UC-NRLF II in n ii ir HI 203 1 \L PORTRAIT (IALLERY, I uir - My. COPYRIGHT I892. JAMES T. WHITE &CO. PUBLISHERS CENTS TRAO& AGEN "*^ THE NATIONAL CYCLOPAEDIA OF AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. PROMINENT CONTRIBUTORS AND REVISERS. Abbott, Lyman, D. D., LL. D., Pastor of Plymouth Church, and Editor of| L The Christian Union." Adams. Charles Follen, Author of " Dialect Ballads." Adams, Charles Kendall, LL. D., President of Cornell Uni versity. Alexander, Hon. E .P., Ex-General Southern Confederacy. Alger, Kev. William Bounseville, Author. Andrews, Elisha B., D. D., LL. D., President of Brown Uni versity. Armstrong, General Samnel C-, Principal of Hampton In stitute. Ballantine, Win. G., D. D., President Oberlin College. Baird, Henry Martyn, University City of New York. Bartlett, Samuel C., D. D., LL. D., President of Dartmouth College. Battle, Hon. Kemp P., late President of University of N. C. Blake, Lillie Devereaux, Author. Bolton, Sarah Knowles, Author. Bowker, R. R., Writer and Economist. Brainard, Ezra, LL. D., President of Middlebury College,Vt. Brean, Hon. Joseph A., Supt. Public Instruction, Louisiana. Brooks, Noah, Journalist and Author. Brown, John Henry, Historical Writer. Brown, Colonel John Mason, Author " History of Kentucky." Burr, A. E., Editor " Hartford Times." Burroughs, John, Author. Candler, W. A., D. D., President Emory College, Ga. Capen, Elmer H., D. D., President Tufts College. Carter, Fraaklin, Ph. D., LL. D., President Williams College. Cattell, William C., D. D., LL. D., Ex-president Lafayette College. Clapp, W. W., formerly Editor "Boston Journal." Clarke, Richard H., LL. D., President New York Catholic Protectory. Coan, Titus Munson, M. D., Author. Cooley, Hon. Thomas M., LL. D., President Interstate Com merce Commission. Cravatt, E, M., D. D., President Fisk University. Crawford, Edward F., Staff " New York Tribune." Curtis, George Ticknor, LL. D., Author and Jurist. Deming, Clarence, Author. De Peyster, General J. Watts, Historian. Dix, Morgan, D. D., LL. D., Rector Trinty Church. Dreher, Julius D., Ph. D., President Roanoke College. Donnelly, Hon. Ignatius, Author. Douglass, Hon. Frederick W. Dudley, Richard M., D. D., Pres. Georgetown College, Ky. Dunlap, Joseph R., Editor " Chicago Times." Durrett, Colonel . T., Historian of the West. D wight, Timothy, D. D., LL. D., President Yale University. Eagle, James P., Governor of Arkansas. Eggleston, George Gary, Author and Editor. Eliot, Charles W., LL. D., President Harvard University. Fetteroff, A. H., LL. D., Ph. D., President Girard College. Field, Henry Martyn, D. D., Editor " New York Evangelist." Fisher, Hon. George P., 1st Auditor of U. S. Treasury. Fisher, Geo. Park, D. D., LL. D., Prof, of Divinity Yale Univ. Gates, Merrill E., Ph. D., LL. D., President Amherst College. Gilman, Daniel C., LL. D., President Johns Hopkins College. Greeley, General A. W., U. S. Signal Service and Explorer. Hadley, Arthur T., M. A., Professor Yale University. Hale, Edward Everett, S. T. D., Author. Hamm, Mile. Margherita A., Journalist. Hammond, J. D., D. D., President Central College. Harding, W. G., Editor " Philadelphia Enquirer." Harper, W. R., President University of Chicago, Harris, Joel Chandler (Uncle Remus), Author. Harris, Hon. William T., U. S. Com. of Education. Hart, Pamuel, D. D., Professor Trinity College. Haskins, Charles H., Professor University of Wisconsin. Higginson, Colonel Thomas Wentworth, Author. Hurst, John F., D. D., Bishop of the M. E. Church. Hutchins, Stilson, Editor " Washington Post." Hyde, Wm. De Witt, D. D., President Bowdoin College. I.; v, rv,11onr, Jackson, James McCauley, Author and Editor. Johnson, Oliver, Author and Editor. Johnson, R. Underwood, Assistant Editor of " Century " Kell, Thomas, President St. John College. Kennan, George, Russian Traveler. Kimball, Richard B., LL. D., Author. Kingsley, William L., LL. D., Editor of the " New Englander and Yale Review." Kip, Rt Rev. William Ingraham, Bishop of California. Kirkland, Major Joseph, Literary Editor " Chicago Tribune." Knox, Thomas W., Author and Traveler. Lamb, Martha J., Editor " Magazine of American History." Langford, Laura C. Holloway, Editor and Historical Writer. Le Conte, Joseph, Professor in University of California. Lindsley, J. Berrien, M. D., State Board of Health of Tenn. Lockwood, Mrs. Mary S., Historical Writer. Lodge, Hon. Henry Cabot, Author. Longfellow, Rev. Samuel, Author. MacCracken, H. M., D. D., LL. D., Chancellor of Universitv of the City of New York. McClure, Col. Alexander K., Editor "Philadelphia Times." McCray, D. 0., Historical Writer. McElroy, George B., D. D., Ph. D., F. S., Pres. Adrian College Mcllwaine, Richard, D. D., Pres. Hampden-Sidney College. McKnight, Rev. H. W., D. D., Pres. Pennsylvania College. Morse, John T., Jr., Author " Life of John Adams," etc. Newton, Richard Heber, D. D., Clergyman and Author. Nicholls, Miss B. B., Biographical and Historical Writer. Northrup, Cyrus, LL. D., Pres. University of Minnesota. Olson, Julius E., Professor University of Wisconsin. Packard, Alpheus S., Professor Brown University. Page, Thomas Nelson, Author. Parton, James, Author. Patton, Francis L., D. D.,LL. D., Pres. Princeton College. Peabody, Andrew P., D. D., LL. D., Harvard University. Pepper, Wm., M. D., LL. D., Pres. University of Pennsylvania". Porter, Noah, D. D., LL. D., Ex-president of Yale University Potter, Eliphalet N., D. D., LL. D., Pres. Hobart College. Powderly, T. V., Master Workman, Knights of Labor. Prime, Edward D. G., D. D., Editor "New York Observer." Prince, L. Bradford, Governor New Mexico. Purinton, D. B., LL. D., President Denison College. Ryder, Rev. Charles J., Sec y of American Missionary So. Schaff, Philip, D. D., LL. D., Author. Sharpless, Isaac, Sc. D., President Haverford College. Scott, W. T., D. D., President Franklin College. Shearer, Rev. J. B., D. D., President Davidson College, N. C Small, Albion W., Ph. D., President Colby University. Smith, Charles H. (Bill Arp), Author. Smith, Geo. Williamson, D. D., LL. D., President Trinity College. Smith, Wm. W., LL. D., Pres. Randolph-Macon College. Snow, Louis Franklin, Professor Brown University. Stockton, Frank R., Author. S umner, Wm. G., Professor Political Economy, Yale. Super, Chas. W., A. M., Ph. D., President Ohio University Swank, James W., Secretary American Iron and Steel Asso. Tanner, Edward A., D. D., President Illinois College. Taylor, James M., D. D., President Vassar College. Thurston, Robert H., Director Sibley College. Thwing, Chas. F., D. D., Pres. Western Reserve University Tuttle, Herbert, LL. D., Professor Cornell University. Tyler, Lyon G., President College of William and Mary. Venable, W. H., LL. D., Author. t Walworth, Jeannette H., Author. Warren, Wm. F., S. T. D., LL. D., Pres. Boston University Watterson, Henry, Editor " Louisville Courier-Journal." Webb, General Alexander S., LL. D., President University of the City of New York. Weidemeyer, John Wm., Historical Writer. Wheeler, David H., D. D., President Alleghany College. Winchell, Alexander, late Professor University of Michigan. Wise, John S., Ex-Congressman from Virginia. Wright, Marcus J., Historian and Custodian of Confederate Records in U. S. War Dept. THE NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY. National portrait alien) Vol. I. SEPTEMBER, 1892. No. 2. JAMES T. WHITE & CO., Publishers. 5 and 7 East 16th St., New York City. JOHN HOWARD BROWN, Editor. SINGLE COPIES, 1O Cents; YEARLY SUBSCRIPTION, $1.00. THE AMERICAN NEWS COMPANY, TRADE AGENTS. PROSPECTUS. The design of THE NATIONAL, PORTRAIT GAL LERY is to afford to the reading public in a popular form and readily accessible, such portions of the proposed work, THE NATIONAL CYCLOPAEDIA OF AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY, as may from time to time be of national or local importance. Without such a medium of conveyance the matter accumulating in the hands of-the editors is debarred from the public for years, and much of the purpose of preparation defeated by the delay. The growth of this country has been so rapid, and the new men claiming recog nition so frequently appearing, that no voluminous cyclopaedia of biography can, unless aided by such a periodical adjunct as* THE NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY, give timely information to the public of such appearance. The great work heralded by this monthly issue will lose none of its value by reason of it, and the twelve handsome volumes in which it will finally appear will be none the less welcome be cause some of its pages have been here reproduced. Then, in a work so large and necessarily expensive, there are thousands of families that would never see even a few pages unless through this popular form. The importance of presenting to the world truth ful likenesses and biographies of men who have and are helping on the progress of our nation is unques tioned. In such a work is transmitted to posterity the memory of persons of the present day as well as those of the recent past. These memoirs will instill in the minds of our children the important lesson that honor and station are the same sure reward of continued exertion, and that, compared to a good education, with habits of honest industry and econ omy, the greatest fortune would be but a poor in heritance. While the work contains the names of many who have enjoyed every advantage which affluence and early education can bestow, it also traces the history of thousands who, by their own unaided efforts, have risen from obscurity to the highest and most responsible trusts in the land. The value of the biography of men of the present day, as a study for the young, has never been fully appreciated. The tendency in the past has been to direct our youth to the lives of Plutarch, rather than the achievements of men of our own time. The im parting of moral force which is the peculiar advan tage of the study of biography, is lost by the purely ideal aspect in which the youthful imagination con templates a Grecian sage or a Roman hero. The spheres of distinction in which they were illustrious, were so different from those to which men are now attracted, that very little of wholesome incentive or needed encouragement can be derived from them. Great antiquity, far-off distance of time, invests the character of even a common mind with a glory beautiful as a picture, but in no way encouraging a"s an example. We behold them to admire, not to imitate. Therefore, in full harmony with the spirit of the age as well as the wants of our nature, we are gratified to see the growing tendency toward the study of contemporaneous biography, not confined to a few individuals famous in chosen walks of life, but to those in every department of activity in which the human mind has usefully and honorably exerted itself. Every pursuit furnishes successful examples as encouragement to the young. Very many men have passed their lives in obscurity and want by reason of the unfavorable circumstances by which their youth was environed; they growing up under a vague but general impression that eminence was unattainable, and hence they formed no fixed purpose to attain it. No better means of dissipating this delusion, rousing the minds of young men and lads to high and noble aims, and stimulating them to the achievement of such aims, can be adopted than holding before them the example and history of others who have pushed their way to honor, wealth and influence, from amid circumstances as discouraging as their own. The success of others gives us confidence in ourselves. What they have done we may do, and thus the example of those who have successfully trodden any of the diversified paths of life, becomes the mental heritage of every aspiring spirit. It is the capital which plumes the pinions of hope the stock in trade which gives con fidence to the mind, when failure might else point to despair. There are numerous memoirs in this collection illustrative of these truths. Another feature of this work no less valuable is the multiplication of portraits by engraving. From these we derive extended information and delight; they inculcate the rudiments of taste, aid its progress, and rescue from the hand of time and multiply the perishable monuments of the pencil and photographic art. While the study of biography is perhaps the more agreeable branch of historic literature and is certainly the more useful in its moral effects stating the known circmnstances and endeavoring to unfold the secret motives of human conduct; selecting all that is worthy of being recorded; at once informing and invigorating the mind; warming and winning the heart still it is from the combination of portrait and biography that we reap the utmost degree of utility and pleasure. As, in contemplating the por trait of a person, we long to be instructed in his his tory, so, in considering his actions we are anxious to look upon his face. So earnest is this desire, that the imagination is ready to coin a set of features or to conceive a character to supply the painful ab sence of one or the other. It is impossible to im agine a work which ought to be more interesting than one which will exhibit before our progeny their fathers as they lived, accompanied with such memoirs of their lives and characters as shall furnish a comparison of persons and countenances with sen timents and actions. It is given to such a work as this to carry out such an end, and if we are aided, as we hope to be, by the earnest co-operation of those who have material at hand which will supply either portrait or memoir or both, we will rescue from oblivion and place on an imperishable monu ment the record of character and achievement, as well as the outline of face and presence of many notable personages who have not only benefited the world by living useful lives, but whose records thus preserved will inspire others to win their way to success. TVX CLEVELAND S ADMINISTRATION. WITH PORTRAITS OF THE PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES. WHAT CLEVELAND STANDS FOR. ISSUED FOR THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE. BIOGRAPHIES AND PORTRAITS TAKEN FROM THE NATIONAL CYCLOPAEDIA OF AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY VOLUME II. COPYRIGHT, 1892, BY JAMES T. WHITE & Co. NEW YORK: JAMES T. WHITE & COMPANY. 1892, E705 mTRODTJCTIOlSr. THE NATIONAL CYCLOPEDIA OF AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY has been undertaken to provide a biographical record of the United States worthy to rank with the great Nation al Biographies of Europe. It embraces the biographical sketches of all persons prom inently connected with the history of the nation. Not only do rulers, statesmen, soldiers, persons noteworthy in the church, at the bar, in literature, art, science, and the pro fessions find place, but also those who have contributed to the industrial and commer cial progress and growtli of the country. The aim of the work is to exemplify and perpetuate, in the broadest sense, American civilization through its chief personalities. Such a work of historical biography has never before been attempted. Previous works have either excluded the living, or limited them to a well-known few in the cen tres of activity. But this Cyclopaedia is unique. It has been prepared upon new lines which insure its being the biographical authority of the century. It is intended to make this Cyclopaedia National, representing the entire Republic, and reflecting the spirit, genius and life of each section. It is acknowledged that the great forces which to-day contribute most largely to the growth of the country are the men who have developed its industrial and com mercial resources, and it is believed that, while literary workers should be accorded ample representation, those who contribute so much to the material and physical wel fare of the country deserve and command fuller recognition than has before been ac corded them in works of this character. Achievements in engineering, electricity, or architecture; improvements in locomotives, looms or ploughs, contribute as much to the advancement of civilization as an epic poem or an Oxford tract; and the factors in these achievements are to be sought out, and given to the world through the pages of this Cyclopaedia. In the United States there is neither a Nobility, nor an Aristocracy, nor is there a Landed Gentry, as these classes are understood in Europe. But there are, in the United States, numerous Families which have ancient lineage and records, and other families, founded in the soil, so to speak, destined to become the ancestry of the future. There is every reason why the genealogy and history of these families should be re corded and perpetuated. No native of any other land has reason to be prouder of his country than an American whose family name represents either direct descent from the early colonists or Revolutionary ancestors, or marked prosperity and success through intelligent, arduous, and faithful labor for the benefit of his country and the advancement of his race. One of the objects of the National Cyclopaedia is to fulfill for the United States this purpose, and supply an invaluable and useful means for establishing identity, relationship, birth, death, official position, and other important data which are necessary to the making up of such family history. In the gathering of material for this work there has been inaugurated a system of local contributions from every section of the country, by which are secured the facts in reference to those persons who have heretofore been omitted from biographical notice. Our American annals are full of characters worthy of the emulation of pos terity; but their story will perish, bearing no fruit, if it be not gathered up, and pre served by some such method of extended research as has been adopted by the Pub lishers of this work. The rapidity of the Nation s growth makes it impossible for each section to be acquainted with the other, and up to this time it is only the most conspicuous person ages in any part of the country who are known beyond their locality. In the West there are men with rough exteriors who have done more for the prosperity and growth of r W INTRODUCTION. 