LIBRARY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 University of California. 
 
 GIFT OF 
 
 CL.C-, (l^ <,.. 
 
 Class 
 
THE FEDERATION 
 
 OF THE WORLD 
 
 BY 
 
 BENJAMIN F. TRUEBLOOD, LL. D. 
 
 g35i2EEagmi 
 
 BOSTON AND NEW YORK 
 HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY 
 

 
 COPYRIGHT, 1899, BY BENJAMIN F. TRUEBLOOD 
 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED 
 
 THIRD EDITION 
 
TO 
 
 THE FRIENDS OF PEACE 
 
 IN 
 
 AMERICA AND EUROPE 
 
 184995 
 
Pax quoerenda pace 
 
PREFACE TO THE THIRD 
 EDITION 
 
 ]N publishing this third edition, 
 now eight years after the ap- 
 pearance of the first, I have not 
 deemed it wise to make any material 
 changes in what was then written. The 
 nature of the argument, as an interpre- 
 tation of the jorces and movements then 
 clearly seeming to me to be rapidly work- 
 ing out the federation and peace of the 
 world, is such that it could not well be 
 made more forcible by recasting it into 
 another form. The recent extraordinary 
 progress of the nations, in spite of the 
 persistence of the rivalry of armaments, 
 toward the ideal attainment then forecast 
 is made all the more striking by present- 
 ing it, as is done in the last two chapters, 
 alongside the prediction at that time writ- 
 ten down. The ten chapters have there- 
 
vi Preface to the Third Edition 
 
 fore been left standing substantially as 
 they were, with only a few corrections and 
 minor changes made necessary by the lapse 
 of time. The foot-notes have been slightly 
 modified in places, to enable the reader the 
 better to contrast the state of international 
 affairs eight years ago with that at the pre- 
 sent time. The eleventh chapter, though 
 never before published, was written soon 
 after the Hague Conference of 1899, during 
 which it was my privilege to be at The 
 Hague, and was an attempt to interpret 
 the work of that remarkable gathering and 
 its bearing upon the future relations of the 
 nations. In the twelfth chapter I have 
 attempted to set forth the chief features of 
 the progress of the federative movement 
 since the close of that Conference and the 
 \ establishment and opening of the perma- 
 y \ nent International Court of Abitration. I 
 have included in this exposition a brief 
 account of the work and results of the 
 Second Hague Conference, which has just 
 closed its labors. 
 Boston, December, 1907. 
 
PREFACE 
 
 HE substance of what is found on 
 the following pages was originally 
 given in two lectures delivered be- 
 fore the faculty and students of the Mead- 
 ville Theological School, Meadville, Penn- 
 sylvania, in the spring of 1897, on the Adin 
 Ballou foundation. The lectures have since 
 been carefully revised and considerably ex- 
 panded, and are now given to the public for 
 the first time. The surpassing interest of 
 the subject discussed is my only justification 
 in venturing to bring my thought before a 
 larger number of hearers than was reached 
 when the lectures were given. The conclu- 
 sions reached are the result of many years 
 of careful study of the international move- 
 ments of modern society and their causes, 
 and they cannot be fairly judged except 
 from the point of view of these movements. 
 
viii ■ Preface 
 
 The treatment is original, so far as a great 
 thought, occupying many minds and mouths 
 at the same time, can be treated in an ori- 
 ginal way by any one person, whose think- 
 ing owes so much to that of others. The 
 argument is not intended to be exhaustive, 
 but only suggestive and directive, and it is 
 hoped that it is presented in such a way as 
 to furnish encouragement and inspiration to 
 duty. 
 
 The reader will kindly bear in mind that 
 the subject treated is not primarily that 
 of peace and war. These receive a large 
 amount of attention, but only as they are 
 related to the general subject, the federation 
 of the world. The aim of the discussion is 
 to show that the nature of man and of soci- 
 
 fy ety is such as to indicate that a general fed- 
 
 V eration of the race ought to exist, that war 
 
 ought to be abolished, that the whole of 
 
 /^y humanity must move together in harmoni- 
 ous cooperation if it ever fulfills its destiny ; 
 to point out the reasons why this federation 
 has been so long delayed ; to indicate the 
 
Preface ix 
 
 influences which have been at work liberat- 
 ing and restoring the federative elements ; 
 and to show from actual historic movements 
 and recent social and international achieve- 
 ments that the social and political unity of 
 the world is a consummation rationally to 
 be expected in the not remote future. 
 
 B. F. T. 
 
 Boston, February, 1899. 
 
 uy 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Introduction / 
 
 I. The Solidarity of Humanity ... 7 
 
 II. Solidarity Unrealised 21 
 
 III. The Causes of the Disunity . . . 2j 
 
 IV. The Development of the War System . . 40 
 V. The Influence of Christianity in restoring the 
 
 Federative Principle .... 56 
 VI. War Ethically Wrong ... 68 
 VII. War Anti-Federative .... £0 
 VIII. The New World Society . . . -9/ 
 IX. The Growing Triumph of Arbitration . 102 
 X. The United States of the World . . . //S 
 XI. 7*j&* F*>s/ Hague Peace Conference . . 150 
 XII. Tfo /fagtt* Cowr/ and Recent Progress to- 
 ward World-Unity .... 188 
 
 Appendix 2/5 
 
 Bibliography 219 
 
^*£^U FO R ^]b^>^ 
 
 THE FEDERATION OF THE 
 WORLD 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 |AS Tennyson's dream of M the par- 
 liament of man, the federation of 
 the world," * nothing but a poetic 
 fancy, or was it a rational prophecy of 
 an actual condition to be realized in some 
 future, near or far? Is a federation of 
 the world possible ? Is it desirable ? Is it 
 necessary as an expression of the true na- 
 ture of the human race, and of its purpose 
 on the earth ? If so, what are the signs of 
 its coming ? By what means is it to be 
 realized, and in what form ? How are the 
 obstacles to its realization to be gotten out 
 of the way ? 
 
 1 Tennyson, Locksley Hall. 
 
2 The Federation of the World 
 
 The movements of our time, embracing 
 as they do the whole earth in their com- 
 pass, are raising these questions in many- 
 minds. No more momentous questions, 
 none more startling, none more inspiring, 
 have ever been raised. They involve the 
 widest, the deepest, the most enduring in- 
 terests of individuals and of nations, singly 
 and combined, in the ages to come. In 
 them are involved also many smaller 
 weighty questions, the solution of which 
 has puzzled, and continues to puzzle, men's 
 brains, — questions of commerce, of finance, 
 of labor and capital, etc., — the solution of 
 which will come about naturally and easily 
 when the larger problems have been dis- 
 posed of. 
 
 The following pages are an attempt to 
 discover what light is thrown upon these 
 questions by the nature of man, the consti- 
 tution of society, the past and present rela- 
 tions of the nations to one another, and the 
 progress of the federative principle during 
 the century now closing. By way of intro- 
 
The Federation of the World 3 
 
 duction to the discussion, I may say at the 
 outset that my own mind has reached the 
 clear and settled conviction that a federa- 
 tion of the world is not only possible and 
 jjasy-of attainment, but that it is desirable 
 in the extreme as a fundamental social 
 necessity. A great international state, 1 co- 
 extensive with the surface of the globe, 
 with some sort of government directing the 
 general interests of the race and compati- 
 ble with local self-government, is the neces- 
 sary and inevitable outgrowth of the nature 
 of man and of society, under the action 
 of the divinely ordained social processes, 
 and that regeneration and reconstruction of 
 humanity which Christianity is bringing 
 about. 
 
 1 Kant, Perpetual Peace ', Second Section, 2, near the 
 end. Kant was the first to give us the idea of a great 
 international state. He does not seem, however, to 
 have believed such a state possible. He pleads for a 
 voluntary federation of states as the only realizable 
 means for putting an end to international violence. Of 
 the nature of this federation he gives no clear concep- 
 tion. 
 
4 The Federation of the World 
 
 The question of the peace of the world, 
 universal and perpetual, is now one of the 
 uppermost in all thoughtful minds. Even 
 those who do not believe that such a state 
 of human society is desirable or realizable 
 are compelled to struggle with the idea. 1 
 Universal peace, which seemed a little while 
 ago the dream of disordered brains, has 
 suddenly transformed itself into the waking 
 vision of the soberest and clearest of intel- 
 lects. This world-peace, the signs of whose 
 coming are now many and" unmistakable, 
 will not be established between men and 
 nations as so many separate units or groups, 
 standing apart with different and unshared 
 interests, agreeing to let each other alone 
 and to respect each other s rights at a dis- 
 
 1 Von Moltke was accustomed to say : " Permanent 
 peace is a dream, and not even a beautiful dream, and 
 war is a law of God's order in the world, by which the 
 noblest virtues of man, courage and self-denial, loyalty 
 and self-sacrifice, even to the point of death, are devel- 
 oped. Without war the world would deteriorate into 
 materialism." — Von Moltke as a Correspondent^ trans* 
 lated by Mary Herms. 
 
The Federation of the World 5 
 
 tance. Such a peace, even if it were pos- 
 sible, would be at best only a negative one, 
 having little vitality and little power for 
 good. Universal peace will come rather-/' 
 through federation and cooperation. Thefj/f 
 nature of man remaining as it is, it can 
 come in no other way. The war-drum will 
 continue to throb and battle-flags to beat 
 the wind, armies to be equipped and navies 
 to be built, until men and nations not only 
 consider themselves " members one of an- 
 other," but until they in some large way 
 tre^t each other so. All progress in peace 
 and toward final peace which has been 
 already made has been made primarily ^y 
 along this positive line. Abstinence from 
 smiting with the fist or with the sword is 
 in large measure the expression in a nega- 
 tive way of a change in men's dispositions 
 toward each other, which results in positive 
 mutual beneficence. In this changed dis- 
 position the fist spontaneously opens and 
 the sword falls from the hand. When the 
 day of universal peace arrives, it will not 
 
6 The Federation of the World 
 
 find all hatred and disposition to do evil 
 .gone, but it will find men and nations so 
 ' strongly united in the bonds of kindly fel- 
 lowship and mutual service as to render 
 the disintegrating forces of ill-will practi- 
 cally powerless, — powerless, at any rate, 
 to do mischief on a large scale. 
 
The Solidarity of Humanity 
 
 FEDERATION finds its fundamen- 
 tal reason and its primal necessity 
 in the constitution of humanity. 
 The human race is one race. God " made 
 of one every nation of men to dwell on all 
 the face of the earth." The oneness of ori- 
 gin and descent of the various peoples of 
 the globe is now established with practical 
 certainty on purely scientific grounds. 1 
 In constitution also is the race one race. 
 The human body, of black or white, of red 
 or yellow, is the same in structure, in pur- 
 pose and in needs, the world over. The 
 human mind is everywhere built on the 
 same pattern. The highest man and the 
 lowest man can learn each other's language 
 and commune with each other intellectu- 
 
 1 Darwin, Descent of Man, Part I., chap. vii. 
 
8 The Federation of the World 
 
 ally. Human feelings in all individuals and 
 in all races are the same feelings, however 
 they may vary in degree or manner of 
 expression. Pleasure and pain, joy and 
 grief, hope and fear, love and hate, are the 
 same affections wherever experienced. The 
 power of moral determination, though vary- 
 ing widely in its range of activity, is opera- 
 tive in all men, and the capacity for the 
 same moral ideals is likewise everywhere 
 found. This constitutional unity of the 
 race is practically meaningless on any other 
 theory than that of cooperation and mutual 
 service in working out the destiny of each 
 and all. 
 
 The oneness and solidarity of humanity 
 are more strikingly apparent from another 
 point of view. Men need each other ; they 
 cannot live without each other. Husband 
 and wife, parent and child, brother and sis- 
 ter, live through and for one another. Be- 
 yond the family circle, neighbor needs 
 neighbor, one family another family, one 
 community another community. The fam- 
 
The Federation of the World 9 
 
 ily that eats all its own wheat and corn, 
 its own pork and beans, that weaves its 
 own cloth out of home-grown fibres, that 
 makes its own clothing, tans its own leather, 
 makes its own boots and shoes, shoes its 
 own horses ; that sells nothing and buys 
 nothing from others, that has no minister 
 or teacher outside of its own members, 
 may become a keen and shrewd, nay, even 
 a good little society within its own narrow 
 limits. Such a family, if it were possible, 
 would, however, lead a meagre and precari- 
 ous existence, and always remain a narrow 
 and stunted society. Its members could 
 not rise high in the scale of that intelli- 
 gence, largeness of spirit, self-control, and 
 altruistic thoughtfulness which constitute 
 men truly human. So strongly is the need 
 of the companionship and help of others felt, 
 for spiritual as well as for commercial rea- 
 sons, that families have rarely been willing 
 to live in this isolated way, except under the 
 stress of great necessity, as in pioneer life. 
 Not only in the great migrations of history, 
 
io The Federation of the World 
 
 but in all sorts of colonial settlements, men 
 have gone together in companies larger or 
 smaller. So great is the enjoyment as well 
 as the practical necessity of association, 
 that most families would rather live near 
 one another and fight than at a distance 
 and be at peace. 
 
 Social dependence and the necessity of 
 mutual helpfulness, as fundamental facts 
 of human nature, grow much more marked 
 as the race becomes more numerous and 
 society more complex. A farmer whose 
 family has given up or never learned shoe- 
 making, horseshoeing, weaving, spinning, 
 and the like, because it is more profit- 
 able and agreeable to follow agriculture 
 as a specialty, becomes poverty - stricken 
 and helpless the moment he finds himself 
 unable to deal with the stock-buyers, grain- 
 merchants and grocers. He may com- 
 plain of the village or city as much as he 
 likes, of its dainty-fingered inhabitants and 
 of all the lines of trade which centre there, 
 but you will see him heading that way 
 
The Federation of the World 1 1 
 
 every week just the same. The city folk, 
 too, may look with something like contempt 
 on the " long whiskers/' the " horny hands " 
 and the workaday clothes of the country 
 people, but they are always delighted to see 
 them come in with their loads of grain, 
 their buckets of butter and their fluttering 
 coops of ducks and chickens. 
 
 Any great city like New York or Lon- 
 don, in the advanced state of social devel- 
 opment which such a city implies, is always 
 within a week of starvation x if suddenly cut 
 off from the rest of the world. Every clime 
 and every industry contributes daily to the 
 supply of its needs. It raises not a bushel 
 of wheat, not a load of corn. It fats no 
 beeves or swine. It produces not a ton of 
 coal, not a board of lumber. The wool and 
 cotton which it uses are grown far away 
 
 1 Edward Atkinson, speech at the American Confer- 
 ence on International Arbitration, held at Washington, 
 D. C, April 22 and 23, 1896, says that the world is 
 always within a year or less of starvation. See Report, 
 p. 47. 
 
12 The Federation of the World 
 
 from its borders. When the carts cease to 
 come in from the suburban gardens, the 
 trains of freight to thunder into its sta- 
 tions, or the boats of merchandise to drop 
 anchor in its harbor, it becomes at once as 
 helpless as a child, and begins to cry out 
 for the breast of the great world-mother. 
 A strike on a modern street-car line de- 
 ranges the plans of every home in a city ; 
 a strike on a great railway system throws 
 every corner of the land into confusion; 
 
 This interlacing and interdependence of 
 individuals, of families, of communities and 
 of classes, in every relation of life, might be 
 traced out, with interest and profit, ad libi- 
 tum. But the lesson is as clear from the 
 cases given as it could be made by any 
 multiplication of the number. The curious 
 thing about this fact is that men in their 
 normal condition create, spontaneously and 
 intentionally, by the very necessities of 
 their nature, the conditions which, while 
 making them indefinitely stronger and more 
 prosperous when united with their fellow- 
 
The Federation of the World 13 
 
 men, render them more and more helpless 
 when left to themselves. 
 
 The dependence of nations on one an- 
 other is exactly the same in kind, though 
 at first sight not so apparent. The fact 
 that some of them occupy large sections of 
 the earth's surface, and have such a wide 
 range of interdependent activities within 
 their borders, has led some people to the 
 hasty conclusion that they are exceptions 
 to the great law of human interdependence. 
 Only in them, however, does this law have 
 its final, its highest and most efficient ful- 
 fillment. Our time is rapidly discovering 
 this to be true, and this discovery is to 
 prove the greatest lever for lifting the world 
 that has ever been dreamed of. Great deeds 
 of unsurpassed beneficence will be wrought 
 when the whole race shall put forth its in- 
 tellectual, moral and social powers in the 
 freest and fullest combination and harmony. 
 This is a prophecy which is even now writ- 
 ing itself legibly on society without the 
 intervention of a man's hand. 
 
14 The Federation of the World 
 
 As has often been stated by economists, 
 some nations are so situated in respect of 
 the physical conditions of the earth that 
 they would lead a half -starved existence if 
 compelled to live without intercourse with 
 others. The whole of Great Britain, with 
 her present dense population, would soon 
 grow almost as poor as the poorest sections 
 of Ireland if it were not for her large inter- 
 course with other lands. At the present 
 time this intercourse furnishes the basis, of 
 nearly all the occupations by which her citi- 
 zens live and prosper. Many of the wars 
 of former times had their root-cause, in con- 
 siderable measure, in this international, in- 
 ter-racial or inter-tribal need. People were 
 too selfish and narrow to satisfy this need 
 in a normal and friendly way, and hence 
 were driven by their necessities to try to 
 satisfy it in the barbarous and destructive 
 way of war. Much of the friction still exist- 
 ing between the nations results from the 
 pressure of this imperious necessity of inter- 
 national traffic against the selfish and short- 
 
The Federation of the World 15 
 
 sighted nationalism which erects barriers of 
 one kind and another to shut off one sec- 
 tion of the earth from natural and healthy 
 intercourse with other sections. The pres- 
 sure will continue until it has conquered 
 and destroyed the spirit of national exclu- 
 siveness ; for however illiberal any people 
 may itself be, no people is willing to be 
 shut out from participating in the advan- 
 tages which others possess over it. It feels 
 that it has a natural right to a share in 
 whatever blessings any portion of the earth 
 offers, and all nations will insist on this 
 right until they obtain it — and, what is 
 more, till they become large-hearted and 
 sensible enough to give it. 
 
 In matters pertaining to mi nd an d^char^ 
 |i£ter_also, nations are the complements one 
 of another. France and Germany are not 
 more unlike in soil and climate than they 
 are in the physical and psychical character- 
 istics of their people. This statement is 
 not intended to cover up the fact that these 
 two great peoples, as any other two peoples, 
 
l6 The Federation of the World 
 
 have more similarities than differences. But 
 the differences between them are so marked 
 that they greatly need each other, in order 
 that they may both do the most for their 
 own material and spiritual development 
 and for the civilization of the world. The 
 estrangement between them, because of the 
 evil influences of the utterly inhuman sys- 
 tem of militarism, is wholly unnatural. They 
 ought to be, normally, the greatest friends 
 in Europe. If the money which they spend 
 and the effort which they put forth in try- 
 ing to outwit and humiliate each other 
 were employed by them in doing each other 
 mutual services, they would be the two cen- 
 \r\ tral pillars of European civilization. As it 
 is, their service to humanity is very much 
 neutralized by their intense mutual anti- 
 pathy. They are the peril of the whole 
 Old World, the peril of all the acquisitions 
 of civilization. A similar charge may be 
 brought against a number of other nations 
 in their own spheres. The stupendous ini- 
 quity and the far-working mischievousness 
 
The Federation of the World 17 
 
 of national self-sufficiency are coming to be 
 clearly recognized by an increasing number 
 of people in all countries, to whom the truth 
 has impressively come that nations cannot, 
 any more than individuals, live unto them- 
 selves. 
 
 All well-read persons are familiar with the 
 thought, often expressed by a certain class of 
 our citizens, that the United States, because 
 of the greatness of her territory, the variety 
 of her soil and climate, the vigor and intelli- 
 gence of her people, could and should live 
 unto herself ; that she should produce every- 
 thing which she consumes, and in general 
 get on without the rest of the world. A 
 great variety of excessively righteous and 
 patriotic motives are given in support of 
 this position. This view has just enough 
 superficial reasons in its favor to carry away 
 people of narrow vision and little thought. 
 It is the kind of intellectual pabulum which 
 the hurrah-patriots deal out, highly sea- 
 soned, in unstinted quantities to their senti- 
 mental followers. But this theory consist- 
 
1 8 The Federation of the World 
 
 ently carried out, as the chauvinists, its 
 originators, never do carry it out, would 
 require us to keep at home the billion 
 and a half of dollars* worth of products 
 ' which we annually sell to the rest of the 
 world, call home all our diplomatic and con- 
 sular representatives abroad, shut out all 
 foreign comers, cease to travel among other 
 peoples, take all our ships off the ocean, 
 write all the books and papers which we 
 read, create our own science, our own art, 
 our own everything. The theory needs 
 I only to be stated clearly, to receive imme- 
 /1 diate and utter condemnation. What these 
 selfish, narrow-minded people really mean 
 is that we should get all we can out of 
 other peoples, and give little or nothing 
 in return, — a position repugnant to every 
 principle of justice and honor, of economic 
 development and prosperity. 
 
 It is unquestionably true that the United 
 States could live alone, and live better 
 than any other section of the world could 
 so live. But we could not live thus as we 
 
The Federation of the World ig 
 
 ought to live, — the large, rich, human, use- 
 ful life that we have been in a measure 
 living, and that we are destined more and 
 more to live, if we keep clear of the sin of 
 hating, irritating, and fighting other peo- 
 ples. The United States is not the whole 
 world. There are numberless treasures 
 which we do not possess. There are things 
 which we can never grow, or grow only 
 with great waste of energy. There are 
 markets which we cannot duplicate at 
 home, and whole argosies of products ^ 
 which we must sell abroad or let perish in 
 field or storehouse. There are phenomena 
 of earth and sea and sky which no citizen 
 of this country has seen, or can see, with- 
 out crossing the seas. In brains as well 
 as in climate God has not given us every- 
 thing. There are thoughts which we can- 
 not think, originally. There are books 
 which we never could have written, dis- ! 
 coveries of science which we could not 
 have made, conceptions of high art entirely 
 beyond our intellectual range. We draw 
 
 ^f THE 
 
 I VERSITY] 
 
^ 
 
 20 The Federation of the World 
 
 our life from everywhere. We owe our 
 v/very existence to the Old World. Europe 
 is the mother of us all. Our history all 
 begins on the other side of the sea. Our 
 life is fed thence in a thousand ways. The 
 Old World and the New are, commercially, 
 intellectually, morally and socially, as much 
 parts of each other as the two halves of 
 ^ the planet. The same is true of all parts 
 of the race in reference to one another, as 
 might be illustrated indefinitely. If there 
 is any earthly fact perfectly clear to all 
 sane minds, it is that the human race, 
 physically, intellectually, morally, socially, 
 economically, is one race ; that it has one 
 great joint habitation, one broad varied field 
 for the exercise and unfolding of its capa- 
 cities ; that its interests are one, that it has 
 a common destiny. 
 
 Note. There has been marked improvement in the 
 attitude of France and Germany toward each other since 
 
 \this book was first published in 1899. What is said, 
 therefore, on page 16 is no longer a just statement in 
 1 regard to them. Witness the Algeciras Conference, the 
 events connected with the Courrieres disaster, etc. 
 
II 
 
 Solidarity Unrealised 
 
 HIS solidarity of humanity, founded 
 in the constitutional unity of the 
 race, and in that divergence in 
 characteristics which renders all peoples 
 necessary to one another for the highest 
 individual, national and racial development, 
 has as yet been poorly realized. Between 
 many parts of the world there have ap- 
 peared but the vaguest traces of it. Be- 
 tween great nations, calling themselves 
 civilized and Christian, there is still an 
 appalling lack of it. They have accepted 
 as much of it as the irresistible tide of 
 progress has compelled them to accept. 
 Along a few lines voluntary efforts have 
 been made to realize solidarity in its world- 
 wide aspects, but these have been weak- 
 ened and much hidden from view by the 
 
22 The Federation of the World 
 
 continuance of the old struggle for indi- 
 vidual and national mastery, with its blind 
 disregard for the rights of others and their 
 power of return services. 
 
 The sin of the world has been that the 
 race of man, instead of being a loving, co- 
 operating, united race, as it was destined 
 to be, and as it some day will be, has been 
 a hating, fighting, distracted, broken one. 
 The law of life in general has been every 
 man for himself and against every other 
 man as much as necessary for selfish ends. 
 Of the exceptions to this law and of the 
 movements of another law, "struggle for 
 ^the life of others," * something will be said 
 later. Even in the family, where from the 
 beginning of history the sense of depend- 
 ence, of regard for others, of solidarity, has 
 been most strongly felt, the law of hate 
 and strife has held sway. If the world's 
 history could be fully written, no chapter 
 would be more distressingly interesting 
 than that on family quarrels. It would 
 1 Henry Drummond, The Ascent of Man> chap. vii. 
 
The Federation of the World 23 
 
 be copious enough to satisfy the curiosity 
 of the most confirmed gossip-monger. It 
 would be well for the world if its other 
 quarrels had been attended by as much 
 feeling of shame, and they had been as 
 carefully concealed as its family quarrels. 
 
 When the first families began to branch 
 off and to develop into tribes, the feeling 
 of oneness and solidarity, which, in spite of 
 strife and contention, had been preserved 
 to a considerable degree by the immediate 
 necessities and affections of the family, 
 began rapidly to disappear. Appetite, pas- 
 sion, greed, the desire for mastery, prevailed 
 over the sense of kinship, right and duty. 
 Within the various tribes, beginning from 
 each particular family, the same process 
 went on, resulting in internal strife and 
 division. A little way down the diverging 
 lines of descent the sense of kinship and 
 fellowship often, in appearance at least, 
 disappeared entirely. Forests, rivers and 
 mountains, once passed, made intercommu- 
 nication difficult; means of preserving an- 
 
24 The Federation of the World 
 
 cestral records were few ; language changed 
 rapidly; and as the clans and tribes wan- 
 dered on they often became entirely un- 
 known one to another, and to those left 
 behind. In this way, when by any chance 
 peoples in their wanderings met, or fell in 
 with other peoples of more fixed habita- 
 tion, they came to seem to one another of 
 an entirely different race and origin, or, if 
 kinship was suspected, the sense of it was 
 overpowered by the selfish instincts and 
 determinations. 
 
