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 \L PORTRAIT (IALLERY, 
 
 I uir - My. 
 
 
 COPYRIGHT I892. 
 
 JAMES T. WHITE &CO. PUBLISHERS 
 
 CENTS 
 
 TRAO& AGEN 
 
 "*^ 
 
THE NATIONAL CYCLOPAEDIA OF AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. 
 
 PROMINENT CONTRIBUTORS AND REVISERS. 
 
 Abbott, Lyman, D. D., LL. D., Pastor of Plymouth Church, 
 
 and Editor of| L The Christian Union." 
 Adams. Charles Follen, Author of " Dialect Ballads." 
 Adams, Charles Kendall, LL. D., President of Cornell Uni 
 versity. 
 
 Alexander, Hon. E .P., Ex-General Southern Confederacy. 
 Alger, Kev. William Bounseville, Author. 
 Andrews, Elisha B., D. D., LL. D., President of Brown Uni 
 versity. 
 
 Armstrong, General Samnel C-, Principal of Hampton In 
 stitute. 
 
 Ballantine, Win. G., D. D., President Oberlin College. 
 Baird, Henry Martyn, University City of New York. 
 Bartlett, Samuel C., D. D., LL. D., President of Dartmouth 
 
 College. 
 
 Battle, Hon. Kemp P., late President of University of N. C. 
 Blake, Lillie Devereaux, Author. 
 Bolton, Sarah Knowles, Author. 
 Bowker, R. R., Writer and Economist. 
 
 Brainard, Ezra, LL. D., President of Middlebury College,Vt. 
 Brean, Hon. Joseph A., Supt. Public Instruction, Louisiana. 
 Brooks, Noah, Journalist and Author. 
 Brown, John Henry, Historical Writer. 
 Brown, Colonel John Mason, Author " History of Kentucky." 
 Burr, A. E., Editor " Hartford Times." 
 Burroughs, John, Author. 
 
 Candler, W. A., D. D., President Emory College, Ga. 
 
 Capen, Elmer H., D. D., President Tufts College. 
 
 Carter, Fraaklin, Ph. D., LL. D., President Williams College. 
 
 Cattell, William C., D. D., LL. D., Ex-president Lafayette 
 College. 
 
 Clapp, W. W., formerly Editor "Boston Journal." 
 
 Clarke, Richard H., LL. D., President New York Catholic 
 Protectory. 
 
 Coan, Titus Munson, M. D., Author. 
 
 Cooley, Hon. Thomas M., LL. D., President Interstate Com 
 merce Commission. 
 
 Cravatt, E, M., D. D., President Fisk University. 
 
 Crawford, Edward F., Staff " New York Tribune." 
 
 Curtis, George Ticknor, LL. D., Author and Jurist. 
 
 Deming, Clarence, Author. 
 
 De Peyster, General J. Watts, Historian. 
 
 Dix, Morgan, D. D., LL. D., Rector Trinty Church. 
 
 Dreher, Julius D., Ph. D., President Roanoke College. 
 
 Donnelly, Hon. Ignatius, Author. 
 
 Douglass, Hon. Frederick W. 
 
 Dudley, Richard M., D. D., Pres. Georgetown College, Ky. 
 
 Dunlap, Joseph R., Editor " Chicago Times." 
 
 Durrett, Colonel . T., Historian of the West. 
 
 D wight, Timothy, D. D., LL. D., President Yale University. 
 
 Eagle, James P., Governor of Arkansas. 
 
 Eggleston, George Gary, Author and Editor. 
 
 Eliot, Charles W., LL. D., President Harvard University. 
 
 Fetteroff, A. H., LL. D., Ph. D., President Girard College. 
 
 Field, Henry Martyn, D. D., Editor " New York Evangelist." 
 
 Fisher, Hon. George P., 1st Auditor of U. S. Treasury. 
 
 Fisher, Geo. Park, D. D., LL. D., Prof, of Divinity Yale Univ. 
 
 Gates, Merrill E., Ph. D., LL. D., President Amherst College. 
 
 Gilman, Daniel C., LL. D., President Johns Hopkins College. 
 
 Greeley, General A. W., U. S. Signal Service and Explorer. 
 
 Hadley, Arthur T., M. A., Professor Yale University. 
 
 Hale, Edward Everett, S. T. D., Author. 
 
 Hamm, Mile. Margherita A., Journalist. 
 
 Hammond, J. D., D. D., President Central College. 
 
 Harding, W. G., Editor " Philadelphia Enquirer." 
 
 Harper, W. R., President University of Chicago, 
 
 Harris, Joel Chandler (Uncle Remus), Author. 
 
 Harris, Hon. William T., U. S. Com. of Education. 
 
 Hart, Pamuel, D. D., Professor Trinity College. 
 Haskins, Charles H., Professor University of Wisconsin. 
 
 Higginson, Colonel Thomas Wentworth, Author. 
 Hurst, John F., D. D., Bishop of the M. E. Church. 
 Hutchins, Stilson, Editor " Washington Post." 
 Hyde, Wm. De Witt, D. D., President Bowdoin College. 
 
 I.; v, rv,11onr, 
 
 Jackson, James McCauley, Author and Editor. 
 
 Johnson, Oliver, Author and Editor. 
 
 Johnson, R. Underwood, Assistant Editor of " Century " 
 
 Kell, Thomas, President St. John College. 
 
 Kennan, George, Russian Traveler. 
 
 Kimball, Richard B., LL. D., Author. 
 
 Kingsley, William L., LL. D., Editor of the " New Englander 
 
 and Yale Review." 
 
 Kip, Rt Rev. William Ingraham, Bishop of California. 
 Kirkland, Major Joseph, Literary Editor " Chicago Tribune." 
 Knox, Thomas W., Author and Traveler. 
 Lamb, Martha J., Editor " Magazine of American History." 
 Langford, Laura C. Holloway, Editor and Historical Writer. 
 Le Conte, Joseph, Professor in University of California. 
 Lindsley, J. Berrien, M. D., State Board of Health of Tenn. 
 Lockwood, Mrs. Mary S., Historical Writer. 
 Lodge, Hon. Henry Cabot, Author. 
 Longfellow, Rev. Samuel, Author. 
 MacCracken, H. M., D. D., LL. D., Chancellor of Universitv 
 
 of the City of New York. 
 
 McClure, Col. Alexander K., Editor "Philadelphia Times." 
 McCray, D. 0., Historical Writer. 
 
 McElroy, George B., D. D., Ph. D., F. S., Pres. Adrian College 
 Mcllwaine, Richard, D. D., Pres. Hampden-Sidney College. 
 McKnight, Rev. H. W., D. D., Pres. Pennsylvania College. 
 Morse, John T., Jr., Author " Life of John Adams," etc. 
 Newton, Richard Heber, D. D., Clergyman and Author. 
 Nicholls, Miss B. B., Biographical and Historical Writer. 
 Northrup, Cyrus, LL. D., Pres. University of Minnesota. 
 Olson, Julius E., Professor University of Wisconsin. 
 Packard, Alpheus S., Professor Brown University. 
 Page, Thomas Nelson, Author. 
 Parton, James, Author. 
 
 Patton, Francis L., D. D.,LL. D., Pres. Princeton College. 
 Peabody, Andrew P., D. D., LL. D., Harvard University. 
 Pepper, Wm., M. D., LL. D., Pres. University of Pennsylvania". 
 Porter, Noah, D. D., LL. D., Ex-president of Yale University 
 Potter, Eliphalet N., D. D., LL. D., Pres. Hobart College. 
 Powderly, T. V., Master Workman, Knights of Labor. 
 Prime, Edward D. G., D. D., Editor "New York Observer." 
 Prince, L. Bradford, Governor New Mexico. 
 Purinton, D. B., LL. D., President Denison College. 
 Ryder, Rev. Charles J., Sec y of American Missionary So. 
 Schaff, Philip, D. D., LL. D., Author. 
 Sharpless, Isaac, Sc. D., President Haverford College. 
 Scott, W. T., D. D., President Franklin College. 
 Shearer, Rev. J. B., D. D., President Davidson College, N. C 
 Small, Albion W., Ph. D., President Colby University. 
 Smith, Charles H. (Bill Arp), Author. 
 Smith, Geo. Williamson, D. D., LL. D., President Trinity 
 
 College. 
 
 Smith, Wm. W., LL. D., Pres. Randolph-Macon College. 
 Snow, Louis Franklin, Professor Brown University. 
 Stockton, Frank R., Author. 
 
 S umner, Wm. G., Professor Political Economy, Yale. 
 Super, Chas. W., A. M., Ph. D., President Ohio University 
 Swank, James W., Secretary American Iron and Steel Asso. 
 Tanner, Edward A., D. D., President Illinois College. 
 Taylor, James M., D. D., President Vassar College. 
 Thurston, Robert H., Director Sibley College. 
 Thwing, Chas. F., D. D., Pres. Western Reserve University 
 Tuttle, Herbert, LL. D., Professor Cornell University. 
 Tyler, Lyon G., President College of William and Mary. 
 Venable, W. H., LL. D., Author. t 
 
 Walworth, Jeannette H., Author. 
 
 Warren, Wm. F., S. T. D., LL. D., Pres. Boston University 
 Watterson, Henry, Editor " Louisville Courier-Journal." 
 Webb, General Alexander S., LL. D., President University 
 
 of the City of New York. 
 Weidemeyer, John Wm., Historical Writer. 
 Wheeler, David H., D. D., President Alleghany College. 
 Winchell, Alexander, late Professor University of Michigan. 
 Wise, John S., Ex-Congressman from Virginia. 
 Wright, Marcus J., Historian and Custodian of Confederate 
 
 Records in U. S. War Dept. 
 
THE NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY. 
 
 National portrait alien) 
 
 Vol. I. 
 
 SEPTEMBER, 1892. No. 2. 
 
 JAMES T. WHITE & CO., Publishers. 
 5 and 7 East 16th St., New York City. 
 
 JOHN HOWARD BROWN, Editor. 
 
 SINGLE COPIES, 1O Cents; 
 
 YEARLY SUBSCRIPTION, $1.00. 
 
 THE AMERICAN NEWS COMPANY, TRADE AGENTS. 
 
 PROSPECTUS. 
 
 The design of THE NATIONAL, PORTRAIT GAL 
 LERY is to afford to the reading public in a popular 
 form and readily accessible, such portions of the 
 proposed work, THE NATIONAL CYCLOPAEDIA OF 
 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY, as may from time to time 
 be of national or local importance. Without such a 
 medium of conveyance the matter accumulating in 
 the hands of-the editors is debarred from the public 
 for years, and much of the purpose of preparation 
 defeated by the delay. The growth of this country 
 has been so rapid, and the new men claiming recog 
 nition so frequently appearing, that no voluminous 
 cyclopaedia of biography can, unless aided by such 
 a periodical adjunct as* THE NATIONAL PORTRAIT 
 GALLERY, give timely information to the public of 
 such appearance. The great work heralded by this 
 monthly issue will lose none of its value by reason 
 of it, and the twelve handsome volumes in which it 
 will finally appear will be none the less welcome be 
 cause some of its pages have been here reproduced. 
 Then, in a work so large and necessarily expensive, 
 there are thousands of families that would never 
 see even a few pages unless through this popular 
 form. 
 
 The importance of presenting to the world truth 
 ful likenesses and biographies of men who have and 
 are helping on the progress of our nation is unques 
 tioned. In such a work is transmitted to posterity 
 the memory of persons of the present day as well as 
 those of the recent past. These memoirs will instill 
 in the minds of our children the important lesson 
 that honor and station are the same sure reward of 
 continued exertion, and that, compared to a good 
 education, with habits of honest industry and econ 
 omy, the greatest fortune would be but a poor in 
 heritance. While the work contains the names of 
 many who have enjoyed every advantage which 
 affluence and early education can bestow, it also 
 traces the history of thousands who, by their own 
 unaided efforts, have risen from obscurity to the 
 highest and most responsible trusts in the land. 
 
 The value of the biography of men of the present 
 day, as a study for the young, has never been fully 
 appreciated. The tendency in the past has been to 
 direct our youth to the lives of Plutarch, rather than 
 the achievements of men of our own time. The im 
 parting of moral force which is the peculiar advan 
 tage of the study of biography, is lost by the purely 
 ideal aspect in which the youthful imagination con 
 templates a Grecian sage or a Roman hero. The 
 spheres of distinction in which they were illustrious, 
 were so different from those to which men are now 
 attracted, that very little of wholesome incentive or 
 needed encouragement can be derived from them. 
 Great antiquity, far-off distance of time, invests the 
 
 character of even a common mind with a glory 
 beautiful as a picture, but in no way encouraging a"s 
 an example. We behold them to admire, not to 
 imitate. Therefore, in full harmony with the spirit 
 of the age as well as the wants of our nature, we 
 are gratified to see the growing tendency toward the 
 study of contemporaneous biography, not confined 
 to a few individuals famous in chosen walks of life, 
 but to those in every department of activity in 
 which the human mind has usefully and honorably 
 exerted itself. Every pursuit furnishes successful 
 examples as encouragement to the young. Very 
 many men have passed their lives in obscurity and 
 want by reason of the unfavorable circumstances by 
 which their youth was environed; they growing up 
 under a vague but general impression that eminence 
 was unattainable, and hence they formed no fixed 
 purpose to attain it. No better means of dissipating 
 this delusion, rousing the minds of young men and 
 lads to high and noble aims, and stimulating them 
 to the achievement of such aims, can be adopted 
 than holding before them the example and history 
 of others who have pushed their way to honor, 
 wealth and influence, from amid circumstances as 
 discouraging as their own. The success of others 
 gives us confidence in ourselves. What they have 
 done we may do, and thus the example of those 
 who have successfully trodden any of the diversified 
 paths of life, becomes the mental heritage of every 
 aspiring spirit. It is the capital which plumes the 
 pinions of hope the stock in trade which gives con 
 fidence to the mind, when failure might else point 
 to despair. There are numerous memoirs in this 
 collection illustrative of these truths. 
 
 Another feature of this work no less valuable is 
 the multiplication of portraits by engraving. From 
 these we derive extended information and delight; 
 they inculcate the rudiments of taste, aid its progress, 
 and rescue from the hand of time and multiply the 
 perishable monuments of the pencil and photographic 
 art. While the study of biography is perhaps the 
 more agreeable branch of historic literature and is 
 certainly the more useful in its moral effects stating 
 the known circmnstances and endeavoring to unfold 
 the secret motives of human conduct; selecting all 
 that is worthy of being recorded; at once informing 
 and invigorating the mind; warming and winning 
 the heart still it is from the combination of portrait 
 and biography that we reap the utmost degree of 
 utility and pleasure. As, in contemplating the por 
 trait of a person, we long to be instructed in his his 
 tory, so, in considering his actions we are anxious to 
 look upon his face. So earnest is this desire, that 
 the imagination is ready to coin a set of features or 
 to conceive a character to supply the painful ab 
 sence of one or the other. It is impossible to im 
 agine a work which ought to be more interesting 
 than one which will exhibit before our progeny 
 their fathers as they lived, accompanied with such 
 memoirs of their lives and characters as shall furnish 
 a comparison of persons and countenances with sen 
 timents and actions. It is given to such a work as 
 this to carry out such an end, and if we are aided, 
 as we hope to be, by the earnest co-operation of 
 those who have material at hand which will supply 
 either portrait or memoir or both, we will rescue 
 from oblivion and place on an imperishable monu 
 ment the record of character and achievement, as 
 well as the outline of face and presence of many 
 notable personages who have not only benefited the 
 world by living useful lives, but whose records thus 
 preserved will inspire others to win their way to 
 success. 
 
TVX 
 
 CLEVELAND S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 WITH 
 
 PORTRAITS OF THE PRESIDENTIAL 
 CANDIDATES. 
 
 WHAT CLEVELAND STANDS FOR. 
 
 ISSUED FOR 
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 
 
 BIOGRAPHIES AND PORTRAITS TAKEN FROM 
 
 THE NATIONAL CYCLOPAEDIA OF AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 
 
 VOLUME II. 
 
 COPYRIGHT, 1892, BY JAMES T. WHITE & Co. 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 
 JAMES T. WHITE & COMPANY. 
 
 1892, 
 
E705 
 
 mTRODTJCTIOlSr. 
 
 THE NATIONAL CYCLOPEDIA OF AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY has been undertaken to 
 provide a biographical record of the United States worthy to rank with the great Nation 
 al Biographies of Europe. It embraces the biographical sketches of all persons prom 
 inently connected with the history of the nation. Not only do rulers, statesmen, soldiers, 
 persons noteworthy in the church, at the bar, in literature, art, science, and the pro 
 fessions find place, but also those who have contributed to the industrial and commer 
 cial progress and growtli of the country. The aim of the work is to exemplify and 
 perpetuate, in the broadest sense, American civilization through its chief personalities. 
 
 Such a work of historical biography has never before been attempted. Previous 
 works have either excluded the living, or limited them to a well-known few in the cen 
 tres of activity. But this Cyclopaedia is unique. It has been prepared upon new lines 
 which insure its being the biographical authority of the century. It is intended to 
 make this Cyclopaedia National, representing the entire Republic, and reflecting the 
 spirit, genius and life of each section. 
 
 It is acknowledged that the great forces which to-day contribute most largely to 
 the growth of the country are the men who have developed its industrial and com 
 mercial resources, and it is believed that, while literary workers should be accorded 
 ample representation, those who contribute so much to the material and physical wel 
 fare of the country deserve and command fuller recognition than has before been ac 
 corded them in works of this character. Achievements in engineering, electricity, or 
 architecture; improvements in locomotives, looms or ploughs, contribute as much to 
 the advancement of civilization as an epic poem or an Oxford tract; and the factors 
 in these achievements are to be sought out, and given to the world through the pages 
 of this Cyclopaedia. 
 
