well-known fame 
 of the forest of Braemar for game of every kind, 
 assembled many of the men of rank and influence 
 who resided within reach of the rendezvous, and a 
 great number of persons besides, who, though of 
 less consequence, served to give the meeting the 
 appearance of numbers. This great council was 
 held about the 26th of August, and, it may be 
 supposed, they did not amuse themselves much 
 with hunting, though it was the pretence and 
 watchword of their meeting. 
 
 : Among the noblemen of distinction, there appear- 
 ed in person, or by representation, the Marquis of 
 Huntly, eldest son of the Duke of Gordon; the 
 Marquis of TuUiebardine, eldest son of the Duke of 
 Athole ; the Earls of Nithsdale, Marischat, Tra- 
 quair, Ercol, Southesk, Carnwath, and Linlithgow; 
 the Visl^iunts of Kilsythe, Kenmiur, Kingston, and 
 Stormouht ; the Lords Rollo, Duifus, Drummond, 
 Strathallan, Ogilvy, and Nairne. Of the chiefs of 
 elans, there attended Glengarry, Campbell of Glen- 
 darule, on the part of the powerful Eearl of Bread- 
 albane, with others of various degrees of impor- 
 tance in the Highlands. 
 
 When this council was assembled, the Earl of 
 
 Mar addressed them in a species of eloquence which 
 
 was his principal accomplishment, and which was 
 
 particularly qualified to succeed with the high-spir- 
 
 11^
 
 126 HUNTING OF BRAEMAR. 
 
 ited and zealous men by whom he was surrounded. 
 He confessed, with tears in his eyes, that he had 
 himself been but too instrumental in forwarding the 
 Union between England and Scotland, which had 
 given the English the power, as they had the dispo- 
 sition, to enslave the latter kingdom. He urged 
 that the Prince of Hanover was an usurping intru- 
 der, governing by means of an encroaching and in- 
 novating faction ; and that the only mode to escape 
 his tyranny was to rise boldly in defence of their 
 lives and property, and to establish on the throne 
 the lawful heir of these realms. He declared that 
 he himself was determined to set up the standard of 
 James HI., and summoned around it all those over 
 whom he had influence, and to hazard his fortune 
 and life in the cause. He invited all who heard him 
 to unite in the same generous resolution. He was 
 large in his promises of assistance from France in 
 troops and money, and persisted in the story that 
 two descents were to take place, one in England, 
 under the command of Ormond, the other in Scot- 
 land, under that of the Duke of Berwick. He also 
 strongly assured his hearers of the certainty of a gen- 
 eral insurrection in England, but alleged the abso- 
 lute necessity of showing them an example in the 
 north, for which the present time was most appro- 
 priate, as there were few regular troops in Scotland 
 to restrain their operations, and as they might look 
 for assistance to Sweden as well as to France. 
 
 It has been said that Mar, on this memorable oc- 
 casion, showed letters from the Chevalier de St 
 George, with a commission nominating the Earl his 
 lieutenant-general and commander-in-chief of his
 
 HUNTING OF BRAEMAR. 127 
 
 armies in Scotland. Other accounts say, more pro- 
 bably, that Mar did not produce any other creden- 
 tials than a picture of the Chevalier, which he repeat- 
 edly kissed, in testimony of zeal for the cause of the 
 original, and that he did not at the time pretend to 
 the supreme command of the enterprise. This is 
 also the account given in the statement of the trans- 
 action drawn up by Mar himself, or under his eye, 
 where it is plainly said, that it was nearly a month 
 after the standard was set up ere the Earl of Mar 
 could procure a commission. 
 
 The number of persons of rank who were assem- 
 bled, the eloquence with which topics were publicly 
 «rged which had been long the secret inmates of ev- 
 «ry bosom, had their effect on the assembled guests, 
 and every one felt, that to oppose the current of the 
 Earl's discourse by remonstrance or objection, would 
 i>e to expose himself to the charge of cowardice, or 
 of disaffection to the common cause. It was agreed 
 that all of them should return home, and raise, un- 
 der various pretexts, whatever forces they could in- 
 dividually command against a day, fixed for the 3d 
 of September, on which they were to hold a second 
 meeting at Aboyne, in Aberdeenshire, in order to 
 settle how they were to take the field. The Mar- 
 quis of Huntly alone declined to be bound to any 
 limited time ; and in consequence of his high rank 
 and importance, he was allowed to regulate his own 
 motions at his own pleasure. 
 
 Thus ended that celebrated hunting in Braemar, 
 which, as the old bard says of that of Chevy Chace, 
 might, from its consequences, be wept by a gene- 
 ration which was yet unborn. There was a cir-
 
 128 ATTEMPT TO SURPRISE. 
 
 cumstance mentioned at the time, which tended to 
 show that all men had forgotten that the Earl of 
 Mar, on whose warrant this rash enterprise was 
 undertaken, was considered by some as rather too 
 versatile to be fully trusted. As the castle of Brae- 
 mar was overflowing with guests, it chanced that, 
 as was not unusual on such occasions, many of the 
 gentlemen of the secondary class could not obtain 
 beds, but were obliged to spend the night around 
 the kitchen fire, which was then accounted no great 
 grievance. An English footman, a domestic of 
 the Earl, was of a very different opinion. Accus- 
 tomed to the accommodations of the south, he 
 came bustling in among the gentlemen, and com- 
 plained bitterly of being obliged to sit up all night, 
 notwithstanding he shared the hardship with his 
 betters, saying, that rather than again expose him- 
 self to such a strait, he would return to his own 
 country and turn Whig. However, he soon com- 
 forted himself by resolving to trust to his master's 
 dexterity for escaping every great danger. " Let 
 my Lord alone," he said; " if he finds it necessary, 
 he can turn cat-in-pan with any man in England." 
 
 While the Lowland gentlemen were assembling 
 their squadrons, and the Highland chiefs levying 
 their men, an incident took place in the metropolis 
 of Scotland, which showed that the spirit of enter- 
 prise which animated the Jacobites had extended 
 to the capital itself. 
 
 James Lord Drummond, son of that unfortunate 
 Earl of Perth, who, having served James VH. as 
 Chancellor of Scotland, shared tne exile of his still 
 more unfortunate master, and been rewarded with
 
 EDINBURGH CASTLE. 129 
 
 the barren title of Duke of Perth, was at present in 
 Edinburgh ; and by means of one Mr Arthur, who 
 had been formerly an ensign in the Scots Guards, 
 and quartered in the Castle, had formed a plan of 
 surprising that inaccessible fortress, which resem- 
 bled an exploit of Thomas Randolph, or the Black 
 Lord James of Duglass, rather than a feat of mod- 
 ern war. This Ensign Arthur found means of se- 
 ducing, by money and promises, a sergeant nam- 
 ed Ainslie and two privates, who engaged, that, 
 when it was their duty to watch on the walls which 
 rise from the precipice looking northward, near the 
 Sally-port, they would be prepared to pull up from 
 the bottom certain rope-ladders prepared for the 
 purpose, and furnished with iron grapplings to 
 make them fast to the battlements. By means of 
 these, it was concluded that a select party of Jaco- 
 bites might easily scale the walls, and make them- 
 selves masters of the place. By a beacon placed 
 on a particular part of the Castle, three rounds of 
 artillery, and a succession of fires made from hill to 
 hill through Fife and Angus shires, the signal of 
 success was to be communicated to the Earl of 
 Mar, who was to hasten forward with such forces 
 as had collected, and take possession of the capital 
 city and chief strength of Scotland. 
 
 There was no difficulty in finding agents in this 
 perilous and important enterprise. Fifty High- 
 landers, picked men, v/ere summoned up from 
 Lord Drummond's estates in Perthshire, and fifty 
 more were selected among the Jacobites of the 
 metropolis. These last were disbanded officers, 
 writers' clerks and apprentices, and other youths
 
 130 ATTEMPT TO SURPRISE 
 
 of a class considerably above the the mere vulgar 
 Drummond, otherwise called Mac Gregor, of Ba- 
 haldie, a Highland gentleman of great courage, 
 was named to command the enterprise. If suc- 
 cessful, this achievement must have given the Earl 
 of Mar and his forces the command of the greater 
 part of Scotland, and afforded them a safe and 
 ready means of communication with the English 
 malecontents, the want of which was afterwards so 
 severely felt. He would also have obtained a large 
 supply of money, arms, and ammunition deposited 
 in the fortress, all of which were most needful for 
 his enterprise. And the apathy of Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Stewart, then Deputy-governor of the 
 Castle, was so great that, in spite of numerous 
 blunders on the part of the conspirators, and an 
 absolute revelation on the subject made to Govern- 
 ment, the surprise had very nearly taken place. 
 The younger conspirators who were to go on this 
 forlorn hope, had not discretion in proportion to 
 their courage. Eighteen of them, on the night ap- 
 pointed, were engaged drinking in a tippling house, 
 and were so careless in their communications, that 
 the hostess was able to tell some person who en- 
 quired what the meeting was about, that it consist- 
 ed of young gentlemen who were in the act of hav- 
 ing their hair powdered, in order to go to the attack 
 of the Castle. At last the full secret was intrusted 
 to a woman. Arthur, their guide, had communi- 
 cated the plot to his brother, a medical man, and 
 engaged him in the enterprise. But when the time 
 for executing it drew nigh, the doctor's extreme 
 melancholy was observed by his wife, who, like a
 
 EDINBURGH CASTLE. ' 131 
 
 second Belvidera or Portia, suffered hira not to rest 
 until she extorted the secret from him, which she 
 communicated in an anonymous letter to Sir Adam 
 Cockburn of Ormiston, then Lord Justice Clerk, 
 who instantly dispatched the intelligence to the 
 Castle. The news arrived so critically, that it was 
 with difficulty the messenger obtained entrance to 
 the Castle; and even then the deputy-governor, 
 disbelieving the intelligence, or secretly well affect- 
 ed to the cause of the Pretender, contented him- 
 self with directing the rounds and patrols to be 
 made with peculiar care, and retired to rest. 
 
 In the meantime, the Jacobite storming party 
 had rendezvoused at the churchyard of the West 
 Kirk, and proceeded to post themselves beneath 
 the Castle wall. They had a part of their rope lad- 
 ders in readiness, but the artificer, one Charles 
 Porbes, a merchant in Edinburgh, who ought to 
 have been there with the remainder, which had been 
 made under his direction, was nowhere to be seen. 
 Nothing could be done during his absence ; but, 
 actuated by their impatience, the party scrambled 
 tip the rock, and stationed themselves beneath the 
 wall, at the point where their accomplice kept sen- 
 try. Here they found him ready to perform his 
 stipulated part of the bargain, by pulling up the 
 ladder of ropes which was designed to give them 
 admittance. He exhorted them, however, to be 
 speedy, telling them he was to be relieved by the 
 patrol at twelve o'clock, and if the affair were not 
 completed before that hour, that he could give 
 them no further assistance. The time was fast fly 
 ing, when Bahaldie, the commander of the storm
 
 132 ATTEMPT TO SURPRISE 
 
 ing party, persuaded the sentinel to pull up the 
 grapnel, and make it fast to the battlements, that it 
 might appear whether or not they had length of lad- 
 der sufficient to make the attempt. But it proved, 
 as indeed they had expected, more than a fathom 
 too short. At half past eleven o'clock, the steps 
 of the patrol, who had been sent their rounds earli- 
 er than usual, owing to the message of the Lord 
 Justice Clerk, were heard approaching, on which 
 the sentinel exclaimed, with an oath, " Here come 
 the rounds I have been telling you of this half hour ; 
 you have ruined both yourself and me ; I can serve 
 you no longer." With that he threw down the 
 grappling-iron and ladders, and in the hope of cover- 
 ing his own guilt, fired his musket, and cried "En- 
 emy !" Every man was then compelled to shift for 
 himself, the patrol firing on them from the wall. 
 Twelve soldiers of the burgher guard, who had 
 been directed by the Lord Justice Clerk to make 
 the round of the Castle on the outside, took prison- 
 ers three youths, who insisted that they were found 
 there by mere accident, and an old man, Captain 
 Mac Lean, an officer of James VIL who was 
 much bruised by a fall from the rocks. The rest of 
 the party escaped along the north bank of the North 
 Loch, through the fields called Barefoord's Parks, 
 on which the New Town of Edinburgh now stands. 
 In their retreat they met their tardy engineer,Charles 
 Forbes, loaded with the ladders which were so 
 much wanted a quarter of an hour before. Had it 
 not been for this want of punctuality, the informa- 
 tion and precautions of the Lord Justice Clerk 
 would have been insufficient for the safety of the
 
 EDINBURGH CASTLE. 133 
 
 place. It does not appear that any of the conspir- 
 ators were punished, nor would it have been easy 
 to obtain proof of their guilt. The treacherous ser- 
 geant was hanged by sentence of a court-martial, 
 and the deputy-governor (whose name of Stewart 
 might perhaps aggravate the suspicion that attach- 
 ed to him,) was deprived of his office, and impris- 
 oned for some time. 
 
 It needed not this open attack on the Castle of 
 Edinburgh, or the general news of Lord Mar's 
 Highland armament, and the rising of the disaflfect- 
 ed gentlemen in arms throughout most of the coun- 
 ties of Scotland, to call the attention of King 
 George's Government to the disturbed state of that 
 part of his dominions. Measures for defence were 
 hastily adopted. The small number of regular 
 troops who were then in Scotland were concentrat- 
 ed, for the purpose of forming a camp at Stirling, 
 in order to prevent the rebels from seizing the bridge 
 over the Forth, and thereby forcing their way into 
 the Low country. But four regiments, on the 
 peace establishment, only mustered two hundred 
 and fifty-seven men each ; four regiments of dra- 
 goons were considerably under two hundred to a 
 regiment — a total of only fifteen hundred men at . 
 the utmost. 
 
 To increase these slender forces, two regiments 
 of dragoons, belonging to the Earl of Stair, with 
 two regiments of foot quartered in the north of 
 England, were ordered to join the camp at Stirling 
 with all possible dispatch. The foot regiments of 
 Clayton and Wightman, with the dragoons of Evans 
 were recalled from Ireland. The six thousand 
 
 VOL. I. 12
 
 134 JACOBITES OPPOSED BY GOVERNMENT 
 
 auxiliary forces with whom the Dutch had engag- 
 ed, in case of need, to guarantee the succession of 
 the House of Hanover, were required of the States, 
 who accordingly ordered the Scotch regiments in 
 their service to march for the coast, but excused 
 themselves from actual embarking them in conse- 
 quence of the French ambassador having disown- 
 ed, in the strongest manner, any intent on the part 
 of his court to aid the factions in England by send- 
 ing over the Pretender to Britain, or to assist those 
 who were in arms in his behalf. The Dutch alleg- 
 ed this as a sufficient reason for suspending the 
 shipment of these auxiliaries. 
 
 Besides these military measures, the Ministers 
 of George I. were not remiss in taking such others 
 as might check the prime cause of rebellions in 
 Scotland, namely, that feudal influence possessed 
 by the aristocracy over their vassals, tenants, and 
 dependents, by which the great men, when disgrac- 
 ed or disappointed, had the power of calling to arms 
 at their pleasure, a number of individuals, who, 
 however unwilling they might be to rise against the 
 Grovernment, durst not, and could not, without 
 great loss and risk of oppression, oppose themselves 
 to their superior's pleasure. 
 
 On the 30th of August, therefore, an act was 
 passed for the purpose of encouraging loyalty in 
 Scotland, a plant which of late years had not been 
 found to agree with the climate of that cold and 
 northern country, or at least, where found to luxu- 
 riate, it was of a nature different from that known 
 by the same name at Westminster. 
 
 This statute, commonly called the Clan Act, en- 
 acted. That if a feudal superior went into rebellion,
 
 THE CLAN ACT. 135 
 
 and became liable to the pains of high treason, all 
 such vassals holding lands under him, as should 
 continue in their allegiance, should in future hold 
 these lands of the Crown. 2. If a tenant should 
 have remained at the King's peace while his land- 
 lord had been engaged in rebellion, and convicted 
 of treason, the space of two years' gratuitous pos- 
 session should be added to that tenant's lease. 3. 
 If the superior should remain loyal and peaceful 
 while the vassal should engage in rebellion, and 
 incur conviction of high treason, then the fief, or 
 lands held by such vassal, shall revert to the supe- 
 rior as if they had never been separated from his 
 estate. 4. Another clause declared void such set- 
 tlements of estates and deeds of entail as might be 
 made on the 1st day of August, 1714, or at any 
 time thereafter, declaring that they should be no 
 bar to the forfeiture of the estates for high treason, 
 seeing that such settlements had been frequently 
 resorted to for the sole purpose of evading the pun- 
 ishment of the law. 
 
 This remarkable act was the first considerable 
 step towards unloosing the feudal fetters, by which 
 the command of the superior became in some meas- 
 ure the law of the vassal. The clause concerning 
 settlements and entails was also important, and ren- 
 dered nugatory the attempts which had been fre- 
 quently made to evade the punishment of forfeiture, 
 by settlements made previous to the time when 
 those who granted the deeds engaged in rebellion. 
 Such deeds as were executed for onerous causes, 
 that is, for value of some kind received, were justly 
 excepted from the operation of this law.
 
 136 THE CLA^ ACT. 
 
 There was, moreover, another clause, empower- 
 ing the Crown to call upon any suspected person 
 or persons in Scotland to appear at Edinburgh, or 
 where it should be judged expedient, for the purpose 
 of finding bail, with certification that their failure to 
 appear should subject them to be put to the horn as 
 rebels, and that they should incur the forfeiture of 
 the liferent escheat. Immediately afterwards, sum- 
 monses were issued to all the noblemen and gen- 
 tlemen either actually in arms, or suspected of fa- 
 vouring the Jacobite interest, from the Earl of Mar 
 and his compeers, down to Rob Roy Mac Gregor, 
 the celebrated outlaw. The list amounted to about 
 fifty men of note, of which only two. Sir Patric 
 Murray, and Sir Alexander Erskine, thought proper 
 to surrender themselves. 
 
 Besides these general measures, military resist- 
 ance to the expected rebellion was prepared in a 
 great many places, and particularly in borough-towns 
 and seaports. It is here to be remarked, that a 
 great change had taken place among the bulk of the 
 people of Scotland, from the ill-humour into which 
 they had been put by the conclusion of the Union 
 treaty. At that time, such were the effects of mor- 
 tified pride, popular apprehension, and national an- 
 tipathy, that the populace in every town and county 
 would have arisen to place the Pretender on the 
 throne, notwithstanding his professing the Catholic 
 religion, and being the grandson of James VII., of 
 whose persecutions, as well as those in the time of 
 his predecessor, Charles II., the Presbyterians of the 
 west nourished such horrible recollections. Accor- 
 dingly, we have seen that it was only by bribing their 
 
 4
 
 PREPARATIONS OF GOVERNMENT. 137 
 
 chiefs, and deceiving them by means of adroit spies 
 that the Cameronians, the most zealous of Presby- 
 terians, who disowned the authority of all magis- 
 trates who had not taken the Solemn League and 
 Covenant, were prevented from taking arms to dis- 
 solve the Union Parliament, and to declare for the 
 cause of James III. But it happened with the 
 Union, as with other political measures, against 
 which strong prejudices have been excited during 
 their progress : — the complication of predicted evils 
 were so far from being realized, that the opponents 
 of the treaty began to be ashamed of having enter- 
 tained such apprehensions. None of the violent 
 changes which had been foretold, none of the uni- 
 versal disgrace and desolation which had been antic- 
 ipated in consequence, had arisen from that great 
 measure. The enforcing of the Malt Tax was the 
 most unpopular, and that impost had been for the 
 time politically suspended. The shopkeepers of 
 Edinburgh, who had supplied the peers of Scotland 
 with luxuries, had found other customers, now that 
 the aristocracy were resident in London, or they had 
 turned their stock into other lines of commerce. The 
 ideal consequence of a legislature of their own hold- 
 ing its sittings in the metropolis of Scotland, was 
 forgotten when it became no longer visible, and the 
 abolition of the Scottish Privy Council might, on 
 calm reflection, be considered as a national benefit 
 rather than a privation. In short, the general re- 
 sentment excited by the treaty of Union, once keen 
 enough to suspend all other motives, was a paroxysm 
 too violent to last — men recovered from it by slow 
 degrees, and though it was still predominant in the 
 12*
 
 138 PREPARATIONS OF GOVERISMEM 
 
 minds of some classes, yet the opinions of the low- 
 er orders in general had in a great measure returned 
 to their usual channel, and men entertained in the 
 south and west, as well as in many of the boroughs, 
 theirusual wholesome horror for the Devil, the Pope, 
 and the Pretender, which, for a certain time had 
 been overpowered and lost in their apprehensions 
 for the independence of Scotland. 
 
 In 1715, also, the merchants and better class of 
 citizens, who began to entertain some distant views 
 of enriching themselves by engaging in the com- 
 merce of the plantations, and other lucrative branch- 
 es of trade, opened up by the Union, were no lon- 
 ger disposed to see any thing tempting in the pro- 
 posal of jNIar and his insurgents, to destroy the trea- 
 ty by force ; and were, together with the lower 
 classes, much better disposed to listen to the ex- 
 postulations of the presbyterian clergy, who, sensi- 
 ble of what they had to expect from a counter-revo- 
 lution, exerted their influence, generally speaking 
 with great effect, in support of the present govern- 
 ment of King George. The fruits of this change in 
 the temper and feelings of the middling and lower 
 classes, were soon evident in the metropolis and 
 throughout Scotland. In Edinburgh, men of wealth 
 and substance subscribed a bond of association, in 
 order to raise subscriptions for purchasing arms and 
 maintaining troops ; and a body of the subscribers 
 themselves formed a regiment, under the name of 
 the Associate Volunteers of Edinburgh. They were 
 four hundred strong. Glasgow, with a prescient 
 consciousness of the commercial eminence which 
 vshe was to attain bv means of the treaty of Union,
 
 TO OPPOSE THE JACOBITES. 139 
 
 contributed liberally in meney to defend the cause 
 of King George, and raised a good regiment of vol- 
 unteers. The western counties of Renfrew and 
 Ayrshire offered four thousand men, and the Earl 
 of Glasgow a regiment of a thousand at his own 
 charge. Along the Border, the Whig party were 
 no less active. Dumfries distinguished itself, by 
 aising among the inhabitants seven volunteer com- 
 panies of sixty men each. This was the more ne- 
 cessary, as an attack was apprehended from the 
 many Catholics and disaffected gentlemen who re- 
 side in the neighbourhood. The eastern part of 
 Teviotdale supplied the Duke of Roxburgh, Sir Wil- 
 liam Bennet of Grubet, and Sir John Pringle of 
 Stitchel, with as many men as they could find arms 
 for, being about four companies. The upper part 
 of the country, and the neighbouring shire of Selkirk 
 were less willing to take arms. The hatred of the 
 Union still prevailed amongst them more than else- 
 where, inflamed, probably, by the very circumstance 
 of their vicinity to England, and the recollection of 
 the long wars betwixt the kingdoms. The Camer- 
 onian preachers, also, had possessed many specula- 
 tive shepherds with their whimsical and chimerical 
 doubts concerning the right of uncovenanted magis- 
 trates to exercise an authority even in the most ur- 
 gent case of national emergency. This doctrine 
 was as rational as if the same scrupulous persons 
 had discovered that it was unlawful to use the assis- 
 tance of firemen during a conflagration, because 
 they had not taken the Solemn League and Cove- 
 nant. These scruples were not universal, and assum- 
 ed as many different hues and shades as tliere
 
 140 PREPARATIONS OF WAR. 
 
 were popular preachers to urge them ; they tended 
 greatly to retard and embarrass the exertions ot 
 government to prepare for defence in these districts. 
 Even the popularity of the Reverend Thomas Bos- 
 ton, an eminent divine of the period, could not 
 raise a man for the serv^ice of government out of his 
 parish of Ettrick. 
 
 Notwithstanding, however, partial exceptions, 
 the common people of Scotland, who were not 
 overawed by Jacobite landlords, remained general- 
 ly faithful to the Protestant line of succession, and 
 showed readiness to arm in its behalf. 
 
 Having thus described the preparations for war, 
 on both sides, we will, in the next Chapter, relate 
 the commencement of the campaign.
 
 [ 141 ] 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Raising of the Standard for the Chevalier de St George, and Pro- 
 clamation of him as James VIII. of Scotland, and III. of En- 
 gland and Ireland — Capture of Perth by the Jacobites— Charac- 
 ter of Mar's Army — Incapacity of Mar as a General ---Plan of 
 an Expedition into the Low Country. 
 
 On the 6th September 1715, the noblemen,chiefs 
 of clans, gentlemen, and others, with such followers 
 as they could immediately get in readiness, assem- 
 bled at Aboyne ; and the Earl of Mar, acting as 
 General on the occasion, displayed the royal stand- 
 ard, at Castleton, in Braemar ; and proclaimed, 
 with such solemnity as the time and place admitted^ 
 James King of Scotland, by the title of James 
 VIII. and King of England, Ireland, and their de- 
 pendencies, by that of James III. The day was 
 stormy ; and the gilded ball which was on the top 
 of the standard spear was blown down, — a circum- 
 stance which the superstitious Highlanders regard- 
 ed as ominous of ill fortune; while others called to 
 mind, that by a strange coincidence, something of 
 the same kind happened in the evil hour when King 
 Charles set up his standard at Nottingham. 
 
 After this decisive measure, the leaders of the 
 insurgents separated to proclaim King James in 
 the towns where they had influence, and to raise 
 as many followers as each could possibly command, 
 in order to support the daring defiance which they 
 had given to the established government.
 
 142 JACOBITE LEVIES. 
 
 It was not by the mildest of all possible means 
 that a Highland following, as it is called, was 
 brought into the field at that period. Many vas- 
 sals were, indeed, prompt and ready for service, for 
 which their education and habits prepared them. 
 But there were others who were brought to their 
 chiePs standard by much the same enticing mode of 
 solicitation used in our own day for recruiting the 
 navy, and there were many who conceived it pru- 
 dent not to stir without such a degree of compulsion 
 as might, in case of need, serve as some sort of 
 apology for having been in arms at all. On this 
 raising the clans in the year 1715, the fiery cross 
 was sent through the districts or countries, as they 
 are termed, inhabited by the different tribes. This 
 emblem consisted of tw^o branches of wood, in the 
 form of a cross, one end singed with fire, and the 
 other stained with blood. The inhabitants trans- 
 mitted the signal from house to house with all pos- 
 sible speed, and the symbol implied, that those 
 who should not appear at a rendezvous which was 
 named when the cross was presented, should suffer 
 the extremeties of fire and sword. There is an in- 
 tercepted letter of Mar himself, to John Forbes of 
 Increrau, bailie of his lordship of Kildrummie, 
 which throws considerable light on the nature of a 
 feudal levy : — 
 
 " You w^ere right, Jackie," said the lord to his 
 oflicial, not to come with the hundred men you 
 sent up last night, when I expected four times their 
 numbers. It is a pretty thing my own people should 
 be refractory, when all the Highlands are rising, 
 and all the Lowlands are expecting us to join them.
 
 IN THE HIGHLANDS. 143 
 
 I send you enclosed an order for the Lordship ot 
 Kildrummie, which you will immediately intimate 
 to all my vassals. If they give ready obedience, 
 it will make some amends, and if not, ye may tell 
 them from me, that it will not be in my power to 
 save them (were I willing) from being treated as 
 enemies by those that are soon to join me ; and 
 they may depend upon it that I will be the first to 
 propose and order their being so. Particularly, let 
 my own tenants in Kildrummie know, that if they 
 come not forth with their best arms, I will send a 
 party immediately to bum what they shall miss tak- 
 ing from them. And they may believe this only a 
 threat, — but by all that's sacred, I'll put it in exe- 
 cution, let my loss be what it will, that it may be an 
 example to others. You are to tell the gentlemen 
 that I expect them in their best accoutrements on 
 horseback, and no excuse to be accepted of." 
 
 This remarkable letter is dated three days after 
 the displaying of the standard. The system of so- 
 cial life in the Highlands, has, when viewed through 
 the vista of years, much in it that is interesting and 
 poetical ; but few modern readers will desire to ex- 
 change conditions with a resident within the roman- 
 tic bounds of Mar's Lordship of Kildrummie, where 
 such were liable to a peremptory summons to arms ; 
 thus rudely enforced. 
 
 Proceeding towards the Lowlands by short march- 
 es. Mar paused at the small town of Kirkmichael, 
 and afterwards at Mouline in Perthshire, moving 
 slowly that his friends might have leisure to assem- 
 ble for his support. In the mean time King James 
 was proclaimed at Aberdeen by the Earl Marischal,
 
 144 PROCLAMATION OF JAMES. 
 
 at Dunkeld by the Marquis of Tullibardine, contra- 
 ry to the wishes of his father, the Duke of Athole, 
 at Castle Gordon by the Marquis of Huntly, at Bre- 
 chin by the Earl of Panmure, a rich and powerful 
 nobleman, who had acceeded to the cause since the 
 rendezvous at the Braemar hunting. The same cer- 
 emony was performed at Montrose by the Earl of 
 Southesk, at Dundee by Graham of Duntroon, of 
 the family of the celebrated Claverhouse, and to 
 whom King James had given that memorable per- 
 son's title of Viscount of Dundee, and at Inverness 
 by theLairdof Borlum, commonly called Brigadier 
 Mac Intosh, from his having held that rank in the 
 service of France. This officer made a considera- 
 ble figure during the rebellion, in which he had in- 
 fluence to involve his chief and clan, rather contra- 
 ry to the political sentiments of the former ; he 
 judged that Inverness was a station of importance, 
 and therefore left a garrison to secure it from any 
 attack on the part of the Grants, Monroes, or other 
 Whig clans in the vicinity. 
 
 The possession of the town of Perth now became 
 a point of great importance, as forming the commu- 
 nication between the Highlands and the Lowlands, 
 and being the natural capital of the fertile countries 
 on the margin of the Tay. The citizens were di 
 vided into two parties, but the magistrates, who, at 
 the head of one part of the inhabitants, had declar- 
 ed for King George, took arms and applied to the 
 Duke of Athole, who remained in allegiance to the 
 ruling monarch, for a party to support them. The 
 Duke sent them three or four hundred Athole High 
 landers, and the inhabitants conceived themselves 
 
 I
 
 CAPTURE OF PERTH BY THE JACOBITES. 145 
 
 secure, especially as the Earl of Rothes, having as- 
 sembled about four hundred militia men, was ad- 
 vancing from Fife to their support. The honourable 
 Colonel John Haj, brother to the Earl of Kinnoul, 
 took, however, an opportunity to collect together 
 some fifty or a hundred horse from the gentlemen 
 of Stirling, Perthshire, and Fife, and marched to- 
 wards the town. The Tory burghers, who were not 
 inferior in numbers, began to assume courage as 
 these succours appeared, and the garrison of High- 
 landers knowiug that although the Duke of Athole 
 remained attached to the government, his eldest son 
 was in the Earl of Mar's army, gave way to their 
 own inclinations, which were decidedly Jacobitical, 
 and joined Colonel Hay, for the purpose of disarm- 
 ing the Whig biifghers, to whose assistance they had 
 been sent. Thus Perth, by a concurrence of acci- 
 dents, fell into the hands of the insurgent Jacobites, 
 and gave them the cpmmand of all the Lowlands in 
 the east part of Scotland. Still, as the town was 
 bat slightly fortified, it might have been recovered 
 by a sudden attack,if a detachment had been made for 
 that porpose, from the regular camp at Stirling. But 
 General Whetham, who as yet commanded there, 
 was not an 'officer of activity. He was indeed su- 
 perseded in his command by the Duke of Argyle, 
 commander-in-chief in Scotland, who came to Stir- 
 ling on the 14th September ; but the opportunity of 
 regaining Perth no longer existed. The town had 
 been speedily reinforced, and secured for the Jaco- 
 bites interest, by about two hundred men, whom the 
 Earl of Strathmore had raised to join the Earl of 
 Mar, and a body of Fifeshire cavalry who had array- 
 VOL. I. 13
 
 146 EARL OF STRATHMORE. 
 
 ed themselves for the same sen^ice under the Mas- 
 ter of Sinclair. Both these noblemen were remark- 
 *ble characters. 
 
 The Earl of Strathmore, doomed to lobse his life 
 in this fatal broil, \vas only about eighteen years 
 old, but at that early age he exhibited every symp- 
 tom of a brave, generous, and modest disposi- 
 tion, and his premature death disappointed the 
 most flourishing hopes. He engaged in the Re- 
 bellTon with all the zeal of sincerity, raised a strong 
 regiment of Lowland infantry, and distinguished 
 himself by his attention to the duties of a military 
 life. 
 
 The Master of Sinclair, c^ called because the 
 eldest son of Henry seveniii Lord Sinclair, had 
 served in Marlborough's army ^h good reputa- 
 tion ; but he was especially remarkable for having, 
 in the prosecution of an affair of honour, slain two 
 gentlemen of the name of Shaw, brothers to Sir 
 John Shaw of Greenock, and persons of rank and 
 consequence. He was tried by a court-martial, and 
 condemned to death, but escaped from prison, not 
 without the connivance of the Duke of Marlbo- 
 rough himself. As the Master of Sinclair's family 
 were Tories, he obtained his pardon on the acces- 
 sion of their party to power in 1712. In 1715, he 
 seems to have taken arms with great reluctance, 
 deeming the cause desperate, and having no con- 
 fidence in the probity or parts of the Earl of Mar, 
 who assumed the supreme authority. He was a 
 man of a caustic and severe turn of mind, suspi- 
 cious and satirical, but acute and sensible. He has 
 left Memoirs behind him, curiously illustrative of
 
 CHARACTER OF xMAR's ARMY. 14T 
 
 the ill-fated enterprise in which he was engaged, 
 and of which he seems totally to have despaired 
 long before its final termination. 
 
 That part of the Earl of Mar's forces which 
 lay in the eastern and north-eastern parts of Scot- 
 land, were now assembled at Perth, the most cen- 
 tral place under his authority. They amounted to 
 four or five thousand men, and although formida- 
 ble for courage and numbers, they had few other 
 qualities necessary to constitute an army. They 
 wanted a competent general, money, arms, and am- 
 munition, regulation and discipline ; above all, a 
 settled purpose and object of the campaign. On 
 each of these deficiencies, and on the manner and 
 degree in which they were severally supplied, I 
 will say a few words, so as to give you some idea 
 of this tumultuary army, before proceeding to de- 
 tail what they did, and what they left undone. 
 
 There can be no doubt, that from the time he em- 
 barked in this dangerous enterprise. Mar had se- 
 cretly determined to put himself at the head of it, 
 and gratify at once his ambition and his revenge. 
 But it does not appear that at first he made any 
 pretension to the chief -command. On the contrary, 
 he seemed willing to defer to any person of higher 
 rank than his own. The Duke of Gordon would 
 have been a natural choice, from his elevated rank 
 and great power. But, besides that he had not 
 come out in person, though it was not doubted that 
 he approved of his son's doing so, the Duke was a 
 Catholic, and it was not considered politic that Pa- 
 pists should hold any considerable rank in the en- 
 terprise, as ic would have given rise to doubts 
 amonpc their o^vn party, and reproaches from thei'
 
 148 CHARACTER OF MAR'S ARMI. 
 
 opponents. Finally, the Duke, being one of the 
 suspected persons summoned by government to 
 surrender himself, obeyed the call, and was appoint- 
 ed to reside at Edinburgh on his parole. The 
 Duke of Athole had been a leader of the Jaco- 
 bites during the disputes concerning the Union, 
 and had agreed to rise had the French descent 
 taken place in 1707. Upon him, it is said, the 
 Earl of Mar offered to devolve the command of 
 the forces he had levied. But the Duke refu- 
 sed the offer at his hands. He said, that if the 
 Chevalier de St George had chosen to impose such 
 a responsible charge upon him, he would have op- 
 ened a direct communication with him personally ; 
 and he complained that Mar, before making this 
 proposal to him, had intrigued in his family ; hav- 
 ing instigated his two sons, the Marquis of Tulli- 
 bardiue and Lord Churles Murray, as well as his 
 Uncle Lord Naime, to take arms without his 
 consent, and made use of them to seduce the 
 Athole men from their allegiance to their rightful 
 lord. He therefore declined the offer which was 
 made to him of commanding the forces now in re- 
 bellion, and Mar retained, as if by occupancy, the 
 chief command of the army. As he was brave, 
 high-born, and possessed of very considerable tal- 
 ent, and as his late connexion with the chiefs of the 
 Highland clans, while distributor of Queen Anne's 
 bounty, rendered him highly acceptable to them, 
 his authority was generally submitted to, especially 
 as it was at first supposed that he acted only as a 
 locum tenen? for the Duke of Berwick, whose spee- 
 dy arrival had been announced. Time passed on, 
 however, the Duke came not, and the Earl of Mar 
 
 I
 
 CHARACTER OF MAR's ARMY. 149 
 
 continued to act as commander-in-chief, until con- 
 firmed in it, as we shall learn, by an express com- 
 mission from the Chevalier de St George. As 
 the Earl was unacquainted with military affairs, he 
 used the experience of Lieut ^lant-General Hamil- 
 ton and Clephane of Cars. -, who had served 
 during the late war, to sup;,. '3 deficiencies in 
 that department. But though j gentlemen had 
 
 both courage, zeal, and warliki; skill, they could 
 not assist their principal in what his own capacity 
 could not attain to — the powerof forming and act- 
 ing upon a decided plan of tactics. 
 