 Neighboring tribes sometimes preserved 
 some feeling of oneness and mutual inter- 
 est, especially where their dispositions and 
 physical surroundings kept them for long 
 periods in the same region until they de- 
 veloped into a people more or less homo- 
 geneous, or where they found themselves 
 compelled to unite in common defense 
 against aggressors. But neighboring tribes 
 more often fell into strife and engaged in 
 petit wars of conquest and revenge. Feuds 
 grew up which lasted generation after gen- 
 J 
 
The Federation of the World 25 
 
 eration. Strong tribes became aggressors 
 and enslaved weaker ones. The leaders of 
 the conquering tribes became warrior kings, 
 whose selfish ambition for wide - reaching 
 conquests often knew no bounds. Through 
 them grew up little and great monarchies, 
 with their bloody exploits, their slaveries 
 and their tyrannies. 
 
 It is impossible to trace this wreckage of 
 brotherhood, this failure to realize solidar- 
 ity, as it worked its way down in history as 
 families became tribes, tribes peoples, and 
 peoples nations. When we reach that point 
 where historic records become clear and 
 trustworthy, we find men, tribes, peoples, 
 nations, everywhere hating, fighting, plun- 
 dering, enslaving and destroying one an- 
 other. Not literally at every moment has 
 this been true, or in every region. The 
 work of destruction has often ceased from 
 sheer exhaustion on one or both sides, until 
 strength has been recovered for new on- 
 slaughts'. It must not be forgotten that 
 family connections and affections have al- 
 
26 The Federation of the World 
 
 ways tended to restore within certain limits 
 the sense of brotherhood and oneness. So, 
 too, right and duty, love and beneficence, 
 have sometimes asserted their power even 
 between alien peoples. Nevertheless, the 
 one feature of history, standing out above 
 all others, has been the hating, quarreling 
 and mutual destruction practiced by men 
 of all ages and of all climes. This kind of 
 history is still making itself. Within the 
 borders of nations there has been a great 
 change. Here civil order and peace for 
 the most part prevail. Private war, duel- 
 ing and personal fighting have almost dis- 
 appeared. By the action of the collective 
 will of the social body law has taken the 
 place of violence. But between the nations 
 distrust and force still have it very much 
 their own way. To what extent a better 
 spirit is prevailing, and may be expected 
 further to prevail, in international affairs, 
 and by what means the change is to be 
 brought about, will be examined later. 
 
Ill 
 
 The Causes of the Disunity 
 
 JHAT has been the cause, or causes, 
 of this hideous historic phenome- 
 non? There have been several 
 causes. Lack of moral development is the 
 
 general cause assigned by the evolu tionary ^J 
 
 philosophy. If this means lack of moral 
 capacity, that men did not and could not 
 know any better, it doubtless played some 
 part in the. earli£r~ages, and in specific cases 
 all the way down. But it is difficult, on\ 
 any intelligent reading of authentic history, \ 
 to give this cause the foremost place, or I 
 even any considerable place, in the produc- 1 
 tion of the animosities and wars which 
 have prevailed. It is impossible to believe 
 that the wars of the nineteenth, or of any 
 other recent century, have been waged by 
 
28 The Federation of the World 
 
 peoples or rulers who had no moral con- 
 ception of the iniquity of which they were 
 guilty and no power to abstain from it. It 
 taxes to the utmost one's power of belief 
 to hold this view of the great contests 
 recorded in ancient history. Had Rome 
 and Greece no conscience and no power of 
 self-control ? Were Babylonia, Persia, the 
 Egyptian dynasties and Carthage merely 
 acting as irresponsible children, in their 
 wars of conquest and of revenge ? What- 
 ever may be true of prehistoric or of early 
 historic men, the time went by many cen- 
 \turies ago when wars were nothing more 
 jthan the expression of the struggling forces 
 3f beings who had no moral light to guide 
 them. The simple fact that they judged 
 id condemned one another for injustice, 
 :>r deeds of the same sort as were done by 
 (themselves, is all the proof of this position 
 ttiat it is necessary to bring. 
 
 Turning this evolutionary reason another 
 way, the animalism in man is assigned as 
 the cause of the phenomenon. Certainly, 
 
The Federation of the World 2g 
 
 exhibitions of greed and passion, and brutal 
 deeds superficially resembling those of sav- 
 age beasts, have abounded beyond number- 
 ing in all human history. But whoever 
 takes the trouble to think the matter 
 through knows that no species of animal 
 has ever been known whose members have 
 quarreled and fought among themselves 
 intentionally, intelligently, systematically, 
 and generation after generation, after the 
 manner of men. The animalism in man, 
 which has furnished in a way the basis for 
 his tyrannies, robberies, animosities • and 
 destructive violence, has had connected 
 with it something of which the animal 
 knows nothing, — something which, if used 
 as it might have been used, would have 
 made the records of the past very different 
 from what they have been. The bloody 
 history of the world has been human his- 
 tory, not animal history. It has therefore 
 been in large part, and always in some part, 
 wicked and criminal history. It is a cheap " y 
 and unworthy method of accounting for the 
 
$0 The Federation of the World 
 
 bloody abominations of our race to assign as 
 their principal cause an irresponsible and 
 uncontrollable animalism. On such a the- 
 (pry there can be no moral criticism of his- 
 / tory. It is not strange, however, that such 
 va theory is adopted. All of us at times 
 blush to be connected with a species of 
 being the conduct of whose members has 
 so often been, and still is so often, diamet- 
 rically opposite to all that might have been 
 expected of them. But nothing is gained 
 for the truth when we wipe out the respon- 
 sibility of our progenitors, and of many of 
 our contemporaries, by coolly passing them 
 through our psychological matrix and trans- 
 forming them into apes and tigers. To do 
 this is no credit either to ourselves or to 
 the wild beasts. Whatever the poets may 
 say, men have never been, in historic times 
 W'at least, apes and tigers, except as they 
 have made themselves such. 
 
 Another reason, akin to the foregoing, 
 which has been assigned for the phenome- 
 non in question, is heredity. But this has 
 
The Federation of the World 31 
 
 not been the primal cause. Men began to^ 
 fight frefore_,heredity had had time to work ( 
 in any wide way. They have continued to 
 fight, in the most atrocious ways, in those 
 countries where base inheritances are sup- 
 posed to have been largely mastered by 
 intellectual and moral training. Men have 
 gone to battlefields direct from Christian 
 churches and Christian homes, with gen- 
 erations of Christian blood in their veins, 
 and have voluntarily joined in committing 
 deeds about the details of which every sol- 
 dier with a conscience is always silent. 
 Heredity, by its transmission of bad in- 1 (ti$ 
 stincts and dispositions, has played a seri- • 
 ous part in the maintenance of strife and 
 violence in the earth. But if it were the 
 chief cause, all our efforts for the banish- 
 ment of hatred and war would be perfectly 
 hopeless. Heredity, because it is a con- 
 trollable factor, is to play just as prominent 
 a part in the creation and maintenance of 
 universal and perpetual peace, when men 
 decide to have it so. 
 
)2 The Federation of the World 
 
 Ignorance also has done much to keep 
 alive the spirit and practice of war. Not 
 ignorance in general ; for the most intelli- 
 ^gent nations have done most of the hard, 
 destructive fighting ; so much so that one 
 is inclined at times grimly to think that the 
 chief evidence of civilization in men is the 
 highly developed disposition and capacity 
 to cut each other's throats scientifically 
 and gracefully, or to blow each other into 
 fragments in the speediest and most whole- 
 sale way. The ignorance meant is that 
 which nations show in respect to one an- 
 other. % Some of this, — much of it perhaps, 
 — among the earlier and ruder peoples, 
 whose opportunities of intercommunication 
 were few, was unavoidable and therefore 
 pardonable. But in later times the woeful 
 ignorance which peoples have exhibited in 
 reference to almost everything pertaining to 
 other peoples, except their faults and follies, 
 [has been quite as much the effect as the 
 Vcause of their mutual hatreds. /This igno- 
 rance, largely voluntary and therefore crim- 
 
The Federation of the World 33 
 
 inal, has been and still is one of the chief 
 bulwarks of the war system. Hiding behind 
 it, the citizens of one nation conjure up 
 every imaginable ill intent on the part of 
 those of another. Out of the consequent 
 suspicion and fear grow armies and navies 
 and war budgets. This criminal interna- 
 tional ignorance is one of the worst foes 
 with which the friends of humanity have to 
 deal, for at its heart is found the real cause 
 of the disunity of humanity. 
 
 Another of the potent influences which 
 have cooperated to produce this monstrous 
 phenomenon of history is false education. 
 Fathers have taught their sons to hate 
 those whom they have hated, to keep the 
 fires of vengeance burning on the family 
 hearthstone until offenders against their 
 rights were overtaken and slain or beaten 
 down and enslaved. Aggression and con- 
 quest have been taught as a duty. Mo- 
 thers have sung their children to sleep with 
 ballads of enmity and strife, and enter- 
 tained them during their waking hours with 
 
34 The Federation of the World 
 
 stories of battles and with toy implements 
 of war, until the imaginations of the little 
 ones were filled with pictures of blood and 
 cruelty, and their young spirits charged 
 with the frenzied desire to rush forth to 
 fight and to slay. From their earliest 
 years the children of the past, in home and 
 school, have been fed on hostility and war. 
 In this way the larger human affections 
 have been greatly stifled and the voice of 
 conscience often nearly silenced. When 
 the children have grown older they have, 
 in spite of the protests of their moral na- 
 ture, voluntarily repeated the error and 
 passed it on. The leaders and guides of 
 peoples have been deeply guilty of this sin. 
 Statesmen and public orators, priests and 
 ministers of religion, historians and poets, 
 have inculcated a love of country which 
 meant little else than hatred andcontferhpt 
 for other peoples, and eagerness to injure 
 and destroy them on the slightest provoca- 
 tion. 
 
 Much is said nowadays about the evil 
 
The Federation of the World 35 
 
 influence of the detailed descriptions of 
 battles found in school-books of history. 
 This influence is bad enough, certainly, 
 especially when these descriptions are 
 coupled, as they so often are, with the idea, 
 openly asserted or implied, that war is the 
 noblest and most glorious of all callings, 
 that there is no heroism, no manliness, like 
 that of the soldier. But this war teaching 
 of the school-books does not begin to equal 
 in mischievousness the false conceptions of 
 patriotism, 1 the exaggerated notions of the 
 greatness and goodness of one's own coun- 
 try, the disregard and contempt for other 
 lands, which are inculcated not only in the 
 schools, but practically in all the circles of 
 society. The unity of humanity, to any 
 
 1 Tolstoy ( War and Peace, and other writings) holds 
 that patriotism is the cause of most of the existing inter- 
 national evils,"and that these evils cannot be destroyed 
 without the ajiolition of patriotism. If he had used 
 the adjectiveV^falseJ in connection with patriotism, his J^/i 
 position would have been essentially true. A patriotism" 
 consistent with Christianity and the notion and practice 1 {/ 
 of universal brotherhood is certainly possible. 
 
 A</ 
 
$6 The Federation of the World 
 
 great extent, cannot be attained until these 
 false notions of patriotism cease to be held 
 and taught, and the true relation of coun- 
 try to the rest of the world is properly- 
 understood and inculcated. 
 
 Back of all, running through all, and giv- 
 ing potency to all these causes which have 
 cooperated in different ways to make the 
 world a veritable field of strife and blood, 
 has been the voluntary selfishness of men 
 and of peoples. War, with its multiplied 
 horrors, has not been primarily the outcome 
 of blind forces helplessly contending with 
 one another, but the result of self-directed 
 purposes of beings who turned the light 
 within them into darkness. Evidences 
 abound in history for the truth of this posi- 
 tion. There has always been moral per- 
 ception and moral strength enough in every 
 people with a fairly well developed civil 
 and political organization to have kept it, 
 if it had "minded its light," at least from 
 the sin of aggressive wars, wars for simple 
 vengeance and wars for glory. And these 
 
The Federation of the World 37 
 
 wars constitute the bulk of the war history 
 of the past. Of the moral responsibility 
 of the unorganized, wandering peoples of 
 early historic or prehistoric times it is more 
 difficult to speak. Evidences are coming 
 to light through recent ethnological inves- 
 tigations that even these peoples were not 
 the mere fighting animals that they have 
 been supposed to be. The most primitive 
 peoples now existing, like the Eskimos, 
 have, some of them, no warlike customs. 1 
 
 The guilt of rulers and of peoples for 
 their wars has not of course been equally 
 distributed, for the moral capacity has not 
 been everywhere the same. In many cases 
 single individuals, or a few leading spirits, 
 with commanding powers of influence, have 
 been the guilty cause of a people's or a na- 
 tion's tyrannies and aggressions, the people 
 following them blindly and slavishly. In 
 truth, this has been the rule in all ages and 
 among nearly all peoples. The bloody 
 annals of the world are, for the most part, 
 
 1 Encyclopedia Britannica, article " Eskimo/' 
 
)8 The Federation of the World 
 
 . /records of movements at whose centres 
 have been powerful and unscrupulous indi- 
 viduals, or small grxmp&jiLmen. You have 
 only to cast over in your mmcT^the war 
 history of any nation, as of France, Italy, 
 Austria, Russia, Spain, or even of Great 
 Britain, to realize how much of it has been, 
 not the history of the people, of their life 
 and purposes and struggles, but the history 
 of those military tyrants, ambitious princes 
 and headstrong statesmen who have either 
 enslaved the people and forced them to do 
 their will, or blinded them with false hopes 
 of gain or glory, and so deceived them into 
 their iniquitous service. The people have 
 without doubt often shared the guilt of 
 their leaders, but it is only in recent gen- 
 erations, since the establishment of popular 
 government, that they have had to bear 
 the chief burden of guilt in the case of any 
 particular war. War has been the business 
 of sovereigns and their minions, not of peo- 
 ples. Just in proportion as peoples have 
 become their own rulers, has war begun to 
 disappear. 
 
The Federation of the World 39 
 
 At bottom, then, to follow out the 
 thought, war has always been a sin of some- 
 body, and not simply a misfortune, not a 
 mere freak of animalism, not a necessary 
 phenomenon of society at a certain stage 
 of development. Whatever other elements 
 may have cooperated in producing it, — 
 ignorance, heredity, false education, — the 
 whole bloody history has been fundamen- V 
 tally a history of sin and wrong. Without 
 the element of iniquitous choice, all the 
 other causes would have operated much 
 less powerfully, or would not have operated 
 at all. 
 
IV 
 
 The Development of the War System 
 
 f|UT of this evil root has come the 
 war system of the nations, which 
 in its elaboration of armaments on 
 land and sea has recently grown to such 
 enormous proportions that it now consti- 
 tutes the chief burden upon human society, 
 the chief obstacle to its material and spirit- 
 
 £al progress. In these great and ever- 
 lcreasing armaments is found the largest 
 nd completest expression of the disunity 
 jpf humanity. This system must have brief 
 notice before we pass to the consideration 
 of those efforts and influences which are 
 working out the federation of the world 
 and the ultimate abolition of war. 
 
 In the far past two boys or men came for 
 some reason to hate each other, and fought 
 
The Federation of the World 41 
 
 with their fists and feet ; or one man in 
 hunger, greed or envy rose up against an- 
 other, smote and robbed him, the latter 
 defending himself or afterwards retaliating. 
 Something like that, among children or 
 among men, was the beginning. 1 The whole 
 war system was there in embryo, in those 
 two hating, raving, pounding pieces of hu- 
 manity. Clubs and stones were soon ap- 
 propriated, in order to add to the offensive 
 and defensive might of the fist. These 
 made fighting more complex and more 
 dangerous. The two men multiplied into 
 families and clans, which envied, hated 
 and pillaged each other ; which fought, and 
 fought again. The primitive aggressive- 
 ness and animosity grew intenser through 
 acquired dispositions. As the race multi- 
 plied, the spirit of contention and strife 
 
 1 The story of Cain and Abel, as given in Genesis, 
 whatever interpretation may be put upon it, clearly in- 
 dicates that in the minds of the early historic men fight- 
 ing had a moral and not merely an animal origin. Cain, 
 in the record, is under the condemnation of the con- 
 science of his time. 
 
42 The Federation of the World 
 
 deepened and widened. The stone and the 
 club were supplemented by the sling, the 
 spear, the battle-axe, the bow and arrow, and 
 the sword. Men learned to fight in groups, 
 at first as chance or instinct or interest im- 
 pelled them. Then, to increase their effi- 
 ciency, they began to fight under leaders 
 and with some sort of organization and train- 
 ing. War at last became an art on sea and 
 land. More brains and skill went into it, 
 and at the same time more hate and death 
 and woe. War became also a profession. 
 To relieve the rest of the people, that the 
 nation might be always ready for offense 
 or defense, soldiers were trained and kept, 
 whose business it was to fight. Thus grew 
 up standing armies. War became a pas- 
 time. When there was no war at home, 
 soldiers let themselves out, or were let out 
 by their sovereigns, to fight for pay or to 
 relieve the monotony of idleness. 
 
 As the system developed, watchwords 
 and battle-cries were invented, in order to 
 increase the unity and to strengthen the 
 
The Federation of the World 4) 
 
 courage of the combatants. Standards were 
 devised and carried aloft as rallying-points, 
 or symbols of leaders, clan, or country. In 
 order to relieve fighting of its hideousness 
 and to draw attention away from its agonies 
 and groans, uniforms were put on and made 
 resplendent, and martial music was brought 
 into service on the parade ground and on 
 the battlefield. Systems of tactics were 
 thought out — everything, in fact, which 
 intellect, sharpened and perverted by lust 
 and hatred could do, was done, that men 
 might be induced to go out with spirit and 
 daring, with fury and recklessness, with 
 skill and endurance, to beat down and de- 
 stroy such of their fellow-men as might 
 chance to be called their enemies. Victories 
 were celebrated with noisy rejoicings, with 
 sacrifices to the deities, with Te Deums to 
 the God of mercy and love, whom men had 
 turned into a being of hate and favoritism 
 like themselves. Men of daring and bold 
 deeds of blood were honored in song and 
 story, were crowned and lionized beyond all 
 
44 The Federation of the World 
 
 others. Thus war became in men's eyes 
 the most glorious of callings, the pathway 
 to honor and fame, and they blinded them- 
 selves to its horrors and its crimes. Pride 
 and vanity united with lust, greed and 
 revenge, to clothe the bloody monster in 
 the trappings of heaven. God became the 
 god of armies, a regular blood-wading Mars, 
 appealed to by all combatants to give his 
 favor to their side. The battlefield grew in 
 honor as the chief school of the so-called 
 manly virtues. Women became possessed 
 of the spirit of war, and nursed their boys 
 at the breast of aggression and revenge, of 
 pride and pomp and glory, and took only 
 soldiers, if they could get them, as husbands 
 for their daughters. 
 
 As the war system 1 developed and made 
 all peoples its slaves, every discovery of 
 science, every invention adding to human 
 
 *" Charles Sumner, The True Grandeur of Nations 
 and The War* System of the Commonwealth of Nations, 
 Rev. Reuen Thomas, D. D., The War System, its His- 
 tory -, Tendency and Character in the Light of Civiliza- 
 tion and Religion. 
 
The Federation of the World 45 
 
 power, was immediately turned into an 
 instrument of conquest, of revenge, of de- 
 struction and death. Sovereigns and peo- 
 ples, in this emulation of brute force as 
 the instrument of passion, greed and vio- 
 lence, failing to find sufficient mercenary 
 or voluntary force to outdo their neigh- 
 bors, resorted to forced levies and con- 
 scriptions, and, to meet the ever-growing 
 demands for money, adopted the ruinous 
 and irrational expedient of war loans, and 
 took to mortgaging the future. Business 
 of every kind, home life, civic interests, 
 education, religion even, had to fall down 
 helpless at the feet of the war-god. Differ- 
 ences, small and great, between sovereigns 
 were submitted to the blind and senseless 
 arbitrament of the sword. Might became 
 right, and justice between peoples wandered 
 outcast and homeless. Honor and patriot- 
 ism — the former merely a euphemism for 
 excessive and irritable self-esteem personal 
 and national, the latter a blind worship of 
 self under the impersonal guise of country 
 ■ — became the criteria of duty. 
 
46 The Federation of the World 
 
 In all these ways the barbarous war sys- 
 tem has. grown and grown until it stands 
 to-day, in appalling magnitude, fortified 
 to heaven in the very heart of civilization. 
 There is no tyranny l of our time like that 
 which it exercises ; no blinding of con- 
 science and paralysis of will greater than 
 that which it produces. Year after year 
 the armies grow and the fleets expand. 
 Year after year the war debts rise and the 
 screw of taxation is turned mercilessly down 
 another thread. Science is incessantly tor- 
 tured in the hope of wringing from her some 
 new death-dealing instrument, which will 
 give one nation advantage over others. It 
 is a race of death, spurred on by fear and 
 envy, in which every nation seems deter- 
 mined to outstrip others even at the expense 
 of plunging headlong into the bottomless 
 pit of exhaustion and ruin. Over four 
 millions of soldiers under arms ; seventeen 
 
 1 Gladstone said, in a letter to a committee of the 
 Friends in Lancashire, April 16, 1889: "Militarism is 
 the most conspicuous tyrant of the age." 
 
\. 
 
 U hi i V E RS i 
 
 . J 
 
 c 
 
 The Federation of the World 47 
 
 or eighteen millions more trained in the last 
 tactics of death ; a conscriptive system hold- 
 ing all Europe in the grasp of its enslaving 
 hand, turning every able-bodied man into a 
 fighting machine, and effacing, for a portion 
 of every citizen's life, the last vestige of lib- 
 erty of conscience ; young men by millions 
 taken from home, from education, from 
 business, and passed through the harden- 
 ing, demoralizing influences of camp and 
 barracks, thus polluting at its very sources 
 the life of the next generation ; a thousand 
 war vessels prowling about the seas ; one 
 third of the annual revenues spent on pre- 
 parations for war, and another third on wars 1 
 already fought ; national debts grown to 
 frightful proportions (thirty thousand mil- 
 lions of dollars in the aggregate), and still 
 growing ; new implements of death — maga- 
 zine guns, rapid-fire guns, dynamite guns — 
 daily turned out, new warships launched, 
 new fortifications erected and manned ; the 
 nations in perpetual jealousy, hatred and 
 fear, bound hand and foot by suspicion, un- 
 
 c/ 
 
48 The Federation of the World 
 
 able to unite in the simplest deeds of right 
 /and justice, — such is the amazing phenom- 
 / enon presented by so-called Christendom 
 \ to-day I 1 Talk of federation, under these 
 circumstances, would seem, at first thought, 
 to be fitting only for an asylum for the hope- 
 lessly insane. 
 
 The wax system has so far resisted every 
 effort to check its growth. In fact, no di- 
 rect effort to check it has ever been made 
 x ^ until recently, and almost none by the gov- 
 ernments themselves. On the contrary, 
 they have zealously and systematically pro- 
 moted it, and the people have remained so 
 blinded by its terrible magnificence, and so 
 bewildered by its antiquity and supposed 
 necessity, that they have weakly and fawn- 
 ingly thrown themselves under its Jugger- 
 naut wheels and allowed themselves to be 
 crushed by millions. Of late years, the 
 
 1 The annual editions of the Statesman's Year-Book, 
 Hazell's Annual and Mulhall's Dictionary of Statistics 
 may be consulted for the figures of the growth of mili- 
 tarism in recent years. 
 
The Federation of the World 49 
 
 heads of the governments, at Christmas 
 time, have indulged in pious effusions about 
 peace, but at the same time they have care- 
 fully filled their powder magazines a little 
 fuller, recommended the construction of 
 new battleships, and added new regiments 
 to their armies. The war system is steadily J 
 spreading its baleful influences throughout 
 the world. 1 The nations of the Orient, just--' 
 emerging from their former errors and su- 
 perstitions, are, under the influence of the 
 Western nations, turning their thought and 
 their revenues to the creation of armies 
 and fleets rather than to the development 
 of the arts of civil life. This is particu- 
 larly true of Japan, the progressive nation^ 
 of the East, which, since the close of her \ 
 war with China, has surprised and fright- 1 
 ened the Western nations by the magnitude / 
 and rapidity of her naval extension. Our 
 own country, abandoning its historic policy, 
 
 1 In his recently published book, The Wonderful 
 Centuryt chap, xix., Alfred Russel Wallace character- 
 izes militarism as " the curse of civilization." 
 
jo The Federation of the World 
 
 is now in the full tide of naval construc- 
 tion, in time of peace, and is beginning, only 
 half consciously as yet, but none the less 
 really, to vie with the nations of Europe 
 for naval supremacy. 
 
 There are people enough who think 
 that this emulous expansion of militarism 
 is all wrong; private citizens and public 
 men enough who deplore the existence of 
 "bloated armaments " and the crushing 
 burden of war taxes ; friends of peace 
 enough in all countries who condemn as 
 iniquitous the whole system in general; 
 governments enough which upbraid all 
 other governments for going forward a 
 single step in the mad race toward what 
 all see will be irretrievable ruin. But here 
 the protest, for the most part, stops. All 
 is wrong in general, but everybody in par- 
 ticular is right — in his own eyes. There 
 is scarcely a man to say that his country 
 ought at once to withdraw from the wicked 
 rivalry. There are probably not a hundred 
 \S influential men in the United States who 
 
The Federation of the World 51 
 
 will declare unequivocally that our own x 
 country ought not to build another war- 
 ship; that to continue the building up ov 
 our navy is both perilous and unworthy 
 of our national character. There are few 
 public men at Washington, so far as I 
 know, who will dare to say this, or even 
 venture to think it In the House of Com- 
 mons in 1896, where three years before 
 a unanimous vote in favor of arbitration 
 had been given, 1 the friends of military 
 retrenchment were able to muster barely 
 thirty votes against an increase in the 
 naval budget, and their effort found little 
 apparent sympathy in the nation at large. 
 On the European continent, except possi- 
 bly in Italy, any public man in one of the 
 great powers would be instantly and almost 
 universally declared a traitor, who dared to 
 hint that his country should stop trying to 
 
 1 The Cremer resolution, favoring a treaty of arbitra- 
 tion with the United States, was passed by the House 
 of Commons, without a division, on the 16th of June, 
 1893- 
 
52 The Federation of the World 
 
 keep pace with other countries in military 
 extension and begin single-handed the work 
 of disarmament. The plea of necessity — 
 the sinner's favorite plea — is everywhere 
 made : Others do so ; therefore we must do 
 so until they do otherwise. So the bar- 
 barous system continues its tyrannous hold 
 upon the nations. The cup of its iniquity 
 is not yet full, it seems. 
 