5 their communities than has been done by many more noted personages in the East. It is one of the aims of the National Cyclopaedia to introduce to their fellow-men of the en tire country these Nation-Builders, heretofore unknown to fame beyond the limits of their own neighborhood. And one will be surprised to discover how many, thought to be on lower pinnacles of fame than those whose deeds embellish the pages of fa miliar history or biography, are shown by this record to be the peers of their more celebrated contemporaries. Instead of devoting large space to the men of pre-Revolutionary times, it is in tended to make this a live Cyclopaedia, which, while it preserves all that is valuable in the past, will include the men and women who are doing the work and moulding the thought of the present time. The principal growth of this country really began with the invention of the telegraph in 1844, which placed in touch the states which were before but provinces, and made thought, sympathy, and patriotism national. It is the period beginning with 1850, therefore, which ought chiefly to be embraced in a work which is to cover the great development of the country. The history of the past has been the history of the few, who, by reason of a spe cial ability to plan, intrigue, and make war, or by accident of birth, were lifted into prominence, and so became the objects of observation and the subjects of historical treatment. But the history of the present and the future must be a history of the many, who, by head and hand, or by force of character or high attainment, have made themselves the centres and sources of influence in their respective localities. As works of this magnitude can be published only once in a generation, it has been thought wise to include in the National Cyclopaedia some of the younger men, and others, possibly not yet known, who give promise of being notable and representa tive in the future; so that when they suddenly spring into prominence, as is so frequently the case, this Cyclopaedia will contain information of their lives, which will show the groundwork of their characters and their claim upon the expectations of the future. The ideal of a biographical cyclopaedia is one which anticipates the information de manded about new men as they come into prominence. It is aimed to have these biographies include all the facts worthy of mention, and, taken together, they make a complete history of the United States, political, social, commercial, and industrial. It is intended to make each character sketch a likeness which will be immediately recognized ; one which will give the underlying motive to individual endeavor, the se cret of success, the method and means of progress, the aim and aspiration of thought, and which, by the abandonment of the usual abbreviated cyclopaedic style, becomes as readable as a tale of adventure or travel. It is aimed, moreover, to render the Cyclo paedia educational as well as entertaining, by making the lives of important men illus trate noteworthy epochs of national history. A new feature in the National Cyclopaedia is the grouping of individuals with reference to their work and its results. Arranging the presidents of a college, the governors of a state, the bishops of a diocese, etc., so as to present a progressive narrative gives an historical character to the work, which is of unique and unusual value. Groupings are also made with reference to important events and prominent movements: for instance, the American Revolution, the Abolition Movement, the Geneva Arbitration, and the Pan-American Congress. Especially are they made in connection with great in dustrial developments, as the telegraph, ironclads, cotton, steel, and petroleum; so that this work furnishes the means for the systematic study of the history and growth of the country, as well as for biographical reference. This grouping of biographies necessitates the abandonment of the alphabetical ar rangement, which, though an innovation, is one of the most valuable and approved features of the work. In these days the utility of Indexes is becoming more and more acknowledged by scholars and literary workers ; and general Cyclopaedias, which are 6 INTRODUCTION. constructed in alphabetical order, are supplemented by an Index. With such an Index, however, the alphabetical order of arrangement becomes entirely unnecessary. More over, in preparing this work, requiring such extensive research, it is manifestly impossi ble to issue it in alphabetical order until the entire compilation is completed, and being laid aside during all these years of preparation, much of this information necessarily becomes old and unreliable. But biography embracing men of the time demands immediate publication. Upon the appearance of a recent biographical work it was found that there were over two thousand omissions, caused by the information com ing to hand after the alphabetical place had been closed, which necessitated the addition of an Appendix. It is well known that every important biographical work heretofore published in successive volumes has at least one Appendix, which becomes so much a necessity in order to include the omissions, as to compel its publication with the last volume of the work. This at once destroys any alphabetical arrangement, makes it of no value for reference, and compels a reliance upon the Index. In view of the grave disadvantages of the alphabetical method, the Publishers are convinced that in a work of the magnitude of the National Cyclopaedia, simple tradi tional precedent for such an arrangement should not be allowed to destroy freshness of material, or stand in the way of the manifest improvement, which grouping makes possible. They have, therefore, disregarded the alphabetical order in favor of grouping the biographies, and will place in each successive volume a full, analytical Index, Cov ering all the preceding volumes, which Avill make its vast information immediately and conveniently accessible, besides enabling its publication years before it would be possi ble under the former conventional method. The Publishers have been confirmed in their judgment by the approval and .endorsement of the leading librarians, editors, and liter ary workers of the country. Pictures of home surroundings add so much interest to biography, that it has been deemed desirable to insert views of residences, which give to the Avork a new fea ture the portrayal of dwelling-places, which, in the future, will become the ancestral homes of America. As portraiture is the demand of the time and contributes so much to the under standing of biography, it has been made a prominent feature of the National Cyclo paedia to have every sketch, as far as possible, embellished with a portrait. Great pains have been taken to secure from the families or descendants the best likenesses, which are engraved under their superintendence and approval, and, in a large number of instances, are given to the world for the first time through the pages of this work. Never before has such a collection of authentic portraits been made. If done in oil and hung upon walls, they would constitute the Historical Portrait Gallery, which Carlyle insisted ought to have place in every country, as among the most popular and cher ished National possessions. But these engraved portraits, gathered into the convenient and accessible form here presented, none the less realize Carlyle s idea of a National Gallery, for in this manner there is made accessible to the world, as could not be done in any other way, a collection so complete and representative, that it may be truly called the National Portrait Gallery of America. To be published in Twelve Royal Octavo Volumes. A " GENEALOGY AND AUTOGRAPH" EDITION, being the First Impression from the Original Plates, and limited to advance subscribers having Portraits in the Work, is print ed on large paper, and specially prepared ivith WHITE S GENEALOGICAL CHART and FAM ILY REGISTER, together with extra autograph pages for continuing the printed biograph ical record. This edition is bound in Half Russia. Price, Ten Dollars per volume. JAMES T. WHITE & CO., PUBLISHERS, NEW YORK. COPYRIGHT, 1S92, BY JAMES T. WHITE * CO. , COPYKIGMT, 1892, BY JMES T. WHITE 1 CO CLEVELAND, Grover, twenty-second presi dent of the United States, was born at Caldwell, Es sex Co., N. J., March 18, 1837. The family came from Suffolk county, ~Eng., settling in Massachu setts early in the seventeenth century. Richard F. Cleveland was a Presbyterian minister in 1829, and married the daughter of a Baltimore merchant born iu Ireland. These were Grover Cleveland s father and mother. The boy was named after Rev. Stephen Grover, who formerly occupied the Presbyterian parsonage at Caldwell, where Mr. Cleveland was born. In 1841 the family removed to Fayetteville, N. Y., and here young Grover received his first schooling, and at an early age held a clerkship in a country store. He, however, obtained such further instruction at Clinton, Oneida Co., when the family settled there, that, in his seventeenth year he was appointed assistant teacher of the New York Institution for the Blind. In 1855 young Cleveland was em ployed by his uncle, Lewis F. Allen, at Buffalo, to assist him in compil ing the "American Herd Book," where, for several years, he render ed assistance in the preparation of that work. At the same time, he had a clerkship in the law firm of Rogers, Bowen & Rogers, in Buf falo, and began to read law. In 1859 he was admitted to the bar, continuing with the same firm un til 1862 as their managing clerk. On the 1st of January, 1863, he was appointed assistant district at torney of Erie county. At this time he was so cramped for the means of living and of supporting his mother and sisters, who were de pendent upon him, that, being conscripted and un able to serve in the war, he was obliged to borrow money sufficient to send a substitute, and it was not until long after that he was able to pay off this loan. Meanwhile two of Cleveland s brothers were in the military service, and the case, so far from being an exceptional one (as has been so often set forth by his enemies), was one of the most common in regard to the construction of the Union armies; that is to say, such members of the family as could best be spared going to the-war, while others, who had positions or 1126 business engagements, remained at home to support their families. In 1865 Mr. Cleveland was defeated for the district attorneyship of Erie county. He then en tered into partnership with Isaac V. Vanderpool, and in 1869 joined the firm of Lanning, Cleveland & Fol- som. His law practice having extended, he was now successful. Being a popular man in the neigh borhood which had so long known him, he was urged by his friends and finally constrained to ac cept the nomination, and in 1870 was elected sher iff of Erie county. This position he held three years, making an entirely favorable impression on all who had official dealings with him. At the close of his term he joined Lyman K. Bass in forming the firm of Bass, Cleveland & Bissell, which was af terward Cleveland & Bissell, Mr. Bass retiring on account of poor health. In this partnership Cleve land continued to improve his fortunes and his rep utation as a lawyer, and also to extend his popularity as an official and a man. In 1881 he was nominated as the democratic candidate for mayor of Buffalo, and was elected by the largest majority ever given in that city, although the republican state ticket was carried in Buffalo at that election by an average ma jority of over 1,600, while Mr. Cleveland s majority was 3,530 for the mayoralty. In his new office he became known as the "veto mayor," from his fear less exercise of that prerogative in checking extrav agance and the illegal expenditure of the public moneys. In 1882 Mr. Cleveland ran for governor against Charles J. Folger, then U. S. secretary of the treasury. In the election Cleveland received a plurality of nearly 200,000 over Folger, and a ma jority over all, including greenback, prohibition and scattering, of 151,742. Gov. Cleveland s administra tion was notable for the simple and unostentatious way in which business was conducted. In the exercise of the veto power he was as courageous as he had shown himself to be while mayor of Buf falo; but his vetoes were always clearly sustained by his duty under the law. In a letter writ ten to his brother on the day of his election, Gov. Cleveland announced the policy which he intended to adopt, and which he afterward carried out, viz.: "To make the matter a business engagement between the people of the state and myself in which the ob ligation on my side is to perform the duties assigned me with an eye single to the interests of my em- 12 THE NATIONAL CYCLOPAEDIA ployers." On July 11, 1884, Grover Cleveland was nominated at Chicago as the democratic candidate for the presidency of the United States. At the election in November Mr. Cleveland received on the popular vote, 4,874,986; Mr. Elaine, 4,851,981; Butler, 175,370; St. John, temperance, 150,369; scattering, 14,904. In the electoral college Mr. Cleve land s majority was 37. On the 4th of March, 1885, Mr. Cleveland was inaugurated as president of the United States. In his inaugural address he declared his approval of the Monroe doctrine, placed himself on record as in favor of strict economy in the admin istration of the finances, and the protection of the Indians and security of the freedmen, and mani fested his recognition of the value of civil service reform, saying, that "the people have a right to protection from the incompetency of public em ployes who hold their places solely as a reward for personal services; and those who worthily seek pub lic employment have a right to insist that merit and competency shall be recognized instead of party sub serviency or the surrender of honest political belief. " The oath of office was administered to President Cleveland by Chief Justice Waite. Mr. Cleveland s cabinet was composed as follows: Thomas F. Bay ard, secretary of state; Daniel Manning, secretary of the treasury, who died during his incumbency and was succeeded by Charles S. Fairchild; William C. Endicott, secretary of war; William C. Whit ney, secretary of the navy; William F. Vilas, post master-general, afterward transferred to the de partment of the interior, being succeeded by Don M. Dickinson ; Augustus TH. Garland, at torney-general ; Lucius Q" C. Lamar, secretary of the interior, afterward appointed associate justice of the supreme court of the United States. Mr. Cleveland in conducting the presidential office an tagonized a large proportion of his own party by his determination that no removals of office-holders, ex cepting heads of departments, foreign ministers and other officers charged with the execution of the pol icy of the administration, should take place except for cause. "Offensive partisanship " was, however, assigned as a reason for the removal of many repub lican office-holders. President Cleveland never halted in his endeavor to protect the Indians from the encroachments of raiders and cattle-herders, driving the latter relentlessly from their stolen terri tory. He came in conflict with the senate in regard to his appointments, refusing to submit papers re lating to the causes for which removals had been effected. He refused to yield to the dictation of the senate concerning his appointments, but during his entire term resisted all attempts on the part of the senate to force from him papers and documents upon which he based his executive judgment for removals from office. In this conflict he was successful. Mr. Cleveland exercised the veto power beyond all prec edent. He vetoed 115 out of 987 bills which had passed both houses, 102 of these being private pen sion bills. On June 2, 1886, President Cleveland married, in the White House, Frances Folsom, daughter of his former partner. Oscar Folsom, of Buffalo; and to the charming nature, personal beauty and affability of this lady, the youngest of all the mistresses of the White House excepting Dorothy Madison, who was of her age, Mr. Cleveland owed a large proportion of his popularity while occupying the presidential chair. In 1888 Mr. Cleveland was a candidate for a second term, but was defeated in the election of that year by Benjamin Harrison. After his retirement from public life, Mr. Cleveland settled in New York city, and opening an office pre pared to establish for himself a general law practice. In this he was entirely successful, and besides doing an extensive business in the New York courts has been frequently called to Washington to argue im portant cases before the supreme court of the United States. Meanwhile Mr. Cleveland has been hailed as the representative head of the democratic party, by the rank and file of which organization his occa sional utterances concerning politics have been ac cepted as oracles, while he has continued to hold a position likely to ensure for him the candidacy of the party for the presidential election of 1892. His pop ularity in his own party and the enmity which he has incurred in the ranks of his opponents Lave both been due mainly to his courageous and determined exploitation of the doctrine of "Tariff for Revenue Only," as the logical outcome of the democratic idea in American politics. In taking this stand, Mr. Cleve land has shrewdly recognized the fact that the two parties have never yet divided closely on tariff lines, and that while there were protectionists in the dem ocratic ranks, there were also many in the repub lican organization that upheld his principles. Thai which would have seemed likely to destroy him as a political leader, and which did unquestionably aid materially in defeating him for a second term, did, under the influence of the history of the United States during the first half of the republican administration, grow to be his strongest advocate before the coun try. The precipitation of the very ultimate possi bility of high tariff upon the commercial situation with its vast and increasing following of commercial and social distress, the result of coincident high prices, produced its logical results, and in the na tional democratic convention of 1892 Mr. Cleveland was renominated on the first ballot, by a vote of 617 out of 908, on a platform which virtually pronounced for free trade after rejecting a proposition which was non-committal. The democratic politicians op posed Mr. Cleveland s renomination, but at the de mand of the people, he was chosen standard-bearer for the third time. CLEVELAND, Frances Folsom, was born July 21, 1864, at No. 168 Edward street, Buffalo, N. Y., the daughter of Oscar Folsom, who married Miss Harmon, of Medina. Frances lost her fa ther in 1875, and her mother then went home to Medina, taking her daughter with her. During her early childhood Frances had at tended Madame Brecker s French kindergarten, where she displayed a quick understanding and an aptitude for study. After her return to Buffalo, she entered the Central School, and became a favorite with her teachers, as well as with the pupils. After leav ing the Central School, she en tered the Sophomore class at Wells College, which her school certificate permitted her to do without examination, and it was while she was at Wells College that Gov. Cleveland s attention to her, in the way of flowers, first be gan to be noticed. When she graduated in June, 1885, she received superb floral tributes from the conser vatories attached to the White House, Mr. Cleveland being at that time president of the United States. After graduation, Miss Folsom spent the summer with her uncle, Col. John B. Folsom, at Folsomdale, Wyoming Co., N. Y., and went abroad in the au tumn with her mother. Her engagement to Presi dent Cleveland had not been announced, but it is supposed that they had come to a definite under standing before her departure. She returned from Europe in the following spring, landing in New York May 27, 1886, where she was met by the presi dent s sister, Miss Cleveland, and his private secre tary. Miss Folsom remained at the Gilsey House in OF AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. 