 In the United States there is neither a Nobility, nor an Aristocracy, nor is there 
 a Landed Gentry, as these classes are understood in Europe. But there are, in the 
 United States, numerous Families which have ancient lineage and records, and other 
 families, founded in the soil, so to speak, destined to become the ancestry of the future. 
 There is every reason why the genealogy and history of these families should be re 
 corded and perpetuated. No native of any other land has reason to be prouder of 
 his country than an American whose family name represents either direct descent 
 from the early colonists or Revolutionary ancestors, or marked prosperity and success 
 through intelligent, arduous, and faithful labor for the benefit of his country and the 
 advancement of his race. One of the objects of the National Cyclopaedia is to fulfill 
 for the United States this purpose, and supply an invaluable and useful means for 
 establishing identity, relationship, birth, death, official position, and other important 
 data which are necessary to the making up of such family history. 
 
 In the gathering of material for this work there has been inaugurated a system 
 of local contributions from every section of the country, by which are secured the facts 
 in reference to those persons who have heretofore been omitted from biographical 
 notice. Our American annals are full of characters worthy of the emulation of pos 
 terity; but their story will perish, bearing no fruit, if it be not gathered up, and pre 
 served by some such method of extended research as has been adopted by the Pub 
 lishers of this work. 
 
 The rapidity of the Nation s growth makes it impossible for each section to be 
 acquainted with the other, and up to this time it is only the most conspicuous person 
 ages in any part of the country who are known beyond their locality. In the West 
 there are men with rough exteriors who have done more for the prosperity and growth of 
 
r 
 
 
 W INTRODUCTION. 5 
 
 their communities than has been done by many more noted personages in the East. It is 
 one of the aims of the National Cyclopaedia to introduce to their fellow-men of the en 
 tire country these Nation-Builders, heretofore unknown to fame beyond the limits of 
 their own neighborhood. And one will be surprised to discover how many, thought 
 to be on lower pinnacles of fame than those whose deeds embellish the pages of fa 
 miliar history or biography, are shown by this record to be the peers of their more 
 celebrated contemporaries. 
 
 Instead of devoting large space to the men of pre-Revolutionary times, it is in 
 tended to make this a live Cyclopaedia, which, while it preserves all that is valuable in 
 the past, will include the men and women who are doing the work and moulding the 
 thought of the present time. The principal growth of this country really began with 
 the invention of the telegraph in 1844, which placed in touch the states which were 
 before but provinces, and made thought, sympathy, and patriotism national. It is the 
 period beginning with 1850, therefore, which ought chiefly to be embraced in a work 
 which is to cover the great development of the country. 
 
 The history of the past has been the history of the few, who, by reason of a spe 
 cial ability to plan, intrigue, and make war, or by accident of birth, were lifted into 
 prominence, and so became the objects of observation and the subjects of historical 
 treatment. But the history of the present and the future must be a history of the 
 many, who, by head and hand, or by force of character or high attainment, have made 
 themselves the centres and sources of influence in their respective localities. 
 
 As works of this magnitude can be published only once in a generation, it has 
 been thought wise to include in the National Cyclopaedia some of the younger men, 
 and others, possibly not yet known, who give promise of being notable and representa 
 tive in the future; so that when they suddenly spring into prominence, as is so frequently 
 the case, this Cyclopaedia will contain information of their lives, which will show the 
 groundwork of their characters and their claim upon the expectations of the future. 
 The ideal of a biographical cyclopaedia is one which anticipates the information de 
 manded about new men as they come into prominence. 
 
 It is aimed to have these biographies include all the facts worthy of mention, 
 and, taken together, they make a complete history of the United States, political, 
 social, commercial, and industrial. 
 
 It is intended to make each character sketch a likeness which will be immediately 
 recognized ; one which will give the underlying motive to individual endeavor, the se 
 cret of success, the method and means of progress, the aim and aspiration of thought, 
 and which, by the abandonment of the usual abbreviated cyclopaedic style, becomes as 
 readable as a tale of adventure or travel. It is aimed, moreover, to render the Cyclo 
 paedia educational as well as entertaining, by making the lives of important men illus 
 trate noteworthy epochs of national history. 
 
 A new feature in the National Cyclopaedia is the grouping of individuals with 
 reference to their work and its results. Arranging the presidents of a college, the 
 governors of a state, the bishops of a diocese, etc., so as to present a progressive narrative 
 gives an historical character to the work, which is of unique and unusual value. 
 Groupings are also made with reference to important events and prominent movements: 
 for instance, the American Revolution, the Abolition Movement, the Geneva Arbitration, 
 and the Pan-American Congress. Especially are they made in connection with great in 
 dustrial developments, as the telegraph, ironclads, cotton, steel, and petroleum; so that 
 this work furnishes the means for the systematic study of the history and growth of 
 the country, as well as for biographical reference. 
 
 This grouping of biographies necessitates the abandonment of the alphabetical ar 
 rangement, which, though an innovation, is one of the most valuable and approved 
 features of the work. In these days the utility of Indexes is becoming more and more 
 acknowledged by scholars and literary workers ; and general Cyclopaedias, which are 
 
6 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 constructed in alphabetical order, are supplemented by an Index. With such an Index, 
 however, the alphabetical order of arrangement becomes entirely unnecessary. More 
 over, in preparing this work, requiring such extensive research, it is manifestly impossi 
 ble to issue it in alphabetical order until the entire compilation is completed, and being 
 laid aside during all these years of preparation, much of this information necessarily 
 becomes old and unreliable. But biography embracing men of the time demands 
 immediate publication. Upon the appearance of a recent biographical work it was 
 found that there were over two thousand omissions, caused by the information com 
 ing to hand after the alphabetical place had been closed, which necessitated the 
 addition of an Appendix. It is well known that every important biographical work 
 heretofore published in successive volumes has at least one Appendix, which becomes 
 so much a necessity in order to include the omissions, as to compel its publication with 
 the last volume of the work. This at once destroys any alphabetical arrangement, 
 makes it of no value for reference, and compels a reliance upon the Index. 
 
 In view of the grave disadvantages of the alphabetical method, the Publishers are 
 convinced that in a work of the magnitude of the National Cyclopaedia, simple tradi 
 tional precedent for such an arrangement should not be allowed to destroy freshness 
 of material, or stand in the way of the manifest improvement, which grouping makes 
 possible. They have, therefore, disregarded the alphabetical order in favor of grouping 
 the biographies, and will place in each successive volume a full, analytical Index, Cov 
 ering all the preceding volumes, which Avill make its vast information immediately and 
 conveniently accessible, besides enabling its publication years before it would be possi 
 ble under the former conventional method. The Publishers have been confirmed in their 
 judgment by the approval and .endorsement of the leading librarians, editors, and liter 
 ary workers of the country. 
 
 Pictures of home surroundings add so much interest to biography, that it has been 
 deemed desirable to insert views of residences, which give to the Avork a new fea 
 ture the portrayal of dwelling-places, which, in the future, will become the ancestral 
 homes of America. 
 
 As portraiture is the demand of the time and contributes so much to the under 
 standing of biography, it has been made a prominent feature of the National Cyclo 
 paedia to have every sketch, as far as possible, embellished with a portrait. Great 
 pains have been taken to secure from the families or descendants the best likenesses, 
 which are engraved under their superintendence and approval, and, in a large number of 
 instances, are given to the world for the first time through the pages of this work. 
 
 Never before has such a collection of authentic portraits been made. If done in 
 oil and hung upon walls, they would constitute the Historical Portrait Gallery, which 
 Carlyle insisted ought to have place in every country, as among the most popular and cher 
 ished National possessions. But these engraved portraits, gathered into the convenient and 
 accessible form here presented, none the less realize Carlyle s idea of a National Gallery, 
 for in this manner there is made accessible to the world, as could not be done in any 
 other way, a collection so complete and representative, that it may be truly called the 
 National Portrait Gallery of America. 
 
 To be published in Twelve Royal Octavo Volumes. 
 
 A " GENEALOGY AND AUTOGRAPH" EDITION, being the First Impression from the 
 Original Plates, and limited to advance subscribers having Portraits in the Work, is print 
 ed on large paper, and specially prepared ivith WHITE S GENEALOGICAL CHART and FAM 
 ILY REGISTER, together with extra autograph pages for continuing the printed biograph 
 ical record. This edition is bound in Half Russia. Price, Ten Dollars per volume. 
 
 JAMES T. WHITE & CO., PUBLISHERS, NEW YORK. 
 
COPYRIGHT, 1S92, BY JAMES T. WHITE * CO. 
 
, 
 
 COPYKIGMT, 1892, BY JMES T. WHITE 1 CO 
 
CLEVELAND, Grover, twenty-second presi 
 dent of the United States, was born at Caldwell, Es 
 sex Co., N. J., March 18, 1837. The family came 
 from Suffolk county, ~Eng., settling in Massachu 
 setts early in the seventeenth century. Richard F. 
 Cleveland was a Presbyterian minister in 1829, and 
 married the daughter of a Baltimore merchant born 
 iu Ireland. These were Grover Cleveland s father 
 and mother. The boy was named after Rev. Stephen 
 Grover, who formerly occupied the Presbyterian 
 parsonage at Caldwell, where Mr. Cleveland was 
 born. In 1841 the family removed to Fayetteville, 
 N. Y., and here young Grover received his first 
 schooling, and at an early age held a clerkship in a 
 country store. He, however, obtained such further 
 instruction at Clinton, Oneida Co., when the family 
 settled there, that, in his seventeenth year he was 
 appointed assistant teacher of the 
 New York Institution for the Blind. 
 In 1855 young Cleveland was em 
 ployed by his uncle, Lewis F. Allen, 
 at Buffalo, to assist him in compil 
 ing the "American Herd Book," 
 where, for several years, he render 
 ed assistance in the preparation of 
 that work. At the same time, he 
 had a clerkship in the law firm of 
 Rogers, Bowen & Rogers, in Buf 
 falo, and began to read law. In 
 1859 he was admitted to the bar, 
 continuing with the same firm un 
 til 1862 as their managing clerk. 
 On the 1st of January, 1863, he 
 was appointed assistant district at 
 torney of Erie county. At this 
 time he was so cramped for the means of living and 
 of supporting his mother and sisters, who were de 
 pendent upon him, that, being conscripted and un 
 able to serve in the war, he was obliged to borrow 
 money sufficient to send a substitute, and it was not 
 until long after that he was able to pay off this loan. 
 Meanwhile two of Cleveland s brothers were in the 
 military service, and the case, so far from being an 
 exceptional one (as has been so often set forth by his 
 enemies), was one of the most common in regard to 
 the construction of the Union armies; that is to say, 
 such members of the family as could best be spared 
 going to the-war, while others, who had positions or 
 
 1126 
 
 business engagements, remained at home to support 
 their families. In 1865 Mr. Cleveland was defeated for 
 the district attorneyship of Erie county. He then en 
 tered into partnership with Isaac V. Vanderpool, and 
 in 1869 joined the firm of Lanning, Cleveland & Fol- 
 som. His law practice having extended, he was 
 now successful. Being a popular man in the neigh 
 borhood which had so long known him, he was 
 urged by his friends and finally constrained to ac 
 cept the nomination, and in 1870 was elected sher 
 iff of Erie county. This position he held three 
 years, making an entirely favorable impression on 
 all who had official dealings with him. At the close 
 of his term he joined Lyman K. Bass in forming the 
 firm of Bass, Cleveland & Bissell, which was af 
 terward Cleveland & Bissell, Mr. Bass retiring on 
 account of poor health. In this partnership Cleve 
 land continued to improve his fortunes and his rep 
 utation as a lawyer, and also to extend his popularity 
 as an official and a man. In 1881 he was nominated 
 as the democratic candidate for mayor of Buffalo, 
 and was elected by the largest majority ever given 
 in that city, although the republican state ticket was 
 carried in Buffalo at that election by an average ma 
 jority of over 1,600, while Mr. Cleveland s majority 
 was 3,530 for the mayoralty. In his new office he 
 became known as the "veto mayor," from his fear 
 less exercise of that prerogative in checking extrav 
 agance and the illegal expenditure of the public 
 moneys. In 1882 Mr. Cleveland ran for governor 
 against Charles J. Folger, then U. S. secretary of 
 the treasury. In the election Cleveland received a 
 plurality of nearly 200,000 over Folger, and a ma 
 jority over all, including greenback, prohibition and 
 scattering, of 151,742. Gov. Cleveland s administra 
 tion was notable for the simple and unostentatious 
 way in which business was conducted. In the 
 exercise of the veto power he was as courageous 
 as he had shown himself to be while mayor of Buf 
 falo; but his vetoes were always clearly sustained 
 by his duty under the law. In a letter writ 
 ten to his brother on the day of his election, Gov. 
 Cleveland announced the policy which he intended 
 to adopt, and which he afterward carried out, viz.: 
 "To make the matter a business engagement between 
 the people of the state and myself in which the ob 
 ligation on my side is to perform the duties assigned 
 me with an eye single to the interests of my em- 
 
12 
 
 THE NATIONAL CYCLOPAEDIA 
 
 ployers." On July 11, 1884, Grover Cleveland was 
 nominated at Chicago as the democratic candidate 
 for the presidency of the United States. At the 
 election in November Mr. Cleveland received on 
 the popular vote, 4,874,986; Mr. Elaine, 4,851,981; 
 Butler, 175,370; St. John, temperance, 150,369; 
 scattering, 14,904. In the electoral college Mr. Cleve 
 land s majority was 37. On the 4th of March, 1885, 
 Mr. Cleveland was inaugurated as president of the 
 United States. In his inaugural address he declared 
 his approval of the Monroe doctrine, placed himself 
 on record as in favor of strict economy in the admin 
 istration of the finances, and the protection of the 
 Indians and security of the freedmen, and mani 
 fested his recognition of the value of civil service 
 reform, saying, that "the people have a right to 
 protection from the incompetency of public em 
 ployes who hold their places solely as a reward for 
 personal services; and those who worthily seek pub 
 lic employment have a right to insist that merit and 
 competency shall be recognized instead of party sub 
 serviency or the surrender of honest political belief. " 
 The oath of office was administered to President 
 Cleveland by Chief Justice Waite. Mr. Cleveland s 
 cabinet was composed as follows: Thomas F. Bay 
 ard, secretary of state; Daniel Manning, secretary of 
 the treasury, who died during his incumbency and 
 was succeeded by Charles S. Fairchild; William 
 C. Endicott, secretary of war; William C. Whit 
 ney, secretary of the navy; William F. Vilas, post 
 master-general, afterward transferred to the de 
 partment of the interior, being succeeded by 
 Don M. Dickinson ; Augustus TH. Garland, at 
 torney-general ; Lucius Q" C. Lamar, secretary of 
 the interior, afterward appointed associate justice 
 of the supreme court of the United States. Mr. 
 Cleveland in conducting the presidential office an 
 tagonized a large proportion of his own party by his 
 determination that no removals of office-holders, ex 
 cepting heads of departments, foreign ministers and 
 other officers charged with the execution of the pol 
 icy of the administration, should take place except 
 for cause. "Offensive partisanship " was, however, 
 assigned as a reason for the removal of many repub 
 lican office-holders. President Cleveland never 
 halted in his endeavor to protect the Indians from 
 the encroachments of raiders and cattle-herders, 
 driving the latter relentlessly from their stolen terri 
 tory. He came in conflict with the senate in regard 
 to his appointments, refusing to submit papers re 
 lating to the causes for which removals had been 
 effected. He refused to yield to the dictation of the 
 senate concerning his appointments, but during his 
 entire term resisted all attempts on the part of the 
 senate to force from him papers and documents upon 
 which he based his executive judgment for removals 
 from office. In this conflict he was successful. Mr. 
 Cleveland exercised the veto power beyond all prec 
 edent. He vetoed 115 out of 987 bills which had 
 passed both houses, 102 of these being private pen 
 sion bills. On June 2, 1886, President Cleveland 
 married, in the White House, Frances Folsom, 
 daughter of his former partner. Oscar Folsom, of 
 Buffalo; and to the charming nature, personal beauty 
 and affability of this lady, the youngest of all the 
 mistresses of the White House excepting Dorothy 
 Madison, who was of her age, Mr. Cleveland owed a 
 large proportion of his popularity while occupying 
 the presidential chair. In 1888 Mr. Cleveland was 
 a candidate for a second term, but was defeated in 
 the election of that year by Benjamin Harrison. 
 After his retirement from public life, Mr. Cleveland 
 settled in New York city, and opening an office pre 
 pared to establish for himself a general law practice. 
 In this he was entirely successful, and besides doing 
 an extensive business in the New York courts has 
 been frequently called to Washington to argue im 
 
 portant cases before the supreme court of the United 
 States. Meanwhile Mr. Cleveland has been hailed 
 as the representative head of the democratic party, 
 by the rank and file of which organization his occa 
 sional utterances concerning politics have been ac 
 cepted as oracles, while he has continued to hold a 
 position likely to ensure for him the candidacy of the 
 party for the presidential election of 1892. His pop 
 ularity in his own party and the enmity which he 
 has incurred in the ranks of his opponents Lave both 
 been due mainly to his courageous and determined 
 exploitation of the doctrine of "Tariff for Revenue 
 Only," as the logical outcome of the democratic idea 
 in American politics. In taking this stand, Mr. Cleve 
 land has shrewdly recognized the fact that the two 
 parties have never yet divided closely on tariff lines, 
 and that while there were protectionists in the dem 
 ocratic ranks, there were also many in the repub 
 lican organization that upheld his principles. Thai 
 which would have seemed likely to destroy him as a 
 political leader, and which did unquestionably aid 
 materially in defeating him for a second term, did, 
 under the influence of the history of the United States 
 during the first half of the republican administration, 
 grow to be his strongest advocate before the coun 
 try. The precipitation of the very ultimate possi 
 bility of high tariff upon the commercial situation 
 with its vast and increasing following of commercial 
 and social distress, the result of coincident high 
 prices, produced its logical results, and in the na 
 tional democratic convention of 1892 Mr. Cleveland 
 was renominated on the first ballot, by a vote of 617 
 out of 908, on a platform which virtually pronounced 
 for free trade after rejecting a proposition which 
 was non-committal. The democratic politicians op 
 posed Mr. Cleveland s renomination, but at the de 
 mand of the people, he was chosen standard-bearer 
 for the third time. 
 