 How is this gigantic, growing evil to be 
 arrested and gotten out of the way ? Fed- 
 eration and peace cannot make much visi- 
 ble progress while the governments, with 
 the consent and encouragement of the peo- 
 ple, make it their chief business to cultivate 
 the arts of estrangement and war. The 
 largest and most serious question which 
 can be asked to-day is, How much farther 
 is the militarism of the civilized world to 
 go ? Is the United States so to fall under 
 its dominion as to build up a great fleet of 
 five hundred war vessels, make all its sea- 
 board cities like mediaeval castles, and mili- 
 tarize its people by a system of forced 
 
The Federation of the World 53 
 
 instruction in the tactics of war ? Are 
 China and Japan to climb to the war-l^vel 
 — perhaps it would be more true to say 
 descend to the war-level — of England, 
 France, Germany and Russia ? Are the 
 nations of South and of Central America, 
 and those just beginning to bud on the 
 Dark Continent, to follow in the same path, 
 until the "armed camp" of Europe be- 
 comes, fifty years hence, the armed camp 
 of the world ? 
 
 There is no end to the questions to 
 which the dreadful situation gives rise. Is 
 all this militarism to continue developing 
 until the nations become so virtuous as all 
 at once to join in simultaneous and com- 
 plete or gradual disarmament ? Or until 
 the tension becomes so great as to result 
 in a frightful cataclysm which will over- 
 whelm the world? Or until the financial 
 burden grows so heavy as to force the gov- 
 ernments to stop from sheer exhaustion, or 
 the people to rise up in revolt against the 
 crushing slavery and demand a new order 
 
54 The Federation of the World 
 
 of administration ? Is disarmament, com- 
 mencing, nobody knows how, as the result 
 of the gradual prevalence of pacific methods 
 of settling international disputes, to come 
 about by a process of gradual decay ? Or 
 is some_nation, under the inspiration of 
 great Christian ideas, aroused by some 
 grand God -sent man or men, or pushed 
 forward by a deep spirit of right moving 
 in its masses, to take the initiative, begin 
 disarmament alone, throwing itself for pro- 
 tection on God and the manhood of the 
 world, and thus on the high ground of love 
 and duty lead the nations to "beat their 
 swords into ploughshares and their spears 
 into pruning-hooks " ? 
 
 All these are serious questions. No 
 thoughtful mind can face the dreadful re- 
 ality of the growing tyranny of militarism, 
 as it now exists, without asking some or all 
 of them. Which of them, how many of 
 them, shall be answered in the affirmative ? 
 Perhaps we shall be better able, so far as 
 able at all, to choose among them and find 
 
The Federation of the World 55 
 
 answers which shall have at least a working 
 value, after we have examined the origin 
 and growth of the international peace move- 
 
 ment, — a movement which has already be- 
 come so strong as to put the jvar syst em/ 
 consi derably on the defensi ve, which betoJ 
 kens its ultimate if not speedy overthrow 
 and the final enthronement in the world of 
 universal and permanent cooperation and 
 peace. 
 
 Note. The situation in respect to the growth of ar- 
 maments has remained to the present time (1907) much 
 as it was when this chapter was first published, eight 
 years ago. Naval development particularly has gone on 
 with even accelerated speed. The naval expenses of 
 both the United States and Great Britain have more 
 than doubled in that time. Germany, France, and Japan 
 have been only a little behind. But there has ^ recently 
 appeared, among public men in several countries, a re- 
 markable change of attitude on the subject of armaments, 
 the nature and extent of which will be set forth in the 
 final chapter of this book. 
 
 9 
 
The Influence of Christianity in restoring the 
 Federative Principle 
 
 j|HE whole movement for the aboli- 
 tion of war, for the establishment 
 of peaceful relations between men, 
 and for the ultimate federation of all the 
 interests of human society, began with the 
 \y appearance of Christianity. The movement 
 has, of course, a natural basis in the con- 
 stitution of humanity, as heretofore stated. 
 There are many natural forces at work in 
 it, and these are becoming more powerful 
 every year ; but their activity and efficiency 
 are due, for the most part, to the quicken- 
 ing and liberating influence which Chris- 
 tianity has had upon them. Prior to the 
 advent of Christ the elements of division 
 and disintegration, heretofore described, 
 rendered the natural peace forces nearly 
 
The Federation of the World 57 
 
 powerless, and outside of the circle of his 
 influence they still hold practically undis- 
 puted mastery. Whatever gains were made 
 at particular times and places in the way 
 of concord were soon lost in the general 
 chaos of greed, hate, violence and disorder. 
 The influence of Christianity in setting 
 free the peace forces of human nature 
 and human society, and starting them into 
 activity, has been slow and not very uni- 
 form ; but it has been incessant and sure, 
 and some of the first ripe fruit of it is just 
 now being gathered. 
 
 This influence has been exerted through 
 a Person, a Book and a Society. The 
 Founder of Christianity was a perfect peac 
 maker. He was not directly an anti-war 
 prince. He said and did little directly 
 about the practice of war as it existed 
 everywhere about him. He seems to have 
 ignored it. His work was positive and con- 
 structive. He was the Prince of Peace, 
 unarmed and incapable of bearing the arms 
 of worldly warfare. All the forces which 
 
58 The Federation of the World 
 
 make for peace were always active in him ; 
 those which produce war found no place in 
 his being. His speech and conduct reveal 
 no traces of them. The sword which he 
 came to send * was the sword of truth and 
 love, which was to be drawn against all the 
 institutions of selfish hate, in the family, in 
 the state and in the world. The strife that 
 he set going was that in which men con- 
 quer by patient loyalty to truth and by 
 cheerfully allowing themselves to be killed 
 for its sake ; not that in which men draw 
 the steel blade of violence to spill each 
 other's blood. 
 
 Jesus Christ loved men. That was his 
 life, his supreme motive, his only passion. 
 He went about doing them good, in spirit 
 and in body. There was nothing he would 
 not do to help men ; but he never did harm 
 to any one. He lifted not a finger of vio- 
 lence in self-defense or in defense of others. 
 It is impossible to conceive of him as hav- 
 mg armed himself against his fellow-men 
 1 Matthew x. 34. Compare Luke xii. 49 ff. 
 
The Federation of the World 59 
 
 for any purpose whatever, or to have smit- 
 ten one in the interests of another. If he 
 used Wee at all, it stopped short of being 
 hurtful. 1 Fearless, faithful to truth, un- 
 masking unreality, but tender, patient, for- 
 giving, harmless, loving and helpful even 
 
 1 Dr. Lyman Abbott, in Christianity and Social Pro- 
 blems, chap, ix., adduces Christ's example in the purifica- 
 tion of the temple, and in the garden when the soldiers 
 of the guard fell backward to the ground, as a proof 
 that Jesus approved of the deadly use of force in the 
 defense of others. At least, that appears to be his con- 
 clusion, though he does not say it in so many words. 
 It is difficult to see how the power which Jesus exercised 
 on those two occasions is to be classed as physical force, 
 as we use the term. It was certainly not the whip of 
 small (straw) cords which induced any one to leave 
 the temple. If an argument for the use of force in a 
 punitive way is to be based on these incidents, then 
 Christ's restraint in its employment on both occasions 
 would certainly go to show that he meant that its use 
 should always stop short of being deadly or really harm- 
 ful. If " love may use force," as Dr. Abbott contends, 
 it must use it in such a way as to manifest itself as 
 " love " towards both the parties with whom it is deal- 
 ing, and not towards one alone. The whip of small 
 cords, according to recent translations, was used only to 
 drive out the animals. 
 
60 The Federation of the World 
 
 unto death, he gave himself in total sacri- 
 fice, seeking nothing in return, that he 
 might create in men a spirit like his own, 
 and thus unite them to God, and to one 
 another in a kingdom of love and mutual 
 beneficence. This great loving, peace-mak- 
 ing Person, through the record left of him, 
 has been speaking and acting in all the 
 generations since, as no other person has 
 done, as all other persons combined have 
 not done. Thought and speech for nineteen 
 centuries have been unable to get away 
 from him ; they are less able to get away 
 from him to-day than ever before. His 
 character and example, wherever known, 
 have appealed powerfully to men's spirits 
 and tended to create, and actually created 
 in greater or less degree, lives and disposi- 
 tions like his own. Who can estimate the 
 cumulative power of such a personality on 
 individuals, on society, on institutions ? 
 
 As with the Person, so with the Book. 
 The New Testament 1 is the Book of 
 
 1 The New Testament, not the Bible as a whole, is 
 
The Federation of the World 61 
 
 Peace. It says little about war as an insti- 
 tution. But the spirit of selfishness, envy, 
 hate, retaliation and vengeance, out of 
 which war springs, is everywhere repro- 
 bated on its pages. It exalts love to the 
 supremest place among the virtues. It 
 makes goodwill the heart of righteousness. 
 Its great thesis is the Fatherhood and love 
 of God manifested in a practical way in 
 Jesus Christ. Love to God and love to 
 man, self-sacrifice for others, forgiveness of 
 injuries, non-resistance of evil with evil, 
 overcoming evil with good, brotherly fel- 
 lowship and peace, are the foremost of its 
 practical teachings. On these it always in- 
 sists ; the opposites of these it always con- 
 demns. The New Testament is to-day, un- 
 important particulars aside, the same book 
 as when in collected form it was first read 
 to the churches in the second and third 
 
 the final standard as to Christian teaching on this sub- 
 ject. Those who appeal to the Old Testament to sup- 
 port war abandon Christian grounds. See Matthew v. 
 38 ff. 
 
62 The Federation of the World 
 
 centuries. It has been the same in every 
 period of Christian history. Men have 
 turned its God and Saviour into curious 
 likenesses of themselves, misinterpreted its 
 doctrines, made strange travesties of its 
 practical teachings, or omitted entirely the 
 most essential of them. But in spite of 
 these perversions and misinterptetations, 
 its pages of love, goodwill and peace, ever 
 the same, read and re-read century after 
 century, have spoken in their natural sim- 
 plicity direct to multitudes of hearts. It 
 has been better than the best of its inter- 
 preters, and good in spite of the worst. It 
 has thus gradually turned men's ideas into 
 new lines, and given the world an increas- 
 ingly clear conception of the true law of 
 individual and social life, of the true rela- 
 tions of the societies of men, as well as of 
 individuals, one to another. 
 
 These great principles of goodwill, mu- 
 tual service and peace, taught by Christ, 
 transmitted in the New Testament, and 
 operating, now strongly, now feebly, in 
 
The Federation of the World 6) 
 
 the society which he formed, have gradu- 
 ally permeated the life of peoples and 
 nations, and transformed their habits of 
 thought, their morals, customs, laws and 
 political institutions. 1 The GhristiaaJiQci- 
 ety, speaking of it in the large, though 
 often far from ideal, and frequently in parts 
 of it Christian in almost nothing but name, 
 has been instrumental in working out the 
 conditions of universal and lasting federa- 
 tion and peace chiefly through the new and 
 profounder idea, and the better example, of 
 kinship which it has presented. The kin- 
 ship lying at the basis of Christian civiliza- 
 tion, as its creative principle, is not the 
 kinship of the family , under earthly parent- 
 hood, but the kinship of man, in the Father- 
 hood of God. 2 The kinship of the family, 
 unless regenerated and directed by some- 
 thing beyond itself, tends naturally to ex- 
 clusiveness, clannishness and social divi- 
 sion. At best, the range of its cultivation of 
 
 1 Charles Loring Brace, Gesta Christi. 
 
 2 Benjamin Kidd, Social Evolution, chap. vii. 
 
64 The Federation of the World 
 
 the social affections is narrow. The kin- 
 ship of man in the Fatherhood of God, 
 when truly realized, tends naturally to uni- 
 versal fellowship, to social union, and thus 
 to liberty and equal rights. It recognizes 
 /"""ho distinction of highborn and lowborn. It 
 declares every man the brother of evefry 
 other man. It ignores all lines of descent 
 and all boundaries of nationality. It drives 
 out hate and strips off the weapons with 
 which selfishness had armed itself. It puts 
 on a whole armor of goodwill and loving 
 service. 
 
 This great Christian principle of the 
 \Zaivine kinship of men has gone with, or 
 rather carried, th^jChristi an Socie ty into 
 all the world, across all national boundaries, 
 over all the barriers created by caste. It 
 has worked slowly and irregularly, it is 
 true, and against great obstacles from within 
 the Society and from without, but its influ- 
 ence on the whole has been enormous. It 
 has caused multitudes of men in every age 
 since the time of Christ to live together in 
 
The Federation of the World 65 
 
 mutual helpfulness and peace, and often to 
 settle their disputes, if any arose, by refer- 
 ring them to the impartial judgment of 
 their friends. 1 It has created a new sense 
 of human worth and human dignity. It 
 has undermined tyranny and slavery, not 
 wholly yet, but in a very marked degree. 
 It has developed democracy in government. 
 It has set free the impulses to travel and 
 to trade, and thus created the world-wide 
 commercial interchanges of our day, — a sys- 
 tem as absolutely dependent on brotherly 
 cooperation and trust, for its normal growth 
 and development, as religion itself. It has 
 changed the whole notion of nationality 
 from its former meaning of an enforced 
 union under kingly authority, and has re- 
 built it, or is fast rebuilding it, upon the 
 principles of mutual interest and the con- 
 sent of the governed. It has led gradu- V 
 ally to the general substitution of law for 1 ^/ 
 violence in the adjustment of personal \ 
 misunderstandings within national limits. 
 
 1 Gesta Christi, chaps, viii., xii., xiii., xiv., xxvii. / 
 
66 The Federation of the World 
 
 It has created a system of international 
 law, and is slowly improving it. Liberty, 
 equality, fraternity, whose names the 
 French revolutionists wrote with such ter- 
 rible emphasis on the facades of all the 
 public buildings of Paris, are great concep- 
 tions, — Christian, human. But fraternity 
 is first, not last. Brotherhood is the ground 
 u^principle of all our Christian civilization. 
 Without the sense of brotherhood love 
 would be impossible, and without this, ex- 
 pressing itself in manifold practical forms, 
 the whole structure of our modern social 
 organism, weak enough as it is, would col- 
 lapse into the ancient discord, and war, 
 which is the outward expression of selfish- 
 ess and hate, would be eternal. 
 It is needless to say that this principle 
 of the divine kinship of men, set forth and 
 exemplified by Christ, taught with such di- 
 rectness and force in the New Testament, 
 and operative with growing power, through 
 the Christian Society, in the reconstruction 
 of all human institutions, is t he root fro™ 
 
The Federation of the World 6y 
 
 wjiich Jias JU^ungL the-jnodern peace, move-— 
 merits-— the movement for the abolition oK 
 war, and for the federation and friendly ) 
 cooperation of all the nations of the earth./ 
 
VI 
 
 War Ethically Wrong 
 
 HE movement for the abolition of 
 war, as a distinctive phase of 
 humane reform, has two main 
 grounds. One of these is the conception 
 that war per se is always ethically wrong ; 
 the other, that it is anti-federative, or anti- 
 social, and therefore opposed to all the 
 great interests of human society. Accord- 
 ing to the first of these conceptions, war is 
 condemned because it violates not only the 
 great law of love set forth by the Founder 
 of Christianity, but as well every principle 
 of the moral law; because it settles no 
 question on the basis of right ; because it 
 is a system having no element of humanity 
 in it ; because it originates in and is sup- 
 ported by selfishness, hate and revenge ; 
 because its deeds are always wicked and 
 
The Federation of the World 69 
 
 inhuman ; because it calls out all the baser 
 passions, is prolific of vice and crime and 
 produces general social demoralization. 
 From this point of view, war is held always 
 to be unlawful as a means either of pro- 
 moting good or of defense against evil, a 
 wicked and inhuman instrument, which no 
 group of enlightened human beings can 
 ever innocently use against another. This 
 view does not maintain that no good result 
 tias ever come from any war ; it does main- 
 tain that a good end does not justify the 
 use of an essentially evil means, even 
 though the desired end may be reached 
 thereby, but that the result should be 
 brought about by a different means. The 
 view likewise does not maintain that war 
 has never been relatively right for some 
 peoples in some ages of the world ; it does 
 maintain that, in the nature of things, from 
 the constitution of men and their relations 
 to God and to one another, it is funda- 
 mentally and everlastingly wrong, and that 
 those who have come to a knowledge of its 
 
fo The Federation of the World 
 
 intrinsic character can never have anything 
 to do with it, and are under the supremest 
 obligation not only to abstain from all war 
 themselves, but to do all in their power to 
 bring others to see it in the same light 2nd 
 
 , treat it in the same way. 1 
 
 s^ Historically, the peace movement, in its 
 modern organized form, originated in this 
 
 I conception. The conception is as old as 
 Christianity, and operated in the general 
 work of Christianization long before any 
 distinctive peace movement was thought 
 of. No sooner had Christian men looked 
 at the system of war from the standpoint 
 of the character, example and teachings of 
 Jesus and of the whole spirit of the gospel, 
 
 1 For an exposition of this view, consult the Essays on 
 Morality ', by Jonathan Dymond ; the Manual of Peace, 
 by Thomas C. Upham ; The Early Christians and War, 
 by Thomas Clarkson ; Observations on the Distinguish- 
 ing Views and Practices of the Friends (chap, xii.), by 
 J. J. Gurney ; the Speeches and Addresses of John 
 Bright; Defensive War, by Henry Richard. Consult 
 also the writings of Count Leo Tolstoy, who is the 
 most distinguished living advocate of the principle of 
 the entire unlawfulness of war. 
 
The Federation of the World 7/ 
 
 than the utter incompatibility of the two at 
 once dawned on them. This was the con- 
 ception and practice of the early Christians, 
 as a whole, for more than a hundred years. 1 
 It was the conception of many of the lead- 
 ing exponents of Christianity during the 
 second and third centuries, before the great 
 apostasy set heavily in. Later, it was the 
 conception of Wyclif, 2 the first light of the 
 Reformation and of a restored primitive 
 Christianity. It was the conception, in the 
 seventeenth century, of George Fox 3 and 
 William Penn, in whom and in the society 
 formed by whom the Reformation found 
 for a brief period its fullest ideal expres- 
 sion. 
 
 When the peace movement entered upon 
 its organized existence in the early part of 
 last century, as a definite effort to do away 
 with war, this conception lay at the bottom 
 
 1 J. Bevan Braithwaite, The Early Christians and 
 War, in London Peace Congress Report. 
 
 2 Robert Vaughan, Life of Wyclif vol. ii. chap. vii. 
 8 Journal, in various passages. 
 
J2 The Federation of the World 
 
 of the undertaking. 1 The early peace 
 societies organized in this country from 
 1815 to 1828 were founded, every one of 
 them, by men whose minds and consciences 
 had gone to the bottom of the iniquity of 
 war and discarded it in every shape. 2 The 
 London Peace Society, founded in 18 16, 
 had the same basis. For fifty years the 
 chief supporters of the propaganda were, 
 not wholly but mostly, " peace-at-any-price " 
 men, as they have been contemptuously 
 but falsely called. William Allen, Thomas 
 Clarkson, Jonathan Dymond, Joseph John 
 Gurney, Richard Cobden, Joseph Sturge, 
 John Bright, Henry Richard, and their 
 faithful co-workers in Parliament and out 
 of it; Noah Worcester, whose "Solemn 
 Review " aroused the churches of two na- 
 tions ; William Ladd, the matchless Apostle 
 
 1 David L. Dodge, The Mediator's Kingdom not of 
 This World. Noah Worcester, Solemn Review. 
 
 2 For an account of the organization of the first peace 
 societies, see papers by Dr. W. Evans Darby, W. C. 
 Braithwaite, Esq., and Benjamin F. Trueblood, in the 
 Report of the Chicago Peace Congress of 1893. 
 
The Federation of the World 73 
 
 of Peace and first general organizer of the 
 work, 1 whose treatise on " A Congress and 
 Court of Nations," sixty years ago, left little 
 to be said on the subject ; Adin Ballou, 2 
 the distinguished founder of this lecture- 
 ship, for many years president of the New 
 England Non-Resistant Society; Thomas 
 C. Upham, 3 William Lloyd Garrison, 4 John 
 G. Whittier, 5 Elihu Burritt, 6 — all these 
 were men who believed war to be essen- 
 tially sinful and never justifiable, a vast 
 system of iniquity to be dug up by the 
 roots and cast out of human society. These 
 were the great prophets to whom the word 
 of the Lord came in the wilderness, whose 
 inspired utterances aroused the sleeping 
 conscience of the world. Others, of course, 
 
 1 See Memoir of William Ladd, the Apostle of Peace, 
 by John Hemmenway. 
 
 2 Consult the Autobiography of Adin Ballou, edited 
 by William S. Heywood. 
 
 8 The Manual of Peace. 
 
 * Consult the Life of Garrison, by his Sons. 
 
 6 See various poems on Peace and Disarmament. 
 
 6 Life and Labors of Elihu Burritt. 
 
J4 The Federation of the World 
 
 who did not take this radical view, for 
 example, Dr. Charming, 1 Charles Sumner, 2 
 Judge William Jay, 3 Dr. Peabody, 4 became 
 hearty supporters of the cause and did it 
 service of a very high order. But they did 
 not originate it. The men who brought 
 the movement forth, who organized the 
 first societies, and afterwards the first in- 
 ternational congresses, 5 who furnished the 
 means, who cherished the cause through 
 vituperation and ridicule into the respect 
 which it has at last won, were peace-at-any- 
 price men, or rather, as they should always 
 be called, peace-on-principle men. The 
 movement would not have started when it 
 did, and not even yet possibly, but for the 
 undimmed consciences, the courage and 
 
 1 For Channing's views, see essays on War, in his 
 collected works. 
 
 2 The True Grandeur of Nations. 
 8 Review of the War with Mexico. 
 
 4 Address before the American Peace Society. 
 
 6 See Report of the Peace Congresses of Brussels, 
 Paris, Frankfort, London and Edinburgh, 1848-1853, 
 published in one volume, by the London Peace Society. 
 
The Federation of the World 75 
 
 self-sacrificing devotion, of these princes of 
 peace. 
 
 Not much is heard nowadays of this class 
 of peace men, except in the way of apology 
 or derogation. I have recently heard it 
 asserted at an important peace conference 
 that the genus is about extinct ; that the \ 
 position has been found to be untenable J 
 and has been abandoned. Many of those^ 
 who are seeking earnestly to promote the 
 principle and practice of arbitration are'i 
 careful to say that they are not peace-at-/ 
 any-price men. They even go out of their 
 way to say a good word for war under 
 certain exigencies. Their consciences are! 
 nearer to the radical peace view than they I 
 are willing to admit, but they feel bound! 
 to keep up a sort of consistency with their 
 past, with the fighting idea of " patriotism " 
 and of "honor," and with an old historic 
 notion about war, from which they are not 
 quite strong enough and brave enough to 
 break away. 
 
 My firm and mature conviction, formed 
 
76 The Federation of the World 
 
 •■ on religious, moral and historic grounds, is 
 that this conception of the entire unlawful- 
 ness of war, which has been held by so 
 many Christian leaders in the past and 
 which created the peace movement, is in 
 no remote future inevitably to become uni- 
 versal among good men.. Its adherents are 
 not decreasing. They are more numerous 
 throughout Christendom to-day than ever 
 before. Witness the hundred thousand 
 Stundists in Russia, many of whom sympa- 
 thize strongly with the opinions of Count 
 Tolstoy; the twenty thousand Doukho- 
 bortsi 1 in the Russian Caucasus ; the thirty 
 thousand Nazarenes in southern Hungary ; 
 the Friends, Mennonites and Moravians, 
 who still, in many parts of the world, 
 maintain their ancient profession; the in- 
 creasing number of individuals in all the 
 
 1 The Doukhobortsi, for their refusal to bear arms, 
 have recently been subjected to persecutions worthy 
 of the most barbarous times. Christian Martyrdom in 
 Russia, recently published by the Brotherhood Publish- 
 ing Co., Paternoster Square, London, contains an ao 
 count of their persecutions and exile. 
 
The Federation of the World 77 
 
 denominations who will no longer make 
 any apology for war ; the many individuals 
 in continental Europe who refuse to do 
 military service of any kind. 1 
 
 It is true, war is not attacked on this 
 ground so exclusively as formerly. The 
 crusade against it has become so wide- 
 spread and powerful, and is pushed for- 
 ward on so many strong grounds, — rational, y\ 
 humanitarian, social, economic, — that if/ 
 seems unnecessary to put this fundamental 
 ethical view forward so constantly as f or- ■ V ^ 
 merly. Most of those who hold it, and are 
 ready to defend it on all proper occasions, 
 are only too glad to join with other true 
 
 1 Van der Ver, of Holland, whose recent heroic re- 
 fusal to do military service Tolstoy has preserved for all 
 time, is only one of an increasing body of young men 
 in Europe whose example would be much more con- / 
 tagious than it is if their conduct were not so carefully 
 kept by the authorities from the knowledge of the pub- 
 lic. One of the leading lawyers of Brussels, a Belgian 
 senator, told the writer in 1894 that what is needed 
 more than anything else in Europe to-day, to break 
 down the tyranny of militarism, is a large body of men 
 who will refuse to do military service of any kind. 
 
j8 The Federation of the World 
 
 friends of the cause, on common grounds, 
 and to cooperate with them intfie practical 
 effort now being made to establish perma- 
 nent peaceful methods of settling all dis- 
 putes. War will be abolished on these com- 
 mon grounds rather than on the perfect 
 ethical one, except so far as that mingles 
 with the others and gives them vitality and 
 persistence, as it does and always will do ; 
 just as the radical, immediate emancipation 
 principle was always the backbone of the 
 anti-slavery movement. But when the hor- 
 rible system of human butchery shall have 
 been abolished, then all good men will be 
 "peace-at-any-price" men, just as all good 
 men are now anti-slavery men ; and they 
 will wonder then that any man of con- 
 science could ever have been anything else. 
 As Victor Hugo prophesied at the open- 
 ing of the peace congress at Paris, in 1849, 
 people will then look upon a cannon in a 
 museum as we now look upon an instru- 
 ment of torture, with amazement that such 
 a thing could ever have been. The "peace- 
 
The Federation of the World 79 
 
 at-any-price" men will then have their com- 
 plete vindication at the bar of a thoroughly 
 christianized and enlightened public con- 
 science. The principle out of which their 
 opposition to war springs is the seed-prin- 
 ciple of the whole federative movement of 
 human society, and no one can understand 
 the spirit and history of this movement 
 who does not take into account the place 
 which these men have held in it. Some of 
 the radical advocates of peace hold that no 
 effective opposition to war can be made by 
 those who do not hold and practice this 
 principle. In this, it seems to me, they 
 are mistaken, as the discussion will pre- 
 sently show. 
 