 Money was also much wanted, and was but poor- 
 ly supplied by such sums as the wealthier adherents 
 of the party could raise among themselves. Some 
 of the gentlemen had indeed means of their own, 
 but as their funds became exhausted, they were 
 under the necessity of returning home for more ; 
 which was with some the apology for absence from 
 their corps much longer and more frequently than 
 was consistent with discipline. But the Highland- 
 ers and Lowlanders of inferior rank, could not sub- 
 sist, or be kept within the bounds of discipline, with- 
 out regular pay of some kind. Lord Southesk 
 gave five hundred pounds, and the Earl of Pan- 
 mure the same sum, to meet the exigencies of the 
 moment. Aid was also solicited and obtained from 
 various individuals, friendly to the cause, but un- 
 equal, from age or infirmity, to take the field in 
 person ; and there were many prudent persons, no 
 doubt, who thought it the wisest course to sacrifice 
 a sum of money, which, if the insurrection were 
 successful, would give them the merit of having 
 13*
 
 150 CHARACTER OF MAR's ARMV. 
 
 aided it, while, if it failed, their lives and estates 
 were secured from the reach of the law against 
 treason. Above all, the insurgents took especial 
 care to secure all the public money that was in the 
 hands of collectors of taxes, and otlier public offi- 
 cers, and to levy eight months cess wherever their 
 presence gave them the authority. At length, con- 
 siderable supplies of money were received from 
 France, which in a great measure relieved their 
 wants in that particular. Lord Drummond was ap- 
 pointed to be treasurer to the army. 
 
 Arms and ammunition were scarce amongst the 
 insurgents. The Highland clans were, indeed, 
 tolerably armed with their national weapons ; but 
 the guns of the Lowlanders were in wretched order, 
 and in a great measure unfit for service. The suc- 
 cess of an expedition in some degree remedied this 
 important deficiency. 
 
 Among other northern chiefs who remained faith- 
 ful to George I., amidst the general defection, was 
 the powerful Earl of Southerland, who, on the news 
 of the insurrection, had immediately proceeded by 
 sea to his Castle of Dunrobin, to collect his vas- 
 sals. In order that they might be supplied with 
 arms, a vessel at Leith was loaded with firelocks, 
 and other weapons, and sailed for the EarPs coun- 
 try. The wind, however, proving contrary, the 
 master of the ship dropped anchor at Burnt-island, 
 on the Fife shore of the Frith of Forth, of which he 
 was a native, that he might have an opportunity to 
 see his wife and children before his departure. 
 
 The Master of Sinclair, formerly mentioned, 
 whose family estate and interest lav on the shore?
 
 CHARACTER OF MAR^S ARMY. 161 
 
 of the Frithj got information of this circumstance, 
 and suggested a scheme of seizing on these arms, 
 which argued talent and activity, and was the first 
 symptom which the insurgents had given of either 
 one or other. The Master of Sinclair, with about 
 fourscore troopers, and carrying with him a number 
 of baggage-horses, left Perth about nightfall, and, 
 to baffle observation, took a circuitous road to 
 Burntisland. He arrived in the little seaport with 
 all the effects of a complete surprise, and though 
 the bark had hauled out of the harbour into the 
 roadstead, he boarded her by means of boats, pos- 
 sessing himself of all the arms, which amounted to 
 three hundred. Mar, as had been agreed upon, 
 protected the return of the detachment by advanc- 
 ing a body of five hundred Highlanders, as far as 
 Auchtertoole, half-way between Perth and Burntis- 
 land. On this occasion, the Master of Sinclair, an 
 old officer, and acquainted with the usual discipline 
 of war, was greatly annoyed by the disorderly con- 
 duct of the volunteer forces whom he commanded. 
 He could not prevail on the gentlemen of his squad- 
 ron to keep watch with any vigilance, nor prevent 
 them from crowding into ale-houses to drink. In 
 returning homeward, several of them broke off with- 
 out leave, either to visit their own houses which 
 were near the road, or to indulge themselves in the 
 pleasure of teazing the Presbyterian ministers who 
 lay in their way. When he came to Auchtertoole, 
 the disorder was yet greater. The Highland de- 
 tachment, many of them Mar's own men from Dee- 
 side, had broken their ranks, and were dispersed 
 over the country, pillaging the farm-houses ; whe
 
 152 CHARACTER OF "maR's ARMY. 
 
 Sinclair got a Highland officer to command them 
 to desist and return, they refused to obey, nor was 
 there any means of bringing them off, save by spread- 
 ing a report that the enemy's dragoons were ap- 
 proaching, on which they drew together with won- 
 derful celerity, and submitted to be led back to 
 Perth vvith the anns that had been seized, which 
 went some length to remedy the scarcity of that 
 most important article in the insurgent army. 
 
 A greater deficiency even than that of arms, was 
 the want of a general capable to form the plan of a 
 campaign, suitable to his situation and the charac- 
 ter of his troops, and then to carry it into effect 
 with firmness, celerity, and decision. Generals 
 Hamilton and Gordon, both in Mar's army, were 
 men of some military experience, but totally void 
 of that comprehensive genius which combines and 
 executes the manoeuvres of a campaign ; and Mar 
 himself, as already intimated, seems to have been 
 unacquainted even with the mere mechanical part 
 of the profession. He appears to have thought 
 that the principal part of his work was done when 
 the insurrection was set on foot, and that being once 
 effected, that it would carry itself on, and the rebels 
 would increase in such numbers, that resistance to 
 them must become impossible. 'The greater part 
 of the Jacobites in East Lothian were, he knew, 
 ready to take horse ; so were those of the coun- 
 tries of Dumfries and Lanark ; but they were sep- 
 arated from his army by the Frith of Forth, and 
 were likely to require assistance from him, in order 
 to secure protection when they assembled their 
 followers. Montrose, or Dundee, with half the
 
 PROPOSED EXPEDITION INTO LOTHIAN. 153 
 
 men whom Mar had already under him, would have 
 marched without hesitation towards Stirling, and 
 compelled the Duke of Argyle, who had not as yet 
 quite two thousand men, either to fight or retreat, 
 which must have opened the Lowlands and the 
 Borders to the opperations of the insurgents. But 
 such was the reputation of the Duke, that Mar re- 
 solved not to encounter him until he should have 
 received .all the reinforcements from the north and 
 west which he could possibly expect, in the hope, 
 by assembling an immense superiority of force, to 
 counterbalance the acknowledged military skill of 
 his distinguished opponent. 
 
 As however, it was essential to the Earl of Mar's 
 purpose, to spread the flame of insurrection into the 
 Lowlands, he determined not to allow the check 
 which Argyle's forces and position placed on his 
 movements, to prevent his attempting a diversion 
 by passing at all hazards a considerable detachment 
 of his army into Lothian, to support and encourage 
 his Jacobite friends on the opposite side. His pro- 
 posal was to collect small vessels and boats on the 
 Fife side of the Frith, and dispatch them across with 
 a division of his army, who v»'ere to land on such 
 part of the coast of East Lothian as the wind should 
 render most convenient, and unite themselves with 
 the malecontents wherever they might find them in 
 strength. But ere noticing the fate of this expedi- 
 tion, we must leave Mar and his army, to trace the 
 progress of the insurrection in the south of Scotland 
 and the north of England, where it had already 
 broken out.
 
 [ 154 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Progress of Insurrection in the South of Scotland— Caljvstrophe in 
 the Family of Hepburn of Keith— Rising of the Jacobites of the 
 Western Frontier, under Kenmiire, and of those of the North of 
 England, unrter Forster's— Junction of Kenmure's Party with 
 that of Forster — Reinforcements join ]Mar at Perth, his" head- 
 quarters— Delay in the Rising of the Western Clans — Procrasti- 
 nation of 3Iar — Descent of Mac Intosh upon Lothian — Junction 
 oflMac Intosh with Kenmure and Forster at Kelso —They hold a 
 Council, to decide on their plan of Operations. 
 
 The reports of inrasion from France — of King 
 James's landing with a foreign force, abundance of 
 arms, ammunition, and treasure, and the full purpose 
 to reward his friends and chastise his enemies — the 
 same exaggerated intelligence from England, con- 
 cerning general discontent and local insurrection, 
 w4iich had raised the north of Scotland in arms — 
 had their effect also on the gentlemen of Jacobite 
 principles in the south of that country, and in the 
 contiguous frontiers of England, where a number 
 of Catholic families, and others devoted to the exil- 
 ed family, v/ere still to be found. Ere the hopes in- 
 spired by such favourable rumours had passed 
 away, came the more veracious intelligence, that 
 the Earl of ^lar had set up James's standard in the 
 Highlands, and presently after, that he had taken 
 possession of Perth — that many noblemen of dis- 
 tinguished rank and interest had joined his camp, 
 and that his numbers were still increasing. 
 
 These reports gave a natural impulse to the zeal 
 of men, who, having long professed thenaselves
 
 PROGRESS OF THE INSURRECTION 155 
 
 the liege subjects af the Stewart family, were 
 ashamed to sit still when a gallant effort was made 
 to effect their restoration, by what was reported to 
 be, and in very truth was, a very strong party, and 
 an army much larger than those commanded by 
 Montrose or Dundee, and composed chiefly of the 
 same description of troops at the head of whom 
 they had gained their victories. The country, 
 therefore, through most of its districts, v/as heav- 
 ing with the convulsive throbs which precede civil 
 war, like those which announce an earthquake. 
 Events hurried on to decide the doubtful and em- 
 bolden the timorous. The active measures resolv- 
 ed on by government, in arresting suspected per- 
 sons throughout England and the southern parts of 
 Scotland, obliged the professed Jacobites to bring 
 their minds to a resolution, and either expose their 
 persons to the dangers of civil war, or their char- 
 acters to the shame of being judged wanting in the 
 hour of action, to all the protestations which they 
 had made in those of safety and peace. 
 
 These considerations decided men according to 
 their characters, some to submit themselves to im- 
 prisonment, for the safety of their lives and for- 
 tunes — others to draw the sword, and venture their 
 all in support of their avowed principles. Those 
 gentlemen who embraced the latter course, more 
 honourable, or more imprudent perhaps, began to 
 leave their homes, and drew together in such bodies 
 as might enable them to resist the efforts of the 
 magistrates, or troops sent to arrest them. The 
 civil war began by a very tragical rencounter in a 
 family, with the descendants of which your grand-
 
 156 CATASTROPHE IX THE FAMILY 
 
 father has long enjoyed peculiar intimacy, and of 
 which I give the particulars after the account pre- 
 served by them, though it is also mentioned in most 
 histories of the times. 
 
 Among other families of distinction in East Lo- 
 thian, that of Mr Hepburn of Keith was devoted- 
 ly attached to the interests of the House of Stewart, 
 and he determined to exert himself to the utmost in 
 the approaching conflict. He had several sons, 
 with whom, and his servants, he had determined to 
 join a troop to be raised in East Lothian and com- 
 manded by the Earl of Winton. This gentleman 
 being much respected in the county, it was deemed 
 of importance to prevent his showing an example 
 which was likely to be generally followed. For this 
 purpose, Mr Hepburn of Humbie and Dr Sin- 
 clair of Hermandston resolved to lay the Laird of 
 Keith under arrest, and proceeded towards his house 
 with a party of the horse-militia, on the morning of 
 the Sth of October, 1715, which happened to be 
 the very morning that Keith had appointed to set 
 forth on his campaign, having made all preparations 
 on the preceding evening. The family had assem- 
 bled for the last time at the breakfast-table, when it 
 was observed that one of the young ladies looked 
 more sad and disconsolate, than even the departure 
 of her father and brothers upon a distant and pre- 
 carious expedition seemed to warrant at that period, 
 when the fair sex were as enthusiastic in politics as 
 the men. 
 
 Miss Hepburn was easily induced to tell the cause 
 of her fears. She had dreamed she saw her young- 
 est brother, a youth of great hopes, and generally
 
 OF HEPBURN OF KEITH. 157 
 
 esteemed, shot by a man whose features were im- 
 pressed on her recollection, and stretched dead on 
 the floor of the room in which they were now as- 
 sembled. The females of the family listened and 
 argued — the men laughed, and turned the visionary 
 into ridicule. The horses were saddled, and led 
 out into the court-yard, when a mounted party was 
 discovered advancing along the flat ground, in front 
 of the mansion-house, called the Plain of Keith. 
 The gate was shut ; and when Dr Sinclair, who 
 was most active in the matter, had announced his 
 purpose, and was asked for his warrant, he handed 
 in at the window the commission of the Marquis of 
 Tweeddale, Lord Lieutenant of the country. This 
 Keith returned with contempt, and announced that 
 he would stand on his defence. The party within 
 mounted their horses, and sallied out, determined 
 to make their way ; and Keith discharging a pistol 
 in the air charged the Doctor sword in hand ; the 
 militia then fired, and the youngest of the Hepburns 
 was killed on the spot. The sister beheld the ca- 
 tastrophe from the windows, and to the end of her 
 life persisted that the homicide had the features of 
 the person whom she saw in her dream. The corpse 
 was carried into the room where they had so lately 
 breakfasted, and Keith, after having paid this 
 heavy tax to the demon of civil war, rode off" with 
 the rest of his party to join the insurgents. Dr 
 Sinclair was censured very generally, for letting 
 his party zeal hurry him into a personal encounter 
 with so near a neighbour and familiar friend ; he 
 vindicated himself, by asserting that his intentions 
 were to save Keith from the consequences into 
 
 VOL. I. 14
 
 WESTERN FRONTIER INSURRECTION. 158 
 
 which his rash zeal for the Stewart family was 
 about to precipitate that gentleman and his family. 
 But Dr. Sinclair ought to have been prepared to 
 expect, that a high-spirited man, with arms in his 
 hands, was certain to resist this violent mode of 
 opening his eyes to the rashness of his conduct; 
 and he who attempts to make either religious or po- 
 litical converts by compulsion, must be charged 
 with the consequences of such violence as is most 
 likely to ensue. 
 
 Mr. Hepburn and his remaining sons joined the 
 Jacobite gentry of the neighbourhood, to the num- 
 ber of fifty or sixty men, and directed their course 
 vrestward towards the Borders, where a considera- 
 ble party were in arms for the same cause. The 
 leader of the East Lothian troop was the Earl of 
 Winton, a young nobleman twenty-tive years old, 
 said to be afflicted by a vicissitude of spirits ap- 
 proaching to lunacy. His life had been marked by 
 some strange singularities, as that ofhis living a 
 long time as bellows-blower and assistant to a 
 blacksmith in France, without holding any commu- 
 nication with his country or family. But if we judge 
 from his conduct in the rebellion, Lord Winton ap- 
 pears to have displayed more sense and prudence 
 than most of those engaged in that unfortunate af- 
 fair. 
 
 This Lothian insurrection soon merged in the 
 two principal southern risings, which took place in 
 Dumfries-shire and Galloway in Scotland, and in 
 Northumberland and Cumberland in England. 
 
 On the western frontier of Scotland there were 
 many families not only Jacobites in politics, but 
 
 i
 
 WESTERN FRONTIER INSURRECTION. 159 
 
 Roman Catholics in religion ; and therefore bound 
 by a double tie to the heir of James II., who, for 
 the sake of that form of faith, may be justly thought 
 to have forfeited his kingdoms. Among the rest, 
 the Earl of Nithisdale, combining in his person 
 the representation of two noble families, those of 
 the Lord Herries and the Lord Maxwell, might be 
 considered as the natural leader of the party. But 
 William, Viscount Kenmure, in Galloway, a Pro- 
 testant, was preferred as chief of the enterprise, as 
 it was not thought prudent to bring Catholics too 
 much forward in the affair, on account of the scan- 
 dal to which their promotion might give rise. Many 
 neighbouring gentlemen were willing to throw them- 
 selves and their fortunes into the same adventure in 
 which Nithisdale and Kenmure stood committed. 
 The latter was a man of good sense and resolution, 
 well acquainted with civil affairs, but a total stran- 
 ger to the military art. 
 
 In the beginning of October, the plan of insur- 
 rection was so far ripened, that the gentlemen of 
 Galloway, Nithisdale, and Annandale, proposed 
 by a sudden efibrt to possess themselves of the 
 country town of Dumfries. The town was protected 
 on the one side by the river Nith ; on the others it 
 might be considered as open. But the zeal of the 
 inhabitants, and of the Whig gentlemen of the 
 neighbourhood, baffled the enterprise, which must 
 otherwise have been attended with credit to the 
 arms of the insurgents. The Lord Lieutenant and 
 his deputies collected the fensible men of the coun- 
 ty, and brought several large parties into Dumfries, 
 to support, if necessary, the defence of the place.
 
 160 GALLANTRY OF THE 
 
 The provost, Robert Corbet, Esq. mustered the 
 citizens, and putting himself at their head, har- 
 angued them in a style peculiarly calculated to in- 
 spire confidence. He reminded them that their 
 laws and religion were at stake, and that their cause 
 resembled that of the Israelites, when led by Josh- 
 ua against the unbelieving inhabitants of the land 
 of Canaan. 
 
 *' Nevertheless," said the considerate Provost 
 of Dumfries ; " as I, who am your unworthy lead- 
 er, cannot pretend to any divine commission like 
 that of the son of Nun, I do not take upon me to 
 recommend the extermination of your enemies, as 
 the judge of Israel was commanded to do by a 
 special revelation. On the contrary, I earnestly 
 entreat you to use your assured victory w^ith clem- 
 ency, and remember, that the misguided persons 
 opposed to )'ou are still your countrymen and breth- 
 ren." This oration, which, instead of fixing the 
 minds of his followers on a doubtful contest, in- 
 structed them only how to make use of certain vic- 
 tory, had a great effect in encouraging the bands of 
 the sagacious provost, who, wdth their auxiliaries 
 from the country, drew out and took a position to 
 cover the tow^n of Dumfries. 
 
 Lord Kenmure marched from Moffat, with about 
 a hundred and fifty horse, on Wednesday the 13th 
 of October, with the purpose of occupying Dum- 
 fries. But finding the friends of government in 
 such a state of preparation, he became speedily 
 aware that he could not with a handful of cavalry 
 propose to storm a town, the citizens of which 
 ^vere determined on resistance. The Jacobite 
 
 Jl
 
 PROVOST OF DUMFRIES. 161 
 
 gentlemen, therefore, retreated to Moffat, and 
 thence to Langholm and Hawick. From thence 
 they took their departure for the eastward, to join 
 the Northumberland gentlemen who were in arms 
 in the same cause, and towards whom we must 
 now direct our attention. 
 
 In England, a very dangerous and extensive 
 purpose of insurrection certainly existed shortly 
 after the Queen's death ; but the exertions of gov- 
 ernment had been so great in all quarters, that it 
 was every where disconcerted or suppressed. The 
 University of Oxford was supposed to be highly 
 dissatisfied at the accession of the House of Han- 
 over ; and there, as. well as at Bath, and elsewhere 
 in the west, horses, arms, and ammunition, were 
 seized in considerable quantities, and most of the 
 Tory gentlemen who w^re suspected of harbouring 
 dangerous intentior s, were either arrested, or de- 
 livered themselves up on the summons of govern- 
 ment. Amongst these was Sir William Wyndham, 
 one of the principal leaders of the High Church 
 party. 
 
 In Northumberland and Cumberland, the Tories, 
 at a greater distance from the power of the govern- 
 ment, were easily inclined to action ; they were 
 besides, greatly influenced by the news of the Earl 
 of Mar's army, which, though large enough to 
 have done more than it ever attempted, was still 
 much magnified by common fame. The unfortu- 
 nate Earl of Derwentwater, who acted so promi- 
 nent a part in this shortlived struggle, was by birth 
 connected with the exiled royal family ; his lady al- 
 so was a bigot in their cause : and the Catholic re- 
 14*
 
 162 iNSURRECTlOiN OF ENGLAND. 
 
 ligion, which he professed, made it almost a crime 
 in this nobleman to remain peaceful on the present 
 occasion. Thomas Forster of Bamborough, mem- 
 ber of Parliament for the county of Northumberland, 
 was equally attached to the Jacobite cause ; being a 
 Church-of-England man, he was adopted as the 
 commander-in-chief of the insurrection, for the 
 same reason that the Lord Kenmure was preferred 
 to the Earl of Nithisdale in the command of the 
 Scottish levies. Warrants being issued against the 
 Earl of Derwentwater and Mr Forster, they ab- 
 sconded, and lurked for a few days among their 
 friends in Northumberland, till a general consulta- 
 tion could be held of the principal northern Tories, 
 at the house ot Mr Fenwick of Bywell ; when, as 
 they foresaw that, if they should be arrested, and 
 separately examined, they could scarce frame such 
 a defence as might save them from the charge of 
 high treason, they resolved to unite in a body, and 
 try the chance that fortune might send them. With 
 this purpose they held a meeting at a place called 
 Greenrig, where Forster arrived with about twenty 
 horse. They went from this to the top of a hill, 
 called the Waterfalls, where they were joined by 
 Lord Derwentwater. This reinforcement made 
 them near sixty horse, with which they proceeded 
 to the small town of Rothbury, and from thence to 
 Warkworth, where they proclaimed King James 
 IIL On the 10th of October they marched to 
 Morpeth, where they received further reinforce- 
 ments, which raised them to three hundred horse, 
 the highest number which they ever attained. Some 
 pf these gentlemen remained undecided till the la«t
 
 INSURRECTION IN THE 163 
 
 fatal moment, and amongst these was John Hall 
 of Otterburn. He attended a meeting of the quar- 
 ter sessions, which was held at Alnwick, for the 
 purpose of taking measures for quelling the rebel- 
 lion, but left it with such precipitation that he for- 
 got his hat upon the bench, and joined the fatal 
 meeting at the Waterfalls. 
 
 The insurgents could levy no foot soldiers, though 
 many men offered to join them ; for they had nei- 
 ther arms to equip them, nor money to pay them. 
 This want of infantry was the principal cause why 
 they did not make an immediate attack on Newcas- 
 tle, which had formed part of their original plan. 
 But the town, though not regularly fortified, was 
 surrounded with a high stone wall, with old-fash- 
 ioned gates. The magistrates, who were zealous on 
 the side of government, caused the gates to be wall- 
 ed up with masonry, and raised a body of seven hun- 
 dred volunteers for the defence of the town,to which 
 the keelmen, or bargemen employed in the coal-trade 
 upon the Tyne, made offer of seven hundred more ; 
 and, in the course of a day or two. General Carpen- 
 ter arrived with part of those forces with whom he 
 afterwards attacked the insurgents. After this last 
 reinforcement, the gentlemen, as Forster's cavalry 
 were called, lost all hopes of surprising Newcastle. 
 About the same time, however, a beam of success 
 which attended their arms, might be said just to 
 glimmer and disappear. This was the exploit of a 
 gentleman named Lancelot Errington, who, by a 
 dexterous stratagem, contrived to surprise the small 
 castle, or fort, upon Holy Island, which might have 
 1>een useful to the insurgents in maintaining their
 
 164 NORTH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 foreign communication. But before Errington could 
 receive the necessary supplies of men and provis- 
 ions, the governor of Berwick detached a party of 
 thirty soldiers, and about fifty voluiYteers, who cross- 
 ing the sands at low water, attacked the little fort, 
 and carried it sword in hand. Errington was woun- 
 ded and taken prisoner, but afterwards made his 
 escape. 
 
 This disappointment, with the news that troops 
 were advancing to succour Newcastle, decided 
 Forster and his followers to unite themselves with 
 the Viscount Kenmure and the Scottish gentlemen 
 engaged in the same cause. The English express 
 found Kenmure near Hawick, at a moment when 
 his little band of about two hundred men had almost 
 determined to give up the enterprise. Upon receiv- 
 ing Forster's communication, however, they resolv- 
 ed to join him at Rothberry. 
 
 On the 19th of October, the two bodies of insur- 
 gents met at Rothberry, and inspected each other's 
 military state and equipments, with the anxiety of 
 mingled hope and apprehension. The general 
 character of the troops was the same, but the Scots 
 seemed the best prepared for action, being mounted 
 on strong hardy horses, fit for the charge, and, though 
 but poorly disciplined, were well armed with the 
 basket-hilted broadswords, then common through- 
 out Scotland. The English gentlemen, on the oth- 
 er hand, were mounted on fleet blood horses, better 
 adapted for the race-course and hunting-field than 
 for action ; there was among them a great want of 
 war-saddles, curb-bridles, and, above all, of swords 
 and pistols ; so that the Scots were inclined to doubt
 
 THE ENGLISH INSURGENTS. 165 
 
 whether men so well equipped for flight, and so im- 
 perfectly prepared for combat, might not, in case of 
 an encounter, take the safer course, and leave them 
 in the lurch. Their want of swords in particular, 
 at least of cutting swords fit for the cavalry service, 
 is proved by an anecdote. It is said, that as they 
 entered the town of Wooler, their commanding of- 
 ficer gave the word, ^* gentlemen, you that have got 
 swords draw them;" to which a fellow among the 
 crowd answered, not irrelevantly. " And what shall 
 they do who have none ?" When Forster, by means 
 of one of his captains named Douglas, had opened 
 a direct communication with Mar's army, the mes- 
 senger stated that the English were willing to have 
 given horses worth £25, then a considerable 
 price, for such swords as are generally worn by 
 Highlanders. 
 
 It may also be here noticed, that out of the four 
 troops commanded by Forster, the two raised by 
 Lord Derwentwater and Lord Widringtcn were, like 
 those of the Scots, composed of gentlemen, and 
 their relations and dependents. But the third and 
 fourth troops differed considerably from the others 
 in their composition. The one was commanded 
 by John Hunter, who united the character of a Bor- 
 der farmer with that of a contraband trader ; the 
 other by the same Douglas whom we have just men- 
 tioned, who was remarkable for his dexterity and 
 success in searching for arms and horses, a trade 
 which he is said not to have limited to the time of 
 the rebellion. Into the troops of these last-named 
 officers, many persons of slender reputation were 
 introduced, who had either lived by smuggling, or
 
 166 DISPUTE BETWEEN 
 
 by the ancient Border practice of horse-lifting, as it 
 was called. These light and suspicious characters, 
 however, fought with determined courage at the 
 barricades of Preston. 
 
 The motions of Kenmure and Forster were now 
 decided by the news, that a detachment from Mar's 
 army had been sent across the Frith of Forth to join 
 them ; and this requires us to return to the Northern 
 insurrection, which was now endeavouring to ex- 
 tend and connect itself with that which had broke 
 out on the Border. The Earl of Mar, it must be 
 observed, had, from the first moment of his arrival 
 at Perth, or at least as soon as he was joined by a 
 disposable force, designed to send a party over the 
 Frith into Lothian, who should encourage the Jaco- 
 bites in that country to rise ; and he proposed to 
 confer this command upon the Master of Sinclair. 
 As, however, this separation of his forces must have 
 considerably weakened his own army, and perhaps 
 exposed him to an unwelcome visit from the Duke 
 of Argyle, Mar postponed his purpose until he 
 should be joined by reinforcements. These were 
 now pouring fast into Perth. 
 
 From the North, the ]Marquis of Huntly, one of 
 the most powerful of the confederacy, joined the ar- 
 my at Perth with foot and horse, Lowlanders and 
 Highlanders, to the amount of nearly four thousand 
 men. The Earl Marischal had the day before 
 brought up his own power, consisting of about 
 eighty horses. The arrival of these noblemen 
 brought some seeds of dissension into the camp. 
 Marischal, so unlike the wisdom of his riper years, 
 with the indiscretion of a very young man, gave just
 
 HUISTLY AND MARISCHAL. 167 
 
 oifence to Huntly, by endeavouring to deprive him 
 of a part of his following. 
 
 The occasion was this. The Mac Phersons, a 
 very stout, hardy clan, who are called in Gaelic, 
 Mac Vourigh, and headed by Cluuy Mac Pherson, 
 held some possessions of the Gordon family, and 
 therefore naturally placed themselves under the 
 Marquis of Huntly's banner on the present occa- 
 sion, although it might be truly said, that in gener- 
 al they were by no means the most tractable vas- 
 sals. Marischal endeavoured to prevail on this 
 Clan-Vourigh to place themselves under his com- 
 mand instead of that of Huntly, alleging, that as the 
 Mac Phersons always piqued themselves on being a 
 distinguished branch of the great confederacy call- 
 ed Clah-Chattan, so was he, by his name of Keith, 
 the natural chief of the confederacy aforesaid. Mar 
 is said to have yielded some countenance to the 
 claim, the singularity of which affords a curious 
 picture of the matters with which these insurgents 
 were occupied. The cause of Mar's taking part 
 in such a debate was alleged to be, the desire which 
 he had to lower the estimation of Huntly's power 
 and numbers. The Mac Phersons, however, con- 
 sidered the broad lands which they held of the Gor- 
 don as better reason for rendering him their allegi- 
 ance, than the etymological arguments urged by 
 the Earl Marischal, and refused to desert the ban- 
 ner under which they had come to the field. 
 
 Another circumstance early disgusted Huntly with 
 an enterprise in which he could not hope to gain 
 any thing, and which placed in peril a princely es- 
 *Me. and a ducal title. Besides about three squad-
 
 16S huntly's light horse. 
 
 rons of gentlemen, chiefly of his own name, well 
 mounted and well armed, he had brought into the 
 field a squadron of some fifty men strong, whom 
 he termed Light Horse, though totally unfit for the 
 service of pttite querre which that name implies. 
 A satirist describes them as consisting of great 
 lubberly fellows, in bonnets, without boots, and 
 mounted on long-tailed little ponies, w^th snaflle- 
 bridles, the riders being much the bigger animals of 
 the two ; and instead of pistols, these horsemen 
 were armed with great rusty muskets, tied on their 
 backs with ropes. These uncouth cavaliers excit- 
 ed a degree of mirth and ridicule among the more 
 civilized Southern gentry ; which is not suprising, 
 any more than that both the men, and Huntly, their 
 commander, felt and resented such uncivil treat- 
 ment — a feeling which was gradually increased in- 
 to a disinclination to the cause in which they had 
 received the indignity. 
 
 Besides these Northern forces. Mar also ex- 
 pected many powerful succours from the north- 
 west, which comprehended the tribes termed, dur- 
 ing that insurrection, by way of excellence, The 
 Clans. The chiefs of these families had readily 
 agreed to hold the rendezvous which had been set- 
 tled at the hunting match of Braemar ; but none of 
 them, save Glengarry, were very hasty in recol- 
 lecting their promise. Of this high chief a con- 
 tempory says, it would be hard to say whether he 
 had more of the lion, the fox, or the bear, in his dis- 
 position ; for he was at least as crafty and rough 
 as he was courageous and gallant. At any rate, 
 both his faults and virtues were consistent with his
 
 DELAir OF THl^ WESTERN CLANS. 169 
 
 character, which attracted more admiration than 
 
 that of any other engaged in Mar's insurrection. 
 He levied his men, and marched to the braes of 
 Glenorchy, where, after remaining eight days, he 
 was joined by the Captain of Clanranald, and Sir 
 John Mac Lean ; who cltme, the one with the Mac 
 Donalds of Moidart anxi Arisaig ; the other with 
 a regiment of his own name, from the Isle of Mull. 
 A detachment of these clans commenced the war 
 by an attempt to surprise the garrison at Inverlochy. 
 They succeeded in taking some outworks, and 
 made the defenders prisoners, but failed in their at- 
 tack upon the place, the soldiers being on their 
 guard. 
 
 Still, though hostilities were in a manner begun, 
 these western levies were far from complete. 
 Stewart of Appin, and Cameron of Lochiel, would 
 neither of them move ; and the Breadalbane men, 
 whose assistance had been promised by the singu- 
 lar Earl of that name, were equally tardy. There 
 was probably little inclination, on the part of those 
 clans who were near neighbours to the Duke of Ar- 
 gyle, and some of them Campbells, to displease 
 that powerful and much-respected nobleman. An- 
 other mighty limb of the conspiracy, lying also in 
 the north-western extremity of Scotland, was the 
 Earl of Seaforth, chief of the Mac Kenzies, who 
 could bring into the field from two to three thousand 
 men of his own name, and that of M?ic Rae, and 
 other clans dependent upon him. But he also was 
 prevented from taking the field and joining Mar, by 
 the operations of the Earl of Southerland, who, tak- 
 ing the chief command of some of the Northern 
 
 VOL. I. 15
 
 170 DELAY OF THE WESTERN CLANS. 
 
 clans who were disposed to favour government — 
 as, the ?>Ionroes, under their chief, Monro of Fou- 
 iis ; the Mac Kays, under Lord Rae ; the numer- 
 ous and pow'erfui clan of Grant, along with his own 
 following — had assembled a little army, with which 
 he made a demonstratioi^ towards the Bridge of 
 Alness. Thus at the head of a body of about 
 twelve or fifteen hundred men, Southerland was so 
 stationed on the verge of Seaforth's country, that 
 the latter chief could not collect his men, and move 
 southward to join Mar, without leaving his estates 
 exposed to ravage. S^aforth prepared to move, 
 however, so soon as circumstances would admit, 
 for while he faced the Earl of Southland, with a- 
 bout eighteen hundred men, he sent Sir John Mac 
 Kenzie of CouU to possess himself of Inverness, 
 Brigadier Mac Intosh, by whom it was occupied 
 for James VIII., having moved southward to Perth. 
 Thus, from one circumstance or another, the 
 raising of the western clans was greatly delayed ; 
 and Mar, whose plan it was not to attempt any 
 thing till he should have collected the whole force 
 together which he could possibly expect, was, or 
 thought himself, obliged to remain at Perth, long 
 after he had assembled an arrtiy sufficient to attack 
 the Duke of Argyle, and force his way into the 
 southern part of Scotland, where the news of his 
 success, and the Duke's defeat or retreat, together 
 with the hope of plunder, would have decided those 
 tardy western chieftains, who were yet hesitating 
 whether they should join him or not. Mar, how- 
 ever, tried to influence them by arguments of a 
 different nature, such as he had the power of of- 
 
 ^
 
 PROCRASTINATION OF MAR. 171 
 
 fering; and dispatched General Gordon to expe- 
 dite these levies, with particular instructions to 
 seize on the Duke of Argyle's castle at Inverary, 
 and the arms understood to be deposited there. 
 There was afterwards supposed to be some person- 
 al spleen, in the Earl's thus beginning direct hos- 
 tilities against his great opponent ; but it must be 
 said, to the honour of the rebel General, that he 
 resolved not to set the example of beginning wit|j 
 fire and sword ; and therefore directed, that though 
 General Gordon might threaten to burn the castle 
 at Inverary, he was on no account to proceed to 
 such extremity without further orders. His object 
 probably was, besides a desire to possess the arms 
 said to be in the place, to effect a complete breach 
 between the Duke of Argyle and the clans in his 
 vicinity, which must have necessarily been attend- 
 ed with great diminution of the Duke's influence. 
 We shall see presently how far this line of policy 
 appears to have succeeded. 
 