13 New York city until her departure for Washington, where she was married on June 2, 1886, in the Blue Room of the White House. For nearly three years Mrs. Cleveland, as wife of the president of the United States, occupied the position of "tirst lady in the land," and it is safe to say that no other White House lady achieved greater popularity. Notwith standing her youth, she tilled her arduous position with a tact and grace that won golden encomiums from every one; at no time did she forget the dignity of her position, nor did she ever presume upon it. When she left the White House, in 1889, with her husband, to take up her residence in New York city, it was with sincere expressions of regret from all classes and parties: Mrs. Cleveland is tall, with brown hair, violet eyes, a rather large nose, and a mobile mouth. Her face expresses great strength of character, and she has a sympathetic manner that wins every one. She has one child, Ruth, born in New York city Oct. 3, 1891. HENDRICKS, Thomas Andrews, vice-presi dent, was born on a farm near Zauesville, O., Sept. 7, 1819. His father, John Hendricks, was a native of Pennsylvania, one of the early settlers of that portion of Westmoreland county, known as the Ligonier Valley. A brother of John Hendricks, William, also born in Pennsylvania, was a promi nent statesman of his time, being sole representative from Wisconsin from December, 1816, to 1822, when he was elected governor of Indiana, and also United States senator from Indiana, from 1825 to 1837; so that of his immediate ancestry, Thomas A. Hen dricks might well be proud. The wife of John Hendricks, Jane Thomson, was of Scotch descent, her grandfather having emigrated to America before the revolution, and fought with credit during that struggle. Six months after Thomas Hendricks was born, his father removed to Indiana, and setted at Madison, on the Ohio river, but in 1822 went to Shelby county, where he built a substantial brick house, which is still standing and where his family were reared under properly moral and restraining in fluences. He founded a Presbyterian church in Ind ianapolis, that city having just been established, and his son Thomas was educated in that denomination. He attended the village school near his home for several years, and then studied at the college at South Hanover, where he was graduated in 1841. His mother s brother. Judge Thomson, of Cham- bersburg, Pa., now took the young man into his office, where he studied law, and was admitted to the bar in 1843. Two years later he married Eliza C. Morgan, and immediately entered upon a success ful and profitable practice at the bar. He was al ready an impressive public speaker and took deep interest in politics, and in 1848 was elected to the state legislature. Two years later he declined a re election to accept the position of state senator. In 1851 Mr. Hendricks was nominated for congress, in the Indianapolis district, and was elected; and his service was so acceptable to his constituents that he was re-elected. In 1855 he resumed the practice of law at Shelbyville, but the same year was offered by President Pierce the position of commissioner of the general land office, which he accepted and held until 1859, administering the duties of the office with ability, good judgment and strict integrity; earning in that position a wide-spread, national reputation. In 1860 the Indiana democratic state convention nominated Mr. Hendricks for the governorship, but the democratic party being split between two fac tions, controlled respectively by Stephen A. Doug lass and John C. Breckenrldge, the result was the election of the republican candidate, Col. Henry S. Lane. Mr. Hendricks then went to Indianapolis and there formed a law partnership with Oscar B. Hard, who was afterward the attorney-general of the state. The legislature of 1862-63 was demo cratic, and Jesse D. Bright having been expelled from his seat in the U. S. senate, David S. Turpie was elected to till out the remaining eighteen days of the unexpired term, while Mr. Hendricks was unanimously elected for the full term of six years, taking his seat in the national senate on March 4, 1863, and serving until 1869. He was practically the leader of the small democratic minority in the senate, where he served on the committees on judi ciary, public lands, naval affairs, and claims. He was bitterly opposed to the Southern reconstruction plan of the republicans and to the amendments to the constitution, but he voted for large appropria tions to carry on the war and was strongly in favor of increasing the pay of the soldiers. In 1868, in the democratic convention held in New York, Mr. Hendricks was a candidate for the presidency, and on the twenty-first ballot receiv ed 132 votes to 135}- for Gen. Hancock. That convention final ly compromised on Horatio Sey mour. Just at the close of his term in the senate Mr. Hendricks was nominated for the governor ship of Indiana, but was defeat ed by Conrad Baker, the repub lican candidate, who was elected by a very small majority. Sen ator Hendricks now returned to Indianapolis and began again to practice law, the firm name be ing Hendricks, Hard & Hen dricks, the latter member being his cousin, Abram W. , a strong re- publican. The firm was one of two or three leading ones in the city and enjoyed a very lucrative prac tice, enabling Mr. Heudricks to increase the already comfort able competence which he had acquired by his business shrewdness and economy. In 1872 there was another important gubernatorial election in In diana, when Thomas N. Brown was nominated by the republicans and Senator Hendricks by the demo crats. The campaign was an exciting one, turning materially on the question of temperance, as to which Mr. Hendricks was understood to be in favor of local option. Partly on the strength of this ten dency he was elected by a plurality of 1,200 votes, all the other officers of the state, except the superin tendent of public construction, being republicans. He afterwards sustained his temperance position by approving what was known as "the Baxter law." This was in the October election, and the next month Grant carried the state by a majority of 6,000. Oddly enough, Gov. Hendricks is authority for the assertion that any man competent to be a notary public could fill the position of governor of Indiana, so that it would appear there was not much to test the executive abilities of Gov. Hendricks during his term of office. He made an urbane, care ful, satisfactory official, and when he retired from the position it was with the respect of all parties in the state. In July 1874, Mr. Hendricks was perma nent chairman of the state democratic convention at Indianapolis. On June 27, 1876, the democratic national convention at St. Louis nominated Samuel J. Tilden for president on the second ballot, and Mr. Hendricks for vice-president, the latter receiv ing 730 votes out of 738. The stoutly contested and bitter campaign which followed is a matter of his tory, as also the claim of both parties to the election, and the final disposition of the question by the elect oral board, when Mr. Hnyes was given the election. During the next eight years Mr. Hendricks remained 14 THE NATIONAL CYCLOPAEDIA quietly in Indianapolis, practicing his profession, strongly interested in religious matters, having joined the St. Paul s P. E. church, on its organiza tion in 1862, and being senior warden thereof. This life was varied only in 1876 when Mr. Hendricks made an extended trip in Europe, where he was cordially received by prominent statesmen, who were familiar with his name and reputation. In July, 1884, Mr. Hendricks was a member of the democratic national convention, held at Chicago, and in behalf of the Indiana delegation nominated, as that state s candidate for the presidency, Joseph E. McDonald. Mr. Hendricks was, however, pre sented by Gov. Thos. Waller, in the name of Con necticut, as the candidate for the presidency, where upon the chairman of the Indiana delegation rose to his feet to protest, saying, "Mr. Hendricks is not a candidate and will not be a candidate. I am author ized to say this by Mr. Hendricks." The nomina tion was accordingly withdrawn. The nomination of Grover Cleveland for the presidency was fol lowed by William A. Wallace, of Pennsylvania, naming Thomas A. Hendricks tor the vice-presidency ; whereupon delegation after delegation rolled in its vote for Mr. Hendricks, and he was the unanimous choice of the convention. The election of the presi dent and vice-president in November perfected this action, and Thomas A. Hendricks became vice- president of the United States. In March 4, 1885, he assumed his position, and fulfilled its duties in good health until the autumn. A serious attack which had befallen him in 1863 was, however, the cause of some fears, both on the part of the vice- president and of Mrs. Hendricks, that his life would come to a sudden end. He removed to Washington after his election and at the extra session of the sen ate, convened on the 4th of March, presided over that body, where his courtesy and urban ity at once made "him exceed ingly popular. In the latter part of November the vice-pres ident had been in Chicago for a few days, returning to his home at Indianapolis on Nov. 24th. He contracted a severe cold, but no serious results were anticipated, and on that evening he attended a reception with Mrs. Hendricks, appearing as well as usual. The next day, however, he complained of be ing ill, and was taken with a congestive chill. A few min utes before five o clock in the afternoon, Mr. Hendricks ob serving that he was free from pain, he was for a few mo ments left alone by his wife, who on returning found that lie was dead. The feeling at Washington and throughout the country, at this sudden T*/ taking off of the vice-presi dent was deep and sincere. Suitable official action was at once taken, the president call- Parks. ~-~^~[ ing a special meeting of the members of the cabinet for the same evening, when it was determined that the members of the administration should attend the funeral in a body. Mr. Heudricks was the fifth vice-president of the United States who died during his term of office. He was buried from the cathe dral in Indianapolis, the funeral being both civil and military. The government was represented by members of ;the cabinet, and committees from the two houses of congress and the supreme court. Under the circumstances it was deemed best for President Cleveland to remain at Washington, as, in case of any mortal accident to him, the govern ment would have been without a head. He died Nov. 25, 1885. BAYARD, Thomas Francis, secretary of state, was born in Wilmington, Del., Oct. 29, 1828. He came of a long line of senators, while his early ancestors belonged to a distinguished family of French Huguenots. Samuel Bayard was the grandson of a professor of theology in Paris, who fled from France to escape religious perse cution. In 1647 Nicholas, in com pany with Peter Stuyvesant, the last Dutch governor of New York, who was his brother-in-law, emi grated to America. For a time, the Bayards were prominent in New York, but after a while they began to appear in Pennsylvania, Maryland and Delaware. John Bayard, who was born in Mary land, was the great -great-grandson of the Samuel Bayard already men tioned. He settled in Philadelphia about 1756, and became one of the leading merchants of that city. A twin brother of John Bayard, James Asheton, was one of those who ne gotiated the treaty of Ghent, Dec. 24, 1818. His son was born at Wilmington, Del., and was the U. S. senator of that state in 1851, 1857 and 1862. Thom as Francis Bayard was the son of James Asheton. The boy was fortunate in his educational advantages, as, in his early youth he entered the Flushing School, Long Island, at that time under the direction of its founder, Rev. A. L. Hawks, D. D. His first inten tion was to become a merchant, and for a time he was engaged in business as a clerk in a commercial house in New r York. He, however, gave up his in tention in that direction, and settled in Wilmington, Del., in 1848, having determined to follow the pro fession of the law. In 1851 he was admitted to the bar of the state of Delaware, and entered upon gen eral practice in Wilmington, being in two years from that time appointed U. S. district attorney for Delaware. During the years 1855 and 1856 he re sided in Philadelphia, but he then returned to his native state and remained there, constantly practising law until 1868, when he was elected to succeed his father as a member of the U. S. senate. During the civil war Mr. Bayard did what he could to estab lish a state of agreement w r ith the South, and as early as 1861 spoke in public to that effect. Mr. Bayard was re-elected to the U. S. senate in 1875, and again in 1881. On March 20, 1875, he made an able speech in the U. S. senate, displaying that loyalty to his country and that lack of absolute partisanship in his political conduct, which were always peculiar to him. The name of Horace Greeley, the unsuccess ful candidate for the presidency in 1872, had come up in the senate, in the debate on the Louisiana ques tion, and speaking to this question, Senator Bayard said: "The nomination of Horace Greeley had its impulse largely among the Southern white people, whose opinions and prejudices had for more than one generation been strongly arrayed against him. There had been no representative man of the North more signally the opponent of what may be called the Southern system of thought and political action than Horace Greeley. He had lived to see this sys tem utterly overthrown and revolutionized by force of arms, and in the wreck his ear caught the cry of human misery and sorrow that ever accompanies such sweeping changes in society, and his kind, OF AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. warm heart recognized the appeal. From the sur render of the Southern arms till the grave closed over his form, I believe the paramount object of Horace Greeley s life was to bring his fellow-countrymen into a better understanding with each other, and inaugurate an era of peace and good-will which. should cement our union of states, and make Amer ican citizenship a tie of fraternity in all sections of the country. ... To reunite his countrymen in the bonds of mutual kindness and good will, he sev ered the ties of party organization and became the leader of a political hope so far as the fate of the im mediate canvass was concerned. And then he died. But the seed sown in a good life did not die. Near ly 3,000,000 voters in 1872, of whom over ninety per cent, were democrats, responded to the sentiment for which Mr. Greeley struggled." During his senator ial career, Mr. Bayard served on a number of the leading committees, and was president pro tern, of the senate in 1881. Gradually his reputation became en larged, until he began to be esteemed as a leading statesman, and one whose views on great public questions might be relied upon implicitly as not be ing in the least tinged with partisanship. He was a member of the celebrated electoral commission of 1876, and in 1880 and 1884 his name was prominent ly before the country as a candidate for the presi dency. On taking the presidential chair, Mr. Cleve land appointed Mr. Bayard secretary of state, and he continued to hold that office during the Cleveland administration. In all the relations of the state de partment with foreign powers, under the adminis tration of Mr. Bayard, the country had reason to ex perience entire confidence and reliance on the talent and skill with which serious diploma! ic questions were treated. On surrendering the portfolio of his department, Mr. Bayard retired to his home at Wil mington, Del., where he continued occasionally to practice his profession, while generally leading a quiet and peaceful life, respected by all who were acquainted with his high career. MANNING, Daniel, secretary of the treasury, was born in Albany, Aug. 16, 1831. His ancestry was mixed North of Ireland, English and Dutch. He was educated in the public schools of Albany up to his twelfth year, when he left school and took a po sition as " boy " in the oflice of the Albany " Atlas," which afterward became the "Argus," and with which paper he continued a connection all through his life, eventually becoming president of the asso ciation which published it, and its executive propri etor. By thus beginning his newspaper work at the foot of the ladder, and climbing steadily through all its degrees to its highest rank, Mr. Manning thor oughly qualified himself in every department both to manage the details, and exercise general supervis ion. Under his direction the "Argus " became a political power not only in Albany, but in the state, and, by reflection, upon the country. While thus thoroughly informing himself as a journalist, Mr. Manning studied politics as a fine art, and became an accomplished leader, and that, too, during a per iod exceptional for the ability of those who directed the political fortunes of the state, and also for the large number of complicated and important ques tions which it was necessary to understand. The administrative powers of Mr. Manning were conced ed from the beginning of his assuming a responsible position on the " Argus." In 1865 he was made as sociate editor of the paper, and took full charge of it. In 1873 Mr. Cassidy, who had been the leading spirit of the association, died. From that time for ward, Mr. Manning was president of the company. In state politics he had already given evidence of re markable ability, tenacious force and an aggres sive disposition, in his fight against the Tweed ring, and in the assistance which he gave to Samuel J. Til- den and Charles O Connor and others within the democratic party, who labored so faith fully and ear nestly to break up the oligarchy which would have soon destroyed the party itself. By general consent Mr. Manning was given the leadership of the anti- ring forces, within "the democratic party in the inte rior of the state, and he so successfully organized these as to break up the rings utterly in the legislat