VII 
 
 War Anti-Federative 
 
 HE other leading ground on which 
 the crusade against war is carried 
 on is that it is anti - federative. 
 War is now seen by all sensible men to be 
 a huge load on the constructive forces of 
 society, an immeasurable obstacle to the 
 free play of the federative elements in hu- 
 man nature. It reduces national prosperity 
 to a minimum, not only by wasting men, 
 labor, money, material, intellectual activity, 
 sentiment and moral force at home, but 
 likewise by keeping peoples apart and pre- 
 venting the profitable interaction of those 
 federative forces, and the mutual use of 
 those special resources of different lands, 
 on which the moral development and com- 
 mon weal of the world so much depend. 
 Under the long action of Christianity and 
 
The Federation of the World 8r 
 
 of the natural forces which Christianity has 
 brought more and more into healthful ac- 
 tivity, the federative tendencies have be- 
 come powerfully operative in our modern 
 society, especially between individuals and 
 contiguous communities, but also between 
 nations. Witness the broad range of re- 
 ligious and philanthropic work, the reforma- 
 tory movements, the commercial and indus- 
 trial enterprises, in a word, the multitude of 
 humane as well as profit-seeking enterprises 
 of our day, which pay little regard to na- 
 tional boundaries. For this reason, war is 
 coming to be held intolerable, and the 
 spirit out of which it springs irrational and 
 utterly stupid. It not only wastes and 
 destroys the accumulations of the past ; it 
 checks and obstructs, and often almost en- 
 tirely paralyzes all federative, constructive 
 work, without which families and commu- 
 nities are so helpless in these days, from 
 almost every point of view. The peace 
 movement has therefore drawn into it, or 
 rather had forced into it, large numbers of 
 
82 The Federation of the World 
 
 men who are not yet ready to grant that 
 war as an instrument is always morally 
 /"unlawful. The great concern now is to get 
 \ rid of it in the speediest way, not to prove 
 I it in every case morally wrong. By most 
 thoughtful men, except a few whose brains 
 are still strangely streaked with protoplasm, 
 — men who prate about the glory of war, 
 its inculcation of the manly virtues, its ne- 
 cessity to prevent civilization from decay- 
 ing, — it is considered in all ordinary cases 
 sufficiently immoral and always dreadful 
 enough to enlist their heartiest sympathy 
 and cooperation in every feasible effort to 
 banish it from the world. 
 
 Some of our radical peace men hayej yon-_ 
 dered at the sudden influx of men of this 
 description — statesmen, jurists, scholars, 
 literary men, bankers, stock exchangers, 
 capitalists, workingmen, socialists, etc. — 
 into the ranks of the peace forces. They 
 have hastily inferred that the movement is 
 getting on to lower ground. But this is 
 only apparently so. The ground, though 
 
The Federation of the World 83 
 
 broader, is really the same, — the incompat- 
 ibility, that is, of war with the federative 
 nature of men, and therefore with all the 
 great interests of mankind. If war wrought 
 no damage to the moral and material wel- 
 fare of the . race, no opposition to it would 
 ever have been made. The protest of the 
 early peace men against war, as essentially 
 and always immoral, grew really out of the 
 positive conception that men and nations 
 are so constituted that they ought to love 
 one another; that this is the law of their 
 being; that mutual service and cooperation 
 are obligatory, because the different social 
 units and groups are naturally members 
 one of another, and cannot reach their pro- 
 per development, comfort and happiness in 
 any other way. 
 
 The protest would have been true, possi- 
 bly, if there existed no federative nature irk-^^ 
 men. Aggression and revenge, fighting and 
 mutual destruction, would be wrong if indi- 
 viduals and nations had absolutely no power 
 of mutual service. But the protest would 
 
84 The Federation of the World 
 
 never have been made, or even thought of, 
 or, if made, would have seemed shadowy 
 and irrelevant, but for the positive demand 
 in the constitution of humanity for good- 
 will, cooperation and solidarity. Made from 
 the standpoint of these principles, which 
 were urged with great force by the early 
 opponents of war, 1 the protest gradually 
 recommended itself as essentially sound, 
 and has had a powerful influence in awak- 
 ening the already stirring conscience of the 
 civilized world, not only to the cruelty and 
 inhumanity of war, but also to its absurdity 
 and entire needlessness. On the ground 
 of these federative principles and the de- 
 structive effect of war and war preparations 
 upon the solidarity of human interests, many 
 have joined the peace movement who have 
 not been able to follow the " peace-at-any- 
 price " men to the logical conclusion of the 
 principles. This is the explanation of the 
 sudden development which the movement 
 Wgainst war has recently shown throughout 
 
 1 Noah Worcester, The Friend of Peace, 181 5-1827. 
 
The Federation of the World 85 
 
 the civilized world. The movement is not 
 getting on to lower ground. It is on the 
 same ground, essentially, and is gradually 
 drawing into it all those in whom the Chris- 
 tian progress of the world has created a 
 sincere and often large love for human 
 good, for practical human brotherhood. 
 The movement is therefore immensely 
 stronger, because of the number of its ad- 
 herents, and the power which it thereby 
 possesses to secure practical results in legis- 
 lation, than it was when it had no friends 
 except the radical ones, who spent their 
 time largely in depicting the horrors and 
 revolting cruelties of the battlefield, and in 
 collating and expounding texts of the New 
 Testament to prove their one thesis, that 
 war, defensive as well as offensive, is always 
 unlawful. The federative tendencies and 
 beliefs of the larger number of men of 
 what are sometimes called half-and-half 
 principles, who have in recent years given 
 their support to peaceful methods of set- 
 tling disputes, have made possible the ex- 
 
\> 
 
 rv 
 
 y 
 
 86 The Federation of the World 
 
 cellent results which have been attained 
 'both in the field of international arbitra- 
 tion and in that of industrial arbitration. 
 All of the statesmen 1 who have done so 
 much the past century in securing the ad- 
 justment of international disputes by peace- 
 ful methods have been men who would not 
 have hesitated, under given circumstances, 
 to go to war. How much more might have 
 been done, if these men had all been radi- 
 cal peace men, it is useless to try to con- 
 jecture. But one thing is certain : without 
 their cordial belief in arbitration and the 
 spirit out of which it springs, nothing at all 
 would yet have been accomplished in a prac- 
 tical way. 
 
 I am not arguing that these men are 
 nearer right than the radical peace men, 
 but only that the movement has become 
 immensely stronger since so many of them 
 
 1 J a y> Jefferson, Pinkney, Webster, Grant, Gladstone, 
 Sumner, Fish, Schenck, Earl Grey, Sir S. H. North- 
 cote, Sir E. Thornton, Rose, Count Sclopis, Staempfli, 
 Blaine, Pauncefote, Gresham, Olney, Foster, and others. 
 
The Federation of the World 87 
 
 have interested themselves in it, and that 
 the ground of their support is, as far as it 
 goes, true peace ground. The old thesis I 
 believe to be profoundly right. Its constant 
 maintenance was absolutely necessary in 
 its time. Men's minds were so stupefied 
 by false ideas about the glory and the ne- 
 cessity of war that only the most intense 
 radicalism and realism of treatment could 
 arouse them. Only radical men would have 
 ventured into the halls of legislation, in the 
 early days, with memorials to urge the 
 claims of peaceful methods in composing 
 international troubles. The maintenance of 
 the thesis is still necessary as an essential 
 part, nay, rather, the very centre and core, 
 of the peace movement. There are times 
 when radical peace men are the only peace 
 men left, all others being carried away by 
 the spirit of war. In Russia, where this 
 thesis is maintained with so much vigor and 
 freshness by Tolstoy, supported by multi- 
 tudes of peasants throughout the empire, 
 the peace propaganda cannot yet take on 
 
88 The Federation of the World 
 
 any other form. The great count is toler- 
 ated only because it is known by the state 
 authorities that he will not take up arms, 
 and that he counsels others not to take up 
 arms, against the government. Thus he 
 and his followers are doing for Russia what 
 men of no other principles could do. It is 
 felt by a number of the friends of peace in 
 Europe that the yoke of European mil- 
 itarism can never be broken until there 
 arise in the midst of it a body of men who 
 will refuse, for conscience' sake, to do mili- 
 tary service in any form. 
 
 But, after all, the real strength of the 
 peace movement does not lie in the pro- 
 test against war and its desolations, cruel- 
 ties and horrors. It lies in the protest for 
 concord, and its utilities and glories. The 
 former is only a part of the latter. Men 
 can never be brought to see the wickedness 
 of violence until they see the true nature of 
 peace on its positive side, the moral gran- 
 deur of love, the individual and social worth 
 of cordial fellowship, the immense economic 
 
The Federation of the World 89 
 
 and happiness value of wide-reaching indus- 
 trial and commercial cooperation, the in- 
 calculable benefits, the dignity and honor- 
 ableness of international trust and concord. 
 Men who do not see these will, as a rule, S 
 never see anything wrong in war. When 
 they see these, you will not need to portray 
 to them the moral hideousness of war. 
 For war and war preparations are nothing 
 but the outward manifestation of the spirit 
 of exclusiveness, hate, greed and aggres- 
 sion on the part of nations. When this 
 spirit goes out of men, war and war prepa- 
 rations go out of them. So long as this 
 spirit remains, it is idle to talk of disarma- 
 ment. You can do something, especially 
 among thinking Christian men, to create 
 a new feeling about war by holding it up 
 to the shafts of a pitiless moral analysis, 
 but you can do much more among the 
 masses of men, to whom fine ethical con- 
 ceptions do not so much appeal, by show- 
 ing that war is the deadly enemy of all 
 those economic and social interchanges on 
 
go The Federation of the World 
 
 which the prosperity, the happiness and 
 the moral welfare of peoples of all lands 
 now so largely depend. This is the ground 
 on which much of the most effective peace 
 work is now being done. Still more can be 
 done by setting in movement, or by aiding 
 in developing, all sorts of healthy interna- 
 tional cooperation. 
 
/ 
 
 VIII 
 
 The New World Society 
 
 J|HE main ground of hope at the 
 present time for the speedy aboli- 
 tion of war is, not some theoretical 
 guess as to what the federative forces ought 
 to do or may do, but their actually existing | 
 results in the social, economic and political 
 structure of the world, constituting a world 
 society of very marked development. This 
 world society may be traced in many direc- 
 tions. Christian missions, in an organized 
 and permanent form unknown till the past 
 century, now have their growing centres of 
 religious and educational activity in every 
 quarter of the globe, 1 and Christ's doctrine 
 of the brotherhood of men in the Father- 
 
 1 F. Max Miiller, Lecture on Missions. Theodore 
 Christlieb, Protestant Foreign Missions. James S. Den- 
 nis, Christian Missions and Social Progress. 
 
g2 The Federation of the World 
 
 hood of God was never set forth with so 
 much simplicity, directness, freedom from 
 prejudice, and practical efficiency as in the 
 present generation. 
 
 Following these missions and in part cre- 
 ated by them, commerce has grown and 
 spread until it has become world-wide. It 
 has woven its network of intercourse, and 
 planted the homes of its merchants and car- 
 riers on the shores of all the continents and 
 of the important islands of the sea, and 
 pushed itself into the heart of the'most un- 
 known inlands. It has discovered new re- 
 sources, opened up new occupations, taught 
 workingmen to go from one end of the earth 
 to the other. It has created a great credit 
 system, which is fast uniting all the large 
 cities of the world and many smaller ones 
 together in a community of interest. 
 
 Labor has not only its national, but also 
 its international associations, which are 
 bringing the millions of laboring people in 
 many lands into ever closer union and sym- 
 pathy, and the working classes have already 
 

 s 
 
 The Federation of the World 93 
 
 learned that they have a higher mission than 
 to be the mere tools of capital or of selfish 
 and greedy monarchs. There is no federa- 
 tive force more powerful than that of labor, 
 and it is binding society together at the 
 very bottom. 
 
 International travel, not for religious and 
 commercial purposes only, but also for in- 
 tellectual, scientific and social purposes, 
 has been rendered swift and easy by the 
 inventions which have led to the formation 
 of the great steamship lines and the trans- 
 continental railways. The volume of travel 
 merely for sight-seeing and pleasure, for 
 rest and recuperation, has become so im- 
 mense that for three months in each year 
 it seems as if the whole civilized world were 
 in migration. 1 . 
 
 This internationalization of religion, of /\*r^ 
 business, of society, of science, etc., by ac- 
 
 1 During the recent war with Spain many of the , 
 steamship lines between the United States and Europe 
 found their business cut down nearly fifty per cent. 
 What this means in checking the natural flow of money 
 throughout the world is easily imagined. 
 
 ~ 
 
g4 The Federation of the World 
 
 quainting peoples with one another, is re- 
 moving many prejudices, and teaching men 
 the numerous ways in which those remotest 
 from one another may contribute to one 
 another's prosperity and happiness. The 
 telegraph, the cable and the associated 
 press have put all parts of this complex 
 world structure into almost instant contact 
 with one another, so that a disturbance in 
 one part is at once felt everywhere else. 
 This immense network of interests, all an- 
 tagonistic to war, is constantly being woven 
 thicker and firmer ; the result of it will be, 
 in the near future, that the world society, 
 purely in self-defense, will banish war from 
 its midst, as a necessary condition of the 
 permanence of the federation and union of 
 interests in which each unit finds its life 
 and well-being. Formerly, when the nations 
 traded little with each other, when their 
 citizens sojourned little abroad, when inter- 
 national communication was slow and dif- 
 ficult, 1 when property was in the hands of 
 1 It was several days before the knowledge of the 
 
The Federation of the World 95 
 
 a few lords, and the people were menials 
 and knew little of the real comforts and 
 blessings of life, two nations might fight 
 and desolate each other, for a series of years 
 even, and the rest of the nations feel it little 
 or care little about it, except from the mili- 
 tary standpoint of the rulers, who were glad 
 oftener than not, because of the opportunity 
 for exploits which the wars of neighboring 
 states opened to them. In our time, a war 
 between two nations is, in its effects at 
 least, a war everywhere. Every nation* s 
 industry and commerce are crippled ; every 
 nation's credit disturbed; every nation's 
 citizens imperiled ; every nation's happi- 
 ness and comfort interfered with. 
 
 In this complex state of international so- 
 ciety, and because of the awful destructive- 
 ness of modern implements of warfare, it is 
 inev itable th at there should soon be some 
 concert of the nations to reduce war, when 
 it occurs, to the briefest possible period, to 
 
 battle of Waterloo, in 1815, got across the Channel and 
 reached London. 
 
g6 The Federation of the World 
 
 the narrowest limits, and ultimately to pre- 
 vent it entirely. This concert is likely to 
 be for a time in part a c once rt offeree, 
 exerting itself in the neutralization 1 of small 
 countries, in the protection of commerce on 
 the high seas, and in preventing any nation 
 from breaking the peace. But the concert 
 of force, which from its very nature can be 
 participated in by only a few great powers, 
 contains in it so many elements of danger, 
 and is, from the very selfishness out of 
 which it springs, so liable to break down at 
 the critical moment, as it did in the case of 
 the recent Armenian massacres, that the 
 conscience of the world will not be satisfied 
 very long with such an arrangement. The 
 world society must have something of a 
 \^ higher order, a moral concert founded in 
 mutual beneficence and trust. The concert 
 of force, while it grows, and so long as it 
 lasts, is likely, too, to be limited to those 
 nations where militarism has come up from 
 
 1 T. K. Arnoldson, Pax Mundi, chapter on "Neu- 
 trality." 
 
The Federation of the World gy 
 
 the past, and will probably never be entered 
 into by a nation of the truly modern spirit 
 like the United States. At least, it is to 
 be hoped that it will not. The concert 
 which is to end war, which is even now 
 working itself out on a grand scale in the 
 movements of the world society, is to be one 
 of unarmed, trustful cooperation, — a force 
 more powerful to hold in check the demon 
 of violence than all the combined steel-clad 
 ships that ever furrowed the ocean. 1 
 
 The antagonism to war, produced by the 
 various causes just mentioned, is greatly {y^ 
 intensified by the enlarging sympathy be- 
 tween peoples created by the growth of 1 
 popular government the past century. Even ' 
 in Europe, where as yet there are only two 
 republics, constitutional government has 
 
 1 An example of the kind of concert here meant is 
 found in the Universal Postal Union. This union, 
 which originated no longer ago than in 1874, at its con- 
 gress at Washington in 1896 admitted into its member- 
 ship the last of the organized nations of the world, and 
 became literally universal, — the first universal, interna- 
 tional union ever formed 
 
g8 The Federation of the World 
 
 made such progress that most of the sov- 
 ereigns are no longer rulers except in name. 
 Democracy as naturally creates sympathy 
 and the spirit of cooperation between peo- 
 ples as absolutism in government is the 
 deadly foe of international friendship. \ It 
 may take a republic like France a good 
 while to throw off the effects of the abso- 
 lutism of the past. The full influence of 
 democracy in creating international sym- 
 pathy ought not to be expected to be seen 
 in a single generation or even in a single 
 century, after so many centuries of abso- 
 lutism have stamped their effects on the 
 character of all peoples. In the United 
 States, where absolutism has been unknown 
 since the founding of the nation, sympathy 
 with other peoples (this does not mean with 
 other governments) is very large and steadily 
 growing. In France the spirit of the peo- 
 ple is moving steadily into sympathy with 
 the people of other constitutional countries, 
 as the republic becomes more sure to main- 
 tain a permanent existence. The peoples 
 
The Federation of the World 99 
 
 of the South and Central American repub- 
 lics have even more sympathy one with an- 
 other across the borders than the citizens 
 of any one of these republics have with 
 their own fellow-citizens, civil wars beingj 
 more common among them than interna-' 
 tional wars. Though democracies now and I 
 then break out into war with great passion, 
 against other peoples, or rather against the 
 governments of other peoples, this must 
 not be taken as invalidating the position 
 that popular government is naturally con- 
 ducive to international friendship. These 
 fits of international violence are not charge- 
 able to democratic principles, nor do they 
 indicate that governments of the people 
 have no tendency to prevent international 
 ill feeling and strife. They only prove that 
 even the best political institutions cannot 
 suddenly remove in to to deep-seated preju- 
 dices, perverted habits of thought and long- 
 felt dislikes and animosities. That popular 
 governments naturally tend to create oppo- 
 sition to war is sufficiently clear from the 
 
 y 
 
wo The Federation of the World 
 
 fact that in those countries where the peo- 
 ple have most to do with political affairs, 
 there opposition to war is strongest and 
 most pronounced. 1 The notion of popular 
 government is a constituent element in the 
 new world society whose antagonism to war 
 iS growing to be so marked. It will be seen 
 later that the idea of the people governing 
 themselves has even a wider bearing than 
 that which appears in international sym- 
 pathy; that it is working out a veritable 
 world government which is some day to 
 embrace in its jurisdiction all the nations 
 of the earth, or humanity as a whole. 
 / In this connection one other thought de- 
 serves mention. It seems to me that the 
 sense of a common manhood, of a common 
 brotherhood, revealed through citizenship 
 which possesses the franchise, or seeking 
 to reveal itself through such citizenship, is 
 more the cause of the present widespread 
 opposition to war among organizations of 
 
 1 Andrew Carnegie, Triumphant Democracy> chap. 
 
The Federation of the World 101 
 
 laboring men than the mere desire not to j 
 have regular employment and steady living/ 
 wages interfered with, powerful as this lat-l 
 ter is as a motive. At any rate, the oppo- 
 sition to war on the part of democracies and 
 constitutional governments and the antag- 
 onism of the labor interests to militarism 
 move steadily and powerfully together. 1 
 
 1 For a careful discussion of the labor opposition to 
 war, see the speeches of Professor John B. Clark of 
 Columbia University, in the Mohonk Arbitration Con- 
 ference Reports for 1896-97-98. 
 
 Since 1899, when this book first appeared, the labor 
 organizations have taken a still stronger stand against 
 militarism and war. The forty labor members of the 
 recently elected British Parliament have taken the lead in 
 that body in urging Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman's gov- 
 ernment to take steps toward a reduction of armaments 
 and securing at the second Hague Conference interna- 
 tional agreement to this end. The American Federation 
 of Labor at its annual meeting, in 1906, adopted a series 
 of strong resolutions in support of world-organization 
 and peace. The same is true of the labor unions in 
 other countries. 
 
IX 
 
 
 The Growing Triumph of Arbitration 
 
 O one can understand the recent 
 sudden development of interest in 
 arbitration, not only in the United 
 States and Great Britain, but also in many 
 of the continental European countries, with- 
 out taking into account this complex, eco- 
 nomically sensitive and growingly humane 
 and Christian condition of our modern 
 world society. Arbitration has an inter- 
 esting history of a hundred years, during 
 which it has been successfully applied in 
 over two hundred important cases of diffi- 
 culty. 1 But it is not primarily its past 
 
 1 International Arbitrations •, John Bassett Moore. 
 The Arbitrations of the United States , same author. In- 
 ternational Arbitration at the Opening of the Twentieth 
 Century, B. F. Trueblood. International Tribunals, 
 W. E. Darby. 
 
The Federation of the World 103 
 
 success which has created the recent en- 
 larged interest in it. In fact, the new in- 
 terest in it has set many intelligent people 
 to work to hunt up its history, of which 
 they previously knew practically nothing. 
 What has created the fresh interest is the 
 absolute moral and material necessity of 
 arbitration both as a means of avoiding the 
 widespread ruin which war now produces, 
 and as an expression of the increased con- 
 scientiousness, reasonableness and forbear- 
 ance of men in regard to their differences \ 
 and their growing disposition to cooperate, j 
 wherever possible, for mutual benefit. It * 
 is the resistless logic of modern huma)i£__^ a 
 progress which has brought arbitration into y 
 such esteem. This method of composing 
 disputes is not merely a product, but an 
 integral part of the great federative move- 
 ment of our day, some of whose leading 
 features have been mentioned. Every part 
 of this movement has had essentially the 
 same causes, and every part has had a stim- 
 ulating and supporting effect upon every 
 other part. 
 
104 The Federation of the World 
 
 The treaty of arbitration between the 
 United States and Great Britain, signed at 
 Washington on the nth of January, 1897, 
 the first treaty of the kind ever signed be- 
 tween two nations, was scarcely more an 
 expression of the great change in public 
 sentiment as to peace and war than it was of 
 the radically new spirit then beginning to 
 actuate diplomacy. But for this new spirit 
 in diplomacy, which dates particularly from 
 the time of the Geneva Red Cross Con- 
 vention of 1864, 1 this treaty would have 
 been an impossibility. It is difficult to say 
 whether diplomacy had done more for the 
 promotion of public opinion in connection 
 with this treaty or the latter for the de- 
 velopment of the former. Anglo-American 
 diplomacy has been for a hundred years 
 more than abreast of Anglo-American pub- 
 lic sentiment on the subject of arbitration, 
 and the signing of this treaty in 1897 
 developed public sentiment on both sides 
 of the water in a most remarkable degree. 
 
 1 Encyclopedia Britannica^ " Geneva Convention." 
 
The Federation of the World 105 
 
 The peace societies themselves, which 
 have in recent years multiplied with such 
 rapidity, 1 right in the midst of European 
 bayonets even, and are devoting their atten- 
 tion largely to the promotion of arbitration 
 as a permanent method of settling inter- 
 national controversies, are the creation of 
 the same forces which brought arbitration 
 into existence. Twenty years before the 
 first peace society was organized, the Jay 
 treaty between Great Britain and this coun- 
 try had provided for the settlement of three 
 disputed questions by mixed commissions, 
 — a form of tribunal which afterward devel- 
 oped into the temporary arbitration court, 
 which has done so much in recent years 
 to preserve and promote the peace of the 
 civilized world. In 18 14, still a year before 
 the organization of any peace societies, the 
 treaty of Ghent provided for the settlement 
 
 1 There are now nearly five hundred peace associa- 
 tions, including branch societies, in European countries. 
 Most of these have been organized since the ParisJ?eaca 
 Congress of 1889. 
 
106 The Federation of the World 
 
 of three further disputes by mixed com- 
 missions. This fact does not in any way 
 
 ^lessen the merit of the peace associations. 
 Though they did not create the arbitration 
 movement, and are only one of the many 
 agencies which are developing it, yet they 
 
 \ were its first prophets, giving the necessity 
 
 [of it the first clear and positive utterance. 
 They have been its stanchest and steadi- 
 est friends. Up to a decade ago not a 
 single resolution favoring arbitration had 
 ever been introduced or voted on in any 
 parliament that was not there directly by 
 their agency. 
 
 Among the peace society agencies must 
 
 be included the International Peace Con- 
 
 v ... 
 
 gress, a permanent organization since 1889, 
 
 meeting annually in the different large 
 
 cities of the world ; the Interparliamentary 
 
 Peace Union, 1 a distinguished association 
 
 1 The Interparliamentary Peace Union was organized 
 at the time of the Paris Exposition in 1889, partly by 
 the same men who originated the International Peace 
 Congress. The union now has over two thousand 
 members. 
 
