SH4JF URL r to* A- . . <- Al — — ° = = c_ — — — -H r 01 ==== 3) 01 = 3 m — — r r ■' hj ==== o ===== -z 61 , 4 a ====■ CD — -c o = — 3J OS ====^ * ===== > ==== n 9 = === =i |— 9 . , , /Sfra** Iff is . ^ LETTER MISSIVE TO LORD HOLLAND. S. GoMiell, Printer, Little Queen Street, London. LETTER MISSIVE »o» SIR PHILIP FRANCIS, K. B. TO LORD HOLLAND. EX ABUNDANT!. Dated 10th June, Published 1st July. \ 1816. * » LONDON: PRINTED FOR RIDGWAYS, 179, PICCADILLY. 1816. • 1 .v':: \m ■ 5V37<> to LORD HOLLAND. E.v abundanti. After some severe warnings to quit this te- nement of clay, and with sundry good rea- sons to be as willing to change my state as a virgin turned of forty, there is but one thing left to reconcile me to a removal. For my own credit and nothing else, I should like to leave a memorial to those, who are to follow me in my own line, and to their chil- dren, legitimate or natural, as it may hap- pen, that, since" I have had an opportunity of observing others, and knowing you, a voluntary attachment grew with my know- ledge of you. This affection was not plant- ed or trained, but came of itself and has thriven of its own accord. But when, with a sight sharpened by experience, t examined your principles and conduct as a public per- il son, though possibly subject to deviations, which have escaped me, impression changed into conviction and is now the final act of my understanding. Some men have pas- sions in their heads and no where else; mine are in my heart and from that source all the ebbing intellect I pretend to is de- rived. The Roman language thought, as I do, that true wisdom, inseparable from ge- nerous action, is not a native of the brain, and is much more likely to die in the skull than to live there. The exact sciences be- long to intense thought and undisturbed me- dilation. For a wise man, in the sense of active zeal for the good of others, the Ro- mans had an expression of their own, and could not have a better than homo cordatus. For a fool or a madman, the appropriated term was vceors. For peace and harmony on earth, their supplications and sacrifices, prescribed by Lawgivers and Magistrates, not by Priests, were offered to their gods in the Temple of Concord. As a demand on be- lief, or a tax on credulity, that mere mytho- logy was full as extravagant as any other ; still there was some sense and meaning at the bottom of it. It is not quite an act of vulgar ignorance or superstition to deify the virtues, by which the faculties of eminent men have been instructed, as well as animat- ed, to inform and enlighten mankind. You see I am giving you the pedigree of your abilities. As to myself, I am old enough to be my own ancestor. My actions can dis- grace nobody else, except a Select Committee of the House of Commons, who signed the record of my conduct in India, with the names of Burke and Fox, and Grey at the head of it. We all wish to live somewhat longer than our lives, more or less, accord- ing to the measure of our merits or preten- sions. My name can be of no use to you, but yours will sustain it. That argument, though I have many others, would be enough to make me adhere to you. The feeble pa- rasite clings to the supporting power, and, when it drops off, leaves the noble stem un- injured. I feel and know too well that my disposing mind is in disorder as well as de- cay, and least of all equal to the regular rules of method and connexion. You are too good a Spaniard, however, to dislike an Olla, or not to relish some of its ingredients. Take the following items by themselves, and jb 2 4 not as if they led or belonged to one ano- ther. On the whole, though you are not a party to the bargain, I entreat you to make the best of it, as you would do of the last testament of an old friend, who had left his affairs in confusion, and appointed you to be his executor. In the ordinary union of two individuals of a different rank in life, there can be no- thing very noxious to either of them, ex- cepting the partial or mutual effect of evil communication. When unequal nations profess, what only one of them intends and expects, to unite on even terms, it must be, as it has been, by fraud and compulsion, acting more or less on special profligacy and public weakness. No contract between a dupe and an impostor can bind them very long, no form of marriage can make them one flesh. Their embrace, while it lasts, is misery to one of them, if not to both. In the first instance, the stronger party strangles the weaker, then dies slowly of the dead bodv. Such a nominal union could be no- thing but a real surrender to superior power, with a quantum sitfficit of individual sale and purchase, by direct corruption, under the 3 equivalent name of compensation. Having sold their honour as well as their Country, some for a title, some for a sinecure with a salary, and others for a pension with- out a service or an office, to be paid by the very country they have sold ; they desert the victim of their vices, to court another resi- dence, where excepting those, who attend a public duty, a majority of the rest must stoop for admission into common societv, or be left to live with one another. Of this Island it is still generally true that, whether you look up to the top or