 CLEVELAND, Frances Folsom, was born July 
 21, 1864, at No. 168 Edward street, Buffalo, N. Y., the 
 daughter of Oscar Folsom, who married Miss Harmon, 
 of Medina. Frances lost her fa 
 ther in 1875, and her mother then 
 went home to Medina, taking her 
 daughter with her. During her 
 early childhood Frances had at 
 tended Madame Brecker s French 
 kindergarten, where she displayed 
 a quick understanding and an 
 aptitude for study. After her 
 return to Buffalo, she entered the 
 Central School, and became a 
 favorite with her teachers, as well 
 as with the pupils. After leav 
 ing the Central School, she en 
 tered the Sophomore class at 
 Wells College, which her school 
 certificate permitted her to do 
 without examination, and it was 
 while she was at Wells College 
 that Gov. Cleveland s attention to 
 her, in the way of flowers, first be 
 gan to be noticed. When she graduated in June, 1885, 
 she received superb floral tributes from the conser 
 vatories attached to the White House, Mr. Cleveland 
 being at that time president of the United States. 
 After graduation, Miss Folsom spent the summer 
 with her uncle, Col. John B. Folsom, at Folsomdale, 
 Wyoming Co., N. Y., and went abroad in the au 
 tumn with her mother. Her engagement to Presi 
 dent Cleveland had not been announced, but it is 
 supposed that they had come to a definite under 
 standing before her departure. She returned from 
 Europe in the following spring, landing in New 
 York May 27, 1886, where she was met by the presi 
 dent s sister, Miss Cleveland, and his private secre 
 tary. Miss Folsom remained at the Gilsey House in 
 
OF AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. 
 
 13 
 
 New York city until her departure for Washington, 
 where she was married on June 2, 1886, in the Blue 
 Room of the White House. For nearly three years 
 Mrs. Cleveland, as wife of the president of the 
 United States, occupied the position of "tirst lady 
 in the land," and it is safe to say that no other White 
 House lady achieved greater popularity. Notwith 
 standing her youth, she tilled her arduous position 
 with a tact and grace that won golden encomiums 
 from every one; at no time did she forget the dignity 
 of her position, nor did she ever presume upon it. 
 When she left the White House, in 1889, with her 
 husband, to take up her residence in New York city, 
 it was with sincere expressions of regret from all 
 classes and parties: Mrs. Cleveland is tall, with 
 brown hair, violet eyes, a rather large nose, and a 
 mobile mouth. Her face expresses great strength of 
 character, and she has a sympathetic manner that 
 wins every one. She has one child, Ruth, born in 
 New York city Oct. 3, 1891. 
 
 HENDRICKS, Thomas Andrews, vice-presi 
 dent, was born on a farm near Zauesville, O., Sept. 
 7, 1819. His father, John Hendricks, was a native 
 of Pennsylvania, one of the early settlers of that 
 portion of Westmoreland county, known as the 
 Ligonier Valley. A brother of John Hendricks, 
 William, also born in Pennsylvania, was a promi 
 nent statesman of his time, being sole representative 
 from Wisconsin from December, 1816, to 1822, when 
 he was elected governor of Indiana, and also United 
 States senator from Indiana, from 1825 to 1837; so 
 that of his immediate ancestry, Thomas A. Hen 
 dricks might well be proud. The wife of John 
 Hendricks, Jane Thomson, was of Scotch descent, 
 her grandfather having emigrated to America before 
 the revolution, and fought with credit during that 
 struggle. Six months after Thomas Hendricks was 
 born, his father removed to Indiana, and setted at 
 Madison, on the Ohio river, but in 1822 went to 
 Shelby county, where he built a substantial brick 
 house, which is still standing and where his family 
 were reared under properly moral and restraining in 
 fluences. He founded a Presbyterian church in Ind 
 ianapolis, that city having just been established, and 
 his son Thomas was educated in that denomination. 
 He attended the village school near his home for 
 several years, and then studied at the college at 
 South Hanover, where he was graduated in 1841. 
 His mother s brother. Judge Thomson, of Cham- 
 bersburg, Pa., now took the young man into his 
 office, where he studied law, and was admitted to 
 the bar in 1843. Two years later he married Eliza 
 C. Morgan, and immediately entered upon a success 
 ful and profitable practice at the bar. He was al 
 ready an impressive public speaker and took deep 
 interest in politics, and in 1848 was elected to the 
 state legislature. Two years later he declined a re 
 election to accept the position of state senator. In 
 1851 Mr. Hendricks was nominated for congress, in 
 the Indianapolis district, and was elected; and his 
 service was so acceptable to his constituents that he 
 was re-elected. In 1855 he resumed the practice of 
 law at Shelbyville, but the same year was offered 
 by President Pierce the position of commissioner of 
 the general land office, which he accepted and held 
 until 1859, administering the duties of the office with 
 ability, good judgment and strict integrity; earning 
 in that position a wide-spread, national reputation. 
 In 1860 the Indiana democratic state convention 
 nominated Mr. Hendricks for the governorship, but 
 the democratic party being split between two fac 
 tions, controlled respectively by Stephen A. Doug 
 lass and John C. Breckenrldge, the result was the 
 election of the republican candidate, Col. Henry S. 
 Lane. Mr. Hendricks then went to Indianapolis 
 and there formed a law partnership with Oscar B. 
 
 Hard, who was afterward the attorney-general of 
 the state. The legislature of 1862-63 was demo 
 cratic, and Jesse D. Bright having been expelled 
 from his seat in the U. S. senate, David S. Turpie 
 was elected to till out the remaining eighteen days 
 of the unexpired term, while Mr. Hendricks was 
 unanimously elected for the full term of six years, 
 taking his seat in the national senate on March 4, 
 1863, and serving until 1869. He was practically 
 the leader of the small democratic minority in the 
 senate, where he served on the committees on judi 
 ciary, public lands, naval affairs, and claims. He 
 was bitterly opposed to the Southern reconstruction 
 plan of the republicans and to the amendments to 
 the constitution, but he voted for large appropria 
 tions to carry on the war and was strongly in favor 
 of increasing the pay of the soldiers. In 1868, in 
 the democratic convention held in New York, Mr. 
 Hendricks was a candidate for the presidency, and 
 on the twenty-first ballot receiv 
 ed 132 votes to 135}- for Gen. 
 Hancock. That convention final 
 ly compromised on Horatio Sey 
 mour. Just at the close of his 
 term in the senate Mr. Hendricks 
 was nominated for the governor 
 ship of Indiana, but was defeat 
 ed by Conrad Baker, the repub 
 lican candidate, who was elected 
 by a very small majority. Sen 
 ator Hendricks now returned to 
 Indianapolis and began again to 
 practice law, the firm name be 
 ing Hendricks, Hard & Hen 
 dricks, the latter member being 
 his cousin, Abram W. , a strong re- 
 publican. The firm was one of two 
 or three leading ones in the city 
 and enjoyed a very lucrative prac 
 tice, enabling Mr. Heudricks to 
 increase the already comfort 
 able competence which he had acquired by his 
 business shrewdness and economy. In 1872 there 
 was another important gubernatorial election in In 
 diana, when Thomas N. Brown was nominated by 
 the republicans and Senator Hendricks by the demo 
 crats. The campaign was an exciting one, turning 
 materially on the question of temperance, as to 
 which Mr. Hendricks was understood to be in favor 
 of local option. Partly on the strength of this ten 
 dency he was elected by a plurality of 1,200 votes, 
 all the other officers of the state, except the superin 
 tendent of public construction, being republicans. 
 He afterwards sustained his temperance position by 
 approving what was known as "the Baxter law." 
 This was in the October election, and the next 
 month Grant carried the state by a majority of 
 6,000. Oddly enough, Gov. Hendricks is authority 
 for the assertion that any man competent to be a 
 notary public could fill the position of governor of 
 Indiana, so that it would appear there was not much 
 to test the executive abilities of Gov. Hendricks 
 during his term of office. He made an urbane, care 
 ful, satisfactory official, and when he retired from 
 the position it was with the respect of all parties in 
 the state. In July 1874, Mr. Hendricks was perma 
 nent chairman of the state democratic convention at 
 Indianapolis. On June 27, 1876, the democratic 
 national convention at St. Louis nominated Samuel 
 J. Tilden for president on the second ballot, and 
 Mr. Hendricks for vice-president, the latter receiv 
 ing 730 votes out of 738. The stoutly contested and 
 bitter campaign which followed is a matter of his 
 tory, as also the claim of both parties to the election, 
 and the final disposition of the question by the elect 
 oral board, when Mr. Hnyes was given the election. 
 During the next eight years Mr. Hendricks remained 
 
14 
 
 THE NATIONAL CYCLOPAEDIA 
 
 quietly in Indianapolis, practicing his profession, 
 strongly interested in religious matters, having 
 joined the St. Paul s P. E. church, on its organiza 
 tion in 1862, and being senior warden thereof. This 
 life was varied only in 1876 when Mr. Hendricks 
 made an extended trip in Europe, where he was 
 cordially received by prominent statesmen, who 
 were familiar with his name and reputation. In 
 July, 1884, Mr. Hendricks was a member of the 
 democratic national convention, held at Chicago, 
 and in behalf of the Indiana delegation nominated, 
 as that state s candidate for the presidency, Joseph 
 E. McDonald. Mr. Hendricks was, however, pre 
 sented by Gov. Thos. Waller, in the name of Con 
 necticut, as the candidate for the presidency, where 
 upon the chairman of the Indiana delegation rose to 
 his feet to protest, saying, "Mr. Hendricks is not a 
 candidate and will not be a candidate. I am author 
 ized to say this by Mr. Hendricks." The nomina 
 tion was accordingly withdrawn. The nomination 
 of Grover Cleveland for the presidency was fol 
 lowed by William A. Wallace, of Pennsylvania, 
 naming Thomas A. Hendricks tor the vice-presidency ; 
 whereupon delegation after delegation rolled in its 
 vote for Mr. Hendricks, and he was the unanimous 
 choice of the convention. The election of the presi 
 dent and vice-president in November perfected this 
 action, and Thomas A. Hendricks became vice- 
 president of the United States. In March 4, 1885, 
 he assumed his position, and fulfilled its duties in 
 good health until the autumn. A serious attack 
 which had befallen him in 1863 was, however, the 
 cause of some fears, both on the part of the vice- 
 president and of Mrs. Hendricks, that his life would 
 come to a sudden end. He removed to Washington 
 after his election and at the extra session of the sen 
 ate, convened on the 4th of 
 March, presided over that body, 
 where his courtesy and urban 
 ity at once made "him exceed 
 ingly popular. In the latter 
 part of November the vice-pres 
 ident had been in Chicago for 
 a few days, returning to his 
 home at Indianapolis on Nov. 
 24th. He contracted a severe 
 cold, but no serious results were 
 anticipated, and on that evening 
 he attended a reception with 
 Mrs. Hendricks, appearing as 
 well as usual. The next day, 
 however, he complained of be 
 ing ill, and was taken with a 
 congestive chill. A few min 
 utes before five o clock in the 
 afternoon, Mr. Hendricks ob 
 serving that he was free from 
 pain, he was for a few mo 
 ments left alone by his wife, 
 who on returning found that 
 lie was dead. The feeling at 
 Washington and throughout 
 the country, at this sudden 
 T*/ taking off of the vice-presi 
 dent was deep and sincere. 
 Suitable official action was at 
 once taken, the president call- 
 Parks. ~-~^~[ ing a special meeting of the 
 
 members of the cabinet for 
 the same evening, when it was determined that the 
 members of the administration should attend the 
 funeral in a body. Mr. Heudricks was the fifth 
 vice-president of the United States who died during 
 his term of office. He was buried from the cathe 
 dral in Indianapolis, the funeral being both civil 
 and military. The government was represented by 
 members of ;the cabinet, and committees from the 
 
 two houses of congress and the supreme court. 
 Under the circumstances it was deemed best for 
 President Cleveland to remain at Washington, as, 
 in case of any mortal accident to him, the govern 
 ment would have been without a head. He died 
 Nov. 25, 1885. 
 
 BAYARD, Thomas Francis, secretary of 
 state, was born in Wilmington, Del., Oct. 29, 1828. 
 He came of a long line of senators, while his early 
 ancestors belonged to a distinguished family of French 
 Huguenots. Samuel Bayard was 
 the grandson of a professor of 
 theology in Paris, who fled from 
 France to escape religious perse 
 cution. In 1647 Nicholas, in com 
 pany with Peter Stuyvesant, the 
 last Dutch governor of New York, 
 who was his brother-in-law, emi 
 grated to America. For a time, 
 the Bayards were prominent in 
 New York, but after a while they 
 began to appear in Pennsylvania, 
 Maryland and Delaware. John 
 Bayard, who was born in Mary 
 land, was the great -great-grandson 
 of the Samuel Bayard already men 
 tioned. He settled in Philadelphia 
 about 1756, and became one of the 
 leading merchants of that city. A 
 twin brother of John Bayard, James 
 Asheton, was one of those who ne 
 gotiated the treaty of Ghent, Dec. 24, 1818. His son 
 was born at Wilmington, Del., and was the U. S. 
 senator of that state in 1851, 1857 and 1862. Thom 
 as Francis Bayard was the son of James Asheton. 
 The boy was fortunate in his educational advantages, 
 as, in his early youth he entered the Flushing School, 
 Long Island, at that time under the direction of its 
 founder, Rev. A. L. Hawks, D. D. His first inten 
 tion was to become a merchant, and for a time he 
 was engaged in business as a clerk in a commercial 
 house in New r York. He, however, gave up his in 
 tention in that direction, and settled in Wilmington, 
 Del., in 1848, having determined to follow the pro 
 fession of the law. In 1851 he was admitted to the 
 bar of the state of Delaware, and entered upon gen 
 eral practice in Wilmington, being in two years 
 from that time appointed U. S. district attorney for 
 Delaware. During the years 1855 and 1856 he re 
 sided in Philadelphia, but he then returned to his 
 native state and remained there, constantly practising 
 law until 1868, when he was elected to succeed 
 his father as a member of the U. S. senate. During 
 the civil war Mr. Bayard did what he could to estab 
 lish a state of agreement w r ith the South, and as early 
 as 1861 spoke in public to that effect. Mr. Bayard 
 was re-elected to the U. S. senate in 1875, and again 
 in 1881. On March 20, 1875, he made an able speech 
 in the U. S. senate, displaying that loyalty to his 
 country and that lack of absolute partisanship in his 
 political conduct, which were always peculiar to 
 him. The name of Horace Greeley, the unsuccess 
 ful candidate for the presidency in 1872, had come 
 up in the senate, in the debate on the Louisiana ques 
 tion, and speaking to this question, Senator Bayard 
 said: "The nomination of Horace Greeley had its 
 impulse largely among the Southern white people, 
 whose opinions and prejudices had for more than 
 one generation been strongly arrayed against him. 
 There had been no representative man of the North 
 more signally the opponent of what may be called 
 the Southern system of thought and political action 
 than Horace Greeley. He had lived to see this sys 
 tem utterly overthrown and revolutionized by force 
 of arms, and in the wreck his ear caught the cry of 
 human misery and sorrow that ever accompanies 
 such sweeping changes in society, and his kind, 
 
OF AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. 
 
 warm heart recognized the appeal. From the sur 
 render of the Southern arms till the grave closed over 
 his form, I believe the paramount object of Horace 
 Greeley s life was to bring his fellow-countrymen 
 into a better understanding with each other, and 
 inaugurate an era of peace and good-will which. 
 should cement our union of states, and make Amer 
 ican citizenship a tie of fraternity in all sections of 
 the country. ... To reunite his countrymen in 
 the bonds of mutual kindness and good will, he sev 
 ered the ties of party organization and became the 
 leader of a political hope so far as the fate of the im 
 mediate canvass was concerned. And then he died. 
 But the seed sown in a good life did not die. Near 
 ly 3,000,000 voters in 1872, of whom over ninety per 
 cent, were democrats, responded to the sentiment for 
 which Mr. Greeley struggled." During his senator 
 ial career, Mr. Bayard served on a number of the 
 leading committees, and was president pro tern, of the 
 senate in 1881. Gradually his reputation became en 
 larged, until he began to be esteemed as a leading 
 statesman, and one whose views on great public 
 questions might be relied upon implicitly as not be 
 ing in the least tinged with partisanship. He was a 
 member of the celebrated electoral commission of 
 1876, and in 1880 and 1884 his name was prominent 
 ly before the country as a candidate for the presi 
 dency. On taking the presidential chair, Mr. Cleve 
 land appointed Mr. Bayard secretary of state, and he 
 continued to hold that office during the Cleveland 
 administration. In all the relations of the state de 
 partment with foreign powers, under the adminis 
 tration of Mr. Bayard, the country had reason to ex 
 perience entire confidence and reliance on the talent 
 and skill with which serious diploma! ic questions 
 were treated. On surrendering the portfolio of his 
 department, Mr. Bayard retired to his home at Wil 
 mington, Del., where he continued occasionally to 
 practice his profession, while generally leading a 
 quiet and peaceful life, respected by all who were 
 acquainted with his high career. 
 