The Federation of the World wy 
 
 of members of parliaments, having over two 
 thousand on its roll ; the International Peace / 
 Bureau at Berne ; * and certain special con- 
 ferences, like that now held annually at 
 Lake Mohonk, N. Y., and the national con- 
 ferences on arbitration held at Washington 
 in 1896 and 1904. 
 
 But though very powerful and efficient, 
 and increasingly so as the number of the 
 associations increases from year to year, 
 the peace society agency has been only one 
 of the large group of agencies — religious, 
 juridic, political, diplomatic, social, commer- 
 cial, financial — which have, severally and 
 jointly, pushed arbitration to the front as 
 the only rational method of removing con- 
 troversies after direct negotiation has failed. 
 
 The merits and practicability of arbitra- 
 tion need no longer be pleaded. It has 
 already won its case at the bar of inter- 
 national public opinion. Beginning in a 
 tentative way with the United States and 
 
 1 The Peace Bureau was established by vote of the -O 
 Peace Congress at Rome in 1891. 
 
108 The Federation of the World 
 
 Great Britain a hundred years ago, it has 
 been applied with increasing frequency, in 
 recent years particularly, to disputes of 
 nearly every conceivable kind. The cases 
 which it has disposed of have ranged all 
 the way from those involving damages 
 claims of a few thousands of dollars to those 
 more serious controversies, touching terri- 
 torial limits and transgression against na- 
 tional rights, which have cut deeply the 
 national pride and sense of honor, and given 
 rise to hot and long-continued diplomatic 
 debate. Wherever it has been employed 
 it has succeeded. There is not a real ex- 
 ception to be noted. The cases which it 
 has settled have stayed settled. Not even 
 the ghost of such a case has ever arisen to 
 disturb anybody's tranquillity. It has been 
 tried by nearly all nations, great and small, 
 in the Old World and the New, the United 
 States and Great Britain leading, the former 
 with more than sixty cases and the latter 
 with about the same number. 1 
 1 Benjamin F. Trueblood, "The United States, 
 
The Federation of the World log 
 
 Arbitration has not yet wholly succeeded 
 in preventing wars, and may not for some 
 time yet, but its record, in the* hundred 
 years since it first came into use, is a most 
 remarkable one, and some day, when the 
 history of human progress begins to be 
 really written, this record will constitute a 
 very instructive chapter. The advantages 
 of this method of treating disputes are so 
 great and so apparent to all thoughtful peo- 
 ple that, having already been so success- 
 fully tried in such a variety of cases, it is 
 sure speedily to become more and more 
 general. Arbitration gives time for passion 
 to cool. It affords opportunity to hunt up 
 all the facts in a given case, an ignorance 
 or one-sided knowledge of which is often 
 the chief cause of irritation. It costs a 
 mere pittance compared with war. It car- 
 ries questions of right and justice to the 
 forum of reason, where only they can be 
 determined according to their merits. True 
 
 Great Britain and International Arbitration," in the / 
 New England Magazine, March, 1896. 
 
/ jo The Federation of the World 
 
 honor is always vindicated before its tribu- 
 nals. It leaves no bitter ranklings behind, 
 no broken families, no devasted lands, no 
 
 ^international feuds. It appeals to the better 
 instincts of peoples. It removes preju- 
 dices and misjudgments. It creates sym- 
 
 x^pathy and fellowship. Arbitration is not 
 simply a cool and heartless method of dis- 
 posing of difficulties ; in its deeper signifi- 
 cance it is a method of cooperation in pro- 
 moting the true interests of the nations in 
 their relations to one another. It not only 
 peacefully composes their differences ; it 
 trains them as well in moral judgment and 
 moral self-control. It makes their diplo- 
 macy more intelligent, more . patient, more 
 altruistic, and thus makes serious disputes 
 much less likely to arise. A great arbitra- 
 tion like that of the Alabama dispute or 
 W the Bering Sea seal question settles a 
 (whole group of international principles, and 
 \a thus permanently advances international 
 law. The Bering Sea case is a conspicuous 
 example of the tendency of arbitration to 
 
The Federation of the World m 
 
 produce peaceful cooperation for the re- 
 moval of troubles which not even an ar- 
 bitral court may be able to reach. For 
 these reasons arbitration, through the spirit 
 out of which it springs and which it greatly 
 develops and strengthens, will gradually 
 remove the necessity of employing it at 
 all, and will thus prove a powerful instru- 
 ment in promoting the federation of the 
 world. 
 
 The great question now in connection 
 with this mode of settling differences is 
 to make it permanent, to build it into a 
 judicial system universally recognized and 
 accepted by all the civilized nations. 1 To- 
 
 1 See the Memorial of the New York State Bar Asso- 
 ciation, Mohonk Arbitration Conference Report for i8g6, 
 Appendix B, and the speeches given in the Report. 
 See, also, International Tribunals, by Dr. W. Evans 
 Darby. Lord Chief Justice Russell, in his address at 
 Saratoga before the American Bar Association in 1896, 
 gives the grounds why, in his judgment, temporary tri- 
 bunals are preferable to a permanent one. An excel- 
 lent reply to his argument will be found in the speech 
 of Mr. Walter S. Logan at the Mohonk Arbitration 
 Conference in June, 1898. 
 
ii2 The Federation of the World 
 
 ward the accomplishment of this all the 
 agencies of peace are turning. A hundred 
 years is long enough to have successfully 
 experimented. A hundred important cases, 
 with many minor ones, settled in this way, 
 and settled, every one of them, effectually 
 and finally, are proof enough that the 
 method is perfectly suited to the need, and 
 capable of practically universal application. 
 Permanent treaties of arbitration, providing 
 for the setting up of a permanent tribunal, 
 are the great desideratum of our complex, 
 sensitive civilization. All disputes between 
 the civilized nations ought forever here- 
 after, by their own sovereign and united de- 
 termination, to be taken out of the realm of 
 passion, caprice and violence, and brought 
 within the domain of reason and law, as 
 disputes between individuals have been. 
 The reasons for the former are even more 
 weighty than for the latter, and nothing 
 but a false and silly sentimentalism stands 
 in the way. The administrators of govern- 
 ments have much less ground for friction 
 
The Federation of the World 1 13 
 
 between them than do individuals in the 
 private walks of life. The populations of 
 the nations have still less ground for en- 
 mity toward one another. International 
 hostilities are the most needless and wicked 
 of all hostilities. One can account for the 
 rashness and even levity with which they 
 are entered into, only on the ground of an 
 almost total absence of thoughtfulness in 
 regard to the real nature of international 
 strife, both on the part of the government 
 leaders and of the mass of citizens. The 
 procedure of the heads of governments, in 
 case of disputes, ought to be so prescribed 
 as to leave them no opportunity for caprice 
 or ambitious self-assertion, or for carrying 
 away the unthinking masses into senseless 
 war flurries by insidious appeals to passion 
 and 'national pride. If this were done, if 
 arbitration were established, under treaty 
 obligations, as a permanent principle of 
 international law, instead of being difficult 
 to carry out in practice, as many suppose, 
 it would, in my judgment, be found to be 
 
/ 14 The Federation of the World 
 
 incomparably easy, — much easier than the 
 administration of the common law among 
 individuals, where there is constant, friction 
 from close contact. 
 
 Just here lies the true significance of 
 the Anglo-American treaty drawn in 1897. 1 
 This treaty was not needed to prevent the 
 
 wo nations from going to war. They are 
 not likely ever to do that again, treaty or 
 no treaty. They have fought but once, 
 they have arbitrated many times, since 
 they became separate nations over one hun- 
 dred years ago. This treaty was a declara- 
 tion to the world that they had found 
 arbitration not only just and honorable, but 
 
 asy and pleasant, and that they believed 
 it safe To take the last obstacle out of its 
 way and make it as easy as a fixed law of 
 nature. Whatever obstacles the treaty 
 
 1 
 
 1 This treaty was signed by Richard Olney and Sir 
 Julian Pauncefote On the nth of January, 1897. It 
 failed of ratification in the Senate, when the final vote 
 was taken, on the 5th of May. Since October, 1903, 47 
 /treaties of obligatory arbitration have been concluded, 
 more about which will be said in the last chapter. 
 
The Federation of the World 1 15 
 
 encountered in the Senate, and however 
 tentative and imperfect the method which 
 it prescribed may be supposed to be, what 
 the great body of Americans and English- 
 men think of arbitration, which the treaty 
 proposed to set up as a rule of law between 
 them, is that it is the right mode of settling 
 all their differences, and at the same time 
 a perfectly simple and easy one. "When it 
 is once settled and in force, no one with 
 Anglo-Saxon blood in his veins will be any 
 more willing to part with it than with the 
 railroad, the steamship, or the ^telegraph ; 
 and it will, in all probability, stop the clam- 
 orous mouth of war forever wherever the 
 English tongue is spoken. The example 
 will be contagious, and in a generation or 
 two, if one may judge from the rapidity 
 with which the arbitration movement is 
 gaining strength in Europe, the entire civ- 
 ilized world will have set up for itself a 
 permanent system of peaceful judicial set- 
 tlement for disputes of every kind aris- 
 ing between the different nations. If the 
 
n6 The Federation of the World 
 
 Olney-Pauncefote treaty should fail of rati- 
 fication in the Senate, 1 the effect will be 
 merely to retard slightly or possibly to 
 deflect from its most natural course the 
 movement, but not in any way to seriously 
 weaken or permanently check it. The 
 forces whose working led to the negoti- 
 ating of this treaty are so many and so 
 strong that the final triumph of arbitration 
 is as sure as the continuance of civilization. 
 We may not be able to say just when or 
 where, or in what manner, its great final 
 triumph will begin, but of the certainty of 
 that triumph in no remote future there can 
 no longer be any reasonable doubt. When 
 a permanent system of arbitration is once 
 in operation among the civilized nations, 
 there will be little difficulty in extending 
 it to the still uncivilized quarters of the 
 globe." 
 
 i So I wrote in 1897, ten years ago, when 
 {this treaty was under consideration in the 
 Senate. It failed of approval by only four 
 votes, a two thirds majority being required 
 
V| 
 
 The Federation of the World uy 
 
 for ratification. Since that time the Hague 
 Conference has been held, the International 
 Court of Arbitration established, and forty- 
 seven treaties of obligatory arbitration con- 
 cluded between nations, two and two. To 
 none of these is the United States a party a 
 the eleven treaties signed by the late John 
 Hay, Secretary of State, having failed to 
 go into force because of a disagreement 
 between the President and the Senate as I 
 to their respective prerogatives as parts 
 of the treaty-making power. The arbitra- 
 tion movement has, however, developed and 
 strengthened itself, in a general way, be- 
 yond the expectations of the most sanguine 
 ten years ago, as will appear from the 
 details given in the final chapter of this 
 edition. 
 
X 
 
 The United States of the World 
 
 FTER arbitration, what? Hosea 
 Biglow's advice, " Don't never 
 prophesy onless you know," is 
 most excellent, but it is not very easy to 
 follow. Every man of love and goodwill 
 has something of the prophetic gift in him, 
 and must make his forecast of the outcome 
 of the processes in whose final victory he 
 believes. 
 
 Arbitration jsfnot^he highest attainment 
 of which humanity is capable and which it 
 is destined to reach. Arbitration is, as 
 Goldwin Smith says, 1 at least in one aspect 
 of it, "a litigious, not a friendly process, 
 and is apt to leave heartburnings in the 
 
 1 See article on "The Arbitration Treaty" in The 
 Independent y March 25, 1897. 
 
The Federation of the World up 
 
 nation against which the award is given." 
 Though all that I have said of the advan- 
 tages of arbitration is true, yet the arbitra- 
 tion stage is one of very imperfect coop- 
 eration, where there is still friction, undue 
 self-assertion, distrust and more or lesj^ 
 estrangement. Beyond it is a stage where / un- 
 love and trust shall everywhere prevail, and 
 all the nations' good shall be each nation's 
 rule. We have even now a prophecy of 
 this better stage which is to be reached inJ 
 the relations of nations to one another. 
 There are already multitudes of people in 
 our civilized society who live, in their rela- 
 tions to one another, on a plane entirely 
 beyond that of arbitration. They have no- 
 thing to arbitrate or to carry to the courts 
 of law, because they either have no differ- 
 ences, or settle such as they have by the 
 exercise of their own wits tempered with 
 a little patience and mutual forbearance. 
 All their ordinary dealings with one an- 
 other — commercial, social, religious — are 
 in a most real sense cooperative. This 
 
120 The Federation of the World 
 
 \j plass of persons is increasing continually, 
 and they are paying less and less attention 
 to national boundaries. The inevitable out- 
 come of this sort of living among men in 
 the same nation, and between men of dif- 
 ferent nations, will be the breaking down 
 of international friction, the gradual dis- 
 appearance of differences between nations, 
 and the final evolution- of international 
 society to a state in which even arbitra- 
 tion will be practically unknown. 
 
 In the movement toward T:his higher 
 state, two momentous results will follow 
 quickly the adoption by the civilized world 
 of a general permanent system of arbitra- 
 tion, namely, the reduction of armaments 
 and a larger and more generous interna- 
 tional cooperation. It is not easy to an- 
 swer the questions raised in a former part 
 of this discussion as to how the " bloated 
 / armaments " of the civilized world are to 
 
 /be gotten rid of. But arbitration is cer- 
 
 ] v tainly to be the chief mediating agency in 
 
 preparing the way for their removal. It 
 
The Federation of the World 121 
 
 has already done much in pointing the way. 
 While a system of arbitration is being 
 worked out, by the slow process of historic 
 growth, by negotiation and treaty stipula- 
 tions, these armaments are sure to grow* 7 
 further both in extent and in burdensome- 
 ness, bringing for a brief time practically 
 the whole world under their heartless tyr- , 
 anny. At least, everything at the present ^ 
 time points that way ; though one cannot 
 say what unforeseen event may come about 
 of such a nature as suddenly to change the 
 course which things seem likely to take. 
 In spite of my optimism and much against 
 my wish, the conviction has grown upon me , 
 that our own country, as well as others, is ! 
 for_a season Jo fall more and more under the j x ^\i J ^ 
 curse of militarism, as it fell once, contrary 
 to all the principles of its Constitution, under 
 the black and blighting curse of slavery. 
 The people are still only half awake to the 
 insidiousness of the war spirit. The law XiM Kj 
 of animosity and distrust has its charms 
 for many of them. The blare and blaze of 
 
122 The Federation of the World 
 
 the great military establishments of the 
 Old World furnishes powerful enticements 
 to the spirit of a young and mighty people 
 which has not yet had experience of the 
 ruinous and degrading influences of military 
 tyranny. Many in high places believe, or 
 pretend to believe, that a nation cannot be 
 great without fighting, without sacrificing 
 thousands of its sons on the battlefield, 
 without exhibiting an irritable and haughty 
 spirit toward some supposed enemy, and 
 venting its wrath in deeds of blood. This 
 evil seed in the nation is sure to bring forth 
 its deadly harvest unless the people can be 
 awakened speedily from their slumber. 1 
 
 But when arbitration has at last come 
 into general and permanent use throughout 
 the civilized world, as there is every reason 
 to believe that it will after a generation or 
 
 1 Since the above was written, the war with Spain 
 
 has been fought, and the disposition of the nation to 
 
 enter upon a policy of military and naval expansion is 
 
 much stronger than it was before. 
 
 ^y C~ In the ten years since 1897 the government's naval 
 
 \ expenses have increased three hundred per cent. 
 
The Federation of the World 123 
 
 two, then these great military establish- 
 ments with all their abominations will come 
 to an end. The end of them may come 
 suddenly, as the result of a jjreatjyaT, or a 
 series of great wars, the disastrous results 
 of which will be so deeply and universally . 
 felt that the nations will never again permit 
 militarism to take root and grow. The end ' 
 is morfij^ely^ to come by a process of 
 neglect and natural decay, when arbitration, 
 universally adopted, shall have made the 
 uselessness of such war preparations, as 
 well as their wickedness and folly, manifest, 
 It is more likely still to come through simul- 
 taneous and gradual disarmament, entered 
 upon by voluntary agreement, and possibly 
 in connection with the adoption of some 
 general system of arbitration. 1 
 
 1 Since the above was written, in 1897, little practical 
 progress has been made in the solution of the problem 
 of disarmament. The Hague Conference in 1899, the 
 purpose of which was expressly the consideration of this 
 subject, went only so far as to pass a resolution declar- 
 ing " that a limitation of the military charges which now 
 weigh upon the world is greatly to be desired in the 
 
124 Tb* Federation of the World 
 
 After this great consummation, the fed- 
 erative forces, freed from the immense re- 
 straint which militarism has put upon them 
 and supported by the vast energies and 
 resources now consumed on destructive 
 agencies, will work out the unity of human- 
 ity in less time than the most hopeful of us 
 dare to imagine. This unity will ultimately, 
 in the very nature of the case, be not only 
 kv moral, social and economic, but political as 
 well. The nature of man, the common in- 
 terests of peoples, the great currents of 
 Christian and humane influence, the social, 
 industrial and political movements of our 
 time, the new modes of travel and inter- 
 communication, the development of inter- 
 interests of the material and moral welfare of humanity." 
 The British naval expenditures have doubled and those 
 of the United States have trebled in ten years. The past 
 two years, however, public opinion has become increas- 
 ingly insistent that the governments shall find a way of 
 escape from the incubus of the great military and naval 
 establishments. The British government and House of 
 Commons have responded to this public demand, as will 
 be explained in the last chapter, in a way which insures 
 the early serious study of the subject. 
 
 P r. 
 
The Federation of the World 125 
 
 national law, the increasing international 
 cooperation through diplomacy, conferences, 
 commissions and arbitral boards, all fore- 
 shadow a complete political unity of the 
 world, a great international world state, built 
 up somewhat on the pattern of our union 
 of States, with supreme legislative, judicial 
 and executive functions touching those in- 
 terests which the nations have in common. 
 The reasons for such an over-state, consti- 
 tuted of all the nations, are precisely the 
 same as for a federal union of local govern- 
 ments extending over a wide territory, like 
 our own republic. 
 
 These reasons will readily occur to any 
 thoughtful mind. The unification of law^j , 
 and its administration is among the first. J 
 Many consider the setting up of the Su- 
 preme Court to have been the chief triumph 
 in the Constitution of the United States. 
 The world needs a supreme tribunal to take 
 international law out of the chaotic and re- 
 proachful state in which it now is and bring 
 it up to something like the level of muni- 
 
126 The Federation of the World 
 
 cipal law in the civilized nations. To this 
 end it would seem that a parliament or legis- 
 lative corps of some kind would be neces- 
 sary also, and likewise a common executive. 
 Not less important a reason for a world 
 state is the removal of friction and the 
 danger of war by the creation of a feeling 
 s/ii unity in a common organization. One 
 can easily imagine what the history of the 
 United States would have been if they had. 
 become simply States without any conimon 
 governmental tie. If the union of local 
 governments in a national organization has 
 done so much to remove friction and causes 
 of war in the United States, in Great Brit- 
 ain, in France, in Italy, in Germany, what 
 might not be expected in this regard from 
 a union including them all ? 
 
 A third reason for an international gov- 
 ernment is the ease and inexpensiveness 
 with which, under such an arrangement, the 
 common interests of the nations could be 
 treated and adjusted. If the United States 
 and Canada, for instance, in addition to their 
 
The Federation of the World 127 
 
 independent local governments, were each 
 connected with a wider government, charged 
 with the duty of looking after the interests 
 common to the two governments, — the 
 seal question, the fisheries question, the 
 border immigration question, — the mu- 
 tual trade relations between the Canadian 
 people and our own would long since have 
 disappeared from the forum of discussion. 
 At present many subjects of international 
 concern — subjects of real importance — 
 get little or no attention ; and if they are 
 taken up, they are often treated in such a 
 narrow, selfish way by the governments in- 
 terested that frequently for years they are 
 more and more confused by diplomatic sub- 
 tlety, until passion becomes hot, and the 
 nations are compelled, in order to get out 
 of the muddle, either to fight or to resort 
 at last to a little common sense. It is just 
 here that is found the strongest reason for 
 an over-state. These neglected interests, 
 gathering everywhere on the borders of 
 states as now organized, and interfering 
 
128 The Federation of the World 
 
 with the normal development of the world 
 society which is so rapidly creating itself, 
 will as inevitably compel the establishment 
 of a general world government as did the 
 neglected mutual interests of the thirteen 
 American colonies force the setting up of 
 the United States general government, or 
 those of the German states the German 
 Empire. 
 
 Along what lines the movement toward 
 this general world government will take 
 place it is not easy to forecast, except in a 
 general way. Two or three courses are 
 open, any one or all of which may be fol- 
 lowed. The United States of America 
 may in time become really such. The very 
 name seems to be prophetic. Canada, 
 Mexico and Central America may some 
 day, of their own accord, ask to be admit- 
 ted into a federal union with the United 
 States. In time a great South American 
 republic of republics may be formed, 
 through some movement or groups of move- 
 ments akin to that already taking place 
 
The Federation of the World 129 
 
 among the Central American states 1 and 
 the British Australian colonies. Then may 
 follow a federation of the two American con- 
 tinents. The United States of Europe, so 
 long dreamed of and written of by European 
 reformers, 2 seems to-day but the shadow of 
 a name; but whoever remembers the his- 
 tory of the consolidation of France, or Italy, 
 or Germany, or the still more remarkable 
 history of the consolidation of the Swiss 
 cantons composed of peoples of different 
 races, speaking different languages, into a 
 coherent national federation, will not say 
 that a United States of Europe is an im- 
 possibility. On the contrary, the whole 
 course of the modern history of nation- 
 building foreshadows a European federa- 
 
 1 This movement among the Central American states 
 has never come to anything permanent. It is to be 
 hoped that the present (1907) movement for settled 
 peace among them may prove effective. 
 
 2 The late Charles Lemonnier of Paris, president for 
 many years of the International League of Peace and 
 Liberty, was one of the chief promoters of the idea of a 
 United States of Europe. 
 
ijo The Federation of the World 
 
 tion. The continent of Asia may some 
 day have a like transformation ; and that of 
 Africa, too, renewed at last by a Christian 
 civilization ; and that of Australia before 
 either of them, if one may judge from the 
 federative tendencies already showing them- 
 selves between the colonies there. 
 
 If this should prove to be the way in 
 which the world state is to work itself out, 
 the islands of the sea will group themselves 
 in with the continental federations where 
 they naturally belong. At last these con- 
 tinental federations will flow together into 
 a great world federation, the final political 
 destiny of humanity, where all the larger 
 hopes of love and fellowship, of peace and 
 happy prosperity lie. 
 
 I do not pretend to assert that the actual 
 order of movement will be as here outlined, 
 but only that this is a possible, perhaps a 
 probable order in which the federation of 
 the world will come, at least in part. This 
 forecast is in harmony with actual historic 
 processes now working, and having for gen- 
 
The Federation of the World 131 
 
 erations worked, at several points in civi- 
 lized society. 
 
 Another course is possible. A great ra- 
 cial federation, as of the Anglo-Saxon peo- 
 ple, may come first, with its centres of 
 agglomeration in all parts of the world, 
 which will gather to itself by an irresistible 
 moral gravitation all other peoples. Racial 
 federation^is_already playing its part very 
 powerfully in the processes of civilization. 
 Several races, it is true, are exhibiting, in 
 greater or less degree, kindred phenomena. 
 But racial distinctions are in many respects n 
 beginning to break down, because of the / 
 intermingling of peoples in all quarters of j 
 the globe. What may be styled the unij 
 versal human characteristics, those belong- 
 ing to the one race of man lying at the 
 basis of all sub-races, are destined thus 
 more and more to come to the front as 
 against those which have marked off one 
 portion of mankind from another. That 
 race, whichever it may prove to be, which 
 develops these general human characteris- 
 
132 The Federation of the World 
 
 tics most fully and most rapidly, and throws 
 off most completely all that is adventitious 
 and unessential, will, in the nature of the 
 1^ case, prove to be the nucleus or furnish the 
 nuclei about which civilization in all parts 
 of the world will crystallize. Men will not 
 care at last by what racial name they are 
 called, or what language they speak, pro- 
 vided their highest interests of every kind 
 /are served. They will feel it more noble 
 [ to be men and to speak the one universal 
 I language of men than to be Englishmen or 
 \Germans or Frenchmen, and to speak any 
 pf these great tongues. Whatever race 
 shall prove itself fittest to lead in this fed- 
 erative process, whether the Anglo-Saxon, 
 as now seems possible, or some other, will 
 \ itself be modified, purified and strength- 
 ened for its work as the final world race 
 I by what it receives from the races which it 
 draws to itself, and even from those which 
 through weakness shall finally be eliminated. 
 The objections which may be brought, 
 from the point of view of climate, against 
 
The Federation of the World 133 
 
 the possibility of a world race, with more uni- 
 formity of characteristics than is found in 
 the races as they now exist, are not so seri- 
 ous as might at first glance be supposed. 
 The ease and rapidity with which men now 
 travel, the expansion of ocean traffic, — one 
 might almost say of ocean habitation, — and 
 the growing habit, on the part of multi- 
 tudes of families, of living a part of the 
 time in one quarter of the globe and a part 
 in another, make it at least not inconceiv- 
 able that the time may come when there 
 shall be much less difference in vigor and 
 enterprise between the inhabitants of the 
 tropics and of the temperate zones than 
 there is to-day. Climate itself is probably 
 in this indirect way to be one of the con- 
 quests of the coming humanity. Men will 
 come more and more to be inhabitants 
 of all the climates, shifting their abodes 
 quickly from place to place, living on the 
 seas, as an increasing number now do, and 
 thus getting the best out of all parts of the 
 world, while escaping with increasing cer- 
 
VI 
 
 to 
 
 134 The Federation of the World 
 
 tainty the weakening influences of any par- 
 ticular part. It is doubtless true, as Mr. 
 Kidd argues, 1 that for a long time to come 
 the tropics will have to be developed and 
 in some manner and measure controlled by 
 the people inhabiting the temperate regions. 
 But it is difficult to believe that the rich 
 tropical regions are always to be vassal, 
 that their inhabitants are to remain per- 
 manently incapable of self -development and 
 self-control. The new world race which is 
 in process of building, by transformation, 
 absorption and elimination, will make the 
 matter of the inhabitancy and self-develop- 
 ment and control of the tropics very dif- 
 ferent from what it is to-day. 
 