down to the bottom, whether vou mount with the froth or sink with the sediment, no factitious character, no titular rank can support a perfectly degraded name. But what is this contract, and how has it been executed ? In other treaties, if a doubt arises, it is generally decided in favour of that contracting party, which has confided most in the good faith of the other, and reserved no means of righting itself. In this, the superior is the interpreter and con- strues as he pleases. He cannot find Eman- cipation in the bond, and he looks for it no where else. As if the imprescriptible rights of millions, and all the hopes of equality, B 3 held out to five-sixths of the population of Ireland, were annihilated by the omission of a word in a union on equal terms. Then comes the misery, which drives to madness,- and the ultimate argument for the suppression of despair ; not to relieve or console, not to cure the disorder, not to soften the symptoms or assuage the pain, but to abate a nuisance by pulling down the building, and extirpating, as vermin, the native owners of the House. But these labours are in vain. I hope and I believe so. The eternal claim of right against wrong may be suspended, but cannot be extinguished. The debt of honour, not the less due because it is not recoverable by process of law ; the silent condition, for which the equivalent has been paid, and binding in the sense, in which it was understood and accepted ; — the mute pro- mise, to which you say there is no appeal, because it was not engrossed on parchment, with your hand and seal to the deed, and witnesses to the delivery ; — these moral obli- gations belong to the essence of our nature. For a time you may discard or forget, but to efface them from the human mind is impos- sible. In Ireland, they are only in abey- ance. The weapons of power without con- science cannot finally prevail, but by the utter destruction of its object. To vacate the demand, you must extirpate the being. But there is a power above yours. The com- mand, which you torture and crucify every day, will rise again and against you. The letter liilleth, but the Spirit givcth life. To complete the mockery, as well as the breach of faith among men, a question of civil right and common justice is decided by a religious distinction. " You believe in the ~ real presence. We believe only in dogmas, * which we all understand, since they fall 1 within the range of common sense and \ the compass of right reason. Ergo, you are \ not fit to be trusted by us, in the higher ( offices of Society, though we trust you in ' many others, which require as full a con- ' fidence in your good faith, and fidelity to ' the established government, as those, from e which you are excluded. You acknow- ' ledge the spiritual jurisdiction of a foreign * tribunal over questions of faith only, or in ' cases exclusively subject to that con- * science, which the Deity has not given to ' his creatures for nothing ; therefore, you B4 <( cannot be loyal subjects to the King, to " whom you are bound by all the oaths and " by all the moral obligations, whjch are f held sacred in your own religion, and in C( every religion that exists on earth, and " which we are very well contented to pro- " fess." I will not submit to hold a trembling ba- lance between the extremes of suffering right and triumphant wrong; to blink the true ques- tion, or to spare, the aggressors. — These are the pretences of hypocrisy, not the motives or result of honest conviction — the principles of devils, pursuing their prey with whips of scorpions, and fighting and destroying still, under the pretended banners of religion. At sight of such audacious profligacy with such means to enforce it, the human heart, if there be a human feeling left in it, recoils with ab- horrence. If the happiness or even the repose of Ireland were your object, the road to it, as you well know, is open and direct, with or without what you call Emancipation. By that very term, which will not give way, if you understand your own language, you have made a voluntary engagement, a strict union. 9 with five or six millions of Slaves, and von refuse to set them free. But that is not the question now. In this country, the truth about Ireland is little spoken out of Parlia- ment ; and, if it were generally spoken, not at all likelv to be listened to or understood. A few honourable men allude to facts with a caution, which it is in vain to call prudence. They give you their opinions honestly and firmly too, but still with a useless reserve of discretion without hope ; not, as the case demands, by arguments, in the last resort, appealing to despair. What they say is true ; but none of them, as far as my information reaches, tell vou the whole truth ; not even Henry Grattan, who, quoad hoc, is oracular; and who assuredly never shrinks from his purpose for want of tenacity, or of Spartan fortitude to meet any question or any adver- sary in front. Newport and Ponsonby would speak out, if they thought it, as I do, safe to their object and not hazardous to their cause, to go the full length of their knowledge. These men, I well know, are not to be awed or restrained by self-interest or apprehension. But their language, e're