 MANNING, Daniel, secretary of the treasury, 
 was born in Albany, Aug. 16, 1831. His ancestry 
 was mixed North of Ireland, English and Dutch. 
 He was educated in the public schools of Albany up to 
 his twelfth year, when he left school and took a po 
 sition as " boy " in the oflice of the Albany " Atlas," 
 which afterward became the "Argus," and with 
 which paper he continued a connection all through 
 his life, eventually becoming president of the asso 
 ciation which published it, and its executive propri 
 etor. By thus beginning his newspaper work at the 
 foot of the ladder, and climbing steadily through all 
 its degrees to its highest rank, Mr. Manning thor 
 oughly qualified himself in every department both 
 to manage the details, and exercise general supervis 
 ion. Under his direction the "Argus " became a 
 political power not only in Albany, but in the state, 
 and, by reflection, upon the country. While thus 
 thoroughly informing himself as a journalist, Mr. 
 Manning studied politics as a fine art, and became 
 an accomplished leader, and that, too, during a per 
 iod exceptional for the ability of those who directed 
 the political fortunes of the state, and also for the 
 large number of complicated and important ques 
 tions which it was necessary to understand. The 
 administrative powers of Mr. Manning were conced 
 ed from the beginning of his assuming a responsible 
 position on the " Argus." In 1865 he was made as 
 sociate editor of the paper, and took full charge of 
 it. In 1873 Mr. Cassidy, who had been the leading 
 spirit of the association, died. From that time for 
 ward, Mr. Manning was president of the company. 
 In state politics he had already given evidence of re 
 markable ability, tenacious force and an aggres 
 sive disposition, in his fight against the Tweed ring, 
 
 and in the assistance which he gave to Samuel J. Til- 
 den and Charles O Connor and others within the 
 democratic party, who labored so faith fully and ear 
 nestly to break up the oligarchy which would have 
 soon destroyed the party itself. By general consent 
 Mr. Manning was given the leadership of the anti- 
 ring forces, within "the democratic party in the inte 
 rior of the state, and he so successfully organized 
 these as to break up the rings utterly in the legislat 
 ure, where they had been able to do the most and" 
 worst of their mischief. In 1874 Mr. Manning was 
 a member of the democratic state convention at Syr 
 acuse, which nominated Mr. Tilden for governor, and 
 during the administration of Mr. Tilden was earnest 
 in his support, and himself originated and organized 
 many measures for reform which met with much 
 popularity. This was particularly the case in regard 
 to the unscrupulous abuses which had been planted 
 in the government of the canals and prisons. These 
 he succeeded in placing on a busi 
 ness and self-sustaining basis. In 
 1876 Mr. Manning controlled the 
 delegation for the state of New 
 York to the national democratic 
 convention in St. Louis, and held 
 the same position in Cincinnati in 
 1880. He was a member of the 
 democratic state committee in 1876, 
 its secretary in 1879 and 1880, and 
 its chairman in 1881, 1882 and 
 1883. In 1878 Mr. Manning took 
 into partnership on the "Argus," 
 as an associate, Mr. St. Clair Mc- 
 Kelway, retaining for himself the 
 executive management of the 
 paper, and the presidency of the /i ^* 
 
 company. From that time for- vl - yjf/ *, 
 ward, Mr. Manning was consid- ~*~ **^f 
 
 ered to sustain the same relation 
 to the democratic party of the state which had 
 previously been held by Dean Richmond, and after 
 ward by Samuel J. Tilden. The best men of the 
 party grew to confide in him absolutely, both in the 
 integrity of his party loyalty, and in his intelligence 
 and broad general capacity. Mr. Manning himself 
 had the deepest confidence in the honesty and intel 
 ligence of the mass of voters, and while he cared 
 very little for the pretenses of local "bosses," hench 
 men and heelers, he was a constant and severe work 
 er and undoubtedly undermined his health through 
 the persistence of his labors, which were always re 
 sponsible and arduous. Toward the end of 1883, he 
 had practically made up his mind to retire altogeth 
 er from political life. Up to that period he had nev 
 er held any public position, although frequently 
 urged to do so. In 1884 he took a deep interest in 
 the presidential election, and worked zealously for 
 the success of Mr. Cleveland, and in the convention 
 of that year was chairman of the New York del 
 egation. When Mr. Cleveland formed his cabinet 
 in March, 1885, he appointed Daniel Manning secre 
 tary of the treasury, and he continued to hold the po 
 sition for about two years, during the latter part of 
 which time, he was in constant danger on account 
 of the condition of his health, which eventually 
 broke down altogether, and in April, 1887, he re 
 signed his place in the cabinet. During that sum 
 mer he recuperated partially, and in October of the 
 same year accepted the presidency of the Bank of 
 New York. The appointment of Mr. Manning to so 
 important a position in the cabinet as that of secre 
 tary of the treasury was a surprise to those who were 
 not aware of his financial and business capacity and 
 his experience in precisely the direction most likely 
 to benefit him in his ad ministration of the finances of 
 the country. He was long a director for the city of 
 Albany in the Albany and Susquehanna Railway 
 
16 
 
 THE NATIONAL CYCLOPEDIA 
 
 Company. From 1869 to 1882, when he resigned, he 
 was a director of the National Savings Bank of Al 
 bany. In 1873 he was made a director of the Nation 
 al Commecial Bank of Albany; in 1881 its vice-pres 
 ident and in 1882 its president. He was also a di 
 rector of the Electric Light Company of Albany. In 
 all these large and important business enterprises, he 
 obtained an experience which, added to his natural 
 gifts, tended to make him a most efficient public of 
 ficer. Mr. Manning married, in 1853, Mary Lee, a 
 lady of English parentage, who died in 1882. They 
 had two sons and two daughters. Of his sons, 
 James Hilton Manning, secretary and treasurer of a 
 large manufacturing company of Albany, was also 
 managing editor of the Albany " Sunday Argus, " and 
 after his father s death, assumed the charge of the 
 latter s interest in that paper. Frederick Clinton Man 
 ning established himself as a stationer in Albany. 
 Secretary Manning died in Albany Dec. 24, 1887. 
 
 FAIBCHILD, Charles Stebbins, secretary of 
 the treasury, 1887-89, was born in Cazenovia, N. Y., 
 Apr. 30, 1842. His father was Sidney T. Fairchild, 
 for many years attorney for the New York Cen 
 tral R. R, and one of the leading 
 men of central New York. Young 
 Fairchild studied at the common 
 schools and at the Oneida Confer 
 ence Seminary at Cazenovia, where 
 he prepared for a university course, 
 and went to Harvard in 1859, grad 
 uating in the class of 1863. He de 
 termined to follow the legal pro 
 fession, entered the Harvard Law 
 School, and completed the pre 
 scribed course in 1865, receiving 
 the degree of Bachelor of Laws. 
 He then removed to Albany, where 
 he continued his legal studies, 
 and in 1866 was admitted to the 
 bar. In 1871 he became a mem- 
 ber of the law firm of Hand, 
 Hale, Swartz & Fairchild, this 
 firm being one of the most suc 
 cessful in the business in the state. He remain 
 ed a member of this firm until 1876, but in the 
 meantime, in 1874, was appointed deputy attor 
 ney-general of the state, and in 1875 was nominated 
 by the democratic party for the attorney-generalship, 
 and was elected, assuming the office in the following 
 year. While holding the position of deputy attorney- 
 general, Mr. Fairchild became exceedingly popular 
 with his party, a fact which secured him the nomi 
 nation for the higher position, and which doubtless 
 aided greatly in accomplishing the success of his 
 future life. Mr. Fairchild displayed great skill in 
 handling the cases which came under his charge, 
 especially so in the instance of the case of the People 
 vs. the New York police commissioners, Gardner 
 and Charlick. During the last two years of his ser 
 vice as deputy attorney-general, Mr. Fairchild was 
 more than usually occupied, and very responsibly 
 so, on account of the reports of the Canal Investiga 
 tion commission, and in regard to all the suits de 
 volving upon the law office of the state, Mr Fair- 
 child was considered "the right arm of the attorney- 
 general." At the democratic state convention in 
 1875, his nomination for attorney-general was made 
 by acclamation. In the election which followed he 
 received a majority of 23,302 over his republican 
 competitor. As attorney- general, Mr. Fairchild be 
 came also a commissioner of the land office, of the 
 canal fund, a member of the canal board, a member 
 of the board of state charities, trustee of the state 
 capital, and trustee of the state hall. At the end of 
 his two years term of office in 1878, Mr. Fairchild 
 went to Europe, where he remained until 1880. On 
 Ms return he settled in New York city, and devoted 
 
 himself to the practice of law until 1885, when Pres 
 ident Cleveland appointed him assistant secretary of 
 the treasury. While occupying this position, Mr. 
 Fairchild was freqently obliged to represent Secre 
 tary Daniel Manning as acting secretary, and when 
 the latter on account of ill health was obliged to re 
 sign his office, Apr. 1, 1887, President Cleveland ap 
 pointed Mr. Fairchild secretary of the treasury. He 
 continued to fill that office until the close of Mr. Cleve 
 land s administration in March, 1889. After retiring 
 from public life, Mr. Fairchild became president of 
 the New York Security and Trust Co. of New York 
 city. In 1888 he received the degree of LL.D. from 
 Harvard. Throughout his career, Mr. Fairchild 
 has occupied a position among his fellow-citizens, 
 and among those who know him, as a man of stanch 
 intellect, great skill in handling important affnirs, 
 remarkable intellectual grasp and financial and busi 
 ness ability. During the latter part of September, 
 1889, Mr. Fairchild, in addressing a large audience 
 in the hall of the Harlem Branch of the Young Men s 
 Christian Association, spoke regarding great social 
 problems in large cities, and in reference to these, 
 and illustrating the question, said of New York, 
 "The city is the heel of our American Achilles, the 
 place where our popular government may be wound 
 ed to its destruction." Mr. Fairchild is an able 
 speaker and a logical reasouer, and has been fre 
 quently called upon to address public audiences on 
 occasions of moment. 
 
 ENDICOTT, William Crowninshield, secre 
 tary of war, was born in Salem, Mass., Nov. 19, 1826. 
 He was the son of William Putnam and Mary (Crown 
 inshield) Endicott. He is descended directly from 
 Gov. John Endicott, who came to Salem in 1628, 
 and on his mother s side is a grandson of the Hon. 
 Jacob Crowninshield, who was a well-known mem 
 ber of congress in the early part of this centuiy. Mr. 
 Endicott was educated in Salem schools and in 1843 
 entered Harvard, from which he was graduated 
 in 1847. Soon after graduating he studied law 
 in the office of Nathaniel J. Lord, then the leading 
 member of the Essex bar, and in the Harvard Law 
 School at Cambridge. He was cal ed to the bar in 
 1850, and began the practice of law 
 in Salem in 1851. He was a mem 
 ber of the Salem common council 
 in 1852, and in 1853 he entered into 
 partnership with Jairus W. Perry 
 (who is well known throughout the 
 country as the author of "Perry 
 on Trusts") under the firm name 
 of Perry & Endicott. From 1857 
 to 1864 he was solicitor of the city 
 of Salem. After nearly twenty 
 years of an active and leading 
 practice at the Essex bar, in 1873, 
 though a democrat, Mr. Endicott 
 was "appointed by a republican 
 governor, William B. Washburn, 
 an associate justice of the supreme 
 judicial court of Massachusetts, 
 which position he held until the 
 autumn of 1882, when he resigned, 
 and at this time spent a year or 
 more in Europe. In 1884 he was the democratic 
 candidate for governor of Massachusetts, but was 
 defeated. In 1885 he became secretary of_ war of 
 the United States in Cleveland s administration, and 
 held office to the end of Mr. Cleveland s term. Mr. 
 Endicott is president of the Peabody Academy of 
 Science in Salem, which position he has held since 
 1868, and is a member of the corporation of Har 
 vard, and one of the trustees of the Peabody 
 Education Fund. He was married Dec. 13, 1859 to 
 Ellen, daughter of the late George Peabody, of Sa 
 lem, and has a son and daughter. 
 
OF AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. 
 
 17 
 
 WHITNEY, William Collins, secretary of 
 the navy, was born at Conway, Mass., July 5, 1841, 
 a descendant in the eighth generation from John 
 Whitney, one of the leaders of the English Puritans 
 who settled in Watertown, Mass., in 1635. His an 
 cestors in the male line were, without exception, men 
 of unusual strength of character and of prominence 
 in the communities in which they lived, among them 
 being Brig. -Gen. Josiah Whitney, of Harvard, Mass., 
 active in the field during the revolution, and a mem 
 ber of both the convention that prepared the consti 
 tution for Massachusetts and that which adopted the 
 constitution of the United States. His father was 
 Brig. -Gen. James Scollay Whitney, who, in 1854, 
 was appointed by President Pierce superintendent of 
 the U. S. armory at Springfield, Mass., and in 1860 
 became collector of the port of Boston on nomina 
 tion of President Buchanan. Upon his mother s 
 side, his ancestry goes back to William Bradford, 
 governor of Plymouth colony. Mr. Whitney was 
 educated at Williston Seminary, East Hampton, 
 Mass., at Yale College, where he was graduated in 
 1863, and at Harvard University Law School, which 
 he left in 1804. Beginning practice in New York 
 city, he was soon recognized as a fearless lawyer 
 whose devotion to his clients was indefatigable. His 
 first appearance in public affairs took place in 1871, 
 when he was active in organizing the young men s 
 democratic club of New York city. In 1872~he was 
 made inspector of schools, and at the same time be 
 came a leader of the county democracy division of 
 the democratic party. In 1875 he was appointed 
 corporation counsel for the city of New York, and 
 his administration of the office was distinguished, it 
 has been well said, "by reforms and economies 
 witbin it and by notable legal triumphs for the city 
 in the courts." Thirty -eight hundred suits were 
 pending, involving between $40,000,000 and $50,- 
 000,000. He proceeded to reorganize the depart 
 ment with four bureaus, and within two years had 
 doubled the volume of business disposed of, while 
 expenses were reduced. He resigned the office in 
 1882, to attend to personal interests, and March 5, 
 1885, was appointed secretary of the navy by Presi 
 dent Cleveland. He prepared, in his tirst report to 
 congress, a plan for the reorganization of that de 
 partment of the government business, and it was 
 afterward claimed that by the results which fol 
 lowed its execution, "for the first time in the history 
 of the navy it has been possible to prepare complete 
 statement, by classes, of receipts and expenditures 
 of supplies throughout the entire service, and of the 
 total valuation of supplies on hand for issue at all 
 shore stations." Also proceeding vigorously to the 
 construction of the new navy, with which his name 
 is hereafter to be closely identified, he aimed in this 
 at restoring to the United States the prestige as a na 
 val power which the country formerly enjoyed, and 
 above all things at making it independent of the rest 
 of the world for supplies in case of war. When he be 
 came secretary he found that neither armor, nor the 
 forgings for high-power guns, nor the rapid-fire guns 
 constituting the secondary battery, could be pro 
 duced on this side of the Atlantic. Resolutely de 
 clining to place any contracts abroad, and stipulating 
 for American production in every instance, there 
 necessarily was a considerable delay in beginning 
 the new ships; but in 1887, by embracing in one con 
 tract all the armor and gun steel authorized by the 
 two previous congresses, he induced the Bethlehem 
 Iron Works to assume the expenditure for new 
 plant of four or five million dollars, and had the 
 satisfaction of securing all that the government 
 needed from a home institution the largest and 
 finest of the kind in the world and of better qual 
 ity than had ever before been produced anywhere. 
 American citizens and shipbuilders were invited to 
 
 submit designs and models for the new vessels, con 
 struction by private parties was especially stimulated 
 on the Pacific coast, and as a supplement to all this 
 the navy-yards at New York and Norfolk, Va., were 
 also equipped for steel and iron shipbuilding of 
 every type and size. When he retired from office in 
 1889, the vessels of the U. S. navy designed and con 
 tracted for by him, then finished or in process of 
 construction, consisted of five monitors, double-tur- 
 reted, and two new armor-clads, besides the dyna 
 mite cruiser Vesuvius, and five uuarmored steel and 
 iron cruisers, i. e., the Newark, Charleston, Balti 
 more, Philadelphia, and San Francisco. In addition 
 there were three, then unnamed, armored cruisers 
 and four gunboats, two of the latter having been 
 launched in 1888. He also contracted for a torpedo- 
 boat, and purchased the Stiletto, to be used in prac 
 tice at the U. S. torpedo station. The vessels enu 
 merated were exclusive of the steel and iron vessels 
 of the old navy so-called. The following tribute was 
 paid to him by Senator Preston B. Plumb of Kansas, 
 a political opponent, in a speech in the senate on 
 Feb. 12, 1889: "I am glad to say in the closing hours 
 of Mr. Whitney s administration that the affairs of 
 his department have been well administered. They 
 have not only been w r ell admin 
 istered in the sense that every 
 thing has been honestly and faith 
 fully done, but there has been a 
 stimulus given, so far as it could 
 be done by executive direction, 
 to the production of the best types 
 of ships and the highest form of 
 manufacture, and, more than all 
 that, to the encouragement of the 
 inventive genius of our people 
 and to the performance of all 
 possible work, not in navy-yards, 
 where they might be most surely 
 made the instrument of political 
 strength, but in private shipyards 
 and manufactories, to the effect 
 that we have got to-day enlisted in 
 this good work of building the 
 American navy not only the navy 
 department backed by congress, but we have got the 
 keen competition of American manufactories and 
 the inventive genius of all our people, so that we may 
 confidently expect not only the best results but great 
 improvement each year. I am glad to say that dur 
 ing the past four years the navy department has 
 been administered in a practical, level-headed, judi 
 cious way, and the result is such that I am prepared 
 to believe and to say that within ten years we shall 
 have the best navy in the world." Mr. Whitney was 
 the leader of the Cleveland forces in the national 
 democratic convention of 1892, and showed, by his 
 skill in outgeneraling the older politicians, all the 
 qualities of a born leader and organizer. His ability 
 to command and hold the respect of men of every 
 shade of opinion gave him the position of harmoni- 
 zer, his judgment being deferred to when differences 
 arose. Mr. Whitney was married in 1869 to Flora 
 Payne, daughter of Henry B. Payne, senator from 
 Ohio, and their house in Washington, one of the 
 finest in the capital, was a social centre of great at 
 traction. In 1888 Yale conferred upon him the 
 honorary degree of LL.D. 
 