 During the currency of these events. Mar receiv- 
 ed information of the partial rising which had tak- 
 en place in Northumberland, and the disposition to 
 similar movements which showed itself in various 
 parts of Scotland. It might have been thought, 
 that these things would have induced him at leagth 
 to burst from the sort of confinement, in which the 
 small body commanded by Argyle retained so su- 
 perior an army. If Mar judged that the troops un- 
 der his command, assembled at Perth, were too 
 few to attack a force which they more than doubled, 
 there remained a plan of manoeuvring by which 
 he might encounter Argyle at a yet greater advan-
 
 17? PROCRASTINATION OF MAR. 
 
 tage. He might have commanded General Gor- 
 don, when he had collected the western clans, who 
 could not amount to fewer than four thousand men, 
 instead of amusing himself at Inverary, to direct 
 their course to the Fords of Frew, by which the 
 river Forth may be crossed above Stirling, and 
 near to its source. Such a movement would have 
 menaced the Duke from the westward, while Mar 
 liimself might have advanced against him from the 
 north, and endeavoured to possess himself of Stirl- 
 ing bridge, which was not very strongly guarded. 
 The insurgent cavalry of Lord Kenmure could al- 
 so have co-operated in such a plan of operations, 
 i)y advancing from Dumfries towards Glasgow, 
 n.nd threatening the west of Scotland. It is plain 
 that the Duke of Argyle saw the danger of being 
 thus cut o if from the western countries, where gov- 
 ernment had many zealous adherents ; for he or- 
 «lered up five Imndred men from Glasgow to join 
 his camp at Stirling ; and on the 24th of Septem- 
 ber, commanded all the regiments of fencibles and 
 volunteers in the west of Scotland to repair to Glas- 
 gow, as the most advantageous central point from 
 which to protect the country, and cover his own 
 encampment; and establish gamsons at the vil- 
 lage of Dry men, and also in several gentlemen's 
 Jiouses adjacent to the Fords of Frew, to prevent 
 or retard any descent of the Highlanders into the 
 Low Country by that pass. But the warlike habits 
 of the Highlanders were greatly superior to those 
 of the raw Lowland levies, whom they would prob- 
 ably have treated with little ceremony. 
 
 Nevertheless, the Earl of Mar, far from adopt- 
 ing a plan so decisive, resolved to afford support 
 
 It A
 
 DESCENT UPOxN LOTHIAN. ITS 
 
 to Kenmure and Forster, by his original plan of 
 marching a detachment to their assistance, instead 
 of moving his whole force towards the Lowlands. 
 This, he conceived, might be sufficient to give 
 them the aid and protection of a strong body of 
 infantry, and enabled them to strengthen and in- 
 crease their numbers, whilst the measure allowed 
 him to remain undisturbed at Perth, to await the 
 final result of his intrigues in the Highlands, and 
 those which had commenced at the court of the 
 Chevalier de St George. There were many and 
 obvious dangers in m.aking the proposed move- 
 ment. A great inlet of the sea was to be crossed; 
 and if the passage was to be attempted about Dun- 
 fermline or Inverkeithing, where the Forth was 
 less broad, it was to be feared that the bustle of 
 collecting boats, and the march of the troops which 
 were to form the detachment, might give warning 
 to the Duke of Argyle of what was intended, who 
 was likely to send a body of his dragoons to sur- 
 prise and cut the detachment off, on their arrival 
 at the southern side of the Forth. On the other 
 hand, to attempt the passage over the lower part of 
 the Frith, where vessels were more numerous, and 
 could be assembled with less observation, was to 
 expose the detachment to the uncertainties of a 
 j)assage of fifteen or eighteen miles across, which 
 was guarded by men-of-war, with their boats and 
 launches, to which the officers of the customs at 
 every seaport had the most strict orders to trans- 
 mit intelligence of whatever movement might be 
 attempted by the rebels. Upon a choice of diffi- 
 cultief?', however, the crossing of the Firth from 
 15*
 
 174 MAC INTOSH's DESCr.NT 
 
 Pittonweem, Crail, and other towns situated to the 
 eastward on the Fife coast, was determined on. 
 
 The troops destined for the adventure, were 
 Mar's own regiment, as it was called, consisting of 
 the Fraquharsons, and others from the banks of the 
 Dee — that of the Macintoshes — those of Lords 
 Strathmore, Nairne, and Lord Charles Murray, all 
 Highlanders, excepting Lord Strathmore's Low- 
 land regiment. They made up in all about two 
 thousand five hundred men; for in the rebel army 
 the regiments were weak in numbers, Mar having 
 gratified the chiefs, by giving each the commission 
 of colonel, and allowing him the satisfaction to 
 form a battalion out of his own followers, however 
 few in number. 
 
 The intended expedition was arranged with some 
 address. Considerable parties of horse traversed 
 Fifeshire in various directions, proclaiming James 
 VIIL, and levyingthe cess of the county, though in 
 very different proportions on those whom they ac- 
 counted friends or enemies to their cause, their de- 
 mands upon the latter being both larger, and more 
 rigorously enforced. These movements were con- 
 trived to distract the attention of the Whigs, and 
 that of the Duke of Argyle, by various rumours, 
 tending to conceal Mar's real purpose of sending a 
 detachment across the Frith. For the same pur- 
 pose, when their intention could be no longer con- 
 cealed, the English men-of-war were deceived con- 
 cerning the place where the attempt was to be made. 
 Mar threw troops into the castle of Burntisland, 
 and seemed busy in collecting vessels in th^ little 
 port. The armed ships were induced by these ap-
 
 UPON LOTHIAN. 175 
 
 pearances to slip their cables, and, standing over to 
 Burntisland, commenced a cannonade, which was 
 returned by the rebels from a battery which they 
 had constructed on the outer port of the harbour, 
 with little damage on either side. 
 
 By these feints Mar was enabled to get the troops, 
 designed to form the expedition, moved in secrecy 
 down to Pittenweem, the Ely, Crail, and other 
 small ports so numerous on that coast. They 
 were placed under the command of Mac Intosh of 
 Borlum, already mentioned, commonly called Bri- 
 gadier Mac Intosh, a Highland gentleman, who was 
 trained to regular war in the French service. He 
 was a bold, rough soldier, but is stated to have de- 
 graded the character by a love of plunder which 
 would have better become a lower rank in the army. 
 But this may have been a false or exaggerated 
 charge. 
 
 The English vessels of war received notice of 
 the design, or observed the embarcation from their 
 topmasts, but too late to offer effectual interruption. 
 They weighed anchor, however, at flood-tide, and 
 sailed to intercept the flotilla of the insurgents. 
 Nevertheless, they only captured a single boat, 
 with about forty Highlanders. Some of the vessels 
 were, however, forced back to the Fife coast, from 
 which they came ; and the boats which bore Lord 
 Strathmore's Lowland regiment, and others filled 
 with Highlanders, were forced into the island of May, 
 in the mouth of the Forth, where they were block- 
 aded by the men-of-war. The gallant young Earl 
 intrenched himself on the island, and harangued his 
 followers onthe fidelity which they owed to the cause;
 
 176 MAC intosh's descent 
 
 and undertook to make his own faith evident, by ex- 
 posing his person wherever the peril should prove 
 greatest, and accounting it an honour to die in the 
 service of the Prince for whom he had taken arms. 
 Blockaded in an almost desert island, this young 
 nobleman had the additional difficulty of subduing 
 quarrels and jealousies betwixt the Highlanders and 
 his own followers from Angus. These dissensions 
 ran so high, that the Lowlanders resolved to em- 
 brace an opportunity to escape from the island with 
 their small craft, and leave the Highlanders to their 
 fate. The proposal was rejected by Strathmore 
 with ineffable disdain, nor would he leave his very 
 unpleasant situation, till the change of winds and 
 waves afforded him a fair opportunity of leading all 
 who had been sharers in his misfortune in safety 
 back to the coast they sailed from. 
 
 Meantime the greater part of the detachment de- 
 signed for the descent upon Lothian, being about 
 sixteen hundred men, succeeded in their desperate 
 attempt, and had landed at North Berwick, Aber- 
 lady, Gulan, and other places on the southern shores 
 of the Frith, from whence they marched upon Had- 
 dington, where they again formed a junction, and 
 refreshed themselves for a night, till they should 
 learn the fate of their friends who had not yet ap- 
 peared. We have not the means of knowing wheth- 
 er Mac Intosh had any precise orders for his con- 
 duct when he should find himself in Lothian. The 
 dispatches of Mar would lead us to infer that he had 
 instructions, which ought to have directed his march 
 instantly to the Borders, to unite himself with Ken- 
 mure and Forster. But he mur-t have had consid-
 
 LTON LOTHIAN. 17 
 
 erable latitude in his orders, since it was almost im- 
 possible to frame them in such a manner as to meet, 
 with any degree of precision, tiie circumstances in 
 which he might be placed, and much must have, oi 
 course, been intrusted to his own discretion. The 
 surprise, however, was great, even in the Brigadier's 
 own little army, when, instead of marching south- 
 ward, as they had expected, they were ordered to 
 face about and advance rapidly on the capital. 
 
 This movement Mar afterwards termed a mis- 
 take on the Brigadier's part. But it was probably 
 occasioned by the information which Mac Intosh re- 
 ceived from friends in Edinburgh, that the capital 
 might be occupied by a rapid march, before it could 
 be relieved by the Duke of Argyle, who was lying 
 thirty miles off. The success of such a surprise 
 must necessarily have given great eclat to the arms 
 of the insurgents, with the more solid advantages 
 of obtaining large supplies both of arms and money, 
 and of intercepting the communication between the 
 Duke of Argyle and the south. It is also probable 
 that Macintosh might have some expectation of an 
 insurrection taking place in Edinburgh, on the news 
 of his approach. But whatever were his hopes 
 and n»otives, he marched with his small force 
 on the metropolis, 14th October, 1715, and the 
 movement excited the most universal alarm. 
 
 The Lord Provost, a gentleman named Camp- 
 bell, w as a man of sense and activity. The instant 
 that he heard of the Highlanders having arrived at 
 Haddington, he sent information to the Duke of 
 Argyle, and arming the city guard, trained bauds, 
 and volunteers, took such precautions as he could
 
 17S macintosh's descent 
 
 to defend the city, which, though surrounded by a 
 high wall, was far from being tenable even against 
 a coup-de-main. The Duke of Argyle, foreseeing 
 all the advantages which the insurgents would gain 
 even from the temporary possession of the capital, 
 resolved on this, as on other occasions, to make ac- 
 tivity supply the want of numbers. He mounted 
 two hundred infantry soldiers on country horses, 
 and uniting them with three hundred chosen dra- 
 goons, placed himself at their head, and made a 
 forced march from Stirling to relieve Edinburgh. 
 This he accomplished with such rapidity, that he en- 
 tered the West Port of Edinburgh about ten o'clock 
 at night, just about the same moment that ^lac 
 Intosh had reached the place where Piershill bar- 
 racks are now situated, within a mile of the eastern 
 gate of the city. Thus the metropolis, v^hich seem- 
 ed to be a prey for the first occupant, was saved by 
 the promptitude of the Duke of Argyle. His arri- 
 val spread universal joy among the friends of gov- 
 ernment, who, from something resembling despair, 
 passed to the opposite extremity of hope and tri- 
 umph. The town had been reinforced during the 
 day by various parties of horse militia from Ber- 
 wickshire and Mid-Lothian, and many volunteers, 
 whom the news of the Duke of Argyle's arrival 
 greatly augmented, not so much on account of the 
 number which attended him, as of the general con- 
 fidence reposed in his talents and character. 
 
 The advancing enemy also felt the charm com- 
 municated by the Duke's arrival ; but to them it 
 conveyed apprehension and dismay, and changed 
 their leader's hopes of success into a desire to pro-
 
 UPON LOTHIAN. 179 
 
 vide for the safety of his small detachment, respect- 
 hig which he was probably the more anxious that 
 the number of the Duke's forces were in all likeli- 
 hood exaggerated, and besides consisted chiefly of 
 cavalry, respecting whom the Highlanders enter- 
 tained at that time a superstitious terror. Moved 
 by such considerations, and turning off the road to 
 Edingburgh, at the place called Jock's Lodge, Brig- 
 adier Macintosh directed his march upon Leith, 
 which he entered without opposition. In the prison 
 of that place he found the forty men belonging to his 
 own detachment who had been taken during the 
 passage, and who were now set at liberty. The 
 Highlanders next took possession of such money 
 a.id provisions as they found in the Custom House. 
 After these preliminaries, they marched across the 
 drawbridge, and occupied the remains of a citadel, 
 built by Oliver Cromwell during the period of his 
 usurpation. It was a square fort, with five demi- 
 bastions and a ditch ; the gates were indeed de- 
 molished, but the ramparts were tolerably entire, 
 and the Brigadier lost no time in baricading all 
 accessible places with beams, planks, carts, and 
 barrels, filled with stones and other similar materi- 
 als. The vessels in the harbour supplied them 
 with cannon, which they planted on the ramparts, 
 and prepared themselves as well as circumstances 
 admitted for a desperate defence. 
 
 Early next morning the Duke of Argyle present- 
 ■d himself before the fortified post of the High- 
 
 rders, with his three hundred dragoons, two 
 Hundred infantry, and about six hundred new-levi- 
 ed men, militia and Volunteers; among the latter
 
 180 macintosh's descl:^t 
 
 class were seen several clergymeD, who, in a war 
 of this nature, did not consider their sacred charac- 
 ter inconsistent with assuming arras. The Duke 
 summoned the troops who occupied the citadel to 
 surrender, under the penalty of high treason, and 
 declared, thatif they placed him under the necessi- 
 ty of bringing up cannon, or killed any of his men in 
 attempting a defence, he would give them no quar- 
 ter. A Highland gentleman, named Kinackin, 
 answered resolutely from the ramparts, " That they 
 laughed at his summons of surrender — that they 
 were ready to abide his assault ; as for quarter, they 
 would neither give nor receive it — and if he thought 
 he could force their position, he was welcome to 
 try the experiment." 
 
 The Duke having received this defiance, carefully 
 reconnoitred the citadel, and found the most impor- 
 tant difficulties in the way of the proposed assault. 
 The troops must have advanced two hundred yards 
 before arriving at the defences, and during all that 
 time would have been exposed to a fire from an 
 enemy under cover. Many of those who must 
 have been assailants were unacquainted with dis- 
 cipline, and had never seen action ; the Highland- 
 ers, though little accustomed to exchange the fire 
 of musketry in the open field, were excellent 
 marksmen from behind walls, and their swords and 
 daggers were likely to be formidable in the defence 
 of a breach or a barricade, where the attack must 
 be in some degree tumultuary. To this was to be 
 added the Duke's total want of cannon and mor- 
 tars, or artillery-men by whom they could be man- 
 aged. All these reasons induced Argyle to post- 
 
 I
 
 UPON LOTHIAN. 1*^ 
 
 •me an attack, of which the res^.c was so uncer- 
 an, until he should be better provided. The volun- 
 teers were very anxious for an attack ; but we are 
 merely told, by the reverend historian of the rebel- 
 lion, that when they were given to understand that 
 the post of honour, viz. the right of leading the at- 
 *ack, was their just right as volunteers, it made them 
 eartily approve of the Duke's measure in defer- 
 \\g the enterprise. Argyle therefore retreated to 
 Edinburgh, to make better preparations for an at- 
 tack with artillery the next day. 
 
 But as ]Mac Intosh's intention of seizing on the 
 ipital had failed, it did not suit his purpose to 
 ude in the vicinity. He left the citadel of Leith 
 at nine o'clock, and conducted his men in the most 
 profound silence along the sands or Seaton House, 
 bout ten miles from Edinburgh, a strong castle be- 
 iiging to the Earl of Winton, surrounded by a 
 iiigh wall. Here they made a show of fortifying- 
 themselves, and collecting provisions, as if they 
 :tended to abide for some time. The Duke of 
 vrgyle, with his wonted celerity, made preparations 
 to attack Mac Intosh in his new quarters. He sent 
 to the camp at Stirling for artillery-men, and began 
 to G^et ready some guns iii Edinburgh Castle, with 
 which he proposed to aavance to Seaton, and dis- 
 lodge its new occupants. But his purpose was 
 again interrupted by express, upon express, dis- 
 patclied from Stirling by General Whetham, who 
 commanded in the Duke's absence, acquainting 
 his superior with the unpleasing information that 
 . Mar, with his whole army, was advancing towards 
 Stirling, trusting to have an opportunity of destroy- 
 VOL. I. 16
 
 182 MACIKTOSII'S DEFEAT 
 
 ing the few troops who were left there, and which 
 did not exceed a thousand men. 
 
 Upon these tidings the Duke, leaving two hun- 
 dred and tifty men of his small command under the 
 order of General Wightman, to prosecute the plan 
 of dislodging the Highlanders from their strong- 
 ]iold of Seaton, returned in all haste, with the small 
 remainder of his forces, to Stirling, where his pre- 
 sence was much called for. But before adverting 
 to events which took place in that quarter, we shall 
 conduct Mac Intosh and his detachment some days' 
 journey farther on their progress. 
 
 On Saturday, the loth of October, the environs 
 of Seaton House were reconnoitred by a body of 
 dragoons and volunteers. But as the Highland- 
 ers boldly marched out to skirmish, the party from 
 Edingburgh thought themselve too weak to hazard 
 an action, and retired towards the city, as did the 
 rebels to their garrison. On monday, the 17th of 
 October, the demonstration upon Seaten was re- 
 newed in a more serious manner. Lord Rothes, 
 Lord Torphichen, and other officers, marching 
 against the house with three hundred volunteers, 
 and the troops which had been left by the Duke of 
 Argyle, to dislodge Mac Intosh. But neither in this 
 third attempt was it found prudent to attack the per- 
 tinacious mountaineers, as indeed a repulse, in the 
 neighbourhood of the capital, must necessarily have 
 been attended with consequences not to be rashly 
 risked. The troops of the government, therefore, 
 returned a third time to Edinburgh, without having 
 further engaged with the enemy than by a few, ex- 
 changes of shot.
 
 UPON LOTHIAN. 183 
 
 Mac Iiitosh did not consider it prudent to give 
 his opponent an opportunity of attacking him again 
 in his present position. He had sent a letter to 
 General Forster, which, reaching the gentlemen 
 engaged in that unadvised expedition, while they 
 were deliberating whether they should not abandon 
 it determined them to remain in arms, and unite 
 .emselves with those Highlanders, who had cros- 
 
 d the Frith at such great risk in order to join them. 
 
 )rster and Kenmure, therefore, returned an kn- 
 ver to Mac Intosh's communication, proposing to 
 meet his forces at Kelso or Coldstream, as should 
 be most- convenient for him. Such letters as the 
 Brigadier had received from Mar, since passing the 
 Forth, as well as the tenor of his former and origi- 
 nal instructions, directed him to form a junction 
 with the gentlemen engaged on the Borders ; and 
 he accepted accordingly of their invitation, and as- 
 signed Kelso as the place of meeting. His 
 first marcK was to the village of Longformachus, 
 Avhich he reached on the evening of the 19th of 
 October. It may be mentioned, that, in the course 
 of their march, they passed Hermandston, the seat 
 of Dr Sinclair, which Mac Intosh, with some of 
 the old vindictive Highland spirit, was extremely 
 desirous to have burned, in revenge of the death of 
 vDung Hepburn of Keith. He was dissuaded from 
 this extreme course, but the house was plundered 
 by Lord Nairne's Highlanders, who were active 
 agents in this species of punishment. Sir Wil- 
 liam Bennet of Grubet, who had occupied Kelso 
 for the government, with some few militia and vol- 
 
 iteers, learning that fifteen hundred Highlanders
 
 184 JUNCTION OF MAC INTOSH. 
 
 were advancing against him from the eastward, 
 while five or six hundred horse, to which number 
 the united forces of Kenmure and Forster might 
 amount, were marching downwards from the Che- 
 viot mountains, relinquished his purpose of defend- 
 ing Kelso ; and, abandoning the barricades, which 
 he had made for that purpose, retired to Edinburgh 
 u^ith his followers, carrying with him the greater 
 part of the arms which he had provided. 
 
 The cavalry of Forster and Kenmure, marching 
 from Wooler, arrived at Kelso a few hours before 
 the Highlanders, who sat out on the same morning 
 from Dunse. The Scottish part of the horse march- 
 ed through Kelso without halting, to meet with 
 Macintosh at Ednam-bridge, a compliment which 
 they conceived due to the gallantry with which, 
 through many hazards, the Brigadier and his High- 
 landers had advanced to their succour. The uni- 
 ted forces, when mustered at Kelso, were found to 
 amount to about six hundred horse and fourteen 
 hundred foot, for Macintosh had lost some men by 
 desertion. They then entered the town in triumph, 
 and possessed themselves of such arms as Sir Wil- 
 liam Bennet had left behind him. They praclaim- 
 ed James VIII. in the market-place of this beauti- 
 ful town, and attended service (the ofiicers at least) 
 in the Old Abbey Church, where a non-juring cler- 
 gyman preached a sermon on hereditary right, the 
 text being Deut. xxi. 17, The right of the first-horn 
 is his. The chiefs then held a general council on 
 the best mode of following out the purposes of their 
 insurrection. There were two lines of conduct to 
 choose betwixt, one of wlncli was advocated by the 
 
 1
 
 AND FORSTER, AT KELSO. 185 
 
 Scottish gentlemen, the other by the insurgents 
 from the north of England. 
 
 According to the first plan of operations, it was 
 proposed that their united forces should move west- 
 ward along the Border, occupying in their way the 
 towns of Dumfries, Ayr, and Glasgow itself. They 
 expected no resistance on either of these points, 
 which their union with Mac Intosh's troops might 
 not enable them to overcome. Arrived in the west 
 of Scotland, they proposed to open the passes, 
 which were defended chiefly by militia and volun- 
 teers, to the very considerable force of the Argyle- 
 shire clans, which were already assembled under 
 General Gordon. With the Earl of Mar's far su- 
 perior army in front, and with the force of Macin- 
 tosh, Kenmure, and Forster upon his left flank and 
 in his rear, it was conceived impossible that, with 
 all his abilities, the Duke of Argyle could persevere 
 in maintaining his important post at Stirling ; there 
 was every chance of his being driven entirely out 
 of the "ancient kingdom," as Scotland was fondly 
 called. 
 
 This plan of the campaign had two recommenda- 
 tions. In the first place, it tended to a concentra- 
 > tion of the rebel forces, which, separated as they 
 were, and divided through the kingdom, had hither- 
 to been either checked and neutralized like that of 
 Mar by the Duke of Argyle, or fairly obliged to re- 
 treat and shift for safety from the forces of the gov- 
 ernment, as had been the fate of Forster and Ken- 
 mure. Secondly, the basis on which the scheme 
 rested was fixed and steady. Mar's army, on the 
 one hand, and Gordon with the clans, on the other, 
 16*
 
 186 DIVIDED COUNCILS OF THE 
 
 "were bodies of troops existing and in arms, nor was 
 there any party in tlie field for the government, of 
 strength adequate to prevent their forming the pro- 
 posed junction. 
 
 Notwithstanding these advantages, the English 
 insurgents expressed the strongest wish to follow 
 an opposite course, and carry the war again into 
 England, from which they had been so lately obli- 
 ged to retreat. Their proposal had at first a bold and 
 spirited appearance, and might, had it been acted 
 upon with heart and unanimity, have had a consid- 
 erable chance of success. The dragoons and horse 
 which had assembled at Newcastle under General 
 Carpenter, were only a thousand strong, and much 
 fatigued with forced marches. Reinforced as the 
 insurgents were with Mac Intosh and his infantry, 
 they might have succeeded by a sudden march in 
 attacking Carpenter in his quarters, or fighting him 
 in the field ; at all events, their great superiority of 
 numbers would have compelled the English gene- 
 ral either to hazard an action at very great disadvan- 
 tage, or to retreat. In either case, the Northum- 
 brian gentlemen would have remained masters of 
 their native province, and might have made them- 
 selves masters of Newcastle, and interrupted the 
 coal trade ; and finally, the great possessions and 
 influence of Lord Derwentwater and others would 
 have enabled them to add to their force as many in- 
 fantry as they might find means of arming, without 
 which, the gentry who were in arms could only be 
 considered as a soul without a body, or a hilt with- 
 out a blade. But Forster and his friends would 
 not agree to a measure which had so much to recom-
 
 JACOBITES, AT KELSO. 187 
 
 mend it, but lost time in empty debates, remaining 
 at Kelso from the 22d to the 27th of October, until 
 it became impossible to put the plan in execution. 
 For they learned, that while they were deliberating 
 General Carpenter was acting ; and his little army, 
 being reinforced and refreshed, was now advanced 
 to Wooler, to seek them out and give them battle. 
 
 Forster and the English officers then insisted on 
 another scheme, which should still make England 
 the scene of the campaign. They proposed that, 
 eluding the battle which General Carpenter seem- 
 ed willing to offer, they should march westward 
 along the middle and west Borders of Scotland, till 
 they could turn southward into Lancashire, where 
 they assured their Scottish confederates that their 
 friends were ready to rise in numbers, to the amount 
 of twenty thousand men at least, which would be 
 sufficient to enable them to march to London in de- 
 fiance of all opposition. 
 
 Upon this important occasion the insurgents 
 gave a decided proof of that species of credulity 
 which disposes men to receive, upon very slight 
 evidence, such tidings as flatter their hopes and 
 feelings, and which induced Addison to term the 
 Jacobites of that period a race of men who live in 
 a dream, daily nourished by fiction and delusion, 
 and whom he compares to the obstinate old knight 
 in Rabelais, who every morning swallowed a chim- 
 ' era for breakfast. 
 
 The Scottish gentlemen, and Lord Winton in 
 particular, were not convinced by the reasoning of 
 their Southern friends, nor do they appear to have 
 been participant of their sanguine hopes of a gen- 
 eral rising in Lancashire ; accordingly, they strong-
 
 188 THE JACOBITES, AT KELSO. 
 
 ly opposed the moTement in that direction. All 
 therefore, which the rebels, in their divided counsels 
 were able to decide upon with certainty, was to 
 naove westward along the Border, a course which 
 might advance them equally on their road, whither 
 they should finally determine to take the route to 
 the west of Scotland or to Lancashire. We must 
 refer to a future part of this history for the progress 
 and ultimate fate of this ill-starred exoedition.
 
 [ 189 ] 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 The Earl of Mar remains inactive at Perth — his Resolution to 
 march upon Stirling — his Advance, Abandonment of the Plan, 
 and. Return to Perth— Surprisal of a Jacobite Detachment at 
 Dunferline — Argyle joined by Reinforcements — Mar also joined 
 by Seaforth, General Gordon, with the Clans of the West, and 
 Breadalbane — Both Armies, being now fully reinforced, have no 
 further pretext for postponing Active Operations, a 
 
 We must now return to the Earl of Mar's army, 
 which must be considered as the centre and focus 
 of the insurrection. Since his occupation of Perth 
 Lord Mar had undertaken little which had the ap- 
 pearance of military enterprise. His possession 
 even of Fifeshire and Kinross had been in some de- 
 gree contested by the supporters of government. 
 The Earl of Rothes, with a few dragoons and vol- 
 unteers, had garrisoned his own house of Lesly, 
 near Falkland, and was active in harassing those 
 parties of horse which Mar sent into the country to 
 proclaim James VHL, and levy the cess and pub- 
 lic taxes. Upon one of these occasions (28th Sep- 
 ;«. tember) he surprised Sir Thomas Bruce, while in 
 'i^: the act of making the proclamation in the town of 
 1 Kinross, and carried him off a prisoner. The Earl 
 of Rothes retained possession of his garrison till 
 INIar's army became very strong, when he was ob- 
 liged to withdraw it. But Mar continued to expe- 
 rience occasional checks, even in the military prom- 
 enades in which he employed the gentlemen who
 
 190 REVIEW OF THE TROOPS AT PERTH. 
 
 composed his cavalry. It is true, these generally 
 arose from nothing worse than the loose discipline 
 observed by troops of this condition, their careless- 
 ness in mounting guards, or in other similar duties, 
 to which their rank and habits of life had not accus- 
 tomed them. 
 
 The only important manoeuvre attempted by the 
 Earl of Mar, was the expedition across the Firth 
 under Brigadier Macintosh, of which the details 
 are given in the last chapter. Its consequences 
 were such as to force the General himself into mea- 
 sures of immediate activity, by which he had not 
 hitherto seemed much disposed to distinguish 
 himself, but which became now inevitable. 
 
 It happened that, on the s-econd day after Mac- 
 intosh's departure from Fife, a general review of 
 the troops in Perth was held in the vicinity of that 
 town, and the Earl MarischaPs brother, James, 
 (afterwards the celebrated Field-Marshal Keith,) 
 galloped along the line, disseminating some of 
 those favourable reports which were the growth of 
 the day, and, as one succeeded as fast as another 
 dropped, might be termed the fuel which supplied 
 the fire of the insurrection, or rather, perhaps the 
 bellows which kept it in excitation. The apocry- 
 phal tiding of this day were, that Sir William 
 Wyndham had surprised Bristol for King James III. 
 and that Sir William Blacket had taken both Ber- 
 wick and Newcastle — intelligence received by the 
 hearers with acclamations, which if it had been 
 true, were no less than it deserved. 
 
 But from these visions the principal persons in 
 the insurrection were soon recalled to sad realities.
 
 THE EARL OF MAR's ADVANCE. 191 
 
 A meeting of the noblemen, chiefs of clans, and 
 commanders of corps, was summoned, and particu- 
 lar care taken to exclude all intruders of inferior 
 rank. To this species of council of war Mar an- 
 nounced, with a dejected countenance, that Briga- 
 dier Mac Intosh, having contrary to his orders, 
 thrown himself into the citadel of Leith, was inves- 
 ted there by the Duke of Argyle. He laid before 
 them the letter he had received from the Brigadier, 
 which stated that a few hours would determine his 
 fate, but that he was determined to do his duty to 
 the last. The writer expressed his apprehension 
 that cannons and mortars were about to be brought 
 against him. The Earl of Mar said that he gave 
 the detachment up for lost, but suggested it might 
 be possible to operate a diversion in its favour, by 
 making a feint towards Stirling. The proposal was 
 seconded by General Hamiton, who said that such 
 a movement might possibly do good, and could pro- 
 duce no harm. 
 
 The movement being determined upon, Mar 
 marched with a large body of foot to Auchterarder, 
 and pushed two squadrons of horse as far forward 
 as Dunblane, which had the appearance of a med- 
 itated attack upon Stirling. It is said to have been 
 the opinion of General Hamilton, that the foot 
 should have taken possession of a defile which con- 
 tinues the road from the northern end of Stirling 
 bridge through some low and marshy ground, and 
 is called the Long Causeway. The rebels being 
 in possession of this long and narrow pass, it 
 would have been as difficult for the Duke of Ar- 
 gyle to have got at them as it was for them to reach 
 him. And the necessity of guarding the bridge
 
 192 mar's advance upon STIRLING. 
 
 itself with the small force he possessed, must have 
 added to Argyle's difficulties, aud alforded General 
 Gordon, and the western clans who were by this 
 time expected to be at Dunbarton, full opportunity 
 to have advanced on Stirling by Drymen and the 
 Loch of Monteith, keeping possession, during their 
 whole march, of high and hilly grounds fit for the 
 operations of Highlanders. In this manner the 
 Duke of Argyle would have been placed between 
 two fires, and must have run the greatest risk of 
 being cut off from the reinforcements which- he 
 anxiously expected from Ireland, as well as from 
 the west of Scotland. 
 
 Against this very simple and effective plan of 
 the campaign, Mar had nothing to object but the 
 want of provisions ; in itself a disgrace to a Gen- 
 eral who had been quartered so long in the neigh- 
 bourhood of the Carse of Gowrie, and at the end of 
 autumn, when the farmyards are full, without hav- 
 ing secured a quantity of meal adequate to the 
 maintenance of his army for a few days. General 
 Hamilton combated this objection, and even de- 
 monstrated that provisions were to be had ; and 
 Mar apparently acquiesced in his reasoning. But 
 having come with the infantry of his army as far as 
 Ardoch, the Earl stopped short, and refused to per- 
 mit the movement on the Long Causeway to be 
 made, alleging that Marischal and Linlitgow had 
 decided against the design. It seems probable, 
 that, as the affair drew to a crisis, INIar, the more 
 that military science was wanted, felt his own ig- 
 norance the more deeply, and, afraid to attempt 
 any course by which he might liaAe controlled cir- 
 cumstances, adopted every mode of postponing a
 
 MAR'S RETREAT TO PERTH. 193 
 
 decision, in the hope they might, of themselves, 
 become favourable in the long run. 
 
 In the meantime, the news of Mar's march to 
 Auchterarder and Dunblane had, as we have else- 
 where noticed, recalled the Duke of Argyle to his 
 camp at Stirling, leaving a few of his cavalry, with 
 the militia and volunteers, to deal with ac Intosh 
 and his nimble Highlanders ; who escaped out of 
 their hands, first by their defence of Seaton, and 
 then by their march to Kelso. Argyle instantly 
 took additional defensive measures against Mar, by 
 barricading the bridge of Stirling, and breaking 
 down that which crosses the Teith at the village of 
 Doune. But his presence so near his antagonist 
 was sufficient to induce the Earl of Mar to retreat 
 with his whole force to his former quarters at Perth, 
 and wait the progress of events. 
 
 These were now approaching to a crisis. With 
 Mac Intosh's detachment Mar had now no concern ; 
 they were to pursue their good or evil destiny apart. 
 The Earl of Mar had also received a disagreeable 
 hint, that the excursions by which he used to sup- 
 ply himself with funds as well as to keep up the 
 terror of his arms, were not without inconvenience. 
 A detachment of about fore-score horse and three 
 hundred Highland foot, chiefly followers of the 
 Marquis of Huntly, was sent to Dunfermline to 
 raise the cess. The direct road from Perth to 
 Dunfermline is considerably shorter but the troops 
 had ofiders to take the rout by Castle-Campbell, 
 which prolonged the journey considerably, for no 
 apparei it purpose save to insult the Duke of Argyle's 
 garrison there, by marching in their view. When 
 
 VOL. I. 17
 
 194 SURPRISAL OF A JACOBITE PARTY. 
 
 the detachment arrived at Dunfermlin, Gordon of 
 Glenbucket, who c.-mmanded the Highlanders, 
 conducted them into the old Abbey, which is 
 strongly situated, an^ there placed a sentinel. He 
 took up his own quarters in the town, and placed a 
 a sentinel there also. The commander of the 
 horse. Major Graham, took the ineffectual precau- 
 tion of doing the same at the bridge, but used no 
 farther means to avoid surprise. The gentlemen ot 
 the squadron sought each his personal accommo- 
 dation, with their usual neglect of discipline, nei- 
 ther knowing with accuracy where they were to 
 find their horses, nor fixing on any alarm-post where 
 they were to rendezvous. Their officers sat down 
 to a bottle of wine. During all this scene of con- 
 fusion, the Honourable Colonel (afterwards Lord) 
 Cathcart, was lying without the town, with a strong 
 party of cavalry, and obtaining regular information 
 from his spies within it. 
 