ure, where they had been able to do the most and" worst of their mischief. In 1874 Mr. Manning was a member of the democratic state convention at Syr acuse, which nominated Mr. Tilden for governor, and during the administration of Mr. Tilden was earnest in his support, and himself originated and organized many measures for reform which met with much popularity. This was particularly the case in regard to the unscrupulous abuses which had been planted in the government of the canals and prisons. These he succeeded in placing on a busi ness and self-sustaining basis. In 1876 Mr. Manning controlled the delegation for the state of New York to the national democratic convention in St. Louis, and held the same position in Cincinnati in 1880. He was a member of the democratic state committee in 1876, its secretary in 1879 and 1880, and its chairman in 1881, 1882 and 1883. In 1878 Mr. Manning took into partnership on the "Argus," as an associate, Mr. St. Clair Mc- Kelway, retaining for himself the executive management of the paper, and the presidency of the /i ^* company. From that time for- vl - yjf/ *, ward, Mr. Manning was consid- ~*~ **^f ered to sustain the same relation to the democratic party of the state which had previously been held by Dean Richmond, and after ward by Samuel J. Tilden. The best men of the party grew to confide in him absolutely, both in the integrity of his party loyalty, and in his intelligence and broad general capacity. Mr. Manning himself had the deepest confidence in the honesty and intel ligence of the mass of voters, and while he cared very little for the pretenses of local "bosses," hench men and heelers, he was a constant and severe work er and undoubtedly undermined his health through the persistence of his labors, which were always re sponsible and arduous. Toward the end of 1883, he had practically made up his mind to retire altogeth er from political life. Up to that period he had nev er held any public position, although frequently urged to do so. In 1884 he took a deep interest in the presidential election, and worked zealously for the success of Mr. Cleveland, and in the convention of that year was chairman of the New York del egation. When Mr. Cleveland formed his cabinet in March, 1885, he appointed Daniel Manning secre tary of the treasury, and he continued to hold the po sition for about two years, during the latter part of which time, he was in constant danger on account of the condition of his health, which eventually broke down altogether, and in April, 1887, he re signed his place in the cabinet. During that sum mer he recuperated partially, and in October of the same year accepted the presidency of the Bank of New York. The appointment of Mr. Manning to so important a position in the cabinet as that of secre tary of the treasury was a surprise to those who were not aware of his financial and business capacity and his experience in precisely the direction most likely to benefit him in his ad ministration of the finances of the country. He was long a director for the city of Albany in the Albany and Susquehanna Railway 16 THE NATIONAL CYCLOPEDIA Company. From 1869 to 1882, when he resigned, he was a director of the National Savings Bank of Al bany. In 1873 he was made a director of the Nation al Commecial Bank of Albany; in 1881 its vice-pres ident and in 1882 its president. He was also a di rector of the Electric Light Company of Albany. In all these large and important business enterprises, he obtained an experience which, added to his natural gifts, tended to make him a most efficient public of ficer. Mr. Manning married, in 1853, Mary Lee, a lady of English parentage, who died in 1882. They had two sons and two daughters. Of his sons, James Hilton Manning, secretary and treasurer of a large manufacturing company of Albany, was also managing editor of the Albany " Sunday Argus, " and after his father s death, assumed the charge of the latter s interest in that paper. Frederick Clinton Man ning established himself as a stationer in Albany. Secretary Manning died in Albany Dec. 24, 1887. FAIBCHILD, Charles Stebbins, secretary of the treasury, 1887-89, was born in Cazenovia, N. Y., Apr. 30, 1842. His father was Sidney T. Fairchild, for many years attorney for the New York Cen tral R. R, and one of the leading men of central New York. Young Fairchild studied at the common schools and at the Oneida Confer ence Seminary at Cazenovia, where he prepared for a university course, and went to Harvard in 1859, grad uating in the class of 1863. He de termined to follow the legal pro fession, entered the Harvard Law School, and completed the pre scribed course in 1865, receiving the degree of Bachelor of Laws. He then removed to Albany, where he continued his legal studies, and in 1866 was admitted to the bar. In 1871 he became a mem- ber of the law firm of Hand, Hale, Swartz & Fairchild, this firm being one of the most suc cessful in the business in the state. He remain ed a member of this firm until 1876, but in the meantime, in 1874, was appointed deputy attor ney-general of the state, and in 1875 was nominated by the democratic party for the attorney-generalship, and was elected, assuming the office in the following year. While holding the position of deputy attorney- general, Mr. Fairchild became exceedingly popular with his party, a fact which secured him the nomi nation for the higher position, and which doubtless aided greatly in accomplishing the success of his future life. Mr. Fairchild displayed great skill in handling the cases which came under his charge, especially so in the instance of the case of the People vs. the New York police commissioners, Gardner and Charlick. During the last two years of his ser vice as deputy attorney-general, Mr. Fairchild was more than usually occupied, and very responsibly so, on account of the reports of the Canal Investiga tion commission, and in regard to all the suits de volving upon the law office of the state, Mr Fair- child was considered "the right arm of the attorney- general." At the democratic state convention in 1875, his nomination for attorney-general was made by acclamation. In the election which followed he received a majority of 23,302 over his republican competitor. As attorney- general, Mr. Fairchild be came also a commissioner of the land office, of the canal fund, a member of the canal board, a member of the board of state charities, trustee of the state capital, and trustee of the state hall. At the end of his two years term of office in 1878, Mr. Fairchild went to Europe, where he remained until 1880. On Ms return he settled in New York city, and devoted himself to the practice of law until 1885, when Pres ident Cleveland appointed him assistant secretary of the treasury. While occupying this position, Mr. Fairchild was freqently obliged to represent Secre tary Daniel Manning as acting secretary, and when the latter on account of ill health was obliged to re sign his office, Apr. 1, 1887, President Cleveland ap pointed Mr. Fairchild secretary of the treasury. He continued to fill that office until the close of Mr. Cleve land s administration in March, 1889. After retiring from public life, Mr. Fairchild became president of the New York Security and Trust Co. of New York city. In 1888 he received the degree of LL.D. from Harvard. Throughout his career, Mr. Fairchild has occupied a position among his fellow-citizens, and among those who know him, as a man of stanch intellect, great skill in handling important affnirs, remarkable intellectual grasp and financial and busi ness ability. During the latter part of September, 1889, Mr. Fairchild, in addressing a large audience in the hall of the Harlem Branch of the Young Men s Christian Association, spoke regarding great social problems in large cities, and in reference to these, and illustrating the question, said of New York, "The city is the heel of our American Achilles, the place where our popular government may be wound ed to its destruction." Mr. Fairchild is an able speaker and a logical reasouer, and has been fre quently called upon to address public audiences on occasions of moment. ENDICOTT, William Crowninshield, secre tary of war, was born in Salem, Mass., Nov. 19, 1826. He was the son of William Putnam and Mary (Crown inshield) Endicott. He is descended directly from Gov. John Endicott, who came to Salem in 1628, and on his mother s side is a grandson of the Hon. Jacob Crowninshield, who was a well-known mem ber of congress in the early part of this centuiy. Mr. Endicott was educated in Salem schools and in 1843 entered Harvard, from which he was graduated in 1847. Soon after graduating he studied law in the office of Nathaniel J. Lord, then the leading member of the Essex bar, and in the Harvard Law School at Cambridge. He was cal ed to the bar in 1850, and began the practice of law in Salem in 1851. He was a mem ber of the Salem common council in 1852, and in 1853 he entered into partnership with Jairus W. Perry (who is well known throughout the country as the author of "Perry on Trusts") under the firm name of Perry & Endicott. From 1857 to 1864 he was solicitor of the city of Salem. After nearly twenty years of an active and leading practice at the Essex bar, in 1873, though a democrat, Mr. Endicott was "appointed by a republican governor, William B. Washburn, an associate justice of the supreme judicial court of Massachusetts, which position he held until the autumn of 1882, when he resigned, and at this time spent a year or more in Europe. In 1884 he was the democratic candidate for governor of Massachusetts, but was defeated. In 1885 he became secretary of_ war of the United States in Cleveland s administration, and held office to the end of Mr. Cleveland s term. Mr. Endicott is president of the Peabody Academy of Science in Salem, which position he has held since 1868, and is a member of the corporation of Har vard, and one of the trustees of the Peabody Education Fund. He was married Dec. 13, 1859 to Ellen, daughter of the late George Peabody, of Sa lem, and has a son and daughter. OF AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. 17 WHITNEY, William Collins, secretary of the navy, was born at Conway, Mass., July 5, 1841, a descendant in the eighth generation from John Whitney, one of the leaders of the English Puritans who settled in Watertown, Mass., in 1635. His an cestors in the male line were, without exception, men of unusual strength of character and of prominence in the communities in which they lived, among them being Brig. -Gen. Josiah Whitney, of Harvard, Mass., active in the field during the revolution, and a mem ber of both the convention that prepared the consti tution for Massachusetts and that which adopted the constitution of the United States. His father was Brig. -Gen. James Scollay Whitney, who, in 1854, was appointed by President Pierce superintendent of the U. S. armory at Springfield, Mass., and in 1860 became collector of the port of Boston on nomina tion of President Buchanan. Upon his mother s side, his ancestry goes back to William Bradford, governor of Plymouth colony. Mr. Whitney was educated at Williston Seminary, East Hampton, Mass., at Yale College, where he was graduated in 1863, and at Harvard University Law School, which he left in 1804. Beginning practice in New York city, he was soon recognized as a fearless lawyer whose devotion to his clients was indefatigable. His first appearance in public affairs took place in 1871, when he was active in organizing the young men s democratic club of New York city. In 1872~he was made inspector of schools, and at the same time be came a leader of the county democracy division of the democratic party. In 1875 he was appointed corporation counsel for the city of New York, and his administration of the office was distinguished, it has been well said, "by reforms and economies witbin it and by notable legal triumphs for the city in the courts." Thirty -eight hundred suits were pending, involving between $40,000,000 and $50,- 000,000. He proceeded to reorganize the depart ment with four bureaus, and within two years had doubled the volume of business disposed of, while expenses were reduced. He resigned the office in 1882, to attend to personal interests, and March 5, 1885, was appointed secretary of the navy by Presi dent Cleveland. He prepared, in his tirst report to congress, a plan for the reorganization of that de partment of the government business, and it was afterward claimed that by the results which fol lowed its execution, "for the first time in the history of the navy it has been possible to prepare complete statement, by classes, of receipts and expenditures of supplies throughout the entire service, and of the total valuation of supplies on hand for issue at all shore stations." Also proceeding vigorously to the construction of the new navy, with which his name is hereafter to be closely identified, he aimed in this at restoring to the United States the prestige as a na val power which the country formerly enjoyed, and above all things at making it independent of the rest of the world for supplies in case of war. When he be came secretary he found that neither armor, nor the forgings for high-power guns, nor the rapid-fire guns constituting the secondary battery, could be pro duced on this side of the Atlantic. Resolutely de clining to place any contracts abroad, and stipulating for American production in every instance, there necessarily was a considerable delay in beginning the new ships; but in 1887, by embracing in one con tract all the armor and gun steel authorized by the two previous congresses, he induced the Bethlehem Iron Works to assume the expenditure for new plant of four or five million dollars, and had the satisfaction of securing all that the government needed from a home institution the largest and finest of the kind in the world and of better qual ity than had ever before been produced anywhere. American citizens and shipbuilders were invited to submit designs and models for the new vessels, con struction by private parties was especially stimulated on the Pacific coast, and as a supplement to all this the navy-yards at New York and Norfolk, Va., were also equipped for steel and iron shipbuilding of every type and size. When he retired from office in 1889, the vessels of the U. S. navy designed and con tracted for by him, then finished or in process of construction, consisted of five monitors, double-tur- reted, and two new armor-clads, besides the dyna mite cruiser Vesuvius, and five uuarmored steel and iron cruisers, i. e., the Newark, Charleston, Balti more, Philadelphia, and San Francisco. In addition there were three, then unnamed, armored cruisers and four gunboats, two of the latter having been launched in 1888. He also contracted for a torpedo- boat, and purchased the Stiletto, to be used in prac tice at the U. S. torpedo station. The vessels enu merated were exclusive of the steel and iron vessels of the old navy so-called. The following tribute was paid to him by Senator Preston B. Plumb of Kansas, a political opponent, in a speech in the senate on Feb. 12, 1889: "I am glad to say in the closing hours of Mr. Whitney s administration that the affairs of his department have been well administered. They have not only been w r ell admin istered in the sense that every thing has been honestly and faith fully done, but there has been a stimulus given, so far as it could be done by executive direction, to the production of the best types of ships and the highest form of manufacture, and, more than all that, to the encouragement of the inventive genius of our people and to the performance of all possible work, not in navy-yards, where they might be most surely made the instrument of political strength, but in private shipyards and manufactories, to the effect that we have got to-day enlisted in this good work of building the American navy not only the navy department backed by congress, but we have got the keen competition of American manufactories and the inventive genius of all our people, so that we may confidently expect not only the best results but great improvement each year. I am glad to say that dur ing the past four years the navy department has been administered in a practical, level-headed, judi cious way, and the result is such that I am prepared to believe and to say that within ten years we shall have the best navy in the world." Mr. Whitney was the leader of the Cleveland forces in the national democratic convention of 1892, and showed, by his skill in outgeneraling the older politicians, all the qualities of a born leader and organizer. His ability to command and hold the respect of men of every shade of opinion gave him the position of harmoni- zer, his judgment being deferred to when differences arose. Mr. Whitney was married in 1869 to Flora Payne, daughter of Henry B. Payne, senator from Ohio, and their house in Washington, one of the finest in the capital, was a social centre of great at traction. In 1888 Yale conferred upon him the honorary degree of LL.D. GARLAND, Augustus Hill, United States attorney-general, was born in Tipton county, Tenn., June 11, 1832. He received his education at St. Mary s College, Lebanon, Ky., and at St. Joseph s College, Bardstown , Ky. Mr. Garland studied law, was admitted to the bar in 1853, and prac ticed law in Washington, Ark., for three years, when he removed to Little Rock, Ark. He was admitted to practice as an attorney and counsel- 18 THE NATIONAL CYCLOPAEDIA or in the supreme court of the United States in 1860, and took the official oath of that day. He entered political life as a whig, and was an elector on the Bell and Everett ticket. His first public posi tion was that of delegate to the convention called by his state to consider her relations with the Fed eral Union after Mr. Lincoln s election. He was chosen as a Union delegate, but after the war began he favored secession and voted for the secession ordinance. He was elected a member of the Con federate provisional congress, which assembled at Montgom ery, Ala., in 1861, Arkansas be ing admitted as a state in May of that year; and he was also a member of the house of repre sentatives of the first congress of the Confederate states, and then a member of the senate, where he remained until the end of the war. After the war he showed his desire to use his powers in as sisting to restore the Federal re lations, and received a full par don from President Johnson in 1865, on condition that he would support the United States con stitution, and obey the laws abol ishing slavery. He undertook to renew his prac tice in the supreme court, but was not permitted to do so, according to act of congress passed on Jan. 24, 1865, requiring all attorneys and counselors to take the "Iron-clad" oath, prescribed by the act of July 2, 1862. Mr. Garland