 GARLAND, Augustus Hill, United States 
 attorney-general, was born in Tipton county, Tenn., 
 June 11, 1832. He received his education at St. 
 Mary s College, Lebanon, Ky., and at St. Joseph s 
 College, Bardstown , Ky. Mr. Garland studied 
 law, was admitted to the bar in 1853, and prac 
 ticed law in Washington, Ark., for three years, 
 when he removed to Little Rock, Ark. He was 
 admitted to practice as an attorney and counsel- 
 
18 
 
 THE NATIONAL CYCLOPAEDIA 
 
 or in the supreme court of the United States in 
 1860, and took the official oath of that day. He 
 entered political life as a whig, and was an elector 
 on the Bell and Everett ticket. His first public posi 
 tion was that of delegate to the convention called 
 by his state to consider her relations with the Fed 
 eral Union after Mr. Lincoln s election. He was 
 chosen as a Union delegate, but after the war began 
 he favored secession and voted 
 for the secession ordinance. He 
 was elected a member of the Con 
 federate provisional congress, 
 which assembled at Montgom 
 ery, Ala., in 1861, Arkansas be 
 ing admitted as a state in May 
 of that year; and he was also a 
 member of the house of repre 
 sentatives of the first congress of 
 the Confederate states, and then 
 a member of the senate, where he 
 remained until the end of the 
 war. After the war he showed 
 his desire to use his powers in as 
 sisting to restore the Federal re 
 lations, and received a full par 
 don from President Johnson in 
 1865, on condition that he would 
 support the United States con 
 stitution, and obey the laws abol 
 ishing slavery. He undertook to renew his prac 
 tice in the supreme court, but was not permitted to 
 do so, according to act of congress passed on Jan. 
 24, 1865, requiring all attorneys and counselors to 
 take the "Iron-clad" oath, prescribed by the act of 
 July 2, 1862. Mr. Garland filed a brief in his own 
 behalf, in a case he instituted to test the constitu 
 tionality of that act, employing as his counsel Rev- 
 erdy Johnson and M. H. Carpenter. He argued the 
 case himself in a masterly manner, for which he re 
 ceived high credit, and the decision was in his favor. 
 He was elected to the United States senate in 1866, 
 but was not permitted to take his seat. In 1874 he 
 was for a time acting secretary of state for Arkansas 
 when the carpet-bag rule was overthrown, and in 
 the same year was "elected governor of that state. 
 He found the treasury bankrupt, and the financial 
 standing of the state in the lowest possible condition. 
 It was with much hard work and a great deal of op 
 position that he finally succeeded in settling all dif 
 ferences, and placing matters on a firm financial 
 basis. He was elected to the United States senate 
 without opposition in 1876, succeeding Powell Clay 
 ton, becoming a member of the judiciary commit 
 tee, and was re-elected without opposition, serv 
 ing until 1885, when President Cleveland appointed 
 him attorney-general of the United States, which 
 position he retained until the close of that adminis 
 tration, when he returned to the practice of law. 
 Senator Garland s steady perseverance and keen ex 
 ecutive ability early ranked him with the best law 
 yers of his state, and promised him a famous future, 
 which his subsequent brilliant and successful career 
 has amply fulfilled. In society he is genial though 
 unassuming, and his conversation is agreeably inter 
 spersed with a variety of anecdote and humor. He 
 was a delegate to the Chicago convention of 1892, 
 and supported the nomination of his former chief. 
 
 VILAS, William Freeman, secretary of the in 
 terior, postmaster-general, and senator, was born July 
 9, 1840, at Chelsea, Vt., the son of Levi B. and 
 Esther G. (Smilie) Vilas. His grandfather, Moses 
 Vilas, migrated, toward the end of the last cen 
 tury, from Connecticut to the Sterling mountain in 
 Vermont, near the top of which he subdued to hus 
 bandry 800 acres of its forest-covered sides. Tradi 
 tionary tales yet survive, in the locality, of his deeds 
 
 and sayings illustrative of the hardy daring and un 
 flinching steadfastness for which he was remarkable. 
 Nathan Smilie, his maternal grandfather, was also a 
 man beyond the ordinary type, acute in intellect, 
 yet broad and wise in mind, a leader of his party in 
 the state, and long useful in her legislative service. 
 Though born and reared in a mountain farmhouse, 
 Levi B. Vilas inherited too much spirit and ambition 
 to brook the limitations of such a life, and, when 
 but sixteen, set out on foot to the academy at Ran 
 dolph, a distance of sixty miles, where by diligent 
 study he laid the foundation of his success in man 
 hood as a lawyer, a legislator nd a citizen. Hav 
 ing won a comfortable independence he removed 
 with his family to Madison, Wis., selecting this 
 location with a view to the education of his children, 
 and five of his sons subsequently took degrees at the 
 State University in that city. The family arrived in 
 Madison, June 4, 1851, after a journey from Mil 
 waukee in a white covered wagon. In September 
 of that year at the first session of the university, 
 William was entered in the preparatory department. 
 He took his degree in the regular classical course in 
 1858. He was reputed a good student, yet active 
 also in the societies and sports of the college acd 
 popular with his fellows. In 1859 he took a course 
 of instruction in a commercial school, and in the 
 meantime began the study of law. He then went 
 to the Albany Law School, was grad 
 uated in May, 1360, and admitted to 
 the bar of New York. Returning 
 home, he was admitted to the Wis 
 consin bar by the supreme court, and, 
 in June, while yet not twenty, argued 
 before that tribunal his first case. 
 July 9th he formed with Charles T. 
 Wakeley the partnership of Wake- 
 ley & Vilas, to which, at the begin 
 ning of 1862, Eleazar Wakeley was 
 received as senior member. His pro 
 fessional beginnings were promising, 
 but the call to the civil war became too 
 urgent for denial. He had drilled with 
 Col. Ellsworth, was then captain of the 
 "Madison Zouaves," and in July, 
 1862, tendered his services to Gov. 
 Salomon, who urged him to raise a company. He 
 called and conducted a series of war meetings, still 
 remembered for the patriotic fervor educed, and in 
 a few days he formed company A of the 23d Wis 
 consin regiment which was sent in September to Cov- 
 ington, Ky., and thence to Memphis, to join Sher 
 man in his expedition against Vicksburg. While at 
 Memphis he was attacked with typhoid fever, and 
 would doubtless have lost his life but for the kind 
 ness of a cousin, resident in the city, the late Ira M. 
 Hill, who took care of him, regardless of the conse 
 quences should the city be retaken by the Confeder 
 ates. So soon as convalescent, he went to his regi 
 ment and sustained with his comrades the miseries 
 of camp life at Young s Point and Milliken s Bend, 
 and the toils and joys of the campaign of Vicksburg. 
 He was promoted to be major and then lieutenant-col 
 onel of the regiment, while at Milliken s Bend. He 
 participated in the battles of Port Gibson, Champion 
 Hill, Black River Bridge, the assaults at Vicksburg, 
 and during nearly all of the siege was in immediate 
 command of his regiment. The day following the 
 surrender he marched with the army \mder Sher- 
 mon in pursuit of Johnston and, after sharing the 
 week s environment of Jackson, on its evacuation 
 returned to Vicksburg. Thence, still in command 
 of his regiment, he was sent to Carrollton near New 
 Orleans, where, after some weeks idleness, in view 
 of the unfavorable prospect for the further service 
 of the regiment and pressed by the necessities of his 
 father who was involved in a litigation, which, if 
 
OF AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. 
 
 19 
 
 unfortunate in result, might have ruined him, Col. 
 Vilas resigned and returned home. In 1865 he 
 settled down to professional practice, and on Jan. 
 3, I860, was married to Anna M. Fox, daughter of 
 Dr. Win. H. Fox, an early settler and one of the 
 most influential men of Wisconsin. Thenceforward, 
 his practice rapidly increased and his income secured 
 him in a few years a moderate fortune. From 1872 
 to 1881 Edwin E. Bryant, now dean of the law fac 
 ulty of the University of Wisconsin, was his law 
 partner, and during the latter part of this period, 
 his brother, Edward P. Vilas, now of Milwaukee, 
 was also a member of the tirm. He was appointed 
 by the state supreme court to edit a new edition of 
 its law reports, in which work his partner was asso 
 ciated, and the first twenty volumes of the "Wis 
 consin Reports," except two annotated by Chief Jus 
 tice Dixon, were republished with "Vilas and Bry 
 ant s Notes." In 1875 the supreme court appointed 
 him one of the revisers of the general statutes, who, 
 after three years labor, reported the revision adopted 
 in 1878 and still in force, which will compare favor 
 ably with any similar work in the country. In 1868, 
 on t he opening of the law school of the University 
 of Wisconsin, Col. Vilas was appointed a professor 
 of law and regularly lectured for seventeen years. 
 He was also regent of the university from 1880 to 
 1885. Since 1860 Senator Vilas has taken part on the 
 stump in every political campaign, as a democrat, 
 has often represented his locality in state conventions 
 and was a delegate from the state to the national 
 conventions of 1876, 1880, and 1884; permanent 
 chairman of the convention in 1884; chairman of 
 the committee of notification, and made the official 
 addresses to the nominees, Mr. Cleveland and Mr. 
 Hendricks. He was the Wisconsin member of the 
 national committee from 1876 to 1886. In 1884 he 
 accepted a nomination to the legislature and was 
 elected with little opposition. While in the legislat 
 ure, President Cleveland invited him to his cabinet 
 as postmaster-general, on which office he entered 
 March 7, 1885, and, upon the advancement of Mr. 
 Justice Lamar to the supreme court, appointed him 
 secretary of the interior, in which capacity he served 
 from Jan. 16, 1888, to March 6, 1889. In the post- 
 office department, the distinguishing features of his 
 service were the establishment of improved business 
 methods in some of the divisions; economy of man 
 agement by substantial diminishment of proportional 
 cost with large increase of service, conspicuously 
 marked in the acceptance by congress of his esti 
 mates of the second year, amounting to $57,000,000, 
 without alteration (an event so unusual that the 
 committee of the house remarked upon it in their 
 report), the complete revision of the postal laws and 
 regulations, personally preparing the scheme and 
 arrangement, and carefully supervising all the de 
 tails; the increased expedition of overland mails, 
 and the improvement of the foreign mail service, for 
 which he received an elaborate written testimonial 
 of thanks signed by the great importing and com 
 mercial houses of New York; a new treaty with 
 Mexico and a postal arrangement with Canada, by 
 which letter and paper mail transmission throughout 
 the North American continent was opened to our cit 
 izens at the same rates as for domestic service, and 
 the inauguration of parcel post conventions with 
 foreign countries for the transmission of articles of 
 merchandise not exceeding eleven pounds weight. 
 He refused to expend the appropriation made at the 
 close of the 48th congress for ocean mail subsidies, 
 which drew hot controversy upon him, but the next 
 house sustained him by more than a two-thirds ma 
 jority. The business of the interior department was 
 largely in arrears, and Secretary Vilas began the 
 attempt to relieve those having affairs so involved 
 by working off the accumulations, and, by intro 
 
 ducing better modes of consideration in the law 
 division, caused to be decided as many land appeals 
 during his service as had been disposed of in the 
 previous four years, besides gains in other offices, 
 but the political result of 1888 prevented the execu 
 tion of his purposes. On Mr. Cleveland s retire 
 ment, he returned home and resumed his profes 
 sional practice. During the state campaign of 1890 
 he spoke daily for several weeks at many different 
 points. The result of the election enabled the dem 
 ocrats to choose, after thirty-five years interruption, 
 a United States senator, and so general was the 
 favor toward Mr. Vilas that in the caucus of eighty- 
 five votes he received every one on the first ballot, 
 and was formally elected by the legislature, Jan. 
 28th, for the six years term beginning March 4, 1891. 
 Senator Vilas has distinguished himself as an orator 
 in various public addresses, especially in responding 
 to a toast in honor of Gen. Grant, "Our first Com 
 mander," at the banquet of the Society of the Army 
 of the Tennessee, at Chicago, in 1879. In his do 
 mestic life he has enjoyed unusual felicity in a wife 
 of great amiability and excellence; they have three 
 children. 
 
 DICKINSON, Don Manuel, postmaster-gen 
 eral, was born Jan. 17, 1846, at Port Ontario, Oswego 
 Co., N. Y. His ancestors were among the early set 
 tlers of Massachusetts, and his father and grandfa 
 ther natives of the state. The 
 first of the family who came 
 to America was John Dickin 
 son, a member of the Conti 
 nental congress of 1774, presi 
 dent of the executive council, 
 and one of the founders of 
 Dickinson College, Carlisle, 
 Pa. , to whom Jonathan Dick 
 inson, chief justice of the prov 
 ince of Pennsylvania in 1719, 
 was also related in the direct 
 line. The father of Mr. Dick 
 inson in 1820 explored the 
 shores of lakes Erie, Huron 
 and Michigan in a birch-bark 
 canoe, and in 1848 removed 
 to Michigan, settling in St. , -^^- Q f 
 
 Clair county, where his son /TV . JL 
 received his primary education ^ek^i^^/U^-t^ 
 in the public schools. Having 
 passed through those of Detroit also, he took a year s 
 instruction with a private teacher, and enteriugthe law 
 department of the University of Michigan, was grad 
 uated before reaching his majority. The interval 
 prior to his admission to the bar he spent in study 
 ing the management of cases and the practical ap 
 plication of the philosophy and logic of law. In 
 1867 he entered upon a successful and lucrative prac 
 tice, being concerned in all of the leading cases under 
 the bankruptcy act of that year. In October, 1887, he 
 was also, in association with Senator Edmunds, coun 
 sel for Drawbaugh in the great telephone case. From 
 1875 to 1880 he Was associated with.Levi T. Griffin, 
 in the firm of Griffin & Dickinson, and from 1880 to 
 1883 in that of Griffin, Dickinson, Thurber & Hos- 
 mer. In 1872 he entered political life, and in 1876, 
 as chairman of the state democratic central com 
 mittee, conducted the Tilden campaign, being 
 brought into close relations with that statesman 
 until his death. As member of the national demo 
 cratic committee in 1884-85, he enjoyed the full con 
 fidence and esteem of President Cleveland, who in 
 1888 called him to a seat in his cabinet, being the 
 fourth representative of Michigan to be honored thus. 
 On retiring from public office he resumed the prac 
 tice of law, which he carries on at Detroit in the firm 
 of Dickinson, Thurber & Stevenson. In 1869 he 
 married Frances L. Platt. 
 
20 
 
 NATIONAL PORTEAIT GALLERY. 
 
 and many others of the most eminent men of Ameri 
 ca. Young Lament s father was a well-to-do farmer, 
 and the boy, after having studied in the Cortland 
 Normal College, was sent to Union College, Scheuec- 
 tady, N. Y., but did not graduate. He left college 
 before the end of the course in order to enter the 
 profession of journalism, for which he possessed 
 both taste and predilection. He purchased an inter 
 est in the " Democrat," a paper published at the 
 county-seat of his native county, and became its edi 
 tor, at the same time interest 
 ing himself warmly in politics. 
 In 1870 he was appointed en 
 grossing clerk to the New 
 York state assembly, and was 
 chief clerk in the secretary of 
 state s department with John 
 Bigelow. For a time the young 
 man held a position on the staff 
 of the Albany "Argus," and 
 he thus became known to 
 many of the most influential 
 politicians of the state. When 
 Grover Cleveland was elected 
 governor of New York, he 
 met young Lamont; and, hav 
 ing had occasion to make use 
 of his knowledge and ability 
 in the preparation of his first 
 message, offered him an hon 
 orary position on his military 
 staff, which gave him the title of colonel, by which 
 he has ever since been known. Gov. Cleveland 
 next appointed Lamont his private secretary, in 
 which position the latter made himself so useful 
 and valuable, that when Mr. Cleveland became 
 president he took Lamont with him to the White 
 House. As private secretary to the president, Mr. 
 Lamont gained the reputation of smoothing the 
 paths of those who visited the executive mansion, 
 while lightening the burden of Mr. Cleveland as 
 probably no other man could possibly have done. It 
 followed that he became universally popular, while 
 winning the highest encomiums for his judgment, 
 acuteness, serenity, and loyalty. At the close of the 
 Cleveland administration Mr. Lamont formed im 
 portant business relations with a syndicate of capi 
 talists, and has continued ever since to be engaged 
 in the management of valuable interests. Mr. La 
 mont married a Miss Kinney of his native town, and 
 has two daughters. It was Mr. 
 Lamont, who, when private sec 
 retary to Gov. Cleveland, orig 
 inated the phrase, " Public office 
 a public trust." He used this 
 as a headline in compiling a 
 pamphlet of Mr. Cleveland s 
 speeches and addresses. The 
 expression used by Mr. Cleve 
 land was, "Public officials are 
 the trustees of the people." and 
 it was employed in his letter ac 
 cepting the nomination for the 
 office of mayor of Buffalo. 
 
 STEVENSON, Adlai Ew- 
 ing, assistant postmaster-gen 
 eral, was born in Christian coun 
 ty, Ky., Oct. 23, 1835, and re 
 ceived his preliminary educa 
 tion in the common schools of 
 his native county. Later he 
 entered Center College at Dan 
 ville, and when he was sixteen 
 years old removed with his fa 
 ther s family to Bloomington, 
 111., where he studied law and 
 was admitted to the bar. In 
 
 1859 he settled at Metamora, Woodford Co., 111., 
 and engaged in the practice of his profession. Here 
 he remained for ten years, during which time he 
 was master in chancery of the circuit court for four 
 years, and district-attorney for a like period. The 
 conspicuous ability with which he discharged the 
 duties of these responsible offices attracted the fav 
 orable attention of the people of the state, and in 
 1864 he was nominated by the democratic party for 
 presidential elector. In the interest of Gen. McClel- 
 lan, the nominee of his party for 
 the presidency, he canvassed the 
 entire state, speaking in every 
 county. At the expiration of his 
 term of office as district attorney 
 in 1869, he returned to Blooming- 
 ton and formed a law partnership 
 with J. S. Ewiug, which still ex 
 ists. The firm has an extensive 
 practice in the state and federal 
 courts and is considered one of the 
 leading law firms in the central 
 portion of the state. Mr. Steven 
 son was nominated for congress 
 by the democrats of Bloomington 
 district in 1874. The district had 
 been safely republican by an al 
 most invariable majority of 3,000. 
 His opponent was Gen. McNulta, 
 one of the leading republican ora 
 tors of the state. The canvass was a 
 remarkable one, the excitement at times resulting in 
 intense personal antagonisms between the friends of 
 the candidates. Mr. Stevenson was successful. His 
 majority in the district exceeded 1,200. He was in 
 congress during the exciting scenes incident to the 
 Tilden-Hayes contest in 1876. His party renominat- 
 ed him for congress a second time. In this contest 
 he was defeated, but in 1878, having been nominated 
 for the third time, he was again elected, increasing 
 his majority in the district to 2,000. At the expira 
 tion of his second congressional term he resumed the 
 practice of law in Bloomington. He was a delegate 
 to the democratic national convention of 1884 in 
 Chicago, and after the election of Cleveland as presi 
 dent of the United States was appointed first assist 
 ant postmaster-general, the duties of which are very 
 exacting. During his incumbency of this office he 
 removed over 40,000 fourth-class postmasters, chief 
 ly because they were republicans, replacing them 
 w T ith members of his own party. 
 