 About live in the morning of the 24th of Octo- 
 ber, he entered the town with two parties of his 
 dragoons, one mounted and the other on foot. The 
 surprisal was complete, and the Jacobite cavaliers 
 suffered in proportion ; several were killed and 
 wounded, and about twenty made prisoners, whose 
 loss was more felt, as they were all gentlemen, 
 and some of them coiviiderable proprietors. The 
 assailants lost no time in their enterprise, and re- 
 treated as speedily as they entered. The neighbor- 
 hood of the Highland infantry in the Abbey was a 
 strong reason for dispatch. This slight aff'air seem- 
 ed considerable in a war which had been as yet so 
 little marked by military incident. The appearance
 
 JACOBITE SONGS AND PASQUILS. 195 
 
 of the prisoners at Stiriing, and the list of their 
 names, gave eclat to the Duke of Argyle's tactics, 
 and threw disparagement on those of Mar. On the 
 other side, stories were circulated at Perth of the 
 loss which Cathcart had sustained in the action, 
 with rumours of men buried in the night, and horses 
 returned to Stirling without their riders. This ac- 
 count, however fabulous, was received with credit 
 even by those who were engaged at Dunfermline ; 
 for the confusion having been general, no one 
 knew what was the fate of his comrade. But, in 
 very deed, the whole return of casualties on Colo- 
 nel Cathcart's side amounted to a dragoon hurt in 
 the cheek, and a horse wounded. This little affair 
 was made the subject of songs and pasquils in the 
 army at Perth, which increased the Marquis of 
 Huntly's disgust at the enterprise. 
 
 By this time three regiments of infantry, and 
 Evans's dragoons, had joined the Duke of Argyle, 
 who now felt himself strong enough to make detach- 
 ments, without the fear of weakening his own po- 
 sition. A battalion of foot was sent to Kilsythe, 
 along with a detachment of dragoons, who were to 
 watch the motions of the troops of Forster and 
 Kenmure, in case the whole, or any part of them, 
 should resolve to penetrate into the west of Scotland. 
 
 The Earl of Mar was also on the point of being 
 joined by the last reinforcements which he could 
 expect, the non-arrival of which had hitherto been 
 the cause, or at least the apology, for his inac- 
 tivity. The various causes of delay had been at 
 length removed in the following manner. Seaforth, 
 it must be remembered, was confronted by Lord
 
 196 THE EARL OF MAR JOINED BY 
 
 Sutherland with his own following, and the Whig 
 clans of Grant, Monroe, Ross, and others. But 
 about the same time the Earl of Seaforth, was 
 joined by Sir Donald Mac Donald of Skye, with 
 seven hundred of his own clan, and as many Mac 
 Kinons, Chisholms, and others, as raised the to- 
 tal number to about four thousand men. The Earl 
 of Sutherland, finding this force so much stronger 
 than what he was able to bring against it, retreat- 
 ed to the Bonar, a strait of the sea dividing Ross- 
 shire from Sutherland, and there passed to his own 
 side of the ferry. Seaforth, now unopposed, ad- 
 vanced to Inverness, and after leaving a garrison 
 there, marched to Perth, to join the Earl of Mar, 
 to whose insurrectionary army his troops made a 
 formidable addition. 
 
 The clans of the West were the only reinforce- 
 ments which Mar had now to expect ; but these 
 were not only considerable from their numbers, but 
 claimed a peculiar fame in arms even over the other 
 Highlanders, both from their zeal for the Jacobite 
 cause, and their distinguished bravery. But Mar 
 had clogged General Gordon, who was to bring up 
 this part of his forces, with a commission which 
 would detain him some time in Argyleshire. His 
 instructions directed him especially to take and 
 garrison the Castle of Inverary, the principal seat 
 of the Duke of Argyle. The clans, particularly 
 those or Stewart of Appin and Cameron of Lochiel, 
 though opposed to the Duke in political principles, 
 respected his talents, and had a high regard for his 
 person as an individual, and therefore felt reluc- 
 tance at entering upon a personal quarrel with him
 
 \ 
 
 SEAFORTH AND GENERAL GORDON. 197 
 
 by attacking his castle. These chiefs hung back 
 accordingly, and delayed joining. When Glen- 
 garry and Clanronald had raised their clans, they 
 had fewer scruples. During this time, Campbell 
 of Finnab was intrusted with the difficult task of 
 keeping the assailants in play until the Duke of 
 Argyle should receive his expected reinforcements 
 from Ireland. He was soon joined by the Earl of 
 Islay, the Duke's younger brother. By the as- 
 sistance of Sir James Campbell of Auchinbreck 
 about a thousand men were assembled to defend 
 Inverary, when four or five thousand appeared in 
 arms before it. A sort of treaty was entered into, 
 by which the insurgent clans agreed to withdraw 
 from the country of Argyle ; with which purpose, 
 descending Strathfillan, they marched towards 
 Castle-Drummond, which is in the vicinity of Perth 
 and within an easy march of Mar's head-quarters. 
 
 One important member of the insurrection must 
 also be mentioned. This was the Earl of Breadal- 
 bane, the same unrelenting statesman who was the 
 author of the Massacre of Glencoe. He had been 
 employed by King William in 1689 to achieve, by 
 dint of money, the settlement and pacification of 
 the Highlands ; and now, in his old age, he imag- 
 ined his interest lay in contribution to disturb them. 
 When cited to appear at Edinburgh as a suspected 
 person, he procured a pathetic attestation under the 
 hand of a physician and clergymen, in which the 
 Earl was described as an infirm man, overwhelm- 
 ed with all the evils that wait on old age. None 
 of his infirmities, however, prevented him from at- 
 tending the Earl of Mar's summons, on the very 
 17*
 
 198 MAR JOINED BY THE 
 
 day after the certificate is dated. Bread albane is 
 supposed to have received considerable sums of 
 money from the Earl of Mar, who kne^y the only 
 terms on which he could hope for his favour. But 
 for a long time the wily Earl did nothing decisive, 
 and it was believed that he entertained a purpose of 
 going to Stirling, and xeconciling himself with the 
 Duke of Argyle, the head of the elder branch of 
 his house. This, however, Breadalbane did not 
 do ; but, on the contrary, appeared in the town of 
 Perth, where the singular garb and peculiar man- 
 ners of this extraordinary old chief, attracted gen- 
 eral attention. He possessed powers of satirical 
 observation in no common degree ; and seemed ta 
 laugh internally at whatever he saw, which he con- 
 sidered as ridiculous, but without suffering hi& 
 countenance to betray his sentiments, except to ve- 
 ry close observers. Amidst the various difficulties, 
 of the insurgents, his only advice to them was, ta 
 procure a printing press, and lose no time in issuing 
 gazettes. 
 
 Mar took the hint, whether given in jest or earn- 
 est. He sent to Aberdeen for a printing press, in 
 order to lose no time in diffusing intelligence more 
 widely by that comprehensive organ of information. 
 It was placed under the management of Robert 
 Freebairn, one of the printers for the late Queen 
 Anne, whose principles had led him to join the in- 
 surgent army. He was chiefly employed in ex- 
 tending by his art the delusions through means of 
 which the insurrection had been originally excited, 
 and was in a great measure kept afloat. It is a 
 strong example of this, that while Mar actually
 
 EARL OF BREADALBANE. 199 
 
 knew nothing of the fate of Forster and Kenmure, 
 with the auxiliary party of Highlanders under Mac- 
 intosh ; yet it was boldly published that they were 
 masters of Newcastle, and carried all before them, 
 and that the Jacobites around London had taken 
 arms in such numbers, that King George had found 
 it necessary to retire from the metropolis. 
 
 It does not appear that the Earl of Breadalbane 
 was so frank in affording the rebels his military 
 support, which was very extensive and powerful, 
 as in imparting his advice how to make an impres- 
 sion on the public mind by means of the press. 
 His own age excused him from taking the field ; 
 .and it is probable, his experience and sagacious ob- 
 servation discovered little in their counsels which 
 promised a favourable result to their enterprise, 
 ^hough supported certainly by a very considerable 
 ibrce in arms. A body of his clan, about four or 
 ifive hundred strong, commanded by the Earl's kins- 
 man, Campbell of Glendarule, joined the force 
 under General Gordon ; but about four hundred 
 who had apparently engaged in the enterprise 
 against Inverary, and were embodied for that pur- 
 pose, dispersed and returned to their own homes 
 afterwards without joining Mar. 
 
 The whole force being now collected on both 
 sides, it seemed inevitable, that the clouds of civil 
 war which had been so long lowering on the hori 
 zon, should now burst in storm and tempest, on the 
 devoted realm of Scotland.
 
 [ 200 ] 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Motives of the Earl of Mar for Undertaking the Insurrection — 
 Causes which devolved the Command of the Army upon him — 
 Interception of Supplies of Arms and Ammunition destined for 
 the Jacobite Army— Addresses to the Chevalier de St George 
 and the Duke of Orleans sent from the Army at Perth — Dissatis- 
 faction among some of the Principal Men in Mar's Army — Plana 
 of Mar — March of 3Iar from Perth, and of Argyle from' Stirling 
 —the Armies come in sight of each other near Dunblane---Mar's 
 Council of War — Battle of Sheriffmuir 
 
 I HATE delayed till this point in the Scottish 
 history some attempt to investigate the causes and 
 conduct of the Rebellion, and to explain, if possi- 
 ble, the supineness of the Insurgent General and 
 Chiefs, who, having engaged in an attempt so des- 
 perate, and raised forces so considerable, should 
 yet, after the lapse of two months, have advanced 
 little farther in their enterprise than they had done 
 in the first week after its commencement. 
 
 If we review the Earl of Mar's conduct from be- 
 ginning to end, we are led to the conclusion, that 
 the insurrection of 1715 was as hastily as rashly 
 undertaken. It does not appear that Mar was in 
 communication on the subject which the court of 
 the Chevalier de St George previous to Queen 
 Anne's death. That event found him at liberty to 
 recommend himself to the favour of King George, 
 and show his influence with the Highland chiefs by 
 procuring an address of adhesion from them, of a 
 
 #
 
 MAR UNDERTAKING THE INSURRECTION. 201 
 
 tenor as loyal as his own. These offers of service 
 being rejected, as we have already said, in a harsh 
 and an affronting manner, made the fallen minister 
 conclude that his ruin was determined on ; and his 
 private resentment, which in other circumstances, 
 would have failed to the ground ineffectual and 
 harmless, lighted unhappily amongst those combus- 
 tibles, which the general adherence to the exiled 
 family had prepared in Scotland. 
 
 When Mar arrived in Fifeshire from London, it 
 was reported that he was possessed of £100,000 
 in money, — instructions from the Pretender, under 
 his own hand, and a commission appointing him 
 Lieutenant General, and commander-in-Chief of 
 his Forces in Scotland. But though these rumours 
 were scattered in the public ear, better accounts al- 
 lege, that in the commencement of the undertaking, 
 Mar did not pretend to assume any authority over 
 the other noblemen of his own rank, or produce any 
 other token from the Chevalier de St George, than 
 his portrait. A good deal of pains were taken to 
 parade a strong-box, said to enclose a considerable 
 sum of money, belonging to the Earl of Mar ; but 
 it was not believed to contain treasure to the amount 
 of more than £3000, if, indeed it held so much. As 
 to the important point of a General to command in 
 chief, the scheme, when originally contemplated at 
 the Court of St Germains, turned upon the Duke 
 of Ormond's landing in England, and the Duke of 
 Berwick in Scotland, whose well-known talents 
 were to direct the whole affair. After commencing 
 his insurrection, there can be little doubt that Mar 
 i\i(\ the utmost, by his agents in Lorraine, to engage
 
 202 THE JACOBITE ARMY. 
 
 the favourable opinion of the Chevalier, and the 
 unexpected success of his enterprise, so far as it 
 had gone, and the great power he had been able to 
 assemble, were all calculated to recommend him 
 to confidence. In the meantime, it w^as necessary 
 there should be a General to execute the duties of 
 the office ad interim, Mar offered, as I have told 
 you, the command to the Duke of Athole, who re- 
 fused to be connected with the affair. Huntly, from 
 his power and rank in possession and expectation, 
 might have claimed the supreme authority, but his 
 religion was an obstacle. Seaforth lay distant, and 
 was late in coming up. The claim of these great 
 nobles being set aside, there was nothing so natural 
 as that Mar himself should assume the command of 
 an insurrection, which would never have existed 
 without his instigation. He was acceptable to the 
 Highlanders, as having been the channel through 
 which the bounty of the late Queen Anne had been 
 transmitted to them ; and had also partisans, from 
 Lis liberality to certain of the Lowland nobles 
 who had joined him, whose estate and revenues 
 were not adequate to their rank, a circumstance 
 which might be no small cause for their rushing in- 
 to so ruinous an undertaking. Thus Mar assumed 
 the general's truncheon which chance offered to his 
 hand, because there was no other who could pre- 
 tend to it.* 
 
 Like most persons in his situation, he was not in- 
 clined to distrust his own capacity for using to ad- 
 vantage the power which he had almost fortuitous- 
 ly become possessed of; or, if he nourished any 
 doubt upon this eu-^joct, he migli4 consider his mill-
 
 APPOINTMENT OF MAR AS GENERAL. 
 
 tary charge to be but temporary, since, from the 
 whole tenor of his conduct, it appearse he expected 
 from France some person whose trade had been war, 
 and to whom he might with honour resign his office . 
 Such an expectation may account for the care with 
 which the Jacobites' commander abstained from of- 
 fensive operations, and for his anxious desire to 
 augment his army to the highest point, rather than 
 to adventure it upon the most promising enterprise. 
 
 It is probable Mar was encouraged to persevere 
 in his military authority, in which he must have met 
 with so'me embarrassment, when he found himself 
 confirmed in it by Ogilvie of Boyne, and especial 
 messenger from the Chevalier de St George, who, 
 greatly flattered by the favourable state of affairs 
 in Scotland, conferred upon the Earl of Mar in form, 
 that command, which he had so long exercised in 
 point of fact, and it was said, brought a patent, rais- 
 ing him to the dignity of Duke of Mar. Of the 
 last honour, little was known, but the commission 
 of Mar as General was read at the head of every 
 corps engaged in the insurrection. 
 
 It might be matter of wonder that the vessel 
 which brought over Mr Ogilvie, the bearer of this 
 commission, had not been freighted with men, mon- 
 ey, or provisions. The reason appears to have 
 been, that the Chevalier de St George had previ- 
 ously expended all the funds he could himself com- 
 mand, or which he could borrow from foreign courts 
 favourable to his title, in equipping a considerable 
 number of vessels designed to sail from Havre-de- 
 Grace and Dieppe, with large quantities of arms 
 and ammunition. But the Earl of Stair, having spe-
 
 204 ADDRESSES TO THE CHEVALIER 
 
 dily discovered the destination of these supplies, re- 
 monstrated with the Court of France upon proceed- 
 ings so inconsistent with the treaty of Utrecht ; and 
 Sir George Byng, with a squadron of men-of-war, 
 blockaded the ports of France, with the purpose of 
 attacking the vessels if they should put to sea. The 
 Regent Duke of Orleans immediately gave orders 
 to the inspectors of naval affairs to prevent the arm- 
 ing and sailing of the vessels intended for the ser- 
 vice of the Chevalier de St George. Thus the 
 supplies designed for the insurgents were intercept- 
 ed, and the whole expense which had been'laid out 
 upon the projected expedition was entirely lost. 
 This affords a satisfactory reason why the exiled 
 Prince could send little to his partisans in Scotland 
 unless in the shape of fair words and commissions. 
 In the meantime, the Earl of Mar, and the nobles 
 and gentlemen embarked in his enterprise,although 
 disappointed in these sanguine expectations under 
 which it had been undertaken, and in finding that 
 the death of Louis XIV., and the prudence of his 
 successor in power, would deprive them of all hope 
 of foreign assistance, were yet desirous to receive 
 that species of encouragement which might be de- 
 rived from seeing the Chevalier de St George him- 
 self at the head of the army, which they had drawn 
 together in his name and quarrel. An address 
 therefore was made to King James VIIL, as he 
 was termed, praying him to repair to Scotland, and 
 to encourage, by his personal presence, the flame 
 of loyalty, which was represented as breaking out 
 in every part of that kingdom, pledging the lives and 
 honour of the subscribers for his personal security, 
 
 and insisting on the favourable eflect likely to be 
 
 J
 
 AND THE DUKE OF ORLEANS. 205 
 
 produced upon their luidertakiug, by his placiiir;- 
 himself at its head. Another address was drawn 
 up to the Regent Duke of Orleans, praying him, if 
 he was not pleased to aid the heir of the House of 
 Stewart at this crisis of his fate, that he would at 
 least permit him to return to his own country, to 
 share the fate of his trusty adherents who were in 
 arms in his behalf. This paper had rather an ex- 
 traordinary turn sounding as if the Chevalier de St 
 George had been in prison, and the Regent of 
 France the keeper of the key. The addresses, 
 however, were subscribed by all the men of quality 
 at Perth, though great was the resentment of these 
 proud hidalgos, to find that the king's printer, Mr 
 Rober Freebairn, was permitted to sign along v/itli 
 them. The papers were, after having been signed, 
 intrusted to the care of the Honourable Major Hay, 
 having as his secretary the historian Dr Abercrom- 
 by, with charge to wait upon the Chevalier at the 
 Court of Lorraine, or where he might happen to 
 be, and urge the desire of the subscribers. The 
 choice of the ambassador, and the secrecy which 
 was observed on the subject of his commission, were 
 regarded as deserving censure by those in the army 
 who conceived that, the general welfare being con- 
 cerned in the measures to be adopted, they had 
 some right to be acquainted with the mode in which 
 the negotiation was to proceed. Mar afterwards 
 dispatched two additional envoys on the same er- 
 rand ; the first was Sir Alexander Erskine of Alva, 
 who was wrecked on his return ; the second, an 
 agent of considerable acuteness, named Charles 
 Forbes. 
 
 VOL. I 18
 
 "206 DISSATISFACTION OF 
 
 The Earl of Mar had not ascended to the pitch 
 of power which he now enjoyed, without experi- 
 encing the usual share of ill-will and unfavourable 
 construction. The Master of Sinclair, a man of a 
 temper equally shrewd and severe, had from the be- 
 ginning shown himself dissatisfied with the man- 
 agement of the insurrection, and appears, like ma- 
 ny men of the same disposition, to have been much 
 more ready to remark and censure errors than to 
 assist in retrieving them. The Earl of Huntly 
 seems also to have been disobliged by Mar, and to 
 have looked on him with dislike, or suspicion ; nor 
 were the Highlanders entirely disposed to trust him 
 as their General. When Glengarry, one of their 
 ablest chiefs, joined the army at Perth, he was anx- 
 ious that the western clans should keep separate 
 from those first assembled at Perth, and act in con- 
 junction with the forces of the Earl of Huntly; and 
 it was proposed to Sinclair to join in this sort of as- 
 sociation, by which the army would in fact have 
 been effectually separated into two parts. Glen- 
 garry, however, was dissuaded from this secession ; 
 and although it is intimated, that in order to induce 
 him to abandon his design, the argument arising 
 from good cheer and good fellowship were freely 
 resorted to, it is not the less true, that his returning 
 to the duty of a soldier was an act of sober rea- 
 son. 
 
 The Earl of Mar, amidst his other duties, having 
 a wish to prepare a place of arms for the residence 
 of the Chevalier de St George on his expected ar- 
 rival, made an attempt to cover Perth by fortifica- 
 tions, so as to place it out of danger from a coup-de-
 
 SINCLAIR AND HUNTLY. 207 
 
 main. General Hamilton attended to this duty for 
 a short time ; but afterwards it was almost entirely- 
 given up to the direction of a Frenchman, who had 
 been a dancing and fencing-master, and whose lines 
 of defence furnished much amusement to the Eng- 
 lish engineers, who afterwards became possessed 
 of them. 
 
 Before resuming the narrative, I may tell you, 
 that in this same eventful month of October, when 
 there were ao many military movements in Scotland, 
 the Duke of Ormond was despatched by the Che- 
 valier de St George, with arms an ammunition, 
 and directions to land on the coast of England. 
 Three cannon were fired as a signal to the Jaco- 
 bites, who were expected to flock in numbers to 
 the shore, the name of Ormond being then most 
 popular among them. But the signals not being 
 answered, the vessel bore off, and returned to 
 France. Had the Duke landed, the Jacobite par- 
 ty would have been in the singular predicament 
 of having a General in England without an army, 
 and an army in Scotland without an effective 
 General. 
 
 We now approach the catastrophe of these in- 
 testine commotions ; for the Earl of Mar had by 
 the beginning of November received all the rein- 
 forcements which he had to expect, though it may 
 be doubted whether he had rendered his task of 
 forcing or turning the Duke of Argyle's position 
 more easy, or his own army much stronger, by the 
 time he had spent in inactivity. His numbers were 
 indeed augmented, but so were those of the Duke; 
 so that the armies bore the same proportion to each
 
 208 ORMONDES DESERTION FROM MAR's ARMY. 
 
 other as before. This was a disadvantage to the 
 Highlanders ; for where a contest is to take place 
 betwixt undisciplined energy and the steadiness of 
 regular troops, the latter must always attain supe- 
 riority in proportion as their numbers in the field 
 increases, and render the day likely to be decided 
 by mancEuvres. Besides this, the army of Mar sus- 
 tained a very great loss by desertion during the time 
 he lay at Perth. The Highlanders, with the impa- 
 tience and indolence of a half-civilized people, 
 grew weary alike of remaining idle, and of being 
 employed in the labour of fortification, or dull de- 
 tails of ordinary parade exercise. Many also went 
 home for the purpose of placing in safety their ac- 
 cumulation of pay, and what booty they had been 
 able to find in the Lowlands. Such desertions were 
 deemed by the clans to be perfectly in rule, and 
 even the authority of the chiefs was inadequate to 
 prevent them. 
 
 Neither do the plans of the Earl of Mar seem to 
 have been more distincly settled, when he finally 
 determined on the important step of making a move- 
 ment in advance. It seems to have been given out, 
 that he was to make three feigned attacks upon the 
 Duke's army at one and the same time — namely, 
 one upon the Long Causeway and Stirling Bridge ; 
 another at the Abbey Ford, a mile below Stirling; 
 and a third at the Drip-coble, a ford a mile and a 
 half above that town. By appearing on so many 
 points at once, Mar might hope to occupy the Duke's 
 attention so efi'ectually, as to cross the river with 
 his main body at the fords of Forth. But as the 
 Duke of Argyle did not give his opoonent time to
 
 PLANS OF MAR. 209 
 
 make these movements, it cannot be known wheth- 
 er Mar actually contemplated them. 
 
 It is, however, certain that the Earl of Mar en- 
 tertained the general purpose of reaching, if possi- 
 ble, the fords of Forth, where that river issues out 
 of Lock Hard, and thus passing over to the south- 
 em side. To reach this part of the river, required 
 a march of two days through a hilly and barren 
 country. Nor were Mar and his advisers well ac- 
 quainted with the road, and they had no other guide 
 but the celebrated freebooter, Rob Roy MacGreg- 
 or, who they themselves said was not to be trusted, 
 and who, in point of fact, was in constant commu- 
 nication with his patron, the Duke of Argyle, to 
 to whom he sent intelligence of Mar's motions. It 
 was said, too, that this outlaw only knew the fords 
 from having passed them with Highland cattle — a 
 different thing, certainly, from being acquainted 
 with them in a military point of view. It was prob- 
 ably, however, with a view to the information which 
 Rob Roy could give on this point, that Mar, in a 
 letter of the 4th of November, complains of that 
 celebrated outlaw for not having come to Perth, 
 where he wished much to have a meeting with him. 
 
 But if Mar and his military council had known 
 the fords of Forth accurately, still it was doubtful 
 in what situation they might find the passes when 
 they arrived there. They might have been fortified 
 and defended by the Duke of Argyle, or a detach- 
 ment of his army ; or they might be impassable at 
 this advanced season of the year, for they are at all 
 times of a deep and impracticable character. Last of 
 all, before they could reach the heads of the Forth, 
 18*
 
 210 ARGYLE's march towards DUNBLANE. 
 
 Mar and his army must have found the means of 
 crossing the Teith, a river almost as large and deep 
 as the Forth itself, on which Argyle had destroyed 
 the bridge of Doune, which afforded the usual 
 means of passage. 
 
 Such Yiere the difficulties in the way of the in- 
 surgents; and they are of a kind which argues a 
 great want of intelligence in a camp which must 
 have contained many persons from Menteith and 
 Lennox, well acquainted with the country through 
 which the Highland army were to pass, and who 
 might have reconnoitered it effectually, notwith- 
 standing the small garrisonsof west-country militia 
 and volunteers, which the Duke had placed in Gart- 
 artan, and other houses of strength in the neighbour- 
 hood of Aberfoil. But it is not the will of Heaven 
 that the insurgents should ever march far enough 
 on their expedition to experience inconveniencies 
 from the difficulties we have pointed out ; for the 
 Duke of Argyle, though far inferior in force, adopt- 
 ed the soldier-like resolution of drawing out such 
 strength as he had, and interrupting the march ot 
 the insurgents by fighting them, before they should 
 have an opportunity of descending upon the Forth. 
 For this purpose, he called in all his garrison and 
 outposts, and having mustered a main body of not 
 quite four thousand men, he marched from Stirling 
 towards Dunblane, on the morning of Saturday, 
 the 12th of November. 
 
 On the 10th of November, the Earl of Mar had 
 broken up from his quarters at Perth, and advanc- 
 ed to Auchterarder, where the infantry were quar- 
 
 :
 
 mar's march from PERTH. 211 
 
 tered, while the cavalry found accommodation in 
 the vicinity. 
 
 But, during that night, the Highland army suf- 
 fered in its nominal strength by two considerable 
 desertions. The one was that of the whole clan 
 of Fraser, amounting to four hundred men. They 
 had joined Mar's army very recently, under Fraser 
 of Fraserdale, who had married the heiress of their 
 late chieftain. Just at this crisis, however, the 
 heir-male of the family, the celebrated Fraser of 
 Lovat, arrived in the north, and recalled by his man- 
 date the clan of Fraser from the standards of King 
 James VIII. to transfer them to those of George 
 I. The Frasers, deeming their duty to their chief 
 paramount to that which they owed to either mon- 
 arch, and recognising the right of the male-heir to 
 command them in preference to that of the husband 
 of the heir-female, unanimously obeyed the sum- 
 mons of the former, and left the camp, army, and 
 cause in which they were engaged. There will be 
 occasion to mention more of the Frasers hereafter. 
 
 The other desertion was that of two hundred of 
 the Earl of Huntly's Highland followers, who com- 
 plained of having been unjustly overburdened with 
 what is called fatigue-duty. Thus diminished, the 
 army, after having been reviewed by their General, 
 marched off their ground in the following order. 
 The Master of Sinclair with the Fifcshire squad- 
 ron, and two squadrons of Huntly's cavalry, formed 
 the advance of the whole. The western clans fol- 
 lowed, being, first, the Mac Donalds, under their 
 different chiefs of Clan Ranald, Glengarry, Sir 
 Donald, Keppoch, and Glencoe. The next were
 
 212 mar's march from PERTH. 
 
 Breadalbane's men, with five regiments, consisting 
 of the following clans; the MacLanes, under Sir 
 John MacLean, their chief; the Camerons, under 
 Lochiel ; the Stewarts, commanded by Appin ; 
 and those who remained of Huntly's followers from 
 Strathdon and Glenlivet, under Gordon of Glen- 
 bucket. This chosen body of Highlanders were 
 in high spirits, and so confident of success, that 
 they boasted that their division of Mar's army only 
 would be more than enough to deal v/ith the Duke 
 of Argyle, and all the force he commanded. Gene- 
 ral Gordon was commander of the whole Highland 
 vanguard. 
 
 The rest of the army, commanded by Mar in per- 
 son, with the assistance of General Hamilton, fol- 
 lowed the advanced division ; and it was settled 
 that the rearguard should march only as far as Ar- 
 doch, while the vanguard should push forward as 
 far as the town of Dunblane, where they had quar- 
 tered on their former march from Perth, eight miles 
 to the west of Ardoch, where the rear was to halt. 
 
 The horse, at the head of the first column, were 
 advancing according to their orders, when a larae 
 boy running as fast as his infirmity would permit 
 him, stated to the Master of Sinclair, who comman- 
 ded the advance, that he was sent by the wife of 
 Laird of Kippendavie, whose husband was in the 
 Jacobite army, to tell the Earl of Mar that the 
 Duke of Argyle was in the act of marching through 
 Dunblane. The news, though the appearance of 
 the messenger excited some doubt, was entitled to 
 be treated with respect. A reconnoitering party 
 was sent forward, an express was dispatched to
 
 TWO ARMIES IN SIGHT OF EACH OTHER. 213 
 
 Mar, who was six or seven miles in the rear, and 
 General Gordon anxiously looked around him to 
 find some strong ground on which to post the men, 
 The river Allan lay in their front, and the Master 
 of Sinclair proposed pushing across, and taking 
 possession of some farm-houses, visible on the op- 
 posite side, where the gentlemen might find refresh- 
 ment, and the horses forage. But General Gordon 
 justly thought that the passing a river at nightfall 
 was a bad preparation for a body of infantry, who 
 were to lie out till morning in the open air, in a 
 frost, in the middle of November. At length the 
 dispute was terminated, on two farm-houses being 
 discovered on the left side of the river, where the 
 horses obtained some accommodation, though in a 
 situation in which they might have been destroyed 
 by a sudden attack, before they could have got out of 
 the enclosures, among which they were penned up 
 like cattle, rather than quartered like soldiers. To 
 guard against such a catastrophe, General Gordon 
 posted advanced guards and videttes, and sent out 
 patrols with the usual military precautions. Soon 
 after they had taken their quarters for the night, 
 Lord Southesk and the Angus-shire cavalry came 
 up, v/ith the intelligence that Mar and the whole 
 main body were following, and the Earl according- 
 ly appeared at the bivouac of the vanguard about 
 nine o'clock at night. 
 
 Fresh intelligence, came to them from Lady 
 Kippendavie, who seems to have been as correct 
 in her intelligence, and accurate in communicating 
 with the insurgent army, as she was singular in her 
 choice of messengers, this last being an old woman,
 
 214 TWO ARMIES IX SIGHT OF EACH OTHER. 
 
 who confirmed the tidings of the enemy's approach. 
 The reconnoitering parties, sent forward by Sin- 
 clair, came in with news to the same purpose. 
 
 The whole of Mar's army being now collected ' 
 together within a very narrow circumference, slept 
 on their arms, and wrapped in their plaids ; feel- 
 ing less inconvenience from the weather, which 
 was a severe frost, than would probably have been 
 experienced by any other forces in Europe. 
 
 By day-break, on Sunday, 13th November, the 
 insurgent army drew up in two lines of battle, on 
 the plain above the place where they had spent the 
 night. They had not long assumed this posture, 
 when they perceived a strong squadron of horse 
 upon an eminence to the south of their lines. This 
 was the Duke of Argyle, who, with some general 
 officers, had taken this post in advance, for the 
 purpose of reconnoitering the enemy's position and 
 proceedings. In this he succeeded but imperfect- 
 ly, on account of the swells and hollows which lay 
 between him and Mar's army. 
 
 In the meantime, Mar, after satisfSdng himself 
 that he was in presence of the enemy, called a 
 council of his nobles, general officers, chiefs of 
 clans, and commanders of corps. He is allowed 
 on this occasion to have made them a most ani- 
 mating speech. It sunk, in part, upon unwilling 
 ears, for there were already several persons of con- 
 sequence, among whom Huntly and Sinclair seem 
 to have been the leaders, who, despairing of the 
 cause in which they were engaged, were desirous 
 to open a communication with the Duke of Argyle, 
 in order to learn whatever he had power to receive
 
 > mar's council of war. 215 
 
 their submission, and admit them to pardon on their 
 former footing of living quietly under government. 
 This, hovrever, was only whispered among them- 
 selves ; for even those who entertained such opin- 
 ions, were at the same time conscious that the cri- 
 sis was come, in which they must fight for peace 
 sword-in-hand, and that, by gaining a victory, they 
 might dictate honourable terms ; while, if they at- 
 tempted a retreat, they would be no longer able to 
 keep their Highland levies together, or to open a 
 negotiation with the air of strength absolutely ne- 
 cessary to command a tolerable capitulation. 
 
 When, therefore, the Earl of Mar reminded his 
 military auditors of the injustice done to the royal 
 family, and the oppression of Scotland under the 
 English yoke, and conjured them not to let slip the 
 opportunity which they had so long languished for, 
 but instantly attack the enemy, with that spirit 
 which their cause and their wrongs were calculat- 
 ed to inspire, his words awakened a corresponding 
 <inergy in the hearers. The Earl of Huntiy only 
 asked, whether a battle won would, in their pre- 
 sent circumstances, place their rights, and those of 
 their country, within their reach ? or, whether there 
 was any hope of foreign aid, to enable them to 
 withstand the arms of England and her allies ? "All 
 this,'"' he said, " my Lord of Mar could doubtless 
 inform them of, since he had lately received a let- 
 ter from Lord Bolingbroke, which he desired might 
 be laid before the council." 
 
 The critical circumstances of the moment, and 
 the enthusiasm which had been excited in the as- 
 sembly, enabled Mar to dispense with attending to
 
 216 BATTLE OF SHERIFF.MUIR. 
 
 questions which he might have found it difficult to 
 answer. Gliding over the interruption given by 
 Huntly, he stated to the council the question, in 
 the words, "Fight, or not?" The chiefs, nobles, 
 and officers, answered, with an universal shout ot 
 "Fight;' and their resolution reaching the two 
 lines, as they stood drawn up in battle, was wel- 
 comed with loud huzzas, tossing up of hats and 
 bonnets and a cheerfulness, w'hich seemed, even to 
 those who had been before uncertain and doubtful 
 of the issue, a sure presage of speedy victory. 
 
 In this state of excited feelings, the army of JNIar 
 advanced towards the enemy. The two lines in 
 which they stood upon the moor were broken up 
 each into two columns, so that it was in four col- 
 umns, that they pursued the order of their march 
 descending the hill which they had first occupied, 
 crossing a morass, which the hard frost of the night 
 before had rendered passable for cavalry as w^ell as 
 infantry, and ascending the opposite height, from 
 which the Duke of Argyle was observ^ing their move- 
 ments. The Duke, on his part, as soon as he saw^ 
 the extremity of Mar's wing wheel to the right, in 
 order to make the movement we have described, 
 immediately comprehended that their purpose w^as 
 to avail themselves of their superiority of numbers, 
 and attack his small force at once on the left flank, 
 and in front. He rode hastily dow^n the eminence, 
 at the foot of which his force was drawn up, in or- 
 der at once to get them into such a disposition as 
 might disappoint the object of the enemy, and to 
 lead his troops up the hill. He drew up his little 
 army of about four thousand men, extending his 
 
 I
 
 CATTLE OF SHERIFFiMUIR. 217 
 
 disposition considerably to the right, placing three 
 squadrons of horse on that wing, and as many on 
 the left of his front line ; the centre being compos- 
 ed of six battalions of foot. Each wing of horse 
 was supported by a squadron of dragoons. The 
 
 ^ second line was composed of two battalions in the 
 centre, with a squadron of dragoons on either wing. 
 In this order, and having his right considerably ad- 
 vanced against the enemy's left so as to admit of 
 his withdrawing his own left wing from a flank at- 
 
 . tack, the Duke ascended the hill, seeing nothing 
 of the enemy, who had left the high grounds, and 
 were advancing to meet him on the other side of 
 the same height, which he was in the act of mount- 
 ing. The Highlanders, as has been already stated, 
 advanced in four columns, marching by their right. 
 Each column of infantry, four in number, was 
 closed by a body of cavalry, which, when the column 
 should deploy into line, were to take up their ground 
 on the flank. The Highlanders marched, or rather 
 ran, with such eagerness towards the enemy, that 
 the horse were kept at the gallop in the rear. Both 
 armies were thus ascending the hill in column, and 
 met, as it were unexpectedly, upon the top, be- 
 ing in some points within pistol-shot before they 
 were aware of each other's presence. Both, there- 
 fore, endeavoured at the same time to form line-of- 
 battle, and some confusion occurred on either side. 
 -In- particular, two squadrons of the insurgent cav- 
 alry were placed in the centre of the ri^ht wing, 
 instead of being stationed on the flank, as had been 
 intended, and as the rules of war required. This 
 discovery, hov.ever, was of much less consequence 
 vol,. I. 19
 
 218 BATTLE OF SHERIFFMUIR 
 
 to the Highlauders, whose terrors consisted in the 
 headlong fury of the onset, whilst the strength of 
 the regulars depended on the steadiness of their dis- 
 cipline. 
 