filed a brief in his own behalf, in a case he instituted to test the constitu tionality of that act, employing as his counsel Rev- erdy Johnson and M. H. Carpenter. He argued the case himself in a masterly manner, for which he re ceived high credit, and the decision was in his favor. He was elected to the United States senate in 1866, but was not permitted to take his seat. In 1874 he was for a time acting secretary of state for Arkansas when the carpet-bag rule was overthrown, and in the same year was "elected governor of that state. He found the treasury bankrupt, and the financial standing of the state in the lowest possible condition. It was with much hard work and a great deal of op position that he finally succeeded in settling all dif ferences, and placing matters on a firm financial basis. He was elected to the United States senate without opposition in 1876, succeeding Powell Clay ton, becoming a member of the judiciary commit tee, and was re-elected without opposition, serv ing until 1885, when President Cleveland appointed him attorney-general of the United States, which position he retained until the close of that adminis tration, when he returned to the practice of law. Senator Garland s steady perseverance and keen ex ecutive ability early ranked him with the best law yers of his state, and promised him a famous future, which his subsequent brilliant and successful career has amply fulfilled. In society he is genial though unassuming, and his conversation is agreeably inter spersed with a variety of anecdote and humor. He was a delegate to the Chicago convention of 1892, and supported the nomination of his former chief. VILAS, William Freeman, secretary of the in terior, postmaster-general, and senator, was born July 9, 1840, at Chelsea, Vt., the son of Levi B. and Esther G. (Smilie) Vilas. His grandfather, Moses Vilas, migrated, toward the end of the last cen tury, from Connecticut to the Sterling mountain in Vermont, near the top of which he subdued to hus bandry 800 acres of its forest-covered sides. Tradi tionary tales yet survive, in the locality, of his deeds and sayings illustrative of the hardy daring and un flinching steadfastness for which he was remarkable. Nathan Smilie, his maternal grandfather, was also a man beyond the ordinary type, acute in intellect, yet broad and wise in mind, a leader of his party in the state, and long useful in her legislative service. Though born and reared in a mountain farmhouse, Levi B. Vilas inherited too much spirit and ambition to brook the limitations of such a life, and, when but sixteen, set out on foot to the academy at Ran dolph, a distance of sixty miles, where by diligent study he laid the foundation of his success in man hood as a lawyer, a legislator nd a citizen. Hav ing won a comfortable independence he removed with his family to Madison, Wis., selecting this location with a view to the education of his children, and five of his sons subsequently took degrees at the State University in that city. The family arrived in Madison, June 4, 1851, after a journey from Mil waukee in a white covered wagon. In September of that year at the first session of the university, William was entered in the preparatory department. He took his degree in the regular classical course in 1858. He was reputed a good student, yet active also in the societies and sports of the college acd popular with his fellows. In 1859 he took a course of instruction in a commercial school, and in the meantime began the study of law. He then went to the Albany Law School, was grad uated in May, 1360, and admitted to the bar of New York. Returning home, he was admitted to the Wis consin bar by the supreme court, and, in June, while yet not twenty, argued before that tribunal his first case. July 9th he formed with Charles T. Wakeley the partnership of Wake- ley & Vilas, to which, at the begin ning of 1862, Eleazar Wakeley was received as senior member. His pro fessional beginnings were promising, but the call to the civil war became too urgent for denial. He had drilled with Col. Ellsworth, was then captain of the "Madison Zouaves," and in July, 1862, tendered his services to Gov. Salomon, who urged him to raise a company. He called and conducted a series of war meetings, still remembered for the patriotic fervor educed, and in a few days he formed company A of the 23d Wis consin regiment which was sent in September to Cov- ington, Ky., and thence to Memphis, to join Sher man in his expedition against Vicksburg. While at Memphis he was attacked with typhoid fever, and would doubtless have lost his life but for the kind ness of a cousin, resident in the city, the late Ira M. Hill, who took care of him, regardless of the conse quences should the city be retaken by the Confeder ates. So soon as convalescent, he went to his regi ment and sustained with his comrades the miseries of camp life at Young s Point and Milliken s Bend, and the toils and joys of the campaign of Vicksburg. He was promoted to be major and then lieutenant-col onel of the regiment, while at Milliken s Bend. He participated in the battles of Port Gibson, Champion Hill, Black River Bridge, the assaults at Vicksburg, and during nearly all of the siege was in immediate command of his regiment. The day following the surrender he marched with the army \mder Sher- mon in pursuit of Johnston and, after sharing the week s environment of Jackson, on its evacuation returned to Vicksburg. Thence, still in command of his regiment, he was sent to Carrollton near New Orleans, where, after some weeks idleness, in view of the unfavorable prospect for the further service of the regiment and pressed by the necessities of his father who was involved in a litigation, which, if OF AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY. 19 unfortunate in result, might have ruined him, Col. Vilas resigned and returned home. In 1865 he settled down to professional practice, and on Jan. 3, I860, was married to Anna M. Fox, daughter of Dr. Win. H. Fox, an early settler and one of the most influential men of Wisconsin. Thenceforward, his practice rapidly increased and his income secured him in a few years a moderate fortune. From 1872 to 1881 Edwin E. Bryant, now dean of the law fac ulty of the University of Wisconsin, was his law partner, and during the latter part of this period, his brother, Edward P. Vilas, now of Milwaukee, was also a member of the tirm. He was appointed by the state supreme court to edit a new edition of its law reports, in which work his partner was asso ciated, and the first twenty volumes of the "Wis consin Reports," except two annotated by Chief Jus tice Dixon, were republished with "Vilas and Bry ant s Notes." In 1875 the supreme court appointed him one of the revisers of the general statutes, who, after three years labor, reported the revision adopted in 1878 and still in force, which will compare favor ably with any similar work in the country. In 1868, on t he opening of the law school of the University of Wisconsin, Col. Vilas was appointed a professor of law and regularly lectured for seventeen years. He was also regent of the university from 1880 to 1885. Since 1860 Senator Vilas has taken part on the stump in every political campaign, as a democrat, has often represented his locality in state conventions and was a delegate from the state to the national conventions of 1876, 1880, and 1884; permanent chairman of the convention in 1884; chairman of the committee of notification, and made the official addresses to the nominees, Mr. Cleveland and Mr. Hendricks. He was the Wisconsin member of the national committee from 1876 to 1886. In 1884 he accepted a nomination to the legislature and was elected with little opposition. While in the legislat ure, President Cleveland invited him to his cabinet as postmaster-general, on which office he entered March 7, 1885, and, upon the advancement of Mr. Justice Lamar to the supreme court, appointed him secretary of the interior, in which capacity he served from Jan. 16, 1888, to March 6, 1889. In the post- office department, the distinguishing features of his service were the establishment of improved business methods in some of the divisions; economy of man agement by substantial diminishment of proportional cost with large increase of service, conspicuously marked in the acceptance by congress of his esti mates of the second year, amounting to $57,000,000, without alteration (an event so unusual that the committee of the house remarked upon it in their report), the complete revision of the postal laws and regulations, personally preparing the scheme and arrangement, and carefully supervising all the de tails; the increased expedition of overland mails, and the improvement of the foreign mail service, for which he received an elaborate written testimonial of thanks signed by the great importing and com mercial houses of New York; a new treaty with Mexico and a postal arrangement with Canada, by which letter and paper mail transmission throughout the North American continent was opened to our cit izens at the same rates as for domestic service, and the inauguration of parcel post conventions with foreign countries for the transmission of articles of merchandise not exceeding eleven pounds weight. He refused to expend the appropriation made at the close of the 48th congress for ocean mail subsidies, which drew hot controversy upon him, but the next house sustained him by more than a two-thirds ma jority. The business of the interior department was largely in arrears, and Secretary Vilas began the attempt to relieve those having affairs so involved by working off the accumulations, and, by intro ducing better modes of consideration in the law division, caused to be decided as many land appeals during his service as had been disposed of in the previous four years, besides gains in other offices, but the political result of 1888 prevented the execu tion of his purposes. On Mr. Cleveland s retire ment, he returned home and resumed his profes sional practice. During the state campaign of 1890 he spoke daily for several weeks at many different points. The result of the election enabled the dem ocrats to choose, after thirty-five years interruption, a United States senator, and so general was the favor toward Mr. Vilas that in the caucus of eighty- five votes he received every one on the first ballot, and was formally elected by the legislature, Jan. 28th, for the six years term beginning March 4, 1891. Senator Vilas has distinguished himself as an orator in various public addresses, especially in responding to a toast in honor of Gen. Grant, "Our first Com mander," at the banquet of the Society of the Army of the Tennessee, at Chicago, in 1879. In his do mestic life he has enjoyed unusual felicity in a wife of great amiability and excellence; they have three children. DICKINSON, Don Manuel, postmaster-gen eral, was born Jan. 17, 1846, at Port Ontario, Oswego Co., N. Y. His ancestors were among the early set tlers of Massachusetts, and his father and grandfa ther natives of the state. The first of the family who came to America was John Dickin son, a member of the Conti nental congress of 1774, presi dent of the executive council, and one of the founders of Dickinson College, Carlisle, Pa. , to whom Jonathan Dick inson, chief justice of the prov ince of Pennsylvania in 1719, was also related in the direct line. The father of Mr. Dick inson in 1820 explored the shores of lakes Erie, Huron and Michigan in a birch-bark canoe, and in 1848 removed to Michigan, settling in St. , -^^- Q f Clair county, where his son /TV . JL received his primary education ^ek^i^^/U^-t^ in the public schools. Having passed through those of Detroit also, he took a year s instruction with a private teacher, and enteriugthe law department of the University of Michigan, was grad uated before reaching his majority. The interval prior to his admission to the bar he spent in study ing the management of cases and the practical ap plication of the philosophy and logic of law. In 1867 he entered upon a successful and lucrative prac tice, being concerned in all of the leading cases under the bankruptcy act of that year. In October, 1887, he was also, in association with Senator Edmunds, coun sel for Drawbaugh in the great telephone case. From 1875 to 1880 he Was associated with.Levi T. Griffin, in the firm of Griffin & Dickinson, and from 1880 to 1883 in that of Griffin, Dickinson, Thurber & Hos- mer. In 1872 he entered political life, and in 1876, as chairman of the state democratic central com mittee, conducted the Tilden campaign, being brought into close relations with that statesman until his death. As member of the national demo cratic committee in 1884-85, he enjoyed the full con fidence and esteem of President Cleveland, who in 1888 called him to a seat in his cabinet, being the fourth representative of Michigan to be honored thus. On retiring from public office he resumed the prac tice of law, which he carries on at Detroit in the firm of Dickinson, Thurber & Stevenson. In 1869 he married Frances L. Platt. 20 NATIONAL PORTEAIT GALLERY. and many others of the most eminent men of Ameri ca. Young Lament s father was a well-to-do farmer, and the boy, after having studied in the Cortland Normal College, was sent to Union College, Scheuec- tady, N. Y., but did not graduate. He left college before the end of the course in order to enter the profession of journalism, for which he possessed both taste and predilection. He purchased an inter est in the " Democrat," a paper published at the county-seat of his native county, and became its edi tor, at the same time interest ing himself warmly in politics. In 1870 he was appointed en grossing clerk to the New York state assembly, and was chief clerk in the secretary of state s department with John Bigelow. For a time the young man held a position on the staff of the Albany "Argus," and he thus became known to many of the most influential politicians of the state. When Grover Cleveland was elected governor of New York, he met young Lamont; and, hav ing had occasion to make use of his knowledge and ability in the preparation of his first message, offered him an hon orary position on his military staff, which gave him the title of colonel, by which he has ever since been known. Gov. Cleveland next appointed Lamont his private secretary, in which position the latter made himself so useful and valuable, that when Mr. Cleveland became president he took Lamont with him to the White House. As private secretary to the president, Mr. Lamont gained the reputation of smoothing the paths of those who visited the executive mansion, while lightening the burden of Mr. Cleveland as probably no other man could possibly have done. It followed that he became universally popular, while winning the highest encomiums for his judgment, acuteness, serenity, and loyalty. At the close of the Cleveland administration Mr. Lamont formed im portant business relations with a syndicate of capi talists, and has continued ever since to be engaged in the management of valuable interests. Mr. La mont married a Miss Kinney of his native town, and has two daughters. It was Mr. Lamont, who, when private sec retary to Gov. Cleveland, orig inated the phrase, " Public office a public trust." He used this as a headline in compiling a pamphlet of Mr. Cleveland s speeches and addresses. The expression used by Mr. Cleve land was, "Public officials are the trustees of the people." and it was employed in his letter ac cepting the nomination for the office of mayor of Buffalo. STEVENSON, Adlai Ew- ing, assistant postmaster-gen eral, was born in Christian coun ty, Ky., Oct. 23, 1835, and re ceived his preliminary educa tion in the common schools of his native county. Later he entered Center College at Dan ville, and when he was sixteen years old removed with his fa ther s family to Bloomington, 111., where he studied law and was admitted to the bar. In 1859 he settled at Metamora, Woodford Co., 111., and engaged in the practice of his profession. Here he remained for ten years, during which time he was master in chancery of the circuit court for four years, and district-attorney for a like period. The conspicuous ability with which he discharged the duties of these responsible offices attracted the fav orable attention of the people of the state, and in 1864 he was nominated by the democratic party for presidential elector. In the interest of Gen. McClel- lan, the nominee of his party for the presidency, he canvassed the entire state, speaking in every county. At the expiration of his term of office as district attorney in 1869, he returned to Blooming- ton and formed a law partnership with J. S. Ewiug, which still ex ists. The firm has an extensive practice in the state and federal courts and is considered one of the leading law firms in the central portion of the state. Mr. Steven son was nominated for congress by the democrats of Bloomington district in 1874. The district had been safely republican by an al most invariable majority of 3,000. His opponent was Gen. McNulta, one of the leading republican ora tors of the state. The canvass was a remarkable one, the excitement at times resulting in intense personal antagonisms between the friends of the candidates. Mr. Stevenson was successful. His majority in the district exceeded 1,200. He was in congress during the exciting scenes incident to the Tilden-Hayes contest in 1876. His party renominat- ed him for congress a second time. In this contest he was defeated, but in 1878, having been nominated for the third time, he was again elected, increasing his majority in the district to 2,000. At the expira tion of his second congressional term he resumed the practice of law in Bloomington. He was a delegate to the democratic national convention of 1884 in Chicago, and after the election of Cleveland as presi dent of the United States was appointed first assist ant postmaster-general, the duties of which are very exacting. During his incumbency of this office he removed over 40,000 fourth-class postmasters, chief ly because they were republicans, replacing them w T ith members of his own party. His democratic habits and man- ners, his affability and invari able courtesy created a host of friends for him. Mr. Stevenson married a daughter of the late Rev. Dr. Lewis W. Green, pres ident of Center College in Dan ville, Ky., December, 1866. He has four children, one son and three daughters, all of whom are living. After retiring from the office of the first assistant post master-general at the expiration of Mr. Cleveland s term, Mr. Stevenson returned to Bloom ington, where he still lives. Mr. Hayes, in 1877, appointed Mr. Stevenson a member of the board to inspect the Military Academy at West Point. Mr. Stevenson was chosen as one of the dele- gates-at-large to the national democratic convention in Chi cago in 1892, and was serving in that capacity when nominated for the vice-presidency. NATIONAL I OKTRAIT GALLERY. 