 It is scarcely necessary to state that this 
 process of racial expansion, absorption and 
 federation will, if it goes to the extent 
 • which now seems probable, result ultimately 
 [ in the selection or creation of a single lan- 
 guage for universal use. Even now the 
 
 1 See his recently published book, The Control of the 
 Tropics. 
 
The Federation of the World 1 35 
 
 growing intercourse of different peoples is 
 forcing upon attention the necessity of a 
 universal language, and various schemes for 
 the creation or selection of a language for 
 universal use have been devised. But a 
 universal language cannot be artificially 
 created ; it presupposes and requires a uni- 
 versal people. 
 
 The process of racial federation here out- 
 lined seems to me likely to play even a 
 more important part in the development of 
 the world state than that of simple geo- 
 graphical federation, though both are quite 
 certain to work together. 
 
 It is not unlikely that the process of fed- 
 eration, whether it go on in one or both of 
 the ways above indicated, will for some 
 time to come not be entirely unattended 
 by the incidents of war. One could wish 
 that it might be otherwise. The federative / 
 forces and processes are in their nature / 
 pacific and opposed to the methods of war. 
 They will ultimately make war impossible. 
 But in the present confused movements of 
 
136 The Federation of the World 
 
 society, in the actual relations of nations, 
 small and great, weak and strong, to one 
 another, there is so much of ambition and 
 animosity, so much of ignorance and short- 
 sightedness, intermingled with the opera- 
 tions of the elements of good, that progress 
 toward social and political unity is sure to 
 be attended with more or less clashing and 
 discord. But whatever compacting and 
 unifying of peoples and sections of the 
 earth is seemingly brought about by the 
 agency of war is really not due to it at 
 all, but to the federative elements in men 
 and society which work out their ends in 
 some measure in spite of war and in the 
 very midst of the disasters which it pro- 
 duces. If these federative forces were not 
 present war would always be disintegrating, 
 or if it produced unity at all, it would be 
 he unity of death and of slavery, whose 
 evil effects would have to be repaired be- 
 fore any real social progress could be made. 
 No one ought, therefore, to be blinded as 
 to the real nature of war because of its 
 
The Federation of the World 137 
 
 seemingly beneficent agency in working 
 out, in certain cases, the desired unity of 
 peoples and sections of the earth. 
 
 An international state presupposes in- 
 ternational citizenship. At first thought) 
 such a thing might seem impracticable] 
 But if one can be a citizen of Pennsylvania 
 and of the United States at the same timeA 
 and enjoy the privileges and feel the sacred 
 obligations of both, why might he not just 
 as easily be a citizen of a world state and 
 of some particular nation simultaneously? 
 The elements of an international citizen- 
 ship already exist. People of different na- 
 tions not only travel everywhere, but stop 
 and live, own property and do business, pay 
 taxes and submit to authority, among all 
 other peoples. They retain the rights of 
 citizens at home, and expect and receive 
 most of the rights of citizenship among 
 other peoples. Considerable numbers of 
 these, though not expatriating themselves, 
 never return to the country of their formal 
 citizenship. The principle is now recog- 
 
/ $8 The Federation of the World 
 
 nized practically everywhere that a man 
 has the right to live anywhere he wishes 
 on the surface of the planet, to keep his 
 local, citizenship where he wants it, and 
 at the same time to enjoy all the rights, 
 privileges and immunities of local citizen- 
 ship where he resides, except governmental 
 rights in constitutional countries. All this 
 development of international rights and 
 privileges in our day points to a time not 
 very far in the future when men shall liter- 
 ally be citizens of the world, and a world 
 government suitable to the needs of world 
 citizenship shall be set up for them. 
 
 Along with this international citizenship, 
 the beginnings of an international or world 
 government already exist, — legislative, ex- 
 
 Secutive, judicial, — in a decidedly chaotic 
 state, it is true, but with signs of coming or- 
 der. During the past century over one hun- 
 dred international congresses met to deter- 
 mine certain questions of common interest, 
 as the Congress of Vienna at the close of 
 the Napoleonic campaigns, the Congress of 
 
The Federation of the World i$g 
 
 Paris after the Crimean war, the Congress 
 of Berlin at the close of the Russo-Turkish 
 conflict, and the Congress of Brussels to 
 regulate certain interests in Africa. The 
 Brussels Congress was a great development 
 in humanity over that of Vienna, and even 
 over the two intervening ones. Why should 
 not such a congress, as Professor John 
 Fiske has recently suggested, 1 meet fre- 
 quently in the future, ultimately become a 
 congress of all nations, and finally meet at 
 stated times — say once in five or seven 
 years — and in a fixed place or places ? 
 There is nothing irrational or impossible 
 in the supposition, and the trend of affairs 
 is certainly in that direction. 
 
 The idea of a congress of nations was a 
 favorite one with the early advocates of 
 peace, and was thoroughly elaborated by 
 them. 2 Along with it went the idea of a 
 high court of nations. Such a court is 
 
 1 See Mr. Fiske's article on " The Arbitration Treaty " 
 in The Atlantic Monthly for February, 1897. 
 
 2 Essay on a Congress of Nations, by William Ladd. 
 
140 The Federation of the World 
 
 - 
 already partly evolved out of the arbitra- 
 tion tribunals and temporary international 
 commissions which have been constituted 
 for the settlement of various questions 
 raised in the course of modern international 
 intercourse. The high court of nations will 
 become a fixed world-institution before a 
 congress of nations comes to meet regu- 
 larly. The judiciary is becoming more and 
 I more influential in our time, and is already, 
 as is known, leading the way in the creation 
 \ / \ of the great international organization of 
 which I am speaking. The various con- 
 gresses and conferences which are now 
 annually held to promote the cause of uni- 
 versal peace have laid particular emphasis 
 upon the idea of a permanent international 
 tribunal of arbitration to take the place of 
 the temporary tribunals constituted for the 
 adjustment of differences as they arise. 
 
 The action of the nations at the first 
 Hague Conference, of which more will 
 be said in subsequent chapters, has al- 
 ready put the court of nations in advance of 
 
The Federation of the World 141 
 
 the congress of nations, though the latter is 
 now urged with increasing emphasis as the 
 necessary counterpart of the former. 
 
 Among the beginnings of an interna- 
 tional government may also be mentioned 
 the generally recognized principles of inter- v^ 
 national law, 1 the treaties of commerce now 
 so numerous and important, the postal and 
 telegraph unions in which many nations 
 participate, and the modern diplomatic and 
 consular service which binds all nations 
 together in real political bonds. It is an 
 actual fact of present international politics 
 that every nation — every civilized nation 
 at any rate — assists in governing, and is 
 in turn partially governed by, every other 
 nation, either directly through resident di- 
 plomacy, or indirectly through the power of 
 collective public opinion expressing itself in 
 
 1 See J. K. Bluntschli's Die Bedeutung und die Fort- 
 schritte des modemen Volkerrechts. See, also, the recent 
 work of Professor T. J. Lawrence, The Principles of In- 
 ternational Law. All the recent works on international""") 
 law give more or less attention to the subject of peace / 
 and the means of maintaining it. ^* 
 
142 The Federation of the World 
 
 the rules of international law or in various 
 forms of concerted international activity for 
 what is supposed to be the common good. 
 There is much that is crude and selfish, 
 and not a little that is inhuman and cruel, 
 in this incipient international government 
 as we now see it evolving; but there is 
 also something that is in the truest sense 
 humane and Christian, and this latter is 
 clearly increasing with the passing of each 
 
 a decade. The public opinion of the world 
 society, as it is now capable of expressing 
 
 \ itself with such swiftness and concentra- 
 tion, is sure to force the cruel and the 
 unjust more and more into the background 
 and to establish the good and the helpful. 
 
 At first thought, the management of a 
 world government might seem to be at- 
 tended with insuperable difficulties, because 
 of the extent of territory over which its 
 administration would extend and the great 
 variety of national character and institu- 
 tions with which it might supposedly have 
 to deal. But really, with our present means 
 
The Federation of the World 14} 
 
 of rapid travel and practically instantaneous 
 communication by telegraph and cable, the 
 management of such a government from a 
 single centre would be much easier than it 
 was fifty years ago to govern Ohio from 
 Washington, or the north of England from 
 London. Its administration would also be 
 comparatively easy because its jurisdiction 
 would be limited to a few great subjects 
 of universal character, all purely national 
 affairs being managed as now by the re- 
 spective nations in the exercise of their 
 local sovereignty. It is no more difficult to 
 administer the government of the United 
 States than it is that of the State of Penn- 
 sylvania or of Ohio, and less so than it is 
 that of a great complex, compact munici- 
 pality like the city of New York or Chi- 
 cago. The farther removed government is 
 from the entanglements and friction of con- 
 flicting local interests and the more it deals 
 only with matters of wide general interest, 
 the easier its administration becomes. For 
 these reasons it does not seem irrational 
 
144 Tbe Federation of the World 
 
 to suppose that a world government might 
 prove in practice the easiest of all govern- 
 ments to administer, at least from the point 
 of view of these objections. 
 
 As to the enforcement of the legal en- 
 actments of the world government, little 
 difficulty might be expected. An interna- 
 tional police is certainly not impossible, if 
 it should ever be needed to enforce the 
 decrees of a congress of nations. Such a 
 state as we are supposing will not, how- 
 ever, be established until arbitration gener- 
 ally prevails and war is practically a thing 
 "' of the past. Law will then need few, if 
 any, sanctions, and force will play a very 
 small part in its execution. The sense of 
 yU / honor and loyalty to right will prove amply 
 
 sufficient to secure obedience. ' The chief 
 functions of the government of the world 
 state will be legislative and judicial, and its 
 executive duties will be largely those of 
 simple direction and guidance rather than 
 of compulsion. 
 
 With the setting up of this world state, 
 
The Federation of the World 145 
 
 whose establishment is demanded by the 
 as yet unfulfilled destiny of the race and 
 clearly indicated by the progress of society, 
 the peace of the world, so far as that 
 means the cessation of war, will be forever 
 sealed. International chaos and anarchy, 
 as they now so deplorably exist, will have 
 passed away. Many of the vexatious ques- 
 tions with which national governments now 
 have to deal, arising as they do from inter- 
 national complications, will disappear. Na- 
 tional governments, like our present state 
 governments, will then make it their busi- 
 ness to care for and promote the national 
 interests — the real interests of the people 
 — and not to meddle with the affairs of 
 other peoples, which is now considered in 
 some countries the chief mark of states- 
 manship. The general effect of all this 
 in the further promotion of industrial and 
 social prosperity and peace, of education 
 and religion, will be magical. The whole 
 of human society will feel at all points a 
 thrill of new life and hope. Reason, con 
 
 h^ 
 
146 The Federation of the World 
 
 science and law will be enthroned. Love 
 and goodwill will then be considered strong 
 and worthy motives, as is none too fre- 
 quently the case now. 
 
 Such an organization will not mean the 
 stagnation or the end of civilization. On 
 the contrary, it is the presupposition of a 
 civilization which shall be truly human and 
 Christian, and hence vigorous and strong. 
 The thought, the energy, the material 
 wealth, now consumed in destructive rivalry 
 will be turned into beneficent cooperative 
 enterprises, and the earth will for the first 
 time in its history really begin to " blossom 
 
 \ like the garden of the Lord." Above all, 
 the spirits of men, delivered from the bond- 
 age of hate and fear, from which but few 
 anywhere under present conditions wholly 
 escape, will be free to enter into each 
 other's thoughts, purposes and attainments, 
 in a spontaneous, natural way, which will 
 make of the whole race a wise, strong, 
 prosperous and happy brotherhood, such 
 as we have so far seen in but small por- 
 
The Federation of the World 147 
 
 tions of it. The end of the reign of inter- 
 national hate, — the beginning of the reign 
 of universal brotherhood, — who can mea- 
 sure either its spiritual or its material sig- 
 nificance ? 
 
 I do not delude myself into supposing 
 that such a state of states as that here in- 
 dicated can be artificially created, as the 
 French philosophers would have constructed 
 off-hand their social compact. 1 States grow 
 before they are made. Their formal con- 
 stitution, if they are to be anything more 
 than temporary structures, is the last act 
 in a drama extending over long periods. So 
 will it be with the federation of the world 
 in an international state. What leads me 
 to believe that such a federation is com- 
 paratively near is that the forces and pro- 
 cesses which are evolving it have been long 
 working, and that in recent years the pro^ 
 ducts of their working — swift, uniform and 
 well-nigh universal — have become so man- 
 
 1 Du conirat social^ ou principes du droit politique^ by 
 J. J. Rousseau. 
 
148 The Federation of the World 
 
 /if est and so numerous that the significance 
 \ of it all cannot be mistaken. When the 
 wheat is knee-high in the field one is justi- 
 fied in believing that the harvest time will 
 come soon, unless the course of nature goes 
 awry. The great idea of a world federation 
 in some form has gotten clearly into men's 
 minds. It is too powerful, too attractive 
 and inspiring, to be resisted. It appeals, 
 both on the material and the spiritual side, 
 to the deepest needs and to the loftiest 
 hopes of the race. All obstacles to its 
 realization will be broken down, if not to- 
 morrow, then afterwards. How soon, will 
 depend largely on the purpose, the intel- 
 ligence, the heart, which those already pos- 
 sessed of the great idea shall put into the 
 work of reconstructing and reorganizing 
 humanity on a world basis. War, with its 
 desolations and incredible follies, may still 
 sweep over portions of the earth while the 
 demons of distrust and violence are being 
 least out. But its days are nearly numbered. 
 'Its glory is fast turning to shame. It is 
 
The Federation of the World 149 
 
 everywhere on the defensive. The great 
 federative movement, which has been gath- 
 ering strength for nearly twice a thousand 
 years of Christian progress, — nay, in whose 
 pulses is beating the growing life of all the 
 human ages, — will peacefully occupy the 
 places of ruins left of war, and will build at 
 last a temple and city of concord for the 
 whole earth, within whose holy gates the 
 noise of battle shall never be heard. 
 
 Tennyson's dream will then be more than 
 realized ; there will be no longer any battle- 
 flags to furl. 
 
XI 
 
 The First Hague Peace Conference 
 
 HE International Peace Conference 
 called by the Czar of Russia, and 
 looked forward to with so much 
 interest and solicitude when the first edition 
 of this book was published, met at The 
 Hague on the 18th of May, 1899, and con- 
 tinued in session till the 29th of July. 
 Twenty-four independent nations and two 
 semi-independent ones were represented in 
 the Conference. All the European nations, 
 twenty in number, two from North America 
 and four from Asia, sent delegates. Only 
 those which had diplomatic representatives 
 at St. Petersburg had been invited. These 
 did not include the states of South and 
 Central America. 
 The twenty-six nations represented, with 
 
The Federation of the World 151 
 
 their dependencies in Asia, Africa, Aus- 
 tralia, North and South America and the 
 oceans, contain over twelve hundred mil- 
 lions of people, or more than four fifths of 
 the population of the globe. Territorially, 
 not much less than five sixths of the earth's 
 surface was represented. The whole of 
 Europe, the whole of North America, prac- 
 tically the whole of Asia, the Australian 
 continent, most of Africa and of the islands 
 of the sea participated, by direct or indirect 
 representation, in this unique gathering. 
 Only South and Central America and a fewS 
 small sections of territory elsewhere had ( / 
 no share in it. It was, therefore, both inj 
 point of populations and of territory repre- 
 sented, much more nearly a world-confer- 
 ence than ever before gathered in human 
 history. 
 
 Looked at from the point of view of 
 language, the gathering was no less re- 
 markable. No such array of tongues ever 
 came together before since the differen- 
 tiation of human speech began. Though 
 
I 
 
 752 The Federation of the World 
 
 French was the official language of the de- 
 liberations, the delegates spoke, as their 
 native tongues, no less than twenty different 
 languages. One might have heard at The 
 Hague English, French, German, Spanish, 
 Russian, Italian, Portuguese, Chinese, Jap- 
 anese, Dutch, Danish, Norwegian, Swedish, 
 Greek, Turkish, Roumanian, Bulgarian, Ser- 
 vian, Hungarian, Polish, Persian, Siamese 
 and possibly Arabic. These languages are 
 the vehicles of the science, the art, the lit- 
 erature, the commercial transactions, the 
 political wisdom, the religious life and 
 thought of the entire modern world. Those 
 not in this list, with one or two exceptions, 
 stand for almost nothing in the permanent 
 growing life of the world. 
 
 From another kindred point of view the 
 character of the Conference was no less 
 significant. The men of which it was com- 
 posed were among the most eminent public 
 men of the time. More than thirty of them 
 were actual ambassadors or ministers pleni- 
 potentiary of their governments to foreign 
 
The Federation of the World 15; 
 
 courts, the men who constitute the most 
 powerful political tie binding the nations 
 together into the incipient international 
 government to which reference has been 
 made in a previous chapter. The cities at 
 which these embassies and ministries were 
 located include all the great capitals of the 
 civilized world, — those which dictate the 
 policies and control the political and eco- 
 nomic destinies of men under every sky, — 
 Washington, London, Paris, St. Petersburg, 
 Berlin, Rome, Vienna ; and a number of the 
 important smaller capitals, as The Hague, 
 Brussels, Copenhagen, Berne, etc. Among 
 the delegates were eminent educators from 
 both hemispheres, distinguished students 
 and expounders of international law, capable 
 and experienced jurists, eminent cabinet 
 officers, senators and representatives, mili- 
 tary and naval experts of the first rank. 
 This body of public men might doubtless 
 have been duplicated in ability, experience 
 and fitness, but it could not probably have 
 been surpassed by an equal number from 
 
f) 
 
 154 The Federation of the World 
 
 among living statesmen and publicists. 
 Many of these men, particularly the leaders 
 in the Conference, were of an exceptionally 
 high moral order and eminently progressive 
 in their ideas, representing political human- 
 ity, not as it is only, but as it ought to be 
 and gives promise of being. Practical men 
 though they were, a fine idealism lay at the 
 heart of all their efforts and saved them 
 from the dreary rounds of a merely formal 
 finessing diplomacy. There were dusty 
 conservatives among them, but they were 
 few and not very active. 
 
 All that is highest, best and most pro- 
 mising, therefore, in modern civilization was 
 representatively present in this great inter- 
 national gathering. Some of the inferior 
 elements of the time, survivals of the past, 
 dead weights on the upward movement of 
 the world, were, to be sure, present; but 
 they counted for little in the active counsels 
 of the Conference and in its decisions. 
 What was done, was done in spite of them, 
 at least without their aid. But this element 
 
The Federation of the World 155 
 
 was so small that it is hardly fair to men- 
 tion it at all. The outlook of the Confer- 
 
 j 
 
 ence was toward the future, and all that 
 was done, insignificant as some have skep- 
 tically thought it to be, was done in the 
 spirit of the coming time, of the brother- I uP( 
 hood, unity and cooperation of humanity. 
 
 From the foregoing points of view it is no 
 exaggeration to say that the Hague assem- 
 bly was the beginning of " the parliament 
 of man*" the first in what we are justified 
 in believing will be a series of world-councils, 
 through which humanity as a whole will 
 deliberate and decide, in the spirit of genu- 
 ine fraternity and unrestrained sympathy, 
 upon the questions of universal and perma- 
 nent interest to its well-being. How far 
 the Conference went in laying the founda- y 
 tions for "the federation of the world," in 
 the sense in which this has previously been 
 spoken of, will be seen further on. 
 
 After what has been said in previous 
 chapters, it is needless to dwell here more 
 than briefly on the causes which led to the 
 
1 56 The Federation of the World 
 
 Hague meeting, though a clear view of their 
 nature is necessary for a proper understand- 
 ing of the relation of the Conference to the 
 future federation of the world. One must 
 get beyond the Czar's Rescript to find them. 
 This now famous document — which has 
 been ranked with Magna Charta, the De- 
 claration of Independence, and Lincoln's 
 Emancipation Proclamation, but which in 
 my judgment holds a unique place beyond 
 these and every other political paper prior 
 to its publication — had its origin in the 
 same sources as the Conference, of whose 
 work it was only the preliminary stage. 
 The Rescript was not an accident ; it was 
 not the product of a capricious emperor's 
 whim, nor of a nation's long-headed, schem- 
 ing ambition. Behind it were the accumu- 
 lated forces of centuries of Christian pro- 
 gress. Its origin in Russia and in the royal 
 family is not surprising to those acquainted 
 with the hereditary peace sentiments of the 
 family since the days of Alexander I, and 
 with the fact that the causes which made 
 
The Federation of the World 757 
 
 such a conference inevitable had long been 
 working in Russia, some of them more 
 powerfully there than elsewhere, perhaps. 
 The Czar was only the mouth-piece — a 
 willing and highly praiseworthy mouth- 
 piece, of course — of longings, purposes 
 and movements of which he himself was 
 rather the product than the creator. The 
 need of Russia in this regard — a need 
 voiced in the utterances of Tolstoy and in 
 the great work of Mr. Bloch, " The Future 
 of War M — was the need of the whole civ- 
 ilized world. The honor of the Czar in 
 connection with the matter was that in him 
 and his nation, in spite of appearances to 
 the contrary, the movement of civilized 
 peoples towards relief from the curse of 
 militarism and towards fuller friendship, 
 larger sympathy, and completer and more 
 harmonious cooperation found the line of 
 least resistance. So great was the pressure 
 throughout the civilized world towards the 
 end which the Czar proclaimed as worthy 
 of the best efforts of the nations combined, 
 
1 58 The Federation of the World 
 
 that when the Conference met his work was 
 practically done. The whole matter passed 
 at once beyond his control. While acknow- 
 ledging with profound respect the honor 
 due to the Russian emperor for his exalted 
 service, the Conference proceeded to do the 
 work which the world needed done, so far 
 as it could be accomplished at that time, 
 as if he had not been in existence. Called 
 to provide especially for putting a check 
 upon the ceaseless growth of armaments 
 and war-budgets, it proceeded, not to do 
 this at all directly, but to lay, in its provi- 
 sion for a permanent court of arbitration, 
 the political foundations of ultimate univer- 
 sal and permanent peace, without which the 
 best possible plan of disarmament, or even 
 of reduction of armaments, would not have 
 had the least chance of success. 
 
 These causes, which were operating pow- 
 erfully in all Christian lands, which moved 
 the Czar, which called the Conference into 
 existence and rallied to its support a pow- 
 erful public sentiment in many countries, 
 
The Federation of the World i$g 
 
 which determined its spirit and controlled 
 its deliberations, have been sufficiently elu- 
 cidated in foregoing chapters. A mere re- 
 hearsal of the most prominent of them is all 
 that is necessary here. The development 
 of the Christian spirit throughout civilized 
 lands, the movement of missions into all 
 parts of the world, bearing the principles of 
 the Fatherhood of God and the divine kin- 
 ship of men, the development of the humane 
 spirit, the advancement of education, general 
 intelligence and ethical conceptions and sen- 
 timents constitute one group of these causes. 
 Another set is found in the growth and ex- 
 pansion of commerce, whose marvelous cos- 
 mopolitanism has united all the nations of 
 the earth in bonds on whose maintenance 
 depend not only many of the higher refine- 
 ments, but the very life itself of multitudes ; 
 the national and international movements 
 for the improvement of industrial condi- 
 tions ; and the extended and intricate mon- 
 etary and credit systems of the business 
 world. We find still another group in 
 
160 The Federation of the World 
 
 modern methods of travel and intercommu- 
 nication, by which all parts of the world, all 
 the doings and happenings of men, all the 
 characteristics, customs and institutions of 
 peoples are brought into constant, immedi- 
 ate, in many cases almost instant, contact 
 with one another. The transformation of 
 political ideas and institutions, the progress 
 of the sense of justice and human rights, of 
 democratic government and the consequent 
 enlarged sympathy between nationalities, 
 furnish a fourth group. A fifth set of 
 causes reveal themselves in the interna- 
 tional congresses political, religious, com- 
 mercial, scientific, historical, philological, 
 philanthropic, etc., which constitute such a 
 marked feature of the modern world. A 
 sixth group is seen in the system of modern 
 "''diplomacy, with its ministries crossing and 
 intercrossing between the capitals of all 
 sovereign states. A last group — not to 
 pursue the enumeration further — is found 
 in the various organizations and lines of ef- 
 fort for the direct promotion of the cause of 
 
The Federation of the World 161 
 
 international arbitration and peace. This 
 includes the work of the peace societies 
 and congresses, of the Interparliamentary 
 Union, of the International Law Association 
 and of many individuals and associations, 
 put forth to promote larger international 
 friendliness, the settlement of disputes by 
 temporary tribunals, the establishment of 
 treaties of arbitration and a permanent tri- 
 bunal. If one remembers all these groups 
 of causes, acting singly and combined, and 
 observes their swift and tremendous ac- 
 complishments, and then sets before his 
 eyes the monstrous obstacle with which 
 they have to contend, hanging like a para- 
 lyzing nightmare over the heart of the 
 world, — -the all-devouring militarism of the 
 day corrupting, consuming, threatening with 
 final moral, physical and political ruin the 
 whole race, — one finds little difficulty in 
 understanding the gathering of such a 
 world-assembly as that which met at The 
 Hague on the 18th of May, 1899. 
 Turning to the work of the Conference, 
 
1 62 The Federation of the World 
 
 its spirit and its results, the strongest rea- 
 sons are found for magnifying its impor- 
 tance as a historic turniiig-poiiit in the uni- 
 * ( fixation of the world. 
 
 When the Conference met there was gen- 
 eral skepticism among its members as to 
 any useful results likely to come from its 
 deliberations. Worse than this, there was 
 a certain amount of levity on the part of 
 some delegates, as if the whole thing were 
 ar diplomatic joke. But all this was super- 
 ^ficial and lasted but a day or two. When 
 the delegates came together, looked into 
 each other's faces, saw what manner of men 
 they were, began to think seriously of the 
 nature of the mission which had brought 
 them together, and learned from each other, 
 through the multitudinous messages and 
 memorials which poured in upon them, how 
 large a public interest in the Conference 
 was felt in all civilized lands, the levity and 
 skepticism vanished. Under the lead of 
 a few eminent men, — Hon. Andrew D. 
 White, Sir Julian Pauncefote, Mr. de Staal, 
 
The Federation of the World 163 
 
 Mr. L6on Bourgeois, and Mr. Auguste 
 Beernaert, — men whose names will some 
 day outrank those of any of the great his- 
 toric leaders of military campaigns, the task 
 which had called them together began to 
 reveal its immense significance and was 
 taken seriously in hand. 
 