 It was at this moment that an old chief, impa- 
 tient for the command to charge, and seeing the 
 English soldiers getting into order, became enraged 
 at seeing the favourable minute pass away, and 
 made the memorable exclamation, " Oh, for one 
 hour of Dundee !" 
 
 The Duke's left wing was commanded by Gen- 
 eral Whitham, who does not appear to have been 
 distinguished either for courage or conduct. The 
 right of 3Iar's line was hastily formed, consisting 
 of the western clans, MacDonalds, MacLeans, 
 and the followers of Breadalbane, when old Cap- 
 tain Livingston rode up, a veteran soldier, who had 
 served in King James's army before the Revolution, 
 and with several oaths called to General Gordon, 
 who commanded the right wHng, instantly to attack. 
 The general hesitated, but the chiefs and clans 
 caught the enthusiasm of the moment. A gentle- 
 man, named MacLean, who lived to a great age, 
 thus described the attack of his own tribe ; and there 
 oan be no doubt that the general onset was made 
 under similar circumstances. When this clan was 
 drawn up in deep order, the best born, bravest, and 
 best armed of the warriors in front.* Sir John Mac 
 
 *The very existence of this regiment was an instance of the 
 tenacity of clan attachment. The lands on which they lived in the 
 Isle of Mull were become the property of the Duke of Argvle, and 
 ihftir Chief resided for the most part in France, on an allowance
 
 BATTLE OF SHERIFFMUIR. 219 
 
 Lean placed himself at their head, and said, with 
 a loud voice, " Gentlemen, this is a day we have 
 long wished to see. Yonder stands MacCallan- 
 
 ^ more for King George — Here stands MacLean for 
 King James.— God bless MacLean and King James! 
 — Charge, Gentlemen !'' 
 
 The clan then muttered a very brief prayer, fixed 
 the bonnet firm on the head, stripped off their 
 plaids, which then comprehended the philabeg 
 also,* and rushed on the enemy, firing their fusees 
 irregularly, then dropping them, and drawing their 
 swords, and uniting in one wild yell, when they 
 mingled among the bayonets. The regular troops 
 on the left received this fierce onset of the moun- 
 taineers with a heavy fire, which did considerable 
 execution. Among others who dropped, was the 
 gallant young chief of Clan Ranald, mortally wound- 
 ed. His fall checked for an instant the impetuosi- 
 ty of his followers, when Glengarry, so often men- 
 tioned, started from the ranks, waved his bonnet 
 around his head, exclaiming, "Revenge, revenge! 
 to-day for revenge, and to-morrow for mourning !" 
 
 . The Highlanders, resuming the fury of their attack, 
 mingled with the regulars, forced their line in every 
 direction, broke through them and dispersed them, 
 making great slaughter among men less active than 
 
 which Queen Anne had assigned him; yet he found no difficulty 
 in raising seven or eight hundred men, in opposition to their actu- 
 al landlord ; so inferior was the feudal claim to the patriarchal. 
 
 * The Highlanders wore long shirts, which were disposed in a 
 particular manner on such occasions.
 
 220 BATTLE OF SHERIFFMUIR. 
 
 themselTes, and loaded with an unwieldly musket, 
 which in individual or irregular strife, has scarce 
 ever been found a match for the broad-sword. The 
 extreme left of Argyle's army was thus routed with ^ 
 considerable slaughter, for the Highlanders gave 
 no quarter ; but the troops of the centre, under 
 General Wightman, remained unbroken; and it 
 would seem to have been the business of the rebel 
 cavalry to have charged them in the flank or rear, 
 exposed as they must have been by the flight of 
 Whitham and the left wing. Of their cavalry, how- 
 ever, two squadrons, commanded by Drummond 
 and Marischal, went ofl" in pursuit of those whom 
 the Highlanders had scattered ; while Lord Huntly's 
 and that of Fife, under the Master of Sinclair, re- 
 mained inactive on the field of battle, without en- 
 gaging at all. It would seem that they were kept 
 in check by the dragoons of Argyle's second line, 
 who did not fly like the first, but made an orderly 
 retreat in face of the enemy. 
 
 On the right wing and centre, the event of the 
 battle was very difl'erent. The attack of the 
 Highlanders was as furious as on their right. But 
 their opponents, though a little staggered, stood 
 their ground with admirable resolution, and the 
 Duke of Argyle detached Colonel Cathcart, with a 
 body of horse, to cross a morass, which the frost 
 had rendered passable, and attack the Highlander'^ 
 on the flank as they advanced to the charge. In 
 this manner their rapid assault was checked and 
 baffled ; and although the Camerons, Stewarts, and 
 other clans of high reputation, formed the [eft wing 
 of Mar's army, yot that, and liis wh-lo ^^erond line,
 
 BATTLE OF SHERIFFMUIR. 221 
 
 was put to flight by the masterly movement of the 
 Duke of Argyle, and the steadiness of the troops 
 he commanded. But his situation was very peril- 
 ous ; for as the fugitives consisted of five thousand 
 men, there was every prospect of their rallying and 
 destroying the Duke's small body, consisting only 
 of five squadrons of horse, supported by, Wight- 
 man, with three battalions of infantry, who had 
 lately composed the centre of the army. Argyle 
 took the bold determination to press on the fugitives 
 with his utmost vigour, and succeeded in driving 
 them back to the river Allan, where they had quar- 
 tered the night before. The fugitives made fre- 
 quent halts, and were as often again attacked and 
 broken. This was particularly remarked of the body 
 of horse who carried James's standard, and was call- 
 ed the Restoration Squadron. The gentlemen 
 composing it made repeated and vigourous attacks, 
 in which they were only broken and borne down by 
 the superior weight of the English cavalry. It was 
 in one of these reiterated charges that the gallant 
 young Earl of Strathmore lost his life, while in vain 
 attempting to rally his Angus-shire regiment. He was 
 slain by a private dragoon, after having had quarter 
 given to him. The Earl of Panmure was also 
 wounded and made prisoner by the royalists, but 
 was rescued by his brother, Mr Henry Maule. 
 
 The field of battle now presented a singular ap- 
 pearance, for the left of both armies were broken 
 and flying, the right of both victorious and in pur- 
 suit. But the events of war are of less consequence 
 than the use which is made of them. It does not 
 appear that anv attempt was made on the part of 
 19*
 
 222 BATTLE OF SHERIFFMUIR. 
 
 Mar to avail himself of his success on the right. I " 
 
 General Whitham had indeed resigned the field of 
 battle to his opponents, and from thence lied almost 
 to Stirling bridge. The victorious Highlanders did 
 not take the trouble to pursue them, but having 
 marched across the scene of action, drew up on an 
 eminence, called the Stony Hill of Kippendavie, 
 where they stood in groupes with their drawn 
 sw^ords in their hands. One cause of their inactiv- 
 ity at this critical moment may be attributed to hav- 
 ing dropped their fire-arms, according to their fash- _ 
 ion when about to charge ; another, certainly, was 
 the want of active aides-de-camp to transmit 
 orders ; and a third character of the Highlanders, 
 who are not always disposed to obedience. Thk 
 much is certain, that had their victorious right wing 
 pursued in the Duke of Argyle's rear when he advan- 
 ced towards the river Allan, they must have placed 
 him in the greatest danger, since his utmost exer- 
 tion was scarce equal to keep the multitude before 
 him in full retreat. It is also stated, that some of 
 the Highlanders showed an unwillingness to fight. 
 This is alleged to have been particularly the case 
 with the celebrated Rob Roy, a dependent, it will 
 be observ-ed, of the Duke of Argyle's, and in the 
 habit, during the whole insurrection, of fumishirig 
 him with intelligence from the enemy's camp. A 
 strong party of MacGregors and MacPhersons 
 were under the command of this outlaw, who, when 
 ordered to charge, answered cooly, " If they can- 
 not do it without me, they cannot do it with me." 
 It is said, that a bold man of the Clan Vourigh, 
 called Alaster MacPhorson, who followed Rob
 
 BATTLE OF SKERIFFMUiR. 223 
 
 Roy's original profession of a drover, impatient at 
 the inactivity in which they were detained, drew 
 his sword, and called on the Mac Pherson's to fol- 
 low. "Hold, Sandie," said Rob Roy, "were 
 the question about a drove of sheep, you might 
 know something ; but as it concerns the leading of 
 men, it is for me to decide." — " Were the question 
 about a drove of Glen-Angus wethers," retorted 
 the MacPherson, '^the question with you, Rob, 
 would not be who should be last, but who should 
 be first." This had almost produced a battle be- 
 twixt the two champions ; but in the meantime, 
 the opportunity of advancing was lost. 
 
 The Duke of Argyle having returned back from 
 his pursuit of the enemy's left wing, came in con- 
 tact with their right, which, victorious as we have 
 intimated, was drawn upon the hill of Kippendavie. 
 Mutual menaces of attack took place, but the com- 
 bat was renewed on neither side. Both armies 
 showed a disposition to retreat, and Mar, abandon- 
 ing a part of his artillery, drew back to Auchterar- 
 der, and from thence retired to Perth. Both gen- 
 erals claimed the victory, but as Mar abandoned 
 from that day all thoughts of a movement to the 
 westward, his object must be considered as having 
 been completely defeated ; while Argyle attained 
 the fruits of victory in retaining the position by 
 which he defended the Lowlands, and barred against 
 the insurgents every avenue by which they could 
 enter them. 
 
 The numbers slain in the battle of Sheriffmuir 
 were considerable. Seven or eight hundred were 
 killed on the side of the rebels, and the royalists
 
 224 BATTLE or siTKRirrMuir? 
 
 must have lost live or six hundred. Much noble 
 and gentle blood was mixed with that of the vul- 
 gar. A troop of volunteers, obout sixty in number, 
 comprehending the Dukes of Douglas and Rox- 
 burghe, the Earls of Haddington, Lauderdale, 
 London, Belhaven, and Rothes, fought bravely, 
 though the policy of risking such a trovpe done. 
 might be questionable. At all events, it marked a 
 great change of times, when the Duke of Douglas, 
 whose ancestors could have raised an army as nu- 
 merous as those of both sides in the field of Sheriff- 
 muir, fought as a private trooper, assisted only by 
 two or three servants. This body of volunteers be- 
 haved in a manner becoming their rank. Many of 
 them were wounded, and the Earl of Forfar was 
 slain. 
 
 The loss of the Earl of Strathmore, and of the 
 young Clan Ranald, was a severe blow to the In- 
 surrection. The last was a complete soldier, train- 
 ed in the French Guards, and full of zeal for the 
 cause of James. "My family," he replied to 
 Mar's summons to join him, "have been on such 
 occasions ever wont to be the first on the field, and 
 the last to leave it." When he fell out of the ranks, 
 mortally wounded, Mar met him, and, ignorant of 
 what had happened, demanded why he was not in 
 the front. " I have had my share," said the dying 
 chief, and fell dead before his commander. Many 
 of his men retired from the army in consequence 
 of his death. 
 
 Thus began and thus ended a confused affray, 
 of which a contemporary ballad-maker truly says, 
 "there is nothing certain, except that there was ac- 
 tually n battle, which he witnessed."
 
 [ 225 ] 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Mav's retreat to Perth, leaving Argyle Master of the Field — Dis- 
 sentions among the Troops under Forster and Kenmure — Fors- 
 ter returns to England, and is recognised as General of the Chev- 
 alier's Forces there — He marches, with the design of attacking 
 Liverpool, to Preston, where his army is blockaded by General 
 Willis, and, after some opposition, surrenders at discretion — 
 The Prisoners of Rank sent to London — Escape of Forster, Mac- 
 intosh, and Hepburn of Keith— Execution oi Derwentwater and 
 Kenmure — Escape of Nithisdale— the other noblemen pardoned, 
 after a long Imprisonment. 
 
 The confused battle of Sheriffmuir being ended 
 by the approach of night, both parties had time to 
 count what they had lost and won in the course of 
 the day. That of the insurgents was easily sum- 
 med up. The Highlanders, on their right behaved 
 with their usual courage, and maintained the repu- 
 tation which they had acquired of old times under 
 Montrose, and more lately when commanded by 
 Dundee. But in every other particular, the events 
 of the battle were unfavourable to the insurgents. 
 A great many of their best men had retired with- 
 out leave, as was their invariable practice, to see 
 their families, or to secure their small stock of 
 booty, which some of them had augmented by plun- 
 dering the baggage of their own army. This deser- 
 tion thinned the ranks even of those clans who had 
 been victorious, and the Higlanders of the van- 
 quished division of the armv had much better rea-
 
 226 RETREAT OF MAR TO PERTH. 
 
 sons for following the example thus set. Their 
 numbers that morning had been from eight to ten 
 thousand men ; and at the close of the day, about 
 four thousand of them were missing. Some lead- 
 ers, too, of high rank and quality, had graced the 
 retreat by their example ; and it was said of Hunt-~ 
 ly and Seaforth in particular, that they w^ere the 
 iirst fugitives of any rank or condition who reached 
 Perth, and discouraged their numerous followers, 
 by their retreat from the field of action. It was 
 therefore in vain for the insurgents, under this state 
 of diminution and discouragement, to abide a sec- 
 ond battle, or endeavour to renew the attempt to 
 pass the Forth, which they had not been able to 
 accomplish with double their now reduced numbers. 
 But besides the eifects of desertion, the insur- 
 gent army had other difficulties to contend with. 
 The improvidence of their leaders had been so un- 
 pardonably great, that they had set out from one of 
 the most fertile to a comparatively barren district 
 of Scotland, with provisions for two or three days 
 only, and their ammunition was proportionably scan-, 
 ty. It was therefore evident, that they were in no 
 condition to renew the attempt in which they had 
 that morning miscarried; nor had Mar any alterna- 
 tive, save that of leading back his army to their old 
 quarters at Perth, to wait until some unexpected 
 event should give them spirits for a fresh effort. 
 Accordingly, as already mentioned, having passed 
 the night after the action among the enclosures of 
 Auchterarder, he returned towards Perth the next 
 morning. The Duke of Argyle, on the other hand, 
 having fallen back on Dunblane with the troops he 
 
 A
 
 mar's gazette. 227 
 
 himself commanded, and, rejoined by such of the 
 fugitives of the left wing as could be collected, he 
 lay on his arms all night, expecting to renew the 
 action on the succeeding day. 
 
 On approaching the field of battle on Monday, 
 the 14th of November, at break of day, the Duke of 
 Argyle found it abandoned by the enemy, vvlio had 
 left their dead and wounded at his disposal, togeth- 
 er with the honours of the field, amongst which the 
 principal trophies were fourteen colours, or stand- 
 ards, and six pieces of field cannon, which Mar had 
 brought to the field in an useless bravado, since he 
 had neither ammunition nor men to serve them, and 
 which he had found himself unable to remove. 
 Amongst the gentlemen who fell on this occasion, 
 were several on both sides alike eminent for birth 
 and character. The body of the gallant young 
 Earl of Strathmore was found on the field, watched 
 by a faithful old domestic, who, being asked the 
 name of the person whose body he waited upon 
 with so much care, made this striking reply, " He 
 was a man yesterday." 
 
 The Earl of Mar had endeavoured to pave the 
 way for a triumphant return to Perth, by a species 
 of Gazette, in which he claimed the victory on the 
 right and centre, and affirmed that had the left wing 
 and the second line behaved as his right and the 
 rest of the first line did, the victory had been com- 
 plete. But he could not again excite the enthusi- 
 asm of his followers, many of whom began now in 
 earnest to despair of their situation, the large odds 
 of numbers which they possessed in the field of 
 SherifFmuif having been unable to secure them a 
 decided victory.
 
 223 DISSENSION'S AMOria THE TROOPS 
 
 Many rumours -were in the meantime spread a- 
 mong the insurgents, concerning sucesses which 
 were reported to have been obtained by Forster 
 and his troops over General Carpenter in England, 
 and bonfires and rejoicings v.ere made for these 
 supposed victories, at a time when, in fact, Forster 
 and Kenmure were totally defeated, their soldiers 
 dispersed, and themselves prisoners. 
 
 You must not forget that the force of General 
 Forster consisted of the troops of horse levied on 
 the Northumberland frontier by the Earl of Der- 
 wentwater and others, joined with the gentlemen of 
 Galloway and Dumfries-shire, under Lord Ken- 
 tnure, and the Lothian Jacobites, under the Earl of 
 Winton, composing altogether a body of five or six 
 hundred horse, to whom must be added about four- 
 teen hundred Highlanders, being those sent across 
 the Frith by the Earl of Mar, under command of 
 Mackintosh of Borlum. You must also recollect, 
 that in this little army there were great differences 
 of opinion as to the route which they were to pur- 
 sue. The English gentlemen persisted in the de- 
 lusion, that they had only to show themselves in the 
 west of England, in order to draw the whole coun- 
 try to their standard, while the Scots, both the Low- 
 land gentlemen and Highlanders, desired to march 
 upon Dumfries, and, after taking possession of that 
 town, proceed to the west of Scotland, and force 
 open a communication betwixt their force and the 
 main army under Mar, by which they reasonably 
 hoped to dislodge Argyle from his post at Stirling. 
 
 Unfixed which course to pursue, and threatened 
 by General (-arpenter, who moved against them
 
 UNDER FORSTER AND KENMURE. 229 
 
 from Newcastle towards Kelso, at the head of a 
 thousand horse, the insurgents left the latter town, 
 where they had been joined by the Brigadier Mac 
 lutosh, and marched to Jedburgh, not without one 
 or two false alarms. They had, however, the ad- 
 vantage of outstripping General Carpenter, and the 
 English gentlemen became still more impatient to 
 return into their own country, and raise the Jaco- 
 bites of the west. The Highlanders, learning that 
 such a plan was at last adopted, separated them- 
 selves from the horse as soon as the march began, 
 and drawing up on a moor above the town of Ha- 
 wick, declared, that if the insurgents proposed to 
 march against the enemy, they would fight it out 
 to the last. But that they would not go into Eng- 
 land to be kidnapped and made slaves of, as theii 
 ancestors were in •Cromwell's time, x'^nd when 
 the horse drew up, as if for the purpose of attack, 
 the Highlanders cocked their pieces, and prepared 
 for action, saying, that if they must needs be made 
 a sacrifice, they would prefer their own country as 
 the scene of their death. The discontented moun- 
 taineers would listen to no one save the Earl ot 
 Winton, who joined them in desiring to march west- 
 ward to the assistance of the Earl of Mar ; to whom, 
 indeed, by preventing Argyle from concentrating 
 his forces, they might have done excellent service, 
 for the Duke could never have recalled a repment 
 'of horses which he had at Kilsythe, had the south- 
 ern insurgents threatened that post. The High- 
 landers were at length put in motion, under a decla 
 ration that they would abide with the army while 
 they remained in Scotland, but should they enter 
 Eugla!Kl they would return back. 
 VOT„ I. ' 20
 
 230 DI&SENSIONS IN FORSTRE's ARMY. 
 
 In the mean time the citizens of the town of 
 Dumfries saw thmselves again threatened by the 
 rebel forces, and assuming an attitude of resistance, 
 marched out to occupy a position in front of the 
 place, on which they threw up some hasty fortifi- 
 cations. At the same time they received intelli- 
 gence from General Carpenter, who had now reach- 
 ed Jedburgh, that if they could but defend them- 
 selves for six hours, he would within that time at- 
 tack the rear of the enemy. 
 
 The news, that the Dumfries citizens intended 
 to defend their town, which lay in front, while Car- 
 penter was prepared to operate in the rear of the re- 
 bels, induced Mr Forster and his friends to renew 
 with great urgency their proposal of entering Eng- 
 land, affirming to their northern associates that they 
 were possessed of letters of advice, assuring them 
 of a general insurrection. The Scots, worn out 
 with the perseverance of their English associates, 
 and unable to believe that men would have deceiv- 
 ed themselves or others by illusory hopes, when en- 
 gaged in such a momentous undertaking, at length 
 yielded to their remonstrances. Accordingly hav- 
 ing reached Ecclefechan on their way to Dumfries, 
 the English councils prevailed, and the insurgents 
 halted at the former village, turned south, and di- 
 rected their march on Langholm, with the design 
 of making for the west of England. 
 
 The Earl of Winton dissented so widely from 
 the general resolution, that he left the army with 
 a considerable part of his troop, and it seemed 
 for a tigie as if he had renounced the underta- 
 king entirely. Ashamed, however, to break off 
 ebruptlv from a cause which he embraced from
 
 FORSTER ENTERS ENGLAND. 231 
 
 motives of duty and conscience, he changed his 
 purpose, and again joined the main body. But 
 though this unfortunate young nobleman returned 
 to the fatal standard, it was remarked that from this 
 time he ceased to take any interest in the debates 
 or deliberations of his party, but seized with a kind 
 of reckless levity upon such idle opportunities of 
 amusement as chance threw in his way, in a man- 
 ner scarce resembling one engaged in an important 
 and perilous enterprise. 
 
 The Highlanders were again divided from their 
 confederates in their opinion respecting the altera- 
 tion of the line of march, and the object of their 
 expedition. Many agreed to march into England. 
 Others, to the number of four hundred, broke away 
 entirely from their companions, with the purpose of 
 returning to their mountains through the western dis- 
 tricts and by the heads of the Forth. They might 
 have accomplished this, but for the difficulty of 
 finding provisions, which obliged them to separate 
 into small parties, several of which were made pris- 
 oners by the peasantry, who in that country were 
 chiefly Cameronians, and accustomed to the use of 
 arms. 
 
 The rest of the army, diminished by this deser- 
 tion, proceeded to Brampton, near Carlisle, where 
 Mr Forster, producing his commission to that ef- 
 fect, was recognised as General of King James's 
 forces in England. It is possible, that the desire 
 to obtain the supreme command of the army might 
 have made this gentlman the more anxious for 
 having the march directed on his native country ;, 
 and his first exploit in his new capacity seemed to
 
 232 SUCCESS OF THE JACOBITE GENERAL. 
 
 give a lustre to his undertaking, although the suc- 
 cess was more owing to the fears of the opposite 
 party, than to any particular display of courage ou 
 the part of the Jacobite General and his little army. 
 
 It must be observ'^ed, that the horse-militia of 
 Westmoreland, and of the northern parts of Lanca- 
 shire, had been drawn out to oppose the rebels ; and 
 now the possr comitafus of Cumberland, amount- 
 ing to twelve thousand men, were assembled along 
 with them at Penrith, by summons from Lord Lons- 
 dale, sheriff of the county. But being a mere un- 
 disciplined mob, ill-armed, and worse arrayed, 
 they did not wait for an attack either from the caval- 
 ry or the Highlanders, but dispersed in every direc- 
 tion, leaving to the victors the field of battle, cover- 
 ed with arms and a considerable number of horses. 
 Lonsdale, deserted by every one, save about twenty 
 of his own servants, was obliged to make his es- 
 cape, and found shelter in the old castle of Appleby. 
 
 In marching through Cumberland and West- 
 moreland, there was little seen of that enthusiasm 
 in the Jacobite cause which the English officers 
 had taught their associates to expect. Manchester 
 was on this, as upon a later occasion, the first 
 town where the inhabitants seemed disposed to 
 embark in the insurrection, and form a company 
 for that purpose. Intimation of their friendly dis- 
 position reached the insurgents at Lancaster, and- 
 encouraged them to advance. It was, indeed, time 
 that their friends should join them, for they had 
 daily news of troops marching to oppose and sur- 
 round them. On their side they resolved to extend 
 themselves, the more easilv to gather fresh forces ;
 
 FORSTER S DESIGN TO ATTACK LIVERPOOL. 233 
 
 and having moved from Lancaster to Preston, they 
 resolved to possess themselves of Warrington 
 bridge, with a view to securing Liverpool. 
 
 While they were scheming an attack on this cel- 
 ebrated seaport, which its citizens were preparing 
 to defend with much vigour, the government forces, 
 which had assembled around them, were advancing 
 towards them on several quarters. 
 
 It seems strange, that while possessing a strong 
 party of friends in the country, being a very large 
 proportion of the landed gentry, with a considera- 
 ble proportion of the populace, the insurgents 
 should nevertheless have suffered themselves to be 
 so completely surprised. But the spirit of delusion 
 which possessed the whole party, and pervaded all 
 their proceedings, was as remarkable here as on 
 other occasions. While Forster and his compan- 
 ions were thinking of extending the fire of ins«r- 
 i'ection to Manchester and Liverpool, General Wil- 
 lis, who commanded in Cheshire for King George, 
 had taken measures for extinguishing it entirely.. 
 This active general issued orders to several regi- 
 ments, chiefly of horse and dragoons quartered in 
 the neighbouring counties, appointing them to ren- 
 dezvous at Warrington Bridge on the 10th of No- 
 vember, on which day he proposed to place him- 
 self at their head, and dispute with the rebels their 
 approach to Manchester. At the same time, Willis 
 entered into communication with General Carpen- 
 ter, whose unwearied exertions had dogged the in- 
 surgents from Northumberland, and was now ad- 
 rancing upon them. 
 
 These tidings came like a thunderbolt on Fors- 
 20*
 
 234 THE JACOBITE ARMY AT PRESTON. 
 
 ter's army. Forsterhad but a choice of diificulties, 
 namely, either to march out and dispute with Ma- 
 jor-General Willis the passage of the river Ribble, 
 by which Preston is covered, or abide within an 
 open town, and defend it by such assistance from 
 fortifications, barricades, and batteries, as could be 
 erected within a few hours. 
 
 The first of these courses had its advantages. 
 The bridge across the Ribble was long, narrow, and 
 might have been easily defended, especially as 
 there was a party of one hundred chosen Highland- 
 ers stationed there, under the command of John Far- 
 quharson of Invercauld, a chief of great character 
 for courage and judgment ; and who, though Gene- 
 ral Willis was approaching very near to the bridge, 
 might have been relied on as secure of maintaining 
 his ground till succours were dispatched from the 
 town. Beyond the bridge there extended a long 
 and deep lane, bordered with hedges, well situated 
 for defence, especially against cavalry. All this 
 was in favour of the bridge ; but, on the other hand, 
 if Forster had drawn his squadrons of gentlemen 
 out of Preston, he must have exposed them to the 
 rough shock of ordinary troops, which they were 
 neither mounted nor armed so as to sustain. It 
 was probably this which determined the Jacobite 
 leader to maintain his defence in the town of Pres- 
 ton itselt* rather than in front of it. The insur- 
 gents took judicious measures for this purpose, and 
 pursued them with zeal and spirit. Four barri- 
 cades were hastily erected. The Earl of Der- 
 wentwater, stripping to the waistcoat, encouraged 
 \\w. men to labour as well by hi^ own example as
 
 DEFENCE OF PRESTON. 235 
 
 his liberality, aud the works were speedily com- 
 pleted. 
 
 One of these barriers was situated a little below 
 the church, and was supported by the gentleroen 
 volunteers, who mustered in the churchyard. The 
 defence was commanded by Brigadier Macintosh. 
 The second was formed at the end of a lane, which 
 was defended by Lord Charles Murray ; the third 
 was called the Windmill barricade — it was held out 
 by the Laird of Macintosh, chief of the name ; the 
 fourth barricade was drawn across the street lead- 
 ing towards Liverpool, and was stoutly manned by 
 Hunter, the Northumbrian freebooter, and his moss- 
 troopers. Each barricade was protected by two 
 pieces of cannon ; and the houses on both sides of 
 the street were occupied by defenders, so as to 
 pour a destructive flanking fire on any assailant. 
 General Willis, having actually surveyed the de- 
 fences, resolved upon attacking them. 
 
 On Saturday, the 12th of November, being the 
 day previous to that on which the battle of SherifF- 
 muir was fought, General Willis commenced his 
 operations upon the town of Preston by a double 
 attack. The barricade on the street below the 
 church was assaulted with great fury ; but so in- 
 supportable a fire was opened from the defences 
 and the houses adjacent, that the assailants were 
 beat oft' with considerable loss. It would seem, 
 that to aid him in the defence of his post, Brigadier 
 Macintosh had called in some soldiers who had 
 been posted in the street leading to Wigan. Pres- 
 ton's regiment (well known as the Old Cameronian, 
 And forming part of Willis's attacking force^i wer<^
 
 236 DEFENCE OF PRESTON 
 
 therefore enabled to penetrate through that avenue, 
 seizing two houses which overlooked the town,did 
 the defendants more injury than they sustained from 
 any other attack. The barrieade, commanded by 
 Lord Charles Murray, was in like manner, stoutly 
 attacked, and fiercely defended ; but the Jacobite 
 officer receiving a reinforcement of fifty volunteers, 
 his resistance was ultimately successful. Cap- 
 tains Hunter and Douglas likewise made a desper- 
 ate defence at the barrier intrusted to them, and the 
 assault upon the post defended by the Chief of 
 Macintosh, was equally fatal to the assailants. 
 
 When the soldiers of Willis retired from their 
 various points of attack they set fire, according 
 to their orders, to the houses betwixt them and the 
 barricades. By the light aflforded by this confla- 
 gration, the skirmish was carried on during the 
 night ; and had not the weather been uncommonly 
 still, Preston, which was the scene of contest,must 
 have been burned to the ground. 
 
 Although the insurgents had preserved the ad- 
 vantage in every attack, it was evident, that, cut off 
 from all assistance, and cooped up in the streets 
 of a burning town, where they had but few men to 
 maintain an extended circle of defence, nothing 
 short of a miracle could relieve them. General 
 Willis, whilst directing the attack on the barricades^ 
 had at the same time, guarded every pass by which 
 the devoted band could escape. Of those who 
 desperately attempted to sally, several were cut to 
 pieces ; and it was but very few who escaped by 
 hewing their way through the enemy. 
 
 On the morning of the 13th, being the day after
 
 BY THE JACOBITE ARMY. 237 
 
 the attack, the situation of Forster and his army- 
 became yet more desperate. General Carpenter, 
 so long their pursuer, now came up with so many 
 additional forces, chiefly cavalry, as completed the 
 blockade of the place, and left the besieged no hope 
 of escape or relief. Willis, as inferior in rank, of- 
 fered to resign, of course, the charge of the siege 
 to his superior officer ; but General Carpenter gen- 
 erously refused to take the command, observing, 
 that Willis deserved the honour of finishing the 
 affair which he had began so auspiciously. The 
 dispositions of the latter general were therefore so 
 , actively followed up, that the blockade of the town 
 was effectually completed, and the fate of the rebels 
 became inevitable. 
 
 The scene of unavoidable destruction had differ- 
 ent effects upon the different characters of the unfor- 
 tunate insurgents inPreston,in like manner as the ap- 
 proach of imminent peril has upon domesticated and 
 savage animals when they are brought to extrem- 
 ity, — the former are cowed into submission, while 
 the latter, brought to bay, become more desperately 
 ferocious in their resistance. The English gentle- 
 men began to think upon the possibility of saving 
 their lives, and entertained the hope of returning 
 once more to the domestic enjoyments of their homes 
 and their estates ; while the Highlanders, and 
 most of the Scottish insurgents, even of the higher 
 classes, declared for sallying out and dying like 
 men of honour, with sword in hand, rather than 
 holding their lives on the base tenure of submis- 
 sion. 
 
 Such being their different views of the measures 
 to be adopted, the English determined to accom-
 
 238 THE JACOBITE ARMY 
 
 plish a capitulation at all events ; and Oxburgh, 
 an Irish Catholic, who had been Forster's tutor in 
 military matters, went out to propose a surrender to 
 the English generals. The mission was coldly re- 
 ceived, and he was distinctly given to understand, 
 that no terms would be granted excepting those of 
 unconditional surrender, with the sole provision that 
 they should be secured from immediate execution. 
 He returned to the town, and the errand on which 
 he had visited the enemy's position being under- 
 stood, General Forster was nearly pistoled by a 
 Scottish gentleman, named Murray, and his life on- 
 ly saved by a friendly hand, which struck the wea- 
 pon upwards in the act of its being discharged. 
 
 Captain Dalzell, brotner of the Earl of Carn- 
 wath, then went out in the name of the Scots, but 
 could obtain no more favourable terms. Some 
 time, however, was gained, in which the principal 
 leaders had time to consider that Government might 
 be satisfied vrith a few examples, while the greater 
 part of the insurgents, in which every one's confi- 
 dence in his individual good luck led him to hope he 
 would be included, and would escape at least the 
 extremity of punishment. 
 
 After the Scots, and especially the Highlanders, 
 had persisted for some time in their determination of 
 resistance, they at length found themselves obliged 
 to surrender on no better terms than the English, 
 which amounted only to this, that they should not 
 be instantly put to the sword. Their leaders were 
 surrendered as hostages ; and at length, after man- 
 ifesting the greatest unv/illingness to give up their 
 arms, they accepted the capitulation, if such it could 
 be called. It certainly appears, that by surrender-
 
 SURRENDER AT DISCRETION 239 
 
 ing at discretion, the greater part of them expected 
 at least to save their lives. 
 
 On lading down their arms, the unhappy garrison 
 were enclosed in one of the churches, and treated 
 with considerable rigour, being stripped and ill-used 
 by the soldiery.* x\bout fourteen hundred meti, of 
 all sorts, were included in the surrender ; amongst 
 whom there were about two hundred domestic ser- 
 vants, followers of the gentlemen who had assumed 
 arms, about three hundred gentlemen volunteers, 
 the rest consisting of Brigadier Macintosh's com- 
 mand of Highlanders. Six of the prisoners were 
 condemned to be shot by martial law, as holding 
 commissions under the government against which 
 they had borne arms. Lord Charles Murray ob- 
 tained a reprieve with difficulty, through the inter- 
 
 * The laced clothes of the gentlemen \v:is tlie temptation to this 
 outrage. The prisoners were obliged to strip the pews of their 
 baize linings, in order to apply the cloth to the purpose of decent 
 covering. A family tradition runs thus: A gentleman, who fought 
 as a trooper in one of the Scottish squadrons, was shot through 
 the body at the barricade. He was conceived to be mortally 
 wounded, and lay stretched in a pew in the church, an affection- 
 ate comrade supporting his head, and expecting every moment to 
 receive his last sigh. After much sickness, the wounded man's 
 stomach is said to have relieved itself by discharging a piece of his 
 scarlet waistcoat, which the ball had carried into his body. The 
 assistant, much amazed at such a phenomenon, being also one of 
 that class of men who cannot forbear a jest, even inrthe most mel- 
 ancholy circumstances, observed, " Heigh, Walter, I am fain to 
 see you have a stock of braid cloth in your bowels; and since it is 
 sae, I wish you would exert yourself again, and bring up as much 
 as would make a pair of breeks, for I am in mickle need o' thera." 
 The wounded man afterwards recovered-
 
 210 JACOBITE PRISONERS OF RANK 
 
 est of his friends. Little mercy was shown to the 
 misguided private men, whose sole olleuce was 
 having complied with what was in their eyes a pa- 
 ramount duty, the obedience to their chiefs. Very 
 many underwent the fate which made them so un- 
 willing to enter England, namely that of banish- 
 ment to the plantations in America. 
 
 The prisoners of most note were sent up to Lon- 
 don, into which they were introduced in a kind of 
 procession, which did less dishonour to the suffer- 
 ers than to the mean minds who planned and en- 
 joyed such an ignoble triumph. By way of bal- 
 ancing the influence of the Tory mob, whose vio- 
 lences in burning chapels, &c., had been of a for- 
 midable and highly criminal character, plans had 
 been adopted by government to excite and main- 
 tain a rival spirit of tumult among such of the vul- 
 gar as were called, or called themselves, the Low 
 Church party. Party factions often turn upon the 
 most frivolous badges of distinction. As the To- 
 ries had affected a particular passion for ale, as a 
 national and truly English potation, their parlia- 
 mentary associations taking the title of the Octo- 
 ber and the March Clubs ; so, in the spirit of op- 
 position, the Whigs of the lower rank patronised 
 beer, (distinguished, according to Dr Johnson, 
 from ale, by being either older or smaller,) and 
 mug-houses were established, held by landlords of 
 orthodox Whig principles, where this pro testant and 
 revolutionary liquor was distributed in liberal quan- 
 tities, and they speedily were thronged by a set of 
 customers, whose fists and sticks were as prompt 
 to assault the admirers of High Church and Or-
 
 SENT TO LONDON. 241 
 
 mond, as the Tories were ready to defend them. 
 It was for the gTatification of the frequenters of 
 these mug-houses, as they were called, that the 
 entrance of the Preston prisoners into London was 
 graced with the mock honours of a triumphal pro- 
 cession. 
 