long, must be suited to the exigency. The necessity of the case 10 will overtake and compel them. They are too wise to wait till the horse himself takes the bit in his teeth and refuses the curb ; when no alternative will be left to the rider, but to be thrown from his seat or to kill or cripple the noble animal that carries him. Let Government begin with giving or paying a moderate Salary to the Catholic Clergy of Ireland, who are, more or less, mere beggars. That measure would cost very little, and would be well worth the pur- chase at any expense. Compare it with that of a standing army, sufficient to compel sub- mission, and you will soon find that, besides wasting the object, an armed government squanders more money in a day, than pru- dent laws and a just administration cost in twenty. This motion, smooth gliding with- out step, would go a great way, and with the concurrence of another act, sine qud non, would secure to you the peaceable attach- ment of Ireland. You expect me to say Eman- cipation. No. Not that I mean to violate or abandon that moral obligation, that poli- tical wisdom, that real though unwritten contract. I cannot build as the bees do. Good government, with all its sweetness, is 11 a house, not a comb, and must be raised from a foundation. I say that tranquillity may be established in Ireland, without Emancipation, but never, never without the abolition or abatement of Catholic tithes to pay a Pro- testant Establishment, for no service in return, adverse to their faith, to their prejudices, to their religious madness if you will. I know the objections and the difficulties, particularly how to provide that the owner shall not in- crease the rent in proportion to the relief given by the Legislature to the tenant. My answer is, that, when wrong is to be done, no objections are regarded, no difficul- ties are insurmountable. Speak, out. Have you deliberated, and are you resolved to murder these tenants of hogsties, which you call cabins, if when they have fed their own Clergy they should refuse to pay tithes to a Protestant parson, whom they never see and seldom hear of but on the day of exaction, and then only by his true representatives, who glean all when they can gather no more. You sav, and I admit, there are exceptions. Then you help me to prove by irresistible inference the truth of the proposition, which you deny in terms. I pass in silence over the deplorable mi- 12 sery, the food taken from famine, from which the tribute is extorted, though I have seen it, quce ipse miserrima. The tyranny, I mean, is inflicted on the mind, the torture that penetrates to the heart, where it sinks and rankles, till the vessel can hold no more and bursts of itself. Why ? because the Catholics, the many not the very few, right or wrong, are sincere. If the principle, a name too often given to barbarous injustice, of forcing the same tenant of a few acres of bogs and potatoes, to maintain two Church Establishments, could be endured on any terms, the mode of the exaction would excite horror, in England at least, or any where but in Ireland. For mc to enter into this part of the case, as I intended, would now be superfluous. As well might a feeble ray be added" to the meridian sun as to the light, in w 7 hich the collection of Catholic tithes in Ireland is exhibited, in a letter to Lord Cas- tlereagh lately published here, called Ireland, not England. Of the Author, who is un- known to me, I shall only say what I am sure of, no common man could have written such a tract. Ovx o ru%ftjv ctvr^. You will not, I think, suspect me of caring one farthing for the trompery of either side. 13 Still the difference between the parties, as objects of opinion, is material. I cannot laugh at a cruel impostor. Nevertheless I am no determined enemy of ceremonials : as human nature has been moulded, I believe them to be necessary. " The quarrels and " divisions about religion were evils un- " known to the heathens. The reason was, " because the religion of the heathen con- " sisted rather in rites and ceremonies than " in any constant belief." In a spiritual sense, I know as well as you, that our faith has made us whole. Whether, in every other, it may not have di- vided or resolved the quiescent whole into hostile parts, is more than I know. On this question I hope, and intend (scilicet before I die), to consult my own parochial Shep- herd, Doctor Andrews, of whose charity and benevolence, as well as of his eloquence, I have rather a higher opinion than of his temporal wisdom; and so much the better. Those qualities are the essence of a Christian pastor, who instructs and takes care of his dock, and, on that account certainly, ex- cites no envy, provokes no emulation in other Shepherds. I should dwell longer on ^ his virtues, if I had no reason to suspect 14 that it might injure his preferment. They, who fatten by their faith, have a laudable antipathy to lean sheep. I see you are at a loss for the tendency of so much preface. What relation has it to the title and subject of your Letter ? My answer is, that similarity is not included in connexion. Without a visible resemblance, cause and effect are strictly related and be- long to one another. An exorbitant price and a