 His democratic habits and man- 
 
 ners, his affability and invari 
 able courtesy created a host of 
 friends for him. Mr. Stevenson 
 married a daughter of the late 
 Rev. Dr. Lewis W. Green, pres 
 ident of Center College in Dan 
 ville, Ky., December, 1866. He 
 has four children, one son and 
 three daughters, all of whom are 
 living. After retiring from the 
 office of the first assistant post 
 master-general at the expiration 
 of Mr. Cleveland s term, Mr. 
 Stevenson returned to Bloom 
 ington, where he still lives. Mr. 
 Hayes, in 1877, appointed Mr. 
 Stevenson a member of the board 
 to inspect the Military Academy 
 at West Point. Mr. Stevenson 
 was chosen as one of the dele- 
 gates-at-large to the national 
 democratic convention in Chi 
 cago in 1892, and was serving in 
 that capacity when nominated 
 for the vice-presidency. 
 
NATIONAL I OKTRAIT GALLERY. 
 
 21 
 
 G<1> <&< 
 
 LAMAR, Lucixis (Juintius Cincinnatus, 
 secretary of the interior and associate justice of the 
 U. S. supreme court, was bom in Putnam county, 
 Ga., Sept. 17, 1825, of Huguenot ancestry. His fa 
 ther, who bore the same name, was a lawyer and 
 jurist of eminence, an eloquent speaker, and a man 
 of fine personal qualities. He re 
 vised Clayton s "Georgia Jus 
 tice" in 1819, compiled "The 
 Laws of Georgia from 1810 to 
 1819," and was elected judge of 
 the superior court of Georgia in 
 1830: he died in 1834, at the early 
 age of thirty-seven. Mirabeau 
 Buonaparte Lamar, his uncle, a 
 native of Georgia, was a major- 
 general in the war for Texan in 
 dependence, attorney - general, 
 secretary of war, and from 1838 
 to 1841 president of the repub 
 lic of Texas. He joined Gen. 
 Taylor s army in the Mexican 
 war in 1846, and was afterward 
 minister resident to Nicaragua and Costa Rica. After 
 his father s death, the subject of this sketch was taken 
 to Oxford, Miss., where lie obtained his early educa 
 tion. He then entered Emory College, Ga., and was 
 graduated in 1845. He studied law in Macon, was 
 admitted to the bar in 1847, returned to Oxford in 
 1849, and held the position of adjunct professor of 
 mathematics in the University of Mississippi for two 
 years. He then resigned the position to engage in 
 the practice of law at Covington, Ga. He was a 
 member of the legislature in 1853, but the following 
 year returned to Mississippi, settling on his planta 
 tion at Lafayette. In 1857 he was chosen a member 
 of congress by the democratic party, serving in that 
 body until 1860, when he withdrew to take part in 
 the secession convention of Mississippi. He entered 
 the Confederate army as lieutenant-colonel of a Mis 
 sissippi regiment, of which he soon became colonel, 
 and participated in some of the leading engagements 
 with the army of northern Virginia. Being com 
 pelled to leave the military service oil account of 
 his health he was sent as a commissioner to Russia. 
 He arrived there in 1863, but circumstances render 
 ed a successful mission impossible. He returned 
 to Mississippi, and in 1866 was chosen to the chair of 
 political economy and social science in the University 
 of Mississippi. The next year he was transferred to 
 the chair of law. After a short but successful expe 
 rience he returned to the prac 
 tice of his profession. In 1872 
 he was again elected a repre 
 sentative in congress, which 
 he had left thirteen years be 
 fore, and his disability, on ac 
 count of having borne arms 
 against the Union, was remov 
 ed after his election. For the 
 first time since the opening of 
 the civil war the national house 
 of representatives had a demo 
 cratic majority. Mr. Lamar 
 was chosen to preside over a 
 democratic caucus, and on that 
 occasion delivered an able and 
 noteworthy address, outlining the policy of his 
 party. His unquestioned ability soon gained him a 
 national reputation as a statesman. In March, 1874, 
 he pronounced in the house a fervid and discriminat 
 ing eulogy on the life and character of Charles Sum- 
 ner, which not only pleased the radical anti-slavery 
 sentiment in New England, but was such a master 
 piece of oratory as not to displease the radical ele 
 ment of the South. In what is called a "set speech," 
 Justice Lamar probably has few superiors, always 
 
 expressing himself with dignity and facility. He was 
 elected to the U. S. senate, and took his seat March 5, 
 1877. He became devotedly interested in public im 
 provements, especially those of the Mississippi river 
 and the Texas Pacifie*Railroad. Hespoke rarely, but 
 eloquently and forcibly, on the leading questions of 
 legislation, exercising at all times independence of 
 thought and action. In the forty-fifth congress he cast 
 a vote on the currency question against the instruction 
 of the legislature of his state, then boldly appealed to 
 the people, and was triumphantly sustained. In both 
 branches of congress he insisted that, as integral 
 members of the federal Union, the states in the 
 South have equal rights with other states, and hence 
 they are bound by duty and interest " to look to the 
 general welfare, and support the honor and credit of 
 a common country." On March 5, 1885, Senator 
 Lamar became secretary of the interior in the cab 
 inet of President Cleveland. In this position he 
 delivered a number of important opinions affecting 
 public lands. He retired from the cabinet Jan. 16, 
 1888, when he was commissioned associate justice of 
 the supreme court of the United States. Justice La- 
 mar possesses the judicial faculty in a very high de 
 gree. He takes broad and comprehensive views of 
 legal and constitutional questions, and his opinions 
 
 and conclusions are stated with clearness and force. 
 He is a scholar by taste and culture, a fine rhetori 
 cian, and a careful student of the principles of law, 
 and has a well-defined conception of the nature of 
 the general government. In thought and action 
 Justice Lamar is independent, and has the courage 
 of his convictions. While boldly asserting whatever 
 he believes to be right, he still retains the respect 
 and even the friendship of opponents. The Hon. S. 
 S. Cox, author of " Three Decades of Federal Legis 
 lation, " says of him : "His rare oratorical and dialect 
 ical skill has made him of perpetual utility to the state 
 which he represented so well in the senate." Justice 
 Lamar s residence is still at Oxford, Miss., to which 
 place he removed in 1849. Mis. Lamar is fond of 
 Oxford, and spends much of her time there while 
 her husband is in Washington. When Mr. Lamar 
 goes home he devotes a large part of the day to read 
 ing. He is a rapid reader of books and periodicals. 
 LAMONT, Daniel Scott, journalist and secre 
 tary, was born at McGrawville, Cortland Co., N. Y., 
 Feb. 9, 1851. He came of Scotch-Irish ancestry, 
 who emigrated to this country and devoted them, 
 selves to farming. From such lineage sprung An 
 drew Jackson, John C. Calhoun, Horace Greeley- 
 
THE TAPJFF MESSAGE OF PRESIDENT CLEVELAND, 
 
 SE^TT TO CONGRESS DECEMBER G, 1887, 
 
 OMITTING, AS OBSOLETE, PORTIONS RELATING TO THE TREAS 
 URY SURPLUS, WHICH HAS SINCE BEEN SPENT 
 UNDER REPUBLICAN ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 OUR present tariff laws, the vicious, inequitable, 
 and illegal source of unnecessary taxation, ought to 
 be at once revised and amended. These laws, as 
 their primary and plain effect, raise the price to 
 consumers of all articles imported and subject to 
 duty, by precisely the sum paid for such duties. 
 Thus the amount of the duty measures the tax paid 
 by those who purchase for use these important arti 
 cles. Many of these things, however, are raised or 
 manufactured in our own country, and the duties 
 now levied upon foreign goods and products are 
 called protection to these home manufactures, be 
 cause they render it possible for those of our people 
 who are manufacturers, to make these taxed articles 
 and sell them for a price equal to that demanded 
 for the imported goods that have paid customs duty. 
 So it happens that while comparatively a few 
 use the imported articles, millions of our people, 
 who never use and never saw any of the foreign 
 products, purchase and use things of the same kind 
 made in this country, and pay 
 therefor nearly or quite the same 
 enhanced price which the duty 
 adds to the imported articles. 
 Those who buy imports pay the 
 duty charged thereon into the 
 public treasury, but the majority 
 of our citizens, who buy domestic 
 articles of the same class, pay a 
 sum at least approximately equal 
 to this duty to the home manu 
 facturer. This reference to the 
 operation of our tariff laws is not 
 made by way of instruction, but 
 in order that we may be constant 
 ly reminded of the manner in 
 which they impose a burden upon 
 those who consume domestic pro 
 ducts as well as those who con 
 sume imported articles, and thus 
 create a tax upon all our people. 
 
 It is not proposed to entirely relieve the country 
 of this taxation. It must be extensively continued as 
 the source of the government s income; and in a re 
 adjustment of our tariff the interests of American 
 labor engaged in manufacture should be carefully 
 considered, as well as the preservation of our manu 
 facturers. It may be called protection, or by any 
 other name, but relief from the hardships and dan 
 gers of our present tariff laws should be devised with 
 especial precaution against imperiling the existence 
 of our manufacturing interests. But this existence 
 should not mean a condition which, without regard 
 to the public welfare or a national exigency, must 
 always insure the realization of immense profits in 
 stead of moderately profitable returns. As the vol 
 ume and diversity of our national activities increase, 
 new recruits are added to those who desire a contin 
 uation of the advantages which they conceive the 
 present system of tariff taxation directly affords 
 
 them. So stubbornly have all efforts to reform the 
 present condition been resisted by those of our fel 
 low-citizens thus engaged, that they can hardly 
 complain of the suspicion, entertained to a certain 
 extent, that there exists an organized combination 
 all along the line to maintain their advantage. 
 
 We are in the midst of centennial celebrations, 
 and with becoming pride we rejoice in American 
 skill and ingenuity, in American energy and enter 
 prise, and in the wonderful nat 
 ural advantages and resources 
 developed by a century s nation 
 al growth. Yet when an attempt 
 is made to justify a scheme which 
 permits a tax to be laid upon 
 every consumer in the land for 
 the benefit of our manufactur 
 ers, quite beyond a reasonable 
 demand for governmental re 
 gard, it suits the purposes of 
 advocacy to call our manufac 
 tures infant industries, still need 
 ing the highest and greatest de 
 gree of favor and fostering care 
 that can be wrung from Federal 
 legislation. 
 
 It is also said that the increase 
 in the price of domestic manu 
 factures resulting from the pres 
 ent tariff is necessary in order 
 that higher wages may be paid 
 to our workingmen employed in manufactories, 
 than are paid for what is called the pauper labor of 
 Europe. All will acknowledge the force of an ar 
 gument which involves the welfare and liberal com 
 pensation of our laboring people. Our labor is hon 
 orable in the eyes of every American citizen; and as 
 it lies at the foundation of our development and 
 progress it is entitled, without affectation or hypoc 
 risy, to the utmost regard. The standard of our 
 laborers life should not be measured by that of any 
 other country less favored, and they are entitled to 
 their full share of all our advantages. 
 
 By the last census it is made to appear that of the 
 17,392,099 of our population engaged in all kinds of 
 industries, 7,670,493 are employed in agriculture, 
 4,074,238 in professional and personal service (2,934, 
 876 of whom are domestic servants and laborers), 
 while 1,810,256 are employed in trade and transpor 
 tation, and 3,837,112 are classed as employed in 
 manufacturing and mining. 
 
 For present purposes, however, the last number 
 given should be considerably reduced. Without 
 attempting to enumerate all, it will be conceded 
 that there should be deducted, from those which it 
 includes, 375,143 carpenters and joiners, 285,401 mil 
 liners, dressmakers and seamstresses, 172,726 black 
 smiths, 133,756 tailors and tailoresses, 102,473 ma 
 sons, 76,241 butchers, 41,309 bakers, 22,083 plaster 
 ers and 4,891 engaged in manufacturing agricultural 
 
NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY. 
 
 implements, amounting in the aggregate to 1,214,- 
 023, leaving 2,623,089 persons employed in such 
 manufacturing industries as are claimed to be bene 
 fited by a high tarilT. 
 
 To these the appeal is made to save their employ 
 ment and maintain their wages by resisting a 
 change. There should be no 
 disposition to answer such sug 
 gestions by the allegation that 
 they are in a minority among 
 those who labor, and therefore 
 should forego an advantage, in 
 the interest of low prices for 
 the majority; their compensa 
 tion, as it may be affected by 
 the operation of tariff laws, 
 should at all times be scrup 
 ulously kept in view; and yet 
 with slight reflection they will 
 not overlook the fact that they 
 are consumers with the rest; 
 that they, too, have their own 
 wants and those of their fam 
 ilies to supply from their earn 
 ings, and that the price of the 
 necessaries of life, as well as 
 the amount of their wages, 
 
 will regulate the measure of their welfare and com 
 fort. 
 
 But the reduction of taxation demanded should 
 be so measured as not to necessitate or justify either 
 the loss of employment by the workingmaii or the 
 lessening of his wages; and the profits still remain 
 ing to the manufacturer, after a necessary readjust 
 ment, should furnish no excuse for the sacrifice of 
 the interests of his employees either in their oppor 
 tunity to work or in the diminution of their compen 
 sation. Nor can the worker in 
 manufactures fail to under 
 stand that while a high tariff 
 is claimed to be necessary to 
 allow the payment of remun 
 erative wages, it certainly re 
 sults in a very large increase 
 in the price of nearly all sorts 
 of manufactures, which, in al 
 most countless forms, he needs 
 for the use of himself and his 
 family. He receives at the 
 desk of his employer his wages, 
 and perhaps before he reaches 
 his home is obliged, in a pur 
 chase for family use of an arti 
 cle which embraces his own 
 labor, to return in the payment 
 of the increase in price which 
 the tariff permits, the hard- 
 earned compensation of many 
 days of toil. 
 The farmer and the agriculturist, who manufacture 
 nothing, but who pay the increased price which the 
 tariff imposes upon every agricultural implement, 
 upon all he wears and upon all he uses and owns, 
 except the increase of his flocks and herds and such 
 things as his husbandry produces from the soil, is 
 invited to aid in maintaining the present situation; 
 and he is told that a high duty on imported wool is 
 necessary for the benefit of those who have sheep to 
 shear, in order that the price of their wool may be 
 increased. They of course are not reminded that 
 the farmer w y ho has no sheep is by this scheme 
 obliged, in his purchases of clothing and woolen 
 goods, to pay a tribute tp his fellow-farmer as well 
 as to the manufacturer and merchant; nor is any 
 mention made of the fact that the sheep-owners 
 themselves and their households must wear clothing 
 and use other articles manufactured from the wool 
 
 they sell at tariff prices, and thus as consumers must 
 return their share of this increased price to the 
 tradesman. 
 
 I think it may be fairly assumed that a large pro 
 portion of the sheep owned by the farmers through 
 out the country are found in small flocks numbering 
 from twenty-five to fifty. The duty on the grade of 
 imported wool which these sheep yield is ten cents 
 each pound if of the value of thirty cents or less, 
 and twelve cents if of the value of more than thirty 
 cents. If the liberal estimate of six pounds be al 
 lowed for each fleece, the duty thereon would be 
 sixty or seventy-two cents, and this must be taken 
 as the utmost enhancement of its price to the farmer 
 by reason of this duty. Eighteen dollars would thus 
 represent the increased price of the wool from 
 twenty-five sheep, and thirty-six dollars that from 
 the wool of fifty sheep; and at present values this 
 addition would amount to about one-third of its 
 price. If upon its sale the farmer 
 receives this or a less tariff profit, 
 the wool leaves his hands charg 
 ed with precisely that sum which, 
 in all its changes, will adhere to 
 it until it reaches the consumer. 
 When manufactured into cloth 
 and other goods and material for 
 use, its cost is not only increased 
 to the extent of tiie farmer s tar 
 iff profit, but a further sum has 
 been added for the benefit of the 
 manufacturer under the opera 
 tion of other tariff laws. In the 
 meantime the day arrives when 
 the farmer finds it necessary to 
 purchase woolen goods and ma 
 terial to clothe himself and fam 
 ily for the winter. When he 
 faces the tradesman for that 
 purpose he discovers that he is 
 obliged not only to return, in the way of increased 
 prices, his tariff profit on the w r ool he sold, and 
 which then perhaps lies before him in manufac 
 tured form, but that he must add a considerable sum 
 thereto to meet a further increase in cost caused 
 by a tariff duty on the manufacture. Thus in the 
 end he is aroused to the fact that he has paid upon a 
 moderate purchase, as a result of the tariff scheme, 
 which when he sold his wool seemed so profitable, 
 an increase in price more than sufficient to sweep 
 away all the tariff profit he re 
 ceived upon the wool he pro 
 duced and sold. 
 