 In order to study critically the three 
 important subjects indicated in the Czar's 
 second circular, — the laws of war, reduc- 
 tion of armaments, and the pacific settle- 
 ment of international disputes, the Confer- 
 ence was divided into three sections, in 
 each of which every nation participating 
 was represented. No more faithful and 
 conscientious work was ever done by any 
 body of men than was done in these sec- 
 tions and their sub-committees during the 
 two months of critical study which they 
 gave to the subjects before them. There^ 
 was no diplomatic finessing over green 
 tables, no disposition to evade the real 
 issues by a show of fine words and mean- 
 ingless formulas, no dodging of difficulties, 
 
164 The Federation of the World 
 
 no effort to turn the Conference to other 
 ends than those for which it had assembled, 
 no admission to consideration of worthy ob- 
 jects with which it was not competent to 
 deal. 
 
 Not only was the Conference remarkable 
 for the practical, straightforward and con- 
 scientious way in which it did its work, but 
 the spirit of harmony and cooperation which 
 animated it was as fine as it was unexpected. 
 It would have been a credit to any national 
 assembly. There had been talk, on the eve 
 of the gathering, of cliques and rings and 
 political combinations, to take advantage of 
 the occasion for the accomplishment of cer- 
 tain national schemes. But none appeared. 
 The Conference moved as one body, ani- 
 mated with one spirit, from beginning to 
 end. The incident of the German opposi- 
 tion to any measure of obligatory arbitra- 
 tion was no real exception. The objection 
 /was made in an open and straightforward 
 way. The Conference met it in a consider- 
 ate and conciliatory spirit, and the result 
 
The Federation of the World 165 
 
 was that, though the German delegation 
 had up to that time stood silent and aloof, 
 they afterwards fell into line and worked in 
 sympathy and harmony with the rest of the 
 body. There was no concealment of thought 
 among the delegates, no assumption of su- 
 periority by one over another, no lobbying 
 for position and precedence, no browbeat- 
 ing, no effort of the delegates of the great 
 nations to override those of the small. You 
 would not have suspected that Ambassador 
 De Staal, the distinguished president of the 
 Conference, was from a great power and 
 Mr. Beernaert of Belgium from one of the 
 smallest. National chauvinism, suspicion 
 and soreness were entirely absent. Paunce J 
 fote of England fraternized in the most in- 
 timate and sincere way with Bourgeois of 
 France. During all the earnest and long- 
 continued discussions, opinions were con- 
 siderately heard and mutually respected. 
 The one purpose which ruled the delibera- 
 tions was to find out how much could be 
 done, with th^ support of all the delegates, 
 
166 The Federation of the World 
 
 towards the accomplishment of the objects 
 for which the Conference had been called. 
 The friendly relations between the dele- 
 gates grew stronger and stronger till the 
 very end. 
 
 It may be said that the occasion de- 
 manded just such a spirit as this. That is 
 true. But occasions often get disappointed. 
 Men in the best national assemblies some- 
 times so far forget the peaceful self-com- 
 posure demanded of them as to indulge 
 in throwing congressional reports and law 
 books at each other's heads. It is one 
 of the most remarkable things about the 
 Hague gathering that, notwithstanding the 
 jealousies and friction between several of 
 the powers represented, the spirit appropri- 
 ate to the occasion did not once break down 
 but grew in strength steadily till the close. 
 How shall we interpret this extraordinary 
 occurrence, where exactly the opposite had 
 been expected and prophesied ? We are 
 justified in believing, it seems to me, that 
 this lofty spirit was imperatively imposed 
 
The Federation of the World 167 
 
 upon the Conference. It was a necessary- 
 public expression of the larger feeling of 
 unity and cooperation now so extensively 
 prevailing among the nations of the world, 
 in spite of the animosities and feuds in- 
 herited from the past. Are we wrong in 
 setting it down as a prophecy of the spirit , 
 which shall one day prevail in all interna- 
 tional councils met to deliberate upon the 
 large common interests of the peoples of the 
 world, — a spirit which shall at last break 
 down all international prejudices, remove 
 the sting from all international differences 
 and thus make war forevermore impossi- 
 ble? 
 
 Passing to the practical results obtained 
 at The Hague, the foremost of them may be 
 set down as the Conference itself, the fact 
 that such a meeting was held and did some 
 notable work in a harmonious, cooperative 
 spirit. It was a unique gathering. No such 
 meeting had ever before been attempted in 
 the annals of man, — an official meeting of 
 statesmen from many lands, for the pure 
 
1 68 The Federation of the World 
 
 purposes of peace. Men derided the Czar 
 as a foolish dreamer, and said that it could 
 not be done, that it was foredoomed to fail- 
 ure. These powers, with their ambitions, 
 their historic dislikes, their mutual distrust, 
 their great armies massed against one an- 
 other, could not possibly send together a 
 lot of men who would not quarrel and break 
 up in confusion, and make the world more 
 distracted than before. But the thing 
 which the skeptics said could not be done 
 was done, with most marked success. It 
 has thus been proved that, in spite of their 
 dislike and fear of one another, the nations 
 can come together in the spirit of men and 
 brothers and discuss and decide upon great 
 and delicate questions of common concern. 
 The most difficult of all international deeds 
 has been done. What the nations have 
 found easy to do they are certain to do 
 again, and out of the Hague Conference is 
 sure to come, as many of the delegates 
 believed, a series of similar conferences 
 constituting an entirely new era in the 
 
The Federation of the World i6g 
 
 management of international affairs. This 
 is an attainment of the first magnitude. If 
 the Conference had done nothing beyond 
 this, it would have abundantly justified it- 
 self and done much toward the ultimate 
 unification of the world. 
 
 Of the three measures agreed upon by 
 the Conference the least important, at first 
 sight, would seem to be that which gives a 
 new and improved statement of the laws 
 and customs of war. It has been often / 
 said, with perfect truth, not only by the 
 advocates of peace but by the foremost 
 military men themselves, that war is es- 
 sentially cruel and infernal and that it can- 
 not be civilized and humanized. Two 
 things, however, may be said in behalf of 
 what is called humanizing war. First, it 
 is the result of international cooperation. 
 Now, international cooperation for the re- 
 striction, in any measure, of a recognized 
 evil is a very valuable thing. It brings the 
 whole body of international thought and 
 public opinion to bear upon the evil, and 
 
lyo The Federation of the World 
 under the searchlight of this united opinion 
 the evil is sure to pass more and more into 
 disfavor. It is in this way that much of 
 the opposition to war itself as an inhuman 
 and irrational method of settling disputes 
 has grown up. It is a most instructive his- 
 torical fact that the whole body of modern 
 international law grew out of the great work 
 of Hugo Grotius on the law of war and 
 of peace (Be Jure Belli ac Pads), a work 
 written, not to oppose war in itself, but its 
 side excesses, its unnecessary cruelties and 
 the rashness and morbid eagerness with 
 which it was entered into by the princes of 
 his time. When Grotius wrote his book, 
 war was a game of which there were no 
 rules. There were no limits to the excesses 
 of soldiers off the field of battle, and none 
 to the extent to which any conflict might 
 -"spread. To-day wars do not often spread 
 beyond the parties to the dispute. The 
 nations form a cordon around them and 
 keep the bloody business within the ropes. 
 Prisoners are no longer, save in excep- 
 
The Federation of the World 171 
 
 tional cases, mercilessly abused and killed. 
 Non-combatants are respected, and many 
 shocking evils, once of e very-day occur- 
 rence, are almost unknown. International 
 cooperation in restricting war and cutting 
 off many of its attendant cruelties and suf- 
 ferings has created an international con- 
 science in regard to these things, without 
 the pressure of which we should have had, 
 with modern perfection of instruments of 
 death, a series of great conflicts attended 
 with every variety of horror, which would 
 have left the civilized lands a "howling 
 wilderness." The Hague Convention, fur- 
 ther enlarging and more clearly defining 
 the restrictions now imposed upon com- 
 batants, may be expected to carry this hu- 
 mane movement still farther, bearing with 
 it an ever-increasing dread of and moral 
 revulsion from the battlefield itself, whose 
 cruel, ghastly, loathsome nature can never 
 be changed until it ceases to be. 
 
 The other value of what is called human- 
 izing war is that this process carries the 
 
iy2 The Federation of the World 
 
 sentiments and practice of kindness and 
 mercy nearer to the heart of the evil. It 
 is out of the prevalence of these senti- 
 ments in the hearts and practices of men 
 that the abolition of war must ultimately 
 come, if it ever comes. Whatever, there- 
 fore, enlarges the practical sphere of social 
 kindness and tenderness, even though it be 
 on the borders of the conscience-deadening 
 battlefield, will cause society in general to 
 look with increasing horror and intolerance 
 on the slaughter and fury of battle, in 
 which is found not a single element of 
 humanity and mercy. 
 
 The Convention providing for the exten- 
 sion of the work of the Red Cross societies 
 to maritime warfare needs little comment. 
 All that has been said of the. Convention 
 in regard to the laws of war is applicable 
 with much greater force to this; for the 
 work of the Red Cross is one of pure 
 mercy. Besides, a maritime Red Cross 
 is the logical completion of that provided 
 for in the Geneva Convention of 1864 in 
 
The Federation of the World 173 
 
 connection with land warfare. Before the 
 Hague Conference, Red Cross work had 
 already been done in connection with some 
 naval battles under the general provisions 
 of the Geneva Convention. Though the 
 Conference did not break new ground in 
 this direction, it did a very great service by 
 providing for the official extension of this 
 humane institution from the land surface of 
 the globe to the three times greater water 
 surface, on which probably most of the 
 battles of the future will be fought. 
 
 On the subject of reduction of arma- 
 ments, the chief object for which the Con- 
 ference was called, nothing directly was ' 
 done. The matter did not even come to 
 serious discussion. Many of the members, 
 and some entire delegations, felt deeply 
 that something ought to be done for the 
 relief of Europe. But when the subject 
 was brought forward by Mr. De Staal, on 
 behalf of Russia, Germany immediately 
 opposed. The sentiment in favor of action 
 was so weak in other prominent delegations, 
 
IJ4 The Federation of the World 
 
 and the general feeling so strong that pub- 
 lic sentiment in the nations would not sup- 
 port any effective measure, that the subject 
 was dropped. But by the manner in which 
 it was dropped the Conference went a long 
 way in preparing the ground for future 
 action. A resolution was introduced by 
 the first delegate from France, Mr. Bour- 
 geois, and unanimously adopted, declaring 
 it to be the judgment of the Conference 
 " that the limitation of the military charges 
 resting upon the world is greatly to be de- 
 sired, for the increase of the material and 
 moral well-being of humanity." This reso- 
 lution was a corporate condemnation of the 
 present system of "bloated armaments/' 
 whose private condemnation had already 
 become deep and widespread among the 
 peoples. When a great public evil is thus 
 publicly condemned by a representative 
 body of men acting officially, the evil is 
 doomed, however far off may be the day 
 >, v when it shall be put on the scaffold. 
 
 Besides their doubt about the support of 
 
The Federation of the World 175 
 
 the governments and public opinion at 
 home, many members of the Conference 
 felt that any scheme of reduction of arma- 
 ments would be sure to fail unless there 
 were first in successful operation a well- 
 devised system of settling international 
 controversies by peaceful means. For this 
 reason, as well as for its own sake, they set 
 themselves so earnestly to prepare a scheme 
 for a permanent international court of ar- 
 bitration. In addition to laying the corner- 
 stone of future disarmament in the drafting 
 of this great scheme, the Conference also 
 did something more in the same direction. 
 It declared itself in favor of the prohibi- 
 tion of the dropping of projectiles and ex- 
 plosives from balloons, of the employment 
 of projectiles designed to emit asphyxiat- 
 ing gases, and of the use of explosive or 
 expansive bullets ; only the United States / 
 and Great Britain failing to record their j 
 votes in favor of the last two prohibitions. 
 The Conference did, therefore, much to- 
 ward preparing the way for disarmament, 
 
ij6 The Federation of the World 
 
 the necessity of which is felt more and 
 more powerfully each year in Europe. 
 
 Much the most important of the three 
 conventions drawn up by the Conference 
 was that providing for the pacific settle- 
 ment of international controversies by 
 means of commissions of inquiry, media- 
 tion and a permanent court of arbitration. 
 Around this centred the interest of the 
 Conference. The delegates felt that pub- 
 lic sentiment was ripe for action in this 
 direction. Numerous messages came to 
 them from all quarters of the civilized 
 world. They had before them the suc- 
 cessful issue of more than a hundred im- 
 portant arbitrations. The development of 
 international relations and international 
 law had prepared the way for action. Four 
 of the great powers represented — the 
 United States, Great Britain, Russia, and 
 Italy — brought with them well-digested 
 plans for a general arbitration convention. 
 There was no way of escape from the duty 
 pressed home to the Conference from all 
 
The Federation of the World lyy 
 
 sides. No attempt was made to escape it, 
 unless possibly the action of the German 
 delegation in the early part of the Confer- 
 ence may be called such. The subject was 
 taken up with an interest and zeal which 
 surprised even the most ardent advocates 
 of peace. There was no contest in getting 
 it forward. Not a speech was made in 
 opposition. There was no fear of going 
 beyond what the governments and peoples 
 at home would support. For two months, 
 day after day, the subject was wrestled 
 with by the ablest men of the Conference 
 — experienced diplomats, experts in inter- 
 national law, jurists of large legal experi- 
 ence. The result was a document which 
 must always hereafter be considered as thef 
 Magna Charta of the <6ew internationalism ^ \ 
 of peace, the reign of love and law, which 
 is to take the place of the spirit of hate 
 and the method of " blood and iron." 
 
 It has been charged that the members of 
 the Conference, finding that nothing could 
 be done in the way of disarmament,' and 
 
/ 78 The Federation of the World 
 
 feeling that they must not totally disap- 
 point those at home who were expecting 
 so much of them, in sheer desperation fell 
 upon the subject of arbitration. No greater 
 freak of fancy than this was ever recorded. 
 / Arbitration came to the front at The Hague 
 v_because it belonged there. After a century 
 of the most unqualified success in the ad- 
 justment of many and perplexing disputes 
 it came to the Conference to have the 
 crown of the world's public approbation of- 
 ficially set upon its head. And the setting 
 of this crown in the form of a permanent 
 court of arbitration was as serious and 
 devout a political proceeding as any page 
 of history can show. 
 
 A brief examination of the principal fea- 
 tures of this great scheme will give us a 
 right conception of the influence which it 
 is likely to have in diminishing resort to 
 war and in promoting larger international 
 trust and fellowship. 
 
 The first part of the convention provides 
 for mediation. The powers entering into 
 
The Federation of the World iyg 
 
 the treaty agree that in case of grave dif- 
 ference of opinion they will, before appeal- 
 ing to arms, have recourse, as far as cir- 
 cumstances permit, to the good offices or 
 mediation of one or more powers. The 
 form recommended is that each of the dis- 
 puting states shall choose one power, and 
 the two powers so chosen shall have charge 
 for thirty days, unless some other time is 
 specially agreed upon, of the matter in 
 dispute, with a view to amicable arrange- 
 ment. Provision is also made that powers 
 not interested in the dispute may offer their 
 good offices, even during the course of hos- 
 tilities, and that the exercise of this right 
 shall never be considered by either of the 
 disputants as an unfriendly act. 
 
 The theory of this scheme of mediation 
 is that time for cool deliberation is of the 
 utmost importance in the case of serious 
 differences, and that disinterested powers 
 are much more likely to find a way of 
 honorable compromise than those directly 
 concerned. Mediation at the request of 
 
L^ 
 
 1 80 The Federation of the World 
 
 contending states is already a well-known 
 practice in international relations. This 
 scheme greatly extends its scope. It makes 
 mediation possible before the outbreak of 
 hostilities, and also on the initiative of 
 neutral states. It puts every nation enter- 
 ing into the convention under the friendly 
 eye and consideration of all the other 
 nations. Its adoption is a solemn public 
 declaration by the nations jointly that they 
 are a family, and that every dispute between 
 two of them is in some measure the concern 
 of every other member of the family. The 
 recommendations of the mediating powers 
 e to have no compulsory force, but it is 
 not likely that disputing states asking for 
 mediation or consenting to it would ever 
 reject the friendly counsel given. The 
 sense of honor would be sufficient to secure 
 their assent, just as it has secured the 
 acceptance of the judgments rendered by 
 courts of arbitration for more than a hun- 
 dred years. To what extent the nations 
 will resort to mediation under this conven- 
 
The Federation of the World 181 
 
 tion only time can determine. The lessons 
 of history, the sense of obligation imposed 
 by the adoption of the convention, and the 
 increasing complexity of international rela- 
 tions make it fairly certain that the scheme 
 will not long remain unused. 
 
 The second part of the convention pro- 
 vides for joint commissions of inquiry, in 
 less serious cases, where disputes arise from 
 divergence of opinion as to matters of fact. 
 These commissions are to make an impar- 
 tial and conscientious examination of the 
 facts in the case, and report the result of 
 their investigations to the governments in- 
 terested. Here their work ends. The value 
 of such preliminary investigation, before an 
 attempt is made to arrive at agreement, can- 
 not be overestimated. Misunderstanding as 
 to facts often creates irritation and bitter- 
 ness for which there is no ground whatever, 
 and many wars have resulted from just 
 such an irrational state. of affairs. Once 
 take time fq£ coolyand deliberate inquiry, 
 and clear up all questions of fact, as these 
 
1 82 The Federation of the World 
 
 commissions would be expected to do, and 
 more than half the supposed causes, not of 
 war only but also of senseless contention 
 and railing, would be swept entirely away. 
 
 The remainder of the convention deals 
 with the subject of arbitral justice and the 
 permanent international court of arbitration. 
 Here the Conference did its real work, — 
 the work which will give it its high place 
 of honor in coming time, the work which 
 opens a new era in the history of humanity. 
 
 The convention provides that each of the 
 nations entering into the agreement shall 
 appoint, as members of the court for a term 
 of six years subject to.reelection, not more 
 than four persons of recognized competency 
 in dealing with questions of international 
 law and of the highest moral reputation. 
 From this body of men, always in existence, 
 always studying and developing international 
 law, always having before them the class of 
 questions about which differences between 
 nations arise, shall be chosen a certain 
 number to act as arbitrators whenever two 
 
The Federation of the World 183 
 
 governments wish to refer a controversy to 
 the court. Except in case of special agree- 
 ment the number to be chosen is five, two 
 by each of the powers and an umpire by 
 these. A bureau of the court is established 
 at the Netherlands capital, which is to serve 
 as the office of record, and as the interme- 
 diary of all communications relating to the 
 sittings of the court. The convention also 
 provides for a permanent Council of Admin- 
 istration, to be composed of the diplomatic 
 representatives of the signatory powers ac- 
 credited to The Hague, and presided over 
 by the Netherlands Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs. This Council is to organize and 
 direct the bureau, to have the decision of 
 all administrative questions relating to the 
 working of the court, and to make a report 
 yearly to the governments of the work of 
 the court and of the expenses. 
 
 The use of the court by the signatory ^^ 
 powers is to be entirely voluntary. Obli-A 
 gatory arbitration could not be reached by \ ~" 
 the Conference. But though resort to the 
 
184 The Federation of the World 
 
 court is voluntary, it isv. morally certain 
 that nations which have of their own ac- 
 cord set up a tribunal of such high char- 
 acter, in which will be found the foremost 
 international jurists of the world, will from 
 the very beginning, in all ordinary cases, 
 make use of it, instead of creating tempo- 
 rary tribunals or running the risk of war. 
 As time goes on more and more important 
 and delicate cases will be carried before its 
 bar, and there is every reason to hope that 
 confidence in its ability and fairness will 
 ultimately become so great that its juris- 
 diction in international controversies will 
 become universal. The very existence of 
 the court will tend to lessen differences and 
 will make their settlement by diplomacy, 
 when they arise, much more certain. 
 
 This great scheme lifts arbitration, which 
 has already had a century of unbroken suc- 
 cess in an experimental way, to a position 
 of organized permanency in the realm of in- 
 ternational method. It extends potentially, 
 and in time we may hope will extend actu- 
 
The Federation of the World 185 
 
 ally, the principles of reason and law to the | 
 whole realm of international affairs, where 
 heretofore has reigned so largely a chaos of 
 unreason and of violence. Through its pro- 
 vision for an international bureau and a per- 
 manent Council of Administration at The 
 Hague it virtually creates a capital of the 
 world. The position of minister to the 
 court of the Netherlands, involving mem- 
 bership in this Council, will hereafter be 
 considered of the highest order, and states- 
 men of the first rank will be chosen for it. 
 The Conference therefore did something 
 of much more value in its ultimate effects 
 upon the world than the creation of a per- 
 manent system for the adjustment of con- 
 troversies, or even than the extension of 
 law and reason to the whole realm of inter- 
 national affairs. It created a permanent 
 peace centre, through the Council which it 
 set up, and put the idea of peace in the 
 forefront as the supreme directing principle 
 in international relations. The men who 
 are sent to The Hague as ministers plenipo- 
 
1 86 The Federation of the World 
 
 tentiary from the powers will through their 
 connection with the permanent court have 
 this idea always before them. From them 
 its influence must inevitably spread through 
 the whole sphere of diplomacy. Their an- 
 nual reports to their governments at home 
 will keep the subject fresh before the minds 
 of the peoples of the several countries. Men 
 will become accustomed to looking to this 
 centre of peaceful judicature during periods 
 of contention and passion, and the ultimate 
 effect in international life will be the same 
 as that which courts of law have produced 
 in the interior life of the separate nations, 
 — a state of general and durable peace, 
 where resort to war is now practically un- 
 known. 
 
 It is impossible except in these general 
 terms to trace the many and far-reaching 
 effects of this Convention for the Pacific 
 Settlement of International Controversies. 
 But through it one thing has become per- 
 fectly clear, namely, that the federation of 
 the world is no longer simply an ideal or a 
 
The Federation of the World i8y . 
 
 rational deduction from processes of devel- 
 opment everywhere going on. The Hague 
 Conference resulting in this convention has 
 made it already in part a fact l . 
 
 1 The best book in English on the Conference and its 
 work is that by Frederick W. Holls, secretary of the 
 United States delegation, entitled The Peace Conference 
 at The Hague. 
 
XII 
 
 The Hague Court and Recent Progress 
 toward World-Unity 
 
 HE setting up of the Hague Court, 
 the beginning of a permanent and 
 regular judicial order among the 
 nations, may justly be styled one of the 
 greatest events of history. This took place 
 something less than two years after the close 
 of the Conference. By April, 1901, some 
 sixteen of the signatory powers had ratified 
 the convention providing for the permanent 
 International Court of Arbitration, and ap- 
 pointed their members of the tribunal. 
 The Administrative Council, composed of 
 the ministers accredited to the Netherlands 
 government, organized at The Hague, es- 
 tablished the Bureau of the Court, as pro- 
 vided for in the convention, and the tribunal 
 was declared by the Netherlands Minister 
 
The Federation of the World i8g 
 
 of Foreign Affairs to be duly constituted 
 and ready for business. Since that time 
 all of the signatory powers, except Turkey 
 and Montenegro, have ratified the conven- 
 tion and appointed members of the court. 
 Norway, also, since her separation from 
 Sweden, has named representatives in the 
 tribunal. 
 
 Contrary to the expectations of many, the 
 court was put into operation within a year 
 of the time when it was declared established, 
 whereas the United States Supreme Court 
 had to wait more than two years for its 
 first case. The governments of the United 
 States and of Mexico set the tribunal in 
 operation in 1902 by the reference to it of 
 the Pious Fund controversy. Since that 
 time the Japanese House -Tax case, the 
 Venezuela Preferential -Payment case and 
 the controversy between Great Britain and 
 France as to their respective treaty rights 
 in Muscat have been referred to the court 
 and adjudicated. In these settlements 
 most of the important powers of the world 
 
A 
 
 igo The Federation of the World 
 
 have appeared before the court as litigants, 
 and thus the tribunal has been securely es- 
 tablished in the confidence of the nations. 
 The awards in these four cases were loyally 
 accepted by the governments against which 
 they were rendered. This was true even 
 in the Venezuela case, where the award was 
 severely criticised by many as seemingly 
 putting a premium on violence. 1 
 
 In another way, also, the International 
 Court has been strengthened in its prestige, 
 and its permanence rendered more sure. 
 Reference of disputes to it, under the Hague 
 convention, is voluntary only. Nothing 
 further than this could be accomplished in 
 1899, though a large number of govern- 
 ments were ready to go further. The sig- 
 natory powers assumed njrtreaty_Qbligations 
 to bring their controversies before the tri- 
 bunal, however strong their moral obliga- 
 
 1 As this chapter is going to press the United States 
 and Great Britain have reached an agreement to refer 
 to the Hague Court the whole Newfoundland fisheries 
 question. 
 