21 G<1> <&< LAMAR, Lucixis (Juintius Cincinnatus, secretary of the interior and associate justice of the U. S. supreme court, was bom in Putnam county, Ga., Sept. 17, 1825, of Huguenot ancestry. His fa ther, who bore the same name, was a lawyer and jurist of eminence, an eloquent speaker, and a man of fine personal qualities. He re vised Clayton s "Georgia Jus tice" in 1819, compiled "The Laws of Georgia from 1810 to 1819," and was elected judge of the superior court of Georgia in 1830: he died in 1834, at the early age of thirty-seven. Mirabeau Buonaparte Lamar, his uncle, a native of Georgia, was a major- general in the war for Texan in dependence, attorney - general, secretary of war, and from 1838 to 1841 president of the repub lic of Texas. He joined Gen. Taylor s army in the Mexican war in 1846, and was afterward minister resident to Nicaragua and Costa Rica. After his father s death, the subject of this sketch was taken to Oxford, Miss., where lie obtained his early educa tion. He then entered Emory College, Ga., and was graduated in 1845. He studied law in Macon, was admitted to the bar in 1847, returned to Oxford in 1849, and held the position of adjunct professor of mathematics in the University of Mississippi for two years. He then resigned the position to engage in the practice of law at Covington, Ga. He was a member of the legislature in 1853, but the following year returned to Mississippi, settling on his planta tion at Lafayette. In 1857 he was chosen a member of congress by the democratic party, serving in that body until 1860, when he withdrew to take part in the secession convention of Mississippi. He entered the Confederate army as lieutenant-colonel of a Mis sissippi regiment, of which he soon became colonel, and participated in some of the leading engagements with the army of northern Virginia. Being com pelled to leave the military service oil account of his health he was sent as a commissioner to Russia. He arrived there in 1863, but circumstances render ed a successful mission impossible. He returned to Mississippi, and in 1866 was chosen to the chair of political economy and social science in the University of Mississippi. The next year he was transferred to the chair of law. After a short but successful expe rience he returned to the prac tice of his profession. In 1872 he was again elected a repre sentative in congress, which he had left thirteen years be fore, and his disability, on ac count of having borne arms against the Union, was remov ed after his election. For the first time since the opening of the civil war the national house of representatives had a demo cratic majority. Mr. Lamar was chosen to preside over a democratic caucus, and on that occasion delivered an able and noteworthy address, outlining the policy of his party. His unquestioned ability soon gained him a national reputation as a statesman. In March, 1874, he pronounced in the house a fervid and discriminat ing eulogy on the life and character of Charles Sum- ner, which not only pleased the radical anti-slavery sentiment in New England, but was such a master piece of oratory as not to displease the radical ele ment of the South. In what is called a "set speech," Justice Lamar probably has few superiors, always expressing himself with dignity and facility. He was elected to the U. S. senate, and took his seat March 5, 1877. He became devotedly interested in public im provements, especially those of the Mississippi river and the Texas Pacifie*Railroad. Hespoke rarely, but eloquently and forcibly, on the leading questions of legislation, exercising at all times independence of thought and action. In the forty-fifth congress he cast a vote on the currency question against the instruction of the legislature of his state, then boldly appealed to the people, and was triumphantly sustained. In both branches of congress he insisted that, as integral members of the federal Union, the states in the South have equal rights with other states, and hence they are bound by duty and interest " to look to the general welfare, and support the honor and credit of a common country." On March 5, 1885, Senator Lamar became secretary of the interior in the cab inet of President Cleveland. In this position he delivered a number of important opinions affecting public lands. He retired from the cabinet Jan. 16, 1888, when he was commissioned associate justice of the supreme court of the United States. Justice La- mar possesses the judicial faculty in a very high de gree. He takes broad and comprehensive views of legal and constitutional questions, and his opinions and conclusions are stated with clearness and force. He is a scholar by taste and culture, a fine rhetori cian, and a careful student of the principles of law, and has a well-defined conception of the nature of the general government. In thought and action Justice Lamar is independent, and has the courage of his convictions. While boldly asserting whatever he believes to be right, he still retains the respect and even the friendship of opponents. The Hon. S. S. Cox, author of " Three Decades of Federal Legis lation, " says of him : "His rare oratorical and dialect ical skill has made him of perpetual utility to the state which he represented so well in the senate." Justice Lamar s residence is still at Oxford, Miss., to which place he removed in 1849. Mis. Lamar is fond of Oxford, and spends much of her time there while her husband is in Washington. When Mr. Lamar goes home he devotes a large part of the day to read ing. He is a rapid reader of books and periodicals. LAMONT, Daniel Scott, journalist and secre tary, was born at McGrawville, Cortland Co., N. Y., Feb. 9, 1851. He came of Scotch-Irish ancestry, who emigrated to this country and devoted them, selves to farming. From such lineage sprung An drew Jackson, John C. Calhoun, Horace Greeley- THE TAPJFF MESSAGE OF PRESIDENT CLEVELAND, SE^TT TO CONGRESS DECEMBER G, 1887, OMITTING, AS OBSOLETE, PORTIONS RELATING TO THE TREAS URY SURPLUS, WHICH HAS SINCE BEEN SPENT UNDER REPUBLICAN ADMINISTRATION. OUR present tariff laws, the vicious, inequitable, and illegal source of unnecessary taxation, ought to be at once revised and amended. These laws, as their primary and plain effect, raise the price to consumers of all articles imported and subject to duty, by precisely the sum paid for such duties. Thus the amount of the duty measures the tax paid by those who purchase for use these important arti cles. Many of these things, however, are raised or manufactured in our own country, and the duties now levied upon foreign goods and products are called protection to these home manufactures, be cause they render it possible for those of our people who are manufacturers, to make these taxed articles and sell them for a price equal to that demanded for the imported goods that have paid customs duty. So it happens that while comparatively a few use the imported articles, millions of our people, who never use and never saw any of the foreign products, purchase and use things of the same kind made in this country, and pay therefor nearly or quite the same enhanced price which the duty adds to the imported articles. Those who buy imports pay the duty charged thereon into the public treasury, but the majority of our citizens, who buy domestic articles of the same class, pay a sum at least approximately equal to this duty to the home manu facturer. This reference to the operation of our tariff laws is not made by way of instruction, but in order that we may be constant ly reminded of the manner in which they impose a burden upon those who consume domestic pro ducts as well as those who con sume imported articles, and thus create a tax upon all our people. It is not proposed to entirely relieve the country of this taxation. It must be extensively continued as the source of the government s income; and in a re adjustment of our tariff the interests of American labor engaged in manufacture should be carefully considered, as well as the preservation of our manu facturers. It may be called protection, or by any other name, but relief from the hardships and dan gers of our present tariff laws should be devised with especial precaution against imperiling the existence of our manufacturing interests. But this existence should not mean a condition which, without regard to the public welfare or a national exigency, must always insure the realization of immense profits in stead of moderately profitable returns. As the vol ume and diversity of our national activities increase, new recruits are added to those who desire a contin uation of the advantages which they conceive the present system of tariff taxation directly affords them. So stubbornly have all efforts to reform the present condition been resisted by those of our fel low-citizens thus engaged, that they can hardly complain of the suspicion, entertained to a certain extent, that there exists an organized combination all along the line to maintain their advantage. We are in the midst of centennial celebrations, and with becoming pride we rejoice in American skill and ingenuity, in American energy and enter prise, and in the wonderful nat ural advantages and resources developed by a century s nation al growth. Yet when an attempt is made to justify a scheme which permits a tax to be laid upon every consumer in the land for the benefit of our manufactur ers, quite beyond a reasonable demand for governmental re gard, it suits the purposes of advocacy to call our manufac tures infant industries, still need ing the highest and greatest de gree of favor and fostering care that can be wrung from Federal legislation. It is also said that the increase in the price of domestic manu factures resulting from the pres ent tariff is necessary in order that higher wages may be paid to our workingmen employed in manufactories, than are paid for what is called the pauper labor of Europe. All will acknowledge the force of an ar gument which involves the welfare and liberal com pensation of our laboring people. Our labor is hon orable in the eyes of every American citizen; and as it lies at the foundation of our development and progress it is entitled, without affectation or hypoc risy, to the utmost regard. The standard of our laborers life should not be measured by that of any other country less favored, and they are entitled to their full share of all our advantages. By the last census it is made to appear that of the 17,392,099 of our population engaged in all kinds of industries, 7,670,493 are employed in agriculture, 4,074,238 in professional and personal service (2,934, 876 of whom are domestic servants and laborers), while 1,810,256 are employed in trade and transpor tation, and 3,837,112 are classed as employed in manufacturing and mining. For present purposes, however, the last number given should be considerably reduced. Without attempting to enumerate all, it will be conceded that there should be deducted, from those which it includes, 375,143 carpenters and joiners, 285,401 mil liners, dressmakers and seamstresses, 172,726 black smiths, 133,756 tailors and tailoresses, 102,473 ma sons, 76,241 butchers, 41,309 bakers, 22,083 plaster ers and 4,891 engaged in manufacturing agricultural NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY. implements, amounting in the aggregate to 1,214,- 023, leaving 2,623,089 persons employed in such manufacturing industries as are claimed to be bene fited by a high tarilT. To these the appeal is made to save their employ ment and maintain their wages by resisting a change. There should be no disposition to answer such sug gestions by the allegation that they are in a minority among those who labor, and therefore should forego an advantage, in the interest of low prices for the majority; their compensa tion, as it may be affected by the operation of tariff laws, should at all times be scrup ulously kept in view; and yet with slight reflection they will not overlook the fact that they are consumers with the rest; that they, too, have their own wants and those of their fam ilies to supply from their earn ings, and that the price of the necessaries of life, as well as the amount of their wages, will regulate the measure of their welfare and com fort. But the reduction of taxation demanded should be so measured as not to necessitate or justify either the loss of employment by the workingmaii or the lessening of his wages; and the profits still remain ing to the manufacturer, after a necessary readjust ment, should furnish no excuse for the sacrifice of the interests of his employees either in their oppor tunity to work or in the diminution of their compen sation. Nor can the worker in manufactures fail to under stand that while a high tariff is claimed to be necessary to allow the payment of remun erative wages, it certainly re sults in a very large increase in the price of nearly all sorts of manufactures, which, in al most countless forms, he needs for the use of himself and his family. He receives at the desk of his employer his wages, and perhaps before he reaches his home is obliged, in a pur chase for family use of an arti cle which embraces his own labor, to return in the payment of the increase in price which the tariff permits, the hard- earned compensation of many days of toil. The farmer and the agriculturist, who manufacture nothing, but who pay the increased price which the tariff imposes upon every agricultural implement, upon all he wears and upon all he uses and owns, except the increase of his flocks and herds and such things as his husbandry produces from the soil, is invited to aid in maintaining the present situation; and he is told that a high duty on imported wool is necessary for the benefit of those who have sheep to shear, in order that the price of their wool may be increased. They of course are not reminded that the farmer w y ho has no sheep is by this scheme obliged, in his purchases of clothing and woolen goods, to pay a tribute tp his fellow-farmer as well as to the manufacturer and merchant; nor is any mention made of the fact that the sheep-owners themselves and their households must wear clothing and use other articles manufactured from the wool they sell at tariff prices, and thus as consumers must return their share of this increased price to the tradesman. I think it may be fairly assumed that a large pro portion of the sheep owned by the farmers through out the country are found in small flocks numbering from twenty-five to fifty. The duty on the grade of imported wool which these sheep yield is ten cents each pound if of the value of thirty cents or less, and twelve cents if of the value of more than thirty cents. If the liberal estimate of six pounds be al lowed for each fleece, the duty thereon would be sixty or seventy-two cents, and this must be taken as the utmost enhancement of its price to the farmer by reason of this duty. Eighteen dollars would thus represent the increased price of the wool from twenty-five sheep, and thirty-six dollars that from the wool of fifty sheep; and at present values this addition would amount to about one-third of its price. If upon its sale the farmer receives this or a less tariff profit, the wool leaves his hands charg ed with precisely that sum which, in all its changes, will adhere to it until it reaches the consumer. When manufactured into cloth and other goods and material for use, its cost is not only increased to the extent of tiie farmer s tar iff profit, but a further sum has been added for the benefit of the manufacturer under the opera tion of other tariff laws. In the meantime the day arrives when the farmer finds it necessary to purchase woolen goods and ma terial to clothe himself and fam ily for the winter. When he faces the tradesman for that purpose he discovers that he is obliged not only to return, in the way of increased prices, his tariff profit on the w r ool he sold, and which then perhaps lies before him in manufac tured form, but that he must add a considerable sum thereto to meet a further increase in cost caused by a tariff duty on the manufacture. Thus in the end he is aroused to the fact that he has paid upon a moderate purchase, as a result of the tariff scheme, which when he sold his wool seemed so profitable, an increase in price more than sufficient to sweep away all the tariff profit he re ceived upon the wool he pro duced and sold. When the number of farmers engaged in wool-raising is com pared with all the farmers in the country, and the small propor tion they bear to our population is considered; when it is made apparent that, in the case of a large part of those who own sheep, the benefit of the present tariff on wool is illusory; and, above all, when it must be con ceded that the increase of the cost of living caused by such tar iff becomes a burden upon those with moderate means, and the poor, the employed and unem ployed, the sick and well, and the young and old, and that it constitutes a tax which, with relentless grasp, is fastened upon the clothing of every man, woman and child in the land, reasons are suggested why the removal or reduction of this duty should be included in a revision of our tariff laws. In speaking of the increased cost to the consumer 24 NATIONAL POKTKAIT GALLERY. of our home manufactures, resulting from a duty laid upon imported articles of the same description, the fact is not overlooked that competition among our domestic producers sometimes has the effect of keeping the price of their products below the high est limit allowed by such duty. But it is notorious that this competition is too often strangled by combinations quite prevalent at this time, and fre quently called trusts, which have for their object the regulation of the supply and price of commodi ties made and sold by members of the combination. The people can hardly hope for any consider ation in the operation of these sel- h sh schemes. If, however, in the absence of such combination, a healthy and free competition reduces the price of any particular dutiable article of home production below the limit which it might otherwise reach under our tariff laws, and jf ( w ith such reduced price, its manufacture continues to thrive, it is entirely evident that one thing has been dis covered which should be carefully scrutinized in an effort to reduce taxation. The necessity of combination to maintain the price of any commodity to the tariff point, furnishes proof that some one is willing to accept lower prices for such commodity, and that such prices are remunera tive; and lower prices produced by competition prove the same thing. Thus where either of these condi tions exists, a case would seem to be presented for an easy reduction of taxation. The