 The prisoners, most of them men of birth and 
 education, were, on approaching the capital, all 
 pinioned with cords like the vilest criminals. This 
 ceremony they underwent at Barnet. At High- 
 gate they were met by a large detachment of horse 
 grenadiers and foot guards, preceded by a body of 
 citizens decently dressed, who shouted to give ex- 
 ample to their mob. Halters were put upon the 
 horses ridden by the prisoners, and each man's 
 horse was led by a private soldier. Forster, a man 
 of high family, and still Member of Parliament for 
 Northumberland, was exposed in the same manner 
 as the rest. A large mob of the patrons of the 
 mug-houses attended on the occasion, beating up- 
 on warming-pans, (in allusion to the vulgar ac- 
 count of the birth of the Chevalier de St George,) 
 and the prisoners, with all sort of scurrilous abuse 
 and insult, were led through the streets of the city 
 in this species of unworthy triumph, and deposited 
 in the jails of Newgate, the Marshalsea, and other 
 prisoners in the metropolis. 
 
 In consequence of this sudden increase of ten- 
 ants, a most extraordinary change took place in the 
 discipline of these melancholy abodes. When the 
 High Church party in London began to recover the 
 astonishment with which they had witnessed the 
 suppression of the insurrection, they could not look 
 VOL. I. 21
 
 242 JACOBITE PRISONERS IN LONDON. 
 
 back with much satisfaction on their own passive 
 behaviour during the contest, if it could be called 
 one, and now endeavoured to make up for it by 
 liberally supplying the prisoners, v.hom they regard- 
 ed as martyrs in their cause, with money and pro- 
 visions, in which wine was not forgotten. The fair 
 sex are always disposed to be compassionate, and 
 certainly were not least so in this case, where the 
 objects of pity were many of them gallant young 
 cavaliers, sufferers in a cause which they had been 
 taught to consider as sacred. The consequence 
 was, that the prisons overflowed with wine and good 
 cheer, and the younger and more thoughtless part 
 of the inmates turned to revelling and drowning in 
 liquor all more serious thoughts of their situation ; 
 so that even Lord Derwentwater himself said of 
 his followers, that they were fitter inhabitants for 
 bridewell than a state prison. Money, it is said, 
 circulated so plentifully among them, that when it 
 v» as ditficult to obtain silver for a guinea in the 
 streets, nothing was so easy as to find change, 
 V, hether of gold or silver, in the jail. A handsome, 
 high-spirited young Highland gentleman, whom the 
 pamphlets of the day call Bottair, (one of the fami- 
 ly of Butter in Athole,) made such an impression 
 OR the fair visitors who cauie to minister to the 
 wants of the Jacobite captives, that some reputa- 
 tions were put in peril by the excess of their at- 
 tentions to this favourite object of compassion. 
 
 When such a golden shower descends on a pris- 
 on, the jailor generally secures to himself the larg- 
 est share of it ; and those prisoners who desired 
 >eparate beds, or the slightest arrorcmodation in
 
 ESCAPE OF FORSTER AND MACINTOSH. 243 
 
 point of lodging, had to purchase them at a rate 
 which would have paid for many years the rent of 
 the best houses in St James's Square of Piccadil- 
 ly. Dungeons, the names of which indicate their 
 gloomy character, as the Lion's Den, the Middle 
 Dark, and the like, were rented at the same ex- 
 travagant prices, and were not only filled with pris- 
 oners, but abounded with good cheer. 
 
 These riotous scenes went on the more gaily 
 that almost all had nursed a hope, that their having 
 surrendered at discretion would be admitted as a 
 ptotection for their lives. But when numerous 
 bills of high treason were found against them, es- 
 cape from prison began to be thought of, which the 
 command of money, and the countenance of friends 
 without doors, as well as the general structure of 
 the jails, rendered more easy than could have been 
 expected. Thus, on the 10th of April, 1716, 
 Thomas Forster escaped from Newgate, by means 
 of false keys,' and, having all things prepared, got 
 safely to France. On the 10th of May, Brigadier 
 Macintosh, whom we have so often mentioned, 
 with fourteen other gentlemen, chiefly Scottish, 
 took an opportunity to escape in the following man- 
 ner. The Brigadier having found means to rid 
 himself of his irons, and coming down stairs about 
 eleven at night, he placed himself close by the door 
 of the jail ; and as it vv^as opened' to admit a ser- 
 vant at that time of night, (no favourable example 
 of prison discipline,) he knocked down the jailor, 
 and made his escape with his companions, some of 
 whom were retaken in the streets, from not know- 
 u\:>: whither to flv.
 
 244 ESCAPE OF IIEPBLR>: OF KEITH. 
 
 Among the fugitives who broke prison with Mac- 
 intosh, was Robert Hepburn of Keith, the same 
 person in whose family befel the lamentable occur- 
 rence before mentioned. 
 
 This gentleman had pinioned the arms of tliu 
 turnkey by an eflfort of strength, and effected his 
 escape into the open street without pursuit. But 
 he was at a loss whither to fly, or where to find a 
 friendly place of refuge. His ^vife and family were, 
 ne knew, in London ; but how, in that great city, 
 was he to discover them, especially as they most 
 probably were residing there under feigned name* ? 
 While he was agitated by this uncertainty, and 
 fearful of making the least enquiry, even had he 
 known in what words to express it, he saw at a 
 window in the street an ancient piece of plate, call- 
 ed the Keith Tankard, which had long belonged to 
 his family. He immediately conceived that his 
 wife and children must be inhabitants of the lodg- 
 ings, and entering, without asking questions, was 
 received in their arms. They knew of his purpose 
 of escape, and took lodgings as near the jail as they 
 could, that they might atford him immediate refuge; 
 but dared not give him any hint where they were, 
 otherwise than by setting the well-known flagon 
 where it might by good fortune catch his eye. He 
 escaped to France. 
 
 The noblemen who had placed themselves at the 
 head of the rebellion were now called to answer 
 for their guilt ; and articles of impeachment of high 
 treason were exhibited by the House of Commons 
 against the Earl of Derwentwater, and the Lord
 
 DERWENTWATER AND KENMURR EXECUTEQ. 245 
 
 Widdrington, in England ; and the Earls of Nithis- 
 dale, Winton, and Carnwath, Lord Viscount Ken- 
 mure, and Lord Nairne, in Scotland. They sever- 
 ally pleaded Guilty to the articles, excepting the 
 Earl of Winton, who pleaded Not Guilty. 
 
 Lord Derwentwater and Lord Kenmure suffered 
 death on the 24th February, 1715-16. The Earl 
 of Derwentwater, who was an amiable private 
 character, hospital and generous, brave and hu- 
 mane, revoked on the scaffold his plea of Guilty, 
 and died firmly avowing the political creed 
 for which he suffered. Lord Kenmure, a quiet, 
 modest gentleman, shared Derwentwater's fate ; and 
 he showed the same firmness. There is a tradition 
 that the body of Lord Derwentwater was carried 
 down to Westmoreland in great pomp, the proces- 
 sion, however, moving only by night, and resting 
 by day in chapels dedicated to the exercise of the 
 Catholic religion, where the funeral services of that 
 church were performed over the body during the 
 day, until the approach of night permitted them to 
 resume their progress northward ; and that the re- 
 mains of this unfortunate nobleman were finally de- 
 posited in his ancestor's burial place at Dilstone 
 Hall. His large estates were confiscated to the 
 crown, and now form the valuable property of 
 Greenwich Hospital. 
 
 Charles Ratcliff, brother to the Earl of Derwent- 
 water, and doomed to share his fate, after a long 
 interval of years, saved himself for the time by 
 breaking prison. 
 
 But what chiefly attracted the attention of the 
 public, was the escape of the Earl of Nithisdale, 
 21*
 
 246 ESCAPE OF :-:iTIIISDALE. 
 
 who was destined to have shared the fate of Der- 
 went water and Kenmure. 
 
 The utmost intercession had been made, in eve- 
 ry possible shape, to save the lives of these unfor- 
 tunate noblemen, and their companions in misfor- 
 tune, but it had been found unavailing. Lady 
 Nithisdale, the bold and affectionate vrife of the 
 condemned Earl, having in vain thrown herself at 
 the feet of the reigning monarch to implore mercy 
 for her husband, devised a plan for his escape of 
 the same kind with that since practised by Madame 
 Laveiette. She was admitted to see her husband 
 in the Tower upon the last day vrhich, according to 
 his sentence, he had to live. She had with her 
 two female confidants. One brought on her per- 
 son a double suit of female clothes. This individual 
 was instantly dismissed, when relieved of her se- 
 cond dress. The other person gave her own 
 clothes to the Earl, attiring herself in those which 
 had been provided. Muffled in a riding-hood and 
 cloak, the Earl, in the character of a lady's maid, 
 holding a handkerchief to his eyes, as one over- 
 whelmed ^^4th deep alfliction, passed the sentinels, 
 and being safely conveyed out of the Tower, made 
 his escape to France. We are startled to find, 
 that, according to the rigour of the law, the life of 
 the heroic Countess was considered as responsible 
 for that of the husband whom she had saved ; but 
 she contrived to conceal herself. 
 
 Lord Winton received sentence of death after 
 trial, but also made his ej^jgipe from the Tower. As 
 Charles Ratcliff had already broke prison about the 
 ^amc lime, we mar conclude cillicr that the jailors
 
 EXECUTION OF THE REV. WM. PAUL. 247 
 
 and marshals did not exhibit much vigilance on this 
 occasion, or that the prisoners found means of lull- 
 ing it to sleep. The Earl of Carnwath, Lords 
 Widdrington and Nairne, were, aftei a long im- 
 prisonment, pardoned as far as their lives were con- 
 cerned, in consequence of a general bill of in- 
 demnity. 
 
 Of inferior persons, about twenty of the most re- 
 solute of th^ Preston prisoners were executed at 
 that place and at Manchester, and four or five suf- 
 fered at Tyburn. Amongst these the execution of 
 William Paul, a clergyman, a true friend, as he 
 boasted himself, of the anti-revolutionary church of 
 England, made a strong impression on those of his 
 party. 
 
 Thus closed the Rebellion and its consequences, 
 so far as England was concerned. We must now 
 take a view of its last scenes as exhibited in Scot- 
 land
 
 [ 248 ] 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 The arrival of Dutch Troops to the Assistance of Goverament, 
 the news of the Surrender at Preston, and the Desertion of tlie 
 Clan Fraser to the Whij Interest, all tend to discourage the Jac- 
 obite Army — A General Council of the Jacobite Leaders breaks 
 up without coming to any Conclusion, one Party desiring to ca- 
 pitulate, while Mar wishes to keep the Army together till the Ar- 
 rival of the Chevalier — An Offer of Submission, upon Terms, 
 made to Argyle, and Rejected — Arrival of the Chevalier, which 
 fails to restore the Courage of his Adherents— Exertions of Ar- 
 gyle to put an end to the Rebellion — His march towards Perth — 
 Exultation of the Jacobite Highlanders in the Prospect of an- 
 other battle— their Fury and Despair on its being hinted that it 
 was intended to Retreat — A Retreat resolved on. 
 
 We left the insurgents when the melancholy 
 news of the termination of the campaign of Forster, 
 with his Highland auxiliaries, at the barricades of 
 Preston, had not yet reached them ; the moment it 
 did, all hopes of a general insurrection in England, 
 or any advantage being obtained there, were for 
 ever ended. 
 
 The regular troops which had been detained in 
 England to suppress the northern insurgents, were 
 now set at liberty, and Mar could no longer rely up- 
 on Argyle's remaining inactive for want of men. 
 Besides", the Estate of the United Provinces had 
 now, upon the remonstrance of General Cadogan, 
 dispatched for Britain tb^ auxiliary forces which 
 they were bound by treaty to furnish in case of in- 
 vasion, and three thousand of them had landed at
 
 SIMON PRASER. 249 
 
 Deptford. The other three thousand Dutch troops, 
 designed for ports in the north, had been dispersed 
 by a storm, and driven into Harwich, Yarmouth, 
 and elsewhere, which induced the government to 
 order those at Deptford, as the most disposable part 
 of this auxiliary force, to move instantly down to 
 Scotland. 
 
 Events equally unfavourable to the rebels were" 
 taking place in the North of Scotland ; and, in or- 
 der to ascertain the progress of these, it is necessa- 
 ry to trace some passages of the life of Simon Fra- 
 ser, one of the most remarkable characters of his 
 time. 
 
 He was by birth the nearest male heir to the es- 
 tate of Lovat, and to the dignity of Chief of the Fra- 
 sers — no empty honour, since the clan contained a 
 following of from seven hundred to a thousand men. 
 The chief last deceased, however, had left a daugli- 
 ter, and Simon was desirous, by marriage with this 
 young lady, to unite her pretensions to the chiei- 
 tainsliip and estate with his own. As his character 
 was bad, and his circumstances accounted desper- 
 ate, the widowed mother of the young heiress, a la- 
 dy of the house of Athole, was averse to this match, 
 and her powerful family countenanced her repug- 
 nance. Being a man of a daring character, deep 
 powers of dissimulation, and master of the tempers 
 of the lower class of Highlanders, Simon found it 
 no difficult matter to obtain the assistance of a 
 strong party of Frasers, chiefly desperate men, to 
 assist in a scheme of seizing on the person of the 
 young heiress. She escaped his grasp, but her 
 mother, the widow of the late Lord Lovat, fell into
 
 250 SOME ACCOUNT OF 
 
 his po\\ er. Equally short-sighted as unprincipled, 
 Fraser imagined that by marrying this lady instead 
 of her daughter, he would secure, through her large 
 jointure, some legal interest in the estate. With 
 this view he accomplished a forced marriage be- 
 twixt the Dowager Lady Lovat and himself, and 
 enforced his rights, as her pretended husband, with 
 the most brutal violence. For this abominable 
 and atrocious outrage against a matron, widow of 
 his own near connexion, and a sister of the power- 
 ful Marquis of Athole, letters of fire and sword 
 were granted against Fraser and his adherents, 
 and outlawed by the High Court of Justiciary, he 
 was forced to fly to France. Here he endeavoured 
 to recommend himself at the court of St Germains, 
 by aff'ecting much zeal for the Jacobite cause, and 
 pretending to great interest with the Highland 
 chiefs, and the power of rendering eftectual service 
 amongst them. The Chevalier de St George and 
 the French King were aware of the infamy of the 
 man's character, and distrusted the proposal which 
 he laid before them, for raising an insurrection in 
 -the Highlands. Mary of Este, more credulous, 
 was disposed to trust him ; and he was detached 
 on a Jacobite mission, which he instantly betrayed 
 to the Duke of Queensbury, and which created 
 much disturbance in the year 1703, as we have no- 
 ticed in its place. His double treachery being 
 discovered, Simon Frazer was, on his return 
 to France, thrown into the Bastile, where he 
 remained for a considerable time. Dismissed 
 from this imprisonment, he waited for an oppor- 
 tunity where he might .serve his own interest, and 
 tcivence his claims upon the chieftainship of
 
 SIMON FRASER. 251 
 
 the clan Fraser and the estate of Lovat, by adopt- 
 ing the political side betwixt the contending par- 
 ties which should bid fairest to serve his purpose. 
 
 The time seemed now arrived, when, by the in- 
 surrection of Mar, open war was declared betwixt 
 the parties. His cousin, the heiress of Lovat, 
 had been married to MacKenzie of Fraserdale, 
 who, acting as chief of his wife's clan, had sum- 
 moned the Frasers to arms, and led a body of five 
 hundred clansmen to join the standard of the Chev- 
 alier de St George. They marched to Perth ac- 
 cordingly. In the meantime, Simon Fraser arrived 
 in Scotland, and made his appearance, like one of 
 those portentous sea monsters whose gambols an- 
 nounce the storm. He was first seen at Dumfries, 
 where he offered his personal services to join the 
 citizens, who were in arms to repel an attack from 
 Kenmure, Nithisdale, and their followers. The 
 Dumfriesians, however, trusted him not, nay, were 
 disposed to detain him a prisoner; and only per- 
 mitted him to pass northward, on the assurance of 
 the Marquis of Annandale, that his presence there 
 would be favourable to King George and his cause. 
 It proved so accordingly. 
 
 Simon Fraser arrived in Inverness-shire, and 
 hastened to form an intimate alliance with Duncan 
 Forbes, brother of John Forbes of Culloden, and a 
 determined friend to government. Forbes was an 
 excellent lawyer, and a just and religious man. At 
 another time, he would probably have despised as- 
 sociating himself with a desperate outlaw to his 
 country, black with the charges of rape, murder, and 
 (]oMh:(» treacherv. But the case was an extreme
 
 252 DESCRIPTION OF THE ERASERS. 
 
 one, in which no assistance that promised to be 
 available was to be rejected. Simon Fraser obtain- 
 ed pardon and favour, and the influence of the pat- 
 riarchal system was never more remarkably illus- 
 trated than in his person. His character was, as we 
 have seen, completely infamous, and his state and 
 condition that of an adventurer of the very worst 
 description. But by far the greater number of the 
 clan were disposed to think, that the chiefship de- 
 scended to the mail heir, and therefore preferred 
 Simon's title to that of Fraserdale, who only com- 
 manded them as husband of the heiress. The man- 
 dates of Fraser, now terming himself Lovat, reach- 
 ed the clan in the town of Perth. They were res- 
 pected as those of the rightful chief ; and the Fra- 
 sers did not hesitate to withdraw from the cause of 
 the Chevalier de St George, and march northwards, 
 to place themselves under the command of their 
 restored patriarch by male descent, who had em- 
 braced the Gther side. This change of sides wa^ 
 the more remarkable, as most of the Frasers were 
 in personal opinion Jacobites. We have already 
 noticed that the desertion of the Frasers took place 
 the very morning when Mar broke up to march on 
 Dunblane ; and, as a bold and warlike clan, their 
 absence, on the 12th November, was of no small 
 disadvantage to the party from whom they had re- 
 tired. 
 
 Shortly after this, the operations of this clan, 
 under their new leader, became directly hostile to 
 the Jacobite cause. Sir John MacKenzie of Coul 
 had, at the period of the Earl of Seaforth's march 
 to Perth, been left with four hundred MacKenzies^
 
 TO THE WHIG INTEREST. 253 
 
 to garrison Inverness, which may be termed the 
 capital of the North Highlands. Hitherto his task 
 had been an easy one, but it was now likely to be- 
 come more difficult. Acting upon a plan concerted 
 betwixt him and Duncan Forbes, Lovat assem- 
 bled his clan, and with those of the Monros, Rosses 
 and Grants, who had always maintained the Whig 
 interest, attacked Inverness, with such success, 
 that they made themselves masters of the place, 
 which Sir John MacKenzie found himself compel- 
 led to evacuate without serious resistance. The 
 Earl of Sutherland also, who was still in arms, 
 now advanced across the Murray Frith, and a con- 
 siderable force was collecting in the rear of the 
 •Rebels, and in a position which threatened the ter- 
 ritories of Huntly, Seaforth, and several other chief 
 leaders in Mar's army. 
 
 These various events tended more and more to 
 depress the spirits of the noblemen and heads of 
 clans who were in the Jacobite army. The indefi- 
 nite, or rather unfavourable, issue of the affair of 
 SherifFmuir, had discouraged those who expected, 
 by a decisive victory, if not to carry their principal 
 and original purpose, at least to render themselves 
 a foe to whom the government might think it worth 
 w hile to grant honourable terms of accommodation. 
 Most men of reflection, therefore, now foresaw 
 the inevitable ruin of the undertaking; but the 
 General, Mar, having formally invited the Cheva- 
 lier de St George to come over and put himself at 
 the head of the insurrectionary army, was under the 
 necessity, for his own honour, and to secure the 
 chance which such an impulse might hav^ given to 
 VOL. I. 22
 
 254 mar's army dispirited. 
 
 his affairs, of keeping his troops together to protect 
 the person of the Prince, in case of his accepting this 
 perilous invitation, which, given before the battle 
 of Sheriffmuir, was likely to be complied with. In 
 this dilemma he became desirous, by every spe- 
 cies of engagement, to bind those who had enroll- 
 ed themselves under the fatal standard, not to 
 quit it. 
 
 For this purpose, a military oath was proposed, 
 in name of King James VIII. ; an engagement, 
 which, however solemn, has been seldom found 
 stronger than the severe compulsion of necessity 
 operating against it. Many of the gentlemen, en- 
 gaged, not willing to preclude themselves from en- 
 deavouring to procure terms, in case of need, refus- 
 ed to come under this additional obligation. The 
 expedient of an association was next resorted to, 
 and Mar summoned a general council of the prin- 
 cipal persons in the army. This was the fourth 
 time such a meeting had been convoked since the 
 commencement of the affair ; the first had taken 
 place when Macintosh's detachment was in peril ; 
 the second for the purpose of subscribing an invita- 
 tion to the Chevalier de St George to join them, 
 and the third on the field of battle at Sheriffmuir. 
 
 The Marquis of Huntly, who had already well- 
 nigh determined on taking separate measures, re- 
 fused to attend the meeting, but sent a draught of 
 an association to which he was willing to subscribe, 
 and seemed to admit that the insurgents might make 
 their peace separately. Mar flung it scornfully 
 aside, and said it might be a very proper form, pro- 
 viding it had either sense • or grammar. He then
 
 COUNCIL OF THE JACOBITE LEADERS. 256 
 
 recommended his own draught, by which tlie sub- 
 scribers agreed to continue in arms, and accept no 
 conditions unless under the royal authority, and by 
 the consent of the majority of the gentlemen then 
 in arms. The proposd measure was opposed by 
 the Master of Sinclair and many of the Lowland 
 gentlemen. They complained, that by using the 
 phrase "Royal authority," they might be consider- 
 ed as throwing the free power of deciding for them- 
 selves into the hands of Mar, as the royal Gener- 
 al, with w^hose management hitherto they had little 
 reason to be satisfied. The Master of Sinclair de- 
 manded to know what persons were to vote, as con- 
 stituting the majority of gentlemen in arms, and 
 whether voices must be allowed to all who went by 
 that general name, or whether the decision was to 
 be remitted to those jvhom the General might select. 
 Sir John MacLean haughtily answered, that unless 
 some such power of selection were lodged in the 
 commander-in-chief, all his regiment of eight hun- 
 dred men must be admitted to vote, since every 
 MacLean was a gentleman. Mar endeavoured to 
 soothe the disaffected. He admitted the king's af- 
 fairs were not in such a state as he could have de- 
 sired ; but contended that they were far from des- 
 perate, intimated that he still entertained hopes, 
 and in the same breath deprecated answering the 
 questions put to him on the nature of his expecta- 
 tions. He was, however, borne down with queries ; 
 and being reminded that he could not propose re- 
 maining at Perth, when the Duke of Argyle, reinfor- 
 ced by six thousand Dutch, should move against 
 him on one side, and Sutherland, with all the north-
 
 256 COUNCIL OF THE JACOBITE LEADERS. 
 
 em clans in the government interest, should ad- 
 vance on the other, it was demanded, where he pro- 
 posed to make a stand. Inverness was named ; and 
 the shire of Murray was pointed out as sufficient to 
 find subsistence for a considerable army. But Inver- 
 ness, if not already fallen, was in imminent danger ; 
 Murray, though a fertile country, was a narrow dis- 
 trict, which would be soon exhausted ; and it seem- 
 ed to be the general opinion, that if pressed by the 
 Government forces, there would be no resource 
 save falling back into the barren regions of the 
 Highlands. The Master of Sinclair asked, at what 
 season of the year forage and other necessaries 
 for cavalry were to be found in the hills r Glengar- 
 ry made a bizarre but very intelligible reply, " that 
 such accommodations were to be found in the High- 
 lands at every season — by those who were provident 
 enough to bring them with them." 
 
 The main argument of Mar was, to press upon 
 the dissentients the dishonour of deserting the King, 
 when he was on the point of throwing himself on 
 their loyalty. They replied, he alone knew the 
 King's motions ; of which they had no such assur- 
 ances as could induce them to refu^ any opportu- 
 nity of saving themselves, their families, and estates 
 from perdition, merely to preserve some punctilious 
 scruples of loyalty, by which the King could gain no 
 real advantage. They complained that they had 
 been lured into the field, by promises of troops, arms, 
 ammunition, treasure, and a general of military tal- 
 ent — all to be sent by France ; and that, these re- 
 ports proving totally false, they did not incline to be 
 detained there upon rumours of the King's motions,
 
 DIVISIONS OF THE JACOBITE ARMY. 257 
 
 which might be equally fallacious, as they came 
 from the same quarter. In a word, the council of 
 war broke up without coming to a resolution ; and 
 there was, from that time, established in the army a 
 party who were opposed to Mar's conduct of affairs, 
 who declared for opening a negotiation ' with the 
 Duke of Argyle, and were distinguished at head- 
 quarters as grumblers and mutineers. 
 
 These gentlemen held a meeting at the Master of 
 Sinclair's quarters, and opened a communication 
 with Mar, in which they urged the total inadequa- 
 cy of any resistance which they could now offer — 
 the exhaustion of their supplies of ammunition, pro- 
 vision, and money — the impossibility of their mak- 
 ing a stand until they reached the Highland moun- 
 tains — and the equal impossibility of subsisting their 
 cavalry if they plunged into these wildernesses. 
 They declared, that they did not desire to separate 
 themselves from the army ; all they wished to know 
 was, whether an honourable capitulation could be 
 obtained for all who were engaged ; and if dishon- 
 ourable terms were offered, they expressed them- 
 selves determined to fight to the death rather than 
 accept them. 
 
 While such were the sentiments of the Low-coun- 
 try gentlemen, dejected at their total want of suc- 
 cess, and the prospect of misery and ruin which 
 they saw fast approaching, the Highland chiefs and 
 clans were totally disinclined to any terms of ac- 
 commodation. Their warlike disposition made 
 the campaign an enjoyment to them; the pay, which 
 Mar dispensed liberally, was, while it lasted, an 
 object with people so poor ; and, finally, they enter- 
 22*
 
 258 DIVISIONS i:v the JAcoBiTt: AKMr. 
 
 tained the general opinion, founded upon the con- 
 vention made with their ancestors after the war of 
 1688-9, that they might at worst retreat into their 
 hills, where, rather than incur the loss of men and 
 charges necessary for suppressing them, the Gov- 
 ernment would be glad to grant them peace upon 
 their own terms, and, perhaps, not averse to pay 
 them for accepting it. Another class of men hav- 
 ing influence in such a singular camp, were the no- 
 bility, or men of quality, who had joined the cause. 
 Most of these were men of high titles but broken 
 fortunes, whose patrimony was arerburdened with 
 debt. They had been early treated by Mar with 
 distinction and preference, for their rank gave cred- 
 it to the cause which their personal influence could 
 not greatly have advanced. Tbey enjoyed posts of 
 nominal rank in the insurrectionary army ; and the 
 pay conforming to these was not less acceptable to 
 them than to the Highlanders, It may be also sup- 
 posed, that they were more particularly acquainted 
 than others with the reasons Mar had for actually 
 expecting the King ; and might, with spirit wor- 
 thy of their birth, be willing to incur the worst ex- 
 tremities of war, rather than desert the monarch at 
 the moment, when, by their own invitation, he came 
 to throw himself on their fidelity. These noblemen, 
 therefore, supported the measures and authority of 
 the commander, and discountenanced any proposals 
 to treat. 
 
 Notwithstanding the aid of the nobles and the 
 Highland chiefs. Mar found himself compelled so 
 far to listen to the representations of the discontent- 
 ed party, as to consent that application should be
 
 TERMS OF SUBMISSION MADE TO ARGYLE. 259 
 
 made to" the Duke of x\rgyle to learn whether any 
 capitulation could be allowed. There was so lit- 
 tle faith betwixt the officers and their general, that 
 the former insisted on naming one of the delegates 
 who were to be sent to Stirling about the proposed 
 negotiation. The offer of submission upon terms 
 was finally intrusted to Lieutenant-Colonel Law- 
 rence, the officer of highest rank who had been 
 made prisoner at Sheriffmuir. The colonel, agree- 
 ably to a previous engagement, returned with an 
 answer to the proposal of submission, that the Duke 
 of Argyle had no commission from court to treat 
 with the insurgents as a body, but only with such 
 individuals as might submit themselves ; but his 
 Grace promised that he would send the Duke of 
 Roxburghe to court, for the purpose of soliciting 
 such powers for a general pacification. A more 
 private negotiation, instituted by the Countess of 
 Murray, whose second son, Francis Stewart, was 
 engaged in the rebellion, received the same answer, 
 with this addition, that the Duke of Argyle would 
 not hear her pronounce the name of Mar, in whose 
 favour she had attempted to make some interces- 
 sion. 
 
 Upon this unfavourable reception of the proposal 
 of submission, it was not difficult to excite the re- 
 sentment of those who had declared for war, against 
 that smaller party which advocated peace. The 
 Highlanders, whose fierce temper was easily awak- 
 ened to fury, were encouraged to insult and misuse 
 several of the Low country gentry, particularly the 
 followers of Huntly, tearing the cockades out of 
 their hats, and upbraiding them as cowards and
 
 260 DESERTION FROM IMAR's ARMY. 
 
 traitors. The Master of Sinclair was publicly 
 threatened by Farquharson of Inverary, a Highland 
 vassal of the Earl of Mar; but his well-known fe- 
 rocity of temper, with his habit of going continual- 
 ly armed, seem to have protected him. 
 
 About this time, there were others among Mar's 
 principal associates who became desirous of leav- 
 ing his camp at Perth. Huntly, much disgusted 
 with the insults offered to his vassals, and the des- 
 perate state of things at Perth, was now preparing 
 to withdraw to his own country, alleging that his 
 presence was necessary to defend it against the 
 Earl of Sutherland, whose march southward must 
 be destructive to the estates of his family. The 
 movements of the same Earl with the clans of Ros- 
 ses, MacKays, Erasers, Grants, and others, alarm- 
 ed Seaforth also for the security of his dominions 
 in Kintail ; and he left Perth, to march northward, 
 for the defence of his property, and the wives, fam- 
 ilies, and houses of his vassals in arms. Thus 
 were two great limbs lopped oft' from Mar's army, 
 at the time when it was about to be assailed by gov- 
 ernment with collected strength. Individuals also 
 became dispirited, and deserted the enterprise. 
 There was at least one man of consideration who 
 went home from the field of battle at SherifFmuir — 
 sat down by his own hearth, and trusting to the 
 clemency of the government, renounced the trade 
 of king-making. Others, in parties or separately, 
 had already adopted the same course ; and those 
 who, better known, or more active, dared not re- 
 main at home^ were seeking passages to foreign 
 parts from the eastern ports of Scotland. The
 
 ARRIVAL OF THE CHEVALIER. 261 
 
 Master of Sinclair, after exchanging mutual threats 
 and defiances with Mar and his friends, left the 
 camp at Perth, went north and visited the Marquis 
 of Huntly. He afterwards escaped abroad from the 
 Orkney islands. 
 
 Amidst this gradual but increasing defection, 
 Mar, by the course of his policy, saw himself at all 
 rates obliged to keep his ground at Perth, since he 
 knew, what others refused to take upon his author- 
 ity, that the Chevalier de St George was very 
 shortly to be expected in his camp. 
 
 This Prince, unfortunate from his very infancy, 
 found himself, at the time of this struggle in his be- 
 half, altogether unable to assist his partisans. He 
 had been expelled from France by the Regent 
 Duke of Orleans, and even the provision of arms 
 and ammunition, which he was able to collect from 
 his own slender funds, and those of his followers, 
 or by the munificence of his allies, was intercepted 
 in the ports of France. Having, therefore, no 
 more effectual mode of rendering them assistance, 
 he generously, or desperately, resolved to put his 
 own person in the hazard, and live and die along 
 with them. As a soldier, the Chevalier de St 
 George had shown courage upon several other oc- 
 casions ; that is, he had approached the verge of 
 battle as near as persons of his importance are usu- 
 ally suffered to do. He was handsome in person, 
 and courteous and pleasing in his manners; but 
 his talents were not otherwise conspicuous, nor did 
 he differ from the ordinary class of great persons, 
 whose wishes, hopes, and feelings, are uniformly 
 under the influence and management of some fa-
 
 262 ARRIVAL OF THE CHEVALIER. 
 
 vourite minister, who relieves his master of the in- 
 convenient trouble of thinking for himself upon sub- 
 jects of importance. The arrival of a chief, grac- 
 ed with such showy qualities as James possessed, 
 might have given general enthusiasm to the insur- 
 rection at its commencement, but could not redeem 
 it when it was gone to ruin ; any more than the 
 unexpected presence of the captain on board a half- 
 wrecked vessel can, of itself, restore the torn rig- 
 ging which cannot resist the storm, or mend the 
 shattered planks which are yawning to admit the 
 waves. 
 
 The Chevalier thus performed his romantic ad- 
 venture : — Having traversed Normandy disguised 
 in a mariner's habit, he embarked at Dunkirk aboard 
 a small vessel, formerly a privateer, as well armed 
 and manned as time would admit, and laden with a 
 cargo of brandy. On the 22d December, 1715, 
 he landed at Peterhead, having with him a retinue 
 of only six gentlemen ; the rest of his train and 
 equipage being to follow him in two other small 
 vessels. Of these, one reached Scotland, but the 
 other was shipwrecked. The Earl of Mar, with 
 the Earl Marischal, and a chosen train of persons 
 of quality, to the number of thirty, went from Perth 
 to kiss the hands of the Prince for whose cause they 
 were in arms. They found him at Fetteresso, dis- 
 composed with the ague, — a bad disorder to bring 
 to a field of battle. The deputation was received 
 with the courtesy and marks of favour which could 
 not be refused, although their news scarce deserved a 
 welcome. While the episcopal clergy of the diocese 
 of Aberdeen congratulated themselves and James
 
 ARRIVAL OF THE CHEVALIER. 263 
 
 on the arrival of a Prince, trained like Moses, Jo- 
 seph, and David, in the school of adversity, his 
 General had to apprize his Sovereign of the cold 
 tidings, that his education in that severe academy- 
 had not yet ended. The Chevalier de St George 
 now for the first time received the melancholy in- 
 telligence, that for a month before his arrival it had 
 been determined to abandon Perth, which had 
 hitherto been their head-quarters, and thus, as soon 
 as the enemy began to advance, they would be 
 under the necessity of retreating in the wild High- 
 lands. 
 
 This was a reception very different from what 
 the Prince anticipated. Some hopes were still en- 
 tertained, that the news of the Chevalier's actual 
 arrival might put new life into their sinking cause, 
 bring back the friends who had left their standard, 
 and encourage new ones to repair thither, and the 
 experiment was judged worth trying. For giving 
 the greater effect to his presence, he appeared in 
 royal state as he passed through Berchin and Dun- 
 dee, and entered Perth itself with an affectation of 
 JMajesty. 
 