 When the number of farmers 
 engaged in wool-raising is com 
 pared with all the farmers in the 
 country, and the small propor 
 tion they bear to our population 
 is considered; when it is made 
 apparent that, in the case of a 
 large part of those who own 
 sheep, the benefit of the present 
 tariff on wool is illusory; and, 
 above all, when it must be con 
 ceded that the increase of the 
 cost of living caused by such tar 
 iff becomes a burden upon those 
 with moderate means, and the 
 poor, the employed and unem 
 ployed, the sick and well, and 
 the young and old, and that it 
 constitutes a tax which, with relentless grasp, is 
 fastened upon the clothing of every man, woman 
 and child in the land, reasons are suggested why the 
 removal or reduction of this duty should be included 
 in a revision of our tariff laws. 
 
 In speaking of the increased cost to the consumer 
 
24 
 
 NATIONAL POKTKAIT GALLERY. 
 
 of our home manufactures, resulting from a duty 
 laid upon imported articles of the same description, 
 the fact is not overlooked that competition among 
 our domestic producers sometimes has the effect of 
 keeping the price of their products below the high 
 est limit allowed by such duty. But it is notorious 
 that this competition is too often 
 strangled by combinations quite 
 prevalent at this time, and fre 
 quently called trusts, which have 
 for their object the regulation of 
 the supply and price of commodi 
 ties made and sold by members 
 of the combination. The people 
 can hardly hope for any consider 
 ation in the operation of these sel- 
 h sh schemes. 
 
 If, however, in the absence of 
 such combination, a healthy and 
 free competition reduces the price 
 of any particular dutiable article 
 of home production below the 
 limit which it might otherwise 
 reach under our tariff laws, and 
 jf ( w ith such reduced price, its 
 manufacture continues to thrive, 
 it is entirely evident that one thing has been dis 
 covered which should be carefully scrutinized in an 
 effort to reduce taxation. 
 
 The necessity of combination to maintain the price 
 of any commodity to the tariff point, furnishes proof 
 that some one is willing to accept lower prices for 
 such commodity, and that such prices are remunera 
 tive; and lower prices produced by competition prove 
 the same thing. Thus where either of these condi 
 tions exists, a case would seem to be presented for an 
 easy reduction of taxation. 
 
 The considerations which have been presented 
 touching our tariff laws are in 
 tended only to enforce an earnest 
 recommendation that the surplus 
 revenues of the government be 
 prevented by the reduction of our 
 customs duties, and at the same 
 time to emphasize a suggestion 
 that, in accomplishing this pur 
 pose, we may discharge a double 
 duty to our people by granting 
 to them a measure of relief from 
 tariff taxation in quarters where 
 it is most needed and from sources 
 where it can be most fairly and 
 justly accorded. 
 
 Nor can the presentation made 
 of such considerations be, with 
 any degree of fairness, regarded 
 as evidence of unfriendliness tow 
 ard our manufacturing interests, 
 or of any lack of appreciation 
 of their value and importance. 
 
 These interests constitute a leading and most sub 
 stantial element of our national greatness, and fur 
 nish the proud proof of our country s progress. But 
 if in the emergency that presses upon us our manu 
 facturers are asked to surrender something for the 
 public good and to avert disaster, their patriotism, 
 as well as a grateful recognition of advantages al 
 ready afforded, should lead them to willing co 
 operation. No demand is made that they shall forego 
 all the benefits of governmental regard; but they 
 cannot fail to be admonished of their duty, as well 
 as their enlightened self-interest and safety, when 
 they are reminded of the fact that financial panic 
 and collapse, to which the present condition tends, 
 afford no greater shelter or protection to our manu 
 factures than to our other important enterprises. 
 Opportunity for safe, careful and deliberate reform is 
 
 now offered; and none of us should be unmindful of 
 a time when an abused and irritated people, heedless 
 of those who have resisted timely and reasonable re 
 lief, may insist upon a radical and sweeping rectifi 
 cation of their wrongs. 
 
 The difficulty attending a wise and fair revision of 
 our tariff laws is not underestimated. It will require 
 on the part of the congress great labor and care, and 
 especially a broad and national contemplation of the 
 subject, and a patriotic disregard of such local and 
 selfish claims as are unreasonable and reckless of the 
 welfare of the entire country. 
 
 Under our present laws more than four thousand 
 articles are subiect to duty. Many of these do not 
 in any way compete with our own manufactures, 
 and many are hardly worth attention as subjects of 
 revenue. A considerable reduction can be made in 
 the aggregate, by adding them to the free list. The 
 taxation of luxuries presents no 
 features of hardship; but the ne 
 cessaries of life used and con 
 sumed by all the people, the duty 
 upon which adds to the cost of 
 living in every home, should be 
 greatly cheapened. 
 
 The radical reduction of the 
 duties imposed upon raw mater 
 ial used in manufactures, or its 
 free importation, is of course an 
 important factor in any effort to 
 reduce the price of these neces 
 saries; it would not only relieve 
 them from the increased cost 
 caused by the tariff on such ma 
 terial, but the manufactured pro 
 duct being thus cheapened, that 
 part of the tariff now laid upon 
 such product, as a compensation 
 to our manufacturers for the pres 
 ent price of raw material, could be accordingly 
 modified. Such reduction, or free importation, 
 would serve, besides, to largely reduce the rev 
 enue. It is not apparent how such a change can 
 have any injurious effect upon our manufactur 
 ers. On the contrary, it would appear to give them 
 a better chance in foreign markets with the manu 
 facturers of other countries, who cheapen their wares 
 by free material. Thus our people might have an 
 opportunity of extending their sales beyond the 
 limits of home consumption saving them from the 
 depression, interruption in business, and loss caused 
 by a glutted domestic market, 
 and affording their employees 
 more certain and steady labor, 
 with its resulting quiet and 
 contentment. 
 
 The question thus impera 
 tively presented for solution 
 should be approached in a spirit 
 higher than partisanship and 
 considered in tlie light of that 
 regard for patriotic duty which 
 should characterize the action 
 of those intrusted with the weal 
 of a confiding people. But the 
 obligation to declared party pol 
 icy and principle is not wanting 
 to urge prompt and effective 
 action. Both of the great po 
 litical parties now represented 
 in the government have, by re 
 peated and authoritative declarations, condemned the 
 condition of our laws which permits the collection 
 from the people of unnecessary revenue, and have, in 
 the most solemn manner, promised its correction; and 
 neither as citizens nor partisans are our countrymen 
 in a mood to condone the violation of these pledges. 
 
NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY. 
 
 Our progress toward a wise conclusion will not be 
 improved by dwelling upon the theories of protec 
 tion and free trade. This favors too much of bandy 
 ing epithets. It is a condition which confronts us 
 not a theory. Relief from this condition may in 
 volve a slight reduction of the advantages which we 
 award our home productions, 
 but the entire withdrawal of 
 such advantages should not be 
 contemplated. The question of 
 free trade is absolutely irrele 
 vant; and the persistent claim 
 made in certain quarters, that 
 all efforts to relieve the people 
 from unjust and unnecessary 
 taxation are schemes of so-called 
 free-traders, is mischievous and 
 far removed from any consider 
 ation for the public good. 
 
 The simple and plain duty 
 which we owe the people is to 
 reduce taxation to the necessary 
 expenses of an economical oper 
 ation of the government, and to 
 restore to the business of the 
 country the money which we 
 hold in the treasury through the perversion of gov 
 ernmental powers. These things can and should be 
 done with safety to all our industries, without dan 
 ger to the opportunity for remunerative labor which 
 our workingmeu need, and with benefit to them and 
 all our people, by cheapening their means of subsis 
 tence and increasing the measure of their comforts. 
 
 MB. CLEVELAND S ACCEPTANCE. 
 
 "MR. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN: The message 
 you deliver from the national democracy arouses 
 within me emotions which 
 would be well-nigh overwhelm 
 ing if I did not recognize here 
 assembled the representatives of 
 a great party who must share 
 with me the responsibility your 
 mission invites. I find much 
 relief in the reflection that I 
 have been selected merely to 
 stand for the principles and 
 purposes to which my party is 
 pledged, and for the enforce 
 ment and supremacy of which 
 all who have any right to claim 
 democratic fellowship must con 
 stantly and persistently labor. 
 
 "Our party responsibility is 
 indeed great. We assume a 
 momentous obligation to our 
 countrymen when, in return 
 for their trust and confidence, we promise them a 
 rectification of their wrongs and a better realization 
 of the advantages which are due to them under our 
 free and beneficent institutions. 
 
 The Party Strong for Battle." But, if our 
 responsibility is great, our party is strong. It is 
 strong in its sympathy with the needs of the people, 
 in its insistence upon the exercise of governmental 
 powers strictly within the constitutional permission 
 the people have granted, and in its willingness to 
 risk its life and hope upon the people s intelligence 
 and patriotism. 
 
 " Never has a great party, intent upon the promo- 
 motion of right and justice, had better incentive for 
 effort than is now presented to us. 
 
 " Turning our eyes to the plain people of the land, 
 we see them burdened as consumers with a tariff 
 system that unjustly and relentlessly demands from 
 them in the purchase of the necessaries and comforts 
 
 of life an amount scarcely met by the wages of hard 
 and steady toil, while the exactions thus wrung from 
 them build up and increase the fortunes of those for 
 whose benefit this injustice is perpetuated. 
 
 Robbed by the Stealthy Hand of High Pro 
 tection. "We see the farmer listening to a de 
 lusive story that fills his mind with visions of ad 
 vantages while his pocket is robbed by the stealthy 
 hand of high protection. 
 
 " Our workingmen are still told the tale, oft re 
 peated in spite of its demonstrated falsity, that the 
 existing protective tariff is a boon to them, and that 
 under its beneficent operation their wages must in 
 crease, while as they listen, scenes are enacted in the 
 very abiding-place of high protection that mock the 
 hopes of toil and attest the tender mercy the work- 
 ingman receives from those made selfish and sordid 
 by unjust governmental favoritism. 
 
 "We oppose earnestly and 
 stubbornly the theory upon 
 which our opponents seek to 
 justify and uphold existing tar 
 iff laws. We need not base our 
 attack upon questions of consti 
 tutional permission or legisla 
 tive power. We denounce this 
 theory upon the highest possi 
 ble grounds when we contend 
 that in present conditions iis 
 operation is unjust, and that 
 laws enacted in accordance with 
 it are inequitable and unfair. 
 
 The Party not Destruc 
 tive. " Ours is not a destruc 
 tive party. We are not at en 
 mity with the rights of any 
 of our citizens. All are our 
 countrymen. AVe are not reck 
 lessly heedless of any Ameri 
 can interests, nor will we abandon our regard for 
 them; but invoking the love of fairness and justice, 
 which belongs to true Americanism, and upon which 
 our Constitution rests, we insist that no plan of tariff 
 legislation shall be tolerated which has for its object 
 and purpose a forced contribution from the earnings 
 and income of the mass of our citizens to swell di 
 rectly the accumulations of a favored few; nor will 
 we permit a pretended solicitude for American labor, 
 or any other specious pretext of benevolent care for 
 others, to blind the eyes of the people to the selfish 
 schemes of those who seek, through the aid of un 
 equal tariff laws, to gain un 
 earned and unreasonable advan 
 tages at the expense of their fel 
 lows. 
 
 Denouncing the Force 
 Bill. "We have also assum 
 ed, in our covenant with those 
 whose support we invite, the 
 duty of opposing to the death 
 another avowed scheme of our 
 adversaries, which under the 
 guise of protecting the suffrage 
 covers, but does not conceal a 
 design thereby to perpetuate 
 the power of a party afraid to 
 trust its continuance to the un- 
 trammeled and intelligent votes 
 of the American people. We 
 are pledged to resist the legisla 
 tion intended to complete this 
 scheme because we have not 
 forgotten the saturnalia of theft and brutal control 
 which followed another Federal regulation of state 
 suffrage; because we know that the managers of a 
 party which did not scruple to rob the people of a 
 president would not hesitate to use the machinery 
 
NATIONAL PORTKAIT GALLERY. 
 
 created by such legislation to revive corrupt instru- 
 mentalitie s for partisan purposes; because an at 
 tempt to enforce such legislation would rekindle ani 
 mosities where peace and hopefulness now prevail; 
 because such an attempt would replace prosperous 
 activity with discouragement and dread throughout 
 a large section of our country, and would menace, 
 everywhere in the land, the rights 
 reserved to the states and to the 
 people, which underlie the safe 
 guards of American liberty. 
 
 The Contest is for Princi 
 ples. "I shall not attempt to 
 specify at this time other objects 
 and aims of democratic endeavor 
 which add inspiration to our mis 
 sion. True to its history and its 
 creed, our party will respond to 
 the wants of the people within 
 safe lines and guided by enlight 
 ened statesmanship. To the 
 troubled and impatient within 
 our membership we commend 
 continued, unswerving alleg- 
 .. //// iance to the party whose princi- 
 
 /// //J<p/J pies, in all times past, have been 
 
 found sufficient for them, and 
 whose aggregate wisdom and 
 patriotism, their experience teaches, can always be 
 trusted. 
 
 "In a tone of partisanship which befits the occa 
 sion, let me say to you as equal partners in the cam 
 paign upon which we to-day enter, that the personal 
 fortunes of those to whom you have entrusted your 
 banners are only important as they are related to the 
 fate of the principles they represent and to the 
 party which they lead. 
 
 " I cannot, therefore, forbear reminding you and 
 all those attached to the democratic party or sup 
 porting the principles which we profess, that defeat 
 in the pending campaign, followed by the consum 
 mation of the legislative schemes our opponents 
 contemplate, and accompanied by such other inci 
 dents of their success as might more firmly fix their 
 power, would present a most dis 
 couraging outlook for future 
 democratic supremacy and for 
 the accomplishment of the ob 
 jects we have at heart. 
 
 Let Partisanship be Patri 
 otic. "Moreover, every sincere 
 democrat must believe that the 
 interests of his country are deep 
 ly involved in the victory of our 
 party in the struggle that awaits 
 us. Thus patriotic solicitude ex 
 alts the hope of partisanship, and 
 should intensify our determina 
 tion to win success. 
 
 "This success can only be 
 achieved by systematic and intel 
 ligent effort on the part of all en- 
 listed in our cause. Let us tell 
 the people plainly and honestly 
 what we believe and how we pro 
 pose to serve the interests of the entire country, and 
 then let us, after the manner of true democracy, rely 
 upon the thoughtfulness and patriotism of our fellow- 
 countrymen. It only remains for me to say to you, in 
 advance of a more formal response to your message, 
 that I obey the command of my party and confident 
 ly anticipate that an intelligent and earnest presen 
 tation of our cause will insure a popular indorse 
 ment of the action Of the body you represent." 
 
 SPEECH OF HON. WM. L. WILSON, 
 
 OF WEST VIRGINIA, 
 
 AT THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION, AT 
 CHICAGO, ILL., JUNE 22, 1892. 
 
 GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION: I thank you 
 most heartily for this honor. I shall try to meet 
 the duties of the high position to which you call me 
 with the spirit of fairness and equality that is dem 
 ocratic. This convention has a high and patriotic 
 work to perform. We owe much to our party; we 
 owe much to our country. The mission of the dem 
 ocratic party is to fight for the under dog. When 
 that party is out of power we may be sure there is 
 an under dog to fight for, and that the under dog is 
 generally the American people. When that party 
 is out of power we may be sure that some party is 
 in control of our government that represents a sec 
 tion and not the whole country, that stands for a 
 class and not the whole people. 
 
 Never was this truth brought home to us more de 
 fiantly than by the recent convention at Minneapolis. 
 We are not deceived as to the temper; we are not in 
 doubt as to the purpose of our opponents. Having 
 taxed us for years without excuse and without mer 
 cy, they now propose to disarm us of further power 
 to resist their exactions. Republican success in this 
 campaign, when we look to the party platform, the 
 party candidates, or the utterances of the party 
 
 leaders, means that the people are to be stripped of 
 their franchises through force bills, in order that 
 they may be stripped of their substance through 
 tariff bills. 
 
 Free government is self-government. There is no 
 self-government where the people do not control 
 their own elections and levy their own taxes. When 
 either of these rights is taken away or diminished a 
 breach is made, not in the outer defences, but in the 
 citadel of our freedom. For years we have been 
 struggling to recover the lost right of taxing our 
 selves, and now we are threatened with the loss of 
 the greater right of governing ourselves. The loss 
 of the one follows iii^ necessary succession the loss 
 of the other. When you confer on government the 
 power of dealing out the wealth you unchain every 
 evil that it can prey upon, and eventually destroy 
 free institutions excessive taxation, class taxation, 
 billion-dollar congresses, a corrupt civil service, a 
 debauched ballot box, and purchased elections. 
 
 In every campaign the privilege of taxing the peo 
 ple will be bartered for contributions to corrupt 
 them at the polls. After victory there will be a new 
 McKinley bill to repay these contributions with 
 
XATIOXAL PORTRAIT GALLERY. 
 
 taxes which were wrung from the people. For 
 every self- governing people there can be no more 
 momentous question than the question of taxation. 
 It is the question, and as Mr. Burke truly said, the 
 question around which all the great battles of free 
 dom have been fought. It is the question out of 
 which grow all the issues of gov 
 ernment. Until we settle this ques 
 tion wisely, permanently and just 
 ly, we build all other reforms on 
 a foundation of sand. We and 
 the great party we represent are 
 to-day for tariff reform because it 
 is the only gateway to genuine 
 democrat ic government. 
 
 The distinguished leader who 
 presided over the republican con 
 vention boasted that he does not 
 know what tariff reform is. Who 
 ever said that, let us hope, with 
 that chanty which endureth all 
 things and believeth all things, 
 f that he is truly as ignorant as he 
 
 M Cy (fU//~ vaunts himself to be. Unfortun 
 
 ately the people are not so igno 
 rant of the meaning of protection, 
 
 / I 
 
 at least of the protection which is dealt out to them 
 in the bill that bears his name. They see that 
 meaning "writ large" to-day in a prostrated agri 
 culture, in a shackled commerce, in stricken indus 
 tries, in the compulsory idleness of labor, in law- 
 made wealth, in the discontent of the workingmen, 
 and the despair of the farmer. They know by hard 
 experience that protection, as a system of taxation, 
 is but the old crafty scheme by which the rich com 
 pel the poor to pay the expenses of government. 
 They know by hard experience that protection, as a 
 system of tribute, is but the old crafty scheme by 
 which the power of taxation of 
 the people is made the private 
 property of a few of the people. 
 