The Federation of the World igi 
 
 tion, imposed by the creation of it, to use 
 it for the ends for which it had been es- 
 tablished. Almost immediately, therefore, 
 after its establishment a movement was 
 begun to secure treaties of obligatory arbi- 
 tration between the nations, stipulating re- 
 ference to the court of the disputes which 
 might arise between them. This move- 
 ment was really only the resumption, in a 
 modified form, of that which had been going 
 on for many years, and which had resulted 
 in the unratified Anglo-American treaty of 
 1897, and the similar one of the same year 
 between Italy and the Argentine Republic. 
 The setting up, in the meantime, of the 
 permanent Court of Arbitration had pre- 
 pared the way for the conclusion of such 
 treaties and made the work of securing them 
 much easier than it had been prior to 1899. 
 To this new appeal of the friends of peace, 
 supported by the great business organiza- 
 tions of the different countries, the govern- 
 ments responded with unexpected alacrity 
 and cordiality. Between December, 1899, 
 
 x/ 
 
V 
 
 ig2 The Federation of the World 
 
 I and the close of 1902 no less than fifteen 
 I treaties of obligatory arbitration were con- 
 cluded; namely, those between the Ameri- 
 can republics, including the Pan-American 
 conventions and the conventions concluded 
 between Spain and nine Latin-American 
 States, and the treaty between Mexico and 
 Persia. These fifteen treaties did not, how- 
 ever, pledge reference of disputes to the 
 Hague tribunal, as the South American 
 states were not parties to the convention 
 under which the court was set up. Great 
 Britain and France, who had been perilously 
 near to war over the Fashoda affair, and 
 whose business men, led by Dr. Thomas 
 Barclay, an ex-president of the British 
 Chamber of Commerce in Paris, had cre- 
 ated a powerful crusade among the cham- 
 bers of commerce and boards of trade 
 against the war excitement, took the lead 
 in this movement so far as the Hague Court 
 was concerned. On the fifteenth of Octo- 
 ber, 1903, a treaty of obligatory arbitration 
 was concluded to run for five years and 
 
The Federation of the World ig$ 
 
 to cover all disputes of a judicial nature 
 and those arising in the interpretation of 
 treaties. Following this initiative, other 
 treaties of the same type were quickly- 
 signed, and by October, 1907, no less than 
 forty-seven had been concluded, not to men- 
 tion the eleven signed by the late Secretary 
 Hay, which failed to go into effect because 
 of the disagreement between President 
 Roosevelt and the Senate as to their re- 
 spective prerogatives as parts of the treaty- 
 making power. Two of these treaties, the-" 
 Danish-Netherlands and the Danish-Italian,^ 
 are without limitations. They refer all dis- 
 putes for all time to the Hague Court. 
 One of the most recent of these treaties, ^ 
 that between Denmark and Portugal, is to 
 run for ten years, but is otherwise unlimited. 
 All of the nations of Western Europe have 
 become parties to some of these treaties 
 pledging reference of disputes to the Hague 
 Court. One regrets to have to record that 
 France and Germany, between whom the 
 ancient prejudice and animosity are clearly 
 
194 The Federation of the World 
 
 beginning to break down, have not yet 
 reached a stage of friendly confidence where 
 a treaty of arbitration can be concluded 
 between them. But, with this exception, 
 the nations of Western Europe have bound 
 themselves together in a real bond of peace, 
 though of a temporary and limited charac- 
 ter. 
 
 It is not easy to appreciate the full force 
 of this series of conventions in its bearings 
 upon the future relations of the nations. 
 It reveals a new spirit, a new order of con- 
 duct among the governments. This new 
 disposition has already borne fruit in the 
 remarkable diplomatic agreement between 
 Great Britain and France for the settlement 
 by arbitration or otherwise of all their out- 
 standing differences, some of them very 
 old and stubborn. It has manifested itself 
 quite as impressively in the manner in 
 which the North Sea affair between Great 
 Britain and Russia was settled by an inter- 
 national commission of inquiry, as provided 
 by the Hague convention ; and even more 
 
The Federation of the World 195 
 
 impressively still, if possible, in the pacific 
 settlement of the Moroccan controversy 
 between France and Germany (who had so 
 long stood apart in irreconcilable opposi- 
 tion) by the conference at Algeciras, in 
 which representatives of fourteen powers 
 took part. 
 
 The fact that no fresh controversies have 
 been settled by the Hague tribunal the 
 past two years, a fact that has occasioned 
 unfavorable comment, has its explanation in 
 this same direction. The new spirit that is 
 pervading international life not only leads 
 to pacific adjustment of controversies when 
 they arise, but it also operates to prevent 
 them. It makes diplomacy active in allay- 
 ing differences that might become serious. 
 In this way the number of misunderstand- 
 ings and disputes between the nations is 
 already unmistakably decreasing, and in 
 place of the former exclusiveness, recrimi- 
 nation and provocation of quarrels, a habit 
 of genuine respect, appreciation and sympa- 
 thetic association is rapidly forming. This 
 
 YS 
 
 J 
 
/ 
 
 J 
 
 ig6 The Federation of the World 
 
 has manifested itself among heads of gov- 
 ernments themselves and among statesmen, 
 not only in political ways, but also by inter- 
 national visits of a social order such as have 
 been unknown till recent years. That the 
 Hague Court, therefore, should pass a year 
 or two without being called upon to adjudi- 
 cate any international dispute ought not to 
 create any surprise. It is, on the contrary, 
 the most convincing proof that the arbitra- 
 tion movement, as a special phase of the 
 international peace movement, is nearing 
 its completion, and that the new spirit 
 which has accompanied and actuated its 
 development, is rapidly producing among 
 the nations that mutual respect and friendly 
 cooperation which will make arbitration 
 less and less necessary and possibly keep 
 the Hague Court itself much of the time 
 out of business. This would certainly not 
 be an undesirable state of affairs. Arbi- 
 tration of disputes is a most excellent thing, 
 but so to live as to have no disputes to ar- 
 bitrate and no differences which cannot be 
 
\ 
 
 The Federation of the World igy 
 
 easily adjusted by direct friendly conference 
 is a " more excellent way." 
 
 But more significant still than any of the 
 facts set forth above is the extraordinary 
 development of general public sentiment in 
 nearly all countries in favor of the speedy 
 completion of the system of pacific settle- 
 ment of disputes and of a closer unity and 
 fuller cooperation of the nations in the 
 treatment and disposition of the problems 
 which concern their common interests. 
 Since the Hague Conference of 1899 tne 
 proposition has been put forward in a prac- 
 tical way for the creation of a permanent 
 periodic conference or parliament of nations. 
 The unanimous action of the Massachu- 
 setts legislature in 1903 in this direction 
 has found large support in both the United 
 States and Europe among men of various / 
 callings. It has received the approval of 
 all the leading organizations that are word- 
 ing for international peace, — namely, the 
 International Peace Congress, the Interpar- 
 liamentary Union, the Mohonk Arbitration 
 
, ig8 The Federation of the World 
 
 Conference, the National Peace congresses, 
 and of many important business, social, reli- 
 gious and philanthropic bodies. It has com- 
 mended itself to the judgment of men of 
 affairs, as well as to idealists, as an entirely 
 practicable scheme and absolutely neces- 
 sary at the present time for the strengthen- 
 ing and further advancement of civilization. 
 The many important intergovernmental 
 congresses and conferences held since the 
 Vienna Congress of 1815, 1 for the discus- 
 sion and settlement of problems of great 
 moment and urgency, have been aptly 
 pointed to as furnishing the unanswerable 
 argument for a regular international insti- 
 tution, in which these problems continu- 
 ally arising in the intercourse of nations 
 may have thorough and adequate treat- 
 ment. 
 
 The same intelligent sentiment which is 
 
 1 In an able article in the American Journal of Inter- 
 national Law for July 1907, Judge Baldwin, Chief Jus- 
 tice of the Supreme Court of Connecticut, has pointed 
 out that there have been more than one hundred and 
 twenty of these conferences since 1826. 
 
The Federation of the World igg 
 
 calling for this great step, the creation of 
 a world-assembly, is also demanding, even 
 more insistently, that the nations shall go 
 beyond what was done at The Hague in 
 1899 and enter into a general arbitration 
 convention under the terms of which they 
 shall solemnly bind themselves to refer to 
 the Hague Court for settlement disputes 
 which cannot be adjusted by diplomacy. 
 It may be said without exaggeration that 
 the voice of the civilized world is almost 
 unanimous at the present time in favor of 
 this important measure, which is necessary 
 as the logical completion of the Hague 
 Convention of 1 899. 
 
 Another feature of the more recent de- 
 velopment of the tendency towards inter- 
 national federation and cooperation for the 
 promotion of the general welfare of human- 
 ity is the demand for the permanent neu- 
 tralization of the private commerce of the 
 world. Nothing in our time is more note- 
 worthy than the vast expansion of inter- 
 national trade. In less than one hundred 
 
2oo The Federation of the World 
 
 years it has grown from a volume valued 
 at $1,500,000,000 to an amount valued at 
 the colossal sum of $20,000,000,000. The 
 largest portion of this increase has been 
 within the past generation. At the same 
 time the conviction is deepening that this 
 commerce, on which so much of the common 
 people's welfare and happiness depends, 
 should be kept free from the disturbing 
 and ruinous influences of war, the very- 
 rumor of which in our complex social con- 
 ditions works such widespread havoc. The 
 demand is put forward both by men of 
 affairs and by broad-minded philanthro- 
 pists that the so-called " rights of bellige- 
 rents " shall be so limited that when two 
 governments engage in hostilities the rights 
 of private citizens throughout the world to 
 carry on the ordinary vocations unmolested 
 shall not be interfered with in any serious 
 way. The United States government has 
 long held that all unoffending private pro- 
 perty at sea should be exempt from capture 
 in time of war. The Massachusetts State 
 
The Federation of the World 201 
 
 Board of Trade has recently gone so far as 
 to urge that the great trade routes of the 
 ocean themselves should to this end be per- 
 manently neutralized. This growing con-"' 
 sideration and respect for the rights and 
 liberties of the masses of the people, for 
 the promotion of which rather than for 
 their own sake governments are now gen- 
 erally conceived to have their raison d'etre > 
 is the surest proof that war is to be ultfc" 
 mately eliminated from human society and 
 that the parts of the world are more and / 
 more to live and think and move together 
 as they have not done in the past. Even/ 
 the unfortunate wars which have occurred 
 since the Hague Conference of 1899 — 
 w r ars whose roots went far back into the 
 past and cannot with any fairness be turned 
 into a reproach of the Hague institutions — 
 have served to reveal in a most impressive 
 way the growing spirit of oneness among 
 different parts of the globe, and the increas- 
 ing determination of the peoples of the dif- 
 ferent nations that the great and disastrous 
 
202 The Federation of the World 
 
 disturbances to the general social and eco- 
 nomic order caused by war shall not be al- 
 lowed to repeat themselves hereafter. Not 
 only was the Boer War strongly condemned 
 at the time by the general opinion of inter- 
 national society, as well as by a powerful 
 section of the British people, but the reac- 
 tion against it in Great Britain followed with 
 a swiftness and irresistible power, which 
 has probably never before been known in 
 connection with any such conflict. In the 
 case of the war between Japan and Russia 
 the same feeling of disappointment and 
 grief as accompanied the South African 
 tragedy, was also experienced, though in a 
 somewhat more concealed way on account 
 of the peculiar character of the conflict. 
 The end of this gigantic struggle brought 
 such a feeling of relief to the conscience 
 and heart of the world as has never before 
 -v'Deen witnessed. This increasing sensitive- 
 ness of the public conscience of the world 
 to the horrors and irrationality of war is 
 perhaps the best guarantee that some ade- 
 
The Federation of the World 203 
 
 quate method will speedily be found by 
 which justice and honor may be truly satis- 
 fied and humanity spared the great burdens, 
 both moral and material, which war now 
 imposes. 
 
 The movement toward international fed- 
 eration has, on the whole, advanced more 
 rapidly in the Western Hemisphere than in 
 the Eastern. This is due, undoubtedly, to 
 the fuller recognition of democratic princi- 
 ples and their wider incorporation in politi- 
 cal institutions on this side of the globe. 
 Since the Hague Conference of 1899 the 
 Second and Third International American ^ 
 conferences have been held, that of Mex- 
 ico City in 1 90 1 and that of Rio Janeiro in ^ 
 1906. The first Pan-American Conference ^ 
 was called ten years before the first Hague 
 Conference, so much futher advanced was 
 sentiment in this hemisphere than in the 
 Eastern. The results of these American 
 conferences have been many and varied, 
 but by far the most important of them has 
 been the establishment of what is essentially 
 
204 Tb e Federation of the World 
 
 (^~a permanent international union of the 
 ^American republics. This union, though 
 only in its incipience is of vastly greater 
 moment than the arbitration conventions or 
 the commercial, educational and sanitary 
 arrangements to which these states have 
 given their assent, valuable as these are. 
 It will, without doubt, in time practically 
 destroy the distrust which has existed 
 among them toward the United States, and 
 the friction and unrest which has character- 
 ized the relations of some of them to each 
 other. The strength of this Pan-American 
 union will be greatly increased through the 
 operation of the International Bureau of the 
 American Republics, as reorganized by the 
 Rio Conference of 1906. This Bureau is 
 to have permanent quarters in Washington, 
 for which, through the contributions of the 
 different republics and Andrew Carnegie's 
 ^ generous gift of three quarters of a million 
 dollars, a worthy building is soon to be 
 erected. 
 
The Federation of the World 205 
 
 The circumstances attending the calling 
 and holding of the Second Hague Confer- * 
 ence, which closed its sessions on October 
 1 8th, 1907, have emphasized in a most ex- 
 traordinary way the strength of the various 
 lines of influence which are working out the 
 federative union of the world. This Confer- 
 ence was initiated by President Roosevelt 
 at the urgent suggestion of the Interpar- 
 liamentary Union at the time of its con- 
 ference at St. Louis in 1904. Back of this 
 initiative was a great body of international 
 public sentiment, as there had not been to 
 the same degree behind that of the Czar in 
 1899. This public sentiment, which in the 
 interests of international justice and peace 
 demanded a new conference, indeed a series 
 of periodic conferences of the nations, and 
 had been expressing itself in the years fol- 
 lowing 1899 with increasing volume and in- 
 tensity, found its best and most effective 
 instrument of expression in this great, well- 
 organized union of statesmen, a body truly 
 representative of the people in the various 
 
V 
 
 206 The Federation of the World 
 
 countries to whose parliaments they be- 
 longed. The Second Conference at The 
 Hague, therefore, met at the behest, not of 
 a crowned head, or chief of state, but of the 
 international democracy of our time. This 
 popular character of the calling of the Sec- 
 ond Hague Conference differentiated it 
 strongly from the Conference of 1899, and 
 is proof of a very great advance in a few 
 years in the development of those forces 
 which are leading the nations to wider and 
 more sympathetic relations to each other 
 and upon which their federation, when it 
 comes, must depend for its solidity and per- 
 manence. 
 
 In the Second Hague Conference, fur- 
 thermore, practically all the states of the 
 world came together for the first time in a 
 general conference for deliberation upon 
 their mutual interests. The republics of 
 South and Central America for the first 
 time as a body met with the nations of Eu- 
 rope on a basis of political equality. This 
 they had not been permitted to do in 1899. 
 
</ 
 
 The Federation of the World 207 
 
 They were not considered by the older Eu- 
 ropean powers competent to meet with 
 them in council concerning the great world 
 problems which up to that time Europe had 
 always considered it her prerogative to de- 
 termine. This gathering of all the nations 
 of the world in a common assembly is the 
 most significant fact connected with the 
 Second Hague Conference. This meeting, 
 to which South America sent some of the 
 ablest men who were present, has put an 
 end to the old order of things in which the 
 two hemispheres moved apart and had 
 practically no bond of political union and 
 cooperation. The world is henceforth, both 
 morally and materially, to proceed on its r^AjW 
 way as a single, united world. In claim- 
 ing and insisting upon their political equal- 
 ity with the European nations the South 
 American countries made at The Hague a 
 notable contribution to the cause of justice 
 and peace. For the first time in history the 
 small states had the opportunity unitedly 
 to meet the pretensions of the great powers 
 
208 The Federation of the World 
 
 to dictate, without the advice and consent 
 of the small powers, the general interna- 
 tional policies of the world. There is rea- 
 son to believe that the Second Hague 
 Conference has inaugurated an entirely- 
 new era in this regard, and that hereafter 
 we shall see much less of the aggression 
 and gross injustice of the strong powers 
 towards the small and weak ones than in 
 the past. 
 
 In the way of formal accomplishments 
 the Second Hague Conference fell much 
 short of what the advanced thought of 
 the world expected of it, and even short 
 of what a majority of the governments 
 themselves were ready and, in a number 
 of cases, even anxious to do. But what 
 was accomplished in the thirteen conven- 
 tions that were adopted was nevertheless 
 all in the direction not simply of the re- 
 striction of war, but of wider international 
 cooperation and control. The conventions 
 dealing with war both on land and sea 
 and those dealing with the rights and 
 
The Federation of the World 209 
 
 duties of neutrals were all of a character 
 to make it much more difficult than here- 
 tofore for any two nations to begin or to 
 wage a war according to the dictates of their 
 own passions and selfish ambitions. The 
 whole body of the nations acting as a unit 
 has laid its restraining hand upon war as 
 has never before been done. This is an 
 attainment of no mean significance. The 
 establishment of an international prize court 
 to supplant the ex parte national prize courts, 
 which have hitherto dealt with captures at 
 sea in times of war, is a long step toward 
 wider joint international action. More con- 
 spicuously so is the treaty under whose 
 stipulations contractual debts cannot here- 
 after be collected from a nation by force 
 until the justice of the claims has been sub- 
 mitted to impartial arbitration. The world 
 note is also heard in the conventions cover- 
 ing the laying of submarine mines, the bom- 
 bardment of unfortified coast towns, the 
 treatment of captured crews, and the invio- 
 lability of fishing fleets and of the postal 
 
21 o The Federation of the World 
 
 service. And it is the world note in all of 
 these agreements, and not the mere formal 
 thing that was done, that enables us to de- 
 termine the true significance of the Con- 
 ference. 
 
 But the real interpretation of the Con- 
 ference is to be sought outside of these 
 formal conventions. The great questions 
 with which it dealt and in which were con- 
 spicuously manifested its high intellectual 
 character and its lofty moral tone were the 
 problems of the limitation of armaments, 
 the creation of a permanent international 
 tribunal of justice, the formulation of a gen- 
 eral treaty of obligatory arbtration, and the 
 establishment of a regular congress or 
 parliament of the world. Any one who has 
 followed the reports of the deliberations, 
 and especially of the discussions which pre- 
 ceded the Conference, knows that these 
 were the real subjects for the consideration 
 of which it was called, the real subjects, 
 too, on which it expended its best thought 
 and energy, rather than those which were 
 
The Federation of the World 211 
 
 formally on the program. It was these in 
 which the peoples of the different nations 
 were supremely interested, and it is no ex- 
 aggeration to say that all these problems, 
 though formal conclusions were not reached, 
 were carried far forward toward their ulti- 
 mate solutions. The principle of periodic 
 Hague conferences was unanimously ap- 
 proved and the date of the third meeting 
 practically fixed. That means the inaugu- 
 ration of the greatest possible institution 
 in the direction of the definite federation 
 and political organization of the world. 
 The principle of a permanent international 
 court of justice was likewise practically 
 unanimously approved. This assures the 
 world in a few years of a great tribunal 
 which will not only serve the ends of 
 justice among the nations, but also make 
 universal peace more certain than it has 
 ever yet appeared. The principle of obli- 
 gatory arbitration of disputes was also for- 
 mally incorporated in the convention in 
 regard to the collection of contractual 
 
212 The Federation of the World 
 
 debts, and a very large and powerful ma- 
 jority of the delegations also voted their 
 approval of the principle in general, and 
 desired its incorporation in a general 
 treaty covering a considerable range of 
 classes of controversies. It is not diffi- 
 cult to foresee, therefore, that we are 
 within easy reach of a general convention 
 of obligatory arbitration among the nations, 
 covering practically all controversies ex- 
 cept those which involve the national 
 independence. In the meantime, the ar- 
 ticle that was, at the suggestion of the 
 United States delegation, added to the 
 convention of 1899, providing that one of 
 two disputing states may apply directly to 
 the Bureau of the Hague Court and ask 
 for arbitration, will do much to increase 
 the influence of the Court as it now exists, 
 and to ensure the arbitration of disputes 
 even between powers whose relations may 
 have become embittered. This open ap- 
 peal through the Hague Court to the public 
 bpinion of the world could hardly fail to 
 
The Federation of the World 213 
 
 induce an unwilling nation to yield and 
 allow the controversy to go before the 
 great tribunal which the nations have estab- 
 lished, and to which all the governments 
 of the world are now parties. 
 
 Much more significance is to be attached 
 to the resolution adopted in regard to the 
 present rivalry of armaments than many 
 suppose. The resolution voted is the sol- 
 emn and unanimous voice of the govern- 
 ments of the world through their represen- 
 tatives at the Hague Conference that the 
 present system of armaments has reached 
 a development at which it ought to stop. 
 This voice of the Conference will go out 
 through all the world, and the governments, 
 if they have a true sense of respect for the 
 men whom they sent to the Second Hague 
 Conference, will not allow the subject long 
 to remain dormant, but will take it up and 
 will have it seriously and thoroughly studied 
 with the intention of reaching at the Third 
 Hague Conference, or earlier, some practi- 
 *«. cal solution of this, the most urgent and 
 
214 The Federation of the World 
 
 burning question of international concern 
 at the present time. 
 
 What the full results of the Second 
 Hague Conference will be it is as yet im- 
 possible to forecast. It will require years for 
 the full fruition. But any one who consid- 
 ers its meaning and its work in the light of 
 its historic antecedents and the great move- 
 ments which for centuries have been lead- 
 ing up to it, and its bearings upon the future 
 relations and policies of the nations, cannot 
 but believe that the federation of the world, 
 which has so long been dreamed of and 
 prophesied, is no longer a mere prophecy 
 and a dream, but has already in very deed 
 begun to exist. From the foundations now 
 so well laid, both in general public opinion 
 and in an as yet imperfect but real world in- 
 stitution which the Hague conferences have 
 brought into being, one can easily picture 
 to one's self the superstructure of the mag- 
 nificent world temple of peace, which is to 
 be thereon erected. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 The Char's Rescript calling for a Conference 
 on Reduction of Armaments. 
 
 Issued at St. Petersburg by Count Muravieff on 
 the 24.TH of August, 1898. 
 
 The maintenance of general peace and a possi- 
 ble reduction of the excessive armaments which 
 weigh upon all nations present themselves, in the 
 existing condition of the whole world, as the ideal 
 towards which the endeavors of all governments 
 should be directed. 
 
 The humanitarian and magnanimous spirit of 
 His Majesty the Emperor, my august Master, is 
 wholly convinced of this view. 
 
 In the conviction that this lofty aim is in con- 
 formity with the most essential interests and the 
 legitimate wishes of all the Powers, the Imperial 
 Government thinks the present moment would be 
 very favorable for an inquiry, by means of inter 
 national discussion, as to the most effective means 
 
21 6 Appendix 
 
 of insuring to all the peoples the benefits of a real 
 and durable peace, and, above all, of putting a limit 
 to the progressive development of the present 
 armaments. 
 
 In the course of the last twenty years, the long- 
 ings for general appeasement have been particu- 
 larly marked in the consciousness of the civilized 
 nations. The preservation of peace has been put 
 forward as the object of international policy. It is 
 in its name that the great states have concluded 
 among themselves powerful alliances. It is the 
 better to guarantee peace that they have developed 
 their military forces in proportions hitherto un- 
 known, and still continue to increase them without 
 shrinking from any sacrifice. 
 
 But all these efforts have not yet been able to 
 bring about the beneficent results of the pacifica- 
 tion desired. 
 
 The financial burdens, constantly increasing, 
 strike at public prosperity at its very source. 
 The intellectual and physical forces of the nations, 
 and their labor and capital are, for the most part, 
 diverted from their natural application and unpro- 
 ductively consumed. Hundreds of millions are 
 employed in procuring terrible engines of destruc- 
 tion, which, though to-day regarded as the supreme 
 attainment of science, are sure to-morrow to lose 
 all value because of some new invention in this 
 
Appendix 217 
 
 field. National culture, economic progress and 
 the production of wealth are paralyzed or checked 
 in development. 
 
 So, too, in proportion as the armaments of each 
 power increase do they less and less fulfill the 
 object which the governments have had in view. 
 Economic crises, due in great part to the system 
 of armament a outrance, and the continual danger 
 which lies in this accumulation of war material, 
 are transforming the armed peace of our days into 
 a crushing burden which the peoples have more 
 and more difficulty in bearing. It seems evident 
 that if this state of things continues it will inevi- 
 tably lead to the very cataclysm which it is desired 
 to avert, the horrors of which, even in anticipation, 
 cause every thinking man to tremble. 
 
 To put an end to these incessant armaments, and 
 to seek the means of warding off the calamities 
 which threaten the whole world, is the supreme 
 duty resting to-day upon all states. 
 
 Filled with this idea, His Majesty the Emperor 
 has been pleased to command me to propose to all 
 the governments which have accredited Representa- 
 tives at the Imperial Court, the meeting of a con- 
 ference which shall take into consideration this 
 grave problem. 
 
 This conference will be, by the help of God, a 
 happy presage for the century now about to open. 
 
2i 8 Appendix 
 
 It will unite, and thus greatly strengthen, the efforts 
 of all those states which sincerely seek to make the 
 great conception of Universal Peace triumph over 
 the elements of trouble and discord. It will at the 
 same time cement them together by a joint conse- 
 cration of the principles of equity and right on 
 which rest the security of states and the welfare of 
 peoples. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 The following is intended to be only a good working 
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 growth of the movement for the abolition of war and 
 for the federation of the world into contact with the lit- 
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 abundant. It would be impossible to give in any rea- 
 sonable space the names of the innumerable pamphlets 
 which have appeared, and of the articles published in 
 various periodicals, American and foreign, during the 
 last fifteen years. Many of those omitted are quite as 
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 Lyman Abbott. Christianity and Social Problems. 
 
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s/ 
 
 228 Bibliogrcphy 
 
 RECENT BOOKS. 
 
 Jane Addams. Newer Ideals of Peace. New York : 
 The Macmillan Company, 1907. 
 
 Raymond L. Bridgman. World-Organization. Bos- 
 ton : Ginn and Company, 1905. 
 
 Ernest H. Crosby. Tolstoy and his Message. Gar- 
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 John W. Foster. Arbitration and the Hague Court. 
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 Frederick W. Holls. The Peace Conference at. the 
 Hague. New York and London : The Macmillan 
 Company, 1900. 
 
 Lucia Ames Mead. Patriotism and the New Interna- 
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 J. Novicow. La FddeVation de PEurope. Paris : Felix 
 Alcan, 1 901. 
 
 Walter Walsh. The Moral Damage of War. Bos- 
 ton : Ginn and Company, 1906. 
 
 The Arbiter in Council. Anonymous. London and 
 New York : The Macmillan Company, 1906. 
 
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