 James proceeded to name a Privy Council, to 
 whom he made a speech, which had little in it that 
 was encouraging to his followers. In spite of a 
 forced air of hope and confidence, it was too ob- 
 yious that the language of the Prince was- rather 
 that of despair. There was no rational expectation 
 of assistance in men, money, or arms, from abroad, 
 nor did his speech hold out any such. He was 
 come to Scotland, he said, merely that those who 
 did not choose to discharge their own duty, might
 
 i>(J4 ARRIVAL OF THE CHEVALIER. 
 
 not have it in their power to make his absence an 
 apology ; and the ominous words escaped him, 
 '' that for him it was no new thing to be unfortunate, 
 since his whole life, from his cradle, had been a 
 constant series of misfortune, and he was prepar- 
 ed, if it so pleased God, to suffer the extent of the 
 threats which his enemies threw out against him." 
 These were not encouraging words, but they were 
 the real sentiments of a spirit broken with dis- 
 appointment. The Grand Council, to whom this 
 royal speech was addressed, answered it by a de- 
 claration of their purpose of fighting the Duke of 
 Argyle ; and it is incredible how popular this de- 
 termination was in the army, though reduced to 
 one-fourth of their original numbers. The intelli- 
 gence of the arrival of the Chevalier de St George 
 ^vas communicated to Seaforth, Lord Huntly, and 
 other persons of consequence who had formerly 
 Joined his standard, but they took no notice of his 
 .summons to return thither. He continued, not- 
 withstanding, to act the Sovereign. Six procla- 
 mations were issued in the name of James the 
 Eighth of Scotland and Third of England : The first 
 appointed a general thanksgiving for his sate arri- 
 val in the British kingdoms — a second, command- 
 ed prayers to be offered up for him in all churches 
 — a third, enjoined the currency of foreign coins — 
 a fourth, directed the summoning together the Scot- 
 tish Convention of Estates — a fifth, commanded 
 all the fencible men to join his standard — and a 
 sixth, appointed the 23d of January for the cere- 
 mony of his coronation. A letter from the Earl of 
 Mar was also published respecting the King, as 
 
 ^'^-'.>.
 
 BURNING OF AUCHTERARDER. 265 
 
 he is called, in which, with no happy selection of 
 phrase, he is termed the finest gentleman in per- 
 son and manners, with ih.e^ finest parts and capaci- 
 ty for business, and fivest writer whom Lord Mar 
 ever saw ; in a word, every way fitted to make 
 the Scots a happy people, were his subjects worthy 
 of him. 
 
 But with these flattering annunciations came 
 forth one of a different character. The village of 
 Auchterarder, and other hamlets lying between 
 Stirling and Perth, with the houses, corn, and for- 
 age, were ordered by James's edict to be destroy- 
 ed, lest they should afford quarters to the enemy in 
 their advance. In consequence of this, the town 
 above named and several villages were burned to 
 the ground, while their inhabitants, with old men 
 and women, children and infirm persons, were 
 driven from their houses in the extremity of one of 
 the hardest winters which had for a long time been 
 experienced even in these cold regions. There is 
 every reason to believe, that the alarm attending 
 this violent measure greatly overbalanced any hopes 
 of better times, excited by the flourishing proclama- 
 tions of the newly-arrived candidate for royalty. 
 
 While the insurgents of Perth were trying the 
 effect of adulatory proclamations, active measures 
 of a very different kind were in progress. The 
 Duke of Argyle had been in Stirling since the battle 
 of 12th November, collecting gradually the means 
 of totally extinguishing the rebellion. His secret 
 wish probably was, that it might be ended without 
 farther bloodshed of his misguided countrymen, by 
 dissolving of itself. But the want of a battering 
 
 VOL. I. 23
 
 26Q EXERTIONS TO END Tlii: REDELLION. 
 
 train, and the extreme severity of the v/eather, seiTed 
 as excuses for refraining from active operations. 
 The Duke, however, seems to have been suspect- 
 ed by government of being tardy in his operations ; 
 and perhaps of having entertained some idea of ex- 
 tending his own power and interest in Scotland, by 
 treating the rebels with clemency, and allowing 
 them time for submission. This'was the rather be- 
 lieved, as Argyle had been the ardent opponent of 
 Marlborough, now Captain-General, and could not 
 hope that his measures would be favourably judg- 
 ed by a political and personal enemy. The inter- 
 cession of a part of the English ministry, who de- 
 clared against the impeachment of the rebel lords, 
 had been punished with the loss of their places ; 
 and, notwithstanding the services he had performed 
 in arresting with three thousand men the progress 
 of four times that number, Argyle's slow and tem- 
 porising measures subjected him to a shade of ma- 
 levolent suspicion, which his message to govern- 
 ment, through the Duke of Roxburghe, recom- 
 mending an amnesty, perhaps tended to increase. 
 
 Yet he had not neglected any opportunity to nar- 
 row the occupation of the country by the rebels, or 
 to prepare for their final suppression. The En- 
 glish ships of war in the Frith, acting under the 
 Duke's orders, had driven Mar's forces from the 
 castle of Burntisland, and the royal troops had es- 
 tablished themselves throughout a great part of 
 Fife-shirc, formerly held exclusively by the rebel 
 army. 
 
 The Dutch auxiliaries now, however, began to 
 join the camp at Stirling; and as the artillery de-
 
 ARGYLE MARCHES FROM STIRLING. 267 
 
 signed for the siege of Perth lay wind-bound in the 
 Thames, a field-train was sent from Berwick to 
 Stirling, that no farther time might be lost. Gen- 
 eral Cadogan also, the intimate friend of Marlbo- 
 rough, was dispatched from London to press the 
 most active operations ; and Argyle, if he had hith- 
 erto used any delay, in pity to the insurgents, was 
 now forced on the most energetic measures. 
 
 On the 24th of January, the advance from Stirl- 
 ing and the march on Perth were commenced, 
 though the late hard frost, followed by a great fall 
 of snow, rendered the operations of the army slow 
 and difficult. On the last day of January the troops 
 of Argyle crossed the Eame without opposition, 
 and advanced to Tullibardine, within eight miles 
 of Perth. 
 
 On the other hand, all was confusion at the head- 
 quarters of the rebels. The Chevalier de St 
 George had expressed the greatest desire to see 
 little kings, as he called the Highland chiefs and 
 their clans ; but, though professing to admire their 
 singular dress and martial appearance, he was as- 
 tonished to perceive their number so greatly inferi- 
 or to what he had been led to expect, and express- 
 ed an apprehension that he had been deceived and 
 betrayed. Nor did the appearance of this Prince 
 excite much enthusiasm on the part of his follow- 
 ers. His person was tall and thin ; his look and 
 eye dejected by his late bodily illness; and his 
 whole bearing lacking the animation and fire which 
 ought to characterise the leader of an adventurous, 
 or rather desperate cause. He was slow of speech 
 and difficult of oc^c^:?, ?r.d seemed little interested
 
 238 ANIMATION OF THE HIGHLANDERS. 
 
 in reviews of his men, or martial displays of any 
 kind. The Highlanders, struck with his resem- 
 blance to an automaton, asked if he could speak ; 
 and there was a general disappointment, arising 
 rather, perhaps, from the state of anxiety and de- 
 pression in which they saw him, than from any nat- 
 ural want of courage in the unhappy Prince him- 
 self. His extreme attachment to the Catholic re- 
 ligion, also reminded such of his adherents as ac- 
 knowledged the reformed church, of the family big- 
 otry on account of which his father had lost his 
 kingdom ; and they were much disappointed at his 
 refusal to join in their prayers and acts of worship, 
 and at the formal precision with which he adhered 
 to his Popish devotions. 
 
 Yet the Highlanders, though few in numbers, 
 still looked forward with the utmost spirit, and 
 something approaching to delight, to the desperate 
 conflict which they conceived to be just approach" 
 ing ; and when, on the 28th January, they learned 
 that Argyle was actually on his march towards 
 Perth, it seemed rather to announce a jubilee than 
 a battle with fearful odds. The chiefs embraced, 
 drank to each other, and to the good day which 
 was drawing near; the pipes played, and the men 
 prepared for action with that air of alacrity which 
 a warlike people express at the approach of battle. 
 
 When, however, a rumour, first slowly whisper- 
 ed, then rapidly spreading among the clans, inform- 
 ed them, that notwithstanding all the preparations 
 in which they had been engaged, it was the Gene- 
 ral's purpose to retire before the enemy without 
 fighting, the grief and indignation of these men,
 
 PROPOSAL OF RETREAT. 269 
 
 taught to think so highly of their ancestors' prow- 
 ess, and feeling no inferiority in themselves, rose 
 to a formidable pitch of fury, and they assailed their 
 principal officers in the streets with every species 
 of reproach. "What can we do ?" was the help- 
 less answer of one of these gentlemen, a confidant 
 of Mar. "Do?" answered an indignant High- 
 lander ; " Let us do that which we were called to 
 arms for, which certainly was not to run away. 
 Why did the King come hither ? — was it to see his 
 subjects butchered like dogs, without striking a 
 blow for their lives and honour ? — " When the 
 safety of the king's person was urged as a reason 
 for retreat, they answered — " Trust his safety to 
 us ; and if he is willing to die like a prince, he 
 shall see there are ten thousand men in Scotland 
 willing to die with him." 
 
 Such were the general exclamations without 
 doors, and those in the councils of the Chevalier 
 were equally violent. Many military men of skill 
 gave it as their opinion, that though Perth was an 
 open town, yet it was so far a safe post, that an ar- 
 my could not, by a coup-de-nmin^ take it out of the 
 hands of a garrison determined on its defence. The 
 severity of the snow-storm, and of the frost, pre- 
 cluded the opening of breaches ; the country around 
 Perth was laid desolate ; the Duke of Argyle's ar- 
 my consisted in a great measure of Englishmen and 
 foreigners, unaccustomed to the severe climate of 
 Scotland ; and vague hopes were expressed, that, 
 if the General of Government should press an at- 
 tack upon the town, he might receive such a check 
 as would restore the balance between the parties, 
 23*
 
 270 THE JACOBITES RESOLVE TO RETREAT. 
 
 To this it was replied, that not only the superior- 
 ity of numbers, and the advantage of discipline,^ 
 were on the side of the royal army, but that the 
 garrison at Perth was destitute of the necessary 
 provisions and ammunition ; and that the Duke'of 
 x\.rgyle had men enough at once to form the block- 
 ade of that town, and take possession of Dundee, 
 Aberdeen, and all the countries to the northward of 
 the Tay, which they lately occupied ; while the 
 Chevalier, cooped up in Perth, might be permitted 
 for some time to see all the surrounding country in 
 his enemy's possession, until it would finally be- 
 come impossible for him to escape. In the end it 
 was resolved in the councils of the Chevalier de St 
 George, that to attempt the defence of Perth would 
 be an act of desperate chivalry. To reconcile the 
 body of the army to the retreat, reports were spread 
 that they were to make a halt at Aberdeen, there 
 to be joined by a considerable body of troops 
 which were expected to arrive from abroad, and ad- 
 \ ance again southwards under better auspices. But 
 it was secretly understood that the purpose was to 
 desert the enterprise, to which the contrivers might 
 apply the lines of the poet — 
 
 " In an ill hour did we these arms commence. 
 Fondly brought here, and foolishly sent hence."
 
 L 271 J 
 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Retreat of the Jacobite Army from Perth — Escape of the Cheva- 
 lier and the Earl of Mar on board a Vessel at Montrose^ — Disper- 
 sion of the Jacobite Army — Incapacity of Mar as a General— Ar- 
 gyle's Arrival in London, and reception at Court— he is deprived 
 of all Employments — Causes of this Act of Ingratitude on the part 
 of the English Government— Trial of the Jacobite Prisoners, at 
 Carlisle— Disarming of the Highlanders — Sale of Forfeited Es- 
 tates — Plan of Charles XII. of Sweden for Restoring the Stew- 
 arts — Expedition fitted out by Cardinal Alberoni for the same 
 purpose — Battle of Glenshiel— the Enterprise Abandoned 
 
 Whatever reports were spread among the sol- 
 diers, the principal leaders had determined to com- 
 mence a retreat, at the head of a discontented army, 
 degraded in their own opinion, distrustful of their 
 officers, and capable, should these suspicions ripen 
 into a fit of fury, of carrying off both King and Gen- 
 eral into the Highlands, and there waging an irreg- 
 ular war after their own manner. 
 
 On the 28th of January, an alarm was given in 
 Perth of the Duke of Argyle's approach ; and it is 
 remarkable, that, although in the confusion, the gen- 
 eral officers had issued no orders what measures 
 were to be taken in case of this probable event, yet 
 the clans themselves, with intuitive sagacity, took 
 the strongest posts for checking any attack ; and, 
 notwithstanding a momentary disorder, were heard 
 to cheer each other with the expression, " they
 
 272 RETREAT OF THE ARMY FROM PERTH. 
 
 should do well enough." The unhappy Prince him- 
 self was far from displaying the spirit of his parti- 
 sans. He was observed to look dejected, and to 
 shed tears, and heard to say, that instead of bring- 
 ing him to a crown, they had led him to his grave. 
 "Weeping," said Prince Eugene, when he heard 
 this incident, "is not the way to conquer king- 
 doms." 
 
 The retreat commenced under all these various 
 feelings. On the 30th of January, the anniversary 
 of Charles the First's decapitation, and ominous 
 therefore to his grandson, the Highland army filed 
 off upon the ice, which then covered the Tay, 
 though a rapid and deep stream. The town was 
 shortly afterwards taken possession of by a body of 
 the Duke of Argyle's dragoons ; but the weather 
 was so severe, and the march of the rebels so regu- 
 lar, that it was impossible to push forward any van- 
 guard of strength sufficient to annoy their retreat. 
 
 On the arrival of the rebels at the seaport of 
 Montrose, a rumour arose among the Highlanders, 
 that the King, as he was termed, the Earl of Mar, 
 and some of their other principal leaders, were 
 about to abandon them, and take their flight by sea. 
 To pacify the troops, orders were given to continue 
 the rout towards Aberdeen ; the equipage and 
 horses of the Chevalier de St George were brought 
 out before the gate of his lodgings, and his guards 
 were mounted as if to proceed on the journey. But 
 before the hour appointed for the march, James 
 left his apartment privately for those of the Earl of 
 Mar, and both took a by-road to the water's edge, 
 where a boat waited to carry them in safety on 
 board a small vessel prepared for their reception.
 
 ESCAPE OF THE CHHVALIER. 273 
 
 The safety of these two personages being assured, 
 boats were sent to bring off Lord Drummond, and 
 a few other gentlemen, most of them belonging to 
 the Chevalier's household; and thus the son of 
 James II. once more retreated from the shores of 
 his native country, which, on this last occasion, he 
 seemed to have visited for no other purpose than 
 to bring away his General in safety. 
 
 General Gordon performed the melancholy and 
 irksome duty of leading to Aberdeen the disheart- 
 ened remains of the Highland army, in which the 
 Lord Marischal lent him assistance, and brought 
 up the rear. It is probable that the rage of the 
 men, on finding themselves deserted, might have 
 shown itself in some acts of violence and insubor- 
 dination ; but the approach of the Duke of Argyle's 
 forces, which menaced them in different columns, 
 prevented this catastrophe. A sealed letter, to be 
 opened at Aberdeen, contained the secret orders of 
 the Chevalier for General Gordon and his army. 
 When opened, it was found to contain thanks for 
 their faithful services ; an intimation, that disap- 
 pointments had obliged him to retire abroad ; and 
 a full permission to his adherents either to remain 
 in a body and treat with the enemy, or disperse, as 
 should best appear to suit the exigency of the time. 
 The soldiers were at the same time apprised that 
 they would cease to receive pay. 
 
 A general burst of grief and indignation attend- 
 ed these communications. Many of the insurgents 
 threw down their arms in despair, exclaiming, that 
 they had been deserted and betrayed, and were now 
 left without either king or general. The clans
 
 274 ir>CAi»ACITY OF MAR. 
 
 broke up into different bodies, and marched to the 
 mountains, where they dispersed, each to its own 
 hereditary glen. The gentlemen and Lowlanders 
 who had been engaged, either skulked among the 
 mountains, or gained the more northerly shires of 
 the country, where vessels sent from France to re- 
 ceive them, carried a great part of them to the con- 
 tinent. 
 
 Thus ended the rebellion of 1715, mthout even 
 the usual sad eclat of a defeat. It proved fatal to 
 many ancient and illustrious families in Scotland, 
 and appears to have been an undertaking too weigh- 
 ty for the talents of the person whom chance, or his 
 own presumption, placed at the head of it. It would 
 be unjust to the memory of the unfortunate Mar, not 
 to acquit him of cowardice or treachery, but his 
 genius lay for the intrigues of a court, not the la- 
 bours of a campaign. He seems to have fully 
 shared the chimerical hopes which he inspired 
 amongst his followers, and to have relied upon the 
 foreign assistance which the Regent Duke of Or- 
 leans wanted both power and inclination to afford. 
 He believed, also, the kingdom was so ripe for re- 
 bellion, that nothing was necessary save to kindle a 
 spark in order to produce a general conflagration. 
 In a word, his trust was reposed in what is call- 
 ed a chapter of accidents. Before the battle of 
 Sheriffmuir, his inactivity seems to have been 
 unpardonable, since he suffered the Duke of Ar- 
 gyle, by assuming a firm attitude, to neutralize and 
 control a force of four times his numbers ; but af- 
 ter that event, to continue the enteiprise was in- 
 sanity, since each moment he lingered brought him
 
 AS A GENERAL. 2Y6 
 
 nearer the edge of the precipice. Yet even the 
 Chevalier was invited over to share the dangers and 
 disgrace of an inevitable retreat. In short, the 
 whole history of the insurrection shows that no 
 combination can be more unfortunate than that of a 
 bold undertaking with an irresolute leader. 
 
 The Earl of Mar for several years afterwards 
 managed the state affairs of the Chevalier de St 
 George, the mock minister of a mock cabinet, un- 
 til the beginning of the year 1721, when he became 
 deprived of his master's confidence. He spent the 
 rest of his life abroad, and in retirement. This unfor- 
 tunate Earl was a man of fine taste ; and in devis- 
 ing modes of improving Edinburgh, the capital of 
 Scotland, was more fortunate than he had been in 
 schemes for the alteration of her government. He 
 gave the first hints for several of the modern im- 
 prov^ements of the city. 
 
 The Duke of Argyle having taken the most ac- 
 tive measures for extinguishing the embers of the 
 rebellion, by dispersing the bodies of men who 
 were still in arms, directed moveable columns to 
 traverse the Highlands in every direction, for re- 
 ceiving the submission of such as were humbled, 
 or exercising force on those who might resist. He 
 arrived at Edinburgh on the 27th of February, 
 when the magistrates, who had not forgot his boid 
 march to rescue the city when menaced by Briga- 
 dier Macintosh, entertained him with magnificence. 
 From thence he proceeded to London, where he 
 was received with distinction by George T. 
 
 And now you are doubtless desirous of know- 
 ing with what new honours, augmented power, or
 
 276 ARGYLE DEPRIVED OF HIS EMPLOYMENT. 
 
 increased wealth, the King of England rewarded 
 the men whose genius had supplied the place of 
 fourfold numbers, and who had secured to his 
 Majesty the crown of one at least of his kingdoms, 
 at a moment when it was tottering on his head. I 
 will answer you in a word. In a very short while 
 after the conclusion of the vrar, tlicDuke of Argylc 
 was deprived of all his employments. The cause of 
 this extraordinary act of court ingratitude must be 
 sought in the personal hatred of the Duke of Marl- 
 borough, in the high spirit of the Duke of Argyle, 
 which rendered him a troublesome and unmanage- 
 able member of a ministerial cabinet, and probably 
 in some apprehension of this great man's increasing 
 personal influence in his native country of Scotland^ 
 where he was universally respected, and beloved 
 by many even of the party which he had opposed 
 in the field. 
 
 It is imagined, moreover, that the Duke's dis- 
 grace at Court was, in some degree, connected 
 with a legislative enactment of a very doubtful ten- 
 dency, which was used for the trial of the rebel 
 prisoners. We have already mentioned the crimi- 
 nal proceedings under which the Preston prisoners 
 suffered. Those who had been taken in arms at 
 Sheriifmuir and elsewhere in Scotland, ought, ac- 
 cording to the laws, both of Scotland and England, 
 to have been tried in the country where the treason 
 was committed. But the English lawyers had in 
 recollection the proceedings in the year 1707, when 
 *t was impossible to obtain from Grand Juries in 
 Scotland the verdict of a true bill, on which the 
 prisoners could be sent to trial. The close con-
 
 JACOBITE PRISONERS REMOVED. 277 
 
 uexion, by friendship and alliance, even of those 
 families which were most opposed as Whigs and 
 Tories, made the victorious party in Scotland un- 
 willing to be the means of distressing the vanquish- 
 ed, and disposed them to afford a loop-hole for 
 escape, even at the expense of strict justice. To 
 obviate the difficulties of conviction, which might 
 have been an encouragement to future acts of high 
 treason, it was resolved, that the Scottish offenders 
 against the treason-laws should be tried in England, 
 though the offence had been committed in their own 
 country. This was, no doubt, extremely conven- 
 ient for the prosecution, but it remains a question, 
 where such innovations are to stop, when a govern- 
 ment takes on itself to alter the formal proceedings 
 of law, in order to render the conviction of crimin- 
 als more easy. The Court of Oyer and Terminer sat, 
 notwithstanding, at Carlisle, and might have been 
 held by the same parity of reason at the Land's End 
 in Cornwall, or in the Isles of Scilly. But there 
 was a studied moderation towards the accused, 
 which seemed to intimate, that if the prisoner's ab- 
 stained from challenging the irregularity of the court, 
 they would be favourably dealt with. Many were 
 set at liberty, and though twenty-four were tried 
 and condemned, not one was ever brought to exe- 
 cution. It is asserted, that the Duke of Argyle, 
 as a Scottish man, and one of the framers of the 
 Union, had in his Majesty's councils declared 
 against an innovation which seemed to infringe up- 
 on that measure, and that the offence thus given 
 contributed to the fall of his power at Court. 
 
 Free pardons were liberally distributed to all who 
 
 VOL. I. 24
 
 278 SALE OF FORFEITED ESTATES 
 
 had seceded from the rebellion, before its final 
 close. The Highland chiefs and clans were iu 
 general forgiven, upon submission, and a surren- 
 der of the arms of their people. This was with the 
 disaffected chiefs a simulated transaction, no arms, 
 being given up but such as were of no value, while 
 all that were serviceable were concealed and care- 
 fully preserved. The loyal clans, on the other 
 hand, made an absolute surrender, and were after- 
 wards found unarmed when the government desir- 
 ed their assistance. 
 
 Meantime the principles of Jacobitism continu- 
 ed to ferment in the interior of the country, and 
 were inflamed by the numerous exiles, men of rank 
 and influence, who were fugitives from Britain in 
 consequence of attainder. To check these, and to 
 intimidate others, the estates of the attained per- 
 sons were declared forfeited to the crown, and vest- 
 ed in trustees, to be sold for the bojiefit of the pub- 
 lic. The revenue of the whole, though comprising 
 that of about forty families of rank and considera- 
 tion, did not amount to £30,000 yearly. These 
 forfeited estates were afterwards purchased from 
 government by a great mercantile company in 
 London, originally instituted for supplying the city 
 with water by raising it from the Thames, but which 
 having fallen under the management of speculative 
 persons, its funds, and the facilities vested in it by 
 charter, had been applied to very different purposes. 
 Among others, that of purchasing the forfeited es- 
 tates, was one of the boldest, and, could the com- 
 pany have maintained their credit, would have been 
 one of the most lucrative transactions ever entered
 
 SALE OF FORFEITED ESTATES. 279 
 
 into. But the immediate return arising from this 
 immense extent of wood and wilderness, inhabited 
 by tenants who were disposed to acknowledge no 
 landlords but the heirs of the ancient families, and 
 lying in remote districts, where law was trammel- 
 led by feudal privileges, and affording little protec- 
 tion to the intruders, was quite unequal to meet the 
 interest of the debt which that company had incur- 
 red. The purchasers were, therefore, obliged to 
 let the land in many cases to friends and connex- 
 ions of the forfeited proprietors, through whom the 
 exiled owners usually derived the means of sub- 
 sisting in the foreign land to which their errors and 
 misfortunes had driven them. The affairs of the 
 York Building Company, who had in this singular 
 manner become Scottish proprietors to an immense 
 extent, afterwards become totally deranged, owing 
 to the infidelity and extravagance of their managers. 
 Attempts were, from time to time, made to sell their 
 Scottish estatesf but very inefficiently, and at great 
 disadvantage. Men of capital showed an unwill- 
 ingness to purchase the forfeited property ; and in 
 two or three instances the dispossessed families 
 were able to re-purchase them at low rates. But 
 after the middle of the eighteenth century, when the 
 value of this species of property began to be better 
 understood, rival purchasers came forward, without 
 being deterred by the scruples which, in earlier 
 days, prevented men from bidding against the heirs 
 of the original possessors. Every new property 
 as exposed to sale brought a higher price, some- 
 times in a tenfold proportion, than those which had 
 been at first disposed of, and after more than a
 
 880 PLAN OF CHARLES XII. 
 
 century of insolvency, the debts of the bankrupt 
 company were completely discharged. Could they 
 have retained their landed property, or, as was 
 once attempted, could any other persons have been 
 placed in the company's right to it, the emolument 
 would have been immense. 
 
 Before proceeding to less interesting matter, I 
 must here notice two plans originating abroad, 
 which were founded upon an expectation of again 
 reviving in Scotland the intestine war of 1715. 
 Two years after that busy period, Baron Gorz, min- 
 ister of Charles XII. of Sweden, a man whose 
 politics were as chimerical as his masters schemes 
 of conquest, devised a confederacy for dethroning 
 George I. and replacing on the throne the heir of 
 the House of Stewart. His fiery master was burn- 
 ing with indignation at George for having possess- 
 ed himself of the towns of Bremen and Verden. 
 Charles's ancient enemy, the Czar Peter, was also 
 disposed to countenance the scheme, and Cardinal 
 Alberoni, then the all-powerful minister of the King 
 of Spain, afforded it his warm support. The plan 
 was, that a descent of ten thousand troops should 
 be effected in Scotland, under the command of 
 Charles XII. himself, to whose redoubted charac- 
 ter for courage and determination the success of the 
 enterprise was to be intrusted. It might be amus- 
 ing to consider the probable consequences which 
 might have arisen from the iron-headed Swede plac- 
 ing himself at the head of an army of Highland en- 
 thusiasts, with courage as romantic as his own. In 
 following the speculation, it might be doubted 
 whether this leader and his troops v/ould be more
 
 FOR INVADING SCOTLAND. 281 
 
 endeared to each other by a congenial audacity of 
 mind, or alienated by Charles's habits of despotic 
 authority, which the mountaineers would probably 
 have found themselves unable to endure. But such 
 a speculation would lead us far from our proper path. 
 The conspiracy was discovered by the spies of the 
 French government, then in strict alliance with 
 England, and all possibility of the proposed scheme 
 being put into execution was destroyed by the death 
 of Charles XII. before Frederickshall, in 1718. 
 
 But although this undertaking had failed, the en- 
 terprising Alberoni continued to nourish hopes of 
 being able to effect a counter-revolution in Great 
 Britain, by the aid of the Spanish forces. The 
 Chevalier de St George was, in 1719, invited to 
 Madrid, and received there with the honours due to 
 the King of England. Six thousand troops, with 
 twelve thousand stand of arms, were put on board 
 of ten ships of war, and the whole armada was plac- 
 ed under the command of the Duke of Ormond. 
 But all efforts to assist the unlucky house of Stew- 
 art were frowned on by fortune and the elements. 
 The fleet was encountered by a severe tempest off 
 Cape Finisterre, which drove them back to Spain, 
 and disconcerted tneir wno.e enterprise. An in- 
 considerable part of the expedition, being two frig- 
 ates from St Sebastian, arrived with three hun- 
 dred men, some arms, ammunition, and money, at 
 their place of destination in the island of Lewis. 
 The exiled leaders on board, were the Marquis of 
 Tullibardine, the Earl Marischal, and the Earl of 
 Seaforth. 
 
 We ha\e not had occasion to mention Seaforth 
 24*
 
 282 CARDINAL ALBERON] 
 
 r 
 
 since he separated from the army of Mar at the 
 same time with the Marquis of Huntly, in order to 
 oppose the Earl of Sutherland, whom the success 
 of Lovat at Inverness had again brought into the 
 field on the part of the government. When the 
 two Jacobite leaders reached their own territories, 
 they found the Earl of Sutherland so strong, and 
 the prospects of their own party had assumed so 
 desperate dn aspect, that they were induced to enter 
 into an engagement with Sutherland to submit them- 
 selves to government. Huntly kept his promise, 
 and never again joined the rebels, for which sub- 
 mission he received a free pardon. But the Earl 
 of Seaforth again assumed arms in his island of 
 Lewis, about the end of February, 1715-16. A 
 detachment of regular troops was sent against the 
 refractory chief, commanded by Colonel Cholmon- 
 dely, who reduced those who were in arms. Sea- 
 forth had escaped to France, and from thence to 
 Spain, where he had resided for some time, and was 
 now, in 1719, dispatched to his native country, with 
 a view to the assistance so powerful a chief could 
 give to the projected invasion. 
 
 On his arrival at his own island of Lewis, Sea- 
 forth speedily raised a few hundred Highlanders, 
 and crossed over to Kintail, with the purpose of 
 giving a new impulse to the insurrection. Here 
 he made some additions to his clan levies ; but, ere 
 he could gather any considerable force. General 
 Wightman marched against him wi^h a body of reg- 
 ular troops from Inverness, aided by the Monros, 
 Rosses, and other loval or whig clans of the north- 
 ern Highlands.
 
 BATTLE OF GLENSHIEL. 283 
 
 They found Seafortli in possession of a pass call- 
 ed Straehells, near the great valley of Glenshiel. 
 A desultory combat took place, in which there was 
 much skirmishing and sharp-shooting, the Spaniards 
 and Seaforth's men keeping the pass. George 
 Monro, younger of Culcairn, engaged on the side 
 of government, received during this action a severe 
 wound, by which he was disabled for the time. As 
 the enemy continued to fire on him, the wounded 
 chief commanded his servant, who had waited by 
 him, to retire, and, leaving him to his fate, to ac- 
 quaint his father and friends that he had died hon- 
 ourably. The poor fellow burst into tears, and, 
 asking his master how he could suppose he would 
 forsake him in that condition, he spread himself over 
 his body, so as to intercept the balls of the enemy, 
 and actually received several wounds designed for 
 his master. They were both rescued from the 
 most imminent peril by a sergeant of Culcairn's 
 company, who had sworn an oath on his dirk that 
 he would accomplish his chief's deliverance. 
 
 The battle was but slightly contested ; but the 
 advantage was on the side of the MacKenzies, who 
 lost only one man, while the government troops had 
 several killed and wounded. They were compell- 
 ed to retreat without dislodging the enemy, and to 
 leave their own wounded on the field, many of 
 whom the victors are said to have dispatched with 
 their dirks. But though the MacKenzies obtained 
 a partial success, it was not such as to encourage 
 perseverance ift the undertaking, especially as their 
 chief. Lord Seaforth, being badly wounded, could 
 no longer direct their enterprise. They determin-
 
 284 SEAFORTH's E^-TtitFRiSE ABANDONED. 
 
 ed, therefore, to disperse as soon as night fell, the 
 rather that several of their allies were not dispos- 
 ed to renew the contest. One clan, for example, 
 had been lent to Seaforth for the seiTice of the 
 da}', under the special paction on the part of the 
 chief, that however the battle went, they should 
 return before next morning ; this occasional assis- 
 tance being only regarded in the light of a neigh- 
 bourly accommodation to Lord Seaforth. 
 
 The wounded Earl, with Tullibardine and Mar- 
 ischal, escaped to the continent. The three hun- 
 dred Spaniards next laid down their arms, and sur- 
 rendered themselves prisoners. The affair of 
 Glenshiel might be called the last faint sparkle of 
 the great rebellion of 1715, which was fortunately 
 extinguished for want of fuel. A vague rumour of 
 Earl Marischal's having re-landed had, however, 
 well-nigh excited a number of the most zealous 
 Jacobites once more to take the field, but it was 
 contradicted before they adopted so rash a step.
 
 [ 285 J 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 rians for the more effectual Pacification and Improvement of the 
 Highlands, executed under the superintendance of Field-Mar- 
 shal Wade — Highland Roads— Tax upon Ale — Opposition to it 
 in Scotland — Riots at Glasgow — Their suppression — The Brew- 
 ers of Edinburgh refuse to continue the Brewing of Ale — but are 
 compelled bjr the Court of Sessions to resume their Trade — De- 
 cay of Jacobitism — The Porteous Mob. 
 
 It might well have been expected, after the foun- 
 rlations of the throne had been so shaken by the 
 storm in 1715, that the government would have 
 looked earnestly into the causes which rendered the 
 Highland clans so dangerous to the public tranquil- 
 lity, and that some measures would have been taken 
 for preventing their ready valour being abused into 
 the means of ruining both themselves and others. 
 Accordingly the English ministers lost no time in 
 resorting to the more forcible and obvious means of 
 military subjugation, which necessarily are, and 
 must be, the most immediate remedy in such a 
 case, though far from being the most effectual in 
 the long run. The law for disarming the High- 
 landers, although in many cases evaded, had yet 
 been so generally enforced as to occasion general 
 complaints of robbery by bands of armed men, 
 which the country had no means of resisting. — 
 Those complaints were not without foundation; 
 but they were greatly exaggerated by Simon Fruscfj
 
 2S6 PLANS FOR THE PACIFICATION 
 
 now called Lord Lovat, and others, who were de- 
 sirous to obtain arms for their vassals, that they 
 might serve purposes of their own. 
 
 Accordingly, in 1724, a warrant under the sign 
 manual was granted to Field-Marshal Wade, an 
 officer of skill and experience, with instructions nar- 
 rowly to inspect and report upon the state of the 
 Highlands ; the best measures for enforcing the 
 laws and protecting the defenceless ; the modes of 
 communication which might be opened through the 
 country ; and whatever other remedies might con- 
 duce to the quiet of a district so long distracted. 
 In 1725, a new sign manuel was issued to the same 
 officer for the same purpose. In consequence of 
 the Marshal's report, various important meiisures 
 were taken. The clan of the MacKenzies had for 
 years refused to account for the rents on Seaforth's 
 forfeited estates to the collector nominated by gov- 
 ernment, and had paid them to a factor appointed 
 amongst themselves, who conveyed them openly to 
 the exiled Earl. This state of things was now 
 stopped, and the clan compelled to submit and give 
 up their arms, the government liberally granting 
 them an indulgence and remission for such arrears 
 as they had transmitted to Seaforth in their obsti- 
 nate fidelity to him. Other clans submitted, and 
 made at least an ostensible surrender of their arms, 
 although many of the most serviceable were retain- 
 ed by the clans which were hostile to government. 
 An armed vessel was stationed on Lochness, to 
 command the shores of that extensive lake. Bar- 
 racks were rebuilt in some places, founded anew 
 in otliors. nml lUiod with regular soldier
 
 OF THC HIGHLANDS. 287 
 
 Another measure of very dubious utility, which 
 had been resorted to by King William, and disused 
 by George I., was now again had recourse to. 
 This was the establishment of independent compa- 
 nies to secure the peace of the Highlands, and sup- 
 press the gangs of thieves who carried on so bold a 
 trade of depredation. These companies, consist- 
 ing of Highlanders, dressed and armed in their o^vn 
 peculiar manner, were placed under the command 
 of men well affected to government, or supposed 
 to be so, and having a great interest in the High- 
 lands. It was truly said, that such a militia, know- 
 ing the language and manners of the country, could 
 do more than ten times the number of regular troop:^ 
 to put a stop to robbery. But on the other hand, 
 it had been found by experience, that the privates 
 in such corps, often, from clanship or other motives, 
 connived at the thefts, or compounded for them 
 with the delinquents. Their officers were accused 
 of imposing upon government by false musters ; 
 and above all, the doubtful faith even of those chiefs 
 who made the strongest show of affection to govern- 
 ment, rendered the re-establishment of Black sol- 
 diers, as they were called, to distinguish them from 
 the regular troops, who wore the red natioal uni- 
 form, a measure of precarious policy. It was re- 
 sorted to, however, and six companies were raised 
 on this principle. 
 