real scarcity in one year may be traced back to a ruinous abundance and cheapness in the preceding. We know, or w T e shall soon know it by experience, that the pro- position, so stated and understood, does not involve a contradiction. To understand me, you must listen for a moment to the history of my mind for some years past ; a branch of knowledge, which, I believe, Lord Ba- con, if he had thought of it, would not have omitted among the desiderata in science. Time has not yet made me garru- lous, whatever it may do hereafter. My recital concerning myself shall be inflicted on you, as if it were an operation, with compassion for the patient ; with the brevity of impatience and the rapidity of youth ; 15 for I fee), or fancy that I am gradually growing young again, in my way back to infancy. The taper that burns into the soc- ket, flashes more than once before it dies. I would not long outlive myself if I could help it, like some of my old friends, who pretend to be alive, when, to my certain knowledge, they have been dead these seven years. The fact is, my mind sickens and revolts at the scenes of public depravity, of personal baseness, and of ruinous folly, little less than universal, which have passed before us, not in dramatic representation, but in real action, since the year 1792, in the go- vernment of this once flourishing, as well as glorious kingdom. In that period, a deadly revolution has taken place in the moral cha- racter of the nation, and even in the instinct of the gregarious multitude. Passion of any kind, if it existed, might excite action. With still many generous exceptions, the body of the country is lost in apathy and in- difference ; sometimes strutting on stilts, for the most part grovelling on its belly — no life- blood in the heart ; and, instead of reason or reflection, a caput mortuum for a head- m piece. Of all revolutions, this one is the worst, because it makes any other impos- sible. Of the events I allude to, of which you and they, who survive me, will be the victims, 1 consider myself now as nothing but a witness, competent if not credible; and, though careless of life, certainly de- sirous that my testimony should not be in- tercepted by sudden death: The warning conveyed in it, I believe, will come too late. In a case, however, which, to others, may appear not utterly desperate, any chance is to be taken. On my own account, I have no interest in the result. I look back with disgust, and forward with dismay, not for mvself. but for some who are to succeed me. Of the retrospect I know the worst, but not of the prospect ; but the gloom is not lessened by its obscurity. No eye, lit to measure and estimate, as well as see, can look steadfastly at such a view without terror. A few instances in evidence, then to consolation and repose among the monu- ments of science and fragments of art, by which ancient Greece still excites the curio- sity, and confirms the admiration of man- kind. This little island, too, after a lapse 17 of ages, may possibly be visited, not by artists in search of falling temples and broken sta- tues, but by statesmen and philosophers, from another hemisphere or some distant land, whose curiosity shall be excited by moulder- ing manuscripts, in a language dead and for- gotten, or by vague unauthenticated tradition, to inquire and discover, if it be possible, what the extinguished character of England once was, and what proofs of it have been saved from the wreck of time, or escaped from the armed force of a Vandal. If, then, their deep laborious researches should be rewarded with success, what can it amount to, but to recover some traces of broken laws, of mutilated institutions, of violated charters, of rights and principles buried in oblivion, and the whole fabric of an an- tiquated constitution degraded and sunk into unintelligible ruin? In my long intimacy with Edmund Burke, to me a great and venerable name, it could not escape me, nor did he wish to con- ceal it, that Cicero was the model, on which he laboured to form his own character, in elo- quence, in policy, in ethics, and philosophy. With this view, he acted on a principle of IB general imitation only, and, in my opinion, infinitely surpassed the original. Yet, in the year 1790, when the French revolution had taken effect, the first thing he did was to discard one of the wisest political maxims to be found in his archetype, and by him at least to be revered as the instruction of a master : " Pere^ritil qfflc'mm est minime in " aliend esse republied cuiiusum." As long as the French were content and desirous, as they were assuredly at that period, to settle their own future constitution among them- selves, and within the limits of their own territory, we had neither right nor interest to meddle with their proceedings, much less to coerce them. Under various pretences abroad, it was determined in the closet, that there should be a war, nominally of kings against a republic, but really of military despots against the freedom of Europe. So we have had the war with all its con- sequences; ex Uldfonte. But the weather- beaten vessel has weathered the storm, kept afloat by the pump, and driving under jury- masts. Existence on terms, on which, in other