considerations which have been presented touching our tariff laws are in tended only to enforce an earnest recommendation that the surplus revenues of the government be prevented by the reduction of our customs duties, and at the same time to emphasize a suggestion that, in accomplishing this pur pose, we may discharge a double duty to our people by granting to them a measure of relief from tariff taxation in quarters where it is most needed and from sources where it can be most fairly and justly accorded. Nor can the presentation made of such considerations be, with any degree of fairness, regarded as evidence of unfriendliness tow ard our manufacturing interests, or of any lack of appreciation of their value and importance. These interests constitute a leading and most sub stantial element of our national greatness, and fur nish the proud proof of our country s progress. But if in the emergency that presses upon us our manu facturers are asked to surrender something for the public good and to avert disaster, their patriotism, as well as a grateful recognition of advantages al ready afforded, should lead them to willing co operation. No demand is made that they shall forego all the benefits of governmental regard; but they cannot fail to be admonished of their duty, as well as their enlightened self-interest and safety, when they are reminded of the fact that financial panic and collapse, to which the present condition tends, afford no greater shelter or protection to our manu factures than to our other important enterprises. Opportunity for safe, careful and deliberate reform is now offered; and none of us should be unmindful of a time when an abused and irritated people, heedless of those who have resisted timely and reasonable re lief, may insist upon a radical and sweeping rectifi cation of their wrongs. The difficulty attending a wise and fair revision of our tariff laws is not underestimated. It will require on the part of the congress great labor and care, and especially a broad and national contemplation of the subject, and a patriotic disregard of such local and selfish claims as are unreasonable and reckless of the welfare of the entire country. Under our present laws more than four thousand articles are subiect to duty. Many of these do not in any way compete with our own manufactures, and many are hardly worth attention as subjects of revenue. A considerable reduction can be made in the aggregate, by adding them to the free list. The taxation of luxuries presents no features of hardship; but the ne cessaries of life used and con sumed by all the people, the duty upon which adds to the cost of living in every home, should be greatly cheapened. The radical reduction of the duties imposed upon raw mater ial used in manufactures, or its free importation, is of course an important factor in any effort to reduce the price of these neces saries; it would not only relieve them from the increased cost caused by the tariff on such ma terial, but the manufactured pro duct being thus cheapened, that part of the tariff now laid upon such product, as a compensation to our manufacturers for the pres ent price of raw material, could be accordingly modified. Such reduction, or free importation, would serve, besides, to largely reduce the rev enue. It is not apparent how such a change can have any injurious effect upon our manufactur ers. On the contrary, it would appear to give them a better chance in foreign markets with the manu facturers of other countries, who cheapen their wares by free material. Thus our people might have an opportunity of extending their sales beyond the limits of home consumption saving them from the depression, interruption in business, and loss caused by a glutted domestic market, and affording their employees more certain and steady labor, with its resulting quiet and contentment. The question thus impera tively presented for solution should be approached in a spirit higher than partisanship and considered in tlie light of that regard for patriotic duty which should characterize the action of those intrusted with the weal of a confiding people. But the obligation to declared party pol icy and principle is not wanting to urge prompt and effective action. Both of the great po litical parties now represented in the government have, by re peated and authoritative declarations, condemned the condition of our laws which permits the collection from the people of unnecessary revenue, and have, in the most solemn manner, promised its correction; and neither as citizens nor partisans are our countrymen in a mood to condone the violation of these pledges. NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY. Our progress toward a wise conclusion will not be improved by dwelling upon the theories of protec tion and free trade. This favors too much of bandy ing epithets. It is a condition which confronts us not a theory. Relief from this condition may in volve a slight reduction of the advantages which we award our home productions, but the entire withdrawal of such advantages should not be contemplated. The question of free trade is absolutely irrele vant; and the persistent claim made in certain quarters, that all efforts to relieve the people from unjust and unnecessary taxation are schemes of so-called free-traders, is mischievous and far removed from any consider ation for the public good. The simple and plain duty which we owe the people is to reduce taxation to the necessary expenses of an economical oper ation of the government, and to restore to the business of the country the money which we hold in the treasury through the perversion of gov ernmental powers. These things can and should be done with safety to all our industries, without dan ger to the opportunity for remunerative labor which our workingmeu need, and with benefit to them and all our people, by cheapening their means of subsis tence and increasing the measure of their comforts. MB. CLEVELAND S ACCEPTANCE. "MR. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN: The message you deliver from the national democracy arouses within me emotions which would be well-nigh overwhelm ing if I did not recognize here assembled the representatives of a great party who must share with me the responsibility your mission invites. I find much relief in the reflection that I have been selected merely to stand for the principles and purposes to which my party is pledged, and for the enforce ment and supremacy of which all who have any right to claim democratic fellowship must con stantly and persistently labor. "Our party responsibility is indeed great. We assume a momentous obligation to our countrymen when, in return for their trust and confidence, we promise them a rectification of their wrongs and a better realization of the advantages which are due to them under our free and beneficent institutions. The Party Strong for Battle." But, if our responsibility is great, our party is strong. It is strong in its sympathy with the needs of the people, in its insistence upon the exercise of governmental powers strictly within the constitutional permission the people have granted, and in its willingness to risk its life and hope upon the people s intelligence and patriotism. " Never has a great party, intent upon the promo- motion of right and justice, had better incentive for effort than is now presented to us. " Turning our eyes to the plain people of the land, we see them burdened as consumers with a tariff system that unjustly and relentlessly demands from them in the purchase of the necessaries and comforts of life an amount scarcely met by the wages of hard and steady toil, while the exactions thus wrung from them build up and increase the fortunes of those for whose benefit this injustice is perpetuated. Robbed by the Stealthy Hand of High Pro tection. "We see the farmer listening to a de lusive story that fills his mind with visions of ad vantages while his pocket is robbed by the stealthy hand of high protection. " Our workingmen are still told the tale, oft re peated in spite of its demonstrated falsity, that the existing protective tariff is a boon to them, and that under its beneficent operation their wages must in crease, while as they listen, scenes are enacted in the very abiding-place of high protection that mock the hopes of toil and attest the tender mercy the work- ingman receives from those made selfish and sordid by unjust governmental favoritism. "We oppose earnestly and stubbornly the theory upon which our opponents seek to justify and uphold existing tar iff laws. We need not base our attack upon questions of consti tutional permission or legisla tive power. We denounce this theory upon the highest possi ble grounds when we contend that in present conditions iis operation is unjust, and that laws enacted in accordance with it are inequitable and unfair. The Party not Destruc tive. " Ours is not a destruc tive party. We are not at en mity with the rights of any of our citizens. All are our countrymen. AVe are not reck lessly heedless of any Ameri can interests, nor will we abandon our regard for them; but invoking the love of fairness and justice, which belongs to true Americanism, and upon which our Constitution rests, we insist that no plan of tariff legislation shall be tolerated which has for its object and purpose a forced contribution from the earnings and income of the mass of our citizens to swell di rectly the accumulations of a favored few; nor will we permit a pretended solicitude for American labor, or any other specious pretext of benevolent care for others, to blind the eyes of the people to the selfish schemes of those who seek, through the aid of un equal tariff laws, to gain un earned and unreasonable advan tages at the expense of their fel lows. Denouncing the Force Bill. "We have also assum ed, in our covenant with those whose support we invite, the duty of opposing to the death another avowed scheme of our adversaries, which under the guise of protecting the suffrage covers, but does not conceal a design thereby to perpetuate the power of a party afraid to trust its continuance to the un- trammeled and intelligent votes of the American people. We are pledged to resist the legisla tion intended to complete this scheme because we have not forgotten the saturnalia of theft and brutal control which followed another Federal regulation of state suffrage; because we know that the managers of a party which did not scruple to rob the people of a president would not hesitate to use the machinery NATIONAL PORTKAIT GALLERY. created by such legislation to revive corrupt instru- mentalitie s for partisan purposes; because an at tempt to enforce such legislation would rekindle ani mosities where peace and hopefulness now prevail; because such an attempt would replace prosperous activity with discouragement and dread throughout a large section of our country, and would menace, everywhere in the land, the rights reserved to the states and to the people, which underlie the safe guards of American liberty. The Contest is for Princi ples. "I shall not attempt to specify at this time other objects and aims of democratic endeavor which add inspiration to our mis sion. True to its history and its creed, our party will respond to the wants of the people within safe lines and guided by enlight ened statesmanship. To the troubled and impatient within our membership we commend continued, unswerving alleg- .. //// iance to the party whose princi- /// //J<p/J pies, in all times past, have been found sufficient for them, and whose aggregate wisdom and patriotism, their experience teaches, can always be trusted. "In a tone of partisanship which befits the occa sion, let me say to you as equal partners in the cam paign upon which we to-day enter, that the personal fortunes of those to whom you have entrusted your banners are only important as they are related to the fate of the principles they represent and to the party which they lead. " I cannot, therefore, forbear reminding you and all those attached to the democratic party or sup porting the principles which we profess, that defeat in the pending campaign, followed by the consum mation of the legislative schemes our opponents contemplate, and accompanied by such other inci dents of their success as might more firmly fix their power, would present a most dis couraging outlook for future democratic supremacy and for the accomplishment of the ob jects we have at heart. Let Partisanship be Patri otic. "Moreover, every sincere democrat must believe that the interests of his country are deep ly involved in the victory of our party in the struggle that awaits us. Thus patriotic solicitude ex alts the hope of partisanship, and should intensify our determina tion to win success. "This success can only be achieved by systematic and intel ligent effort on the part of all en- listed in our cause. Let us tell the people plainly and honestly what we believe and how we pro pose to serve the interests of the entire country, and then let us, after the manner of true democracy, rely upon the thoughtfulness and patriotism of our fellow- countrymen. It only remains for me to say to you, in advance of a more formal response to your message, that I obey the command of my party and confident ly anticipate that an intelligent and earnest presen tation of our cause will insure a popular indorse ment of the action Of the body you represent." SPEECH OF HON. WM. L. WILSON, OF WEST VIRGINIA, AT THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION, AT CHICAGO, ILL., JUNE 22, 1892. GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION: I thank you most heartily for this honor. I shall try to meet the duties of the high position to which you call me with the spirit of fairness and equality that is dem ocratic. This convention has a high and patriotic work to perform. We owe much to our party; we owe much to our country. The mission of the dem ocratic party is to fight for the under dog. When that party is out of power we may be sure there is an under dog to fight for, and that the under dog is generally the American people. When that party is out of power we may be sure that some party is in control of our government that represents a sec tion and not the whole country, that stands for a class and not the whole people. Never was this truth brought home to us more de fiantly than by the recent convention at Minneapolis. We are not deceived as to the temper; we are not in doubt as to the purpose of our opponents. Having taxed us for years without excuse and without mer cy, they now propose to disarm us of further power to resist their exactions. Republican success in this campaign, when we look to the party platform, the party candidates, or the utterances of the party leaders, means that the people are to be stripped of their franchises through force bills, in order that they may be stripped of their substance through tariff bills. Free government is self-government. There is no self-government where the people do not control their own elections and levy their own taxes. When either of these rights is taken away or diminished a breach is made, not in the outer defences, but in the citadel of our freedom. For years we have been struggling to recover the lost right of taxing our selves, and now we are threatened with the loss of the greater right of governing ourselves. The loss of the one follows iii^ necessary succession the loss of the other. When you confer on government the power of dealing out the wealth you unchain every evil that it can prey upon, and eventually destroy free institutions excessive taxation, class taxation, billion-dollar congresses, a corrupt civil service, a debauched ballot box, and purchased elections. In every campaign the privilege of taxing the peo ple will be bartered for contributions to corrupt them at the polls. After victory there will be a new McKinley bill to repay these contributions with XATIOXAL PORTRAIT GALLERY. taxes which were wrung from the people. For every self- governing people there can be no more momentous question than the question of taxation. It is the question, and as Mr. Burke truly said, the question around which all the great battles of free dom have been fought. It is the question out of which grow all the issues of gov ernment. Until we settle this ques tion wisely, permanently and just ly, we build all other reforms on a foundation of sand. We and the great party we represent are to-day for tariff reform because it is the only gateway to genuine democrat ic government. The distinguished leader who presided over the republican con vention boasted that he does not know what tariff reform is. Who ever said that, let us hope, with that chanty which endureth all things and believeth all things, f that he is truly as ignorant as he M Cy (fU//~ vaunts himself to be. Unfortun ately the people are not so igno rant of the meaning of protection, / I at least of the protection which is dealt out to them in the bill that bears his name. They see that meaning "writ large" to-day in a prostrated agri culture, in a shackled commerce, in stricken indus tries, in the compulsory idleness of labor, in law- made wealth, in the discontent of the workingmen, and the despair of the farmer. They know by hard experience that protection, as a system of taxation, is but the old crafty scheme by which the rich com pel the poor to pay the expenses of government. They know by hard experience that protection, as a system of tribute, is but the old crafty scheme by which the power of taxation of the people is made the private property of a few of the people. Tariff reform means to readjust this system of taxation and to purge away this system of trib ute. It means that we have not reached the goal of perfect free dom so long as any citizen is forced by law to pay tribute to any other citizen, and until our taxes are proportioned to the abil ity and duty of the taxpayer rath er than to his ignorance, his weak ness, and his patience. Gov. Mc- Kinley charges that the democrat ic party believes in taxing our selves. I m afraid, gentlemen, we must admit this charge. What right or excuse have we for taxing anybody else with a continent or a country, with freedom and intelli gence of the instruments for its development ? We stand disgraced in the eyes of mankind if we cannot and if we do not support our own government. We can throw that support on other people only by beg gary or by force. If we use the one we are a pau per nation ; if we use the other we are a pirate nation. The democratic party does not intend that we should be either. Xo more does it intend that we shall falsely call it taxing other people to transfer our taxes from the possession of those who own the property of the country to the bellies and backs of those who do the work of the country. It believes that frugality is the