 Tariff reform means to readjust 
 this system of taxation and to 
 purge away this system of trib 
 ute. It means that we have not 
 reached the goal of perfect free 
 dom so long as any citizen is 
 forced by law to pay tribute to 
 any other citizen, and until our 
 taxes are proportioned to the abil 
 ity and duty of the taxpayer rath 
 er than to his ignorance, his weak 
 ness, and his patience. Gov. Mc- 
 Kinley charges that the democrat 
 ic party believes in taxing our 
 selves. I m afraid, gentlemen, we 
 must admit this charge. 
 
 What right or excuse have we 
 for taxing anybody else with a 
 continent or a country, with freedom and intelli 
 gence of the instruments for its development ? We 
 stand disgraced in the eyes of mankind if we cannot 
 and if we do not support our own government. We 
 can throw that support on other people only by beg 
 gary or by force. If we use the one we are a pau 
 per nation ; if we use the other we are a pirate nation. 
 The democratic party does not intend that we 
 should be either. Xo more does it intend that we 
 shall falsely call it taxing other people to transfer 
 our taxes from the possession of those who own the 
 property of the country to the bellies and backs of 
 those who do the work of the country. It believes 
 that frugality is the essential virtue of free gov 
 ernment. It believes that the taxes should be limit 
 ed to public needs and be levied by the plain rule 
 of justice and economy. 
 
 But, gentlemen, we are confronted with a new cry 
 
 in this campaign. The republican party, says Mr. 
 McKinley, now stands for protection and reciproc 
 ity. He was for protection alone when he framed 
 his bill in the house, or rather permitted his benefi 
 ciaries to frame it for him, and tirmly resisted all ef 
 forts of the statesman from Maine to annex reciproc 
 ity to it. Xo wonder that he favors the reciprocity 
 added by the senate. You may explore the pages of 
 burlesque literature for anything more supremely 
 ludicrous than the so-called reciprocity of the Mc 
 Kinley bill. 
 
 It is not reciprocity at all. It is a retaliation, and, 
 worst of all, retaliation on our people. It punishes 
 American citizens for the necessities or the follies of 
 other peoples. It says to a few small countries south 
 of us: "If you are forced by your necessities or led by 
 your follies to make bread higher and scarcer to your 
 people, we will make shoes and sugar higher and 
 scarcer to our people." 
 
 And now we are told that reciprocity is to be their 
 battle-cry. Already we are regaled 
 with pictures of Benjamin Harrison 
 clad in armor and going forth to bat 
 tle for reciprocity on a plumed steed. 
 Simple Simon fishing for whales in 
 his mother s rain barrel, and in great 
 triumph capturing an occasional 
 wiggle-waggle, is the only true, real 
 istic picture of the reciprocity of the 
 McKinley bill. 
 
 We are for the protection that pro 
 tects, and for the reciprocity that re 
 ciprocates. We are in favor of pro 
 tecting every man in the enjoymen, 
 of the fruit of his labor, diminished 
 only by his proper contribution to 
 the support of the government, and 
 we are for that real reciprocity, not 
 through dickering diplomacy and 
 presidential proclamations, but by 
 laws of congress, that removes all unnecessary ob 
 stacles between the American producer and the mar 
 kets he is obliged to seek for his products. 
 
 But, gentlemen, I must not keep you from the 
 work that is before you. Let us take up the work 
 as brothers, as patriots, as democrats. In so large 
 a convention as this larger in numbers than any 
 previous gathering of our party, and representing a 
 larger constituency than ever before assembled in 
 any convention it would be strange ominously 
 strange if there were not some differences of opin 
 ion on matters of policy, and some 
 differences of judgment or of prof- 
 erence as to the choice of candidates. 
 
 It is the sign of a free democracy 
 that it is many-voiced and, within 
 the limits of true freedom, tumultu 
 ous. It wears no collars; it serves 
 no masters. We cannot shut our 
 eyes to the fact that many who have 
 heretofore followed our flag with 
 enthusiasm are to-day calling, with 
 excusable impatience, for immediate 
 relief from the evils that encompass 
 them. Whatever can be done to re 
 lieve the burdens, to restore, broad 
 en, and increase the prosperity of 
 the people and every part of them, 
 within the limits and according to the 
 principles of free government, the 
 democratic party dares to promise that it will do 
 with all its might. Whatever is beyond this, what 
 ever is incompatible with free government and our 
 historic liberty it dares not promise to any one. In 
 veterate evils in the body politic cannot be cured in a 
 moment any more than inveterate diseases in the hu 
 man system. Whoever professes the power to do 
 
28 
 
 NATIONAL POETRAIT GALLERY. 
 
 so is himself deceived or himself a deceiver. Our 
 party is riot a quack or a worker of miracles. 
 
 It*is not for me, gentlemen, the impartial servant 
 of you all, to attempt to foreshadow what your 
 choice should be or ought to be in the selection of 
 your candidates. You will make that selection un 
 der your own sense of responsibility to the people you 
 represent and to your country. One thing only I ven 
 ture to say: whoever may be your chosen leader in 
 this campaign, no telegram will flash across the sea 
 from the castle of absentee tariff lords to congratu 
 
 late him. But, from the home of labor, from the 
 fireside of the toiler, from the hearts of all who love 
 justice and equity, who wish and intend that our 
 matchless heritage of freedom shall be the common 
 wealth of all our people, and the common opportu 
 nity of all our youth, will come up prayers for his 
 success and recruits for the great democratic host 
 that must strike down the beast of sectionalism and 
 the Moloch of monopoly, before we can have ever 
 again a people s government run by a people s faith 
 ful representatives. 
 
 BUREAU OF THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF DEMOCRATIC CLUBS. 
 
 Chairman Harrity urges the democratic voters of 
 every ward and township to form clubs immediately; 
 for it is conceded by all that these political organiza 
 tions will be a most important factor in the cam 
 paign: and that the magnitude and political weight 
 of such clubs can not be overestimated. Therefore, 
 in order to increase the number of political campaign 
 clubs throughout the country there has been estab 
 lished at headquarters a bureau of the "National 
 Association of Democratic Clubs," which is in 
 charge of their secretary, Lawrence Gardner, and 
 his assistant secretary, Harvey L. Maddox. The 
 objects of this association are as follows: To foster 
 the formation of permanent democratic clubs and 
 societies throughout the United States, and insure 
 their active co-operation in disseminating Jefferso- 
 nian principles of government. To preserve the Con 
 stitution of the United States, the autonomy of the 
 states, local self-government and freedom of elec 
 tions. To resist revolutionary changes and the cen 
 tralization of power. To oppose the imposition of 
 taxes beyond the necessities of government econom 
 ically administered. To promote economy in all 
 branches of the public service. To oppose unneces 
 sary commercial restrictions for the benefit of the 
 few at the expense of the many. To oppose class 
 legislation, which despoils labor and builds up mo 
 nopoly. To maintain inviolate the fundamental prin 
 ciple of democracy "Equality before the law." 
 To co-operate with the regular or 
 ganization of the democratic party 
 in support of democratic men and 
 democratic measures. It is believed 
 that this declaration of principles 
 comprises the original and funda 
 mental propositions upon which the 
 democratic party was founded and 
 for the defense of which it exists. 
 Every departure from them, in the 
 legislation and administration of the 
 government, involves serious dan 
 ger to the republican institutions es 
 tablished by our forefathers. They 
 are propositions upon which all dem 
 ocrats agree and ever have agreed, 
 and upon which all democrats, in 
 every part of the Union, can asso 
 ciate for common purposes and in a 
 fraternal spirit. They are the very 
 propositions strict construction, home rule, frugal 
 ity in expenditures, jealousy of military power, op 
 position to monopoly and to class legislation in de 
 fense of which the people came together in the 
 democratic societies in the earlier days of the re 
 public, when their liberties were endangered by 
 much slighter encroachments by the Federal gov 
 ernment than those which menace us. The societies, 
 "the nurseries of sound republican principles," as 
 
 Mr. Jefferson declared them, swept the federalist 
 conspirators from power, seated Mr. Jefferson in the 
 chair from which the Federalist enemy would have 
 excluded him by force or fraud, and gave the coun 
 try fifty years of peace and prosperity, freedom and 
 expansion, under democratic rule. There is every 
 reason to believe that history will repeat itself, and 
 the people, united in these open popular parliaments, 
 the whole in fraternal union, state and 
 national, will be more than a match 
 for the vast aggregation of monopolies 
 which propose to continue to use the 
 terrible power of taxation to plunder 
 the masses for the benefit of the classes. 
 It will be seen that "this association 
 co-operates with the regular organiza 
 tions bf the democratic party in sup 
 port of democratic men and democrat 
 ic measures." To that end it is sub 
 ject to committees duly charged with 
 the conduct of party affairs by party 
 conventions. It does not prescribe plat 
 forms; it ratifies them. It does not nom 
 inate candidates; it supports them. Its 
 national conventions are, in virtue of its 
 constitution, held after, not before, the 
 nominating conventions. The same has 
 heretofore been the case with state asso 
 ciations, and is likely to continue so. In this organ 
 ization there is no room for or incentive to faction. 
 To these ends the earnest and constant co-operation 
 of every individual democrat in the United States 
 is solicited. From the central offices in Washington 
 it will be the endeavor of the executive committee 
 to maintain complete correspondence with author 
 ized representatives in every county in the Union, 
 as well as the various authorized party committees; 
 to furnish information which may be required by 
 committees, clubs or speakers; to gather in turn in 
 formation which may be of use to those in the man 
 agement of national and state campaigns; to aid 
 democratic newspapers in every possible way; to 
 distribute such selected political literature as its 
 means will enable it to command, and, above all, to 
 encourage the organization and stimulate the activity 
 of democratic societies from this date until the close 
 of the polls in November next. It is a stupendous 
 undertaking and requires the aid and assistance of 
 the democracy generally. All information regard 
 ing the organization of clubs and blank forms upon 
 which to make application for membership in the 
 National Association may be had by addressing the 
 secretary, Lawrence Gardner, at the National Dem 
 ocratic Headquarters, No. 139 Fifth avenue, New 
 York City, or at Washington, D. C. The second 
 quadrennial convention of the National Association 
 of Democratic Clubs " will be held in New York 
 city Oct. 4, 1892. 
 
NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY. 
 
 To All Democratic Clubs. 
 
 The Democratic National Committee has purchased a large number of 
 "CLEVELAND S ADMINISTRATION," which is a beautiful book containing bio 
 graphical sketches of Cleveland s Cabinet, with full-page portraits of Cleveland 
 and Stevenson, taken from Tlie National Cyclopedia of American Biography, 
 followed by campaign matter furnished by the committee. 
 
 It is desirable to have this number widely distributed, and the committee 
 will furnish them to clubs, free of charge, upon application, while the supply lasts. 
 If more are needed than can be furnished, they will be supplied by the publishers 
 at cost. This publication is admitted to the mails as second-class matter. 
 
 "CLEVELAND S ADMINISTRATION" will be furnished for campaign pur 
 poses at the following prices : 
 
 Price for 100 copies, 5 cents each, equal - $5.00 
 
 " 250 " 4 10.00 
 
 500 " 3A 17.50 
 
 " 1,000 " 3 30.00 
 
 Orders should be accompanied by cash, cheque, or money order. Please 
 make the order immediately, as the offer cannot be held open after the edition is 
 printed. Very respectfully, 
 
 JAMES T. WHITE & CO., Publishers, 
 
 Nos. 5 and 7 E. i6th St., N. Y. City. 
 
 Hessrs. JAMES T. WHITE & CO., Publishers, 
 
 Nos. 5 and 7 E. i6th ST., N. Y. CITY. 
 
 Gentlemen : 
 
 Enclosed please find $ .for wbicb forward, as 
 
 indicated below, .copies of " Cleveland s ^Administration." 
 
 Shipping directions : 
 
PRESS NOTICES. 
 
 Prom the "NEW YORK WOULD," August 7, 1892. 
 
 The first volume of The National Cyclopaedia of American Biography has been issued, 
 and a careful examination of its scheme and execution seems to fully justify all that the energetic 
 promoters of the undertaking have promised. The "work is well and copiously illustrated. Besides 
 a number of full-page portraits, nearly every biography is accompanied by a portrait, occasionally 
 a college, a homestead, etc., being given. These Biographies have evidently been edited with 
 
 Uigent caution. So far as ire hare been able to verify them they have proved faultless. 
 
 From the "WILMINGTON MORNING NEWS," July 13, 1892. 
 
 The first volume of a new and very important work has just been issued from the press a 
 work which will be entirely creditable to American letters and American enterprise, and which at 
 the same time will be invaluabto to the future historians of this country, both general and local. 
 This work is entitled " The National Cyclopaedia of American Biography*" (James T. White & Co., 
 New York). When completed it will consist of twelve royal octavo volumes, and will be a treasure 
 
 
 not merely of those men who have become conspicuous by reason of their work and frequent 
 newspaper mention, but also of those men who have become influential and prominent in their own 
 
 states and localities by reason of what they have done there. In the second place the publication 
 of this work will not be deferred until all these biographical facts can be collected, so as to present 
 the names in alphabetical order, but successive volumes will be issued as fast as the material is 
 accumulated, complete and convenient indexes furnishing in each case a trustworthy guide to all 
 the names given. This makes the work immediately available as fast as it proceeds. It may also 
 be said that hi the way of portraits of living and active men, no publication heretofore issued from 
 the American press approaches this work. The main fact about it, however, and the essential fact, 
 is that it is a genuine collection, of American biography. It is not made up from any previous work, 
 but is fresh, and this first volume makes it evident that for the first time this country is to have 
 a reference book of American biography which will not confine itself to a repetition of names that 
 are to.be found in all the general Encyclopaedias, but one which will be adequate, and which will 
 place within reach authentic information in regard to the important and active men in all parts of 
 the United States. This country has long needed a biographical dictionary of precisely the compre 
 hensive quality which this work possesses something which would be as adequate here as " Men of 
 Our Times" is in England; but we are very much mistaken if Messrs. James T. White & Co., in 
 preparing this work, have not surpassed any existing work of the kind, and produced a national 
 reference book of American biography which will serve as a model and example to the publishers 
 of every other nation as to what such a work should be. The volume already issued is well made 
 in every particular. It contains 544 handsome double-column pages; it is full of portraits, including 
 severarfull-page ones , and it is substantially bound. The second volume is now nearly due. When 
 completed the work will possess a value, both for everyday use and historical purposes, which can 
 scarcely be overestimated. 
 
 From the NEW YORK HERALD, Sunday May 1, 1892. 
 
 The publication of the first volume of The National Cyclopedia of American Biography " 
 seems to mark a new era in the construction of this class of works. The most superficial inspection 
 of this volume shows originality of structure and a comprehensiveness of idea, combined with 
 elasticity of treatment, in excess of any other work of the kind heretofore produced, either in this 
 country or Europe. To begin with, the stvle and form of this Cyclopedia differs altogether from any 
 other similar works in discarding the alphabetical arrangement which has heretofore always pre 
 vailed in such publications. The National Cyclopedia, in place of being arranged alphabetically, 
 will be supplied in the case of each volume with a complete index, alphabetically arranged, and to 
 a certain extent analytical, and answering every purpose usually subserved by the old arrangement. 
 Meanwhile, this plan admits of a latitude not possessed by any other. The publishers are not obliged 
 to delay the issue of any volume on account of the lack of any article. Besides, the plan of grouping, 
 which is followed to a considerable extent in the volume, throws into juxtaposition men who prop 
 erly belong together, and who would be widely separated under the old alphabetical method. 
 
 But it is in the scope and scheme and general nature of the work, rather than in its form, that 
 this Cyclopedia certainly gives promise of being one of the most permanently valuable books of the 
 kind ever made. It is entirely American, and has been constructed with the idea of preserving, 
 only such lives as are of real value to the country and to the reader for study and contemplation. 
 The old standbys, who turn up in every biographical dictionary with unfailing regularity, although 
 most of them have long since been forgotten, seem to find no place in this work. Moreover, large 
 space is given to living people who have become, or are likely to become personages eminent or 
 prominent on account of their services to the country, in the professions, in mercantile business, in 
 commerce, or in some other way. The theory of the new Cyclopedia, as set forth in its introduction 
 and as presented in its text, is, that such a work should present lives of those who are builders and 
 makers of the country, without regard to the fact of their being, or not being, in exalted public sta 
 tion, or otherwise held up before the world as prominent. Of course, being formed under this 
 method, this Cyclopedia becomes also a history of the country in so far as it goes, and this being 
 aided by the system of grouping as applied to historical events or the progress of industry, as in the 
 case of invention or construction of railroads, naval vessels, the telegraph, and the case of the great 
 industries, of agriculture, manufactures, etc., and further facilitated bv an artistic and instructive 
 of illustrations, including not only portraits, but scenes and public buildings, the whole design 
 Ixvoni"-;, as alreadv said, something entirely original, and, moreover, something that should prove 
 imni Jately valuable and instructive. 
 
 s to the mechanical construction of the book, nothing can be finer. It is beautifully printed 
 ivy paper, the illustrations are artistic in design, and executed admirably. The index is ar 
 ranged on an excellent plan, with typography varied in such a way as to facilitate its examination 
 and for research in the volume itself. Altogether it is only just to say that this work, judging from 
 its first volume, is to be considered as a credit to all those concerned in its production, and especially 
 to the liberality, as well us taste, of the Publishing House, which, at what must have been enormous 
 cost, has so successfully carried out its design. 
 
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