times, the nation would have refused to exist, is said to be triumphant. We have military fame to show for the loss or surren- 19 der of real honour, of general happiness, of personal liberty, and national independence. On the extending scale of the war, taxation to support it grew with the demand, and se- verity, equivalent to inquisition, to enforce the levy and ensure the collection. All other security gave way to the security of the re- venue. And how could it be otherwise, when England undertook to pay the com- ponent members of a venal alliance for fight- ing their own battles and defending their own cause ? At this day, the most illustrious House of Austria, by loan, without subsidy, owes us fourteen millions sterling, with full as much inclination as means to repay it. At all events, her gratitude in future may be of just as much use to us as it has been hereto- tore. These, and many others, were only the incipient evils of the war. Increase of taxes, wherever a source or an object could be dis- covered; a thousand millions of debt, gather- ing like an imposthume; a voluntary war with America, which the clamour of your manufacturers forced you to abandon; the industry of the country unpaid; the. la- bourer and artist converted into beggars, and driven to the parish, that is, to the land, c 2 20 for support ; an act of bankruptcy incurred by the avowed authority, if not command, of Mr. Pitt, under the misnomer of an order in council, and certainly in collusion with Government ; the whole metallic currency of the united kingdom annihilated or car- ried out of it ; and finally a deluge of paper, immoderately inflaming the nominal price of every thing saleable, without which, how- ever, the interest of the debt could no more have been even nominally liquidated than the capital, much less could the ravenous ex- penses of the war have been provided for. At last came peace, armed at all points, and issuing like Pallas, without her wisdom, from an empty skull, with all and singular the furniture and properties of war, pride, pomp, and circumstance, except one, a singular omission of an indispensible ingredient— icithout a foreign enemy! Now, admitting, as I do, that a standing army of 150,000 men, for the service or security of an island, cannot be kept up, in peace at least, without some hostile object : if that object be not foreign, it must be domestic ; not, perhaps, to be accomplished per solium, or at once ; for I have kept too much company with can- 21 dour, not to have got a trick of it myself; but more effectually and securely by mea- sured and unsuspected gradations. Whatever may be the present purpose or future appli- cation of such a formidable pacific establish- ment, it is against my nature to suspect, as it shakes my reason to believe, that any army, composed only of men born on Bri- tish or Irish ground, would advisedly concur in the execution of a foreign plot, if it were fairly open to their view, or submit to a word of command to enslave their country, by laying it prostrate at the feet of a right en- tirely military king, who, with a passionate propensity to fighting, may be always out of danger, and know nothing of a battle but by hearsay from his equerries, or a report of the Tower guns. On these terms, personal bravery is one of the safest and most inno- cent ingredients in the physical composition of a king. " Louis les animant du feu de sou courage. " Se plaint de sa grandeur, qui I 'attache an rivage." But time is the greatest innovator ; and who is there now to calculate or compute how soon, or how late, the once generous mind c 3 22 of England may be trained by military forms to military principles, by the habits of an exclusive society, and the empty discourses > of a profession ; by gaudy dresses ; by trum- peters with the subsistence of a parish on their backs ; by martial music from Ger- many ; and, beyond all other causes of hu- man degradation, by the deadly disuse of reason; by the substitution of discipline for volition ; fixed fate, instead of ,free will ; and, by the origin of all evil, personal re- straint without a rational occupation ? He, who has served his time to his trade, and learned to perfection how to kneel, stoop, and stand, has received his education, and will never be called upon or disposed to practise any thing else. The evident tend- ency, if not the purpose of the peace, as well as the war, was to change the natural appropriated character of Britain, the vital principle of her existence in safety as well as eminence, ever since Providence commanded Nature to confine us to an island, and to make this island an appendage to Germany ; to renounce or abandon the insulated station of a power, maritime nar ifyxw ; to exchange the native dignity and security of our sepa^ 23 ration from the continental world, tor the sake of an unnatural, though delightful, con- nexion with a softer climate, the sweets of which are wafted to us every day by gentle gales from the north-east, and for the tender mercies of a military government ; to sacri- fice our island a living victim on a barbarous altar in a Black Sea ; or, in the sonorous language of Lord Chatham, " Whose voice divine still vibrates in niv ear," Qsivj h \uv a.p