 Marshal Wade had also the power of receiving 
 submission and granting protections to outlaws or 
 others exposed to punishment for the late rebellion, 
 and received many of them into the King's peace 
 accordingly. He granted, besides, licenses to
 
 t 
 
 '2^S PACIFICATION OF THE HIGHLANDS. ^ 
 
 drovers, foresters, dealers in cattle, and others en- 
 gaged in such traffic, empowering them to carry 
 arms for the defence of their persons and property. 
 In all his proceedings towards the Highlanders, 
 there may be distinguished a general air of human- 
 ity and good sense, which rendered him a popular 
 character, even while engaged in executing orders 
 which they looked upon with the utmost degree of 
 jealousy and suspicion. 
 
 The Jacobite partisans, in the meanwhile, partly 
 by letters from abroad, partly by agents of ability 
 who traversed the country on purpose, did all in 
 their power to thwart and interrupt the measures 
 which were taken to reduce the Highlands to a state 
 of peaceful cultivation. The act for disarming the 
 body of the people they represented in the most 
 odious colours, though, indeed, it is hardly possible 
 to aggravate the feelings of shame and dishonour in 
 which a free people must always indulge at being 
 deprived of the means of self-defence. And the 
 practical doctrine was not new to them, that if the 
 parties concerned could evade this attempt to de- 
 prive them of their natural right and lawful proper- 
 ty, either by an elusory surrender, or by such pro- 
 fessions as might induce the government to leave 
 them in possession of their weapons, whether under 
 license, or as members of the independent com- 
 panies, it would be no dishonour in oppressed 
 men meeting force by craft, and eluding the un- 
 just and unreasonable demands which they wanted 
 means openly to resist. Much of the quiet obtain- 
 ed by Marshal Wade's measures was apparent on- 
 ly ; and while he boasts that the Highlanders, in-
 
 WADE'b HIGHLAND rtOADS. 289 
 
 stead of going armed with guns, swords, dirks, 
 and pistols, now travelled to churches, markets, 
 and fairs with only a staff in their hands, the vete- 
 ran General was ignorant how many thousand 
 weapons, landed from the Spanish frigates in 1719, 
 or otherwise introduced into the country, lay in 
 caverns and other places of concealment, ready for 
 use when occasion should offer. 
 
 But the gigantic part of Marshal Wade's task, 
 and that which he executed with the most complete 
 success, was the establishment of military roads 
 through the rugged and desolate regions of the north, 
 insuring the free passage of regular troops in a 
 country, of which it might have been said, while in 
 its natural state, that every mountain was a natural 
 fortress, every valley a defensible pass. The roads, 
 as they were termed, through the Highlands, had 
 been hitherto mere tracks, made by the feet of men 
 and the cattle which they drove before them, inter- 
 rupted by rocks, morasses, torrents, and all the fea- 
 tures of an inaccessible country, where a stranger, 
 even unopposed, might have despaired of making 
 his solitary way, but where the passage of a regular 
 body of troops, with cavalry, artillery, and bag- 
 gage, was altogether impossible. These rugged 
 paths, by the labours of the soldiers employed under 
 Field-Marshal Wade, were, by an extraordinary 
 exertion of skill and labour, converted into excel- 
 lent roads of great breadth and sound formation, 
 which have ever since his time afforded a free and 
 open communication through all parts of the Scot- 
 tish Flighlands. 
 
 Two of these highways enter among the hills 
 VOL. [. 25'
 
 290 v.ade's highland roads. 
 
 from the low country, the one at CriefF, near Stirl- 
 ing, the other at Dimkeld, not very far from Perth. 
 Penetrating around the mountains from differen 
 quarters, these two branches unite at Dalnacardoch, 
 From thence a single line leads to Dal whinny, 
 wjiere it again divides into two. One road runs 
 north-west through Garviemore, and over the tre- 
 mendous pass of Corryarick, to a new fort raised by 
 IMarshal Wade, called Fort Augustus. The second 
 line extends from Dalnacardoch north to the bar- 
 racks of Ruthven, in Lochaber, and thence to In- 
 verness. From that town it proceeds almost due 
 westward across the island, connecting Fort Augus- 
 tus above-mentioned, with Inverness, and so pro- 
 ceeding to Fort William, in Lochaber, traversing 
 the country inhabited by the Camerons, the Mac- 
 Donalds of Glengarry, and other clans judged to be 
 the worst affected to the reigning family. 
 
 It is not to be supposed that the Highlanders ot 
 that period saw with indifference the defensive char- 
 acter of their country destroyed, and the dusky wil- 
 dernesses, which had defied the approach of the 
 Romans, rendered accessible in almost every di- 
 rection to the regular troops of the government. 
 We can suppose that it affected them as the dis- 
 mantling of some impregnable citadel might do 
 the inhabitants of the country which it protected, 
 and that the pang which they experienced at seeing 
 their glens exposed to a hostile, or at least a strang- 
 er force, was similar to that which they felt at the 
 resignation of the weapons of their fathers. But 
 those feelings and circumstances have passed away, 
 and the Highland military roads will continue an
 
 HIGHLAND ROADS. 294 
 
 inestimable advantage to the countries wliicli they 
 , raverse, although no longer requiring them to check 
 .apprehended insurrection, and will long exhibit a 
 ])ublic monument of skill and patience, not unwor- 
 thy of the ancient Romans. Upon the Roman 
 principle, also, the regular soldiers were employed 
 11 this laborious work, and reconciled to the task 
 ;y some trifling addition of pay; an experiment 
 \ hich succeeded so well as to excite some surprise 
 hat public works have not been more frequently 
 executed by similar means. 
 
 Other measures of the most laudable character 
 
 were resorted to by the government and their friends, 
 
 for the improvement of the Highlands; but as they 
 
 vere of a description not qualified to produce ame- 
 
 iorating effects, save after a length of time, they 
 
 vere but carelessly urged. They related to the ed- 
 
 i cation of this wild population, and the care neces- 
 
 ary to train the rising generation in moral and re- 
 
 igious principles ; but the Act of Parliament framed 
 
 lor this end, proved in a great measure ineffectual. 
 
 Those exertions, which ought to have been national, 
 
 vere in some degree supplied by the Society for the 
 
 -Propagation of Christian Knowledge in the High- 
 
 itinds and Isles, who, by founding chapels and 
 
 schools in different places, did more for enlighten- 
 
 • ig the people of that country, than had been achiev- 
 
 d by any prince who had yet reigned in or over 
 
 'Scotland. 
 
 While Marshal Wade was employed in pacify- 
 ing the Highlands, and rendering them accessible 
 to military forces, a subject of discontent broke 
 out in the Lowlands which threatened serious conse-
 
 292 TAX UPON ALE. 
 
 quences. The government had now become de- 
 sirous to make the income of Scotland a source of 
 revenue to the general exchequer, as hitherto it had 
 been found scarcely adequate to maintain the pub- 
 lic institutions of the kingdom, and to pay and sup- 
 port the troops which it was necessary to quarter 
 there for the general tranquillity. Now a surplus 
 of revenue was desirable, and the Jacobites invid- 
 iously reported that the immediate object was chief- 
 ly to find funds in Scotland for defraying an expense 
 of about ten guineas weekly, allowed to every 
 North British Member of Parliament, for support- 
 ing the charge of his residence in London. This 
 expense had been hitherto imposed on the general 
 revenue, but now, said the Jacobites, the Scottish 
 Members were made aware by Sir Robert Walpole, 
 that they were to find, or acquiesce in, some mode 
 of making up this sum out of the Scottish revenue ; 
 or, according to a significant phrase, that they must 
 in future lay their account with tying up their stock- 
 ings with their own garters. 
 
 With this view of rendering the Scottish revenue 
 more efficient, it was resolved to impose a tax of 
 sixpense per barrel on all ale brewed in Scotland. 
 Upon the appearance of a desperate resistance to this 
 proposal, the tax was lowered to threepence per 
 barrel, or one half of what was originally proposed. 
 In this modified proposal the Scottish Members ac- 
 quiesced. Yet it did not become more popular in 
 Scotland ; for it went to enhance the rate of a com- 
 modity in daily request, and excited by the in- 
 flammatory language of those whose interest it was 
 to incense the populace, the principal towns in Scot-
 
 RIOTS IN GLASGOW. 293 
 
 land prepared to resist the imposition at ail haz- 
 ards. 
 
 Glasgow, so eminent for its loyalty in 1715, 
 was now at the head of this opposition ; and on the 
 23d June, when the duty was to be laid on, the 
 general voice of the people of that city declared that 
 they would not submit to its payment, and piles of 
 stones were raised against the doors of the brewer- 
 ies and malt-houses, with a warning to all excise 
 officers to keep their distance. On the appearance 
 of these alarming symptoms, two companies of foot, 
 under Captain Bushell, were marched from Edin- 
 burgh to Glasgow to prevent further disturbances. 
 When the soldiers arrived, they found that the mob 
 had taken possession of the guard-house and refus- 
 ed them admittance. The Provost of the city, a 
 timid or treacherous man, prevailed on Captain 
 Bushell to send his men into their quarters, without 
 occupying the guard-house or any other place prop- 
 er to serve for an alarm-post or rendezvous. Pre- 
 sently after, the rabble, becoming more and more 
 violent, directed their fury against Daniel Camp- 
 bell of Shawfield, member for the city, and the set 
 of boroughs in which it is included. His mansion, 
 then the most elegant in Glasgow, was totally de- 
 stroyed; and the mob, breaking into his cellars, 
 found fresh incitement to their fury in the liquors 
 there contained. All this was done without oppo- 
 sition, although Captain Bushell offered the assist- 
 ance of his soldiers to keep the peace. 
 
 Next day the Provost ventured to break open 
 (he guard-room door, and the soldiers were direct- 
 cd to repair thither. One or two rioters were ?.lso
 
 294 ON ACCOUiST OF THE ALE-TAX. 
 
 apprehended. Upon these symptoms of reviving 
 authority, an alarm was beat by the mob, who as- 
 sembled in a more numerous and formidable body 
 than ever, and, surrounding BushelPs two compa- 
 nies, loaded them with abuse, maltreated them with 
 stones, and compelled them at last to fire, when 
 nine men were killed and many wounded. The 
 rioters, undismayed, rung the alarm bell, broke in- 
 to the town magazine of arms, seized all the mus- 
 kets they could find, and continued the attack on 
 the soldiers. Captain Bushell, by the command, 
 and at the entreaty of the Provost, now commenced 
 a retreat to Dunbarton Castle, insulted and pursued 
 by the mob a third part of the way. 
 
 In the natural resentment excited by this formi- 
 dable insurrection, the Lord Advocate for the time 
 (the"' celebrated Duncan Forbes) advanced to Glas- 
 gow, at the head of a considerable army of horse, 
 foot, and artillery. Many threats were thrown out 
 against the rioters, and the magistrates were se- 
 verely censured for a gross breach of duty. But the 
 cool sagacity of the Lord Advocate anticipated the 
 difliculty which, in the inflamed state of the public 
 mind, he was likely to experience in procuring a 
 verdict against such ofl'euders as he might Bring to 
 trial. So that the affair passed away with less 
 noise than might have been expected, it having 
 been ascertained that the riot had no political ten- 
 dency ; and though inflamed by the leading Jaco- 
 bites, was begun and carried on by the people of 
 Glasgow, solely on the principle of a resolution 
 to drink their twopenny ale untaxed. 
 
 The metropolis of SrotJand took tb.is excise
 
 DECAY OF JACOBITISM. 295 
 
 tax more coolly than the inhabitants of Glasgow, 
 for, though greatly averse to the exaction, they only- 
 opposed it by a sort of vis inerficc, the principal 
 brewers threatening to resign their trade, and, if 
 the impost was continued, to brew no more ale foi 
 the supply of the public. The Lords of the Court 
 of Sessions declared by an Act of Sederunt, that the 
 brewers had no right to withdraw themselves from 
 their occupation ; and when the brewers, in reply, 
 attempted to show that they could not be legally 
 compelled to follow their trade, after it had been 
 rendered a losing one, the Court appointed their 
 petition to be burnt by the hands of the common 
 hangman, assuring them they would be allowed no 
 alternative between the exercise of their trade or 
 imprisonment. Finally, four of the recusants were 
 actually thrown into jail, which greatly shook the 
 fiimness of these refractory fermentators, and at 
 length reflecting that the ultimate loss must fall not 
 on them, but on the public, they returned to the or- 
 dinary exercise of their trade, and quietly paid the 
 duties imposed on their liquor. 
 
 i'he Union having now begun in some degree to 
 produce beneficial effects, the Jacobite party were 
 gradually losing much of the influence over the 
 public mind which had arisen out of the general 
 prejudices against that measure, and the natural 
 disgust at the manner in which it was carried on 
 and concluded. Accordingly, the next narrative 
 of a historical character which occurs as proper to 
 tell you, is unmingled with politics of Whig and 
 Tory, and must be simply regarded as a strong and 
 powerful display of the cool, stern, and resolved
 
 296 THE PORTEOUS MOB. 
 
 manner in which the Scottish, even of the lower 
 classes, can concert and execute a vindictive pur- 
 pose. 
 
 The coast of Fife, full of little boroughs and pet- 
 ty seaports, was, of course, much frequented by 
 smugglers, men constantly engaged in disputes with 
 the execise officers, which were sometimes at- 
 tended with violence. Wilson and Robertson, two 
 persons of inferior rank, but rather distinguished in 
 the contraband trade, had sustained great loss by 
 seizure of smuggled goods. The step from illicit 
 trading to positive robbery is not a long one. The 
 two men robbed the collector to indemnify them- 
 selves from the effects of the seizure. They were 
 tried before the Court of Justiciary, and condemned 
 to death. 
 
 While the two criminals were lying under sen- 
 tence in the Tolbooth of Edinburgh, they obtained 
 possession of a file, with which they rid themselves 
 of their irons, and cut through a bar in the jail win- 
 dow. One of them at least might have made his 
 escape, but for the obstinacy of Wilson. This man, 
 of a bulky person, insisted on making the first es- 
 say of the breach which had been accomplished, 
 and haviiig stuck fast between the bars, was una- 
 ble either to get through or to return back. Dis- 
 covery was the consequence, and precautions were 
 taken against any repetition of such attempts to es- 
 cape. Wilson reflected bitterly on himself for not 
 having permitted his comrade to make the first tri- 
 al, to whom, as being light and slender, the bars 
 would have been no obstacle. He resolved, with 
 a spirit v/orthy of a better man, to atone to his com- 
 panion, at all risks, for the injury he had done him.
 
 THE PORTEOUS MOB. 297 
 
 At this time it was the custom in Edinburgh for 
 criminals under sentence of death to be carried, un- 
 der a suitable guard, to hear divine service in a 
 church adjacent to the prison. Wilson and Rob- 
 ertson were brought thither accordingly, under the 
 custody of four soldiers or the city-guard. When 
 the service was over, Wilson, who was a very 
 strong man, suddenly seized a soldier with each 
 hand, and calling to his comrade to fly for his life, 
 detained a third by grappling his collar with his 
 teeth. Robertson shook himself clear of the fourth, 
 and making his escape over the pews of the church, 
 was no more heard of in Edinburgh. The common 
 people, to whose comprehension the original crime 
 for which the men were condemned had nothing 
 very abhorrent in it, were struck with the gen- 
 erosity and self-devotion that this last action evinc- 
 ed, and took such an interest in Wilson's fate, that 
 it w^as generally rumoured there would be an at- 
 tempt to rescue him at the place of execution. To 
 prev'ent, as was their duty, any riotous plan of this 
 kind, the magistrates ordered a party of the guard 
 of the city, a sort of 31arechaussee or gens cVarms^ 
 armed and trained as soldiers, to protect the ex- 
 ecution. 
 
 The captain of the party was the celebrated John 
 Porteous, whose name will long be remembered in 
 Scotland. This man, whose father was a burgess 
 and citizen of Edinburgh, had himself been bred in 
 the regular army, circumstances which recommend- 
 ed him to the magistrates, when in the year 1715 
 they were desirous to give their civic guard some- 
 thing of a more effective military chnracter. As
 
 203 THE PORTEOUS MOJ 
 
 an active police officer Porteous was Recessarily 
 often in collision with the rabble of the city, and 
 being strict, and even severe in the manner in which 
 he repressed and chastised petty riots and delin- 
 quencies, he was, as is usual with persons of his 
 calling, extremely unpopular and odious to the rab- 
 ble. They also accused him of abusing the au- 
 thority reposed in him, to protect the extravagan- 
 cies of the rich and powerful, while he was inexor- 
 able in punishing the license of the poor. Porte- 
 ous had besides a good deal of the pride of his pro- 
 fession, and seems to have been determined to 
 show that the corps he commanded was adequate, 
 without assistance, to dispel any commotion in the 
 city of Edinburgh. For this reason, he considered 
 it rather as an aifront that the magistrates, on occa- 
 sion of Wilson's execution, had ordered Moyle\s 
 regiment to be drawn up in the suburbs to enforce 
 order, should the city-guard be unable to maintain 
 it. It is probable from what followed, that the men 
 commanded by Porteous shared their leader's jeal- 
 ousy of the regular troops, and his dislike to the 
 populace, with whom in the execution of their du- 
 ty, they were often engaged in hostilities. 
 
 The execution of Wilson, on the 14th of April, 
 1736, took place in the usual manner, without any 
 actual or menaced interruption. The criminal, ac- 
 cording to his sentence, was hanged to the death, 
 and it was not till the corpse was cut down that the 
 mob, according to their common practice, began 
 *o insult and abuse the executioner, pelting him with 
 stones, many of which were also thrown at the 
 soldiers. At former executions it had been the
 
 THE PORTEOUS MOB. 299 
 
 custom for the city-guard to endure such insults 
 \vith laudable patience, but on this occasion they 
 were in such a state of irritation, that they forgot 
 their usual moderation, and repaid the pelting of 
 the mob by pouring amongst them afire of musket- 
 ry, killing and wounding many persons. In theii 
 retreat also to the guard-house, as the rabble press- 
 ed on them with furious execrations, some soldiers 
 in the rear of the march again faced round and re- 
 newed the fire. In consequence of this unauthor 
 ized and unnecessary violence, and to satisfy tht 
 community of Edinburgh for the blood which ha« 
 been rashly shed, the Magistrates were inclined tf 
 have taken Porteous to trial under the Lord Pro 
 vost's authority as High Sherift' within the city. Be- 
 ing advised, however, by the lawyers whom they 
 consulted, that such proceeding would be subject 
 to challenge, Porteous was brought to trial foi 
 murder before the High Court of Justiciary. He 
 denied that he ever gave command to fire, and it 
 was proved that the fusee which he himself carried 
 had never been discharged. On the other hand, 
 in the perplexed and contradictory evidence which 
 was obtained, where so many persons witnessed 
 the same events from diff'erent positions, and per- 
 haps with different feelings, there were witnesses 
 who said that they saw Porteous take a musket 
 from one of his men, and fire it directly at the 
 crowd. A jury of incensed citizens took the worst 
 view of the case, and found the prisoner guilty ol 
 murder. At this time King George II. was on th 
 continent, and the regency was chiefly in the hands 
 of Oueen Caroline, a woman of very considerable
 
 300 THE PORTEOUS MOB. 
 
 talent, and naturally disposed to be tenacious oi' 
 the crown's rights. It appeared to her Majesty, 
 and her advisers, that though the action of Porteous 
 and his solders was certainly rash and unwarrant- 
 ed, yet that, considering the purpose by which it 
 was dictated, it must fall considerably short of the 
 guilt of murder. Captain Porteous, in the discharge 
 of a duty imposed on him by legal authority, had 
 unquestionably been assaulted without the least 
 provocation on his part, and had therefore a right 
 to defend himself; and if there were '^ccess in the 
 means he had recourse to, yet a line of conduct 
 originating in self-defence cannot be extended into 
 murder, though it might amount to homicide. Mov^- 
 ed by these considerations, the Regency granted a 
 reprieve of Porteous's sentence, preliminary to his 
 obtaining a pardon, which might perhaps have been 
 clogged with some conditions. 
 
 When the news of the reprieve reached Edin- 
 burgh, they were received with gloomy and general 
 indignation. The lives which had been taken in 
 the affray were not those of persons of the meanest 
 rank, for the soldiers, of whom many, with natural 
 humanity, desired to fire over the heads of the riot- 
 ers, had, by so doing, occasioned additional misfor- 
 tune, several of the balls taking etTect in windows 
 which were crowded with spectators, and killing 
 some persons of good condition. A great number, 
 therefore, of all ranks, were desirous that Porteous 
 should atone witli his own life for the blood which 
 had been so rashly spilt by those under his com- 
 mand. A general rei:iing seemed to arise, unfavour- 
 a')!e t<^ the Uiiht\:>ny c riniiual, and publi^: threats
 
 TJHE PORTEOUS MOB. 301 
 
 were cast out, though the precise source could not 
 be traced, that the reprieve itself should not save 
 Porteous from the vengeance of the citizens of 
 Edinburgh. 
 
 The 7th day of September, the day previous to 
 that appointed for his execution, had now arrived, 
 and Porteous, confident of his speedy deliverance 
 from jail, had given an entertainment to a party of 
 friends, whom he feasted within the Tolbooth, when 
 the festivity was strangely interrupted. Edinburgh 
 was then surrounded by a wall on the east and 
 south sides ; on the west it was defended by the 
 Castle, on the north by a lake called the North 
 Loch. The gates were regularly closed in the eve- 
 ning, and guarded. It was about the hour of shut- 
 ting the ports, as they were called, when a disor- 
 derly assemblage began to take place in the sub- 
 urb called Portsburgh, a quarter which has been 
 always the residence of labourers and persons gen- 
 erally of inferior rank. The rabble continued to 
 gather to a head, and, to augment their numbers, 
 beat a drum which they had taken from the man 
 who exercised the function of drummer to the sub- 
 urb. Finding themselves strong enough to com- 
 mence their purposes, they seized on the West-port, 
 nailed and barricaded it. Then going along the 
 Cowgate and gaining at the High-street by the nu- 
 merous lanes which run between those two princi- 
 pal streets of the Old Town, they secured the Cow- 
 gate-port and that of the Netherbow, and thus, ex- 
 cept on the side of the Castle, entirely separated 
 the city from such military forces as were quarter- 
 ed in the suburbs. The next object of the mob was 
 VOL. I. 26
 
 )2 Tii,. PORTEOUS MOi 
 
 to attack the city-jruard, a few of whom were upon 
 duty as usual. These the rioters stripped of their 
 arms, and dismissed from their rendezvous, but 
 \vitliout otherwise maltreating them, though the 
 agents of the injury of which they complained. 
 The various halberds, Lochaber axes, Muskets, 
 and other weapons, which they found in the guard- 
 house, served to arm the rioters, a large body of 
 whom now bent their way to the door of the jail, 
 while another body, with considerable regularity^ 
 drew up across the front of the Luckenbooths. 
 The magistrates, with such forces as they could 
 collect, made an effort to disperse the multitude. 
 Tliey were strenously repulsed, but with no more 
 violence than was necessary to show that, while 
 the populace were firm in their purpose, they meant 
 to accomplish it with as little injury as possible to 
 any one excepting their destined victim. There 
 might have been some interruption of their under- 
 taking, had the soldiers of Moyle's regiment made 
 their way into the town from the Canongate, where 
 they were quartered, or had the garrison descended 
 from the Castle. But neither Colonel Moyle nor 
 the governor of the Castle chose to interfere on 
 their own responsibility, and no one dared to carry 
 a written warrant to them on the part of the mag- 
 istrates. 
 
 In the meantime the multitude demanded that 
 Porteous should be delivered up to them ; and as 
 they were refused admittance to the jail, they pre- 
 pared to burst open the doors. The outer gate, as 
 was necessary to serte the purpose, was of such 
 uncommon strength as to resist the united efforts
 
 THE PORTEOUS MOB. 303 
 
 of the rioterSjthough they employed sledge hammers 
 and iron crows to force it open. Fire was at length 
 called for, and a large bonfire, maintained with tar- 
 barrels and such ready combustibles, soon burnt a 
 hole in the door, through which the jailor flung the 
 keys. This gave the rioters free entrance. With- 
 out troubling themselves about the fate of the other 
 criminals, who naturally took the opportunity of es- 
 caping, the rioters or their leaders went in search 
 of Porteous. They found him concealed in the 
 chimney of his apartment, which he was prevented 
 from ascending by a grating that ran across the vent, 
 as is usual in such edifices. The rioters dragged 
 their victim out of his concealment, and command- 
 ed him to prepare to undergo the death he had de- 
 served ; nor did they pay the least attention either 
 to his prayers for mercy, or to the offers by which 
 he endeavoured to purchase his life. Yet amid all 
 their obduracy of vengeance there was little tumult, 
 and no more violence than was inseperable from 
 the action which they meditated. Porteous was 
 permitted to intrust what money or papers he had 
 with him to a friend, for the behoof of his family. 
 One of the rioters, a grave and respectable looking 
 man, undertook, in the capacity of a clergyman, to 
 give him ghostly consolation suited to his circum- 
 stances, as one who had not many minutes to 
 live. He was conducted from the Tolbooth to the 
 Grassmarket, which, both as being the usual place 
 of execution and the scene where their victim had 
 fired, or caused his soldiers to fire, on the citizens, 
 was selected as the place of punishment. They 
 marched in a .sort of procession, guarded by a band
 
 3D4 THE FORTEOUS MOB. 
 
 of the rioters, miscellaneously armed with muskets, 
 battle axes, &c., which were taken from the guard- 
 house, while others carried links or flambeaux. 
 Porteous was in the midst of them, and as he refus- 
 ed to walk, he was carried by two of the rioters on 
 what is in Scotland called the King's cushion, by 
 which two persons alternately grasping each other's 
 wrists, form a kind of seat on the backs of their hands, 
 upon which a third may be placed. They were so 
 cool as to halt wh^n one of his slippers dropped 
 from his foot, till it was picked up and replaced. 
 
 The citizens of the better class looked from their 
 windows on this extraordinary scene, but terrified 
 beyond the power of interference, if they had pos- 
 sessed the will. In descending the West Bow, 
 which leads to the place of execution, the rioters, 
 or conspirators, — a term, perhaps, more suited to 
 men of their character, — provided themselves with 
 a coil of ropes by breaking into the booth of a deal- 
 er in such articles, and left at the same time a guin- 
 ea to pay for it ; a precaution which \/ould hardly 
 have occurred to men of the lowest class, of which 
 in external appearance the mob seemed to consist. 
 A cry was next raised for the gallows, in order that 
 Porteous might die according to all the ceremony 
 of the law. But as this instrument of punishment 
 was kept in a distant part of the town, so that time 
 must be lost in procuring it, they proceeded to hang 
 the unfortunate man over a dyer's pole, as near to 
 the place of execution as possible. The poor 
 man's efforts to save himself only added to his tor- 
 tures ; for as he tried to keep hold of the beam to 
 which he was suspended, tliey struck his hands
 
 THE PORTEOUS MOB. 305 
 
 with guns and Lochaber axes, to make him quit his 
 hold, so that he suffered more than usual in the 
 struggle which dismissed him from life. 
 
 When Porteous was dead the rioters dispersed, 
 vvithdrawing without noise or disturbance all the 
 outposts which they had occupied for preventing 
 interruption, and leaving the city so quiet, that had 
 it not been for the relics of the fire which had been 
 applied to the jail door; the arms which lay scat- 
 tered in disorder on the street, as the rioters had 
 flung them down ; and the dead body of Porteous, 
 which remained suspended in the place where he 
 died ; there was no visible symptom of so violent 
 an explosion of popular fury having taken place. 
 
 The government, highly offended at such a dar- 
 ing contempt of authority, imposed on the Crown 
 council the task of prosecuting the discovery of the 
 rioters with the utmost care. The report of Mr 
 Charles Erskine, then Solicitor-General, is now be- 
 fore me, and bears witness to his exertions in trac- 
 ing the reports, which were numerous, in assigning 
 to various persons particular shares in this nocturnal 
 outrage. AH of them, however, when examined, 
 proved totally groundless, and it was evident that 
 they had been either wilful falsehoods, sent abroad 
 to deceive and mislead the investigators, or at least 
 idle and unauthenticated rumours which arise out of 
 such commotions, like bubbles on broken and dis- 
 tracted waters. A reward of two hundred pounds 
 was offered by government, for the discovery of 
 any person concerned in the riot, but without suc- 
 cess. 
 
 Only a single person was proved to have been 
 26*
 
 306 THE PORTEOUS MOB. 
 
 present at the mob, and the circumstances in which 
 he stood, placed him out of the reach of punish- 
 ment. He was a footman to a lady of rank, and a 
 creature of weak intellects. Being sent into Edin- 
 burgh on a message by his mistress, he had drunk 
 so much liquor as to deprive him of all capacity 
 whatever, and in this state mixed with the mob, 
 some of whom put a halberd in his hand. But 
 the witnesses who proved this apparent accession 
 to the mob, proved also that the accused could not 
 stand without the support of the rioters, and was to- 
 tally incapable of knowing for what purpose they 
 Avere assembled, and consequently of approving of 
 or aiding their guilt. He was acquitted accordingly, 
 to the still further dissatisfaction of the Ministry, 
 and of Queen Caroline, who considered the com- 
 motion, and the impunity with which it was follow- 
 ed, as an insult to her personal authority. 
 
 A bill was prepared and brought into Parliament, 
 for the punishment of the city of Edinburgh, in a 
 very vindictive spirit, proposing to abolish the city 
 charter, demolish the city walls, take away the 
 town-guard, and declare the Provost incapable ot 
 holding any office of public trust. A long investi- 
 gation took place on the occasion, in which many 
 persons were examined at the bar of the House of 
 Lords, without throwing the least light on the sub- 
 ject of the Porteous Mob, or the character of the 
 persons by whom it was conducted. The penal 
 conclusions of the bill were strenuously combated by 
 the Duke of Argyle, Duncan Forbes, and others, 
 who represented the injustice of punishing with dis- 
 honour the r^pitpl of Scotland for the insolencf^ ot
 
 THE PORTEOUS MOB. 307 
 
 a lawless mob, which, taking advantage of a mo- 
 ment of security, had committed a great breach of 
 the peace, attended with a cruel murder. As men's 
 minds cooled, the obnoxious clauses were dropped 
 out of the bill, and at length its penal consequences 
 were restricted to a fine of £2000 sterling on the 
 city, to be paid for the use of Captain Porteous's 
 widow. This person, having received other fa- 
 vours from the town, accepted of JS1500 in full of 
 the fine ; and so ended the affair so far as the city 
 of Edinburgh was concerned. 
 
 But, as if some fatality had attended the subject, 
 a clause was thrown in, compelling the ministers of 
 the Scottish church to read a proclamation from the 
 pulpit, once every month during the space of a 
 whole year, calling on the congregation to do all in 
 their power for discovering and bringing to justice 
 the murderers of Captain Porteous, or any of them, 
 and noticing the reward which government had 
 promised to such as should bring the malefactors to 
 conviction. Many of the Scottish clergy resented 
 this imposition, as indecorously rendering the pul- 
 pit a vehicle for a hue and cry, and still more as an 
 attempt, on the part of the state, to interfere with 
 the spiritual authorities of the kirk, which amount- 
 ed, in their opinion, to an Erastian heresy. Neither 
 was it held to be matter of indifference, that, in 
 reading the proclamation of the legislature, the 
 clergymen were compelled to describe the bishops 
 as the "Lords spiritual in Parliament assenibled;" 
 an epithet seemingly acknowledging the legality 
 and the rank of an order disavowed by all true Cal- 
 vinists. The dispute was the more violent, as it
 
 308 THE PORTEOUS MoB. 
 
 was immediately subsequent to a schism in the 
 church, on the fruitful subject of patronage, which 
 had divided from the communion of the established 
 Church of Scotland that large class of dissenters, 
 generally called Seceders. Much ill blood was 
 excited, and great dissensions took place betwixt 
 those clergymen who did, and those who did not, 
 read the proclamation. This controversy, like 
 others, had its hour, during which little else was 
 spoken of, until in due time the subject was worn 
 threadbare and forgotten. 
 
 The origin of the Porteous Mob continued long 
 to exercise the curiosity of those by whom the event 
 was remembered, and from the extraordinary mix- 
 ture of prudence and audacity with which the pur- 
 pose of the multitude had been conceived and exe- 
 cuted, as well as the impenetrable secrecy with 
 which the enterprise was carried through, the pub- 
 lic were much inclined to suspect that there had 
 been among its actors men of rank and character, 
 far superior to that belonging to the multitude who 
 were the ostensible agents. Broken and imperfect 
 stories were told of men in the disguise of women 
 and of common artizans, whose manner betrayed a 
 sex and manners different from what their garb an- 
 nounced. Others laughed at these as unauthoriz- 
 ed exaggerations, and contended that no class were 
 so likely to frame or execute the plan for the mur- 
 der of the police officer, as the populace to whom 
 his official proceedings had rendered him obnoxious, 
 and that the secrecy so wonderfully preserved on 
 the occasion arose out of the constancy and fideli- 
 ty which the Scottish people observe towards each
 
 THE PORTEOUS MOB. 309 
 
 ■ • 
 
 other when engaged in a common cause. Noth- 
 ing is, or probably ever will be, known with certain- 
 ty on the subject ; but it is understood, that sever- 
 al young men left Scotland in apprehension of the 
 strict scrutiny which was made into that night's pro- 
 ceedings ; and in your grandfather's younger days, 
 the voice of fame pointed out individuals, who, long 
 absent from that country, had returned from the 
 East and West Indies in improved circumstances, 
 as persons who had fled abroad on account of the 
 Porteous Mob. One story of the origin of the con- 
 spiracy was stated to me with so much authority, 
 and seemed in itself so simple and satisfactory, that 
 although the degree of proof, upon investigation, fell 
 far short of what was necessary as full evidence, I 
 cannot help considering it as the most probable ac- 
 count of the mysterious affair. A man, who long 
 bore an excellent character, and filled a place of 
 some trust as forester and carpenter to a gentleman 
 of fortune in Fife, was affirmed to have made a 
 confession on his death-bed, that he had been not 
 only one of the actors in the hanging of Porteus, 
 but one of the secret few by whom the deed was 
 schemed and set on foot. Twelve persons of the 
 village of Path-head — so this man's narrative was 
 said to proceed — resolved that Porteous should die, 
 to atone for the life of Wilson, with whom many of 
 them had been connected by the ties of friendship 
 and joint adventure in illicit trade, and for the death 
 of those shot at the execution. This vengeful band 
 crossed the Forth by different ferries, and met to- 
 gether at a solitary place near the city, where they 
 distributed the party which were to act in the busi- 
 
 i
 
 310 THE PORTEOUS MOB. 
 
 ness which they had in hand ; and giving a begin- 
 ning to the enterprise, soon saw it undertaken by 
 the populace of the city, whose minds were precise- 
 ly in that state of irritability which disposed them 
 to follow the example of a few desperate men. Ac- 
 cording to this account, most of the original devi- 
 sers of the scheme fled to foreign parts, the surprise 
 of the usual authorities having occasioned some 
 days to pass over ere the investigations of the aflfair 
 were commenced. On making enquiry of the sur- 
 viving family of this old man, they were found dis- 
 posed to treat the rumoured confession as a fiction, 
 and to allege that although he was of an age which 
 seemed to support the story, and had gone abroad 
 shortly after the Porteous Mob, yet he had never 
 acknowledged any accession to it, but on the con- 
 trary, maintained his innocence when taxed, as he 
 sometimes was, with having a concern in the affair. 
 The report, however, though probably untrue in 
 many of its circumstances, yet seems to give a ve- 
 ry probable account of the origin of the riot in the 
 vindictive purpose of a few resolute men, whose 
 example was quickly followed by the multitude, al- 
 ready in a state of mind to catch fire from the 
 slightest spark. 
 
 This extraordinary and mysterious outrage 
 seems to be the only circumstance which can be 
 interesting to you, as exclusively belonging to the 
 history of Scotland, betwixt the years immediately 
 succeeding the civil war of 1715, and those preced- 
 ing the last explosion of Jacobitism in that country, 
 in 1745-6. 
 
 END OF VOL. I.
 
 1
 
 I