essential virtue of free gov ernment. It believes that the taxes should be limit ed to public needs and be levied by the plain rule of justice and economy. But, gentlemen, we are confronted with a new cry in this campaign. The republican party, says Mr. McKinley, now stands for protection and reciproc ity. He was for protection alone when he framed his bill in the house, or rather permitted his benefi ciaries to frame it for him, and tirmly resisted all ef forts of the statesman from Maine to annex reciproc ity to it. Xo wonder that he favors the reciprocity added by the senate. You may explore the pages of burlesque literature for anything more supremely ludicrous than the so-called reciprocity of the Mc Kinley bill. It is not reciprocity at all. It is a retaliation, and, worst of all, retaliation on our people. It punishes American citizens for the necessities or the follies of other peoples. It says to a few small countries south of us: "If you are forced by your necessities or led by your follies to make bread higher and scarcer to your people, we will make shoes and sugar higher and scarcer to our people." And now we are told that reciprocity is to be their battle-cry. Already we are regaled with pictures of Benjamin Harrison clad in armor and going forth to bat tle for reciprocity on a plumed steed. Simple Simon fishing for whales in his mother s rain barrel, and in great triumph capturing an occasional wiggle-waggle, is the only true, real istic picture of the reciprocity of the McKinley bill. We are for the protection that pro tects, and for the reciprocity that re ciprocates. We are in favor of pro tecting every man in the enjoymen, of the fruit of his labor, diminished only by his proper contribution to the support of the government, and we are for that real reciprocity, not through dickering diplomacy and presidential proclamations, but by laws of congress, that removes all unnecessary ob stacles between the American producer and the mar kets he is obliged to seek for his products. But, gentlemen, I must not keep you from the work that is before you. Let us take up the work as brothers, as patriots, as democrats. In so large a convention as this larger in numbers than any previous gathering of our party, and representing a larger constituency than ever before assembled in any convention it would be strange ominously strange if there were not some differences of opin ion on matters of policy, and some differences of judgment or of prof- erence as to the choice of candidates. It is the sign of a free democracy that it is many-voiced and, within the limits of true freedom, tumultu ous. It wears no collars; it serves no masters. We cannot shut our eyes to the fact that many who have heretofore followed our flag with enthusiasm are to-day calling, with excusable impatience, for immediate relief from the evils that encompass them. Whatever can be done to re lieve the burdens, to restore, broad en, and increase the prosperity of the people and every part of them, within the limits and according to the principles of free government, the democratic party dares to promise that it will do with all its might. Whatever is beyond this, what ever is incompatible with free government and our historic liberty it dares not promise to any one. In veterate evils in the body politic cannot be cured in a moment any more than inveterate diseases in the hu man system. Whoever professes the power to do 28 NATIONAL POETRAIT GALLERY. so is himself deceived or himself a deceiver. Our party is riot a quack or a worker of miracles. It*is not for me, gentlemen, the impartial servant of you all, to attempt to foreshadow what your choice should be or ought to be in the selection of your candidates. You will make that selection un der your own sense of responsibility to the people you represent and to your country. One thing only I ven ture to say: whoever may be your chosen leader in this campaign, no telegram will flash across the sea from the castle of absentee tariff lords to congratu late him. But, from the home of labor, from the fireside of the toiler, from the hearts of all who love justice and equity, who wish and intend that our matchless heritage of freedom shall be the common wealth of all our people, and the common opportu nity of all our youth, will come up prayers for his success and recruits for the great democratic host that must strike down the beast of sectionalism and the Moloch of monopoly, before we can have ever again a people s government run by a people s faith ful representatives. BUREAU OF THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF DEMOCRATIC CLUBS. Chairman Harrity urges the democratic voters of every ward and township to form clubs immediately; for it is conceded by all that these political organiza tions will be a most important factor in the cam paign: and that the magnitude and political weight of such clubs can not be overestimated. Therefore, in order to increase the number of political campaign clubs throughout the country there has been estab lished at headquarters a bureau of the "National Association of Democratic Clubs," which is in charge of their secretary, Lawrence Gardner, and his assistant secretary, Harvey L. Maddox. The objects of this association are as follows: To foster the formation of permanent democratic clubs and societies throughout the United States, and insure their active co-operation in disseminating Jefferso- nian principles of government. To preserve the Con stitution of the United States, the autonomy of the states, local self-government and freedom of elec tions. To resist revolutionary changes and the cen tralization of power. To oppose the imposition of taxes beyond the necessities of government econom ically administered. To promote economy in all branches of the public service. To oppose unneces sary commercial restrictions for the benefit of the few at the expense of the many. To oppose class legislation, which despoils labor and builds up mo nopoly. To maintain inviolate the fundamental prin ciple of democracy "Equality before the law." To co-operate with the regular or ganization of the democratic party in support of democratic men and democratic measures. It is believed that this declaration of principles comprises the original and funda mental propositions upon which the democratic party was founded and for the defense of which it exists. Every departure from them, in the legislation and administration of the government, involves serious dan ger to the republican institutions es tablished by our forefathers. They are propositions upon which all dem ocrats agree and ever have agreed, and upon which all democrats, in every part of the Union, can asso ciate for common purposes and in a fraternal spirit. They are the very propositions strict construction, home rule, frugal ity in expenditures, jealousy of military power, op position to monopoly and to class legislation in de fense of which the people came together in the democratic societies in the earlier days of the re public, when their liberties were endangered by much slighter encroachments by the Federal gov ernment than those which menace us. The societies, "the nurseries of sound republican principles," as Mr. Jefferson declared them, swept the federalist conspirators from power, seated Mr. Jefferson in the chair from which the Federalist enemy would have excluded him by force or fraud, and gave the coun try fifty years of peace and prosperity, freedom and expansion, under democratic rule. There is every reason to believe that history will repeat itself, and the people, united in these open popular parliaments, the whole in fraternal union, state and national, will be more than a match for the vast aggregation of monopolies which propose to continue to use the terrible power of taxation to plunder the masses for the benefit of the classes. It will be seen that "this association co-operates with the regular organiza tions bf the democratic party in sup port of democratic men and democrat ic measures." To that end it is sub ject to committees duly charged with the conduct of party affairs by party conventions. It does not prescribe plat forms; it ratifies them. It does not nom inate candidates; it supports them. Its national conventions are, in virtue of its constitution, held after, not before, the nominating conventions. The same has heretofore been the case with state asso ciations, and is likely to continue so. In this organ ization there is no room for or incentive to faction. To these ends the earnest and constant co-operation of every individual democrat in the United States is solicited. From the central offices in Washington it will be the endeavor of the executive committee to maintain complete correspondence with author ized representatives in every county in the Union, as well as the various authorized party committees; to furnish information which may be required by committees, clubs or speakers; to gather in turn in formation which may be of use to those in the man agement of national and state campaigns; to aid democratic newspapers in every possible way; to distribute such selected political literature as its means will enable it to command, and, above all, to encourage the organization and stimulate the activity of democratic societies from this date until the close of the polls in November next. It is a stupendous undertaking and requires the aid and assistance of the democracy generally. All information regard ing the organization of clubs and blank forms upon which to make application for membership in the National Association may be had by addressing the secretary, Lawrence Gardner, at the National Dem ocratic Headquarters, No. 139 Fifth avenue, New York City, or at Washington, D. C. The second quadrennial convention of the National Association of Democratic Clubs " will be held in New York city Oct. 4, 1892. NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY. To All Democratic Clubs. The Democratic National Committee has purchased a large number of "CLEVELAND S ADMINISTRATION," which is a beautiful book containing bio graphical sketches of Cleveland s Cabinet, with full-page portraits of Cleveland and Stevenson, taken from Tlie National Cyclopedia of American Biography, followed by campaign matter furnished by the committee. It is desirable to have this number widely distributed, and the committee will furnish them to clubs, free of charge, upon application, while the supply lasts. If more are needed than can be furnished, they will be supplied by the publishers at cost. This publication is admitted to the mails as second-class matter. "CLEVELAND S ADMINISTRATION" will be furnished for campaign pur poses at the following prices : Price for 100 copies, 5 cents each, equal - $5.00 " 250 " 4 10.00 500 " 3A 17.50 " 1,000 " 3 30.00 Orders should be accompanied by cash, cheque, or money order. Please make the order immediately, as the offer cannot be held open after the edition is printed. Very respectfully, JAMES T. WHITE & CO., Publishers, Nos. 5 and 7 E. i6th St., N. Y. City. Hessrs. JAMES T. WHITE & CO., Publishers, Nos. 5 and 7 E. i6th ST., N. Y. CITY. Gentlemen : Enclosed please find $ .for wbicb forward, as indicated below, .copies of " Cleveland s ^Administration." Shipping directions : PRESS NOTICES. Prom the "NEW YORK WOULD," August 7, 1892. The first volume of The National Cyclopaedia of American Biography has been issued, and a careful examination of its scheme and execution seems to fully justify all that the energetic promoters of the undertaking have promised. The "work is well and copiously illustrated. Besides a number of full-page portraits, nearly every biography is accompanied by a portrait, occasionally a college, a homestead, etc., being given. These Biographies have evidently been edited with Uigent caution. So far as ire hare been able to verify them they have proved faultless. From the "WILMINGTON MORNING NEWS," July 13, 1892. The first volume of a new and very important work has just been issued from the press a work which will be entirely creditable to American letters and American enterprise, and which at the same time will be invaluabto to the future historians of this country, both general and local. This work is entitled " The National Cyclopaedia of American Biography*" (James T. White & Co., New York). When completed it will consist of twelve royal octavo volumes, and will be a treasure not merely of those men who have become conspicuous by reason of their work and frequent newspaper mention, but also of those men who have become influential and prominent in their own states and localities by reason of what they have done there. In the second place the publication of this work will not be deferred until all these biographical facts can be collected, so as to present the names in alphabetical order, but successive volumes will be issued as fast as the material is accumulated, complete and convenient indexes furnishing in each case a trustworthy guide to all the names given. This makes the work immediately available as fast as it proceeds. It may also be said that hi the way of portraits of living and active men, no publication heretofore issued from the American press approaches this work. The main fact about it, however, and the essential fact, is that it is a genuine collection, of American biography. It is not made up from any previous work, but is fresh, and this first volume makes it evident that for the first time this country is to have a reference book of American biography which will not confine itself to a repetition of names that are to.be found in all the general Encyclopaedias, but one which will be adequate, and which will place within reach authentic information in regard to the important and active men in all parts of the United States. This country has long needed a biographical dictionary of precisely the compre hensive quality which this work possesses something which would be as adequate here as " Men of Our Times" is in England; but we are very much mistaken if Messrs. James T. White & Co., in preparing this work, have not surpassed any existing work of the kind, and produced a national reference book of American biography which will serve as a model and example to the publishers of every other nation as to what such a work should be. The volume already issued is well made in every particular. It contains 544 handsome double-column pages; it is full of portraits, including severarfull-page ones , and it is substantially bound. The second volume is now nearly due. When completed the work will possess a value, both for everyday use and historical purposes, which can scarcely be overestimated. From the NEW YORK HERALD, Sunday May 1, 1892. The publication of the first volume of The National Cyclopedia of American Biography " seems to mark a new era in the construction of this class of works. The most superficial inspection of this volume shows originality of structure and a comprehensiveness of idea, combined with elasticity of treatment, in excess of any other work of the kind heretofore produced, either in this country or Europe. To begin with, the stvle and form of this Cyclopedia differs altogether from any other similar works in discarding the alphabetical arrangement which has heretofore always pre vailed in such publications. The National Cyclopedia, in place of being arranged alphabetically, will be supplied in the case of each volume with a complete index, alphabetically arranged, and to a certain extent analytical, and answering every purpose usually subserved by the old arrangement. Meanwhile, this plan admits of a latitude not possessed by any other. The publishers are not obliged to delay the issue of any volume on account of the lack of any article. Besides, the plan of grouping, which is followed to a considerable extent in the volume, throws into juxtaposition men who prop erly belong together, and who would be widely separated under the old alphabetical method. But it is in the scope and scheme and general nature of the work, rather than in its form, that this Cyclopedia certainly gives promise of being one of the most permanently valuable books of the kind ever made. It is entirely American, and has been constructed with the idea of preserving, only such lives as are of real value to the country and to the reader for study and contemplation. The old standbys, who turn up in every biographical dictionary with unfailing regularity, although most of them have long since been forgotten, seem to find no place in this work. Moreover, large space is given to living people who have become, or are likely to become personages eminent or prominent on account of their services to the country, in the professions, in mercantile business, in commerce, or in some other way. The theory of the new Cyclopedia, as set forth in its introduction and as presented in its text, is, that such a work should present lives of those who are builders and makers of the country, without regard to the fact of their being, or not being, in exalted public sta tion, or otherwise held up before the world as prominent. Of course, being formed under this method, this Cyclopedia becomes also a history of the country in so far as it goes, and this being aided by the system of grouping as applied to historical events or the progress of industry, as in the case of invention or construction of railroads, naval vessels, the telegraph, and the case of the great industries, of agriculture, manufactures, etc., and further facilitated bv an artistic and instructive of illustrations, including not only portraits, but scenes and public buildings, the whole design Ixvoni"-;, as alreadv said, something entirely original, and, moreover, something that should prove imni Jately valuable and instructive. s to the mechanical construction of the book, nothing can be finer. It is beautifully printed ivy paper, the illustrations are artistic in design, and executed admirably. The index is ar ranged on an excellent plan, with typography varied in such a way as to facilitate its examination and for research in the volume itself. Altogether it is only just to say that this work, judging from its first volume, is to be considered as a credit to all those concerned in its production, and especially to the liberality, as well us taste, of the Publishing House, which, at what must have been enormous cost, has so successfully carried out its design. THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW AN INITIAL FINE OF 25 CENTS WILL BE ASSESSED FOR FAILURE TO RETURN THIS BOOK ON THE DATE DUE. THE PENALTY WILL INCREASE TO SO CENTS ON THE FOURTH DAY AND TO $1.OO ON THE SEVENTH DAY OVERDUE. =*- J{w * 85-fi /Wf 29iul 65V LD 21-100m-12, 43 (8796s) Photomount Pamphlet Binder Gaylord Bros., Inc. Makers Stockton, Calif PAT. JAN. 21, 1908 THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY