*%; 
 
 THE LIBRARY OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 DAVIS 
 
LIBRARY 
 
 OT7 
 
PRIMPIA OR BASIS 
 
 OF 
 
 SOCIAL SCIENCE 
 
 BEING A SURVEY OF THE SUBJECT FROM THE MORAL AND 
 
 THEOLOGICAL, YET LIBERAL AND PROGRESSIVE 
 
 STANDPOINT. 
 
 BY R. J. WRIGHT. 
 Second Edition, Crown 8vo., Cloth, Price, $2.00. 
 
 Published by J, B, LIPPINCOTT & CO,, 
 
 and '717 Market Street, Philadelphia. 
 
 The following notices of this work are selected from a larger 
 number that might be offered. 
 
 The Philadelphia u PUBLIC LED 
 GER" says, 
 
 " A work which is the result of an 
 evidently long and patient study of 
 Comte's, Carey's, Paley's, Spencer's, 
 Mulford's, Mill's, Guizot's, and Fou 
 rier's writings on cognate subjects, 
 although it differs essentially in 
 method and matter from all of them." 
 
 The Philadelphia "EVENING BUL 
 LETIN" says, 
 
 * * * " It is evidently a work of 
 immense labor, and of a good deal 
 of originality. But to give any idea 
 of its character would be difficult in 
 a newspaper notice, and we content 
 ourselves with calling attention to it 
 as a work that deserves examination 
 by all those who take an interest in 
 that very capacious and comprehen 
 sive branch of modern philosophy 
 which goes by the name of social 
 science." 
 
 cer, Mulford, J. S. Mill, and Fourier, 
 but is also the first of a series." 
 
 Der deutsche "PHILADELPHIA DEM- 
 
 OKRAT" sagt, 
 
 tl Dies Werk ist in seiner Art eine 
 No vita t in der Literatur der Social- 
 Wissenchaft. * * * Der Verfasser 
 sagt, dass man bisher die Social- 
 Wissenchaft, obgleich sie in ihrem 
 innersten Wesen ' Moral' sei, aus- 
 schliesslich den l Unglaubigen' und 
 den Socialisten liberlassen habe 5 
 dass er dagegen sein national-b'kono- 
 misches Werk im Interesse der offen- 
 barten und uberlieferten Religion 
 verfasst, es aber nichts destoweniger 
 von einem liberalen und progres- 
 siven Standpunkt aus geschrieben 
 habe. Die Quellen aus denen er am 
 Meisten geschopf't, und die Autoren, 
 deren Werke" [ausser den oben- 
 genannten,] "ervorzuchsweise seiner 
 Arbeit zu Grunde gelegt, fiihrt er in 
 der nachstehenden Reihenfolge auf, 
 namlich : die Bibel, Appletpns' En- 
 cyclopadie, Wheaton, Ruskin, Ten- 
 nison, Guizot, De Tocqueville, F. 
 
 /~* ci i i ; _ . -l TlT^i/^l^^U. . 
 
 The Philadelphia " PRESS" says, 
 
 il WQ cannot begin to give even the 
 briefest summary of a book which 
 not only differs in many points from 
 Comte, Carey, Paley, Herbert Spen- 1 Cooper, Schleiermacher, Me' Cosh: 
 
NOTICES. 
 
 und NordhofFs Monographic der 
 Communisten Gemeinden in den Yer. 
 Staaten. 
 
 ' Wenn auch von unentschieden 
 religiosen, und zwar christlichen 
 Standpunkt aus gesehrieben, halt 
 sich das Werk doch ganzlich frei 
 von Mysticismus, und es gipfelt das 
 System des Verfassers folgerichtig 
 in Communismus ; allerdings nicht 
 in dem von Cabot, und noch weniger 
 in dem der Pariser ' Commune,' son- 
 dern in einem durch ' Religion' und 
 'Moral' limitirten Communismus. 
 
 " Obwohl der Verfasser schwerlich 
 National-Oekonornen zu seiner neuen 
 Lehre bekehren wird, so ist sein 
 Werk immerhin interessant und ver- 
 dient gelesen zu werden." 
 
 TRANSLATION. The " PHILADELPHIA 
 GERMAN DEMOCRAT" says, 
 
 " This work is in its manner a 
 novelty in the literature of Social 
 Science. The author says that until 
 now Social Science, although moral 
 in its inmost nature, has been left 
 * * * to the infidels and Socialists ; 
 but that he, on the contrary, has 
 composed his national-economical 
 work in the interest of revealed and 
 traditional religion, but that, never 
 theless, he has written it from a 
 liberal and progressive standpoint. 
 The sources from which he has de 
 rived most, and the authors whose 
 works he has principally used as a 
 basis for his labor" [in a'ddition to 
 those above mentioned,] "he gives 
 in the following order, * * * namely, 
 the Bible, Appleton's Encyclopedia, 
 Wheaton, Ruskin, Tennyson, Guizot, 
 De Tocqueville, J. F. Cooper, Schlei- 
 ermacher, Mc'Cosh ; and NordhofTs 
 Monograph of the Communistic so 
 cieties of the United States. 
 
 " Though the work has been writ 
 ten from an undetermined" [or un 
 denominational] " religious, and, 
 certainly Christian standpoint, yet 
 it remains entirely free from mysti 
 cism ; and it logically crowns the 
 system of the author with Commun 
 ism ; to be sure not with the Com 
 munism of Cabot, and still less with 
 that of the Paris Commune, but with 
 a Communism limited by Religion 
 ai:d Morality. 
 
 " Though the author will scarcely 
 convert National-Economists to his 
 new doctrine, yet his work is never 
 theless interesting and deserves to 
 be read." 
 
 The Philadelphia " CHRISTIAN IN 
 STRUCTOR" says, 
 
 " This large and well-published 
 work is evidently the result of much 
 thought and labor on the part of the 
 author. It is an earnest discussion 
 of the whole subject of Social 
 Science, and while in many of his 
 views he is of the school of Cornte, 
 Fourier, Spencer, John S. Mill and 
 the like, he stands on far higher and 
 better ground every way, and gives 
 one of the most instructive and in 
 viting presentations of the subject, 
 and one of the least exceptionable 
 that has probably been laid before 
 the public. In preparing it he says 
 his earnest desire was to contribute 
 his mite towards theChristianization 
 of politics, the promotion of real 
 freedom and progress, and the im 
 provement of society. * * * While 
 however we say all this, we think 
 the book is one of the best of the 
 kind, and may well be read by any 
 who are interested in the subject of 
 which it treats." 
 
 The ''PRESBYTERIAN" of Philadel 
 phia says, 
 
 " This is a weighty book, not easily 
 read, and not easy satisfactorily to 
 notice. The writer believes in the 
 possibility of a ' Social Science,' but 
 differs in many respects from Comte, 
 Spencer, and other writers on the 
 subject. He believes in the scien 
 tific value cf Ethics, Metaphysics, 
 and Religion, which Comte declined 
 to consider parts of Positive Science. 
 He also believes in communism, but 
 not in a vulgar communism, but 
 communism placed on the basis of 
 Christian kindness and benevolence. 
 * * * The sayings of Jesus on the 
 mount and other of his discourses, 
 the writer thinks applicable only to 
 a Christian Commune, and in his 
 ideal commune, all these principles 
 are to be predominant." 
 "THE FRANKFORB HERALD" of Phil 
 adelphia says, 
 
 "Principia or Basis of Social 
 
NOTICES. 
 
 Science. By Robert J. Wright of 
 Tac my. This volume, which bears 
 the imprint of Messrs. J. B. Lippin- 
 cott and Co., has the following dedi 
 cation : ' To the memory of my dear 
 departed sister, Josephine Amanda 
 Wright : by whose sell-sacrifice, unto 
 death, I was enabled to survive, and 
 to work, and to produce these and 
 other writings: this work is affec 
 tionately and reverently dedicated 
 by her living monument R. J. W.' 
 
 " The author reviews the works of 
 Comte, Carey, Paley, Spencer, Mul- 
 ford, Mill, Guizot, Fourier, and 
 others. He gives his object in pub 
 lishing this volume as follows." 
 I Then follows page vn from the book 
 itself.] 
 
 " THE FRANKFORD AND HOLMESBURG 
 
 GAZETTE'' says, 
 
 " We have received a copy of the 
 above interesting work. A hasty 
 glance over its neatly-printed pages, 
 reveals many new and perhaps 
 strange doctrinal points to us, but 
 are nevertheless based upon reason 
 able grounds, and are indicative of 
 the daep study and research of the 
 author. The lalter has subdivided 
 his work into five sections or books, 
 to wit: I. Summary Introduction to 
 Social Science ; II. The Precinct , 
 III. The Nation; IV. Corporation; 
 V. Limited Communism. There, is 
 much in its pages to interest the 
 theorist, and we therefore ask for the 
 reading of the book, in order that its 
 true merits may be known. " 
 
 PROF. GEORGE ALLEN, of the Univer 
 sity of Pennsylvania, at Philadel 
 phia, says, 
 
 * * * u I was hardly less surprised 
 than gratified, by the presentation of 
 your remarkable work. Your book 
 so attractive in its table of contents, 
 and obviously upon the merest in 
 spection, so original in its treatment 
 of each topic, * * * has attracted me 
 * * * powerfully. * * * I have been 
 able to gratify my eager curiosity only 
 in part. I hope to do better for my 
 self soon. In the meanwhile allow 
 me to express my gratification at the 
 prominence you give to your firm 
 and full belie*f in Revelation, and at 
 the fairness and liberality with which 
 
 you speak of religious organizations 
 not your own * * *." 
 REV. D. C. MILLETT. D.D., of Phila 
 delphia, says, 
 
 " I have not read it through as yet, 
 but have gone far enough to appre- 
 c : ate its value, and hope some time 
 to talk it over with you in propria 
 persona." 
 
 REV. D. S. MILLER, D.D., of Phila 
 delphia, says, 
 
 li I am glad to hear of you as still 
 engaged in study and speculation 
 upon great themes. * * * I do not 
 doubt it to be the fruit of earnest la 
 bor and thought ; and the affection 
 ate dedication of it to the memory 
 of your dear departed sister, and my 
 friend, is very grateful to me." 
 REV. THOMAS MURPHY, D.D., of Phil 
 adelphia, says, 
 
 li I have derived a great deal of 
 informal -n from your book." 
 REV. Z. M. HUMPHREY, D.D., of Phil 
 adelphia, says, 
 
 " It bears the marks of most care 
 ful preparation, and I have no doubt 
 that it will prove of great value. *** 
 A more leisurely examination of 
 the work may call out a more ma 
 ture expression of opinion as to its 
 merits." 
 
 REV. ABEL C. THOMAS, of Philadel 
 phia, says, 
 
 " I hope to read your disquisition 
 with both eyes open. Confessedly 
 it will require close attention in the 
 perusal." 
 
 MRS. M. L. THOMAS, of Philadel 
 phia, says, 
 
 "Allow me to express the great 
 interest I have found in reading your 
 Principia. * * * Your views of the 
 great problems of human and divine 
 government are broad and many- 
 sided, and such as mark the profound 
 scholar and the earnest thinker. 
 Hoping that the \vorld you are striv 
 ing to enlighten may yet enter into 
 a comprehension of the eternal prin 
 ciples of truth as you present them, 
 I am," &c. 
 
 HENRY J. WILLIAMS, ESQ., of Phila 
 delphia, says, 
 
 " I thank you very sincerely for 
 the beautiful book. * * * I have not 
 
NOTICES. 
 
 yet read it, but hope soon to do so ; 
 and will then transfer it to a public 
 library which I have established at 
 Chestnut Hill, where it will be pre 
 served safely." 
 
 EX-MAYOR ALEXANDER HENRY, of 
 
 Philadelphia, says, 
 "I * * ~ ;: ' shall take pleasure in its 
 perusal and judging from a glance 
 at its contents, doubt not that it vrill 
 a-7ord much valuable information." 
 D. W. SELLERS, ESQ., of Philadel 
 phia, says, 
 
 * * * " from the reading of which 
 during the coming fall I anticipate 
 pleasure and instruction." 
 
 JOHN B. COLAHAN, ESQ., of Phila 
 delphia, says, 
 
 * * * " from the perusal of which 
 I expect to derive much information 
 on the subjects treated ; * * * a val 
 uable addition doubtless to the 
 sources of knowledge." 
 
 JOHN D. LANKENAU, ESQ., of Phila 
 delphia, says, 
 
 "I am very much obliged to you 
 for the tender of your book on social 
 science. * * * My best acknowledg 
 ments for your courtesy. With the 
 greatest respect," &c. 
 WM. F. GUERNSEY, M.D., of Phila 
 delphia, says, 
 
 " I am pleased with your views 
 arguments and conclusions. All is 
 free from censure or egotism. I wish 
 it might be read by all. You have 
 my thanks for the volume : and 
 thanks for your labors in producing 
 so valuable a work." 
 H. J. DOUCET, M.D., of Philadel 
 phia, says, 
 
 " Allow me to congratulate you on 
 the completion of your great under 
 taking-: hoping that your health and 
 life may be preserved so that you 
 may be able to fulfil the promise * * * 
 I shall take the liberty at some fu 
 ture day to make some criticisms." 
 R. PATTERSON, ESQ., of Philadelphia, 
 says, 
 
 " I am sincerely thankful for your 
 sending me your work on Social Sci 
 ence, which I doubt not I shall read 
 with deep interest. Already I have 
 concluded a study of the special di 
 vision of ' Limited Communism,' 
 
 which I find full of suggestions and 
 originality in treatment." 
 
 M. W. WOODWARD, ESQ., of Phila 
 delphia, says, 
 
 II The dedication of it affords me 
 a very gratified remembrance of your 
 lovely but not forgotten sister." 
 
 CHARLES SANTEE, ESQ., of Philadel 
 phia, says, 
 
 II 1 doubt not it will amply repay 
 for all the time necessary to become 
 fully acquainted with its contents. 
 Tho dedication of it to your departed 
 sister has revived my recollection of 
 her faithful labors * * *." 
 
 ELLIS CLARK, ESQ., of Philadelphia, 
 says, 
 
 " I promise myself great pleasure 
 in a more thorough perusal." 
 The Pittsburgh "CHRISTIAN ADVO 
 CATE" says, 
 
 * * * go far as we know, the au 
 thor of the present volume is the 
 only man who has pretended to con 
 sider this science from a distinctively 
 Christian point of view. As the 
 Positivists have hitherto given it the 
 most attention, it has received a skep 
 tical turn. The author calls special 
 notice to his point of view. His vol 
 ume, the first of a series relating to 
 Social Science, contains five books, 
 entitled respectively, Introduction, 
 Precinct, Nat'on, Corporation, Lim 
 ited Communism. In it he has writ 
 ten for the people rather than for 
 philosophers, and has adopted a style 
 at once simple, direct and forcible. 
 There is little in it that an ordinarily 
 intelligent reader will not under 
 stand, and must understand before 
 he can see the causes of the compli 
 cations and corruptions of our politi 
 cal and social life." 
 The Pittsburgh " PRESBYTERIAN 
 BANNER" says, 
 
 "This is an elaborate work, evi 
 dently prepared by one earnestly 
 anxious to instruct his fellow-men 
 and do good to them. He grapples 
 with the most complicated problems 
 in social and political life, and sets 
 forth the remedy for many of our 
 present ills in a life which he himself 
 admits to be an ideal one. Much of 
 the reasoning is sound," * * * 
 
NOTICES. 
 
 WM. E. BARBER, ESQ., Westchester, 
 Pa., says^ 
 
 * * * il I have been impressed by 
 the perspicuity and systematic ar 
 rangement of its contents, and the 
 originality of your views upon the 
 topics discussed, and I am satisfied 
 that you have opened up veins of 
 thought which are fraught with re 
 sults of the highest importance to 
 the well-being of society. * * * I 
 earnestly trust that you will be 
 spared to continue your thoughtful 
 investigations * * *." 
 
 REV. PROF. JOSEPH STEVENS, Jersey 
 Shore , Pa., says, 
 
 * * * " Your elaborate work on 
 Social Science * * * I feel gratified 
 as the result of my examination, to 
 be able to commend your work 
 highly. It must have cost you much 
 time and labor; and the department 
 of science which it handles, being 
 comparatively new and undeveloped 
 must have rendered your task all the 
 more arduous. But you seem to 
 have accomplished your undertaking 
 thoroughly and well." 
 
 REV. A. A. LIVERMORE, D.D., Pres. 
 
 Meadville Theological School, Pa., 
 
 says, 
 
 * " Your learned and elaborate 
 work Principia. * * * I am sure by 
 a look at its table of contents that 
 it will repay a careful examination." 
 PROF. J. H. DILLINGHAM, of Haver- 
 ford College, Pa., says, 
 
 " I much regret the long delay ap 
 parent in sending thee the acknowl 
 edgment of the receipt of thy very 
 interesting work. * * * I hope soon 
 to obtain time to read the work, con 
 nected as it is with my own depart 
 ment of instruction." 
 REV. W. F. P. NOBLE, Chester Co., 
 Pa., says, 
 
 " I hasten to acknowledge your 
 noble book, * * * You thinkers 
 should publish minutes, like eccle 
 siastics, telling where you can be 
 found." 
 
 PROF. TRAIL GEREN, M.D., Lafay 
 ette College, Easton, Pa., says, 
 
 * * " I am glad to find so much 
 that points to a higher relationship 
 of the subject than I have seen in 
 the works of other writers on Social 
 
 Science. I shall have occasion to 
 return to it when I have more lei 
 sure." 
 
 REV. SELDEN J. COFFIN, Prof, of 
 Mathematics Lafayette College, 
 says, 
 
 * * * "A beautiful volume. Prin 
 cipia,' bearing your name so mod 
 estly on the title-page * * *. Dr. 
 Green and I were each touched by 
 the Dedication. You are to be con 
 gratulated on the serviceable com 
 pletion of so solid a piece of labor." 
 
 The "NEW YORK WORLD" says, 
 " The author of this remarkably 
 original treatise informs us in his 
 preface that among the * * * effects 
 of the great rebellion was the turn 
 ing of his attention to politics, and 
 the stimulation of his ambition to 
 promote the Christianization thereof 
 by producing ' a volume that could 
 safely be recommended to pious 
 young men.' He differs from Comte 
 in holding that ' metaphysics, ethics 
 and religion' are branches of a really 
 ' positive philosophy ;' from Carey, 
 in subordinating mercantile or finan 
 cial to metaphysical considerations, 
 and in foreseeing dire consequences 
 from the increasing price of land 
 and the approaching over-population 
 of the world; Paley, whilst com 
 mendable for writing in the interests 
 of revealed religion, fails to give 
 sufficient weight to moral instincts ; 
 Spencer thinks too much of secular 
 science and not enough of religion ; 
 Mill ' takes too much the commer 
 cial view of everything,' and is l too 
 essentially English 5' Fourier alone 
 takes a wide enough scope, and even 
 he has adopted an ideal ' too high 
 for the common world, and too low 
 for the higher life.' Above physi 
 cists and statesmen, as teachers of 
 social science, are placed theologians, 
 and next to theologians are ranked 
 the various sorts of communists. ** * 
 His ideal is * * * Christian commu 
 nism in incomes, labors and general 
 life, doing to others perfectly as we 
 would be done by. * * * Human 
 society is divided into six component 
 units individual, family, social cir 
 cle, precinct, nation, and mankind ; 
 * * * nations should be split up into 
 
6 
 
 NOTICES. 
 
 very small precincts, each of which 
 should have the utmost internal 
 liberty and self-government, only 
 being restrained by a praeterpluper- 
 fect national government from tres 
 passing on the equal liberty of other 
 precincts. Law and war are to be 
 replaced by arbitration and moral 
 suasion ; * * * and certain plentiful 
 commodities adopted as the media of 
 exchange. All these and many other 
 details are elaborated with an infi 
 nite amount of philosophical argu 
 mentation." 
 
 The New York "HEBREW LEADER" 
 says, 
 
 " J. B. Lippincott & Co., Phila 
 delphia, have just issued a valuable 
 work, entitled ' Principia ; or Basis 
 of Social Science.' * * * The author 
 has spent several years of profound 
 thought in the preparation of this 
 work, patiently investigating kin 
 dred subjects by such writers as 
 Comte, Carey, Paley, Spencer, Mul- 
 ford, Mill, Guizot, and Fourier, and 
 showing wherein he differs from 
 them." 
 
 The "LIBERAL CHRISTIAN," New 
 York, says, 
 
 (l On page 19 we are told that 
 1 Social Science maybe defined to be 
 the Philosophy of Politics -, 1 and on 
 page 20, that ' The science of society 
 is the science of the dispensations of 
 Providence.' Then on page 22 we 
 are asked to ' observe the rank and 
 grade of social science among the 
 four most general sciences, namely: 
 Theology ,Metaphy sics, Sociology and 
 Mathematics.' We regret that Mr. 
 Wright has not furnished a classi 
 fication of the sciences ; but he com 
 plains of want of space. * * t He 
 hopes ' that if the public cannot 
 tolerate these writings as a work of 
 science, they will, at any rate, toler 
 ate them as a kind of sermons to 
 politicians and statesmen/ So mote 
 it be." 
 
 REV. HENRY W. BELLOWS, D.D., 
 New York, says, 
 
 I * # * h^ t have time in the 
 course of my vacation to look into 
 it. * * * I hope to receive instruc 
 tion from your book, and am grate 
 fully yours," &c. 
 
 CHARLES GOEPP, ESQ., New York, 
 
 says, 
 
 il You have grappled with the most 
 interesting of all subjects, collected 
 most valuable facts, and made close 
 research into recondite principles. 
 * * * I believe that the best grade 
 of German scholars would appreciate 
 your work as well as, if not better 
 than any English ones. * * * It 
 would translate well." 
 
 E. STEIGER, ESQ., New York, says, 
 
 " It is encouraging to see that the 
 momentous questions treated in your 
 book have still sufficient attractions 
 for superior minds in these material 
 days. I trust that the great labor 
 you have undergone in writing the 
 work will be duly appreciated by 
 the select and discriminating public 
 for whose information it was writ 
 ten." 
 
 The Brooklyn " NATIONAL MONITOR" 
 says, 
 
 " Social Science is yet in its in 
 fancy, and he who fosters it into 
 maturity, or searches out its essential 
 principia underlying the multiplicity 
 of defective social systems, and brings 
 them to the front, for foundation 
 stones' on which the ideal social 
 . system of nature and reason and 
 revelation may be reared, will ever 
 be remembered with gratitude by 
 society, and handed down to suc 
 ceeding generations as society's 
 greatest benefactor. * * * 
 
 " Not however for this renown 
 does the author of the elaborate work 
 before us seem to have written. His 
 Principia is the offspring of higher 
 motives. * * * Each book is appro 
 priately divided into chapters and 
 sections, thus taking up every dis 
 tinct theme in a separate chapter and 
 section, so as to afford easy reference 
 as a text-book on social science. * * * 
 Upon the whole, the author has 
 given to the public a book on social 
 science that will be to society a 
 strong push in the right direction." 
 REV. THOS. K. BEECHER, D.D., El- 
 mira, N. Y., says, 
 
 * * * "is not mistaken in suppos 
 ing me to be specially interested in 
 such lines of thought and observa 
 tion. From a reading of the first 
 
NOTICES. 
 
 35 or 40 pp. I perceive already that I 
 you and I have many things in com- j 
 mon. My only hesitation is based j 
 on what may be called the inertia 
 of ignorance. When you and other 
 thinkers have solved the problem of 
 a perfect social order, you will then 
 have come only to where Jesus Christ 
 was Eighteen Hundred years ago, 
 * * * I assure you of my thanks * * * 
 for a work of such scope and Chris 
 tian wisdom." 
 REV. AUSTIN CRAIG, D.D., Pres. 
 
 Christian Biblical Institute, Stan- 
 fordville, N. Y., says, 
 
 * * * " Outwardly as well as in 
 wardly I find it a beautiful book. * * * 
 It is full of good thoughts worthily 
 expressed. * * * Your spirit seems 
 excellent every where ; and (I believe) 
 your work was (from the first) an 
 offering to God and man ; and so 
 may man receive it, and God follow 
 it with his blessing." 
 REV. PROF. C. W. NASSAU, D.D., 
 Lawrenceville, N. J., says, 
 
 " You have my sincere good wishes 
 
 for success to a work which has cost 
 
 you so many years of patient labor.'.' 
 
 PROF. RyP. STEBBINS, D.D., Cornell 
 
 University, says, 
 
 "I shall read it during my vaca 
 tion. The table of contents gives 
 some very important topics." 
 REV.PETERB. llEROY,Bedford,N. Y., 
 says, 
 
 11 1 was never more surprised than 
 to receive your valuable book. * * * 
 Jt must have been the work of your 
 life. I intend, as I have time from 
 my ministerial labors, to read it ; 
 and the more so as coming from the 
 heart and intellect of one so well 
 beloved in other days." 
 
 REV. CHARLES A. BECK, Milford, 
 
 N. J., says, 
 
 " I consider the subject as one of 
 the highest importance. * * * If 
 there are errors in treating it, still 
 we are to be thankful there is strug 
 gling toward the right. * * * I have 
 no doubt I will be deeply interested 
 in reading it." 
 
 REV. WM. H. PITTMAN, Hopewell, 
 
 N. /., says, 
 11 It is a book of great merit, a 
 
 valuable addition to American and 
 Christian literature : it is a book that 
 every minister and statesman ought 
 to have. * * * Every subject and 
 division is made plain." 
 
 The Boston " ZION HERALD" says, 
 
 u This volume * * * is a conscien 
 tious and thoughtful effort to solve 
 the problem of the best conditions 
 for man's social well-being. The 
 writer has read widely, and criticises 
 without hesitation the systems of 
 Comte, Spencer, Fourier, and J. S. 
 Mill. He illustrates freely his own 
 themes from the whole breadth of 
 social science literature. The out 
 come of all his thinking, large por 
 tions of which are very suggestive 
 and valuable. * * * The evident 
 sincerity, honesty, and hearty con 
 viction of the author constantly im 
 presses you ; * * * the book amply 
 repays the reading, by its wholesome 
 suggestions upon many subordinate 
 themes relating to social develop 
 ment, public health and morals, in 
 ternational intercourse, and the re 
 moval of the great evils that now 
 press upon society." 
 
 The "BOSTON GLOBE" says, 
 
 * * * " The author admits that 
 Herbert Spencer is the King of the 
 Social Scientists. * * * Fourier's 
 Ideal is said to be too high lor the 
 common world and too low for the 
 higher life; The author considers 
 that society is held together by and 
 happiness in it depends upon, Love 
 of the other sex, Acquaintanceship, 
 Material or business interests, Edu 
 cation, its interests and its literature, 
 Goodness, namely, doing justice to 
 others, and forbearance under injus 
 tice, real or apparent. There are 
 some excellent ideas in this volume. 
 * * * The book is well worth read 
 ing, though its advanced views will 
 hardly find acceptance among prac 
 tical statesmen." 
 
 The "BOSTON TRANSCRIPT" says, 
 
 * * * " In his preface the author 
 briefly compares the principal char 
 acteristics of his work with those 
 of Comte, Carey, Paley, Spencer, 
 Mulford, Mill, Guizot and Fourier, 
 stating wherein he differs from the 
 
8 
 
 NOTICES. 
 
 theories advanced by them, and ac 
 knowledges his indebtedness for en 
 couragement and aid, to the Bible, 
 Appletons' Cyclopedia, Wheatonj 
 Kuskin, Tennyson, Guizot, De Toc- 
 queville, J.F. Cooper, Schleiermacher 
 and Me' Cosh, and to Ballou, Nord- 
 hoff and various writers, Catholic 
 and Protestant, on natural theology, 
 theism, communism, and the higher 
 life of the Individual Soul. * * * 
 Enough has been stated to show the 
 formidable nature of the task which 
 the author has undertaken. To ex 
 plain and illustrate his manner of 
 executing it would occupy columns 
 instead of paragraphs." 
 
 The Boston" LITERARY WORLD" says, 
 "A very formidable-looking vol 
 ume is R. J. Wright's ' Principia ; or 
 Basis of Social Science'. * * * To 
 ascertain by careful perusal the char 
 acter and purpose ot this work would 
 be a task of no little magnitude, and 
 to record one's discoveries would be 
 a still greater one. We despair of 
 conveying an adequate idea of the 
 contents of this ponderous volume, 
 and refer our readers to the book 
 itself." 
 
 The "BOSTON JOURNAL" says, 
 " The author * * * explains in his 
 preface the points on which he differs 
 from Comte, Carey, Paley, Spencer, 
 Mulford, Mill and Fourier. The last 
 named he regards as wide, rambling, 
 and almost wild in his analogies and 
 range of topics ; and the scope of the 
 other writers is too contracted. * 
 The author's purpose is to consider 
 in this volume the fundamental po 
 litical organic principles, which in 
 succeeding volumes he will apply to 
 the solution of various social and 
 political problems. The work is 
 plainly the product of sincere and 
 laborious thought, * * * it has a cer 
 tain freshness and earnestness of 
 statement which will incline the 
 reader to overlook its obvious faults. 
 * * * His sub-divisions are numer 
 ous, but well arranged and calculated 
 to assist the reader." 
 
 WENDELL PHILLIPS, ESQ., says, 
 " Your interesting looking volume 
 came yesterday. I have only time 
 now to scan its table of contents a 
 
 rich carte and I hope soon to find 
 leisure to test your arguments. Ac 
 cept my sincere thanks for the oppor 
 tunity. These are to be the questions 
 of the coming fifty years, and every 
 contribution to their discussion is 
 valuable, indeed, as you suggest, 
 the highest duty of a citizen." 
 
 MRS. JULIA WARD HOWE says, 
 " I am much obliged for the valu 
 able gift * * * your ' Principia.' The 
 perusal of the preface * * * has 
 shown me that its scope and object 
 are in sympathy with all that I most 
 reverence in the present, or desire for 
 the future. I intend to study your 
 work carefully * * * what appears 
 to me so well planned * * *". 
 REV. ADIN BALLOU, Hopedale, Mass., 
 says, 
 
 * * # your a ble. instructive and 
 valuable work. It is freighted with 
 thought, knowledge and suggestion. 
 
 * * * I have read what little I con 
 veniently could of it since its receipt, 
 but not enough to criticise worthily 
 its manifold evolutions of data, much 
 less to master its system of prin 
 ciples, reasonings and conclusions." 
 The "LOUISVILLE COMMERCIAL" says, 
 
 # * * Of a work so elaborate as 
 this, written in such a spirit and 
 treating of such a large subject, we 
 prefer not to express a decided opin 
 ion without a more careful and 
 thorough examination than we have 
 been able to give it. * * * This 
 volume is designed to give the 'fun 
 damental political organic princi 
 ples.' * * * He has tried to write 
 such a book that all liberal-minded 
 people, whatever may be their reli 
 gious or political views, may read it 
 without pain or disturbance. * * * 
 A book written in such a spirit and 
 for such an object deserves careful 
 consideration, no less than its size. 
 
 * * * Whatever fate Mr. Wright's 
 theories may meet at the hands of 
 masters and competent critics in 
 social science, he has certainly pro 
 duced the most elaborate and high- 
 reaching and thoughtful work on his 
 subject that has appeared from an 
 American pen. He apologizes ^for 
 his style, * * * As a whole, it is a 
 valuable contribution to our political 
 
NOTICES. 
 
 9 
 
 literature, and it would be a good 
 thing if others of our men of mind 
 and leisure would devote themselves 
 to such studies as those of Mr. 
 Wright, to which we owe this 
 volume." 
 
 The "CINCINNATI TIMES" says, 
 *** "A ponderous volume. * * * 
 We wish the author could have held | 
 himself until cold weather the book 
 is too big a job for us at the present 
 state of the thermometer." 
 
 The "CINCINNATI GAZETTE" says, 
 * " Mr. Wright * * * asserts * * * 
 that the progress of the human race 
 in the highest aims of life, is too un 
 certain of proof, to l)e made tho basis 
 of a positive science. He "" * * aims 
 to elevate politics from the low- 
 ground which they have occupied, in 
 our country especially, by pointing 
 out the great truths which lie at the 
 foundation of national existence.** * 
 We can only sketch the outlines of 
 the author's design, and call the at 
 tention of thoughtful readers to his 
 volume." 
 
 u HERALD OF GOSPEL LIBERTY," Day 
 ton, O.j says, 
 
 li A review of this book leads us 
 to commend in it these valuable 
 features : 1. The importance of the 
 general subject. 2. Its numerous 
 but appropriate subdivisions, em 
 bracing the whole field of Social 
 Science. * * * 3. The authors 
 thorough, steady, patient, and com 
 plete investigation of his theme. 
 
 4. His peculiar, natural, and acquired 
 talents for investigating and discuss 
 ing the subject, and for reducing it 
 to practical rules of Christian ethics. 
 
 5. The evolving from the metaphys 
 ical and the abstruse of his subject, 
 the simplest and most practical moral 
 rules in all social, civil, and religious 
 relations. 6. Such an arrangement 
 and relation of subjects, as well as 
 that full discussion and presentation 
 of all its features, as adapts the book 
 to a general want, and renders it of 
 great worth the book embracing 
 524 pages, and no repetition. Other 
 points deserve commendation, while 
 in a few things only is the work open 
 to criticism. * * * But, compared 
 with its many points of excellence, 
 
 these few features of criticism sink 
 almost from sight." 
 
 Contribution to " HERALD OF GOSPEL 
 
 LIBERTY 
 
 says, 
 
 " The subject of which the book 
 treats, * * * is at present command 
 ing the attention of the most thought 
 ful and studious minds of this and 
 other lands. * * * Wright has evi 
 dently devoted much careful and 
 patient study to the investigation of 
 the whole range of subjects embraced 
 in his theme, and has talents which 
 fit him in a peculiar manner for such 
 a work. From a cursory examina 
 tion of its pages, we are led to be 
 lieve that this book possesses merits 
 of a high order, and which should 
 create for it a wide demand. * * *." 
 D. E. MILLARD. 
 
 "THE INTERIOR," Chicago, says, 
 " The Principia is a voluminous 
 work on an immense subject. The 
 subject embraces all the relations 
 existing in society, and thus covers 
 the sciences of Law, Government, 
 Political Economy, and Moral 
 Science, with many other lines of 
 thought, which lie in the field of 
 Philosophy. The author pursues 
 the most of these more or less per 
 sistently, and always independently 
 of the recognized leaders, Mill, 
 Guizot, iPaley, Comte, Spencer, etc., 
 and in combating all of them he 
 brings out a great variety of sugges 
 tions. Indeed the work under the 
 author's plan of treatment became 
 a kind of cyclopedia of social science. 
 * * * From this it will be seen that 
 the author is radical in his views 
 throughout. And yet it is just this 
 type of character whose work v s it is 
 most interesting, and in one sense 
 most profitable, to study. His de 
 votion to a theory, and the earnest 
 ness and zeal of his researches which 
 result from that devotion, give his 
 discussions the interest of novelty 
 as well as originality, often giving 
 the reader, by suggestion, an entirely 
 new view of an old subject. The 
 style is strong and compact, and the 
 work will be found a good invest 
 ment for the student of politics, 
 law, or any of the sciences included 
 under the-general subject." 
 
10 
 
 NOTICES. 
 
 The u CHICAGO JOURNAL'' says, 
 
 * * * it The wr iter covers a great 
 deal of ground, giving a vast amount 
 of valuable information. * * * It 
 contains the elements of a good 
 book." 
 
 The Springfield " DAILY REPUBLI 
 CAN" says, 
 
 * * * "The quality of his culture 
 may be seen from his chapter on 
 theology as a prerequisite to the 
 study of social science. Among his 
 arguments to establish this relation 
 is the statement that ' of the eminent 
 men of the Christian world, a far 
 larger portion of them are found to 
 be the children of clergymen than 
 of any other professionals ;' also the 
 fact that the theologians, Ximenes, 
 Wolsey, Richelieu, Cranmer and 
 Talleyrand became the best and fore 
 most political statesmen of the world, 
 and that the statesmanship of Rome, 
 although clerical, ' is acknowledged 
 to be the most far-reaching in the 
 world.' " 
 
 The Chicago " TRIBUNE" says, 
 
 * * * " The arrangement * * * of 
 the contents is unique; so is the 
 style : so is the punctuation. * * * 
 He calls especial attention to it. The 
 following sentence, the end of the 
 preface, may serve as a fair example : 
 'And finally, borrowing an idea from 
 Paley, but revising it, we may say, 
 that we cannot see why, our having 
 done, however feebly, yet as well as 
 we were able, a work which seemed 
 to be very much needed, should 
 hinder any other person from doing 
 it as much better as he would choose 
 to.' " 
 
 REV. G. C. HECKMAN, D.D., Pres. 
 of Hanover College, Ind., says, 
 "Principia has just arrived. Many 
 
 thanks. I will read it with great 
 
 interest and care." 
 
 The St. Louis u GLOBE DEMOCRAT" 
 
 says, 
 
 " This is an able and comprehen 
 sive survey of social science, from a 
 moral and theological, and yet an 
 exceedingly liberal and progressive 
 stand-point. * * * ] ( rYes its volu 
 minous character, it is a deeply- 
 
 philosophical dissertation, and we 
 adopt the author's suggestion not to 
 judge it positively until it has been 
 carefully considered, * * * we are 
 inclined to look upon it as a valuable 
 addition to" the many valuable treat 
 ises which we already have upon the 
 engaging subject of social science." 
 Gov. C. C. CARPENTER of Iowa, says, 
 
 * * * ''So far as I have been able 
 to examine the book, I find it origi 
 nal in thought and style, and I be 
 lieve it will be calculated to promote 
 thought and investigation, and to 
 greatly increase an intelligent com 
 prehension of the special subjects 
 upon which it treats. I h( pe it may 
 be generally read by thinkers upon 
 social questions, and that you may 
 Have the pleasure of witnessing the 
 results of your study and labor in 
 the improvement of the social philo 
 sophy and practical methods of the 
 age." 
 
 PROF. DANIEL SCHINDLER, Prof, of 
 Metaphysics in Michigan Univer 
 sity, says, 
 
 * * * " I have not yet had time to 
 do more than run over the table of 
 contents, and here and there to open 
 and look at your book. I have seen 
 and read enough, however, to assure 
 me that your flow is individual, and 
 your discussion positive, and that 
 you have made genuine contribu 
 tions toward the solution of some 
 of the vexed problems of Social 
 Science. I shall take pleasure in 
 giving the Principia a careful perusal 
 during my vacation. * * * I hope 
 God may give you life and health to 
 complete the flood of work you have 
 marked out for yourself." 
 
 L. C. DRAPER, ESQ., Sec'y of the State 
 Hist. Soc. of Wisconsin, says, 
 
 " Our librarian has acknowledged 
 the receipt of your fine volume. We 
 are always glad to add such to our 
 library.*** 
 
 "I have the honor to inform you 
 that at a meeting of the Exec. Com. 
 of the State Hist. Soc. of Wisconsin 
 held this day, you were unanimously 
 elected a corresponding member." 
 REV. GEORGE D. STEWART, D.D., 
 Omaha, Neb., says, 
 
 "I think the book evinces much 
 
NOTICES. 
 
 11 
 
 careful study and mastery of the 
 problems of sociology. * * * The 
 object and aim are worthy of your 
 self, and should commend themselves 
 to every man who lives and works 
 in the Christian spirit. * * * It is a 
 fine specimen of American book- 
 making as regards the mechanical 
 execution. It is good for tired or 
 strained eyes. The dedication is 
 very touching to all of us who know 
 the facts." 
 
 The Baltimore " METHODIST PROTEST 
 ANT'' says, 
 
 * * * " Anything like a faithful and 
 exhaustive notice of such a volume 
 would require the space of a quar 
 terly review. * * * The author, in 
 his preface, has outlined our labor 
 in a brief but clear dissection of its 
 contents. * * * In this volume he 
 gives only the fundamental political 
 organic principles. He professes to 
 write free from prejudice as to exist 
 ing parties, and to have prepared a 
 volume which can be safely recom 
 mended to pious young men and stu 
 dents for the ministry, who desire to 
 keep abreast with the age on this 
 subject. In this light especially, our 
 own examination of it leads us to 
 endorse the work as the most com 
 pact and yet comprehensive of the 
 science of which we have knowledge. 
 It should find a place in the library 
 of every minister who would culti 
 vate enlarged views of a thinking 
 period. It is most thorough in its 
 treatment. * * * It is a book for 
 study and reference, and a most val 
 uable addition to the discussion of 
 an eminently important subject." 
 
 The Baltimore "EPISCOPAL METHO 
 DIST" says, 
 
 * * * " It is philosophical in its 
 scope of thought and modes of in 
 quiry, and after giving the author's 
 definition of social science, endeavors 
 to show its relation to other sciences, 
 It proposes to carry into social sci 
 ence the same wide spirit of harmony 
 and generalization that Schleier- 
 macher carried into theology. Re 
 cognizing the Divine character and 
 renovating influence of Christian 
 truth, it proposes to bring its influ 
 ence to bear upon the political sys 
 
 tem of the world, and thus contribute 
 by its reflex bearings to the moral 
 regeneration of mankind." 
 
 The "BALTIMORE AMERICAN" says, 
 
 # * # u This volume is presented 
 to the public in the humble, but 
 earnest desire of being able to con 
 tribute his mite to the Christianiza- 
 tion of politics, the promotion of real 
 freedom and progress and the im 
 provement of society, firmly believ 
 ing that the promotion of freedom 
 and progress in this world is aid to 
 the salvation of souls in the next 
 world." 
 
 The " NEW ORLEANS BULLETIN" says, 
 " The author * * * offering his 
 work as a mite contributed towards 
 the promotion of real freedom and 
 progress, and the improvement of 
 society. He defines Social Science 
 as the ' Philosophy of Politics,' 
 and therefore specially worthy the 
 thoughtful consideration of Ameri 
 can citizens, to whom we therefore 
 commend the work." 
 The " LONDON SATURDAY REVIEW/' 
 England, says, 
 
 * * * <* -\y e [ m ve three works on 
 political science, none of them en 
 tirely without claim to attention. 
 Mr. R. J. Wright, in his Principia, 
 undertakes to reconstruct not merely 
 the basis of social science, but that 
 of political society itself. His politi 
 cal order is to be founded on the ag 
 gregation of a multitude of Precincts, 
 
 * * * with a population ranging from 
 that of a village to that of a moderate- 
 sized town. Each of these is to con 
 stitute itself, by force of spcial affini 
 ties and the attraction of like to like, 
 of families in the same state of moral 
 advancement, intellectual education, 
 refinement, and general social char 
 acter ; room is also to be made for 
 societies of special tenets and ten 
 dencies. * * * This is the basis 
 
 * * * : the general construction of 
 the edifice, the details of each suc 
 cessive enlargement of the self-gov 
 erning area and corresponding re 
 duction of the powers of government, 
 and the distribution of different func 
 tions among the different ruling 
 bodies, we must leave the reader to 
 study in the volume itself." 
 
ADDITIONAL NOTICES. 
 
 HERBERT SPENCER, London, 
 
 Eng., saijs, 
 
 "I have to thank you for a copy 
 of your Principia, etc., brought over 
 by my friend Prof. Youmans. * * * 
 I am glad to see a work which, 
 though in some respects divergent 
 from my own views, is in others co 
 incident with them. All such efforts 
 to diffuse larger conceptions must be 
 beneficial." 
 
 T. W. HIGGINSON, Newport, R. L, 
 
 says, 
 
 " I have read with especial interest 
 that portion of it relating to the 
 organization of labor by association. 
 * * * Your book must represent a 
 great deal of study and work, and 
 you deserve much credit for putting 
 so much sincere labor into it, and 
 carrying it out so thoroughly." 
 
 The li PRINCETON REVIEW" says, 
 
 * * * Whatever success the 
 author may have attained or failed 
 of, * * * he has given out no second 
 hand or hackneyed views. His book 
 is the fruit of long observation, care 
 ful study and profound thinking. It 
 abounds in reasonings which are 
 original, often just and generally, 
 even when obnoxious to criticism, 
 highly suggestive. 
 
 * * * The au thor shows a breadth 
 and depth of view quite beyond that 
 of average specialists and writers on 
 it, or its different branches, in the 
 importance which he assigns to 
 theology, metaphysics, psychology, 
 ethics, in short all the mental sci 
 ences, as a needful propaedeutic for 
 mastering sociology. Here he is 
 toto ccelo above, as well as different 
 from, Comte, and the entire school 
 of positivists, sensualists and mate 
 rialists. * * * Mr. Wright justly 
 says : * The study of theology is the 
 scientific study of religion, and, 
 therefore, calls into exercise the 
 higher faculties of the mind. Hence, 
 it is one of the best preparations, 
 for earnest original study in any of 
 the sciences.' *'* * * * * 
 
 " The above quotations will be 
 found scattered, from pages 31 to 
 36, inclusive, and will suffice to give 
 a taste of the book, which may lead 
 some to a further examination of 
 12 
 
 it. While we highly value it, we 
 dissent from some of its positions.*** 
 "We regret that the foregoing 
 notice, prepared for a previous num 
 ber, has been, by inadvertence, de 
 layed until now." 
 The " INDEPENDENT," New York, 
 
 says, < 
 * " The subdivision of topics 
 
 * * * is exceedingly minute. * * * 
 Mr. Wright "regards social science 
 as 'a kind of high politics.' He 
 makes it so high and at the same 
 time so comprehensive, as to embrace 
 nearly all the other sciences. * * * 
 Mr. Wright shows much reading on 
 the subject of which he treats and 
 large industry in collecting mate 
 rials, while he is scholarly and gen 
 erally lucid in his style." 
 
 The '" EVENING TELEGRAPH," Phila 
 delphia, says, 
 
 " An introduction to a new syste'm 
 of philosophy, which shall be dis 
 tinctively American and distinc 
 tively Christian. * * * A work like 
 Mr. Wright's, that is so full of care 
 fully-digested information on a large 
 number of important topics, can 
 scarcely be perused otherwise than 
 with profit. The topics discussed 
 
 * * * are all, or nearly all, of an 
 eminently practical character which 
 have a bearing upon the govern 
 mental problems which we are en 
 deavoring to solve in this country, 
 and as such they merit the attention 
 of those who desire to understand 
 and to perform with the best effect 
 all the duties of citizenship." 
 
 The "BANNER OF LIGHT," Boston, 
 
 says, 
 
 " Mr. Wright has in this large 
 volume shown himself the master 
 of all the schools, whose peculiari 
 ties he exposes in a full and fair 
 manner, desirous of nothing but 
 arriving at the truth. * * * How 
 faith fully he has done this can only 
 be learned from a studious perusal 
 of his volume, upon whose pages 
 are to be seen the proofs of patient 
 and well-directed thought and the 
 most painstaking investigation. * * * 
 To be welcomed by all such as are 
 in earnest rather for the truth than 
 for the support of any preconceived 
 
NOTICES. 
 
 13 
 
 theory. The author, after all, pre 
 tends to have done no more than lay 
 down the principles of the science in 
 this volume, but in mastering them a 
 key is obtained to the whole subject." 
 The " CHRISTIAN ADVOCATE," New 
 
 York, says, 
 
 " This is the work of an author 
 with whom we have not heretofore 
 been acquainted which fact, how 
 ever should not be construed as proof 
 that he has been unknown. We 
 suspect that he is somewhat of a 
 solitary student, and much more 
 conversant with books than with 
 men. * * * In his religious philoso 
 phy he seems to be of the best Chris 
 tian type, and in his political phi 
 losophy he is purely and. broadly 
 American. * * * There need be no 
 hesitation, however, to say that it 
 contains a vast amount of valuable 
 materials, and to the intelligent 
 reader who looks beneath the sur 
 face of things it will prove provoca 
 tive of valuable thoughts." 
 
 The "PITTSBURGH COMMERCIAL" 
 
 " Very many will be surprised to 
 find this such a sensible work, judg 
 ing it by its title. * * * The unique 
 style, correctness and freshness of 
 statements, make the reader lose 
 sight of the mode of reasoning and 
 peculiar forms of thought. * * * 
 Without concurring in all the 
 author's opinions, we find much in 
 the work to admire, and particularly 
 the high tone and conscientious effort 
 to solve the problem of man's social 
 well-being." 
 
 The " CHRONICLE AND NEWS," Allen- 
 town, Pa., says, 
 
 " The work is one of advanced 
 ideas, the author differing materially 
 upon many points with writers upon 
 kindred subjects. The vexed prob 
 lems of social life are discussed so 
 honestly that the reader cannot fail 
 to be impressed with the writer's 
 earnestness in his expressed desire 
 to be able to help promote progress, 
 improve society and benefit man 
 kind. * * * We advise those inter 
 ested in the subject to read the book 
 itself, assuring them that it will well 
 repay perusal." 
 
 The " CHRISTIAN ERA," Boston, says, 
 " In the fullness of its table of 
 contents, * * * in the cyclopediac 
 range of its topics, embracing ' high 
 politics,' theology, metaphysics, 
 moral philosophy, political economy, 
 the science of government, the sci 
 ence of physical man, and miscella 
 neous topics relating to the develop 
 ment and progress of the race ; in 
 the minuteness of its sub-divisions, 
 * in the originality of its punc 
 tuation marks, * * * in the singu 
 larity of its syntax, * * * this ' Prin- 
 cipia' is not merely an imposing 
 and curious, but a ponderous and 
 unique book. As an illustration of 
 a peculiar method of literary work, 
 * * * it is the most extraordinary 
 volume we have ever encountered." 
 
 The "CHURCHMAN," New York, 
 
 says, 
 
 " At the first glance this seems an 
 imposing work. The size of the 
 book, the very title, and a glance at 
 the table of contents, filling nearly 
 twenty pages, and embracing almost 
 a cyclopedia of topics, impressed us 
 as only things of vastness can, and 
 we prepared ourselves for solid read 
 ing and close thinking. * * * We 
 venture to suggest whether princi 
 ples so very vague as those which 
 he proposes to make the basis of 
 Social Science, including theology 
 and morality, can be of much use in 
 preparing young men for the Min 
 istry. ' High Church, Low Church, 
 and no Church' are all the same to 
 him. * * * As to the work itself we 
 have little to say." 
 
 The "EPISCOPAL REGISTER," Phila 
 delphia, says, 
 
 "We do not feel ourselves pre 
 pared to enter into any full review 
 of this work. The author has made 
 his subject a study, and writes ia 
 the interest of religion." 
 
 Miss E. P. PEABODY, Cambridge, 
 
 Mass., says, 
 
 11 The book * * * is very interest 
 ing ; but I have not read it carefully 
 enough to speak of it worthily. * * * 
 A gentleman friend of mine has your 
 volume now STUDYING it. * * * He 
 says it is very interesting." 
 
14 
 
 NOTICES. 
 
 JOHN JORDAN, JR., ESQ., /or the His 
 torical Society of Pa., says, 
 11 1 ain directed by the Society to 
 communicate to you their thanks 
 
 * * * for Principia. * * * We gladly 
 welcome * * * this exceedingly in 
 teresting work as an acquisition to 
 our collection. * * * We will be 
 happy to receive your visits here." 
 
 REV. J. F. GARRISON, Camden, N. J., 
 
 says, 
 
 11 The subject is one of supreme 
 importance. * * * It concerns the 
 church even more than the state. 
 
 * * * One statement gives me much 
 assurance of a satisfactory discus 
 sion ; and that is your purpose to 
 make use of metaphysical consider 
 ations in settling your principia * * * 
 the right point of view from which 
 to approach the whole subject.'" 
 WM. WELSH, ESQ., Philada., says, 
 
 "Mr. Wright will please accept 
 my acknowledgments of his kind re 
 membrance of his old neighbor."*' 55 '* 
 
 " On the receipt of your Prin 
 cipia I hoped to get time to study it 
 carefully." 
 
 REV. T. J. SHEPHERD, D.D., Phila., 
 says, 
 
 " I thank you very heartily for 
 the volume, and I should be glad, 
 when leisure offers, to read it. * * * 
 I will be happy to see you and to 
 express my acknowledgments in 
 person." 
 
 T. W. WORRELL, ESQ., Frankford, 
 Pa., says, 
 
 il I anticipate great pleasure as 
 well as profit in the reading/' 
 JOSEPH MOORE, Pres. Earlliam Col., 
 Richmond, Ind., says, 
 
 * * * " A book which from what 
 I have observed thus far, promises 
 to be of great value in my profes 
 sion (teaching)." 
 
 E. F. STEWART, ESQ., Easton, Pa., 
 says, 
 
 11 You seem to have taken a broader 
 and more philosophical view of the 
 subject than any of your predeces 
 sors or compeers." 
 REV. J. P. WATSON, Troy, O., says, 
 
 " I am truly grateful to you, and 
 have, so far, much enjoyed its exam 
 ination." 
 
 REV. J. E. NASSAU, D.D., Warsaw, 
 N. Y., says, 
 
 " A handsome volume, a sort of 
 thesaurus on Social Science. * * * 
 I am glad to see that the Alumni of 
 Lafayette are making their mark in 
 the literary and scientific world, as 
 well as in other avenues of useful 
 ness." 
 
 REV. 0. 0. WRIGHT, Fall River, 
 Mass., says, 
 
 li I have been studying it carefully, 
 that I might tell you what it is to 
 me. I find a deep interest and 
 much profit in it. * * * I feel that 
 it is calculated to do great good." 
 REV. J. D. NORMANDIE, Portsmouth, 
 N. H., says, 
 
 11 1 shall read it with much inter 
 est as soon as I can." 
 
 The "INQUIRER," London, England, 
 
 says, 
 
 " Writers on Sociology * * * may 
 be and frequently are very able and 
 accomplished men, like the author 
 of this volume. * * * Although * * * 
 perplexed * * * we have yet formed 
 a high opinion of the author as an 
 earnest and sincere thinker, ani 
 mated by a generous desire to correct 
 some of the miseries and evils of the 
 social state under the existing forms 
 of civilization. * * * The author 
 seems to have bestowed an immense 
 deal of labor on his work; * * * 
 but we doubt much if any one 
 knows or can know, within the com 
 pass of earthly life, all the elements 
 not even all the fundamental ones 
 that belong to * * * human so 
 ciety. * * * As for their number 
 they are just as likely to be six hun 
 dred as six. These inner mysteries 
 of human nature may be sneered at 
 by practical men as ' airy nothings,' 
 but without them none of the so- 
 called facts of life would have ' a 
 local habitation and a name.' 
 Our author * * * does not invest 
 his ideal communities with couleur 
 de rose and an atmosphere all bless 
 edness and joy. * * * Society needs 
 change, and society will have it in 
 time. * * * We hope such of our 
 readers as are interested in the sci 
 ence of Sociology will look into this 
 volume." 
 
PRINCIPIA 
 
 OR 
 
 BASIS 
 
 OP 
 
 SOCIAL SCIENCE. 
 
 BEING A SURVEY OF THE SUBJECT FROM THE 
 
 MORAL AND THEOLOGICAL, YET LIBERAL 
 
 AND PROGRESSIVE STAND-POINT. 
 
 BY 
 
 R. J. WEIGHT 
 
 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO. 
 
 1876. 
 
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1875, by 
 
 R. J. WRIGHT, 
 In the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington. 
 
DEDICATION. 
 
 TO THE MEMORY OF MY DEAR DEPARTED SISTER, 
 JOSEPHINE AMANDA WRIGHT: 
 
 BY WHOSE SELF-SACRIFICE, UNTO DEATH, I WAS ENABLED TO SURVIVE, 
 AND TO WORK, AND TO PRODUCE THESE AND OTHER WRITINGS: 
 
 (Tins loth is mftttxonaiclg anb SRcbmntln $pebitaitb 
 
 BY HER, LIVING MONUMENT, 
 
 R. J. W. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 FIRST. In presenting a new work on any subject, it seems 
 proper that the writer should commence his preface to it, by 
 pointing out wherein his work differs from, or is called for by, 
 the characteristics of other and abler works, already in the same 
 field. Therefore we will briefly compare the principal charac 
 teristics of ours, with such works. 
 
 From Comte we differ ; First. In adding metaphysics to his 
 merely physical sciences, and in maintaining the idea, that meta 
 physics, ethics, and religion, are branches of a really " positive 
 philosophy." Second. By denying that the progress of the 
 human race in the highest aims of life, is anything like so well 
 proved in history, as to be made the basis of a "Positive Science." 
 
 From Carey we differ; First. In making much more use 
 of metaphysical considerations, and less, of merely mercantile or 
 financial ones. "Second. In believing that the price of land is in 
 creasing with fearful rapidity, and bringing evils on earth, as yet 
 but little anticipated. Third. In admitting that the population 
 of the world is approaching, and will approach, a density that 
 will puzzle social science, morality, and religion, to provide 
 against the evils thereof. Fourth. Mr. Carey has too much 
 animosity, and is too bitter against England. 
 
 From Paley we differ, chiefly ; In our estimating the moral 
 instincts, as on a PAR with reasonings from expediency : and in 
 regard to views arising from the differences between monarchy 
 and democracy ; and about the pre-eminent value of the British 
 Constitution. But we agree with him particularly, in that our 
 work, like his, is written avowedly in the interests of revealed 
 or traditionary religion. 
 
 As to Spencer; we admit he is the King of the Social Scien 
 tists ; but think, First, that unless by his metaphysical argu 
 mentation, he does not differ from Comte so much as he appears 
 
v i PREFACE. 
 
 to think he does : except that Comte was avowedly atheistic, but 
 Mr. Spencer is rather deistic. Mr. Spencer seems to work chiefly 
 in the interests of secular science ; but we work chiefly in the 
 interests of religion, and of scientific statesmanship. And our 
 work differs so much from his, in ideas, conclusions, methods, 
 classifications, and spirit, that we can only refer the reader to 
 the whole course of the works, respectively. 
 
 From Mulford we differ, chiefly; In objecting to the pre 
 dominance which he gives to the rights of Nation, over all the 
 other Elements of humanity, and of social science ; and object, 
 that his work has a less wide scope than either Fourier's, Comte's, 
 Spencer's, or Mill's. 
 
 With regard to J. S. Mill; He is a valuable writer, and we 
 often quote from him, as confirmatory proof, but he does not 
 allow enough for the demands of human feeling ; besides, he 
 takes too much of the commercial view of everything. Further 
 more; Mill is too essentially English, and European, in the 
 plans which he proposes, and in those which he opposes ; and 
 in the arguments which he adduces. 
 
 Guizofs " History of European Civilization" is a first class 
 work, and has been well abridged ; but its scope is only his 
 torical, and European ; and its form is not scientific, but rather 
 narrative. 
 
 None of these writers, except Fourier, takes a wide enough 
 scope. Comte and Spencer omit the true moral and theological 
 bearings. Paley omits the Physico-Scientific. 
 
 As to Fourier ; He is so wide in his analogies, and range of 
 topics, as to be almost wild in those respects. Besides, his IDEAL 
 is too high for the common world, and too low for the higher life ; 
 and requires a larger number of persons for a single " phalanx," 
 than can easily be obtained for such experiments. 
 
 SECOND. The authors or works to whom this writer is most 
 indebted for encouragement and aid ; besides those above men 
 tioned, are, the Bible ; Appleton's Cyclopaedia ; Wheaton, Rus- 
 kin, Tennyson, Guyot, De Tocqueville, F. Cooper, Schleier- 
 macher, and M'Cosh ; also to Ballou, Nordhoff, " The Circular" 
 and other writers on Communism, and to the various works on 
 Natural Theology, Theism, etc.; and to various writers, Catho 
 lic and Protestant, on the higher life of the Individual-soul. 
 
PREFACE. vil 
 
 And besides this general acknowledgment, the endeavor has 
 been made all along, to give the authorities and exact quota 
 tions, in their respective places. A general acknowledgment is 
 also due here, to a host of American historians, statesmen, and 
 commentators on the Constitution of the United States, whom 
 he has read and heard and admired from early boyhood. 
 
 THIRD. The writer's own aims in, and view of this volume, 
 may be stated as follows : Politics, which, previous to the Great 
 Rebellion, he had considered as, in this country, but little more 
 than party squabbles for place, and for words, rose up before 
 him, after the war, as the object to which he desired to devote 
 some of his best time and thought. And this volume is a part 
 of the results. It is one of a series, taking a survey of the sub 
 ject from the moral and theological, yet liberal and progressive 
 stand-point. The series has been several years under thought, 
 and in preparation. And this volume gives only the fundamen 
 tal political organic principles. The writer's scientific thoughts 
 are generally arranged as arguments for one and another of his 
 proposed ideals. Because an ideal is a theory. And, "not to 
 have an ideal higher than ourselves/ 7 or than our common insti 
 tutions, is to let ourselves and our institutions go downwards by 
 the gravitating force of inherent evils. Yet he has endeavored 
 to write in such a spirit, and to produce such a volume, that 
 all liberal-minded and liberal- hearted persons, might read it, 
 without pain or disturbance; either to their religious convic 
 tions, whether high-church, low-church, or no church : or to 
 their political feelings, whether Democrats, Republicans, or what 
 ever else they might be : and furthermore, a volume that could 
 safely be recommended to pious young men, especially to stu 
 dents for the ministry, who really desired to be useful, and to be 
 abreast of their age, on this subject. In that spirit he presents 
 the volume to the public, in the humble but earnest desire, of 
 being able to contribute his mite, towards the Christianization of 
 politics, the promotion of real freedom and progress, and the 
 improvement of society : firmly believing, that the promotion of 
 freedom and progress in this world, is aid to salvation of souls 
 in the next world. 
 
 Its method of discussion aims ,to be, by reverting constantly 
 to general fundamental principles, instead of to the passions or 
 
yiii PREFACE. 
 
 prejudices of the day, or age, or country. It endeavors to see 
 the inside of its subjects impartially, and to harmonize contend 
 ing truths ; and on new, and American principles. It attempts 
 to carry into Social Science and Politics, the same wide spirit 
 of harmony and generalization, for the sake of conciliation, that 
 Schleiermacher so successfully carried into Theology. 
 ' The work will sometimes have occasion to censure the faults 
 and sins of governments, of our own, as also of others. And 
 like all other rebukes to wrongs and evils, the more opposi 
 tion the censures meet, or the less welcome their reception is, 
 the more it would prove that they were really needed : At any 
 rate, the work is published from a sense of duty to God : and 
 bearing in mind Froebel's words, "come let us live for our 
 children." 
 
 FOURTH. As to the title, we call it " Principia or Basis of 
 Social Science," as referring, not to our treatment of the subject ; 
 but to the five great heads or topics here treated, and to their 
 .superior and more general relation to the several other topics, 
 which we propose to publish at some future time, in other 
 volumes, with other titles. Therefore, this volume needed some 
 appropriate title appended to the term Social Science, to dis 
 tinguish it from them. And, should the remaining volumes 
 of this series be published, they will be less abstract, and more 
 immediately practicable, than this one. 
 
 FIFTH. As to the Form and Style. The form of the book, 
 and of its Divisions and Sub-Divisions, has merely grown up 
 gradually out of the subject, and of the author's method of 
 studying it, namely, first analytically and inductively, and 
 afterwards synthetically and deductively. 
 
 As to the Style. The endeavor has been, to make it intelligible 
 and unequivocal, to thoughtful readers with a tolerably fair Eng 
 lish education, who are without much technical knowledge on the 
 subjects treated. But still it seems true, that a study which ranges 
 through most of the sciences, culling the gems, and extracting the 
 essence, from many of them, cannot be fully understood, until 
 after acquiring something, both of the general knowledge, and 
 of the general discipline of mind, that are acquired by those 
 studies. Moreover, for instance, Primers, or even early school- 
 books of any science, cannot be produced until after the principles 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 IX 
 
 of the science become pretty well established ; so that then many 
 preparatory arguments may be dispensed with. To make a 
 work on this subject intelligible to all, would therefore be, to 
 make it, either, so primer-like, or so prolonged and diffuse, as to 
 cut it off from the sympathies and attentions of those who, in 
 reality, were most likely to study it. As to such matters, and in 
 the present early condition of Social Science, all works concern 
 ing it, ought to be compared, not with works on Chemistry, or 
 Astronomy, or even Moral Philosophy, or Political Economy ; 
 but rather, with works on Geology or Metaphysics. 
 
 For the defects of style ; and lack of thorough revision, both 
 previous to, and whilst going through the press, the writer must 
 beg the indulgence of the public, especially on the grounds of 
 advancing years, and of much enfeebled health. 
 
 As to the punctuation, IT is, generally, according to the au 
 thor's own rules ; and he therefore relieves all other persons from 
 responsibility for its general deviation from the ordinary customs 
 thereof. For, in his view, punctuation should be adapted to suit 
 readers, and students, rather than hurried reviewers ; and should 
 principally aim to give most of the pauses for reading, and for 
 making the meaning distinct and unequivocal, and, even obvious 
 to the unlearned; and especially so, in abstract writings; also 
 remembering that it is easier to remove punctuation marks from 
 stereotyped plates, than to insert them therein. 
 
 SIXTH. But after all, there may be deemed necessary, some 
 excuse for the writer's presuming to publish his work at all, on 
 such an exalted topic. 
 
 Well : He does not pretend to class this work, as at all on a 
 par with the works of the other great names already mentioned. 
 He does not claim any pre-eminent ability, but only, patient study 
 and laborious thought. Yet he remembers, that as Spencer him 
 self says, (Westminster Review, vol. 67, page 243): "In science, 
 as in life, every man, strong or weak, carries his burden but a 
 little way, and then gives place to a younger." And perhaps 
 this remark may apply even to the great names above mentioned, 
 as well as to others, as also to his own. However, he hopes that 
 his thoughts, at any rate, will at least serve as suggestions to 
 others, and that they will stimulate others to produce better and 
 more readable works on the subject, whilst also retaining sound- 
 
x PREFACE. 
 
 ness in Morals and Theology. And he hopes also, that if the 
 public cannot tolerate these writings, as a work of science, they 
 will, at any rate, tolerate them as a kind of sermons to politi 
 cians and statesmen. And he is quite willing that no persons 
 other than those who are given to these kinds of studies, or who 
 desire to become so, will read his book at all. 
 
 The concluding words of one of Mr. Wheaton's prefaces, seem 
 appropriate here ; and are : " The knowledge of this science has, 
 consequently, been justly regarded as of the highest importance 
 to all who take an interest in political affairs. The Author 
 cherishes the hope that the following attempt to illustrate it, will 
 be received with indulgence, if not with favor, by those who know 
 the difficulties of the undertaking." 
 
 Accordingly, we ask critics to be indulgent, and to let the 
 volume have time to be clearly understood, consistently in its 
 various parts, before they extinguish it utterly. And finally ; 
 borrowing an idea from Paley, but revising it, we may say, 
 that, we cannot see why, our having done, however feebly, yet as 
 well as we were able, a work which seemed to be very much 
 needed, should hinder any other person from doing it as much 
 better as he would choose to. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 SUMMAET INTRODUCTION TO 
 SOCIAL SCIENCE. 
 
 PART I. 
 PRINCIPLES OF THE STUDY. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Chap. I. In General 19 
 
 Chap. II. Definition of Social Science . . 19 
 
 Chap. III. Scope of Social Science . . .22 
 
 1. In General. 22 
 
 2. Locus of Intersection with the Other Sciences. 22 
 
 Chap. IV. Uses 23 
 
 1. Implied in its Definition and Scope . . 23 
 
 2. Magnitude of Civil and Political Evils . 23 
 
 3. Philosophical Basis Wanted . . . 25 
 
 4. Improvement of Humanity consistent with 
 
 Free-Will 26 
 
 5. Influence on Other Sciences . . .27 
 
 6. Summary of Uses 28 
 
 7. Modes of Influence 29 
 
 Chap. V. Preparatory Studies . . . .30 
 
 1. In General ; and Methods . . . .30 
 
 2. Theology . . _, . . . .30 
 
 3. Metaphysics 33 
 
 Chap. VI. Promoters and Teachers . . .34 
 
 1. Not the Classes generally supposed . .34 
 
 2. The Real Promoters . . . . .36 
 
 Chap. VII. Means and Data 38 
 
 1. Observation 38 
 
jil TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 PACK 
 
 2. Experiment 38 
 
 3. Modification of Expediency Doctrine . . 40 
 
 4. Return to First Principles . . . .41 
 
 5. Analogies of Natural Laws . . .43 
 
 6. The Tribe-Principle 43 
 
 7. The Type-Theory 43 
 
 8. Ideals 46 
 
 (a) Historical Ideals 46 
 
 (b) Prospective Ideals 47 
 
 9. Efficacy for Solution of Phenomena . . 48 
 
 Chap. VIII. The Method. Analytical . . . 48 
 
 Chap. IX. The Classifications . . . .50 
 
 1. The Classifications in General ... 50 
 
 2. Zoological Classifications . . . .51 
 
 (a) Zoological, By others . . . .51 
 
 (6) Zoological, By us 51 
 
 3. Abstract Ungeneric Classifications . . 52 
 
 4. Generic Classifications . . . .53 
 
 (a) Generic, By others . . . . .53 
 
 (6) Our Generic Classification . . . .54 
 
 (o) Some Higher Comparisons . . . .55 
 
 (d) Some Transcendental Analogies . . .56 
 
 5. Our Order of Publication . . . 57 
 
 PART II. 
 PRINCIPLES OF SOCIETY ITSELF. 
 
 Chap. I. Preliminary 58 
 
 Chap. II. Most General Social Laws . . 58 
 
 1. Differences of Degrees of Things . . 58 
 
 2. Analogies with Physical Laws . . .60 
 
 3. Metaphysical Operation of Social Laws . 61 
 
 4. Condensation of General Social Laws . . 62 
 
 Chap. III. Equilibrata of Society . . .64 
 
 1. Spontaneous Combining Powers . . .64 
 
 2. Spontaneous Quarreling Powers . . .66 
 
 3. Spontaneous Reactionary Powers . .66 
 
 4. Evils Balancing each other . . . .68 
 
 5. Equilibrity of Sentiments . . . .69 
 
 6. Calculus of Variations . . . .70 
 

 TA-BL.JB UJ? VJUJM JL-&1NJLO. 
 
 Xlll 
 
 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Chap. IV. 
 
 Constitution of Society 
 
 70 
 
 11. 
 
 Real Bonds of Society .... 
 
 70 
 
 2. 
 
 Tests of a Good Social Condition 
 
 72 
 
 (a) 
 
 General Tests . . . . 
 
 72 
 
 (6) 
 
 Tests in Morality . . . . 
 
 72 
 
 W 
 
 Tests in Fashions 
 
 73 
 
 W 
 
 Tests as to Labor . . . . 
 
 73 
 
 W 
 
 Tests as to Government .... 
 
 73 
 
 3. 
 
 The Spirit, Not the Form .... 
 
 74 
 
 4. 
 
 
 76 
 
 Chap. V. 
 
 The Doctrines of Progress. . * 
 
 76 
 
 1. 
 
 In General 
 
 76 
 
 $2. 
 
 
 77 
 
 o ** 
 
 
 
 3. 
 
 Periods of Human Progress . * -, 
 
 79 
 
 4. 
 
 Progressions to be Homogeneous . . . 
 
 80 
 
 5. 
 
 Who the Coming Leaders will be 
 
 81 
 
 Chap. VI. 
 
 Theory of the Six Units . .. 
 
 82 
 
 11. 
 
 In General .... .,'" ... 
 
 82 
 
 2. 
 
 Origin of this Theory . . . 
 
 84 
 
 3. 
 
 Some Singular Sixes . . . . , * 
 
 85 
 
 4. 
 
 Combinations of the Six Units . .- . 
 
 87 
 
 (a) 
 
 Combinations in Concatenation . ; 
 
 87 
 
 (*) 
 
 Combinations in Solution . . ;-. 
 
 89 
 
 () 
 
 Analogy in Chemistry . . . . 
 
 89 
 
 w 
 
 Analogy in Geography 
 
 89 
 
 Chap. VII. 
 
 Balances of the Six Units . . * 
 
 91 
 
 11, 
 
 In General .... -. * 
 
 91 
 
 2. 
 
 Individual and Family as Types w . ; 
 
 92 
 
 3. 
 
 Resemblances to Gravitation . . 
 
 92 
 
 4. 
 
 Resemblances to Chemical Affinity . 
 
 93 
 
 5. 
 
 Natural History of Society . . * 
 
 95 
 
 Chap. VIII. 
 
 The Tribe-Principle . 
 
 97 
 
 It. 
 
 In General, and Classifications . 
 
 97 
 
 2, 
 
 Permanence of the Tribe-Principle 
 
 98 
 
 3. 
 
 Natural History of Tribe .... 
 
 98 
 
 4. 
 
 Mutual Relations of the Three Constituents 
 
 100 
 
 (a) 
 
 Balance of the Three Constituents 
 
 100 
 
 (&) 
 
 Corporation 
 
 101 
 
 (*) 
 
 Social Circle 
 
 B 
 
 101 
 
XIV 
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 (d) Precinct 103 
 
 Chap. IX. Balances of all the Elements of So 
 cial Science ...-.., 104 
 
 1. Balances of the Analytical Seven . . 104 
 
 (a) Law of Proportions of Power . . .104 
 
 (b) Natural Tendency to Over-Centralization . 104 
 
 (c) Fields of Physical and Metaphysical Power 106 
 
 (d) Different Elements represent different Eights 106 
 2. Balances of the Whole Fourteen . . 108 
 
 (a) In General 108 
 
 (6) Balancing Powers, to be Homogeneous . 109 
 
 (c) Delegation of Powers . . . .110 
 
 (d) Typicalness of the Series . . . .111 
 Chap. X. Arbitration-Juries .... 112 
 
 1. Indirect Balances in General . . .112 
 
 2. Arbitration 112 
 
 3. Juries in General 113 
 
 4. Classes of Society 113 
 
 5. Principles of the Methods. . . .115 
 
 Chap. XL Principles of Votes 115 
 
 1. Expression of Averages . . . .115 
 
 2. The Ideal Ballot ..... 116 
 
 (1) Ideal Ballot in General .... 116 
 
 (2) Ideal Ballot for Ideas . . . .118 
 Chap. XII. Principle of Currency . . . 118 
 Chap. XIII. Conclusion of Introduction . . 122 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 THE PEEOINGT. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 GENERAL VIEW OF THE THEORY OF THE 
 PRECINCT. 
 
 Chap. I. Preface 125 
 
 Chap. II. Historical Statement . . .126 
 
 1. In General History 126 
 
 2. In United-States-History . . . .128 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xv 
 
 Chap. III. Relatio s to the Other Elements of PAGE 
 
 The Analytics . . . . . 131 
 
 1. Relations to the Six Units . . .131 
 
 2. Excess of Centralization . . . .134 
 
 Chap. IV. Abstract and Direct Statement . 137 
 
 1. In General 137 
 
 2. Adaptations 138 
 
 3. Resemblance to International Relations . 139 
 
 Chap. V. Theory of Amalgams .... 140 
 
 1. Description of Amalgams .... 140 
 
 2. Argument for Amalgams .... 141 
 
 Chap. VI. Comparison with"States"under the 
 
 Constitution of the United States 142 
 
 1. The Most Obvious Points . . . . 142 
 
 (a) In General .142 
 
 (b) Inter-Precinct Affairs . . . .143 
 
 (c) Affairs within the Precinct itself . . 146 
 
 (d) Temporary Restrictions . . . .147 
 2. Points of the Comparison, Needing further 
 
 Illustration . . . . . .148 
 
 (a) Commerce and the Legal Tender . .148 
 
 (b) Divorce 149 
 
 (c) Punishment of Crime . . . .152 
 
 (d) Division of Precincts . . . .152 
 
 (e) Rebellion of Precincts . . . .153 
 (/) Separation of National from Precinct Politics 155 
 
 Chap. VII. Statement and Determination of the 
 
 Size of Precincts .... 156 
 1. Conditions in General . . . .156 
 2. Conditions of Population .... 158 
 3. Conditions of Locality . . . .159 
 
 PART II. 
 SPECIAL ARGUMENTS FOR THE THEORY. 
 
 Chap. I. Preface .161 
 
 1. Classification of Theories . . . .161 
 2. Limits of the Special or Collateral Argu 
 ments .... 162 
 
xv i TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Chap. II. The Geographical Argument . . 163 
 
 1. Forms of the Continents . . . .163 
 
 2. Geographical Course of Civilization . .165 
 
 Chap. III. Analogies with Physical Nature . 167 
 
 1. Variety in God's Creation . . .167 
 
 2. From Homogeneity to Heterogeneity . .168 
 
 3. Concentration, versus Diffusion, of Power . 170 
 
 4. Sociological Experiment . . . .171 
 
 Chap. IY. Objects and Uses of "Law" . . 172 
 
 1. In General 172 
 
 2. Multitude and Minutiae of Affairs . .174 
 
 3. Competition in Government . . .176 
 
 Chap. V. Political Objects and Uses . . 176 
 
 1. In General 176 
 
 2. Corruption 177 
 
 3. Specialties 177 
 
 Chap. VI. Human Happiness .... 179 
 
 1. In General 179 
 
 2. Individual Liberty 180 
 
 Chap. VII. Human Nature 181 
 
 Chap. VIII. Morality and Religion . . .182 
 
 1. In General 182 
 
 2. Unity of Local Enterprises . . .183 
 
 3. Persecution 185 
 
 4. Scripture-Type, in the Hebrew Nation . 187 
 
 Chap. IX. Tribe-Relations 187 
 
 1. In General 187 
 
 2. Relations to Social Circle . . . .188 
 
 3. Relations to Races, Species, and Breeds . 190 
 
 Chap. X. Special Objections Answered . . 192 
 
 1. Intermingling, Useful in the Past . .192 
 
 2. Danger of Secession 194 
 
 3. Confederacy, or Nation? . . . .197 
 
 4. Objections from the Scriptures . . .198 
 
 Chap. XI. Mining Districts . . . .199 
 
 Chap. XII. Special Relations to "States" and 
 
 Large Cities 199 
 
 1. Federative Corporations . . . .199 
 
 (a) Classifications 199 
 
TABLE OP CONTENTS. 
 
 (6) Rights of Precincts to form into Federative PAaE 
 
 Corporations 201 
 
 (c) Temporary Uses of " States" . . . 203 
 2. Cities equivalent to States, in Eights and 
 
 Responsibilities ..... 203 
 3. Special Needs in Large Cities . . .207 
 
 (a) In General 207 
 
 (6) Residences and Occupations, too far Apart 209 
 
 (c) Growth of Cities, too Rapid for Social Science 210 
 
 (d) Plan of treating "Fallen" Districts . .212 
 
 PART III. 
 
 CONCLUSION OF THE PRECINCT: 
 PARTIAL APPLICABILITY BY CHARTERS. 
 
 Chap. I. In General 214 
 
 Chap. II. By Charters from the Nation . . 215 
 Chap. III. By Charters from a "State'?: Pre 
 liminary Suggestions . . . 216 
 Chap. IV. The Constitution of the United 
 States, as a formal Basis for a 
 "State" . . . . . . 217 
 
 1. In General . . . . . .217 
 
 2. Exceptions 217 
 
 Chap. V. Simple and Direct Form of Charter 
 
 from a State . 219 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 THE NATION. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 THE NATION AS A FUNDAMENTAL ELEMENT. 
 
 Chap. I. Preliminaries 220 
 
 Chap. II. Rights of the Nation, in Relation 
 
 to th.e Other Elements . . .223 
 
 1. Rights in General 223 
 
 2. Duties of Progress 229 
 
 3. Rights in Relation to Mankind . . .234 
 
xv jii TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 Chap. III. Eights in Relation to Confedera- PAGE 
 
 tions 236 
 
 1. Right to form Confederations . . . 236 
 
 2. Uses of Confederations . . . .239 
 
 Chap. IY. Contiguity, Physical and Metaphys 
 ical . . . . . . .241 
 
 Chap. Y. Definition of Nation . . .242 
 
 Chap. VI. Rebellions 247 
 
 Chap. VII. Birth and Size of Nations . . 248 
 
 1. In General 248 
 
 2. Conditions of Population and of Politics . 250 
 
 3. Conditions of Locality .... 251 
 
 4. Applications to the United States . .251 
 
 5. Provisions for Peaceful Subdivision . . 253 
 
 PART II. 
 INTERNATIONAL LAW. 
 
 Chap. I. Preliminaries of International Law 255 
 
 1. Classifications 255 
 
 2. Foundations 259 
 
 3. Sources 262 
 
 Chap. II. Most General International Laws . 265 
 
 1. Leagues 265 
 
 2. Treaties 265 
 
 3. Eminent Domain 269 
 
 4. Arbitration ,. 271 
 
 5. Naturalization (Indicated) . . . .271 
 
 6. Forms . 272 
 
 Chap. III. Affairs in Peace 272 
 
 1. Property in General 272 
 
 2. The "Tariff" ...'.. 273 
 
 3. The " Person/' in General . . .273 
 
 4. Specialties in Marriage and Divorce . . 275 
 
 5. Transgressors 277 
 
 Chap. IV. Affairs in War 280 
 
 1. In General 280 
 
 2. Relations to the Individuals of the Bel 
 ligerent Nations 281 
 
 3. Ways and Means of War .... 285 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. x ix 
 
 4. The Rights of Neutrals according to Local- PAGK 
 ities . . . . . .288 
 
 (a) In General 288 
 
 (6) Affairs in the Locality of a Neutral . . 291 
 
 (c) Affairs in Common Localities . . . 293 
 
 Chap. V. Conclusion of International Law . 297 
 
 PART III. 
 
 THE DOCTRINE OF NATURALIZATION. 
 
 Chap. I. Classifications . . . . 297 
 
 Chap. II. Collective Naturalization . . 298 
 
 Chap. III. Individual Naturalization . . 300 
 
 1. The Rights of the Individual . . .300 
 
 2. The Rights of the Renounced Nation . . 301 
 
 3. The Rights of the Adoptive Nation . . 308 
 
 4. Personal Conditions . . . . .308 
 
 (a) In General 308 
 
 (b) As to Preventing Errors . . . . 308 
 
 (c) As to Proving or Producing Fitness . . 308 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 OOEPOEATIOK 
 
 Chap. (A) Preface to Corporation . . . 311 
 MAIN DIVISION I. 
 
 ARGUMENT FOR POLITICO-GOVERN- 
 MENTAL CORPORATIONS. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION I. 
 
 ANTICIPATIONS OF GOVERNMENTAL CORPORA- 
 
 T 1 N S. 
 
 Chap. I. Anticipations by Facts . . . 313 
 
 1. In Religion and Morals . . . .313 
 
 2. In Politics and Parties . . . .315 
 
 3. In Education 317 
 
 4. In Trade .318 
 
 5. Cosmopolitan and Migratory . . . 319 
 
xx TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Chap. II. Anticipations'by Writers . . 321 
 1. The Ancients, and the Idealists . . .321 
 2. The Modern Scientists . ... 322 
 
 (a) Spencer p. 322. (6) Guyot p. 324. 
 
 (c) Mill p. 324. (d) Carey p. 325. 
 
 (e) Comte p. 325. (/) Ballou p. 326. 
 
 (g) Blanchard p. 328. (A) French School 
 
 p. 329. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION II. 
 RIGHT OF GOVERNMENTAL CORPORATION. 
 
 Chap. I. Statement of Position . . . 330 
 
 Chap. II. Rights in General . . . .331 
 
 Chap. III. Rights of Naturalness . . .333 
 
 Chap. IV. Right of Individual Selection . 334 
 
 Chap. V. Rights of Conscience . . . 334 
 
 SUB-DIVISION III. 
 
 ADVANTAGES OF GOVERNMENTAL CORPORA 
 TIONS. 
 
 Chap. I. Advantages Common to Precinct 
 
 and Corporation . . . 336 
 
 1. In General 336 
 
 2. Recapitulation from the Precinct . . 336 
 3. Power to Resist the oppressive and central 
 izing tendencies of Modern Society . 338 
 Chap. II. AdvantagesPeculiar toCorporation 339 
 1. Analogies in Biology .... 339 
 
 2. Prevention of War 340 
 
 3. Inconceivable for Secession . . . 341 
 4. Self-Counteractions Inherent in all Volun 
 tary Combinations 341 
 
 5. Necessary Harmony of all the Parts of So 
 ciety 342 
 
 6. Culture of the Individual .... 342 
 7. The " De-facto" Argument . . .343 
 8. Classes most Needing Separate Political 
 
 Corporations 345 
 
 9. Comparison with Individuals, as Officials . 346 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xx j 
 
 SUB-DIVISION IV. 
 
 PKACTICABILITY OF GOVERNMENTAL CORPO 
 RATIONS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Chap. I. In General 347 
 
 Chap. II. Abstract Arguments .... 348 
 
 1. Ill-success of Local-governments, in other ' 
 
 Businesses . . .... . 348 
 
 2. Intermingling, Not Confusion . . . 349 
 
 3. Ruskin's Specimen of Methods . . . 350 
 
 Chap. III. Analogous Complexities Successful 351 
 
 1. Analogy with Philadelphia .... 351 
 
 2. Analogy with the Roman Church . . 352 
 
 Chap. IV. Conclusion of Practicability . . 355 
 
 MAIN DIVISION II. 
 
 GENERAL SURVEY OF AI>L KINDS 
 OF CORPORATIONS, ACCORDING TO 
 THEIR SEVERAL NATURES. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION I. 
 
 RELATIONS TO THE OTHER ELEMENTS OF SO 
 CIAL SCIENCE. 
 
 Chap. I. Preface 356 
 
 Chap. II. Corporation an Element of Tribe . 359 
 
 Chap. III. Logical Relations .... 360 
 
 Chap. IV. Real Relations . . - . . . 361 
 
 Chap. V. Differences between Corporations 
 
 and Localities ... . . . 363 
 
 1. In their Nature ... . . 363 
 
 2. In their Operation 364 
 
 SUB-DIVISION II. 
 MISCELLANEOUS CORPORATIONS. 
 
 Chap. I. Classifications ..... 366 
 . 1. Blackstone's Classification .... 366 
 2. Our Preliminaries . 367 
 
XX11 
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 Chap. II. Corporations classifiable according 
 
 to Ten Mentionable Character- PAGE 
 
 istics 367 
 
 (A) Classification of the Characteristics . .367 
 1. As Related to "The Law" . . .369 
 
 2. As to Secrecy 370 
 
 3. As to Monopolization .... 371 
 4. As to Relations to Personal Intercourse . 371 
 5. As to the Relation of Membership, to Of 
 fice in them 372 
 
 (a) In General 372 
 
 (b) Partnership 373 
 
 (c) The Family . . . - . . .373 
 6. As to Objects in view . . . . 375 
 
 (a) The Physical 375 
 
 (b) The Metaphysical 382 
 
 7. As to their Nature : Simple or Compound . 383 
 
 8. As to the Means they may use . . . 383 
 
 9. As to their Relations to Locality . . 384 
 
 (a) Corporations Not embracing and governing 
 
 their Localities ..... 384 
 
 (b) Corporations Embracing and Governing 
 
 their Localities 387 
 
 10. As to Governmental and Political Functions 388 
 
 MAIN DIVISION III. 
 
 CORPORATIONS WITH POLITICO-GOV 
 ERNMENTAL FUNCTIONS. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION I. 
 PRELIMINARIES. 
 
 Chap. I. Classifications 389 
 
 1. Analytical Table of Politico-Governmental 
 
 Corporations 389 
 
 Chap. II. Definition 389 
 
 Chap. III. Governments should Select, rather 
 
 than Create, their Corporations . 390 
 Chap. IV. Promotions of Corporations . .^390 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xx ili 
 
 Chap. Y. Corporations to be Progressive with PAGJS 
 the Precinct 391 
 
 SUB-DIVISION II. 
 
 CORPORATIONS WIT II DERIVATIVE POLITICAL 
 FUNCTIONS. 
 
 Chap. I. Explanation 392 
 
 Chap. II. Corporations for Single Functions 392 
 
 1. In General 392 
 
 2. For Treatment of Criminals . . . 394 
 
 3. For Collection of Taxes . . . 396 
 
 4. For Police-and-Military Functions . . 396 
 
 5. For Civil-Executive Functions . . .397 
 
 6. For Judicial Functions . . . .397 
 
 7. For Deliberative Functions . . > 398 
 
 Chap. III. Corporations for General Functions 399 
 
 1. Classifications V 399 
 
 2. Uses , 400 
 
 3. Genesis . 400 
 
 SUB-DIVISION III. 
 
 CORPORATIONS WITH INHERENT POLITICAL 
 FUNCTIONS. 
 
 Chap. I. Nature of this Sub-Division . . 402 
 1. Justification of the Speculative, and the 
 
 Abstract 402 
 
 2. Relation to the Other Elements or Parts . 405 
 3. General Statement of the Theory . .406 
 4. Classifications ..... . 407 
 
 5. Methods of Political Expression . . 410 
 Chap. II. First Sub-Sub-Division: Corpo 
 rations based on Single Ideas . 411 
 1. Specimens of the Ideas . . . .411 
 
 2. Assumption of Fixed Localities . .412 
 3. Statement; with Fixed Localities . . 413 
 Chap. III. Second Sub-Sub-Division: Corpo 
 rations based on a Few Chief Com 
 binations of Ideas .... 414 
 
 1. Nature of this Sub-Sub-Division . .414 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 2. Probable Bases or Kinds of Classes ; namely, PA(tt 
 
 Occupations, Moralities and Politics . 415 
 
 (a) In General 415 
 
 (6) Statement of their Functions . . .418 
 
 3. Operation in " Law" .... 420 
 
 (a) The Units to Govern the Geography . . 420 
 
 (b) Corporations of Occupation, Not to Control 
 
 Property Out of the Occupation . . 420 
 
 (c) Disputed Jurisdiction . . . .421 
 4. Divine Morality, the Great General of All 
 
 the Bases 423 
 
 (a) Comte's Generality-Principle, with a New 
 
 Turn . . . . . . .423 
 
 (b) Scripture-Arguments .... 424 
 5. Operation in the Social Circle . . .425 
 6. Application, Concrete Instances . . 427 
 
 (a) The Churches 427 
 
 (b) The Communities 428 
 
 SUB-DIVISION IV. 
 
 PARTIAL ADOPTION, UNDER CONTRACTS AND 
 TRUSTS. 429 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 LIMITED COMMUNISM. 
 
 MAIN DIVISION I. 
 NATURE OF COMMUNISM. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION I. 
 IDEA OF COMMUNISM. 
 
 Chap. I. Relation to our General Theory of 
 Social Science, and to the Other 
 
 Elements 433 
 
 Chap. II. Classifications 437 
 
 Chap. III. Ideals . 438 
 
 Chap. I Y. Necessity of Limitations. . . 439 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION II. 
 
 XXV 
 
 FOUNDATIONS OF COMMUNISM. PAOT 
 
 Chap. I. Benevolence 444 
 
 Chap. II. The Conditional Mutual Prin 
 ciple 444 
 
 Chap. III. Relation to Co-operation . . 446 
 Chap. IV. Spiritual Rewards, instead of 
 
 Worldly ones .... 446 
 Chap. V. Union of high Moral and In 
 tellectual Conditions. . . 448 
 Chap. VI. Relation to Strict Righteous 
 ness, or Perfectionism . . 450 
 Chap. VII. Relation to Natural Theology . 452 
 Chap. VIII. Sympathy with the general Chris 
 tian Church 454 
 
 Chap. IX. The Non-forcing, Principle . . 456 
 Chap. X. Anti-war Principles . . . 456 
 Chap. XL Order, Discipline and Punish 
 ment ....... 457 
 
 Chap. XII. Resort to Law, and of holding 
 
 Political Offices . . .458 
 Chap. XIII. Fellowship of Truth . . .458 
 
 1. Confession 458 
 
 2. Information 459 
 
 3. Criticism 459 
 
 Chap. XIV. Honor 459 
 
 Chap. XV. Community-Occupations . . 460 
 Chap. XVI. Religious Exercises . . . 460 
 Chap. XVII. Communism of Labors and In 
 comes . . . . . . 462 
 
 1. Plan, in General . . . . . 462 
 
 2. Directors and Government . . .465 
 
 3. Property, Shares and Dividends . .466 
 
 Chap. XVIII. Relations of Family and Sex . 468 
 
 Chap. XIX. Manners and Customs . . . 470 
 
 Chap. XX. Industry 471 
 
 Chap. XXL The Dispositions and Sources of 
 
 Danger 471 
 
 Chap. XXII. The Self-Sacrifice Requisite . 472 
 
xxv i TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 MAIN DIVISION II. 
 
 THE COMMUNITY'S PRECAUTIONS AND 
 GUARDS AGAINST INDIVIDUALS. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION I. 
 WAYS AND METHODS OF PRECAUTION. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Chap. I. In General . . . " , . .473 
 
 Chap. II. By Charter .473 
 
 Chap. III. Substitutes for Explicit Charters . 474 
 
 SUB-DIVISION II. 
 
 APPLICATION AND RECEPTION OF NEW MEM 
 BERS. 
 
 Chap. I. Preparatory Steps towards Mem 
 bership 475 
 
 Chap. II. Probationary Residence and Life- 
 Experience 476 
 
 Chap. III. Affirmations, Oaths and Covenants 477 
 Chap. IV. Actual Initiation . . . .477 
 
 Chap. V. Discernment of Character . . 478 
 Chap. VI. Instruction Needed concerning 
 
 Communism ..... 478 
 
 Chap. VII. Summary of Precautions, . . . 479 
 
 SUB-DIVISION III. 
 GENERAL TESTS AND QUALIFICATIONS. 
 
 Chap. I. Choice Combinations of Virtues . 479 
 1. Harmony of Kindness and Truth . .479 
 2. Doing to and Expecting from Others, as 
 
 We would They should Do, as to Us . 480 
 3. Attention to Inward Character, together 
 
 with the Outward ..'... 480 
 4. Combination of Purity and Humility . 480 
 5. Intellectual Appreciation and Affection, 
 
 both Needed 480 
 
 6. Attachment to the Spirit, and Detachment 
 
 from the Form 481 
 
 7. Solitude and Sociability . . . .481 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XXvii 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Chap. II. Disconnected Tests . . . .481 
 
 1. Insincerity purged by Secession, in Com 
 munism ...... 481 
 
 2. Freedom from Selfish* Prejudices . . 482 
 3. Virtuous Habits, Independently of seeking 
 
 Communism 482 
 
 4. Continual Aim for Individual-Improve 
 ment in All Things . . . .482 
 5. Personal Compatibility .... 482 
 
 6. Obedience 483 
 
 7. Contentment 483 
 
 8. Living according to Utility . . .483 
 9. Doing Unpleasant Duties .... 484 
 10. Purity of Bodily Health . . . .484 
 11. Applicants to Agree with the Proposed So 
 ciety, more than with Any Other . . 484 
 12. Tests should be Stringent in Proportion to 
 
 Intellect of Applicant .... 484 
 Chap. III. Of Special Tests . . . . . 485 
 Chap. IV. Practical Simplicity Coming out of 
 
 this Multiplicity . . . .485 
 
 MAIN DIVISION III. 
 
 THE INDIVIDUAL'S GUARDS AND PRO 
 TECTION AGAINST THE COMMUNE. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION I. 
 FROM THE COMMUNE AS A SOCIETY. 
 
 Chap. I. General Application to this Use, of 
 
 all the Foregoing Treatise . . 487 
 
 SUB-DIVISION II. 
 
 PROTECTION OF THE INDIVIDUAL MEMBERS 
 FROM THE RULERS AND OFFICERS, AS PER- 
 
 SONS. 
 
 Chap. I. Each of the different Powers should 
 
 have its Share of Officers . . 488 
 
 Chap. II. Officers should be superior in the 
 
 Special Virtues . . . .488 
 
xxviii TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 Chap. III. The Government of the Officers PAOB 
 should be Virtual, before it is 
 Formal 488 
 
 Chap. IV. General List of the Virtues re 
 quired ...... 489 
 
 Chap. V. Knowledge of Social Science . . 469 
 
 Chap. VI. Officers should be talented in Se 
 lecting New Members . . . 489 
 
 Chap. VII. The Era Producing the Best Lead 
 ers has Not Yet come . . . 90 
 
 MAIN DIVISION IV. 
 
 USES, INCLUDING ARGUMENTS AND 
 STATISTICS, OF COMMUNISM. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION I. 
 ARGUMENTS FROM SCRIPTURE. 
 
 Chap. I. Teachings in Scripture . . . 491 
 
 Chap. II. Practices in Scripture . . . 493 
 
 Chap. III. Scriptural Limitations . . . 494 
 
 Chap. IV. Theory of 1 Timothy chap. v. . . 496 
 
 Chap. V. Relations to Celibacy . . . 499 
 
 1. On General Principles .... 499 
 
 2. On Scripture Grounds . . . .502 
 
 SUB-DIVISION II. 
 
 ARGUMENTS FROM THE UTILITIES OF COM- 
 MUNISM. 
 
 Chap. I. Its Good Tendencies in general . 505 
 
 Chap. II. Regeneration of Labor and Study . 507 
 
 Chap. III. Practicability 509 
 
 Chap. IV. Anticipations in History . . 511 
 Chap. V. The Semi-recluse Life needed for 
 the Higher Spiritual Attain 
 ments 511 
 
 Chap. .VL Need of Release for Christians, 
 
 from Political Governments . 513 
 
 Chap. VII. The Kinds of Persons nearly ready 514 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION III. 
 STATISTICS. 
 
 Chap. I. A Selection of Communes that have PA01S 
 Dissolved, in the United States . 516 
 Chap. II. Of Successful Communes, in Gen 
 eral . 516 
 
 Chap. III. Catholic Communities in the Uni 
 ted States 517 
 
 Chap. IV. Protestant Communities in the 
 United States, without Regular 
 
 Marriage . . .* . . . 517 
 1. The German Seventh-Day Baptist Monastic 
 
 Society. -. .: V ; Y .' 517 
 
 2. The Shaker Societies . . . V . 518 
 
 3. The New Harmony Society . . .519 
 
 4. The Oneida Community . . . , 519 
 
 Chap. V. Communities in the United States 
 
 with Regular Marriage. , . ^ 520 
 
 1. The Icaria Association . . . .- . 520 
 
 2. The Bethel and Aurora Communities . 521 
 
 3. The Zoar Separatists 7 Community . ; 521 
 
 4. The Amana Inspirationists' Community . 522 
 5. The Brocton Community . . . ..522 
 
 6. Conclusion . . .. . . 523 
 
BOOK I. 
 
 SUMMAET INTRODUCTION. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 PRINCIPLES OF THE STUDY. 
 CHAP. I. IN GENERAL. 
 
 THIS article (namely " Book I.") proposes to give the theory 
 of Social Science in its Universal Principles. These principles 
 (or laws) of Social Science, may be divided into two sorts. One 
 sort relates to the progress of the SCIENCE ; and the other sort 
 relates to the movements of SOCIETY itself. Accordingly, this 
 Summary Introduction is divided into two parts ; corresponding 
 to those two sorts of laws. It proposes, in its first part, to con 
 sider the nature and laws of Social Science as a STUDY : and 
 then, in its secon ! part, endeavors to point out some of the 
 fundamental and spontaneous powers and principles of society 
 itself. And in this second part, the Introduction proposes to 
 touch only the formulae and laws, which are too general for any 
 other position in the science : because all the remainder of our 
 books on this subject, will be devoted to the FURTHER elucidation 
 of those objective principles of SOCIETY. But as to the laws of 
 the STUDY, we shall but seldom ever refer to them again, after 
 we shall have passed through the first part of this Introduction. 
 
 CHAP. II. DEFINITION OF SOCIAL SCIENCE. 
 
 focial Science may be defined to be the Philosophy of Poli 
 tics. It is a kind of high-politics, and ought therefore to be in 
 the front rank of the sciences for Americans ; yet, from its rela 
 tion to morals and metaphysics and class prejudices, it cannot 
 be studied with the same degree of disregard of subjective and 
 personal feelings and notions, with which other sciences may be 
 pursued. In this respect it is like its kindred studies history 
 
 i9 
 
20 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. I. II. 
 
 and theology. Hence, more than in any other study, the animus 
 of the writer must be borne in mind, and be duly allowed for. 
 Social Science is moral in its very nature ; although hitherto it 
 seems to have been abandoned to the " infidels" and the socialists. 
 
 The fundamental conception of Comte's work, after eliminating 
 its atheism, is a conception at once not only of the highest gen 
 eralization, but also of deepest insight. It is the conception that 
 Social Science comes in place of an obsolete ecclesiastical and 
 metaphysical positive theology, and tends to produce a new 
 intellectual hierarchy. This conception arises from the insight, 
 that just as Social Science is now practically the most general 
 and the most all-embracing of the sciences, including even 
 theology and religion itself; so, in the preceding ages, theology 
 had been the i ost general of them all. Hence it was, that it 
 had absorbed the greatest and best minds of the Middle Ages : 
 and hence too it was, that the churchmen of those days were 
 the greatest statesmen, and that the statesmen of the Roman 
 Chur !) are seldom surpassed, even at this late day. And our 
 Bolingbroke calls religion "The First Philosophy," which is 
 true in more senses than he meant it. 
 
 But in assenting to Comte's assertion, that Social Science 
 comes in place of an obsolete metaphysical theology, we are to 
 be understood, as only referring to their functions in the or 
 ganization of church and of state; but not at all as referring to 
 their functions in the contemplation of religion by the Individual. 
 
 The science of society is the science of the dispensations of 
 Providence. Because, so far as Providence is only general, and 
 is fulfilled by regular laws, and in the order of cause and effect, 
 so far it must be fulfilled by the progress and laws of society, as 
 much as it is fulfilled in this life at all. This is the same thing 
 in effect, as to say that Sociology is the study of the laws of 
 Providence. All history and all Social Science abound with 
 facts illustrative of this idea. And yet, most religious people 
 seem to think, that Providence will take care of things so well 
 that there is no se for Social Science ; yet one of the very ways 
 whereby Providence docs take care of things, is by the teaching 
 of examples. And these examples, it is the specia' business of 
 Social Science to study and to classify. And some religionists 
 even fling the insinuation against Social Scientists, that they are 
 
DEFINITION OF SOCIAL SCIENCE. 21 
 
 trying to " help God govern the world." But the same objec 
 tion lies equally strong, against the followers of every science 
 which has for its direct object to benefit man; and especially 
 against doctors of medicine. And the objection lies much 
 stronger against theologians and churchmen, that THEY are 
 trying to help God govern the world. Yet St. Paul expressly 
 says, "We are laborers together with God." (1 Cor. iii. 9, and 
 2 Cor. vi. 1.) And the fact is, that everybody, so far as he uses 
 his faculties aright, helps God govern the world. And the 
 only pity is, that religionists do not study divine Providence 
 better ; so that they would help God more, to govern the world. 
 If we turn now to practical applications, we will find that 
 Social Science runs nearly parallel to Christianity, and often 
 coincides with it. On this subject we will quote from Wendell 
 Phillips, who will surely be held free from the charge of par 
 tiality towards religion. And observe, that what he says of the 
 Church is equally true of the State ; and THAT is the applica 
 tion we desire the reader to make, all through the quotation. 
 
 In his speech before the Free Religious Association, May 28, 
 1868, he says, "The records of Christianity hold, it seems to 
 me, a very large measure of the lessons that Social Science 
 needs. In the first place, the Christian records are principles ; 
 but the church is an alleviative. It approaches evils to alle 
 viate them, not to cure them. THAT is not the New Testament 
 method. There are two -ways of touching evils. If the gas 
 was escaping in this room we should open the ventilators and 
 relieve ourselves. That is relief. To-morrow, the superintend 
 ent would send for a gas-fitter, and he would stop the leak. 
 That is cure. Now, as I look at it, all action of the church 
 approaches poverty to make it comfortable : it approaches crime 
 to endeavor to soften it : it approaches prostitution, to shield it 
 from temptation. That is relief. That is opening the windows 
 to get rid of the leaking gas. But Social Science and the re 
 ligious philosophy of the New Testament, while they attempt 
 all that, prescribe that the really religious intellect should seek 
 not relief, but cure." 
 
 Indeed, Social Science and Christianity run parallel to each 
 other, most of their length : Social Science doing for society, in 
 most things, what Christianity is doing for the individual. 
 
22 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. I. III. 
 
 
 
 CHAP. III. SCOPE OF SOCIAL SCIENCE. 
 
 1. In General. 
 
 Now observe the rank and grade of Social Science among 
 the four most general sciences ; namely, Theology, Metaphysics, 
 Sociology, and Mathematics, (Moral Science being here regarded 
 as composed of elements or extracts, partly from Theology, and 
 partly from Metaphysics ;) and observe also, that their general- 
 ness is in the order above named, and that we only claim for 
 our science, a position as third in this order of generality. But 
 we have not space to enlarge upon this comparison. 
 
 2. Locus of intersection with the other sciences. 
 
 We are now to consider the locus, that is to say, the principal 
 points or properties, of the intersection of Social Science with the 
 other sciences that are most nearly connected with it. We may 
 consider criminal law, civil law, constitutional law, and inter 
 national law, as separate parts of one general science, under the 
 name of the Law. Then we may consider Political Economy as 
 the science of producing and distributing property, or rather, as 
 the science of industry. Then, by taking these two sciences to 
 gether, namely the Law and Political Economy, we have the sub 
 stance of Political Science. But, inasmuch as Political Science 
 looks too much to polity, and to the present, it becomes necessary 
 to consider the Philosophy of History, and thus, to perfect the 
 politician into a statesman, by introducing the experience of the 
 past. Now the Philosophy of History becomes the " History 
 of Civilization," only when we assume a continual progress of 
 civilization in all the past ; and as this is a somewhat disputed 
 question, the Philosophy of History is to be preferred as em 
 bracing the others. 
 
 But the statesmen produced by all the sciences just mentioned, 
 have their ideas limited too closely to the facts and changes that 
 are occurring in the present, or that actually have occurred in 
 the past, but without any philosophical conception of the rad 
 ical changes that might occur. Their solutions and remedies are 
 consequently too special, and have no scientific or absolute ex 
 pressions or formulae. Now the business of Social Science is, 
 to investigate the changes of society by general principles, and 
 to hold the results in general formulae, of which all past and 
 present facts are only particular instances. 
 
USES OF SOCIAL SCIENCE. 23 
 
 Then it happens that statesmen sometimes find that morality 
 and doing right are a safer guide than the highest wisdom 
 of experience; and sometimes they would prefer to do right, 
 whether it was expedient or not, as far as they can see. Here 
 then, it becomes necessary to appeal to Moral Philosophy ; but 
 we consider Moral Philosophy only in the light of a combina 
 tion of parts selected from Theology and Metaphysics. In 
 considering formulae so very general as they then become, Meta 
 physics is applied to also, because it treats of the most important 
 laws of the very beings who constitute society. By this time 
 the formulae have become so very general, that the common 
 classifications of historical facts become of less importance. Re 
 sort is then had for analogies to all the sciences, from Gravita 
 tion up to Zoology. The most general laws of universal nature 
 are then found to be applicable. 
 
 In this respect, Social Science acts much like Natural The 
 ology. It ranges through all the sciences, culling the general 
 principles of each, digesting and assimilating them to itself. 
 And while it omits not any one of the sciences, from the lowest 
 to the highest ; it nevertheless finds most of its nutriment in the 
 higher ones, such as Zoology, Anatomy, Physiology, Instinct, 
 Metaphysics, and Morals. And so wide is its range, that it 
 touches all the sciences which earnest men think and feel about, 
 in their deepest and most serious moments. 
 
 CHAP. IV. USES. 
 
 1 . Implied in its Definition and Scope. 
 
 Many of the uses are so plainly implied in its definition and 
 scope, that they need not be repeated now, having been suffi 
 ciently touched above. 
 
 2. Magnitude of Oivil and Political Evils. 
 
 Nowhere are the intentions of men so often and so utterly 
 frustrated, as in legislation. Here truly, " things are not what 
 they seem." In this country, laws intended to preserve morality, 
 to shut taverns on Sunday, or to close bawdy houses, gener 
 ally have as their main result, the causing bribes to be paid to 
 policemen or other officials. Laws intended to limit the power 
 of corporations, end with putting bribes into the pockets of the 
 leaders of the legislature, or else of the judges. Laws intended 
 
24 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. I. IV. 
 
 to help a weak company, only help its directors to help themselves 
 at the expense of the community. Laws intended to prevent 
 gambling, only drive the gambling into commerce, and so, cor 
 rupt the channels of ordinary trade. Laws to compel specie 
 payments, only shut up the banks altogether. Laws intended 
 to befriend renters at the expense of owners, only drive honest 
 and cautious men out of the business of renting entirely, and 
 increase the competition among, and the risks to be paid by, the 
 renters. Laws to oppress any class of people, first drive them 
 to deception, and next drive them out of your jurisdiction, and 
 next tend to raise up friends for the oppressed. Even fashion, 
 intended originally to separate the great from the little, tends 
 instead, to produce unusual extravagance, and finally becomes 
 the mark of disreputableness. Customs intended to secure honest 
 men, become only traps to catch the simple, or barricades to 
 shield rogues. 
 
 The THEORY of politics and of trade and of the public press, is, 
 OPEN knowledge or open market, and competition, and gradual 
 changes : the PRACTICE of politics and trade is, false news, secret 
 combinations, and sudden revolutions. Hence it is necessary, 
 as Spencer says, to enquire, not only what is to be done, but also 
 how to do it. A man intending to reach the moon, might rup 
 ture himself, and he would still reach his aim sooner than some 
 legislators or leaders will reach their objects, by the means they 
 are using : and the same will apply to some of the philosophers, 
 and their proposed "laws" And although most of these re 
 marks apply more directly to statute law only, and not so plainly 
 to those deeper and spontaneous social laws, which work, both 
 over and under and within and without government, yet in 
 their spirit and principle, they apply also to those deep and 
 spontaneous social laws. Thus there arises the necessity and 
 ihe use of a true SCIENCE on the subject. 
 
 And then furthermore, our politicians and statesmen need 
 such an enlarged scope of ideas as will set them to guarding 
 against COMING evils, rather than to be forever providing 
 against antiquated and worn-out ones. It is the misfortune of 
 some peoples and of some governments, to be always guarding 
 and fortifying themselves against old dangers, and in fear of a 
 return of exploded errors. They are forever making constitu- 
 
USES OF SOCIAL SCIENCE. 25 
 
 tions and laws, to protect themselves from those evils which the 
 progress of society, or its new form of government, has already 
 rendered impossible ; but yet, working in the midst of a verbiage 
 of literality and legality and of cares and fears about " the worn- 
 out" they are neglecting to see or provide for the very evils 
 that are surrounding them, and it may be, even sapping the 
 foundation of their rights, liberties, and happiness. This danger 
 and evil, which is liable to befall any country, is especially the 
 bane and hindrance to our own. In the midst of dangers from 
 bribery by vast railway and other corporations, we provide against 
 those only of individuals. In the midst of all the evils of dema- 
 gogism, we are forever providing guards against monarchy. 
 Governed and tyrannized over, by secret cliques of unprincipled 
 and rapacious politicians, and their colleagued contractors, we 
 are continually guarding against an aristocracy of birth or honest 
 wealth. Endangered by the scum and dregs of vice and prison 
 degradation of all the world, we are forever providing against 
 aristocracy. In the midst of a tangle of laws, allowing almost 
 all criminals to escape, we are always providing more guards 
 for the liberty of unknown and unsettled individuals, and thus 
 fostering and covering individual secrecy. 
 
 One of the uses of Social Science, is to enable us to foresee 
 great revolutions and rebellions ; and either to avert them, or 
 to provide means for personal escape or relief, when we cannot 
 influence or prevent them. The Saviour says, " When they 
 persecute you in one city, flee ye to another/' 
 
 3. Philosophical Basis Wanted. 
 
 Comte truly says, " In the present stage, philosophical con 
 templation and labors are more important than political action, in 
 regard to social regeneration ; because a basis is the thing wanted ; 
 while there is no lack of political measures, more or less pro 
 visional, which preserve material order from invasion by the 
 restless spirits that come forth during a season of intellectual 
 anarchy. The governments are relying on corruption and on 
 repressive force, while philosophers are elaborating principles ; 
 and what the philosophers have to expect from wise govern 
 ments is, that they will not interfere with the task while in pro 
 gress, nor hereafter with the gradual application of its results." 
 
 We may observe, how much the need of Social Science is 
 
26 'BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. I. IV. 
 
 shown and proved, by the mistakes and defects of the very 
 men who have of late produced works on this science, including 
 also Comte himself. We might mention their ignoring gener 
 ally, the depth and reality of sin, and the real moral spontaneity 
 of man. Also, Spencer's idea of the spontaneous evanescence of 
 evil ; also Spencer's idea, that the deadly and killing spirit was 
 an absolute necessity to enable mankind to clear the world of the 
 noxious animals; Comte's idea, that the social feelings wisely 
 enlightened, are capable of enabling man to overcome and out 
 grow his own selfishness; Comte's idea of the power of physi 
 ological knowledge to overcome all evils; Buckle's idea, that 
 society has derived no benefit from metaphysics; Mulford's idea, 
 that nation is the only politico-social unit or person ; some theo 
 logians' idea, that orthodoxy or conversion is alone sufficient to 
 enable men to overcome evil ; and finally, that perversion of 
 morals, which assumes that because social evils are the ordinance 
 of Providence, therefore the effort to do away with them is con 
 trary to Providence. 
 
 Social Science is passing through, or must yet pass through, 
 its period of criticism, even as the other sciences do. Just as 
 Comte has shown, that the critical "r&^me" in civilization and 
 in social affairs, must necessarily only be transient and prepara 
 tory ; so (to turn the tables upon him) we say, that the criticism 
 and rejection of religion from science, will be found to be only 
 a temporary and preparatory stage, although perhaps a neces 
 sary one; but that afterwards the critics will criticise away their 
 criticisms, and so, God be restored to nature and to science, 
 more fully and more truly than ever. 
 
 4. Improvement of Humanity consistent with free-will. 
 
 There is in the minds of many persons, a lurking doubt of 
 the use of Social Science ; on the assumption, that the general 
 course of human events is a fixed destiny. But to this we an 
 swer: the same objection might be made to the use of means, in 
 many other matters of which w r e may believe the end to be 
 fixed. And a still better answer is, that the objection is an 
 unjustifiable inference from the facts adduced by it. It alleges 
 the uniformity of certain very general facts found in statistical 
 tables, such as that the number of deaths per year, on the aver 
 age, is the same in different years, by each particular disease, 
 
USES OF SOCIAL SCIENCE. 27 
 
 and by suicide, and even by suicide in each particular occupa 
 tion. But these facts only prove the doctrine of chances ; the 
 law of our BELIEF, but NOT the CAUSATION of events. And 
 according to the doctrine of infinity ; of an infinite number of 
 really free acts, all will not go one way; for the larger the num 
 ber of really free acts, the stronger is the certainty of our belief 
 that their diversities will be exactly in proportion to their abso 
 lute freedom in each particular case. But this universality does 
 not introduce any new element of power. 
 
 However, true knowledge lessens the power of, and hence 
 lessens the freedom of evil. Thus Social Science benefits 
 mankind by lessening the temptations, and by bettering the 
 conditions. 
 
 We affirm that the improvement of humanity is consistent 
 with free will. Temptation is a probationary and a proportional 
 power. We set it down as a certain moral truth, that the greater 
 the temptation to which Mankind are exposed, the greater will 
 be the sainthood of those who overcome, but the fewer will be 
 the number of the persons who do overcome; and vice versa. 
 Even suppose that Social Scientists may not expect to make 
 people religiously better, or even morally better, considered as 
 to their heart or intention ; yet they expect, by lessening the 
 powers of temptation around people, to make them ACTUALLY 
 both better and happier. For we all know that man is to some 
 
 extent the creature of circumstances. 
 
 i 
 
 5. Influence on Other Sciences. 
 
 Another use of Social Science is, that it brings improvements 
 in all the various sciences, even in Mathematics ; and this it 
 does by their reciprocal influences, and from the very general- 
 ness of Social Science. This, Comte points out theoretically, 
 and also illustrates it by his own example frequently, in point 
 ing out improvements in the other sciences, evidently suggested 
 by this one. Thus the study itself is most thoroughly made up 
 of wisdom and progress. 
 
 When we consider the great elements of human progress, 
 how indissolubly they are found to be connected with one an 
 other ; we find that one will bring on another, as Comte remarks 
 in regard to the relations of truth and beauty, that while in 
 the lower stages of civilization, the fine arts lead to intellectual 
 
28 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. I. IV. 
 
 culture, so in a higher stage of civilization, intellectual culture 
 seeks at least its recreation in the fine arts. Thus, of insepa 
 rable elements, either one may be cause, and the other effect ; so 
 then, Theology and Social Science are related together so insep 
 arably, that it may be hoped that in the future, Social Science 
 will lead men back to Theology. 
 
 Comte himself, in his latter days, avows a Deity to be the 
 ultimate compound and integration of humanity ; and the 
 doctrine of Deity, to be a necessary result of Sociology; thus 
 showing, both by his experience and his theory, the intimate 
 connection between Social Science and Theology. 
 
 Comte also teaches, that Social Science, in turn exerts a vastly 
 improving power on the natural and biological sciences ; so also 
 we may hope it will, in turn, exercise a greatly improving influ 
 ence on Theology itself, which is a pre-eminent branch of the 
 Highest Biology ! 
 
 6. Summary of Uses. 
 
 In general we may say, the use of Social Science is to point 
 out how really to benefit mankind by law and voluntary benev 
 olence, instead of by merely well-intentioned but vain and actu 
 ally injurious attempts ; to point out the natural rights and duties 
 of all, and how really to accomplish them. The pursuit of Social 
 Science would always be found to furnish " new themes to the 
 Protestant clergy," and to all other clergies, and to all kinds of 
 moral improvers. It would tend to the promotion of virtue 
 and health, the prolongation of life, and to the general morality 
 and happiness of mankind. 
 
 The sum of all the uses of Social .Science is, that without its 
 aid morality itself cannot prevail permanently among mankind. 
 Accordingly, Comte (Pos. Phil. p. 787) says, "A universal senti 
 ment of duty can prevail only through the culture of the most gen 
 eral ideas, and thr ugh the rule of the spirit of generality " But 
 observe, that the spirit of generality found only in Social Sci 
 ence, is just a new name for the prevalence of a morality founded 
 on universal utilities, that is, a spiritual morality ; as the spirit 
 (in Metaphysics) is necessary to the prevalence of theoretical 
 Theology. Again, Comte truly says, "The Theological sanc 
 tions of morality have become inefficient on the popular mind ; 
 yet morality itself, expressing as it does the feelings of human- 
 
USES OF SOCIAL SCIENCE. 29 
 
 ity, craves, or is ready to receive, some other sanctions ; and in 
 cultivated civilization especially, is ready to receive intellectual 
 sanction, that is, will welcome Social Science as the best sub 
 stitute for metaphysical Theology." 
 
 7. Modes of Influence. 
 
 Social Science in its application to the improvement of society, 
 operates in two ways ; one, by improving and enlightening the 
 men who lead society ; and the other, by enlightening contenting 
 and keeping in order, the mass of the Individuals of which 
 society consists, so that the natural laws of society's life have 
 opportunity to develop and produce their results. And the 
 science teaches all men more and more, the impotence of man in 
 self-will, and the necessity of all to wait on Nature more rever 
 ently and patiently. 
 
 Furthermore, the improvement of the science aifords the 
 means for improving society itself, just as the improvement of 
 any science, prepares the way for the improvement of all the 
 arts that depend upon it. 
 
 Here it might be asked whether the influences of this science 
 can ever become practically and politically available in a Repub 
 lican government, especially in this country ? We answer : the 
 general knowledge which Social Science requires, (it being that 
 science which takes only the general elements of all the sciences) 
 shows most readily to the general public, the real learning and 
 the mental discipline of the study, and of its successful students. 
 Moreover, the great principles of each of the sciences can be 
 made very plain to the popular mind, according as one person 
 or another has natural aptitude for each of the particular studies 
 to which the general ideas belong. And by selecting and grasp 
 ing several or all of these general ideas only, a Sociologist may 
 be comprehended and appreciated by the masses, and exert an 
 influence for good, even if the people were not able to compre 
 hend his plan or theories AS A WHOLE. And the fact is, the 
 GENERAL elements of the sciences are just the ones that are 
 easiest remembered, and are the most beautiful, and the most 
 interesting to the common people. So that the minds duly 
 trained to perceive and select such elements, will be the minds 
 well trained and well adapted to interest people generally, and 
 thus exercise such influences as would be permanent. 
 
30 BK - L SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. I. V. 
 
 CHAP. V. PEEPAEATOEY STUDIES. 
 1. In General; and Methods. 
 
 Much has been said as to WHICH are the most suitable studies. 
 But the inquiry, HOW the student should pursue the preparatory 
 studies, is quite as important as what ones they are in particular. 
 The first and most striking peculiarity is, that the student must 
 bestow his attention, not on the usual, but on the most unusual 
 facts or phenomena in each science. Thus, monstrosities, as well 
 as extraordinary excellencies, are to be studied. Hence it is 
 necessary for the Social Scientist to consider such subjects as 
 sudden conversion, war, and the arts and tricks of speculators, 
 and of professional politicians; also such peoples as Quakers, 
 Pitcairn Islanders, also soldiers, sailors, and others, whose mode 
 of life is very unusual, also the, successful communities, including 
 many Catholic and a few Protestant ones ; also the various in 
 formal corporations of trades, guilds, rebels, school-boys, profes 
 sional criminals, and so on. Furthermore, it is very desirable 
 that the methods should be pointed out by which the sciences 
 have progressed, and the kind of 'circumstantial evidence, and 
 succession of hypothesis after hypothesis, continually hedging 
 the certainty within narrower limits, without ever obtaining 
 mathematically absolute certainty. For, even in the higher 
 branches of mathematics, in the transcendental functions and in 
 the Calculus, it is not the a priori demonstration that satisfies 
 the mind ; but the fact that the results and formulae following- 
 from the hypothesis, solve all the questions, and in all the appli 
 cations to which they can be put, especially those Avhose results 
 were previously known. 
 
 In the selection, then, of the sciences which should be pre 
 paratory to Social Science, one principle of the selection should 
 be to choose those that will most readily allow or encourage their 
 being pursued in the analytical methods ; approximating, as 
 closely as is convenient, the actual processes of relevant thoughts 
 that really produced the results as we have them. 
 
 Of Mathematics nothing need be said, because it is the dis 
 cipline and transcendental form or type for all the sciences. 
 2. Theology. 
 
 We observe here, that the study of Theology, by any person 
 who is open to conviction, and is anxious to judge impartially 
 
PREPARATORY STUDIES. 31 
 
 for himself, and who is also anxious for his soul's salvation, is 
 peculiarly analytic, and presents in each one's own mind a his 
 tory peculiarly his own. And often that history is a life-long 
 history, reaching to what is deepest in human nature, drawing 
 out its capacity and sincerity to the utmost, and furnishing a dis 
 cipline peculiarly excellent for enabling the mind to judge of 
 the recondite truths of human and divine activities. Such a 
 study of Theology now-a-days, bears the same relation to other 
 studies, as the study of Theology itself, in the days when the 
 student's life depended on his opinions, bears to its common 
 study now. 
 
 The study of Theology is the scientific study of religion, and 
 therefore calls into exercise all the higher faculties of the mind. 
 Hence it is one of the best preparations for earnest original 
 study in any of the sciences. The success of the German and 
 Scotch metaphysicians is chiefly owing to this cause. And even 
 of the pre-eminent mathematical arid physical scientists, Can- 
 dolle's statistics show, as to the professions of their sires, that 
 Protestant clergymen are more numerous than any other profes 
 sion. And of the eminent men of the Christian world, a far 
 larger portion of them are found to be the children of clergy 
 men than of any other professionals. 
 
 The peculiar fitness of the studies of the Theologians, as dis 
 cipline and preparation for Political Philosophy, is further proved 
 by the fact that at various times they have become the best and 
 foremost political statesmen of the world. Ximenes, Woolsey, 
 Richelieu, Cranmer, Talleyrand, and others may be mentioned. 
 And then also the fact, that the statesmanship of Rome, which 
 is conducted entirely by clergymen, is acknowledged to be the 
 most far-reaching in the world. Remember also those old 
 Puritan statesmen of CromwelFs day, who knew their Bibles 
 and catechisms even better than their laws, how readily they 
 were turned into generals and statesmen whom all the world 
 wondered at, and who out-generaled and out-witted even the 
 Romans themselves. 
 
 Furthermore, both Fourier's and Herbert Spencer's writings 
 show that they have been well disciplined with Theology, and 
 particularly with its relation to Metaphysics. And Fourier 
 spent the last hours of his life on his knees, voluntarily alone 
 
32 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. I. V. 
 
 with God. And even Comte's ideal social power, is only a 
 grand paraphrase of the church as a free spiritual power, in 
 somewhat that general way that we may for instance speak of, 
 the church of the United States. But the fact is, that the 
 church, or some outgrowth from it, although perhaps not always 
 under the name church, has generally been found in advance of 
 the state, even in mere forms of government. For the church is 
 typical of all human society, and produces the foremost corpo 
 rations. Dr. Craig suggests to me to say, that Theology includes 
 the study of " the kingdom of heaven's aims and struggles, to 
 issue finally in the perfect social state." 
 
 But when we speak in favor of Theology as a scientific and 
 theoretical preparation for Social Science, we must not by any 
 means be understood as if saying, that statesmen practically 
 ought to be selected from among clergymen. The experience 
 of the Middle Ages, culminating in the Inquisition, is against the 
 selection of governors, with civil or coercive powers, from among 
 professional Theologians. The government of the church in the 
 Middle Ages, was almost the only important popular form in 
 Europe ; and it therefore absorbed much of the then existing 
 turbulent and ambitious educated material, which, finding itself 
 shut out from civil power, concentrated in, and gave vent to 
 itself in the church. 
 
 On the other hand, in civil affairs, the modern change of form 
 of government, from hereditary and aristocratic, to popular, does 
 not show its highest uses in civil affairs, but in church affairs. 
 And this it does by operating as an extra inducement to draw 
 the most ambitious and turbulent materials of society away from 
 the church into the state. Hence, under popular civil govern 
 ments, the church itself is the greatest beneficiary the party 
 most benefited. And hence also, the church of modern times 
 is not so likely to become so cruel or bigoted in its coercions, as 
 was the old church. But this is no argument for the selection 
 of statesmen from clergymen. And because the evil would be 
 LESS now than formerly, is not any argument why we should 
 resort to the evil at all. The prevalence of fanaticism and of 
 religious bigotry, in all pre-millennial times, is an unanswerable 
 objection against any return, before the millennium, to such old 
 methods of selection ; and so also is the reflex corruption 'thereby 
 
PREPARATORY STUDIES. 33 
 
 produced in churchmen and in church. And the modern prin 
 ciples of the division of labor, and the very different kind of 
 energies required in statesmen, from what are required in clergy 
 men, are both unanswerable arguments against returning to those 
 old methods. 
 
 3. Metaphysics. 
 
 AVe would now argue for the predominance which must be 
 t-;iven to Metaphysics over some other studies, as preparations for 
 Social Science. This is proved by the following reasons, which 
 are cumulative. Metaphysics forms a considerable element in 
 two other of the principal preparatory studies, namely, Theology 
 and Moral Philosophy. It is the science of the most important 
 faculty and part, of the individual creatures who make up 
 human society. These Individuals themselves, each separately, 
 are types of society, from which as types (as we shall hereinafter 
 see) we form our most valuable judgments and arguments in 
 social actions, the human Individual being one fit type of 
 human society, and the laws of the Individuals therefore, being 
 fit types of the laws of society. And it is the science for the 
 self-criticism of the scientist himself, whereby to criticise away 
 his own personal aberrations. 
 
 Psychology itself, so far as independent of supernatural con 
 siderations, is nothing more than a small branch of Metaphysics. 
 
 The fault of the old theorists was not that they reasoned Meta 
 physically; but that, having some special one-sided doctrines to 
 establish, or particular feelings to gratify, they perverted Meta 
 physics. And it has been found also that some of our moderns 
 who use statistics and figures, can make perversions equally as 
 great as the old metaphysicians did, and as difficult to over 
 throw, and which sometimes indeed, cannot be overthrown at 
 all, only by resorting to the metaphysical laws of our being, 
 and to common sense. 
 
 The attempt to ignore Metaphysics on grounds of physical 
 philosophy, is much the same as to deny sensation to an animal, 
 because not possessed by a vegetable. 
 
 Comte's idea is, that mental science can only be pursued by 
 observing the operations of the mind, and that, the moment we 
 stop thinking, to observe those motions of the mind, the mo 
 tions themselves must stop ; and then there would be nothing to 
 
34 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. I. VI. 
 
 observe. (See Introduction to Positive Philosophy.) But this 
 doctrine entirely mistakes the mind's true course of proceeding 
 in the case. The truth is, that the science of Metaphysics does 
 not proceed essentially or chiefly by direct observations of the 
 actions of mind, as and when they are influenced by its im 
 mediate causes (external or internal) ; but it proceeds by ob 
 serving the MEMORY of those states of mind afterwards. And 
 therefore it can be just as correct as the memory. The simple 
 question is, as to the reality and faithfulness of memory. For, 
 granting this, we can afterwards write down the actual occur 
 rences of our minds ; for all writing is just exactly noting down 
 the facts of our mental processes, and if we will be faithful and 
 write them all fairly, we then have a statement of facts as to the 
 mind's operation, which we can consider and reconsider, ponder 
 and analyze, to our hearts' content, the same and as fully as we 
 could do with any record of any other natural or experimental 
 phenomena. 
 
 In respect to self-consciousness, individuals are types of so 
 ciety. A society, like an Individual, cannot understand itself 
 by an effort of direct self-consciousness of its own characteris 
 tics. It can only understand itself by observing its history; 
 having previously encouraged the faithful narration and publi 
 cation of that history, by interested and morally as well as 
 mentally competent persons. And the better any society is, 
 the more it will criticise and improve its own characteristics, by 
 the light of its own experience, in defiance of its passions, its 
 prejudices, and its theories. 
 
 There is one other science to be mentioned here as an im 
 portant preparation, namely, the science of Medicine; but as 
 this is a somewhat new position, and as it is desirable to avoid 
 repetition, the evidences of this should be postponed to the head 
 of The Individual," and of "Health" and "Life." 
 
 CHAP. VI. PROMOTERS AND TEACHERS. 
 
 1. Not the Classes generally supposed. 
 
 The question now occurs, whom are we to look to for Social 
 Science ? No great advance can be made in this science, except 
 in an entire and sympathetic willingness to receive light from all 
 sources. But as to what classes of persons to look to for Social 
 
PROMOTERS AND TEACHERS. 35 
 
 Science, we observe, that they are certainly NOT the inferior 
 classes of infidels. Great reasoning powers, great culture, may 
 enable a few of them, as in the case of Comte, to rise to a val 
 uable height in the comprehension of all those parts of the 
 subject that are not expressly spiritual. But inferior minds 
 must be guided by sound instincts, rather than by intellectual 
 speculations. 
 
 Furthermore, we are not to look to the REGULARS, whether 
 politicians statesmen or lawyers. For these, by devoting their 
 minds wholly to their own particular branch of the science, are 
 not competent to take a liberal or unbiased view of the whole 
 subject. 
 
 Another reason is, the habit of studying political questions 
 chiefly for immediate action and application, begets the habit of 
 endeavoring to found and build merely temporary contrivances 
 on everlasting foundations, and then of reasoning backwards, 
 and from the permanency of the foundations, rashly assuming 
 the permanency of the superstructure. Statesmen and lawyers, 
 anxious to have the strongest possible arguments for present 
 measures, work powerfully to argue and convince Mankind that 
 their measures are absolutely required by the eternal nature of 
 things. What is wanted is, that such certain eternal and ever 
 applicable principles should be discovered and elucidated, as 
 should be both flexible and comprehensive enough to apply to 
 all temporary and varying real necessities, without at all im 
 plying, either that the institutions or the logical arguments for 
 them, were absolute or permanent. The devotees to any science 
 or business are the great obstructions to progress in it ; except 
 perhaps they be the GREAT discoverers. And it is strictly in 
 accordance with^ these facts, that little hope of governmental 
 improvement is to be expected from professional politicians. 
 
 M. Comte preceded us in a similar conclusion ; yet it is a part 
 of his theory, that government is finally to be placed at the dis 
 posal of scientific men, although not of the savans of any par 
 ticular science, but of a class of savans not yet arisen, and whom 
 he does not think it possible to point out beforehand. As to the 
 world's physical scientists generally, notwithstanding the valu 
 able aid their previous studies have given them for fitness to 
 encounter the great problems of social life, yet they are gener- 
 
36 BK - I- SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. I. VI. 
 
 ally so absorbed with hobbies, so ambitious of scientific fame, 
 so unmetaphysical in their methods of thought, and often so 
 half-skeptical religiously, and so conceited in their own opinions 
 of the true principles of that science of society which they have 
 not yet studied, that there seems but little hope as yet of their 
 doing much for it. Perhaps it will be soon introduced into the 
 colleges and universities, as a branch of the regular course. 
 And then we might expect it to attract the attention of the 
 pious scientists. But what is usually studied as Social Sci 
 ence in those institutions, is little more than enlarged Political 
 Economy. 
 
 2. The Real Promoters. 
 
 As yet, those who have done most to aid Social Science, are 
 probably, Socrates (or Plato), Fourier, Comte, and Herbert 
 Spencer, who are the most profound scientific generaiists of all 
 time. 
 
 A more likely class than either the ordinary statesmen or the 
 ordinary physicists, to look to for Social Science, would be the 
 true scientific Theologians, if they had the time to spare from 
 their other avocations. But this seems seldom to happen ; since 
 most of them either have the charge and the daily labor of large 
 church congregations, or else of educational institutions. These 
 latter, namely, the theological head officers of the secular institu 
 tions, may contribute much towards our science, when there arises 
 a sufficient public demand to turn their business attention to it, 
 and when more leisure is afforded them. Theologians are, by 
 their training, best fitted for universal or general study. Wells, 
 whose occupation is the examination of heads, says, " As a class 
 they (the Theologians) have the best heads in the world." 
 (Physiognomy, p. 488.) 
 
 Another evidence that Theologians are to be looked to for 
 Social Science, is found in the fact of the success of their com 
 munities. The founders of the successful communities have 
 nearly always been Theologians originally, even if uneducated 
 ones, or if they had afterwards deserted their Theology. Actual 
 successes of this kind evidence practical knowledge of Social 
 Science, and also ability in new developments. 
 
 The only regular students of Social Science of moderate cali 
 ber, who have yet done much for it, are the communists. These, 
 
PROMOTERS AND TEACHERS. 37 
 
 by evidencing their faith in their own theories, by lives of com 
 munism and self-sacrifice, present new elements, namely, profound 
 sincerity and self-sacrifice, powerfully co-operating in their study 
 of the science. 
 
 Here also should be added all those classes of persons, 
 who, upon principle, like the primitive Christians, the original 
 Quakers, and some more modern peace-men and innovators, 
 personally and individually disregard tyrannical laws, whether 
 of government or of fashion. 
 
 Another reason why Theologians, religious and benevolent 
 persons, are necessary in the improvement of Social Science, is, 
 that they alone proclaim to any rulers (whether kings or peoples) 
 the peculiar portions of truth that they respectively need. Other 
 professions will flatter their kings, if in a monarchy; or will 
 flatter the people, if in a democracy. The epithet for the leaders 
 and politicians of the old Jewish people was, "they who call the 
 people blessed," as any one may see by merely referring to the 
 marginal renderings in our usual large Bibles. Thus, in Isaiah 
 iii. 12 : " O my people, they which lead thee," (marginal reading, 
 "they which call thee blessed"), "cause thee to err, and destroy 
 the way of thy paths." Again, Isaiah ix. 16 : " For the leaders 
 of this people," (marginal reading, " they that call them blessed") 
 " cause them to err ; and they that are led of them are destroyed." 
 
 We must not omit to enumerate the brave and devoted mis 
 sionaries scattered over heathen countries, and various explorers 
 geographical and scientific, who are sending home new ideas 
 and new truths of social philosophy, gathered by experience and 
 on the spot, of such various social systems as .they necessarily 
 encounter and naturally study and appreciate. 
 
 There is also another class who are doing noble but sporadic 
 work, in aid of our science. They are generally retired states 
 men or professionals, or retired merchants, or Christian men 
 of considerable means, some of whom are to be found almost 
 everywhere. They turn their attention generally, each to some 
 one or few special points in the study or the practice. 
 
 Dr. Craig suggests th'at clergymen and physicians COULD be 
 of great use to Social Science by their facilities for collecting 
 statistics of such a private and moral nature, as it is scarcely 
 possible could be derived from any other sources. 
 
38 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. I. VII. 
 
 CHAP. VII. MEANS AND DATA. 
 
 1. Observation. 
 
 We have now to consider the means and data of the science 
 of society. This can consist only in a very small degree of per 
 sonal observation, and only in the persons of leading statesmen, 
 and in times of peculiar contemporaneous national events. And 
 such observation will be far less applicable to the government 
 of great Nations, than to the government of small Precincts. 
 The larger and more populous the territory, the less can its 
 affairs be observed by one human mind, or conducted in one age 
 of life. Social observation therefore mainly consists of history. 
 The great want here is for brief histories which shall represent 
 principles rather than events. Such works would be nearly the 
 same thing as " histories of civilization" of each particular coun 
 try. They should prove,, as to the case of each Nation for itself, 
 the general rules and general consequences of the various prin 
 ciples of national action. This is what Paley's theory proposes, 
 but for a diiferent purpose, namely, for his proposed basis of 
 morals. 
 
 2. Experiment. 
 
 If Social Science is ever to become a real science, experiments 
 must be encouraged in it, as really as in all the other sciences. 
 But almost the only experiments of any thoroughness we have 
 of late years are communistic, except a few experiments on some 
 peculiar methods of settling unoccupied lands. Our Precinct 
 system affords much the best basis for experiment. This system 
 consists in forming very small Precincts of, and in, some one 
 great Nation, and allowing within each Precinct, the utmost in 
 ternal liberty and self-government, consistent with the general 
 prosperity of the whole ; in fact, an establishment of a United 
 States of Precincts, on the general principle of " mind its own 
 business" so long as it allows every person to leave a Precinct, 
 if he does not like it, and does not interfere with others 7 equal 
 liberty, nor with the general welfare. 
 
 This system, indeed is almost the only hopeful or desirable 
 basis. Because, if large national experiments preceded the pre 
 cinct experiments, vast ruin might follow in case of non-success. 
 And the consequences also might be not rapid enough to teach 
 the living generation who actually try the experiment. Further- 
 
MEANS AND DATA. 39 
 
 more, this Precinct system is one which in itself would be the 
 germ of all subsequent continuous peaceful and agreeable ex 
 periments. 
 
 The next best kind of experiments are well organized volun 
 tary corporations, as for instance, the moral communes. These 
 ought to be encouraged by law, and be by every other reason 
 able facility allowed to organize into townships or counties, 
 or whatever other local government, their extent or prosperity 
 might enable them to attain ; always holding the commune or 
 corporation responsible for the reasonable care of its women and 
 children. Ntf communes have succeeded unless they have been 
 governed by good and wise men. They ought to be protected 
 therefore, because according to our theory, government ought to 
 be in the hands of wise men, namely, those who possess the 
 transcendental elements most fully. Furthermore, all com 
 munes, even bad ones, are types and miniatures of society at 
 large ! and the evil ones teach us lessons at their own expense, 
 and by their own free choice. Only keep them apart, so as not 
 to contaminate the rest of society. 
 
 In all .sciences we must keep in mind the conditions. And 
 one of the conditions of any desirable social experiment for a 
 free people is, of course, that the persons who enter upon it 
 should do so VOLUNTARILY, and from real conviction. Other 
 wise it is no experiment of the natural workings of free or 
 desirable society; but it is a mere experiment in tyranny, in 
 corruption, or in punishment. Hence arises the great necessity 
 for allowing to all social experimenters, the fullest possible lib 
 erty consistent with the equal rights of others, provided they 
 will keep themselves from intruding their objectionable features 
 before and upon the rest of society. 
 
 In regard to the use of experiments, we may observe that 
 they give, not merely a balance of contradictory arguments, 
 when some great and good principle or plan is found to succeed 
 in some one or more cases, but not at all in others. On the 
 contrary, wherever a great and good principle or plan has tri 
 umphantly succeeded, even only once, it is a sure proof that the 
 principle or plan is PRACTICABLE FOR HUMAN NATURE. And 
 thus, every new attainment is the advancement to a new posi 
 tion by the vanguard of improvement. In other words, a prin- 
 
40 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. I. VII. 
 
 ciple established for one, is established for all. Mankind, some 
 of them at least, are improving, and are gradually becoming fit 
 for better and better social conditions. And the exact amount 
 of this fitness, is entirely too complicated an answer, to be ob 
 tained by any theoretical or a priori argument. The net total 
 resultant of the many conflicting and variable forces, acting 
 from time to time, can only be ascertained by trial itself. 
 
 And what, after all, is the history of any nation, and of its 
 laws and wars and government ? what, but a series of experi 
 ments, now with one object and now with another, yet having 
 scarcely any more of the scientific conditions of a USEFUL 
 experiment, than an eclipse or an earthquake. 
 
 This is the era of political experiment all over the world, 
 and this fact probably shows one of the final causes for the divi 
 sion of Mankind into nations or races, namely, the better to com 
 pel them to try different series of disconnected experiments, as 
 to the structure and laws of society : then, that process having 
 continued for ages, the present stage of civilization and universal 
 exchange, serves to point to a time having arrived when each 
 Precinct and Nation is to study all the others, and to try what 
 ever it finds in any of them that would appear beneficial to it. 
 This, then, is the era of universal experiment in social and 
 political, as well as in the other sciences, when each Nation is 
 trying experiments from suggestions derived from any or all 
 of the others. 
 
 3. Modification of Expediency Doctrine. 
 
 Another one of the data for social science is, a modification 
 of the doctrine of expediency ; namely, a reasoning from general 
 consequences and general rules, in such a way that the general 
 consequences are used to obtain general moral rules, not inde 
 pendent of, but only in connection with, the moral instincts. 
 Such general rules are substantially the same as Dr. Paley's 
 Principles of Moral Philosophy would become, by taking the 
 moral instincts into its connection formally, as indeed he often 
 does materially essentially and instinctively, in the course of his 
 work. No doctrine of expediency can be received, altogether 
 regardless of the moral instincts, nor can these be taken without 
 the other ; but right and expediency always go together, with 
 the privilege, amid contending principles, to prefer that which 
 
MEANS AXD DATA. 4} 
 
 happens to be the clearest in any given case; and never swerv 
 ing from the great foundations of morality, namely, the sanction 
 of God and the equality of the rights of men under the same 
 circumstances. 
 
 4. Return to First Principles. 
 
 Allowing now, that reasoning from cause and effect, and from 
 general theories of society, based upon cause and effect alone; 
 or starting with theories that can just as well be turned into 
 exactly opposite directions and developments, that such reason 
 ing is altogether insufficient of itself to invent or discover the 
 true social system or true Social Science : nevertheless, we must 
 always be ready in our reasonings, to return to the first principles 
 of things ; and not wander far off into answers to arguments, 
 and then replies to answers, and then objections to replies, and 
 the removal of the objections, and then answers to those re 
 movals, and so on as may be done endlessly. 
 
 There is a class of Social Scientists, (with whom, it is to be 
 regretted, Spencer has almost enrqlled himself), who argue that 
 government ought not to do nor to attempt to do, scarcely any 
 thing except to keep the peace among its own citizens, and 
 organize for fighting with the citizens of other governments. 
 They argue for letting natural laws take their course, as fully in 
 all sanitary matters, as in sumptuary ones ; and they ask us to 
 let death multiply until Individuals will of their Own accord 
 provide for the health of a city ; they ask this, even with the 
 same pertinacity that they ask to let men eat and dress extrava^ 
 gantly until checked by their reaching the bottom of their 
 pockets. This leads to the necessity of showing, that we must 
 resort to first principles in order to answer these arguments. 
 
 Let us consider some instances of the kind of proof required ; 
 discretionary power is given to trustees, agents, representa 
 tives, judges, governors, in order that the discretion may be used 
 for the cause of truth and justice, as against the impossibility 
 of government making exact and perfect rules beforehand. But 
 when those officers use a " hook or crook 7 ' of exact rule, to author 
 ize a violation of truth or j ustice, and would plead their discretion 
 ary powers, they violate t\\e first principles in the case, and must re 
 turn to first principles, in order to see the error of their argument. 
 
 Again, it is admitted, private charity is better than public; 
 
42 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. I. VII. 
 
 the first principle being, that private character is able to be 
 investigated more truly by the benevolent and on the voluntary 
 principle, than by government. But, when we find Individuals 
 failing to do a necessary work, when we find whole tribes and 
 districts and scattered millions, famishing, and no sufficient 
 private aid coming, the public must come to the rescue, and 
 justify itself by recurring to first principles. 
 
 Again, when the elective franchise is given, and decisions are 
 made according to majority, all is intended for the reason or first 
 principle, that it is supposed that the possession of that franchise 
 by all, is a needed means for the protection of their own rights. 
 But when they would use the idea of the majority, to take away 
 the rights of others, their arguments should return to first prin 
 ciples. And the mere will of a majority, can find no arguments 
 to defend it, in trampling on the rights of a minority. 
 
 Now, when some would allege, very restricted powers to gov 
 ernment, that it must in fact do almost nothing, but (that which, 
 by the way, it cannot do at all, namely) protect life and prop 
 erty, they are fond of assuming or trying to prove, that govern 
 ment was not instituted for any of those other purposes. They 
 think they then recur to the first principles of the thing. But ; 
 Do they ? Or shall we ask, what was man himself instituted 
 for ? Was man made for Sunday, or Sunday made for man ? 
 Was man made for law, or law made for man ? If this, then, 
 is the first principle of the thing, the do-nothing governmental- 
 ists are in the wrong theory ; who would let one set of un 
 thrifty idle poor starve, in order that others might learn more 
 foresight ; or one set of strong passioned men and girls rot, that 
 others might learn to avoid the danger, &c., &c. Some Socio 
 logical arguments favoring the absurdest conclusions, can be 
 fully -and satisfactorily answered in this manner, which might 
 take whole volumes to refute in any other manner ; so compli 
 cated and abstruse is the whole science, and so mixed up with 
 local prejudices and visionary theories. 
 
 The fact is, that for practical application, all abstract princi 
 ples must undergo a degree of concrete integration ; and the 
 definite quantities and " constants" which had been dropped in 
 differentiation, must be restored. This is readily accomplished 
 by a resort to the first principles of things. 
 
MEANS AND DATA. 43 
 
 5. Analogies of Natural Laws. 
 
 Then we have the analogies of natural laws, beginning with 
 the laws of inorganic matter, and ascending to those of the 
 vegetable, and finally of the animal. And as we rise in the 
 scale of existence, always of course, pay more and more respect 
 to the analogies which gradually approach the human being 
 himself. In the application of this principle, Comte made 
 great advances beyond Fourier, and Spencer, still greater ad 
 vances beyond Comte, and Carey also has made some use of 
 natural laws for analogies, but only or chiefly of those drawn 
 from the inanimate world. It is the introduction of these kinds 
 of analogies into Social Science, that seems to be its strongest 
 attraction to the modern physicists. And by their influence, 
 analogies which formerly were considered to be nothing more 
 than very pretty figures of speech, are now admitted to be 
 fundamental laws of the Science. 
 
 The great Social Scientists, such as Fourier, Comte, Spencer, 
 avow a causal connection between the lower order of creatures, 
 organic and inorganic, and the nature of man, individual and 
 social. Even Plato, Swedenborg and others, who do not appear 
 to accept the doctrine of a causal connection, make free use of 
 
 the resemblances. 
 
 6. The Tribe-Principle. 
 
 There is another principle upon which we build much of our 
 Social Science. It is the theory of the tribe ; namely, the theory 
 that the tribe-element of primitive stages of mankind, disap 
 pears as to its form, in modern or developed society ; but yet, as 
 to its essence, reappears therein under several different forms. 
 This we call the tribe-principle. The developments of this, 
 will be found frequently recurring in the progress of this work. 
 We have not met with any work on Social Science, hitherto, 
 which makes any practical application of the tribe-element, to 
 modern society. 
 
 7. The Type-Theory. 
 
 We have the type-theory ; according to which, the Individual 
 human being is regarded as a type of Family, and of all the 
 other personal units more complicated. And then, the Family is 
 likewise regarded as the type of the Precinct, and of all the 
 other Units more general than it ; and so on, up to the Nation, 
 
44 BK - L SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. I. VII. 
 
 and even to Mankind. This is a very different idea, from merely 
 using the Individual man or any other animal, as the type of 
 society at large, as has been done by Plato, Hobbes, Spencer, and 
 many others. Besides the increased complexity and development 
 of our use of the thought, ours has a less outward, but a more 
 /noral, origin and nature. See that other view pretty fully 
 treated in the Westminster Review, January, 1860, in Spencer's 
 article, " The Social Organism." Extracts therefrom will be 
 found under the head of Individual. 
 
 The substance of our theory, as has been mentioned already, 
 is the typical ness of each and all the different personal elements, 
 or units of society : and this in such a sense, that each one is 
 typical of all those that are more general than itself. 
 
 The way whereby we came to alight upon this theory, was 
 this. In the course of the study of Social Science, it soon be 
 came apparent, that, amid such a conflict of different theories 
 and contending suggestions, it would be simply impossible to 
 weigh and consider them all fully and in detail ; and that 
 consequently, the disputes in Social Science could never be 
 settled in that way. The question then almost became, either 
 to give up the science in despair, or try to find some more prac 
 ticable method of proof. At last it appeared, that in nature 
 there are certain objects and circumstances, that, when used by 
 a proper instinct and not superficially, at once and by analogy 
 show forth results and consequences, with more certainty and 
 truth than the deepest or most complicated reasonings. 
 
 Tht case is, as Howson says, " When an important change is 
 at hand, God usually causes a silent preparation in the minds 
 of men ; and some great fact occurs, which may be taken as a 
 type and symbol of the whole movement." 
 
 For the proof of our theory of types, we appeal, partly to 
 the existence of typical forms in general, and to fundamental 
 analogies as existing in common sense, and as the data and basis 
 of the judgments of common sense. 
 
 It is a wonderful fact, that we often find in common life, and 
 even with inexperienced persons, a degree of common sense that 
 is truly surprising. And among the uneducated classes gener 
 ally, there seems to prevail more wisdom about many matters, 
 than can be found among those given to the deepest researches 
 of reasoning. 
 
MEANS AND DATA. 45 
 
 One of the best, and probably one of the first cases, of the 
 analogy of the individual with human society, is given by St. 
 Paul, (1 Gor. xii.), and applied to the church. But evidently, 
 the principle is applicable to every form of human society, from 
 the Family upward. " For as the body is one, and hath many 
 members, and all the members of that one body, being many, 
 are one body: so also is Christ. . . . For the body is not one 
 member, but many. If the foot shall say, Because I am not 
 the hand, I am not of the body; is it therefore not of the 
 body? ... If the whole body were an eye, where were the 
 hearing ? . . . But now hath God set the members, every one 
 of them, in the body, as it hath pleased him. And if they 
 were all one member, where were the body ? . . . And the eye 
 cannot say unto the hand, I have no need of thee ; nor again, 
 the head to the feet, I have no need of you. . . . And those 
 members of the body, which we think to be less honorable, upon 
 these we bestow more abundant honor. . . . For our comely parts 
 have no need ; but God hath tempered the body together, having 
 given more abundant honor to that part which lacked ; that there 
 should be no schism in the body, but that the members should 
 have the same care one for another. And whether one member 
 suffer, all the members suffer with it ; or one member be hon 
 ored, all the members rejoice with it." 
 
 Fundamental analogies may be further perceived among ab 
 stract subjects and questions. Consider now, such questions as 
 the right and principle of civil government at all; or the true 
 principles of church organizations, or the relation of church to 
 state. The discussions on ordinary principles seem endless. 
 But, by fixing our minds on some of the simple but essential 
 elements of society, say, the Individual, or the Family, or 
 even on some one locality or Precinct, we obtain a type or 
 basis for a class of analogies which are not only suggestive, but 
 to a certain extent also, logically conclusive. Further illustra 
 tions will be found at the commencement of the part on the 
 "Individual" and especially at the commencement of the part 
 on the "Family" And the chief type and illustration is the 
 Family; even as Comte says, that it is both the unit and the type 
 of society at large. 
 
 The doctrine of fundamental analogies, harmonizes somewhat 
 
46 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. I. VII. 
 
 with the old Platonic thought of the real existence of general 
 ideas and general forms. And it would seem that all creation 
 is but an evolution from, and a development of, these general 
 forms. Yet still our idea is not so much that, as this other 
 thought, that all life repeats itself more or less, and produces 
 microcosms ; that everything re-types itself, and that some of 
 these fruits are so closely and truly microcosms, that they may 
 safely be taken as typical forms. 
 
 Swedenborg also agrees, that by " correspondences" the ani 
 mals have their instinctive knowledge, and that man is like 
 them therein, (Heaven and Hell; 108 and 110), that uses are 
 the same in all worlds, but the same use takes different forms in 
 different worlds ; and that the correspondence in forms, results 
 from the sameness of use. (H. and H. ; 112.) 
 
 When the greatest philosophers and anatomists of the world, 
 were vainly endeavoring to reason out a great archetype, or gen 
 eral outline-skeleton for all animal life, the poet Goethe perceives, 
 that a leaf is the archetype wanted. Prof. Owen has enlarged 
 this idea into a system of creation according to an " ideal typical 
 vertebra," as in the Divine mind. But Owen, having confused 
 this capital thought with a very different one, namely, the purely 
 mechanical " old fogy" undevelopment-idea of creation, laid him 
 self open to cavil. 
 
 The basis of these fundamental analogies, seems to rest in the 
 very ultimate beginning principles of inanimate matter. In gen 
 eral, perhaps the theory is admissible that many of the primal 
 conglomerations or organizations in nature, are in the forms of 
 their totalities or ultimates ; crystals, in the form of their totality, 
 and the primal parts of seeds and germs, in the form of their 
 completed wholes, and the parts of the brain in the form of the 
 whole. And even all motion might be the result of the original 
 rotary motion, supposed to have existed in the beginning of 
 creation. Everywhere, from highest to lowest, in the move 
 ments of being nebula, suns, planets,* electricity, stomach, 
 blood EVERYWHERE we find the great element of circuitous 
 motion. However, it is beyond our depth, to give " positive" 
 knowledge of the foundations of fundamental analogies. 
 
 8. Ideals. 
 
 (a) Historical Ideals. Imaginary and ideal original states of 
 
MEANS AND DATA. 47 
 
 society, are experiments of some kind, on our own minds, and 
 are efforts to reach the great archetypes within our own minds, 
 are latent activities on the basis of an inward type theory; so 
 that, among the data for Social Science, and among the scientific 
 means of improving it, may be mentioned this inevitable tend 
 ency of the human mind, to imagine peculiar states of society 
 in its most simplified forms : Thus, the church-hypothesis, of 
 one original pair for all Mankind, and they created in a state of 
 moral and intellectual perfection : Also, the opposite hypothesis, 
 that Mankind were originally a set of barbarians, but little if 
 any, superior to the unreasoning animals. Each of these oppo 
 site hypotheses answers to explain different phenomena of society. 
 The church-hypothesis explains the laws of the moral nature of 
 individual man ; whilst the barbarian hypothesis serves to explain 
 the scientific, social, and governmental progress of Mankind as a 
 race or as a whole. 
 
 Then, again, imaginary conditions of society, and imaginary 
 positions of Individuals may be conceived ; and these may serve 
 to show the superior worth of man and life, above all fashions 
 and property and earthly distinctions. They also help us to 
 form a judgment as to what are the strongest passions of human 
 nature. The principle is just like the great advice, to do unto 
 others as we would that they should do unto us : it is an experi 
 ment upon our own moral consciousness. 
 
 (6) Prospective Ideals. This sort of reasoning is the founda 
 tion of ideals- for the future of human society; and thus, of 
 hopes for society, and thus becomes a guide of struggles for the 
 improvement of Mankind. But imaginary states are, in the 
 main, necessary to the pursuit of any study, in a truly analytical 
 method; for the subsequent re-integration that is necessary to 
 form science, cannot follow without ideals as to mental aim. 
 
 Nor is our ideal to be supposed to be a reach at absolute per 
 fection. On the contrary, it is an ideal modified so as to come 
 within the writer's ideas of present human possibilities. And 
 it is by no means supposed to be the end of all progress or of all 
 ideals, on this subject. As for its scientific value as an aid to 
 study, we hope to place our ideal at least in the same category 
 as Plato's Republic, More's Utopia, Fourier's Association, and 
 Ball oil's True System of Human Society ; and that is not saying 
 
48 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. I. VIII. 
 
 very much for either of them. Its practicability is altogether 
 another question, and is reserved for its proper place in a sepa 
 rate "book." Our ideal is such a universal cooperation as 
 would have to be called Limited or Christian communism. By 
 communism, we mean, not freedom of sex, but cooperation and 
 mutuality, in religion, in self-government and in industry, 
 in incomes, and labors, and general life, in all things moral 
 and lawful, and by doing to others perfectly as we would be 
 done by, as only can be done in " association"-life. 
 
 Judaism owes much of its power to its having its ideal king 
 dom of the Messiah, as its central point, which it was its duty 
 constantly to seek; and which it was certain it would finally 
 attain. 
 
 9. Efficacy for solution of phenomena. 
 
 But the greatest and best proof of the excellence of our theory, 
 is of the same kind as presents itself in every science, namely, 
 the success of the applications of our individual theories, to the 
 solution of all the facts, and to the general classification of the 
 subject as a whole. This argument is of such a nature, that we 
 hope it will gradually increase, even to the end of the last divi 
 sion, where it comes to be applied to the difficult problems 
 and relations of civil government, of religion, communism, and 
 human life. But yet, so thoroughly is the nature of this sort 
 of argument understood in the physical sciences, that we scarcely 
 need mention it again. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. THE METHOD. ANALYTICAL. 
 
 In a new and undeveloped science, some greater attention to 
 preliminaries of method and arrangement, may be excused, and 
 is even demanded, than in the case of the more developed and 
 better ascertained sciences. 
 
 There are two main methods of pursuing any science, the 
 analytical and the synthetical. The synthetical consists in lay 
 ing down the subject in a regular and connected order, so that 
 what follows is generally based upon what precedes, simply as 
 possible, and sustained by demonstrations of the truth of what 
 has been said. The analytical, is the handling of the constituent 
 parts of a subject in the various ways POSSIBLE. It consists, 
 first, in taking the subject all apart and considering each part 
 
THE METHOD. ANALYTICAL. 49 
 
 separately, then combining those parts together repeatedly, with 
 a view to forming some synthetical arrangement. But, as first 
 attempts are generally unsuccessful, the first forms of synthesis 
 will be unsatisfactory. Then the whole subject must necessarily 
 be re-analyzed. And this process continues to be repeated, with 
 an increase of knowledge and experience gained by previous 
 operations ; and all this, in regard both to ideas and to general 
 classifications. And, in the sense in which we are here using the 
 words analytical and synthetical, they are both included in the 
 term inductive, as distinguished from deductive. And the term 
 deductive applies to the synthetical, chiefly as to the deduction 
 of the classifications. We deduce mostly forms, not substance 
 nor inferences, by this method of thinking. 
 
 Another feature of the analytical method is, that we pursue 
 our studies in regard to all the different parts of the subject at 
 the same time. In fact we do this in the same manner, to some 
 extent, as if they were entirely different subjects, but constantly 
 are on the watch for every suggestion that may arise, of com 
 parisons with or relations to, any of the other parts of the sub 
 ject as a whole. We seek ideas within our own minds, half 
 ramblingly it may be, just as a physicist wanders over the. earth 
 for glacier-stones, fish-bones, and stone hatchets. And this is 
 exactly the point of the process where new ideas arise. - : " ,, 
 
 Another point of contrast between the two methods is, that 
 the synthetical usually aims to be argumentative, in such a way 
 that argumentative conclusions are constantly intended and 
 looked for, in such works as admit of argument ; so that they 
 are valuable chiefly in proportion to the soundness and variety 
 of the arguments adduced. But the analytical process is gener 
 ally corrupted, at least at first, in proportion as it has in mind 
 any particular theory or object to prove. So that, while synthe 
 sis aims to prove this or that particular truth already believed 
 in, analysis hunts and seeks for any truths it can find that ap 
 propriately relate to the subject. 
 
 One word as to the manner in which this work has been 
 wrought out:' The manner has been purely analytical. After 
 storing the mind with much that others had written ; and writing 
 short notes or essays on various points as they occurred, writing 
 perchance on the same day, short essays or notes on parts of the 
 
 4 
 
50 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. I. IX. 
 
 subject the most distant or the most unlike : we found that the 
 facts or doctrines thus having been cut up and analyzed, sug 
 gested other points or positions or questions, which all had to be 
 noted down immediately, to be afterwards further examined. 
 And subsequently, all these suggestions had to be arranged and 
 compared and collated together. This part of the process was 
 synthetical, and made further suggestions, whereby the work be 
 came what it is. And all these various changes took place, as 
 well in regard to the methods forms and classifications of the 
 ideas, as in regard to the ideas themselves. 
 
 CHAP. IX. THE CLASSIFICATIONS. 
 
 1. The Classifications in general. 
 
 One objection to most Social Sciences is, that their writers, 
 each has his own peculiar pet scheme or theory, and frames 
 his whole work so as to be a special pleading in favor of some 
 such theory. Now, to have a theory is no objection; but to 
 twist the classification to suit it, to have only ONE theory, and 
 to stake the treatment of a whole philosophical work, to favor 
 such a one theory, is a thing not done in other sciences claiming 
 to be inductive or philosophical. 
 
 The first great desideratum in Social Science, would be a work 
 which would give such a scientific and truthful general outline 
 of the subject, as could be easily used in any of the diiferent 
 theories on the same subject. Thus it would be a real analysis 
 of the subject itself, objectively, as to its generally ascertained 
 facts and principles. The originator of such a classification, 
 containing at least a compend of the principal ideas on the sub 
 ject, would be a lasting friend to posterity; even should it not 
 add any single new idea to our stock of knowledge about it. 
 For classification is the foundation and essential of all the sci 
 ences. 
 
 Now, it seems that the principal merits of a scientific classi 
 fication of any book, besides those already mentioned, are that 
 it be such as to avoid repetitions as much as possible ; that it 
 arrange the different parts in such an order of succession, that 
 what precedes will facilitate the understanding of what follows : 
 and that that which precedes, will also serve as argumentative 
 premises, for reasonable conclusions in the parts that follow. 
 
CLASSIFICATIONS OF SOCIAL SCIENCE. 51 
 
 This latter attainment, however, is rarely possible, consistently 
 with the other two, and in an analytical work of this kind, can 
 hardly be expected. So then, our classification may be consid 
 ered successful, in proportion as it avoids repetitions, and ar 
 ranges the parts that precede, so as to make intelligible those 
 that follow, trusting to the consistency of the whole, as one 
 of its main arguments. 
 
 We will now endeavor to do what is certainly a very hard 
 thing to do, namely, to classify the classifications of this very 
 abstract subject. 
 
 2. Zoological Classifications. 
 (a) Zoological, By others. 
 
 The Zoological classifications of Social Science, trace analo 
 gies with the various parts of a man, or other animal. 
 
 Spencer in Westm. Rev., and in Ills. Prog., has shown many 
 of the advantages and disadvantages of this form of treatment. 
 Plato adopts the correspondence of reason, will, and passion, for 
 the divisions of society. Hobbes adopts "that Leviathan great 
 man called the commonwealth," and its parts. Swedenborg 
 makes the societies of heaven and hell, to be in the " forms" of 
 a man, and carries out the analogies into the very minute parts. 
 It has often seemed to the writer, that Spencer's splendid classi 
 fication for vegetable and animal Biology, might, with slight 
 adaptations, be equally splendid for Social Biology ; namely, for 
 Social Science itself. 
 
 (b) Zoological, By us. 
 
 The writer's first classification was MEDICAL and biological, 
 as follows : and in the subdi visions of each of the five main 
 parts, all the ones (1 s ) correspond with or relate to each other, 
 and all the twos (2 s ) with each other, and so on, with the 3 s 
 and 4 s . 
 
 (I.) Social Physiology.- 
 
 1. Sensible System. 
 
 2. Vital System. 
 
 3. Motive or Mechanic System. 
 
 4. Life-power in its totality. 
 
 (II.) Social Therapeutics. 
 
 1. Theory of Medicine. 
 
 2. Practice of Medicine. 
 
 3. Pharmacy. 
 
 4. Hygiene. 
 
52 BK - I- SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. I. IX. 
 
 (III.) Sociological Powers and Organs. 
 
 1. Mental, Moral, Psychological, Mysterious and Philosophical. 
 
 2. Vital, Circulative, Unseen, Scientific. 
 
 3. Motive, Mechanical, Material, Structural, Obvious, and Political. 
 
 4. Harmonious, Completed result, Perfect cure, and Limited Com 
 munism. 
 
 (IV.) Classes of Society. 
 
 1. Moral and Religious classes. 
 
 2. Intellectual and Educated classes. 
 
 3. Physical classes. 
 
 4. Holy Instinctive classes (?) 
 
 (V.) Departments of Government. 
 \. Constitutions. 
 
 2. Laws. 
 
 3. Usual Offices. 
 
 4. New Offices. 
 
 3. Abstract Ungeneric Classifications. 
 
 Albert Brisbane classifies thus : Education : Industry : Social 
 Laws and Institutions : Government : Religion : Accessory 
 Branch, including Fine Arts and Sciences. 
 
 The Chinese " Statutes and Rescripts of the Great Pure Dy 
 nasty," are arranged thus : General : Civil : Fiscal : Ritual : 
 Military : Criminal : and Public Works. 
 
 Carey suggests as main divisions, simply: Political Econ 
 omy : and Jurisprudence. 
 
 Mulford in his preface, implies a classification which may be 
 expressed thus : Political Economy : Jurisprudence : Statistics 
 (or Statics?): Political History: and Political Science in general. 
 
 Here follow classifications by five great institutions: and then 
 follow two of our Summary ones. (A) is of the British Assoc. 
 of Soc. Science. (B) is of the European International Associa 
 tion. (C) is of the American Assoc. of Soc. Science. (D) is of 
 the Western Social Sci. Association. (E) is of the School of the 
 French Empire, for its course of studies. (F) is our Summary 
 of these five, made for a comparison of them with one of our 
 classifications, to be given hereinafter. And (G) is ours, modi 
 fied here for the comparison. 
 
 The perpendicular lines vary, so that the spaces between them, 
 will carefully exhibit the comparative scopes, of the works and 
 of the sub-headings of their respective authors ; i.e.. Law in (B) 
 means more than in (A), but less than in (C). Finance in (D) 
 
CLASSIFICATIONS OF SOCIAL SCIENCE. 53 
 
 means more than in (E) but less than in (F). And the whole 
 line or scope of (B, D, E or F) means more than in (A) or (C) 
 and less than in (G). And crime in (A) consists of a part of 
 what (B) calls " Law," and a part of what it calls " Health and 
 Charity." 
 
 Social Economy | Law | Crime . . . | Health . . | Education | 
 Pol.-Economy | Law . . . | Health and Charity . . | Art & Literature | 
 
 Finance . . . j Law j Health . . | Education | 
 
 Finance . . . | Law | Health . . | Education | Fine Arts | 
 
 Finance . | Political Economy | Law | Statistics | . . ? . . | 
 
 Financial . . . | Political . | Legal . . | Philosophical . . . | 
 Property . . . . | Politicals | Philosophical | Personals | 
 
 4. GENERIC CLASSIFICATIONS. 
 
 (a) Generic, By others. 
 Fourier's ideas may be classified thus : 
 
 (I) Universal laws of matter and mind. (1) The series dis 
 tributes the harmonies. (2) Attractions are proportioned to Des 
 tinies. (3) Analogy is universal. 
 
 (II) Fundamental passions of human nature. (1) Sensuous 
 desires. (2) Moral-Social affections. (3) Intellectual and dis 
 tributive impulses. (4) Unity-ism. 
 
 (III) Fundamental elements of society. (1) Capital. (2) 
 Science. (3) Labor. 
 
 (IV) Attractive industry ; chiefly by means of groups within 
 series, systematically and harmonically arranged. 
 
 Both Comte and Spencer divide Social Science into Statics 
 and Dynamics ; but disagree as to what are the lines, or even 
 what the principles, of the division. 
 
 Comte's view of Social Science is given as his Social Physics, 
 and may be condensed thus : Principal Philosophical Attempts 
 at a Social Science : Characteristics of the Positive Method in 
 Social Phenomena: Relation of Sociology to Positive Philos 
 ophy; Social Statics, or Theory of the Spontaneous Order of 
 Society, including the Individual, the Family, and Society in 
 the abstract. 
 
 Social Dynamics, or Theory of the Natural Progress of So 
 ciety : First Theological Phase, Fetichism, Beginning of the 
 Theological and Military System: Second Phase, Polytheism, 
 Development of the Theological and Military System : Third 
 Phase, Age of Monotheism, Modification of the Theological 
 
54 
 
 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. I. IX. 
 
 and Military System : Metaphysical and Critical Period of 
 Modern Society : Final Tendency of Modern Society : Final 
 Action of the Positive Philosophy. 
 
 Spencer's " Social Statics" is divided as follows : Funda 
 mental Principles : Personal Rights : Political Rights : Connec 
 tion with Social Dynamics. 
 
 His proposed new work, which seems to be his Dynamics,, is, 
 (like Comte's,) to consider historical progress mainly ; but is to 
 be divided as follows : Pata of Sociology : Inductions of So 
 ciology : Political Organization : Ecclesiastical Organization : 
 Industrial Organization: Ceremonial or Custom-Organization: 
 Lingual Progress : Intellectual Progress : ^Esthetic Progress : 
 Moral Progress : Consensus. 
 
 (6) Our Generic Classification. 
 Table H. 
 
 
 Supreme .rrm- Summary Introduction to 
 ciplesofSo- Social Science 
 cial Science J 1 
 
 
 < 
 
 
 Individual 
 
 Highest 
 Division I : 
 
 Instinctive or 
 Spontaneous 
 
 
 Family 
 Social Circle 
 
 Analytics of 
 Social Science 
 
 Elements, i. 
 e., Units 
 
 
 Precinct 
 Nation 
 Mankind 
 
 
 Rational De- | f 
 
 
 liberative > < Corporation 
 
 
 ^ Element J [ 
 
 Highest 
 
 Supreme Prin- " 
 ciples of 
 Synthetics 
 
 
 Introduction to Synthetics 
 in general 
 
 Division II : 
 
 Physical Ele 
 
 
 > Property 
 Life 
 
 Synthetics of 
 
 ments 
 
 
 Health 
 
 Social Science 
 
 
 
 > Intellectuals 
 
 
 Metaphysical 
 
 
 Morals 
 
 
 Elements 
 
 
 
 Civil Government 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ Limited Communism 
 
 The Science of Society is not yet sufficiently developed, to 
 express its two main divisions accurately ; although the general 
 conception seems clear enough. The division into Statics and 
 Dynamics, (of Comte and Spencer,) is evidently too materialistic, 
 inorganic, and lifeless. But Primary and Secondary, speaking 
 
CLASSIFICATIONS OF SOCIAL SCIENCE. 55 
 
 in a figure from Geology, might answer. Or Anatomy and 
 Physiology; or Structure and Functions. Or we might say, 
 Pure Social Science, and Applied Social Science ; because, in the 
 degree of abstractness, the Analytics is related to the Synthetics, 
 somewhat as Pure Mathematics is to Applied Mathematics. But 
 we prefer the terms Analytics and Synthetics. And then sub 
 divide as annexed. 
 
 (c) Some Higher Comparisons. 
 
 This classification (H) by summing it up differently, namely, 
 as our (G) in the ungeneric classifications previously given 
 (IX. 3), may be compared with the one (F), there suggested as 
 a summary of the classifications of the five great institutions 
 there cited. This comparison may be made thus : 
 
 Economical or Financial = Property. 
 
 Political, includes, Precinct, Nation, and Corporation. 
 
 Legal is Health, Civil Government, and Communism. 
 
 Philosophical only touches Summary Introduction, Individ 
 ual, Family, Social Circle, Mankind, Introduction to Synthetics, 
 Life, Intellectuals, and Morals. 
 
 Approximating the three in tabular form, thus ; 
 
 * * 1 
 
 Gl 
 H 
 
 | Property 
 Property 
 
 . . . Po 
 Precinct 
 Nation 
 Corporation 
 
 liticals 
 
 Philosophicals .... 
 Summary Introduction 
 Mankind 
 Introduction to Synthetics 
 Life 
 Intellectuals x 
 Morals 
 
 I 
 Personals | 
 Individual 
 Family 
 Social Circle 
 
 Health .... 
 Civil Government 
 Limited Communism 
 
 Compare with the outline of Mr. Spencer's PROPOSED Sociol 
 ogy. In which of course we can only guess where he would 
 place them. 
 
 Spencer's. Ours. 
 
 Data of Sociology \ 
 
 Inductions of Sociology } ' ' ' ' 
 
 Ecclesiastical Organization 
 
 Custom Organization Social Circle 
 
 C Precinct 
 
 Political Organization . J ^ ation , 
 
 J Corporation 
 
 (^ Civil Government 
 
 Industrial Organization Property 
 
 Lingual Progress ) T , ,, , 
 
 Intellectual Progress / Intellectuals 
 
56 
 
 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. I. IX. 
 
 Spencer's. 
 Esthetic Progress 
 
 Moral Progress 
 
 Consensus: and interdependence of 
 structure and function. 
 
 Ours. 
 
 {Intellectuals 
 Morals 
 ( Health 
 I Individual 
 1 Family 
 ^ Morals 
 Introductions 
 Mankind 
 Communism 
 
 (d) Some Transcendental Analogies. 
 
 The general relation between our Analytics and Synthetics, 
 is analogous to the two kinds of primal forms of solid matter 
 " Matter has two solid states, distinguished as crystalloid and 
 colloid; of which the first is due to union of the individual 
 atoms, and the second, to the union of groups of such indi 
 vidual atoms ; and of which the first is stable and the second 
 unstable." And again those two primal kinds are typical of the 
 still more primal fundamental kinds, namely solid and gaseous; 
 (because liquidity is only a transient state of matter, in its pas 
 sage from solid to gas or from gas to solid.) Our Analytical 
 Elements are supposed to be socially the individual atoms ; the 
 Synthetics are supposed to consist of groups metaphysically, and 
 hence are more complicated. 
 
 Next observe two ascending series, resembling the octaves of 
 the major scale in music, (do, re, mi, fa, sol, la, si, do,) one of 
 which takes in the whole eight parts of the analytics ; and the 
 other, the whole eight of the synthetics. They are to be read 
 from the bottom, upwards. Musicians will understand them. 
 
 Analytics. 
 
 8 Corporation. 
 
 7 Mankind. 
 
 6 Nation. 
 
 5 Precinct. 
 
 4 Social Circle. 
 
 3 Family. 
 
 2 Individual. 
 
 1 Introduction. 
 
 Synthetics. 
 
 8 Limited Communism. 
 
 7 Civil Government. 
 
 6 Morals. 
 
 5 Intellectuals. 
 
 4 Health. 
 
 3 Life. 
 
 2 Property. 
 
 1 Introduction. 
 
CLASSIFICATIONS OF SOCIAL SCIENCE. 
 
 57 
 
 In the following four classifications, let all the ones (1 s ) be 
 compared with each other, and all the twos (2 s ) with each other, 
 and so on ; and some resemblances will be observed, besides the 
 more obvious ones between 3 s and 4 s and between 7 s and 8 s . 
 
 Comte's Final Outlines. 
 
 1 Introduction. 
 
 2 Mathematics. 
 
 3 Astronomy. 
 
 4 Physics. 
 
 5 Chemistry. 
 
 6 Biology. 
 
 7 Sociology. 
 
 8 [Ideal Humanity.] 
 
 Our Synthetics. 
 
 1 Introduction. 
 
 2 Property. 
 
 3 Life. 
 
 4 Health. 
 
 5 Intellectuals. 
 
 6 Morals. 
 
 7 Civil Government. 
 
 8 Limited Communism. 
 
 Our Analytics. 
 
 1 Introduction. 
 
 2 Individual. 
 
 3 Family. 
 
 4 Social Circle. 
 
 5 Precinct. 
 
 6 Nation. 
 
 7 Mankind. 
 
 8 Corporation. 
 
 Oken's Outlines of Biology. 
 
 1 Organ osophy. 
 
 2 Phytogeny. 
 
 3 Phyto-physiology. 
 
 4 Phytology. 
 
 5 Zoogeny. 
 
 6 Physiology. 
 
 7 Zoology. 
 
 8 Psychology. 
 
 We have many other such analogies, but have concluded to 
 omit them. 
 
 5. Our Order of Publication. 
 
 As in music the tunes are made by generally deviating from 
 the order of the gamut, so in the actual publication of our ideas, 
 and for convenience' sake ; because those ideas will have to be 
 published only gradually and in parts, as separate works, we 
 will adopt a different GENERAL grouping. But what that gen 
 eral grouping may be, we do not know in advance ; only this 
 much. Our New Theory of Social Science would be pretty 
 fairly represented by (I) Summary Introduction, or Theory of 
 Social Science in General. (II) The Primary Fundamental 
 Politico-organic elements, namely, Precinct, Nation and Corpo 
 ration. And (III) The Ultimate Ideal, viz. Limited Commu 
 nism. These subjects (we say nor mean not, our treatment of 
 them) make up a real Principia of Social Science. 
 
58 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. I. 
 
 SUMMAEY IITTKODUCTIOlSr TO 
 SOCIAL SCIENCE. 
 
 PART II. 
 
 PRINCIPLES OF SOCIETY ITSELF. 
 CHAP. I. PRELIMINARY. 
 
 THAT part of Social Science which treats of the fundamental 
 principles of society itself, taken as a distinct part from the 
 principles of the SCIENCE, goes on the assumption, that society, 
 like any other part of nature, has its own rules, its own princi 
 ples, and its own laws, a set of higher laws which embrace 
 and over-rule all that governments and governors and individ 
 uals do ; whether they will, or not. And, to investigate these 
 higher laws, is one of the principal objects of Social Science, 
 and is the particular object of this second part of this Intro 
 duction. Those laws which are too general for any other part 
 of the work, are collected in the Introduction. They are ar 
 ranged, not so much in the order of subject or matter, as in the 
 order of their abstractness and generality. 
 
 CHAP. II. MOST GENERAL SOCIAL LAWS. 
 
 1. Differences of Degrees of Things. 
 
 In the higher organizations of the world, whether material or 
 social, differences of degree are often more important than dif 
 ferences of kind. For instance, the difference between the most 
 improved and the least improved men, of any one and the same 
 race, is greater than the difference between the most improved 
 of the lowest race and the least improved of the highest race ; 
 and the higher you rise in the scale of being, the more impor 
 tant the difference of degrees becomes. Hence, we are never to 
 be disturbed, in the separation of things widely different, be 
 cause of there being a difficulty or even an impossibility, of 
 exactly expressing or drawing the line, between them. 
 
 In every question relating to the subject of governmental 
 
MOST GENERAL SOCIAL LAWS. 59 
 
 action, the question of the degree of interference, is more impor 
 tant than the abstract one, of interference at all. And this 
 holds true as to every kin<J of government, from that of a man 
 over his dog, to that of the Supreme Being over the universe. 
 Moreover, it is as important a question, when referring to the 
 differences of the elements of materials of organic worlds, as to 
 the differences between moral rights; as we will now try to 
 show. 
 
 This introduces the consideration of the functions of the in 
 finities, the differentiations and integrations in the " calculus," 
 whereby infinite differences in the degrees, make entire differ 
 ences in the kinds, of the things considered. In a subsequent 
 work we may perhaps show, that creation itself was probably a 
 process of infinite integrations from nothing, and that the im 
 portance of degrees pervades all creation, in regard to the first 
 principles of things. 
 
 The solution of the analogies between the physical and the 
 intellectual world, can be found in only one or the other of two 
 alternatives ; namely, either in the Doctrine of Universal Cor 
 respondences, or in our doctrine of creation by integration. But 
 yet, these two alternatives are not incompatibles. For, if the 
 doctrine of correspondences is true, our doctrine of creation by 
 integration does not interfere with it, but affords the only rational 
 explanation of it. 
 
 All the other explanations of creation are utterly unsatisfac 
 tory. For, materialism is merely a hiding of ignorance, behind 
 a cloud of scientific classifications. And Pantheism, whether 
 true or false, is of no practical use in the solution. For, whether 
 God created matter out of nothing, or whether He himself only 
 takes the form of matter ; neither alternative explains how mind 
 becomes matter, nor how matter becomes mind. And the doc 
 trine of the eternal self-existence of matter, cannot explain how 
 matter becomes mind, only by going back to Pantheism. In 
 fact, both the materialistic and the Pantheistic philosophers, 
 meet and stop at this point of the harmony of the physical with 
 the social laws. 
 
 Spencer's great idea, and what runs through all his works,, is, 
 the idea of EVOLUTION from homogeneity into heterogeneity; 
 and that when unity becomes differentiated into plurality, each 
 
(JO BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. II. 
 
 factor becomes an outward condition tending to produce changes 
 in the other factor. But yet he utterly ignores and denies the 
 idea, of inherent or spontaneous power, in any factor, to change 
 itself. (See Biology, 373, and elsewhere.) How strange it is, 
 he cannot see, that if the germ of an animalcule, for instance, has 
 no spontaneous power to change itself, neither could the original 
 nebula of the universe have had any such power, either by the 
 principle of " infinite chances, 77 or by any other principle. 
 2. Analogies with Physical Laws. 
 
 In addition to what have been previously given, we now give 
 some of Carey's "General Social Laws," (abridged edition, 
 pages 526 and 527.) " The simple laws which govern matter 
 in all its forms, and which are common to physical and to 
 SOCIAL SCIENCE, may now be briefly stated thus : " All par 
 ticles of matter gravitate towards each other, the attraction being 
 in the direct ratio of the mass, and the inverse one of the dis 
 tance. 77 . . . " All matter is subjected to the action of the cen 
 tripetal and the centrifugal forces ; the one, tending to the pro 
 duction of local centres of action ; the other, to the destruction 
 of such centres, and the production of a great central mass obe 
 dient to but a single law. 77 . . . " The more perfect the balance 
 of these opposing forces, the more uniform and steady is the 
 movement of the various bodies, and the more harmonious, the 
 action of the system in which they are embraced. 77 . . . " The 
 more intense the action of these forces, the more rapid is the 
 motion, and the greater the power. 77 
 
 " Such are the laws which govern masses and atoms [i.e. re 
 spectively] ; but there are other laws, in virtue of which, masses 
 are reduced to atoms ready to enter into chemical combination 
 with each other ; the tendency towards combination, existing in 
 the direct ratio of the perfect individualization of the particles. 77 
 These laws are : " That heat is a cause of motion and force ; 
 motion being, in its turn, a cause of heat and force. 77 . . . " The 
 more heat and motion produced, the greater is the tendency 
 towards acceleration in the motion and the force. 77 . . . " The 
 more the heat, the greater is the tendency towards decomposition 
 of masses, and individualization of the particles of which they 
 are composed, thus fitting them for entering into chemical com 
 bination with each other. 77 . . . " The greater the tendency 
 
MOST GENERAL SOCIAL LAWb. gl 
 
 towards individualization, the more instant are the combina 
 tions, and the greater the force obtained." ..." The more rapid 
 the motion, the greater the tendency of matter to rise in the scale 
 of form." ..." At every stage of progress, there is an extension 
 of the range of law to which matter is subjected, accompanied 
 by an increase of the power of self-direction, subordination and 
 freedom, keeping steady pace with organization." 
 
 " Studying man, we find : " That, association with his fellow- 
 man is a necessity of his existence." ..." That, his powers are 
 very various, and that the combinations of which they are sus 
 ceptible are infinite in number, there being throughout the world, 
 no two persons who are entirely alike." . . . "That, the develop 
 ment of those infinitely various faculties, is wholly dependent 
 upon the development of individuality." ..." That, the greater 
 the diversity, the greater is man's power to control and direct 
 the great forces of nature, and the larger is the number of per 
 sons who can draw support from any given space, and the more 
 perfect the development of the latent powers of both earth and 
 man." ..." That, the more perfect the development, * * * the 
 more rapid is the societary motion, and the greater the force 
 exerted." 
 
 3. Metaphysical operation of Social Laws. 
 
 The Social Laws in general, operate, not like physical laws, 
 regardless of men's faith or opinions about them } but to a great 
 extent, they operate like the spiritual and religious laws of con 
 science ; that is, they operate according as men have faith and 
 expectation. At any rate, many of the laws of Social Science 
 produce their effects, only as they are apprehended, and by being 
 apprehended, by the reason and feelings of men. Thus, Distrust 
 will bring a financial revulsion or " panic," whilst calm trust or 
 heedless indifference or even ignorance, will sometimes avert one. 
 Thus it is that speculation interferes with the legitimate opera 
 tion of so many of the laws of Political Economy, and thus makes 
 the study become one of human nature and of metaphysics, in 
 stead of a study of finance. The metaphysical conditions which 
 modify laws, and often even reverse their supposed effects, are 
 not the mental states of those by whom the laws are made, but 
 of those by whom and to whom the laws are to be applied. 
 Hence, it comes to pass, that the intentions of law makers are 
 
62 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. II. 
 
 nothing towards the success of civil laws ; nor commonly are 
 the intentions of voters or electors much towards the success of 
 getting either the candidates or the measures they want. 
 4. Condensation of General Social Laws. 
 
 Spencer's four great principles are, (1) That evil is the result 
 of non-adaptation of character to circumstances. (2) That the 
 better, both of principles and races, are the stronger and will 
 gradually prevail over the worse, and thus evil tends gradually 
 to disappear. (3) That every person has a right to entire lib 
 erty, so far as his liberty does not interfere with the equal liberty 
 of other persons. (4) That this principle of equal liberty is the 
 principle of justice, and must be supplemented by an additional 
 principle of " negative beneficence :" (Soc. Stat. p. 98) namely, 
 " voluntary abstinence, for the sake of others, from the full ex 
 ercise of our just rights." But we do not think he succeeds in 
 showing how this latter will be accomplished. 
 
 Miraculously or else traditionally Revealed Religion, alone can 
 save society, as well as the Individual. It saves by general prin 
 ciples and general means, which are real causes. These causes 
 are already introduced into human nature, history and society. 
 Nevertheless, God still has a connection with, and personal rule 
 over those causes, and also over persons, so that the ignoring 
 of God, is rebellion against him, and so, necessarily produces a 
 false philosophy. To ignore God, even in the spontaneous dis 
 appearance of evils, is to put stops to the working of the Cause 
 of the spontaneous disappearance, and, therefore, stops to the 
 disappearance itself. 
 
 The spontaneous elimination and evanescence of evils, is only 
 of WEAK evils ; unless, onthat ETERNAL and infinite plane, un 
 known to mortals, where evil itself may be shown to be weakness. 
 
 It is true yet, and must continue true for a long time, that 
 morality and government must be the chief reliances, as substi 
 tutes for that Animal instinct which guides brutes ; and, for that 
 science of humanity which is not yet known. 
 
 "All force expended in one direction, is lost in some other 
 direction. No force is without its reciprocal action." The earth 
 holds the moon in its course, but yet the moon makes the tides 
 on the earth, and even draws the planet itself, some measure, out 
 of its regular course. Compulsion spoils those who use it. 
 
MOST GENERAL SOCIAL LAWS. 63 
 
 " Man, can neither create nor annihilate," passions nor social 
 powers, any more, than physical ones. "All that he can do, is 
 to direct these forces," and to set them to balancing each other. 
 
 Within certain but only narrow limits, wants create facilities 
 and inventions and discoveries. This, it may be hoped, will 
 occur, accordingly as men are brought more and more to see that 
 they have great and real social needs, and to see the evils of their 
 own systems. 
 
 The social organism is like the individual, in being subject to 
 a law, whereby there takes place a process of adaptation of per 
 sonal character, to the conditions of Nature and of circumstance. 
 But still, it is the duty of Society's doctors, " to AID Nature." 
 As Spencer (Biology, 377) says, " In civilized man there is 
 going on a new class of equilibrations, those between his (own) 
 actions, and the actions of the societies he forms. (First Prin. 
 135). Social restraints and requirements are forever altering 
 his activities, and, by consequence, his nature ; and as fast as his 
 nature is altered, social restraints and requirements undergo 
 more or less re-adjustment." 
 
 The higher the being, whether vegetable, animal, or society, 
 the more true it is that it will have a separate organ for every 
 different vocation or function. 
 
 The makers, judges, and executors of laws are human ; and 
 hence, selfish and shortsighted. And therefore we must consti 
 tute our laws accordingly ; remembering the unreasonableness, 
 &c. of the men who are to administer them. 
 
 Government of all kinds, whether civil or communistic or 
 family, must be absolutely free in proportion to the number 
 of individuals involved in the application of any principle of 
 law, and to their distance in space, and to their nearness in 
 morality and intellect. 
 
 The rights of the great divisions or Units of society, must 
 ever be held inviolate. And in mature society, there are princi 
 ples evolved which are of equal rights with the units. 
 
 Laws have more than one effect; and any designed effect 
 requires a simultaneous law-arrangement of two or more laws, 
 to accomplish it; like compounds in medicine, and like the 
 correcting lenses of the telescope. 
 
 The more fit concrete and nearer, anv function, instinct, or 
 
64 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. III. 
 
 organ is, to its proper direct action, the less must be the applica 
 tion of balances or checks ; and vice-versa. 
 
 We must remember the dualism, of even the good powers and 
 orders, that exists everywhere in nature ; and which, in Soci 
 ology, divides the representative powers, and requires laws to be 
 double, to counteract each other's refractions. 
 
 Duality runs through nature; in sexes; in centrifugal and 
 centripetal powers ; in growth and decay ; in attraction and 
 repulsion; in mind and body; in church and state; in two 
 parties; in two kinds of chemical affinities; in two kinds of 
 electricity ; in good and evil ; in day and night, &c. The dual 
 ity we are speaking of, is not like that which Fourier speaks of, 
 namely, one of alternation and subversion ; but it is a duality 
 of concurrence and production, and is like the duality of sex 
 which pervades all nature, and which perhaps originates from 
 the same deep and hidden causes as sex itself. Everywhere, the 
 world is propelled, and both things and thoughts begotten, by 
 the duality of Resemblance and Contrast. 
 
 CHAP. III. EQUILIBRATA OF SOCIETY. 
 
 1. Spontaneous combining powers. 
 
 The spontaneous combining powers in society, act to combine 
 both those that are alike, and also those that are opposite. 
 These combining tendencies consist of two entirely different 
 kinds. On the one hand, persons whose interests and feelings 
 are alike, will join together more or less permanently. And on 
 the other hand, those classes and races which are very opposite 
 to one another, will naturally seek each other's society ; because 
 of the good that each can do to and for the other, and because 
 each supplies qualifications that the other lacks. This is the 
 relation between the highly educated and the entirely ignorant. 
 This also is the relation between the very rich and the very poor. 
 It seems even to find a counterpart in the tacit peace between 
 Roman Catholics and Quakers ; when they both perhaps are at 
 " outs" with nearly all the other denominations. 
 
 These sorts of combinations sometimes or frequently take a 
 political form, and result in some of the most unexpected and 
 reactionary movements in government. The Tories and the 
 Radicals of England often unite with such results. These re- 
 
EQUILIBRATA OF SOCIETY. 65 
 
 suits seem to follow also from other causes. Oftentimes men are 
 found who take special pains to convince the world,- that they 
 themselves are free from the prejudice that might naturally be 
 expected in their class. Thus, the Commoner will take extra 
 pains to show by his manners and sentiments, that he is not a 
 u Plebeian" ; and with a similar ambition, the nobleman will 
 espouse the interests and the measures of the poorest and most 
 needy. Sentiments thus espoused in the first place out of mere 
 love of approbation, become in time the sincere convictions of 
 their hearts, or at any rate, the permanent policy of their lives. 
 The result is also aided by this, that there are always some per 
 sons who will become peculiarly' disgusted with other persons, 
 for the very prejudices and errors with which they themselves 
 have been most familiar, namely, those of their own class. And 
 to become disgusted with our own evils is rather a good sign. 
 
 A careful observer of society, soon perceives the mutual at 
 traction between the highest and lowest classes. The American 
 internal war, and indeed most other such wars, have been pro 
 duced by a union of the very opposite classes of society. In 
 fact, these two classes generally act together in England, as well 
 as in this country. That same worldliness which is generally 
 the cause and effect of splendid success in the fortunate, pro 
 duces in the unfortunate, indolence and vice, which soon sink 
 them to the lowest strata. That same worldliness produces, also, 
 an inability to appreciate that which is best and -most interior in 
 morals and religion, and a tendency to the showy and the exter 
 nal ; hence there come certain moral sympathies between these 
 opposite classes, far stronger and deeper than are commonly 
 found from either, towards the middle classes. Then also, the 
 distance is so great, that friction, collision, and even emulation 
 and envy, are precluded. And then again, each of these classes 
 can do for the other, what the other is most apt to need or to 
 want, both in things that are right and also in things that are 
 wrong. 
 
 On the other hand, the highest and lowest live more nearly 
 to nature, than the middling classes. The lowest live so, as a 
 matter of course. The highest live so, because they are elevated 
 above the comparative necessity for those restraints, both on pas 
 sion and appearances and generosity, which trammel the middle 
 
QQ BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. III. 
 
 classes. Neither party being much afraid of " society," and both 
 being strongly set in their own way even by principles, the world 
 fears them, respects them, and even tolerates in them, vices and 
 oppositions which it would set itself against with crushing force, 
 in the middle classes. 
 
 The good order of society, requires the ultimate supremacy of 
 the middle classes, in the actual administration ; but at least the 
 equality with them of the highest and the lowest, in the consti 
 tution and laws. But we know, that the exact opposite is often 
 the real state of the case, and government is too often adminis 
 tered by secret coalitions between a handful of the very highest, 
 and the leaders of the mobs, and thus with the mobs themselves. 
 2. Spontaneous quarreling powers. 
 
 The quarreling powers depend somewhat, upon the oppositions 
 of the combining powers just above mentioned. As human 
 nature has so many faults, and as the faulty are least apt to 
 bear with the faults of others, it soon arises that those persons 
 and those classes ages and races, who are quite near together, 
 both in interests and feelings, become prejudiced against each 
 other personally, or become rivals in pursuits, and perhaps both. 
 This occurs as soon as outward pressure is removed. And then, 
 unless the relationship between them is maintained by very close 
 bonds indeed, so as to form personal or corporation-friendships, 
 the parties will become bitter enemies. Hence, ages races and 
 classes who are near each other, are apt to quarrel among them 
 selves, and form cliques in social intercourse, or parties in 
 
 politics. 
 
 3. Spontaneous Reactionary powers. 
 
 There is a class of latent, corrective, and oscillating, social 
 powers. But the PRINCIPLES of the reaction lie deeper in 
 nature than we can very easily explain. But one of its ele 
 ments evidently is a love of novelty, or rather, a tendency to be 
 fatigued by sameness, even of the best things ; and of course, 
 much more so, by the worst things. By this law, an age of 
 infidelity will sooner or later be succeeded by one of belief; an 
 age of sham and form, by one of sincerity and spirit. Things 
 after long disuse, will sometimes come up again with all the 
 charm of novelty, added to their natural beauty. 
 
 This is probably the same law that Comte hints at, when he 
 
EQUILIBRATA OF SOCIETY. (37 
 
 mentions ennui,. as one of the bases of hope for the improvement 
 of society. 
 
 A notable instance of this law is, that " one of the latest nov 
 elties in French journalism, is to make considerable use of the 
 New Testament. Alexander Dulnas so thoroughly appreciated 
 the love of novelty, which characterizes his countrymen, that, 
 in one of his novels he incorporated a large part of one of the 
 Gospels, with great effect. To many of his readers it was the 
 newest part of his book." 
 
 Again, take the case of children. Children suffer in conse 
 quence of their parents' faults, both by general consequences, 
 and by the particular consequence of the entailment of a heredi 
 tary tendency to the same fault. This, under Christianity, causes 
 the children to dislike the fault as a kind of inherited slavery. 
 The sin in the parents, having been more or less voluntary, was 
 guilt : but in the child, at first, the tendency or the fault not 
 being of moral freedom, is not guilt, and so makes room for the 
 possibility of more or less of self-developing cure, which, real 
 guilt would perhaps not be able to accomplish. 
 
 In human nature there are certain sympathies for the injured 
 and the down-trodden, that will sooner or later arouse influences 
 for their relief. Even if a class are so far down in the social 
 and moral scale, as seldom to furnish to outward observers any 
 instance of the nobler or better powers of human nature, if they 
 are so low that FACTS can say but little in their favor; then FIC 
 TION will take up their cause, and fancy will imagine and paint 
 specimens of their imaginary heroes in unknown circumstances. 
 
 The lower and more degraded the class really is, the more 
 strange, the more picturesque, the more startling, and the more 
 effective, the fiction will prove. It is in strict accordance with 
 these great principles, or metaphysical laws of society, that the 
 book called Uncle Tom's Cabin has had such a powerful influ 
 ence in counteracting slavery. Similar tendencies worked in the 
 Middle Ages, aiding in the emancipation of the European serfs. 
 
 One of the principal features of modern fiction consists, in the 
 exhibition of unexpected goodness in that unfortunate class of 
 women, for whom general society seems to have no practical 
 sympathy, and in regard to whom, those who have sympathy 
 seem almost hopeless of any method to produce much practical 
 
63 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. III. 
 
 \ 
 
 good. But observe, the rise and prevalence of this kind of 
 fiction, is exactly and immediately preceding a strong feeling 
 among the leaders of some of the benevolent societies, that some 
 thing can, and ought to be done for them, more than can be done 
 by merely individual charity. The efforts of these benevolent 
 persons, are as yet a mere imperceptible item in the hidden re 
 cesses of society, doing little, and scarcely hoping much from any 
 means at their command. But they are types and prophecies. 
 
 The natural sympathy of society here at work, must be strictly 
 distinguished from that morbid sympathy, which feels only or 
 chiefly for the murderer or the criminal, and little useful 'sympathy 
 for the victim ; a mere self-righteous sentimentalism sometimes, 
 or an affectation of. singularity. The fact is, that confounding 
 the poor outcast women, the victims of society, with those 
 who make society their victims, namely, the robbers and swin 
 dlers and real criminals, is one of the principal reasons why the 
 criminals themselves cannot be ferreted out and punished. The 
 defensive natural sympathies and powers of society, can only be 
 claimed for criminals in so far as crime is the necessary result 
 of misfortune and oppression ; which is not the case with most 
 criminals in the United States. Moreover, the defensive natural 
 powers of society, cannot be appealed to in any such a manner 
 as to exclude society from the right to defend itself effectually, 
 and by whatever means necessary, from its aggressors, those 
 who are/enlisted in a selfish habitual and professional war against 
 it, and against every victim, unfortunate enough to fall under 
 their skill or power. 
 
 4. Evils balancing each other. 
 
 Evils will produce their effects in some manner. They often 
 counteract each other: but not without producing special evils 
 that would not follow from counteracting evil by good, or by 
 the power of justice. This is well illustrated by McCosh on the 
 Divine Government, and by a late book, " The Gospel of Good 
 and Evil," of which some extracts are here quoted from "The 
 Radical" for May, 1869. "Gambling is a species of mental 
 exhilaration. The spirit of adventure is inherent, and bestows 
 that peculiar i nerve which risks, encounters, and overcomes." 
 " The petty vexations of life, and ebullitions of ill-humor, keep 
 the passions in daily drill ; just as soldiers in peace keep up the 
 
EQUILIBRATA OF SOCIETY. 69 
 
 martial spirit by drilling, by petty quarrels, duels, and wrangling 
 brawls. Family-miffs are a grand institution for giving needful 
 repose and after-exhilaration, to overtasked affection." " Tobacco 
 narcotizes the baser passions and appetites, it lulls the BEAST to 
 repose. Many an angry word and violent action are diverted 
 from the wife and children, by the soothing action of the pipe." 
 " The uses of fashion and vanity are found in their conservative 
 influence upon morals ; and their propulsive power in human 
 progress, makes them indispensable agents for good." "Slander 
 springs from useful exuberance of the organ of self-esteem. 
 What an ingenious contrivance is scandal, to give ebb and flood 
 and never-ceasing movement, to the moral atmosphere ! With 
 easy grace would unwatched virtue yield to temptation, and a 
 sorry condition of society would ensue." " It is to the criminal 
 propensities of man that we owe civilization. Crime first sug 
 gests and compels men to organize, that a system of defense may 
 be adopted against this evil." 
 
 Alas, that the Radicals cannot make a better basis for civiliza 
 tion, than the foregoing crime-begetting one. 
 
 5. Equilibrity of sentiments. 
 
 Another of the general social laws, is a certain instinctive 
 tendency of the opinions, of an individual or of a society, 
 towards a certain ideal equilibrium. In other words, one set 
 of opinions tends to equilibrate another set of opinions ; that is 
 to say, the dangers of one part of one's opinions are counteracted 
 by the eccentricities of another part. The why and wherefore 
 of this, it is not so easy to explain. Some might attribute it to 
 their peculiar theory of the equilibritiveness of human character 
 itself. They tell us that at bottom, there is very little difference 
 of inward moral character between different persons notwith 
 standing the differences of their outward characters. But, while 
 this may be true of the spontaneous characters of races, of neigh 
 borhoods, and of all hereditary classes, it can scarcely be true 
 of those classes which are self-selected. However, the position 
 is probably true as to the mere opinions and sentiments, (apart 
 from the passionate actions), of the generality of men, in any 
 given status of civilization. And, being true of the individuals 
 generally, and the generality of individuals making the ruling 
 sentiment of a locality, we may say that the aforesaid position 
 
70 BK. I- SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. IV. 
 
 is true of natural societies, precincts, and nations ; and this may 
 therefore be a sufficient explanation of this equilibritiveness of 
 the opinions and sentiments, that we are now speaking of. But 
 it applies LESS directly to a corporation considered by itself. 
 
 6. Calculus of Variations. 
 
 The spontaneous reactionary powers, also the self-counter 
 balancing of evils and of opinions, and all the equilibrata that 
 we have pointed out, seem to show how the distant branches of 
 mankind can never fly off from the general course, beyond cer 
 tain limitations. In this respect, the study of these reactions is 
 like La Grange's calculus of variations, which was invented pur 
 posely and applied to show, that the variations in the orbits of 
 our planets, which some astronomers feared, would sometime 
 " endanger the stability of the solar system/' had limits, within 
 the very same mechanical forces that produced them, sufficient 
 to prevent those dire results, and in due time, to cause a reaction 
 and return to former curves. There are limits, probably, even 
 to the distance that lost souls can make, of separation from the 
 race. The Psalmist says, although he " make his bed in hell, 
 God is there." (Psalm cxxxix. 8.) And, vice-versa, what con 
 cerns us more to know, there may be limits to the distance, the 
 saved can rise above the lost. 
 
 CHAP. IV. CONSTITUTION OF SOCIETY. 
 
 1. Real bonds of society. 
 
 Society is held together by, and happiness in it depends upon, 
 the following things, Love of the other sex, Acquaintanceship, 
 Material or business interests, Education, its interests and its 
 literature, Goodness, namely, doing justice to others, and for 
 bearance under injustice real or apparent : 
 
 Limitation of the habitable Earth. This becomes a stronger 
 bond gradually, as population increases, and as barbarism and 
 isolation become less possible, and thus the geographical limita 
 tions force men into some society or other. 
 
 Government and Laws. The comparative power of govern 
 ment, as a bond holding society together in peace, decreases with 
 the increasing limitations of the Earth by increase of population ; 
 but its power FOR GOOD OR EVIL, correspondingly increases, as 
 the possibility of escape from it decreases. 
 
CONSTITUTION OF SOCIETY. 71 
 
 The question how far we can have good government, depends, 
 in part, on the amount and force of error and human infirmity, 
 and not only on wickedness or sin, and hence there is special use 
 of light and knowledge on the subject. 
 
 Patriotism as a selfish NATIONAL feeling, is only a temporary 
 bond, of isolated nations and of unsettled ages. Its foreign 
 effects are as bad as its domestic are good ; therefore these nullify 
 one another, and make it of no account morally in the highest 
 view of the ultimate results. But the spirit of patriotism can 
 easily be stimulated to act for one's own immediate neighborhood, 
 as well as for one's nation ; and so, be made to act for both the 
 centrifugal and centripetal forces of society. Yet still, its evil 
 foreign effects entitle it to but little approbation. 
 
 But patriotism as a self-sacrificing feeling of human love, 
 such as naturally expands always to be co-extensive with national 
 and human intercourse, is a very necessary element. 
 
 In ordinary times, the offices whether of church or state, do 
 not fall to the best men, but rather the reverse. All affairs when 
 they become ordinary, are apt to become matters of business; 
 and business matters are, well, we need not say what. But at 
 any rate, there are necessary and higher elements, both in church 
 and in state, than can possibly be made matters of business. 
 Every one sees, this is true as to religion. But it is not so gen 
 erally seen as to politics. And yet, it is just as impossible to 
 conduct political affairs, without a high degree of patriotism, as 
 it is to conduct religious affairs without a high degree of piety. 
 And this high degree of patriotism in the one kind of officers, 
 is just as necessary as the high degree of piety in the other kind. 
 
 In ordinary circumstances, the conduct of political affairs 
 becomes the net resultant of contrasting interests, embodied in 
 conflicting parties, sects, avocations, and classes of society. Now, 
 just imagine what a bedlam or pandemonium, a church is turned 
 into, when it becomes merely the resultant, the prize, and the 
 theatre, of such conflicting embodiments, or even of such con 
 tending spirits. And the state becomes turned into its own pe 
 culiar kind of a bedlam or pandemonium, when its living spirit, 
 patriotism, is suppressed, and the embodiments of the other 
 great passions and interests of men, rise to the top and swim in 
 corruption, or sail in a hurricane of war; or both. 
 
72 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. IV, 
 
 2. Tests of a good social condition. 
 
 Comte's general test of a true social system is, that it must be 
 in harmony with itself, in all its parts, in all its details, and in 
 all its consequences, as reasoned out by the finite mind. So 
 impracticable indeed, is such a test, that Comte himself, in his 
 arguments, treats it as if it must not only be consistent with 
 itself; but that all its advocates and believers, as also its hypo 
 critical assumers, must be in harmony with one another about it. 
 But we will try to present a more practical view. 
 
 (a) General Tests. Tho true objects of a government, and 
 the true tests of a good social condition, are not form but spirit ; 
 
 not any particular " ocracy," but the physical and moral 
 
 good of the people in the long course of ages. The general aim 
 is the greatest amount of permanent individual happiness to all, 
 with the least suffering to any. For national without individual 
 happiness is mere vanity. Special regard must be paid then, to 
 all the conditions that contribute to the happiness of the Indi 
 vidual Unit : Increase of population, early marriage, family 
 harmony, respect for age by youth, vegetable diet in dense pop 
 ulations, tillage, health and longevity, productiveness not too 
 much in advance of the amount of productions wanted ; Econ 
 omy in consumption, moral and physical improvement of the 
 race, manifestation of the unity of interests between Individuals, 
 classes, and societies ; men doing the right things from attrac 
 tions, or freedom in motives and feelings, Independent benev 
 olent study, as well as physical labor, made attractive, "Indi 
 rect concurrence of the passions and inequalities which are now 
 discordant," Feelings and ideas trained into habits in harmony 
 with true interests, Variety of occupation, turning labor into 
 exercise, Labor in groups or companies, Worthy and moral 
 enjoyment for honest wealth, The settlement of new lands, 
 regulated in so orderly and gradual a manner as to carry the 
 comforts and blessings of civilization with it, Righteous dis 
 tribution of rewards or payments to and among, capital, indus 
 try, intellect, and morality; honesty and peace, giving the 
 greatest inducements to industry ; and the lowest rate of interest 
 for capital. 
 
 (6) Tests in Morality : Faith, reverence, truth, and utility, 
 being appreciated and held in the highest and in equal values, 
 
CONSTITUTION OF SOCIETY. ,73 
 
 Certainty of rewards according to individual deserts, In- 
 frequency of dishonesty and falsehood, and their ill-success, 
 Amount of common virtue being enough to cause men to con 
 tinue moral, whilst there is an ever increasing release from the 
 need to labor, Harmonizing liberty with the qualifications to 
 use it well, so that neither may be too far in advance of the 
 other, General contentment with station and circumstances, 
 consistent with religion, virtue, and education, High moral 
 tone, especially for honesty and peace, both of officers and of 
 laws, and of national conduct and character. 
 
 (c) Tests in Fashions: Artificial refinements and consump 
 tion, so far as are necessary to furnish employment for all. These 
 are necessary in the proportion that the land can support more 
 than it employs to work it ; and also in proportion to the human 
 imperfections that need labor to prevent vice and waste of 
 health. Fashions that will make honesty and industry, mar 
 riage and healthy children, honorable, A fashion that will 
 adopt as its luxuries, science, beauties of taste, and in general, 
 "the products of much labor rather than of expensive mate 
 rial ;" where the luxuries shall be in home-arrangements, " pic 
 tures, furniture," &c., rather than in outward show, Where the 
 number of the unnecessary things, and not their value, is the 
 greatest, and where the things themselves are least injurious, 
 Where the idle and luxurious persons (who require these lux 
 uries), are the fewest in number, but where the many could get 
 them honestly, if they did not already prefer better customs. 
 
 (d) Tests as to labor : That all parties who are engaged in 
 any work should have the fairest share of the profits ; that is, 
 where labor, capital, science, and morals, come nearest to having 
 each an equal share ; where the co-operative and mutual prin 
 ciples are carried out to. their fullest extent to those who will re 
 ciprocate, whether domestic or foreign parties, so far as can be, 
 without receiving their vices, Where wages are remunerative, 
 and the times of work reasonable, especially for women and 
 children, Where the prices of products and the times of labor 
 are least, in proportion to the cost of living, including both 
 the necessaries of nature and the artificial innocent demands 
 of custom. 
 
 (e) Tests as to government : Where taxation is incidentally a 
 
74 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. IV. 
 
 means to the furtherance of all the aims mentioned above, 
 Where government attempts especially to mitigate the evils of 
 its own production, the inevitable results of the social organiza 
 tion ; rather than to interfere with individual or local liberties, 
 Where government cooperates in these good ends, by its own 
 examples, officers, and laws, Where there are natural checks 
 and balances really operative, and where the antagonistic forces 
 of government are in due moral equilibrium, Where govern 
 ment has the convictions of all classes of the people with it, 
 Where government is a true representation of the feelings of 
 all, and recognizes in due proportion, all the distinctions, and 
 guards against all the prejudices actually in existence. Govern 
 ment is a falsity, in proportion as it ignores (or pretends igno 
 rance of) the distinctions and prejudices which society itself 
 spontaneously develops. (In a republican government, all that is 
 meant is, not class representation, but suitable laws to provide 
 against any one class doing injustice to a weaker or less active 
 or less numerous class ; and suitable forms to the same end) A 
 proper representation and balance between the personal Units 
 and Analytical Elements, namely Individual, Family, Precinct, 
 and Corporation. (Freedom of Individuals is not possible, unless 
 they have the privilege of segregating themselves, both in Pre 
 cincts and voluntary corporations of their own preferences) 
 Where government if republican, secures that the people shall 
 be educated and trained properly for the functions of citizens. 
 This requires, first, good family government ; second, that edu 
 cation shall be of the judgment, and produce social wisdom, 
 rather than be of all knowledge, or merely for worldly success ; ' 
 third, that the true science of society should be held of the 
 highest importance, and most properly taught, not only to the 
 young, but also to the general public. 
 
 3. The spirit, not the form. 
 
 More importance Is usually attached to forms of government, 
 and forms of election and forms of society, than is consistent 
 with social prosperity. The spirit or principle should be the 
 ultimatum. Any Nation or any society could be governed by 
 an administration, partly composed of all three forms of gov 
 ernment, as well as of one, provided such a society were char 
 acterized by harmony and fraternization within, and by peace 
 
CONSTITUTION OF SOCIETY. 75 
 
 outwardly. Common sense instructs us, that the truth which 
 applies to denominational distinctions of churches and forms, 
 the truth that creeds or forms do not alter true Christianity, also 
 applies to civil and political distinctions. So that, if we WILL 
 idolize the forms, then our politicians and demagogues WILL 
 make us pay for it. But there is no reason to hate or be jeal 
 ous of other governments : only in that secondary sense that our 
 jealousy causes them apprehension of aggression from us. 
 
 The form should be allowed to develop from, and thus to suit 
 the spirit. And the greatest care should be taken to preserve, 
 in society and in government, a right spirit. But the ultimate 
 intentions or aims, are not by any means what constitute the 
 spirit. The spirit of any party is far more plainly exhibited by 
 the means they are willing to use, than by their intentions or 
 aims. And the higher a true civilization becomes, the more men 
 must and will adhere to right and fair means, as well as to right 
 and fair ends. Thus, the character of the means is the best test 
 of the character of the spirit. 
 
 Now, the means used are generally represented by forms of 
 organization. For, in social affairs, the very first and mildest 
 and most specious development of the wrong spirit, probably, 
 takes place in an idolatrous attachment to usual forms. Such a 
 refusal to progress, at once becomes a disease, and ends in social 
 or political death. Hence, all forms of organization must undergo 
 changes, and all old organizations must pass away and be fol 
 lowed by new and different ones, if we would allow society to 
 progress really. Nor will these changes be always nor usually a 
 return to former ones, but often to entirely new ones, utterly 
 unconceived of until the time towards their appearing. This 
 applies of course, not only to voluntary societies, but also to all 
 the forms of government. 
 
 Says Wendell Phillips, (May 28, 1868); " It seems to me that 
 organization is a mile-stone, which represents how far opinion had 
 traveled when it crystallized into an organization. You cannot 
 expect of * * * organization, necessarily in its shape as an 
 organization, an acceptance of any NEW idea. As long as it can 
 recognize its own place, and let you take yours, it is to be fellow- 
 shipped, not as a force in the movement of society, but as a 
 breakwater and anchor to keep what* we have gained." 
 
7(5 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. V. 
 
 4. The New Reliances. 
 
 Our new theory of Social Science may be compared with the 
 old, as to its main dependencies, in the following respects. In 
 stead of relying chiefly on lengthy details in profuse constitutions 
 and laws ; our theory relies, partly, on a proper and national 
 representation in laws and government, of all the principal active 
 powers and constituencies ; and partly on more and more consti 
 tuting special and voluntary organs for each particular kind of 
 duty ; and partly on constituting the framework of government 
 on the truly analytical Elements of human society, that is to say, 
 on the philosophical Units of our Social Science. Or, to sum it 
 briefly, our theory relies chiefly on the real powers, instead of on 
 mere verbiage. And this, not so much by checks and balances 
 of power, as by leaving to each its proper and natural duties. 
 
 This new basis of reliance differs from the old in this respect : 
 The old basis, exactly prescribing how everything shall be done 
 proved and finished, is exceedingly simple in theory, but inex 
 tricably complicated and uncertain in practice ; and is ever 
 becoming more and more complicated, and more and more 
 entangled, and is felt to be more and more defeating to the very 
 objects of government : But the new proposed basis, whilst com 
 plex in theory of organization, is simple in its practical appli 
 cation, and ever tending to become more and more productive 
 of the true ends of government. Like as in medicine, a philo 
 sophical analysis of diseases, enables the practitioners to have 
 easy work in their applications; but the brief axioms and 
 phrases of " quacks," are apt to require all guesswork in their 
 particular application. And what evils would happen under a 
 scientific system, would manifest clearly and at once, where the 
 fault or cause was to be found. Men and institutions would 
 manifest their peculiar character with more simplicity, and thus 
 they would each bear their own burden, whether of praise or 
 blame, and would be revised accordingly. 
 
 CHAP. V. THE DOCTRINES OF PEOGRESS. 
 
 1. In General. 
 
 For reasons previously stated, we cannot, as some do, make 
 the theory and doctrines of progress swallow up the whole 
 theory and classification of Social Science ; because those doc- 
 
DOCTRINES OF PROGRESS. 77 
 
 trines are only to be obtained as the last and highest results of 
 the science. Here it happens as in the case of Astronomy. At 
 a certain advanced stage, the science came to a stand-still for 
 want of more abstract analysis. Hence, the Differential and 
 Integral Calculus were devised. Just so, the Dynamics which 
 Comte and Spencer were seeking, cannot we think be found 
 until some new and transcendental method of social analysis is 
 arrived at. 
 
 All that Comte argues for, can be accomplished by and in our 
 Precincts. And after that, most of what Spencer argues for, 
 may be applied to a national government including such Pre 
 cincts. And in the mean time, many of Mr. Mill's views may 
 be regarded as eminently practical for the transition state. 
 
 " Order and progress both come from one and the same set" 
 of suitable conditions of the corresponding forces. And of the 
 two forces whose resultant is order and progress, one consists 
 of imitativeness, the customary, and the moral, including the 
 rational ; and the other consists of the governmental forces. 
 
 " Between different stages of progress, there is a time of con 
 fusion and chaos/' either of forces or of ideas or of both. And 
 this is true, not only in general, but also in regard to progress 
 in each particular point. 
 
 The progress of society, is a process of life; only to be ex 
 amined, by the principles and sciences of life. And divine 
 morality is a process of world- wide and eternal life. 
 
 In the early stages of society, the direct or immediate causes 
 of action may be interests ; but the indirect permanent and deep 
 causes are feelings. Nevertheless, the more society becomes en 
 lightened intellectually, the more will interest become one of the 
 real motives at the bottom, in all the contentions between the 
 different classes of society, and between different localities. And 
 interests work subtly in existing feelings passions and false rea 
 sonings. Animosity against the "owners of cheap labor/' had 
 as much to do with the cry for union and abolition, as sympathy 
 for the colored race. 
 
 2. Spencers Limitations. 
 
 One of Mr. Spencer's principles is, that all evil results from 
 the non-adaptation of constitution to circumstances. Admitting 
 this, yet we ask, who shall say that education and charity and 
 
78 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. V. 
 
 religion, are not some of the "circumstances" which are the con 
 ditions of man's happiness ? and who shall say how much gov 
 ernmental interference in business or sociaf details, might also 
 be necessary to adapt him to his "circumstances" thus inter 
 preted ? 
 
 Again, Mr. Spencer says, Every man has freedom to do all 
 that he wills, provided he infringes not the equal freedom of 
 any other man. The principle is pretty, but we must watch the 
 inferences. The error of the inferences as to the do-nothing 
 theory, may be shown by an example, thus, Virtue is a neces 
 sity and antecedent to social improvement. Virtue consists of 
 three parts, namely, the outward action, the belief in the reason 
 able utility thereof, and the moral internal will. Now, whilst 
 government cannot reach the moral internal will, yet it must 
 often touch the outward action, Why then, may it not also touch 
 the intermediate thing, namely, the reasonable utility of virtue, 
 and teach and encourage virtuous "rights," as well as encourage 
 patent rights and copy rights, the latter of which Mr. Spencer 
 is strongly in favor of. Not forcing good, but encouraging 
 good, is what is asked for. 
 
 But again, we say that Mankind and God have some rights 
 in the matter of civil society, and that therefore, one man's free 
 dom is not the only limit to another man's freedom. But this 
 extensive subject must be postponed until we consider the rela 
 tion of government to religion, which will perhaps form part 
 of a future w r ork. 
 
 Yet Mr. Spencer thinks that "the order of nature without 
 law, should be left to decide these questions." If so, why may 
 not the same order of nature without law, be left to carry on the 
 whole business of government? "Do away with disturbing of 
 arrangements," says he, " and allow things to take their natural 
 course, and the best men will EVENTUALLY draw to themselves, 
 respectful obedience." But we answer, sin and ignorance ARE 
 " DISTURBING ARRANGEMENTS," and who shall say how many 
 thousands of years yet, it shall be before their disturbing influ 
 ences shall be removed, and the best men will draw to them 
 selves -respect? And what is to become of mankind with all 
 their miseries, in the mean time ? 
 
 Nevertheless, there is a great truth underlying Mr. Spencer's 
 
DOCTRIXES OF PROGRESS. 79 
 
 theory; and it must be fully granted and kept distinctly in 
 mind, that a human government should only interfere with 
 human liberty, in the proportion to which itself and human 
 nature, approach to perfection and righteousness; at least of 
 those who control the government. The restrictions over the 
 liberty of the citizen, should be only in proportion to the per 
 fection of the ruling classes, individually and socially. 
 
 Another principle to be demonstrated and acted upon is, that 
 large and ample provision should be made to enable those per 
 sons who feel themselves aggrieved by human society, to sepa 
 rate themselves from it, or, as Mr. Spencer says, to exercise the 
 " right to ignore the state," yet in such ways as that they should 
 not endanger or disturb those who are satisfied. The necessity 
 of some resources for dissenters and theorists to escape the inter 
 ference of government, becomes all the more necessary in our 
 system or theory, because we advocate considerable interference 
 by proper Precincts and Corporations, in aifairs of education, 
 morality, religion, &c., as will appear in the chapters on those 
 subjects. The great error of government in all time, has been, 
 attempting to force individuals to conform to its own peculiari 
 ties, instead of merely to prevent individuals from disturbing 
 others. 
 
 In this connection appears one of the great uses of our small 
 Precincts, also of voluntary communities and political corpora 
 tions. To such, special privileges might be allowed according 
 to circumstances. Just as the old Roman law allowed persons 
 of the same various views and feelings, in certain cases, to in 
 habit their own special Precincts and districts, and there to ad 
 minister their own laws in their own way. Either our system 
 for Precincts, or our system for Corporations, aifords all the right 
 possibilities for individuals to " ignore the state" : but we cannot 
 imagine any other systems that would. 
 
 3. Periods of human progress. 
 
 The elementary stages of human civilized society, must be 
 characterized by vast accumulations of facts and of words, and 
 by great memories. In this respect society must be like the in 
 dividual. The infantile process of learning, is to perceive ideas 
 intuitively or " by guess," and THEREBY to learn the meaning 
 of words. But the adult process of learning, when the mean- 
 
80 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. V. 
 
 ings of words are known, is to learn ideas from words. In the 
 transitional age the two methods are more or less confused, 
 and then the vivid memory of words is of value, to keep down 
 the infantile process of guessing the meaning too soon. Hence, 
 in the very early stages of a progressive society, considerable 
 attention to words and MAXIMS must be expected, and some 
 degree of excess thereof may be overlooked, as long as its heart 
 is right, and its desire to learn is active. 
 
 The critical or metaphysical stages of human progress, both 
 individual and social, come next to be considered. The critical 
 or metaphysical period of the individual mind, as also of society, 
 is a necessary transitional period (as Comte observes, but in re 
 gard only to society at large). It is the period of self-criticism, 
 a period intervening between that improvement which is pro 
 duced by other powers, and as it were by constraint, and that 
 still more subsequent period, when habits have become second 
 nature, and when the involuntariness of obedience, is not like it 
 was in the first stage, a mere instinct and ignorant innocence, 
 but has become in a degree positively virtuous, without being 
 distinctly conscious that it is virtuous ; because, by reason of 
 confirmation by habit, it no longer needs deliberate efforts of the 
 will, or even self-conscious struggles against a contrary induce 
 ment. 
 
 The fourth stage is one of confirmed good moral and intel 
 lectual habits. It is also to be noticed, that the metaphysical 
 stage is not possibly consonant with the highest or fullest efforts 
 of the human mind, individually or socially; because it con 
 tinually interrupts the thoughts of their objects, by intruding 
 thoughts and feelings about the person himself, the thinker ; and 
 thus in an intellectual point of view, hinders concentration. 
 Moreover, the metaphysical stage or hatit, whilst it lasts, is 
 necessarily productive of pride and thus of evil. But so far its 
 the evil thus produced is necessary, it is not guilt ; and will in 
 time reach towards its own cure. 
 
 4. Progressions to be homogeneous. 
 
 Practical suggestions for improvement, whether of the science 
 or of society itself, should be offered in series or sets. Each set 
 of improvements should be worked or taught a while, before 
 going on with the next set. Each set should include references 
 
DOCTRINES OF PROGRESS. 81 
 
 to all or most of the- matters wherein improvements are wanted, 
 so far as they are apprehended. As one set of improvements 
 may be necessary to prepare for others, or make them practi 
 cable ; just so, the suggestions of the one set may be necessary 
 to prepare people's minds to receive or judge of the next set. 
 Hence it is, that in Social Science the historical facts them 
 selves, are essentially connected with and must be coordinated 
 with the science of them, in order to make desirable progress. 
 To that end it is necessary, that improvements be suggested in 
 somewhat like the order and proportions that society needs them. 
 And equally so, it is impossible for the sociologists to foretell 
 particular events far ahead, or in general terms to advise in ad 
 vance, the true methods ; because the sociologist himself can only 
 progress in his science practically, in something like the same 
 proper order and proportions that society itself must follow. 
 5. Who the coming leaders will be. 
 
 One of the most general principles of the social motion is, 
 that leaders will arise, and the generality of men will follow 
 them. This will be so, whether any civil law exists or not. We 
 see this in the power of fashion, and in the influence of example, 
 all this world over. Here then we ask, what hope is there of 
 good leaders arising to benefit society ? And leaders are a very 
 different class of persons from rulers or drivers. They are an 
 order of spiritual powers, like the old religious powers, as to 
 morality ; but very different from them in their breadth and 
 culture, both as to ideas and as to liberality. Comte has some 
 good thoughts on this point. 
 
 The new order of spiritual powers will be unlike the out 
 grown order of the ecclesiastical, in another respect, "they 
 will be humble." This consequence results from several causes, 
 but chiefly these : the progress of all scientific investigation, is 
 not one of absolute certainty, but avowedly only one of proba 
 bility and of theory. And then, from this further cause, that 
 these powers would obtain and maintain their influence and 
 supremacy, not by material forces nor by supernatural terrors, 
 but by .educating the people, cultivating their faculties, and dis 
 seminating truths, tending ever more and more to bring the 
 people up even with the advancing front of the leaders them 
 selves. In other words, the very method by which Social Science 
 
 C 
 
g2 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. VI. 
 
 rules, is, by ever lessening the moral and intellectual distance 
 between its professors and the public. Thus the new order of 
 spiritual powers, it is hoped, will be humble. 
 
 When Comte comes to the question, who the new leaders will 
 be, or how they will arise, he gives up the problem as insolvable. 
 But we suspect, that much of what has been said in the first part 
 of this Introduction, can be readily applied to this part, and 
 therefore need not be recapitulated here. Many of the persons 
 of whom we have already spoken as the helpers of Social Sci 
 ence, are only so indirectly as it were, or unintentionally ; inas 
 much as the works in which they are directly and intentionally 
 engaged, are frequently the improvement of society itself, rather 
 than of the science. 
 
 Furthermore we suggest, perhaps the coming leaders, like the 
 best preachers, will be those who can succeed best in inducing 
 society to hate its sins and evils most, and to forsake them most 
 abidingly. In such work, not only good spirit good talent and 
 virtue are necessary, but also a good example, and a good life 
 toward society, an abnegation of self, by devotion to Mankind. 
 Perhaps the great practical social reformers of modern times, 
 may be indicative of something about the origin of this class of 
 the spiritual powers; also the founders of Roman Catholic 
 houses in various ages, the modern co-operating capitalists, and 
 aM earnest thinkers and sympathizers on the great social prob 
 lems, who have faith enough in their theories, to live up to 
 them, and to sacrifice present self for others and for the future 
 self. In the long range of history, the lessons of failure become 
 almost as instructive as the lessons of success. Whenever the 
 generality of such leaders would arrive at one general and uni 
 form theory, there would arise a profoundly respected social 
 power ; and so in proportion as they tend towards such a general 
 theory. At any rate, the main impetus of their influence need 
 not await until after educating all the people highly, for the 
 generality of people are moved more by feeling or affection than 
 by reasoning. 
 
 CHAP. VI. THEORY OF THE SIX UNITS. 
 
 1. In General. 
 
 We have now come to what we suppose to be one of the most 
 original and valuable parts of our theory, namely, that human 
 
THEORY OF THE SIX UNITS. 83 
 
 society and therefore Social Science, each consists of six funda 
 mental elements, or Units ; namely, Individual, Family, Social 
 Circle, Precinct, Nation, and Mankind. 
 
 Both Aristotle and Hegel seem to admit, with almost the 
 force of our idea of Units, three great ideas, the Family, the 
 Precinct [or commonwealth] and the Nation, and Mulford 
 seems to regard them as THE three " distinctive" forms of so 
 ciety, (chap. 16), the Family having "organic," and the com 
 monwealth, " formal," but yet necessary relation to the Nation. 
 
 Mulford, however, does not neglect to place the Individual in 
 some degree of prominence. Thus, if we may call his first thir 
 teen and last two chapters, the abstract relations of the Nation, 
 then the intermediate chapters are the concrete relations of the 
 Nation. These (concrete) are given in the following order, 
 Individual, Family, Commonwealth, Confederacy, Empire. Ac 
 cording to Mr. Mulford as we understand him, the "Nation is 
 the friend of the first three, namely, Individual, Family and 
 Commonwealth," but (as we understand him) the antagonist of 
 the other two. This is coming very near to the doctrine of 
 fundamental elements or units ; nevertheless, the idea does not 
 seem to have suggested itself to him. On the contrary, p. 276, 
 he says explicitly, " The Family is not the unit of society," 
 and nothing but the Nation has his high term " moral person 
 ality," which is his equivalent for our term Unit. 
 
 Others also, have singled out Family, Church and State 
 merely, as the great divisions of Social Science, with such pre 
 eminence as shows they unconsciously regarded them as tanta 
 mount to our idea of the Units, yet without connecting these 
 divisions by any general theory, or by the relation of fun 
 damental elements. But church is a corporation and not a 
 natural person, and State is only an abstract term for the 
 Science. 
 
 But not only the Individual and the Nation are natural per 
 sons, but every one of the essential elements of our analytics 
 is a natural person, namely, Individual, Family, Social Circle, 
 Precinct, Nation, and Mankind. 
 
 On the contrary, the assumption by a Nation, that it is the 
 source or origin of all political power, is high presumption be 
 fore Heaven, and a usurpation of the rights of the Almighty 
 
84 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. VI. 
 
 and Divine Creator. And this is so, whether the presumptuous 
 government is of Belshazzar or of Nebuchadnezzar, or of a de 
 mocracy. 
 
 Of one thing we may be sure ; government, to be permanent, 
 must be homogeneous in its essential elements. If Precincts were 
 only recognizable as artificial persons or corporations, then there 
 could be no permanent peace and order in society, until the Na 
 tion itself were recognized as only a corporation. So, on the 
 other hand, the Nation, as a local organism distinct from cor 
 poration, can never be satisfactorily dispensed with, unless all 
 the under or local departments, namely, the Precincts, can also 
 be dispensed with. This would mean, a people joined together 
 as a grand corporation instead of as a Nation, and consisting 
 exclusively of sub-corporations, abstract from locality, a con 
 ception too indefinite and too general to be judged of, without 
 further experience in the parts of the system separately. And 
 again on the other hand, a Nation can never enjoy its full rights 
 as a God-given " moral personality," only as it recognizes the 
 moral personality of the Precinct also. The law of personality 
 is, as Mulford says, " be a person and respect other persons" ; and 
 we add, respect them, however small or humble they may be. 
 2. Origin of this Theory. 
 
 It may be appropriate here, to state simply how our theory 
 of the Units originated. The Units, (or most of them) were 
 arranged as the best possible division of the subject we could 
 devise, merely as divisions of the study, before their functions as 
 units were clearly conceived. And here arises one strong argu 
 ment for this number and classification of the units, namely, 
 that the arrangement is necessary, in order to classify the mate 
 rials of Social Science. 
 
 But our theory not only makes our divisions logical or sub 
 jective divisions of the science, but also fundamental elements 
 of society itself. 
 
 Comte had stated that the Family is the true unit of society, 
 and not the Individual. This struck us at once, as a favor 
 able idea. But when we reflected, as Paley says, that all that 
 nations and societies suffer or enjoy, is not felt in the bulk, but 
 only in the Individuals, we perceived that the Individual cannot 
 be given up as a unit ; hence, then, we have at least t.wo units, 
 
THEORY OF THE SIX UNITS. 35 
 
 namely, the Individual and the Family. And when once the 
 fact, that there must be a PLURALITY OF UNITS, was assumed, 
 and what the first two are, the way was opened to reach the true 
 and full number of them. Nation and Mankind soon occurred, 
 as two other units at the other extreme. Then the rights of 
 States or minor localities, and of voluntary corporations, had to 
 be placed somewhere between the extremes already ascertained. 
 This problem was insoluble, except by a theory of the Tribe 
 which should make the principle or spirit of Tribe survive in 
 modern society, under differentiated forms, namely as Social 
 Circle and Precinct, as natural unalterable elements, and Cor 
 poration as an artificial element and therefore as a distinct genus 
 from all the six previously obtained, not itself a unit but a type 
 of a unit. See CORPORATION, for a fuller account. 
 3. Some Singular Sixes. 
 
 We present here a few classifications of nature, by sixes, which 
 by analogy tend to show that we have hit upon and discovered 
 the right number of, and the right particular units, of which 
 society really and virtually is composed. Most of these classi 
 fications presently to follow, are numbered so that all the I 7s may 
 be compared together, and all the 2' s , and so on. And we hope 
 none of these our analogies, will be thought to be any wilder 
 than some of Fourier, or Comte or Hobbes or others who have 
 labored in this department of imaginary thought. 
 
 The figure which gives the maximum amount of internal 
 content, with the minimum amount of external surface of sim 
 ilar bodies joined together, is a HEXAGON ; as, for instance, the 
 cells of the bee. 
 
 In developed civilization, there are six great classes of society. 
 They help in forming Social Circles, and they give the bases of 
 limits of, and highest moral shares of property, in distribution. 
 These will be portrayed in another book. 
 
 The errors and vices of Mankind^ have instinctively and 
 spontaneously alighted on our six units, as the fundamental 
 motors of human passions. Nearly all the " respectable" crimes 
 and great enormities, are committed for the sake of, and under 
 the perverted infatuation of, one or the other of these ideas that 
 we have singled out and generalized under the name of units of 
 society; namely, either for the rights of (1) the Individual, or 
 
86 
 
 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. VI. 
 
 of (2) the Family, or of (3) Social Circle, class, and clan, or of 
 (4) one's own Precinct or Neighborhood, or (5) of Nationality, 
 or for (6) the welfare of Mankind, including under Mankind, 
 as we do, religious action in society, which plants itself on that 
 wide human ground, for the justification of social compulsion 
 and religious persecution. 
 
 Roget classifies his " Thesaurus of English Words" into six 
 Main Divisions, thus, Abstract Relations, Space, Matter, Intel 
 lect, Volitions, Affections. 
 
 Ballou (in Practical Christian Socialism, p. 108) has six in 
 finities ; namely, the Deific spirit, the soul-spirit, matter, space, 
 duration, diversity. 
 
 Paley's Divisions of Moral and Political Philosophy, are the 
 following : 
 
 1 Preliminary Considerations. 
 
 2 Moral Obligations. Origin of, &c. 
 
 3 Relative Duties of Persons and Property. 
 
 4 Duties towards Ourselves. 
 
 5 Duties towards God. 
 
 6 Elements of Political Knowledge. 
 
 Spencer's lines of progress, are readily made into six, thus: 
 1 Advance from Qualitative to Quantitative. 
 2 Advance from Concrete to Abstract. 
 
 3 Application of abstract to new orders of concrete. 
 
 4 Simultaneous advance in generalization and specialization. 
 
 5 Increasing subdivision and re-union. 
 
 6 Constantly improving Consensus. 
 
 Our classification of the sciences : 
 
 1 Perceptible Mechanical Powers. 
 
 2 Imperceptible Mechanical Powers. 
 
 3 Imponderable Powers. 
 
 4 Animal Powers. 
 
 5 Human Transcendental Powers. 
 
 6 Supernatural Powers. 
 
 Our Units. 
 1 Individual 
 
 Systems of 
 Crystallization. 
 1 Monometric 
 
 Astronomical 
 1 Satellites 
 
 2 Family 
 3 Social Circle 
 
 2 Dimetric 
 3 Trimetric 
 
 2 Planets 
 3 Suns 
 
 4 Precinct 
 5 Nation 
 
 4 Monoclinic 
 5 Triclinic 
 
 4 Groups 
 5 Clusters 
 
 6 Mankind 
 
 6 Hexagonal 
 
 6 Nebulse 
 
 Systems. 
 
THEORY OF THE SIX UNITS. 
 
 87 
 
 Organs of sense. 
 
 1 Sensation 
 
 2 Temperature 
 
 3 Taste 
 
 4 Smell 
 
 5 Hearing 
 
 6 Sight 
 
 Spencers 
 Universal Data. 
 
 1 Force 
 
 2 Motion 
 
 3 Matter 
 
 4 Time 
 
 5 Space 
 
 6 Unknowable Power 
 
 Suggestions from 
 Okeris Classification. 
 
 1 Living Nature 
 
 2 Creations of Elements 
 
 3 Functions of Elements 
 
 4 Cosmogony 
 
 5 Material Totalities 
 
 6 Immaterial Totalities 
 
 Religious Society. 
 
 1 Adam 
 
 2 Adam and Eve 
 
 3 Patriarchy 
 
 4 Israel in Egypt 
 
 5 Israel in Palestine 
 
 6 Christian Church 
 
 Mental States. 
 
 1 Physical Emotion 
 
 2 Conception 
 
 3 Idea 
 
 4 Thought 
 
 5 Metaphysical Emo 
 
 tion 
 
 6 Will 
 
 Plato" 1 s Sciences. 
 
 1 Arithmetic 
 
 2 Geometry. Plane 
 
 3 Geom. three dimen. 
 
 4 Astronomy and Mo 
 
 tion 
 
 5 Harmonics 
 
 6 Real Existence 
 
 Mental Faculties. 
 
 1 Consciousness Ex 
 
 ternal 
 
 2 Consciousness In 
 
 ternal 
 
 3 Association of Re 
 
 semblance 
 
 4 Association of Con 
 
 trast 
 
 5 Abstraction 
 
 6 Generalization 
 
 Comtds Classification 
 of the Sciences. 
 
 1 Mathematics 
 
 2 Astronomy 
 
 3 Physics 
 
 4 Chemistry 
 
 5 Physiology 
 
 6 Sociology 
 
 Hegel's 
 Classification. 
 
 1 Logic 
 
 2 Mechanics 
 
 3 Physics 
 
 4 Organic Physiology 
 
 5 Psychology 
 
 6 [The Idea] ? 
 
 4. Combinations of the Six Units. 
 
 (a) Combinations in Concatenation. Each personal unit of 
 society, contains a subdivision or principle which points to, or 
 connects with, the unit next above it. The Individual has 
 sexual functions, and these point to the Family. The Family 
 has grand-parents, and gives out brethren and sisters to make 
 new friendly Families, these give rise to Social Circles. And 
 these seek to reside in near neighborhood, and thus become Pre 
 cinct. And these again, multiplying, constitute Nation. 
 
 In the development of society, society comes to self-conscious 
 ness and to the understanding of itself, only by means of the 
 light which each one unit throws upon the character of the 
 others. By spiritualizing Goethe's great saying, that man knows 
 himself only as he knows external nature, we will readily see 
 how, in the origin of human society, the individual man or 
 
38 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. VI. 
 
 woman only knows himself or herself, after organizing into the 
 Family relation. And likewise, one Family alone does not (or 
 would not) know itself, only by becoming a Social Circle or a 
 tribe, viz., only after several Families had come to exist in the 
 same neighborhood, and thus spontaneously to have formed a 
 tribe So likewise, the tribe could not understand itself fully 
 nor be really developed, only by coming into relation with sev 
 eral tribes, that is, by becoming part of a Nation ; or, the one 
 tribe growing and dividing into several tribes. So likewise, the 
 Nation cannot understand its true functions, only by realizing 
 its position as a part of the great Family, Mankind. 
 
 And now, in the advanced stages of society, when new organs 
 are put forth, and new settlements and new developments resolve 
 the tribe into two distinct branches, one, the preferred acquaint 
 ance (namely, the Social Circle) and the other, the Precinct of 
 nearest or lowest degree of local government, we must reduce 
 .our argument to adapt it to modern conditions, and then say 
 thus : The Individual knows himself only by coming to the 
 Family; and both Individual and Family know themselves 
 only by coming both into the Social Circle, or into the local 
 organization or Precinct ; and all these again, comprehend them 
 selves only by their relations with the Nation; and it again, 
 can comprehend itself only by means of its relations to Man 
 kind. 
 
 Furthermore, as Nation and Precinct, Social Circle and 
 Family, are all Individual human beings, these general princi 
 ples will hold when applied beginning with the Nation and 
 going downwards. Any organization of men can understand 
 itself only by understanding and appreciating the elements of 
 which it is composed, and with which it most constantly comes 
 into relationship and contact. So then, the Nation can under 
 stand itself only by appreciating Precinct, Social Circle, and 
 Individual. So also, the Precinct can only understand itself, 
 by appreciating all the units below it ; and so on for the rest. 
 Thus it is, that the very principle which runs through the de 
 velopment of all human society, has only to be viewed from the 
 opposite side, to be seen to confirm the great doctrine of the 
 right of some government influence being vested in all the units 
 of society severally. 
 
THEORY OF THE SIX UNITS. gy 
 
 (6) Combinations in Solution. We now come to combinations 
 of a more complex and versatile kind. 
 
 In the development of Society, society combines its elements 
 variously ; hence we observe that three of them, namely, Pre 
 cinct, Nation, and Mankind, involve the idea of locality and 
 are dependent upon the location, and so might be called the local 
 units or units of locality. But the other three units are entirely 
 independent of the idea of locality, and are purely personal, 
 namely, the Individual, the Family, and the Social Circle. 
 
 Again we observe, that these six naturally divide themselves 
 into three pairs, in each of which pair, one unit is a part and 
 the other a whole, namely, Individual and Family, Precinct and 
 Nation, Social Circle and Mankind. Furthermore, in each of 
 these pairs, one unit is related to the other, not only as part to 
 whole, but the relationships are evidently much alike in several 
 metaphysical and moral respects, one pair being personal, one 
 political, and one, moral or voluntary. 
 
 And then again, we have three pairs by a different combina 
 tion, such that the two of each pair are connected closely 
 together by metaphysical and moral relations and considera 
 tions ; thus, one pair consists of Individual and Mankind. 
 Another pair is of Family and Nation. And the third pair is 
 of Social Circle and Precinct. 
 
 We observe also three dualities. First, the whole six are 
 divided into two threes ; next, the whole six are divided into 
 three twos; and third, the division "itself of these two views is 
 the third duality. 
 
 (c) Analogy in Chemistry. All the elements of chemistry 
 may be divided into two classes, and in three different methods. 
 One, is into Metals and Metalloids, another, is into Acids and 
 Alkalies, and the third is into Electro-negative and Electro 
 positive. We have here as much of the divisions of our six 
 units, as could be expected to survive under chemical analysis, 
 under which NO LIFE can continue. Here in chemistry we 
 have, not three pairs of classes making six classes, but only 
 three WAYS of pairing classes. 
 
 (d) Analogy in Geography. Here is another class of natural 
 analogies of our six units, found in the relations of the six great 
 geographical divisions of the world, called continents. In the 
 
90 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. VI. 
 
 northern hemisphere we have three continents, namely, North 
 America, Europe and Asia. And then we have three southern 
 continents, South America, Africa and Australia. Then in 
 another view, we have them in pairs thus, North America and 
 South America, Europe and Africa, Asia and Australia. Thus 
 much Steffens and Guyot have observed ; but we add some other 
 twos and threes. Thus, as to the shape three of them (North 
 and South America and Africa) are shaped like "legs of 
 mutton" ; and the other three of them (Europe, Asia, and Aus 
 tralia) are nearly like irregular oblongs or trapezoids. Again, 
 viewing them in pairs, one pair, Europe and Asia, are joined 
 together arm in arm or side and side, by a range of mountains. 
 Another pair, North America and South America, are joined 
 together by a long narrow isthmus. And the third pair, namely, 
 Africa and Australia, are alike only in being unlike the others 
 in that respect; just as Individual and Mankind are unlike 
 each other, and unlike all the rest of the units, for Africa is 
 joined, not to the continent immediately north of it but to the 
 one on the east, and not by an isthmus so much as by a broad 
 flat territory, and by a long narrow sea : whilst Australia is 
 unlike the others, by being solitary. Then, leaving Australia 
 out of the question as solitary, and corresponding to the Indi 
 vidual (as was done by former geographers,) we have all the 
 rest of the earth divided into two parts called the old World 
 and the new World, having the very peculiar contrast, as the 
 geographers have remarked, that the new World is long and 
 narrow, and has its greatest length running north and south ; 
 and the old World, although much larger in one direction than 
 the other, yet cannot be called narrow, and has its greatest length 
 east and west. The old World has its long slopes and plateaus 
 towards the north, and the new World has its long slopes towards 
 the east. 
 
 And now, if we count the Individual, as the solitary one corre 
 sponding to Australia, we have five other units. Three in the 
 old World, namely, Family, Social Circle and Precinct, and two 
 in the new World, namely, Nation and Mankind. 
 
 Again, observe another analogy of peculiarities, a solitary one 
 at each end of the six ; and two closely connected pairs between 
 them. Individual and Mankind are two extremes, which in a 
 
BALANCES OF THE SIX UNITS. 91 
 
 certain sense are different from society; one is a no society, and 
 the other is an ideal that is never completed. But the other 
 four make two pairs closely connected, namely, Family con 
 nected with Social Circle, and Precinct connected with Nation. 
 
 Now, let us observe this geographical analogy, in mere figures, 
 expressing the ratio of coast lines to each 1000 square miles of 
 continent; and on the proportion of which, intercourse and 
 civilization so much depend. (See Mankind.) The figures 
 stand thus, 6f ; 4, 3J; 2f, 2J; If. Europe's figure is 6f, and 
 Africa's If. But, between these, there are two pairs, whose 
 figures come pretty nearly together. Thus, one pair is North 
 America 4, and Australia 3J : the other pair is South America 
 2|, Asia 2J. 
 
 The foregoing analogies of course, are only to show in a cumu 
 lative way, a probability of our six as an important number of a 
 true classification in social science. 
 
 CHAP. VII. BALANCES OF THE SIX UNITS. 
 
 1. In General. 
 
 We have now come to express formally that part of our 
 theory, which is the doctrine of the necessity of the perpetual 
 balance of the units, in order to make a happy people, or a 
 good and righteous government. What we mean, is no Pan 
 theistic or development-idea, that these units WILL ultimately 
 balance each other. But we mean, that the duty of society is to 
 make the balance, and to give to each unit its due proportion of 
 influence ; and that, only in proportion as society does this, can 
 it produce either a happy people, or a good government. 
 
 The necessity for preserving this balance, might be legiti 
 mately inferred from their nature as units ; so that the estab 
 lishment of the theory in general, of the units, involves in it 
 the necessity or duty of their balance. This necessity and duty 
 may also be inferred from their combinations. For, in all the 
 departments of nature, we cannot have substances composed of 
 elements, only when these elements are in their due proportions 
 to each other, and also are existing in the necessary contiguity. 
 Unless the parts are real, the whole cannot be real. 
 
 But these, as positions are very abstract; and as it is very 
 important to establish this doctrine of the balance of the units, 
 
92 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. VII. 
 
 upon clear and well-known grounds, we desire the reader's at 
 tention to a few direct arguments and illustrations on this point. 
 And to the elucidation of which, we propose to devote most of 
 the remainder of th's Introduction. 
 
 2. Individual and Family as Types. 
 
 If our type theory (already illustrated) is as good as we sup 
 pose it to be, it ought to help us to solve the still more difficult 
 theory of the balance of the units. And the analogies are at 
 hand. Just as the heart the lungs the stomach and the brain, 
 are each a vital organ, and act each independent of the others ; 
 yet life and health absolutely depend on the free action of each 
 exerting its own due balancing power, so it is with the elements 
 of society. So again, for another illustration, to refer to the 
 Family as type of society, the masculine and feminine elements 
 must co-exist in harmony in their mutual work, and yet, each 
 must maintain its own individuality, in a due balance. 
 3. Resemblances to Gravitation. 
 
 The power of association it is true, draws men together like 
 the law of gravitation, with a force in proportion to their num 
 bers or mass, and in inverse proportion to their distances. But 
 this law, when transferred from inanimate matter and applied 
 to humanity or to living beings, requires several modifications. 
 And even among the astronomical bodies, there is a centrifugal 
 power always exactly equal to the centripetal. 
 
 If we turn to the sidereal systems for illustrations, then Na 
 tions will answer to solar systems, prettily and truly. Planets 
 will revolve around suns, moons and satellites around planets, 
 and so on ; each in its own orbit, and doing its own work ; and 
 each kept from centrifugal disorder, by the attracting power of 
 its own immediate center, namely, tho next highest orb in the 
 generalizations. But still, it is in vain to look for exact analo 
 gies of life-processes, in the laws or actions of inanimate matter. 
 Saturn's ring may illustrate the relations of Families to a tribe ; 
 but we have no binary systems in our solar system, nothing to 
 illustrate the Family organization in the relation of male and 
 female. Although in the binary systems of far distant stars, 
 the suns of other systems, we have the beautiful arrangement of 
 two companion stars revolving around each other, or rather, re 
 volving around an ideal center, the ideal point of their mutual 
 
BALANCES OF THE SIX UNITS. 93 
 
 attraction ; and each being of the color needed to complement 
 the other in the spectrum. And in some cases, there appear to 
 be more than two, sometimes even several suns, occupying these 
 relations to each other. But not in the simple organic matters 
 substances or minerals, do we find any trace of male and. female, 
 other than electricity. It is only where we enter into the living 
 world, vegetable as well as animal, that we find sex running 
 throughout all or nearly all life ; but we find the Family or 
 ganization, only in a few of the very highest animals. 
 
 Now, let us remember that in the natural formation of society, 
 after the formation of Families and tribes, the centripetal and 
 centrifugal forces are not exerted and felt, so directly between 
 the Individuals as between the Families, or the tribes. Nations 
 are formed originally and in all history, not by Individuals but 
 by Families and tribes. Thus, even the centripetal force itself 
 is not so much directly between Individuals, as it is directly 
 between Families and tribes. And the sun over our heads does 
 not draw us away from the earth, but draws us along with it. 
 
 Where the two forces of human society, the centripetal and 
 the centrifugal, are most perfectly and independently balanced 
 in" all their forms, where the national, the neighborhood, the 
 Family, and the Individual, all have the powers of each in the 
 best balance^ there will be the most rapid and true prosperity. 
 And this is brought about in accordance with one of the laws 
 which Mr. Carey has announced in only one of its relations, 
 namely, in the relation of city state and Nation, rather than to 
 its full extent. This law might and should be enlarged, as I 
 have enlarged it, to the other units. That law thus enlarged is, 
 that in proportion as this balance of all the parts is preserved, 
 the rapidity of human diversity or individuality is promoted ; 
 and in proportion to that individuality, will be the feeling and 
 consciousness of human responsibility intellectual and moral; 
 and in proportion to the responsibility both intellectual and 
 moral, will be the activity and morality ; and in proportion "to 
 the activity and morality in such a condition of balanced free 
 dom and order, will be the universal prosperity. 
 
 4. Resemblances to Chemical affinity. 
 
 But the relation of persons in small districts, is much better 
 illustrated by the powers and laws of chemical affinity. Here 
 
94 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. VII. 
 
 we see that the attraction between molecules or Individuals when 
 placed very near together, becomes an entirely different power 
 from gravitation, as far as we can yet perceive ; and one that 
 exceeds it beyond all possibility of comparison. So that al 
 though all bodies undergoing chemical changes, are also subject 
 to gravitation, yet we cannot perceive that the chemical changes 
 themselves are at all affected by gravitation. Here we have 
 illustrated the absolute independence of neighborhoods within 
 Nations. 
 
 This principle of elective affinity illustrates another feature, 
 both of man and of society, or of close neighbors to each other, 
 whether in space or in relationship ; and this is, that molecules 
 or Individuals can unite with each other, only within certain 
 definite specified and limited proportions. So it is with Indi 
 viduals ; each one has his own peculiar character and his own 
 proper rights, such that other Individuals cannot understand him 
 nor his true character or responsibilities, beyond certain degrees. 
 And these degrees may vary in different subjects, so that any two 
 persons may have more and closer affinities on some subjects 
 than on others. Here we have illustrated the eternal rights of 
 Individuals, in the recesses of their own hearts, and to their own 
 hearts' secrets, as well as to combinations and sympathy with 
 other persons. 
 
 As Comte well observes, the attempt or even the hope, to 
 reduce all the operations and laws of nature, to one law, is and 
 will be a vain attempt. And the fact is, that the laws and powers 
 which attract men into Nations, are not the same as far as we can 
 analyze, as those which cause them to seek the society of and 
 organization with their immediate neighbors. The one is gravi 
 tation, the other is affinity. And hence, the national principle 
 and the neighbor principle, are much better illustrated by what 
 are recognized to be two entirely different natural powers, and to 
 be working by entirely different laws. 
 
 One obvious inference from this view is, the evident and 
 much greater importance of the neighbor-attraction, than of the 
 nation alone, in itself considered as the ultimate object sought, 
 the end of the means ; and including in the> term neighbor, not 
 only Precinct, but also social acquaintance and business circle 
 or chartered company. 
 
BALANCES OF THE SIX UNITS. 95 
 
 By reference to Mr. Carey's law regarding the balance of 
 centralization and decentralization, it will be observed, that all 
 turns upon t individuality and personal responsibility, that the 
 national power itself is useful, only as it develops or allows 
 the development of these. Whereas, the chemical affinities are 
 the immediate and direct operation of these individualities 
 themselves. 
 
 5. Natural History of Society. 
 
 One element of the centrifugal force of society, is the innate 
 feeling of human liberty, and the necessity in order to happi 
 ness, for each individual to follow his own bent or inclination. 
 The more condensed society becomes, and the more varieties 
 of occupation study and training are introduced, the more dif 
 ferent the various persons 7 bents or inclinations become, and the 
 more absolutely essential for each one's happiness, becomes his 
 right to have great liberty in those respects. And the same 
 holds true both for Individuals and for Families. And thus 
 the centrifugal forces become electrical repulsion, nay more, they 
 become biological and medical, and instead of centrifugal forces 
 we have incompatible characters. 
 
 Another law is the attraction of the sexes. Here we have an 
 attraction, often not in inverse but in direct proportion to dis 
 tances, and according to the great differences and co-ordinating 
 needs of each sex for the other. Distances, in space or in social 
 position, are little in comparison with the power of this great 
 attraction. Then again, when this attraction becomes chemical, 
 and finds its combination and fulfills it with the rising Family, 
 it forms the very strongest tie and gives the very strongest com 
 bination in human society. Now, it is here too, that there arises 
 the very strongest centrifugal and repulsive force. Each Family 
 tends to repel every other Family. This is chiefly the result of 
 the antipathy or dread, of men for men, or women for women, 
 in regard to those of the other Families. 
 
 This centrifugal tendency also results, from the autocratic in 
 fluence which parents naturally desire to exercise upon their own 
 children, and from their dread of or opposition to the influence 
 of other Families on their children. 
 
 Out of the necessities of Families, there soon arise Social 
 Circles Precincts and Corporations ; the consideration of which 
 
96 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. VII. 
 
 is deferred a few pages, namely, until we come to the subject 
 headed " The Tribe Principle." (Chap. VIII.) 
 
 Oftentimes in history, conquests have been useful in causing 
 tribes or Precincts that were previously at war and entirely 
 under centrifugal influences, to submit to a centralizing attrac 
 tion. But no such centralizing force as is compulsory, can be 
 justified, until after tribes Precincts or Nations placed in juxta 
 position by providential circumstances, refuse to enter peaceably 
 into such confederation as is necessary for peace and order, re 
 fuse to conform to +he centripetal attractions required by cir 
 cumstances. Then, the arising of the strongest tribe or of some 
 foreign power, as a centripetal power, seems justified by the ne 
 cessities of the case, and by the interests of Mankind. 
 
 An overwhelming tendency to centralization seems now to 
 exist all over the civilized world, except temporarily in the 
 Southern states, where the decentralizing movement w r as made 
 evidently for a special and exceptional purpose, namely, of form 
 ing a new center of despotism over a part of its own people ; and 
 was not a movement made upon any well founded principle of 
 decentralization. Its theories of Precinct rights were held good 
 only for the white man's, not for the negro's Precincts. And its 
 theories of state rights were only held to be good against the old 
 government, and not against the new. Its power against its own 
 parts, was far more threatening, than that of Great Britain to 
 wards the American colonies in the Revolution. Its people had 
 forgotten about ninety years of history. They had forgotten that 
 the early colonists mostly had been driven to a new country by 
 persecution or distress. Whereas the settlers in the Southern 
 states had been invited and encouraged and aided by the general 
 government, in every way, and fostered to become great and 
 prosperous states. 
 
 The advent of the constitution of the United States, there 
 fore, was a return to the original and natural balance of society. 
 It speaks of " We, the people," as well as states ; and thus ac 
 knowledges a double power in its' very inception, the people 
 the Nation as a whole, forming the centripetal force ; and the 
 former tribes or colonies, now states, forming the independent 
 or centrifugal powers. 
 
 One of the great practical problems in Social Science, is to 
 
THE TRIBE PRINCIPLE. 97 
 
 determine how much Individual and Family liberty, each ought 
 to resign and assign to the governing powers, and especially to 
 the tribe, or district or company. Another of the great practi 
 cal problems in this relation of centrifugal to centripetal forces, 
 is, to find how much power and liberty the tribe or district or 
 company should assign to the central government, and how much 
 it should retain for itself. The safe general rule seems to be, 
 that so far as the principle is concerned, men, Families, or tribes, 
 only resign to government those rights which are necessary and 
 only so far as necessary, to the accomplishment of the general 
 and mutual objects. But yet, that in the practical and actual 
 administration of government, the superior power (that is, the 
 more general) must be the judge, as to the actual administration, 
 in cases of doubtful rights, and also in cases of expediency not 
 conflicting with rights. Because, the contrary supposition would 
 be unreasonable ; that is, it would be unreasonable to suppose, 
 that if the right were doubtful, or the expediency remain to be 
 proved, the more general power should be subordinate to the 
 less general. Whereas, as to absolute and undoubted rights, it 
 is simply absurd to suppose them to be irrecoverably and upon 
 principle, transmitted to any second party or second Unit, what 
 ever be its power. 
 
 In speaking as above, of assigning or resigning power to gov 
 ernment, it is not meant that government actually arose in that 
 way, nor to ignore the authority of God in civil government ; 
 but only to exhibit that method, as one of the means of arriving 
 at what the ordinance of God is in the matter. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. THE TRIBE PRINCIPLE. 
 
 1. In General, and classifications. 
 
 As in the Unit the Family, we have to consider it in two en- 
 tirely diiferent aspects, so in the tribe, we have to consider IT in 
 three subdivisions, each of which, now comes logically to be 
 viewed as a fundamental and essential element. Now, when we 
 take this tribe principle as thus analyzed, and apply it to modern 
 civilization, we see that there arise three diiferent functions or 
 kinds of organization, namely, (1) Precinct or Neighborhood, 
 (township, ward or county, as the case may be,) (2) Social Circle 
 or acquaintance, consisting in friendship, and providing for and 
 
 7 
 
98 BK - L SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. VIII. 
 
 looking towards new families, (3) organized voluntary associa 
 tion, that is, lawful corporation for special purposes, corpora 
 tions for business and corporations for politics, &c. 
 
 The casual reader will here observe a kind of confusion in 
 our treatment of Corporation. For, in our main original classi 
 fications, we place Corporation, not among the expressly ascer 
 tained units, but as a separate class. The confusion arises from 
 the subject, consists of the confluence of the things in tribes, 
 and is explained by the fact, that our theory anticipates, that in 
 the future the corporation will more and more take the place of, 
 and fulfill functions of civil government ; or at least, that there 
 is a possibility and a practicability that it may do so, and that 
 all the three elements of the tribe, tend towards a re-integration 
 in their primal form, but in a renewed and Christian spirit. 
 2. Permanence of the Tribe Principle. 
 
 The Tribe, as an element of society, although a unit in the 
 early ages of Mankind, and of each Nation in particular, yet 
 soon disintegrates or differentiates into heterogeneity ; and as to 
 its form, so far disappears from visibility in modern society, as to 
 require to be considered as a PRINCIPLE rather than as a unit. 
 
 In general, the tribe, according to ancient history is the origi 
 nal foundation of political government, being the immediate 
 successor of the patriarchy. Nor does it ever lose its power (in 
 a transcendental sense), as a unit and element of modern society. 
 But its power and spirit ever survive in all societies, although 
 the forms of its manifestation change. This idea seems not to 
 have occurred to any previous writer that we remember. 
 
 We are shown the IRREPRESSIBLE activity of the tribe PRIN 
 CIPLE, by its continual reappearance in modern society, even 
 where we should be apt to expect it least, as in the early tend 
 ency of every religious denomination to change insensibly from 
 a voluntary to a virtually hereditary association, especially is 
 this the case with the small denominations. We see the same 
 thing also, in the various dignified occupations and professions, 
 even those of politicians and statesmen. The Corporation be 
 comes a Social Circle led by the same Families. 
 3. Natural History of Tribe. 
 
 This tribe principle has a very complex origin in human 
 nature, and fulfills various different functions. 
 
THE TRIBE PRINCIPLE. 99 
 
 First, it forms tribes identical with Social Circles. It sup 
 plies Individuals to form new Families. Incest is decided to be 
 objectionable, not only on physical grounds but also because 
 after arriving at puberty, it is well on account of mental peculiari 
 ties, for people to have a new start in life ; as it were, a sort of 
 being born again into a new world, by bringing together different 
 elements from different Families. And in love, it is not more 
 certain that we choose our resemblances in some resoects, than it 
 is also certain that we choose our contraries in certain other re 
 spects. Thus instinct, as usual, anticipates physiology and other 
 sciences. Incest therefore needing to be avoided, a circle or 
 collection of Families, that is, a tribe, becomes a necessity even 
 to the happiness and perfection of the Family itself. 
 
 Then again, the natural desire and tendency for friendship in 
 the same sex, of persons of similar ages and sympathies, require 
 a collection of Families. Otherwise, the parents would have no 
 friends of their own sex, as here mentioned. And in the younger 
 ones, friendship craves more variety than the relation between the 
 sexes, and hence there is a stronger reason for the tribe existence, 
 for these early ties, than even for the Family relation itself. 
 Then we have occasional or only temporary cooperations needed, 
 in greater works than can be accomplished by any one Family. 
 These give rise to tribes. There is first, temporary organization, 
 next social organization, next business corporation, next political 
 corporation, and next tribe. 
 
 In primitive times the tribes are often migratory, and so the 
 Precinct idea or even the neighborhood idea, is only temporary 
 at first. 
 
 Even if we assume, Mankind arose from one pair, the increase 
 of Families would soon give rise to social sets and cliques ; and 
 these again would soon result in the formation of separate com 
 panies and of separate locations, thus, of tribes. There would 
 be no centralizing power, no central force of attraction after the 
 first parents had died, or at any rate, not long after the successors 
 appointed immediately by them had died. And thus the result 
 would soon be Social Circle, Corporation and Precinct, together 
 forming an independent tribe. Therefore it is, that we must 
 commence the theory of society as now understood, and as related 
 to politics or to government, with the tribes as already existing. 
 
100 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. VIII. 
 
 For the central power which could exist any length of time, only 
 under a patriarchal form, has no relation to anything that goes 
 to exercise power in modern society. It is a power (in Family 
 isolation), of personal and parental affection, which can never 
 afterwards be repeated except under similar circumstances. 
 Hence it is that the theory of society as a political government, 
 must begin with the centrifugal force of rival tribes, as well as 
 their cooperative force. Indeed, it seems almost certain in our 
 historical vision, that the centripetal force arose only by an after 
 thought, namely, the combination of two or more tribes to resist 
 some other one tribe or combination of them. 
 
 The Social Circle and the Corporation are different means of 
 overcoming new evils; they are new organs put forth by the life 
 of society in its growth, but mark ! not to fulfill functions better 
 than the now grown tribe, but to fulfill functions which the now 
 grown tribe cannot fulfill at all. The grown tribe may, it is 
 true, do the material work to be done, in an inferior manner ; 
 but is utterly incapable of accomplishing the mental harmony, 
 the moral work. Without the corporative organ, the tribe may 
 build a road, but it will only be either one of universal necessity, 
 or else one of favoritism to a few, at the expense of the others. 
 Again, without the Social Circle functions, the tribe may pro 
 duce marriages, but they will not be happy ones. They will 
 either be marital servitude, as in primitive conditions ; or mari 
 tal wars, as in modern civilization, where fashion now does the 
 forcing which the barons and fathers used formerly to do. 
 4. Mutual relations of the three constituents. 
 
 (a) Balance of the three constituents. We maintain, that one 
 of the necessary balances of power, must be a balance between 
 these three elements, as if units, as indeed between all the six 
 units of society, namely, Individual, Family, Social Circle, Pre 
 cinct, and Nation, and morally, Mankind also ; each taken as 
 one alone. In a harmonious government, each of these six 
 units must have its full influence, namely, each unit must have 
 an equal influence ; and each unit one undivided influence. And 
 similarly, the three elements of tribe, as if units, must be brought 
 into and kept in a balance with each other, -just as the three 
 prismatic colors, all must be weaker or all stronger, in order to 
 combine in a pure white light. 
 
THE TRIBE PRINCIPLE. 1Q1 
 
 Here then arises the necessity of having each element brought 
 into harmony with itself, with all parts of the same element. 
 
 (6) Corporation. Formally, our theory does not argue for 
 so much fundamental necessity, prominence or importance, to 
 the Corporation, as it does to the Precinct, Social Circle, and 
 those other instinctive elements we call units ; but assigns it to 
 a separate order, called artificial or rational. All we have to 
 remember here is, that the right of all citizens to form simple 
 corporations within the Precinct, is a right involved in the fun 
 damental elements of society, namely, the tribe element. It is 
 therefore as eternal and indefeasible, as the right to form part 
 nerships or any other contracts ought to be : but of course not 
 including any natural right of monopoly," for this perversion 
 into monopoly, is the very matter that has destroyed the rights 
 of all men to form corporations at their own will and judgment. 
 
 The greatest peculiarities about corporations, appear to be 
 those which follow essentially from the nature of the case, and 
 relate mostly to those corporations whose very objects and nature 
 require them to have a greater local extent than one Precinct, 
 such as corporations for roads, or travel, or general purposes, or 
 politics, or for larger divisions of territory than the Precinct. But 
 still these should always if possible, be chartered by one or more 
 Precincts, rather than by the Nation. It is chiefly thus that 
 corporation-honesty and moral responsibility can be revived. 
 And the Precincts may combine for special purposes ; either to 
 do certain works themselves, or to unite and charter some corpo 
 ration to do the same directly, but not through the medium of 
 some other corporation. The chartering of one corporation by 
 another is unnatural, especially for political purposes. 
 
 (c) Social Circle. The differences of Social Circles, are more 
 natural and inherent metaphysically, than of location or Pre 
 cinct itself; but those of Corporation are less so ; and when cor 
 porations are absorbed by, or become made up of Precincts, still 
 the differences of Social Circle will continue. 
 
 But the only Social Circles which can found their true defence 
 in the tribe principle, roust be those in which the elements of 
 kindred, friendship, affinity, and immediate occupation, are 
 likely to be active and prominent. Hence, merely voluntary 
 even if organic associations, called "classes' 7 of society, cannot 
 
102 BK - L SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. VIII. 
 
 be considered to be a fundamental element of government. They 
 are ghastly bodies without souls, and the cause of great civil woes. 
 In other words, differences of social position pertain to the Pre 
 cinct, but not^to the Nation : and their physical forms should be 
 either Corporation or Precinct. And the Precinct being the ma 
 terial or bodily form, is the one with which daily government has 
 more to do. Yet the government which is founded on ignoring 
 any fundamental element, is that far, .a falsity. But Social Cir 
 cles, enlarged and de-souled into "classes of society," should have 
 no recognition as fundamental elements of the unit we call Nation. 
 
 Now in the case of the true Social Circles, as their character 
 and object will be spiritual, so also should be the power used, 
 namely, spiritual moral and voluntary. And in their case there 
 seems no easy task to find any existing satisfactory American 
 method, of giving honest and peaceful Social Circles any open 
 influence in government; or of preserving in any honest manner 
 their rights, except perhaps in the organization of juries, and in 
 two or three other applications which are to be considered in 
 another place. But the greatest present means for the virtuous 
 Social Circles to preserve their fair and equal rights against the 
 vicious Social Circles, and against inimical prejudices, is, by so 
 ciety spontaneously forming into small Precinc:s with original 
 state rights, as shown in that part of the subject. In fact, all 
 minorities must look to the full right and freedom of forming 
 themselves or collecting into state-Precincts, as their principal 
 method of obtaining either property-rights or personal freedom, 
 in the United States. The common corporations ought not to 
 have, and Social and religious Circles cannot easily have politi 
 cal rights, as such, in this country, except as in Precincts. Hence, 
 the tribe principle practically becomes the Precinct element. 
 Nevertheless, new kinds of corporations can be devised, to ac 
 complish all that is necessary under this head. 
 
 In this/ country, property-holders, like all other minorities, 
 can look for their rights to the spontaneous formation of civil 
 corporations, or else of collecting in small Precincts where 
 owners' rights will be guarded simply on the ground of the 
 fundamental rights and independence of the tribe- elements, and 
 of the tribe principle. Property is only one of the constituents 
 of Social Circle. The other constituents equally as important 
 
THE TRIBE PRINCIPLE. 103 
 
 and active, are, morality, intellect, education, and sometimes even 
 personal acquaintanceship and good manners. 
 
 (d) Precinct. Just as in the Individual, improvement re 
 quires that each person should become more in harmony with 
 himself; his affections, his reason, and his will, all harmonizing 
 together: and just as in the Family, its two objective principles 
 must be in harmony and in unison with each other, that is, the 
 parentage principle in unison with the sexual, in one unit the 
 Family; just so, the three different elements or principles of the 
 tribe, namely, Precinct Social Circle and Corporation, should in 
 a perfected social system, be found all in the same one unit ; that 
 is, the usual Precinct should be ever tending, more and more, 
 to become or consist of only one Social Circle, and to be but one 
 corporation for its own special purposes. 
 
 But all Precincts need not be thus constituted. For the most 
 beautiful music is made not by all the sounds being the same, 
 but by some of the notes being far distant in the scale, yet duly 
 related to each other, and so, harmonious. And the prettiest of 
 all the accords, and the only one that nature makes, is the octave, 
 (the natural harmony of the male and female voices). Thus 
 one kind of Precincts would consist of sames or equals as to in 
 tellect, morals and property : the other kind would be of accords, 
 where the differences of intellect morals and property would be 
 organically recognized. But the tendency of even these two 
 kinds of Precincts would ever be towards each other morally 
 and metaphysically ; namely, towards each other in resemblance, 
 and towards each other in friendship. 
 
 It would therefore appear, that most of those powers of Indi 
 vidual freedom, which the Individual-liberty theorists advocate 
 for private persons, we advocate for the three differentiations of 
 the tribe principle, namely, Precinct, Social Circle and Corpora 
 tion. And we prevent these from abuses and tyranny, by two 
 principles. One is, the equal rights of all other similar bodies, 
 as established and guarded by the central or general government ; 
 Spencer's principle for the Individual, extended to these three 
 social bodies. The other principle is, by making the Precincts so 
 small comparatively, and by so securing the freedom and security 
 of persons and property, in changing from one Precinct to an 
 other, that the free choices become indefinitely various. 
 
104 BK - L SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. IX. 
 
 Precincts being material things, visible material divisions of 
 the earth, must ever be the forms and bodies, of which social 
 differences and voluntary associations are the souls. Precincts 
 are the fundamental organizations for human liberties, and for 
 the rights of minorities. Then, by the voluntary principles of 
 competition, interest, urgency and utility, whereby Individuals 
 and parents are now able to regulate themselves and their affairs, 
 the Precincts would then be obliged and be taught, to regulate 
 themselves and their affairs for the general good. And this, too, 
 without their necessarily having any more really benevolent in 
 tentions, or much more Social Science than they now have ; but 
 all be brought about by those spontaneous natural principles of 
 social order, which the liberty and " let alone" theorists advocate 
 for Individuals. Thus Precincts, like Individuals, would all be 
 acting however ignorantly yet surely, for the good of all the 
 others. 
 
 CHAP. IX. BALANCES OF ALL THE ELEMENTS OF SOCIAL 
 
 SCIENCE. 
 
 1 . Balances of the Analytical Seven. 
 
 (a) Law of proportions of power. The balance of elements, 
 implying an equality of political power in each, requires that 
 the activity and perceptibility of the power of each should be in 
 inverse proportion to its extent or greatness. In other words, 
 the larger and the more complex and less voluntary, any po 
 litical organization is, the less compulsory power should it exer 
 cise over the elements below it ; in other w r ords, the greater the 
 tribe or Precinct or company, the less power should it exercise, 
 over either the Families or the Individuals who compose it. 
 And the greater the Nation, the less power should it attempt 
 over either the Precincts, companies, Families or Individuals, 
 w T ho compose it. 
 
 (6) Natural tendency to over-centralization. Nearly all the 
 political evils of government come from violating the foregoing 
 law, come from applying to tribes and Precincts, principles 
 applicable only to Families, and then applying to Nations, prin 
 ciples that are only applicable to tribes or Precincts. This we 
 shall find to be the cause and process, not only in theory, but 
 in the actual history of the origin of society and governments. 
 
BALANCES OF THE FOURTEEN ELEMENTS. 1Q5 
 
 Even the Chinese empire, now consisting of one-third the popu 
 lation of the earth, was once a small tribe ; and then its patri 
 archal form was quite appropriate. The only mistake it has 
 made is, just like that of our individual states, namely, merely 
 retaining the old form under the now entirely different circum 
 stances. And this too, with the same excuse as we, namely, 
 that the change of extent is too gradual to be exactly marked as 
 to any precise time. 
 
 Just as Individuals generally have a tendency to excess of all 
 social indulgences, and to giving the social customs of society 
 unrighteous sway ; so have governments and Nations the tend 
 ency to excess of the social principle in centralization. Just as 
 the stronger sex has sway, to the neglect of the feelings of the 
 weaker, so in political constitutions, the stronger unit, that is, 
 the Nation, is prone more and more to have its own way, even 
 with the free consent of the lesser ones. The thorough reform 
 must come, not from the Precinct, but from the Nation. The 
 tendency is towards too much compulsory society throughout. 
 In Families, it comes to neglect the rights of Individuals, and 
 makes social slaves. In the Precinct or neighborhood, it comes 
 under the guise of fashion, to nullify the rights of Families and 
 Individuals. In the Nation, it comes absorbing all the rights 
 of the Precinct, and finally reverses the true order of nature, 
 and assumes with true feudal despotism, that the rights of the 
 Precinct flow downwards from the Nation. In like manner no 
 doubt, if a universal or general empire of many Nations could 
 be established, it would also have the temerity to assume, that 
 all rights had originated from it ; although Mankind had been 
 without it in fact for thousands of years, and it itself were but 
 of yesterday, the mere success of tyranny or of brute force. 
 
 "With the Chinese and about three-fourths of the population 
 of the globe, the two elements which the governments chiefly 
 recognize are, first, the Family element, through its head the 
 father; second, the Mankind-element, in the limited form of a 
 universal empire of its own race entirely secluded from all other 
 races. 
 
 In the other and smaller part of the human race, the Family 
 as a governmental element is scarcely recognized at all, and the 
 national and race ideas, are not isolation from all other Nations, 
 
106 r ' K - I- SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. IX. 
 
 but are conquest over them ; and among the Nations themselves, 
 the idea is not confederation, at least not permanent confedera 
 tion, but each one struggles to maintain such a balance of power, 
 as will give itself a moderate advantage over each of the other 
 powers in the equilibrium! Yet all the while, the idea of a 
 Precinct as an element of governmental power, has never had 
 its balanced exhibit among; civilized or semi-civilized Nations, 
 
 o / 
 
 except perhaps in some parts of the German empire, in India 
 and Japan. But among savages and barbarians, the idea of the 
 Precinct-power, has been held with such tenacity as absolutely to 
 prevent nationality. 
 
 (c) Fields of physical and metaphysical power. In the spon 
 taneous and inorganic relations of Nations to Mankind, and in 
 corporations, the more developed and intellectual parts obtain 
 mastery over the others. Whereas, in the compulsory, very 
 formal, organic and ordinary relations of Precincts to Nations, 
 the most physical and least cultivated morally, whether persons 
 or Precincts, are the classes which are strong, and do practically 
 succeed in governing the whole Nation. Thus the South gov 
 erned the North, and now the West governs the East. 
 
 The submission of Individuals and of Precincts to Nations, 
 is different from that of Nation to Nation, or of Nation to 
 Mankind. The principles are different. 
 
 Hence, each locality, and every minority, should have its 
 rights protected by some practical and social means, at least as 
 effectual in their sphere, as the barriers of race, which include 
 language, religion and permanent intellectual and physical de 
 velopment. And it is evident that there is no possible arrange 
 ment short of human perfection, that can accomplish this end, 
 except that radical constitution of Precinct, which our theory 
 proposes; or that of voluntary political Corporation, subsequently 
 to be more fully explained. 
 
 (d] Different elements represent different rights. There are three 
 moral theories of social rights, essentially different, namely, the 
 cosmopolitan, the national, and the neighborly. These three 
 moral theories are all true in their proper locations, but outrage 
 ously false, out of their locations. 
 
 The cosmopolitan or universal-brotherhood theory, is that 
 which properly applies to the internal affairs of the Precinct, 
 
BALANCES OF THE FOURTEEN ELEMENTS. 1Q7 
 
 and of the Corporation, except to such affairs as are inconsistent 
 with the peculiar organization or object thereof. But the national 
 theory applies to affairs outward of the Nation, and establishes 
 chiefly, the self-protecting rights. The Nation's chief operations 
 are with other Nations, it being the protector of Precincts and 
 Corporations, and being the organ expressly for foreign affairs. 
 The chief uses of central or national government, are to guard 
 against the forces, tricks, tariffs, &c., of other national govern 
 ments ; and to prevent the internal Individuals, Families, and 
 tribes, from resorting to force, tricks, tariffs, &c., in hinderance 
 of internal freedom and intercourse. The Nation, as to other 
 Nations, is to be an active power in principle ; whilst in regard 
 to the internal parts of which it is composed, it is to be nega 
 tively active, namely, active chiefly to anticipate and prevent 
 probable disorders ; Nations being supposed to be at selfish com 
 petition with other Nations, and to favor peaceful cooperation 
 within their own borders. 
 
 To consider, then, the most active and efficient functions of 
 right daily government, we must go to the Precincts or small 
 bodies, and consider THEIE rights and powers. 
 
 As to the Nation's influence WITHIN the Precincts, or within 
 the corporations, THAT must be founded upon cosmopolitan or 
 universal brotherhood principles, with the additional idea of a 
 paternal governing and unifying principle. Whereas, the Pre 
 cincts themselves, and the corporations also, each one for itself, 
 will be the administrator of the aforesaid world-wide principles 
 of brotherhood, to all such persons as properly and of right 
 compose it, or ought to continue to compose it. To all others, 
 it must be a self-protecting institution, that is, be conducted on 
 the national theory. The same is true, also, of Social Circles, 
 Families, and Individuals, every one for itself, the Nation for 
 them all. 
 
 The difference between national and Precinct rights, may be 
 summed up thus ; national government is fulfilled by securing 
 the two rights, internal liberty and removal. Precinct govern 
 ment is fulfilled by securing internal strictness, and by free 
 removal. And voluntary Corporation can fulfill many of the 
 functions of both Precinct and Nation, but not all the functions 
 of either. 
 
108 BK - ! SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. IX. 
 
 2. Balances of the whole Fourteen. 
 
 (a) In General. The foregoing doctrines of the balance of 
 the units are now to be explained in a wider sense. Hitherto 
 we have referred them only to the elements of the analytics, but 
 now they are to be widened so as to include the elements of the 
 synthetics also : and these balances are to be understood chiefly 
 in a moral and metaphysical sense. 
 
 Society, as we have already seen, analytically consists of six 
 instinctive units and one deliberate element, together making 
 seven fundamental elements ; also we have seen that synthet 
 ically considered there are seven departments of thought and 
 administration in government (whatever be the analytical ele 
 ments which administer it or are subject to it), namely, Prop 
 erty, Life, Health, Intellectuals, Morals, Civil Government, and 
 Communism. And a complete Social Science must include the 
 treatment of all the fourteen elements as fundamental : and 
 therefore, a balance must be maintained between them.' But 
 the term balance must now be understood in a more abstract 
 sense. The first seven elements are typical of the last seven. 
 Thus, all we have said of the theory and balance of the first 
 seven, is, by a little enlargement of principle, applicable to the 
 theory and balance of the whole fourteen also. But the balance 
 now, is rather a balance of opinions and of scientific departments, 
 than of political powers. 
 
 Here belongs the explanation of a law of facts that has often 
 been observed, namely, that the attempts to suppress some moral 
 evils by force, or by direct legal action, turn out in fact to 
 really increase the evils, besides producing other and greater 
 ones. Attempts of this kind generally come from efforts by 
 some more general Ele:nent, to take away the rights of some 
 less general one. Th.^ explanation then is, that the rights of 
 each element will find vent in its own sphere, so that no one 
 element CAN profitably interfere with the rights of another 
 element. No other explanation of the curious law of facts 
 above mentioned, has been given that we know of, which does 
 not tend in substance, either to take away the value of law 
 altogether, or else offer itself as a mere isolated and empirical 
 explanation of some single fact. But what is wanted is an 
 explanation which will be both general rnd definite. 
 
BALANCES OF THE FOURTEEN ELEMENTS. 
 
 (c) Balancing powers, to be homogeneous. Moral powers must 
 balance moral ones, and political powers, balance political. For, 
 in regard to the balance of the elements, it is not always neces 
 sary that the equilibrium be maintained by political or civil 
 power, neither is it possible always to maintain such equilibrium 
 by moral or intellectual means only, without civil or political 
 power, but sometimes the one kind of power must be relied 
 upon, and sometimes the other. All that this part of the theory 
 requires is, that the equilibrium should SOMEHOW be actually 
 maintained. 
 
 It will however be evident on reflection, that to establish a 
 theory which will be simple and homogeneous, the political 
 power of one element must always be balanced by the political 
 power of the other elements ; and so also with the moral powers. 
 Thus for instance, the moral or intellectual powers of a district 
 should be balanced by the same kind of powers in the Individ 
 ual, the Family or the Nation. And on the other hand, just 
 in proportion to whatever political power may be granted to a 
 Nation, so also should balancing political power be bestowed 
 upon the Individual, the Family, and the district. For while 
 it is true that one kind of power in one element, may possibly 
 be greatly counterbalanced by another kind of power in the 
 other elements, yet the problem or case for human calculation 
 is thereby made indefinitely or infinitely complex: so that on 
 the one hand, human reason can never fully understand the 
 equilibrium, even if an equilibrium could be obtained ; and on 
 the other hand, the chances are almost infinite against there 
 ever being an equilibrium under such conditions. 
 
 It would follow from this theory ; as Mankind or the race as 
 a whole, is a real unit ; that government can never be perfect 
 until some limited balance of political power is vested in Man 
 kind, and some suitable political form discovered whereby that 
 power may be exercised. And as long and as far as the power 
 of mankind as a whole, is exercised only by moral and intel 
 lectual means, so far and so long it may be kept in due equilib 
 rium, without any other powers in the other elements than the 
 moral intellectual powers ; and vice-versa. 
 
 Some principles of social duty are dependent entirely upon 
 conditions of mutuality, for instance, the Free Trade principles. 
 
BK - L SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. IX. 
 
 So also are all theories of equality. They must be recognized 
 by both parties, or they are not justly obligatory upon either. 
 Yet, there are Christian duties of supererogation, to a limited de 
 gree, in Social Science. But on ordinary principles, no Nation, 
 Precinct, locality or corporation, can be expected to act unself 
 ishly to others, nor to cease to strive to maintain or obtain mas 
 tery, when it knows that the others are striving to maintain or 
 obtain the mastery over it. 
 
 Although the balance of power and of rights between all the 
 fourteen elements, is to be equally maintained, yet property is 
 not to be counted directly, except in communism, where the 
 very nature of communism counteracts the evils of an honest 
 property influence or representation within a commune. In other 
 words, a regulated and limited common property can (and alone 
 can) firmly establish a property-representation for those who 
 have contributed it. This doctrine of course precludes, until a 
 more perfect human nature comes, that absolute communism 
 which the so-called socialists imagine. And on the other hand, 
 it excludes all vain and hopeless attempts to obtain for property, 
 some political power indirectly in ordinary civil government. 
 
 (c) Delegation of Powers. Each element must be considered 
 as delegating a portion of its powers to the political govern 
 ments of the Precinct, Nation or Corporation, so far as neces 
 sary for the preservation of the rest of the rights and interests 
 of the same element; but not, as is generally thought, be required 
 to make this sacrifice for the rights and interests of some other 
 unit or element. For that would be a sort of metaphysical 
 generosity, not to be expected in government affairs. 
 
 Good government cannot be obtained without delegating 
 strong powers to some party or organ, whether Unit, Element 
 or Individual. But the difficulty is how to apportion the dif 
 ferent powers to their proper Elements. 
 
 The right of government to operate in various miscellaneous 
 affairs, not directly necessary to preserve equal rights and prop 
 erty (such as education, maintenance of the poor, post offices, 
 &c.j &c.,) has been questioned. But we maintain that the im 
 portant tests are, not the kinds of w r ork, but the amount and 
 object of the interference, and especially the unit by which the 
 interference is to be accomplished. 
 
BALANCES OF THE FOURTEEN ELEMENTS. m 
 
 We must grant the right of each unit to take direct care of 
 the parts next under it, and of which it is composed. But 
 excessive centralization cannot be justified by authority of this 
 principle, because excessive centralization attributes to a Nation 
 the right to violate the equal rights, all at once, of all the other 
 units. 
 
 Another point to touch upon here, relates to all the depart 
 ments of government. This point is the right of government 
 to an adequate share of property-accumulations, bearing some 
 proportion to its share of influence in the production thereof. 
 Nearly all property is owing largely to civilization, and that 
 again is largely owing to the peace and order produced by good 
 government. This claim comes, not for officers nor Individuals, 
 but for the thing itself, government. Good government can 
 not be obtained without paying well for it openly and honestly, 
 both in money and in honor; to some persons money, and to 
 other persons honor, and to others, both. And if the large 
 payments were made honestly and openly, the real expense 
 would be less in the end than where the remunerations are 
 taken underhandedly ; and then better men also would be 
 secured. 
 
 (d) Typicalness of the Series. In the series (as given in the 
 Analytics) of the seven elements, each of the six units as a 
 whole is typical of all the units above it in generality ; and the 
 developments of each unit are therefore to be considered as 
 typical of higher social phenomena, as a flight of six stairs, 
 rising higher and higher. But Corporation placed solitary as 
 the seventh element, has all the six units typical of and leading 
 to it, not as stairs, each to and by means of the other, but each 
 for itself leading directly to it, like doors and windows on the 
 first floor of a building. Consequently, the reader is requested 
 to give that turn to whatever articles we may publish of that 
 analytical series, so far as their nature admits ; and thus to read 
 them with both meanings. For it is by such methods of study, 
 applied to each unit, that the writer entertains hopes of some of 
 the many future unexpected, but indisputable, developments in 
 Social Science. And it appears to him that the very same rela 
 tions, but in a more transcendental sense, may be traced in the 
 seven elements of the Synthetics also. 
 
BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. X. 
 
 CHAP. X. ARBITRATION-JURIES. 
 
 1. Indirect Balances in General. 
 
 There are some very simple indirect methods of approxi 
 mating the genera] balance of all the fourteen elements. The 
 first is, investing the male sex alone with civil powers. Bat of 
 that, we would treat under Family. The second consists in in 
 vesting age with a counterbalancing power in government. This 
 may be accomplished by placing the powers of age and youth in 
 separate legislative bodies, so as to counterbalance each other; 
 malting greater age a qualification for voting for senators, than 
 for voting for members of the lower house. The mere age of 
 the official representative, (as now ordained) is of very little con 
 sequence in this connection. This topic will be treated under 
 " Civil Government." Another method of indirect balance, is 
 by arbitration-juries, the full and practical details of which are 
 reserved fpr " Civil Government." But here we give a general 
 statement of the idea. 
 
 2. Arbitration. 
 
 Here, a few words may be allowed upon the propriety of ar 
 bitration in civil affairs. Often, both parties in a suit are to 
 blame : in which case, judges and juries ought to prescribe com 
 promises where practicable. But our laws do not fulfill any 
 such function, except the parties themselves voluntarily agree 
 to it : which is not at all what we mean. For the law, in many 
 cases ought to fix compromises, rather than decide entirely on 
 one side. 
 
 The next argument in favor of compromises, is, that all law 
 and all order and all society are founded upon compromises. 
 An instance is found in the new law to settle the difficulties of 
 the land-tenancy in Ireland. It is to be administered by courts 
 of arbitration specially instituted for the purpose. Because it is 
 evident, that common law remedies for a grievance so deep, 
 among a people so poor as the Irish are, would be useless to 
 them. And if arbitration be good for them, why will it not be 
 equally good for us and for all ? Thus it is, that the necessity 
 of arbitration in civil affairs, is beginning to be perceived. And 
 even in criminal affairs, the Scotch have a compromise verdict, 
 namely, " not proved." 
 
ARBITRATION-JURIES. 113 
 
 3. Juries in general. 
 
 Juries, originally in former times, were only of the middle 
 class. They were an institution established to protect the 
 middle class from the tyranny of the landed aristocracy. The 
 middle class is of course the most suitable if only one class is to 
 be represented therein. But anyone class will take too much 
 care of itself. The right to vote, and the right to serve on 
 juries, were co-existent at the first; and then, when the right to 
 vote was given to all in the United States, the right of juries 
 went with it, although not deliberately as a specific or intended 
 object, but incidentally, and even perhaps inadvertently, jury 
 work being considered as a duty rather than as a right. 
 
 The idea of trying a man " by his peers," originated in crimi 
 nal trials, when political offences were held to be the same as 
 criminal ones, and when the defendant was considered as the 
 only person interested (the commonwealth being considered as 
 the plaintiff), but that idea does not apply to property cases, for 
 in these, there are involved the interests, at least of two other 
 Individuals. But even in personal and criminal cases, the feel 
 ings of the injured and the sympathy of his friends, have a right 
 to be and ought to be heard, at least as fully as those of the 
 accused. Only thus can private revenge be prevented. More 
 over, to give one class, trials by their own sympathizers only, 
 tends to put other classes at their mercy as to life and limb, 
 and destroys the general feeling of security. Now in principle, 
 the idea of trying a man by a jury of his own class alone, is just 
 as absurd, as it would be to try men by a jury composed only 
 of the sympathizers with the injured party or with the accusers. 
 Hence, both in criminal trials and civil suits, the jury ought to 
 consist of men from both sides or classes. 
 
 4. Classes of Society. 
 
 Juries, if they are, ever to be impartial and under equal influ 
 ences, must recognize existing classes, and provide against in 
 equality in the jury box. As long as petty jealousies do exist 
 between elements of society, and the sympathizers of each decide 
 for its own class ; and as long as oaths have so little effect in 
 doubtful matters of opinion ; and as the decisions of juries often 
 of necessity have to depend upon* doubtful, obscure and difficult 
 points of facts and of law, so long every government should, 
 
BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. X. 
 
 in some measure take cognizance of and provide for the differ 
 ences which do exist ; and the government which so fails to 
 recognize the real differences, is so far founded upon a falsity, 
 and so far is in itself a despotism. And if government persists 
 in such oversight, and persists in practically maintaining that 
 minorities have no rights that majorities are bound to respect; 
 such selfishness and unfairness in the government, will surely 
 also select unfair men for its officers, and men not above taking 
 bribes ; and the consequence will be, that the minorities will 
 persist and increase in their practices, of considering that majori 
 ties have no rights that minorities are bound to respect if they 
 can avoid them by bribery and trickery. The present anarchical 
 and selfish condition of the moral sentiments on these subjects, 
 is very acceptable to those who are willing to give or to receive 
 bribes, but is rapidly corrupting the moral tone of the Nation, 
 and throwing the wealth of the country into the hands of im 
 moral tricksters or reckless gamblers ; and unless checked, must 
 ultimately result in driving honest poverty out of politics, and 
 honest wealth out of the country. Let all classes have their 
 dues, but let them use the means of honesty, compromise and 
 arbitration. Then politics will become synonymous with pat 
 riotism ; and wealth become synonymous with virtue and 
 utility. 
 
 Taking juries indiscriminately from the people, gives the 
 refined, the educated, and the wealthy circles, but a small 
 minority, seldom even one in each jury, and in cities, not one 
 for several juries. Now, in trials where large amounts of prop 
 erty are in dispute between contestants all wealthy, this habit 
 of submitting them to the decision of men most of whom have 
 little or no property, and whose personal character is unknown, 
 is a habit quite as erroneous in principle as it is unjust and cor 
 rupting in practice. Moreover, juries in reality are a sort of 
 arbitrators, and ought to be so considered and arranged for, in 
 order that both plaintiff and defendant, and all parties interested, 
 should have an equal representation therein. And it is well 
 known that in the large cities, the juries very often are packed, 
 and made to consist of men of little character, and who are 
 either watching out for jobs, or glad to glut their clan-animosi 
 ties and partialities. - 
 
PRINCIPLE OF VOTES. 
 
 5. Principles of the Methods. 
 
 The methods for constituting juries which we would propose 
 as the true ones, are founded upon the three following principles. 
 (1) A wise recognition of, and so an efficient provision against, 
 the evils of the different classes of society. This recognition 
 might ascertain the classes of society, either on the basis of vol 
 untary association, or of Social Circles, or on the basis of their 
 taxation, or on the basis of expenditures. (2) The second prin 
 ciple upon which our proposed method is founded, is a modified 
 arbitration, namely, simple arbitration modified by this, that the 
 parties are to choose, not the individual arbitrators, but the class 
 thereof; or at any rate, the law to choose such a class for them 
 as they would naturally choose for themselves. That is to say, 
 the law chooses a portion of the arbitrators from their natural 
 class. (3) The third principle upon which juries should be 
 founded is, the principle of counting the public a third party, 
 needing its share of arbitrators in trials for crimes or public 
 wrongs, also in civil cases of direct public interest ; so that the 
 public would have one-third of the arbitrators, and the plaintiff 
 another third, and the defendant another third. 
 
 CHAP. XI. PRINCIPLE OF VOTES. 
 
 1. Expression of Averages. 
 
 As the universal balance of all the elements of Social Science, 
 is supposed to be the highest attainment of human government, 
 so, in a republican government, or in a deliberative body, this 
 balance of elements may be popularly supposed to be attained 
 by and in the AVERAGE will of the ONE element, namely, the 
 Individual. At any rate, a government can only be truly re 
 publican, even as representing only the one element Individual, 
 when it represents the opinion and the will of the AVERAGE OF 
 ALL; not of a majority only. The true will of any voting 
 assembly is not its majority- will, but its average will. 
 
 The discovery and expression of averages by elections, is a 
 problem requiring considerable mathematical ability to under 
 stand, when stated briefly: therefore a fuller treatment of it is 
 reserved for "Civil Government." But the process of voting 
 under it would be quite simple enough. It is a process which 
 is also commendable for its other advantages, besides the mere 
 
116 
 
 BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. XL 
 
 feature of its expressing averages, and is merely one case under 
 the general formula of the ideal ballot now to be mentioned. 
 
 2. The Ideal Ballot. 
 
 (1) Ideal Ballot in general. As a brief abstract statement 
 would scarcely be intelligible, the accompanying concrete for 
 mula is furnished. This general formula ticket is given in a 
 very low number of names, merely to exhibit the principle. 
 The names of persons may be either written or printed. The 
 grade figures below 100 must be written by each voter. The 
 rest of the ticket is supposed always to be printed. It exhibits 
 ORDERS of choice and also DEGREES in those orders. In the 
 proposed article "Civil Government" we shall show how to 
 simplify these ballots and the degrees of choice for practical 
 purposes ; but here we treat them only generally and for mathe 
 maticians, to show the theory. 
 
 TICKET. 
 
 CANDIDATES 7 NAMES. 
 
 GRADE VALUE. 
 
 Adams 
 
 First Choice 100 
 
 Brown 
 
 Second Choice P5 
 
 - Clark 
 
 Third Choice 92 
 
 Dunn 
 
 Fourth Choice 70 
 
 Evans 
 
 Fifth Choice 66 
 
 - Flipp 
 
 Sixth Choice 62 
 
 This formula would probably be the actual ticket, only in 
 four cases ; namely, either for six choices by each voter, if only 
 one officer were being voted for, or three choices, if a board of 
 two officers were being voted for, or two choices, if a board of 
 three officers. (Or six votes for four officers.) 
 
 For small boards however, three choices for each officer should 
 be allowed to each voter. And even for large boards there 
 should never be less than two choices for each officer. So that 
 in cases of large boards, the ticket should be enlarged to double 
 the number of the board to be elected. For instance, a board 
 of ten officers would require a ticket with privileges of at least 
 twenty names, by each voter. 
 
 This ideal ballot gives at once and altogether, all the advan- 
 
PEIKCIPLE OF VOTES. 
 
 tages of all possible improved plans of voting, whether by con 
 stituencies, or by representative bodies. All the other proposed 
 improvements are valuable, only in proportion as they practi 
 cally approximate the same results as this, or else, as they may 
 tend to prepare for and lead to its adoption. This most general 
 formula for a ballot, namely, our ideal ballot, is one which 
 expresses all the following principles at once : 
 
 ((a)) Applicability to any number of persons, for one office or 
 board of officers, whether one or many. ((6)) Expressive of 
 alternate choices, and of the degrees thereof, both as to candi 
 dates and as to PARTIES. ((c)) There are here supposed to be 
 only such legal restrictions to its absolute unlimitedness, in re 
 spect both to choices and to the degrees thereof, as are necessary 
 for practical convenience of counting ; and therefore applicable 
 to exclude any immense count of useless scattered ballots. No 
 other restrictions are now made than are thus or otherwise sc ! en- 
 tifically expressed. ((dj) Restriction c to a. Let each voter 
 vote for not more, say, than five alternate choices when for one 
 officer, four alternates, for two, three alternates, for three or 
 more officers to be elected in a board. ((e)) But no voter need 
 vote all the number allowed him, unless he chooses to, but 
 should never vote less than three alternates, nor ever more than 
 ten alternates, except when a board of more than five, and then 
 two alternates for each officer. ((/)) All the expressions must be 
 placed on one ballot paper, whether for a board of officers, or 
 for only one officer. ((g)) Restrictions c and d to b. Let the 
 highest grades of alternates be, say 100, and let the lowest grades 
 of alternates be never less, say, than 50. And let the voter at 
 will, divide all the grades of his alternates between 100 and 50. 
 
 ((/i)) Illustration. Case d-e-f. Suppose for one officer. Each 
 ballot would contain five names. Then a voter's first choice 
 would be 100, his second perhaps might be 90, his third might 
 be 80, his fourth, 75, and his fifth 70, or with differences 
 whether fixed by law or not, any how, so the fifth choice was 
 not less than 50. (()) Illustration. Case d-e-f. Suppose for a 
 board of five officers. Then each voter has the privilege of his 
 highest number, namely, 10 names on his ballot. ((j)) But if 
 voters would write no more than five or six names, this omission 
 would have the same effect as (but no other effect on the names 
 
BK. I. SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. XII. 
 
 omitted than) if the voter had remained away from the polls, as 
 to those names. 
 
 ((&)) If three parties were up, and if each voter would vote 
 for two persons of eaph party, then the sample ticket Avould 
 represent a case of a voter grading ALTERNATIVE PARTIES, as 
 well as grading alternative candidates. 
 
 ((I)) Now, the summing up of these grade numbers of all the 
 candidates would represent numerically, the comparative total 
 grade values of all the candidates. ((m)) In the case of election 
 of one officer, the one highest total in I would be the one suc 
 cessful candidate. ((n)) In case of several officers being voted 
 for, as one board, say five, then the highest five totals in I would 
 be the five successful candidates. 
 
 (2) Ideal Ballot for ideas. The same principles which have 
 been given above, for voting for individuals, are also applicable 
 to voting for Jaws, clauses of laws, motions, amendments, &c., 
 &c. But the methods of and the restrictions in their applica 
 tion thus to ideas, are among the highest and latest attainments 
 of forms in Social Science. They will be treated of in a sub 
 sequent work, under the head of " Civil Government." 
 
 CHAP. XII. PRINCIPLE OF CURRENCY. 
 
 Another transcendental use of averages is, their ability to 
 express the true principle of currency; and their consequent 
 applicability as an actual basis for the only currency that ever 
 can approximate to honesty and flexibility both ways, or to per 
 manent security. We can only here hint at this basis ; and post 
 pone the methods of its application, and the arguments for its 
 propriety, to a subsequent work. Well then, this proposed cur 
 rency, first must not falsify, must promise to give nothing but 
 what it can and will give when demanded ; and second must 
 promise to give a portion of all the commodities usually bought 
 or sold in trade. Because every sale of any article possessed by 
 us, is essentially an exchange of some one article for the privi 
 lege of reinvesting the same in ANY OTHER article ; and this 
 requires that the said privilege should be represented by an 
 abstract currency, but yet one that can always and at once be 
 m;ule concrete at the option of the holder. The element of 
 AVERAGES in this currency is transcendental, yet theoretically 
 
PRINCIPLE OF CURRENCY. 119 
 
 absolute, and consists in this, that the trade transactions in each 
 one commodity during a long average time, are considered as one 
 element of those constituting the idea of the currency. And the 
 commodities and their proportions are selected with a view to 
 represent fairly, the collective average of the different commodi 
 ties by averages taken separately for the same fair length of 
 time. And such a collective average must (just as in the case 
 of votes) be the true total average of the commodities bought 
 and sold. And then a convenient amount of that average .of 
 commodities could be 'taken as the unit (instead of pollar or 
 Pound), and then convenient fractions of that must be taken 
 for smaller amounts. But of course in practice, only a certain 
 select number of commodities could be taken, but fairly, so as to 
 represent the whole these representative commodities could be 
 taken in the practical application for a real and actual currency. 
 
 Every currency that redeems promises to pay one thing by 
 paying another thing, or by promises to pay another, and so on, 
 can be nothing but a vicious gas for ballooning out into the 
 unfathomable regions of financial space, unless somewhere at the 
 bottom or end of the promise upon promise, there be a some 
 thing real and unalterable. And furthermore, every step of 
 promise upon promise, complicates the matter almost indefi 
 nitely, both as to the ability of the human mind to comprehend 
 its chances, and also complicates almost indefinitely the opportu 
 nities of the currency law-makers to "see-saw" it to suit them 
 selves, and with injury and injustice to a whole community. 
 
 Another point is that the amount of silver and gold is not a 
 tenth nor perhaps a hundredth part sufficient to meet the de 
 mands made for it in crises and panics ; and the sticklers for a 
 purely gold and silver currency can never do any better with 
 this part of the argument than to say that such a currency is 
 the best that can be established. But, is it the best ? 
 
 Now the seemingly probable expedient to avoid the difficulty, 
 is to introduce the function of time and credit, and to give all 
 currency-promises a right to require some specific time of notice 
 before payment can be demanded. But suppose, when the time 
 of payment comes, the old panic still continues or a new one 
 arises, what becomes of this probable expedient ? Another ex 
 tension (called suspension) ? And another? And so on? Thus 
 
120 BK - I- SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. XII. 
 
 we see our balloon gas has only changed its form. Previously 
 it consisted in piling promise upon promises, now it consists in 
 piling time upon time. 
 
 But a currency of commodities, taking a sufficient number of 
 plentiful commodities, would always allow of redemption at the 
 option of the holder. One objection is that commodities are in 
 convenient to carry, and may not be the ones we happen to want. 
 This objection is easily removed in the present state of civiliza 
 tion and credit, by warehouses, and by pledges of actual stocks 
 of goods. And surely a credit system that can be trusted to 
 make irredeemable currencies, or to make extensions and post 
 ponements at willy can be better trusted to make a credit cur 
 rency based upon commodities demandable at will. As to the 
 other objection of fluctuations and scarcity of some kinds of 
 goods at certain times; this would be overcome by taking a 
 large variety of the commodities most used, and of standard 
 mercantile qualities. Suppose some thirty different articles were 
 selected, as Wheat, Rye, Corn, Iron, Lead, Copper and so on. 
 Then if any one or two of these happened to be unusually scarce 
 when panic came, or payment was demanded, let the payor have 
 the privilege of objecting and excepting to said one or two ar 
 ticles, and then let the payee have also the privilege to except to 
 an equal amount in value of any other articles he might select 
 as being unusually plenty. Thus the average would be main 
 tained. The proportioned values for such purposes would have 
 to be fixed when the currency itself was established. And let 
 NO ALTERATION of the currency be made except by an altera 
 tion of the Constitution of the Precinct or Nation ; and only by 
 the constitution let such a currency be established. 
 
 The unit should be taken as near the value of a gold coin 
 dollar as may be convenient, and then the constitution should 
 settle the exact value of the dollar in comparison with the new 
 unit of averages. Then whilst the standard was fixed in the 
 constitution, the details might be left to ordinary legislation but 
 requiring perhaps a two-third vote for alterations even thereby. 
 And after the relation of the dollar to the unit of averages had 
 been fixed, then part of the Real Estate and surplus old stocks 
 and loans of corporations, held by the banks, or part of their 
 fixed capital above what they had loaned out for the component 
 
PRINCIPLE OF CURRENCY. 121 
 
 articles of the averages, might be allowed by an alteration of the 
 constitution, to enter into a new and enlarged list of components 
 but unaltered in average value. Then first class Rail Road 
 mortgage bonds, as also national state and municipal bonds, thus 
 translated into the new units of currency averages, might be 
 allowed to form a small or reasonable part of the banking basis. 
 
 Or it would be possible to make all these changes by one 
 alteration of the constitution, if it could be done fairly so as not 
 to make it a subterfuge to debase or alter the real value of the 
 currency-units. This transition itself would not be more dan 
 gerous than the present system, nor than the old system of state 
 banks. 
 
 And it would be better to make the whole change at once 
 perhaps, so as not to entirely throw out the government bonds 
 that are now the basis of banking. Indeed the very same 
 amount of government bonds that are now required as security, 
 ought and might continue to be required. Our whole proposed 
 change refers not at all to the bonds as security, but only to the 
 substitution of pledges of commodities instead of the artificial 
 present legal tenders and bank notes. And it would not be right 
 to release all those bonds at once and have them thrown on the 
 market at a ruinous reduction, which would at once spread dis 
 tress and ruin throughout the country, and only to the benefit 
 of foreign purchasers. 
 
 The reader understands that all bonds would then be estimated 
 for any and all purposes, at and only at their value in the new 
 units of the currency averages. 
 
 It is also understood that no property or commodity pledged 
 as the basis of currency, should be sold or removed unless by 
 substitution of some other lots of the same kind and amount, or 
 by repayment and withdrawal of that much currency. Such a 
 currency, in effect would be simply " orders" for goods in such 
 kinds and proportions that everybody would want them, and 
 everybody could readily convert them into the particular com 
 modity wanted. 
 
 All is made both convenient and practicable, by the introduc 
 tion of systems of warehouses, and by giving the new system to 
 banks based upon warehouse and other commercial contracts for 
 commodities actually in store, whether in public or in Individual's 
 
122 BK - L SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. XII. 
 
 own warehouse. And what such banks would promise to pay 
 would be certain definite quantities in the prescribed ratios of 
 each of the kinds of commodities previously prescribed, when 
 demanded in certain specified amounts : having previously issued 
 out or loaned these currency averages in agreed amounts, for any 
 of the component specified commodities, or rather for pledges by 
 the customer, of the certificates of warehouse for the same, as 
 might be agreed upon. 
 
 There would also surely arise a class of dealers, some, mer 
 chants, and some, brokers, who would deal exclusively or very 
 specially, in only those articles which were required in the 
 Averages. And some of these would be wholesalers, and some 
 retailers. And to these each Individual customer could bring 
 in his currency, and obtain only just the one or two articles that 
 he wanted, and thus obtain them at only the usual and regular 
 market price, and without any loss. But in case of panic before 
 the arising of such a class of dealers, of course, holders of small 
 amounts of currency would have to sell it to brokers or mer 
 chants, who would thereby accumulate the required amounts for 
 presentation for payment. But the details must be reserved for 
 the proper place in " Property," one of our proposed future works 
 on Social Science. 
 
 The only fluctuations or discount, such a currency would be 
 capable of, would be the aforesaid brokers' charges for buying 
 up small amounts to consolidate ; and the slight expenses of the 
 charges and freights to near places deemed more safe ; and the 
 difference between the quality of the commodities which the 
 banks would really pay, and what the knowing ones would 
 expect, and that would not be much, for whatever difference in 
 quality they would previously expect, would be the permanent 
 depreciation of it, and not the expense of redemption. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. CONCLUSION OF INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The objection is often made against Social Scientists, that there 
 is no practical use in their kind of discussions, and no hope that 
 any special attention will ever practically be given to their con 
 clusions. 
 
 We answer, that this question of practicability depends entirely 
 upon what the particular plans are that may be offered, and in 
 
CONCLUSION OF INTRODUCTION. 123 
 
 what spirit. If good plansiaad sound arguments can be offered, 
 in a good spirit, their practicability will depend on the intelli 
 gence, patriotism and justice of the people. Under such circum 
 stances, to doubt the practicability of the suggestions if good 
 ones, is to doubt the intelligence and patriotism of the people. 
 And when once any plans began to be tried in one or two 
 localities, and were found to produce, in a pre-eminent degree, 
 the benefits expected from them ; then to doubt their adoption 
 more and more by the people, would manifest a deeper infi 
 delity in the fitness of the people for self-government, than 
 would be worth while to argue against, in the United States. 
 Where would be the fitness of a people for self-government, if 
 they were going to be forever insensible to the demonstrations 
 of sound arguments confirmed by undoubted experience; and 
 if truth and justice must never dare to show their faces until 
 after their practicability is shown ? 
 
 Besides ; the World is wide ; and there are other peoples in it 
 beside those of the United States. And in these higher prob 
 lems of Social Science, there can and will be emulation among 
 Nations, as well as, and perhaps sooner than between the Pre 
 cincts of the same Nation. 
 
 The suggestions of Social Science are sometimes alleged to be 
 impracticable, because not put forth by any great politician or 
 political party. But that was equally true once, of every re 
 form that has ever been accomplished. Reforms begin in moral 
 powers, but after being morally successful, they are adopted by 
 political parties, by one party or by several. Those who are 
 best to think, are not the best to act. 
 
 Moreover, scarcely anything can be more censurable, than this 
 habit of always crying out at every suggestion of improvement, 
 impracticable ! impracticable ! Would it not be better for our 
 " wiseacres" to spend their energies in the consideration of prin 
 ciples, and of what things would be useful, and how to make 
 them practicable, rather than in this eternal speculation about 
 what will be successful ? And hardly any minor matter hinders 
 improvement so much as this eternally choking down every 
 thought of, and every aspiration for, something better, under 
 the chilling contempt of impracticable ! impracticable. 
 
 And after all, we beg to remind our readers, that we have 
 
124 BK - L SUMMARY INTRODUCTION. II. XIII. 
 
 very little concern about practicability. The law of right, as 
 Spencer says, will not be still npfr be altered, by our imperfec 
 tions, or present inability to fulfill it. Our business is to endeavor 
 to study out what is right, and what ought to be ; and then to 
 leave practicabilities to Time, to God, and to the statesmen, 
 deeply feeling however, that all that moralists can do in regard 
 to men individually or govern mentally, is to point out and 
 urge upon them, their duties, and then pray for them : and those 
 societies which after all, will not do the good, will certainly reap 
 the evil, socially as well as individually. Social Science pro 
 poses to accomplish its good effects, only indirectly. In this 
 respect it is like the relation of Theology to piety. Nothing 
 but the Divine spirit, working in the patriotism and equity of 
 the people, can peacefully develop the powers which would be 
 able and willing to accomplish thorough reforms. 
 
 There are many other points that might have been touched 
 upon in this Introduction, but we have endeavored all along, to 
 defer them to their respective places in the subsequent parts, and 
 to retain in the Introduction only such thoughts as are either too 
 general, or too complex, to find appropriate places anywhere 
 else. Hence its parts sometimes may have seemed fragmentary. 
 And so on the other hand, of the ideas that have been set forth 
 in the Introduction, but few will be touched upon in the remain 
 ing parts, and but seldom, except when giving them as the 
 topics of further elucidation. 
 
BOOK II. 
 
 THE PKEOINCT. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 GENERAL VIEW OF THE THEORY OF THE 
 PRECINCT. 
 
 CHAP. I. PREFACE. 
 
 IN" order now to understand our idea of a Precinct, all the 
 usual legal idea and identification of Precinct with Corporation, 
 must be entirely banished and annulled. And almost every 
 thing that a Corporation is, a Precinct, according to our theory, 
 is NOT. See Corporation I. (A) & II. 1. 1 to Y. But a Pre 
 cinct is as much a fundamental Element or Unit of society, as 
 Individual or as Family or as Nation. Furthermore, in order 
 to get the true idea of a Precinct, we must presuppose a general 
 knowledge of the Individual, the Family and the Social Circle; 
 which Elements, for convenience' sake, we postpone the consid 
 eration of for- the present. 
 
 Precincts are neighborhoods organized into civil governments ; 
 they are territories within territories ; they are parts of a tribe 
 or Nation, and are not self-existent. In other words, Precincts 
 are the organizations of the neighborhood principle, in civil 
 government. They might be compared with the " states" of the 
 American Union, by calling them very small and REFORMED 
 "states." 
 
 The Precinct is the fourth fundamental Element or "person 
 ality" of society, as determined in our Analytics. It is also the 
 fourth UNIT as mentioned in the ascending series of the six 
 great Units. That series is thus : Individual, Family, Social 
 Circle, Precinct, Nation, Mankind. 
 
 But Precinct must be completely distinguished (in oar theory) 
 from Corporation, which is of a different genus, and is the 
 
 125 
 
126 BK. II. PRECIXCT. 1. II. 
 
 seventh Element of the Analytics. Yet Corporation is ever 
 tending towards becoming a Unit, that is to say, a fundamental 
 element, but yet cannot be assumed to be entirely fundamental, 
 at least this early in the science, nor this early in the progress of 
 the human race. 
 
 As was said before, the Tribe-principle of human society, is, 
 in the early ages, undeveloped and unanalyzed ; but in the later 
 ages, this Tribe-principle develops into heterogeneity, and takes 
 three distinct forms, namely, Social Circle, Precinct, and Corpo 
 ration. The Precinct therefore, is a fundamental element both 
 .of Developed Society and of the Tribe-principle. 
 
 Of our great six Units of society, only two are political in the 
 full sense of the term, namely, Precinct and Nation. Of these 
 two, which may therefore be called the fundamental political 
 elements of society, the lowest, or the first one in order, is the 
 Precinct, namely, the element now immediately before us. Again, 
 of these six Units, three are Units of Locality, namely, Pre 
 cinct, Nation, and Mankind; and of these three, Precinct of 
 course is the smallest and lowest. To determine the size of the 
 Locality and the extent of the population of a Precinct, are 
 problems attempted in a subsequent part of this article. But 
 an exact definition of a "Precinct" in our theory, cannot be 
 given intelligibly, without further knowledge of the theory itself. 
 
 We will now give ; First : A general view of the Theory 
 of the Precinct. Second : Some special Arguments for this 
 Theory. Third : A conclusion pointing towards some partial 
 Practical applications of the Theory, possible in, (without an 
 alteration of the Constitution of,) the United States. 
 
 CHAP. II. HISTORICAL STATEMENT. 
 
 1 . In General History. 
 
 The history of states and Nations in a living progression, 
 constantly tends to meet the changing problems of a larger popu 
 lation, for the same territory and for the same representation. 
 And this produces fundamental changes of some of the princi 
 ples and rights of the governments themselves. And the great 
 est cause or source of social and political evils, is, adhering to 
 "worn out" systems, whose utility is more and more passing 
 away by the merely natural growth of society itself. 
 
HISTORICAL STATEMENT. 127 
 
 Non-subdivision for fundamental Units, and especially for 
 Precincts, seems to us to be the greatest general cause of social 
 decay. 
 
 The decay of Nations in general, it is true, is attributed to 
 various causes : but writers seem to have passed by with little or 
 no attention, that great cause which has operated in and over 
 all the others. 
 
 At the spontaneous origin and foundation of government, we 
 find the separate Localities or Precincts to have great power 
 within themselves and over their own territories. But in the 
 course of time, population increases, Precincts which had small 
 populations come to have large. Thus it follows, that laws 
 which were suitable for the former, are no longer suitable for 
 the latter; the country and the government become rife with 
 cruelty and corruption; new and more stringent laws are added, 
 in the vain hope of stemming the tide of new evils. Also, old 
 and bad laws which could not be enforced at all, because of the 
 sparseness of population and its uncivilized independence, and 
 whose crudity was balanced by their impracticability, now be 
 come practicable against honest and orderly citizens, and become 
 enforced against them ; whilst the dishonest, the disorderly and 
 those who still continue uncivilized in heart, escape. Thus vice 
 is rewarded, and honesty and virtue punished ; and thus, classes 
 of outlaws are fostered and nourished in the midst of civiliza 
 tion. Then, more laws are tried, and laws are heaped upon 
 laws; as the Precincts, now called states, become more and more 
 populous. 
 
 The state, in each case at first, is merely a little band of ac 
 quaintances. But gradually the population increases, the "state" 
 becomes a great and complex political body; it never subdivides, 
 but the overgrown and .still growing enormous complexity, and 
 distant and unfeeling organization, still continues to regard itself 
 as the fit source of all absolutism, and the fountain of all civil 
 power. For convenience' sake to be sure, counties and townships 
 are organized ; but not as subdivisions of the state, or of the 
 original fountains of right, but only as mere organs of the over 
 grown state, and dependent upon the absolute will of the great 
 power, as to every thing IT chooses to exercise that power for. 
 
 All the while, the simple common sense expedient is over- 
 
128 BK - IL PRECINCT. I. II. 
 
 looked, of merely dividing and subdividing the states, as fast 
 as necessary to keep pace with the increase in the numbers of, 
 and also with the increase in the density of, the population. 
 For, simple increase in density of population, increases the op 
 portunities both to conceal crimes and to commit them ; and 
 hence, as the population increases at one rate, the subdivisions 
 should increase at a greater rate, thus, to counteract the in 
 creased facilities for evil, made numerous, partly by mere density 
 and its attendant subdivision of occupation, and partly by mere 
 numbers ; the necessity caused by competition, of each one's at 
 tending more and more exclusively to his own business, and con 
 sequently neglecting public affairs and general culture ; and the 
 necessarily increasing ignorance as to the character of the indi 
 viduals, and as to the secret aims and motives of the various 
 politicians and their parties. 
 
 If now, on the other hand, the subdivision into new states 
 had more than kept pace with the increase of population, and 
 had also been regulated in proportion to increased density, then 
 the natural ingenuity of men would have devised practical and 
 successful methods, ever new, and ever varying, as might be 
 necessary, to counteract the new and old evils aiming to grow 
 up or to hide themselves in the new phenomena of progressive 
 society and advancing civilization. 
 
 This subdivision of Precincts (or states) is just as necessary 
 as the subdivision of Families. Here again the Family is the 
 type of society. And we notice this to be the case, even in the 
 peculiar points relating to density and to advanced civilization. 
 In the early stages of society we find married children remain 
 ing with their parents, and the Family consisting of two or 
 more sets of sub-Families, and quite numerous; but as the num 
 bers and density increase, this complication of the Family be 
 comes less and less frequent^ but gradually, the formation of 
 every new Family, or even the attainment to maturity without 
 marriage, causes men, as they become able, to go out and form 
 new Families or new social connections of some kind. Thus, 
 the natural history of the Family, typifies what that of the Pre 
 cinct ought to be. 
 
 2. In United-States-History. 
 
 The average population of each of the states, at the time of 
 
HISTORICAL STATEMENT. 129 
 
 the American Revolution, was not greater than 250,000. Sev 
 eral had but 70,000. The present average is over one million 
 (1,000,000). Some, as New York, Pennsylvania, &c., have 
 from three to five millions. And the course of things has the 
 same bad tendency. 
 
 The population of an average congressional district is at pres 
 ent about 150,000, and will increase; because the number of 
 representatives is limited by the nature of things. Contrast 
 these numbers with the numbers represented in the early stages 
 of our Republic, and we find that now, each representative dis 
 trict contains about ten times the number of persons it then did. 
 
 And furthermore, considering affairs within the Precinct, we 
 remember that some of the little colonies of America, settled by 
 our forefathers, and consisting of only a few hundreds of in 
 habitants to each, were carefully and well managed, by the prin 
 ciple of direct Democracy, and the submission of the laws to the 
 direct vote of the people, who all resided within convenient dis 
 tance of each other. Thus our constitutions were made, only 
 providing for states with populations of an average of only 
 about 70,000, and they a scattered plain industrious country 
 people, living close to nature and to social realities, and not used 
 to " shams." But now the states have become so large that the 
 citizens cannot possibly have any intimate knowledge of, nor 
 much feeling of intimacy towards, each other. Yet we ignore 
 the fundamental changes involved, we give the same rights to 
 these larger bodies that the smaller originally possessed ; and 
 this, without the knowledge, the neighborly feeling, the mutual 
 observations, or the sincere naturalness, inseparable from small 
 country populations and communities living and working in 
 close neighborhood. 
 
 The states and their constitutions were originally reactions 
 against civil, feudal, and religious tyranny. And against ab 
 sentee government, so generally worse than a present govern 
 ment. The settlements also had a peculiar origin, having been 
 made chiefly by peculiar classes, viz. : adventurers for gold, 
 persecuted religious sects, &c. 
 
 And subsequently to the revolutionary war, the Constitution 
 of the United States, was itself an apparently necessary reaction 
 against entirely indep ende-.it and quarreling states ; not necessa- 
 
 9 
 
130 BK > IL PRECINCT. I. II. 
 
 rily confederated too little, but without power to administer their 
 confederation-laws AT ALL. This reaction, like the reactions 
 of society generally, is an extreme. It has failed in what it 
 sought, namely, the permanency of Union without internal war. 
 But, the consolidation or centralization which it shunned, is 
 coming upon us by the natural growth of so large a body, and 
 by the necessary circumstances of purchasing new territory, and 
 maintaining the Union by war, and the extreme reactionaiy 
 theories consequent thereupon. 
 
 The rights of Precincts are inalienable in principle, and un 
 quenchable in feeling. And the violation thereof is almost sure 
 sooner or later to bring bloodshed. The real cause of the 
 American Rebellion, was a neglect of Precinct and corporation 
 rights by both North and South. The Northern free-men 
 WOULD go among slaves and preach insubordination ; and the 
 Southerners demanded to go and to take their slaves with them 
 any where they pleased. It was not the demand of the South 
 erners to take their slaves to the new territories, but the claim 
 to go North to arrest fugitives, and even to take the slaves with 
 them through and into the free North, that really "fired the 
 Northern heart." 
 
 These views might, at one time, have seemed to imply a vain 
 claim of every little Precinct to " secede." But now, the con 
 trary doctrine being settled by war, makes this question less 
 difficult. The arrangement into small states, such as our theory 
 proposes, would have prevented any great attempt at secession ; 
 and the present " United States," if organized into very much 
 smaller states, would make even the IDEA of " State-Right Se 
 cession" quite preposterous. And the smaller the Precincts are 
 made, the more preposterous would be such a claim. But this 
 subject is considered subsequently in this book. 
 
 The real justification for interference by the Nation, with the 
 affairs of the Slave-Precincts, is that these latter totally ignored 
 'the rights of the colored race either to Precincts or to Corpora 
 tions. I mean this would be a justification in time of peace, 
 
RELATIONS TO THE SEVEN ELEMENTS. 131 
 
 CHAP. III. RELATIONS TO THE OTHER ELEMENTS OF THE 
 ANALYTICS. 
 
 1. Relations to the Six Units. 
 
 We have endeavored in the Summary Introduction, to estab 
 lish the doctrine that there are six natural Units or measures of 
 right, or as Mulford might call them " Moral personalities," in 
 herent in the constitution of society, namely, Individual, Family, 
 Social Circle, Precinct, Nation and Mankind; and that each 
 unit is typical of all those above it, and vice-versa. Accordingly 
 no one unit has any such superior right over the one next below 
 it, but what that in turn has a similar right over the one below 
 IT ; and so on. If there are any exceptions to this, they are in 
 favor of the two extreme units, namely, one, Mankind, as the 
 whole and absolutely the superior ; the other, the Individual, as 
 the ultimate social atom not capable of any further social sub 
 division. Therefore nationality cannot absorb Precinct-rights, 
 any more than Family can absorb Individual rights, or any one 
 element absorb the other's rights. It is therefore error, to en 
 deavor as some do, to take away the natural rights of Precincts 
 and to enumerate them as if they were mere corporations, and 
 to single out the Nation as the only unit having real and original 
 governmental power. Because all Precincts are " free and equal" 
 in their sphere, as Individuals are so, or, as Nations are. 
 
 The sovereignty of a Nation over its Precincts consists, not in 
 any wizard power or talis manic right of the idea, Nation, but 
 simply in a VASTLY superior DEGREE of power over the same 
 locality ; hence, of the same sort of power, and with the same 
 sort of right, as would be exercised by any very large, say Conti 
 nental Coalition of Nations. We have had foreshado wings and 
 intimations of such coalitions in the past history of Europe, but 
 only intimations. The empire of Russia is also an exhibit of 
 the principle in a more permanent form. Degree in biology and 
 in sociology it is true, (as was said in the Introduction), is more 
 important than kind. But in this case it is also true, that the 
 KIND of power which Nation exercises over Precinct^is the. same 
 as Coalition, Confederacy or Empire exercises over Nation. 
 And the vast difference in the DEGREE of power between the 
 inferior and the superior, is what constitutes the right in each 
 case, and therefore Nation cannot plead it, as against Precinct. 
 
132 B . K - II- PRECINCT. I. III. 
 
 We may add, that the coalitions and empires above men 
 tioned, are themselves, to the Nations, foreshadowings and 
 intimations of the Unit Mankind. And, should the time ever 
 arrive when Mankind itself would form into a Coalition or 
 Empire, IT would exercise much more power ovQr those other 
 Coalitions and Empires, than those Coalitions had exercised 
 over Nations (for coalitions are not Units), and would exercise 
 at least AS much power and right over the Nations, as they were 
 doing over Precincts. Whether such a union of all Mankind 
 is possible or not, before the coming of that Great Man " who 
 is Lord of the whole earth," we cannot say, but suppose not. 
 Yet the reference illustrates the principle. 
 
 Again as to the relation of counties and townships to prov 
 inces, and of provinces to states, and of states to Nations, we 
 may derive the true light from the basis of our fundamental 
 analogy, namely, the Family. A single Family occupies a 
 certain locality, several such Families form a neighborhood, 
 several neighborhoods a township, and so on, up to the general 
 Nation. 
 
 We cannot find here, any such clumsy arrangement as a prov 
 ince a State or a Nation, (that is, an institution nearly at the end 
 or summit of the political scale), being regarded as the foundation 
 and source of all government rights, and upon which all others 
 must depend, whether above it or below it. The Family-analogy 
 carried out, shows us that what are called "state-rights" begin 
 with the Family, and must gradually lessen with each step as 
 you go up, till the general government itself is reached. In 
 other words in general, each neighborhood must have the same 
 power to freely fulfill its own methods, as a state itself has, so 
 far as consistent with the rights of other Precincts; and still 
 more generally we may say, that such are all the rights that any 
 state has, or any Nation, or even, any World. 
 
 It may be observed that largeness of power in Precincts, by 
 no means involves the theory that they must be regarded as the 
 superior source or origin of governmental powers. For instance, 
 the feudal system, in its origin, most clearly and fully was based 
 upon the theory that all power descended from the supreme or 
 national government downwards ; and yet, it gave the utmost 
 amount of liberty to each of its subdivisions of powers ; so that 
 
RELATIONS TO THE SEVEN ELEMENTS. 133 
 
 the inferior was only required to make acknowledgments of the 
 inferiority, and to aid the superior in war. This is analogous to 
 the Divine Government itself: all power coming down from 
 God in theory, yet the utmost liberty is given to the Individual 
 in practice. [Blackstone, B. I. ch. 4.] 
 
 But of course, the general or national government is to exercise 
 the same restraining power over Precincts, that it does over In 
 dividuals ; that is, power restraining them from trespassing on 
 the rights or " equal liberty of other" Precincts, or on the rights 
 of removal of all Individuals who either are or ought to be 
 citizens of other Precincts. 
 
 The Precinct or Neighborhood principle, is the main modern 
 enlargement of the tribe-idea. And the tribe-idea is originally 
 the essence of the state. A familiar example is found in the 
 Scottish Nation, which was composed of many clans, each having 
 a separate government under its chief, although they were sub 
 servient to the authority of their king. Tribes then are the 
 original elements of Nations. And the centralization principle, 
 carried to the extreme of claiming the Nation to be the source 
 of civil power, is the result merely of military power and 
 monarchical marriages. (See Paley's Political Philosophy, Bk. 
 6, ch. 1.) 
 
 Our theory is not at all the theory of the Paris Communists; 
 for their theory ignores the elementary necessity of the Nation, 
 and desires to recognize only Precincts confederated throughout 
 the world, independently and irrespectively of the principle of 
 nationality. Another point of difference, is, that the Paris Com- 
 munisjts ignore the elementary character of the Social Circle, 
 and aim to destroy all such circles. Other points of difference 
 are, that the Paris Commune ignores the elementary character 
 and fundamental rights of the Individual and of the Family. It 
 denies the freedom and rights of Corporation. It also ignores 
 THE DUTIES of Corporation, and the intimate relations existing 
 between LARGE cities and their Nation, as pointed out in an 
 other part of this article on the Precinct : for the totality of a 
 large city is, in essence, a national corporation, although the 
 separate Precincts of which a city consists are not so. Further 
 more, the Paris Commune subverts all the elements of society 
 except only one, namely, an iron bound, tyrannical and special 
 
134 BK - II- PRECINCT. I. III. 
 
 form of the Precinct. Furthermore, that Commune is so utterly 
 at variance with our whole theory, scientifically, metaphysically, 
 morally and religiously, as scarcely to be susceptible even of 
 comparison with it. 
 
 Our theory of the relation of Precincts to the Nation, namely, 
 many centers instead of one, is the same principle applied to 
 government, which Carey applies so successfully to economy. 
 Indeed, his system of decentralization of the places of manu 
 factures and commerce and intellect, would be greatly promoted 
 by ours, of decentralizing the places of government. Never 
 theless, the bases of the two theories are different : his basis, is, 
 upon property and utility ; ours, is, upon personality and human 
 rights. 
 
 2. Excess of centralization. 
 
 A work has lately appeared by Mr. E. Mulford, on "The 
 Nation." Although learned and conceived in an Orthodox 
 spirit, and having a similarly high moral aim as our work, yet 
 it seems to ignore the fundamental rights of the Precinct. It 
 recognizes but one political unit or integer, that of the Nation. 
 It seems in some places to use the word commonwealth in a 
 sense approximating that of our word Precinct. It maintains 
 that the " Nation is the institution of rights/' even including the 
 right of property therein, (pp. 94 and 95.) This is a fearful 
 " variation" on Paley's perverted but yet general assertion, that 
 the foundation of the right of property (at least in land) is "in 
 the law." It claims a right of the Nation to interfere even 
 with the Family relation : and yet it says, " the Family exists 
 in an organic relation to the Nation," (p. 284.) And yet small 
 as the rights of the Family are admitted to be, it reduces the 
 rights of the "commonwealth" to an indefinitely lower degree. 
 Thus it says, " In the processes of society, the Family exists in 
 an organic, and the commonwealth in a formal relation to the 
 Nation." And again, in table of contents it says, " the com 
 monwealth is the civil corporation." And again (p. 307) it 
 says, " the commonwealth is a formal organization." 
 
 We answer, that Mr. Mulford continually through the work, 
 confuses the idea of government, with that particular part or 
 organ of government called the Nation, and claims for IT all the 
 blessings and benefits that are usually claimed for any depart- 
 
RELATIONS TO THE SEVEN ELEMENTS. 135 
 
 ment of government. Our whole work and general theory are 
 so very different from his, that we cannot even contrast one with 
 the other in any better way than by saying, that ours is founded 
 on six foundations, and his on only one. We could easily prove 
 that all he says of the substance of the Nation, is equally true 
 of the substance of the Precinct, in its due proportion. (See his 
 first chapter.) We argue that the Precinct also " is founded in 
 the nature of man, is a relationship, is a continuity, is an or 
 ganism, is a conscious organism, is a moral organism, is a moral 
 personality :" and all quite as truly so, as the Nation. 
 
 Mr. Mulford's theory in another part- is, that the distinction 
 between the rights of a commonwealth (or Precin -^ and those 
 of the Nation, consists in this, that the Nation has the political, 
 and the commonwealth the civil rights. But what is the guar 
 antee of civil rights, when political rights are denied? This 
 question may be asked, as well where the rights of Precincts are 
 ignored, as where those of individuals are so. And the pre 
 tence that civil rights are sufficient without political rights to 
 guarantee them, belongs to a past age. Accordingly, all the 
 military rights of the Precinct, except as police, are ignored 
 by him : thus (p. 299) he says, " When the governor is repre 
 sented as the ( commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the 
 commonwealth/ the office is not further defined." * * * The 
 title he says " is a name for which there is no reality, and except 
 for lawyers it leads beyond all soundings." * * * " And the 
 governor in this character, on the streams to which he may be 
 confined, is like Wordsworth's fisherman, ( tricked out in proud 
 disguise' " (!) 
 
 But then again, this distinction between (t political" and 
 "civil," is insufficient, even according to Mr. Mulford. And 
 not only does the Nation- possess concurrent civil powers, but 
 also superior ones ; and this he argues, even to the extent of 
 interfering with the Family, which even he admits to be a sep 
 arate integer (or unit) of society. Accordingly (pp. 297, 298) 
 he says : " The administration in divorce * * * passes consist 
 ently to the commonwealth, but the Nation has an immediate 
 obligation in the maintenance of the Family, * * * and if it fails 
 to attain this, in its action through the commonwealth, it is im 
 perative that it shall assume its immediate authority." Again, 
 
136 BK - IL PRECINCT. I. III. 
 
 in regard to education in the public schools, he says, " while the 
 administration of a system of education may be referred to the 
 commonwealth, its institution is of national importance, and 
 also of national obligation ; and in the defect of the common 
 wealth, its authorization should proceed from the Nation/ 7 
 
 In another place (p. 315), Mulford draws the distinction be 
 tween "State" and "Nation" to be between "civil" and "moral' 7 ; 
 making the Nation the moral organism. (! suppose he means, 
 moral unit.) According to this theory, the Nation is both the 
 political and moral unit of supremacy. But as a whole, Mr. 
 Mulford's theory is all -summed up in the distinction of a " cen 
 tral government and a local administration ;" but yet he refuses 
 to accept that as the statement of his theory, and he devotes one 
 page (viz. 317), to arguing against a theory that underlies and is 
 the foundation of his whole book ; for there are but three other 
 possible theories of state-rights, as he says, (p. 309,) and he ob 
 jects to them all ; and endeavors to avoid the difficulty by saying 
 (p. 309) that " the relation (between State and Nation) is funda 
 mental that it is a necessary conception," but that "only in 
 their substance" this relation is realized ; and charging that 
 these other theories' comprise mainly the phases which the 
 subject has assumed in "abstract speculations and legal pre 
 sumptions." This is as if the discussion of an abstract prin 
 ciple was adjourned in the supreme court, and transferred to the 
 patent office to find a model ! For it is with " abstract specula 
 tions/ 7 that we are dealing : and the charge of " legal presump 
 tion 77 belongs to the other side. 
 
 " We agree that the relation is fundamental, 77 and that " this 
 relation is realized only in their necessary conception. 77 But 
 the question is, which relation is fundamental, and what is the 
 necessary conception of it? A re-perusal of his preface, more 
 especially of pp. V and vi, seems to show that much of his dif 
 ficulty arises from confusing the laws of social science which 
 treat of its progress as a science, with th^ laws which treat of 
 the progress of society itself. We have endeavored to point 
 out the distinction between these things, in our Introduction 
 even from its very beginning. But we also feel that he is 
 systematically and upon principle, partial to the claims of 
 nationality; ! ecause, when giving the rights of a Nation, he 
 
ABSTRACT AND DIRECT STATEMENT. 137 
 
 claims for it a right to acquire foreign territory without paying 
 much attention to the wishes of the territory to be acquired, but 
 in giving the rights of a State he does claim for it a right not 
 to be alienated or transferred. And what else does this mean, 
 but that we have a right to acquire peaceably a state from Great 
 Britain, Spain, Germany, &c. ; but that they have not a right to 
 acquire a state from us ? And what is this but the old egotistic 
 Americanism, that said, foreigners had a right to be naturalized 
 into the United States, yet that a citizen of the United States 
 could not be naturalized into any other Nation ? But later de 
 cisions of our Supreme Court have reversed this old egotism, as 
 to the Individual ; and Social Science is reversing this theory as 
 to States. The same unwritten constitution which allowed us to 
 acquire Louisiana and Florida, without even precedent, would 
 also allow us, if great necessity arose and the consent of a state 
 were given, to transfer it to some other Nation, or to give it total 
 separation. But of course, the expediency is -quite another ques 
 tion. Nor would our principles apply to the alienation of any state 
 except what was on the borders, as Louisiana and Florida were. 
 
 This much, however, we grant to Mr. Mulford's claims for 
 the Nation. If a Precinct neglects its duties of education, or 
 morality, the Nation has a right to use reasonable MORAL means, 
 instruction, persuasion, &c., to produce improvement therein. 
 And furthermore, the Nation has a right to enforce, that no 
 Individual or Family or Social Circle shall be forcibly and 
 unjustly deprived of its rights by a Precinct. Yet still these 
 rights may sometimes be nothing more than a right to compen 
 sated emigration. 
 
 Furthermore we admit, that after Precincts were restored to 
 their natural rights, as fundamental Units; then much of what 
 Mr. Mulford says of "commonwealths" would be true. For 
 then commonwealths would be, what LARGE cities also ought to 
 be regarded, namely, organs of the Nation: but their parts, 
 absolutely as Precincts. 
 
 CHAP. IV. ABSTRACT AXD DIRECT STATEMENT. 
 
 1. In General. , 
 
 Our theory may be stated in its most general expression, thus : 
 Every Locality should be independent of surrounding Locali- 
 
138 BK - n. PRECINCT. I. IV. 
 
 ties, except in tilings which are incompatible with the rights of 
 other Localities, or of Individuals, or with the general progress 
 of the whole. 
 
 The idea may be presented in another way, and one that 
 accords with the common politics of the day, as if foreshadowing 
 a true Precinct self-government. One man advocates, allowing 
 each township to decide for itself, its method of voting, another, 
 its police organization, another, its question of liquor, another, 
 of dogs, another, of sheep, another, of flowers or grain, another, 
 of tobacco, another, of Sunday, another, of church, another, of 
 school, another, of woman suffrage, another, of marriage or 
 divorce, another, of customs of dress and equipage, and so on. 
 Now our theory is, to arrange to let each Precinct judge all these 
 questions together, for itself. And this would merely be a prac 
 tical acknowledgment of the freedom and rights of the Precinct. 
 2. Adaptations. 
 
 Our theory of Social Science reconciles into one, the two prin 
 cipal contending theories. That theory like Spencer's which 
 reduces the powers of government to a minimum, we apply to the 
 supreme government of the whole Nation ; or the highest gen 
 eralization and largest organization of the people. Whilst the 
 other theory, which like that of Comte and many other French 
 men, gives to government the maximum amount and diversity 
 of powers, we apply only to the very smallest local or Precinct 
 organization, whose powers- are somewhat analogous to those of 
 our individual states in the United States. 
 
 And now in order to secure individual liberty as far as pos 
 sible, these Precincts are not only to be made as small as possible, 
 but provision is to be fully made by the general government, for 
 the free safe and practicable removal of every citizen, with the 
 proceeds of his property, except in case of crime as set forth by 
 said general government or at least within limits allowed by it. 
 
 In order to accomplish this result, it would seem necessary to 
 commit to the courts of the general government in each Pre 
 cinct, a concurrent power of Habeas Corpus, and of the sale of 
 property for persons ordered to emigrate, or who perhaps were 
 merely desirous to depart voluntarily. Or else peculiar courts 
 might be organized, composed of one-half Precinct-judges and 
 powers, and one-half general-government-judges and powers; 
 
ABSTRACT AND DIRECT STATEMENT. 139 
 
 with the provision that in case of disagreement, the party should 
 have right to sell and leave, under the general government's 
 authority. 
 
 This arrangement allows every sort of persons to find the?r 
 like, and to reside together and carry on their government on 
 plans that would very nearly enable them to be unanimous, and 
 in Precincts so small as would make it easy for persons to travel 
 from one to another. It is obvious however, that under this 
 arrangement, the banished party should come under heavy pen 
 alties for re-entering his former Precinct without permission ; 
 and extra care should be taken to prevent this result. 
 
 It is easy to see the logical and philosophical relation here, of 
 general-government-authority, to the special Precinct-authority; 
 because the words government and Precinct might be omitted, 
 and we could treat of the subject by simply saying general au 
 thority and special authority, and consistently give the general 
 powers and those for direct general influence, to the general au 
 thority ; and the special power or power for special local pur 
 poses, to the special or limited authority. Thus the mere state 
 ment of the thing, seems a good argument for it. 
 
 3. Resemblance to international relations. 
 
 The minutiae of rules and regulations for inter-Precinct af 
 fairs, would be the same in substance, as those for international 
 affairs, excepting of course, variations occasioned by the differ 
 ences that necessarily exist between Precinct and Nation. And 
 these minutiae would arise in nearly the same manner as inter 
 national law : accordingly the reader is referred to that subject and 
 to NATION, for a consideration of them. The true system of re 
 ciprocal law for Precincts (when exhibited) will be very nearly 
 the true system of international law, when once that system has 
 attained any thing near perfection; ignoring of course the in 
 admissible pretensions of secession. In fact, the best proof of 
 the perfect arrangement and analysis of international law, will 
 be its applicability nearly all through, to the Precinct, and its 
 allowing both subjects to be treated together, pointing out their 
 general sameness, and their occasional differences. 
 
 A prominent feature of the theory is or should be, that Pre 
 cincts should be allowed to form new confederations among 
 themselves, under certain restrictions. The progress of society 
 
140 BK - IL PRECINCT. I. V. 
 
 demands, that all circles or Precincts or associations of men, who 
 are desirous or willing to do better to one another than human 
 nature at large will as yet justify, must necessarily enter into 
 mutual arrangements. This is the basis of all our great national 
 and international beneficial orders, such as Odd Fellows, Ma 
 sons, &c. Of course, nothing secret is meant or implied, in the 
 Precinct-organization. This way of doing more justly and truly 
 to one another, can only become general, by first exhibiting its 
 superiority, by being adopted on the condition that each shall do 
 so to the other. Therefore the preventing of such combinations 
 in small Precincts, is absolutely preventing the progress of so 
 ciety in its best moral features. 
 
 In forming these leagues, no restriction is mentioned that 
 they must be adjoining, nor need they be, because their small- 
 ness is the protection against rebellion. A limit might be placed 
 to the number that should enter into any one league, so long as 
 any danger was apprehended from such a source. 
 
 CHAP. V. THEORY OF AMALGAMS. 
 
 1 . Description of Amalgams. 
 
 By an Amalgam we mean a small Precinct with fundamental 
 natural powers ; but yet so leagued with each of its IMMEDIATELY 
 contiguous Precincts that its power is partly limited by them, 
 and on the mutual condition that each of the other Precincts is 
 limited by the same PRINCIPLE, but of course not limited by 
 exactly the same identical Precincts, for that would be geograph 
 ically impossible with the principle. As the idea appears to be 
 original with us, we will try to make it plain. 
 
 The legislature and government of each Precinct, (which we 
 might call its Amalgam-Directors,) might consist of one or two 
 or four or of some even number of persons, chosen by each adjoin 
 ing Precinct, together with a number chosen by the Precinct 
 itself, equal to the total of those chosen by all the adjoining 
 Precincts. Thus for instance, if a Precinct were surrounded by 
 and contiguous to, say four adjoining Precincts, which is about as 
 small a number as is usually probable; and if each such Precinct 
 furnished two directors, that would be eight, and the Precinct 
 itself should appoint the other eight, and thus the smallest common 
 Board of Amalgam-Directors for any Precinct would be sixteen. 
 
THEORY OF AMALGAMS. 141 
 
 Almost the only cases in which the number of Precincts in 
 any one Amalgam, would be less than four, would be the cases 
 of Precincts on the frontiers of any Nation. In these cases, 
 each given Precinct would have at least one sjde, namely the for 
 eign side, which would not be adjoined by another Precinct of 
 the same Nation. In such cases, the wisdom of a national gov 
 ernment would be to plan the division, of the Precincts on the 
 frontiers, with special reference to this difficulty, so that no Pre 
 cinct need ever have less than three others, and seldom less than 
 four others adjoining it. On the frontiers the Nation should 
 appoint a share of the Amalgam-Directors. 
 
 A regular rectangular division into Precincts, similar to the 
 plan of government surveys of public lands, would make every 
 internal Precinct to be surrounded by eight others, and then the 
 minimum of Amalgam-Directors would be sixteen: or if two 
 from each, then thirty-two. 
 
 The special reason for an even number from each Precinct is, 
 that thereby some balance of power might exist, say one half of 
 each may be elected by the elder persons and the other half by 
 younger persons ; or any other balance that might be proper. 
 
 The number might be increased to four, and then a possibility 
 would arise of having majority votes of each Precinct, if that 
 be considered any advantage, although it is not so considered by 
 the writer. 
 
 The total Directors elected by the Precinct itself, should be so 
 arranged, that each (say) two of them, together with the corre 
 sponding two from the any one of the other specified Precincts 
 in regard to and with which there was any particular matter, 
 should be a joint committee to superintend and arrange all minor 
 difficulties, intercourse and joint operations, exclusively concern 
 ing and between their own two specified Precincts themselves ; 
 subject of course, in important cases, to the confirmation or re 
 fusal of their proceedings by the Amalgam-Directors of either 
 or both the Precincts concerned, and to other legal action. 
 2. Argument for Amalgams. 
 
 The description already given seems to contain a pretty good 
 argument of itself. The spirit to " do unto others as you would 
 that they should do unto you," must have its governmental form. 
 Leagues of an original and peculiar kind between ADJOINING 
 
142 BK - IL PRECINCT. I. VI. 
 
 Precincts, are absolutely necessary. Every Precinct, as it if- 
 LOCALLY the centre of a neighborhood of Precincts, and also 
 is a part of the neighborhood of every contiguous Precinct, so 
 it should be made LEGALLY such. In other words, every Pre 
 cinct should be the centre of a small Amalgam, or small council 
 of amalgamated political and civil authority, exercising propor 
 tions of the. power of all the Precincts in the Amalgam, but yet 
 exercising that power on only the central one of each Amalgam. 
 
 The Amalgam, in the first place, is necessary for the sake of 
 police uses chiefly, and to prevent offenders from escaping with 
 impunity into adjoining Precincts before a proper police can be 
 called. But there are also other advantages. The Amalgam 
 would also prevent any one Precinct from deviating too widely 
 or too suddenly from its immediate neighbors ; such overwide 
 deviations shocking the consciences of neighbors, or producing 
 riots or other great evils. 
 
 Society is not a manufacture nor a building, but a growth and 
 a life. Hence the old method of counties subdivided into in 
 dependent Precincts, which make a merely mechanical structure, 
 can never be a proper or perfect form for life-processes. What 
 we propose here, is strictly analogous to the interchange of pro 
 cesses of living bodies. This organization is entirely different 
 from the common one, whether of States or Nations, and is per 
 fectly analogous to the life of Individuals and also of Families. 
 Each one is the centre of one life, and at the same time, is an 
 adjunct in the periphery of every contiguous one. But yet, the 
 Amalgam is not itself a Fundamental Unit of society. But the 
 Precinct is that Unit. Nor is this theory of Amalgams any es 
 sential part of our general Theory of the Precinct ; but is only 
 one of its higher susceptibilities, and one which would be likely 
 to develop out of necessary inter-Precinct police organizations. 
 
 CHAP. VI. COMPARISON WITH STATES UNDER THE CONSTI 
 TUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 1 . The most obvious points. 
 
 (a) In general The comparison of the Precinct-system here 
 proposed, with the present states under the U. S., may be 
 summed up by saying, that some of the powers of each indi 
 vidual state (i.e., small Precinct,) would be assigned to the Pre- 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 143 
 
 cinct, or to the Amalgam with its surrounding Precincts ; and 
 some of these powers would be assigned to the Nation : whilst 
 on the other hand, some of the powers of the Nation would be 
 assigned to the individual Precinct, or to its Amalgam with its 
 surrounding Precincts. 
 
 No Precinct would be in amalgam or league with only one set 
 of Precincts ; because every one of them would form a part of 
 as many different Amalgams, as it touched Precincts which sur 
 rounded it, plus one more necessary Amalgam, namely, the one 
 of which the Precinct was itself the centre ; and perhaps, plus 
 such additional leagues, as under the national permission, it 
 might form voluntarily with Precincts not touching it: but this 
 latter is much less natural than the other. 
 
 In this comparison with the States of our Union, we may say 
 in general, the difference between the system of Precincts, and 
 that of the States in the Union, consists in the vastness of their 
 number, smallness of their size, arid the consequent facility of 
 individual removal, secured by the national guarantees, com 
 manding that Individuals should be compensated by the Pre 
 cincts ordering removals. By these differences, free choices are 
 secured for all, a new element of government is introduced, new 
 organs created, new functions performed, and harmony and 
 peace secured in the consciousness of personality in every Indi 
 vidual, joined with mutual respect for the personality of all 
 other persons. 
 
 Every Precinct or small neighborhood, possesses by nature, 
 and should have granted to it by law, the same rights for the 
 most part, that the constitution of the United States grants to 
 its States severally. But the very diminished size of our pro 
 posed states, makes necessary a number of alterations or excep 
 tions from the state-rights granted under the constitution ; and 
 some of these alterations are diminutions of local power, and 
 some are increases thereof; in other words, some " state-rights" 
 should be allotted to the Nation and others to the Precincts. 
 We may illustrate our general theory, by pointing out in detail, 
 a few of these differences from the present government of the 
 United States, upon the following named subjects. 
 
 (b) Inter-Precinct affairs. The first class of differences con 
 sists of inter-Precinct relations. The first difference, however, 
 
144 BK - n. PRECINCT, i. vi. 
 
 might become very radical in nature. We do not regard any 
 one Locality as being independent of the Localities which im 
 mediately adjoin it. The Precinct itself can only have a legiti 
 mate government, by admitting more or less political power to 
 be exercised within it, by its immediately adjoining Precincts; 
 and it in turn exercising a reciprocal power on each of them in 
 Amalgams such as we have described above. 
 
 The exact amount or proportion of this kind of inter-Precinct 
 power, is not easy to determine, previously to experiment, unless 
 by instinct. To us it appears that each Precinct should have an 
 exactly EQUAL amount of political power to that of the SUM of 
 the powers of all its immediately adjoining and contiguous Pre 
 cincts. But to carry out this idea rigidly, according to the argu 
 ments we shall hereafter pursue, would make it necessary to have 
 each Amalgam or congeries of Precincts, as small as we there 
 advocate for the single Precincts ; and would indeed make the 
 single Precinct so small, as to make the theory at present appear 
 visionary. 
 
 For the " present distress" therefore, we need only advocate 
 a congeries of police arrangements for Precincts. The police 
 of each Precinct should be allowed to enter its adjoining Pre 
 cincts when in pursuit of offenders immediately after the offence. 
 Or still better, a consolidated police should be chosen for each 
 Precinct, by an authority consisting, one-half of delegates from 
 the immediately adjoining Precincts, and one-half by the Pre 
 cinct itself in which they are to act more immediately, with the 
 privilege of extending th,eir pursuits of criminals freely into the 
 immediately adjoining Precincts. Some clauses of the constitution 
 of the United States, have only a formal but not a spiritual 
 opposition to our theory; that is to say, their objects are good, 
 but their methods are incompatible with our proposed theory. 
 For instance, "No state shall enter into any treaty, alliance or 
 confederation. And no state shall, without the consent of Con 
 gress, enter into any agreement or compact with another state," 
 &c. Incompatible : Because, no great moral improvements can 
 be made, either by Nations, Precincts or Individuals, only so 
 far as they are allowed and encouraged, to treat their friends or 
 those who do well, better than they treat those who are not 
 their friends or who do not well ; and only as they are allowed 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 145 
 
 thus to treat one another better, on the condition of mutuality 
 or special reciprocity. 
 
 That part of the constitution of the United States, which in 
 spirit is most at variance with our proposed radical theory, is its 
 Article IV., especially the following extracts, 1 : " Full faith 
 and credit shall be given in each state, to the public acts" &c., 
 " of every other state." But under our theory, Precincts, like 
 Individuals, would need to prove their credibility, to the satis 
 faction of other Precincts. And 2 : " Citizens of each state 
 shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens 
 of the several states." But under our theory nothing of the kind 
 would be possible long. For every Precinct would establish 
 its own conditions for citizenship within itself. And 3 : " No 
 new state shall be formed within the jurisdiction of any other 
 state, * * * without the consent * * * of the Congress." But 
 under our theory, Precincts must ever continue to subdivide, 
 with the increase of population. Yet still, the consent of the 
 congress is so far necessary, that it should provide the GENERAL 
 laws and forms of proceeding for such subdivisions. Immi 
 grants and sojourners should be judged by the Precincts into 
 which they voluntarily come. Fugitives should be judged, not 
 by the Precinct whence they escape, but by the Nation. The 
 return of fugitives by force, except for causes approved by the 
 Nation, is absurd: but by treaty with adjoining Precincts, is 
 reasonable. 
 
 In order that each Precinct might have a reasonable oppor 
 tunity to know that the inter- precinct regulations were carried 
 out fairly, and to assist therein ; each should allow one Precinct- 
 consular-agent from each of the immediately adjoining Precincts, 
 to reside therein, at his own convenience, who should have all 
 the immunities of person and Family that foreign consuls have. 
 And the same privilege would have to be granted, of course, to 
 a reasonable number of the agents of the general government. 
 
 Disputes between residents of diiferent Precincts should be 
 settled by parties selected from both, and should be decided 
 according to the principles of arbitration. All disputes wherein 
 a Precinct was interested, should be settled by principles and 
 laws more general than those within the Precinct itself, yet still, 
 according to the principles of arbitration ; whether the contend- 
 
 10 
 
146 BK - IL PRECINCT. I. vi. 
 
 ing party were another Precinct, or whether it were the Nation 
 itself; provided, that constitutional questions, in cases wherein 
 the Nation is a party, should of course be determined by the 
 courts of the Nation itself. Furthermore, all cases of dispute, 
 as to whether any matter belongs to the Nation or not, should 
 be carried by appeal to the national courts. 
 
 There should be provided by the Nation, general laws for 
 the declaration of national roads, &c., for the charter of new 
 roads running through, say three or more Precincts ; but the 
 details should be executed by the Precincts themselves through 
 which they are to pass. But roads between only two Precincts 
 could safely be left to the discretion of the Precincts concerned. 
 
 Rivers and water courses, would come under the law of roads. 
 
 All regulations of travel on roads declared national, should 
 be retained by the Nation, or assigned to the Nation. But not 
 so as to give any traveler a right to halt in objectionable places 
 times or manners, nor remain long nor depart far from the road 
 itself, without the consent of the Precinct. New roads not 
 declared national, entering more than three Precincts; and 
 changes of the location of such, should require the consent of say 
 three-fourths of the Precincts through which the road or changed 
 location is to be made. 
 
 (c) Affairs within the Precinct itself. The other class of dif 
 ferences that would have to be pointed out, in this comparison 
 with the constitution of the United States, relates to matters 
 \vithiii the Precinct itself. 
 
 Any Precinct should be allowed to establish for itself, as its 
 own legal tender, a solvent paper-currency representing fairly 
 any specified commodity or commodities of general use in the 
 United States ; provided that no refusal to liquidate, according 
 to the actual promises, should be allowed. 
 
 The Nation should not assume to pass any bankrupt, or any 
 other law releasing debtors, or otherwise interfering in such 
 matters, except to secure the right of change of domicile. 
 
 No Precinct should be allowed to make any general assign 
 ment or forfeiture of private property to the public, under less 
 than 50 or 100 years' notice, without compensation. This rule 
 is needed to prevent agrarian outrages. And on the other hand, 
 to prevent speculators from procuring such agrarian legislation 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 147 
 
 and notices, merely that they might lay up property; and then 
 after a ^ime, get the notices repealed. 
 
 The right of Individuals to remove from a Precinct with the 
 proceeds of their property, and the right to a free sale or trans 
 fer of such property to the highest bidder in or out of such 
 Precinct, should be guaranteed, except for crimes recognized by 
 the Nation or by the genuine principles of morality. And then 
 the penalties should not, excepting banishment, be in excess of 
 those allowed by the Nation from time to time, for offences of a 
 similar degree of criminality. 
 
 There is one foundation for certain special Precincts, namely, 
 a peace-foundation, which would require some further special 
 enactments and principles; and which no doubt would be 
 granted to them by the national government, namely, Pre 
 cincts established on a peace-basis, should not be required to 
 violate that basis by draft or otherwise ; and on the other hand, 
 the voluntary formation and existence of such Precincts, would 
 much facilitate the administration of the rules of war, in the 
 other Precincts generally. Indeed, so clear are the rights and 
 so important the uses of Peace-Precincts, that even before the 
 institution of any GENERAL system of Precincts, these rights 
 should be granted by easy charter from congress, or by general 
 laws. 
 
 (d) Temporary restrictions of the Precinct-powers, would be 
 necessary, for such a length of time as would preserve rights and 
 secure safety under state-authority, until the plan could be safely 
 and fully instituted, and the necessary changes and removals 
 could be made. But to make the matter more plain, we will 
 give a few details of those exceptions and reservations. 
 
 States could pass laws for intercourse with contiguous states, 
 and relating to contiguous operations ; but only to go into force 
 at a certain future time, and on condition of the contiguous states 
 adopting similar laws previous to that time. 
 
 No person at any time, should be punished for offences against 
 religion, in the exercise of freedom of conscience, by any other 
 punishment than by requisition to remove from the district after 
 12 months' notice. But in the beginning, this class of permitted 
 orders of removal, should be suspended for 5 or 6 years after 
 the adoption of the general plan, to allow plenty of time for the 
 
148 BK - H- PRECINCT. I. VI. 
 
 settlement of present interests, and vested rights, and for due 
 deliberation. And all persons removing by order, at any time, 
 should be paid a sum sufficient to enable them and their fami 
 lies, if any, to travel to the nearest Precincts or neighborhoods 
 where they would be allowed to remain, so far as a knowledge 
 of their character possessed at that time, would render their 
 stay admissible. Rates of compensation should be fixed by the 
 national government ; unless otherwise agreed between the par 
 ticular Precincts respectively concerned in each kind of removal, 
 namely, the one forsaken and the one adopted. 
 
 Also some special provisions of a greater length of notice, (say 
 21 years) would be required for the affairs and the government 
 of minors, and for fiduciary property; or such property might 
 be sold according to existing state or national laws, if any, and 
 be held by Trust Companies accordingly. 
 
 To prevent injustice in the beginning, the Nation's Criminal 
 Law and perhaps also its whole Civil Law, should be carefully 
 improved, not by tricky "digests," but by all known necessary 
 statutes : And then by a clause, that it should remain unal 
 tered for say JO years. This would allow political and social 
 dissenters, time to sell out and remove. - 
 
 It might also make the transition seem safer and more satis 
 factory to some persons, if, for the few years during the transi 
 tions, the privilege of appeal to the Supreme Court of the Na 
 tion were allowed and reserved for all important cases. But the 
 suggestion is only to satisfy the timid, and to be temporary in 
 its nature, for obviously, the permanent existence of such a rule 
 of appeal, would become, or at any rate, might easily become 
 tantamount to the entire nullification of all the essential rights 
 and benefits of the plan itself. 
 
 2. Points of the comparison needing further illustration. 
 
 (a) Commerce and the Legal Tender. In comparing the pro 
 posed Precinct-system with the constitution and system of the 
 United States, there are several points which seem to need 
 further elucidation than what could be given to them in the 
 foregoing general views. Let us now proceed with them. 
 
 It may be doubted whether the legal tender ought to be en 
 trusted to the Precinct. Now we admit that while law, whether 
 of Precinct or Nation, may for extraordinary reasons, extend the 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 time of fulfillment of contracts reasonably, or even depreciate, 
 the common old currencies, by altering the legal tender, yet 
 when the emergency is past, the old tender should be promptly 
 restored : But that has hardly ever been done. We may also 
 admit, that changes of so great a nature may arise, that a per 
 manent alteration of the legal tender may become necessary. 
 But obviously no such alteration should be made, otherwise than 
 by alteration of the constitution itself. But experience proves, 
 as we show under Property, that the question of changes in the 
 legal tender, cannot safely be entrusted to national governments, 
 because their control is too absolute, and competition too entirely 
 slow in its effects thereupon. And all the serious troubles that 
 have arisen from LOCAL currencies have arisen from their being 
 irredeemable. Hence, all that the Nation ought to prescribe on 
 the subject of the currency, is, that all promises of currency 
 should be redeemable in the legal tender promised, with only 
 such extensions of time as were duly provided for by law : 
 otherwise, should be payable, one half in the currency of, ami 
 under the regulations of, the promisor; and the other half in 
 that of the promisee, or of the Preciacts of residence thereof. 
 But the Nation has a right to see that no Precinct shall have 
 one legal tender for its resident debtors, but a different one for 
 its resident creditors ; nor that any other differences should be 
 made except those which pertained strictly to Locality, such as, 
 to the nearness of and known reliability of guarantors, when 
 guarantors were necessary, in extensions of time. 
 
 On the other hand, to the Nation, legitimately belong, the 
 regulation of the subjects of WHOLESALE Commerce, domestic 
 and foreign, and even the regulation of intercourse between 
 Precincts so far as they had not entered into special agreements 
 of their own. All the other matters must come under a merely 
 general supervision of the Nation, so far as to see that neither 
 Individuals nor Precincts, were brought under the application 
 of laws to which they had not first actually knowingly and freely 
 consented. Furthermore, these rights may safely be given to 
 Precincts, because the right is guaranteed, of removal to such 
 other Precincts as will receive the Individuals in question. 
 
 6) Divorce. The most difficult cases to understand the pre 
 cise effects of our theory in, are divorces, especially when there 
 
150 BK - II- PRECINCT. I. VI. 
 
 are children. We may explain this difficulty thus : It is a part 
 of <our theory. (1) That no Precinct should receive immigrant 
 strangers, without evidence of the legitimacy of the immigration, 
 satisfactory to its government. (2) If persons removed to other 
 Precincts merely in order to get a divorce, and then to return to 
 their original Precinct or some other, they, by this right of Pre 
 cinct to examine character, would be excluded from all Precincts 
 which disapproved of their course. (3) Few Precincts would be 
 silly enough to allow divorce to new comers, especially where 
 there were children to be supported, because such children would 
 come upon the Precinct for support. (4) It is no part of our 
 theory, to prevent persons who deliberately intend to try any 
 social experiments, from assembling in Precincts by themselves, 
 and reaping the full effects of their experiments, whether they 
 be good or whether they be evil. But the Nation has the right 
 to compel the support of the children &c. (5) It is a part of 
 our theory, that the question of marriage and divorce is of too 
 private a nature for the law to judge understandingly, especially 
 without the concurrence of the Social Circle, and the moral and 
 f religious organizations. (6) That whether divorced or single, all 
 women are entitled to speciai assistance from government, and 
 especially divorced women; and that the better class of Pre 
 cincts, would voluntarily, and the others should be obliged to, 
 provide for this right; and those Precincts which did not so 
 provide, would not be very inviting to the women. (7) That 
 the rights of Precincts we are advocating, are rights over their 
 own citizens, not rights of contracts in which one party is a 
 citizen and the other not. 
 
 Still, we must admit, that length of residence, in order to 
 have full rights, must have some reasonable limit. But even 
 this is more safely left to competition among the Precincts, than 
 to the monopoly ora distant central power, whose policy would 
 continually fluctuate, with its probable influence on great totals 
 of voters, and the probable need of such influence. Further 
 more, the unlimited gift of such power to the Nation, might 
 easily result in breaking up nearly all the advantages of the 
 Precinct theory. But, for the further discussion of the princi 
 ples of the Family, the reader is referred especially to that 
 Element, and also to some parts of the discussion on Property. 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. . 151 
 
 Here we observe this much however. The states which have 
 led in hasty divorces, have been chiefly the new sta,tes with very 
 sparse populations. The foundation-fault therefore has been, 
 that same that we have to encounter every where in our national 
 history ar,d politics, namely, the over hasty partitioning out of 
 our new lands so much sooner than the wants of Mankind, or 
 of civilization or morality, either required or permitted. 
 
 The new system would require power to enforce the Precinct- 
 principle, in cases of desertion of marital or family obligations. 
 
 The right of free migration should be restricted then, if it 
 could be, when the Precinct itself should render some aid to 
 deserted women, and efficient aid to deserted children. The 
 women, to be sure, should have the same chance to follow after 
 their deserting husbands, that they now have under the ordi 
 nary constitutions. But whether they should be allowed to take 
 away young and helpless children, into all sorts of risks and 
 dangers, is another question. If a Precinct fulfills its duties to 
 its women and children, it naturally has the right of guardian 
 ship over deserted children, until they attain to full age. Our 
 theory is, that it is the duty of governments to care for the chil 
 dren, and even to aid the women. But the causes of divorce 
 are sometimes very private and very sacred. Nor can any civil 
 government judge of such questions. But still, every Precinct 
 should be allowed to try its own plan, under the national rules. 
 And the Precinct's license of divorce, would and must be made 
 to be held in balance by its duties to aid and protect the deserted 
 women and children, which should be made obligatory, at least, 
 as the condition of Precinct-divorces. 
 
 It is almost certain, that the rule would soon become general 
 among the Precincts, to require of immigrants, certificates or 
 other evidences of good character, coming from other Precincts, 
 at least those within the Nation. And these certificates would 
 vary according to the nature and predominant ideas of the Pre 
 cinct into which the immigrant would remove. Moral Precincts 
 would require moral certificates; Hygienic Precincts, hygienic 
 certificates ; Secular Precincts, secular certificates ; and so on. 
 But probably most of them would soon require duly attested 
 certificates of faithful performance of Family-obligations. Some 
 would require such, for the sake of principle ; and some for the 
 
152 BK - IL PRECINCT. I. VI. 
 
 sake of preservation from a rush of social parasites, unwilling 
 to maintain their own Families or be responsible for their own 
 doings. 
 
 (c) Punishment of crime. Precincts must be required to hold 
 their own criminals in duress, or else transfer them to a superior 
 authority. The principle should be established, that although 
 no Precinct should be required by superior government, to punish 
 criminals beyond its own idea of justice and expediency, yet 
 neither should any Precinct be allowed ever to avowedly permit 
 great criminals, or even any habitual criminals, to emigrate to 
 other Precincts. And this latter can only be avoided in some 
 cases, by the Precinct passing all such criminals regularly over 
 to some more general authority. Hence, the Precinct should 
 not banish for any real or enormous crime, thus turning crimi 
 nals loose on* other Precincts. And in the case of certain speci 
 fied crimes, should not even allow the criminal to go at liberty. 
 But if the Precinct does not approve of punishing him by hold 
 ing him in duress securely enough or long enough, it must then 
 pass him over to the more general authority, the Nation. Pre 
 cincts, even as Nations, should be held accountable, if they per 
 mit their inhabitants to "raid" against adjoining or neighboring 
 ones, or against any others. 
 
 The foregoing principles, would make necessary an exact re 
 versal of the rule of the Constitution of the United States (Art. 
 4, Sect. 2) in regard to the restoration of fugitive criminals, and 
 the usual jurisdiction only by the Locality of the offence. Every 
 government, Precinct or other, has the natural right to punish 
 its immigrant criminals, even for crimes committed elsewhere; 
 and that was often the rule in ages of simplicity and nature. 
 Precincts like Nations, would require to make their own special 
 treaties, in order to place themselves under a different order. 
 
 (d) Division of Precincts. The just principle is that each Pre 
 cinct should be allowed to divide at will, whenever, BUT NOT 
 BEFORE, it had a population sufficient to make two or more Pre 
 cincts, each having an AVERAGE of population of the rest of the 
 Precincts of the Nation. This rule should apply even more 
 strictly to the admission of new " states" or the transformation 
 of mere rural territories into states, than to the division of al- 
 re:Uy existing ones ; because the Nation evidently has more 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 153 
 
 right over and more claims upon a state which and WHEN it 
 makes, than upon one already existing. And while two senators 
 are admitted from each state, the state itself should be divided 
 into two separate senatorial districts, arranged expressly with a 
 view to the probable subsequent division, and modified from 
 time to time, to suit the changing probabilities of the expected 
 lines of division. 
 
 Most of our states that have been admitted, since the first 
 ones, have had less than 100,000 inhabitants, at the time of their 
 acknowledgment as states. And the average of most of them is 
 50,000. But several that have lately been admitted as states, 
 have had only about 10,000 (!) But in the census of 1870 New 
 York has 4,382,000; Pennsylvania, 3,522,000; Ohio, 2,666,000; 
 Illinois, 2,540,000 ; and so on (!) 
 
 The seven states which inaugurated the great rebellion, had 
 at the time only 82 J per cent, of an average state-population ; 
 and only 51 per cent, of an average state- voting-population. 
 And the thirteen which finally composed the rebellious confed 
 eracy, contained but 92 per cent, of an average state-population, 
 and only 66 per cent, of an average of the voters. Thus the 
 statistics warn us of the danger of giving so much preference 
 to square miles rather than to population, in admitting new 
 " states" to the Union. Furthermore, the late financial panic 
 helps prove the same conclusion ; for that panic was brought on 
 chiefly by the over haste and consequent rottenness of the west 
 ern Rail Road building. And if there is any one thing cor 
 rupting the Congress of the United States more than any thing 
 else, it is this preponderance given to Locality, and its connected 
 speculation for " grabbing up" the new lands. 
 
 (e) Rebellion of Precincts. One of the principal defects in the 
 constitution of the United States, is the omission to provide ex 
 pressly for the contingency of rebellion by states. But our com 
 parison shall be very explicit on this subject. Rebellion by a 
 state or Precinct, forfeits the political rights of that state or Pre 
 cinct, as such. And the more united the Precinct had been, in 
 its rebellion, the more just would this punishment be. Let us 
 illustrate this. 
 
 Nothing is clearer, than that the whole subject of the internal 
 government of each of the states is, by the constitution, left to 
 
154 Bit. II. PRECINCT. I. VI. 
 
 the government of the state itself. IF then, when a state re 
 belled, it REALLY continued to be a state, it is evident that the 
 general government would have no authority to administer the 
 affairs of the Nation, so far as they involved that state, even 
 during its rebellion, nor to settle its affairs any time afterwards, 
 even after complete conquest. Such a conclusion would place 
 the Nation at the mercy of a few states, and would be absurd. 
 What part of the secession argument, then, it may be asked, is 
 false ? Why, that which assumes that a state continues to be a 
 state after it rebels. The fact of rebellion by a state as such, 
 that is, by the state government as authorized and upheld by 
 the regular majority of the voting people of that state, that 
 fact per se, annuls the political rights of the state as a state, and 
 remands it to the condition of a "territory" or "district." Just 
 as certainly as the fact of an Individual's rebelling, naturally 
 takes away his political rights, just so, the fact of a state rebelling 
 by full authority of its political rulers and voters, takes away 
 the political rights of that organization of voters, and of that 
 moral charter or state sovereignty which it possessed. Unless 
 this were so, you would establish as a principle, that a rebellious 
 state, after being badly beaten, had nothing to do but to disarm 
 its fighters, and return to the halls of congress to obstruct legis 
 lation, withhold pay of the war debt, withhold pensions for the 
 killed and wounded, and throw all its influence to injure the 
 general . country and provoke wars with other countries ; and 
 then rebel again. 
 
 If a state does not forfeit its rights as a state by rebellion, 
 then the general government must have disbanded its armies at 
 once, after the fall of Richmond, and allowed the Southern 
 rebels to resume their seats in congress, vote for ALL their 
 Blacks, instead of for the f of them, which was all they were 
 allowed to vote for before the war. This is just the kind of 
 a settlement that might have been expected, if the result of the 
 war had been exactly the opposite to what it was, and if the 
 South had come off conquerors instead of the North, yet with 
 out accomplishing an entire dissolution. In fact there is no way 
 to justify either Congress or the President/ requiring any stipu 
 lation or constitutional alteration to be accepted by a rebelled 
 state, which does not imp'y that the rebelled state has lost its 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 155 
 
 political rights, and is no longer a state at all, in the eye of the 
 law or of the constitution. It is an established principle that 
 war annuls all previous political contracts, except otherwise men-. 
 Honed. 
 
 Eebellion does not take a state out of the Union, but it takes 
 its political constitution out of the constitution of the United 
 States. Its territory remains as property, and its roads to be 
 taken and traveled on ; its inhabitants remain to be governed 
 and protected, as may be wise and reasonable; the rights of 
 citizenship of loyal Individuals as Individuals remain unim 
 paired, in the same manner as if residents of territories ; but 
 their political state rights are gone, for tlie state is no more a 
 state, but a territory or District like the District of Columbia, 
 or like any western territory not yet admitted by congress. All 
 the world over, wherever .one part of a country rebels, and is 
 defeated and conquered, the governors of that region lose their 
 political rights, until restored by the conquerors : and in this 
 country, the governors of the rebellious states were the majority 
 of the voters of those states, except perhaps in one or two of 
 them. The political rights of that dynasty, therefore are for 
 feited. The President's pardon cannot affect that subject, 
 because it is not an Individual affair, but an affair of office, 
 of majorities, and of the state government tself. 
 
 Nothing in this argument, however, is to be so construed, as 
 to deny the right of Precincts to rebel, upon sufficient cause. 
 The conflict of arms results in general from the uncompromised 
 conflicts of opinion, and which are useless to discuss any further. 
 It is a resort to which every living thing which believes in 
 fighting, has a natural right, upon just occasion. But after the 
 resort to arms has been made and concluded in conquest, the 
 rights of the conquerors are limited only by the laws of nations 
 and by Christian morality. But the expediencies are a different 
 question. 
 
 (/) Separation of National from Precinct politics. To avoid 
 confusing local interests and local parties, with national ones, no 
 council or legislative body elected for Precinct affairs or Pre 
 cinct purposes, ought to be chosen to select officers for national 
 affairs ; but such ought to be selected according to a different 
 division of parties, grounded upon an entirely different classifi- 
 
156 BK. II. PRECINCT. I. VII. 
 
 cation of ideas, and relating to an entirely different class of 
 concerns. But to this, must be excepted questions concerning 
 the division of a Nation or Precinct, or concerning the relative 
 degrees of power or administration belonging to either. But, 
 as every returning to such a discussion and division on this 
 branch of the subject, tends to confuse inextricably the separate 
 businesses and functions of the two great organs of government, 
 it follows that something ought to be done to prevent constant 
 or long continued political struggles, in this matter of the rela 
 tion of Precinct to Nation. This might be accomplished per 
 haps, by having conventions held, for the express purpose of 
 remodeling the constitution of the Nation, at only certain regu 
 lar intervals, say, every ten or fifteen years, in hopes that in the 
 interim all question relating to the subject might have rest. 
 Moreover and still better, to keep the different businesses and the 
 two functions separate, the elections for National officers ought 
 to be at as different times as possible. And as annual elections 
 are frequent enough, it would be best that the elections for Pre 
 cinct or Nation were held in alternate years or not often er, and 
 not any nearer together respectively. And the longer time that 
 could be allowed, consistently with other reasons, to intervene 
 between the different kinds of elections, the more distinct they 
 would be kept, and the better therefore would be the results. 
 
 CHAP. VII. STATEMENT AND DETERMINATION OF THE SIZE 
 OF PRECINCTS. 
 
 1. Conditions in general. 
 
 Under this head we will first give the formula?, with some 
 general arguments ; next, a few further thoughts on the condi 
 tions of population; and then a few on the conditions of locality. 
 The object here however, is not to L,O through the whole argu 
 ment for small Precincts, which is reserved for the Second di 
 vision of this Part, of the work. But assuming the general 
 doctrine to be established, the particular problem, is to deter 
 mine exactly how small the Precincts should be. This consid 
 eration is placed before the other, 'n order the better to explain 
 the nature of our theory. 
 
 Precincts should be no larger in territory or population, than 
 would admit of all the adult people, or at least all the voters, 
 
SIZE OF THE PRECINCTS. 157 
 
 meeting conveniently in one assembly. And no larger than 
 would allow the heads of Families as residents, to be gen 
 erally acquainted with each other, at least by hearsay, yet not 
 so small as to preclude the chances of reasonably furnishing the 
 proper proportion of qualified governmental officials. 
 
 This minimum of smallness is called for, because each Pre 
 cinct of a perfected system, is required to derive considerable 
 government authority from its adjoining Precincts, and be an 
 Amalgam therewith; so that to have large Precincts, would 
 require this Amalgam to be larger than would accord with the 
 safety of individual personal liberty. Thus, each Precinct is 
 the centre of one life, and at the same time, is a part of the 
 circumference of life of every other Precinct adjoining it. 
 
 The second idea to determine the size of Precincts, is the 
 necessity of keeping local and national politics distinct. How 
 ever small the legal organization of any territory or company, 
 there will always be formed a few and never more than a few 
 caucuses, cliques or parties ; voluntary subdivisions or suborgan- 
 izations to affect the legal one. These subdivisions or suborgan- 
 izations are formed on purpose to affect the legal organization, 
 and grow out of it and cannot get far from it. This is the reason 
 why there never can be more than a few of such parties, because 
 as their number increases arithmetically, their power decreases 
 geometrically. That there will always be at least two, or a few 
 such subdivisions, is, because different human minds do not see 
 or feel alike. From these considerations it follows that the Pre 
 cincts ought to be small, so that the suborganizations which will 
 arise in each, shall flow out of it voluntarily, and relate to the 
 concerns of each immediate neighborhood itself; and for similar 
 reasons, the amount of power and business given to the national 
 or large organ, should be a minimum, or the smallest possible, so 
 as thereby to cause ths least amount of interference with the 
 business and concerns of the Precinct. In other words, these 
 things should be so, in order to prevent local parties being 
 formed upon national interests, or vice-versa. For instance, if 
 Precincts were so small as to consist of only one Family each, 
 and as Family questions would seldom be introduced into na 
 tional politics, therefore such divisions would furnish the mini 
 mum of confusion of the two kinds of polit . Again, if 
 
158 BK - IL PRECINCT. I. VII. 
 
 Precincts became a little larger, so as to consist of only a few 
 Families each, the confusion would become rather more frequent, 
 yet still would be comparatively rare, because the questions for 
 consideration, would be still very local and very personal. 
 Hence, the larger the Precincts are made, the greater will be 
 the confusion of the two kinds of politics, and vice-versa. 
 2. Conditions of population. 
 
 As to the actual size of these Precincts, the most important 
 consideration by far is density of population. The general 
 theory points at from 10,000 to 20,000, as being the highest 
 number that should constitute a Precinct, as this gives from 
 1000 to 2500 adult men or voters to each, which is the highest 
 number that can conveniently meet and consult. 
 
 Election districts should not consist of a larger population, 
 than would allow of all old or established residents, being tol 
 erably well acquainted with each other's personal and business 
 character, either by direct acquaintance and observation, or by 
 common hearsay. If Precincts are larger than this, then their 
 officers should be chosen by electors each of whom represents 
 and is from an elective district as small as herein mentioned. 
 But the smallness makes the direct voting by the people more 
 practicable. For the larger the district or population, the less 
 direct can the election be. And a vast deal depends upon the 
 "Primary" elections. And our idea is to make the Precincts as 
 small as the smallest district of primary elections, or as near that 
 as possible. 
 
 The utmost population should be such that all persons entitled 
 to vote for any one branch of its government, should be able 
 to meet in one building under cover, and so that any ordinary 
 speaker could be heard from one end to the other. Thus, its 
 size would vary with the number of voters. And whenever 
 their number became too large to meet as described, either the 
 Precinct would have to be divided, or an additional division be 
 made of its representative houses, or an increase of age or other 
 qualifications for suffrage. 
 
 Smallness also secures to each of the people, mutual knowl 
 edge of the other, and mutual good feeling, so that government is 
 more practicable, and happiness more complete, all being agreed. 
 
 On the other hand, it is desirable that the population of each 
 
SIZE OF THE PRECINCTS. 159 
 
 Precinct, should be sufficient to enable it to select one repre 
 sentative to the national legislature or congress, for itself, with 
 out being joined in a congressional or senatorial district with 
 any other Precinct, so long as it remains possible to avoid it. 
 At the same time, the congress itself must not be larger than 
 can conveniently meet, debate and consult. Now, a national 
 population of Fifty Million, would require that each Precinct 
 should contain at least Twenty Thousand average population ; 
 because if less, then the congress would have to consist of more 
 than Twenty Five Hundred members. Hence arises the neces 
 sity of not making the Precincts smaller than are required by 
 the fundamental conditions before mentioned. 
 
 The only possibilities for allowing larger populations to the 
 Precincts, lie in the direction, either of increasing the age of 
 suffrage, or otherwise democratically lessening the number of 
 voters, or else in the direction of the electoral colleges or houses 
 of delegates, for the special purpose of electing all general offi 
 cers. And these delegates must be FREE, not pledged to vote 
 for any particular candidates. For, our fundamental principle 
 is, that the number of direct voters for any candidate must 
 always be within the limits of probable personal acquaintance 
 ship, both with the candidate and with each other, and of con 
 veniently assembling in consultation. To accomplish this object, 
 Precincts might be subdivided into wards ; but the voluntary 
 and spontaneous division of the people themselves (within the 
 Precinct) into Corporations as shown under that head, is much 
 the better plan ; ajid any delegate-system, really such, would be 
 more acceptable to the people in that way. But the considera 
 tion of that way, must be deferred to its proper head. 
 
 An obvious corollary from the foregoing principles, is, that 
 woman-suffrage is so far an erroneous movement, lessening the 
 probabilities of decreasing the size of Precincts to the proper and 
 necessary smallness. 
 
 3. Conditions of Locality. 
 
 As to the extent of ground or territory to be embraced in a* 
 Precinct, it should not be larger than would allow each man, or 
 each voter, to travel by the usual methods, to and back from the 
 place of meeting, conveniently in one day. In case the popula 
 tion was too scattered for such a limit of territory, the theory 
 
160 BK - II. PRECINCT. I. VII. 
 
 then would be, that some merely temporary arrangement, anal 
 ogous to the principle of United-States-territorial government, 
 be made, until the population became sufficiently concentrated 
 on such a tract, say of not more than about fifty miles diameter, 
 the place of meeting being central, and not more than twenty- 
 five miles from the circumference or boundary. 
 
 As the essential idea of Precinct is neighborhood, both popu 
 lation and locality must be small enough to admit of the usual 
 feelings of real neighbors. Therefore the word neighbor, in 
 common usage, as it contracts or expands for different localities, 
 is an excellent definitive for the varying size of Precincts. 
 
 If largeness of territory be offered as a reason why a state 
 should be recognized as such, relying upon the hope of an in 
 crease ; then that reason is equally as great, why it should not 
 be so recognized, for it is so sparsely settled that the inhabitants 
 live too far apart, and consequently are too little acquainted 
 with each other. And if it is really going to increase so fast, it 
 will not have long to wait. 
 
 If it be said that the idea for the maximum size of the Pre 
 cinct here presented, would not answer for the settlement of our 
 new lands : we answer that our method of settling them has 
 been too unscientific, and entirely too extravagant and diffuse. 
 This we shall endeavor to prove at large in the article on land, 
 under Property. It is the land-treatment that is wrong, not 
 our Precinct system. Besides, even if modifications were neces 
 sary in the wild woods, that would be no argument for them, 
 where they were not necessary. 
 
 In regard to boundaries, it is of course desirable that natural 
 boundaries should be preferred, where they can be obtained ; 
 by natural boundaries we mean Rivers, Creeks, &c., but in 
 modern times and small Precincts, we can seldom have any 
 thing better than roads or streets; fences or walls. But these 
 latter can be made the best of all possible boundaries. At any 
 rate, street boundaries are poor ones, because they call for double 
 jurisdiction in the places most frequented ; and rivers do some 
 what the sa.ne, in thickly settled localities. 
 
PREFACE TO THE SPECIAL ARGUMENTS. 161 
 
 PART II. 
 
 SPECIAL ARGUMENTS FOR THE THEORY. 
 CHAP. -I. PREFACE. 
 
 1. Classification of Theories. 
 
 The dispute about the relative rights of State and Nation, 
 may be spun out almost indefinitely, by writers who have no 
 scientific system wherein to place them ; according as they hold 
 to one or another of various theories, which no one knows either 
 the origin or the evidences of. These various theories of the 
 fundamental relations between State and Nation, may be summed 
 up into three classes, which are here presented as a convenient 
 outline for meditation on the subject, and for the classification 
 of all the arguments upon it; for the use of persons who may 
 wish to pursue the subject in detail, further than we can spare 
 time to do : Only remarking that ours, is what is here called 
 the III. THEORY. 
 
 (I. Theory). Supremacy of the Nation. States are Corpora 
 tions with charters from the Nation alone. 
 
 (1) (a) Either : Temporary, at the option of the Nation : 
 (b) or : Perpetual. 
 
 (2) (a) Either : With Definite limited charters : 
 
 (6) or : With Indefinite charters altered by time and cir 
 cumstance. 
 
 (II. Theory). Supremacy of the States. The Nation is a 
 confederate Union : 
 
 (1) (a) Either : Temporary, at the option of the States : 
 (6) or: Perpetual. 
 
 (2) (a) Either : With Definite and written charters : 
 
 (6) or: With Indefinite charters altered by time and cir 
 cumstance. 
 
 (III. Theory). Balances of State and Nation : Both as co 
 existent in the people, as distinct Units : 
 
 (1) (a) Either : Alterably : 
 (6) or : Unalterably. 
 
 (2) (a) Either : With Definite written charters : 
 
 11 
 
IQ2 BK. II. PRECINCT. II. I. 
 
 (6) or : With Indefinite charters altered by time and cir 
 cumstance. 
 
 (3) (a) Both : For all Internal peace, order, and fraternity 
 between Individuals and States, within the limitations of State- 
 rights. 
 
 (6) And : For all External International relations, with 
 out limitations of State-rights ! 
 
 2. Limits of the special or collateral Arguments. 
 
 In the foregoing article, THE GENERAL VIEW AND STATE 
 MENTS of our theory, are really a general argument for it. 
 Moreover, most of those statements contain special parts that 
 are direct and formal arguments for various portions of the 
 theory, as they pass along. Thus the historical statement con 
 tained arguments, some drawn from the general course of his 
 tory, some from the history of the United States. The scientific 
 statements consist entirely of analogies which are arguments in 
 substance. The comparisons with the constitution of the United 
 States, presented the reasons for differing in a few places from 
 that great and as yet unapproached political document. And 
 the discussion of size was a direct argument for our system, be 
 cause in this country where we are so familiar with the principle 
 of state rights, and of independent sovereignty within limits, 
 the question is more one of size than of any thing else. 
 
 Furthermore, we will find some arguments when we come to 
 the discussion of NATION, and determine its true location, and 
 that it is not the sole unit, nor even the most active unit of 
 political society ; and that it does not occupy any such a position 
 of absolute power toward the Precincts, but what in the progress 
 of history the power of Mankind over IT should be similar. 
 Indeed, that position is almost drawn (in the Introduction itself) 
 in the discussion of the Units, and their necessary balances. 
 
 Many of our arguments for the Precinct are better considered 
 under Corporation ; for while they apply equally to both, they 
 are better considered under the latter ; because in the common 
 theories, it is the more familiar organ, and still more, because 
 the arguments are true in their own nature, entirely without 
 respect to any ideas of locality. And for these arguments, the 
 reader is referred to that Article. 
 
 In arguments of this kind, it should always be borne in mind 
 
THE GEOGRAPHICAL- ARGUMENT. 163 
 
 that the question is, not whether what one advocates is perfect, 
 but whether it is better than what the opposing disputants ad 
 vocate. The question is, not whether the government under 
 small Precincts is infallible, but whether it is not better than a 
 government of large states, or an entirely consolidated one. 
 
 The neighborhood is the real germ of the state, and of its 
 rights of government, both theoretically and historically. This 
 proposition appeals to the human heart as well as to history. 
 Hence, the burden of proof ought to be upon those who main 
 tain the preference of large states as against small Precincts. 
 This would be so, even if the doctrine of small Precincts were 
 not essential to the sound general theory of government, and 
 even if there were no particular arguments to show the supe 
 riority of the rights and of the effects of the small Precincts : 
 for it is in the Precinct or near neighborhood, that civil govern 
 ment necessarily BEGINS, and will always spontaneously reor 
 ganize after distractions or interruptions. But nevertheless, we 
 will proceed with other arguments as we may be able. 
 
 CHAP. II. THE GEOGRAPHICAL ARGUMENT. 
 
 1 . Forms of the Continents. 
 
 It is a remarkable fact observed by the great geographers, 
 that progressive civilization has been almost entirely confined to 
 the countries, the most indented by seas and oceans. Thus Eu 
 rope has 6 1 miles of coast to each 1,000 square miles of conti 
 nent, whilst Asia has only 2J. What is thereby gained, is not 
 merely an increased extent of coast line facilitating commerce, 
 but many abrupt and long peninsulas, which preserve the indi 
 vidualities of tribes and districts. Thus Guyot (p. 46, " Earth 
 and Man") says : of Europe : " Its principal mass is deeply cut 
 in all parts by the ocean and by inland seas, and seems almost 
 on the point of resolving itself into peninsulas. These penin 
 sulas themselves, as Greece, Scandinavia, repeat to infinity the 
 phenomena of articulation and indentation of coasts, which are 
 characteristic of the entire continent. The inland seas and the 
 portions of the ocean, its outer limits enclose, form nearly half 
 of its surface. * * * Thus it is the continent most open to the 
 sea for foreign connections, at the same time that it is the most 
 individualized, and the richest in local and independent dis- 
 
164 BK - IL PRECINCT. II. II. 
 
 tricts." It is true that Asia has extensive peninsulas ; the places 
 of origin of the ancient civilizations, Arabia, the two Indies, 
 Mandchouria and China. But the influence of these peninsulas 
 was overcome by the immensity of the unbroken continent, to 
 which they in comparison formed only small extremities. Thus 
 Guyot (p. 46) says : "Asia is a mighty trunk, the numerous 
 members of which, however, make only a fifth of its mass. In 
 Europe, the members overrule the principal body, the branches 
 cover the trunk," and (p. 45) : " The extent of this continent 
 [Asia] is such, that, in spite of the depth of the indentations, 
 there yet remains at its centre a greatly preponderating mass of 
 undivided land, which commands the maritime regions, as the 
 body commands the limbs." These all (p. 296) " are so many 
 new Individuals, exciting each other reciprocally to animation." 
 Moreover, other geographical conditions co-operate to make true 
 Precincts. " The ground is everywhere cut and crossed by 
 chains of mountains, moulded in a thousand fashions in such a 
 way as to ,present, within the smallest possible space, the greatest 
 number of districts physically independent." Again : " No con 
 tinent is more fitted, by the multiplicity of the physical regions 
 it presents, to bring into being and to raise up so many different 
 nations and peoples." And (pp. 313-14) he says : " The assim 
 ilation of the peoples of Europe, stops far short of confounding 
 their distinctive qualities. Not long since the world saw them, 
 * * * protesting against the complete fusion, seemingly about to 
 annihilate their individual existence, and threatening to carry 
 them back to the chaos of a homogeneous unity. * * * Each 
 of the great physical districts composing that continent, in reality 
 sustains a people whose moral and intellectual character, apti 
 tude, talents, differ as much as their language, from those of 
 their brethren. Each of these Nations plays, in the great drama 
 of history, a special part in accordance with its particular gifts, 
 and altogether, they form in truth and reality one of those rich 
 organic unities, which we have recognized as being the natural 
 result of all regular and healthy growth." Again, reasoning 
 from the greater to the less, and observing that even the conti 
 nents themselves are great -types of the uses of locality itself, 
 however small, Guyot says (p. 323): " That the three continents 
 of the North are organized for the development of man. * * * 
 
THE GEOGRAPHICAL ARGUMENT. 165 
 
 That each of these three continents, by virtue of its very struc 
 ture and of its physical qualities, has a special function in the 
 education of Mankind. * * * That the entire physical creation 
 corresponds to the moral creation, and is only to be explained 
 by it. * * * It is not perhaps without some surprise, that we 
 behold privileged continents and races almost unalterably smit 
 ten with a character of inferiority. And yet, why be surprised 
 at this? Is it not the attribute of God to dispense His gifts t > 
 whom He will, and as He will ? Do we not know that in every 
 organism, there are needed divers members, clothed with func 
 tions more or less exalted, but alike necessary ? We shall see 
 that this great contrast of the historical continents, and the con 
 tinents of the inferior races, seems established by Providence AS 
 
 A STANDING INVITATION ADDRESSED TO MAN, BIDDING HOI 
 
 UNFOLD A NEW ACTIVITY. * * * For the law of contrasts in 
 the order of nature, is the law of love in the moral order." 
 2. Geographical course of Civilization. 
 
 Again, Guyot (pp. 300-1) says: "The first glance we cast 
 upon the annals of the Nations, enables us to perceive a singular 
 but incontestable fact, that the civilizations representing the 
 highest degree of culture ever attained by man, at the different 
 periods of his history, do not succeed each other in the same 
 places, but pass, from one country to another, from one conti 
 nent to another, following a certain order. This order may be 
 called the geographical order of history" (or of civilization). 
 * * * " Tradition universally represents the earliest men de 
 scending, it is true, from the high table-lands of Europe." "The 
 traditions of the Chinese place the first progenitors of that people 
 on the high table-land, whence the great rivers flow ; they make 
 them advance, station by station, as far as the shores of the ocean. 
 The people of the Brahmins come down from the regions of the 
 Hindo-Khu and from Cashmere, into the plains of the Indus 
 and the Ganges : Assyria and Bactriana receive their inhabitants 
 from the table-lands of Armenia and Persia." 
 
 Again, speaking of the ancient civilization of China, Hin- 
 doostan, Syria, Arabia, Egypt and even Judea, Guyot says (pp. 
 306-7) : " During the long centuries of these first ages, man 
 has therefore learned but one thing, that he depends on the will 
 of a master, but that master is an inexorable despot devoLl of 
 
166 BK - II- PRECINCT, ii. ir. 
 
 love. He can only fear him ; -if he obeys him, it is as a slave ; 
 he loves him not nor adores him, for love presuppose? lib 
 erty. Men cannot remain thus. A cry of liberty makes itself 
 heard; it re-echoes to the depths of that East which groans 
 in its chains. In a small corner of the earth, neighboring still 
 to the East, but admirably organized, in that small peninsula of - 
 Greece, where all the varied contrasts of the whole continent 
 seem to be repeated in a narrow space, under a climate blessed 
 of Heaven, a new people arise, upon a new land, a free people, 
 a people of brethren," (and we add, a people consisting of sev 
 eral small and perpetually distinct tribes and Precincts.) " With 
 them the period of youth commences; human consciousness 
 awakes with energy ; man recovers himself. * * * Who can de 
 scribe all there is of fresh and youthful energy, in that people 
 of artists and philosophers, whose efforts open to us a world en 
 tirely new? This is no longer the world of nature; it is that 
 of the human soul. Everything, in fact, with the Greek, bears 
 that eminently human character which betrays the preponder 
 ance of human personality, and the energy of individual char 
 acter. * * * The Greek no longer goes to the outer world of 
 nature in search of wisdom, but descends to the depths of hu 
 man consciousness. With Socrates and his school, philosophy 
 has passed from the realm of nature into the realm of man ; she 
 has become a moral philosophy. In the social life of the 
 Greeks, no more * * * of those hard despotisms * * which by 
 regulating human existence in detail, hinder its improvement ; 
 but communities of free and equal men, and the predominance 
 of democracy, of Individual and local life; these are its char 
 acteristics/' 
 
 All history and all experience corroborate these truths. But 
 in order to apply them to present times, we must remember that 
 those localities anciently contained but small populations com 
 paratively, in their days of intellectual progress and develop 
 ment; and that they prove our theory of the Precinct, as well as, 
 or even more than they prove the necessity of nationality. The 
 political cause of the downfall of the Greek democracies, was 
 not their preservation of the rights of the Precinct, but their 
 being without ANY adequate or permanent central government, 
 whereby the nationality would be politically expressed. 
 
ANALOGIES WITH PHYSICAL NATURE. IQf 
 
 The experience of history is against the cultivation of nation 
 ality, to the extent of the subversion of all local rights. The 
 Romans allowed the natives of different Nations, to have their 
 own laws in their various places of foreign residence. The 
 recognition of a few Precinct-rights, has come down even in the 
 modern laws of England, both in special local customs and in 
 general powers, as in Isle of Man and of Jersey, and several 
 other places. There are also specialties, not confined to one 
 locality only ; as Burgage, Gavelkind, Copy-hold, and Villein- 
 socage. These specialties relate chiefly to the titles of real 
 estate. 
 
 Even the poor inhabitants of India, were as happy with their 
 Precinct-system as their false religion would allow them to be, 
 until England swallowed it up in a vast gulf of centralization, 
 and sunk the people into poverty and dependence. (See Carey's 
 Soc. Sci.) 
 
 Small states, especially small free republics, are the best gov 
 erned, both our own, and some foreign ones : as the Republic 
 of San Marino, the Cantons of Switzerland, the small German 
 free cities and states. Nor do we have to go from home to find 
 examples; for our own small states are better governed, politic 
 ally speaking, than the larger ones. Rhode Island, Connecti 
 cut and Delaware, are much better governed than New York or 
 Pennsylvania. And life is more respected in our small cities 
 than in the large ones in the same neighborhoods. The colonies 
 of the United States were substantially states at first, yet with 
 but limited populations for many years; and they were the best 
 governments of their age in the world, and were the germs of a 
 great and we hope good future. Also, there are many late ex 
 periments which prove the great moral uses of increasing the 
 powers of small districts ; as for instance, Bethlehem, Oberlin, 
 Vineland, also several large " communities." 
 
 CHAP. III. ANALOGIES WITH PHYSICAL NATURE. 
 
 1. Variety in God's Creation. 
 
 All that infatuation for absolute uniformity of religion, which 
 used to prevail in the Middle Ages, seems concentrated, in the 
 United States, into the one idea of producing sameness of polit 
 ical organizations. And yet the story goes, a certain great bigot 
 
168 BK - H- PRECINCT. I}. III. 
 
 could not make a few watches keep time alike. And whence 
 indeed comes this insatiable desire among Americans (we call 
 ourselves so), to force all political organizations into some one 
 pet form, and under one central human power ; suppressing all 
 variety, and blotting out all individual independent develop 
 ment? It does not come from nature. Behold the infinite 
 variety of creatures, both in the vegetable and animal worlds. 
 Says Dr. Dick : " What an immense space in the scale of animal 
 life, intervenes between an animalcule, which appears only the 
 size of a visible point, when magnified five hundred thousand 
 times, and a whale a hundred feet long and twenty broad ! The 
 proportion of bulk between the one of these beings and the 
 other, is nearly as thirty-four million million million to one. 
 Yet all the intermediate space is filled up with animated beings 
 of every form and order! A similar variety obtains in the 
 vegetable kingdom. It has been calculated that some plants 
 which grow on rose-leaves and other shrubs, are so small that 
 it would require more than a thousand of them to equal in bulk 
 a single plant of moss, and if we compare a stem of moss which 
 is generally not above one-sixtieth of an inch, with some of the 
 large trees in Guinea and Brazil of twenty feet diameter, we 
 shall find the bulk of the one will exceed that of the other no 
 less than about three million million times, which multiplied by 
 1000 will produce three thousand million million, the number of 
 times which the large tree exceeds the rose-leaf plant. Yet this 
 immense interval is filled up with plants and trees of every 
 form and size ! "With good reason then, may we adopt the lan 
 guage of the inspired writers, ' How manifold are thy works, 
 OLord!'" 
 
 And we add; the same variety pervades the whole stellar uni 
 verse, so far as telescope or Mathematics or light itself can reach. 
 And yet, all vegetables, animals, stars and comets, in infinite 
 variety, are working in one connected system of law, even in 
 the control and government of the infinite God. And shall 
 puny man present us one uniform system of political motion ? 
 2. From Homogeneity to Heterogeneity. 
 
 In Spencer's writings, a philosophical basis for our Precinct- 
 theory, may be found in physical philosophy; and the proof 
 also that it is perfectly consistent with the laws of universal 
 
ANALOGIES WITH PHYSICAL NATURE. 
 
 nature, animate and inanimate; and furthermore, that as the 
 Population and Power of a Nation increase as a whole, the 
 power and independence of function, of the separate parts must 
 increase also, and also the number of the subdivisions of the parts, 
 (thus constituting a philosophical basis for our Precinct-theory, 
 stated in universal terms). That these things are so, and that 
 the violation of them must produce political disease, disorder, and 
 finally national death, is quite accordant with the very scientific 
 generalizations by Spencer (First Principles, 187) : as follows: 
 
 " By the aggregate Solar System, as well as by each planet and 
 satellite, progressive concentration has been and is still being 
 exemplified. In each organism, that general incorporation of 
 dispersed materials which causes growth, is accompanied by 
 local incorporations, forming what we call organs. Every 
 society, while it displays the aggregative process, by its increas 
 ing mass of population, displays it also by the rise of dense 
 masses in special parts of its area/ 7 [cities] : " And in all cases, 
 along with these direct integrations, there go the indirect inte 
 grations by which parts are made mutually dependent." [That 
 is, Voluntary associations, Federations, Corporations, Societies, 
 States and Provinces]. " From this primary re-distribution, we 
 were led on to consider the secondary re-distributions, by inquir 
 ing how there came to be a formation of parts" [i.e. Precincts] 
 " during the formation of a whole. * * * It turned out that there 
 is habitually a passage from homogeneity to heterogeneity, along 
 with the passage from diffusion to concentration. While the 
 matter composing the Solar System has been assuming a denser 
 form, it has changed from unity to variety of distribution. 
 Solidification of the Earth has been accompanied by a progress 
 from comparative uniformity to extreme multiformity." 
 
 " In the course of its advance from a germ to a mass of rela 
 tively great bulk, every plant and animal also advances from 
 simplicity to complexity. The increase of a society in numbers 
 and consolidation, has for its concomitant an increased hetero 
 geneity, both of its political and industrial organization. And 
 the like holds of ALL super-organic products Language, Sci 
 ence, Art and Literature. But we saw that these secondary 
 distributions are not thus completely expressed. At the same 
 time that the parts into which each whole is resolved, become 
 
170 BK. II. PRECINCT. II. III. 
 
 more unlike one another, they also become more sharply marked 
 off. * * * Further consideration made it apparent that the 
 increasing definiteness which goes along with increasing hetero 
 geneity, is not an independent trait; but, that it results from the 
 integration which progresses in each of the differentiating parts, 
 while it progresses in the whole they form. * * * As fast as 
 there results variety in the sizes and forms of aggregates, and 
 their relations to incident forces, there also results variety in their 
 movements." And we add, unless these various new organs 
 and new functions be allowed to develop naturally, diseases and 
 disorders must follow. 
 
 The Precinct-principle is the only principle whereby every 
 separate function of society, may have its own new special and 
 appropriate local organ. Its effect is just opposite to the na 
 tional system ; for the national system presents all inducements 
 to make all offices mere functions of the Nation itself as the one 
 organ of governmental rule. Whereas the Precinct-principle 
 makes that idea absolutely impossible ; and presents the idea 
 of special organs for each special work, as the only manner in 
 which such special work can be accomplished, at least beyond 
 the Precinct. Then the alternative becomes either, special 
 organ, or not special work, of which the practical result is only 
 one organ for all functions, as in sponges and star-fish. 
 3. Concentration versus Diffusion of Power. 
 
 Centralization or concentration increases power at particular 
 points. But diffusion of power increases the total amount of 
 usable power as a whole, by liberating more and freer motion, 
 and by increasing the spontaneous activity of all the parts, and, 
 at the same time lessening the power lost partly in friction, and 
 partly in the central cohesion. 
 
 But these good results can only follow of course, after cen 
 tralization procures and maintains general peace and general 
 freedom; that is to say, whilst it prevents the Precincts from 
 interfering with each other, or with the private rights of In 
 dividuals, and preserves them from being interfered with by 
 foreign Nations. 
 
 This Precinct-system will give large power to a greater number 
 of persons; and this dividing power, whilst at the same time 
 stimulating to its faithful exercise, will also render a posthu- 
 
ANALOGIES WITH PHYSICAL NATURE. ]>l\ 
 
 mous fame, of more relative activity and importance as a motive, 
 because it will present a far larger number of vacancies for it. 
 For, the great and good men of little states, are remembered as 
 long as (and often loved more affectionately than) those of larger 
 ones. 
 
 4. Sociological Experiment. 
 
 The absolute necessity for Sociological experiment, in order to 
 the improvement of society, has already been sufficiently spoken 
 of, in the Summary Introduction. Therefore, the most that 
 could be done here, is briefly to point ou,t that our Precinct sys 
 tem affords one of the finest possible fields, and the very first 
 practicable one, for the trial of such experiments. 
 
 The Precinct-principle opens the way for true and voluntary 
 sociological experiments. If one Precinct commits errors, it will 
 soon suffer the natural consequences thereof, and others can avoid 
 the error. If one discovers or invents or introduces any good, 
 others can freely follow. 
 
 In the case of Individuals finding themselves not in sym 
 pathy with the Precinct wherein they reside, the fault may be, 
 either in the Individual or in the neighborhood itself. The 
 sympathies and feelings which are disturbed by the residence 
 among them, of an Individual out of harmony, may be bad 
 feelings or they may be good ones. It is presumption for others 
 to pretend to judge in most cases. Who is to decide? The 
 answer is, that as long as the resident is free and able to go to 
 some Precinct where he will be in harmony, and to take his pos 
 sessions or their value with him, in such case, no decision of the 
 mind is needed to be made upon the subject as to who is right. 
 Only let the Precinct enjoy its own liberty, without infringing 
 the equal liberty of others. Only let it continue on its own plan 
 awhile, and the fruits will evidence plainly who was wrong, 
 the Individual or the Precinct. Small Precincts that are 
 wrong will not long go on harmoniously. The smaller the 
 Precinct, within reasonable limits, the sooner will the result 
 manifest its moral quality. This manifestation however, will 
 prove, not the correctness or incorrectness of any one of its prin 
 ciples, but only of the net-resultant of the whole. These un 
 derstood principles will soon work themselves fully into results, 
 and show their true character. Only thus can the science of 
 
172 BK - II- PRECINCT. II. IV. 
 
 society become much improved. Neither good nor evil can be 
 made plain to the minds of the people in general, otherwise 
 than by allowing systems to work out into light, their own 
 natural and true results. 
 
 In general, with regard to all the domestic changes and im 
 provements, recommended in this book on Social Science, or 
 in any other book, or from any other source, it is possible to 
 try them, better, by means of small Precincts than by any other 
 method. And not only so, but it is the only method whereby 
 true sociological experiments can be made, or whereby any so 
 ciety can, either attain ideas any considerably advanced before its 
 age, or prove such an advance even if it had attained it. Even 
 most national and international questions would not be alto 
 gether impossible of settlement by Precinct- trial, as many such 
 questions can be solved as readily by distant Precincts of the 
 same Nation, as by different Nations. 
 
 CHAP. IV. OBJECTS AND USES OF "LAW." 
 
 1. In General. 
 
 All laws may be divided into two sorts ; as they regard either 
 the thing commanded to be done, or, the sanction to enforce it. 
 The first sort of laws may be regarded as counsels of wisdom, 
 the second, as punishments for the violation of those counsels. 
 The first, are the primary and ultimate design, the second, are 
 only incidental to the accomplishment of the others. A large 
 part of human laws are only the re-enactments of the laws of 
 nature and morality ; of such, the violation will always and 
 ultimately be followed by their own natural and spiritual conse 
 quences. Why then does the law of the land affix and add any 
 arbitrary punishments? The answer is, that the natural and 
 spiritual punishments are so often disbelieved, so seldom ap 
 preciated, and often so long in coming, that they are entirely 
 insufficient as safeguards of human society. 
 
 Another lanre class of laws are not re-enactments of the laws 
 
 o 
 
 of nature or morality, but only the settlement of points indif 
 ferent in themselves, or not clearly limited in nature or moral 
 ity; but yet necessary to be settled definitely in some manner, 
 in order that all persons may know beforehand, how to regulate 
 their affairs in regard to them. In these cases, the necessity of 
 
OBJECTS AND USES OF LAW. 173 
 
 having arbitrary sanctions to the prescriptions of law, becomes 
 all the more evident, but as yet those sanctions are hardly any 
 more necessary than in the cases of the violations of natural and 
 moral law. We say, as yet, for in proportion as humanity 
 improves, if indeed it will improve sufficiently, the necessity 
 of arbitrary sanction to natural law will become less and less 
 urgent. For the more men see their true duties, and feel the 
 obligations of them, and have faith in the certainty and impor 
 tance of natural and spiritual consequences, the less will they 
 stand in need of arbitrary ones. And this again, greatly favors 
 the principle of self-government in Individuals, which by pro 
 moting solid virtue, tends more and more to render government 
 unnecessary. Thus and only thus, can the highest and best civil 
 liberty be attained. The "forces" of arbitrary punishment, and 
 of government by others, can only be generally disused, as Indi 
 viduals become gradually more and more perfect in se/"-govern- 
 ment. 
 
 The same principles evidently apply to Family-government, 
 the type of and preparation for the state government. And 
 here we must look for the great test and measure, of the varying 
 needs of men for more or less natural strictness and arbitrariness 
 of government, namely, whatever is found to be the decrease or 
 increase of necessity for arbitrary Family-government, and what 
 ever the degree or the lack, of the power of voluntary self-control 
 in the Family, especially among the children; THAT will be 
 found to be both a preparation for, and best measure of, the 
 amount of fitness for their being entrusted with similar degrees 
 of self-controlling power in the affairs of the world. In other 
 words, it is only in proportion as men become fit for freedom 
 individually, and in Family-relations, both as parents and chil 
 dren, that they will become fit for release from law and force, 
 in civil and political relations. 
 
 Another idea in this connection is, that if laws must be uni 
 form for all persons in the same Precinct, it follows that all its 
 residents ought to be in nearly the same moral degree of self- 
 control and moral civilization ; that is, should be substantially 
 in moral homogeneity. Hence, in an old Nation with settled and 
 fixed habits and general homogeneity, (which however can only 
 be the case in a lower state of civilization,) it would not seem to 
 
174 BK - IL PRECINCT. II. IV. 
 
 matter so much, whether a government were a great consolida 
 tion, or a union of small Precincts. But in proportion as moral 
 civilization increases, the moral and intellectual differences in 
 crease, and the necessity of Precinct-freedom increases, together 
 with a greater degree of liberty for each to select the Precinct 
 best fitted for him; and, each Precinct to select and invite the 
 Individuals best suited to IT. 
 
 The most effectual punishment that can be administered for 
 most offences, is that which society administers spontaneously, 
 through the loss of social standing among one's companions and 
 associates. But this kind of punishment is greatly modified, 
 and in many cases almost nullified, under the present condition of 
 large territories. This nullification comes about in two ways. In 
 one way, the citizens so frequently reside in a different territory 
 from that in which they transact business, that they seem to 
 have two lives and two representations, almost entirely distinct. 
 The other way in which this nullification of social punishment 
 is also brought about, is the facility with which offenders may 
 remove from one territory to an adjoining one, and the certainty 
 of finding? about the same assortment of social conditions, and 
 
 O ' 
 
 opportunities for companionship, that they had found in their 
 former residence; so that the change is merely one of persons, 
 but not of the kinds of persons. But if the Nations were con 
 stituted into the very small Precincts which we propose, persons 
 of similar moral dispositions would collect in Precincts together ; 
 and offenders would often find it very difficult to find acceptance 
 elsewhere, if they made themselves discreditable in their own 
 Precinct. 
 
 2. Multitude and Minutiae of affairs. 
 
 Another argument for the Precinct theory is ; there exist too 
 many and too minute affairs needing the interference of law, to 
 be entrusted to a large state or Nation. Governments ought to 
 do so many things which yet it is obviously unjust to tax un 
 willing or dissentient persons for, or compel such to co-operate 
 with or conform to, and furthermore, there are so many differ 
 ent views of rights, that the difficulties can only be obviated by 
 encouraging people of similar views to reside and do business 
 in the same neighborhoods, and thereby, in conformity to their 
 own rules. The following are some of the subjects which belong. 
 
OBJECTS AND USES OF LAW. 175 
 
 I 
 
 more especially to the Precinct, either because of its inherent 
 right over them, or because of the uncertainty of their being 
 proper objects for government interference at all : Rights of 
 Conscience, including religion and church, Rights to Alcoholic 
 Liquors and to Luxuries, Right and duty of Governmental 
 Education, Right and duty of Governmental maintenance of 
 the poor, the care of the sick and infirm, Questions of Health 
 not aifecting localities or Individuals beyond the Precinct, 
 Right of Marriage and Divorce including aid to widows and 
 needy children, Right of Women to avocations, to property, 
 and claims to suffrage, Age of Suffrage, Right of Individuals 
 to ignore Government when aggrieved, Questions resulting 
 from War, such as Drafting into compulsory service and com 
 pelling to pay war taxes, Control of Farming Lands, Minfes 
 and Mining operations, Streets and Roads within the Precinct, 
 Manufacturers and Retail Trade, Paper Currency. 
 
 Many persons will doubt the legitimacy of some of these 
 rights being given to the Precincts, but even omitting the 
 subjects of currency and divorce, and perhaps of ignoring the 
 state, enough other matters have been mentioned above, too 
 minute and too multitudinous in their nature, to be accom 
 plished by national power or under national laws. 
 
 In general we may say that many things, from their local 
 nature, should require the agreement especially and only of the 
 neighborhoods, townships, &c., that are directly interested. 
 And mostly, the interference of one locality with another, should 
 be in proportion to their geographical and other nearnesses. 
 Therefore this question depends on the size of the Precinct ; the 
 degree of right interference being in inverse proportion to the 
 size of the Precincts. But the difference of their interferences, 
 is to be more as to the smallness of the specialty or matter, than 
 in the principles to which it relates. 
 
 The duties and consequent rights of a Precinct are what were 
 chiefly in Comte's mind, in the structure of his theory of govern 
 ment. And it accordingly exhibits the fact of its origin from 
 the little plan of St. Simon (or Fourier) applied to a French 
 or other vast empire, comprehending minutiae of regulation, and 
 details, that cannot be either justly or successfully applied to or 
 by a large consolidated government, especially to or by sinful or 
 
176 BK - IL PRECINCT. II. V. 
 
 even imperfect beings, as men are. Plato and some other manu 
 facturers of ideal governments, have made a similar confusion 
 of the rights of the different units. And Mulford and the other 
 centralizers are following in their wake. 
 
 3. Competition in Government. 
 
 Then again, the numerousness of these little Precincts would 
 introduce the principle of competition among governments, as a 
 practical motive, for daily use. Viewing large Nations, we can 
 find no such competition for citizens, at all worth mentioning: 
 except that between Nation and Nation, as the United States 
 against Germany or Great Britain. And in the United States 
 we cannot find any traces of a competition of this kind worth 
 mentioning, except in the very new States competing for settlers, 
 or in the cities competing for this or that particular kind of 
 trade or honor. There is but little governmental competition 
 among us except for short-sighted or immediate results. 
 
 Now, if any could introduce this principle into operation 
 among and between some thousands of adjoining townships, 
 villages and Precincts, we can scarcely doubt that its effects 
 would be equally as good as they are among private individuals. 
 Of course we do not mean to exalt competition as a very good 
 thing in itself; we fondly hope for and look forward to the day 
 when it will be greatly superseded by co-operation. But so long 
 as competition is needed among the mass of Mankind, individu 
 ally, so long and for that very reason, it will be needed among 
 Precincts and localities. Even if it were possible for communes 
 to exist, from which the principle of competition would be 
 effectually shut out, still there would remain a necessity to have 
 competition between different communes. For competition is 
 necessary somewhere in everything, during the present incom 
 plete civilization. And the monopolizing and repressing spirit 
 and policy, are just as bad in government as they were in trade 
 and manufactures. 
 
 CHAP. V. POLITICAL OBJECTS AND USES. 
 
 1. In General. 
 
 Smallness of territory produces mutual knowledge of each 
 other, as well as mutual good feeling, so that government is 
 more practicable, and happiness more complete ; the people being 
 
POLITICAL OBJECTS AND USES. 177 
 
 agreed in their general opinions. Smallness of Precincts also 
 makes a direct vote by the people more practicable : the larger 
 the district or population, the less direct can the representation 
 be. Thus, the people have both a better opportunity to know 
 their representatives and officers personally, and also a better 
 opportunity to express their own views and intentions. Such 
 are the schemes and cliques constantly forming to deceive the 
 people, both in trade and politics, that ordinary citizens cannot 
 possibly know them before they are accomplished ; and hence 
 necessarily have to depend on the characters of the leaders, and 
 therefore should know their characters well. 
 2. Corruption. 
 
 The notorious and general selfishness, partisanship and cor 
 ruption of officials, whether in political, or fashion-making, or 
 social governments, drive men to the resort of having small dis 
 tricts with a maximum of self-regulating power, that thus there 
 may exist the plainest and most direct responsibility to the 
 people, and the least amount of government by absentees and 
 strangers. Thus all the motives of Social Circle and personal 
 acquaintanceship, will be added to the ordinary motives, in order 
 to induce official faithfulness. 
 
 Small Precincts, making up the whole Nation as we propose, 
 by the greatness of their number, and by the smallness of the 
 amount of revenue they could afford to waste, as well as by the 
 check which would constantly be held over their officers, by the 
 mere fact that their doings were observed in particulars, by all 
 their constituents, would afford the best possible political checks 
 against the success of all attempts at corrupting the legislative 
 bodies, as well as against the value or amounts that would or 
 could be obtained by success and skill in bribing. 
 3. Specialties. 
 
 We are all the time having special acts of superior Legisla 
 tures, now for some county, now for some town, giving control, 
 now over temperance, now over its plan of voting, now over 
 this thing, now over that. But special legislation has been one 
 of our greatest curses, whether in regard to corporations, coun 
 ties or towns. Perhaps it is not generally known among the 
 people, that nearly one fourth of the counties and Precincts in 
 the State of Pennsylvania, have had granted to them special 
 
 12 
 
178 BK - IL PRECINCT. II. V. 
 
 privileges, or, been put under special restrictions ; one thing to 
 one, and another to another, not applied to any of the other Pre 
 cincts. The Speaker of the Pennsylvania Senate, in his Inau 
 gural, Jany. 1871, says : " Special legislation has become the vice 
 of our system. The prevalence of a general rule of law over 
 our whole territory, upon subjects usually within the scope of 
 legislative action, is now the EXCEPTION, and special enact 
 ments and special privileges are found upon almost every page 
 of our voluminous annual statute book." Let us have no more 
 need thus to extend human rights drop by drop. Give every 
 Precinct its local rights in ALL respects, without any more 
 specialism. For the true Precinct-theory is the first step into a 
 truly GENERAL legislation. 
 
 Some moral or literary qualifications might be highly useful 
 in cities, to counteract the influence of mobs; and also especially 
 because cities are in advance of the country in some other kinds 
 of culture, so also it would seem ought they to be in advance in 
 the culture and qualifications required for political franchises. 
 At any rate, it would be well to allow such Precincts (within a 
 city), as chose, to try some such qualifications, and see how they 
 would compete with those that refused any such revised qual 
 ifications. This, however, is to be understood, only after the 
 general Introduction of the Precinct-system. 
 
 Our Precinct-theory contains the only method whereby, under 
 the tenure of land by the public, as advocated by Spencer (and 
 the present writer), the tenants can be induced to improve, with 
 permanent buildings, as thoroughly as under the private owner 
 ship tenure, or so very nearly as to answer present purposes. 
 This can be accomplished by allowing the tenant to erect what 
 ever permanent buildings, mainly of brick, stone or iron, he 
 chooses, subject to general rules of common sense and expe 
 diency, under the sanction of officers for the judgment of the 
 case ; and then the public giving the tenant a mortgage for the 
 amount, to run various lengths of time, from 50 to 100 years, 
 according to the nature of the case. Absolute proofs of the 
 actual cost, would be required. But where is the governing 
 power that could now be safely trusted with such judgments ? 
 We may answer, nowhere but in small districts of an honorable, 
 moral, and well-cultivated people. 
 
HUMAN HAPPINESS. 179 
 
 CHAP. VI. HUMAN HAPPINESS. 
 
 1. In General. 
 
 Government and civilization are only valuable as they pro 
 mote human happiness. Human happiness depends more on 
 the multitude of little things of daily life, than on the occa 
 sional great events. And connected with this also, human hap 
 piness rests largely on closeness of sympathy, sameness of view, 
 tenderness of feeling, with those with whom we are most fre 
 quently in contact. The most ultra liberty, in association with 
 a people with whom we were not in sympathy, would be lone 
 liness and desolation. A solitary man is not so lonely in an 
 uninhabited wilderness, as is a stranger in a strange city, not 
 even speaking the language of the people. 
 
 There can scarcely be a question, that small isolated Christian 
 populations are the happiest, and morally the best. The Pit- 
 cairn-Islanders, the Republic of San Marino, the Welsh, the 
 Scotch, the Irish, and the voluntary associations of religious 
 communities in America in modern times, and the rush into 
 religious communities in the early ages, all co-operate to prove 
 this idea. 
 
 The Pitcairn-Islanders, are a splendid proof of the utility of 
 the independence and isolation of Precincts, so also are the few 
 cases of successful civilization of the North American Indians, 
 only made successful by isolating their Precincts. And partly 
 in the same manner perhaps, may be explained the unexpected 
 virtue and happiness of the Mormons in Utah, and of some of 
 the free communists. " Evil communications corrupt" the best 
 manners ; and even vice, in isolation, loses much of its power. 
 
 The fact in nature and providence, that men are involved in 
 the sufferings and partake of the joys and honors of their own 
 Nation, and their own Precinct, proves, that Nature intends, that 
 men should depart from localities whose sentiments or principles 
 they radically dissent from, and should seek other localities 
 whose principles they approve of, and thus become justly entitled 
 to and affectionately participant in, the sufferings and the joys of 
 their localities, whether Nation or Precinct. But still, the obli 
 gations and natural " indications" for removal from Precinct to 
 Precinct, are much stronger than for removal from Nation to 
 
ISO BK. II. PRECINCT. II. VI. 
 
 Xation, because the removal from Precinct to Precinct is com 
 paratively so very much easier than the other. 
 
 As Comte has done much to show how great respect a govern 
 ment ought to pay to its thinkers, and why and how it ought to 
 take care of them ; so Spencer has done much to show the unal 
 terable nature and inviolability of Individual liberty, as against 
 majorities, equally as truly as against aristocracies. But when 
 it comes to the application of their own principles, neither of 
 those writers seems to have hit upon the happiest method. We 
 have now however, only to do with their theories so far as 
 they relate to Precinct-rights and order. And there is no method 
 for securing the independence, happiness and rewards of good 
 thinkers, so successful as the Precinct-system. 
 2. Individual Liberty. 
 
 The fullest possible allowance for Individual rights and free 
 dom, as far as is consistent with other men's equal freedom, can 
 only be attained, either in a state of isolation from society, which 
 is the road to barbarism, or else in such a variety of Precincts, 
 as will allow each Individual to find some one or more persons 
 sufficiently near his own ideas, as to justify being regarded so for 
 the usual practical purposes of life. And this variety is possible, 
 only by making the Precincts very small, so that they shall be 
 numerous, and the variety, brought within convenient or accessi 
 ble distances. And the great " emancipation" question among 
 all highly civilized peoples, is the question relative to the 
 Emancipation of the Precinct. 
 
 The Precinct-system is the best method whereby to enable 
 men as Individuals, to avoid "government control," (as Spencer 
 demands, meaning of course, national controt) Instead of lib 
 erty to " ignore the state," we would have liberty to change 
 one's Precinct residence. Spencer, it is true, not thinking of 
 the Precinct-theory, carries his idea of " ignoring the state" to 
 an extreme, when lie describes this right as "the attitude of a 
 citizen in a condition of voluntary outlawry." But remember, 
 Spencer was thinking only of outlawry from the Nation. And 
 Mulford's reply (p. 274) to Spencer is not sound. Thus his 
 reply says : " If then * * * Mr. Spencer assert and exercise his 
 rights, and while maintaining his right to ignore the state, is 
 robbed by some vagrant, of course he cannot recover through 
 
HUMAN NATURE. 
 
 the aid of the government, the property which he has lost; or 
 the vagrant, not. having determined himself to ignore the state, 
 may bring the power of the government, being the agency in his 
 employ, to secure him in his actual possession, IT of course re 
 fusing to admit the claim of one who had ignored the state." 
 Now this reply to Spencer is not sound ; first, because it does 
 not follow that a state must of course "refuse to admit" a 
 person's claims, merely because it was not bound IN DUTY to 
 recognize them ; but second and chiefly, because the vagrant is 
 by the supposition, under the state and bound to obey its laws, 
 and therefore has no right to rob or murder anybody. The fact 
 is that Mr. Spencer's idea simply is, that the person who ignores 
 the state is in the relative condition to the state, somewhat simi 
 lar to what a foreigner was held by ancient national law, and is 
 still held by barbarians, namely, at their government's mercy : 
 but it does not follow as Mulford has it, that such person is at 
 the individual mercy of any one who chooses to maltreat him. 
 Both these writers are possessed by Nationality ; the one feels 
 the tyrant's goad and would tear its heart out, the other is 
 pleased, and "licks the rod." We conclude, Mr. Spencer is 
 right in the principle at bottom, although not to the unlimited 
 extent he argues ; and that, only a system of Precincts can be 
 trusted to carry it out. 
 
 CHAP. VII. HUMAN NATURE. 
 
 Personal attractions have strength like the chemical forces, so 
 also have home and locality ; whereas, the artificial states or dis 
 tricts, and even the Nation itself, have comparatively only the 
 strength of gravitation. Thus it is, that Social Circle and Pre 
 cinct have, in actual life the strongest power on man naturally, 
 and the first government claims upon him that he voluntarily 
 yields to. 
 
 Human nature itself makes more account of Precinct than it 
 does of Nation. There may be one man in ten thousand, or 
 even one in one thousand, who in a time of great excitement, 
 may be willing to give his property or even his life, for his 
 Nation. But there can be found nearly everywhere, and in 
 ordinary times without extraordinary excitement, one man in a 
 hundred, perhaps one in ten, who may be willing, according to 
 
BK - IL PRECINCT. II. VIII. 
 
 his means, to deny himself dollars, more or fewer, for the benefit 
 of his own immediate neighborhood, and even to risk his life for 
 it if necessary. And even in great sacrifices for national patriot 
 ism, the motive at bottom often is to please one's friends, neigh 
 borhood and Social Circle. 
 
 Again, we find that the riotous and disorderly, do in fact and 
 naturally congregate and reside together in small localities, in 
 which they would not allow orderly citizens to reside in peace ; 
 we find also that the outcasts and criminals have their localities, 
 through which it is not only repulsive but dangerous for respect 
 able, or even respectably dressed persons to pass alone. Why, 
 then, should not quiet and orderly citizens be encouraged or 
 allowed to form into localities of their own, and to exclude 
 others from settlement there, and from all unnecessary in 
 trusion? or are vice and disorder to be allowed always and 
 everywhere, systematically to enjoy privileges ever denied to the 
 virtuous and orderly ? 
 
 It is a general doctrine of Swedenborg, a philosopher of rare 
 insight, that it is the universal Law of Heaven and Hell and 
 Eternity, that men should continually be striving to find their 
 exact sympathizers, and will ultimately arrange themselves in 
 groups and societies, exactly according to the genera and species 
 of their moral and intellectual characters. And the idea seems 
 both natural and philosophical. From which it would seem a 
 proper inference, that the same tendency is justifiable in, and 
 should be amply provided for, by the laws and arrangements of 
 earthly society. And this exactly confirms our Precinct-theory. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. MORALITY AND RELIGION. 
 
 1. In General. 
 
 The Precinct-principle is further proved, by its consistency 
 with the Saviour's maxim to " love thy neighbor as thyself." 
 The interpretation which some put on the word neighbor, mak 
 ing it mean all Mankind, is mere jugglery ; for it takes away all 
 the meaning of the word " neighbor", and therefore takes away 
 the " point" of the passage. No doubt the ultimate object of 
 Christianity is, and the result will in a perfect state be, to make 
 all Mankind love each other as themselves ; but it is hardly fair 
 to force that interpretation on to every passage in the Bible, nor 
 
MORALITY AND RELIGION. 
 
 even upon every passage which says love. The truth of the pas 
 sage is this, namely, that loving the neighbor as one's self is the 
 place where this universal love begins, so that if perfect there, it 
 will gradually work outward through circle after circle, unto all 
 Mankind. The fact is that this passage is very sociological, for, 
 being requested to explain it, the Saviour gave the parable of 
 the good Samaritan, tjie exact point of which is, that persons 
 living in one Precinct, when traveling in the adjoining one, are 
 bound to fulfill the duties of charity in distress, even although 
 the adjoining Precincts be religious enemies to each other. It 
 seems to be diametrically opposed to burning heretics, at least 
 when they live in the next Precinct. If you may perhaps burn 
 them out, you must not go out to burn them. 
 
 Another very proper interpretation of our Saviour's maxim 
 of loving the neighbor, is, that duties are to be performed to the 
 persons whom we actually meet, and especially whom circum 
 stances make needy, rather than that we should be filled with 
 sentimentality, and go hunting over all creation for opportuni 
 ties to do good. Now, this inward doctrine, when it takes an 
 outward form, seeks to take some form of the social structure, 
 and that form is emphatically the Precinct. It would be almost 
 impossible, otherwise, for men generally to know what to do, or 
 where to do it. 
 
 It is rather a happy accident, if accident it be, that our " con 
 stitutional" word designating Precinct, namely, the word com- 
 mon-wealth, should be so very expressive of communism. One 
 cannot escape the feeling that this is a prophetical anticipation 
 in language, that the Precinct is the especial container and polit 
 ical form of communism. The old Roman word republic meant 
 public affairs, not common-wealth. 
 
 2. Unity of Local Enterprises. 
 
 The system of small Precincts affords opportunity for re 
 ligious unity, and success in benevolent enterprises ; and thereby 
 can be realized the great and truly Christian idea, that all the 
 Christians of a place are the church of that place. And so long 
 as men differ widely on doctrines, and on the degrees of their 
 importance, this desirable result cannot be realized to any con 
 siderable extent in any other way. 
 
 The plan of having all the Christians of a place organized as 
 
184 BK - IL PRECINCT. II. VIII. 
 
 the church of that place, gives rise to the practicability of placing 
 all the benevolent operations in one Precinct, under one arrange 
 ment of visitations and management ; the advantage of which is 
 well known to all engaged in benevolent enterprises, both in pre 
 venting deception, and in promoting virtue, and counteracting 
 vice and crime. 
 
 Perhaps it may not be desirable that each Precinct should be 
 made up entirely of one religious persuasion at present, nor until 
 the coming times when Mankind have become so fit, and intel 
 ligence been so disseminated, as to prevent the dangers. Yet 
 even now we find that many do get into Precincts consisting 
 almost exclusively of their own religion or class. As the Cath 
 olics settle among their churches, also the Quakers, the Chinese 
 and the colored persons; whilst the aristocracies also get by 
 themselves in their own neighborhoods, to a considerable extent. 
 
 Mr. Ruskin has drawn a beautiful picture of the duties of a 
 state, and especially of its " moral overseers." But it is evi 
 dently a picture that is only practicable as yet, by and in such 
 Precincts as would adopt it, such Precincts being so small that 
 all persons who " loved darkness rather than light" could readily 
 move to the places of their choice; or possibly it might be 
 adopted by general corporations like any of the various Associa 
 tions. In "Time and Tide," p. 80, he says: "Putting how 
 ever, all questions of forms and names aside, the thing actually 
 needing to be done is this, that over every hundred (or some 
 not much greater number) of the Families composing a Christian 
 State, there should be appointed an overseer or bishop, to render 
 account to the State, of the life of every Individual in those 
 Families, and to have care both of their interest and conduct, to 
 such an extent as they may be willing to admit, or as their 
 faults may justify, so that it may be impossible for any pers n, 
 however humble, to suffer from unknown want, or live in i n- 
 recognized crime, such help and observance being rendered 
 without officiousness, either of interference or inquisition (the 
 limits of both being determined by law) but with the patient 
 and gentle watchfulness which true Christian pastors now exer 
 cise over their flocks." 
 
 As a remedy for and a prevention of the vice and degrada 
 tion of cities, some regular plan of visitation might be very efii- 
 
MORALITY AND RELIGION. 135 
 
 cient. The great difficulty to be overcome, is the difficulty of 
 getting the voluntary moral and religious forces of society to 
 combine, for such a purpose, into one harmonious organization. 
 But the good of these plans can never be obtained permanently, 
 only when there is but one religious and benevolent organiza 
 tion for the same objects in one given locality, which in fact is 
 the beginning of either our Precinct or our Corporation system. 
 
 One of the arguments for our theory is to be found in the 
 difficulties attending the matter of the Bible and religion in the 
 public schools, or indeed in schools at all, whether public or pri 
 vate. This whole question we will endeavor to examine when 
 we come to Education and Public Schools, under the head of 
 the Intellectual element of Social Science, only remarking now, 
 that any religion or non-religion whether Chinese or whatever, 
 which asks for its own schools or school-fund, in countries where 
 it has not the rule, ought to be able to show that it grants sepa 
 rate public schools or school-funds in countries where it has the 
 rule. But if they cannot do that, why still let us give them 
 their rights here, and trust to the good effects of justice and to 
 other means, to correct what seem to us their errors. Provided 
 however, that no denomination should receive as its share, more 
 than it contributes to the general fund for the same purpose. 
 3. Persecution. 
 
 The Precinct principle explains the political rights of small 
 minorities, for instance the Mormons ; and so long as social 
 distinctions press hard upon women as a sex, so long will any 
 tribe be politically justifiable which will improve the condition 
 of woman. And this explains the moral but temporary justifica 
 tion of " Mormondom." Their political success is explained by 
 the inalienable right and indestructible power of the Units, and 
 in particular of the Precinct-unit. As Dixon says, we with 
 our tremendous majority and ample appliances, revenues, preach 
 ers and so on, ought to be willing to use and to rely upon moral 
 and religious influence alone, to convert or reform the Mor 
 mons; only demanding freedom for our moral influences to 
 operate there, and for their people to admit those influences. But 
 more probably, we ought not to demand anything more, than free 
 dom for all Mormons who desired to, to return to the other parts 
 of the United States, at the expense of the Mormon Precinct. 
 
18G BK - IL PRECINCT. II. VIII. 
 
 Calvin burning Servetus in the little Precinct of Geneva, or 
 the New England Puritans hanging Quakers in the little colony 
 of Boston, are very different things, from the king the emperor 
 or the republic, trying to extirpate heresy throughout all their 
 dominions. The spirit in the heart of the rulers may be the 
 same, but the spirit of the people that upholds it is very dif 
 ferent ; and so . also are the sociological principles involved. 
 And what, during the Reformation, saved Germany and Swit 
 zerland so quickly, from long dissensions such as disturbed 
 France and the British Isles, were their independent Precinct 
 systems. 
 
 Here we must offer an argument which may perhaps not be 
 popular, but its weight of importance presses it on us. It has 
 always appeared to the writer, that the old Catholic argument 
 for persecution of dissenters, has never been fairly answered. 
 The same argument is used by Mahometans, and even by some 
 evangelical Protestants. They argue thus, the salvation of the 
 soul is more important than that of the body, yet nearly all ad 
 mit, it is justifiable to defend our bodies with mortal weapons, 
 and to put murderers to death, much more therefore would it 
 be justifiable to put heretics and infidels to death, whose doc 
 trines are supposed to kill, not the body only, but the immortal 
 soul. To this argument, it is no answer to affirm dogmatically 
 that religion is a province beyond the control of human law, for 
 that is the very point in question. Nor is that argument ever 
 practically regarded, when any one religion becomes tremen 
 dously in excess of all opposing ones, for instance, in the case of 
 the United States against the Mormons. 
 
 But there is a ground upon which this argument for persecu 
 tion may be thoroughly avoided, namely, by the rights of the 
 Precinct. Let all who work in religion or morality, to cultivate 
 practices utterly at variance with the fundamental determination 
 of their neighbors, remove to localities by themselves, where the 
 other citizens may feel that their children and Families are safe 
 from the contaminations of what they conceive to be soul-damn 
 ing doctrines. This doctrine of Precincts would have saved the 
 early Christians from persecution by the Jews. Our Saviour 
 commanded his disciples, saying, " When they persecute you in 
 one city flee ye to another/ 7 This principle carried out would 
 
TRIBE-RELATIONS. 187 
 
 have ultimately driven those Christians into localities by them 
 selves, where, by their works they could have proven to the 
 civil governments, that they were not evil-doers ; and, what is 
 more to the argument, where Rome would have allowed them 
 their own "cultus," according to her established rules; and when 
 once the recognition of such a " cultus " had been made by law, 
 the time would have soon arrived when the Christians would 
 have been allowed to found their own local Corporations any 
 where throughout the Roman Empire, mingling with the com 
 mon citizens in the day, and retiring to their own localities at 
 night, according to the Roman laws, but all the while deciding 
 disputes between themselves by their own rules. , 
 
 We have seen something like this, when the persecuted Mora 
 vian puritans fled to the estates of Zinzendorf and were there 
 tolerated. 
 
 4. Scripture- Type, in the Hebrew Nation. 
 
 Here may be placed an argument from the Scriptures, the 
 divinely authorized example of the Hebrew Nation instituted 
 by the special authority and care of God. The Hebrew Nation 
 was divided into tribes, and great care was commanded to be 
 taken to preserve their distinctness. This authorized example 
 combines with the type-theory, as elaborated in the Summary 
 Introduction and other parts of the work, and should (it seems) 
 be admitted as a precedent. Mulford very properly claims the 
 authority of the Hebrew precedent for the divine authority of 
 the Nation, but it is equally as quotable for the divine authority 
 of the Precinct. Some objections that might seem valid against 
 this argument will be treated of under the head of " Special 
 Objections Answered/' at the conclusion of this the second PART 
 of Precinct. (See Chap. X.) 
 
 CHAP. IX. TKIBE-RELATIONS. 
 
 1. In General. 
 
 Resemblance and sympathy form the chief elements of the 
 Family circle. And in primitive states of society, the same 
 similarity of views feelings and interests, in a degree also, takes 
 place in a whole tribe. 
 
 But when we come to a mixed people, one mixed with immi 
 grants from various countries, of persons of various races and 
 
188 BK - n. PRECINCT, ii. ix. 
 
 of the most opposite views of religion and morals, there remains 
 but one possible method of completely applying the tribe-prin 
 ciple to the case. And be it remembered, the tribe is a natural 
 unit of society ; the principle therefore upon which it is founded, 
 must always exist, and be made fundamental in the constitutions 
 of government. The only way then, of applying the tribe- 
 principle, is, by allowing each Individual to select his own tribe; 
 and each tribe to fix its rules, and to say whom it will receive 
 and whom not. There must be a plain agreement, either ex 
 pressed or implied, between Individuals and Precincts, that both 
 parties are in the main satisfied with each other. 
 
 In modern times, the fundamental unit of the tribe-principle, 
 finds its own first development in material things. We find 
 men, in all the various classes 01* society, subdividing them 
 selves spontaneously into social and political and business cir 
 cles. But until government can understand and embrace this 
 principle, and legally recognize the tribe-element, it must neces 
 sarily be a failure, for it ignores one of the essential elements 
 and one of the essential conditions, of the organization of so 
 ciety. Here then, two alternatives present themselves. First, 
 an effort to organize the religious, moral, social and political 
 circles, into the tribe-unit or tribe-element, by constituting them 
 with the general powers of government. That this is positively 
 practicable, and so far desirable as a subsidiary aid, may perhaps 
 be shown under the head of Corporation. But the main alter 
 native evidently is the second one, namely, regarding the Pre 
 cinct-division as the unit or holder of the common government- 
 powers. For no voluntary circle, unless it occupies its own 
 territory for itself, can completely answer to the idea of a tribe. 
 The aim of government, here, is to make both principles unite 
 into one, to make each Precinct become the voluntary union of 
 the same circle, or of tw T o or more harmonious circles. 
 2. Relations to Social Circle. 
 
 Laws are necessarily unjust which do not acknowledge and pro 
 vide for existing facts, and existing grades in society, which are 
 as distinct as different religions, or different Nations. And among 
 the facts thus necessary to meet and provide for, one is the Social 
 Circle. So great is its importance that we have classified it as one 
 of the Units or fundamental analytical elements of human society. 
 
TRIBE-RELATIONS. 189 
 
 The very origin of Tribe was historically a Social Circle, 
 some particular set of friends voluntarily associating with each 
 other in preference to others. And as our theory takes the tribe 
 to be the origin of the Precinct, it follows from the theory, that 
 the idea of Social Circle is inherent in that of tribe. And when 
 tribe becomes Precinct, it equally follows from our theory, that 
 the idea of sociability and Social Circle, must be an eternally 
 essential idea of the Precinct, not necessarily of every Precinct 
 in particular, but of the idea in general, and of some in par 
 ticular. 
 
 Reverting again to historical origins, the tribe would not 
 continue always to be of one Social Circle only. Differences 
 would arise gradually within the Precinct itself, from various 
 causes; and then occasionally other persons would join with it 
 from other Precincts, whose occupation made it mutually agree 
 able or mutually advantageous to do so. The instincts of Man 
 kind often produce the co-existence and very near residence in 
 the same Precinct, of the very richest and the very poorest, 
 because such are essential to each other constantly. Whilst the 
 middle classes seek neighborhoods by themselves, despising those 
 who are below them in the Social Circle, as much as they envy 
 those who are above them in the same artificial distinctions. 
 
 Hence it is possible for more than one Social Circle to exist in 
 one Precinct ; but not for more than one social set to have the 
 government thereof: nevertheless an equal arbitration between 
 all, is possible. But in the matter of the rule of a Precinct, 
 nothing is more certain than that the rule generally falls to the 
 control of one Social Circle ; and not only so, but also into the 
 control' of some one set or clique of that Social Circle. The 
 instincts of men are constantly exhibiting this tendency. The 
 aristocracy will seek one neighborhood; the respectable orderly 
 working people, another ; the rowdies, another. Let the fighters 
 get together and fight one another; this is the providential 
 arrangement for the self-cure of these evils. But let good and 
 orderly citizens, have the control in their own localities. 
 
 Tt is not for a moment supposed that Precincts are to consist 
 of persons necessarily all in the same social equality, but only, 
 that they should be in a state of mind whereby they would have 
 the same views of the rights and duties flowing from social dis- 
 
190 BK - IL PRECINCT. II. IX. 
 
 tinctions, if any. Neither, that they should all be employees or 
 all employers; but only that their ideas should be in harmony as 
 to the mutual rights and duties of employees, no more than that 
 they should all be either males or females, but that they should 
 have the same opinions and feelings and habits, as to the relative 
 duties of Family-life. Thus it is that the question of equal free 
 dom without disturbing the rights of others, becomes practically, 
 the equal freedom without disturbing what others have learned 
 to be their rights, or what they have become fitted to enjoy, up to 
 that time. Hence, perfect freedom for the Individual, in society, in 
 practice really means a perfect or indefinite variety of small and 
 near Precincts, each Precinct in itself as far independent, as is 
 consistent with the important utilities and rights of the others. 
 3. Relations to Races, Species, and Breeds. 
 
 By our Precinct principle, it becomes possible for different 
 races to be in separate Precincts, as indeed they are in duty 
 bound to continue, unless they can live amicably and usefully 
 together. And where they can thus live amicably, they also 
 can form Precincts of mutual service, and thus exhibit one of 
 the Creator's designs in ordaining different races of men, as well 
 as different races of animals or vegetables. It would of course 
 be found, that the higher the development of reason in the 
 superior race, and also the better and higher the moral develop 
 ments in both races, the more amicably and easily they could 
 live together, and the more they would voluntarily organize 
 together. Whereas, the lovers of fine arts and amusements, of 
 war, and of ignorance, would naturally be found repelling each 
 other, and forming Precincts each of their own kind. Thus the 
 great problem of different races co-existing in one Nation, which 
 is looming up with very unsatisfactory proportions in the United 
 States, might be easily settled. Europeans, Catholics, Protest 
 ants, African descendants, Chinese, and Indians, need give no 
 further theoretical or scientific uneasiness. 
 
 The principle is, that these opposites will voluntarily seek each 
 other for mutual good, as soon as they are fit to live together in 
 peace and charity ; and will consent to arrange themselves so that 
 neither can domineer over the other. But until that time comes, 
 they may either, one be in submission to the other, or else each 
 seek its own separate neighborly locality voluntarily. 
 
TRIBE-RELATIONS. 191 
 
 Small Precincts are required by the Moral and Physical Ad 
 vantages, of marriages between persons of blood and race not 
 far distant. Modern researches tend to prove that bodily health 
 also, is best promoted by inter-marriages of persons not much 
 further removed from each other, than sufficient to keep clear 
 from the dangers of marriage within close or traceable degrees 
 of kindred. Amalgamations between races very different, as 
 between the whites and blacks in this country, and as between 
 the English and the Hindoos in India, are said by the Physiolo 
 gists, almost always to become barren in the third or fourth >"' 
 generation, and to end the race. 
 
 Mankind, when removed to climates very different from their 
 natural ones, become enfeebled in health, and decrease in fruitful- 
 ness. But Jews, Gipsies and some others, seem to be less subject 
 to these influences, apparently because of possessing better consti 
 tutions ; and this superiority may be owing to their being close 
 tribes, and answering our theory here in regard to neighborly 
 marriages. It is admitted that marriages between races of close 
 resemblance, have been {Productive of some benefits. 
 
 The superiority of the English in many respects, is attributed 
 to the fact of that Nation being a compound of the blood of A 
 several Nations who in ancient times occupied the Island, and 
 who yet contribute some of their still separated elements from 
 Ireland, Scotland, and Wales, and from the isolated retired ham 
 lets of England itself. And the rapid progress of our country 
 in so many respects, is attributed by many, to similar causes, 
 namely, our great intermingling of the blood, not only of the 
 original British tribes, but also of the various German tribes, 
 with a little tincture from almost every Nation in Europe. Yet 
 neither the mingled English nor the Americans are so healthy 
 as the separate tribes, either morally or physically. 
 
 These facts would tend to show, that whilst the intellectual 
 and material progress may be the results of unions of varieties 
 that far distinct ; yet that moral progress, and especially phys 
 ical health, are deteriorated thereby. And this deterioration of 
 health has become such an alarming phenomenon in this coun 
 try, that any general principle for its improvement should receive 
 every possible encouragement. 
 
 Among Mankind, as among " other animals," it is necessary 
 
192 BK. II. PRECINCT. II. X. 
 
 from time to time to raise new and improved breeds. And dis 
 tinction and separate development of Precincts, is one method, 
 and the very best one, to accomplish this end. In improving 
 the blood of human beings, we cannot of course expect to pro 
 ceed as with animals, in disregard of the moral conditions and 
 moral feelings; because these are the most important parts of 
 human nature. And it is in order to improve these, quite as 
 much as or more than, to improve any intellectual or physical 
 characteristics, that it is desirable to produce improved stocks of 
 human beings at all. And of course, the idea of attempting to 
 produce this kind of improvement, in a formal, outward or pre 
 scribed way, is inhuman. But the natural and instinctive oper 
 ations of our Precinct system, would spontaneously produce some 
 of the most radical improvements of this kind, that could bo 
 desired; and that too, by the marriages of persons sufficiently 
 near alike, who being located near together would spontaneously 
 and instinctively select each other, better usually than formal 
 science could advise. 
 
 CHAP. X. SPECIAL, OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. 
 
 1. Intermingling , Useful in the Past. 
 
 It may be objected to our theory of Precincts, that great ad 
 vantages have followed the past policy of the United States, in 
 the intermingling of all classes. We answer, that in arguing for 
 the future, for persons of different religions politics and classes, 
 to form Precincts by themselves, we must admit that great ad 
 vantages have accrued in the past, from arranging so that all 
 intermingled freely, thereby breaking down " caste." We may 
 even admit that if the balance of advantage is yet in favor of 
 the present plan, nevertheless we may see, that in many places 
 we are approaching a class of evils of an opposite kind ; that, 
 anarchy and irreligion are being established, and parental rights 
 swept away by the extreme of the intermingling which we in 
 the United States are accomplishing ; and that we are now just 
 about the turning point, when, though the intermingling policy 
 of past years, still may have the benefit of the argument in 
 thinly settled country places, yet in cities, towns, and even in 
 thickly settled agricultural and mining regions, the old method 
 has evidently passed its greatest point of usefulness, and the new 
 
SPECIAL OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. 193 
 
 order is absolutely demanded by the balance of influences. In 
 general therefore we may infer, that the intermingling era is 
 passing away by tacit but common consent; and that the time 
 is coming for re-organization. 
 
 What is now far more to be guarded against, is the friction of 
 the different classes or colors, in the same localities. For, the 
 nearer people are together, the more they hate each other for the 
 small differences of daily life, as those small differences bring 
 them into more and more disputation and variance; and conse 
 quently they are more and more stimulated to and upheld in 
 those oppositions, by those of the same class or color, than when 
 apart from the others at their homes or recreations. The case 
 is the same as with the progress in machinery. At first, fric 
 tion is not thought of at all ; but in the later and higher devel 
 opments, the study how to lessen friction, becomes one of the 
 most important of all, both to the mechanic and to the inventor. 
 
 The intermingled modes of life, in mixed Precincts as now 
 most commonly found, are doubtless unobjectionable, so long as 
 the friction is but small, and as their citizens can live harmoni 
 ously together, and retain a good degree of mutual sympathy and 
 mutual regard for the rights and feelings of their neighbors. 
 But unfortunately, this is becoming a less and less frequent case. 
 Pride and tyranny on the one side, and pride and envy on the 
 other, are stimulating men everywhere into antithetic positions. 
 Everybody wants to be despotic to his inferiors, " superior to his 
 equals, and equal to his superiors." Hence a universal deep 
 undercurrent of discontent. And this gives rise to the neces 
 sity of allowing persons who are unhappy under their present 
 conditions,' to form new relations and new residences, upon 
 principles which seem promising of contentment and peace. 
 
 It might be apprehended that the collection in the same locali 
 ties, of persons of the same character, would produce narrow- 
 mindedness, and prevent general improvement, as it formerly 
 has done. But times have much altered. Now the art of 
 printing, the diffusion of education, the dissemination of public 
 presses, and the addition of the telegraph, are bringing all parts 
 of the world into such close acquaintance with each other, that 
 the old dangers of localization are not to be feared. The union 
 bet\veen characteristics and ideas of whole peoples, which for- 
 
 13 
 
194 BK - II. PRECINCT. II. X. 
 
 merly could only be accomplished by union of blood, and mix 
 ture of tribes, can now be largely fulfilled by the transmission 
 of ideas, and the spread of cosmopolite sympathies. 
 
 Such is the intimacy of distant localities, that merely geo 
 graphical distinctions alone, in a nation, especially in ours, are 
 ceasing to be real checks or balances in the working of govern 
 ment. And since the abolition of slavery, the old geographical 
 checks are passing away insensibly, leaving no balances in our 
 government at all, of any value for good ; but rather oppositions 
 and old enmities, without sufficient moral powers to balance 
 them. 
 
 If however, the time is not yet near for a change of policy 
 in these respects, or even if our argument against intermingling 
 be deemed entirely and eternally erroneous, then let it be remem 
 bered that our proposed Corporation-system, would not interfere 
 with the usual intermingling, but still would furnish most of the 
 political advantages of the Precinct-system. See Corporation. 
 2. Danger of Secession. 
 
 If the objection were raised, that the dividing up of a Nation 
 into Precincts would make the chances of secession easier, we 
 would reply, that it would have just the opposite effect; and this 
 would be the case in two entirely different ways. (1) For, the 
 larger the number of Precincts the Nation was divided into, the 
 less would be the chances of corrupting Individuals, and obtain 
 ing their votes by cheating ; for it could not possibly be known 
 beforehand, which way each Precinct would vote, when there 
 was such a large number of them ; and therefore it could not 
 be known which ones to cheat in, or how many. In the late 
 war, this corrupting and cheating were actually done in several 
 instances; and states were said to have given majorities for 
 secession, which had not done so at all, but the true votes had 
 been concealed and false returns made. It will be seen at once, 
 that where there is such a large number of Precincts as we pro 
 pose, the number of Individuals required to give false returns 
 will be largely increased. 
 
 (2) And besides this there is another reason : the more Pre 
 cincts a Nation is composed of, the less the population of each 
 will be, and the less the number of voters ; and therefore false 
 returns would surely be detected, and that being foreknown, they 
 
SPECIAL OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. 
 
 would be prevented. For where there is any doubt, the returns 
 can at once be examined, and every real and authorized voter 
 can be reached and examined. 
 
 The true doctrine of our " American " states" is, that they are 
 Corporations. This we will endeavor to show under Part III., 
 speaking of the relations of Precincts, Cities, and States, to Cor 
 porations. This shows at once the absurdity of that theory of 
 state rights, which, involving secession with it, too, viewed those 
 merely chartered organizations called states, as being the original 
 sources from which all power was derived, both above and below 
 them. In their origin too, as colonies, most of them were actually 
 chartered organizations. But having gradually absorbed from 
 and robbed, the Precincts, of their natural and proper rights, and 
 having allowed the growth of the body to dispel the soul out of 
 one social unit, they aimed next, to suck the soul out of the 
 other junit, that is, the Nation. The pride that grew up out of 
 the first usurpations, led directly to the ambition that aimed at 
 the second. 
 
 But now let us ask, will it help the matter any, to transfer 
 that usurped power from state to Nation, and allow one natural, 
 element at one end of the scale, to exercise all the powers belong 
 ing to the other end of the scale ? Whilst the states were lifting 
 up their heads, there was a superior power over them which they 
 well knew and feared. But if that superior power itself assumes 
 their functions, where is the power to check IT ? There is no 
 human power, but foreign. Hence, let us now return to first 
 and sound principles, and restore power to Precincts. 
 
 Another argument against the danger of secession, is found in 
 the fact, that adjoining localities generally form spontaneous 
 political REACTIONS to each other. And as every Precinct is, 
 by our theory, balanced by its Amalgam with the sum of its 
 adjoining Precincts, there would generally exist a spontaneous 
 balancing power to the extreme tendencies of any Precinct in 
 particular. The most unlike in property, would often go to 
 gether, namely, the richest and the poorest. And in between 
 pairs of such Precincts, would generally be intermediate ones for 
 mechanical purposes, stores, &c., because they would be needed 
 by the adjoining Precincts. All the Precincts of one kind would 
 not be formed in contiguity, partly because of business demands, 
 
196 BK - n. PRECINCT, ii. x. 
 
 and partly because of the expenses of removal to great distances, 
 and partly because of the ties of relationship refusing to be 
 broken by very great distances. No such great diversity of 
 geographical interests or feelings, could take place, as now exists 
 between East and West, or between North and South. 
 
 The natural tendency of localities to form political reactions 
 with adjoining localities, may not be easily explained, but is 
 nevertheless very easily proved to be a fact. For instance, at 
 the breaking out of the Southern rebellion, the rabid pro-slavery 
 Eastern Virginia was surrounded by Maryland, Delaware, West 
 ern Virginia and North Carolina. The rabid pro-slavery South 
 Carolina was touched' by the staunch old Whig states of North 
 Carolina and Florida, and only by the moderately pro-slavery 
 state of Georgia. The fire-eating state of Mississippi was touched 
 by Whig Louisiana and Tennessee, and by the moderately pro- 
 slavery Alabama. And the Fame similar general law is found 
 to hold in the case of the old Whig states, which were sur 
 rounded by or chiefly touched by rabid pro-slavery sections ; for 
 instance, South Carolina by North Carolina and Florida, with 
 moderate Georgia, Louisiana touched by rabid Mississippi and 
 Texas. Sometimes, however, it is necessary to take two states 
 or parts of states together, as one locality, to show the effects of 
 the principle in every case. But enough has been said to show 
 the principle. It must be remembered that the politics of the 
 Southern States were very different before the war, from what 
 they are now : the metaphysical reactions being from pro-slavery 
 to freedom, of some, and from old union to everlasting grum 
 bling of the others. The soldiers in rebellion became the sol 
 diers in submission. 
 
 But the principle is, there would be quite as much danger of 
 civil war between adjoining Precincts, in their reactions against 
 each other, as there would be of the secession from the Nation, 
 of Precincts in combination. But now what shall we say : 
 that our proposed system is liable to BOTH these objections, 
 namely, civil war between Precincts in some places? and seces 
 sion of combined Precincts in other places? Or shall we not 
 say, that both these anticipated evils only COUNTERBALANCE 
 each other, and thus nullify each other ? Besides, we have the 
 power of the Amalgams, which would be quite as efficient and 
 
SPECIAL OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. 197 
 
 even more efficient, to check riot and to prevent civil war be 
 tween the Precincts of which an Amalgam was composed, than 
 they would be in . preventing secession from the Nation. But 
 now, the simple truth is, that in any case of disorder, whether 
 towards secession of, or towards intestine war between, Precincts, 
 every Precinct and every Amalgam of Precincts, would have the 
 same right to call for support from the Nation, as any state now 
 has, or as any county now has to call upon its state for aid. 
 Both Precincts and Amalgams, would have direct recourse to the 
 aid of the national government; and the complex relations of 
 the subordinate parts of the Nation, would have nothing what 
 ever to do with the question, in case of any kind of resort to arms. 
 
 Another safeguard in our theory, against any attempt at 
 secession, is the doctrine already laid down under our general 
 idea of the Six UNITS, and especially under the head of " Re 
 bellion of Precincts/' in which place we endeavor to show that 
 Precincts have no rights of sovereignty, and no other right of 
 rebellion, than what every living creature has when sufficiently 
 aggrieved.' The sovereignty of the Precinct is no part of a 
 theory of six units, any more than that of the Individual, or of 
 the Family, or of any other of the six. 
 
 The real dangers of secession, are not at all in the direction 
 of formal local subdivision, but in the direction of too rapid in 
 crease of population, that is, too rapid for our science as yet; 
 and in too great a diffusion thereof; and in rebellions being fos 
 tered by foreign Nations, because of our audacious violations of 
 the laws of Nations, subjects which are treated under the head 
 of " International law" and in other appropriate places. 
 3. Confederacy, or Nation ? 
 
 There is one objection that may possibly be offered, which, in 
 its assumptions is so contrary to the whole theory, as scarcely to 
 deserve mention, and yet it may perhaps be better to anticipate 
 it directly. The assertion may be made that our theory tends 
 to produce a confederacy instead of a Nation. Now the answer 
 to this is, that we have all along maintained, that a part of the 
 "State" powers must be assigned to the Nation, that our 
 theory upon the whole, does not increase the totality of the 
 " State" powers, but only re-arranges them, giving more power 
 in some respects, but less, in other respects. And as to the mere 
 
198 BK - IL PRECINCT. II. X. 
 
 difference in size of the Precincts, although we may say, that as 
 a tendency of human nature, the larger the size and therefore 
 the smaller the number, of states, the more their junction has 
 the appearance of a mere confederacy, and vice-versa; never 
 theless, size of subdivision's does not affect the principle at all, 
 and need not be discussed. 
 
 4. Objections from the Scriptures. 
 
 It has been objected to our theory, by some who attach greater 
 comparative importance to Nation than to state or Precinct, that 
 the very frequent use of the word " Nations" in the Scriptures, 
 in reference to the original inhabitants of the neighborhood of 
 Judea, is against us. But " Nations" in those cases only mean 
 what they do when applied to the various tribes of American 
 Indians,^as for instance, the " Six Nations." But the thing 
 meant by Nation in these cases, evidently comes much nearer to 
 our idea of Precinct, than to the thing now meant by Nation as 
 that word is now understood. And the same is also the case 
 generally, in the histories of primitive times. 
 
 Another objection from the Scriptures might be, that the final 
 secession of a large part of the Jewish Nation, speaks unfavor 
 ably for the permanency of tribal Precincts. But this secession 
 is another argument from Scripture, to the contrary. The He 
 brew Nation, it is true, was divided into tribes, and great care 
 was taken to maintain the distinctness and completeness of each 
 one. But it is also true, that in the course of time, excessive 
 power became vested in the central government, namely, the 
 kings, and this did not arise from its nature as a Nation, but 
 from the ancient absolutism of Eastern feelings and Eastern 
 Monarchies. But in the original structure of the Hebrew polity, 
 and after its war-polity under Moses and Joshua ended, the 
 Nation possessed no physical power or physical organ expressing 
 its unity. This unity depended exclusively on the moral powers, 
 especially the moral Corporation of Levi, and the moral power 
 of the prophets, and the sense of nationality. And these moral 
 powers had been more efficient in preserving the union, than the 
 despotic power of the kings was subsequently. In fact, the real 
 cause of the civil Avar that finally broke up the Hebrew Nation, 
 was, each party in its turn endeavoring to control the centraliz 
 ing power, and thus to force its own views and polity upon all 
 
MINING DISTRICTS. 199 
 
 the Precincts ; and calling in foreign aid for that purpose. And 
 to speak more generally, the falling away of the more distant 
 localities, has always been one of the steps in the decay of states, 
 Nations, confederacies, and empires. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. MINING DISTRICTS. 
 
 The general principle of law hitherto has been, that mines of 
 precious metals belong to the Nation, and that even the sale and 
 title to land do not naturally alienate the Nation's right to pre 
 cious minerals. And we know now that all minerals are pre 
 cious. The principle is good ; Justice to all, as also the historical 
 troubles in many mining districts, help to confirm the principle. 
 Mines therefore, like sea-coasts, and like Large Cities, which we 
 shall treat of in the next chapter, should be amenable to the 
 Nation directly. Strictly mining districts, if thickly populated, 
 ought, like " States" and Large Cities, to be considered as double 
 Corporations, having one of their charters from the Nation itself. 
 But if thinly populated, they ought to be treated like " territo 
 ries" not yet admitted to be full State-Precincts, but only pre 
 paring so to be, and meanwhile be under the control of the 
 Nation alone. 
 
 CITIES. 
 
 1. Federative Corporations. 
 
 (a) Classifications. When we 'came to the consideration of 
 large cities, those which according to our limitations of popula 
 tion would consist* of several Precincts, we were halted for a 
 long time, unable to decide where to place them. We had long 
 decided to ignore altogether, what are commonly in America, 
 called "States," thinking that all their functions could prop 
 erly be analyzed and divided off, partly to Precinct and partly 
 to Nation. But the consideration of large cities soon re-opened 
 the question about ignoring " States," and showed plainly that 
 they and large cities both, must come under the same closely 
 related category; the only difference in principle being the 
 geographical extent of the states, and even this difference being 
 counteracted in many cases, by the much greater population of 
 the cities. It was furthermore evident, that states had provi- 
 
200 BK - IL PRECINCT. II. XII. 
 
 dentially served to counteract the cities by furnishing a sufficient 
 country population for that purpose. But still, the doubt was 
 as unsettled as ever, where to classify BOTH of them. 
 
 It was evidently possible according to our theory, to take 
 two entirely different views of states and large cities. On the 
 one hand it was possible to consider them as a sort of inter- 
 preciuct-federations, a sort of inter-national-like federations be 
 tween Precincts : and on the other hand it was possible to 
 conceive of them as Corporations chartered by the Nation. A 
 prolonged inability to decide between these two possibilities, at 
 last draws us to accept a compromise between them, and we will 
 call the resultant name Federative Corporation. This compro 
 mise may be stated thus : States and large cities are SPONTA 
 NEOUS corporations with DOUBLE charters, one charter from the 
 Nation above them, and the other charter from the Precincts 
 below them. There is no more difficulty in conceiving this 
 thought, than in conceiving the thought of a railroad deriving 
 its charter from two different states, which is a very frequent 
 occurrence. But we must remember, that As Corporations they 
 are spontaneous, and have their right of charter given by nature, 
 without the artifice or deliberation of man ; and therefore it 
 would be quite as true an idea to conceive of states and cities, 
 as confederations of Precincts, duly authorized by the Nation. 
 
 The only difficulty is, to see how the old " Colonies" or " Settle 
 ments/ 7 which previously and historically had been natural and 
 valid Precincts, 'should have gradually and insensibly lost that 
 character, and have become Corporations. And furthermore, 
 some which had at first been actual Corporations, and then 
 changed into real Precincts, then again gradually changed back 
 into Corporations, of our present "State" kind. The solution 
 is to be found in the Tribe-principle. Because Precinct and Cor 
 poration are two of the elements of the Tribe ; and as has been 
 previously stated, one of the peculiar traits of all the three ele 
 ments of the Tribe is, their tendency to and facility of, inter 
 changing themselves, one for the other. And this very tendency 
 and facility, are some of the reasons why those three elements 
 had to be co-ordinated into one in our general theory. 
 
 Reasonably therefore, it was deemed best to place this subject 
 at the end of the treatment of the Precinct. And this was espe- 
 
"STATES" AND LARGE CITIES. 201 
 
 cially necessary, because without it, the theory of the Precinct 
 would be incomplete and unsatisfactory. Nevertheless > we re 
 tain a place and heading for this subject in the classification 
 of Corporations, for the satisfaction of those persons who would 
 prefer the latter place for it. We might perhaps ourself have 
 preferred CORPORATION as the best place for it, were it not that 
 that subject, as an element of government, is less familiar to 
 the reader and much more difficult and complicated in its own 
 nature ; and therefore it was deemed best to keep it as unen 
 cumbered as possible. 
 
 We say then, all political or governmental organizations or 
 divisions, superior to the small Precinct, except the Nation, may 
 be regarded as federative Corporations constituted by the union 
 of Precincts. 
 
 (6) Right of Precincts to form into Federative Corporations. 
 The necessity for an express charter or legal permission for the 
 existence of any Corporations, whether financial or political, is 
 not at all inherent natural or necessary to the matter. This 
 necessity has arisen under English laws, and because of a lum 
 bering clumsy artificiality of our laws, which arbitrarily stand 
 ready to construe a union for any special purpose (except pur 
 chasing or holding of Real Estate) as an unlimited partnership 
 for all purposes. In nature, (as indeed ought to be the case in 
 the law) all voluntary partnerships are limited, which do not 
 expressly assert the contrary; yet in law, the reverse is the 
 arbitrary principle. But now, when the voluntary association 
 becomes greatly co-extensive with any one neighborhood, there 
 arises a Precinct business interest, and this interest, in the acci 
 dents of history, was necessitated to obtain charters and become 
 Corporations, as in the free cities of Europe. And this again, 
 not because of any inherent necessity, but because these Corpo 
 rations had arisen among the industrial classes, who were then 
 serfs, only gradually becoming either free in person, or capable 
 of holding property or of self-government, and only gradually 
 asking their rights from the landed and feudal aristocracy. And 
 thus the charters of these free states, were in a degree, obtaining 
 freedom, property and self-government, all at once, for such Pre 
 cincts. Thus it often happens, that an artificial or secondarily 
 derived Corporation, namely a State or Barony, gives the legal 
 
202 BK - IL PRECIXCT. ii. xii. 
 
 status or authority to a natural and original Corporation, by ac 
 knowledging to it the return, of a measure of the rights to 
 which it is rightfully entitled by natural principles of justice 
 and Social Science. 
 
 We see there are several kinds of Corporations, commonly" so 
 called. One kind, the Precinct itself, we do not count as a Cor 
 poration, but as an eternal spontaneity and natural unit of society. 
 But those subsidiary Corporations that may be created within its 
 limits, are our first kind. The other kinds are secondary, con 
 sisting of those which are more or less outside of the individual 
 Precinct. Now, our theory regarding the Precincts as the origi 
 nal elements or units of power, requires us to admit, as of agents, 
 the equal rights of such Corporations as consist of either two or 
 more Precincts, and also of such voluntary associations as two or 
 more of them may incorporate or constitute : We mean the equal 
 ity of their rights with those of Corporations organized or con 
 stituted by central national powers, so that these again must at 
 any rate be classified into a third kind, or tertiary Corporations, 
 and on entirely different principles from the former two kinds. 
 
 And then again, there is a kind of corporation which is, as it 
 were, a delegate authorized by a delegate, namely a corporation 
 authorized by a previous yet continuing corporation. Such are 
 all the corporations which are chartered by those mongrel in 
 stitutions we call states. For these states themselves, being only 
 corporations of a peculiar kind, present this singular phenom 
 enon, of one corporation authorizing and chartering another for 
 political functions, and also for other businesses. Such are 
 nearly all the railroads, canals, and business corporations in 
 the United States. The only powers that ought to pretend to 
 charter any thing, are the Nation and the small Precincts; and 
 charters ought to be as easy and as free as partnerships. 
 
 If we admit, for states as well as cities, only the status of cor 
 porations, and not that of fundamental 'instinctive elements or 
 units of society, we would not undervalue them thereby; because 
 our theory elevates corporation itself, from the position of a mere 
 creature of government, to that of a fundamental, although arti 
 ficial or rational element. By thus elevating the corporation, 
 we would not degrade the city and state. The thing that our 
 theory really does affect, is the Precinct, which it raises at one 
 
"STATES" AND LARGE CITIES. 203 
 
 bound, from the low position given to it by the low theory of 
 corporation, to the high position of a fundamental instinctive 
 unit of society. 
 
 (c) Temporary uses of "States." Although the division of 
 Nations into provinces and states, has no foundation in the 
 fundamental principles of government; yet, so long as Social 
 Science is in its infancy, and Mankind so imperfect, the division 
 is of very high importance as a provisional one for temporary 
 purposes. For one thing ; a province or state serves providen 
 tially to counterbalance the large city, by a power that will do 
 the least evil in proportion to the amount of good ; for there is 
 no other power that can be proposed for such a counterbalance, 
 except the Nation. But inasmuch as corruption increases in 
 direct ratios, to the sum of the population, the size of the coun 
 try, and the distance of the party governed from the party 
 governing; but is in the inverse ratio to the restrictions of 
 power; it is inferable without doubt, that in general, the 
 national power operating directly as a check to the city, would 
 be overwhelming, and thus be a worse balancing organ than some 
 intermediate political power, which should be similar in one of 
 the two great elements constituting the divisions ; for instance, 
 similar in population, as it of course could not be similar in 
 geographical surface. But you may ask, why should surface 
 have any thing to do with it? We answer, because surface, al 
 though little for aggression, is every thing for defence; and 
 because surface scantly occupied, belongs to futurity. 
 
 Another use of states, so long as they are maintained, has 
 been for state prisons, and might be to make punishment-cities 
 more practicable. In order to form such cities large enough to 
 be useful, they would need to be the receptacles of the criminals 
 from many Precincts. And this would require, either, state or 
 national co-operation, unless indeed it were deemed better to let 
 the Precincts themselves make special leagues or confederations 
 for such purposes. But this would require a very high degree 
 of Christian civilization, to justify it, or to make it successful. 
 
 2. Cities equivalent to States, in rights and responsibilities. 
 
 One of the foundations for State, in distinction from Precinct 
 and Nation, is the existence of metropolitan cities, which, states 
 sometimes claim as the property of the one in which they are 
 
204 BK - ii. PRECINCT, ii. xii. 
 
 located. But such a claim is generally spurious, and in the case 
 of large cities, always so. For instance, the city of Philadelphia 
 belongs as much in its business relations, and also socially and 
 financially, to New Jersey and Delaware, in proportion to their 
 size, as it does to Pennsylvania. Likewise New York City be 
 longs to New Jersey, Khode Island and Connecticut, as well. 
 But the fact is, that all these large cities belong to the Nation, 
 socially and financially. It is the national trade and tariff that 
 has built these metropolitan cities. It is the trade both domestic 
 and foreign, of the separate parts of the whole Nation. Hence, 
 such a city has a better claim on principle, to be an original unit, 
 that is, a state, than any one of the several United States them 
 selves. And as long as the mongrel distinctions of State are 
 kept up, these metropolitan cities ought to claim as a right, that 
 they should be co-equal states, and no longer subject to the 
 fleecings and petty tyrannies of state legislatures, but responsible 
 only and directly to the general government on the one hand, 
 and to the people who inhabit, and to the Precincts of which 
 they are composed, on the other hand. But, until government 
 becomes better, perhaps all these complications are, merely diffi 
 culties in the way of greater evils. But the plea of a certain 
 great city, to be elevated into a state, in the midst of a great 
 war which it had indirectly done much to produce, was not 
 just. Let it stay, and take its share of its own evils ; and 
 " never swap horses in crossing a stream." 
 
 Cities therefore, especially large ones, should be under the 
 control of some supervisory larger country power, either of 
 state, as at present, or rather and especially under the national 
 government ; because they are morally and metaphysically the 
 product and property of the whole public, or Nation, and profit 
 by the Nation's trade and progress pre-eminently. 
 
 But besides these things, also their powers over the state, their 
 ability to sustain taxation, and their special corruptibility, and 
 the fact of the invariable collection of special wickednesses that 
 voluntarily flow into them, all require their submission to a 
 superior agricultural or country power. 
 
 And such a submission has its logical justification or basis, in 
 this, that cities are the offspring of and dependent upon, a large 
 agricultural or country district, for their very existence. 
 
"STATES" AND LARGE CITIES. 205 
 
 It is quite apparent to all thinking persons, that the manner 
 is grossly unjust, in which, for instance, the Legislatures of New 
 York and Pennsylvania, tyrannize over their great Metropolises. 
 It is equally apparent, that it would be productive of immense 
 evil, to allow New York City to begin now to govern itself, and, 
 that the government would be administered in the interests of 
 the lawless and disorderly. In fact, the legislative aid of the 
 state has been invoked by the order-loving citizens, to preserve 
 their city from evil ; although the case is different in Pennsyl 
 vania. Hence we see that neither the state nor the city itself, 
 can be trusted to govern a metropolitan city. That the national 
 government could not be trusted with the internal administration 
 of such a city, is evidenced by the mal-administration of Wash 
 ington City for many years. 
 
 The only alleviation is, to have the city divided into a large 
 number of small Precincts, each of which shall have its own 
 internal newly apportioned state rights, and each be responsible 
 to the general government, by itself. Then the Precincts that 
 would allow the disorderly to rule, would soon be forsaken by the 
 orderly and peace-loving citizens, who would naturally fall into 
 Precincts by themselves ; and the disorderly and riotous might 
 perhaps murder and fight one another to their hearts' content, so 
 long as they did not interfere with their neighboring peaceable 
 Precincts, nor with migrating out of them, nor the transit 
 through them ; as, in that case they would come under the 
 defence and military possession of the National or General 
 Government, the same as any other Eebels. 
 
 The experiment of allowing the "state" governments to con 
 trol the affairs, and alter the charters, of large cities at will, has 
 been tried and found wanting and abandoned, both in Pennsyl 
 vania and New York. A state should have no more right to 
 prescribe the width, direction or other circumstances, of the ordi 
 nary streets or City-Rail-Ways &c., IN the city, than the general 
 government itself. 
 
 On the other hand, any particular neighborhood or township, 
 has as good a right to say, whether it will support any religion, 
 whether it will allow Sunday travel, (of course except the travel 
 under government sanction of the larger district or province, for 
 instance the Mail), what the conditions of Divorce of its own 
 
206 BK - IL PRECINCT. II. xii. 
 
 citizens, and whether it will license liquor or brothels, and 
 whether it will make all real estate return to a general fund, 
 (of course compensating all the present holders), and what com 
 munistic or other moral experiments may be allowed : Each 
 neighborhood has the same political right to do these things for 
 itself, under certain restrictions, as the state itself is now allowed 
 to have ; and with the new apportionment and balances of power ; 
 more right. The business of a "state" is not arrogantly to 
 assume all these rights to itself, but only to prescribe and define 
 the reasonable limits, within which, each neighborhood and town 
 ship and county may regulate these matters for themselves. 
 
 This theory, it will be seen, claims for neighborhoods, many 
 rights which the advocates of ultra-individual liberty, claim for 
 the Individual, and is thus a compromise between theories that 
 hitherto have seemed to be in radical opposition. It is also a 
 compromise in various other respects. And here a word might 
 be dropped quietly in the ear of the new society advocating God 
 and religion, &c., in the national constitution. Supposing for 
 argument's sake that they are right from their stand-point, as to 
 their religious principles, and as to the general idea of the rela 
 tion between religion and government; still they fail .entirely to 
 discriminate between the Precinct and the Nation, as organs of 
 accomplishing the Divine will in government. And the same 
 want of discrimination seems to be made by their opponents, 
 whether high church or non-church men, of whatever affilia 
 tion. 
 
 In cities, the close proximity of the population of many Pre 
 cincts, without any geographical lines' or distances between them, 
 constitutes their chief peculiarity : thus, the peculiar functions 
 of cities require the putting forth of new organs. And the idea 
 that sums up all these organs, under which they must classify 
 themselves, is, special organizations of all these small Precincts, 
 of which they are composed. Besides being divided into small 
 Precincts, the same as said above, the special organization of the 
 whole city should have special powers, the exact limits of which 
 are not easy to give fully, until after some experience shall have 
 been had, and further study given to its details. Nor is it neces 
 sary to discover all the details of a plan, before perceiving the 
 utility in general of the plan itself. 
 
"STATES" AND LARGE CITIES. 207 
 
 A consolidated municipal Police and Board of Health would 
 at least be necessary ; whilst the Fire Department and Boards 
 of Trade, Water and Gas, might be either municipal powers, or 
 special corporations. Probably the city government might be 
 best accomplished by an equal number of rulers, chosen partly 
 according to its own general municipal principles and by its 
 own members ; and partly by the state, so long as such mongrels 
 as our states are tolerated, or instead thereof, by the national 
 government. This is proposed as a constitution for the general 
 city power ; and of course is not intended to disturb the Precinct- 
 powers, reserved to each of the many small Precincts which the 
 city is to be considered as consisting of. 
 
 We need not depend on theory alone for the settlement of 
 these questions, but on actual experiment. The city of Phila 
 delphia, for 150 years, that is from its origin until about the 
 year 1850, consisted of several distinct corporations or boroughs, 
 as distinct as Philadelphia is from Pittsburg. Afterwards they 
 became consolidated into one corporation, and that experiment 
 has been tried for fifteen or twenty years. The subsequent 
 amount of corruption and destruction of private rights, clearly 
 proves that the larger the political organization, the more cor 
 rupt it becomes. The only objection to the old organization of 
 independent boroughs, was the facility which it gave for rowdies 
 and criminals to escape from one borough into another. But 
 after suffering for many years, the boroughs adopted an organ 
 ization of consolidated police, and this effectually corrected the 
 evil. The city had not been governed nearly so well for twenty 
 years before, and has never been better governed since. Although 
 Mayor Henry did as well as mortal could do. This consolida 
 tion of police, cured the evil ; and is one illustration, among 
 many that might be given, why Precincts with state-powers, 
 should be allowed to form special leagues with each other. 
 
 Another instance is the city of London, which, during all 
 the hundreds of years of its existence, and to this day, although 
 the largest city in the world, consists of a number of distinct 
 and separate corporate boroughs. 
 
 3. Special Needs in Large Cities. 
 
 (a) In General. Cities are entirely an artificial product, and 
 city life is not entirely an instinctive one ; therefore men, like 
 
208 BK - IL PRECINCT, n. XIL 
 
 animals when out of their instinctive life, are unable to help 
 themselves by their unaided ordinary instinctive powers. Cities 
 therefore require a high degree of social science. Yet Spencer 
 makes no radical allowance for city organization. His theory 
 will not answer for " Corporations." He requires such a per 
 sistent adherence to the " let alone" doctrine, as to advise even 
 that the streets should be allowed to become foul, until by pro 
 ducing diseases and annoyances, and affecting the prices of Real 
 Estate, and the standard of the neighborhood, capitalists may 
 ultimately be induced to form voluntary corporations for the 
 purpose of cleaning them, without the aid or prompting of the 
 city government. 
 
 Up to a certain point of size, cities or towns improve the 
 health and morality of Mankind. Just in proportion as men 
 get nearer together, their intercourse becomes more frequent, and 
 general intelligence increases. Brought together for business or 
 occupation, they yet derive, incidentally, other and very different 
 advantages, from the very frequent intercourse of social life, 
 increased opportunities and inducements for intellectual and 
 moral culture, and for religious exercises. The very fact itself 
 of a larger circle of personal acquaintances, contributes to the 
 general improvement of the inhabitants. 
 
 Nevertheless, it must be deeply felt by every practical social 
 scientist, that large cities present many features requiring special 
 treatment, and produce many special vices dangers and suffer 
 ings, difficult to cope with successfully, by any treatment yet 
 imagined. Statistics drawn from some of the old cities of 
 Europe show, that the population actually dies out every few 
 (say six or seven) generations, and that they are sustained only 
 by the influx of new blood and new persons from the country. 
 This course of things shows there is something radically wrong, 
 either in city life itself, or in the lack of discovery as yet of the 
 true principles of city government. We shall have occasion to 
 examine into this matter at some length, under the heads of 
 " Health" and " Life." At present, all we can delay to con 
 sider is, the relation of this subject to our Precinct-theory, 
 namely, to constituting cities into small Precincts for their polit 
 ical administration. We may remark then, that all the general 
 arguments for our theory are, like everything else, intensified, 
 
"STATES" AND LARGE CITIES. 209 
 
 when applied to large cities. \Ve may also remark that the 
 growth of very large cities ought to be discouraged ; and their 
 connection with the whole national power, might tend in that 
 direction; but that "state" powers foster the LARGE cities. Be 
 cause no state has more than one such, and therefore encourages 
 concentration ; but the national policy would be, as it generally 
 has been, to encourage the dissemination of population. In 
 fact, the function of new cities is just as much a part of our 
 national policy, as the settlement of new farms. 
 
 (b) Residences and Occupations too far Apart. Next, coming 
 to the special arguments ; the great political object is to induce 
 citizens to reside within the Precincts where their occupation 
 lies. To this end the following reasons may be given. Yet the 
 great remedy is the Precinct-system. Minor remedies may come 
 up under " Civil Government." But at present all we can do, 
 is to give some reasons or arguments for this uniting of resi 
 dences and occupations in near neighborhood. 
 
 (1) Under the present scattering system, the number of in 
 habitants becomes so great, and the Individual persons so fluc 
 tuating, that the citizens become less and less watchers or critics 
 of one another, whether for preventing wrong doing, or for 
 arresting criminals. Then the criminals can find hiding places 
 in obscure lanes and bye- ways, and under the cover of acquaint 
 ances whose occupations are unknown ; then morality begins to 
 deteriorate, temptations increase, and the powers of counterac 
 tion proportionately decrease. (2) Another point of decrease 
 of honor and general morality in cities, is reached, when their 
 residents in large numbers become so fashionable or so enfeebled 
 in health, that they must remove their residences to some dif 
 ferent and distant parts of the city, from those in which they 
 fulfill their daily Occupations. This works badly in several 
 ways. In one way, it has a similar eifect to increasing the tran 
 sient and fluctuating part of the population ; it gives each resi 
 dent so much less time and so much less interest in the 
 neighborhoods, both of his residence and his occupation. Fur 
 thermore, some of the best hours of the day are lost in the 
 travel to and fro. (3) The head of the house is absent from 
 his home, when he may be wanted in case of family disputes, 
 and, needed correction of children. The women become more 
 
 14 
 
210 BK. II. PRECINCT. II. XII. 
 
 and more given to trifling; the sanctity of marriage is more and 
 more endangered. All the better feelings of family life are 
 more and more interrupted. (4) Another way in which this 
 increasing size and incidental residence, distant from the places of 
 occupation, does injury, is, that the business districts, after being 
 forsaken as abodes by those who ought to continue near or in 
 them, often become occupied by the lowest classes of society, 
 in that interim between the time of their being aristocratic 
 enough for residences, and the time of their becoming wanted 
 for grand stores and offices. A large Precinct of this kind, con 
 taining the largest portion of the city's wealth, will sometimes 
 be inhabited chiefly by Individuals who have neither property, 
 reputation, nor permanent residence in the locality. Our Pre 
 cinct-theory would not at all apply to such cases. To prevent 
 the political and party evils arising from these causes, the wards 
 in Philadelphia are often found divided so as to be, say, two 
 miles long, and only one-eighth of a mile wide ; which is a vio 
 lation of the first principles of the geography of the Precinct- 
 system, and increases the social and moral evils working at the 
 bottom. 
 
 (c) Growth of Cities too Rapid for Social Science. The evils in 
 large cities may be classified according to two principles of sepa 
 ration. One, according to their origin, as physical, metaphysical, 
 and moral, the other according to their degree of permanence 
 into removable, and irremovable, or as the New York Council 
 of Hygiene, in regard only to physical health, says, " prevent 
 able/' and " not preventable." But after all, the classification 
 of removable or irremovable, is very defective for Social Science, 
 in the question regarding the size of cities; because size itself has 
 all imperceptible degrees, and because the relation of size is com 
 plicated again with, and ever varies with the capacity of Social 
 Science to cope with the subject. 
 
 It must be admitted, that the tendency of men to concentrate 
 in cities, has ever been in advance of the morality and the sci 
 ences that are necessary to govern them. So that even under 
 despotic governments, they become pests morally and socially; 
 whilst in republics, in addition to these evils, there are the evils 
 of riot and mob-ocracy. Hence, one of the necessary methods 
 of preventing the evils is, checking the growth itself, until social 
 
"STATES" AND LARGE CITIES. 211 
 
 and political science can come nearer to catching up with the 
 evils. Hence then, it becomes prudent to discourage the too 
 rapid influx of human beings into ONE locality. And this is 
 best effected, in the usual and most approved manner of social 
 retardments, especially by direct taxes, and sufficient in amount 
 to effect the objects aimed at, 
 
 Accordingly, taxes should be imposed in cities on the male 
 population over the age of 18. Also, a tax per acre on the 
 amount of ground built upon, not counting the yards or areas 
 not built upon. Also a tax per cubic foot of all buildings, except 
 residences of small tenants ; tax to be paid by the owner. Also 
 a tax on all living expenditures over certain specified amounts 
 per person of any age ; tax to be paid by the head of the Family. 
 These extra taxes should be commanded, and their total Precinct 
 amounts, or else their percentages, should be specified in general, 
 by the government of the state or Nation ; but the PROCEEDS 
 should be collected and expended by the Amalgam of the city 
 Precincts, and be expended solely for the physical and moral 
 improvement of the city itself, and be fairly apportioned to 
 each Precinct therein, instead of, for instance, on the principle 
 of having all in one grand park, and that perhaps, 3 or 4 miles 
 from the city's centre where fresh air is most needed. Further 
 more, all private persons who have open lots duly planted, 
 should be accounted benefactors, and so much of their lots as 
 were thus planted, should be exempt from all taxation. 
 
 In these and all other possible ways, the rules and expenditures 
 which tended DIRECTLY to discourage the increase of the city, 
 should INCIDENTALLY tend to make it more healthy and more 
 moral. But there are so many evils to be counteracted, that only 
 faithful and long continued experiments, can prove what are the 
 best methods of counteraction. 
 
 One of the most important views of the advantages of small 
 Precincts, will be found in connection with cities : because the 
 advantages of the system will be most apparent among them; 
 both because there is the most need for this principle of sub 
 division, and also because, by the facility of removals, the plan 
 would the more easily be put into actual operation. Indeed, 
 perhaps cities are the places appointed by Providence, for the 
 trial of most kinds of practical " experiments ;" for therein 
 
212 BK. II. PRECINCT. II. XII. 
 
 the results become quickly visible to a multitude of " ob 
 servers." 
 
 (d) Plan of treating Fallen Districts. Here is a plan for bene- 
 fitting Five Points, Bedford street, Sink, and other such places, 
 and is a sort of exception to other general rules. 
 
 A Precinct of this kind, would bear a somewhat similar rela 
 tion to the city, that a city now under the old theory, bears to the 
 state, which in fact is somewhat similar in principle, to what a 
 conquered province bears to the conquering country, after the 
 return to a condition of settled peace. It is a kind of absolute 
 dependence of the smaller upon the greater; exercised partly 
 for the good of the province itself, and partly for the good of the 
 whole. The fall of any Precinct into the condition of a rendez 
 vous for social outcasts, must be regarded as in principle, a sort 
 of rebellion against the general city, however sincere, however 
 mistaken, however ill-treated, tke rebels may be, or conceive 
 themselves to be. But on the other hand, as these kinds of 
 rebels have the right to live, the rebellion must be treated rather 
 as one by a Locality, than as one by Individuals. It is a rebel 
 lion whose essence consists, not in violence against human wills, 
 nor in warring against the citizens generally; but rather as a 
 taking away of the public land. The world's plan is, to turn 
 the poor creatures out of doors, every once in a while, to please 
 fanatical zeal. 
 
 Our plan is as follows. 
 
 Let the neighborhood within prescribed limits, be legally con 
 stituted, separately, into a Reformatory Precinct under the imme 
 diate control of some sufficiently general and superior power. 
 This would naturally draw many respectable people out of it. 
 These should be compensated, in all cases where the law is 
 applied, either suddenly or soon after the time of the enactment 
 thereof. Constituting the locality into a Reformatory Precinct, 
 would give special powers to make special regulations binding on 
 property holders, to keep the places decently clean and healthy. 
 The power of the municipal government, when fully applied, 
 should, extend to confining the residents within the Precinct. But 
 not to exclude honest citizens, having known and visibly honest 
 means of support &c. from entering and returning. Special per 
 mits might be given to the most deserving and improving resi- 
 
APPROXIMATION BY CHARTERS. 213 
 
 dents, to go out to work, or to gather fragments. It should also 
 prevent any other persons from moving into it, to reside therein. 
 Stations of work, and of gratuitous supply of the absolute neces 
 saries of life, should be located there. All spirituous liquors 
 should be kept out, and dram shops closed up therein. The 
 women . and children should be specially cared for, with more 
 minor comforts than the men. Schools for teaching, not only 
 the rudiments of reading, writing, arithmetic &c.; but also for 
 teaching the common sense principles of success in every day 
 life, the principal motives and uses for common self-control, 
 common morality, and the rudiments of responsibility and grati 
 tude to God and man; as enforced by suffering and as taught by 
 nature. Free encouragement should be given to the various 
 religious missions, to maintain their good works ; and suitable 
 buildings or rooms should be furnished to them by the city, 
 without charge. A small prison should be arranged within the 
 Precinct itself, and a special police arrangement to suit the 
 peculiar people. Small sums of money should be given to them 
 as rewards. A portion of the houses should be taken to supply 
 free lodgings of the plainest kind, sexes apart. Also free medi 
 cal attention and medicines, and as many things free as possible, 
 but under advices as to what and when. 
 
 But this subject runs into that about the Punishment-Cities, 
 which are to be considered under the head of Government. The 
 chief difference is, that criminals and all who cannot pretty fully 
 clear themselves of suspicion of felony and similar offences, 
 should be carefully and thoroughly excluded, even from occasional 
 entrance anywhere within the bounds of these "fallen districts;" 
 The entire separation of professional criminals from openly fallen 
 women, is one of the only means of either, detecting, punishing, 
 or preventing general crimes; as well as a necessary means of 
 preserving or restoring the women and their children. Nor is it 
 socially just, to confuse the open sexual immorality of women, 
 with the secret crimes of felony. And as to the 'deeper moral 
 and religious questions involved, this is not the part of the sci 
 ence in which to consider them. 
 
214 BK - n. PRECINCT, in. i. 
 
 PART III. 
 
 CONCLUSION OF THE PRECINCT: PARTIAL 
 APPLICABILITY BY CHARTERS. 
 
 CHAP. I. IN GENERAL. 
 
 It seems an appropriate method whereby to conclude both this 
 whole article on the Precinct, and also this part about the rela 
 tions of states and cities to Corporations, to introduce a topic, 
 which although entirely different from either of them, and from 
 our whole theory of the Precinct, yet nevertheless has no other 
 so proper a place in the work, and yet has much intrinsic and 
 PRACTICAL importance, namely, the- topic of how far, and by 
 what principles, the general advantages of our theory of the 
 Precinct, could be realized by one or more Precincts, by means 
 of charters merely, and not upon grounds of general rights ; and 
 without an alteration of the constitution of the Nation, although 
 they might involve an alteration of the constitution of the par 
 ticular state. Because, there are late decisions in Pennsylvania, 
 that "the state legislature cannot delegate to the people the 
 power to enact laws." But of course this is only a dodge of the 
 " legists" for the charters of all boroughs and cities, involve the 
 right of those corporations to make certain kinds of laws. And 
 if they can delegate to the borough, why not also delegate to the 
 people of a " ward" ? 
 
 This topic to be sure, might be postponed to CORPORATION. 
 If so, it would come under the head of corporations exercising 
 governmental and political functions; and under the lower or 
 derivative order, exercising functions under present govern 
 ments, and under the subdivision, for general functions. But 
 the reservation of this topic to that element of society, would in 
 terfere too much with the very general abstract and theoretical 
 mode of thought there pursued. 
 
 In general we may remark, that persons who cannot receive 
 the PRECiNCT-theory in the fullness of foundation we give to it, 
 may probably be able to admit the rights, as grants from a supe 
 rior power. This would be, in effect, to rank Precincts as Corpo 
 rations, in which case, nearly our whole argument on freedom of 
 Corporations, would become a part of the Precinct argument, and 
 
BY CHARTERS FROM THE NATION. 215 
 
 would counterbalance, by extent, what was lost in the depth, of 
 the foundation. But we have aimed to place the rights of Pre 
 cincts upon more durable reasons, regarding as we do, Precincts 
 to be spontaneous and instinctive units of society, with inaliena 
 ble rights, concurrent with the rights of all the other units, Indi 
 vidual, Family, Nation, <fcc. But after all, it is not so important 
 now, and practically, what grounds we place the rights upon, as 
 it is, how Extensive we will grant those rights shall be. 
 
 CHAP. II. BY CHARTERS FROM THE NATION. 
 
 The simplest and best method would be, by charters from the 
 Nation itself. But this could not be constitutionally effective 
 within the limits of already existing and completed " states/ 7 un 
 less by their consent. The general government alone, could only 
 furnish such charters for its " territories," or such parts of them 
 as it chose so to do. But of course, no such charter could convey 
 any more power, than what the general government might convey 
 to any other of its " new states." These powers would be more 
 ample, however, than any yet conveyed to a new state. But no 
 thoroughly ample grants could be given by charter, even by the 
 Nation, without a previous alteration of ITS " constitution." 
 
 In " old states," even granting ample charters to Precincts 
 within them, considerable facilities would be obtained by the 
 grant of charters from the general government also ; so that each 
 Precinct would thus have two charters. 
 
 If charters were given by the Nation, whether alone or con 
 currently, the principles hereinafter mentioned, would most gen 
 erally apply with equal suitability. 
 
 There are some objects, which, for their complete attainment, 
 or even for their satisfactory trial, would require the subsequent 
 co-operation of the national government, for instance, Peace- 
 Precincts. And the United States government should be peti 
 tioned to excuse such Peace-Precincts from all military burdens, 
 both personal and financial. The United States government should 
 also be petitioned to confirm the relief of some of the Precincts, 
 by amendments of the national constitution, so as to make their 
 privileges more permanent, and their independence more real, 
 somewhat like the Free Cities of Germany, which having been 
 established even in the Middle Ages, still preserve their free- 
 
2] 6 BK - IL PRECINCT. III. III. 
 
 dom, and give us specimens of .the best, happiest, and most 
 effectual governments in the world. 
 
 Even Russia had granted such freedom many years ago, to a 
 large peace settlement of protestant Mennonites ; but lately re 
 voked it. This drove the Mennonites to emigrate to the United 
 States, whereupon the Russian government restored the grant. 
 But grants revocable at will, will not answer, nor anything less 
 than irrevocable charters. Consequently the Russian Mennon 
 ites still continue their emigration into this country. They are 
 slightly communists, as they hold their pasture lands in com 
 mon, and perhaps some other things. They had a difficulty in 
 finding suitable lands. For the United States government, with 
 its all extravagant waste of public lands, has no method it seems, 
 to encourage settlements either in joint or in common ownership. 
 It has lands for Mormons, and " squatters," and reservations for 
 Indians, but not for communes, until paid for in severalty. 
 
 CHAP. III. BY CHARTERS FROM A 
 
 SUGGESTIONS. 
 
 Here we are to consider how near an approximation could be 
 made to our Precinct-system, by any one " State/ 7 without any 
 alteration either of the constitution or laws of the Nation. 
 
 If nothing better nor more can be done, it would be something 
 at least, if each state would give to its townships or smallest 
 Precincts, at least the county powers of sheriffs, &c. Because, a 
 very general and thorough diminution of the size of counties, 
 even without any radical increase of the powers, would be a first 
 step towards the proposed new order; yet as it would not pro 
 vide compensations for removals, it would lack one of the ad 
 vantages of the more radical plan. 
 
 It is certain however, that any State might give to any one, or 
 a few adjoining Precincts, a charter so as to embody the princi 
 ples herein set forth, as an experiment. And the experiment 
 might be made with such limitations, either of time or s|)ace, as 
 would avoid running excessive risks by untried plans. 
 
 Of course any change should be made gradually, and have a 
 few years of notice, that all persons might remove to the dis 
 trict of their choice, who were not satisfied with the ruling ma 
 jorities or powers in their own Precinct. Another feature in 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 217 
 
 the starting of this plan is, that no Precinct should be forced 
 into this arrangement. But each one should have the choice, 
 to take its Precinct-freedom, or to remain under the old state- 
 machinery, as some perhaps would do at first; the main idea 
 being, to increase freedom, not to diminish it. 
 
 CHAP. IV. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES AS A 
 FORMAL BASIS FOB A "STATE." 
 
 1. In General. 
 
 In order to put the proposed theory in operation in the 
 United States, it would not need to be adopted by the general 
 government at first ; for it is practicable for each state itself to 
 make an experimental approximation to the general idea. To pro 
 duce this change, all that would be required would be, first,. for 
 any state to adopt the constitution of the United States for its 
 own state-constitution, substituting therein the words " state," or 
 "each state," for "United States;" and "Governor" for "Presi 
 dent;" and instead of "Governors," the word "Sheriffs:" also, 
 to use some reasonable precaution against local oppression; and 
 to make a few other verbal alterations which would obviously be 
 necessary. And second, to provide by general law, to allow any 
 city or borough which would accept the alteration, to accept the 
 constitution of the United States, as its borough charter, with a 
 few obvious and necessary restrictions; or the same might be 
 granted to separate Precincts severally. And to make the matter 
 more plain, the following suggestions are offered; showing how 
 any one or more states might give to any one (or more) county 
 or township within it, such an enlarged charter, as would enable 
 any such Precinct to exercise generally the powers which the 
 state itself now has, but with such exceptions as will presently 
 be mentioned. Or the state, by general law, or alteration of its 
 " constitution" affecting all its Precincts or townships, might so 
 enact and provide. The idea is, that each Precinct should have 
 the same powers in relation to the state, that each individual 
 state now has, in relation to the Nation, under the constitution of 
 the United States : with the exceptions now to be mentioned. 
 2. Exceptions. 
 
 The exceptions or reservations to the state, of its present 
 powers, might all be comprised in general, under the following 
 five classes. 
 
218 BK. II. PRECINCT. III. IV. 
 
 (a) Excepting: Limitations of Time. If the means whereby 
 the change was effected, were charters incorporating Precincts, 
 the charters need not be perpetual, but might be made either for 
 a limited time, or else revocable at any time by a prescribed 
 amount of majority of the voters of the state. But if the means 
 were a general law, it would naturally be revocable by the state, 
 the same as any other law ; nevertheless, some definite amount 
 of majority should be prescribed, under which the law should 
 not be revocable ; or rather, the means of the alteration should 
 be what is commonly called an alteration of the constitution of 
 the state. 
 
 (b) Excepting : that no property-qualification should be re 
 quired of voters, for any $tae-representative or officer. This 
 exception is necessary to guard against anticipated logical objec 
 tions, rather than to accomplish the general system of the theory. 
 
 (c) Excepting: all matters relating to the government of the 
 individual state in its totality, and in its relations to the Nation. 
 For, its state government would need to be continued, both for the 
 sake of its own general internal affairs, and also for the sake of 
 its relations to the Nation. 
 
 Of course, in our plan, when adopted by all the Precincts of 
 any State, the old state-machinery would be largely reduced in 
 number; and the business of those officers that remained, would 
 also be vastly reduced. The only absolute necessity for retaining 
 the state-organization at all, would be to maintain and fulfill its 
 relations to the general government, that is the Nation. But if 
 the main object cannot be accomplished throughout a whole state, 
 and if only a few scattered Precincts, or perhaps only one, could 
 get such a charter, then, instead of adjoining Precincts in every 
 Amalgam, having equal power in the election of the Precincts' 
 officers, the state itself might have to retain those powers also. 
 
 (d) Excepting : those few particulars wherein our proposed 
 system differs essentially from that of the United States, in the 
 apportionment of powers. These items have been already men 
 tioned in a former part of this article, where we drew a com 
 parison between the two systems. Accordingly, the state might 
 give by charter to its individual Precincts, and to their Amal 
 gams, all the rights which itself possessed ..; but it could not give 
 those which the Nation ought to give : and it would be folly for 
 
DIRECT FORMS OF CHARTER. 219 
 
 it to give to the Nation, the rights which, under a perfect system, 
 should return to the Nation, because there are other rights which 
 ought then to be returned from the Ration to the Precinct, which 
 yet the state has no power to take. Hence, the rights which, in 
 the former comparison were assigned to the Nation, should be 
 retained by the states, under the plan of state-corporations here 
 suggested; otherwise the Nation would or might acquire more 
 than its share of power in the alteration. 
 
 (e) Excepting : all aifairs and officers having relations to, and 
 representatives to or in, the government of the United States. 
 No alterations of these relations and officers can be made, without 
 the consent of the United States government. That, although 
 desirable, has already been considered. But it would be a higher 
 alteration than we are now considering, as required by the very 
 nature of the plan by state-corporations, and for separate state- 
 adoption. 
 
 CHAP. V. SIMPLE AND DIRECT FORM OF CHARTER FROM A 
 
 "STATE." 
 
 A still better method of charter, (for experiment) than the 
 adaptation of the constitution of the United States, would be, 
 to grant a charter expressing directly, a complete but brief out 
 line of what the Precinct rights ought to be, with the usual 
 reservation, "so far as the same does not conflict with the con 
 stitution or laws of the United States." A form of charter of 
 this kind, adopted by any state subdividing itself into small 
 localities, and by amendment to its state constitution, would 
 aiford the most direct and most satisfactory experiment that is 
 possible, without the direct co-operation of the Nation revising 
 its own constitution. 
 
 AYhat would be wanted would be, not a huge volume ot 
 interminable details; but a real "magna charta," a simple "bill 
 of rights," a charter with little words, but big ideas. 
 
 However, this whole subject of chartering Precincts by 
 "States," is only incidental, and is no essential part of the 
 theory of the Precinct. 
 
 In conclusion. We now leave this theory to the reader's 
 careful consideration; if it shall seem to him to deserve it. 
 
BOOK III. 
 
 THE "NATION". 
 
 PART I. 
 
 THE NATION AS A FUNDAMENTAL ELEMENT. 
 CHAP. I. PRELIMINAEIES. 
 
 THE Nation is the FIFTH Unit or fundamental Element of 
 society, as determined in our Analytics. So much however, is 
 said of this topic by other writers, that comparatively little 
 remains for us. And according to our theory, its proportionate 
 importance is over-estimated by most other writers. In a true 
 analysis, some part of what is usually attributed to it belongs to 
 Mankind, and another part belongs to Precinct, and another to 
 Corporation ; so that only a fourth, is its real place. We have 
 Precinct on the one side, Corporation on the other, and Man 
 kind above it. The internal affairs of Nation, we consider 
 mostly under the heads of Precinct and Corporation and " Civil 
 Government;" the higher external affairs we consider partly, 
 under the head of Mankind, including Nation as of course one 
 of its fundamental elements. Hence, in this article we have 
 comparatively rather to consider the theoretically lower or inter 
 mediate affairs, commonly called international law, but in a wider 
 sense than usual. 
 
 In fact, one of the great works which Social Science has to 
 accomplish, is to analyze into its real elements, what is called 
 " The .Law of Nations," and thus to appropriate to each depart 
 ment, its appropriate share. For the custom has been, to collect 
 under this term all the general principles of law, and even of 
 human rights, which seem to have no more suitable place in the 
 field of thought. Thus in the Roman law, the phrase, authority 
 right or law, of Nations, (jus gentium), generally was used to 
 express that sense of right which is common to most or to all 
 220 
 
PRELIMINARY TO THIS UNIT. 221 
 
 men, and which is in conformity to common instinct and reason, 
 and which is called by us the law of nature. Such a combina 
 tion is all very well in an address by " counsel," but is not 
 exactly the true course for a scientific work. The absolute law 
 of right, the relative rights of established usage, the law of God, 
 the modifications by voluntary contract, all ought to be some 
 what considered, in the treatment of any branch of practical 
 morals, or of applied law ; but yet, properly belong to a more 
 general and higher department of thought, than any one of 
 them. Thus also we may take Grotius' sources of international, 
 and generalize them as the true foundations of all law, namely, 
 nature's law, divine law, custom, and compact : and in both 
 departments, custom and compact may be put together, and 
 again generalized into, " Consent/ 7 as we do in II. I. 2, of this 
 article. 
 
 Interesting also are the questions, how far voluntary contracts 
 or agreements modify, what otherwise would be natural laws, or 
 God's law. For instance ; is it right to use explosive bullets in a 
 war between Nations who agree to do so ? And is it right for 
 human beings to marry for a limited time, even if they agree to 
 do so ? And is it right for Nations or Individuals to lie, cheat 
 and steal, even if all sides agree to do so? But .if not, then 
 how would that decision affect the question of war at all, or of 
 the methods of conducting war? But these questions belong 
 rather to Moral Philosophy and to Theology. 
 
 One of the evils of so confusing Law and Right in general, 
 with international law, has been to pervert universal principles, 
 partly in favor of war, and partly to indulge Nations with privi 
 leges to do wrong. For, until the last few years, perhaps we 
 may say until the work of Mr. Field, the law of Nations has 
 been chiefly occupied with matters about war, providing for, or 
 conducting, or concluding it. Thus, pharisaically strict rules of 
 non-resistance, have been taught as if they were eternal princi 
 ples obligatory on Individuals and Provinces &c. ; whilst war at 
 the same time has been held forth, as if it were very wise and 
 good between Nations; nay as if it were their most glorious 
 achievement. Accordingly, the claims of Nation over Indi 
 vidual, have been stretched to a tension beyond common sense, 
 chiefly to justify the claims of Nations on their citizens, for war- 
 
222 BK - IIL NATIOX. i. i. 
 
 services and for war-taxes, and for the forcible collection of ex 
 cessive internal taxes even in time of peace. In fact, nearly all 
 the old despotic notions about the divine right of kings, have 
 passed down into modern Society, transmigrated into the idea of 
 the divine and UNLIMITED right of Nation ; together with abso 
 lution from all sin (in advance) or even the other royal doc 
 trine transmigrated, namely, the Nation can do no wrong. In 
 such a fog, there can neither be a true Moral Philosophy, nor a 
 true Theology. 
 
 The ready susceptibility of the usual ideas on the Law of 
 Nations, to higher generalizations, will appear also from the 
 follo.wing extract from Appletons' Cyclopedia, on this subject. 
 "It was the object of Grotius to show that Nations are gov 
 erned by a law distinct from the natural law, to wit, by a code 
 or body of rules, founded indeed in the law of nature, but pro 
 ceeding immediately from universal consent. ' Those right 
 deductions/ he says, ( which proceed from the principles of 
 reason, point to the law of nature, while those which proceed 
 from common consent, proceed from the law of Nations.' Puf- 
 fendorf rejected the distinction which Grotius had drawn, be 
 tween the law of nature and the law of Nations; he denied 
 that the latter was founded upon express consent, but considered 
 it merely the law of nature applied to Nations." Both sides 
 admitted, that, as "aggregate bodies of Individuals, Nations 
 must be in some degree subject to the law of nature," from 
 which we may, with Wolf and Hobbes, properly maintain " that, 
 in their collective capacity, Nations acquire a new character and 
 being, different from that of the Individuals of whom they are 
 composed; therefore in its applications to societies of men, the 
 law of nature must undergo some changes and modifications, 
 and thus is derived the voluntary law of Nations." 
 
 Thus do these writers dimly and confusedly anticipate the 
 idea of Nation as a Great Social Unit ; but only of IT, ISOLATED, 
 and not as one of several Units. But modern Science is disin 
 tegrating these conglomerations, and out of them we may hope to 
 see differentiated, three different degrees and grades of thought, 
 and three different branches of study, namely ; One, of the 
 Nation as one of the several Units of Society : The Second, 
 The (higher or real) Law of Nations, that is, that law of nature, 
 
EIGHTS AS ONE OF THE SEVEN. 223 
 
 which consists of the principles which every civilized Nation is 
 presupposed to hold in common, and to be applicable to affairs 
 ivithin as well as outward of itself: And the Third, what is 
 now called Law of Nations ; but which should then simply be 
 called International Law. 
 
 CHAP. II. RIGHTS OF THE NATION IN RELATION TO THE 
 OTHER ELEMENTS. 
 
 1. Eights in General. 
 
 It is generally admitted, that in all their legitimate organiza 
 tions Mankind have, in their collective capacities, rights which 
 they do not possess as Individuals. This admission seems to 
 be an indistinct anticipation, that society consists of a plurality 
 of Units, each of which has its own peculiar rights. But un 
 fortunately, those writers who have taken this ground in regard 
 to Nations, have too much ignored the rights of citizens as 
 Individuals and as Families, and of the other Units. These 
 collective rights however, may be analyzed so as to be resolved 
 into only two, namely, one, the right of many rather than of one 
 person, that is to say, the right of numbers; and the other, 
 which is better, the right of peculiar position or relation of 
 any organization, person, or locality, which has claim when 
 there is no alternative resource to it, for the maintenance of its 
 rights in question, in any particular case^ 
 
 Vattel, as quoted and referred to by Twiss, the standard Eng 
 lish author on the Law of Nations, (in their Chaps. I.), says : 
 ( 4), "Nations being composed of men naturally free and inde 
 pendent, and who, before the establishment of civil societies, 
 lived together in the state of nature, Nations or sovereign 
 states, are to be considered as so many free persons, living 
 together in the state of nature." Again ( 5) " Men being sub 
 ject to the laws of nature, and their union in civil society not 
 being sufficient to free them from the obligation of observing 
 these laws, since by this union they do not cease to be men ; the 
 entire Nation, whose common will is only the result of the 
 united wills of the citizens, remains subject to the laws of na 
 ture, and is obliged to respect them, in all its proceedings. And 
 since the law arises from the obligation, as we have just ob 
 served ( 3), the Nation has also the same laws that nature has 
 
224 BK - IIL NATION. I. ii. 
 
 given to men, for the performance of their duty." Again (10 
 and 11): "The experience of communities * * * confirms 
 what the instinct of the Individual-man suggests. There is 
 accordingly, in human nature, a tendency towards society, and 
 whenever opportunity presents itself, men are found to associate 
 themselves together, for the purpose of mutually aiding and 
 assisting one another. There thus grow up spontaneously, rela 
 tions of natural society amongst men. The law of this natural 
 society is, that each Individual" [whether person or Nation] 
 " should do for the others, everything which their welfare re 
 quires, and which he can perform without neglecting the duty 
 which he owes to himself [or itself]: and this obligation of 
 natural society is coextensive with the human race. The Uni 
 versal Society of the human race, being thus an institution of 
 nature, all men are bound to cultivate it, and to discharge its 
 duties : and they cannot release themselves from that obligation, 
 by any convention or private association." Vattel also ( 10) 
 says, " a law which all men ought to observe, in order to live 
 agreeably to their nature, and in conformity to the views of their 
 common CREATOR." Mr. Twiss omits this latter part, but we 
 are happy to find somebody saying something about the rights 
 of the CREATOR, in relation to National duties and rights. We 
 are also happy to hear about human race and human nature, in 
 this connection. 
 
 What Mulford says of the inviolability of the Individual 
 and of the Nation, is equally true of the Family, the Precinct, 
 and of all the other Units or " moral personalities" of society. 
 Thus, p. 268, he says : " The conception which defines either 
 the Nation or the Individual, as subordinate and secondary, is, 
 in its error, the postulate of an inevitable antagonism. If 
 either be held, not as an end in itself, but only as a means 
 having the other for an end, there can be no principle of unity, 
 and no form of reconciliation." And we affirm that the same 
 may be also said of the relation of the Nation to the Family 
 and to the Precinct, and to Mankind : and whether to the Social 
 Circle or not, remains to be investigated. 
 
 Accordingly however, we cheerfully admit the same rights to 
 the Nation :' so that every Nation has a right to modify and 
 limit the powers of the Precincts within it, so far as called for 
 
RIGHTS AS ONE OF THE SEVEN. 225 
 
 by its particular genius and mission, and to provide against the 
 special dangers of its own time and position ; as against Turks, 
 Barbarians, Aristocracies, Demagogeries &c. 
 
 Writers generally, and Mulford also, include among the spe 
 cial rights of the Nation, the following: (1) "The right of 
 self-preservation ;" as if anything whatever could exist, without 
 that right; and (2) "The right to declare war and conclude 
 peace ;" as if everything that had a right to defend itself, did 
 not also have that right ; and (3) " The right to form INTER- 
 national relations ;" as if Individuals did not have the right to 
 form inter-individual relations, and Families, inter-family rela 
 tions, &c. and (4) " The right to coin money ;" as if the manu 
 facture of money had not been already proved by Spencer and 
 Mill, to be more safely bestowed upon Corporations, than aught 
 otherwise ; and (5) " The right of Eminent Domain ;" as if 
 Mankind itself had not superior right thereunto, which must 
 some day be re-established, at least metaphysically and morally 
 re-established. 
 
 The right of the Nation over the domain, is the same as its 
 right over persons, namely, a restricted one, limited in principle 
 by the rights of all the other Units ; and limited in practice, only 
 by the rights of superior powers when they shall normally arise. 
 When the question comes up, of division of a Nation into two 
 or more Nations, the subject of the rights of isolated or singular 
 Precincts, has nothing particularly to do with it ; neither has the 
 question of Eminent Domain. The question of Domain is in 
 cluded, as a minor matter in that of subdivision of the Nation, 
 and puts to rest all argumentation based upon property rights, 
 just as a legitimate divorce a vinculo, allows not the usual claims 
 on property, arising out of the marriage law, nor of arguments 
 upon that ground. 
 
 As was said in our Summary Introduction: every Unit, 
 whether Individual, Family, Social Circle, Precinct, Nation or 
 Mankind, has its own rights, which are inalienable, indefeasible, 
 and indivisible. Therefore in general we may say, the sover 
 eignty of the Nation over the Precincts within, and over rela 
 tionships to other Nations and Mankind outward, is LIMITED 
 
 BOTH BY THE ETERNAL NATURE^ AND BY THE INALIENABLE 
 RIGHTS, OF THE UNITS. 
 
 15 
 
226 BK - HI- NATION. I. II. 
 
 Nevertheless, in cases of conflict of authority, or of differ 
 ence of opinion between Precinct, (or other lesser unit,) and 
 Nation, the former must of course yield to the latter. For, 
 although in principle the Units are equal, Precinct, and so on, 
 to Nation, yet in doubtful cases the practical decision must be 
 allowed to the superior power. This has been shown in the 
 Introduction, under the head of "Resemblances to Gravitation." 
 Therefore all the lower ones must give way before the unions of 
 many Nations, whenever such unions are formed ; but still, each 
 retains its own share of eternal rights, inalienable and indefeasi 
 ble, as any other of the elements. The lesser elements can not 
 be deprived of their rights avowedly or upon principle, but only 
 by mistake, or by the necessities of arriving at definite conclu 
 sions. The case is somewhat the same as between man and wife ; 
 both have equal rights ; yet as there must be somebody to decide 
 in doubtful cases, that right is conceded to the man, but only to 
 be exercised honestly and faithfully. 
 
 Our doctrine as to the Rights of a Nation may be summed up 
 thus : the sovereignty of the Nation consists, as to Precincts, 
 Corporations, Individuals and Families, not in superior rights 
 but in superior power; but with the right of judging in doubt 
 ful cases of jurisdiction; and on the other hand, in reference 
 to the Unit above it, namely, Mankind, the Nation has only its 
 rights as one of the Essential Units, all being subject to their 
 peculiar conditions of position and locality. 
 
 These peculiar conditions of position however, are sometimes 
 very important. Thus, a few miles of ocean near the land be 
 longs to the Nation, not to the adjacent Precinct. So Mining 
 Districts, also Large Cities, and what are called " States" (see 
 Bk. II. Pt. II. Chaps. XI. and XII.) must hold a part, at least, 
 of their rights, as fiefs of the Nation, and so far be in direct 
 subjection to IT. 
 
 The Nation, mainly, is the power of negation to the Precincts, 
 just as Mankind is to the Nation. Yet the Precinct acts on all 
 below or derivative from it, just as much positively as negatively. 
 But the relation of these is sufficiently treated under Precinct, 
 and need not be enlarged upon now. 
 
 The rights of a Nation would be well set forth by Spencer's 
 general theory of government, supposing the Nation first to have 
 
RIGHTS AS ONE OF THE SEVEN. 227 
 
 been subdivided into Precincts, and the Precincts to have had 
 constitutionally granted to them, their real share of rights as set 
 forth in our theory on that subject. But the theory of the do- 
 nothing and no-power of government, is utterly untenable in any 
 small government, or among any ordinary set of men living in 
 close neighborhood. And the theory itself, as set forth by him, 
 exhibits plainly the facts of its origin in a large strong and con 
 solidated government over a free and practical people. It en 
 deavors to maintain the consolidated nature of government, by 
 entirely denying rights and duties that are absolutely essential to 
 every small or immediate local government. In these respects 
 Spencer's view is diametrically opposite to Comte's : so that each 
 one's theory contains a large amount of truth and wisdom, when 
 we know to what field to apply it. 
 
 Inasmuch as Precinct is a Unit of society as truly as Nation, 
 it follows that "the general principles of. nationality and inter- 
 nationality, are applicable to Precinct, as truly as tp Nation, but 
 in a less degree. Hence, the reader, in going through this 
 part of the work, is requested to bear that relation in mind ; and 
 to observe that we are pointing out principles that are equally 
 as applicable to Precinct, but in a less degree, and in regard to a 
 different class of affairs. Because Precincts bear the same rela 
 tionship in form and law, to the Nation, that Nations bear in 
 spirit to Mankind. And then again, the Precinct, being the 
 next lower Unit to Nation, and being the only other one which 
 is Local, and being with it also fundamentally a political Unit, 
 is pre-eminently the type and guide for National arguments 
 and National ideas. 
 
 The rights and duties of the Nation, and indeed of any organ 
 or department of Civil Government, in relation to the Individ 
 ual, the Family, the Social Circle, the Precinct and the Corpo 
 ration, are better considered under those five heads respectively, 
 than in this place. But the best place to consider them, in our 
 classification, is under our head CIVIL GOVERNMENT, in the 
 SYNTHETICS ; under which head, controversies between Nation 
 and particular Precincts should be provided for, whilst of a 
 peaceful character. Controversies of a warlike nature, are pro 
 vided for under Nation, in Birth and Size of Nations, and in 
 Rebellions, which will be treated presently. The relations to 
 
228 BK - IIL NATION. I. II. 
 
 Mankind will also be considered presently; next the general 
 relations of one Nation to another, and to ITS citizens, namely, 
 International Law; and afterwards the Doctrine of Naturali 
 zation. 
 
 Some countries are cursed with a deficiency of nationality, 
 and some with an excess of it. Guizot, (p. 309), speaking 
 of Greek Civilization, says : " The Greek who carried the in 
 dividual culture of man to so high a pitch, knew not how to 
 establish the social relations on a solid basis, nor to organize 
 a national body, nor to combine the peoples subjected to his 
 influence, into a system of Nations strongly united together. I 
 wish for no other proofs than that terrible Peloponnesian war, 
 that fratricidal struggle, from which dates the decline of Greece, 
 and the lamentable history of the Empire of Alexander and his 
 successors." And we may add, that what distinguished the 
 Peloponnesian war from the domestic war in the United States, 
 was not only the length of time of the former, but also the fact 
 that it was not so concluded as to settle any great principle, nor 
 to establish any great policy. 
 
 On the other hand, there is sometimes an excess of nation 
 ality. Nationality is made the basis and instigation of most 
 wars. The idea constitutes the strongest intrenchment and the 
 highest glorification, for the hidden selfishness and the secret 
 animosities of Mankind. Under its sacred veil, as also under 
 the delusive garb of fanatical religions, human beings have, for 
 ages, turned the worst passions of a fallen nature, into honorable 
 and worshipful attributes. The time we hope must come, when 
 patriotism as usually understood, rallying for one's country 
 merely because it is one's OWN country, will be accounted with 
 that narrow-minded selfishness, that rallies for section or party 
 or society or Family or even person, because it is one's own. But 
 the time has not yet come. It cannot come, unless on conditions 
 of mutuality, and by or with new national brotherhood- views 
 and feelings, in several of the leading Nations; and thus make 
 a new clause in international law. It is the peculiar function 
 of Christianity to cause this metaphysical organ, Patriotism, to be 
 re-absorbed, and more and more to disappear from being an 
 exclusive organ of nationality. This it does, partly by furnish 
 ing a renewed spirit to Individuals, and partly by diverting 
 
RIGHTS AS ONE OF THE SEVEN. 229 
 
 a portion of the vitality of patriotism, to other elements, say- 
 to Precincts, Corporations, and Mankind. 
 
 2. Duties of Progress. 
 
 Here; just between the general rights of the Nation, in regard 
 to all the other elements of Social Science, and the special and 
 superior rights of Mankind, may be placed, as partaking partly 
 of the nature of both of those departments, the present topic, 
 namely, the duties of a Nation to progress; and especially not to 
 retrograde : for these are duties which it owes alike to all the 
 Individuals, Families, and other internal elements which it con 
 tains ; as well as to all its surrounding and related Nations. 
 
 For instance. If any serious attempt were made to reinstate 
 slavery in the United States, it would arouse a universal cry of 
 horror throughout the civilized world : and would probably soon 
 lead to a great war ; foreign Nations also joining in it, for the 
 sake of mingled -policy and humanity. 
 
 The interventions of civilized Nations, in the affairs of the un 
 civilized, and semi-civilized, are justifiable rather upon grounds 
 of the uncivilized tending to retrogression, than upon any other 
 grounds. For, when the less civilized ones come into frequent 
 intercourse with the more civilized, the former lose their bar 
 barian virtues, and retrograde, unless they adopt our higher de 
 velopments and thus progress. This explains the European 
 interventions in Asiatic affairs, as of Turkey, China, &c., and 
 also in African affairs. The justification is, their aim to check 
 slavery, to check despotism, now being used chiefly to prop up 
 their falling religions, and to check their general retrogression 
 towards barbarism. 
 
 These also are the real reasons which justify most of the usual 
 protectorates, and armed interventions, of some Nations, in favor 
 of others. These are the reasons which justify the protectorate 
 of Europe over Greece, and of the United States over Mexico, 
 and over various other American states ; namely the protectorate 
 which is embodied in the Monroe-doctrine. 
 
 Very different justifications are of course generally alleged, 
 and often believed in : and especially often is alleged the old 
 doctrine about "Balance of Power." But if this were the 
 chief reason, it would be expressed in a claim to force all 
 Nations to modify themselves, so as to become as nearly equal 
 
230 BK - IIL NATIOX. I. ii. 
 
 in size and strength, as human Individuals, or Families are, 
 each to each. The demand for retaining the balance of power, 
 when there is NO balance, must necessarily mean merely a de 
 mand that no one shall increase itself, or its influence : but that 
 absurdity has never been attempted. The real chief reason, 
 more probably has been, that the grasping Nations were the 
 physical ones, the least civilized of Europe, and were tending to 
 retrogression, and to forcing that retrogression upon other Na 
 tions. In regard to this subject, Wheaton 62, says, " ques 
 tions of the greatest difficulty arise, which belong rather to the 
 Science of Politics than of public law," (that is, they belong 
 especially to our Department, namely, Social Science). And 
 again, 63, "Encroachment * * * overt acts * * * ambitious 
 purpose/ 7 &c. " Such were the grounds of the confederacies 
 created, and the wars undertaken, to check the aggrandizement 
 of Spain, and the house of Austria, under Charles V. and his 
 successors;" But everybody knows the really retrograde moral 
 and religious impetus, which was the most active and most 
 dreaded element of those wars. Thus again Wheaton 63, 
 says, " The repeated interference of Austria and Spain, in favor 
 of the Catholic faction in France, Germany, and England; and of 
 the Protestant powers to protect their persecuted brethren in Ger 
 many, France, and the Netherlands, gave a peculiar coloring to the 
 political transactions of the age." We may also add, that the same 
 principles underlaid and justified Cromwell's European policy. 
 
 But it is not hereby assumed, nor is it necessary to prove, that 
 the real grounds for foreign intervention, were always justifiable, 
 nor always consisted of sound principles in Ethics, or in Theol 
 ogy. All that is necessary to assert is, that the peoples believed 
 them so to be ; or thought there was some reasonable probability 
 that they did so consist. For instance, referring to the French 
 revolution of '89 ; Wheaton 64, says, " The successive coali 
 tions formed by the great European monarchies, against France, 
 subsequent to her first revolution in 1789, were avowedly de 
 signed to check the progress of her REVOLUTIONARY PRINCI 
 PLES, and her military power." And we add that there would 
 have been little reason to fear or check that military power, had 
 it not been really and chiefly animated by the desire, to spread 
 throughout Europe, those revolutionary principles, which out of 
 
.RIGHTS AS ONE OF THE SEVEN. 231 
 
 France and at that time, were generally believed to be ruinous 
 to all interested, sovereigns and peoples alike. 
 
 And so, in regard to the British Opium- War in China ; and 
 to her wars in India. The British and other commercial peoples 
 thought, that the progress of commerce forbade such retrograde 
 policies as China and India were constantly inclined to follow. 
 But in Japan, and the Sandwich Islands, and elsewhere, wjiere 
 the native policy has been persistently progressive, and seeking 
 to catch up with the civilization of the age, no wars have been 
 inaugurated. 
 
 Poland was partitioned, really because it had an active tend 
 ency to retrograde towards barbarism. 
 
 Ireland was conquered by, and has still to be retained under 
 special control by England, chiefly because it had and still has, 
 the same retrogressive tendency. 
 
 Bismark's policy, although subversive of the old talk about 
 " Balance of Power/ 7 has been sustained by the sympathies of 
 the most advanced Nations of the world ; because his policy is 
 abreast of this age of progress. But he is overdoing the central 
 izing work, and is subverting the Precincts of which Germany 
 consists, and which have been the bulwark of freedom and 
 thought, for ages. And therein lies his danger. Yet still per- 
 
 O * O O XT 
 
 haps those who have a nearer, and inside view of the threatening 
 dangers, may know that his policy of centralization is necessary 
 temporarily. " And necessity knows no law." 
 
 All the great powers of Europe, have acquired accessions of 
 territory during the last century, at times, without producing 
 serious objections, or war; particularly and lately, France, 
 Italy, Germany, and Russia. The great war against Russia 
 (about Turkey), was partaken in only by England and France, 
 and by them chiefly because they really coveted various parts of 
 the Turkish dominions for themselves: and as one incidental 
 reason, because those dominions contain Palestine ; for the old 
 hankering for Palestine, which kept up the great Crusades for 
 several centuries, is not entirely dead yet. Moreover Russia 
 baffles England in India ; and is so much greater than any of 
 the other powers, that they naturally may have special fears 
 from her. And the ruling dynasty in France, sometimes en 
 gages in foreign war, to entertain and divert her people at home. 
 
232 BK - IIL NATION, i. ii. 
 
 But no Nation has ever thought of warring against Russia 
 merely because of her immensity, although one fifteenth of the 
 population of the Earth : nor against China, for that reason, 
 although being one third of the Earth's population. Russia, 
 although warlike, is progressive and emancipatory. She has 
 neither needed a great war, to bring her to her senses; nor ex 
 hibited general enormities arousing the sympathies of the civil 
 ized world against her. She also allows great freedom to her 
 Precincts. But the time may come, when the Nations will fear 
 her: yet the first Napoleon's prophecy was so premature, as to 
 be almost absurd : for he thought nothing about the great func 
 tions of her Precincts because Precincts make a weak govern 
 ment for aggression ; although a strong one for defence. 
 
 The principles elucidated in all this 2, ought to aid in 
 forming a right idea about the present affairs of Spain. Spain 
 became a Republic, wise, peaceable, not disturbing other Na 
 tions, and attending well to her own affairs. But a reaction has 
 come. The Republic has gone down. And now the question is, 
 shall the thousands of Individuals and Families and Precincts, of 
 Spain, who have learned what civil, moral, and religious liber 
 ties are, be forced back against their enlightened consciences, into 
 a darkness and servility that would now render them miserable? 
 
 Rights once given should not be taken away. The first and 
 eternally right plan, therefore, is to adopt a true Precinct- 
 system ; and thus to allow the citizens of all the various dif 
 ferent opinions, religious and political, to arrange themselves 
 spontaneously, into the political and religious associations that, 
 they conscientiously believe will make them happy. And the 
 Nation itself should pay the expenses of their removals, thus 
 made necessary by its own changeable policy. But if the 
 Nation will not do that ; nor even allow the people to rearrange 
 themselves into their own Precincts at their own expense (which 
 doubtless they would only be too glad to do), then somebody 
 or something may be held accountable for such tyranny and op 
 pression. Shall the accountable thing be held to be the Form of 
 the Civil Government ; or the Religion ? 
 
 If the form of government is to be held accountable, then all 
 the monarchies of Europe are interested, and have right to inter 
 vene, in some manner, to rescue their own form of government, 
 
RIGHTS AS ONE OF THE SEVEN. 233 
 
 from such disgrace. If the religion is to be held accountable, 
 then all the liberal Catholics of the world, are interested to rescue 
 their religion from such disgrace : and the unrelenting Catholics, 
 with the dark-age spirit, if there be any such in these days, and 
 if they aid and encourage such unlimited retrogression, should 
 be held morally accountable ; and might be denied what would 
 otherwise be their religious powers in other countries. How can 
 Catholics ask for division of school funds in Protestant coun 
 tries, when the countries of their own faith, drive out and per 
 secute Protestants; and if, as by our supposition above, it is not 
 the Civil Government that is to be held accountable, but only 
 the religion ? The Catholic church is a world- wide CORPORA 
 TION, and as such can be held accountable for its doings, when 
 it is admitted that the affairs are its doings : just as truly as any 
 Nation can be held accountable. 
 
 But however little or much that Corporation is to be held ac 
 countable for the retrogressions in Spain, that does not exculpate 
 the Civil Government thereof: because that is the Arm of power 
 which is actually doing and executing all this mischief. Gov 
 ernments therefore have a right to urge on Spain, the establish 
 ment of some humane relief: and first of all, some true system 
 of Precincts, as may be most according to her own peculiar 
 nationality. Or does the right of other Nations to intervene, 
 consist only and selfishly in the measure of danger which they 
 can perceive to threaten themselves, by or from the reaction? 
 The smothered cry of the most advanced peoples of the world, 
 is, that the reaction and retrogression ought to be limited and 
 restrained, by the importunities, the protests, the non-intercourse, 
 and if need be, by the arms of those who believe in war, of the 
 free peoples of the world. 
 
 The only other alternative, and the least that the rights of the 
 human race, Mankind, or human nature, can demand, is, that 
 Spain should allow all her dissentient citizens, a free emigration, 
 after plenty of time to dispose of their property ; and further 
 more, that Spain will pay the expenses of their migration, and 
 all reasonable charges and damages for the injury her policy is 
 doing to them. In other words, the least that can be demanded 
 for those oppressed by a Nation, is about what should be de 
 manded for the oppressed of a Precinct ; but also a little more ; 
 
234 BK - IIL NATION, i. 11. 
 
 namely, damages, because an emigration entirely from one's native 
 country, is a much greater damage, injury, and unhappiness, 
 than merely from one's Precinct. 
 
 3. Rights in Relation to Mankind. 
 
 No position can be more untenable, than the claim for immu 
 nity of individual Nations, which some writers advocate. If 
 any Nation, abounding in coal or iron, or other necessary article; 
 possessing superabundance of wealth, with "interest" at very 
 low rates, with labor unemployed or doubly taxed; leading the 
 fashions of the world with extravagant and constant fluctua 
 tions, so that nothing but swift transportation would answer 
 for any commodities, if any such Nation should arise and fall 
 under the combined control of its shipping and mining capital 
 ists, the result would be long continued and fearful waste to the 
 world, of the limited commodities, iron and coal. At the same 
 time, the iron-working people of that Nation, owning no land, 
 and at the mercy of the combination, might be grossly demoral 
 ized in general, and finally forced to emigrate to other countries. 
 In such a case, the right of Mankind to intervene cannot be 
 disputed, if they know not better than by war, then by war, 
 if they know better, then by legislation, and discriminations, 
 laid directly against the offending, Nation, its trade, its literature 
 and its emigration. 
 
 Or, again : if any Nation should persist in maintaining im 
 mense standing armies, after all other Nations wished to dis 
 arm, such persistence would force all the neighboring Nations, 
 either, to continue to maintain all their armies idly, or else to 
 discriminate by legislation, and perhaps finally to use their 
 armies once for all, effectually, on the warlike nuisance whose 
 , threatening attitude persisted in retarding the civilization and 
 peace of the world. 
 
 The rights which. Nation once had as the representative of 
 Mankind, are passing away to empires and confederacies. But 
 these latter cannot, according to our theory, be permanent, be 
 cause the next and only Unit above them is Mankind ; nor can 
 they eventuate in an organization of Mankind into ONE perma 
 nent government; because that is the function of Jesus Christ 
 only, for His visible return and reign oit earth. And the idea 
 of one confederation of compulsory government for all Nations, 
 
EIGHTS AS ONE OF THE SEVEN. 235 
 
 previous to His reign, seems to us even more chimerical than 
 the idea of one consolidated church ; because the church is an 
 organ of only one class of interests and feelings, but Civil Gov 
 ernment is an organ of all classes of interests and feelings. 
 
 It was a bold thought of Charles Goepp in his essay headed 
 "E pluribus unum," that this United-States-Government 
 would one day embrace all the Nations of the earth. This 
 thought, although not admissible in that application, is well 
 worth considering in the principle. But as to the confederability 
 of all the world in one representative body, IF it could be 
 shown to be practicable, it would do something toward showing 
 that a confederation thereof is natural and probable. And from 
 this difficulty we may infer that confederations are not to be 
 permanent, but only transitional to the higher Unity. And 
 there might be a number of world-wide conventions which 
 would represent various Corporations for various interests ; but 
 hardly any one Civil Government especially for Localities. 
 
 Of the various grades of government possible, the following 
 calculation of maximums is suggested. Assuming, as we have 
 elsewhere done, that 2500 is the largest number of persons that 
 can properly and conveniently assemble for the performance of 
 political functions, whether for primary voting, or for represent 
 ative legislation ; and supposing that number to be the highest 
 that can conveniently do the primary voting in a Precinct of 
 thirty thousand inhabitants, that is to say, supposing twelve 
 persons to each voter, then we would have the following series : 
 
 Precinct, Population, - - - - 30,000 
 
 Nation, ------- 75,000,000 
 
 Third Grade, - - - - 187,500,000,000 
 
 Fourth Grade, - - 486,750,000,000,000 
 
 The second grade here, gives the highest maximum desirable 
 for any Nation. The third grade here, would be able to an 
 swer for the political organization or confederation of the whole 
 Earth, with a population of 4J Individuals per acre of the land 
 (exclusive of the waters); and that is a density about as great- 
 as can possibly subsist upon it, by any known methods. The 
 fourth grade would represent a population of 11,000 per acre, or 
 2 persons of the present size to a square yard, of land ; that is to 
 say, only just room for all to lie down on. 
 
236 BK. HI- NATION. I. III. 
 
 Any Nation, being resolved into the higher kinds of political 
 Corporations, and supposing the Corporations within the Pre 
 cincts, to be transposable into four uniform and homogeneous 
 classes, would be susceptible of four times the population above 
 given, namely 300 Million, or one-fourth the present world ; and 
 the Third Grade would represent a population of 18 to the acre. 
 
 On the other hand, some writers think that an assembly ought 
 not to consist of more persons than can meet together and con 
 verse, without straining either the voice in speaking, or the ear 
 in hearing ; say 300 persons each. Then the grades would be 
 thus. First grade 3600 population. Second grade 1,080,000. 
 Third grade 324,000,000. Fourth grade 97,200,000,000. Thus 
 the fourth grade would be about half as much as the third grade, 
 on the first named supposition. And the introduction of homo 
 geneous Corporations would proportionally increase the possible 
 numbers. 
 
 CHAP. III. RIGHTS IN RELATION TO CONFEDERATIONS. 
 
 1. Right to form Confederations. 
 
 The whole subject of confederations is generally placed as a 
 part of international law ; but the position most of it occupies 
 in relation to our Unit, Mankind, requires us to locate most 
 of it here. Nationality is the only elementary civil and state 
 power, that as yet has represented, or can represent directly, the 
 interests of Mankind. But, up to this time, Nationality, through 
 international law, has not been much exercised in that use, be 
 yond the matter of lessening wars, and promoting commerce in 
 physical things. The true representative of Mankind, at pres 
 ent, is Confederation. But this is only temporary, and transi 
 tional to something higher ; moreover, confederations themselves 
 are not permanent, as Nations are, nor as Mankind (metaphys 
 ically speaking) is conceived as being. 
 
 Confederations between Nations may be defined to be, the 
 ASPIRATIONS of Mankind toward political unity, toward one 
 law and one government. And international law is the legal 
 expression of some of those aspirations. 
 
 What directly and practically distinguishes a Nation, (even 
 when organized into military Precincts or feudal system), from 
 a Confederation, is, that the latter acts on the people only 
 
RELATIONS TO 'CONFEDERATIONS. 237 
 
 THROUGH its constituent local parts, namely, through the Na 
 tions, but the Nation acts on its people directly, as truly as the 
 Precincts do, because it is an instinctive Unit as well as they. 
 
 A combination of two or more Nations into one, with the 
 INTENTION or desire of being PERMANENT, constitutes a con 
 federacy (or confederation) : and if the confederacy is to be gov 
 erned by a hereditary monarch, it is called an Empire. Mr. 
 Mulford (in " The Nation,") regards a confederacy as consisting 
 of a union between "commonwealths" [or Precincts] only; ig 
 noring the fact that a confederacy is based upon the assumption 
 that its component commonwealths are independent states, and 
 therefore are self-dependent Nations, in principle; and it ex 
 pressly disavows the idea of the confederacy itself being the 
 Nation. Confederacies therefore commit the equally great mis 
 take, of establishing a theory of government upon one unit or 
 one integer only, and ignoring an equally important unit. We 
 have the Confederacy ignoring Nation, and Mulford ignoring 
 Precinct. Mr. Mulford also argues against the right of real 
 Nations to form confederacies. This he argues by confusing 
 confederacy with Empire, and arguing against the advantages 
 of unions, because the government of such unions has usually 
 been hereditary and vested in an Emperor. 
 
 Our argument here however, does not fully discuss the merits 
 of the question, of the right or expediency of Nations to form 
 confederacies; but merely discusses that confusion which only 
 conceives of a union between Nations, as an Empire, overlook 
 ing the possibility of such a union being a popular and elective 
 government. And it is the confusion consequent therefrom, of 
 applying the word confederacy, to a union between Precincts 
 only, to which we are now objecting. Mr. Mulford's book is a 
 lamentable instance of great principles of eternal truth, being 
 deflected, in order to apply to the narrow exigencies of some one 
 good cause of a good cause, namely, the nationality of the 
 United States, upholding it by fearful perversions of funda 
 mental social principles. Although his book is in many respects, 
 a highly valuable one, and has done good service in a good cause. 
 
 Mr. Mulford has an indistinct apprehension of the growth of 
 the international confederative power, when (p. 254) he says : 
 " Since the Nation has its vocation in a moral order, and its end 
 
238 BK - IIL NATION. I. in. 
 
 in the realization of the destination of humanity in history; the 
 Nations exist in an international relation, which has for its con 
 dition a moral relation ; and the system of international laws is 
 definitive of the moral order in which these relations come forth. 
 The Nations, in the attainment of their necessary end, are con 
 stituted in a moral order. They cannot therefore, in the de 
 velopment of national life, remain in isolation and indifference. 
 * * * As the relations consist in the moral order of history, their 
 ampler expression will come, in the higher realization of the 
 being of the Nation, in the moral order of history. * * * 
 And as the Nation advances in the realization of its being, the 
 science which has for its province the definition of the law of 
 international relations, will become constantly the expression of 
 a development in wider and more varied relations." 
 
 Again, (p. 256), he says : " In the realization of the being of 
 the Nation in history, there will be manifest among Nations a 
 deeper relationship. * * * It is therefore no dream, but the 
 coming of a new life, which holds the prophecy and the realiza 
 tion of the fraternity of Nations. In the development of his 
 tory, this relation is becoming more perfectly apprehended ; and 
 as Mankind recognizes more deeply the universal fatherhood, 
 there is manifested in the Christendom of Nations, the Family 
 of Nations." 
 
 Some of the foregoing phrases, as, "vocation in a moral order," 
 " moral order of history," " attainment of their necessary end," 
 " expression of development," " fraternity of Nations," " Family 
 of Nations," are pretty much all we could ask either for Nations, 
 or for Precincts; and show the common or similar relations 
 between them ; and that the same may be represented in inter 
 national law, as we said under Precinct. 
 
 The true doctrine is, that the right of Nations to form moral 
 and useful confederacies, is as eternal as the right of Individuals 
 to enter into partnerships ; but the confederacies themselves 
 are not eternal in their nature ; for, if they were permanent in 
 their nature, and permanently voluntary, they would cease to be 
 called confederacies, but would really be Nations, and be called so. 
 Because Confederations, Leagues and Empires, bear the same 
 relation to the particular Nations of which they consist, as the 
 Amalgams of neighboring Precincts, bear to the particular Pre- 
 
EELATIONS TO CONFEDERATIONS. 239 
 
 cincts which compose them. The principles of this relation are 
 treated under the head of Precinct. But Nations cannot be 
 admitted to be capable of forming themselves into Corporations, 
 nor vice-versa; because they are not elements of the Tribe- 
 Principle. 
 
 By the term confederacies here, we of course understand, not 
 confederacies between " States" or parts of a Nation, but between 
 separate Nations. And our American states are shown by us, 
 under Precinct, to be only a kind of higher Corporations, with 
 double charters, one, from the Precincts of which they are 
 composed, and the other from the Nation. 
 
 2. Uses of Confederations. 
 
 Nothing but confederation between the common sized Nations, 
 can be any balance at all against the rising power of the empires. 
 There is the Chinese Empire, containing J of the population of 
 the globe ; and there is the Russian Empire, containing nearly T V 
 of the population, and y of the land of the globe. The power 
 of such Nations, sometime will and must be felt disproportion 
 ately pre-eminent over all others, taken singly, or connected by 
 only temporary and fluctuating combinations. 
 
 The trouble in empires, confederacies, and "unions" of dif 
 ferent Nations, is, the attempt to make the fundamental constitu 
 tions of their parts, that is Nations, uniform. But, as Humboldt 
 in his latest days said, " to elevate the constitution of one Nation 
 to the rank of an ideal, is to ignore the necessary historical modi 
 fications, and, to a certain extent, to call in question the impor 
 tance of the peculiar development of every nationality. The 
 English constitution especially, with all the conspicuous elements 
 of freedom, which it may embody, is still essentially an insular, 
 oceanic product, which can be only partially imitated by the 
 Continental States, which are rather of volcanic origin." 
 
 One of the principal wants of modern times, is an interna 
 tional congress for the great and especial purpose of preserving the 
 peace of Nations, and also for marine law, and for international 
 affairs not otherwise agreed upon between any particular Nations. 
 
 The balance-of-power theory, was not anything better than an 
 exhibition of instinctive fear against changes that necessarily are 
 always being made, and so, was only a promoter of war. But 
 it answered a temporary purpose, as an excuse, until men could 
 
240 BK - IIL NATION, i m 
 
 see a better, for refraining from religious waie,, Aiid as a Jefence 
 against wars for increase of territory. Yet ii could *iot con 
 tinue. But now, by constituting a world's congifcris, or one 
 special organ for this one function alone, we reach A higher step 
 in living civilization, and insure its greater success. As such a 
 congress would depend, for the execution of its decisions, partly 
 on their moral effect, all sagacity should be employed for its 
 constitution. This sagacity will exhibit itself in relying, not 
 on the form of selection, but on securing a fair representation 
 of the real and actual powers of the world, or of its leading 
 Nations, at the time. But it need not depend only on its moral 
 power, nor even chiefly thereon, but may easily find a ready 
 method for the enforcement of its decisions, without war. Decla 
 ration of partial or complete non-intercourse with those Nations 
 who would actually resort to war, instead of submit to the 
 congress's decisions, would soon bring the offenders to terms. 
 This is the method which the congress of the United States so 
 successfully used, instead of war, to bring Rhode Island into the 
 Union, at the adoption of the constitution. In fact, non-inter 
 course is the usual resort of educated and refined society, towards 
 bullies and fighters. We find it successful in Precinct and in 
 Corporation government, as well as in that of Individuals. 
 
 As to the question whether such a congress ought to be per 
 manent, intermittent, or remittent, whether it ought to abide 
 always in session, or only at intervals ; and if the latter, whether 
 the intervals should be regular; or whether it ought to be as 
 sembled only upon requisite occasions, these are questions not 
 essential to be settled at the first. 
 
 Perhaps still another plan might be employed for some pur 
 poses, namely, a st nding committee to act in the interim of the 
 sessions, with some limited powers, and especially the power of 
 convening the congress upon requisite occasions. For, of course 
 it would not be safe to entrust the decisions of disputed interna 
 tional questions for irrimediate action, to any ordinary committee 
 of such a congress. Such a standing committee with limited 
 powers, is a constituent of some of the most perfectly organized 
 churches. And in this matter we see another instance where 
 the world might learn from the churches, even as to mere forms 
 of government. 
 
CONTIGUITY, PHYSICAL AND METAPHYSICAL. 241 
 
 CHAP. IV. CONTIGUITY, PHYSICAL AND METAPHYSICAL. 
 
 The intercourse between Nations must vary according to their 
 many essential differences. The greater difference which distance 
 ought to make, is evident in this, that a Nation is bound to pre 
 vent, and may be held responsible for, incursions made from the 
 borders of its own territory, into a foreign one immediately 
 adjoining: but as to miscellaneous expeditions against distant 
 countries, no Nation can be expected to do any thing more, 
 than merely to use reasonable endeavors to prevent them. " Love 
 thy neighbor as thyself" applies to Nations as well as to Indi 
 viduals. 
 
 It can hardly be doubted, that distance, either as to space or 
 as to civilization, requires a different set of international laws 
 for persons nearest, than for those farthest off; just as our theory 
 of Precincts has special regulations for those Precincts that are 
 immediately contiguous. But such differences of international 
 law, could only be made by treaties; and such treaties, oft re 
 peated and long continued, would naturally become leagues, and 
 these in time, confederations, especially where the Nations were 
 contiguous. 
 
 Nations, as well as Precincts, tend ultimately to form each its 
 own particular character; and LIKES flock together, "likes" 
 that is, inward resemblances, although perhaps outward con 
 trasts. 
 
 As it is the tendency, that all the persons of a Family should 
 gradually become assimilated, and like to each other, so also all 
 the Individuals and Families of any society, are tending to 
 become alike. So also, all the Individuals, Families and com 
 panies of a Nation, have a tendency to become more alike, 
 Individual to Individual, Corporation to Corporation, and Pre 
 cinct to Precinct. Even the social sets which are organized 
 purposely to express differences, gradually take the same out 
 ward resemblances of customs, &c., as far as means will permit. 
 Furthermore, all the Nations of the world having commerce 
 and intercourse, also are tending to resemblance or uniformity 
 in their outward forms. 
 
 Through all this outward uniformity, we find that the strongei 
 law, is an inward law, that likes flock together with like that 
 
 16 
 
242 BK - m - NATION. I. v. 
 
 Families tend to express one spirit, and draw together those 
 who are similar. So also with Precincts, companies and social 
 sets. So also with Nations; and in the t course of time, and 
 with free travel, immigration and emigration, this segregation 
 may be expected to continue, until all the communicating Nations 
 of the earth, will become possessed more and more fully and 
 firmly, each of its own peculiar life and inward character. Thus 
 it is, that real heterogeneity develops out of homogeneity, as time 
 advances. 
 
 In ancient times and among barbarians, the special national 
 characteristics were formed by isolation and barbarism. And in 
 modern times, AVC see each Nation forming its own peculiar 
 national character, by the very opposite means, namely, by inter 
 course and civilization. In ancient times, the outward circum 
 stances were mostly different, but the inward spirit mostly the 
 same. In modern times, the outward circumstances, all those 
 things which can be seen, imitated and learned by rote, or by 
 diagrams and models, are being imitated; and the Nations are 
 thus becoming alike. But in the inward things of the heart, 
 Nations as well as companies, social sets and Individuals, will 
 become more and more unlike some others, and must be more 
 and more attracted to those with whom they most sympathize. 
 In some Nations, where the spirit of love and mutual regard 
 for each other's rights, exist, much happy communism may de 
 velop ; whilst in those Nations, and peoples who are clamoring 
 for equality and fraternity, violating the relative duties of 
 station ability and age, and puffing themselves up with pride 
 and self-will, their desired communism and equality will not 
 come; but instead thereof, all the vice and luxury that dis 
 honest wealth can buy, after honest wealth is driven away ; and 
 all the results of refined enmities, when the peace men and the 
 unimpeachable citizens, are driven, either into obscurity, or 
 into foreign lands. The example of France is a warning to 
 humanity. 
 
 CHAP. V. DEFINITION OF NATION. 
 
 No definition of the Nation can be accepted, which denies 
 that " God hath made of one" continuous " blood," at least many 
 "Nations of men," (Acts xvii. 26.) But some writers have 
 carried out the radicalness of the idea of Nation, to the extent of 
 
DEFINITION OF NATION. 243 
 
 / 
 
 supposing that nearly all of the many great Nations of Man 
 kind, are indigenous, spontaneous developments, from the regions 
 they inhabit; without allowing- for the facility with which men 
 change their abodes, and commingle nationalities; a facility 
 which is well known in history, as well as on reflection might 
 be expected. Even if we admit more than one original or spon 
 taneous race, still under no supposable theory, can there be ad 
 mitted to be more than three, or at most five, such original or 
 spontaneous races. 
 
 Let us give here (chiefly from Twiss, vol. i. pp. 2 and 3), a 
 definition of a Nation (People, or State) which has an inter 
 esting history attached to it. Coming from Scipio Africanus, it 
 is first quoted by Cicero (De Republica, i. 25.) This work, the 
 " De Republica," was lost in antiquity, to the great regret of 
 scholars and statesmen. But the definition therein, of a State, 
 was preserved and transmitted by St. Augustine, in his great 
 work, " The City of God." Indeed, those best able to judge, 
 (including Cardinal Mai,) think that St. Augustine derived his 
 first suggestions for his " City of God," from reading Cicero's 
 " De Republics." From St. Augustine, Grotius derived the defi 
 nition we are speaking of. And now at last Cardinal Mai has 
 found and deciphered from an old Palimpsest, a large part of the 
 identical old Ciceronian " De Republics ;" and among the saved 
 fragments of which, is this very definition we are now to give. 
 
 Cicero gives it thus : " Therefore said Africanus, Public affairs 
 are the affairs of the People ; but not every collection (coetus) 
 of men, however congregated, (or aggregated), is a people ; but 
 the collection (coetus) of the multitude, associated by consent of 
 justice (juris, right, or law), and in the (communione) communism 
 (fellowship) of utility." 
 
 St. Augustine adds : " Therefore surely, where that righteous 
 ness or right-ness (justitia), is not, there the collection of men is 
 not associated by the consent of justice (juris, right, or law), nor 
 in the (communione) communism (fellowship) of utility." (City 
 of God, xix. 21.) 
 
 Grotius gives the definition thus : " The State (civitas) is the 
 complete collection (coetus) of free men, associated for the sake 
 of enjoying justice (right or law), (causa, juris) and of the 
 common utilitv." 
 
 ) 
 / 
 
244 BK - in. NATION, i. v. 
 
 If the reader does not like the writer's translations, as above 
 given, he can refer to the places in Twiss or elsewhere, and 
 translate them for himself. Observe this much, however ; as to 
 the great substance of the ideas ; that Scipio, Cicero, and St. Au 
 gustine,, fully coincide in their representation of the definition ; 
 and that their words apply equally as well to a city, or a Pre 
 cinct, or even to a Corporation, as to a Nation. And so does 
 Grotius's civitas, although IT is usually translated State ; and was 
 by Grotius applied also to the free cities and small Precinct- 
 States of Europe. One of Ainsworth's definitions of civitas, and 
 his first one, is, " Corporation." But of course in the later Latin, 
 civitas usually meant state or city, but it mattered not how small 
 the state was, nor whether it was part of another state, or of an 
 empire, or not: and the small ones answer to o ir "Precinct;" 
 and the large ones, to our idea of Nation. 
 
 But, let us resume our attempt for a developed definition of 
 Nation. 
 
 Recognition does not constitute the Nation. Mulford, agree 
 ing with other writers on the Law of Nations (pp. 252 and 
 253), well says : " The sovereignty of the Nation has its imme 
 diate," (but only its " external) manifestation, in the recognition 
 of Nations. It is the moment in which there is a conscious reali 
 zation of the historical power of a people; and each (Nation) 
 stands toward the other, in a recognized sovereignty of the 
 world. * * * The Nation recognizes in another, that which it 
 is conscious of possessing n itself, in its own necessary being. 
 * * * This recognition presumes then, respect toward the Na 
 tion recognized as a Nation. It must concede to it the rights, 
 which in its own necessary existence it asserts for itself. There 
 is the application, here, of the fundamental law of rights, be 
 a per son j and respect others <vs i ersons. This law is implied in 
 the being of the Nation as a moral person ; it is the necessary 
 postulate of rights and of duties. From this, then, proceeds the 
 recognized right of a Nation, to determine its own political end ; 
 the right to (establish its own political form." 
 
 But "a people may exist with a manifest unity and sover 
 eignty, and with entire independence and freedom, and be in 
 reality a Nation ; although it receive no recognition from other 
 Nations. Whether it be in reality a Nation, is to be determined 
 
DEFINITION OF NATION. 245 
 
 only by its content, * * * but its recognition depends only 
 upon the determination, in the judgment of another, whether it 
 be a Nation." Here then, we may ask, how shall we determine 
 just how much a Nation separating from its past, shall depend 
 upon the recognition of that past, for the right of its separate 
 nationality ? for its right " to be a person" ? And when doth 
 arise the duty of that past, "to respect others as persons" in 
 such a case ? And how much depends on present qualifications 
 alone ? 
 
 Mulford, (p. 253) well gives the " content" of a Nation, or 
 that by which its nationality is to be determined, as follows, 
 " the internal sovereignty which is manifest in law and freedom ; 
 and the external sovereignty which is manifest in independence 
 and self-subsistence." Nevertheless, the latter condition is too 
 much of a de facto and not enough of a de jure one, to serve as 
 the basis of nationality in our Social Science. It is a condition 
 which directly leads to the extremest war. For the existence 
 of a "moral personality" we must seek moral conditions of jus 
 tification ; we must find those conditions, not in the mere fact 
 of the birth, much less, in the violence of it, but in the moral 
 legitimacy of it. We speak of this subsequently, under the 
 heading " Birth and Size of Nations." 
 
 Mulford, (Index to Chap. I.) defining the "substance of the 
 Nation," says " The Nation is founded in the nature of man, 
 is a relationship, is a continuity, is an organism, is a 
 conscious organism, is a moral organism, is a moral per 
 sonality." Furthermore, (in Index to Chap. IV.) he says : 
 "The origin of the Nation is of Divine foundation, in its 
 moral being and personality, in its government, in its au 
 thority and powers, in the facts which indicate the conscious 
 ness of the people, in the facts which indicate the conscience 
 of the people." This is all very true and excellent, but is 
 equally true of the Precinct, and of the church, and sometimes ' 
 of other Corporations perhaps. 
 
 Moreover, Mulford all through, confounds State with Nation ; 
 and this he does deliberately ; for, he says in his Preface, p. 
 viii.: "The words ' Nation' and ' State 7 are used synonymously." 
 And, by him, "a particular State in the United States, is written 
 ' State/ and is described as a commonwealth ; as, the common- 
 
246 BK - IIL NATION, i. v. 
 
 wealth of Massachusetts or Virginia/' &c. He thus develops 
 things and principles, that are equally as repugnant to the 
 natural rights of Empires, Confederations, and Republican 
 Unions, as to Precinots. By his centralizing theory, even the 
 rights of the Individual and of Mankind are glossed over, and 
 Social Circle is not thought of; and no basis remains but Family 
 and Nation. 
 
 Neither Comte nor Mill, identify the Nation with either State 
 or Government, but carefully avoid even the appearance of doing 
 so. Comte's word usually is " Society," sometimes " Govern 
 ment." Mill's word is " Government." Yet both Comte and 
 Mill overlook the distinct rights of Neighborhoods, as such, (i.e. 
 Precincts.) 
 
 Wheaton does not commit the error of identifying State with 
 Nation. Wheaton ( 17). thus defines the State: "Cicero, and, 
 after him, the modern public jurists, define a State to be a body 
 political, or society of men, united together for the purpose of 
 promoting their mutual safety and advantage, by their combined 
 strength. This definition cannot be admitted as entirely accu 
 rate and complete, unless it be understood with the following 
 limitations : It must be considered as excluding (such) Corpo 
 rations, public or private, (as are) created by the State itself. * * * 
 Nor can the name State be properly applied to voluntary asso 
 ciations of robbers or pirates, the outlaws of other societies. * 
 A State is also distinguishable from an unsettled horde of wan 
 dering savages, not yet formed into a civil society. * * * A State 
 is also distinguishable from a Nation, since the former may be 
 composed of different races of men, all subject to the same su 
 preme authority. * * * So, also, the same Nation or people may 
 be subject to several States, as is the case with the Poles." 
 
 Thus Wheaton's idea evidently is, that the State is some- 
 . times above the Nation, namely, in Empires and confederations, 
 that in all other cases, legitimate supremacy is what constitutes 
 nationality. But the very word state, " status," standing, implies 
 something having the quality of permanency, and therefore can 
 not rightly apply to confederacies. 
 
 When we come to Corporation, we shall find that IT can per 
 form many of the functions of Nation, as well as that element 
 can, and some of them better. Yet still, there will always re- 
 
REBELLIONS. 247 
 
 main some of the functions of Nation, that are not performable 
 by any other element than itself. And this is true, also, of all 
 the fundamental elements of the Analytics. 
 
 In our opinion, a Nation may be defined to be, one of the 
 spontaneous, natural Elements or Units of human society; a 
 governmental union of Individuals and Precincts, possessing or 
 being distinguished by, most, if not quite all of the following 
 characteristics. (1) One Head or Government. (2) Having 
 the Government continuous, internally and historically, either 
 direct or revolutionary. (3) Being apparently the development 
 from one tribe, by similarity of Language, Customs, Religion, 
 &c.: yet divided into several or many tribes. (4) Inhabiting 
 contiguous Precincts or districts. (5) Having .a Special Meta 
 physical organ or centre of attraction, called patriotism. (6) 
 Having the real interests of all the parts, to consist in the 
 maintenance of the national union. (7) Being distinguished 
 from Confederacy or Empire, by having had a spontaneous, 
 instead of a deliberative origin. (8) Being distinguished from 
 Precinct or " State," by superiority or sovereignty over the other. 
 (9) Being distinguished from Corporation, by having had an 
 instinctive origin, and by necessarily embracing and referring 
 to all the inhabitants of a Locality. 
 
 The point of the definition, is, that whilst every Nation will 
 be found to contain NEARLY ALL of the characteristics men 
 tioned, yet many Nations will be found to lack one or another 
 of them; nevertheless the element lacking will be different in 
 almost every case. This form of definition, we, in our inward 
 thinking, often adopt in the higher realms of thought : because 
 the tout ensemble of the thing defined, remains a "constant"; 
 yes, so constant as not even to disappear in "differentiation." 
 
 CHAP. VI. REBELLIONS. 
 
 Whenever the forms of government become so perverted, that 
 they essentially hinder the real objects, then rebellion becomes 
 justifiable, if it is expedient. If the rebels have no reasonable 
 ground to think themselves right, and if they are really re 
 belling for immoral or criminal purposes, then they are simply 
 criminals or rioters. But if the rebels think they have reason 
 able grounds for their rebellion, then they should be treated as 
 
248 BK - IIL NATION. I. VII. 
 
 recognized " belligerents." But when rebels are justly entitled 
 to be treated as belligerents, then arise two cases, as follows : 
 
 Case (1.) If the rebellion be an attempt to change the order 
 of the government, the solution of its justifiability is the net 
 average resultant of two questions, namely, the question of the 
 amount of grievances, and the question of the power of the per 
 sons or parties aggrieved, because power is a right when no 
 higher law intervenes. 
 
 Case (2.) If the rebellion be an attempt to separate from the 
 Nation, then the two questions just mentioned, still come up, 
 namely, the amount of the grievance, and the power of the par 
 ties aggrieved : but other questions also come into the solution. 
 There is the necessity for, and certainty of, the birth and the 
 arising of new Nations, during all the course of time, past, 
 present and future : there is the probability that no such birth 
 of a new Nation ever will take place upon the mere abstract 
 grounds of its necessity, without having some grievance as the 
 immediate ground of it : there is the certainty that the greater 
 a Nation becomes, the less willing its rulers are to have it 
 severed, and the greater is their power of evil, and the more 
 severe they are apt to be, towards dissenters or rebels (except 
 ing the severity when two religious parties are nearly equally 
 balanced, and are determined " to war to the knife") : then 
 again, there is the certainty that, as long as human nature 
 continues sinful and imperfect, Nations cannot happily attain 
 their maximum theoretical size, previous to division ; charity 
 must make allowances for the imperfections of both sides; and 
 neither can the best nor the most competent rulers be obtained, 
 for the largest possible governments, nor can peoples be made 
 capable of submission to all, that charity might ask them to 
 endure. 
 
 CHAP. VII. BIRTH AND SIZE OF NATIONS. 
 
 1. In General. 
 
 Nations are begotten by three processes : one is, by outgrowth 
 from one Family and tribe ; another is, by the mingling to 
 gether of elements from a plurality of Nations ; and the third 
 is, by direct.separation into parts. The first process is the slow 
 and gradual work of ages, and seems to have been nearly con 
 fined to antiquity. The second process has occurred only in a 
 
BIRTH AND SIZE OF NATIONS. 249 
 
 few cases, the principal of which are, the ancient English, and 
 the modem citizens of the United States. The third process is 
 like that in Zoology, termed by the physicists, agamogenesis. 
 
 Nations in a living progression must, ever and anon, be sub 
 divided. This is the same law we saw operating in the case of 
 Precincts, which are the chief types of Nations. The ever 
 increasing population of the world, creates the necessity in both 
 cases. The generation of all new Local political bodies, must 
 be by actual spatial subdivision. 
 
 Just as in the case of Individual beings, (according to Spen 
 cer), we have two kinds of generation, gamogenesis and agamo 
 genesis ; that, in which fructification takes place indirectly, by 
 means of germs or seed; and that, in which there is mere 
 growth of parts, and then mere visible subdivision of parts. 
 The generation of Corporations may be more or less by gamo 
 genesis, so also is the generation of special organs, but the 
 generation of the new geographical bodies, can only be by aga 
 mogenesis. Now, while both kinds of generation operate against 
 growth, yet the agamogenesis has almost an indefinitely greater 
 degree of such opposing force, than gamogenesis. (See Spencer's 
 Biology, 334 to 346). Hence by analogy we infer the neces 
 sity of national subdivision, in opposition to indefinite growth. 
 The only questions are, when to divide, and by what means. 
 Any person who is acquainted with history must know, that the 
 present division of Nations is not eternal, that in times back, 
 there were fewer Nations than now, and that the antithesis be 
 tween Growth and Generation has been confirmed by history; 
 so that when the division has been prevented by force, the 
 growth has been restricted ; and when the growth has been left 
 free, the division has occurred. The only questions therefore 
 are, at what density of population to divide; and by what 
 means, whether peace or war. (See above, and Mulford, that 
 recognition does not constitute th ' Nati > < . 
 
 Our problem here is only to determine the maximum size of a 
 Nation, taking its forms of government and all its relevant con 
 ditions, all of the most favorable i-.ind. Hence, every item Iqss 
 favorable than the ones we are about to give, will, or should, 
 justify subdivision at a less size than is found in our problem. 
 
 The maximum size of a legitimate Nation, depends partly 
 
250 BK - IIL NATION. I. VII. 
 
 upon its form of government, and partly upon the average popu 
 lation and qualifications of suffrage in its Precincts, and partly 
 upon local conditions. 
 
 2. Conditions of Population and of Politics. 
 
 If there exist any form of popular representation in a Nation, 
 not consisting of the higher Corporations, the size must be 
 limited strictly by the average population and qualification of 
 suffrage in the Precincts ; because each Precinct ought to be en 
 titled to send one representative, at least; and the whole number 
 of representatives should not exceed 2500. These principles, 
 applied, will give a population of from twenty to one hundred 
 million as the utmost legitimate limit for a democratic Nation, 
 under a system like that prevailing at present in the United 
 States, or elsewhere; or practicable otherwise than by suitable 
 political " Corporations" of the higher kinds. 
 
 What science points to in general formula, may be expected 
 certainly, although it may not come exactly in methods that 
 science anticipates, nor for this or that particular reason. Hence, 
 patriots have no reason to suppose they can avert the results, by 
 refusing to arrange into small Precincts ; because, false divisions 
 and false " State" corporations of five million, and all other un 
 natural methods, only hasten the evil results, through metaphys 
 ical or moral causes, the exact forms of which of course cannot 
 be foreknown. And social science has no ability to look into the 
 FAB distant ages beyond, to inquire if any other subdivisions 
 may become necessary ; because, as said in the Introduction 
 and elsewhere, the science of society can never be very far in 
 advance of society itself. And ne\v subdivisions would bring 
 their own evils, which only the science of their times can treat. 
 
 The only practicable method the writer can see, whereby it is 
 possible to enable Nations to hold together, with larger popula 
 tions than are mentioned above, is the adoption of some of the 
 higher Corporation-systems proposed under that head. Possibly, 
 Nations might grow to as much larger size than the foregoing 
 representation of Precincts, admits, as the Precincts were divided 
 into political Corporations of thue higher kinds, UNIFORMLY; 
 that is to say, the same number of Corporations, and on the 
 same bases. But the practicable differentiation of such Corpo 
 rations, seem to be only a limited few ; consequently, the princi- 
 
BIRTH AND SIZE OF NATIONS. 251 
 
 pie can only be expected to retard, but not absolutely prevent, 
 national subdivisions. 
 
 3. Conditions of Locality. 
 
 Again, the size of Nations depends not only on population, 
 and political organization; but also on conditions of Locality; 
 and on the relation of population and organization to Locality. 
 The larger the total Locality, the less the coherence of the parts. 
 Two kinds of condition of Locality enter into the question. 
 One, is the total space included, namely, the actual number of 
 square miles; for by it, the number of diverse interests and forms 
 are increased, and the possibilities of population, also. Never 
 theless, the other condition of Locality is quite as important, 
 namely, the linear distances of the extremes. This is impor 
 tant both for military and for civil administration. Whether 
 a country be 1000 miles long and 4000. wide, or whether 2000 
 miles in each direction, makes no difference in the total content; 
 but it makes a vast difference in its adhesiveness, the 4000 miles 
 linear distance giving perhaps only one-tenth the cohesiveness. 
 
 But the linear condition becomes still more important, when 
 its direction of latitude or longitude is brought into considera 
 tion. Because sameness of latitude, gives sameness of all the 
 natural productions, and therefore produces rivalry in all the 
 departments of industry. But linear direction along lines of 
 longitude, giving differences of latitude, so long as they are on 
 only one side of and not too near to the equator, give differences of 
 all the natural productions. These tend to produce the harmony 
 of industry. Incidentally also, they produce other vastly im 
 portant harmonies, namely, the harmonies arising from inter 
 changes for health, and for variety in study and in pleasure. 
 Isothermal lines have nearly the same effects as lines of latitude. 
 4. Applications to the United States. 
 
 The population of the United States is now (A.D. 1875) about 
 forty million, and doubling in about 17 years: hence, about the 
 year 1900, the population will probably have reached its utmost 
 scientifically legitimate limits. Even the present forty millions 
 is the highest limit, with our present political arrangements, and 
 with universal male suffrage at 21 years of age. Science can 
 give, except the higher political Corporations, only two alterna 
 tives here, either 1 ; to lessen the number of voters by increasing 
 
252 BK - HI. NATION. I. VII. 
 
 the age or c ther qualifications required ; or to prepare to divide 
 the country amicably, by formation of a new Nation, of course 
 not between North and South ; dissimilar climates ; and making 
 territories three thousand miles long, and only five hundred 
 broad, but between East and West, making two, averaging 
 about fifteen hundred long, by one thousand wide. All our 
 extra stimulation to immigration, and all our hurry in " develop 
 ing the resources of the Great West," are tending to this result. 
 If you remove the seat of government west of, or even nearly to, 
 the Mississippi ; then when the division came, the West might 
 claim to be the original trunk, and charge the East with seceding \ 
 The effort of the Westerners to move the Capital to the West, 
 reminds us of the efforts of the Southerners to capture Washing 
 ton. The tendency of increasing the numbers, races, classes or 
 sexes that vote, is obviously in the same direction. 
 
 Although increasing the age required for suffrage, may retard 
 the division for a generation or two, and our " Corporation"- 
 system, retard it much longer; nevertheless, the result seems 
 certain to come, sooner or later. Nor is it to be denied that not 
 only the good methods we propose, but also overwhelming des 
 potic power in the central government, might for a time continue 
 to hold the Union FORCIBLY together. But the evils of such a 
 despotism would probably be far greater than its good. 
 
 Improvement in public and private morality would also help 
 us. Because there is no doubt, that our increase of population, 
 and our increase of spread in distant localities, faster than Social 
 Science is able to provide for, or morality to purify, are the 
 great causes of our Southern, and Indian and Mormon wars, 
 and of the general demoralization both private and official. 
 
 These truths all combine to prove, that those ambitious persons, 
 who, in neglect of the true conditions, are working so hard to 
 " develop the resources of the Great West," and roll a tide of 
 immigration thither, are " cutting their own throats," as Union 
 citizens, and hastening the very dissolution they say they are 
 endeavoring to prevent. The fear of vast solitudes of forest 
 and plain, seceding ! What an idea ! 
 
 Some writers are so full of hunting eternal or absolute argu 
 ments, to maintain the justice of our late war against the Confed 
 erates, and are so full of palaver about the absolute indivisibility 
 
EIRTH AXD SIZE OF NATIONS. 253 
 
 of a Nation ; that they seem to have entirely forgotten that less 
 than a century ago, " our own Nation" was only a province of 
 the Nation of Great Britain ! and that we have acquired a 
 large proportion of our own territories, by purchase and by con 
 quest from other Nations. And such writers seem to have no 
 conception of the difficulties which their theories, could they be 
 believed, might produce, to Great Britain's giving us Jamaica, or 
 Canada; or Spain's giving us Cuba; and so on. And if their 
 views are sound, neither purchase nor treaties nor conquest, could 
 make a just or morally obligatory transfer of territory. 
 
 Most great Nations have repeatedly practiced on the principle, 
 of dividing their own or other Nations. And our Nation has 
 repeatedly acted on the principle that other Nations have a right 
 to divide ; why then should not our national constitution, as a 
 matter of theory, acknowledge the same right? Our constitution 
 grants the right of its "States" to subdivide, on certain condi 
 tions; and can it be that the superior power has really less right 
 than the inferior, in matters for which it is the legitimate organ f 
 The only peaceable method at present provided, is an alteration 
 of the constitution itself: but even that would be disputed by 
 the advocates of certain higher laws of nationality. True, the 
 time is far away yet for a proper division : but constitutions 
 ought to look far ahead ; and one of the good ways to preserve 
 a union peaceably, is to make a separation legally possible, and 
 thus let men feel they are not held altogether by force. When 
 will Mankind learn, that not in religion only, but in all the 
 deeper interests and affections, force is not the best reliance, nor 
 legal inability the best promoter of contentment? And our 
 object in treating this subject, is to promote the means which 
 will really tend to preserve the Union. 
 
 5. Provisions for Peaceful Subdivision. 
 
 The principal means for introducing the Christian process of 
 subdividing in peace order and friendship, are, firstly, Social 
 Science, and secondly, written constitutions. 
 
 The works on SOCIAL SCIENCE or International Law, which 
 omit to recognize and provide for the necessity of the peaceful 
 subdivision of Nations, are as far behind the age's wants in 
 Social Science, as the old statesmen, who think all disputes be 
 tween Nations must be settled by the sword, are behind the age's 
 
254 BK - IIL NATION. I. VII. 
 
 wants in moral and religious science. The scientific provision 
 for such subdivisions, when they become necessary, is one of the 
 incidental lessons to be derived from our idea of the nature and 
 origin of Nation, as set forth in the previous part of this subject. 
 
 The remainder of the topic about the subdivision, contains no 
 theoretical difficulties, but only the practical difficulty and " un 
 pleasantness" of blood and war. Because, if subdivision can 
 only be accomplished by war, then the doctrine that rebels are 
 to be treated as "belligerents," brings them always under the 
 principles of international law, since they have then to be 
 considered as Nations "pro tern.," no matter how unjust or un 
 reasonable their attempt at separation might be. 
 
 From what is above said, it is inferable that the usual argu 
 ments are unsound, which, against subdivision, plead such ideas 
 as the Nation's right of eminent domain, or its right of the per 
 son, as against expatriation, and all those other minor kinds of 
 rights usually treated under international law. Such pleas are 
 unsound, because they all belong to a minor department of the 
 science ; and during an acknowledged " belligerent" rebellion, 
 are all held also in suspense, as only "pro tern."; and then are 
 all revoked "per se," by the success of a revolution having 
 subdivision for its object. 
 
 These views seem highly proper to be expressed now, because 
 nothing hinders the good cause of our national Union more 
 than specious but unsound arguments for it, and especially, 
 such arguments as would go to show that this or any other in 
 creasing Nation, must continue ETERNALLY undivided. 
 
 What remains for science to accomplish, is, to dispel the super 
 stitions, ghosts and hobgoblins, about the subdivisions of Nations, 
 and to provide for their peaceable accomplishment, in and by the 
 recognized constitution of each Nation respectively, and by the 
 doctrines of international law DE JURE. And vice-versa: And 
 this is the beauty of science. It is a good rule, " it works both 
 ways." The ascertainment, beforehand, of the true principles 
 and grounds of the subdivision of Nations, preserves society 
 from premature and unnecessary divisions, and from the vain 
 attempts thereunto ; and places such unnecessary divisions, or 
 the vain attempts thereunto, in the category of seditions, to be 
 recognized as such by international law, and all the world over. 
 
PRELIMINARIES OF INTERNATIONAL LAW. 255 
 
 PART II. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL LAW. 
 CHAP. I. PRELIMINARIES OF INTERNATIONAL LAW. 
 
 1. Classifications. 
 
 Most of what has been said already, on the Nation as a Fun 
 damental Element, is applicable to this part of the subject, but 
 need not be repeated ; the relations to Mankind, particularly so. 
 And these latter relations will be further considered, when we 
 come to that Element of Social Science. Corporations also have 
 relations to the subject : because their full benefits cannot be 
 obtained without some modifications of international law : and 
 also because each is type of the other reciprocally ; namely, 
 Nation is type of Corporation, and Corporation is type of Na 
 tion ; and because the reciprocal relations of Corporations, under 
 our proposed system, would be necessarily more intimate, and 
 more similar to international relations, than even our inter-pre 
 cinct ones, and would therefore call for a more complete devel 
 opment and accurate statement, of international law, as type for 
 inter-corporation law, than even the inter-precinct relations did. 
 And so on the other hand, the inter-corporation law would throw 
 light upon, and develop and improve, international and inter- 
 precinct law. 
 
 This our Part II. of Nation, being a brief treatment of 
 International Law, may be prefaced by saying, that since it was 
 written, Mr. Field's valuable work upon the subject has been 
 published ; and to it the reader is referred. Let us introduce 
 our treatment of the subject, by giving the classifications and 
 outlines, from three long established works ; the first, French ; 
 the second, English ; the third, American, namely, VatteFs, 
 Twiss's, and Wheaton's: slightly modifying the classifications 
 however, in order to perspicuity and homogeneity. For the 
 sake of these modifications, and perhaps also for the sake of 
 saving the trouble of references; the reader will pardon the 
 selection of such familiar matter. 
 
 Yattel's work, although old, is perhaps the most interesting 
 
256 BK - IIL NATION, ii. i. 
 
 and generally instructive, of any work on the subject extant. 
 Although, like the other old works, it contains a considerable 
 amount of matter which belongs to other and very different 
 departments of Social Science. 
 
 Vattel divides the subject, about as follows. (I.) Prelimi 
 naries. (II.) Nations considered in themselves. (III.-) Na 
 tions considered relatively to Other Nations. (IV.) Of War. 
 (V.) Restoration of Peace : And of Embassies. 
 
 (I.) Preliminaries. Idea and General Principles of the Law 
 of Nations. 
 
 (II.) Nations considered in themselves. State-Sovereignty and 
 its modifications. A Nation's duties to Itself. The constitution 
 of a State. The Personal sovereign. The succession of the 
 sovereign. Objects of a good government: (1) To provide 
 for necessities ; agriculture ; commerce ; highways and arti 
 ficial watercourses ; money and exchange : (2) Individual and 
 general felicity; piety and religion ; justice and polity: (3) 
 Self-defence ; national glory ; protection from or submission to 
 other Nations ; vacant countries. Public and Private Property. 
 Alienation of Domain. Rivers and Lakes. The Sea. 
 
 (III.) Nations considered relatively to other Nations. General 
 duties of humanity. Mutual commerce. Dignities and Equality 
 of Nations. Preservation of their security. Mutual justice. 
 Regard for Individual citizens. The Domain. Rules as to 
 Foreigners. Changes from the primitive communism. Modi 
 fications of the right of Domain. Usu-caption and Prescrip 
 tion. Public Treaties. Other Public Agreements and Conven 
 tions. The Faith and Obligation of Treaties. Sureties therefor. 
 Interpretation of Treaties. Termination of Disagreements. 
 
 (IV.) Of War. In General. Means and Officers of War. 
 The Just Causes. Declaration of War : and War in form. 
 The Enemy and his property. His Allies and Subsidies. Of 
 Neutrality. What is right to do in War. Of Unjust War. 
 The Voluntary Law recognizes both parties as having an equally 
 just cause. Acquisition and Conquest. Individuals in time 
 of War. Conventions and Agreements in time of War. Civil 
 War. 
 
 (V.) Restoration of Peace : and of Embassies. Peace and the 
 obligations thereto. Treaties of Peace ; Formation, Observ- 
 
PRELIMINARIES OF INTERNATIONAL LAW. 257 
 
 ancc, and Breach thereof. Embassies, Ministers, and Ambas 
 sadors. 
 
 Twiss's works divide the subject as follows : 
 
 (I.) The Rights and Duties of Nations in time of Peace. 
 And (II.) The Rights and Duties of Nations in . time of 
 War. 
 
 (I.) The Matters of Peace are divided thus. Nations as sub 
 jects of Law. Incidents and modifications of international Life. 
 National State-systems of Christendom, and of Mahometan- 
 dom. Sources of the Law of Nations. Right, of Self-preser 
 vation : of Acquisition : of Possession : of Jurisdiction : of 
 the Sea : of Legation : of Treaty. 
 
 (II.) The Matters of War are divided thus. Settlement of 
 International Disputes. War and its Characteristics. Com 
 mencement of War. Rights of a Belligerent within Enemy- 
 territory. Rights of a Belligerent on the High Seas. On 
 Blockade. On Contraband of War. On the Enemy-charac 
 teristic. On Capture and its Incidents. Privateers. Rights 
 and Duties of Neutral Powers. 
 
 Wheaton's work divides the subject somewhat as follows : 
 
 (I.) Scope. (II.) Absolute Rights. (III.) Relative Rights. 
 
 (I.) The Scope comprises, the Definition, Sources, and Sub 
 jects of international law. The Subjects are Nations, and Sov 
 ereign States; which are described as two different classes of 
 Subjects. 
 
 (II.) The Absolute International Rights, comprise, Self-Pres 
 ervation and Independence ; Legislation, civil and criminal ; 
 Equality; and Property. And Property includes both the 
 right of a State to own for itself, and the right to rule over the 
 property of its citizens. 
 
 (III.) The Relative Rights, comprise Legation ; Negotiation ; 
 War; and Peace. And War may be considered, either as to 
 its Immediate consequences ; or as to ifo Subsequent ones ; and, 
 in its relations, ^to Citizens, to Enemies, and to Neutrals. 
 
 Now, regarding the various works of writers on this and on 
 other departments of " Law," and considering the distinctions 
 they continually draw, in the courses thereof, as well as the 
 main classifications which they make, we find that the sub 
 ject might be divided in all the following several different 
 
 17 
 
258 BK - IIL NATION, ii. i. 
 
 ways : after allowing, in all cases, some one head for General 
 topics not classible under any other. Moreover, perhaps there 
 might be, in every classification, a place also for matters whose 
 position was doubtful ; but this we only suggest. We might 
 however divide into : 
 
 Absolute, and Relative rights : 
 
 Public, and Private rights : 
 
 Rights of Persons, Rights of Things : 
 
 Natural, and Positive Laws : 
 
 Principles depending on Locality, and Principles abstract 
 from Locality : 
 
 Internal, and External Affairs: 
 
 Affairs in Peace, and Affairs in War. 
 
 At any rate, all these distinctions ought to be discussed, and 
 applied to the subject, in the GENERAL Part of any thorough 
 work on it; which of course, our little article makes no pre 
 tension whatever, to be. 
 
 The classification we have adopted for the present essay, is as 
 follows : 
 
 FIRST : The Preliminaries of International Law. 
 
 SECOND : The Most General International Laws. 
 
 THIRD : Affairs in Peace. 
 
 FOURTH : Affairs in War. 
 
 And of these again, we make only a few brief subdivisions, 
 which will appear in their proper places ; and we introduce, in 
 due course, some of the antitheses above mentioned. The reader 
 will observe, that our General classification, differs from all the 
 others, principally in this, that ours provides one general head, 
 for all such matters as should properly be gathered together 
 under the term, Most General International Laws. The minor 
 differences of our classification, from the others, can only be 
 made plain, by comparing with them, our heads, as they will 
 arise in the course of our treatment. And if we succeed in 
 selecting the most salient points of the subject, and in con 
 densing and generalizing them sufficiently and clearly, we shall 
 have accomplished the utmost that we can hope in this field, 
 a field which is not peculiarly ours, and has been so ably and 
 diffusively treated by many writers. 
 
 There is no difficulty in applying all these principles of classi- 
 
PRELIMINARIES OF INTERNATIONAL LAW. 259 
 
 fication, except War, to the relations between Precincts also. 
 Indeed, these principles, for the most part, and dropping for 
 malities, obviously appertain to every form or division of Local 
 government, from Empires down to townships, each to each. 
 
 In other places, we have suggested that this subject ought to 
 be considered in such an order, and by the consideration of 
 such general principles, as would in the main, apply to Inter- 
 PRECINCT relations, and also to Inter-Corporation ones, as well 
 as International ; and at the same time, point out the differences 
 between them. Because, much of what we propose on this sub 
 ject, especially what relates to neigJihoring Nations, is equally 
 applicable in principle, to the regulations between Precincts 
 established according to our theory: and excepting matters of 
 Locality, is also equally applicable to our proposed Govern 
 mental Corporations. We therefore need to dwell on this sub 
 ject of international law, at some length ; yet, can spare but 
 little space for it, except so far as it is connected with some one 
 or other of our special theories : and, rejecting discussions about 
 official persons, or diplomatic or other FORMS ; rejecting also, tech 
 nicalities, "positive" or arbitrary regulations, and other details, 
 aside from general principles more interesting to the general 
 reader. Indeed, the great want of the age, in regard to all 
 " law," is improved and really scientific and righteous classifica 
 tions, namely, real GEXERAL-izations and SIMPLIFICATIONS. 
 Because vice, error and stupidity, hide their heads behind 
 " musses," SPECIOUSNESS, and complication ; and so the genius 
 under words, appears as if it was the genius over things. But 
 we are, in this PART, seeking for such very general principles, 
 as will underlie Inter-Precinct and Inter-Corporation Law, as 
 well as International. 
 
 2. Foundations. 
 
 The real foundations of the law of Nations, as also the 
 foundations of all laws, are threefold. First, moral principles. 
 Second, arguments of utility. Third, consent ; and consent in 
 cludes both custom and compact. But when apparent differ 
 ences arise between these three principles, they can only be 
 settled by recourse to a higher science than th's, nimely, by 
 recourse to Moral Philosophy. But in our social science, the 
 arguments that may be based merely and only upon consent, are 
 
260 BK - in- NATION, ii. I. 
 
 of much less importance than those based upon moral princi 
 ples, or those upon utility ; because one of the very objects of 
 our science, is to point out how the established order existing by 
 consent, is wrong ; and how and why it ought to be improved ; 
 yet with due respect to the transitional duties. And when the 
 question becomes merely one between Principle and Utility, our 
 theory decides to use Principle as the highest rule ; Utility as 
 only subservient thereto. But it decides thus, for the sake of 
 practical certainty and truth, whilst at the same time, it upholds 
 the idea that utility is always coincident with moral principle ; 
 but it feels itself incapable of demonstrating this coincidence 
 perfectly, in every particular case. And here is where our work 
 differs from most others, namely, in making comparatively much 
 . less account of argumentation from apparent utility. Our 
 supreme preference for principle over utilitarian argumentation, 
 receives however, an indirect corroboration, by the fact, that all 
 the languages of Modern Europe, as well as the old Latin, do 
 not use the term "Law of Nations/ 7 but the term " Right of 
 Nations, 77 as the phrase whereby to designate international 
 law. (Wheaton, 12). Mere consent in international law, is 
 no more than common law or statute law in the civil municipal ; 
 and is liable to be improved as reason, morality and progress 
 require, yet always with due regard to lawful expectations by 
 usage. 
 
 A practical difficulty arises here however, namely, to say HOW 
 the law of Nations is to be revised or improved. It will not do 
 to hold with Puffendorf, that usage is of little account against 
 theoretical argument; neither will it do to hold with some others, 
 that special treaties are the only methods of reforming interna 
 tional law. The true method of the reform, is, always to have 
 recourse to the principles involved, but yet always to remember 
 that usage, present expectations, and past contracts and arrange 
 ments, are necessary to be taken into the account, in order to 
 judge ivhat is the voice of the natural principle or "natural 
 law/ 7 in the case. And this is a mode of thought, that most of 
 the regularly trained " legists 77 seem unable to indulge in. And 
 yet, only thus can the distinction be stated truly, between "natu 
 ral law' 7 and the law of Nations. The legists study how to 
 make laws unalterable ar.d unavoidable, the social scientists 
 
PRELIMINARIES OF INTERNATIONAL LAW. 261 
 
 study how to make laws progressive and improvable ; and since 
 between the old and the new, there always is a degree as well as 
 a time of transitional confusion, so far it must happen, that the 
 social scientists come indirectly in conflict with the legists. But 
 this conflict is proportionally very limited, because the occasions 
 and objects of it, form but a very small part of the aims or occu 
 pations of either class, either the legists or the social scientists. 
 
 The following classification (which is a different one from the 
 foregoing) will, perhaps, do something towards harmonizing the 
 different classifications that others have made, of the founda 
 tions of International law, by referring them to their different 
 relations to Consent : as Express, Presumed, Moral obligation 
 to, and Pressure to, Consent. 
 
 First. Express Consent. This embraces treaties, also the 
 manifestoes of one Nation to another, also the opinions and the 
 decisions of the officers and judges, in any particular Nations, 
 who have to meet international questions. 
 
 Second. Presumed Consent, in other words, Tacit Consent. 
 This includes Custom, or, as the English say, long usage ; it also 
 includes general interest or general convenience, as new occasions 
 arise in which custom has nothing to say ; it also includes a cer 
 tain high degree of self-interest or convenience, which no Nation 
 could be expected to relinquish, even for the general good, with 
 out compensation. 
 
 Third. Moral oflligation to consent.. This constitutes what in 
 our theory, are called the claims of Mankind ; so that we should 
 trace arguments upon this foundation, directly to Mankind, as 
 one of the original and eternal Units. This division of inter 
 national law includes, what others call the law of nature and 
 justice; it also includes the divine law, or equity, which is the 
 amelioration of justice by kindness, on the condition of mutual 
 ity. Both of these lead to the consideration of moral progress, 
 for the condition of mutuality means progress ; and the opinions 
 of wljat justice and equity are, vary with progress. And this 
 subject of progress, both by reversing old laws, and also by pre 
 senting entirely new circumstances, constitutes one of the greatest 
 practical difficulties of international statesmanship. The other 
 greatest difficulty, and that which seems to be pushing more and 
 more for settlement, is the relation of the highly civilized and 
 
262 BK - IIL NATION, ii. i. 
 
 Christian Nations, to the heathen, both semi-civilized and bar 
 barian. 
 
 Fourth. Pressure to consent. This part of the subject is what 
 other writers would probably consider, under the head of, the 
 means of execution of international law. But we may retain 
 the reference to consent ; inasmuch as inflictions on Nations, ac 
 cording to international law, are not intended as punishments, 
 but are intended as forces to coerce consent ; and inasmuch as it 
 makes a neater and more uniform classification, to retain some 
 modification of consent, as the basis of this Fourth division, as 
 well as of the preceding three ; and also because the fear of re 
 course to pressure, is often one of the leading motives whereby 
 backward or selfish Nations, are induced to accord with improved 
 laws, although nothing is said about such fear ; and, therefore, 
 pressure may be classed as one of the foundations. For, the 
 theory of the equality of Nations, only extends in practice, to 
 etiquette, and hardly to that. 
 
 These pressures to consent, consist partly of reprisals, and 
 partly of treaties excepting the offending Nation from some of 
 the usual privileges or honors of Nations, or excepting its citi 
 zens from the common privileges of travel or trade ; also entire 
 non-intercourse, and in the last resort, war. Although in the 
 Synthetics we are to take pretty strong moral ground against 
 war, yet in the Analytics we must treat it as a reserved right. 
 
 3. Sources. 
 
 The sources of international law, namely, its law documents, 
 are summed up (by Wheaton 15,) into six, and may thus be 
 condensed : -(1) " Text writers of authority, snowing what is 
 the approved usage of Nations, or the general opinion respecting 
 their mutual conduct, with the definitions and modifications in 
 troduced by general consent. * * * They are generally impar 
 tial in their judgment. They are witnesses of the sentiments 
 and usages of civilized Nations. * * * (2) Treaties of peace, 
 alliance and commerce, declaring, modifying or defining the pre 
 existing international law. * * * (3) Ordinances of particular 
 States, prescribing rules for the conduct of their commissioned 
 cruisers and prize tribunals. * * * (4) The adjudications of 
 international tribunals, such as boards of arbitration and courts 
 of prize. As between these two sources of international law, 
 
PRELIMINARIES OF INTERNATIONAL LAW. 263 
 
 greater weight is justly attributable to the judgments of mixed 
 tribunals, appointed by the joint consent of the two Nations be 
 tween whom they are to decide, than to those of admiralty courts 
 established by and dependent on the instructions of one Nation 
 only. * * * (5) Another depository of international law is to 
 be found in the written opinions of official jurists, given confi 
 dentially to their own governments. * * * Where an opinion 
 has been adverse to the sovereign client, and has been acted 
 on, and the State which submitted to be bound by it was more 
 powerful than its opponent in the dispute, we may confidently 
 assume that the law of Nations, such as it was then supposed to 
 be, has been correctly laid down.* * * (6) The history of the 
 wars, negotiations, treaties of peace, and other transactions re 
 lating to the public intercourse of Nations." 
 
 Here is to be mentioned another source of international law, 
 namely, the moral and benevolent organizations, especially the 
 religious ones. Ancient Rome had, as it were, a special band of 
 officers to supervise and execute international law. It was a sort 
 of religious body, as it also performed the religious and sacrificial 
 rites of the occasion, viz., the collegium fetialium. During the 
 Middle Ages, the Popes were often appealed to as authority in 
 international affairs. And probably after all, science will not 
 dispense with, but rather point us back to, calling into exercise 
 some organs of the church, as the best and truest cosmopolitan 
 judges, and the most reliable representatives of the rights of 
 MANKIND. International disputes can be settled, and wars pre 
 vented, only by reference to the highest principles of human 
 nature, and under decisions by the most reliable men. The 
 Christian church, therefore, may be enumerated as one of the 
 undeveloped organs or sources of international law. 
 
 Another source of international law, would be the literature 
 and the legal decisions, that would arise, in the actual develop 
 ment of the system of Precincts, such as we have proposed. 
 This system develops fresh from nature, and ever receives fresh 
 life and direction from nature, aided at the same time by all the 
 other organs and sources of international law; all acting sponta 
 neously and closely in unison with nature, but with the element 
 of war or physical force excluded, by the peace functions of the 
 Nation over them. 
 
264 BK - IIL NATION. II. I. 
 
 Our proposed system of Corporations, would also develop the 
 same principles, as international law, and would thus be another 
 source of it. 
 
 We do not pretend to state what the law of Nations actually 
 is, so much as, what it OUGHT to be. Our sketch, then, is rather 
 an ideal of what natural and Christian international law ought 
 to be, as to its substance, but of course not, as to its form. But 
 this ideal is to be all along subjected to such modifications as 
 mutuality may require. The Christian ideal when presented as 
 a political rule, generally depends in part upon the condition of 
 mutuality. Mutuality of international obligations, is secured by 
 two means, one is negotiation or treaty, the other is the actual 
 law, as the same is acknowledged and made unequivocal. Hence 
 in international law, there is comparatively less respect due to the 
 ideal, than in municipal law ; and more respect due to the actual. 
 For municipal law, being more thoroughly instituted into the 
 common thought and common life, of Individuals, is supposed 
 to occupy, and does in fact occupy, much of the position of a 
 moral ideal. Another reason of the difference is, that the mu 
 nicipal law forbids battle among its suljects, and presumes peace 
 as its ground of operation. But international law acknowledges 
 war, and provides for it, and is chiefly occupied either in pre 
 venting, or conducting, or concluding war. Nevertheless, we 
 present our sketch of this ideal in its radical form. 
 
 Now, coming down from the abstract to the concrete, of course, 
 the Law of Nations, among European, and even among Chris 
 tian Nations, has had a historical origin. Nations having had a 
 common origin, traceable by history, or having had intercourse 
 for many centuries, will have a connection between their Law-s 
 of Nations, their laws of mutual intercourse, more than in any 
 thing else, at all common to them. Historical divergencies in 
 language, in religion, in customs, in dress, &c., will all be marked, 
 and generally tend to farther divergency : but the Law of their 
 mutual intercourse, must necessarily tend towards a constant ap 
 proximation, after they emerge from that obscurity and mutual 
 repugnance which envelop their origin as Nations. Hence, as 
 regards the Law of Nations, there is more agreement, than as 
 to what compose the fundamental principles of Christianity 
 itself. So that this Law is a " positive 77 law, but yet an " irn- 
 
MOST GENERAL INTERNATIONAL LAWS. 265 
 
 perfect" one, owing to its having neither a legislative, a judicial, 
 nor an executive power to enforce it ; nor is any such likely to 
 arise just'y and properly. 
 
 But in this Law, just as much as in Christianity, we ever have 
 right to appeal from history to the original authorities, and thus 
 to discuss what it OUGHT to be, as well as what it actually is. 
 And whilst most writers discuss chiefly or only, what it is, surely 
 here and there an isolated one, has righ to discuss what it ought 
 to be. 
 
 CHAP. II. MOST GENERAL INTERNATIONAL LAWS. 
 
 1. Leagues. 
 
 The right of Nations to form leagues or confederations, has 
 been sufficiently advocated above, under the Kelations of Na 
 tion to Mankind. But such confederations, if for offensive 
 operations or offensive war, would belong to the War part of 
 the subject. But defensive alliances would belong to this Gen 
 eral part, because their principal tendency would be towards 
 peace. Yet defensive alliances could not be considered as be 
 longing to this part, if the privilege of Individuals to do, much 
 as they please, in other countries, continues to be maintained. 
 Because, under that theory, invasion or Offensive War, is some 
 times the only method of defence of citizens accounted abused 
 by foreigners. But viewing the privilege otherwise; consistency 
 with our own theory requires us to mention this subject of alli 
 ances in this place, so far as it belongs at all to international law. 
 
 2. Treaties. 
 
 In International Law, Treaties fulfill nearly a similar exten- 
 siveness of function, that Trusts do in the civil law, or that 
 "state-rights" do in the Nation; namely, they can accomplish 
 every thing not specially and clearly forbidden by some higher 
 law. And therefore we need not enter into particulars; The 
 most difficult part of the subject really, is, what relates to the 
 continuity of treaties, namely, what reserved rights remain in 
 either party alone to annul them, and the effect that war has 
 upon them. 
 
 In regard to the reserved right of revoking them, the fact or 
 element of coercion in forming them, cannot be pleaded as a 
 sufficient ground for non-obligation, because then, the means of 
 
266 BK - IIL NATION, ii. ii. 
 
 peace would be greatly weakened, for as Dana says, "coercion 
 * * * is of the essence and idea of war." 
 
 On the other hand, absolute perpetuity of promises for the 
 future, cannot be included, because in history, the changes of 
 Nations are too great, and their lives too long, to allow any such 
 preposterous claim. Perhaps the best rule would be, to adopt 
 a limit of time for promises of future action, a new sort ;f 
 "statute of limitations," say the average length of the life of 
 Individuals, namely, 33 years, as the duration of the obligation, 
 because then the average race of Individuals would have changed. 
 It would not be admissible to allow the express use of the word 
 " forever," or other similar term, or other dodge of the legists, to 
 interfere seriously with this rule, because the unscrupulous con 
 querors would always insert such terms. At this point however, 
 the decision of a congress of Nations might be allowed, as a 
 new sort of "seal," sufficient to lengthen the duration of the 
 promises of a treaty, perhaps to a century, but scarcely any 
 longer, excepting, of course, treaties for the permanent transfer 
 of territory ; including within this exception, also, the treaties 
 which acknowledged the birth or independence of Nations, or 
 any thing else which from its very nature implied perpetuity. 
 
 The question is raised, how far war, the mere fact itself, 
 annuls treaties. In general we would say, war revokes the 
 contents of previous treaties. But to this there are several ex 
 ceptions, namely; stipulations in regard to the conduct of the 
 next ensuing war; stipulations as to actions that had been ac 
 complished and finished before the breaking out of the war ; 
 stipulations in regard to which disputes had arisen and had been 
 prominent causes of the war. This last mentioned exception is 
 disputed by some modern authorities ; still, it depends upon the 
 obvious principle, that the differences which had caused the war, 
 Would naturally be, either provided for at its conclusion by 
 treaty, or else were to be dropped; which could only be the 
 understanding, by regarding the previous treaty stipulations 
 revoked, and the questions then at issue, to be solvable only ac 
 cording to the general principles of the law, apart from special 
 ties of treaty. 
 
 Other disputed points will be settled by adopting the princi 
 ple, that the effect of war on a treaty, is to be judged, not by 
 
MOST GENERAL INTERNATIONAL LAWS. 267 
 
 the general nature of the treaty, but by the particular stipula 
 tions therein, each such stipulation requiring a separate judg 
 ment. For instance, the treaty of peace and recognition of our 
 nationality by England, in 1783, contained also a stipulation 
 granting certain rights of fishery in the British dominions. 
 Now the question is, whether the war of 1812 revoked that stip 
 ulation. Politicians and " patriots" say, no ! But the writer, 
 contrary to the common American assertion, must admit that 
 this stipulation was annulled by the War of 1812. But, had 
 the dispute in question been one relating to a previous stipula 
 tion about boundary, or title to property, or other finished fact, 
 IT would not have been revoked by the latter war. 
 
 If, however, the war were caused by a Nation's express re 
 fusal to continue fulfilling stipulations, which it had previously 
 and evidently performed, and it should throw down the gaunt 
 let of war as the alternative, such a Nation would of course 
 revoke its assent to the treaty, and would thereby forfeit all its 
 rights and claims under it. And if, in the struggle of war, it 
 should be permanently defeated, this defeat would revive the 
 rights and claims of the conquering Nation, without reviving 
 those of the defeated Nation, any further than the conqueror 
 voluntarily allowed, or than the general law of Nations, apart 
 from the treaty, required. 
 
 Again, if a part of a Nation rebels, and sets up its own inde 
 pendent government positively, it thereby ceases to have any 
 rights other than if it were a really independent Nation ; be 
 cause such action binds itself, but it does not bind the other 
 party. Hence, if the revolted part, is positively and perma 
 nently defeated, the very best view that can be taken of its 
 rights, is, that they are only the rights of a defeated Nation. 
 In such a case, the old constitution occupies the same relative 
 position, as an old treaty, namely, binding upon the defeated 
 party, but not so upon the conquerors. 
 
 The most that can be asked for a " belligerent," is the right 
 of a Nation a pro tempore." But if the "belligerent" succeeds, 
 and treaties of peace and acknowledgment are made by the mili 
 tary authorities, in good faith to all, then such treaties are bind 
 ing upon the old Nation, no matter what the old constitution 
 or laws may have said. Because, if the old Nation is defeated 
 
268 BK. III. NATION. IT. II. 
 
 as to the object of the war, then treaties made with its military 
 power, must be binding upon it, as to that object; and all old 
 articles and laws to the contrary, can now be considered as 
 having been only " pro tempore" as to IT. 
 
 The next question about treaties is, whether one Nation con 
 tracting, is bound to look to all the concurrent powers of the 
 other, which are necessary to complete the treaty. The answer 
 would seem justly to be, that the first named Nation is as much 
 bound to know the one part of the other Nation's rules and 
 powers, as it is the other part. This question comes up in a 
 serious difficulty existing in the constitution of the United 
 States; inasmuch as the President and Senate are. invested with 
 the treaty-making power ; but yet, if the treaty require the pay 
 ment of money, or any positive legislation, it cannot be completed 
 without the co-operation of the House of Representatives. But 
 that house does not always accord with the other. What then 
 is the right principle ? The answer according to fairness and 
 equity would *seem to be, that " the .house" has the right to re 
 fuse its concurrence, when, and only when, either the President 
 or Senate, or the foreign contracting power, had reasonable evi 
 dence to believe the house was in fact AVERSE to the measure. 
 The contrary rule would take away the independence of the 
 house, which is one of its essential elements. Not the question 
 of constitutionality, but the question of opinion of constitution 
 ality, may be brought in, as well as of expediency. This seems 
 plainly to be equity in all cases .where the powers of parties are 
 concurrent, as also in the case of Individual partners, in any of 
 the common businesses of life. 
 
 The case is, as if three partners are engaged in any business, 
 under a general agreement, giving each his appropriate func 
 tions to perform, then, any two partners are not bound to 
 hesitate in every performance of their proper function, to STUDY 
 whether the other one would approve, but, on the other hand, 
 neither have they any right to do that which they KNOW is 
 against his approval, especially when his active co-operation 
 in some subsequent act, in his own appropriate department, is 
 necessary to complete the transaction. 
 
 But to give less right than the above, to the treaty-making 
 powers, would be to trespass on the rights of the Senate and 
 
MOST GENERAL INTERNATIONAL LAWS. 269 
 
 President ; although in matters that really would allow of long 
 postponement, and of uncertain conditions ; it would be the duty 
 of the treaty-making power to insert an express condition, " pro 
 viding that the House of Representatives concur." But, the 
 question .whether any matter would allow of such postponement 
 a id conditions, the Senate and President are the proper judges 
 of, provided they exercise their judgment in good faith. 
 3. Eminent Domain. 
 
 The subject of Eminent Domain, perhaps, belongs to the con 
 sideration of the rights of the Individual-Nation, which have 
 been argued above; but so long as there remains any part of 
 the Earth, of which the claim of Eminent Domain is not yet 
 settled, nor granted to some of the civilized and recognized 
 Nations, so long it may be proper to retain the subject under 
 this head. Other writers would find another reason for. consid 
 ering Eminent Domain under international law, namely, the 
 consequences of their theory of "do as you please in other coun 
 tries," which continually brings the believers of it, in conflict 
 with the " eminent" rights of foreign Nations. 
 
 The right of Eminent Domain comprises; (1) The sponta 
 neous right of ownership to all property not personally, nor 
 otherwise appropriated, whether land or water, navigable or 
 otherwise, appropriable by Individuals or otherwise ; (2) The 
 right to purchase fairly, and to build, manufacture, improve and 
 hold, all property real and personal, necessary for the perform 
 ance of its functions of government ; (3) The right to collect all 
 reasonable and necessary taxes, for the due performance of its 
 functions ; (4) The right within its own boundaries, of govern 
 ment, as excluding other Nations; and the right of fixing its 
 own external boundaries, exclusive of Precinct-interference; and 
 (5) The right ef reasonable and necessary, but only very general 
 control, over all governmental proceedings within its geograph 
 ical boundaries, even as against its own Precincts. (6) But 
 when the question of division of the Nation arises, this of Emi 
 nent Domain has no power over it ; as has been shown above ; 
 for the question itself INVOLVES A DIVISION OF THAT RIGHT. 
 
 In all these rights, \ve can readily see, that in due submission 
 to nationality, Precincts have, or ought to have, in regard to 
 other Precincts, similar concurrent rights, each within itself. 
 
270 BK - IIL NATION, ii. ii. 
 
 Nations far in advance of others in civilization, assume on 
 discovery, the right of government, and even of the property of 
 the land, especially of nomadic or roving tribes. The right to 
 the land, as to its settlement and cultivation, depends upon the 
 rights of the unit Mankind, and especially upon the need that 
 arises, because of the filling up of the Earth with population. 
 The right of government by the very superior Nation, depends 
 partly on that of the land, and partly upon an almost universal 
 superiority, intellectual and moral. 
 
 Now, the " Monroe-doctrine," is a partial claim to Eminent 
 Domain, as against all the other civilized Nations of the Earth. 
 Striking indeed is the coolness and assumption of ten or twenty 
 or forty millions of people, saying to all the rest of the civilized 
 world, we take one whole quarter of the Globe as our heir 
 loom; and no other Nation shall send its national organ into this 
 Quarter, to rule the savage and half-civilized tribes, that we 
 are not willing to rule, and not able to receive without ruining 
 ourselves ; nor indeed do we know what to do with them. All 
 the Individuals of your civilized Europe, may indeed come here 
 as Individuals, if you will go through the political sieve of our 
 uniformity, and swear allegiance to our nationality, and to our 
 claim to this Quarter of the Globe-heir-loom. Such a mode of 
 discussion may be patriotic or democratic, but it can hardly find 
 either precedent or justification, in eternal principles of Interna 
 tional Law. Bat as a temporary expedient, to prevent wars be 
 tween Ourselves and Europeans, the position may be tolerable, 
 until better policies than War shall prevail, and better civil gov 
 ernments, in Europe and elsewhere. But what a doctrine to be 
 proposed as an eternal principle of Social SCIENCE ! And yet, 
 it is our non-interference in European aifairs, that reconciles 
 Europe to refrain also from interference with us. Besides, 
 European Nations have nearly all of Africa, and large parts of 
 Asia, convenient for them to carry their power and civilization 
 thereunto; and this gives us an equitable claim to a similar 
 development on this continent. f 
 
 On the other hand, the right must be admitted, of every civ 
 ilized Nation to establish restrictions sufficient to prevent foreign 
 Nations, not at all homogeneous or friendly to it, from establish 
 ing themselves too near it, or in a part of its probable dominions. 
 
MOST GENERAL INTERNATIONAL LAWS. 271 
 
 But these questions of homogeneity and friendliness, involve the 
 subjects of religion and morals and race, as well as forms of 
 government ; and our government cannot cope with these topics. 
 
 The recognized right of taxing foreign commodities, together 
 with the necessities of defence, justify every Nation in a claim 
 of exclusive control over several miles width of the sea-coast : 
 the rest of the sea is held as common property. Since this law 
 follows a coast as it fills up, instead of giving a fixed line, it 
 seems to be expressed in the best manner. 
 4. Arbitration. 
 
 This topic is placed here, merely because its great prominence 
 in the public mind at present, would be apt to lead readers 
 to look for it somewhere under the head of Nation. But in 
 our classification, the proper place for arbitration is under our 
 head " CIVIL GOVERNMENT" ; where arbitration comes up, to 
 gether with juries, and the other methods of settling controver 
 sies and administering law. Nor is arbitration any better fitted 
 for national affairs, than it is for Precinct or Corporation or In 
 dividual ; howbeit, it is the best method in all cases : and one 
 of the great problems of government, is to devise methods of 
 making it practicable and regular, more or less in all. We have 
 touched upon it in Summary Introduction II. X. 
 5. Naturalization (Indicated) . 
 
 In this general place, perhaps, rather than elsewhere, the 
 subject of naturalization, and its counterpart, de-naturalization, 
 ought to be considered. This seems to be the case, because nat 
 uralization, although generally accomplished in time of peace, is 
 generally disputed, if at all, in time of war. Another reason is, 
 that according to our theory, the right of naturalization in a 
 neutral Nation, ought not to be interrupted in time of war, if 
 the consent of the adopting country can be obtained ; because it 
 is often needed, then, both by Individuals and Families, rather 
 than at any other time. But since the discussion is lengthy, and 
 would interrupt the course of thought we are pursuing, and 
 because it takes a wider range, we have treated it as a separate 
 Division, namely, Part III. of the Nation. 
 
 As to the right sometimes assumed, of a Nation, to recall its 
 citizens from a foreign country, the claim is slniply a preposter 
 ous tyranny against the rights of the Individual, if interpreted 
 
272 BK - in. NATION, ii. in. 
 
 to mean anything more, or the disobedience to the command, to 
 be punished any heavier than by a mere de-naturalization of 
 the absentee, and perhaps by an order not to return. 
 
 6. Forms. 
 
 ~No settlement of great international disputes can be made, 
 until all questions of form become absorbed in the great ques 
 tions of spirit and truth. A people may dispute among them 
 selves, whether a case shall be decided by forms or not, in dis 
 regard to truth and righteousness; but may not dwell much 
 upon such a consideration, in a discussion with a foreign Nation. 
 The question with us, for instance, is, not at all, whether the 
 Alabama got to sea in due form of laAV ; but, the facts of our 
 injuries. And on the other hand, when a criminal escapes from 
 one country to another, as frond England to this country, the 
 question is, not whether he ought to be held by our forms , but 
 the question is, whether he is probably guilty. 
 
 The question about forms of proceeding, in international law, 
 may be settled simply thus : that all forms valid in their Locality, 
 should be valid in other Localities, as to all acts and proceedings 
 previous to war, or litigation, as the case may be ; but that after 
 war or litigation, and for the proceedings therein, the forms must 
 all conform to those of the government for the time being, of the 
 Locality where the property lies, if the case be of property; or 
 where the persons are held, if the case be of persons. 
 
 CHAP. III. AFFAIRS IN PEACE. 
 
 1. Property in General. 
 
 Having thus touched upon the consideration of the most 
 general international laws, we consider next the particulars, 
 separately: Of Affairs in Peace: And, of Affairs in War. 
 
 We come now to consider that part of the law, which relates 
 to affairs in Peace : also in two parts : Of Property : Arid, 
 of Persons. 
 
 The general rule of property is, or should be, that all property 
 real and personal, must be awarded according to the laws of the 
 location wherein it is situated. To which there are two classes 
 of disputed exceptions. One class of disputed exceptions, is, 
 where both the litigants are citizens of a foreign country. But 
 even th's exception cannot be pleaded for "real" or immovable 
 
AFFAIRS IN PEACE. 273 
 
 property, and therefore it should not be for personal property; 
 because, according to our theory, there is no longer any radical 
 political distinction of right or expediency, between those two 
 kinds of property, in most modern and civilized countries. 
 
 The other class of exceptions, is that of the estates of deceased 
 persons. In this case, justice seems clearly to say, that where 
 the deceased leaves a will, it should be held valid if legal EITHER 
 in the place where it was made, or in the place where it was to 
 take effect. For we cannot know which rule the testator aimed 
 to conform to. This should be the rule, except that particular 
 bequests in conflict with local laws, should be construed as if of 
 an intestate there ; and that when the deceased dies intestate, the 
 property should be awarded, one half according to his own 
 Nation's laws, and the other half, according to the laws of its 
 location. 
 
 In all cases regarding property " situate" in one country, when 
 the decision made in another, requires for its execution the aid 
 of the one in which the property is situated, the voluntary 
 concurrence of this one, ought to be obtained. And it is the 
 undoubted right of any Nation, to judge of the justice of any 
 decision which it is required to forcibly or legally execute ; and 
 if any of its own citizens are affected thereby, it is its duty to 
 judge thereof. 
 
 2. "The Tariff." 
 
 The right of tariff on foreign trade has been universally recog 
 nized : but this subject will be considered under the element 
 PKOPEETY. We may however say here, that international law 
 only requires mutuality ; and mutuality consists, not in uniform 
 ity of particulars, but in mutuality of spirit. It must have re 
 gard to the past proceedings, and also the present condition of 
 both countries. It must also embrace the consideration, of the 
 tariffs of all the other countries with which each has commerce. 
 All these considerations combine to make the resulting decision 
 possible, only in a general spirit of friendliness and reciprocity. 
 3. The "Person," in General. 
 
 The claim of any Nation, to prevent its citizens from emi 
 grating, although still maintained, is entirely contrary to our 
 whole theory, and especially to the principle of Individual 
 selection, and to the Christian spirit, as well as to the wisdom 
 
 18 
 
274 BK - in- NATION, ii. in. 
 
 and progress of modern times. We can only regard Nations as 
 having the same essential rights as Precincts, allowing for the 
 increased size, and for other evident facts and necessities. It was 
 formerly held, that a Nation had a right to recall its own citizens 
 from a foreign country; but the United States have exploded 
 that claim as made by foreign Nations. Nevertheless in the Great 
 Rebellion, laws were enacted forbidding citizens to leave ; and 
 a public spirit was fostered, that it was even the duty of good 
 citizens to return! 
 
 The Nation, you say, has the right of control or guidance over 
 all residents, whether its own citizens or foreigners. If so, then 
 other Nations besides the United States have this right. But 
 the government and people of the United States are continually 
 trespassing on this right, and thus making and maintaining 
 enmity among foreign Nations. But the right itself, if claimed 
 by a semi-civilized people over a fully civilized one, would be 
 disputable. Moral considerations cannot be ignored on this 
 subject. 
 
 But alas ! what shall we say, when a religious teacher enters a 
 foreign, highly civilized country, but of an opposite religion; 
 and there publicly teaches his religion, contrary to the laws of 
 his then residence ? The answer of modern civilization must be, 
 to allow this teacher, providing his religious sincerity is admis 
 sible, even if his religious teachings seem to us to savor of 
 immorality. Any other doctrine would have been good against 
 Christ, and his apostles; and against religious reformers gen 
 erally. And the same principle might partly apply to INTER- 
 PRECINCT travelling preachers. The case is involved in much 
 difficulty. 
 
 In cases regarding PERSONS, no division or apportionment, 
 such as occurs in regard to PROPERTY, is conceivable, except in 
 the claims of marriage. 
 
 In regard to the claims of husbands or parents, in a foreign 
 territory ; no country ought to be held bound to deliver up a 
 woman or child, contrary to its own principles ; for such a course 
 is horrifying to the best feelings of human nature, destructive of 
 the human rights of the persons forced, and to the national rights 
 of home. And the same may also be said of claims for personal 
 services, in order to a condition anything like slavery. 
 
AFFAIRS IN PEACE. 275 
 
 4. Specialties in Marriage and Divorce. 
 
 In cases where the marriage is disputed, in a different country 
 from where it is alleged to have been contracted, the ordinary 
 international law seems utterly at fault. And judges and juries, 
 in response to the voice of humanity, sometimes decide such 
 cases according to the principles of justice and common sense, in 
 defiance of all " law." 
 
 One very hard case is something like this. A Protestant man 
 A is openly married to a Catholic woman B, by a Catholic priest 
 in country A-B. They live together (and have children) many 
 years in honorable marriage, no one questioning their honor or 
 virtue, although an old antiquated law existed, that required the 
 Catholics, in such marriage, to go through some formalities of 
 deference to the other religion, ruling in the said country A-B. 
 Well, after a time, A marries a woman who is perfectly aware of 
 his former marriage, and then removes to country CJ without his 
 first Family. Then B, with the Family, follows, and claims 
 alimony for herself, and maintenance for the children. In such 
 a case, the usual international law seems entirely against justice, 
 and on the side of the second alliance. 
 
 But our whole theory easily settles the question differently, 
 and upon several grounds. Firstly, our Summary Introduc 
 tion demands that we jump out of the tangle of prescriptions, 
 and go back to first principles. Secondly, our theory of inter 
 national law demands that forms be absorbed by the essence, 
 spirit, and truth. Hence, forms can only be introduced into the 
 methods of proving the marriage, but not into the methods of 
 its original contraction. Thirdly, the Family, according to our 
 theory, is an eternal, absolute Unit of human society. Hence, 
 the voluntary and deliberate act of the competent parties, as in 
 tended to be understood, each by the other, is binding upon them 
 personally, no matter what positive laws may say to the contrary. 
 Forms or "positive" laws can only be binding upon other persons, 
 or for real estate in and of the country concerned. Fourthly, 
 the law of country A-B in such case was a law promotive of 
 fraud. And if the man A, from the first did not intend to 
 continue bound by the alliance, then he was culpable of fraud, 
 and the law as to him was a law^of fraud ; and we know that 
 in " law," fraud vitiates any transaction. Therefore no inter- 
 
276 BK - HI. NATION. II. III. 
 
 national or treaty law, can bind to uphold for any Nation, such 
 a law of fraud. Fifthly, whatever disobedience of form, against 
 the laws of their own country, A and B and the priest com 
 mitted might be punished in their own country, even to the 
 loss of citizenship there, if that Nation chose; (but cannot 
 reach as a crime, unto international relations, in any manner;) 
 yet not to the destruction of life, of the Individual nor of the 
 existence of the Family relation, because of the eternal rights 
 of the Six Units. 
 
 The subject of foreign marriage and divorce, resolves itself 
 into two parts, which have just been treated of separately, 
 namely, Property and Person. But to be more particular: 
 the case occurs, of citizens of one country marrying within an 
 other country, whether emigrating thither purposely to marry 
 in contrariety to the laws of their own country, or not. The 
 French law ignores such marriages. But according to our 
 theory, as mentioned elsewhere, such disobedience, instead of 
 affecting the marriage, should affect the citizenship. In brief, 
 all disobedience of one's own Nation, and recourse for exemption 
 to another Nation, should be held to be an irrevocable, or at 
 least an absolute, abandonment of the former citizenship. 
 
 But in cases of DIVORCE, more complicated questions arise. 
 When person A resides in country A, and consort B gets a 
 divorce in country jB, contrary to tne laws of A, such a divorce 
 should have no more authority over person or property in A 
 than waste paper; except by a statute of limitation for the rela 
 tions of " person" only. 
 
 The question, what authority should such a divorce have in 
 country C, is answerable by only one of two principles, namely, 
 either by a compromise, such as acknowledging the divorce as to 
 the person, but partly refusing it as to property; or else by 
 establishing some " positive" or arbitrary rule. But such posi 
 tive rule, however, should be of the essence of the compromise 
 above mentioned, or it would be an " arbitrary wrong." 
 
 The civil law seems to regard removal from one Locality to 
 another, made purposely to obtain either marriage, or divorce 
 contrary to the laws of the first place, as fraudulent, and 
 therefore as vitiating all the proceedings in the view of the first 
 place. It may be admitted that such a ruling would be sound, 
 
' 
 AFFAIRS IN PEACE. 277 
 
 under a system of laws founded directly upon nature and moral 
 right, and not upon prescription. But such a ruling, under 
 present " law," is merely a technical dodge of the legists. Pur 
 pose to avoid law, fraudulent ! when yet the thing to be done 
 itself, and all the proceedings step by step, are according to law ! 
 The fact is, it is only when the things themselves, for instance, 
 cheating the creditor, gambling, &c., are themselves wrong under 
 any proceedings, that the charge of fraud arises under the special 
 proceedings. And the assuming that a divorce, for instance, 
 was itself wrong, is ignoring the right of all other Localities to 
 form their own opinion thereon. 
 
 5. Transgressors. 
 
 In regard to transgressors of law, whether criminal, civil or 
 political, the writer cannot see why it has ever been doubted, 
 that in general among admitted equals, every Locality has a 
 right to keep its own peace, by its own laws ; and that if for 
 eigners do not like those laws, they should keep away. The con 
 trary cannot be maintained, only so far as the Nation interfered 
 with, is held .to be/ar inferior to the other, in civilization and 
 rights. And even then, the right of the inferior, should only 
 be interfered with, so far as its exercise was actually barbarous. 
 But alas ! this rule would " interfere with trade and travel" and 
 " manifest destiny," and so on ! 
 
 The idea that the "flag" should protect persons engaged in 
 transgressing the laws or comities or equities between Nations, 
 is absurd as well as unjust, and if thoroughly carried out, would 
 establish and protect piracy, as effectually as the laws and cus 
 toms of Tripoli, which produced our war with that power. The 
 public may rest assured, that quite other than the apparent or 
 alleged reasons, are the real reasons for our national policy and 
 dogmas on this subject. 
 
 It is disputed whether a Nation is bound by natural law, to 
 surrender fugitives from justice, to the Nation in whose jurisdic 
 tion the crime was committed. Now, supposing laws to be in 
 tended to prevent crime, the solution is, if the forsaken country 
 inflicts the greater punishment, that is, if it regards the crime 
 as of a deeper kind, the duty of return might be more easily 
 admitted in logic, but would be less likely to be allowed in prac 
 tice ; but if the adoptive country inflicts the greater punishment, 
 
278 BK - IIL NATION. II. ITT. 
 
 evidently it is not morally bound to give up the fugitive, upon 
 the old principles ; else, where is the right of a country over all 
 its residents, or its right to defend itself from criminals ? Yet, 
 in this case, the claim would be more likely to be allowed in 
 practice. But in fact, the question depends at least equally as 
 much on the citizenship of the injured person, as on the nature 
 of the injuries, and also on the contiguity of the countries in 
 question. The foregoing very general principles may readily be 
 understood so as to apply to political offences, as well as to nat 
 ural or moral ones ; except when the forms of government or 
 political and religious structure, are essentially different, and 
 antagonistic in their nature. 
 
 The principal justifiable reason for the return to the forsaken 
 country, is the greater facility of conviction and punishment. 
 But the facility does not always depend on such a condition as 
 foreign or not ; but partly on conditions of local distance, and 
 partly on many metaphysical and moral circumstances. Even 
 the expenses of witnesses, depend more on distances and modes 
 of travel, than on flags or nationalities. The great desideratum 
 is the establishment of such procedures, as shall insure the pun 
 ishment of criminals, by some power and somewhere, by law, 
 no matter much, where or by whom. Furthermore, in some 
 countries, and even in some Precincts, conviction and execution 
 of a sentence for crime, are very uncertain, whatever may be the 
 evidence; whilst perfect evidence is rarely to be obtained any 
 where. 
 
 On the other hand, when the forsaken country accounts deeds 
 as crimes, which the adoptive country does not account so, the 
 rule of course would be, not to surrender the fugitive at all. 
 Upon this principle, political offenders are not subject to return. 
 But th is exception should apply only when the offenders are citi 
 zens of the country wherein the political offence is committed : 
 because we must allow to the citizens of every country, a degree 
 of right to revolution therein, which we ought not to grant to 
 other persons, whose very object in going there, perhaps was to 
 aid in revolution, and above all, this exception should not 
 apply, when the offenders are proper citizens of the country to 
 which they return after committing political offences in a foreign 
 country; because the exempting such offenders, is in effect, 
 
AFFAIRS IN PEACE. 279 
 
 making every country a kind of base for military operations 
 against, and for revolutions in, every other country. 
 
 What then shall we say of the amity or friendship exhibited, 
 when a great Nation, not only pleads for the release of persons 
 imprisoned in a foreign country, for attempts to excite insur 
 rection there, but actually passes a resolution welcoming their 
 .return, and allows its largest metropolis to give them an official 
 reception and ovation, on their return home ? And what would 
 we have said, if the government of England had urged in that 
 manner, for the release of our Southern rebels, and then having 
 succeeded, the city of London should have given them an offi 
 cial ovation ? and that too, at the very time they were bullying 
 us to pay some disputed private claims arising in a previous 
 war, and had even just recalled the second of two Ministers, 
 because of their not pushing such claims with sufficient vigor ? 
 The term " Insult" would not begin to express our indignation. 
 And the question becomes really contrary to all scientific expla 
 nation, when we remember that the persons so offending, had 
 been originally citizens of the country wherein the offences were 
 committed, but had become naturalized in and sworn allegiance 
 to this great country, and then had gone back from it, full of 
 true love and patriotism for their ORIGINAL country, to stir up 
 rebellion against its government ! 
 
 It is here to be remarked, however, that leagues among con 
 tiguous Nations, to be durable and peaceable, ought to contain 
 stipulations to return, at least the worst or most visionary polit 
 ical fugitives, as well as civil criminals ; otherwise the territory 
 of either party, is at all times liable to be made the base of vol 
 untary or private operations against the other. This is true, 
 whether the contiguity is physical or metaphysical. These are 
 some of the cases in which special confederations are needed, 
 between such contiguous Nations. And if the rule could not be 
 made to apply to all the LARGE rebellions, it might at any rate, 
 apply to the petty rebellions, that have no pretence of claim for 
 recognition as belligerency. 
 
 Perhaps the refusal or reluctance of a Nation to surrender to 
 its neighboring Nation, the political fugitives who had needlessly 
 disturbed its peace, might be circumvented lawfully by the fol 
 lowing method : The Nation liable to such disturbances might 
 
280 BK - in. NATION, ii. iv. 
 
 enact a law, that* all such persons should be held to a certain 
 length of service in its military or naval forces. Such a law 
 ought to be sufficient, because even the United States govern 
 ment acknowledges that its naturalization is not valid against 
 the foreign Nation's claim to individual military service. Be 
 sides, if the law of the disturbed Nation provided no other pun 
 ishment (than here mentioned), for such returned offenders, the 
 adoptive country would be more willing in time of peace (of 
 which we speak), to surrender them. 
 
 CHAP. IV. AFFAIRS IN WAR. 
 
 1. In General. 
 
 Our third and last great division of international law, is, 
 Affairs in War. 
 
 Although war is a great and almost unpardonable evil, never 
 theless, it is a common fact, and has to be provided for. Every 
 probable and reasonable* course to prevent it, should of course 
 be pursued. We mean, not merely that every expedient should 
 be adopted, to escape from war after provoking its appearance ; 
 but that the regular course and policy of every Nation, should 
 be carefully framed purposely, to avoid exciting war, or exciting 
 those feelings, either of cupidity, rivalry or fear, which gen 
 erally provoke it. 
 
 Spencer's assertion that the position merely of no recourse to 
 offensive war, would be equally as productive of peace, as more 
 radical peace-ground, is erroneous ; first, because people differ as 
 to what constitutes offensive war. It is erroneous also, because 
 it does not tend to a thorough disarmament, nor to the discourage 
 ment of war-principles, war-glory and the war-spirit, so fully as 
 the more radical grounds. But this subject must be postponed 
 to a subsequent volume, except as incidentally we here touch 
 upon the arguments for ameliorating the severity of war, and for 
 maintaining the rights and independence of human personality. 
 
 The rights of Individuals and of neutral Nations demand, 
 that timely notice of several months, be always given previously 
 to commencing active hostilities : But this rule cannot easily 
 apply to the immediate spots of sudden ebullition, nor to " civil" 
 wars. To make it practicable for the latter, would be quite a 
 feat for social science. 
 
AFFAIRS IN WAR. 281 
 
 Hardly any doctrine seems likely to become so practically 
 efficient, in hindering or suppressing war, as the doctrine, that 
 quarreling Nations have no more right to disturb the peace of 
 the world, by their quarrels, than rowdy Individuals have to 
 disturb the peace of a municipality, with their personal fights: 
 or than selfish Precincts called states, would have, to interrupt 
 the harmony of the Nation, with Inter-Precinct wars. And this 
 doctrine may be made practical, by the gradual strengthening 
 of the assertion of the rights of neutrals, in all possible ways. 
 
 The International rights of War come next for consideration. 
 We will treat of them under the following divisions : First : 
 As related to the rights of Individual-persons, whether citizens, 
 or enemy-citizens, including all three as moral persons; and 
 consider those rights of the Individual which concern himself, 
 his soul, and his happiness. Second : The Rights of War as 
 related to the Ways and Means of conducting it, the policy, the 
 modes of warfare, weapons, and ameliorations. Third : the 
 Rights of War, as referring to contrabands, both things and 
 official persons; and as depending on or related to Locality, 
 whether in the Neutral's own Locality, or in Localities common 
 to all the parties. In treating of these subjects, we, in the first 
 two Divisions, touch property only in a casual way ; because the 
 rights of persons are so much more important, and so much less 
 regarded, by writers generally. In the third Division, we treat 
 more of property, because the usual classifications for that sub 
 ject, serve also to arrange the ideas in regard to persons. 
 
 2. Relations to the Individuals of the Belligerent Nations. 
 
 First, as related to the rights of Individuals as persons. In 
 the first place, we object entirely to the old theory, that because 
 the governments of two Nations, make war, therefore all the 
 people of both Nations, must also become enemies and war 
 against each other. We also object to the old theory, that the 
 Nation warring has a right to whatever control it can obtain, 
 over the Individual persons of its Enemy-Nation, restricted only 
 by that indefinite idea, Christian or human civilization. We 
 protest absolutely, and in the name of the Individual, against all 
 such -interpretations of nature or morality. The old days of 
 brute instinct and blind impulse, are passing away, and the rights 
 of the Individual are coming up into notice. Nowhere perhaps, 
 
282 BK - IIL NATION. II. IV. 
 
 is the right " to ignore the state," more needed, but less easy to 
 be obtained, than in regard to war. So important are the rights 
 of Individuals, that we consider them, abstract from the dis 
 tinctions between citizen or alien, Enemy-Nation or Neutral- 
 Nation. And even property is considered and felt to be, rather 
 a means of happiness to the Individual, than as a subject of ab 
 stract and complicated rights. Can it be possible then, that we, 
 having been nominally Christian Nations a thousand years or 
 two, and Protestant three hundred, shall yet persist in forcing 
 men to say, "Our country right or wrong"? 
 
 Of course it is easy to see, how very opposite these views are, 
 from Mulford's, and the high imperial German theories, that 
 in war, the Nation has right to the services of ALL its citizens; 
 and that, in brief, " the army is the Nation." 
 
 While we advocate thus in theory, the rights of the indi 
 vidual person, we must confess we do not see very clearly HOW 
 these rights can be fully and practically recognized by Nations 
 at war, except through Individuals concentrating in Peace- 
 Precincts, or organizing into political Corporations, as will be 
 explained under that head. At least, these must be the pre 
 liminary methods, because it seems a long while away, before 
 Nations will be so Christianized, as to allow their own citizens 
 who enjoy the advantages of peace, to decline the responsibilities 
 of war; and seems only attainable as the other ameliorations of 
 war that have been introduced, namely, gradually and mutually. 
 Although doubtless the good time might be hastened by treaty 
 stipulations, so that even long before wars cease altogether, their 
 most oppressive effects may cease to fall upon those who repu 
 diate, either war in general, or the particular war in question at 
 any particular time. 
 
 Citizens of Enemy-Nations can be exempted from the hypoth 
 esis that they are actually enemies, and from the consequent dis 
 abilities of that hypothesis, only as the progress of cosmopol 
 itan liberality, shall make proportional changes in men's feelings 
 and habits, so that the exemptions would be reasonable and safe. 
 And therefore it is only gradually that Individuals of Enemy- 
 Nations, can be exempted as fully as the citizens of Neutral^. 
 Nations are, from the rule forbidding them any intercourse or 
 trade whatever, with the Individuals of the opposite belligerent. 
 
AFFAIRS IN WAR. 283 
 
 Nevertheless, throwing aside mere impulses, and appealing to 
 reason alone, we can find no objection to such trade, except along 
 the lines of belligerent operation ; and even there, the good feel 
 ings promoted by light trade, would do more to produce just 
 peace, than continued war. This has been illustrated by the 
 petty trade between soldiers of the two opposing forces, in the 
 late rebellion. 
 
 On the other hand, just in proportion as Individuals are held 
 bound to the WAR-duties of their own country, so also should 
 they be held bound to its peace-duties as neutrals ; and there 
 fore bound not to interfere individually, in the quarrels of ene 
 mies or belligerents. Hence, the violation of such peace-duties 
 and claims, should be considered quite as much an offence against 
 one's own country, as is the violation of its war-duties or claims. 
 Accordingly, " filibustering" ought to be held as a high offence 
 against our own country. 
 
 Great latitude must be allowed to all Nations, to judge for 
 themselves, of the sufficiency of the reasons of war, so long as 
 they only provide for injuring persons who voluntarily enter into 
 the contest. But Christian civilization must more and more 
 place NON-combatant Individuals, even when citizens of an 
 Enemy-Nation, on a par with the citizens of neutral Nations. 
 Scarcely anything was more annoying to our own citizens during 
 the rebellion, than being drafted into compulsory service them 
 selves, whilst foreigners were quietly taking their ease under the 
 "protection" of their respective consuls. The rights of the In 
 dividual Unit must be RE-ASSERTED, in the face of the Nation, 
 the Precinct, or even Mankind itself. And the lesser Units 
 have the more need, to RE-ASSERT their rights, because they 
 have NO power to enforce them. 
 
 According to these principles it is, that the law of Nations 
 is more and more exempting neutrals from all the annoyances 
 of war. Christian civilization not only strengthens its position, 
 that unconcerned NATIONS shall not be disturbed by the fighters, 
 but equally as fully maintains the rights of the Individual, not 
 to be disturbed by them. Indeed, the change itself is owing 
 quite as much to the rise of value of the Individual, all over 
 the world, as to the rise of peace-principles. It will not answer 
 here, to introduce jugglery of words about a Nation being a 
 
284 BK. III. NATION. II. IV. 
 
 moral personality, for however that may be, there cannot be any 
 question that a human being is a moral personality, and entitled 
 to the rights of opinion and conscience ; especially in non-inter 
 ference with other people's fights. At first, to be sure, the per 
 sons of neutral Nations are exempted, because of prudential 
 reasons, or of fear ; but that which has been begun from policy, 
 ought to be confirmed upon principle, and the rights of the In 
 dividuals of all other Nations, confirmed for the sake both of 
 Justice and of Conscience. Hence the investigation of the 
 rights of neutrals, has for us also the double use of an investi 
 gation also of the rights of the warring Nations over citizens. 
 Observe however, that the right of the Individual here spoken 
 of, is a right to be not disturbed from his own peace, by the wars 
 of others ; but is not a right to aid in disturbing others' peace. 
 
 Of course, every amelioration of war, that decreases the number 
 of persons or classes who are expected to become combatants, or 
 the amount of the property at risk, is a great advantage when 
 mutual; whether the amelioration be of sex or age or of profes 
 sions, as physicians clergymen &c. ; so also, of condition, such as 
 sickness or wounds. The same good principles call for, and the 
 same good principles follow from, those improved laws that 
 exempt foreign Nations from interference, and exempt also the 
 property, persons and businesses of foreigners, from the vicissi 
 tudes of war. But this very amelioration which hails w r ith joy 
 every exemption of sex or classes, must condemn neutral Individ 
 uals interfering with belligerents, unless in retaliation for similar 
 interference against us, that has not been compensated for. We 
 would increase the rights of Individuals, but also increase the 
 punishment for admitted transgressions. And any Individuals 
 transgressing after due notice, should forfeit their citizenship fop 
 life, without chance of recall. And similarly punished should be, 
 all conduct tending intentionally to excite wars or insurrections 
 in other countries. The citizenship of foreigners, instead of 
 being considered as granting immunity for such offences, should 
 be considered forfeited thereby; because such conduct destroys 
 the freedom of all the citizens of the oifending country, of travel 
 in the other, and tends also to excite war. This offence is gen 
 erally committed by the naturalized citizens of another country, 
 or by the adherents of extremely opposite religions or politics ; 
 
AFFAIRS IN WAR. 285 
 
 and either in revenge for past vexations, or in hopes x>f future 
 religious or political power by annexation; and is often the 
 indirect means of introducing religion into politics. 
 3. Ways and Means of War. 
 
 Having thus endeavored to speak for Individual personal 
 rights, and protesting that no methods or means of war, which 
 avowedly and upon principle violate these rights, should any 
 longer be tolerated, we come next to such Ways and Means as 
 do not conflict with the rights of Individuals. 
 
 The propriety or admissibility of different war methods, is not 
 to be judged chiefly by their war-consequences, but by their peace- 
 consequences. Hence peaceable Nations should not, by treaty, 
 resign their right of recourse to extraordinary war measures; 
 because a reliance in time of peace, for recourse to them in war, 
 will promote peace, and free men from warlike thoughts and 
 cares in common times. For, in these days, peace is the rule, 
 and war the exception. The proper application of this principle, 
 instead of the usual method of referring arguments to war-con 
 ditions, would make a great change in the international war 
 argument. And as to domestic wars, this principle aids the side 
 of liberty, because it tends to lessen the preponderance that those 
 who are in power, naturally have, over those who are out: 
 and as to foreign wars, the constant reference of arguments to 
 times of peace, promotes the interests and progress of Mankind. 
 This principle of reserved rights, refers to several means, for in 
 stance, privateering, minute-men, ready militia and guerrillas ; 
 provided the same be citizens, or really intend to be, of the Na 
 tion in whose cause they are occupied, or of an Enemy-Nation. 
 
 Although Privateering need not be forbidden, it ought to be 
 brought more under government naval discipline and control. 
 This might be accomplished, by requiring a government-deputy 
 to be employed on each privateer, as a witness, with liberty to 
 protest, and in desperate cases, to take away, or to publish the 
 revocation of, the government's charter and clearance; the deputy 
 of course to be responsible for his conduct. This would place the 
 commander of the privateer, on his own responsibility, if he 
 acted against a protest. A somewhat similar power is [or was] 
 possessed by surgeons in the British army, but with them, it was 
 only for the protection of their own men. Sea-warfare differs as 
 
286 BK - IIL NATION. II. IV. 
 
 much from land, as does the mercantile sea-service differ from 
 the ordinary land mercantile business, and must have a cor 
 responding absoluteness of power. Reliance on privateering, 
 assists peaceable Nations to omit war-cares during peace, and 
 this is of great importance. So also, does reliance on Militia, 
 " Minute men" and Guerrillas. 
 
 The infliction of sufferings on Individuals, or on collective 
 bodies of persons, by way of retaliation, is contrary to the 
 rights of the fundamental element the " Individual," and can 
 not be justified, unless, on the particular persons who have 
 either voluntarily assumed such a risk, (as for instance, who 
 have made an unconditional surrender, or have placed them 
 selves expressly as hostages); or else on persons who have indi 
 vidually deserved punishment, as those who in some manner 
 have so far violated the usages of war, that their lives and per 
 sons are deservedly at the mercy of the party who holds them. 
 For, the attempt to justify individually-undeserved retaliation, 
 upon the ground of the assumed rights of the XATION, or upon 
 any other ground, can only be successful, by also assuming that 
 the liability and chance of any Individual's suffering such re 
 taliation, is one of the GENERAL chances of war, foreseen and 
 voluntarily undertaken by the individual soldier ; but the fact 
 is, that such chances are not expected nor undertaken volunta 
 rily, by the individual soldier, because such an infliction does not 
 occur to one soldier in a hundred thousand. And any chance 
 which is so small as that, only operates upon a very few of any 
 people; and there will always be a large number remaining, 
 upon whom it will not operate. Another reason why retaliation 
 should generally be discontinued is, that it is going back to bar 
 barism, and is on a par with that old mode of warfare, which 
 bound prisoners to the stake, and for the flames, and spared NOT 
 the women and children. 
 
 Possibly, retaliation may be just, when sufficient previous 
 notice shall have been given, that if such or such an outrage, 
 contemplated by the other party, should actually be perpetrated, 
 then such retaliation shall be made. In. this case, the refusal of 
 the other party to refrain from the outrage, might be interpreted 
 as a constructive committal by them, of evils as great as the 
 threatened consequences whatever they might be, and as a vol- 
 
AFFAIRS IN WAR. 287 
 
 imtaiy assumption of the responsibility thereof. But even this 
 rule can only apply to the particular Individuals who compose 
 the body which perpetrates the offence, or runs the risk, and 
 not to persons who are entirely free from such interpretation, 
 and from such indirect participation. 
 
 Thus, the rule in regard to the effects of war, on persons, 
 should be exactly the reverse of what it is, as it affects prop 
 erty ; because property is NOT an element of the ANALYTICS of 
 human society, and has no rights itself, although its possession 
 may entitle persons to rights ; and because injuries to property 
 may easily be compensated for, but injuries to persons, of health 
 or limb or life, cannot be. 
 
 As concerning corporeal personal movable property, belonging 
 to a citizen of a belligerent, it belongs in justice and by nature, 
 to the other party, if that party can seize it without infringing 
 seriously upon the rights of a neutral. A compensation to the 
 citizen, from his own Nation, is due, if he can show conclusively 
 that he was acting in accordance with its laws, and had used all 
 proper means to protect his property. But so long as proof of 
 this kind is very difficult to obtain, and, so long as Nations do 
 not consider themselves bound to make up the losses of their 
 own citizens, in such cases, so long the growing tendency to 
 spare the property of private Individuals, is a high evidence of 
 Christian progress, although not a matter of justice. 
 
 But the difficulties of proof may be partly obviated, as fol 
 lows. A practice might easily be introduced, whereby one 
 enemy would give to Individuals of its opposite, as well as to 
 its own people, certificates of the value of supplies taken, or 
 damage done. Such certificates, although not conclusive of the 
 value, would be additional testimony thereunto. The present 
 rule of compensating neutrals, but not their own citizens, and 
 of sparing the Enemy-Individual's property, but not their own 
 citizens', seems too unreasonable to endure very permanently. 
 At any rate, the belligerent who gives such certificate judiciously 
 and sincerely, should be free from all further moral responsi 
 bility, in the case, as to the citizens of an enemy. 
 
 Incorporeal and landed properties are excepted from absolute 
 transfer to a captor, simply because they cannot be either carried 
 away or destroyed. 
 
288 BK - IIL NATION. II. IV. 
 
 While speaking of the ways and means of war, we cannot 
 forbear to suggest here, the following improvement. Let Nations 
 in peace provide by treaty, where their battle Localities shall be, 
 in case of war ; just as Individuals in health and safety, lay out 
 their " cemetery-lots." If possible in these treaties, let all com 
 binations of war-alliances, be anticipated and provided for, as 
 nearly as possible. Let Nations, when they determine to in 
 dulge in war, give a certain number of months' previous notice, 
 and then let them resort to the appointed Localities, and confine 
 the war therein. In other words, let the same refinement be at 
 tained by Nations, that has been attained by Individuals in the 
 DUEL, whereby disputes, instead of being fought out, whenever 
 and wherever occasion or opportunity admitted, to the disturb 
 ance and danger of the public, are adjourned to set times and 
 places,' where the injury to unconcerned parties will be none at 
 all, or at least a minimum, and, previously provided against. 
 4. The Rights of Neutrals according to Localities. 
 
 (a) In General. Having thus treated of War, firstly, in rela 
 tion to the rights of Individuals, and secondly, in relation to the 
 Ways and Means of conducting it, so far as these do not inten 
 tionally conflict with the rights of persons or property; we come, 
 thirdly, to consider it in relation to the rights of Neutrals, on 
 their own and on common Localities ; so far as these rights have 
 not been considered incidentally under the foregoing two heads. 
 This part relates both to private and to public property, and to 
 official persons of Enemy-Nations ; except their agents or am 
 bassadors accredited to each other, or to neutral Nations ; because 
 such persons, with their attendants and property, are almost uni 
 versally exempt from the ordinary vicissitudes of war, and are 
 not to be understood as included in our treatment of the subject. 
 
 The rights involved, are summed up in two conflicting prin 
 ciples: one, that "neutrals shall not interfere in the war," the 
 other, that belligerents shall not interfere in the neutral's peace. 
 These principles are of course partly conflicting, hence a com 
 promise has to be effected between them. Regard can only be 
 given to principal effects ; which are of two kinds : one, the 
 principal effect of any given circumstances ; the other, the prin 
 cipal effect of a rule applying to them. 
 
 Here the distinction becomes prominent, between a Neutral 
 
AFFAIRS IX WAR. 289 
 
 Nation as an organism, and the Individuals who compose it. 
 The Nation as an organism, must preserve its neutrality strictly, 
 and in every particular ; but to expect such an absolute control 
 over its individual citizens, would be absurd, in this age of the 
 world. 
 
 We will consider first, the matter of passage through the ter 
 ritory of a neutral ; because the neutral territory is analogous to 
 'the neutral ship when considered apart from its contents. It is 
 generally admitted that enemies have no right to passage through 
 the territory of a neutral, much less any right to conduct hos 
 tilities therein : (Wheaton, 426 and 427) and, by modern 
 writers, it is coming to be admitted, that a neutral has no right 
 to grant permission of passage to a belligerent. (Dana's note.) 
 Nor can the neutral territory be rightly used, in any manner, as 
 the basis of belligerent operations. But it should not follow 
 from this, that a neutral Nation is bound to oppose such passage, 
 by force of arms, without the co-operation of other powers, who 
 may be as much interested in the maintenance of the principle, 
 as itself. Furthermore, the active Individuals of an enemy, 
 have no right to passage across the territory of a neutral; and 
 their doing so ought to be punished as an offence tending to 
 involve the neutral into the war feelings, and hence into the 
 war consequences. 
 
 The next question is, what articles (and persons) are, and 
 what are not, contraband of war. The common principle , is 
 thus stated by Dana : (notes to Wheaton, 505 and 501) " One 
 cardinal rule is, that the neutral may trade with the enemy. 
 Another is, that he shall not intervene in the war. The prac 
 tical result of the conflict of these rules is, that, in trading with 
 the enemy, he must not break an effective blockade, and shall 
 not take to the enemy, merchandise which is of such a character 
 as to afford direct military aid, or which will help to relieve or 
 avert the pressure of actual siege or blockade." * * * These 
 various " considerations have led to a practical adjustment of the 
 question of contraband, to the effect, that the neutral may carry 
 merchandise to both belligerent markets, subject to this condi 
 tion, that, if it be contraband, it may be taken from him, at 
 sea, and converted to the captor's use." * * * But " as to what 
 things do or do not come into this category: The test is variously 
 
 10 
 
290 BK - HI- NATION. II. IV. 
 
 described, and more or less strictly ; but it seems to amount to 
 this, Is the primary and ordinary use of the article military, 
 when in the enemy's possession, in time of war f 
 
 But this, the actual rule, is both unjust and unnecessary. The 
 " primary" use of the article in time of war, is often not the use 
 in time of peace; and then the rule interferes with the rights of 
 neutrals. Again, it is not merely the directness of the use of any 
 article, which constitutes its importance, but it is the special need 
 the enemy may have for it, and the special vicissitudes and emer 
 gencies of times and seasons, which of course constantly vary. 
 
 Strictly speaking, according to natural justice, the belligerents 
 have no right to interfere intentionally with the rights or in 
 terests of neutrals at all : but the vicissitudes of war are so 
 great, that this rule cannot be maintained. 
 
 In the vicissitudes of war, opportunities are frequent, wherein 
 the advantages of small trade Avith a neutral, would be counter 
 balanced by serious interruption of the course of the war, and 
 followed by immense losses of property and lives, such, for in 
 stance, as in a siege or blockade. The liability of vicissitudes 
 justifies this rule of war. But on the other hand, the common 
 doctrine, that directness of the utility of the articles of trade, for 
 military uses, also constitutes the contraband, is not sound nor 
 reasonable ; for when there exists no special exigency, the gen 
 eral injury to the trade of neutrals is far greater than the ad 
 vantages to the belligerent. Besides, the refusal to pass these 
 minor articles, so long as food and any kind of clothing are 
 allowed, not only has but little effect upon the war, but it has 
 great effect in producing personal discomfort to the soldier ; so 
 that the rights of the T^uemy-Individual, as well as the rights 
 of neutrals, are needlessly disregarded. But the generally re 
 ceived policy is different. 
 
 Now, we shall generalize yet more completely, if we under 
 stand "article" to include, besides property, any government 
 official person, excepting perhaps a non-combatant; and apply 
 the same principles accordingly. This generalization is sound, 
 because the principles involved are the same, whether persons or 
 property are the agencies employed. For instance, persons in 
 tending to enlist or engage in the enemy's service, are quite as 
 much material of war, as chattels are ; so also are persons in- 
 
AFFAIRS IN WAR. 291 
 
 tending to carry war-material or dispatches, or to purchase con 
 traband materials. The difference consists chiefly in this, that 
 property, when captured, can be applied to the use of the enemy; 
 but, usually, Individuals cannot be so applied. But this dif 
 ference is quite limited, because guides, pilots, surgeons, inter 
 preters, and even mechanics and laborers, can \yeforced to apply 
 themselves to the indirect uses of their captors. 
 
 We may now consider more in detail, these rights of neu 
 trals in their own or in common Localities, under the following 
 divisions : Firstly : Of affairs involving articles and officers 
 on the territory of a Neutral. Secondly: Of affairs involving 
 articles and officers on neutral or common Localities, namely, on 
 the high seas. 
 
 (6) Affairs in' the Locality of a Neutral. The generally ac 
 cepted rule is, that the people of a neutral Nation, in their trade 
 with a belligerent, must not furnish him with the particular 
 articles called contraband, but may furnish him with any other 
 articles. The restriction in this rule ought to be repealed, for 
 the following reasons : It is impossible to execute. It causes 
 irritating interferences in other governments' affairs, and thus 
 constantly endangers the peace of neutral Nations. It prolongs 
 wars, and increases their expenses both of life and property, 
 without altering the decision. The analogy between forbidding 
 enlisting soldiers, and purchasing war-materials, does not give a 
 sound argument, because the soldiers, being persons, are usually 
 supposed to be of the neutral citizenship; and thus the foreign 
 belligerent, if allowed to enlist soldiers, would be drawing our 
 citizens into ruin and death, to the injury of their Families, and 
 of the country at large. But the purchase of materials has the 
 opposite effect, stimulating trade, and thus benefiting the coun 
 try furnishing the supplies. Hence, the general rule should leave 
 the domestic trade of every Nation " free" to both enemies, for 
 cash or bona fide immediate trade, but not f6r any form of credit 
 to, or for, mere " belligerents," and not for loans, nor for any 
 longer than the usual mercantile credit to or for non-belligerent 
 Nations. Because the extension of credit is made to both the 
 belligerent Nations equally, and thus lessens the immediate 
 effects on both of them, and thus prolongs or stimulates the war, 
 without any great advantage to any parties concerned. 
 
292 BK - in. NATION, ii. iv. 
 
 Nevertheless, this general rule ought to have one sort of ex 
 ception/ namely, the export of war-materials, and of all the 
 direct means of transportation. Instead of excepting to the 
 manufacture or sale of many articles used in peace, we should 
 except rather to the means of transportation, to either enemy. 
 In some cases, the means would be freight- wagons, horses, oxen, 
 and so on. In other and in most cases, the means would be 
 boats or vessels. This exception is not much liable to the ob 
 jections, the other was. It is practicable in domestic policy, and 
 does not cause general irritation. It is analogous to the prin 
 ciple of export duty; which, in turn, is the same according to 
 international principles as an import duty. Governments do not 
 pretend to inquire into everybody's store, to tax his foreign 
 imports, but tax them once for all, at their entrance into the 
 country. The place, and the only proper place, to interfere with 
 foreign trade in common articles, is, at the importation or the 
 exportation of the commodities. " Rowdy" Nations disturbing 
 the peace of the world, ask too much of all, when they demand 
 that other Nations shall institute new legal proceedings, inter 
 fering with the course of their own internal affairs generally. 
 
 Hence, we infer, that the people of a neutral Nation, of right 
 can unrestrictedly manufacture and sell, except strictly war-mate 
 rial, and entertain war-officers purchasing materials, c.; and 
 that trade with a neutral is not to be interrupted ; so that the 
 only questions with us, relate to the transportation, and to arms 
 and ammunition. As to arms and ammunition, which are the 
 only things we can admit are strictly war-material ; the duty to 
 watch their manufacture and sale, is no hardship, neither is it a 
 special task imposed upon neutrals only in the case of war, 
 because Nations, for their own internal peace and safety, need to 
 have constant regard to such things, and ought always to have 
 such a knowledge and registration of them, as they have of all 
 other dangerous occupations. 
 
 Yet our principles would allow the foreigners to come only 
 into the few large markets, on or near the borders of the neutral, 
 and with publicity to their actions ; but would not allow miscel 
 laneous travel through. 
 
 Again, the voyaging or departure a must not be allowed to 
 interfere with the war" ; therefore, in case of means of trans- 
 
AFFAIRS IN WAR. 293 
 
 portation, wagons, cars, or other vessels for either belligerent, 
 having been built in a neutral territory, the neutral is bound to 
 forbid their departure ; then if they depart by stealth without 
 due clearance, or by false representations, the duty of all Nations, 
 and particularly of the neutral escaped from, and whose "state" 
 was thus " ignored," is to treat such a vessel as an outlaw, for 
 bidding it entrance into their ports or seas : and doubly so, if 
 a vessel of war. Hence, in such cases as the Alabama, not only 
 England, but all other neutrals should have forbidden its en 
 trance into their dominions, not as a vessel of war of a bel 
 ligerent, but as the outlaw of a neutral. And in case of such 
 entrance, the vessel should be forfeited. Such ought to be 
 henceforth established as a rule in the Law of Nations. The 
 conception, to be sure, of an outlaw who is not a pirate, is some 
 what difficult to get ; but not any more difficult, than the con 
 ception of a " recognized belligerent" who yet is not a Nation. 
 
 (c) Affairs in Common Localities. As to affairs involving 
 articles or officers in common Localities, and on the high seas. 
 Here comes in for consideration, the ship. The ship is the abode 
 of human beings; it is an " arrondissement" a Precinct, with a 
 recognized government of its own, under the sanction of some 
 recognized Nation. Here are two complicated questions. The 
 road is mutual, but the vehicle or car, is of the one Nation. 
 The inference is, that the principles involved are exactly the 
 same, as those in the case of the Locality of a neutral on land, 
 except, that the travel must not be interfered with ; nor the special 
 rights of humanity refused, in the distresses that men who travel 
 by sea are particularly liable to. With these limitations, the 
 voyaging ship has no rights other than it possessed in its own 
 territory. In other words, the neutral's voyaging itself, or any 
 part thereof, must not be entitled to immunities that will di 
 rectly aid either of the belligerents. A neutral, on board ship, 
 may manufacture spars or sails or guns, if possible, and may 
 carry them to another neutral, but has no right to carry them to 
 any belligerent place, person, or vessel. 
 
 But now comes the more difficult question : the contraband 
 property which any neutral sells to a belligerent, or the belliger 
 ent official whom he entertains, has some other belligerent a 
 right to transport, on the high seas ? Of course not, from his 
 
294 BK - IIL NATION. II. IV. 
 
 own, nor from the shores of either, nor to, any belligerent place, 
 person, or vessel; but, has the neutral a right to carry such 
 "article" or person across the seas at all? The entire denial of 
 this right, would often refuse a neutral vessel the right of sail 
 ing from one part of his own country to another. From this 
 reasoning we may justly infer, that Mason and Slide! 1 MIGHT 
 have required to have been returned to Nassau " as they were," 
 or else forwarded, so as to reach their ultimate destination at the 
 time they would have reached it, by LEGITIMATE means, if un 
 disturbed by a neutral, UNLESS, instead of only running our 
 blockade, in one of their OWN vessels, they had come through, 
 in a neutral vessel violating blockade, or had run through our 
 lines or our country. And as this is so, their case comes under 
 that we treat in the next paragraph. Because it has come to be 
 a settled principle of international law, that blockade is nothing 
 to belligerents, only as it is effectual in particular; but is oblig 
 atory on neutrals, when effective in general. 
 
 The case then, was really thus. Rebel emissaries were con 
 stantly embarking on board foreign steamers from New York, 
 and as soon as at sea, would openly insult our citizens, and glory 
 over their success in getting on board. Now, all such persons 
 (having been spies in the United States, according to the laws 
 of war, and also being warlike emissaries, and having obtained 
 their passage surreptitiously), the foreigner had no right to trans 
 port; neither would the foreigner have had right, to transfer 
 them to the United States authorities for punishment. There 
 fore, the officers of the ship should have confined the passage- 
 takers, to the vessel until its return ; and then sent them through 
 the United States lines to their Confederate home, a proceed 
 ing very similar to that, by which the United States sent both 
 Mason and Slidell to Nassau. The passages of the emissaries 
 at New York, were obtained by deception; the capture of Mason 
 and Slidell was by/orce. A friend or neutral has no more right 
 to allow the deception, after it becomes known, than to allow 
 "the force, after its illegality becomes known, to aid either bel 
 ligerent. 
 
 We may add to this thought, the general rule, that the more 
 indirect or circuitous, the aid rendered by a neutral, the more 
 freely, such aid is permitted by the law of Nations. But this 
 
AFFAIRS IN WAR. 295 
 
 ought to be true, only for the reason and in the degree, that the 
 circuitousness obscures the true state of the case, or complicates 
 it with the relations of innocent parties. 
 
 The Virginius, in the Cuba affair, affords another instance of 
 a dispute settled erroneously by both parties, and on principles 
 which will not stand the test of time. 
 
 The claim of the United States amounts to this : That a for 
 eign government has no right upon the high seas (namely in 
 common Localities), to interfere with a vessel bearing the Amer 
 ican flag and American clearances, even although such vessel 
 may have been, with those old clearances, engaged for several 
 years in fomenting discord and aiding rebellions in various 
 neighboring countries ; and at the very time of interference, also 
 be engaged in carrying arms and ammunition to rebels, even 
 when their belligerency has not been admitted ; and may have 
 repeatedly escaped capture by the injured country, through means 
 of false representations and false oaths, in foreign ports ! And 
 furthermore, that the fact of the said rebels not being recognized 
 even as belligerents, LESSENS the rights of the injured govern 
 ment, in the case! Whereas in the case of the Alabama, it 
 was the recognized belligerency ALONE, that saved her from 
 capture in or near neutral ports. And furthermore, that the 
 vessel when discovered to have borne a flag and papers, to which 
 she had no right, as the means of injuring the foreign country, 
 and when captured, belongs, not to the injured government, but 
 to the United States, which had all the while fostered the irreg 
 ularities, and protected the vessel ! And furthermore, that when 
 the injured government might have redress against the United 
 States, for direct damages, if any such could be proved (which 
 of course is next to impossible in such a business) yet it has no 
 redress for indirect damages, (namely therefore none at all). And 
 finally that. the assent (although only after persistent objection), to 
 these principles, by a very weak power, under threats of imme 
 diate war or reprisal, and of taking territory of immense value, 
 from the weak and injured government, that such assent is 
 proof of a principle of international law ! The whole conclu 
 sion is so improper as ought not to need any argument. 
 
 It must be admitted, that Spain, in her hasty execution of the 
 men engaged, violated the rights (not of American citizenship, 
 
296 BK - m - CATION, ii. iv. 
 
 because the Virginias crew, according to our theory, had for 
 feited those rights), but had violated the rights of HUMANITY 
 and of just international law; but this gives to the United 
 States government no more than to any other government, the 
 right to punish the violation of the laws of humanity. And 
 yet the United States government takes those men to its bosom, 
 and the people publicly honor them, just as England treated the 
 " confederates'' against the United States. Although the offem e 
 being political, cannot be punished or recognized by foreign gov 
 ernments in their Localities. But the case is diiferent in common 
 Localities, for in them one Nation has as much right as another. 
 
 Now the truth is, that all the question relative to the right of 
 the vessel to bear any national flag and its papers, in injuring 
 another government, is just as much (or more so) a question for 
 decision by the injured government, as by the one whose flag 
 and papers are falsely assumed And in disputed cases, belongs 
 to neutral Nations to decide ; either by diplomatic notices, as 
 when the foreign ministers at Washington notified our govern 
 ment, that the execution of the Confederate privateers as pirates 
 would be held as a public outrage ; or by arbitration. 
 
 The real motives of our government thus treating Spain about 
 the matter were: first, our sympathies were with and for the 
 Cuban rebels, and the other rebels whom the Virginius had aided, 
 although Spain was a republic itself at the time ; second, our 
 desire to get Cuba, and all other territory we can get near us ; 
 third, a truckling to the popular impulse that burst out, when 
 the news of the capture and proceedings were first received. 
 Alas our government is in danger of doing as republican France 
 did in her revolution of "'89", namely, allowing popular clamors 
 tO drive us into the violation of international law, and thus 
 stirring up all Nations against us. But in the case of the Vir 
 ginius, democratic republicanism overreached itself,- and seems 
 to have caused the downfall of Castelar, and of our struggling 
 sister republic of Spain. 
 
 The growing principle of international law, that more and 
 more exempts neutral Nations from the effects of war, ought 
 justly to be so applied as to exempt, not only from interference 
 by the Enemy-Nations, but also from all entanglements therein by 
 private Individuals, who undertake to aid either of the belliger- 
 
THE DOCTRINE OF NATURALIZATION. 297 
 
 ents. In other words, the privileges and legal opportunities of 
 private Individuals, to entangle their neutral countries into war 
 or war-complications, must decrease equally with the decrease of 
 the privileges of Enemy-Nations to interfere with neutrals ; and 
 then, Individuals who interfere with the war-affairs of other 
 Nations, must be allowed to do so at their own risk, clear alike 
 from punishment as outlaws or pirates by neutrals, and clear 
 also from their protection ; and their country, clear of all respon 
 sibility for them. In short, neutral Nations must not be easily 
 disturbed, either by Enemy-Nations, nor by belligerent dynasties, 
 nor by the individual abettors of any of them. Still, humanity 
 and Mankind must be heard, in limiting the punishment of polit 
 ical offenders, within the bounds of civilization and Christianity ; 
 as also of all other offenders. 
 
 CHAP. V. CONCLUSION OF INTERNATIONAL LAW. 
 
 This subject, namely, international law, is connected with that 
 of Universal Empire, and of Races, and of the influence of Chris 
 tians and of Christianity ; and hence, should be finished under 
 the head of Mankind ; not, indeed, in any one part especially, 
 but in various connections. 
 
 PART III. 
 
 
 
 THE DOCTRINE OF NATURALIZATION. 
 CHAP. I. CLASSIFICATIONS. 
 
 This subject is generally treated as a, part of International 
 law : but with us it has to take a wider range of discussion. Its 
 place of consideration under that head, and one or two general 
 principles of it, are there given. (See II. II. 5). 
 
 Naturalization may be defined to be the transfer of personal 
 nationality, from one Nation to another. It is a subject which 
 cannot be fairly nor fully understood, without referring to the 
 Nation itself as one of the great' fundamental Units of human 
 society: otherwise, the lengthy consideration of the subject, 
 would belong to the division of " Civil Government" rather than 
 to this place. Much that has been said above, can readily be 
 
298 BK - nl - NATION. III. II. 
 
 brought to bear upon this subject, but is left to the reader's own 
 ingenuity and reflection. 
 
 Naturalization has been divided into COLLECTIVE and INDI 
 VIDUAL. 
 
 CHAP. II. COLLECTIVE NATURALIZATION. 
 
 Collective Naturalization, namely, the naturalization of the 
 inhabitants of the whole of any given territory, takes place 
 usually when any territory becomes transferred from one gov 
 ernment to another. And if the transfer is made with the 
 voluntary co-operation or concurrence of the inhabitants, it 
 generally accomplishes the transfer of a full and equal citizen 
 ship, without even those special reserves that are usually made 
 in case of Individual-naturalization ; such exceptions, for in 
 stance, as not being allowed the possibilities of becoming a 
 member of parliament, or privy council in England ; or of be 
 coming President or Vice-President of the United States. 
 
 This transfer of full and equal citizenship, along with the 
 comparatively small territory or district, that is separated from 
 one Nation and joined to another, being founded in justice, 
 and in a knowledge of human nature, and on the feelings of 
 birthplace, home, &c., is an incidental but strong argument in 
 favor of our Precinct-theory. Because it shows, that history and 
 international law, regard and treat the human feelings for, and 
 attachments to, the immediate Locality of one's birth and home; 
 as being superior to, and more reliable than, the more general 
 Locality of one's native Nation. In fact, this argument be 
 longs more properly under the head of PRECINCT, than under 
 Nation. 
 
 In the transfer of Alsace, we have lately seen a pre-eminent 
 instance of the superiority of Precinct-attachments to National 
 ones : Because there, a people who had originally been part of 
 Germany, but conquered and retained by France, some centuries, 
 then when re-conquered by Germany, demonstrated the utmost 
 aversion to returning to it. 
 
 Collective naturalization is generally provided for fully by 
 treaty, although it could equally as fully be accomplished by 
 conquest, or by secession ; since all that is really needed, is the 
 concurrence of the inhabitants of the territory Avhose allegiance 
 becomes changed. And such a transfer is evidently more effec- 
 
COLLECTIVE NATURALIZATION. 299 
 
 tual by a secession, or an accepted conquest, than by a transfer 
 between superior powers, which might be more or less against 
 the will of the inhabitants of the transferred territory. 
 
 Collective naturalization might better be divided thus : that 
 which takes place by the annexation of new territory ; and that 
 which takes place by the recognition of classes of denizens who 
 had not previously been citizens. But both these subdivisions 
 of collective naturalization, depend mainly, on the same prin 
 ciples of morality and right as does Individual-naturalization, 
 except, that the attempt to obtain special proofs of individual- 
 character, is not made, nor any special oaths or promises obtained. 
 There is also another, and even more important difference, in 
 the case of annexing new territory. For in such cases, which 
 ever way the territory goes, so also go the feelings of birthplace, 
 home, &c. But, on the other hand, if the annexation has been 
 produced by conquest, the evils and dangers of naturalization 
 are greater, and the subject more difficult. With these and 
 similar modifications, the PRINCIPLES involved in the whole 
 subject, will be sufficiently discussed under the subject of Indi 
 vidual Naturalization, as we soon propose to do. But as far 
 as we are correct on the point, that for the annexation of new 
 territory, collective naturalization depends largely on the same 
 principles as Individual, our theory tends to discourage such 
 annexation ; unless of territory where the inhabitants are already 
 nearly similar to ourselves, in moral and intellectual condition ; 
 or are acknowledged so far' inferior, as to consent to and produce, 
 a territorial government over them by the superior ; to be able 
 and willing to do the latter of which, is one of the great needs 
 of the United-'States-government. Otherwise it is hard to see 
 how we can deal safely with the Indian problem, or with the 
 Monroe-doctrine ; which latter, even if fully assented to by Eu 
 ropean powers, is threatening this country with great difficulties 
 in the future, practical difficulties, of how to deal with peoples 
 who cannot govern themselves, who need and want our protec 
 tion and police over them ; but yet are, for those very reasons, 
 unfit to enjoy the full rights of American citizenship, and whose 
 overwhelming numbers, if equal voters, would first be a balance 
 between all parties, and then, the ruling party themselves. 
 
300 BK - IIL NATION. III. III. 
 
 CHAP. III. INDIVIDUAL-NATURALIZATION. 
 
 An Individual may obtain naturalization, either by conform 
 ing to some general law, or by special grant of the government. 
 But we will consider the subject in relation : first, to the rights 
 of the Individual human being; second, to the rights of the 
 Nation renounced; and third, to the rights of the Nation adopt 
 ing (or, as the phrase is, " the adoptive Nation/') And we wish 
 all the principles here exhibited on this topic, to be understood 
 generally, and as equally applicable to change of citizenship from 
 Precinct to Precinct, under the reformed constitution we have 
 proposed, as to change from Nation to Nation. But whilst the 
 same principles are applicable, they must yet be modified in 
 their application, to suit the altered circumstances. The double 
 value of the principles thus treated, must be our excuse for some 
 things that might otherwise seem unpatriotic, in this "Part III." 
 of this article; and for giving undue length and prominence 
 to a subject, which for the Nation has already been settled by 
 history, and seems out of date. 
 
 1. The Rights of the Individual. 
 
 The abstract right of an Individual, to change his nation 
 ality, and to remove from a country where he is not happy, to a 
 country where he thinks he will be so, cannot reasonably be 
 denied. But yet there are many conditions to which he may 
 be bound to subject himself,- in making the transfer. All the 
 reasonable claims of his native country and of its citizens, upon 
 him, for any proper length of time, ought to be granted first. 
 But what standard is to be used, to judge of the reasonableness 
 of the claims? Not that alone of the government and people 
 about to be renounced, nor that alone of the people or govern 
 ment about to be adopted and rc-inforced. Therefore the 
 standard must be one which might be considered a sort of com 
 promise between the two parties ; and the judgment rendered, 
 should be one which we would suppose would be given accord 
 ing to that standard, by impartial persons, that is, by arbitrators 
 or referees, being persons or Nations who fulfilled an interme 
 diate character between the others, and who were so for removed 
 from the scene of action as to be entirely disinterested. This 
 rule is of course partly ideal, because the actual judges are pri- 
 
INDIVIDUAL NATURALIZATION. 301 
 
 marily the two peoples and governments who are directly inter 
 ested in any given case. But the rule is an ideal, suggesting to 
 both parties in a dispute, what kind of a standard they ought to 
 adopt, and what kind of a judgment they ought to render; 
 always deferring to the maxim of the Chief Ruler, " Do unto 
 others as you would they should dp unto you/ 7 with this natural 
 limitation, namely, so long as the other Nation will do so to 
 you. 
 
 Another moral principle tending to illustrate this part of the 
 subject, is this : Every innocent Individual has a right to live 
 somewhere. The Nation of his birth has no right to expatriate 
 him, without providing some other reasonable home. And this 
 brings up the still more general proposition, that in the last 
 resort for principles, every human being has a right to reside 
 among the people whom he most resembles, taking into consid 
 eration all his characteristics, physical, metaphysical, and moral. 
 This, we theorize, is a still more general principle than even 
 birth itself; and at all events, is the only fundamental principle 
 of direct application, when once the operation of the law of 
 birth is laid aside. And the practical standards and rules for 
 deciding in particular cases, are the same as those just above 
 mentioned, namely, Compromise, Fraternal Equality, and the 
 Condition of Mutuality. 
 
 And these principles are true, and the freedom demanded is 
 just and necessary, on the ground of the rights of the IJSTDI- 
 VIDUAL UNIT; and equally as true or more so, in time of 
 war, as or than in time of peace. And the only exception, or 
 limitation to the right of free emigration in war LESS THAN 
 in peace, would be, that the emigrant should not remove to the 
 ENEMY-NATION; but might, to any other one he pleased, that 
 appeared to be a suitable one, and to which he seemed to desire 
 to go in good faith there to abide. 
 
 But this principle is not to interrupt any rights of a native 
 country, which are valid in peace as well as in war. Of which 
 we speak next. 
 
 2. The Eights of the Renounced Nation. 
 
 " Mr. Wheaton, while Minister at Berlin," stated one of the 
 true and fair principles of naturalization, when he " declined to 
 interfere to protect from military service, a Prussian subject who 
 
302 BK - ni. NATION, in. in. 
 
 had been naturalized in the United States, but had returned to 
 Prussia. Mr. Wheaton said to him : " Had you remained in 
 the United States, or visited any foreign country EXCEPT PRUS 
 SIA, on your lawful business, you would have been protected by 
 the American authorities, at home and abroad, in the enjoyment 
 of your rights and privileges as a naturalized citizen of the 
 United States. But, having returned to the country of your 
 birth, your native domicile and national character REVERT, so 
 long as you remain in the Prussian dominions; and ypu are 
 bound in all respects to obey the laws exactly as if you had 
 never emigrated. 77 Dana's note, 86. 
 
 The reason of the justice of such a decision is, that the con 
 trary rule might easily be so employed as to seriously impair 
 national rights. Because, when a citizen returns to his native 
 country, he has its accent, its manners, and its personal relation 
 ships ; all of which tend both to bind him thereunto in feeling, 
 and also tend to prevent the national authorities from distin 
 guishing such foreigners from citizens. If returning to their 
 native country were indulged in by large numbers of foreigners 
 of that kind, a country would have scarcely any escape from re 
 quiring, at every important crisis, tests of allegiance from ALL 
 its inhabitants an almost endless task, as also very expensive 
 and very unsatisfactory. The only easy plan to allow self- 
 expatriated foreigners to return as the citizens of another Na 
 tion, would be, for the original country to command methods 
 whereby every such person, immediately on his return, should 
 register himself as such, in some Locality, arid confine himself 
 thereto. 
 
 Leaving one's country and changing citizenship, is something 
 like a woman's leaving her husband, and afterwards marrying 
 another; and if the leaving was FOR GOOD CAUSE, the new 
 husband would still naturally be averse to having his wife re 
 turning to friendship with the former husband, however willing 
 he might be for her to form friendships with other men. 
 
 If the past disorders are not abandoned, foreign Nations 
 may, at last, be driven to absolutely forbid their self-expatriated 
 citizens from ever returning ; or forbid their original departure, 
 either entirely, or until they have taken oaths and given security, 
 not to return. Or our policy of forcing our ideas of nationality 
 
INDIVIDUAL NATURALIZATION. 3Q3 
 
 on other governments, and thereby provoking their secret ani 
 mosity, may, some day, by the aid of our internal dissensions, 
 have very disastrous consequences. 
 
 The plea by which the United-States-government endeavors 
 to repudiate these sound principles, and to deny that nationality 
 reverts to a foreigner upon revisiting his native country, is, that 
 the general claims of foreign Nations under general laws, are of 
 no application, and that only when the claims have become 
 individualized, so as to call for, and to apply to the immediate 
 duty of, the Individual, do they have international force. But 
 this is merely ignoring the foreign system altogether. True, the 
 writer's private theory, claims, that no government has a right 
 to forbid its citizens to remove to another country ; but neither 
 international law, nor the United-States-government, acknowl 
 edges this principle. And our government has no right to act 
 upon it on one side of the question and not on the other. 
 
 The foreign system giving us trouble in this respect, may be 
 compared with our own system thus. The foreign, instead of 
 drafting men from its mass for military service, only during 
 war, designates a certain proportion of its young men for an 
 nual discipline, and to be called out first in case of war. Now 
 if we, every few years, were to draft a portion of our people for 
 such purposes, we would then have a class of citizens for, and a 
 method of comparison with the foreign ones. In times of war, 
 there have generally been formed in the United States, bodies 
 of volunteers called " minute men," " home guards," &c. Such 
 bodies of men resemble young foreigners in their own country, 
 except in the variable matter of having volunteered. The two 
 systems are entirely different ; and our decisions and policy pre 
 sumptuously violate the foreign internal classification of citizens, 
 instead of only attempting to have it modified reasonably, by 
 equitable limitations. 
 
 But we may conduct this discussion of the rights of the Na 
 tion renounced, by a resort to higher grounds. Now, when we 
 bear in mind the distinctive characteristics of national inde 
 pendence, that between Nations, the simplest reciprocities of 
 justice require previous treaty stipulations, and that the return 
 of an escaped slave, even between Precincts (states) of the same 
 Nation, requires constitutional provis: n ; we infer at once that 
 
304 BK - HI- NATION. III. III. 
 
 when an Individual escapes or removes to another government, 
 the government abandoned has naturally no further national 
 rights over him. Now, only apply this same principle to the 
 reverse case, and the question of naturalization would be at least 
 half settled. Only say, that the actual migration from and 
 leaving of one's adoptive country, and entrance into the former, 
 release a person from the protection, as well as from the claims, 
 of the last country left; and hold-to the principle, and the 
 question is half settled. Certainly, if leaving one's native 
 country is an avoidance of the laws, then a return to that 
 country is a revival of its laws. 
 
 In fact, the question may be argued on still broader grounds, 
 and without reference to any previous naturalization. It may 
 be maintained theoretically in general, that if leaving one's 
 country, whether native or adoptive country, is a virtual for 
 saking of its claims, so therefore it must be a virtual forsaking 
 of its protection ; unless there are treaty stipulations to the con 
 trary. And, on the other hand, if leaving a country is an 
 escape from its laws, so therefore a voluntary and Individual 
 entrance into a country, is theoretically a submission to or ac 
 ceptance of its laws. And if there are any just exceptions to 
 these principles, let them be considered and settled as exceptions; 
 but let not the universal principles of justice and fairness, be 
 perverted, to excuse the exceptional cases. If the highly civil 
 ized Nations of Europe, claim the right for their citizens to 
 reside and trade in the barbarous countries of Asia and Africa, 
 yet without subjecting those citizens to the barbarous and super 
 stitious laws and customs of such degraded peoples ; let it be 
 SAID so, at least to ourselves scientifically ; and let not the great 
 laws of Mankind or of equality, be perverted. And again, if 
 Democracies and Republics are going to claim as much supe 
 riority of rights, over Kingdoms and Empires, as civilized Na 
 tions claim over the uncivilized, or the half-civilized ones, let 
 that claim also be scientifically expressed ; and let the inside 
 world of our own citizens know, that if the Nations of Europe 
 are jealous of us, they are so, in consequence of the direct 
 avowals of some of our leading men, and of the long continued 
 aggressive policy of our national government : and, a change of 
 our policy would soon allay their jealousy. 
 
INDIVIDUAL NATURALIZATION. 305 
 
 It is strange, and wonderfully inconsistent, that a people who 
 have such strong and centralizing views of nationality, as those 
 of the United States, should have such loose views of the trans 
 fer of citizenship from one Nation to another. It is a subject 
 by which, more than by any other, in this era of the world, our 
 foreign relations are liable to be disturbed, and universal war 
 and disorder, provoked. 
 
 The theory and decisions of the United States government, so 
 far as they have been developed, until after the great rebellion, 
 were peculiarly selfish and one-sided, in regard to alienism or 
 expatriation. Thus, the right of an American-born citizen to 
 become naturalized into any foreign government, had been de 
 nied by us, whilst the right of the citizens of all foreign gov 
 ernments, to leave their own countries and become naturalized 
 in the United States, had been fiercely maintained. Yet the 
 right had even been conceded, of a foreigner once naturalized in 
 the United States, to renounce and again become a citizen of his 
 native government. And the whole set of our laws on the sub 
 ject, was evidently intended to allow and encourage the greatest, 
 possible amount of seduction of the citizens of other govern 
 ments, away from them, together with the minimum of desertion 
 from our own ; and without regard to consistency or national 
 equality. That our policy was clearly demagogic, and tended to 
 incite disturbance throughout the world, is fully proved by the. 
 fact that when the very foreigners whom we had received as 
 citizens, and upon oaths of allegiance abjuring all attachments to 
 foreign governments, departed from us, to incite or participate 
 in the struggles of their native countries, we still retained over 
 them the fostering and protecting care of our flag, and thus in 
 directly excited and stimulated them to foreign aggressions. 
 But this was one-sided ; for a citizen who proves by his acts, 
 that his warmest political affections are still in and towards his 
 native country, thus proves that in heart he has not become 
 truly naturalized-out from the land of his birth. The proper 
 course for our government to take, is to openly and fully warn 
 our citizens, that interference with the affairs of other govern 
 ments, will be taken as the virtual renunciation of citizenship 
 in the United States ; and if any difference, this interpretation 
 will be more surely given to acts of foreigners returning to their 
 
 20 
 
306 BK - IIL NATION, in. in. 
 
 native lands and interfering there, than in regard to any other 
 kinds of interference ; on the principle that return revives citi 
 zenship there. And these warnings should be repeated, and re- 
 published thoroughly, when circumstances seemed to call for 
 them ; and then, if our Individuals would persist in interfering 
 with other countries, and in efforts and tendencies to embroil us 
 in foreign disturbances, then we had no more care for them than 
 any other neutrals had ; and the consequences of such expatria 
 tion, should be allowed to fall upon those who so persistently 
 bravadoed all the Nations interested, subject only to the claims 
 of common pity and humanity. The whole principle of our 
 past conduct, reminds one of the course taken by the French 
 Republic of 1789, which ended in stirring up all Europe against 
 it. The only supremacy which can be granted by international 
 law, to one government or people, over others, is a supremacy 
 founded upon intellect controlled by morality and goodness; and 
 only that kind of supremacy will ultimately prevail : and that iy 
 a s i remacy which will come about more by general consent, 
 than by force or threats. 
 
 Since the <r eat rebellion of ' 6 1-6 5, we have, to be sure, seen 
 that our policy was to amend our principles, but the amending 
 has only been of the theory chiefly, and not much, if any, of our 
 pract V(-s. Tut since England has settled the Alabama claims 
 liberally and promptly, and is treating us fraternally in the 
 affair of ou: 1 centenni i! ; it is time for us to let our old enmity 
 against her drop forever. 
 
 3. The Ilights of the Adoptive Nation. 
 
 We may sa , in general, that although our theory utterly de 
 nies the right of what our government did during the rebellion ; 
 namely, denie th right of a national government to forbid the 
 departure of its citizens, yet it by no means forbids Nations the 
 right of discretion, as to the reception or refusal of immigrants. 
 For instance, compare the Nation with the Individual Unit. 
 An Individual has liberty to go where he pleases, although he 
 has no right to intrude into the company of those who do not 
 want him. But this restriction is counteracted by the rights of 
 another unit, namely, Mankind. For, where populat on is in 
 excess of the capacity of the land to sustain it, and whilst there 
 are immense territories of other Nations uninhabited, it certainly 
 
INDIVIDUAL NATURALIZATION. 3Q7 
 
 is the duty of some of those Nations, to receive the immigrants. 
 But whose duty is it? We answer, that treating the question 
 now as a moral one, we are to consider not only the extent of 
 uninhabited territory, nor the abundance of its wealth and pro 
 ductions ; neither are we to consider only the choice of the immi 
 grants, when that choice depends merely on the consequences of 
 such things as cheap land and high wages ; but we are to con 
 sider moral and intellectual relations. So that the duty of re 
 ceiving the immigrants, will devolve upon that Nation which, 
 having the most ability to do it, is yet nearest like them in intel 
 lectual, moral and religious character. This principle may be 
 modified to favor the reception of such classes of persons as are 
 scarcely fit in morals and intellectuality, the better, when such 
 persons are of a mild and peaceful and obedient disposition, so 
 that they will readily place themselves under the guidance of 
 their adopted country. For, among Nations as well as among 
 Individuals, self-preservation is the first law of nature. And 
 no theory in this case can be more unreasonable, than the suppo 
 sition that everybody has a right to go everywhere, and exer 
 cise political supremacy, and the consequent powers of governing 
 others ox THEIR native soil. And on the other hand, the right 
 of the immigrants to be free from imposition or tyranny of 
 their adoptive country, is involved in the necessity and the fact 
 of their coming, and in the duty of the other party to receive 
 them. 
 
 Now here is another place where our Precinct and Corpora 
 tion theories come in so admirably. In order then, to secure the 
 rights of all parties, probably the most satisfactory plan would 
 be, for immigrants to be allowed to form their own Corporations, 
 for their own government and rule, without control over, or 
 even without the ordinary subjection of their internal personal 
 affairs to, the government of the adoptive country. The feasi 
 bility of this will be deducible from our general principles of 
 Corporation, although no special allusion need be made to it 
 there. 
 
 But the Precinct-system offers really the most perfect and best 
 plan, for foreigners to enjoy their own rights customs and reli 
 gion, -with the least amount of interference with those of other 
 persons, or, of the adoptive Nation itself. But inasmuch as it is 
 
308 BK - IIL NATION. III. III. 
 
 sometimes inconvenient, the Corporation-system would give the 
 most general satisfaction to them. Yet both systems can be em 
 ployed, some in some cases, and some in others. But the Pre 
 cinct-system is most effectual, both for releasing minorities from 
 the power of majorities, and also for releasing majorities from 
 control by turbulent and cabalistic cliques. And the same prin 
 ciple applies to keeping up the distinctions between Nations ; 
 that is, avoiding too much mixing of utterly heterogeneous 
 elements. 
 
 4. Personal Conditions. 
 
 \a) In General. We have already considered in part, the 
 rights of the adoptive Nation, by comparing them with the rights 
 of the Nation renounced. The remainder of this part of the 
 subject, embraces the reasons for requiring important conditions 
 of naturalization. These may be comprised in two divisions. 
 One, is, to prevent errors that may arise out of the changed rela 
 tions. The other, is, to procure and prove real fitness for the 
 transfer to the new nationality. The means relied upon in the 
 United States to accomplish these two objects, are, Length of 
 residence, Oath of allegiance, and Legal Registration under Judi 
 cial sanction. Something is said about good moral character, 
 but nothing is really done about that qualification, except in case 
 of having been publicly convicted and imprisoned lately for fel 
 ony. Some of these questions will come up again for a little 
 consideration, under the head of Qualification of Voters, in 
 " Selections," under " Civil Government," and such of them as 
 should come up there, are omitted here. 
 
 (b) As to Preventing Errors. The naturalization laws of the 
 United States are entirely right, in accounting that the citizen 
 ship of a husband, of itself) naturalizes the wife ; but this is 
 the opposite of oppressing women, and is hardly granting them 
 that equality of rights which some are so loudly demanding. In 
 regard to the difficulties about aliens holding real estate, when 
 privileged to hold personal estate ; in a country like this where 
 real estate confers no special political privileges, the distinction 
 is utterly useless, and is a mere result of the retention of anti 
 quated distinctions derived from the feudal law ; and the reten 
 tion of such distinctions is mere pettifoggery. 
 
 (c) As to Proving or Producing Fitness ; there is no evidence 
 
INDIVIDUAL NATURALIZATION. 309 
 
 to belie v r e that oaths of allegiance are worth the few moments 
 spent in making them, or the paper they are written upon. As 
 to length of residence, IT is the most practicable reliance for pro 
 ducing or proving, feelings and convictions suitable to the changed 
 nationality. But we find that blind attachments to native land 
 are, not only life-long, but even hereditary. It is probable, that a 
 reasonable knowledge of the theory and principles of the society 
 and government INTO which they had come, taught to and ex 
 acted from foreigners, in order to naturalization, would be of 
 great use. The nominal condition of good moral character,, ought 
 to be made a real and vital condition. But even after all, the 
 greatest difficulty, namely, the predilections of birth and early 
 training, continue; and of these, the influences of early training 
 and c&m-sympathy, are greater even than the mere fact of birth 
 itself. 
 
 Special antipathy to any foreign government, is quite as fully 
 an UNfitness for naturalization, as partiality for the adoptive one, 
 is fitness ; and in fact the antipathy is, generally, only another 
 form for home-partiality, or some other prejudice, under a dif 
 ferent condition of things. But at any rate, the antipathy is 
 productive of more evil than the partiality is of good ; because 
 such is the general character of human nature that hatred is 
 more active than friendship. 
 
 Just as Nation is an eternal Unit of Society, so nationality is 
 an abiding element of human character, and is not capable of 
 being laid aside by an effort of will, nor by papers of natural 
 ization. This is constantly proved by the fact, that some of the 
 immigrants in the United States are continually at work endeav 
 oring to influence the peoples, and revolutionize the governments 
 from which they came. And then their quite' innocent and 
 proper publications and " organs/ 7 and societies for mutual be 
 nevolence, &c. have necessarily, although unintentionally,* the 
 effect of constantly keeping alive their old partialities and their 
 old animosities. If the immigrants came from a greater variety 
 of countries, and in more equal proportions from each of them, 
 their animosities, and the troubles and difficulties therefrom 
 arising, would be apt to balance each other, and so be less, gen 
 erally. 
 
 But the wants of the United States for population at first, 
 
310 BK. III. NATION. III. III. 
 
 and the inducements our country could present, were so strong, 
 that an easy system of naturalization laws was natural, and al 
 most inevitable, under the peculiar circumstances. All that can 
 be done, is to educate their minds and hearts to truth and good 
 ness ; and then, trust to their own sense of honor justice and 
 kindness. All that we want is to preserve peace and justice. 
 No clamor about patriotism or " native" land, should bias the 
 matter. And it is well to receive foreigners as fast as we can 
 digest them, politically, socially, and morally. 
 
 !But we ought not to be in too great a hurry to parcel out all 
 our public lands. In some of the states and territories, for 
 eigners are allowed, even by the United States courts, political 
 privileges before naturalization. But this is contrary to some of 
 the fundamental principles of nationality. For nationality pre 
 supposes that its Precincts are parts of itself, not only geograph 
 ically, but personally. And this allowance therefore, is only 
 another part of that system which aims to draw immigrants 
 from foreign countries, and stimulates western emigration and 
 acatteration, wildly, and prevents our unoccupied lands from 
 being held forever by the public as landlord, and for the profit 
 of all the people (see Spencer on the tenure of land), and puts 
 them into the private ownership of the sort of gentlemen, whose 
 energy for taking care of " number one" is not the least of ' their 
 qualifications, and who are always ready to accept from the 
 Nation, a few hundred square MILES of good land, to " develop 
 
BOOK IV. 
 
 CORPORATION. 
 
 CHAP. (A) PEEFACE TO CORPORATION. 
 
 OUR definition of Corporation is, that it is a something en 
 tirely different from, either Precinct, or Nation, or borough or 
 town, or any other Locality-government whatever. Just as is 
 the case with churches ; the members of the same Locality be 
 long to different churches ; and members of the same church, 
 belong to different Localities : so there have been, and it is as 
 conceivable that there may be, different civil governments for 
 different Individuals in the same Precinct ; and that such Cor- 
 poratiqns for civil self-government, may embrace members from 
 two or more Precincts. But the main point of the difference is, 
 that different Corporations for the self-government- of their own 
 voluntary members, may be formed WITHIN THE SAME PRE 
 CINCT ; just as persons may be members of different other vol 
 untary societies therein. The members would select themselves, 
 on the ground of metaphysical and moral resemblances or 
 adaptations. There would be intermingling of all classes, indi 
 vidually, personally and socially ; but the civil government for 
 each Individual, would, in most cases, be administered by the 
 civil or political corporation of which he was a member. Dif 
 ferences bet ween -members of different Corporations, would have 
 to be settled by arbitration, or in some other equitable manner, 
 between the authorities of the Corporations, or in methods pre 
 scribed by them. Nevertheless, matters strictly referring to the 
 geographical concerns of Localities, whether of Precinct or Na 
 tion, would have to be settled by those Local governments 
 respectively; and only such matters; except that all FOREIGN 
 affairs must be left also to the Nation. 
 
 We have had more difficulty and more labor, over our article 
 
 311 
 
312 BK. IV. CORPORATION. (A) 
 
 on Corporation, than over almost any other part of the work. 
 One reason was, we had found no books that had afforded us 
 any material aid. True ; Mr. Carey's Large edition, in vol. 3, 
 chap. Hi. 3, pp. 415 to 423, has eight or nine excellent pages 
 upon the subject, in a miscellaneous way: but unfortunately, 
 these have been entirely omitted from the Abridged edition, (see 
 its chap. xliv. 2 and 3), which is the one I have generally 
 used. The reader is referred to the Large edition itself. Calvin 
 Blanchard, an old chum of Greeley, has also published consid 
 erably on this subject; but I have never seen any of his writings 
 thereon ; and as represented in the New York Tribune, his the 
 ory is very different from mine, as will appear in chap. ii. 2, 
 ensuing. Also, a Mr. Sinnickson has written some little, but 
 well, upon this subject ; yet not until my article was pretty well 
 under way, at least I did not meet with anything from him pre 
 viously, and only a few scraps, then. 
 
 Another reason of the difficulty and labor qver this subject of 
 CORPORATION, and this latter principally, was the fact, that 
 the variety of possible or even useful Corporations, is almost 
 indefinitely great; and even the variety of the political ones, 
 which are the kind we design specially to treat, is also so great, 
 that real difficulty arises, both as to the classifications of the 
 whole, and also as to the kinds to select for illustration, to 
 enable the reader, without undue complication or prolixity, to 
 have, both a glimpse of the whole field, and yet a sight of 
 minutiae sufficient to be intelligible and unequivocal. It was 
 also desirable, to endeavor to avoid such a repulsive dryness, as 
 would insure there would be no readers of the article at all. 
 Hence, it has been deemed best, to arrange its Main Divisions 
 or Parts, in a rather different order from what has usually been 
 pursued by us. Accordingly, the Argument, Anticipations in 
 history, and the Anticipations by some other Social Scientists, 
 and some formal Arguments for the Right and Expediency, 
 are placed first: Then, the General Survey of them, according 
 to their nature ; the Definitions and Classifications : And last 
 of all, are placed the more Exact Investigations of the general 
 theory, rising gradually to the most general conceptions of the 
 subject, and then falling to the more practical ones. 
 
 In this First Main Division, which we call the ARGUMENT, 
 
ARGUMENT. ANTICIPATIONS, BY FACTS. 
 
 we only give a few Anticipations, and a few miscellaneous evi 
 dences for the rights ; and a few of the miscellaneous advan 
 tages, whether common to it with the Precinct, or peculiar to it 
 alone. We give these miscellaneous arguments in this Main 
 Division, simply because they seem out 'of place, in the two sub 
 sequent ones. 
 
 Many arguments for Corporations, are adducible also, either 
 for Precinct or for Nation ; and are thus common to two Ele 
 ments. Those common to PRECINCT and Corporation, will first 
 and frequently be treated. But for those common to NATION 
 and Corporation, the reader is referred back to that Element, 
 namely Book III. ; or forward to the investigation of " Corpora 
 tions exercising inherent political functions," as treated in the 
 Third Main Division of this present Element or " Book." 
 
 MAIN DIVISION I. 
 
 ARGUMENT FOR POLITICO-GOVERN 
 MENTAL CORPORATIONS. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION I. 
 
 ANTICIPATIONS OF GOVERNMENTAL CORPORA- 
 
 TIONS. 
 
 CHAP. I. ANTICIPATIONS BY FACTS. 
 
 1. In Religion and Morals. 
 
 The earliest Corporations we find in history, whether con 
 nected with the civil power, or independent of it, are the 
 religious organizations. Bretano expressly says, they followed 
 immediately after the " frith guilds"; and the frith guilds are 
 essentially our elementary Precincts, and not merely artificial or 
 deliberative Corporations. And the religious organizations of 
 most countries and ages, are either virtual or actual Corpo 
 rations. 
 
 The tribe of Levi was a legally instituted national Corpora 
 tion. It occupied a very different position, from that of all the 
 churches in the United States, taken collectively ; and different 
 
314 BK. IV. CORPORATION. I. I. I. 
 
 a^o from any modern national church. Its position was like 
 that of the bishops of the Middle Ages, possessing secular 
 dominions. Hence, it exercised civil authority, by virtue of its 
 religious office. The Levites, besides possessing the dignities 
 and exemptions enjoined as religious officials, were also the 
 ordinary civil judges, of the country around the numerous cities 
 allotted to them. ' 
 
 The Christian churches have always been Corporations. Just 
 as the reformation and freedom in the churches, in the 16th 
 century, were, as Guizot says, the precursors and first steps of 
 reformation and freedom in the intellectual world ; so also the 
 commencement and persistence of independent Corporations, by 
 churches, may be the precursors and first steps of civil govern 
 ment by Corporations in general. 
 
 The monastic institutions of the Middle Ages, possessed a very 
 considerable degree of municipal power upon their own territo 
 ries; and were also allowed more or less political, as well as 
 ecclesiastical representation, in the Nations. Of Monasticism, 
 Comte (Pos. Phil. 608) says : " We must also recognize the 
 political bearing of the monastic institutions, which certainly 
 were one of the most indispensable elements of the vast organ 
 ism, * * * the cradle whence issued by anticipation, the chief 
 Christian conceptions, dogmatic and practical ; * * * the founda 
 tion whence issued the reformation of orders ; a provision for 
 the beneficial exercise of political genius, which it has been im 
 possible to appreciate since its inevitable decay. * : The 
 Catholic system could not have preserved * * * the attribute 
 of generality, * * * if these contemplative train-bands, who 
 were placed by their very nature at the universal point of view, 
 had not been forever reproducing direct thought, while exhibit 
 ing an example of independence which thereby became more 
 generally practicable." 
 
 It is a Corporation of the most respectable citizens of Gothen 
 burg, Sweden, who are now executing the most successful plan 
 against intemperance, ever devised. They pay all its profits into 
 the city treasury, appoint all the retailers, furnish them all the 
 liquor at wholesale, allow no profit whatever to be made by the 
 retailer, out of the strong liquors sold, but only the profit out 
 of malt liquors, coffee, tea, cigars, and victuals, which they are 
 
ARGUMENT. ANTICIPATIONS, BY FACTS. 315 
 
 required to keep on hand, and to sell reasonably. Also the 
 Corporation requires the sales-rooms to be pleasant places ; and 
 does not allow any liquor to be sold either on credit or on 
 pledge. 
 
 Our respectable Indian commissioners might succeed as well 
 as the Swedish Temperance-friends, if only they were duly 
 organized into a suitable Corporation. But otherwise, the 
 " rings" against them are too strong for them. 
 2. In Politics and Parties. 
 
 All the political parties, great and small, are virtual Corpora 
 tions ; so also are the organized " rings" and cliques within these 
 other organizations, whether of church or state. Several of the 
 " United States" were started by, or soon transformed into, Cor 
 porations. Indeed, all Corporations, when they become great and 
 important, are drawn more or less into politics, even if not in 
 tentionally so. But generally, they turn their realized greatness 
 voluntarily, into political channels. Even the Temperance- 
 societies and the Peace-churches, sooner or later, and more or 
 less, find themselves acting according to this tendency. 
 
 Carey has enumerated some valuable Corporations of antiquity, 
 to which the reader is referred ; namely his Large Edition, vol. 
 3, chap. Hi. 3. 
 
 The legislative and judicial authorities in the Middle Ages, 
 were cosmopolitan. They were Councils of virtual compromise, 
 acknowledging the representation of Corporations such as we 
 propose in the latter part of this article ; and some remnants of 
 which, still continue. The parliaments or national assemblies of 
 the European governments, contained representatives of the Free 
 Cities, the Churches, the Monasteries, and the Universities. But 
 these were in such small proportion, as to avail but little before 
 the grand controlling power of the Great Localities. But even 
 so far as these corporate representatives did retain real power, 
 the power itself gradually ceased to be free in its operations ; 
 besides, the choice of the representatives also ceased to be free. 
 But worse than all, the Corporations themselves became anti 
 quated; and the system contained no principle of recognizing 
 Corporations as such, nor of reorganizing them ; and therefore 
 new kinds as demanded by progress, were not formed ; and of 
 course, when the Corporations ceased to have general political 
 
316 BK - IV. CORPORATION. I. I. I. 
 
 f 
 
 value, their rights lost their defenders, even among the un 
 learned laity. Nevertheless, those legislatures were sufficiently 
 analogous to these we propose, to entitle them to be here cited. 
 
 Several of the earliest and most prominent attempts at settle 
 ment, in the United States, were made by 'actually chartered 
 Corporations. Such was the case with that at Jamestown, which 
 was the earliest of all. The Jamestown Corporation was divided 
 into two companies, each having its own part of the territory 
 to manage. This Corporation, eleven years subsequently, al 
 lowed its colonists to elect delegates to a legislative assembly, 
 whilst retaining itself the appointment of its governor and select 
 council ; but in a few years more the Corporation dissolved : 
 and that was the origin of democracy in the United States. 
 Then the "Plymouth Corporation" obtained, in 1620, the grant 
 of the United States, between Maryland and Canada ; and from 
 that Corporation the "Pilgrim Fathers" obtained their lands; 
 whence came the grants of Massachusetts, Rhode Island and 
 Connecticut. The settlements at and near Philadelphia, were 
 begun by a Swedish Corporation in 1638, many years before 
 Penn came. The first settlements in New York were made 
 in 1610, by a Holland Corporation, "the Dutch West India 
 Company." And the principal impetus to the settlement of 
 Georgia, was given in 1732, by the charter of incorporation 
 under the leadership of Oglethorpe. It must be admitted, that 
 all these Corporations ultimately failed of their corporate de 
 signs; partly because the colonists had but little gratitude to 
 the Corporations who had brought them over from the Old 
 Country, and given them lands ; but chiefly, because, being for 
 eign and non-resident Corporations, they were no more able to 
 govern the Colonies, than were the respective kings, or other 
 civil authorities, of the countries whence they had come. And 
 that the colonists were able to throw off the yoke of the Cor 
 porations, so much easier and sooner, than the yoke of the kings, 
 and that the Corporations yielded so to the force of circumstances, 
 is proof of their value, if only rightly constructed. And all that 
 kept them from yielding more readily, seems to have been the 
 hope of regaining their financial losses therein, an opposition 
 that might have been easily and justly met, by the colonists 
 compensating them fairly. 
 
ARGUMENT. ANTICIPATIONS, BY FACTS. 317 
 
 3. In Education. 
 
 The Universities and Colleges of modern Europe, possessed 
 for centuries, a limited degree of municipal authority. The 
 word "collegium" itself meant association, and included the 
 ideas both of partnership and Corporation. " The word univer 
 sity, in the code Justinian, is used to designate a Corporation. 
 Thus there were in Rome, in the 7th and 8th centuries, univer 
 sities of tailors, bakers, &c." (App. Cyclop, xv. 836). The uni 
 versities soon found it necessary to have some sort of municipal 
 government, by instituting their members into Corporations for 
 that purpose. For administering their authority, the univer 
 sities were subdivided, sometimes into colleges, and sometimes 
 into DIVISIONS OF SEVERAL NATIONALITIES ; yet each of these 
 divisions included several different nationalities. It was this 
 necessity, perhaps, quite as much as respect for learning, that 
 caused the universities to be allowed various kinds and amounts 
 of political power, both representative and judicial. 
 
 Several of the European medical colleges, "have both a power 
 of police over matters pertaining to the public health, and the 
 privilege of examining candidates for medical degrees/' and 
 without whose authority they cannot practice. (App. Cyclop, 
 v. 468). 
 
 Oxford University in England, and so also Cambridge, is a 
 federal Corporation, consisting of several distinct colleges, each 
 of which, within certain limitations, is an independent organiza 
 tion, having its own private property, and having control over 
 its own students within its own boundaries. 
 
 Of . the Universities, Comte (Pos. Phil. p. 726) says: "At a 
 time when national divergences were still very great, and when 
 the Catholic bond was dissolved ; the Universities threw open 
 their doors to foreigners ; so as to mark the new speculative class 
 as European, and to afford the best testimony to the cosmopolitan 
 character of the scientific spirit." 
 
 Most of the communes and communities, at least the Protestant 
 ones, are and have been, without actual charters, but yet are vir 
 tual Corporations, exercising a limited degree of governmental 
 power. And they may as well be enumerated here, under edu 
 cation, as anywhere elsej because their principal use to the world 
 thus far, has been to teach by example 'and precept, what can be 
 
318 BK - IV - CORPORATION. I. I. I. 
 
 done in their way; and thus they are instances of what Corpo 
 rations have done in education. 
 
 4. In Trade. 
 
 Plutarch relates, that in the early ages of ancient Rome, Numa 
 organized the citizens into societies or Corporations, according to 
 their occupations. Some of the modern savans, however, say that 
 Plutarch was wrong in this story ; but how our savans should 
 have so much more certain knowledge about it, than Plutarch, 
 is not so easy to see. But it is very easy to see, how this very 
 variance from the present customs and ideas, might raise doubts 
 as to the ancient facts. According to Plutarch, (App. Cyclop, 
 v. 467) : " The original design was to prevent the danger of any 
 general conspiracy, by x organizing separate assemblies, festivals, 
 and finances, for different portions of citizens." But in fact, 
 these institutions had rather the opposite tendency, and became 
 so disorderly that they were repeatedly suppressed by the Roman 
 government. But in modern times, we find such organizations 
 arising spontaneously. All our trades, wholesale and retail, 
 "Employers and Employes, are forming themselves into partial 
 Corporations for their particular self-interested purposes. 
 
 The Guilds of .Europe in the Middle Ages, remnants of which 
 continue to this day, were virtually, political Corporations. Of 
 these Guilds, Comte (p. 695) says: they "incorporated the 
 members of each craft, and protected Individual-industry at 
 first; however they might oppress it at last." Bretano, in his 
 history of Guilds, says : " The trade-unions of the present day, 
 were the successors of the ' craft-guilds' of the Middle Ages. 
 These again succeeded to the town-guilds or guilds merchant, 
 which were local rather than professional, and included the com 
 mercial rather than the producing class. These were preceded 
 by a yet more ancient sort of guilds, the religious or social 
 guilds ; for they were a mingling of both characters ; and before 
 these, came the original guilds, the frith-guilds of the Anglo- 
 Saxons, which seem to have been associations of neighbors for 
 mutual help and defence" , [namely, Our Precincts]. " Within 
 the craft-guilds, the institution of apprenticeship grew up. This 
 institution was then accompanied with much formality; for it 
 was not merely the. introduction to a business, but to CITIZEN 
 SHIP." 
 
ARGUMENT. ANTICIPATIONS, BY FACTS. 319 
 
 Of merchants making their own laws, Comte (p. 694) says : 
 " During the medieval period, when industrial communities legis 
 lated independently, before the formations of the greater polities, 
 there were commercial tribunals and regulations, which do great 
 honor to the Hanseatic merchants, whose jurisdiction contrasts 
 very favorably with others of that age." And we add, that the 
 old Dutch Bank notes, founded upon and representing always, 
 the exact amounts of coin actually deposited and reserved, 
 were the only legitimate paper-currency, the world has yd seen : 
 and, the departure from which system, has entailed a financial 
 curse upon the world, which, in all probability, will continue to 
 weigh heavily upon it, as long as the ordinary course of human 
 things shall endure. 
 
 The greater part of the mercantile law in England, may in 
 spirit be regarded as the work of Corporations ; for it is chiefly 
 a digest of mercantile usages of late date. Mr. Mill, while 
 strongly condemning the common law of England, yet com 
 mends the mercantile part of it highly (Pol. Econ. p. 534), as 
 follows: " Fortunately for the prosperity of England, the 
 greater part of the mercantile law is comparatively modern, and 
 was made by the tribunals, by the simple process, of recognizing 
 and giving force of law to, the usages which, from motives of 
 convenience, had grown up among merchants themselves ; so 
 that this part of the law at least, was substantially made by 
 those who were most interested in its goodness." 
 
 Of this class of Corporations, the most interesting and the 
 most hopeful kind, are those which we often find men sponta 
 neously forming, in order to avoid the corruptions and ineffi 
 ciency of the ordinary law ; and thus to perform spontaneously 
 and very satisfactorily, the particular functions for which they 
 are organized ; for instance, associations such as the Boards of 
 Brokers, Boards of Trade, Chambers of Commerce, and vari 
 ous kinds of Trade-Exchanges, Trades-Unions, and Employers' 
 Unions, which are found more or less in all the large cities of 
 the world. 
 
 5. Cosmopolitan and Migratory. 
 
 Several Corporations are cosmopolitan, and almost world-wide. 
 The Jewish people have ceased from being a Nation, for 2000 
 years ; yet have continued to live as a virtual world-wide Cor- 
 
320 BK - IV - CORPORATION. I. I. I. 
 
 poration. The Catholic Church is another cosmopolitan Corpo 
 ration. So also are the Moravian and Quaker Churches ; also, 
 several of the great Foreign Missionary Societies. So also are 
 the Free Masons, and perhaps some other Societies. 
 
 Then also there are various migratory or TRAVELLING Cor 
 porations. The settlers and colonists on new territories, are 
 always virtually, and often actually, incorporated Companies. 
 Sailors and soldiers are travelling Corporations, both virtually 
 and organically. The Gypsies also are a notable exemplification, 
 exercising politico-governmental functions among themselves, by 
 voluntary organization; entirely independent of all other "civil 
 powers"; and almost entirely abstract from particular Locations, 
 whether Precinct, Nation, or even Continent 
 
 Some of the Corporations established for making foreign set 
 tlements, are also cosmopolitan, and almost world-wide, in their 
 nature. The British and Dutch East India Companies, begun 
 for trade, exercised political government, and produced settle 
 ments. So also several other organizations, which in former 
 centuries helped to settle the newly discovered Continent. Cali 
 fornia received many of its best early settlers from the East, by 
 means of Corporations ; and now it is receiving its vast addi 
 tions from the " Celestial" Empire, by the same means. All the 
 classes of society and all the Social Circles, are VIRTUAL Corpo 
 rations, and may be enumerated under the head of cosmopolitan, 
 as well as anywhere else. 
 
 Chivalry was another cosmopolitan institution. Comte (p. 
 621), says : * * * " Mohammedanism had, even before the Cru 
 sades, originated something like the noble associations, by which 
 Chivalry affords a natural corrective of insufficient Individual 
 protection," * * * yet " their free rise is attributable to the Mid 
 dle- Age-spirit." The examples of Chivalry show some of the 
 principles, whereupon the peace-men may build their theories of 
 the most absolute non-resistance : because there will rise up FOR 
 SUCH, when oppressed by fighting men, other fighting men, actu 
 ated by mingled duty, compassion, combativeness, and love of 
 glory. And for such, the Corporation-method is the best. 
 
ARGUMENT. ANTICIPATIONS, BY WRITERS. 321 
 
 CHAP. II. ANTICIPATIONS BY WRITERS. 
 
 1. The Ancients and the Idealists. 
 
 Plato, in his Model Republic, bases his whole theory of gov 
 ernment, upon the conception of a Corporation. For, as Spencer 
 (111. Prog. 391), says, his (Plato's) ideal of a body politic, is to 
 be put together by men, in parts, as a watch might be. 
 
 The Scripture places the Corporation of the Christian Church, 
 on a par with a Kingdom or Nation. It is often, in the Gospels, 
 called the Kingdom of God. And in Matt., xxi. 43, is expressly , 
 called A NATION. And the Prophet Daniel speaks of it, as a 
 kingdom which should ultimately absorb all the other kingdoms 
 of the Earth. 
 
 Hobbes, not only implies but actually asserts, the corporate 
 nature of bodies politic, and this, notwithstanding his whole 
 system is based upon the analogy of society to a living animal. 
 " l BY ART/ he says, ' is created that great Leviathan, called a 
 Commonwealth. 7 And he even goes so far as to compare the 
 supposed social contract, from which a society suddenly origi 
 nates, to the creation of a man by the divine fiat." (See Spencer's 
 111. Prog. 391.) 
 
 In fact, the general principle that pervaded most writings on 
 Society and Government, in all ages previous to the utterance of 
 Mclntosh, that " constitutions are not made, but grow," was 
 the idea of virtual Corporations. But in our day, the principle 
 is being ignored in all directions. Even Spencer, whose theory 
 would be greatly aided by our principle of Corporations, says, 
 that the fact " that this Apothegm of Mclntosh should have 
 been quoted and requoted as it has been, shows how profound 
 has been the ignorance of Social . Science." But how he can 
 reconcile this, with that other great doctrine of his, namely, 
 " that all science is but the extension of common knowledge," 
 we do not see. Yet perhaps we are in the darkness that " per 
 vaded through all previous time" ; for we are convinced, that if 
 hitherto it has been true, that " constitutions grow but are not 
 made," it is high time they were really made. 
 
 Also, all other of those writers who have proposed ideals of 
 government, (as Sir Thomas More, Fourier, and so on,) proceed 
 on the same virtual Corporation-Hypothesis of government. 
 
 21 
 
322 BK - IY - CORPORATION. T. I. II. 
 
 Even the framers of the constitution of the United States, pro 
 ceeded on the same hypothesis. The whole theory of " delega 
 tion of rights/' as the origin or essence of government, proceeds 
 upon the same hypothesis. 
 
 2. The Modern Scientists. 
 
 (a) Spencer. That all civil governments, whether of the Na 
 tion or Precinct, partake of the nature of a Corporation", seems 
 indeed almost to have occurred to Spencer. Thus, (111. of Prog. 
 396) : " The last and perhaps the most important distinction" 
 between an animal and society, " is, that while in the body of an 
 animal, only a special tissue is endowed with feeling in a so 
 ciety, all the members are endowed with feeling." Thus, the 
 Principle of Political Corporation seems to have almost occurred 
 to him, but in such an indirect and merely figurative way, as to 
 have passed him by, without any serious attention. Even his 
 whole idea of government, originally was that of a sort of Cor 
 poration, and seemed to allow no natural, instinctive, spontane 
 ous, nor elementary rights to society as such ; nor scarcely any 
 other rights, than if it were only a voluntary Corporation." 
 (Continuing from Westminster Review, Jan. 1860, we quote): 
 " The community as a whole has no general or CORPORATE con 
 sciousness, distinct from those of its components. This is an 
 everlasting reason, why the welfare of citizens cannot rightly be 
 sacrificed to some supposed benefit, of the State ; but why, on the 
 other hand, the State must be regarded as existing solely for 
 the benefit of citizens. The CORPORATE life must here be sub 
 servient to the life of the parts, instead of the life of the parts 
 being subservient to the CORPORATE life." 
 
 Again : Spencer has laid down the broad PRINCIPLES, in a 
 general way, whereby the Individual-man and Corporations, 
 react upon each other: the principles whereby Corporations 
 would provide for and cure, the evils which their own system 
 might give rise to. Although, it seems, that Spencer himself 
 had chiefly in his mind, the organization of Nations, Provinces, 
 Geographical formations, &c. Yet he has repeatedly pointed out 
 the reciprocal actions, of man, on his surroundings ; and then 
 of those surroundings, on man ; and then of the changed man, 
 again on his surroundings; and then, of those surroundings, 
 again on the man. And these reciprocities of influence reach 
 
ARGUMENT. ANTICIPATIONS, BY WRITERS. 323 
 
 their climax, of degree, kind, and importance, in the reactions 
 of human SOCIETIES or ASSOCIATIONS, upon each other. There 
 fore we may infer, that these reactions and reciprocal influences, 
 will "evolve" their greatest results, that is to say, will do their 
 HIGHEST work, in CORPORATIONS. Spencer calls these recip 
 rocal influences or powers, " Factors of Social Phenomena" ; and 
 those of the influences which are above the physical, and iray 
 be termed moral and metaphysical ; he would call the "super- 
 organic" Factors. But, let us quote, and allow him to speak for 
 himself. 
 
 Spencer in Principles of Sociology Part I. chap. ii. 13, 
 says: "Recognizing the primary truth, that social phenomena 
 depend, in part on the natures of the Individuals, and in part on 
 the forces the Individuals are subject to ; we see that these two 
 fundamentally-distinct sets of factors, with which social changes 
 commence, become progressively involved with other sets, as 
 social changes advance." 
 
 And again 1 2, he says : " During social evolutions, these 
 influences are ever modifying Individuals, and modifying so 
 ciety; while being modified by both. They gradually form 
 what we may consider, either, as a non-vital part of the society 
 itself, or else as an additional environment, which eventually be 
 comes even more important than the original environments, so 
 much more important, that there arises the possibility of carry 
 ing on a high type of social life, under inorganic and organic 
 conditions, which originally would have prevented it." 
 
 And again 11, he says: "Yet a further derivative factor 
 of extreme importance, remains. I mean the influence of the 
 sitper-organic environment, the action and reaction between a 
 society, and neighboring societies. * * * For I may here, in 
 passing, briefly indicate the fact, 'to be hereafter exhibited in 
 full, that while the industrial organization of a society, is 
 mainly determined by its inorganic and organic environments; 
 its governmental organization is mainly determined by its super- 
 organic environment, by the action of those adjacent societies 
 with which it carries on the struggle for existence." 
 
 If the reader should refer to Spencer's Part I., above men 
 tioned, he would find considerable said about the units of soci 
 ety, the social units, &c. ; and might suppose Mr. Spencer had 
 
324 BK - IV. CORPORATION. I. I II. 
 
 some idea like our Six Units. But such is not the case. For, 
 Mr. Spencer uses this word Units, ONLY in reference to the IN 
 DIVIDUAL : and without explicit definition, that conception runs 
 all through it. See 6, 13, 14, 21, 22, 24, 25: and all along; 
 thus, in his three great divisions (in separate chapters), "the 
 physical, emotional, and intellectual, traits of primitive man": 
 also 49, and so on. But although he has no reference to any 
 other unit than the Individual; yet such is the abstract and 
 general nature of his thought and language on society, and so 
 true is the type-theory, of the Individual really being type of all 
 the five Units above it, and so true also is our theory that all the 
 Six Units are types of CORPORATION, that what he says, (all 
 along in his " Data of Sociology"), of the Individual -man, is 
 true also of all our Seven Fundamental Elements of society, 
 and therefore is true also of Corporation. And that celebrated 
 generalist, has probably, in some other places, had indistinct and 
 undeveloped reference, to such voluntary association as we would 
 call Corporation. In all the foregoing or other references to Mr. 
 Spencer, I mean nothing else than the profoundest respect for 
 him : yet still it is possible, that the idea of Political Corpora 
 tions possessing fundamental and inherent political functions, 
 may have been (as I suppose), dearly " differentiated" for the first 
 time, by me. 
 
 (b) Guyot. Guyot also, without knowing it, or without calling 
 special attention to it ; anticipates the necessity of Political Cor 
 porations; where, after praising the Greek civilization for its 
 Individuality and Precinct-independence, but condemning it for 
 its lack of Nationality ; he says, (p. 309) : " The Greek princi 
 ple is individuality, and not association ; and this is still further 
 determined by the race, by the tribe, that is, by nature, AND 
 NOT BY VOLUNTARY AGREEMENT. THIS political and social 
 work is a NEW work, and is entrusted to a new country and a 
 new people :" evidently meaning, this business of making gov 
 ernments by " voluntary agreement." 
 
 (c) Mill Mill, Pol. Econ. p. 542, sets forth the rights of Cor 
 porations, so far as " commerce or industry is concerned." But 
 the same language appears to be equally true, when applied to 
 any kind of Corporation, to perform almost any function, which 
 either Individuals or society ought to be allowed freedom to ac- 
 
ARGUMENT. ANTICIPATIONS BY WRITERS. 325 
 
 complish at all : " If a number of persons choose to associate for 
 carrying on any operation of commerce or industry, agreeing 
 among themselves, and .announcing to those with whom they 
 deal, that the members of the association do not undertake to be 
 responsible beyond the amount of the subscribed capital ; is 
 there any reason that the law should raise objections to this pro 
 ceeding, and should impose on them the UNLIMITED responsi 
 bility which they disclaim ? For whose sake ? Not for that 
 of the partners themselves ; for it is they whom the limitation 
 of responsibility benefits and protects. It must therefore be for 
 the sake of third parties, namely, those who may have transac 
 tions with the association, and to whom it may run in debt, 
 beyond what the subscribed capital suffices to pay. But nobody 
 is obliged to deal with the association ; still less is any one 
 obliged to give it unlimited credit. The class of persons with 
 whom such associations have dealings, are in general, perfectly 
 capable of taking care of themselves ; and there seems no reason 
 that the law should be more careful of their interest, than they 
 will themselves .be ; provided no false representation is held out, 
 and they are aware from the first, what they have to trust to." 
 
 (d) Carey. Mr. Carey, in Hunt's Merchants 7 Magazine, May, 
 1845, speaking of a Corporation of Industry, says: "Its' oper 
 ations partake in some respects of THE NATURE OF THOSE OP 
 GOVERNMENTS." Again : " A careful examination of the sys 
 tems of the several States, can scarcely, we think, fail to con 
 vince the reader, of the advantage resulting from permitting 
 men to determine among themselves, the terms upon which they 
 will associate; and allowing the associations that may be formed, 
 to contract with the public, as to the terms upon which they will 
 trade together, whether of the limited or unlimited liability of 
 the partners." And this remark, like Mr. Mill's, is as true 
 when applied to Corporations formed for social and for general 
 governmental purposes, as to those for any special governmental, 
 or for any other purpose. If not ; then for whose benefit is the 
 
 NOT? 
 
 (e) Comte. Comte (Pos. Phil. p. 765), consciously expects a 
 spiritual, a super-material authority IN society ; and that it must 
 finally become instituted, have " its political organization, * * * 
 and be regularly constituted." His type evidently is the church. 
 
326 BK - IV - CORPORATION. I. I. II. 
 
 Whence we may infer, that he looks to some kind of intellectual 
 Corporation as the new super-material power. Again, more 
 pointedly (p. 787) he says : " Such thinkers may form a posi 
 tive Council, under one form or another; and act, either by 
 reviewing and renovating all human conceptions, or by insti 
 tuting seats of education for the advancement of positive knowl 
 edge, and for the training of fit coadjutors; or by regulating 
 the application of the system, through unremitting instruction 
 of all kinds ; and even by philosophical intervention in the 
 political conflicts, which must arise till the old social action is 
 exhausted." 
 
 (/) Ballon. The first view that we have found in any writer, 
 of a theory of Corporations, approximating ours, is in Adin 
 Ballou's " Christian Socialism." We however had not understood 
 it, nor even seen his book, until after our theory had suggested 
 itself. The two theories are very different. His is a modifica 
 tion and improvement of and upon Fourierism, and all the other 
 proposed social reorganizations ; but ours is a development from 
 the Tribe-theory, of the origin of civil government ; and arose, 
 because it was found that the Social Circle and the Precinct, by 
 themselves, without the Corporation, did not express the whole 
 of the action of the Tribe-element, in modern society. See Bk. I. 
 Pt. II. Ch. VIII., and Bk. IV. M.D. II. S. D.L. Ch. I. and II. 
 
 Our theory originates with the rights of Individuals, Families, 
 and Precincts, according to the German and ancient Greek idea. 
 But Mr. Ballou's theory goes unconsciously upon the assumption 
 of the Roman idea, of centralism, and of government descending 
 from the greater to the less. The same " seven identical circles" 
 are to be in < all his Corporations alike ; namely, " the adoptive, 
 unitive, preceptive, communitive, expansive, charitive, and pa- 
 rentive." But these circles are not to be incorporated, nor even 
 to have any permanent general organization as such. "This," 
 says he, " precludes all the evils of caste" &c. 
 
 And what can we think of a civil polity for the United States, 
 or for any other republican government, which would require 
 all its members to abstain entirely from participation in civil and 
 political affairs ? And what also can we think of requiring of 
 its members, the belief of such a subtlety as the doctrine of Uni 
 versal Salvation, as one of the "principles of theological truth." 
 
ARGUMENT. ANTICIPATIONS, BY WRITERS. 327 
 
 fundamental to the constitution of society ? Such things might 
 be admissible, as repetitions of the small exclusive communities 
 that have so often been tried, but are hardly worthy of a place 
 in Corporations which propose, as his do, to entirely absorb all 
 the functions of civil society. His Corporations are to keep so 
 much aloof from established governments, that they are not even 
 to obtain charters, or legal acts of incorporation, (but he takes 
 care to say, his trustees "shall take the utmost care that all titles 
 to Heal Estate shall be so expressed, executed, and RECORDED, 
 as effectually to preclude all ulterior controversies"; and further 
 more, "shall execute and cause to be recorded in the Registry of 
 Deeds for the County, a DECLARATION OF TRUST" &c.). No 
 force is to be used ; except to compel miserably unhappy married 
 people, to live together: Inflexibly as in the Roman Church, or 
 even more so, for there is no Pope there, to grant "dispensations." 
 "Divorce," says he, "shall NEVER be allowable, except for adul 
 tery CONCLUSIVELY proved." 
 
 His division of Corporations, into two kinds, "Parochial and 
 Rural," is very good. By " Rural" he means what we should 
 call Precinct-Corporation ; or, the contrast between Parochial 
 and Rural, might be expressed by the words, Total and Partial, 
 or Social and Local. Then again, his division of Corporations, 
 into "common-stock and joint-stock," is also good; "joint-stock" 
 meaning regular share-holders' companies ; and "common stock" 
 meaning unlimited-property-communism. But he does not seem 
 to conceive of the possibility, of so modifying and combining 
 these two kinds of societies, as to give rise to a third kind, which 
 might partly be a compromise between them. In other words, 
 he does not conceive of the idea, that property holders could 
 really give their incomes into the common fund ; and yet retain, 
 or have allowed to them, the privilege of voting in proportion 
 to such contributions, as if private shares of stock in joint-stock 
 companies. It must be remarked here, that he calls all these 
 different organizations, " communities" ; and the totality of them 
 all, fie calls a republic. 
 
 And we may add here also, that if worthy Corporations would 
 apply to the civil governments, and obtain complete charters and 
 independent rights ; such rights would probably be respected in 
 ALL after times, whether by friends or enemies. Perhaps such 
 
328 BK - IV - CORPORATION. I. I. II. 
 
 Corporations, of a limited communistic kind, are yet to be the 
 principal arks, whereby "the elect" are to be saved from the 
 deluge of LEVELLING fire, that may perhaps sweep over the 
 world, before many centuries have elapsed. But as far as such 
 independent and peace rights, can be obtained from govern 
 ments, so far of course, the Corporations are bound to abstain 
 from participation in the affairs of the enclosing government. 
 And this is just, what our theory, in part, insists upon, namely, 
 the duty of civil governments to GRANT, but not for societies to 
 take without permission. 
 
 Mr. Ballou does not use our word Corporation, but w r e use 
 this word, all along (in speaking of his theory, as also of our 
 own); the better to show the points of connection between the 
 two theories, as we desire to point out their connections, as well 
 as their differences. 
 
 Mr. Ballou's ideal was, to transform all the local governments of 
 the whole Nation, into Corporations of persons who should adopt 
 ALL his fundamental principles. And a part of this ideal seems 
 to have been, that its complete success would ultimately dispense 
 Avith the use of a national government altogether. But this is a 
 fundamental error : the Corporation cannot displace nationality, 
 because the Corporation is a part of the Tribe-element, and 
 therefore cannot fulfill at most, more than all the functions of 
 the Tribe-principle, and therefore at most, can only fulfill the 
 functions of, or displace, Social Circle and Precinct. 
 
 (g) Calvin Blanchard. As a set-off to Mr. Ballou's views, let 
 us print some of the dying words of Mr. Blanchard, the Posi- 
 tivist, an old chum of Greeley. He says, "The ' Philosophers' 
 and ' Literati' will hardly believe my asseveration, that within a 
 few years past, I. have sent forth among unassuming, common 
 sense people, books and pamphlets to this purport, written by 
 myself, to the extent of more than 250 thousand. * :: * Aided 
 by the social architects who have preceded me, I have fully dis 
 covered and demonstrated, that the whole world will be united 
 under the government of those who will be guided by the con 
 stitution manifested in Human Nature, and by the laws with 
 which they will thoroughly acquaint themselves, in relation 
 thereto, to the entire exclusion of all other so-called constitu 
 tions and laws. * * * By studying the said true constitution 
 
ARGUMENT. ANTICIPATIONS, BY WRITERS. 329 
 
 and laws, they will find out and put into practice, the great Art 
 of Arts, whereby the perfect happiness of every then and thence 
 forth human being, will be completely secured ; as they will also 
 find out, that only by continuing that practice, can they secure 
 their own happiness. So intimately are Mankind connected, 
 they form one Unitary Being. * * : The Science of Sciences, 
 and Art of Arts, the crowning triumph of Nature through 
 Art, will be the organization of the whole world, including it 
 and all its inhabitants, in one Joint Stock" [not common stock] 
 "Corporation, that will guarantee perfect happiness to every 
 human being who shall then exist, or thenceforth come into 
 existence." (!) 
 
 The great objections to this view of Mr. Blanchard, are, 
 (1) that it entirely ignores two essential elements of society, 
 namely, Precinct and Nation. Corporation, we admit, is ca 
 pable of fulfilling nearly all, but yet not quite all, of the func 
 tions of civil government. And (2) that it seems to give too 
 much prominence to the joint-stock principle, as compared with 
 communism. (3) The greatest error of all, is, in supposing that 
 any one Corporation could answer all the wants of even any one 
 person. The great good that Corporations can accomplish, is 
 obtainable by their multiplicity, and by the consequent choices 
 which they would thus present to everybody, everywhere. It is 
 even possible, that Corporations may rise in generality, so as to 
 become really w T orld-wide ; but not possible nor desirable, that 
 any ONE or even any very few Corporations, should absorb all 
 the others. See this train of thought pursued, in the Third 
 Main Division of this article. 
 
 (h) School of the French Empire. In the school .of higher 
 studies of the French Empire, (says the Journal of Social 
 Science of the Am. Assoc. for 1869), there has been established 
 so lately as January, 1869, in " the section of economic sciences," 
 a course which includes the history " of commercial and indus 
 trial ASSOCIATIONS." These of course, virtually are Corpora 
 tions ; and in Europe, pretty " close" ones, too. 
 
330 BK - IV - CORPORATION. I. II. I. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION II. 
 
 EIGHT OF GOVERNMENTAL CORPORATION. 
 CHAP. I. STATEMENT OF POSITION. 
 
 When writers say that citizens have full right to meet and 
 form laws for THEMSELVES ; they SAY, for themselves, but MEAN, 
 for each other; and so, they entirely confuse Individual-obe 
 dience with social obedience. What is wanted is, some legal 
 authority ; not that would give one class of persons, control over 
 another, nor even one class, control over its own members, with 
 out their consent; but that would only give classes and societies, 
 control over their own members, so far as each Individual or 
 Family had first joined any such society, and promised obe 
 dience to it, as the civil government he or they would choose 
 and prefer, first among all the possible or convenient ones that 
 were within their opportunities. 
 
 Some Corporations have one kind of power, and others 
 another kind; but within only voluntary limits. Churches 
 rule partly over marriage and divorce, partly over morality, 
 and partly over benevolence. Classes and Social Circles rule 
 partly over the same vital points of discipline. And the great 
 fraternal beneficial societies, as Free Masons, Odd Fellows, 
 Orders of Temperance, &c., also exercise their respective shares 
 of authority. The Trade-Corporations, whether of the wage- 
 classes or of the capitalists, govern their respective matters, by 
 rules fast settling into legality. The municipal law cannot put 
 down the trade-unions, and has even to acknowledge the cus 
 toms of merchants, as constituting "the Law Merchant"; and 
 so on. And then the Municipal boroughs exercise the local mu 
 nicipal authority, over a few external matters, other than those 
 which pertain to the geographical economy ; for this geograph 
 ical economy, in any case, must be left to some local authority, 
 until indeed every Precinct itself becomes a moral unit, by nat 
 ural segregation, in which case the difference between abstract 
 Corporation, and local borough, would become eliminated. 
 Now, what our theory of Corporations, asks and argues for, is, 
 
ARGUMENT. RIGHTS, IN GENERAL. .331 
 
 the right and freedom for, and the expediency and practicability 
 of, actually introducing Corporations which shall accomplish 
 several or all of these functions, in ONE organization ; yet, with 
 out destroying the freedom of the Individual, because he would 
 always be left free to change his membership to any other Cor 
 poration that would freely accept him. What we ask for then, 
 is, the institution of whole Corporations for whole uses, instead 
 of or beside, only fractional Corporations for only fractional uses. 
 
 There is an analogy here, to the argument in Precinct, Part 
 I. Chap. II. 1. Various Counties and Districts are found ex 
 isting, and possessing separate special and local " privileges," as 
 of liquor, dogs, sheep, police, &c. ; and we asked for every Dis 
 trict to be allowed all these privileges at once. So also there 
 are various Corporations, as we have seen, for securing separate 
 special rights ; one Corporation for one right ; and another for 
 another right. And we ask, that these and other Corporations 
 may be allowed, which shall combine provisions for guarding 
 and enforcing as many rights in each one Corporation, as its 
 members choose voluntarily and fairly, to unite in it for. And 
 such Corporations, therefore, would take cognizance of the 
 " Rights of Persons," as well as also of the " Rights of Things." 
 
 Nevertheless, our Corporation-theory does not conflict with 
 the doctrine, that Nations and Precincts are moral personalities ; 
 but the theory affords the only method, whereby that doctrine 
 can be justified in principle; or that can sustain the action of 
 the local authorities as Units, in the face of the world's modern 
 doctrine of liberty, and the rights of the Individual. Either 
 the right of special Corporations, must be admitted to entitle to 
 exception from the local authority, in questions of vital im 
 portance, wherein Individuals object ; or else the doctrine will be 
 forced upon us, that all governments are only voluntary Cor 
 porations, subject alone, only and entirely, to the stipulated con 
 ditions of those who are members ; for the idea of " subjects" is 
 passing away, with that absolutism of which it was a part. 
 
 CHAP. II. EIGHTS IN GENERAL. 
 
 Corporations, according to Blackstone, are treated in law, 
 merely as artificial persons. Here is wheVe the old theory of 
 law, seems utterly to lack the capacity of appropriating the new 
 
332 BK - IV - CORPORATION. I. II. II. 
 
 theory, or the new organs of society. By the old law, a Corpo 
 ration is regarded somewhat as a slave used to be; that is, as 
 an Individual without any natural rights; nay, the case is still 
 harder than the slave's, for the very existence itself of a Corpo 
 ration, and not only its rights, is supposed to be derived from 
 statute law. No progress can be made, of any great impor 
 tance, until law proceeds on the entirely opposite presumption, 
 namely, until law proceeds on the presumption that Corporation 
 is one of the great and abiding elements of human society ; and 
 that men have a natural right to form themselves into Corpo 
 rations, for all such objects, and in all such manners, as they may 
 choose ; except only where law deems it wise to interpose some 
 special restrictions. And this freedom of Corporation must be 
 held in its widest extent, from simple partnership upwards. 
 
 It follows, as a matter of course, not only that all charters 
 should be general instead of special, but rather that there should 
 be no charters at all, except the legal contract between the par 
 ties, perhaps duly recorded. It follows also, that the few re 
 strictions which law may prescribe, to the right of Corporations, 
 should be as general as the nature of the case may admit. 
 
 The right of political Corporation, is fully equal to, and fully 
 as extensive, in the abstract, as the right of contract ; but in the 
 concrete and in practice, the right can only be acknowledged in 
 proportion as human society becomes convinced, that the allow 
 ance of the right will not injure it. The question is not merely 
 whether some Corporations may not attain too much influence in 
 the government ; but the question is, whether some other Corpo 
 rations may not also be raised, more than sufficient to counteract 
 the dangerous ones; and whether freedom of Corporation, like 
 all other freedom of contract, and freedom of internal commerce, 
 and we may even say, like all other legitimate freedom, promotes 
 the general good, far more than any opposite course could. 
 
 Corporation being voluntary, is an expression of personal 
 conviction, and thus is TESTIMONY. As such, it relieves the 
 mind's passion for the expression and maintenance of earnest 
 convictions. And thus, passions and opinions, which for want 
 of sufficient expression, would drive Individuals, Precincts or 
 Nations, into debates, quarrels and wars, will steam out, boil 
 over, and then settle down into quiet permanent Corporations. 
 
ARGUMENT. RIGHTS, NATURALNESS. . 333 
 
 Just as passions in the Individual settle down, but become all 
 the more efficient, when they become principles ; so the passions 
 in society settle down, when they become permanent organiza 
 tions. 
 
 The human intellect and heart, therefore, unite in the power 
 ful conviction, that the right of Corporation ought to be free. 
 In fact, the very claim to se{f-government, is a mere misnomer, 
 a delusion, a disguise for tyranny, until this God-given right is? 
 acknowledged and admitted, in all its divine freedom and force. 
 
 CHAP. III. RIGHTS OF NATURALNESS. 
 
 Political Corporations are really more natural than business- 
 partnerships. For, when persons enter into any business to 
 gether, it is obviously more natural, to suppose a division of 
 labor, so that some engage themselves in one thing, and some in 
 another ; also more natural to suppose that some are managers, 
 and some not, than to make the contrary supposition. The 
 partnership law, that all the partners are liable for all things, 
 and have right to do all things, is a merely arbitrary enactment 
 of "law/ 7 which, no doubt, was one among the many means, 
 whereby the old Land-aristocrats used to take advantage of the 
 industrial and commercial classes. 
 
 No act or form should ever be construed as meaning more 
 than it fairly expresses, unless when in each case, a special ac 
 knowledgment has been made, that such act or form shall have 
 such extended meaning. According to this, all usual or simple 
 partnerships would be limited, and all general partnerships 
 would have to be expressed and published as such. The duty 
 involved by the act of endorsing promissory notes, might at first 
 sight, appear to be an exception to the above rule. But it is not ; 
 because, endorsement means, from the first, that the last holder 
 received the paper from the previous holder, and therefore has 
 recourse to him, if it be not "good." What "the law" arbitra 
 rily does, is, to limit this recourse. ' Endorsements " ab extra," 
 merely for the sake of guaranteeing, are done for that very 
 purpose impliedly ; and we are speaking of meanings, all along 
 here. 
 
 Accordingly therefore, even birth and citizenship in any coun 
 try, without a voluntary acceptance, and the means thereof, should 
 
334 BK - IV - CORPORATION. I. II. V. 
 
 not be construed to involve any more extension of duties or 
 rights, than what are absolutely necessary to right government. 
 In all other matters, freedom of choice should be allowed. Ac 
 cordingly, the free right of Corporation is a legitimate conclu 
 sion. We are speaking of natural right ; and grant, that there 
 are special exceptions; but for these exceptions, all the onus (or 
 burden) of proof, lies upon those who maintain them. 
 
 CHAP. IV. EIGHTS OF INDIVIDUAL SELECTION. 
 
 Probably the strongest isolated argument for political govern 
 ment by Corporations, is, that it aifords by far the best method, 
 to allow of governments being freely chosen and selected by 
 their citizens individually. Unless there is acceptance of gov 
 ernment by each Individual, spontaneously ; in other words, 
 unless some important elements of unanimity, enter into the 
 acceptance, and into the organization itself, there must be con 
 siderable self-delusion or sophism, involved in the term SELF- 
 government. 
 
 Both Spencer and Ruskin, feeling the injustice of the present 
 organizations of society, in this matter, have suggested that there 
 must be some methods adopted for Individuals to ignore or avoid 
 the state. And the method of government by Corporations, seems 
 to be the simplest and easiest, whereby to meet this difficulty. 
 Instead of liberty to ignore the state, we propose, liberty to change 
 membership of one's official Corporation. 
 
 CHAP. V. RIGHTS OF CONSCIENCE. 
 
 Freedom of conscience demands the freedom of Corporation. 
 There cannot be permanent peace in the world, and we had 
 almost said there ought not to be; until the claim of human 
 beings to tyrannize over each other, has become utterly refuted; 
 and the right established, of men to form themselves freely, ac 
 cording to their own consciences and judgments, into their own 
 political, civil, and municipal organizations. And this can only 
 come to pass, when the right of Corporations is generally ad 
 mitted, and its practicability and expediency, generally known 
 and acted upon by governments. 
 
 The modern conscience in regard to war, demands the freedom 
 of Corporation. The practice and duty of an ordinary govern- 
 
ARGUMENT. RIGHTS, CONSCIENCE. 335 
 
 merit in time of war, is one of peculiar trial, in regard to the 
 treatment of persons who refuse to co-operate in the war. Con 
 scientious objections are easy to urge, in order to escape Indi 
 vidual-duty. Those persons whose declamations had produced 
 the war, those who want to profit by it, and even those who 
 would fight or work on the other side, if they had a convenient 
 opportunity, all, find it easy to urge conscientious scruples. 
 But Peace-Corporations, duly established, present a fair and just 
 means of avoiding the difficulty ; and if the country were in 
 vaded, would be respected even by the enemy, under the press 
 ure of the sanctions of Christianity, and of International Law. 
 And the knowledge that the enemy would respect the Peace- 
 Corporatio^s as neutrals, takes away the strongest inducement 
 of the home-government for impressing their Individual-mem 
 bers into "the service," or of devastating their territory. 
 
 Multitudes of our best citizens believe, that government can 
 not succeed without supporting and teaching religion, and are 
 endeavoring to engraft religion into "the Law"; but unless 
 they wish to force their own religions on other people, there 
 only remains, besides separation into Precincts, the resource, of 
 government by voluntary Corporations. 
 
 It is only by our system, either of Precincts or of Corpora 
 tions, that Individuals or societies can easily and legitimately be 
 released, from suffering taxation for works which they utterly 
 reprobate ; only thus can the peace-men escape war-taxes ; or 
 the members of one religious education, escape the expenses of 
 others ; or those who support their own sick or poor, from the 
 expense of supporting the others, &c. 
 
 But release from the taxation on foreign imports, could not 
 easily be allowed to Corporations of persons scattered as to 
 locality, except for the articles imported for their corporate use, 
 or at any rate, for such as the Corporation itself should take out 
 of the Custom's Bonded Warehouse, or out of their bonded cars 
 or vessels, and should divide to its own members for their use; 
 or such as they divided to others in charity. And perfect relief 
 from .the foreign part of the tax, could only be accomplished by 
 the Precinct itself, whose complete knowledge of all the doings 
 of its members, and whose established reputation, would or 
 might make its release from foreign tax, both safe and judicious. 
 
336 BK - IV - CORPORATION. I. III. I. 
 
 But this is a very transcendental application, neither probable, 
 practicable, nor judicious, for a long time yet to come: although, 
 the United States government has tried the plan of rail-road- 
 cars under custom house locks ; but neither human nature, nor 
 political nature, seems to us, good enough yet, for such methods 
 to be allowed in common use. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION III. 
 
 ADVANTAGES OF GOVERNMENTAL CORPORA 
 TIONS. 
 
 CHAP. I. ADVANTAGES COMMON TO PRECINCT AND CORPO 
 RATION. 
 
 1. In General 
 
 When considering the Precinct, we found that much of what 
 it involved and demanded, could be explained and obtained by 
 means of Corporation. So now, having come to the latter, we 
 find also that much of what it involves and demands, can be 
 explained and obtained by means of the former. The special 
 arguments for the Precinct were, in nature, of two kinds. One 
 kind, related to locality, and depended on that ; the other kind, 
 related to the principles of things, abstract entirely from locality. 
 These latter kind of arguments are they, which are equally as 
 applicable to Corporation as to Precinct. 
 
 2. Recapitulation from the Precinct. 
 
 Let us now recapitulate from the Precinct, in their order, the 
 chief arguments thus applicable to both elements. Demanded 
 by the history of our own country, to ameliorate the ever in 
 creasing evils of largeness of population : Allow all necessary 
 adaptations : Derive light and regulation from international 
 law : Admit of Amalgams with other Corporations : Resemble 
 the system of the United States, inasmuch as the Army, the 
 Navy, the Arsenals, the Navy Yards, the Revenue offices, the 
 Post offices, are virtually national Corporations : Encourage 
 Arbitration, both inward and outward of the Corporation : Re 
 quire temporary Restrictions during the transitional period of 
 their introduction : Separate the special politics and parties, from 
 
ARQ. ADVANTAGES COMMON TO PRECINCT AND CORP. 337 
 
 the national ones: TKey are elements of the Tribe-principle, 
 and are needed by the theory of the Essential Elements : The 
 natural right of Individuals to form them, is such, that the 
 burden of proof lies upon the persons who would deny it : They 
 make Social Circles practicable : Produce some of the effects 
 of differences of geographical location : Produce in the world, 
 whatever there is, of progress, in industry, in public works, in 
 chivalry, in religion, in humanity and in cosmopolitan associa 
 tion : The variety in God's creation ; parts crossing and inter 
 twining within parts : The progress from homogeneity to hetero 
 geneity : The development of new and special. organs for every 
 function : New concentrations of, and diffusions of, power : So 
 ciological .experiments : Ready changes of membership, from one 
 to another : The objects and uses of Law : The release from legal 
 force, by cultivating the powers of SELF-government in the In 
 dividual : The Preparation in the Family : Moral homogeneity 
 in associations : The spontaneous social punishments : The mul 
 titude and minuteness of governmental affairs : Government by 
 the parties directly interested : Uses of competition : Political 
 objects and uses : Making personal acquaintanceship and direct 
 voting, possible : Preventing corruption : Preventing specialties 
 of law by the superior governments: Promote human happi 
 ness: Tend to release people from the local sufferings whose 
 causes they have protested against : Cultivate freedom of thought : 
 Secure Individual liberty : Aljow a degree of ignoring of the 
 state : Harmonize with human nature, like seeking like ; and 
 thus resemble the law of Heaven : Are demanded by, and in 
 turn promote, Morality and Religion : Make personal supervi 
 sion and visitations, practicable and complete : Foster religious 
 education according to the rights of conscience : Make Ruskin's 
 and others 7 ideals practicable : Take the sting out of persecu 
 tion : Introduce the advantages of the Tribe and its relations : 
 Promote " stirpi-culture" and the introduction of improved 
 breeds of human beings : Solve the political and legal difficul 
 ties about divorce : Are the complements of each other : Cor 
 porations mitigate the absoluteness of Precinct separation or 
 segregation, and its consequent narrow-mindedness : They have 
 no opening for the idea of secession ; Yet mitigate the abso 
 lutism of national power : Make reactions more visible, but less 
 
338 BK - IV - CORPORATION. I. III. I. 
 
 severe : Open the way for cosmopolitan Unions : Have precedent 
 in the Tribe of Levi ; And in the various local charters from 
 superior powers : And supply the special needs of large cities. 
 3. Power to Resist the oppressive and centralizing tendencies of 
 Modern Society. 
 
 There is a tendency in all Local governments, to suppress in 
 dividuality, and to oppress the Individual. Mill describes this 
 tendency as follows : (In Pol. Econ. V. xi. 3, he says) : "A 
 general objection to government-agency is, that every increase 
 of the functions devolving on the government, is an increase of 
 its power, both in the form of authority, and still more, in the 
 indirect form of influence. * * * Experience proves that the 
 depositaries of power, who are mere delegates of the people, that 
 is, of a majority, are quite as ready (when they think they can 
 count on popular support), as any organs of oligarchy, to assume 
 arbitrary power, and encroach unduly on the liberty of private 
 life. The public collectively is abundantly ready to impose, not 
 only its generally narrow views of its interests, but its abstract 
 opinions, and even its tastes, as laws binding upon Individuals. 
 And the present civilization tends so strongly to make the power 
 of persons acting in masses, the only substantial power in society; 
 that there never was more necessity for surrounding Individual- 
 independence of thought, speech and conduct, with the most 
 powerful defences; in order to maintain that originality of mind, 
 and individuality of character, which are the only sources of any 
 real progress, and of most of the qualities which make the human 
 race much superior to any herd of animals. * * * Where public 
 opinion is sovereign, an Individual who is oppressed by the sov 
 ereign, does not, as in most other states of things, find a lival 
 power, to which he can appeal for relief; or at all events, for 
 sympathy." Hence we say, comes the necessity to allow those 
 persons who sympathize, to segregate themselves freely. 
 
 To the position of Mill, expressed above, and more formally 
 asserted, "On Liberty": namely: "The tendency of all the 
 changes taking place in the world, is to strengthen society, and 
 to diminish the power of the Individual," Mulforcl, p. 273, 
 replies : " It is presented with no historical evidence." (Mul- 
 ford has a favorite way of dismissing obstinate objections, by 
 charging them with being u abstractions" : pages v. bis, and vi., 
 
ARGr. ADVANTAGES, PECULIAR TO CORPORATIONS. 339 
 
 and 2, 11, bis, 19, 24, etc.; and yet his is the most abstract work 
 on Social Science, perhaps, since Comte's). Mulford asserts 
 '* the age of the higher national development of England, was the 
 age also of Shakespeare, of Raleigh, of Bacon, of Milton"; just 
 as if England's great period of Nationality, namely, the reign of 
 Henry VIII., had not passed away a half a century or more, 
 before these worthies appeared. But after all, it is of little con 
 sequence, whether centralization and high nationality, does or 
 does not produce a FEW greatest men. Mill's argument refers, 
 not to effects on isolated Individuals, but to effects on the gen 
 erality. The two cases are entirely different; and it may be 
 true to some extent, in state, as it is in church, that the periods 
 of highest churchism, are those which develop the very best 
 persons individually; but yet in such few numbers, that the 
 other condition of things is happiest for the generality, in the 
 common course. Judaism produced the prophets, and finally, 
 during its most perverted formalism, developed the Messiah, 
 (humanly speaking). And some of the saints of the Roman 
 Catholic Church, of the middle and later ages, are perhaps not 
 surpassed by any since the closing of the canon. But thence 
 forth, of what value in comparison, is an occasional Horace or 
 Virgil, a Shakespeare or Dante, to the general happiness, or the 
 general freedom, of a whole people ? Mr. Mulford says, " The 
 country may be called the more free, which has roads open 
 through it; but it is not the more free, when one person is 
 always required to take a road through the valley, and one, 
 always to ride on the hills." But we reply, that the same per 
 son, when he has a carriage or is on foot, ought to pass a dif 
 ferent road, from what he should when he has a dung wagon, 
 still (it seems to us), the freedom is impaired, if dung wagons are 
 allowed always to travel along the roads where other vehicles, 
 and foot passengers, are going. But the freedom of these cen- 
 tralizers, is, one road for all, namely, the NATIONAL Passenger 
 Railroad, with ONLY ONE TRACK. 
 
 CHAP. II. ADVANTAGES PECULIAR TO CORPORATION. 
 
 1. Analogies in Biology. 
 
 Physiology seems to show, that there are floating through all 
 living creatures, both vegetable and animal, certain germs of life, 
 
340 BK - IV. CORPORATION. T. III. II. 
 
 which have the power of reproducing particles like themselves. 
 And, by the freedom of these particles to unite with others, of a 
 like or homogeneous kind, all growth and reproduction are ac 
 complished. All depends upon the perfect freedom of the par 
 ticles, as they float along in the blood, to unite together easily, 
 according to their own attractions. Just so, every Individual- 
 human being may be regarded, according to our type-theory, as 
 a particle flowing along with the general current; but there can 
 be no growth, and no progress, unless there is freedom for these 
 particles to unite together, drop out of the current, and form 
 new organisms. And this means freedom of Corporation. 
 
 Corporations are the only political bodies of society, which 
 have the power of generation by " gamogenesis," instead of by 
 " agamogenesis." (For the physical doctrines and illustrations, 
 see Spencer's Biology, 2 ; 6 : 4, 5, 6, &c.) This method is in 
 definitely less at variance with growth, than the other method. 
 It is also the method whereby all the higher plants and animals 
 generate. To illustrate this : when a local division tal^es place, 
 whether of Precinct or of Nation, the sum of the two parts, in 
 each cas3, is only equal to what the whole was, previous to the 
 division. But it is not so in Corporations. A subdivision will 
 make both more efficient, because it introduces division of labor, 
 and more specialty of organ for function. And these are im 
 provements without any counteractive evils, scientifically speak 
 ing. Furthermore, the division of Corporations, makes both 
 parts more desirable to the members of other Corporations, some 
 to one part of the division, and some to the other ; and this 
 makes both parts draw members from other Corporations. But 
 this is only competition, and therefore only a temporary and 
 transitional good. The former mentioned, is the eternal good. 
 And Individuals can be members of more than one Corporation ; 
 just as children have more than one parent, and parents more 
 than one child ; reciprooally. 
 
 2. Prevention of War. 
 
 One great an 1 peculiar advantage possessed by Corporations, 
 is, that whereas, reyolutions and divisions in Local governments 
 are usually accomplished only through war and blood, revo 
 lutions and divisions in Corporations, are accomplished quite 
 peaceably, and even charitably. The chief reason for this dif- 
 
ARG. ADVANTAGES, PECULIAR TO CORPORATIONS. 34! 
 
 ference, seems to be, that the human propensity to tyrannize, 
 manifests its true nature so much more baldly and nakedly, in 
 Corporations, than in Localities, that it is at once suppressed as a 
 preposterous "vice of blood," instead of being nurtured and wor 
 shiped as a divine patriotism, or as an Egyptian Cat, or as some 
 other fetish: or as Carlyle might say, " Jewish old clothes." 
 
 The Philadelphia "Ledger," Feb'y 8, 1871, in an article on 
 "Friends' Principles," says, "We accord all honor to the 'sin 
 gular' men who devote 'themselves to presenting, in plain terms, 
 plain truths against ingenious sophistry. They are ' advanced 
 pickets/ ' skirmishers' in the struggle for peace : and the main 
 body of the great and peaceful army of thinking men, is fast 
 closing up. So far as the claims of men as men, whether Galled 
 citizens or subjects, are recognized, just so far the hope of the 
 cessation of war is encouraged." We have already presented a 
 similar thought, under the head of Right of Corporation. 
 3. Inconceivable for Secession. 
 
 Another great and peculiar advantage belonging to Corpora 
 tion, compared with Precinct, is, that, Corporation not being co 
 extensive with Locality, the secession of Localities is not only 
 impracticable or impossible, as shown under PRECINCT; but also, 
 is really and utterly inconceivable; under a system of Corpora 
 tions, or as an effect or consequent therefrom ; and this Ele 
 ment, therefore, is one of the most efficient means of insuring 
 against said secession. 
 
 4. Self -Counter actions. Inherent in all Voluntary Combina 
 tions. 
 
 Every class, when left to itself, has its own counteractions 
 within itself; knows what evidences of fact and of veracity to 
 require, and what oscillations to provide for; knows its own 
 temptations, its own protections, and its own moral supports. 
 It is only when the cry is raised of class against class, that all 
 the natural self-regulating powers, are overwhelmed and swept 
 away, by the rush of angry class-animosities. And yet it is 
 equally certain, from the Zo-ological nature of human society, 
 also according to our theory of types, that the interests of each 
 of these classes would evolve suitable forms, each for themselves, 
 under a proper general government, if they were only allowed 
 freely to do so. 
 
342 BK - IV. CORPORATION. I. III. II. 
 
 5. Necessary Harmony of all the Parts of Society. 
 
 What Schleiermacher said, and is quoted by Neander, that all 
 the denominations of Christians are necessary, to exhibit the 
 perfect development of Christ and the church, may be applied 
 equally well to the different Corporations, which, under the free 
 dom of Corporation, would arise among the politicians, and in 
 the state. And all are necessary to exhibit the full and com 
 plete development of humanity, and society, and of humanity IN 
 society. Freedom of civil and political Corporations, is equally 
 as right, as necessary, and as practicable, as, of church Corpora 
 tions. 
 
 The church analogy exhibits all the various classes of society 
 as intermingling, sometimes in the same Corporation ; and gen 
 erally in the same one locality, even when the different churches 
 themselves organize according to classes or Social Circles. In 
 this analogy, so long as it shall hold good, we have proof of the 
 success of Corporations during an intermingling era. Hence, 
 if our argument for the gradual passing away of the intermin 
 gling era, as presented under Precinct, in II. X. 1, should be 
 entirely rejected, then our Corporations come in with addi 
 tional strength of argument, as capable of most of the political 
 advantages of Precincts, yet without interfering with the friendly 
 intermingling. 
 
 6. Culture of the Individual. 
 
 Mr. Mill points out certain needs of human nature, increasing 
 amid the tendencies of modern civilization, which, we think 
 no other means of satisfying can be discovered, so efficient, as 
 recognizing the freedom of Corporation. 
 
 Mr. Mill, (Pol. Econ. p. 573), says : " Experience proves the 
 extreme difficulty, of permanently keeping up a sufficiently high 
 standard of those qualities, (the diffusion of intelligence, activity 
 and public spirit, among the governed), a difficulty which in 
 creases, as the advance of civilization and security, removes, one 
 after another, of the hardships, embarrassments and dangers, 
 against which individuals had formerly no resource but in their 
 own strength, skill and courage. It is therefore of supreme 
 importance, that all classes of the community, down to the 
 lowest, should have much to do for themselves ; that as great a 
 demand should be made upon their intelligence and virtue, as it 
 
ARG. ADVANTAGES, PECULIAR TO CORPORATIONS. 343 
 
 is in any respect equal to ; that the government should not only 
 leave, as far as possible, to their own faculties, the conduct of 
 whatever concerns themselves alone, but should suffer them, or 
 rather encourage them, to manage as many as possible of their 
 joint concerns, by voluntary co-operation ; since this discussion 
 and management of collective interests, is the great school of 
 that public spirit, and the great source of that intelligence of 
 public affairs, which are always regarded as the distinctive char 
 acter, of the public of free countries." 
 
 Here it seems plain to us, that there are certain needs in 
 human nature, which are increasing so much in modern civiliza 
 tion, that no other means to supply them can be discovered, so 
 efficient as, on the one hand, the Precinct-system that we have 
 proposed, and on the other hand, the system of free Corporations 
 that we are now advocating, and chiefly the latter, because it is 
 susceptible of such indefinite extension. Thus we see, that civ 
 ilization is producing new functions ; but has already indicated, 
 and begun to put forth, the organs that are necessary to perform 
 them. 
 
 7. The "De-facto" argument. 
 
 In other parts of this work, we endeavor to show, that what 
 ever is a fixed fact in society, ought to be recognized as such, in 
 the laws, and by the government; and that whatever govern 
 ment acts contrary to this principle, only stultifies itself, as an 
 organism, and produces misery to Individuals. Hence, all the 
 instances that we offer, of the existence of virtual Corporations, 
 good, bad, and indifferent, combine under this principle of 
 government, to prove the right and necessity of their freedom 
 and legal recognition. 
 
 All the foreigners of any one Nation are, virtually, Corpora 
 tions of their own Nation, but dwelling in another. And just as 
 Asiatic Russia is a conglomerate of many Precincts, of essentially 
 different nationalities, so the United States is a conglomerate 
 of many virtual Corporations, of essentially different nationali 
 ties. These Corporations, to be sure, are not recognized in law, 
 otherwise than by publishing legal documents in their different 
 languages ; still the distinctions exist, and are even stronger be 
 tween clans speaking the same English language, than between 
 those speaking different ones. And it must be admitted, with 
 
314 BK - IV - CORPORATION. I. III. II. 
 
 shame to ourselves, that those settlements of foreigners which 
 have been most compact and self-secluded, have preserved their 
 morality best; whatever might be said about their lack of 
 progress. 
 
 Civil governments are actually conducted and swayed, by 
 secret leagues and cliques, which are Corporations in fact ; and 
 \Ahich transmit their authority from age to age, except as dis 
 placed, from time to time, by the same kinds of cliques of other 
 parties. There are leagues of persons engaged in "humbug 
 ging" the people in their recreations, or poisoning them, in their 
 amusements, with rum or vice. There is also a tyrannical sort 
 of gentlemen, who even incorporate themselves into rings and 
 clubs, as the actual but secret rulers of the community. Much 
 worse than these also, are the permanent cliques of professional 
 criminals, which are known to embrace various distinct classes: 
 as for instance, cliques of counterfeiters; in which, will be man 
 ufacturers, wholesale purchasers, retail purchasers, transitory 
 venders : and there are cliques of burglary ; professional oper 
 ators of many grades, transient operators, receivers of stolen 
 goods, of all grades, from large financial securities, down to old 
 iron. All these organizations are of the nature of Corporations. 
 Since then, criminals incorporate themselves to break the laws, 
 and since all the rogues and outlaws, gamblers, and parasites in 
 society, everywhere, make leagues, either formal or actual, foV 
 mutual offence and defence, and for bribing legislators, judges 
 and police executive officers; why should not plain citizens in 
 corporate themselves in their own way, to protect themselves, 
 and to choose government and rulers and laws for themselves, 
 and defend themselves from these barbarians, who make it their 
 business to war upon society, rob industry, and strike down 
 peace and order ? and all this, oftentimes, by the connivance of 
 the same wretched gentlemen, who are the loudest in crying 
 "stop thief"; and who befool the people with the longest and 
 tangledest laws, they can quibble up together. 
 
 Thus, Corporations are getting to have the actual power ; and 
 it would be better to make them legal, else the bad have the ad 
 vantage of them, rather than the good ; and the worse the asso 
 ciations are, the more defiant their power becomes. Because, so 
 long as the freedom and right of Corporations, are crippled by 
 
ARG. ADVANTAGES, PECULIAR TO CORPORATIONS. 345 
 
 law ; so long the fearful fact will continue, that the lower down 
 in the moral scale, and the more thoroughly contrary to law, 
 each such association is, the more thoroughly compact and effi 
 cient its o< rporate character will be. In other words, so long as 
 law limits the natural and moral right of Corporation, the worse 
 a Corporation is, the more proportional power it will have. 
 8. Classes most Needing Separate Political Corporations. 
 
 Persons who are diverse in their sentiments on important or 
 agitating subjects, cannot understand each other; nor can the 
 peculiar results of each party's system, be exhibited, whilst the 
 persons are continually, either checking each other, or annoying 
 each other. Nor can a government for daily life, adopt forms 
 of police and courts and trials and evidence and watching, that 
 can apply, either rightly or effectively, to all these different 
 kinds of people. What to some is galling tyranny, to others is 
 the blessing of self-control ; to others, the blessing of civiliza 
 tion ; and to others, the blessing of religion : the oaths that 
 some regard, others despise ; and the honor that holds some true 
 to humanity, is to others, a nice "chance" for dishonesty, selfish 
 ness, or deceit. 
 
 Where a government is elected by the people, any classes of 
 persons who are too distant, in customs, politics, or religion, to 
 receive, read, and enjoy, a proper government-press, giving a 
 fair representation to all sides, and to all views, are too dis 
 tant morally, to reside in the same Precinct, or to assemble 
 peacefully and orderly at the same polls. The only other alter 
 native would be, the introduction of this system of Corpora 
 tions, and its development to its widest capabilities, and highest 
 functions ; so that no persons could vote for any councils, or on 
 any matters, affecting the other party, or the other religion; 
 except those who could be trusted by their political or spiritual 
 advisers, to read and hear all sides fairly expressed : and on the 
 other hand, those persons who did thus read in common and 
 freely, should not have the control over those who were con 
 scientiously opposed to or afraid of, thus reading ; so far at least, 
 as ingenuity and fairness can contrive plans of avoiding such 
 objectionable control, without vitiating the direct operations of 
 government. 
 
 The following are some of the portions of society, who are, 
 
346 BK - IV - CORPORATION. I. III. II. 
 
 or think they are, in most immediate need of the privilege 
 of organizing themselves into plenary political Corporations, 
 especially in the cities and more dense settlements : Calvinists, 
 Roman Catholics, Methodists, Quakers and other Interiorists, 
 Peace-parties, Spiritualists, Unitarians, Rational religionists. In 
 fidels, Chinese, and perhaps Africans generally. Also, may be 
 added Women in general, if they are to exercise political func 
 tions at all ; but, do not put respectable women into Precincts 
 for females alone. Others needing the separation, are, Disgraced 
 young people born without wedlock ; penitent women ; reformed 
 criminals, and convicts released from punishment; and in gen 
 eral, all who are particularly good, particularly bad, particularly 
 bigoted, particularly liberal, or otherwise particularly singular. 
 
 9. Comparison with Individuals, as -Officials. 
 We return now to a different train of thought, namely, to Cor 
 porations as organs of society, as the exercisers of derived, or 
 bestowed, political functions. Corporations possess many advan 
 tages peculiar to themselves, over Individuals, as organs of so 
 ciety. Even in the simplest form of small partnerships, many 
 of these advantages become very apparent. First then ; Cor 
 porations are the new organs for the new functions of modern 
 society. Thus the old age of society becomes, like its infancy, 
 the restoration of the fullness in unity, of the Tribe. Second ; 
 Their officers are free from the over-strong ties of personal in 
 terest, which naturally arise against large payments, or onerous 
 duties, especially if unexpected. Third ; We have the argu 
 ment, that history gives us instances, wherein strictly govern 
 mental functions have been entrusted to Corporations. Fourth ; 
 As all such organizations originate in a free and voluntary action 
 of their corporators, they select themselves really, from a judg 
 ment of their own fitness. Fifth ; And then again, the officers 
 of such organizations are selected by the corporators, with the 
 judgment of persons well able to know about them. Sixth ; 
 In this judgment, the corporators necessarily back up and 
 guarantee their judgment, not only by their reputation, but also 
 by the amount of their capitals, or, respective interests invested ; 
 and thus make their responsibility perpetual. This is a respon 
 sibility seldom imposed upon, and seldom possible in the case 
 of, Individual-officials, and would be reasonably exacted from 
 
ARGUMENT. PRACTICABILITY. IN GENERAL. 347 
 
 Corporations, but not from Individuals. A sufficient applica 
 tion of this rule, would put political Corporations upon their 
 very best efforts to regulate themselves harmoniously, which is 
 far more than can be said of Individual-politicians. Seventh ; 
 They are not so liable to be interrupted by death. Eighth; They 
 tend to prevent villany; because no collusions for evil, between 
 different persons, can be so unrestricted, nor so safe from detec 
 tion, as the secret thought in one man's soul. Although such is 
 their natural tendency, and what might be secured in them, by 
 proper sociological skill ; yet, in fact, they often do worse things 
 than an Individual would do. This is partly because their 
 officers are allowed to shield themselves under the plea of official 
 duty. But this very feature might be so made use of, that many 
 of the repulsive works of society might be accomplished by those 
 means, much better, than by the direct action of civil or political 
 rulers. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION IV. 
 
 PKACTICABILITY OF GOVERNMENTAL CORPO 
 RATIONS. 
 
 CHAP. I. IN GENERAL. 
 
 To discuss the practicability of Corporations perfectly, .the 
 subject would divide itself into two -parts ; one, the method of 
 their action, and the means whereby they manifest their practi 
 cability ; the other, a series of abstract arguments and analogies, 
 to show this practicability. As to the methods and means of 
 action ; they will be treated among the objects in view, and will 
 be again treated in the Third Main Division and its sub-divisions. 
 Nothing need be said of them just now, except this call of atten 
 tion. As to the abstract arguments ; many of them are involved 
 in what has already been said ; namely, in the facts of history ; 
 in the opinions of the great writers on Social Science ; in the 
 doctrines of the right and the expediency ; in the analogies of 
 Biology; in the instinctive organizations of Mankind, even the 
 illegitimate ones ; and in the classes of men ready and waiting. 
 
348 BK - IV - CORPORATION. I. IV. II. 
 
 And above all other arguments or reasons, we have faith that 
 what is RIGHT, is certainly PRACTICABLE, if we are only willing 
 for it. We now turn to and touch upon, the abstract argu 
 ments, and the analogies, showing practicability. 
 
 CHAP. II. ABSTRACT ARGUMENTS. 
 
 1. Ill Success of Local Governments in Other Businesses. 
 
 Scarcely anything is more certainly agreed upon in Social Sci 
 ence, than the proposition, that whatever business, commercial, 
 literary or social, that men do or can do, with any tolerable suc 
 cess voluntarily ; they can and will do much better thus volun 
 tarily, than government itself can do, or than they themselves 
 would do, by any legal or any other coercion whatever. Now, 
 all that our theory of Corporation proposes to do, is, to accept 
 this well established principle, and to apply it to the business of 
 government itself. We say, true, men can conduct any busi 
 ness voluntarily, far better than government can, and therefore 
 they can thus carry on the business or function of government 
 itself, by spontaneous organizations within the Nation, and within 
 the Precinct. Thus Mr. Mill, (Political Economy, Book 5, ch. 
 xi. 5) says, " In all the more advanced communities, the great 
 majority of things are done worse by the intervention of gov 
 ernment, than the Individuals most interested in the matter, 
 would do them, or cause them to be done, if left to themselves. 
 The grounds of this truth are expressed with tolerable exactness 
 in the popular dictum, that people understand their own busi 
 ness and their own interests, better than the government does, 
 or can be expected to do. This maxim holds true throughout 
 the greatest part of the business of life; and Vherever it is true, 
 we ought to condemn every kind of government intervention, 
 that conflicts with it. The inferiority of government agency, 
 for example, in any one of the common operations of industry, 
 or commerce, is proved by the fact, that it is hardly ever able to 
 maintain itself, in equal competition with Individual-agency; 
 where the Individuals possess the requisite degree of industrial 
 enterprise, and can command the necessary assemblage of means. 
 All the facilities which a government enjoys, of access to in 
 formation, all the means it possesses of remunerating and there 
 fore of commanding, the best available talent in the market, 
 
ARGUMENT. PRACTICABILITY. ABSTRACT. 349 
 
 are not an equivalent for the one great disadvantage of an in 
 ferior interest in the result." 
 
 " It must be remembered, besides, that even if a government 
 were superior in intelligence and knowledge, to any single Indi 
 vidual in the Nation, it must be inferior to all the Individuals 
 of the Nation, taken together. It can neither possess in itself, 
 nor enlist in its service, more than a portion of the acquirements 
 and capacities which the country contains, applicable to any 
 given purpose. There must be many persons equally qualified 
 for the work, with those whom the government employs, even 
 if it selects its instruments with no reference to any considera 
 tion but their fitness. Now these are the very persons, into 
 whose hands, in the cases of most common occurrence, a system 
 of Individual-agency naturally tends to throw the work, because 
 they are capable of doing it better, or on cheaper terms, than any 
 other persons. So far as this is the case, it is evident, that gov 
 ernment, by excluding or even by superseding Individual-agency, 
 either substitutes a less qualified instrumentality, for one better 
 qualified ; or at any rate, substitutes its own mode of accom 
 plishing the work, for all the variety of modes which would be 
 tried by a number of equally qualified persons, aiming at the 
 same end ; a competition by many degrees more propitious to 
 the progress of improvement, than any uniformity of system." 
 2. Intermingling ', Not Confusion. 
 
 The difficulties and confusions that might, at first sight, be 
 supposed to be insuperable on account of the intermingling in 
 one Locality, of persons belonging to different municipal and 
 political Corporations, could readily be counteracted; in some 
 things, by artificial regulations, and in other things, by the natu 
 ral differences that would arise in the course of time. Nothing 
 that man makes, can be perfect at the start. The functions of 
 time must. not be forgotten. The same ingenuity, and homo 
 geneity of humanity, that devise Inter-National and Inter- 
 Precinct law, would also devise Inter-Corporation Law. 
 
 Perhaps even the residents of adjoining Precincts, should 
 wear different dresses. At any rate, such a custom should be 
 required of all Individuals who were members of different 
 governmental Corporations for general civil purposes, whilst 
 residing in the same districts. Varieties of dress, as here pro- 
 
350 BK - IV - COKPOBATION. I. IV. II. 
 
 posed, together with such varieties of' manners, habits, &c., as 
 would, in time, probably arise and be visible, both as cause and as 
 effect of connection with such Corporations, would make differ 
 ences which would be almost as plain to the casual observer, as 
 differences of sex or race ; or at least, as are easily perceived be 
 tween the countryman and the citizen, or between the out-door 
 and in-door workers, &c. And the degree in which the differ 
 ences could be made plain, would facilitate the duties of the 
 civil government towards each. Instances of the arising of such 
 differences, may be remembered, as characteristic of the Puri 
 tans, the early Methodists, and of the Quakers even at the 
 present day. Spencer has also shown how naturally the polit 
 ical differences of men, express themselves in their differences of 
 clothing, gait, and other apparently trivial signs. 
 
 3. Buskin's Specimen of Methods. 
 
 Mr. Ruskin has a beautiful and practicable picture, of a 
 method of trade Corporations, for preventing cheating in the 
 manufacture or sale of "sham" goods. He says (pp. 87-8); 
 " The chief difficulty in the matter would be, to fix your 
 standard. This would have to be done by the guild of every 
 trade, in its own manner, and within certain easily recognizable 
 limits. * * * Advisable improvements of varieties in manufac 
 ture, would have to be examined and accepted by the trade 
 guild ; when so accepted they would be announced in public 
 reports ; and all puffery and self-proclamation, on the part of 
 tradesmen, absolutely forbidden, as much as making any other 
 kind of noise or disturbance." [We hope the " disturbances" to 
 be stopped, include advertisements in Directories and other such 
 inappropriate places.] " But observe, this law is only to have 
 force over tradesmen whom I suppose to have joined VOLUNTA 
 RILY, in carrying out a better system of commerce. Outside of 
 their guild, they would have to leave the rogue to puff and 
 cheat as he chose, and the public to be gulled as they chose. All 
 that is necessary is, that the said public should clearly know the 
 shops in which they could get warranted articles ; and as clearly, 
 those in which they bought at their own risk." But now, this 
 writer must say, that as yet, unless each such guild had power 
 by law, to punish those of its own members who transgressed 
 and cheated, whilst they were sailing under the flag of the guild; 
 
ARGUMENT. PRACTICABILITY. EXISTING INSTITUTIONS. 351 
 
 then the use of the guild would soon be destroyed by the rush of 
 hypocrites into it ; and the better its reputation was, before the 
 rogues got into it, the more they could profit by it, until discov 
 ered and exposed. And to give the guilds such power, is just 
 what we are asking to be given to one class of Corporations. 
 Mr. Ruskin advocates the punishment to be " confiscation of 
 goods," and this admits the principle we are arguing for ; but 
 not at all to the extent that we suppose to be necessary. 
 
 CHAP. III. ANALOGOUS COMPLEXITIES SUCCESSFUL. 
 
 1. Analogy with Philadelphia. 
 
 If it be thought that any one of our (or indeed, any other) 
 systems of Corporations, would be too complicated for practical 
 purposes, we would answer ; they need not be any more compli 
 cated in structure, than our own present government, or than the 
 British. Take for instance, our own city Philadelphia, in the 
 year 1872. It is, somehow, made to consist of an almost un- 
 classifiable multiplicity of Voting Precincts, City Wards, Dis 
 tricts for State Legislature, and for State Senate, for Fires, and 
 for Police, and for Congress of the United States. We vote for 
 our State Governor every three years, and for President every 
 four years. And, in general, the divisions cross each other in a 
 variety of ways, so complicated as to baffle the book learning of 
 foreigners, while in practice they are perfectly familiar to our- 
 w selves. We have a series of items, not often multiples of each 
 other in figures, and still less frequently so, in localities ; neither 
 are they related to each other as genera and species, nor even as 
 opponents. 
 
 Here then, we have a city divided into 28 Wards, with 28 
 Select, and 58 Common Council-men, 7 Fire Districts, 18 Dis 
 tricts for State Assembly, 4 Districts for State Senate, 5 for 
 United States Representatives, one of which stretches into 
 another county ! The city municipal administration is divided 
 into " Departments," " Committees," and " Trusts" ; of; Police; 
 Treasury ; Control ; Tax ; Law ; Market ; Survey ; Registry ; 
 Highway ; Water ; Gas ; School ; Health ; Girard ; Poor ; 
 Prison ; Refuge ; and Port. The Nation has on the same 
 ground, a Custom House, (The business in the Custom House 
 alone, is so complicated, and requires to be performed at so 
 
352 BK - IV - CORPORATION. I. IV. III. 
 
 many successive " Desks/' that a considerable number of per 
 sons called custom-house brokers, find ample employment in 
 preparing the papers for sea captains and merchants, and in 
 " putting them through" the rounds) : a Naval Department ; a 
 Surveyor's-; an Appraiser's-; an Assistant Treasurer's-; an 
 Internal Revenue- ; and a Post-, Office ; also a Mint ; a Navy 
 Yard ; and an Arsenal. All national property and offices, are 
 exempt from city and state interference, a set of Corporations 
 in the Precinct, yet of Imperial authority. Besides all these 
 regularly instituted organizations ; we have an indefinite num 
 ber of spontaneous and voluntary Social Circles, Party Clubs 
 and Conventions, Temperance, Mechanics' and Beneficial, So 
 cieties, Trades-unions, Churches, Communities, Brotherhoods, 
 Militia, and Fire Companies; "Boards" or "Exchanges," of 
 Trade, of Brokers, of Coal, of Corn, of Real Estate, &c. All 
 these interlap each other in every conceivable direction. 
 
 And now, finally to settle disputes among all these, and the 
 members of them, we have, partly, the reserved power in the 
 agreements of several of the associations and boards ; also a 
 series of legal courts as follows; The County, (exactly the 
 same geographically as the city,) has, besides the "Row" of 
 officers, a body of Judges, who incorporate themselves into 
 three different forms of County courts, viz.: Common Pleas, 
 Orphans', and Criminal. Then, there are a State District 
 Court, a State Supreme Court, and a National Circuit Court, * 
 with right of appeal in certain cases to the National Supreme 
 Court at Washington. All this is complicated enough ; but we 
 know by experience, " it is nothing when you get used to it." 
 We also know how readily children learn the most complicated 
 languages, when they begin during infancy. 
 
 2. Analogy with the Roman Church. 
 
 But the completest illustration, of a united and harmonious 
 system of Corporations in great multiplicity, is found in the 
 Roman Catholic Church. Here is a system that is not learned 
 in infancy. Omitting those parts of it, which, while adhering 
 to Rome, yet adhere not to the Latin " rite," we may divide 
 its organizations purely ecclesiastical, abstract from the civil 
 organs, into FOUR different or main Divisions, all operating one 
 within another. We will mention thorn in an order, such, that 
 
ARGUMENT. PRACTICABILITY. EXISTING INSTITUTIONS. 353 
 
 each subsequently named one, operates WITHIN AXL the pre 
 viously named ones, thus ; FIRST. The usual church-orders of 
 Priests, Bishops, Archbishops, &c. These have territorial loca 
 tions, one within another. SECOND. The Corporate Orders, 
 operating within the territories of the above ; yet exempt from 
 their jurisdiction, by express general authority from the supreme 
 head of their church, but yet dependent upon said territorial 
 officials for their spiritual offices or " faculties." THIRD. The 
 special delegates of the supreme authority; as Vicars, Legates, 
 and so on. FOURTH. Appellate authorities, namely, the Pope, 
 and General Councils. All these operating on each other re 
 spectively, in the order mentioned. And now, to this complica 
 tion, let us add a brief summary of the varieties of authorities 
 and operators, IN each of those four main divisions of their 
 authorities. 
 
 FIRST Main Division of Authorities. The varieties of the 
 usual orders of Local Officials, or Ordinaries, with their re 
 spective councils. First we have a regular gradation, Bishops, 
 Archbishops, Primates. Next we have two sorts of irregular 
 classes, namely, Metropolitans and Patriarchs. 
 
 SECOND Main Division of Authorities. The CORPORATE 
 Orders, operating within the territories of the above. These 
 are in three divisions, namely, the Orders of Military Monks, 
 the Religious Orders, and the " Congregation" Orders. 
 
 First Division of the Corporate Bodies : The Orders of Mil 
 itary Monks include the Knights of St. John, The Templars, 
 The Teutonic Knights, Orders of Alcantara, &c. But those 
 are not found in the United States. 
 
 Second Division of the Corporate Bodies: The Religious 
 Orders, are of four sub-divisions, namely : The Monks Proper ; 
 the Friars or Mendicants ; the Canons regular ; and the Priests 
 called regular Clerks. Of these four sub-divisions, the Monks 
 Proper are of two kinds, of which the Eastern may be omitted 
 here. The Western kind occasionally follow the Eastern rule, 
 namely, of St. Basil ; but most always the rule of St. Benedict. 
 This kind are sit6-divided by a great variety, as, Carthusians, 
 Cistercians, Celestines, Trappists, <fec., &c. The second sub 
 division, the Friars or Mendicants, are divided into Dominicans, 
 Franciscans, Carmelites, Augustinians, &c. The third sub-divi- 
 
 23 
 
354 BK - IV. CORPORATION. I. IV. III. 
 
 sion, the Canons regular, are priests administering among the 
 people, but yet, associated under special rules and obligations 
 of strictness of life, for the promotion of their own especial 
 personal sanctity. They are of two kinds, differing as to the 
 degree of their abstraction from the world, and as to their re 
 semblance to monks in their private life. The fourth sub-divi 
 sion, consists of Priests called regular Clerks. They differ from 
 the regular Canons, in not following so strict a life, or at least 
 in not taking any such strict vows as the others. Some of these 
 are evidently adapted to secular operations, as for instance the 
 Jesuits ; others are followers of a purer and more spiritual inte 
 rior piety, than is often found in or out of the Roman Church, 
 as for instance, the Theatines. 
 
 The Third Division of the Corporate Orders, is " the Congre 
 gations." These are made a separate order from the " religious 
 orders," by some differences not well understood, but which 
 appear partly only nominal. The " Congregations" exist for 
 various purposes, Education, Asylum, and Missionary. And 
 these divisions for purposes, are again to be sub-divided accord 
 ing to the classes of persons to be influenced, as the poor, the 
 paying people, the rulers of society, the heathens, the unbe 
 lievers or heretics, and finally even the other orders of clergy 
 and of their own religion. 
 
 The THIRD Main Division of Authorities, are ; The special 
 delegates of the supreme authority, as Vicars, Legates, &c., &c. 
 Of these, some of the Vicars are regular, and located, but ex 
 traordinary in their powers. Other Vicars and the Legates are 
 irregular, and only appear on extraordinary occasions, represent 
 ing the Pope, investigating facts, hearing causes, and pronouncing 
 decisions, by direct and special authority from the Head. These 
 act in and on, both the foregoing main Divisions. Moreover, the 
 Legates and Xuncios act on and with the civil governments, 
 officially. 
 
 FOURTH Main Division of Authorities. The supreme gov 
 ernment of all this vast system of Corporations, consists of 
 three elements, namely ; First, The Pope ; Second, Three orders 
 of Cardinals, namely, Cardinal Bishops, Cardinal Priests, and 
 Cardinal Deacons; Third, The General Council. The Cardi 
 nals elect the Pope ; and the Pope selects the Cardinals. He 
 
ARGUMENT. PRACTICABILITY. CONCLUDED. 355 
 
 also constitutes the General Council, and appoints its times and 
 circumstances; but not all its Individual-members directly, 
 although indirectly, as he appoints or confirms to the offices 
 which constitute membership in the Council. 
 
 All this, theoretically seems an inextricable tangle, to some 
 people. And when we remember ^fchat many of the foregoing 
 orders, are themselves highly organized bodies, with their " mother 
 houses" or head-centers, at Rome, we have an additional com 
 plication, apparently ; but the fact is, it is this very thoroughness 
 of the organizations, which prevents complexity in practice. All 
 these different orders, or at least many heterogeneously self-locat 
 ing ones, exist and operate in the same localities, with one another, 
 and with the "ordinary" clergy, without confusion. No royal 
 family, no constitution, no dynasty, no Nation in a continuous 
 local government, except the Jewish and Chinese, can compare, 
 either for its own durability, or for the certainty of its opera 
 tions, with this great world-wide governing Corporation. And 
 the only place where real and great practical uncertainty arises, 
 is, where organization is theoretically simplest, namely at the head, 
 as to which is the superior, the Pope, or the General Council. 
 
 CHAP. IV. CONCLUSION OF PRACTICABILITY. 
 
 The fact is that a system of Corporations for government, 
 would in all probability, be less complicated IN PRACTICE, than 
 our present civil system. But even if more complicated, it could 
 easily be taught and explained in the public schools, and else 
 where. Moreover, in the last resort we may say that, at any rate, 
 legal proceedings require learned counsel and experienced attor 
 neys, generally. It would be no real objection to the system of 
 Corporation, if ordinary Individuals had to consult " good ad 
 vice," in order to know even what Corporations they had better 
 connect themselves with ; just as they would consult a physician, 
 as to what medicine they should take. The main thing to be 
 attained in law, as in Medicine, in Mathematics or in other sci 
 ences, is, not simplicity, but certainty and uniformity in their 
 results, known to those who study them, and who are able to 
 understand them. We do not complain that we are compelled 
 to resort to Lawyers and Doctors and Clergymen, for advice ; 
 but we complain, that the expenses are great, the answers con 
 flicting, and the results uncertain. 
 
356 BK - IV - CORPORATION. II. I. I. 
 
 MAIN DIVISION II. 
 
 GENERAL SURVEY OF ALL KINDS OF 
 
 CORPORATIONS, ACCORDING TO 
 
 THEIR SEVERAL NATURES. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION I. 
 
 RELATIONS TO THE OTHER ELEMENTS OF 
 SOCIAL SCIENCE. 
 
 CHAP. I. PREFACE. 
 
 Having in the preceding Main Division, treated of the argu 
 ments for the propriety, right, and expediency, of Governmental 
 Corporations; and before giving the scientific exhibition and 
 recital of them,, which are reserved for the Third Main Division ; 
 we proceed now to give, as a necessary preparation thereunto, a 
 general survey of ALL KINDS of Corporations, according to their 
 several Natures. 
 
 One reason for laboring hard on this subject of Corporation, 
 is, that the right of Corporation includes within it the right of 
 Precinct; because freedom of Politico-governmental Corpora 
 tion, actually becomes freedom of Precinct, to persons who de 
 sire to reside in special Precincts; so that, if the reader has not 
 been satisfied with the arguments for the Precinct, upon the 
 grounds which have been made under that head, he might still 
 be induced to lend assent to the right of Precinct, upon perhaps 
 not so deep foundations, but yet broader and more comprehen 
 sive ones. 
 
 .AYe lay great stress on governmental or political Corporations, 
 and feel the great dependence of human prosperity and progress, 
 on the proper understanding and practical application of them. 
 Such Corporations seem to give hopes of real and absolute 
 progress, instead of hopes always to be disappointed, and hith 
 erto reaching mostly after FORMS of government ; whereas, real 
 progress is more and more perceived to be, not dependent on 
 
SURVEY. GENERAL. THE OTHER ELEMENTS. 357 
 
 forms. Corporation is not any ONE FORM, but a spirit, an eter 
 nal element, and an inherent power. 
 
 Corporation is the Seventh Element in our scale of the Ana 
 lytics, namely, Individual, Family, Social Circle, Precinct, 
 Nation, and Mankind ; and then as another genus, Corporation. 
 Hence, Corporations, as the SEVENTH fundamental or Analytical 
 element of human society, are a kind of sabbath of rest, both 
 to the fundamental Elements of Society, and also to the throes 
 of society itself, laboring to bring forth its ideals of happiness, 
 and to realize its divine origin, and its ultimate ideal. 
 
 In a Biological classification, Corporations would correspond 
 to brain and nerve in the Individual ; whereas the other Ele 
 ments of our Analytics would correspond to the less recondite 
 organs. Corporations fulfill functions towards general society, 
 and towards the state, similar to what the personal mental and 
 moral qualities or peculiarities of the Individual, which give 
 rise to their respective Corporations, fulfill IN the Individual. 
 Thus the delicate sensitiveness of Corporations, and the toler 
 ance given to them by the state, are true indications of the in 
 tellectual and moral character of society, and of the state at large ; 
 whether for better or for worse. 
 
 We have repeatedly hinted, in the Summary Introduction, 
 that our discovery of the Six Great Units of Society, originated 
 in and from three Distinct lines of thought. These three trains 
 of thought, when brought together and compared, helped to per 
 fect each other severally, and to corroborate the correctness of 
 them all, as thus perfected. And their thus perfecting each 
 other, and thus correcting one another's aberrations, led to the 
 discovery of the Tribe-principle, and to the classifying of Cor 
 poration as almost, but not quite, another such a Unit. 
 
 The order of thought was about as here given. First was 
 discovered the value of several of them as types, for argument 
 and induction. Second, the value of several of them as heads 
 for improved classification. And third, the value of several, as 
 the Great Units of which Society consists. But it was not 
 exactly the same several, whose value was thus discovered, in 
 each case. Towards the completion of the discovery, these three 
 severals looked about as in the annexed table, which represents 
 them in parallel columns. 
 
358 
 
 BK. IV. CORPORATION. II. T. I. 
 
 The three trains of thought were about as follows. 
 
 As Types. 
 Individual 
 Family 
 Social Circle 
 Corporation 
 Precinct 
 
 As Classification. 
 Individual 
 Family 
 Social Circle 
 Corporation 
 Precinct 
 State 
 Nation 
 Mankind 
 
 As Units. 
 Individual 
 Family 
 
 Nation 
 Mankind 
 
 Classification. 
 Individual 
 Family 
 Social Circle 
 Precinct 
 Nation 
 Mankind 
 Corporation 
 
 Elements of Society. 
 ("Individual 
 Family 
 Instinctive, ) 1 Social Circle 
 i.e. Units j | Precinct 
 | Nation 
 ^ Mankind 
 Deliberative, }- <[ Corporation 
 
 The three lines of thought finally became identified as fol 
 lows. 
 
 Types. 
 Individual 
 Family 
 Social Circle 
 Precinct 
 Nation 
 Mankind 
 Corporation 
 
 The differences and aberrations were corrected about as fol 
 lows. The Classification only called for the elimination of 
 State, which was not on either side of it ; or rather, its identifi 
 cation with Precinct, which was already in two columns ; and 
 then it contained the full seven. The Types allowed of Man 
 kind being added from both the others, being as Mankind is the 
 ideal anti-type, towards which all those below it, point ; and as 
 it, in turn, is typical of other beings in other solar systems, and 
 also typical' of God and the Universe. And then, the Types 
 called for Nation as the highest earthly type of Mankind. Thus 
 the Type-line amounted to the full seven. All that then re 
 mained therefore, was to settle the Unit-Line. But as Corpora 
 tion could not be taken as a Unit ; both for lack of history for 
 it ; and for the reasons given in Bk. I. Pt. II. Chap. VI. 1 ; 
 also for the reasons, that Corporation cannot, without remain 
 der, be divided into all the Units above it, nor thus evenly be 
 divided by all the Units below it; therefore Social Circle and 
 Precinct .had to be taken, as the needed Units; and then Cor 
 poration had to be disposed of as a separate Grand Classifica 
 tion ; and therefore had to be placed last of all ; as is done in 
 
SURVEY. ELEMENT OF TRIBE. 359 
 
 Bk. I. Pt. I. Chap. IX. 4 (6), and throughout our whole work. 
 But to justify this, the three had to be co-ordinated in the 
 Tribe-principle. 
 
 CHAP. II. CORPORATION AS AN ELEMENT OF TRIBE. 
 
 The Tribe-Principle originating and established, as above and 
 as elsewhere mentioned, involves, among other things, the per 
 petual recolleetion of the principle, that Corporation, for pur 
 poses of general or ungeneric classification, belongs up next to 
 Social Circle and Precinct; but has to be placed LAST, only, 
 because of its functions in the Unit-column : and because of being 
 a Fundamental Element of society itself, it has to be placed 
 apart from the six Units ; and of course it could not be placed 
 before Individual. 
 
 This explanation seems necessary, because, from Corporation 
 being placed at the top, in an ascending series, some persons have 
 wondered if we meant to place it above Nation : whereas, since 
 we place it after Mankind, they ought rather to have wondered 
 whether we meant to place it above Mankind ; and that wonder 
 ought soon to satisfy itself without further explanation : And 
 here we let the matter rest. 
 
 It has been repeatedly said, that our theory of types has this 
 extensive meaning, namely, that in the ascending scale of the 
 Six Units, each one is a type of all those that are higher than it. 
 This theory itself is partly an inference from the fact, that in 
 the historical development of human society, as new units are 
 formed, the old ones are still always retained ; that is to say, 
 when Families have been formed, the Individuals still exist, 
 and when tribes have been formed, the Families continue to 
 exist; and so on upwards. Hence it follows, that when the 
 tribe resolves itself, in modern society, into the three forms of 
 Social Circle, Precinct and Corporation, all those Elements must 
 always continue in living action. The facility with which these 
 three elements of Tribe, change, one into the other, or substitute 
 themselves one for the other, has been sufficiently remarked upon, 
 in Bk. I. Part II. Chaps. VIII. and IX., and in Bk. II. Part 
 II. Chap. XII. 1, and elsewhere. Hence then, we must 
 always look for such an abiding activity of the Tribe-principle, 
 and of the Corporation-principle, in civil governmsnt. 
 
360 BK - IV. CORPORATION. II. I. III. 
 
 Moreover, Corporation, as it comes after the six, in the order 
 of the Analytics, is, in one sense, more abstract than either of 
 them, and therefore logically more general. In this sense, they 
 are all types of it, as well as in the other sense, it is type of them. 
 
 CHAP. III. LOGICAL RELATIONS. 
 
 The old saying, that government has no rights nor duties over 
 Individuals, except to prevent them from injuring others, be 
 comes, in our theory, changed to the proposition, that government 
 has no rights nor duties over Precincts,, nor over governmental 
 Corporations, whether local or general, except to prevent them 
 from committing injuries, either on other .such Precincts or Cor 
 porations, or on those Individuals who have a just claim and 
 right to depart TO such others. 
 
 Our object in the treatment of Corporations, is partly, to en 
 deavor to point out, how, nearly all the civil relations can be 
 performed better by them, than they are by the present consolid 
 ated governments of the world : better, in fact, than they can be 
 in any other method, unless perhaps by going forward and giving 
 to the Precinct-governments the investiture of their localities; 
 with that fulness of power which our Precinct-theory endeavors 
 to point out : although it is also partly our object, to develop a 
 complete theory of Corporations, that will apply to their con 
 struction within the Precinct, so far as they are needed, and even 
 so far as they arc possible, there. 
 
 Moreover, the variety of choices between the different kinds of 
 Corporations, that we point out, becomes important to be remem 
 bered, because we thereby obtain different classes of developments 
 from, and of hopes in, the Corporation-theory. And as the density 
 of the world's population increases ; nothing is more certain than, 
 that, both the increased density, and also the increased numbers, 
 will require new developments, new evolutions, and new differen 
 tiations, of all the various kinds of associations, political as well 
 as others. And Corporations are the readiest methods, of thus 
 differentiating and evolving ; because they do not necessarily re 
 quire change of residence, nor change of Location for any purpose ; 
 and because they arise with much more freedom and directness, 
 from the voluntary powers of Individuals, Families, and Social 
 Circles; and with less interference or intervention by "the law." 
 
SURVEY. ELEMENTS. REAL RELATIONS. 361 
 
 While pointing out, however, the logical relations above 
 mentioned, we all along incidentally, in the treatment of this 
 subject, endeavor to establish the right, the utility, and the prac 
 ticability of the General Theory. Furthermore, we endeavor 
 incidentally to point out, for all these general doctrines, the 
 arguments in respect to two other special doctrines, namely; one, 
 that all virtual Corporations ought to be recognized by municipal 
 law ; the other, that fractional uses of Corporations ought to be 
 turned into wholes, and that fractional Corporations ought to be 
 superseded by wholes. But yet by wholes, we do not mean one 
 whole Corporation for all departments of government} or for 
 all subject-matters thereof; but mean, systems of Corporations, 
 such systems as will together make up a whole, and the scien 
 tifically organized parts of which, may therefore be called wholes. 
 
 OHAP. IV. REAL RELATIONS. 
 
 Corporation, though not a natural Element of society, in the 
 same sense that the others are, is yet none the less absolutely 
 fundamental, in the higher development of society, and even 
 absolutely necessary, until Mankind arrive at a state of per 
 fection both of the Individual and of society : and even then, 
 although less necessary, it would be quite as safe. It is there 
 fore really none the less a natural Element than the others; 
 although it is less obviously so. For, the mere fact that it may 
 be dispensed with in a perfect state, is no argument against its 
 being natural ; for the same may be equally true of the Pre 
 cinct or the Nation or the Social Circle, and as some imagine, of 
 the Family itself. For, to introduce biological illustrations, the 
 chrysalis is only a transition from the egg to the fly ; but yet 
 it is a natural state. So also the time of fruitfulness in the 
 female, is merely transitional between puberty and a more ad 
 vanced state ; but still it is natural. Neither can Corporation 
 be deprived of the attribute natural, on the ground of its being 
 voluntary ; for the will is natural, in every sense that the word 
 natural can be applied to anything metaphysical. Furthermore, 
 even if Corporations could be dispensed with, in a perfect state, 
 yet in that state they are all the more susceptible of the highest 
 developments, and of the highest and most varied uses to Man 
 kind. 
 
362 BK. IV. CORPORATION. II. I. IV. 
 
 Mr. E. H. Hamilton has suggested the idea, of the church 
 itself as THE great Unit of society. But this of course, can 
 only be true of that Catholic ideal-unit, of that ideal society, 
 which is not yet formed. Nevertheless, in a government con 
 sisting of Corporations, the fundamental importance of the 
 church, could not be overlooked. The church, that is to say, 
 the SYSTEM of churches, presents us the grandest and most im 
 portant system of Corporations to be found in modern times ; a 
 system of which the Roman Church organization itself, grand 
 as it is, is only a part and a type. The great entrance of Chris 
 tianity consisted in changing the kingdom of God, from a 
 Nation, into a Corporation, namely, in changing its "base" 
 from rectilinear to circular functions. 
 
 Again : The function of general administration is more suit 
 able to a Corporation, than is any single function of govern 
 ment; not only because local and even national government 
 itself, is a kind of unartificial spontaneous Corporation ; but 
 also because a common Corporation, being a leaf, a product, a 
 result, of miscellaneous and compound government, is the best 
 FUNDAMENTAL ANALOGY for it, and the most approved kind of 
 a type of it. To sum it up, a common Corporation, involving 
 as it does, legislative, executive, and judicial functions ; and, 
 both elective and pecuniary arrangements, is a form more like 
 a complete political government, than almost any other form. 
 
 The Declaration of our Independence, says, " All men are 
 created equal, endowed by their Creator with certain INALIENA 
 BLE rights, such as life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." 
 The term inalienable expresses the idea which Mulford regards 
 as based on a false theory, and there are others who regard the 
 reference to a Creator as based upon a false theory. But there 
 can be no more doubt that the United States national govern 
 ment, is founded upon the theory' of compact, than it is upon the 
 theory of equality of rights of Individuals, as given by their 
 Creator. Indeed, the two theories amount to one, in the highest 
 generalization. How indeed, would it have been possible, for a 
 Nation, growing up, as ours from its beginning has done, from 
 many Nations, to be resolvable into any other theory than that 
 of compact? Whatever, therefore, may be the case with other 
 Nations, ours is based upon the theory of compact, in which 
 
SURVEY. CORPORATIONS NOT LOCALITIES. 353 
 
 certain rights are made by the Creator, utterly inalienable ; and 
 which, no degree of force, and no length of time, and no past 
 consent by the governed, can ever destroy. 
 
 CHAP. V. DIFFERENCES BETWEEN CORPORATIONS AND LOCAL 
 ITIES. 
 
 1. In their Nature. 
 
 Remembering we frequently say, that all kinds of govern 
 ment, are a sort of Corporations for their respective Localities, 
 the question may now be asked, and answered : What are the 
 differences between the Corporations strictly so called, and Pre 
 cinct, or Nation, which are as if sorts or kinds of Corporations 
 IMPLIED in the fundamental constitution of society ? 
 
 The historical difference is this, namely; The Precinct is 
 merely a transformation of the neighborhood-element of the 
 tribe. This element of neighborhood, in the first or migratory 
 condition of tribes, was merely a moving organized Social Circle ; 
 but subsequently became localized, by the enlargement of the 
 tribe, and by the change from the migratory to the settled and 
 agricultural condition. But social inequalities arise, even in the 
 migratory condition, hence, even then arise the Social Circles. 
 All governments of Localities como chiefly from the feelings, or 
 the emotive part of our nature. But the Corporations arise 
 from the reasoning faculties, from the suggestions of special 
 works, not undertaken by the tribe as a whole, nor by its rulers ; 
 and either the works, or the methods, not agreed upon by all 
 the reasoners and thinkers. Those who agree upon any work 
 and method, unite together for that purpose only, and organize 
 for that end. 
 
 The essence of the great difference, between Corporation and 
 the other Elements, consists chiefly in this ; that the strictly 
 called Corporations derive their power from the Instinctive and 
 Fundamental Elements of society; or at least act under their 
 control, and are therefore of a derivative or subordinate kind ; 
 but the other Elements of the Analytics are instinctive ones, 
 and may be called primitive ; and can never be entirely dis 
 placed. In other words, and socially speaking, Social Circle, 
 Precinct or Nation, can no more be entirely eliminated, than 
 Family or Individual can be. 
 
364 BK - IV - CORPORATION. II. I. IV. 
 
 Therefore, the relation of Corporations to their organic supe 
 riors, differs from the relation of Precincts to their superiors, 
 in this ; that the Precincts own by nature their privileges, as 
 Precincts ; but the Corporations derive them from the rights of 
 other Units, namely, from the Individual, the Family, or the 
 Social Circle ; as admitted or recognized by the superior. And 
 thus, in a certain sense, Corporation-rights may be said to de 
 pend upon the superior powers ; but Precinct-rights do not so 
 depend ; although their actual powers of course do so. In other 
 words, the case is one of Individuals &c., asking for their lib 
 erties and rights in one particular method. And there arises, 
 therefore, a much greater right of the superior to exercise judg 
 ments, especially as to the methods. But this difference need 
 not necessarily be felt very deeply in practice ; because a govern 
 ment, or society at large, may spontaneously give to Corpora 
 tions, many or even nearly all the powers of either or of both. 
 
 There is, however, another essential difference between Cor 
 porations and local organizations, namely; The Precinct itself 
 may often be the superior to a Corporation, although, of course, 
 it could not be superior to itself. Corporations, therefore, al 
 though intellectually so great, yet need to be humble before the 
 local governments, the essential and instinctive natural units of 
 society. Morally, they have rights, but not perhaps to be as 
 serted by force, against truly organized systems of local govern 
 ments, with Precinct-rights duly preserved. 
 2. In their Operation. 
 
 The consideration of the Precinct, established rights and prin 
 ciples, which are, in general, equally as demandable and obtain 
 able by Corporation ; and sometimes, but only in less degrees, 
 by some of the other Elements. Nevertheless, the Corporation- 
 principle possesses some ;d vantages over the Precinct and Na 
 tion ; and over their principles and methods of obtaining human 
 rights, and securing human happiness. This Corporation-prin 
 ciple or method, is much more economical, and much less dis 
 ruptive of the ties of kindred and acquaintance. It allows the 
 parties to continue to reside and intermingle among each other, 
 a policy which in the past has been useful in allaying animosi 
 ties, and promoting progress. 
 
 Being next in naturalness to Precincts, and needing to precede 
 
SURVEY. CORPORATIONS NOT LOCALITIES. 
 
 them in the reformation, Corporations, in the mean while, are 
 the substitutes. They are also the procurers of. many particular 
 rights of the Precinct : Because, they are the NEXT most natural 
 and most spontaneous Element of human society, in which it is 
 possible for small bodies of men to organize themselves politic 
 ally ; the Element " Nation" being entirely too extensive, and 
 also too radically different, to be thought of as a recourse in 
 this connection, or in this era of the world. 
 
 In their primary operations, while the Precinct-theory pro 
 vides government for persons who are near to each other, 
 physically or geographically; the Corporation-theory provides 
 government for those who are near to each other metaphysically 
 or morally. And in their fullest development, the Precinct 
 provides companies for Localities ; the Corporation provides as 
 sociations both for metaphysical and moral bases. Thus it is, 
 that the highest and best obtained uses of Precinct, are involved 
 fundamentally in the very idea of the Corporation, and are 
 directly sought for by it. 
 
 Thus it is, that, although the physical condition, Locality, 
 which constitutes the distinction between the former two, 
 namely, Precinct and Nation, and the latter one, is a condi 
 tion, the retention of which, facilitates the calculation of the 
 physical and lower phenomena of society, and the attainment of 
 their corresponding objects : yet its complete elimination fur 
 nishes a calculus which facilitates the investigation of the meta 
 physical and transcendental phenomena of society, and the 
 attainment of their corresponding objects, or, which will do so, 
 whenever our lower geometry and algebra, have been sufficiently 
 perfected for such a transcendental elimination. 
 
 The great points of difference between the two systems, in 
 practice, would be as follows, the Corporation-system would be 
 easiest and pleasantest for private citizens as Individuals, but 
 the Precinct-system would be easiest for faithful government 
 officials : the Corporation-method would be easiest taken ad 
 vantage of, by dishonest persons, (whether in or out of office) in 
 its actual administration, after being fully inaugurated ; but the 
 Precinct-system would be most likely to be taken dishonest 
 advantage of, in its inauguration. 
 
366 BK - IY - CORPORATION. II. II. I. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION II. 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS CORPORATIONS. 
 CHAP. I. CLASSIFICATIONS. 
 
 & 1. Blackstone' s Classification. 
 
 A Corporation, according to Blackstone, is defined to be " an 
 artificial person constituted to maintain perpetual succession, 
 and enjoy legal immortality, in order to preserve PERSONAL, 
 rights." But in our Social Science, Corporation sometimes 
 means the principle whereby citizens of different Localities asso 
 ciate together for special purposes, abstract from locality ; at 
 other times it means a particular association, constituted for such 
 a purpose, and consisting of special Individuals of various Lo 
 calities, and selecting themselves for the purpose, without neces 
 sitating change of domicile. The latter part of Blackstone's 
 definition should be kept distinctly in mind as to the object 
 namely, " in order to preserve PERSONAL rights" ; and he means 
 the rights of the INDIVIDUAL. 
 
 Blackstone says, " Corporations may be erected by Custom, 
 by Prescription, or by act of Parliament." When Prescription 
 means the long usage of Corporation-rights by a particular Cor 
 poration, its condition before legal recognition constitutes what 
 we call a virtual Corporation. When custom means common 
 custom, such as constitutes the common law, it contains an intel 
 ligible meaning; but there is no such custom in the United 
 States, ^except as to virtual Corporations, in whose case there 
 exists enough of the law to prevent the persons engaged from 
 being considered partners. But only legislative enactments, or 
 special proceedings according to such enactments, constitute Cor 
 porations in the United States. 
 
 Blackstone says Corporations may be divided thus : 
 Either Aggregate and Sole, 
 Or Ecclesiastical and Lay, 
 Or Civil and Eleemosynary. 
 
 But this classification is not sufficient for social science ; nor 
 
SURVEY. ACCORDING TO TEN CHARACTERISTICS. 367 
 
 indeed do we recognize any such thing as a Corporation sole. 
 The nearest approach to it, in our classification, is partnership. 
 THAT is the smallest Corporation we can admit of, even in the 
 definition. 
 
 2. Our Preliminaries. 
 
 In order to consider this subject fairly, it is necessary for us 
 to make some classifications very different from the old ones. 
 Furthermore, inasmuch as the term " Corporation" is not com 
 monly understood in that wide extent, or with that wide signifi 
 cance, that we are about to give it; or perhaps it would be 
 more proper to say, that the classes of Corporations of which 
 we are about to treat principally, are scarcely ever found, even 
 in theories or in books ; and as the kinds of uses also are not 
 common ; we will have to introduce several further classifications. 
 
 Referring then, to our classification of the fundamental per 
 sonal Elements of the Analytics, we remember, that whilst we 
 had six Instinctive, we had only one Deliberative, Element. 
 There is therefore nothing in the classification of the Analytics, 
 so unique, and without sub-divisions, as Corporation ; unless in^- 
 deed it be the Summary Introduction, on Social Science in gen 
 eral. Corporations have to be classified somewhat like, GENUS 
 HOMO, species man. This singularity however, refers only to 
 their location as a whole, or as an Element. But when we 
 come to their sub-divisions, the exactly opposite characteristic be 
 comes apparent ; and Corporations open up more diversified and 
 complicated sets of classifications, than either of the other di 
 visions. And although they have their historical origin in the 
 tribe and its principles, yet their susceptibilities of almost indefi 
 nite development and application, entitle them, in the classifica 
 tion, to a position of almost unparalleled importance. Hence 
 we now propose to give a classification of the classifications, em 
 bracing Ten different mentionable characteristics ; the last one of 
 which will be the basis in our Third Main Division ; and sev 
 eral of the other nine, will aid in understanding that Division. 
 
 CHAP. II. CORPORATIONS CLASSIFIABLE ACCORDING TO TEN 
 MENTIONABLE CHARACTERISTICS. 
 
 (A) Classification of the Characteristics. 
 Corporations need to be looked at in many different views ; 
 and in each view, it would be possible to make a separate classi- 
 
368 BK - IV - CORPORATION. II. II. II. 
 
 fication of them all according to their different Characteristics. 
 We will present Ten such different views or Characteristics of 
 possible classifications, with a few remarks upon each, before 
 proceeding to the consideration of those Corporations which are 
 expressly governmental. First: Classifiable as to their relations 
 to "the Law"; namely, Legal or Virtual. Second: Classifiable 
 as to secrecy; namely secret or not secret. Third: Classifiable 
 as to monopolization ; namely, whether monopoly or not mo 
 nopoly. Fourth: Classifiable as to their relations to personal 
 intercourse ; namely, whether associations involving sociable 
 intercourse; or companies not involving sociable intercourse. 
 Fifth: Classifiable as to the official nature of Individuals; 
 whether membership constitutes office, or whether it does not. 
 Those in which membership itself does constitute office, are only 
 $erai-Corporations ; as for instance, Partnerships and possibly 
 Families. Sixth : Classifiable as to their objects in view : These 
 objects may be divided into Physical or Metaphysical ; The 
 Physical may be for Pleasure, or Trade, or Transportation, or 
 Currency. The Metaphysical, might also be called Transcen 
 dental, and may be for Morality, or Religion, or Charity, or 
 Education. Seventh: Classifiable according to their nature, 
 whether simple or compound. Eighth: Classifiable as to the 
 means they may- use, whether Governmental, or Voluntary, or 
 Mixed. The Governmental, may be either for Civil, or for Polit 
 ical objects. The Voluntary may be either for Morals, for Prop 
 erty, or for Person. The Mixed may be either for Uniformity, 
 for Obedience, or for Separation. The Mixed mean those which 
 are* of a Semi- Family nature. Ninth: Classifiable as to their 
 relations to, or control over, Localities, whether embracing or 
 governing their localities, or whether NOT embracing or gov 
 erning them. This classification is general enough, to embrace 
 the Governmental Corporations, which we treat at length in 
 the Third Main Division; and was the classification formerly 
 adopted by us for them. Tenth : Classifiable as to their Gov 
 ernmental and Political nature, namely, whether Governmental, 
 or not. 
 
 The Governmental ones constitute, as just said, the Third 
 Main Division. We, therefore, only need say here, that they 
 are classified into two Sub-Divisions, namely, First, a Lower 
 
SURVEY. ACCORDING TO TEN CHARACTERISTICS. 
 
 or Derivative order, exercising special functions under present 
 governments. And second, a higher order, exercising inherent 
 political functions; and based upon ideas. This higher order 
 would require, and involve, a very considerable reorganization 
 of society. 
 
 Now let us make a few general remarks on each of the before- 
 mentioned Ten Characteristics of Corporations. 
 I. As Related to "The Law." 
 
 The first and simplest basis of classification of Corporations 
 (for the present purpose), is, that which rests upon their relation 
 to " The Law," their authority in the law, to exist. Because, 
 whilst one kind is legal, duly authorized by statute ; the other 
 kind is only virtual. A Corporation of the latter kind, is real 
 and efficient to its own members, within certain limits ; but is not 
 so to the outside world ; and is always liable to disorders, from 
 ils abnormal relation to the law. Such a Corporation is in the 
 same relation to law, that ancient Corporations were, whilst 
 in the incompleted process of establishment by "prescription." 
 "AND NOW," in the United States, several of the communes, 
 although operating without charters, and without even that legal 
 sacrament, " a common seal," have undergone suits, and come 
 out victorious, upon the very ground affirmed by the civil courts, 
 that they are not partnerships, but, virtual corporations. 
 
 Our theory, in regarding partnerships as a sort of Corpora 
 tions, is confirmed by the fact, that the chief or only diiference 
 which " the law" makes, between Corporations, is the same that 
 it makes between partnerships ; namely, the differences based 
 on the degree of liability of the Individual members ; namely, 
 Limited, "or Unlimited. 
 
 The old English law, until very lately, was as arbitrary and 
 absurd, about Corporations, as it was, and as ours still is, about 
 partnerships ; namely, refusing to allow the limited responsibility 
 of the Individual members, according to their own free choice 
 and judgment ; as arranged between them and their creditors, 
 spontaneously and voluntarily. J. S. Mill has shown the com 
 plete justice, and expediency of such a freedom for partnership. 
 And it is equally as demonstrable for Corporation : and will be 
 seen to be so, when the old despotic policy of tyrannical or ava 
 ricious law-makers, shall cease its wretched course, of doling out 
 
 24 
 
370 BK - IV - CORPORATION. II. II. II. 
 
 human rights drop by drop ;, and only at all, lest blood should 
 flow, or lest they should lose their offices. 
 
 The difference between Limited and Unlimited Corporations 
 is so great, that probably it ought to have been made by us, into 
 a separate classification, additional to the Ten. But that per 
 haps it is virtually included in our Fifth class, namely, as to 
 whether membership therein, of itself constitutes office, or not, 
 (See o below.) Because, no partnership nor Corporation ought 
 to involve unlimited liability, without also, and at least, consti 
 tuting each such accountable member, an officer and ruler of it, 
 per se; and not merely a stock voter. Society and law should 
 always extend their saving power and wisdom, to counteract 
 the evils of their own producing. 
 
 2. As to Secrecy. 
 
 The question of secrecy is always one of degree. Secrecy is 
 justifiable or otherwise ; according to its object, and according 
 to the right of other people, to know. There is an imperfec 
 tion in all human character, that will not justify an uncovering 
 of our hearts to other persons, only in proportion as they are in, 
 not only corresponding, but also suitably perfect degrees, botlf 
 of affection and intelligence. For, without affection, men de 
 spise the faults in others, which they themselves possess ; and 
 without intelligence, they would despise the confidences of in 
 tellect. This principle, in its utmost activity, is one of the prin 
 ciples that require simple marriage and personal privacy. In 
 all governments, whether Families, societies, cliques, parties, or 
 even Xation itself, the innermost c ' wheel within wheel," is a 
 silent, a secret, an "Unknown power/' On the other hand, 
 secrecy may be based upon a design to-do wrong things, and, 
 which we are really ashamed or afraid should become known. 
 Or it may be based on a design to do mutually selfish things, 
 namely, for the members to help each other especially, whilst at 
 the same time receiving help from non-members, the same as if 
 non-members themselves. And, thirdly, secrecy may be merely 
 the provision of means of recognition, whereby persons mutu 
 ally acting together in purposes, but separated in localities, may 
 become known to each other, on occasion. In this case, the 
 ultimate object of the association, and also its surrounding cir 
 cumstances, are to be considered. 
 
SURVEY. ACCORDING TO TEN CHARACTERISTICS. 371 
 
 But when we would apply the thought to Politics, there is a 
 difficulty to reconcile the universal approval of secret ballot, 
 with the general opposition to secret societies. This much, how 
 ever, can safely be said, that in proportion as the rights of all 
 the Fundamental Elements of society are practically acknowl 
 edged ; and especially the rights of Individuals, Precincts, and 
 Corporations ; and so far as the forms of legal and social pro 
 ceedings, are improved generally ; just so far, all good reasons 
 or excuses for the secrecy of political associations will be re 
 moved. And finally, a completely prevalent communism, would 
 remove the uses of secret recognition in the good and moral 
 secret societies ; and there would then remain as justifiable se 
 crecies, only those between marital partners, or those between 
 choicest friends. 
 
 3. As to Monopolization. 
 
 All that occurs to say of this, is, that the monopolization, if 
 any, should always be of limited duration ; and in proportion to 
 population; and if of an internal Corporation, its charter or 
 rights should NOT be more difficult to alter by the authority of 
 the Government, than the Constitution of the Government itself: 
 nevertheless, in all forced alterations, compensation for financial 
 injuries should be made, as truly as to Individuals. These prin 
 ciples apply to the monopolization of governmental and political 
 power, by Precincts and Nations, in the displacement of tribes 
 and governmental Corporations ; as well as to common organ 
 izations. Corporations for building roads, need a limited mo 
 nopoly ; but Banks on a proper commodity basis, would not 
 need any ; but only, evidence of the possession of a sufficiency 
 of the BASIS, and of morality. 
 
 4. As to Relations to Personal Intercourse. 
 
 One of the most evident differences between Corporations, is 
 made upon the principle, whether they involve personal social 
 intercourse, or not. Those which do involve social and sociable 
 intercourse, we may call associations, because the members are 
 associates. We might include, under this head, such of the 
 functions of the Family as belong under the head of Corpora 
 tion, inasmuch as their members associate together. But we 
 postpone them to another head, which seems to us more appro 
 priate. 
 
372 BK. IV. CORPORATION. II. II. II. 
 
 Those Corporations which do not involve personal social in 
 tercourse, are called companies; the members accompanying each 
 other in the special occupation for which they are incorporated, 
 but not associating together; at least, not as a matter of course. 
 Partnerships, if they come under the head of Corporations at 
 all, as we endeavor to show that they do, might be placed here; 
 inasmuch as the members are not necessarily associates in the 
 relations of private life. But we reserve them also to a place 
 further on, which seems more appropriate. 
 
 Associations are much more complex and special, than com 
 panies. They involve that difficult subject, the Social Circle ; 
 and many societies therefore fail, because they attempt to be as 
 sociations, when they might succeed, if they only attempted to 
 be companies. It is obvious, however, that a company might 
 exist, which would accomplish the more complex and especial 
 functions of an association, by sub-dividing itself into two or 
 more associations, according to the different Social Circles of 
 which it consisted. 
 
 5. As to the Relation of Membership, to Office in them. 
 
 (a) In General. In classifying Corporations, according to 
 specialty of organ for function, and according to objects in 
 view ; one principle of the division might be, whether member 
 ship in itself constitutes office, or not. Those in which mem 
 bership does constitute office, consist of partnerships on the one 
 hand, and Families on the other. These might be called Semi- 
 Corporations, inasmuch as only a part of their nature can be 
 investigated under this head. 
 
 Most societies, as they allow all the members an equal right 
 to speak, are partly of the nature here expressed ; especially was 
 this the case originally in the society of " Friends" or Quakers, 
 in which, membership carried with it the right of being a "min 
 ister," a speaking-officer; although subsequently the right re 
 quired confirmation by other officers. But it w r as only the 
 right of a speaking-officer (an officer peculiar to the Christian 
 churches, and existing in most of them)-, it was not the right of 
 a ruling-officer, which is the only thing of much account in 
 direct politics. 
 
 Whenever membership in a Corporation involves unlimited 
 liability of the Individual, the law ought to empower him to be, 
 
SURVEY. ACCORDING TO TEN CHARACTERISTICS. 373 
 
 per se, a ruling officer in the concern ; and that too, even if he 
 was willing and should agree to forego his claim thereunto. See 
 above under 5. 
 
 (b) Partnership. Here we might say a few words to the 
 legists, who of course will dispute our theory of Corporations 
 " in toto" ; and in particular, will probably ridicule the very idea 
 of including partnerships under the head of Corporations. And 
 now, gentlemen, pray tell us, what is a limited or special part 
 nership ? and what is the difference between it and a Corpora 
 tion ? Ah ! It has no corporate seal. Alas, indeed ! But we 
 answer : regarding the active members of a partnership as the 
 officers of the concern, then the limited partners are merely 
 stockholders, without having the amount of their investments 
 divided up into a formal and arbitrary number of shares ; ex 
 cept under the general name -of so many dollars, or so many 
 pounds ; so that the difference is not in essence, but only in form ; 
 yea, and only in the form of the name. But what the partner 
 ship lacks in form, it more than makes up in spirit ; because the 
 officers, in this case, seldom find themselves able to cheat the 
 stockholders with trickery, book-keeping, and " long-winded" 
 reports. 
 
 The folly of the present law of partnership, in not recognizing 
 it as a Corporation, is, that ordinarily it makes all the partners 
 responsible without limit, for the acts of either one of them. 
 
 The principal thing which Social Science has to investigate, in 
 regard to partnerships, is, their further and enlarged capacity to 
 fulfill functions that Corporations now have, or might have, en 
 trusted to them. The head of the government of Rome once 
 consisted of a triumvirate of three partners, and of late years the 
 government of France was a consulate of two parties, so that 
 history does not entirely desert us in this theory. But still, these 
 were not permanent Corporations, nor was the concurrence the 
 result of free selection by the Individuals. The problem for 
 Social Science here is, to fit free, voluntary partnerships, for all 
 the various functions of Corporations ; including also governing 
 and political functions. 
 
 (e) The Family. By including the Family under the head 
 of Corporation, all that is meant, is to recall the fact, that some 
 of the functions of the Family are of a corporate r.ature, and 
 
374 BK - IV - CORPORATION. II. II. IT. 
 
 belong to Corporation ; because it is an institution organized for 
 special purposes, by the voluntary agreement of the parties. And 
 as we intimated in the Summary Introduction, Part I. Chap. 
 IX., 1, in reference to classifications, that a truly scientific one, 
 ought to be general enough to allow all parties to arrange their 
 ideas under its order : and not seek to forestall freedom, or to 
 establish doctrines, by cunning contrivances. It is better to meet 
 the question purely on its own merits, when it comes up under 
 its proper " book," The FAMILY, in another volume. 
 
 Another thought however, belongs here under this head, 
 namely, that the more, marriage and the Family-organization 
 are entered upon voluntarily and deliberately, as in Modern 
 Society; and consequently the less they are entered upon by 
 mere animal propensity, the less the principles and rights and 
 duties of mere instinct or feeling, apply to them ; and the more 
 like voluntary CORPORATIONS they may become, without vio 
 lence either to expediency, morality, or the will of God. This 
 idea sheds more light on the evidently changing views of the 
 most civilized peoples, relative to divorce, than anything we 
 have yet thought of. 
 
 We have seen in the Introduction, that the deliberative and 
 ratiocinative grounds of the Family, created a difficulty in the 
 Highest Main Division ; rthat between the instinctive and the 
 deliberative Elements of society. We there unhesitatingly 
 adopted the term instinctive, for the first division, and in 
 cluded the Family in it. But still, it would not be justice to 
 the whole truth ; nor to the views of a large class of social sci 
 entists, nor to the generalness of a strictly scientific classifica 
 tion, to omit the Family entirely from the deliberative Elements. 
 
 We must also bear in mind here, according to our type-theory, 
 that Family is type of Corporation ; and Corporation, in turn, 
 is type of Family : and that therefore both throw light upon 
 each other reciprocally. 
 
 We find everywhere in history, Families, which do, in fact, 
 conduct certain mercantile, banking, insurance, and other busi 
 nesses. And we also find many instances of Families whose 
 members do, in fact, exert a controlling influence in politics, for 
 generations, even in the United States. But this principle has 
 not as yet found any method of expressing itself by corporate 
 
SURVEY. ACCORDING TO TEN CHARACTERISTICS. 375 
 
 organization, according to Republican principles, except in one 
 or two instances of communism. 
 
 Here the question arises, whether it is possible to entrust to 
 Families, AS SUCH, any of the functions of Corporations. The 
 political and civil functions seem to have been entrusted to 
 Families, in a certain limited way, in hereditary governments; 
 but that is not at all what we mean. We mean no further hered 
 itary principle, than in the limited degree, which the laws of 
 the United States now allow to property. The question is, in 
 regard to parents and their immediate children or issue. But, 
 after Social Science shall have given to partnerships, all their 
 rights, and worked out their problem ; then the problem of the 
 corporate uses of Families, may perhaps become plainer. We 
 are not able, as yet, to do anything with it. 
 
 6. As to Objects in view. 
 
 These would be almost endless, unless we take a few COMBI 
 NATIONS of chief objects, as portrayed in the latter part of the 
 Third Main Division of this " book." But they may here be 
 classified into Physical and Metaphysical, and then their re 
 spective Sub-Divisions might be as follows : 
 
 (a) The Physical. The physical Corporations and objects, 
 may be divided into Trade, Transportation, and Currency. 
 
 As to Trade or Business matters, our modern world is so 
 full of them, that we need only say a little. One thing is, that 
 as governments have proved so inefficient to attend to their own 
 business-matters, or to obtain Individuals to attend hereunto 
 for them, it would be well for them to authorize large Corpo 
 rations for all such purposes, as fast as the governments can be 
 made honest enough to resist the large bribes of such Corpora 
 tions. Another thing to be suggested here, is, -that there is some 
 radical defect in some of the American social laws, which tend 
 io hinder, rather than promote, the keeping of all the members 
 of a Family usually in the same business, as is common in 
 Europe. The Family is a Corporation made by nature, able to 
 conduct a business economically and happily, in mutual love 
 and confidence. 
 
 As to Transportation and Roads, the first error seems to be, 
 the ignoring entirety, the peculiar rights of the adjacent land 
 owners. Because those owners virtually and locally are a part 
 
376 BK - IV - CORPORATION. II. II. II. 
 
 of the Corporation of the road. If, after a street or common 
 road was graded, and ordered by law to be opened, if the final 
 legal process to open, involved under general law, the incorpo 
 ration of the land-holders along the street or road, then the 
 work over the road would be accomplished at vastly less ex 
 pense, either in money or in morals, and would be much better 
 done. Moreover, even in the case of turnpikes and Railroads, 
 it would be better if the land-owners, as such, along the line, 
 were invested with some small proportion of the stock, even if 
 the public paid for their proportions thereof. Because, all lands 
 ought to carry with them some share of control over the roads 
 adjacent to them, independent of the interest in their original 
 construction, which sometimes is, but sometimes is not, worth 
 considering. 
 
 The Precincts in which roads lie, should also have a small 
 right of ownership in the Road-Corporations, and for the same 
 reasons as the adjacent land-owners should have. 
 
 We must admit that the Railway companies are terribly cor 
 rupting powers over governments ; but it is equally as clear, 
 that they can do their work far better and far cheaper, than 
 governments do. But a question arises here, and is left for 
 subsequent thinkers ; can Corporations for transportation be ob 
 tained, without chartering especially for the purpose, and merely 
 by employing organs already in existence ? 
 
 If every Railroad-ownership 'consisted of two separate com 
 panies, one of the Road-way, and the other of Transportation, 
 and under due legal regulations, by principles, not by details ; 
 perhaps things would be better, as each such Corporation would 
 serve as a check to the other. But the main source of improve 
 ment would be, for both law and public opinion, to prevent any 
 Railroad-officer from reaping indirect profits for himself at the 
 expense of the company, no matter what were the methods or 
 the circumlocutions thereof. The Express Companies that avail 
 themselves of the Road-Companies, are generally found more re 
 liable, and less risky, as transporters, than the Road-Companies 
 themselves. Hence the conclusion, that the mails could be thus 
 carried, better, safer and more economically, than by the govern 
 ment, and with less corruption of the government. Besides, 
 they would conveniently be responsible for losses as common 
 
SURVEY. ACCORDING TO TEN CHARACTERISTICS. 377 
 
 carriers, or otherwise, which the United States government refuses 
 to be. The Road-Companies themselves are also accountable in 
 this sense; and some of the best of them are perfectly irre 
 proachable, in doing their own express business. 
 
 For the protection of travelers and their property, a special 
 Corporation is formed in England, and is evidently necessary 
 elsewhere ; because the great power of the Road-Companies, and 
 the smallness of most of the particular losses, generally shut 
 out redress beyond all hope, except in the generosity of the 
 company's officers. 
 
 A general principle is evolved from these cases, namely, that 
 every large Corporation needs, that an opposing or correspond 
 ing Corporation should be formed or authorized, for every class 
 who do business with it, whether, as customers or as employes 
 or as opponents : and the same may be said of every large sys 
 tem of Corporations, although each one of them might be of 
 small importance. 
 
 Nothing but Corporation can resist Corporation. Corrupt 
 therefore as Corporations sometimes become, they yet counteract 
 each other's evils, and help regulate society; and are all the 
 more necessary to be legitimized in this country ; because the 
 disorderly persons do and will form into virtual, although illegal, 
 Corporations, and into legal Corporations with secret ulterior 
 objects; suppressing personal liberty, and interfering with the 
 natural course^ of commerce and manufactures. Just as in for 
 mer times, Corporations were the only powers that could resist 
 the feudal nobility, and the kings ; so in modern times, Corpo 
 rations are the only powers that can resist the mobs, and the 
 demagogues, in their various clubs and associations. Nor, are 
 the large Corporations any more corrupt than the less and more 
 popular ones, or than .the disorderly mob-ones, many of which 
 are quite as much perverted by their leaders, from the real or 
 avowed objects of their members, as are the larger ones. 
 
 An important question here is, what are the real causes of the 
 corruption of the large road and transportation companies? 
 One reason seems to be, that their geographical nature, and com 
 mon use, make them well known to the public, O that they 
 seem to be old acquaintances ; and therefore the public readily 
 LENDS them money in permanent loans. Banks are more secure 
 
378 BK - IV. CORPORATION. II. II. II. 
 
 than the transportation companies. The reason is, they have no 
 permanent loans, because, both as to their discount and circula 
 tion, they may be called upon for payment of them at any time, 
 without notice. When Banks meant to swindle, they formerly 
 located in some " wild cat" region, where they could not easily 
 be called upon, for payment. 
 
 One method to cure the evil in the Transportation-Compa 
 nies therefore, would be, to constitute all the bond-holders a 
 Corporation separate from the share-holders; and with a right 
 to be the sole administrative power, as soon as a road became 
 unable to pay its obligations promptly. 
 
 But a still better method would be, to do away entirely with 
 permanent loans at a fixed interest, and convert them into some 
 kind of preferred stock, with only a limited dividend as a maxi 
 mum. A simpler rule would be, to have equal amounts of com 
 mon stock and preferred stock, issued, subject to equal power in 
 voting : but the common stock never to have dividends allowed, 
 until a certain dividend, at a certain prescribed rate, had been 
 allowed and paid to the preferred stock, and all arrearages, 
 if any, had been made up thereunto. The rate for the pre 
 ferred stock, to be not fixed by law in a given figure, but to 
 be, say, the average, actual and legal rate, usual in other safe. 
 and preferred investments, as bonds, mortgages, and municipal 
 loans, &c. Arrearages should also be at compound interest, at 
 this rate. 
 
 Or, if such an arrangement is too far ahead of the age, per 
 haps it would be practicable, to have the rate of interest for 
 preferred stock fixed for a given number of years, say 25 or 50 
 years. And at every expiration of said term, to have the owners 
 of one kind of stock, appraise the total value of the company, 
 arid the owners of the other kind, to choose whether to buy or 
 sell at that rate ; the party buying, would of course be the new 
 common stockholders, and would raise new preferred stock in 
 sufficient amount for the next term of 25 or 50 years, at a rate 
 of interest then satisfactory to capitalists. 
 
 Another reason for the corruption of these companies, is the 
 accomplishment of their elections, by general tickets; whereby, 
 even at best, the entire board is elected by a mere majority of 
 all those voting for boards of directors, instead of by the prin- 
 
SURVEY. ACCORDING TO TEN CHARACTERISTICS. 379 
 
 ciple, that each director shall be elected by his own fractional 
 proportion of the stock. 
 
 To impute their evils to the system of voting by proxy, is 
 wrong ; because the proxy is a just principle ; and its abolition 
 would place the companies under still smaller cliques than now. 
 But distant proxies should be allowed only from old holders. 
 
 Another reason of the corruption of these companies, is, their 
 being instituted by special, instead of general charters; so that 
 often there is bribery in their origin, bribery in their progress, 
 and bribery to prevent the chartering of rival lines, so that some 
 at least of the officers of some such successful roads, must be 
 skillful Generals in bribery. 
 
 The Postal Organ is of doubtful position in the classification, 
 inasmuch as IT, compared with "express" companies, or other 
 forwarders, performs a much larger proportional amount of local 
 office work. For instance. The office expenses of other for 
 warders, will perhaps only be one-twentieth of their amounts 
 paid for freight ; but the office-expenses of the Postal Organ, 
 would perhaps be almost or quite equal to the amounts paid for 
 freight. Hence, the Mail-service, although really a kind of 
 transportation, comes rather under the principles of a local busi 
 ness. It is well known that private persons, or Corporations, 
 would do the Mail-business cheaper and more satisfactorily to the 
 public, and would at the same time be responsible for losses as 
 Common carriers ; which the government refuses to be, even for 
 registered letters. And a further advantage would be, the with 
 drawal of the vast 'power, which the filling of the Post Office 
 gives, to every political administration. Besides, its management 
 has always been sectional ; formerly in the interests of the South ; 
 now in the interests of the West. For one letter weighing one 
 fourth of an ounce, to charge two cents from one street to another, 
 in the same city or county, and then, for a newspaper weighing 
 four ounces, to carry all the way from Maine to California, for the 
 same price ! We would not object so much to charging the cities 
 as high as the country, provided the profits thereof were ex 
 pended IN the cities, in counteracting their vices, miseries, and 
 general ill health. But as it is, the system is unjust, and is an 
 other of the methods taken to stimulate the premature settlement 
 of the public lands ; and to promote scatteration generally. 
 
380 BK - IV - CORPORATION. II. II. II. 
 
 The same kind, although a less extensive, superiority of private 
 enterprise, is equally certain in Telegraphy. But some persons 
 are arguing for a postal telegraph. Perhaps the newspaper-men 
 want this " improvement," (of a postal telegraph) ; or perhaps 
 the land-speculators want it. Or perhaps it is desired to have 
 the Postal Telegraph "run" as the Post Office itself is "run." 
 Or perhaps the Lines want to sell out at a good profit : " Gov 
 ernment is rich." Or perhaps what is wanted is, increase of 
 official patronage ; or else a monopoly of facilities for getting 
 advantage of the earliest news. But cheap telegraph news at 
 the public expense, answers for a popular cry. Perhaps cheap 
 expressage at the public expense, will be the next cry ; and then, 
 perhaps free travel ; and then, what next ? Perhaps : Free 
 property ? or what ? Or ; do these tendencies arise, not so 
 much from the propensity to break down the rights of property ; 
 as from the propensity to increase the CENTKAL power? It may 
 be both together : and then the power of the latter might be used, 
 all the more effectually, to break down the rights of the former. 
 
 As to currency, we can readily imagine how different would 
 have been the finale of the United-States Government-Loans, 
 in the war of the Rebellion, if the government, instead of select 
 ing an organ already possessing a well-established reputation, 
 and in good working order, had attempted to organize, in the 
 haste of war, banking firms or companies, expressly for the pur 
 pose. No doubt, banking Corporations could be formed, that 
 would at least be safe, by taking time and care in their con 
 struction. But after being constituted, it is" not easy to reform 
 their errors, or to change them. Whereas, an agency well -se 
 lected from among existing ones, if it should prove unsatisfac 
 tory upon trial, could be changed at once, unless some foolish 
 agreement had been entered into, preventing the change. But 
 the main thing here, after all, is, to endeavor to find how Corpo 
 rations for all the various purposes of this, and of the subsequent 
 divisions, can be induced to grow up spontaneously, like the 
 metaphysical or transcendental ones hereafter spoken of; which 
 first ari^e to fulfill the functions themselves voluntarily, and 
 are afterwards availed of by government, for the fulfillment 
 of similar functions to those for which they had originally been 
 incorporated. And yet, the tendency of modern laws in the 
 
SURVEY. ACCORDING TO TEX CHARACTERISTICS. 
 
 United States, is, to forbid all spontaneous attempts of this kind; 
 nor would the free allowance of them probably be safe, so long 
 as either gold or the precious metals with their consequents, and 
 paper, are made the basis of currency : or perhaps also, so long 
 as anything else is made such a basis, except well-selected and 
 transportable merchandise ; a plan for which, we have given in 
 the Summary Introduction, and is to be resumed under the head 
 of PROPERTY. 
 
 Then the whole matter of Currency would be so simplified, 
 as to be nothing very diiferent from any other kind of a credit 
 commerce. 
 
 The question of currency, although so generally treated as a 
 governmental one, is in principle, one only of trade or business. 
 Governments, except in the United States, have generally used 
 the function of coining money, as one method of taxation. 
 
 No supreme or national government yet established, is perfect 
 enough to be entrusted with the absolute power of fixing and 
 altering the currency ; whether of paper or of coin. All that 
 the supreme governments are perfect enough to have to do with 
 it, is, to regulate and control and enforce the contracts for it, the 
 same as for any other articles. And restrictions on govern 
 mental-power, are more needed in reference to currency, than in 
 reference to any other articles of contract ; because the currency 
 is the substance and expression of ALL contracts. Nearly all 
 the great Nations of the world have repeatedly debased or de 
 teriorated their coins. In 1834 the United States government 
 deteriorated their gold coins about six per cent. But only three 
 years subsequently, came the great panic of 1837. But only six 
 months previously, the silver coin had been deteriorated nearly 
 one per cent. Again, in 1854, the government- deteriorated the 
 silver coins, about seven per cent, further. And again in about 
 three years came the panic of 1857. The last named deteriora 
 tion was made to the silver coin, in consequence of the sudden 
 and large increase of gold receipts from California and Australia, 
 which cheapened gold greatly, in comparison with silver, and 
 which were even cheapening ALL money, at nearly the rate of one 
 per cent, per annum, and when, therefore, the strictly just course 
 would have been, to have increased the value of the gold coin to 
 its former value of 1834, instead of again reducing the silver. 
 
382 BK - IV - CORPORATION. IT. II. II. 
 
 Now, as supreme or national governments are not perfect 
 enough to be entrusted with the absolute control over currency ; 
 and as Individuals have not sufficient continuity of existence, 
 nor sufficient impartiality; therefore Corporations are much 
 better instrumentalities for the purpose ; and they, to be held 
 accountable by the NATION, as for the performance of other 
 contracts. We admit that contracts for currency should be held 
 as of national concern, and therefore should be subject to the 
 Nation's supervision. 
 
 The only proper governmental tarnperings with the currency ? 
 even including the one of altering the standard of coin, are founded 
 on v on temporary reasons, and as expedients of relief for extraor 
 dinary cases. They are all at best only bungling methods of 
 doing what might be much better accomplished by a simple law 
 authorizing specified discounts to be deducted, in the payment of 
 all debts contracted previous to a specified time; or what is some 
 times still better, a stay- law, under adequate security, or by a 
 combination of both methods. Because, debased coins are scarcely 
 'ever restored ; and debased government-paper is restored, if at 
 all, only with the greatest difficulty, and after the lapse of un 
 necessary years. 
 
 (b) The Metaphysical. The sub-divisions of the Metaphysical 
 or Transcendental objects, would be Morality, Religion, Charity 
 and Education. But these are objects of such importance, as to 
 require consideration as elements of society, under the heads of 
 Intellectuals and Morals, in the Synthetics ; and arc, for the most 
 part, deferred to that branch of the subject. We may, however, 
 say here, that they are the most important objects that Mankind, 
 whether as Individuals or societies, can seek; yet the experience 
 of ages has thus far proved, that the more the political govern 
 ments "leave these affairs alone/' the better the affairs prosper. 
 This ho\vever is not owing to any universal principle in the 
 nature of things ; but partly, to the general corruptness of political 
 government, and partly to the error of attempting to promote 
 transcendental objects, by COMMON FORCE. But yet we see, that 
 society spontaneously puts forth organizations, which accomplish 
 these special purposes by voluntary means, better than govern 
 ments could do by their coercion. Now, when society has spon 
 taneously put forth appropriate and efficient organs for these 
 
SURVEY. ACCORDING TO TEN CHARACTERISTICS. 333 
 
 purposes, political governments ought to be wise enough to per 
 ceive the fact, and to AID the institutions, so far as they can 
 reasonably do, without corrupting them. The various political 
 governments of the United States, do, in fact, pursue this method 
 with moral, charitable and educational societies. But when they 
 come to religion, they seem to lose their senses; and argue, because 
 men have different preferences in religion, that government must 
 therefore do nothing for it; just as if men had not preferences 
 and differences, on moral, and on charitable, and on educational 
 questions. Accordingly, if England aids the Catholic church 
 in Ireland, or the Hindoostanee establishment in India; all 
 Protestantism is in excitement. And here, even a public school 
 must not have any law, except the prejudices or partialities of 
 the Directors, to allow religious services in it. 
 
 But waiving for the present, the question of religion, it is evi 
 dent in general, that society has learned a lesson here, which it 
 will find of the greatest use to apply to all this class of Corpora 
 tions, whether political or not political, and whether metaphysical 
 or physical, the lesson of aiding organizations spontaneously 
 existing, and thus using them as its own organs. By this method, 
 governments would obtain the services of organizations, that had 
 already proved their efficacy and merits, by their own spontaneous 
 success. 
 
 7. As to their Nature ; whether Simple or Confound. 
 
 The Simple Corporations would be those for Morality, Re 
 ligion, Charity, Education, and Productive Business. The Com 
 pound would be Beneficial Associations, Insurance Companies, 
 Churches, Theological Seminaries, Publication and Distribution 
 Societies, Hospitals, Asylums and Educational Institutions ; also 
 Corporations for Transportation and Currency ; also the Gov 
 ernmental Corporations, if there were no special classification 
 for them. 
 
 8. As to the Means they may use. 
 
 The next basis of classification of Corporations, is, upon 
 the kinds of power they may employ : (1) Whether they may 
 employ only voluntary, i.e. moral power, or whether they may 
 resort to distraint on property, or whether to coercion of the 
 person. (2) As to whether the force used is to be of a Semi- 
 Family nature ; and whether, under it, they are to seek con- 
 
384 BK - IV - CORPORATION. II. II. II. 
 
 formity, in the sense of uniformity and harmony, or whether, to 
 seek absolute obedience, or whether, to resort to the alternative 
 of separation and dismission. (3) As to whether the force used is 
 to be of a civil governmental kind, namely, whether in addition 
 to applying coercion to the Individual, it also is to attempt to 
 punish, in order to exert an influence on others. This part of 
 the classification would also include political power, and the 
 relations of the Corporation to the other political Elements, 
 namely, Precinct and Nation. 
 
 9. As to their relations to Locality. 
 
 (a) Corporations NOT embracing and governing their Local 
 ities. In general, the law of Corporations without political 
 power, ought to be the same as that of Individuals, except that 
 their officers should be free from personal liability; and the 
 common law is thus far correct, in calling them artificial per 
 sons. 
 
 The first principle to be considered now, in regard to Corpo 
 rations, is the simple fact of their existence in or out of the 
 Locality or Precinct in which they are intended to transact their 
 business. And by the pre-supposition, this class is the one which 
 has NO relation to the exercise of political functions in the Pre 
 cinct of its location. In regard to this class, it is evident, that 
 those which act wholly within the Precinct in which they are 
 located, ought to be almost entirely free from all national and 
 all other outside interferences ; whatever the nature or business 
 of such a Corporation might be, provided it does not have a 
 direct tendency to interfere with the rights of persons, or organ 
 izations, outside of the Precinct or Locality. This principle 
 against interference, becomes more and more absolute, exactly 
 in proportion to the social power actually exerted, of confining 
 the influence of such Corporations substantially to the Precinct 
 in which they are located, so far as it is reasonable to suppose 
 that the influence of Individuals, may be confined to or within 
 the same limits but no farther restrictions. Even then, there 
 will remain this difference, of greater power of government over 
 Corporations than over Individuals ; inasmuch as from the very 
 nature of Corporations, they cannot remove, like Individuals, 
 to other Localities, that is, to other Precincts, inasmuch as 
 such a removal might forfeit the charter, or essentially change 
 
SURVEY.. ACCORDING TO TEN CHARACTERISTICS. 335 
 
 the nature, of a Corporation organized expressly to act wholly 
 within its own Precinct; and that is the kind of Corporation 
 we are now considering. 
 
 But it may be asked, What would you do about Corporations 
 organized expressly for immoral or irreligious purposes ? We 
 would reply, we would just do with them, what free govern 
 ments now do with irreligious organizations, and even what the 
 United States ought to have done with rebellious organizations, 
 before they proceeded to any overt act of rebellion; namely, 
 allow them to be COUNTERACTED by OTHER CORPORATIONS, 
 and by Individuals. We would let them alone ; but with this 
 difference in favor of our theory, that it only applies to freedom 
 within the Precinct ; and then in that case, the Precinct itself 
 would be held morally accountable, in the judgment of the Na 
 tion and of Mankind ; and with this other difference, that other 
 Precincts have a full and equal right to exclude all such Corpo 
 rations, and even their emigrants, their advocates, and their lit 
 erature, from their respective localities : so far as they choose to 
 do so, and be amenable to the same moral judgments of Nation 
 and Mankind. These and other various practical means would 
 soon bring them to justice. 
 
 Again, you may ask, What would you do about Corporations 
 of this evil class, if established EXPRESSLY for criminal pur 
 poses? The answer would be, that those criminal purposes 
 which are private in their nature, and have no direct tendency 
 to injure others, except by example, might safely, according to 
 the principles just before mentioned, be left to the action of 
 their own Precinct ; for, that is the locality that sees the ex 
 ample, and suffers by it. And it is fundamental to our theory, 
 that the right of free removal from one Precinct to another, of 
 persons with their property, should be maintained; so that if 
 all good citizens should disapprove of any given proceedings^ 
 and should despond of the probability of the Precinct being 
 reformed, they could readily remove to another. But it is 
 to be borne in mind here, that what one age or denomination, 
 judges criminal, another does not ; and this difference of opinion 
 is another argument for the freedom of Corporations. 
 
 But, as to that other class of criminal purposes, which are not 
 private, and which are direct aggressions against established 
 
 25 
 
386 BK - IV - CORPORATION. II. II. II. 
 
 rights, and which would tend to foster a class of criminals, who 
 would prey upon the rights of persons or property situate out 
 side of the Precinct ; such purposes are of course excluded by 
 the nature of our supposition. And Corporations established 
 for any such purposes, could not at all be considered in the class 
 of those who trinsact their business entirely within the Precinct. 
 And it is hard ly conceivable, that any such criminal organiza 
 tions would b* allowed expressly to act within the Precinct 
 itself. And no Precinct recognizes the virtue of another, only 
 as it chooses to. 
 
 Now, as to ihat class of Corporations which transact their 
 business, partly within and partly out of, their own Precinct ; 
 why, so far as they act within their Precinct, they come under 
 the class just a ove mentioned ; and so far as they act out of 
 their Precinct, i.fley come under the principles of the class we 
 are next to discus. 
 
 Now, as to ttut other class of Corporations, which are to act 
 wholly out of the Precinct or Locality in which they are situated, 
 they are a singular and curious class. For instance, the state of 
 New York charters a Corporation located (?) in the city of New 
 York, to build a Railroad across the Isthmus of Panama, or 
 a telegraph line on the coast of China, or to conduct some busi 
 ness in the territory of Montana, or in the city cf Philadelphia. 
 In any of these cases, there ought to be no difficulty in seeing 
 the true principles of fairness. By the comity of Precincts, 
 such as now exist in the United States, and also by express 
 statute, a charter given by one Precinct to a Corporation that is 
 to act in another Precinct, should be valid in all other Precincts, 
 as to the fact of the existence of the Corporation, and the official 
 character of its officers. But on the other hand, such a Corpo 
 ration, as to its action in those other Precincts, should have no 
 Bights of operation whatever, but what are given by the laws of 
 the Precinct IN which it is acting. And this state of the case 
 refers us again to Corporations WITHIN their Locality. Be 
 cause a charter from an outside Precinct, should do no more than 
 recognize the mere fact of the artificial personality, and real ex 
 istence, of the Corporation ; but is not thereby bound to, either 
 allow or enforce, any of the proceedings thereof within its own 
 domestic Locality; and perhaps, not even in any other Locality 
 
SURVEY. ACCORDING TO TEN CHARACTERISTICS. 
 
 than that of the home itself of the said outside Corporation. 
 The case is just the same as the nativity of an Individual. The 
 nativity of an Individual only constitutes it a human being, but 
 does not necessarily give it official or political rights in outside 
 Localities, only so far as the latter approve of so doing. 
 
 (b) Corporations Embracing and Govwning their Localities. 
 There is a class of Corporations, which exercise only a partial 
 degree of political or government-power, of a secondary kind, 
 that is to say, a kind that refers to some one idea or combination 
 of ideas ; and only derived by express grant from original gov 
 erning bodies in the Locality. The consideration of those will 
 be taken up in the Third Main Division of Corporations. We 
 are now speaking of that kind of Corporations which embrace 
 their Localities as a idiote, and are the local governing power 
 thereof. For convenience, they might be called Federations. 
 The kind of powers which they may rightly exercise, is that 
 which in general, is now considered as bestowed upon townships, 
 boroughs, and counties. 
 
 Here would be the place to arrange for and treat, "States" 
 and Large Cities ; if the reader were not satisfied with our 
 locating them under PBECINCT, Part II. Chap. XII. 
 
 But every ordinary form of civil government, whether over a 
 township, or a confederation, or an Empire of Nations, is a sort 
 of Corporation of the kind here mentioned, namely, the kind 
 which governs the Locality which it embraces. But when we 
 speak in a more restricted sense, only " states" and large cities 
 would come under this category. But we have already con 
 sidered these under the head of Precinct, where they more 
 properly belong : for according to our theory, governmental 
 Corporations consist essentially of persons disseminated in va 
 rious inherently political Localities, and can only be considered 
 as co-extensive with Localities, in the final success of a system 
 of Corporations. 
 
 This class of Corporations might be divided into two kinds : 
 one of which is positively regarded, by most persons, as a gov 
 ernment ; for instance, boroughs, counties, towns, &c. The 
 other of which, is not yet so regarded generally, because they 
 only perform, here and there, one or more special functions of 
 government. But the distinction, after all, is hardly scientific 
 
388 BK - IY - CORPORATION. II. II. II. 
 
 but popular rather. The consideration of this class will be de 
 ferred to the Third Main Division. This is the same class which 
 has been mentioned above, as possessing only derivative powers, 
 or exercising only derivative functions. 
 
 The smaller geographical divisions, do, according to our 
 theory, possess, not a secondary or granted degree of power; 
 but original inherent rights, at Jeast especially the smallest of 
 these divisions; being what we regard as one of the eternal 
 Units, the Precinct. But the kind of powder which is usually 
 attributed to them, is merely the power we, in our theory, would 
 attribute to Provinces, Cities, and what in the American Union 
 are called " states." The writer's theory of " state rights," knows 
 of nothing of this higher kind of power in " states," except as 
 in Precincts or in Nations. The American "states" are merely 
 incorporated bodies with double charters. In their case, the 
 charter must be considered as originating from and ratified, both 
 by the Nation above them, on the one hand, and by the Pre 
 cincts of which they are composed, on the other hand. In other 
 words, they are governmental political Corporations, with double 
 charters. 
 
 Very nearly the same principles apply to the rights of large 
 cities. The intimate providential and balancing relations, which 
 exist between these Corporations called " states" and cities, were 
 pointed out when treating of cities, under the head of Precinct : 
 Part II. Chap. XII. 
 
 10. As to Governmental and Political Functions. 
 
 The next important classification would be; into Corporations 
 which are for governmental and political purposes; and those 
 which are not for such purposes. This division is only mentioned 
 here, in order to complete scientifically the plan, as it appears in 
 the analysis, of treating of all kinds of Corporations, in a general 
 way, in this Main Division. If we were to enlarge upon it, w r e 
 should have to take up the governmental or political ones here, 
 also in a general way, before making another Main Division. 
 But that would make a useless break in the main subject of this 
 article, namely, the subject of Governmental or Political Corpo 
 rations ; therefore we place them, both general and special, in the 
 next, namely, the Third Main Division. 
 
POLITICAL CORP. PRELIMINARIES. CLASSIFICATIONS. 389 
 
 MAIN DIVISION III. 
 
 CORPORATIONS WITH POLITICO-GOV 
 ERNMENTAL FUNCTIONS. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION I. 
 
 PRELIMINARIES. 
 
 CHAP. I. CLASSIFICATIONS. 
 
 1. Analytical Table, of Politico- Governmental Corporations. 
 
 
 
 ' TREATMENT OF CRIMINALS 
 
 ill 
 
 LOWER OR DE 
 RIVATIVE 
 ORDER; EX 
 
 FOR 
 SINGLE 
 
 FUNC 
 TIONS 
 
 COLLECTION OF TAXES 
 POLICE (AND MILITARY) 
 CIVIL-EXECUTIVE 
 JUDICIAL 
 
 MAIN DIVISION. 
 
 ERCISING 
 FUNCTIONS 
 
 
 DELIBERATIVE 
 
 : 
 
 o^o~ 
 
 UNDER PRES 
 
 FOR 
 
 
 CORPORATIONS EX 
 ERCISING GOV 
 
 ENT GOV 
 ERNMENTS 
 
 GEN 
 ERAL 
 
 FUNC 
 
 GENERAL ADMINISTRA 
 TIVE ; NAMELY, FOR GEN 
 
 ERNMENTAL AND 
 
 
 ^ TTOVS 
 
 ERAL FUNCTIONS 
 
 POLITICAL FUNC 
 
 HIGHER OR- f 
 
 y 
 
 TIONS 
 
 DER; EXER 
 
 A MULTIPLICITY. BASED ON ISOLATED 
 
 
 CISING IN 
 
 OR SINGLE IDEAS 
 
 
 HERENT 
 
 
 
 
 FUNCTIONS: 
 
 A FEW. BASED ON A FEW PRINCIPAL 
 
 
 AND BASED 
 
 COMBINATIONS OF IDEAS 
 
 
 ON IDEAS 
 
 
 
 CHAP. II. DEFINITION. 
 
 The doctrine of Governmental or political Corporations, stated 
 in the abstract, is, that there may exist a variety of bodies-politic, 
 operating upon the same grounds, each attending to its own 
 civil and political duties. These would be governmental Cor 
 porations. When these Corporations differ only as to their 
 functions, we have the First Sub-Division, namely, those which 
 exercise functions derived from the Governments of Localities. 
 But when these Corporations differ as to the classes of Individuals 
 whom they are to govern, each governing its own members, and 
 letting all others alone, then we have the Second Sub-Division, 
 namely, those which exercise inherent functions based on ideas. 
 
390 BK - IV - CORPORATION. III. I. IV. 
 
 All the objects and functions considered under this general 
 head, belong to, and may properly be considered as referring to, 
 all the different kin'ds of Corporations ; and even to the great 
 Units of society; inasmuch as they partake of the nature of 
 these. Hence, most of the remarks to be made under this head, 
 will apply to all Corporations, and partly even, to all other gov 
 ernment-organs : although the particular organs of society, first 
 to be discussed, are supposed to have only some of the functions, 
 and to aim at only some of the objects of government. In other 
 words, we are now to consider the newly developed special or 
 gans, that are, from time to time, putting forth, each to accom 
 plish its own object ; in accordance with the great biological law, 
 that, the higher we rise in the scale of the development of being, 
 the more we find, that every different function has its own organ, 
 specially for its particular purpose. Corporations are the new 
 organs, which, as governments develop, must be put forth, so that 
 each function may have its own special organs ; and so that each 
 organ or each set of organs, may be different from every other 
 organ or set. But sometimes, one function calls for several organs, 
 as the perspiring skin has its thousands of pores, and the nutritive 
 organs have their hundreds of lacteals ; and often, the organs 
 for each function, come in pairs, corresponding to the duality in 
 naturei And in a few cases, each function has only one organ. 
 
 CHAP. III. GOVERNMENTS SHOULD SELECT RATHER THAN 
 CREATE THEIR CORPORATIONS. 
 
 One important suggestion here is, that government should do 
 as little as possible towards the direct or actual creation of Polit 
 ical Corporations ; but do as much as would be consistent with 
 safety and incorruptness, to induce societies to organize of their 
 own accord, for somewhat similar purposes. Government should 
 endeavor to call forth its needed Corporations, rather by encour 
 aging their formation, than by actually creating them. To carry 
 this principle into practice, the greatest freedom of forming 
 Corporations would be indispensably necessary. 
 
 CHAP. IV. PROMOTIONS OF CORPORATIONS. 
 
 Another suggestion is, that Corporations might be promoted 
 from one function to another ; but of course, not only in a merely 
 
POLITICAL CORP. PRELIMINARIES. PROGRESSION. 39J 
 
 outward or formal way. There is first to be considered, an out 
 ward promotion, namely, the promotion of a Corporation from 
 acting for a Precinct, to the office of performing the same func 
 tions for a larger Locality, or a much higher generality. But 
 this is not the main promotion we refer to, although it should 
 by no means be undervalued. But the kind of promotion we 
 chiefly mean, is one, that elevates to higher kinds of function, 
 one, that is performed by an inward and living process, the like 
 of which is not fd'und in any science less spiritual or metaphys 
 ical than Biology, and only there found, by .close observation, 
 and in a few cases. For instance, the surplus life-power which 
 seems, in infancy, to produce growth, does, after puberty, turn 
 to a power to reproduce its kind. And at a still later age, the 
 generative power passes away, whilst the life-power is all con 
 centrated in maintaining the life of the Individual. 
 
 And it is not inconceivable, nor even entirely absurd, to hope, 
 that the time may come, in the case of human Biology, when 
 this life-power may be turned to complete the perfection, and 
 perhaps even the undying longevity, of the Individual-man. 
 Such a hope is, for some reason or other, entertained by the 
 Prussian naturalist Karl Ernst von Baer, and by J. H. Noyes 
 and his coadjutors. But, if not the Individual, perhaps the race 
 may become perpetual, by means of promotions of functions. 
 
 It would be presumptuous, to attempt to foretell exactly the 
 order, in which the promotions of Corporations could take place ; 
 but we may presently offer some suggestions as to them, in con 
 nection with the other particulars. 
 
 CHAP. V. CORPORATIONS, TO BE PROGRESSIVE WITH THE 
 PRECINCT. 
 
 Although the theory of Corporations is abstract from Local 
 ity, nevertheless, whatever exists at all, must exist somewhere; 
 and therefore any actual system of Corporations must have some 
 Locality, whether that of Precinct, Nation or Whole Earth. 
 And as, the smaller the Locality is, the more any actually new 
 system of Political Corporations, wou d be likely to be adopted; 
 therefore the Precinct-system seems necessary, in order to give 
 perfect practicability to the Corporations. Nevertheless, a large 
 system of Precincts is not necessary to precede, because the sue- 
 
392 BK - IV - CORPORATION, in. ii. ir. 
 
 cess of the Corporations, in a few select Precincts, might be ac 
 cepted as a sufficient proof of their practicability in the Nation 
 as a totality. On the other hand, the highest differentiations of 
 the Corporation-system, seem to require the pre-existence of the 
 Precinct- ; so that both systems can only develop together, 
 which, as Spencer says, is the method of the development of 
 the sciences generally. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION II. 
 
 CORPORATIONS WITH DERIVATIVE POLITICAL 
 FUNCTIONS. 
 
 CHAP. I. EXPLANATION. 
 
 The class of Corporations we are now to consider, are, first, 
 those exercising functions derived from political government- 
 organizations, namely ; those which exercise only a partial de 
 gree of political or governmental power, of a derivative kind, 
 obtained by express grant from original governing bodies ; and 
 to perform some of their functions, which would otherwise be 
 deputed to government persons or officers. Although the real 
 difference between these and other Corporations, (subsequently 
 to be considered), so far as rights are concerned, consists rather 
 in the first kind being regarded by the people generally, as a 
 civil government; and the other, not yet so regarded. So that 
 the distinction of their rights is popular rather than scientific. 
 Thus, this Division of Corporations, bears the same relation to 
 Corporations as a whole, that they bear to the Local Govern 
 ments. This is so, both in their derivative nature, and in their 
 popular non-apprehension. This division may also be distin 
 guished from the second, by the consideration, that this is for 
 functions, and that is for ideas. 
 
 CHAP. II. CORPORATIONS FOR SINGLE FUNCTIONS. 
 
 1. In General. 
 
 Corporations should not act for only one employer or prin 
 cipal, but each such Corporation should, as far as possible, be so 
 constituted, that it would perform somewhat similar functions 
 
POLITICAL CORP. DERIVATIVE. SINGLE FUNCTIONS. 393 
 
 for a variety of employers or principals, or on its own account 
 also. This latter condition, in selecting and constituting them, 
 would be similar in principle to, although different in origin 
 from, availing, of Corporations already existing for their own 
 business-purposes. And when this cannot, from the nature of 
 the case, be done; the one Corporation should be allowed to 
 fulfill its own peculiar government-functions, for several Pre 
 cincts or Localities, so far as possible. This creates opportunity 
 of comparison, on the one hand. On the other hand, a Corpo 
 ration, if ill used, or if too independent to allow itself to be 
 used as a political tool, by one Precinct or Locality, may be free 
 to dispense with the patronage of that one, having other Pre 
 cincts or Localities, upon which to fall back for employment. 
 All this is simply introducing the common experience and wis 
 dom of the business world, into political government. 
 
 The full accomplishment of this, requires the constitution, we 
 have elsewhere maintained, of a large number of small semi- 
 independent, or State-Precincts ; although most of this principle 
 might be applied by the present organizations of townships and 
 counties, if they were not too much given to requiring those 
 who work for them, to reside in the district of their operations. 
 For evidently, if, for instance, a police, whether of Individuals 
 or of Corporations, is to act for several Precincts, it must be 
 left free from the necessity of residing in its place of occupation. 
 
 But what shall we say of the possible application of these 
 principles, by national governments? We answer; first; that 
 the principles just set forth, for application by Precincts, may 
 be applied by Nations, when that national organ called patriot 
 ism, shall have become a minimum, or shall have been partly 
 absorbed or divided away, among Precincts and Corporations ; 
 so that one Nation could trust the Individuals and Corporations 
 of or from another Nation, to perform some of its political or 
 governmental functions ; just as Precincts or Corporations now 
 do; just as the time has passed away (except among Turks and 
 Chinese, &c.), when a foreigner was thought not fit even to be 
 trusted with the privilege of a common merchant, much less of 
 a landholder. But, second, and mainly ; we answer ; that these 
 ideas are to be applied to national affairs, by adhering to the 
 principle, but reversing it: just as the mucous membrane is 
 
394 BK - IV - CORPORATION. III. II. II. 
 
 one with the outside skin, but is reversed. Instead of one Cor 
 poration working for several governments, we may need to have 
 the national government adopting several Corporations to fulfill 
 the same one function, a plurality of organs, two, if that 
 bring sufficient comparison; but if not, then as many more as 
 may be needed. If the functions to be performed are too few 
 for more than one Corporation in a given Locality, then let 
 them operate in alternate or neighboring Localities, throughout 
 some given field.; just as government has policy enough, in the 
 merely material matters of Railroads, &c., to grant its lands 
 away in alternate sections, all along the routes ; instead of all 
 in one Locality, which the road or company might select. 
 2. For Treatment of Criminals. 
 
 The object of the punishment of criminals, is becoming evi 
 dently more and more resolvable into the object, " treatment of 
 the erring," and so far as this is true, it is manageable by the 
 Corporations for the transcendental purposes, namely, Moral 
 ity, Religion, Charity and Education. The little of personal 
 spontaneous guilt then remaining, in excess of that which is 
 generally allowed to run loose in society, would require the in 
 troduction of an element scarcely yet to be found in voluntary 
 Corporations. Such an element would therefore have to be de 
 rived from governments, by special charter, or by some more 
 express and special grant than the others : and in this case, both 
 the duties and the restrictions, might be clearly set forth by the 
 government; and a special acceptance thereof, be required from 
 the Corporation. 
 
 As a basis then, to begin the promotions with, observe, that 
 some governments have already introduced into the management 
 of criminals, a considerable degree of the power of the benevo 
 lent and moral Corporations, (namely, those for Morality, Re 
 ligion, Charity and Education.) Suppose then, some govern 
 ment were to try the experiment, in a limited field, of giving 
 the control of criminal almost entirely into the hands of the 
 moral and benevolent societies, subject only to the restrictions, 
 that the criminals should not be turned loose on the community, 
 without the consent of the political government ; and that the 
 criminals should not be treated any more severely than "the 
 law" for prisons allowed. And suppose such experiments were 
 
POLITICAL CORP. DERIVATIVE. SINGLE FUNCTIONS. 395 
 
 actually to prove, in the end, undoubted successes ; as indeed 
 there is hardly any doubt that they would. Here is a basis to 
 begin with. Then a successful Corporation of that kind, might 
 be promoted to the function of managing professional paupers. 
 The managers might be readily induced, voluntarily to under 
 take the new function, in addition to the old one, by giving them 
 separate buildings, and separate sub-organizations for each func 
 tion, at the public expense, of course. Such experiments also, 
 we have no doubt, would prove stupendous successes, if the gov 
 ernments would only grant the managers sufficient power. But 
 we cannot admit that criminals should have the higher or pro 
 moted order of care, even if it be true that they require more 
 scientific treatment : because justice must ever be preferred to 
 merely apparent policy. 
 
 The next step would be to select the most successful of these 
 already promoted Corporations, and relieve them altogether from 
 the care of criminals, so that they might devote themselves 
 exclusively to the " unfortunates," and the paupers, and to re 
 storing them to honor and usefulness. By unfortunates we mean, 
 the five classes, Fallen women, Habitually intemperate persons, 
 Paupers, Persons accused of crime but not yet convicted, and 
 Youths in danger of being involved in habitual crime. And each 
 of these five classes of persons, should of course be placed in 
 charge of a diiferent Society. Promotion, as to these five, might 
 begin with the last named one, and perhaps end with the first 
 named ; as that is the order of difficulty of the work to be done 
 in each case. But more probably, the treatment of only one of 
 these classes would be sufficient, in order to qualify for promo 
 tion to some higher governmental functions. And voluntary 
 societies would not be profited by, nor consent to, very frequent 
 changes of their functions, unless organized for that object. 
 
 Those societies which had proved themselves reliable and effi 
 cient, in the management and reforms, of criminals, and profes 
 sional paupers, and other unfortunates, would certainly exhibit 
 and prove a high degree of Legislative, Police, and Judicial 
 wisdom. We will then pause here, for the present, with their 
 promotions, and take up another line of thought ; confident of 
 this at least, that their wisdom and power can be utilized in some 
 higher forms, whenever we are ready for them. 
 
396 BK - IV - COEPOKATION. Til. II. II. 
 
 3. For Collection of Taxes. 
 
 As to the collection of taxes ; all persons ought to know, how 
 difficult it is to ascertain each Individual's share thereof; and 
 how, by false swearing and other means, much of our taxation 
 is really, in the end, more of a tax on honesty and veracity, than 
 it is on the income, importation, or business, of the Individual. 
 Hence, we need not wonder so much, that Koine adopted the 
 policy of selling out the privilege of taxation to the highest bid 
 der ! And the successful bidder would probably be the smartest 
 man in finding out the real valuation. But we, in modern times, 
 ought to improve on that method, and even upon our own. 
 
 Probably the best method for first trial, would be, to intrust 
 the whole business of collection of taxes, to those Corporations 
 that had already obtained a superior and long-established char 
 acter as financial organs, that is, the Banks or the Trust Com 
 panies. This would be going to the Physical non-political 
 elements, selecting an approved organ, and promoting it to a 
 political function, something in the same manner as we have 
 just before been considering, in the case of the metaphysical. 
 And in both cases, there would in time, probably grow out of 
 the new and promoted society, a division, according to the prin 
 ciples of the division of labor, whereby, one part would devote 
 itself entirely to the new function. Even the very evils and 
 troubles of the combined stages, would hasten the time of the 
 division, when the old " fogies" would return to their first work, 
 and allow the new part of the organ to go on more freely with 
 its own functions. 
 
 4. For Police-and-Military Functions. 
 
 Our theory does not recognize war very gladly, nor at all, 
 only so far as war is a " necessary evil," as if indeed it ever 
 could really be either necessary or expedient at all. Therefore 
 we must regard the military power, at best, as only a develop 
 ment from the police, in fact, as a promoted order of police 
 officers. Hence it is only to a very limited extent, and for a FEW 
 persons, that we could appropriate into our theory, the idea of 
 an exclusively theoretical military education. But all that is 
 good, in the high spirit that prevails among military men, might 
 be passed over to the police, although not necessarily to all the 
 present Individuals therein. But, by presenting the idea, that 
 
POLITICAL CORP. DERIVATIVE. SINGLE FUNCTIONS. 397 
 
 police services were necessary to promotion in the regular army, 
 and gradually even requisite to other executive offices; and by 
 supplying police officers freely, with the preparatory military, and 
 other executive education, necessary to aid them in those profes 
 sions ; and by corresponding examinations of fitness, the spirit 
 and self-respect of the order would be highly raised, and better 
 classes of men would be drawn into the organization. All this 
 would happen, by making the outward organization correspond, 
 as far as practicable, to the inward theory and spirit, by main 
 taining that justifiable war, and even other executive force, are 
 only extended functions of police-duty. 
 
 The proposition has already been made, to incorporate compa 
 nies for the purpose of detective police, but we do not know with 
 what success. But if they be possible, then there might in time 
 grow out of them, the possibility of military authority being 
 vested in a Corporation. 
 
 5. For Civil-Executive Functions. 
 
 Executive functions naturally belong to the police and mili 
 tary class, although of course, executive faculties are required 
 and developed by the headship of every department of govern 
 ment, and of every association. The veto-power is a conglom 
 erate thing, a mixture of executive with legislative functions,, 
 and ought to be withdrawn, to have substituted instead of it, a 
 specified largeness of majority. On this basis, then, there is a 
 probability that a Corporation could, if required, fulfill execu 
 tive functions. But, as the Corporation itself must select its 
 Individuals, the institution and the Individual would both be 
 performing the same functions, and therefore, it is possible that 
 Corporations might be dispensed with, under this head. 
 
 The principle involved in this argument, is one reason why 
 a Corporation can never perfectly fulfill all the functions of a 
 Nation. For a Nation is, in spirit, the executive power of the 
 sum of all its Localities, namely, its Locality as a whole. 
 j 6. For Judicial Functions. 
 
 In regard to judicial functions, it is not yet easy to see, 
 how these could be advantageously entrusted to a Corporation, 
 in any other way than indirectly, namely, as being involved in 
 the functions of Corporations previously established for other 
 purposes. 
 
398 BK - IV - CORPORATION. III. II. II. 
 
 7. For Deliberative Functions. 
 
 Although Legislatures themselves may not be constituted as 
 Corporations, yet the political bodies who nominate and elect 
 them, might easily be so constituted. We allude to elementary 
 spontaneous political organizations. We find in the United 
 States, spontaneously originated organizations, of every ward 
 county and state, as well as of the whole country, for nomi 
 nating and electing candidates. It cannot be doubted that this 
 vast outgrowth, can be trained in and directed to further pur 
 poses, and at the same time, be so controlled as to accomplish 
 those purposes better than they now fulfill their proposed ends. 
 By refining them into a suitable system of political clubs, we 
 hope hereafter to show (mainly in the article on Civil Govern 
 ment and Elections) that this element, voluntary political clubs, 
 can be turned into the function of direct election of representa 
 tives, whereby the voice of every Individual would continue to 
 be heard, each for himself; instead of those organizations only 
 nominating candidates for a majority representation, and a con 
 glomerate decision. By thus making the influence and func 
 tions of these voluntary political clubs, direct instead of indirect, 
 we afford a chance for some of them to establish, for themselves, 
 a permanent reputation for political fairness, honesty, and wis 
 dom, a reputation that might be maintained, generation after 
 generation. 
 
 Supposing, then, a reputation for such a character, to have 
 l)een sufficiently established, surely it could be utilized some 
 where, and for some higher end, and in some higher method. 
 It is too soon yet to see just how, and for what immediate ends, 
 this utilization should take place. But it is evidently possible, 
 that out of it, ultimately might grow up a great system of civil 
 government, by Corporations over their own voluntary members ; 
 and thereby to that extent, releasing them from the local or gen 
 eral political governments; just as ancient Rome allowed for 
 eigners, resident there, to judge themselves by their own laws 
 and proceedings. More will be said of this, in a subsequent 
 part of this article. In the character, then, established by such 
 voluntary political clubs, there is a ground of promoting some 
 of them to some higher purpose, to be afterwards discovered. 
 
POLITICAL CORP. DERIVATIVE. GENERAL FUNCTIONS. 399 
 CHAP. III. CORPORATIONS FOR GENERAL FUNCTIONS. 
 
 1. Classifications. 
 
 If it were not for the fact, that in the United States, the terms 
 general administration apply to the National government, this 
 class ought to be called Corporations of General Administra 
 tion. These are the last and highest kind the world has yet 
 seen, of political Corporations, as denned by their objects, 
 namely, those for General Administration. These, though apt 
 to be confounded with the executive office, are entirely different; 
 for they combine and exercise several, or all, the different func 
 tions of government, the different kinds above mentioned. But. 
 the last named class, namely, those for deliberative functions, 
 might possibly be included under this more general head, be 
 cause the deliberative function relates to all the others, and even 
 relates to itself also : like the power of thought, which studies 
 thinking, as well as other things. 
 
 This class, for General Political Administration, readily passes 
 into that of Corporations embracing and governing their Locali 
 ties ; but must be distinguished also from them. They, we 
 found, were cities and states ; they derive their origin partly 
 from the Localities in which they exist ; and are so intimately 
 connected with the Precincts which they include, that they 
 belong rather to the head of Precinct, where we have placed 
 them, than to Corporation. But these Corporations we are now 
 speaking of, namely, those for general political functions, do not 
 necessarily correspond with the Locations which they govern, 
 nor do they derive their authority from them. The British East 
 India, and Hudson's Bay, and Dutch East India, Companies, 
 are instances in point ; so also, are the colonization-companies 
 of various ages. These colonization-companies, after becoming 
 permanent in their adopted Locations, gradually pass over into 
 Corporations actually embracing and governing their Localities. 
 But the two are not, on that account, to be confused, any more 
 than the citizenships of two different countries should be con 
 fused by an Individual changing his citizenship from one to 
 another; nor, for instance, than Normandy must be confused 
 with England, by William of Normandy becoming King of 
 England. 
 
400 BK - IV - CORPORATION. III. II. III. 
 
 2. Uses. 
 
 The function of general administration, is more suitable to 
 a Corporation, than any single function ; because, as has been 
 already said, that element is the best type of civil government ; 
 which, in all forms, is a kind of unartificial Corporation consti 
 tuted by nature, in general, and especially in the United States. 
 
 History helps us more with examples of this kind, than with 
 those that exercise only one political function. In fact, both for 
 the formation of new settlements, and for the government of 
 permanent colonies, History shows, how much better and more 
 successful, the plan of Corporations is ; than either the plan of 
 direct home-government, or of deputy governors, or of private 
 action and Individual enterprise. If the United States had 
 conducted its settlements in the West, on this principle of Cor 
 porations, all the blessings of civilization might have been car 
 ried steadily forward, with the settlements. Indian wars might 
 have been prevented, the Indians themselves absorbed in the 
 Corporations ; and by preventing the immediate and irritating 
 causes of the Southern Rebellion, that great war itself might 
 have been prevented. 
 
 3. Genesis. 
 
 Let us premise here, however, that, even if we fail to show 
 the practicability of, or the methods of, producing and culti 
 vating Corporations for general political purposes; it would 
 still be very premature to suppose, that they never could be 
 cultivated or produced : for, perhaps it may not be possible, to 
 point out how the combined organizations can be developed, 
 until after the Corporations for the various special and ele 
 mentary functions before mentioned, shall have been separately 
 produced. For, as has been said in the Introduction, the true 
 science of society, cannot go very far in advance of the progress 
 of the foremost phases of society itself. 
 
 The Corporations that we have already mentioned, would, by 
 their variety, and their promotions, have produced the men and 
 the methods, from which might be selected the various elements 
 to form these Corporations for general administration. Those 
 previous ones, should also have produced the wisdom and the 
 disposition, for the successful combination of the elements. It 
 is scarcely to be expected of this high kind of Corporations, that 
 
POLITICAL CORP. DERIVATIVE. GENERAL FUNCTIONS. 4Q1 
 
 they could be formed, like some that have already been mentioned, 
 namely, by the direct combination of pre-existing organizations. 
 Perhaps, for this high kind of Corporations, all that can be ex 
 pected from the previous ones, is, the men, the dispositions, and 
 the ideas. 
 
 It is possible, that sometimes these Corporations might grow 
 out of a combination of the developments of Insurance and 
 Police, that is to say, Corporations might be entrusted with 
 governmental powers, by undertaking to insure the public against 
 Individual losses, either from their own errors, or from rogues ; 
 and by assuming the expenses and duties of the detection of 
 criminals. But of course, to be balanced by leaving their pun 
 ishment or treatment, to the organs that should approve them 
 selves capable of those separate functions ; and of course, not to 
 be judges in their own cases, or even in cases involving similar 
 Corporations. 
 
 The actual realization of a Corporation of this kind, involving 
 as it would, the exercise of combined functions, would require 
 and presuppose, that there should be a union of two separate 
 organizations ; one of which, should have grown up from a fully 
 approved insurance organization, and the other from a fully ap 
 proved police Corporation. Then, nearly all that would remain 
 to do, would be to get them to combine, in one business or in one 
 function. I do not know whether the analogy for this, that is for 
 the combination of two organs into one, can be found in physical 
 biology. The combination of sex might be compared, but that 
 is in reality metaphysical, so far as we yet know. And in meta 
 physical objects, we can find other and ample analogies, as of 
 ideas and feeling and will, uniting into one mentality. 
 
 The very idea of voluntary governmental Corporations, seems 
 to have originated with the religious element of human nature : 
 the religions of most countries and of all ages, having sponta 
 neously .embodied themselves in organizations tantamount to 
 Corporations. 
 
 The perception, but misunderstanding of this truth, is what 
 has induced some writers, to charge the religious element with 
 producing caste, and secret associations, in ancient times. But the 
 general principle really budding into existence, could not be un 
 derstood until the true theory of Corporations became manifested. 
 
 26 
 
402 BK - IV - CORPORATION. III. III. I. 
 
 The Corporations of the Catholic church, in Catholic coun 
 tries, developed them pretty fully ; but politico-religious Corpo 
 rations of all ages, have been conducted chiefly for the protection 
 of religious officials, rather than of the people, excepting, how 
 ever, the Catholic "communities" or recluse-houses. Perhaps 
 therefore, the religious element of hjiman nature, may develop 
 such Corporations, especially when at work in recluse association. 
 Either the churches themselves might ultimately receive again, 
 as in former ages, a restored power over their own members ; or, 
 if it be necessary to retain perpetually the distinction between 
 the religious and secular powers, the churches might give rise to 
 other Corporations which would exercise such functions, -just 
 as they have given rise to their respective Bible, Tract, Mission, 
 Hospital, and Poor, Societies. It is also possible, that the Tem 
 perance, Masonic and other such Societies, might produce such 
 Corporations for political purposes. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION III. 
 
 CORPORATIONS WITH INHERENT POLITICAL 
 FUNCTIONS. 
 
 CHAP. I. NATURE OF THIS SUB-DIVISION. 
 
 1 . Justification of the Speculative, and the Abstract. 
 Many of the ideas of this division, especially of the first parts 
 of it, are very abstract; and AS YET, our direct interest in it 
 may arise chiefly from the true love of theory or scientific spec 
 ulation. In this division we have found but little aid from 
 books, and but little encouragement, other than the love of the 
 study, and the necessity of this Sub-Division, to complete a har 
 monious view of the whole subject, together with moral faith 
 in the necessity of some higher Corporations than now exist; 
 and in the ultimate usefulness of speculative reasoning, to lead 
 to them. The love of intellectual and systematic beauty, is just 
 as entrancing to scientific theorists, as music is, to its amateurs 
 and devotees ; but with the additional consciousness, that the 
 scientific beauty LEADS CERTAINLY TO HIGHER TRUTHS. 
 
POLITICAL CORP. INHERENT FUNCTIONS. NATURE OF. 493 
 
 For thus adhering to the speculative, rather than the imme-. 
 diately practical enjoyments and uses ; and, to the abstract con 
 ceptions, rather than to the concrete organizations, we appeal 
 for further justification, to Comte, (Pos. Phil., p. 810-812.) Of 
 the division " between speculation and practice," he says : " In 
 all the six provinces of knowledge, we find the first condition of 
 mental progress, to be, the INDEPENDENCE of theory ; as no con 
 ceptions could have been formed, if the theoretical point of view 
 had been inseparable from the practical. We see, too, how both 
 must have entire FREEDOM, the theoretical spirit, to retire into 
 its condition of analytical abstraction ; and the practical, to oc 
 cupy itself with specialities. If either repressed the other, the 
 consequences would be fatal to progress. A priori considera 
 tions are very efficacious, if wisely instituted and conducted ; but 
 the first condition of their utility, is, that when applied, * * * 
 they should be applied by the practical spirit, in each concrete 
 case." 
 
 " The division between the two kinds of contemplation, the 
 scientific and the aesthetic, is much less disputed, (though it is 
 less marked) * * * through the fundamental relation which 
 connects the sense of the beautiful, with the knowledge of the 
 true : * * * Art affording to Science, in return for a secure basis, 
 not only intellectual solace and moral stimulus, but much reactive 
 aid in perfecting its philosophical character." 
 
 "A more modern, but wholly indispensable division, remains 
 to be noticed ; that between abstract and concrete science. * * * 
 Scientific progress has been guided by it for two centuries past ; 
 for, as we have seen throughout, concrete science, or natural 
 history properly so called, could not be even undertaken, till 
 abstract science was instituted, in regard to all the orders of ele 
 mentary phenomena concerned ; every concrete inquiry involved 
 the combination of the two ; * * * and it is therefore not sur 
 prising, that the great scientific speculations between Bacon's 
 time and ours, have been of an abstract character, the concrete 
 speculations during the same interval, having been necessarily 
 impotent. * * * The simplest, most general, and highest point 
 of view, attainable by the philosophical spirit, has been reached 
 by a gradual process of abstraction ; discarding, first, practical 
 requirements, then aesthetic impressions, and finally, concrete 
 
404 BK - IV - CORPORATION. III. III. I. 
 
 conditions. In the simplest cases, even those of astronomical 
 phenomena, we have seen that no general law could be estab 
 lished^ while bodies were considered in their collective concrete 
 existence; from which it was necessary to detach a leading 
 phenomenon, and then to subject IT to abstract examination, 
 * leaving all apparent anomalies to be reduced to principle 
 afterward. * * * The maintenance of the division is necessary 
 here, for the same reasons as in regard to the two others, under 
 the penalty of laps-e into * * * confused views and desultory 
 speculations : * * * and if this seems to remove the theoretical 
 view too far from the practical, there will be a compensation, in 
 a superior generality, testifying to the necessity of the political 
 and philosophical separation, * * * as the basis of modern reor 
 ganization." " These/' (namely, Speculative, Scientifico -aesthetic, 
 and Theoretical,) " are the three stages of successive abstraction, 
 the combination of which, determines the gradual institution of 
 the positive method ; in a spontaneous manner at first, and 
 afterward systematically. * * * The method is neither more nor 
 less than, a philosophical extension of popular wisdom to abstract 
 speculation." This latter thought and explanation of science, 
 has been adopted also by Spencer, and elevated into a high posi 
 tion by him. 
 
 Here I may mention a singular coincidence between my three 
 divisions of Political Corporations, and the foregoing divisions 
 of Comte's. We (the writer) had already divided the remaining 
 part of this article, as it now stands ; and afterward (as is our 
 usual course) sought authorities and quotations in other writers, 
 for miscellaneous supports; and in that seeking, we made the 
 foregoing extracts from Comte. And, w r hen we came to search 
 for the best place wherein to locate them, and not till then, we 
 observed the coincidence, namely; our First Main Division 
 of Political Corporations is derived directly from the Practical, 
 by the Speculative interest; the Second Main Division was pur 
 sued for the sake of the Scientifico-resthetic enjoyment, and also 
 for the scientific necessity for it, to complete the subject artist 
 ically; and the Third Main Division is pre-eminently abstract, 
 and is our main THEORY ; and might properly be called THE 
 THEORY OF A NATION OF CORPORATIONS ; which, indeed, was 
 the heading we formerly gave to it. 
 
POLITICAL CORP. INHERENT FUNCTIONS. NATURE OF. 4Q5 
 
 2. Relation to the Other Elements or Parts. 
 
 This kind of Corporations, as possessing inherent political 
 functions, and based upon ideas, includes all the kinds treated 
 of in the foregoing Division, as only special cases under it, or 
 at least it would do so, as soon as it was legally acknowledged. 
 Because it is conceivable, that either of the foregoing special 
 functions, namely, Treatment of Criminals, Political actions, 
 Collection of Taxes, Police, Civil-Executive, Judicial, Legis 
 lative, or General administrative might at times become the 
 special object, the accomplishment of one or another IDEA of 
 which, might be adopted by some Corporations as their basis 
 of organization. Hence, the investigation of these Corporations 
 based on ideas, is an investigation of general formulas, contain 
 ing all the others incidentally, and without requiring any further 
 special allusion to them. A partial exception to this, is the last 
 one of the former Division, namely, that for General Political 
 Functions. That is the connecting link between the Lower and 
 the Higher order of Political Corporations, and could, without 
 much violence, be placed in either. 
 
 This Division, namely, Corporations for General Political 
 purposes based upon ideas, differs from the Political Clubs 
 treated some pages above, partly in this, that the clubs are in 
 cluded under this latter, it being by two grades the more general 
 head; and partly this, that the ones we are now about to con 
 sider, would require a pretty thorough reorganization of society; 
 but the clubs as before proposed, are only a variation in the 
 method of choosing representatives to the usual political nom 
 inating and legislative bodies. And moreover, the present 
 Division points out a multiplicity of new organs, for performing 
 the new functions, which organs, the progress of Mankind is 
 continually calling upon society to put forth. But this Division 
 resembles the political clubs in one thing, namely, that one prin 
 ciple of its institution is, to allow to all persons, perfect freedom 
 in ttyeir Individual-relations thereunto; namely, for instance,, 
 to allow to all persons the same freedom in choosing and in 
 changing their political government, according to their own 
 views, that they now have, of changing their church, their party, 
 or other corporate relations ; excepting, of course, that considera 
 ble time and notice might bo required, before changing from one 
 
406 BK - IV - CORPORATION. III. III. I. 
 
 such political Corporation to another; and that the fulfillment of 
 past obligations should be required. 
 
 3. General Statement of the Theory. 
 
 This whole Division, of Corporations possessing or entitled to 
 inherent governmental or political functions, is based upon the 
 principle of ideas, namely, that Individuals might form and 
 select their Corporations, according to one or more particular 
 political ideas MOST approved by them, and make such ideas 
 the basis of the structure. 
 
 As is mentioned below, it would be theoretically possible, for 
 governments to organize by Corporations, almost to the exclu 
 sion of local divisions, su that the local divisions of a govern 
 ment (whether Precinct or Nation) might almost be replaced, by 
 divisions of organizations based upon different degrees of gener 
 ality in the scale of sociological ideas. And then, from this 
 condition of things it results, that such Corporations, as a whole, 
 might displace distinct Precinct and National civil governments, 
 and the congress of their national union might become the 
 Unit, identical with Nation : although, such extended application 
 is not necessary to the principle itself. And out of these, again, 
 it is conceivable as possible, that international societies might grow 
 up, that would leave almost as little for Confederations to do, as 
 the former arrangements had left to the Nations; and as little, 
 also, for the local government of an empire of the whole earth, 
 if any such should ever be formed. 
 
 Such a transformation of the government of a Nation or Pre 
 cinct, from a congeries of local centres, to that of a system of 
 Corporations, founded on voluntary and spontaneous selection, 
 would be a change as great in the social world, as the spiritual 
 Regeneration is in the Individual-world. And if there could 
 be added an equal transformation of all the national govern 
 ments of Mankind, into Corporations, the change would be 
 almost as great socially, as the Resurrection is to be, individ 
 ually. This is suggested merely for the sake of illustrating the 
 abstractness and generality of the principle. Because every 
 degree of the Corporation-system, rightly introduced, would pro 
 duce its proportional amount of wonderful transformations. 
 
 Some of us are looking and hoping for a return of the days, 
 when all the residents of a Locality would again be of ONE 
 
POLITICAL CORP. INHERENT FUNCTIONS. NATURE OF. 4Q7 
 
 church : but instead thereof, or before that comes, we may look 
 and hope for the time when the civil organizations will follow 
 the example of the churches, re-form themselves spontaneously; 
 and all men voluntarily choose their governmental Corporations, 
 as they now choose their churches. 
 
 We suppose then, the possibility, that (for most purposes), 
 government might prescribe a certain SMALL NUMBER OF KINDS 
 of associations, and require every man to join one of every 
 kind; yet allowing in each class a no-government association, 
 for dissenters of that class; also allowing the females, either 
 altogether, or, of every class, when in sufficient proportions, 
 to form separate Corporations. And the representatives of the 
 whole Locality, Nation, or Precinct, of each association, on each 
 subject, should or might be the legislature to decide questions, 
 and enact laws, on that subject, (in accordance of course with a 
 suitable constitution). 
 
 The representatives of any lower division, in coming into 
 a higher or more general one; might, in some cases, have to 
 rearrange themselves ; so that when, in some districts, the sub 
 division of any one class, had been multiplied beyond that pro 
 vided for in the higher division ; two or more such sub-divisions 
 would have to unite into one. And on the contrary, the repre 
 sentatives from a lower division, coming into a higher, might 
 sometimes be entitled to sub-divide, in order to meet a greater 
 multiplicity already established in the superior order, although, 
 in this case, it would seem to be the part of duty and wisdom, 
 for the lower division to know and foresee this result, and 
 therefore itself choose its representatives in or for the proper 
 sub-divisions. 
 
 4. Classifications. 
 
 This sub-division of Corporations, presents two entirely differ 
 ent kinds, or sub-sub-divisions. The first one of such kinds would 
 exist, by establishing in every Locality a separate Corporation, 
 based upon, and to take cognizance of, every SINGLE different 
 important idea, object, or civil relation, coming under the regu 
 lation of civil law. The conception of this kind is necessary, 
 because the instincts of personal association and of civil govern 
 ment, give rise to local divisions, which are a sort of Corpora 
 tions for local purposes; just so, the love of ideas impels, so 
 
408 BK - IV - CORPORATION. III. III. I. 
 
 that every important idea of human beings, can, as has been 
 said, be taken up by Corporations, and then the Corporations 
 could arrange themselves according to their views of that idea. 
 These we call Corporations based on Single Ideas. 
 
 The other kind, or sub-sub-divmon, would exist by establish 
 ing in each Locality, only a few Corporations ; each one of which 
 should be based upon some popular or natural COMBINATION 
 of ideas ; and should take cognizance of all, or nearly all affairs, 
 usually or properly coming under civil law, relating to those 
 ideas. 
 
 We will take up the first kind, first, after finishing these 
 classifications ; and leave the second kind to occupy us most of 
 the remainder of the time. 
 
 We might, to be sure, present other divisions, some of them 
 intermediate between these two. One intermediate division is 
 conceivable, which being based on single ideas, would yet take 
 cognizance of all affairs. But this would evidently be a stretch 
 ing of the applications, indefinitely beyond the principle in 
 volved, or the basis built upon. Another intermediate division 
 is also conceivable, which, being based upon a combination of 
 ideas, would have cognizance only of the affairs of the several 
 ideas upon which it was based. But this division scarcely needs 
 a separate treatment, as it would not differ from the First one 
 mentioned, and to be treated ; except in merely ascertaining the 
 combinations of ideas that would probably be popular. More 
 over, the agreement of men in a combination of most important 
 political ideas, is something more than a factj it is a strong 
 presumptive proof of general agreement in political affairs, 
 sufficient to constitute them into a harmonious body-politic. 
 Both the foregoing intermediates are therefore omitted from 
 any special treatment in our general investigations. But their 
 principles are treated in the sub-divisions given. 
 
 Again, we may suppose two different systems of Corporations 
 on ideas : in one system, every Individual would be a member 
 of only one Corporation : in the other system, every Individual 
 would be a member of several. 
 
 Again, whether the system adopted be, for each person to be 
 a member of many Corporations, or, of only one, in either 
 case, there are two principles of organization : by orie princi- 
 
POLITICAL CORP. INHERENT FUNCTIONS. NATURE OF. 4Q9 
 
 pie, government would prescribe the variety of choices, namely, 
 of single ideas in the one case, or of the combination of ideas 
 in the other case : by the other principle, Individuals would be 
 left free to select for themselves, the variety of choices. 
 
 Again, organizations on ideas, whether of the first sub-sub 
 division, or of the second ; and of whatever kind or system ; 
 could arrange themselves in their relation to Locality, or could 
 generalize themselves, in either of two ways. In one way, all 
 the Corporations in a given Locality, whether Precinct or Na 
 tion, might co-operate in a government for the Locality. In the 
 other way, all the Corporations of one ideal, or on one basis, in 
 many Localities, might unite in a system of gradations, such as 
 is common in various societies ; and then the union of the highest 
 ones of these special Corporate organizations, might constitute 
 the local government for the whole. 
 
 These two ways of organization give another division, namely, 
 into two kinds of Corporations, according to their ways of organ 
 ization. Both kinds may be conceived of, as having the same 
 general relation to one another, as Social Circle, Precinct and 
 Nation have, to each other; understanding these relations as not 
 based chiefly on ties of locality or geography, but, on principles 
 or ideas: so that the more general the -Corporation, the less 
 special its ideas. 
 
 But whichever way, or whichever of the two kinds of organ 
 ization, we may take first, to rise in the generality, the top organ 
 ization reached at last, is precisely the same in either case, namely, 
 the civil or political organization of any Precinct or Nation, or 
 of Mankind, in such a way, that the Land's or Earth's local or 
 natural supreme civil power, and the supreme Corporation, 
 would be identical. And the same is true also, of either of the 
 divisions we have named above. 
 
 This unity of the last result in highest generalization, may be 
 seen, by adopting a general formula, whereby to express both 
 those divisions, and both these kinds of organizations at once ; 
 as follows. Both divisions and both kinds, are those which 
 make up a government, by bringing into combination, in any 
 one Locality, (ranging from Precinct to Mankind), all the 
 various political Corporations in it, of the same class or kind. 
 Here, is a combination of Corporations, in and for the govern- 
 
410 BK - IV - CORPORATION. III. III. I. 
 
 ment of a Locality, the generalization and combination of 
 Corporations carried so high, that nothing remains that is more 
 general, or that could include them. Thus, they become the 
 political administration itself, of their LOCALITY, whether Pre 
 cinct, Nation, Other Corporation, or Mankind. 
 
 5. Methods of Political Expression. 
 
 From the great variety of methods, which the varied combi 
 nations of the foregoing* might produce ; perhaps the following 
 four are the principal ones, by which Corporations might be 
 allowed political expression. 
 
 One method would be, to allow every Corporation of what 
 ever kind, to have, in some new or special department of gov 
 ernment, a voting power in proportion to its membership, or in 
 some other uniform proportion prescribed by government. By 
 this method, a man would have more or less power, according as 
 he belonged to more or fewer Corporations. And IDEAS AND 
 OBJECTS, would have more or less preponderance in the govern 
 ment, according as they were embodied in more or fewer Corpo 
 rations. Then the science of such a Society or Nation, would 
 be, so to arrange the number and proportion of these different 
 objects, and of the associations based on them, that the resultant 
 would produce the most fair and equable constitution. 
 
 A second method would be, for government to prescribe a few 
 convenient kinds of Corporations, such that every man would or 
 might belong to one of every such kind. This would directly 
 equalize the political power of Individuals therein, because all 
 persons would be represented in an equal number of ways. 
 
 A third method would be, for government to prescribe some 
 one particular kind of Corporations, of such a kind that ordi 
 narily no man would be apt to belong to more than one of that 
 kind ; for instance, as the faculty of a college, &c. 
 
 The churches would make the best Corporations of this kind, 
 IP they would abstain from efforts to control each OTHER, or 
 to get a preference, one over another. Political clubs, such as 
 were established in France in the time of the Revolution, might 
 answer, if of a kind, of which it is not likely a man would 
 be a member of more than one. And as there might be some 
 persons who would have refused to be enrolled in any of these 
 prescribed Corporations ; all such persons should be enrolled as 
 
POLITICAL CORP. INHERENT. OX SINGLE IDEAS. 41] 
 
 members of the one non-government Corporation, which there 
 fore should be allowed its share of political power also, in some 
 manner afterwards to be determined. 
 
 A Fourth method would be, for government to allow every 
 man to select and designate what Corporation he desired to be 
 enrolled in, as THE ONE in which, if accepted by it, he desired 
 to exercise his amount of the political influence of the corporate 
 kind. For instance, one man might, for this purpose, desire to 
 be enumerated in the church, another might prefer to be enu 
 merated in some college, and another, in some moral or benefi 
 cent society. This plan seems to be the fairest, if men could be 
 prevented from fraudulently having themselves enrolled in more 
 than one Corporation for such purposes, (or in more than other 
 men were enrolled in for such purposes ; because, it might be 
 best to allow all men to choose two or more such Corporations). 
 
 The class of Corporations to which these complicated ques 
 tions relate, we make a second sub-sub-division of; namely, 
 those Based on a Few Chief Combinations of Ideas. 
 
 CHAP. II. FIRST SUB-SUB-DIVISION : CORPORATIONS BASED ON 
 SINGLE OR SEPARATE IDEAS. 
 
 1. Specimens of the Ideas. 
 
 The more special and concrete the idea is, upon which each 
 Corporation bases itself, the more numerous must the Corpora 
 tions become, in order to include the whole range of important 
 human ideas. Of course, therefore, we can only give a few 
 specimens. Let us then particularize, by adducing, merely as 
 instances, some special ideas that might probably be made the 
 bases. 
 
 One basis for each Individual to select his or her Corporation 
 by, ought to be the particular shade of opinion on the subject of 
 war or fighting, a voluntary Corporation for persons of each 
 shade of opinion, from the absolute non-resistants, to the lovers 
 and worshipers of force, violence and riot. 
 
 Another basis or principle on which each Individual could 
 select his or her own Corporation, might be, its laws and 
 sanctions of the Family constitution, including marriage and 
 divorce : the Corporation, to administer said laws, and to guar 
 antee the maintenance of the Families needing help, if any. 
 
412 BK. IV. CORPORATION. III. III. II. 
 
 Perhaps such Corporations would be better than churches, as the 
 bases, when these churches were without any special Family- 
 idea as one o/ their doctrines. They can be conceived of as 
 providing for all shades of opinions, from no divorce whatever, 
 down to divorce for almost any cause, a voluntary Corporation 
 on each idea. 
 
 Probably the most suitable basis for women, and the one most 
 likely to be adopted by them, for their Corporations, if they 
 were to vote, would be some certain or uncertain ideas of the 
 Family-constitution, in its relation to property; but of their 
 future action, perhaps men can only "guess" ! 
 , In short, all the prominent social and political ideas, might be 
 adopted, by different persons, as the bases of their political or 
 ganizations ; perhaps as many as 1296, as will presently be shown. 
 
 The usual basis for virtual societary Corporations now, all the 
 world over, is social position; making virtual Corporations of 
 Social Circles. Yet there are but few men who regard this ele 
 ment as so preponderating, as to require its enumeration among 
 the one-idea bases, such as we are just now considering. But it 
 comes up as a natural sub-division, into perhaps three kinds 
 (among the occupations), as presently to be mentioned. But 
 women would be apt to introduce Social Circles into greater 
 prominence (as divisions) than men would. 
 
 2. Assumption of Fixed Localities. 
 
 To investigate in a thorough and abstract way, the great mul 
 tiplicity of possible Corporations based upon ideas, would require 
 a Calculus almost equal to W. R. Hamilton's " Quaternions." 
 Therefore, we must get more into the concrete, even in this 
 very general division. At any rate, we must assume the LOCAL 
 ITIES to be fixed or given, so as to bring the calculation into 
 homogeneity with our two elements of Precinct and Nation. 
 Otherwise, we should have to express the theory in the sixth 
 power, namely, in terms general enough to include all the Six 
 Units ; and even indefinitely higher, because Corporation, un 
 like Mankind, does not consist of any given number of funda 
 mental social elements, but is susceptible of any required number. 
 Whereas, the two just named, are enough for us, and the branch 
 of Quadratics, or second power, is about as high as it is useful 
 for us freshmen and tyros in social science, to go on with. 
 
POLITICAL CORP. INHERENT. ON SINGLE IDEAS. 413 
 
 Therefore, to make the calculation practicable ; we suppose 
 that the various Corporations, in forming themselves into organ 
 izations of rising degrees of generality, rise in order of supe 
 riority, collaterally or correspondingly Avith the local divisions. 
 For instance, we have every particular trade or craft, forming 
 itself into a Corporation for its craft purposes. Then, we have 
 the Corporations of the different crafts, forming into " unions/' 
 to help each other, and thus spontaneously repeating the princi 
 ples operating in the formation of the American Union of States. 
 Just as the various Temperance and Free Mason societies, and 
 the churches, in fact, generally do. Here then we arrive at 
 some solid ground. Our Six Fundamental Units appear rising 
 up out of chaos. 
 
 Hitherto our article on Corporations, has been rising in ab 
 straction and generality, higher and higher, like a balloon ; but 
 here it enters its descending node, and commences to diminish 
 its exponents in the series, and becomes more and more special, 
 concrete, and practical. 
 
 3. Statement ; with Fixed Localities. 
 
 Thus it is conceivable, that by any of the foregoing methods, 
 based upon single ideas, a whole Nation might gradually come 
 to arrange itself fully into civil Corporations, correlative with 
 all the Localities; so that every citizen and every Family, would 
 be members of some kind or class of Corporation, and so that one 
 person could be a member of only one, or some given number, 
 of such, -just as he now can be a citizen of only one Nation, 
 State, District, or Precinct; and yet every person select his or 
 her own Corporations, by means of the multitude of different 
 kinds existing everywhere. 
 
 In case it was deemed best to keep the Local and the Corpo 
 rate governments distinct, even in the highest generalization, 
 the constitution of any Locality, whether Precinct or Nation, 
 might perhaps be subject to the revision of the joint ballot, of 
 all the representatives chosen by all these associations, or of del 
 egates selected, in their due proportions, from all, (representing 
 minorities fairly, of course.) 
 
 It is even conceivable, that the variety of Corporations might 
 be so great, that each Individual would only need to be a mem 
 ber of one. But, although it is possible to conceive of such sys- 
 
414 BK - IV. CORPORATION. III. III. III. 
 
 terns of Corporations, yet they are at present impracticable ; for, 
 the differences of human opinions, feelings, prejudices, interests 
 and so on, are too great to allow of the generality of Individuals 
 finding the satisfaction of all their earnest, political hopes and 
 ideas, in any one, or even in a few organizations, based on single 
 ideas, without multiplying the organizations in every location, 
 almost indefinitely. Hence it becomes necessary to enter, in a 
 subsequent division, into some complicated calculations for a 
 reasonable and satisfactory, yet ATTAINABLE variety, of Corpo 
 rations, for each Individual to select from. 
 
 CHAP. III. SECOND SUB-STJB-DIVISION : CORPORATIONS BASED 
 ON A FEW CHIEF COMBINATIONS OF IDEAS. 
 
 1. Nature of this Sub-Sub-Division. 
 
 All that has gone before, in this whole article on Corpora 
 tion, is to be considered as partly introductory to this which we 
 are now commencing to treat. This is so with the First and 
 Second Main Divisions ; also with the First and Second Sub- 
 Divisions of this Third Main Division ; also with the first Sub- 
 Sub-Division of this Second Sub-Division. The pith of the 
 matter, and the greatest and highest practical object regarding 
 Corporations, in Social Science, for this and the next age, is to 
 consider investigate and find, a few principal combinations of 
 ideas, that will answer as the bases for voluntary governmental 
 organizations ; and, to consider, how best to enable them to per 
 form their various functions. 
 
 This Sub-Sub-Division, we formerly headed, "Theory of a 
 Nation of Corporations." But subsequently we found it neces 
 sary to change the heading, in order to show the connection with 
 the former class, namely, those based upon single or isolated 
 ideas. One of the most general of all political speculations, now 
 tones down into a practicable theory, accompanied with due at 
 tention and regard to all the possible needs, wants, and actions, 
 of Mankind. 
 
 In the former Sub-Divisions, we came down from the exceed 
 ingly general conception, of all possible Corporations erected on 
 ideas, to the variety of possible ones, corresponding with Units 
 of Locality. Just so again, we come down now, from these 
 latter, to only a small and definite number ; although we do not 
 
POLITICAL CORP. INHERENT. ON COMBINED IDEAS. 415 
 
 propose to determine absolutely, what that definite number shall 
 be ; nor exactly, their bases, but only illustrations thereof. 
 
 Some considerable multiplicity of Corporations is required, 
 and made practicable, by the increasing number and density of 
 human population : And the multiplicity must continue to in 
 crease, with the increase of population. Hence, their ultimate 
 number and sub-divisions cannot possibly be given at present. 
 
 It is certain however, that, practically, the number of Corpo 
 rations would be regulated spontaneously, like the number of 
 parties, and would not grow beyond easy ability to calculate and 
 provide for. A similar, although not so great multiplicity is 
 conceivable, as to the number of denominational churches, or 
 schools, that might be needed in every Locality ; but practi 
 cally, nature, left to itself, might succeed as well in selecting the 
 variety of political Corporations, as it has, the ecclesiastical. 
 2. Probable Bases or Kinds of Classes : namely, Occupations, 
 Moralities, and Polities. 
 
 (a) In General. Passing on, then, to the probable special 
 bases, we can only give a statement of the multiplicity, suffi 
 cient to give an illustration of the idea, a multiplicity that 
 would now be practicable in the cities or thickly populated 
 rural districts. 
 
 PERHAPS THREE DOZEN DIFFERENT CORPORATIONS BASED 
 ON OCCUPATION, HALF A DOZEN EACH, ON MORALITY, AND 
 POLITICAL FORMS, would be an ample number to afford every 
 reasonable variety of choice. These added together would give 
 a maximum number of 48. Yet it is not to be supposed that 
 there would, or must be, that large number in any one Locality. 
 
 Because, if you multiply together, for instance, all the differ 
 ences of religious opinions, that have been prominent in church 
 divisions, you would make a possibility of several hundreds ; 
 whereas practically, even in the largest cities, there do not exist 
 over about twenty-five different denominations; and most of 
 them have only one or two organizations. And even only 
 adding totals, there are perhaps 60 religious denominations in 
 the United States, but not more than 25 different kinds, even in 
 the two largest cities ; and as smaller cities are taken, the va 
 riety becomes less, always being checked by the proprieties and 
 urgencies of the local circumstances. Here the system of Corpo- 
 
416 BE. IV. CORPOKATION. III. III. III. 
 
 rations based on Combinations of Ideas we are now proposing, 
 shows its almost indefinitely greater practicability, compared 
 with the former sub-division, that based upon Single Ideas. 
 For, in that division, these numbers, 36, 6 and 6, would have 
 to be multiplied, in order to give a Corporation for each idea ; 
 and thereby 1296 separate Corporations, would be called for as 
 possible, and some hundreds therefore would be actually wanted. 
 
 Let us now inquire more minutely, what would probably be 
 the actual principles, and bases, and number, of the classifica 
 tions for combinations of Ideas. 
 
 Sex is not likely to become a basis of the classifications, until 
 density of population enables the classes to be VERY numerous. 
 Then, when each occupation has its own Corporation, those oc 
 cupations which engage both sexes, would or might naturally 
 give rise to the two classes of Corporations accordingly. 
 
 Nevertheless, there might be, and probably soon would be, a 
 Corporation of those women who have "women's rights on the 
 brain ;" but it is not likely to draw in, any large proportion of 
 women. In other words, the generality of women will not be 
 apt to form Corporations for themselves, as such, but only as 
 they are led thereto by their avocations, out of the Family- 
 relation. 
 
 We suppose then, that the wage-classes, and even all but the 
 really wealthy, being dependent on their trades for MAINTE 
 NANCE, would naturally account their trade-relations as among 
 those of the utmost importance to them ; and therefore generally 
 would adopt, as their political Corporations, their various guilds 
 or trade-unions. In general, one Corporation for each trade, in 
 its Locality ; although some very large trades might form two 
 or more in a place, while some of the smaller closely related 
 trades, might unite into one. In very large cities, " the retail 
 men" of different trades might be in sufficient numbers, to form 
 their Corporations; and even one or two classes of capitalists 
 also ; but, as a general thing, in the present density of popula 
 tion, in some places, the capitalists thereof of all the trades 
 together, would only be numerous enough to make one Corpo 
 ration, i.e., of furnishers of capital, whether little or much, (of 
 course, for their own ends only.) 
 
 Social Circle, it is true, might itself be considered as a combi- 
 
POLITICAL CORP. INHERENT. ON COMBINED IDEAS. 417 
 
 nation/ of ideas, suitable for another or fourth great basis. But 
 considered apart from religious and moral associations, the 
 Social Circle-divisions might be reduced to three, and come in 
 only as sub-divisions of occupation, that is to say, each dif 
 ferent occupation or class of kindred occupations, instead of 
 forming only one Corporation, might probably form into three 
 different Corporations, according to social-position, and position 
 in the occupation. 
 
 But even if the Social Circle were made a distinct and fourth 
 combination of ideas, for a basis, then the divisions upon oc 
 cupations might be reduced to twelve. This would make 
 12 -f 3 -f 6 + 6 = 27, say only 27 instead of 48 kinds ; whilst 
 the number based on single ideas, namely, the former, class, 
 would still be the product of those numbers multiplied together, 
 and therefore, as before, be 1296. Or if we retain 48 combina 
 tions, then the 36 might be resolved into factors in any way 
 the reader pleases, between Occupations, and Social Circles, 
 without altering the result in the number of bases of single 
 ideas. Or the 36 might be divided into sums, the addition of 
 which would always be 36, thus retaining the same number 
 under the plan of Combination of Ideas. 
 
 Accordingly the following comparisons will show the advan 
 tages of the combination-basis, over that of single ideas. 
 
 Combinations. Single Ideas. 
 
 2 -j- 34 = 36 2 X 34 = 68 
 
 3 -f 33 = 36 . . . . . 3 X 33 = 99 
 6-f-30 = 36 . . . . . 6 X 30 = 180 
 
 10-|-26=36 . . . . . 10X26 = 260 
 18 + 18 36 18 X 18 = 324 
 
 Either to be added to, or multiplied by 12. Either 48 or 3888. 
 
 And different Localities probably woulcj actually divide in 
 various proportions, according to their own preferences. But 
 the idea is, that each person is to be a member of one out of 
 each of the three, four, or five, Combination-Corporations ; but 
 not of all (the 36 or rather) 48 mentioned. 
 
 But the few combination-divisions mentioned above, although 
 they would comprise the generality of persons, nevertheless would 
 not be quite sufficient for ALL. There would be Individuals 
 having hobbies, and prevalent ideas. Some would have a moral 
 
 27 
 
418 BK. IV. CORPORATION. HI. III. III. 
 
 idea, say on religion ; some on peace, some on divorce, some on 
 temperance, and some on dress, or Sunday, or amusements, or 
 other subject. Others again would have some political form, for 
 their hobby or prevalent idea; some manner of voting, or 
 taxing, or administering, or constituting, political government. 
 In each case, we would see Individuals from all or several So 
 cial Circles, and from the foregoing classes of society, uniting 
 together and forming Corporations, on one and another of these 
 different hobbies, as its basis ; for hobbies are great in break 
 ing down social distinctions. 
 
 Yet, these ideas could only be the BASIS ; they could not be 
 the sole business, of the Corporation. Yet still, with several, or 
 a reasonable variety of, Corporations, of each of, say three four 
 or five different kinds mentioned, namely, of Trades, of Morals, 
 and of Political forms, &c., it is possible that every person 
 might be sufficiently accommodated, by membership, in all of 
 those few different and really independent Corporations, AT 
 ONCE ; the independence of which ,was such, that his choice to 
 or in one, would not materially affect his choice to or in either 
 of the others. These kinds taken together, might be called 
 Amalgam or Conglomerating Corporations, in allusion to our 
 Precinct-theory, wherein several taken together for certain pur 
 poses, are called Amalgams or Conglomerates. And then, the 
 few particular ones selected, one from each of these kinds, might 
 be called the Amalgam or Conglomerate set, for the Individual 
 so selecting. But many persons would find all their different 
 wants supplied, perhaps in only one, say their Business-Corpora 
 tion, which would be plenary to them. In each case of this 
 kind, a special or plenary Corporation had better be formed ; 
 otherwise, the set of the usual or Amalgam conglomerating Cor 
 porations, would suffer a political or moral bias, and would exert 
 a seriously disturbing influence, on those of its members who 
 adhered to it for its trade-purposes, but whose moral or political 
 proclivities were in some entirely different direction from that 
 of the generality of persons in it. Besides the few kinds of 
 Amalgam conglomerating Corporations, then, we would have 
 the corresponding three to five kinds of plenary ones, thus pro 
 posed. 
 
 (b) Statement of their Functions. Now of the (say) three 
 
POLITICAL CORP. INHERENT. ON COMBINED IDEAS. 
 
 kinds of Conglomerating Corporations, every Individual would 
 be a member of a set, consisting of one of each kind. And 
 each of these Corporations would have the entire function, of 
 enacting judging and executing laws, in relation to the several 
 subjects proper to them, respectively. Each business Corpora 
 tion would exercise all the legal functions over its own members, 
 for all the physical and material interests included under the term 
 business. Each moral Corporation would exercise the legal func 
 tions over its own members, in all matters relating to morality; 
 and to all control over property arising out of the just claims of 
 morality, which the membership had agreed to, whether arising 
 from Liquor, or War, or Religion, or Divorce, or other of the 
 moral bases of the society. The third kind of Corporation, 
 namely, the political, would have also its own legitimate func 
 tion to perform, of providing for the regulation of its own mem 
 bers, and to accomplish the special objects laid down in its basis. 
 E}ut it must be remembered, that sometimes a Corporation of 
 this kind, although based on harmony of political views, is not 
 necessarily adapted nor intended, for general civil administration 
 over its own members, who organize themselves thus, but mainly 
 for some special political purposes*; yet on the basis of general 
 harmony of political feeling, and upon the idea that such har 
 mony is the great basis of the social organization. For such 
 persons, separate Corporations for general political government, 
 are needed, just as much as by the Corporations based on trades, 
 or on morals : and ought to advance to such functions, although 
 beginning only as political clubs. 
 
 And, on a little further reflection, we see, that such a " sepa 
 rate" kind of the political ones, is the only kind the Political 
 basis easily admits of; because the idea of a society establishing 
 itself on the basis of political forms over its own members, im 
 plies, that there must be some other and objective ideas and meas 
 ures, in relation to which its political forms are established, and 
 are to be applied. If it be suggested, that the political Corpo 
 rations alone ought to have the administration of Localities ; we 
 would have to reply, no ! because the administration over Local 
 ities may sound very innocently, but means, administration over 
 all the persons of all the other Corporations: and this would 
 be simply to nullify our whole theory of Corporations, and 
 
420 BK. IV. CORPORATION. III. III. III. 
 
 indeed of right civil government itself. Hence, these political 
 Corporations, being of the kind called separate and plenary, 
 must merely be classed with those separate business or separate 
 moral Corporations, which are exceptional to our general theory, 
 because, although based on one idea, they yet really intend to 
 apply to all kinds of political administration, and to all other 
 ideas. This general administration is only to be 'sought, in some 
 union of all the three several kinds of Corporations here men 
 tioned; or in some new combinations not yet needing investi 
 gation. 
 
 3. Operation in "Law" 
 
 (a) The Units to Govern the Geography. Here come in for 
 consideration, the Local Units, and their combinations ; namely, 
 Precinct; Combination thereof into Large City or State; Nation; 
 and Confederation. Instead of political Corporations to rule 
 over all other persons, not their own members, and in all matters 
 of daily life, our theory preserves and presents local elements, 
 and asks that the civil government of each of those elements, 
 shall exercise no other functions over the Locality thereof, than 
 pertain to the Locality itself. This function of Locality does not 
 refer merely to roads, and buildings, and other geographical and 
 engineering subjects : but refers to the more important matter, 
 of who shall or shall not sojourn or reside in the Locality. Thus 
 the function of the local organs is restricted to geographical 
 matters. 
 
 (6) Corporations of Occupation, Not to control Property Out 
 of the occupation. In general, all legal "actions" regarding 
 personal conduct, are usually made to involve also, questions of 
 property, where the Individuals have property to make them 
 responsible. But it will not do to leave such questions to un 
 certain or unscientific decisions, because morality and religion 
 are the highest interests of Mankind; and because, sometimes 
 Locality is the only party supremely interested ; but more than 
 for those reasons ; because, often, a part of the very basis and 
 intention, of the agreement in entering a Corporation, may be, 
 that property shall not be made responsible for personal actions; 
 and that personal offence shall not go excused for lack of prop 
 erty to pay fines, in other words, some moral Corporations may 
 be formed expressly, to make person responsible for person, and 
 
POLITICAL CORP. INHERENT. ON COMBINED IDEAS. 421 
 
 property for property; and then again, some Corporations may 
 have received from members, an insurance premium or fee, 
 guaranteeing the Individual-fulfillment, by their members, of 
 their obligations, whether financial, material, or local ; and as a 
 condition thereof, it may have been agreed that the Corporation, 
 in such a case, should have the jurisdiction over the matter of 
 property. In short, questions of property, as such or in GEN 
 ERAL, cannot be assigned over to the jurisdiction of the busi 
 ness or trade Corporations ; but only, matters of BUSINESS or 
 TRADE. If, for instance, marriage be avowedly made as a matter 
 of business, then the jurisdiction of marital questions belongs 
 to the trade Corporations ; but not otherwise, so, also, of the 
 place of location. But such suppositions are out of the ques 
 tion. Questions of jurisdiction are only to be decided by refer 
 ence to the main objects, intentions, arid basis, of a Corporation. 
 If these are bad, let the Corporation be made to suffer, but not 
 the innocent or unfortunate Individuals. Thus holding the Cor 
 porations accountable, would compel them to be more careful in 
 their selection of members, according to their own principles ; 
 until the different principles of different Corporations, would so 
 fully show their effects, that bad principles in the basis, would 
 be voluntarily abandoned by the Corporations themselves. For, 
 Corporations should be held to two kinds of accountability; one, 
 for the actual consequences of their principles, and the other, for 
 actions according to their declared principles, and according to 
 the avowed objects of their organization. 
 
 (c) Disputed Jurisdiction. Now arises the question, what is 
 to be done in regard to affairs, or cases, about which there is 
 doubt, as to which Corporation the jurisdiction of them belongs. 
 And the disputes about jurisdiction might be of two kinds ; one, 
 as to which organization should judge the cause ; and the other, 
 as to which should enforce decision. To illustrate, a suit or 
 legal " action," as for instance, of divorce, might involve ques 
 tions both as to the morality of any given truth, and also as to 
 the disposition of property thereunder, so also in legal actions, 
 in regard to change of Locality, and to njany other objects. For, 
 no system of government can be devised, that will not present 
 cases of uncertainty and doubt, as to the form or the organ, of 
 jurisdiction; which yet must be decided SOME way, or there 
 
422 BK - IV. CORPORATION. III. III. III. 
 
 would be NO jurisdiction. In cases of disputed jurisdiction then, 
 we would have to propose the following resources. According 
 to the principles already laid down, under the head of Precinct, 
 and also under International Law, the local authorities would 
 have cognizance of the forms of proceeding, to some extent. 
 But, for the most part, the principle of arbitration snould be in 
 troduced, between the two or more Corporations claiming juris 
 diction ; or else a court established of equal numbers from each, 
 which is in fact a subtle realization, and a legal form, of arbitra 
 tion. The higher kinds of arbitration, are our principal judicial 
 resource generally, and will be explained fully, under "Civil 
 Government" : and have already been mentioned in the Summary 
 Introduction, Pt. II., Chap. X., under the head of Arbitration- 
 Juries. 
 
 Again, the question arises, how are disputes to be settled be 
 tween Individuals belonging to different Corporations; and again, 
 the answer is, by arbitration. 
 
 Furthermore, where several different Corporations exercised 
 jurisdiction on the same ground or Locality, as our theory pro 
 poses, there might arise a fear, lest disputes would be multiplied, 
 and injustice increased; But that altogether depends on the effi 
 cacy of the system in detecting wrong, and punishing it. And 
 while we affirm, that the proposed system would be almost indefi 
 nitely better than the present common one, both for punishing 
 wrongs, and for securing rights, yet this affirmation can only 
 be demonstrated by actual EXPERIMENT. 
 
 Another point in jurisdiction, is, that there must always be 
 some power which is supreme, in each particular case ; some kind 
 of power, also, supreme over the whole organism. What is the 
 supreme power in this system? It cannot be any merely tem 
 porary, or special, council of arbitration. Furthermore, it cannot 
 be any of these artificial combinations called Corporations. The 
 supreme power which controls the whole organism, is the power 
 of Locality. Because, nothing can be done otherwise than IN 
 some Locality. And what is prevented in every locality, cannot 
 be done at all. But this organ is to enforce its authority, not by 
 interfering with the agreements of the parties, nor with the right 
 of Corporation, but by adhering strictly to its own rights, as 
 governing Localities. The Precinct, when disobeyed, would, 
 
POLITICAL CORP. INHERENT. ON COMBINED IDEAS. 423 
 
 after due notice and under due regulations, as set forth under 
 that head, order the departure of the offending party. And 
 every supreme or more general local government, up to Nation, 
 or even up to Confederation, would have the same kind of 
 authority; to be exercised under similar restrictions, of righteous 
 principles in the methods of its enforcement. 
 
 It is also the duty of the superior power, to compel the Pre 
 cincts and Corporations to fulfill the obligations which they 
 voluntarily undertake. 
 
 4. Divine Morality, the Great General of All the Bases. 
 
 (a) Comte's Generality-Principle, with a New Turn. In a com 
 plete, or even in a practical classification of co-ordinations, 
 Comte (Pos. Phil. p. 775), affirms, that the basis will always be 
 one and the same ; that is, the basis of all classifications ; even 
 when carried into practical life ; namely, " THAT OF THE DE 
 GREE OF GENERALITY, AND SIMPLICITY, OF THE SUBJECT. 
 
 * * * The same principle was tested, (he says), in its application, 
 in the interior of each science ; and, when we were applying it 
 in Biology, we found it assuming a more active character, indi 
 cating its social destination. Transferred from ideas and phe 
 nomena, to actual beings, it became the principle of zoological 
 classification. We then found it to be the basis of Social Statics; 
 and our dynamical inquiry showed us, that it [namely, this 
 generality-basis of all classification], has determined all the 
 elementary evolutions of modern social practice. * * * It will 
 always be found working identically, in every system which 
 consists of homogeneous elements, subjecting all orders of act 
 ivity to their due classification, ^according to their respective de 
 grees of abstractness and generality. This was the principle of 
 classification, in old societies ; and we see vestiges of it yet, in 
 the military organization, where the very terms of office [i.e., 
 General, Major General, &c.,] indicate that the less general, are 
 subordinated to the more general, functions. It needs no proof 
 then, that, in a regenerated society, homogeneous in its elements, 
 the change that will take place, will be found to be, not in the 
 elements, but, in their classification." 
 
 Now we feebly strike in, and say; But, it is obvious, that 
 this spontaneous classification by human beings, into right orders, 
 and by obedience thereunder, depends largely on the MOEAL- 
 
424 BK - IV - CORPORATION. III. III. III. 
 
 ITY of Individuals, and, of Governments. For, the order actual 
 in the world, is neither right nor harmonious, unless in mat 
 ters wherein men's lives are immediately in danger, as is the 
 case in military and naval, and in some other extraordinary af 
 fairs. DIVINE morality therefore, that is to say, religion, must 
 be looked to, as the highest generalization; and at the same time, 
 the completest abstraction ; in all practical thought. Instead, 
 therefore, of that generality which Comte has in mind, namely, 
 of Employer to Employe, of Wholesaler to Retailer, of General 
 physicist to Special physicist, &c., we, in our equation, will have 
 to substitute, at least for a time, Divine Morality. 
 
 Of that one kind of classification, therefore, we may be sure, 
 that the system based upon Divine Morality, would ultimately 
 enable the distinction to be manifested, and to prevail, between 
 the two great classes of persons into which all the world may be 
 divided, namely, those who are children of God, and those who 
 are not ; and that some how or other, gradually but surely, the 
 two great and all absorbing classes of Corporations, would be the 
 two now mentioned. And the more free the right, and the more 
 thoroughly the organizations, were discovered and provided for, 
 to allow this freedom to develop ; the more clearly this great 
 distinction would rise above all others, or in all others; and 
 especially above all those, so called, religious falsities, and sec 
 tarian and formal misunderstandings, which now involve the 
 true Israel with the non-Israel, in a common reputation and a 
 common fate. 
 
 (6) Scripture Arguments. But did not our Saviour say, "let 
 both grow together until the harvest"? So he did : but he said 
 this to those violent puritans, who would go directly to work in an 
 unscientific and outward way, to judge between others, as to who 
 were the true " Israelites" and who were not. He was not speak 
 ing to those who would provide a method, whereby his people 
 and the worldly, would voluntarily, and with mutual consent, 
 indirectly and upon independent and different grounds, segregate 
 themselves. And his very words, " let BOTH grow together until 
 the harvest," imply the admission and perception of the differ 
 ence between them ; at least in a general way. But there was 
 then, as there is yet; a great deal too much bigotry, narrow- 
 mindedness, and unspiritual conceptions, as to who are the good, 
 
POLITICAL CORP. INHERENT. ON COMBINED IDEAS. 425 
 
 and who tli3 bad, to enable one set of men to judge of the 
 spiritual aacapimoe of another set of men, much less, to au 
 thorize them to u?a coercion in enforcing the difference. Further 
 more, the method or system of Corporations, does not separate 
 the good from the bad, much more than the present system, as 
 to Social Circle ; nor separate them at all, as to Locality ; but 
 mainly, as to political and civil government. And even in these 
 respects, it does not separate them as much as, (although it does 
 so much more easily than) the Precinct-system. 
 
 But we may readily turn this allusion to the Saviour, into an 
 argument bearing directly on our system. The Saviour came to 
 establish a "kingdom" (or polity), among h is- folio wers ; and St. 
 Paul reproves Christians for "going to law before unbelievers," 
 and carrying their disputes to worldly judges. But no satisfac 
 tory method has ever been devised, whereby these Christian 
 principles can be brought into practical life, other than by our, 
 or some similar, theories, namely, by Corporations, first and 
 most readily, and finally, by Precincts. 
 
 The Saviour, all through his official career, idealizes himself 
 into the character of a Ruler of a Corporation, talks about his 
 " kingdom," and his society (ekklesia), as the same thing, and 
 continually gives rules, neither practicable nor obligatory, except 
 in some such governmental Corporations as our theory of Cor 
 poration contemplates. See also the definitions of State and 
 CivitaSj under NATION, pp. 243 and 244. 
 
 5. Operation in the Social Circle. 
 
 The relation between Corporations and Social Circles, is 
 Mutual and Reciprocal ; sometimes Social Circles giving rise 
 to Corporations, and at other times Corporations producing Social 
 Circles. Inasmuch as maintenance and life, are generally held 
 to be more important than Social Circles, the business Corpo 
 rations would affect and reorganize Social Circles ; so also with 
 organizations on morality, on marriage, and some, on politics. 
 But inasmuch as most religious or denominational opinions, are 
 frequently held to be less important than Social Circles, organ 
 izations based upon these circles, would often supersede those 
 based merely upon denominational opinions. This does not 
 mean that Social Circles would supersede religion or church; 
 but only, that -Social Circle would determine the particular 
 
426 BK - IV - CORPORATION. III. III. III. 
 
 society or form, of the religious denomination; just as now, it 
 very often determines the particular church which an Individual 
 would join. And this view has no absolute reference to the 
 intentions or self-consciousness of the Individuals, but only to 
 the course which they do in fact pursue. 
 
 As Social Circle generally has reference to producing mar 
 riage; almost all civil Corporations on the bases of Social 
 Circle, would have reference, among their general objects, to 
 controlling divorce, or to prescribing its conditions, in the Corpo 
 ration. And as human happiness, after a mere physical subsist 
 ence is obtained, depends more upon the relationships of Family, 
 and of Friendship, than upon nearly all other considerations 
 combined ; and as both, the Social Circles and the Corporations, 
 wisely look at least a generation in advance, look, namely, to 
 the marital interests of grand-children, it follows, that there is 
 a peculiar propriety in allowing the Social Circles, more and 
 more to become parallel, with governmental and political Cor 
 porations for their own voluntary members. But, the circum 
 stances whereby this may come to pass, will produce almost as 
 great regeneration and reorganization of Social Circles, and of 
 Individuals therein, as our Corporation-system itself, proposes, 
 in relation to the common legal and political organizations. 
 Under such an improved system, Social Circles would be based 
 more on morality, and less on property ; more on intentions, and 
 less on success ; more on virtue, and less on intellect ; more on 
 the Spirit of God, and less on opinions about Him, or on forms 
 of worshiping Him ; more upon the ability of the Individual 
 to be happy within one's self, and less upon his ability to get the 
 government of, or advantage over others ; more upon marriages 
 of affection or of wisdom, and less upon those of business or 
 speculation. And so far as based upon property at all, Social 
 Circles would be established, more according to a man's savings, 
 and less according to his expenditures. But the main difference 
 would be, that the power of property in the Social Circle would 
 be vastly diminished, because its power to control unjustly, those 
 who did not possess it, would be diminished ; whilst yet its power 
 to enjoy itself in its own way, and to " reap" in itself the fruits 
 thereof, would not be diminished. 
 
POLITICAL CORP. INHERENT. ON COMBINED IDEAS. 427 
 
 6. Applications. Concrete Instances. 
 
 (a) The Churches. But, after stating the aforesaid theory, in 
 its most general form ; let us give a method or two, of corpo 
 rate political action, so concrete and particular, that they might 
 easily be adapted to any present idea, by society as at present 
 constituted ; that is to say, by society without any radical or 
 thorough reformation, either in spirit, or in forms o*f govern 
 ment, in other respects. They also serve as the illustrations, to 
 make intelligible the foregoing brief general statements of the 
 theory. And that is the principal reason for giving them. 
 
 All Corporations of the moral elements, that is to say, 
 churches, and the usual moral societies, are, in the order of time, 
 the very last ones to which general political powers, should be 
 entrusted, in fact; nevertheless, .because of their having already 
 so long and so well established themselves, in the exercise of a 
 certain class of functions, they afford the readiest and best 
 organizations to cite, as ILLUSTRATIONS. And, for the regula 
 tion of the two matters, Divorce and War; we shall elsewhere 
 argue, that they ought to be committed to these or some other 
 moral societies, but, only under express conditions. 
 
 Let us suppose then, that government, in the plenitude of its 
 wisdom and goodness, were really to grant freedom of con- 
 scienc^, not only in religious, but also in personal and political 
 matters; and to that end, let us suppose, it decided to grant 
 to all religious and moral societies, the privilege of exercising 
 political and civil functions, for and over such of their members 
 as would accept of their plan. The following then might be 
 the basis. 
 
 All societies claiming, should be considered churches, which 
 were at the time, and had been popularly so considered , before 
 the proposal to the legislature, of the law granting these privi 
 leges. But other moral societies, avowedly such, should have 
 the same privileges, after the necessary years of existence as 
 such, to be prescribed by statute. Some years' existence should 
 be required, to entitle to these privileges ; besides being regu 
 larly recorded. The societies should not have cognizance of 
 any circumstance occurring previous to the organization thereof; 
 unless by consent of all parties interested ; nor, authority over 
 any Individual-members, who had not signed the special and 
 
428 BK - IV - CORPORATION. III. III. III. 
 
 subsequent agreement, to abide thereby. This would require 
 a general signing, by the members of any church, in order to 
 start the plan in it. Proper forms for this obligation, should 
 constitute both the signers and their minor children, members 
 of such churches. Adults, immediately upon arriving at twenty- 
 one years of age, should of course have the privilege of changing 
 their membership, without any notice, or without as much notice 
 as was required of other persons. 
 
 Appeals should be allowed to civil courts, only in case of 
 clear evidence, that a person had changed his church or society, 
 only for the purpose of getting unjust benefit of this privilege 
 of changing ; or, that injustice, of a kind plainly recognized as 
 injustice by the society itself, had been done by the decision ap 
 pealed from ; or that the constitution of the State, or the Corpo 
 ration's rights, had been violated. The lists of members should 
 be published very frequently, and very conspicuously. The 
 duty should be expressed, of providing for children, legitimate 
 or illegitimate ; and for widows ; also, of aid for divorced 
 women. Also the duty of efficient prison and criminal arrange 
 ments for securing their own criminals. Also, that the health 
 and safety of the community should not be endangered by the 
 Corporation's neglect or inefficiency. 
 
 (6) The Communities. Communities are a much less objection 
 able element, than the churches, that is the usual moral societies, 
 to be entrusted with general political functions over their own 
 members; in fact, they are good and proper ones; because, com 
 munism itself could not exist and be maintained, much longer 
 than it could preserve itself from moral and political corrup 
 tion. It proceeds from a striving to be free from corruption ; 
 and also takes away the wants and needs that produce corrup 
 tion. It does not take human nature as you find it, in the 
 generality of Mankind ; but selects the best, and is selected by 
 them. A sort of civil government is actually exercised, over 
 their members, by the Catholic communities : and Protestants 
 should certainly have as full a share of rights. The Catholic 
 communities and the Shakers, have equated the problem of prop 
 erty. They are the types and exemplars of social progress for 
 all time. But a different system is necessary, when you elimi 
 nate the celibacy element, in the case of those persons who do 
 
POLIT. CORP. ATTEMPTS BY CONTRACTS AND TRUSTS. 429 
 
 not feel called thereunto. Moreover, there are even now, a few 
 communities in the United States, wherein marriage is honor 
 able, and some wherein it is merely allowed. These will be men 
 tioned near the conclusion of Book V. which will be devoted 
 wholly to the subject of a proposed new ideal, Limited Com 
 munism. 
 
 Limited or Christian Communism is the Divine Resurrection 
 of the Tribe-Element, into modern society. From what, in the 
 Summary Introduction, has been said of the Tribe-Principle, it 
 is settled, that the three Elements, namely, Social Circle, Pre 
 cinct, and Corporation, must always continue in living action ; 
 although we find them continually separated, in modern times. 
 But it is not necessary, that these activities should always con 
 tinue in separation. On the contrary, the three Elements may 
 combine themselves into one again, just as they had been origi 
 nally derived from one, namely, the Tribe. This conception 
 seems only possible to be realized, in Limited Communism. In 
 it, the Tribe-principle becomes resuscitated into a living, bodily, 
 and holy element of society ; and then, set free from slavery to 
 politicians, and political law, association will manifest the true 
 nature of sainthood, and of the Kingdom of God. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION IV. 
 
 PARTIAL ADOPTION UNDER CONTRACTS AND 
 
 TRUSTS. 
 
 The Precinct was concluded by an Application, showing, that 
 when its fundamental rights and advantages, cannot be gained 
 for its own sake, as an essential Unit of society ; nevertheless, 
 they may, to a considerable degree, be acquired, for other reasons, 
 namely, as special grants from superior powers. In a similar 
 way, we may now conclude the Corporation, with an Application, 
 (but in this case very brief), showing that when its fundamental 
 rights and advantages cannot be gained on its own ground, as a 
 fundamental element, as we have considered under the Second 
 Sub-division ; nor by general grant, as we have considered under 
 the First Sub-division ; nevertheless, they may to a considerable 
 
430 BK - IV - CORPORATION. III. IV. I. 
 
 degree, be acquired on other grounds, namely, by the means of 
 special contracts between the parties as Individuals. For, it can 
 hardly be denied, that many, at least, of the advantages of self- 
 selected government, can be obtained by special contracts among 
 a large number of Individuals. Indeed, almost every contract 
 takes more or less of its affairs from under the control of law. 
 Of this, the following quotation, from a widely circulated public 
 journal, is both a proof and an illustration : 
 
 "There is too much of law, and too little of justice. But in 
 this, as in almost everything else, the evil being carried to the 
 extreme, works its own cure. * * * Such is likely to be the case 
 with the outrageous trifling with justice, by the New York judges, 
 in the name of law. * * * Disgusted with the quibblings of 
 lawyers, and the inevitable delay in obtaining decisions in the 
 courts, the merchants long since agreed to submit disputes between 
 them, to a committee of arbitration composed of members of 
 the Chamber of Commerce, and to abide by its decision. These 
 associations, if court decisions continue to trifle with right and 
 justice, are likely to multiply, until they include all the leading 
 pursuits, as they may readily do ; with much more of satisfaction 
 as to results, than through the courts, and certainly at a great 
 saving of expense." 
 
 Since the above appeared in print, the New York merchants 
 have had their arbitration courts established more firmly, by 
 legislative enactments. 
 
 In civil and political affairs, contracts, although they may 
 reach common business-transactions, cannot reach the deeper in 
 terests, where the rights of persons are involved ; nor where the 
 rights of property follow the decisions as to persons. And some 
 contracts are not legal, as such, even when the parties making 
 them, would take all the responsibility, and jointly guarantee 
 against apprehended evils. It is even doubtful, if a contract to 
 make one's " will" in any particular manner, would be binding 
 in law, even if mutual. This inefficacy is true, of all those 
 deeper social interests, whose laws, and the consequences of whose 
 violation, can only be traced through long courses of time. And 
 yet, these are superior interests, claiming the rights and advan 
 tages of Corporation, even more than the lower interests. 
 
 Sometimes in law, more can be accomplished by TRUSTS, than 
 
POLIT. CORP. ATTEMPTS BY CONTRACTS AND TRUSTS. 43} 
 
 by any other method. Trustees, appointed in consequence of 
 Individual-contracts, and subsequently approved by additional 
 contracts, might accomplish much. But a great difficulty arises 
 here, namely, that in order to cover property by trust, the prop 
 erty itself would have to be first transferred to the Trustees; 
 and this raises new dangers and new difficulties, seriously inter 
 fering with private business, and with the interests of heirs. 
 Xo doubt, as far as safety is concerned, there are Individuals 
 and Trust Companies, to be found, who are quite responsible ; 
 but such parties would not be willing to undertake trusts, whose 
 accordance with the civil law was doubtful ; and even if they 
 did, they would then make the fees and other expenses, consume 
 too much of or nearly all, the profits of the estates committed to 
 them. Add to this also, the complicated difficulties both legal 
 and practical, of enabling a man to conduct his own business, 
 with his own capital, yet all the time acting as agent for his 
 Trustee. Therefore, Individual contracts can never approach 
 as near to accomplishing Corporation-functions, as we have found 
 that charters could approach, to the accomplishment of Precinct- 
 functions. 
 
 In a subtle way, the lust for property underlies most of the 
 complications of "the law," even those which seem only to apply 
 to persons. St. Paul was right also POLITICALLY, when he said 
 " the love of money is the root of all evil" : and " covetousness 
 * * * is idolatry." 
 
 The tangle of our real estate laws, originated, as J. S. Mill 
 says, from the propensity of the spendthrift landed aristocracy, 
 to hold on to the lands, and to keep their creditors out : and 
 in our day, the tangle of our laws as to person and property, 
 originates largely from the covetousness of those, who having 
 nothing, desire and hope ultimately to get something " by law," 
 if not for themselves, at least for the classes with whom they 
 sympathize. 
 
 And stronger even than the covetousness of property, is the 
 covetousness of POWER, the lust for ruling over and FORCING 
 other people. History proves that even when property has been 
 divided, and ranks leveled, the lust of rule continues as active 
 and as virulent as ever. And the world has yet to decide, 
 whether the cry for freedom, has been only an instinctive ruse 
 
432 BK - IV - CORPORATION. III. IV. 1. 
 
 of the "outs" against the "ins" a mere deluded prayer of the 
 covetousness of power; or whether it is the voice of real justice, 
 and of human rights, for all sides equally: And whether, the call 
 even for freedom of conscience in KELIGION, was only for freedom 
 for the caller's religion, or whether really for freedom for all. 
 If the latter, then the rights both of Precinct and of Corporation 
 will surely prevail ; and the result will be voluntary and Limited 
 Communism ; cheerfully and voluntarily accepted by the rich as 
 well as by the poor; because the sense of mutual justice will be 
 stronger than the covetousness, either of property or of power, 
 either by .those who have either, or by those who have not. That 
 would be a real regeneration, honorable alike to God and man. 
 
BOOK V. 
 
 LIMITED COMMUNISM. 
 
 MAIN DIVISION I. 
 NATUKE OF COMMUNISM. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION I. 
 IDEA OF COMMUNISM. 
 
 CHAP. I. RELATION TO OUR GENERAL THEORY OP SOCIAL 
 SCIENCE, AND TO THE OTHER ELEMENTS. 
 
 THE reader has perhaps already observed, in the table of 
 contents of this Article, an unusual abundance of headings. 
 The apology is, that most of the article is an abridgment and 
 synopsis of a longer one, in manuscript, prepared by us a few 
 years ago. And in abridging, it seemed best to retain the head 
 ings mostly, just as they were. The same reason, together with 
 a desire to ayoid abstractions here, and to be easily understood, 
 explains some of the imperfections of style hereof. 
 
 This essay resumes the subject of the general principles of 
 Social Science, which in the Summary Introduction were con 
 sidered among the Most General Social Laws. And the present 
 object is, to consider the origin, success, and failure of Commu 
 nities, by reference to fundamental principles, and the nature of 
 things; and to suggest an improved ideal. 
 
 This subject would not come up until the last or Sixteenth 
 Element, in our social science ; but that its exhibition in this 
 first volume, seems necessary in order to give a fair view of our 
 new theory of the science. This is Synthetics, but all the pre 
 vious parts of this volume are Analytics. See Bk. 1. 1. IX. 
 
 We have sketched the contrast between ours and the Paris 
 
 28 433 
 
434 BK - V. LIMITED COMMUNISM. I. I. I. 
 
 Communism, in our article on the Precinct. Our whole theory 
 is entirely different from the Parisian, scientifically, metaphys 
 ically, morally and theologically. 
 
 Some people think that a Commune is only a place for the 
 poor and idle to "sponge' 7 upon the rich, or for the lazy to be 
 parasites on the industrious. But really, a Commune is a Civil 
 Government, expressly organized for the cultivation and self- 
 control of the higher moral, intellectual and spiritual faculties. 
 Communism is not merely nor chiefly a tenure of property, but 
 rather a form of government, for a Corporation or even for a 
 Precinct; in which the highest attainable perfection of human 
 nature, is supposed to be the chief object of the Individual, and 
 is established as the chief object of the society; and only with a 
 view to that object, and so far as consistent with that object, the 
 new tenure of property is introduced. 
 
 The object is not to lessen labor, so much as to make it pleas 
 ant. Thus one of the incidental designs is (like that of the 
 kindergarten), to make all play work, and all work play; that 
 is, to eliminate the distinction between play and work ; which is 
 the result the Fourierites long for, under their name "attractive 
 industry." 
 
 The Community-life may be sought from four different direc 
 tions, or, sources of motives. One direction is, from the desire of 
 a higher and perfect life ; another direction is, from the desire of 
 improved civil government, such as is possible only in voluntary 
 Corporation ; and another is, from a desire for pecuniary gain ; 
 and the other is, from a desire for pleasure, for an easy idle 
 or tasteful and pleasant life. These sources are valuable in the 
 order just set down. Either one of them except the last, may 
 be sufficiently overpowering, to hold suitable persons together 
 awhile. But the desire for idleness, or the gratification of taste 
 above one's means, or past habits, is itself contrary to content 
 ment or goodness, and leads to decay. And the desire for pecu 
 niary gain is of too low or self-interested a kind, to give perma 
 nency ; but being good in itself, it may, in community, lead to 
 such moral and spiritual improvements, as will gradually glide 
 into the higher motives just mentioned. But, as to the second 
 source, namely, desire for the highest political improvement under 
 Corporations, we may say, that when it is merely a demagogic 
 
NATURE. IDEA. GENERAL RELATIONS. 435 
 
 frenzy, tending to leveling any righteous or necessary distinc 
 tions, it will soon, of itself, destroy any government which it can 
 establish, not less certainly than, that nearly all the republics of 
 history, have gone down by intestine broils. Successes and mis 
 fortunes alike drive the members to dissatisfaction, cabal, tyranny, 
 and dissolution. 
 
 In monarchical countries, the desire for political improvement 
 would be apt to have the tendency towards equality and frater 
 nity; but in democratic countries, this communistic desire for 
 political improvement would be apt to have the tendency towards 
 strong government ; not indeed towards the old sort of aristoc 
 racies, but, either to some sort of theocracy, or partly to joint 
 stockism, or other reaction against dernagogery. Its demands 
 will be for justice and fraternity. Its mottoes will be the father 
 hood of God, and the brotherhood of man ; and if successful, 
 would thus lead up to the insinuation and adoption, of higher 
 motives than those with which it had been begun. But no 
 Communism which does not, at least, tend towards becoming an 
 institution for the promotion of the higher moral life, need be 
 expected to succeed long. 
 
 On the side of religion, a Commune may be denned to be, a 
 civil society of religious persons whose rule is perfection in all 
 duties towards their fellow-beings, and whose aim is perfection 
 in all duties individually towards each other. On the side of 
 government, a Commune may be denned to be a civil and politi 
 cal Corporation, having for its constant aim, its ideal of political 
 government : and whatever else it is, it must be a highly obeyed 
 system of government, both in one's Individual-soul, and in the 
 association. 
 
 On the side of property, a Commune may be defined to be, a 
 .civil and social Corporation, in which the property owners agree 
 to furnish, to non-property holders, an equal share of the net 
 profits ; and the non-property holders agree, in return, to allow the 
 others to have an equal share in the government of the concern. 
 
 In the totality, the definition would be, a Commune is a pro 
 gressive social organization, whose aim is the identification of 
 church and state, in the love and choice of every Individual : 
 and whose organization is a high type and partial realization of 
 its holy aim, and which does not disregard the faith that t\iQfull 
 
436 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. I. I. I. 
 
 realization is possible, only in the Millennium, or perhaps, only 
 in Heaven itself. 
 
 But a Commune differs from a Church, by not presupposing 
 a profession of religion, any farther than is implied in devotion 
 to perfect morality; and differs (in an opposite direction,) by 
 having the attainment of perfect religion as its chief object; and 
 having unselfishness and communism as parts of its religion. 
 
 Communism is one of the methods and means whereby Social 
 Science in general, is to be attained and promoted; and the 
 Communistic theorizers and experimenters are prominent, among 
 those to whom we are to look, for the development of the most 
 general theories of society. Communities are exemplifications 
 of the general social laws, and are types of society itself. Just 
 as the perfection of human society will probably be, that all 
 good Individuals will arrange themselves in Communities, so 
 also, the culmination of -Social Science will be, such systems as 
 will make those Communities practicable ; even if not practicable 
 sooner ; but the rights of the other Units, Individual, Family, 
 &c., must be maintained. 
 
 In its strictest sense, the Locus of Intersection of Communism 
 with the rest of our Science, is in the voluntary element of civil 
 government, Corporations, and especially with those founded 
 on the moral basis : because, it is now well ascertained, that only 
 the religious or moral element can make a Commune succeed. 
 Communes strictly belong to the third or highest class of 
 Corporations, namely, those having Inherent Political Func 
 tion-. h : ee Book IV. Corporation, Main Division III., Sub- 
 Division III. 
 
 Again, the other Elements of Tribe, namely, Social Circle 
 and Precinct, also enter essentially into the nature of a Com- 
 nrme ; and must be respected by it. 
 
 A Commune must be founded in the Tribe-principle, suffi 
 ciently, to retain in voluntary membership the GENERALITY of 
 the children born and raised in it. Hence, neither the Indi 
 vidual nor the Family Element, and neither self-will nor Family 
 affection, can be supreme in Communism ; nor can those persons 
 succeed, who assume as an axiom, that either the Individual or 
 the Family, is the sole or supreme Unit of society, the sole rock 
 on which it is founde 1. 
 
NATURE. IDEA. CLASSIFICATIONS. 437 
 
 The fundamental ideas of Communism may be summed up in 
 two analogous principles : one, relating to the conditions of 
 Individual-membership; and the other, to the objects of the 
 association. The conditions of membership are, the perfect per 
 formance of all duties to our fellow-beings ; the objects of the 
 association are, to assist one another in the performance of all 
 duties, to God and men. 
 
 CHAP. II. CLASSIFICATIONS. 
 
 There are now existing in the United States, thirty-two 
 successful Protestant Communities, containing altogether about 
 13,000 persons, besides the large number of Catholic recluse 
 houses. There have also been many unsuccessful attempts 
 among Protestants, of which the twelve most important, lasted 
 from two to eighteen years each. See Main Div. IV., Sub- 
 Div. III. of this article. 
 
 Mr. J. H. Noyes formally divides the unsuccessful Communes 
 into two kinds, one, in which Owen's ideal was prominent, 
 namely, home, and thence Communism ; the other, in which 
 Fourier's ideal predominated, namely, the joint stock idea. But 
 he (N.) seems to make a third class, i.e. the spiritualistic. We 
 think the successful Communes in the United States, possessed 
 all three of the following qualifications : namely, they had their 
 religious leader as their communistic leader; their poverty led 
 them to seek chiefly a livelihood ; and they had a high sense of 
 honor in the little matters of daily life ; but those which failed 
 seemed to lack one or another of these elements. 
 
 The successful Communities in every age of the world, have 
 included nearly all the following principles : (1) that the Com 
 munity-life is to be sought as a means of perfection ; (2) that 
 the government of them is to be in the hands of good men ; 
 (3) that the governors are supposed to be saints, or to be leading 
 lives of some sort of inspiration, or peculiar consecration. 
 
 All Communities that can be permanently successful, may be 
 classified into: (1) those in which the principal element is re 
 ligious reverence ; (2) those in which that element is some kind 
 of human reverence ; (3) in which it is complete consecration to 
 perfect human duty ; and (4) complete consecration to the per 
 fection of all duties, human and divine. 
 
438 EK - V - LIMITED COMMUNISM. I. I. III. 
 
 In our Part IV. of this article or "book" we divide the success 
 ful Communes of the United States thus; Catholic; and Prot 
 estant : The Protestant are sub-divided into, Those which have 
 regular marriage, and Those which do not have regular marriage. 
 And these latter are divided into celibate, and mixed-love. 
 
 There are not (we think) any Catholic Communities in the 
 United States, allowing marriage ; but in the Middle Ages in 
 Europe, there were several such, and all were military orders, 
 (established to war against the anti-Christian nations), 
 namely, " Knights of St. James of the Sword," " Order of 
 Calatrava," Of Avis, Of Jesus Christ, Of St. Michael, 
 And of Alcantara. 
 
 All possible Communes may be divided into two classes, good 
 and bad ; and two divisions of each class ; namely, one, on the 
 basis of social equality, the other, on the opposite practice, 
 making four divisions in all. But no really bad Commune is 
 
 likely to prosper, or exist, any great length of time by itself. 
 \ 
 
 CHAP. III. IDEALS. 
 
 There is but one way, in the actual course of a Nation, and 
 equally so in the study of Society, to succeed in developing truth, 
 and in making real progress; viz., by constantly aiming to make 
 them perfect. The ideal of hope is necessary to the formation 
 of a true science, and to the actual aim of Nations and govern 
 ment. Every man's Social Science must vary, according as his 
 religion varies, and as his highest ideal of morality. The great 
 want of human society to-day, is a good ideal. Men are tired 
 and sick of temporary expedients, and political corruption ; and 
 have therefore become discouraged in their eiforts to improve 
 Society. The case is as Samuel Johnson says, that "worship 
 ing ideals is the condition of spiritual life, and that losing a belief 
 that there is somewhere a better than ourselves, is gravitating 
 downwards to what is worse than ourselves." What is an 
 Individual or a Society or a Nation or even Mankind itself, 
 without an ideal of what it hopes for, and what it aims to be ? 
 The thing wanted, therefore, is an entirely new prospect, and 
 that means an entirely new ideal. 
 
 Communism is the ideal of Social Science ; but it is not neces 
 sary that the ideal should be unalterably fixed in the beginning. 
 
NATURE. IDEA. LIMITATIONS. 439 
 
 Yet, for the beginning, we know, that as Social Science comes 
 in place of the obsolete or scholastic theology (which needed a 
 monastic or contemplative life to develop it), so the modern 
 Communism, also requires a CONTEMPLATIVE life for its de 
 velopment and maturity. 
 
 The ideal of a completely happy State or Society, is probably 
 all contained in the two objects, u mutual assurance" of life, 
 property, business, education, and enjoyment : and co-operation 
 in all things, instead of competition. 
 
 The essentials of Communism may be summed up in these 
 two; namely, fulfilling duties to our neighbor perfectly; and 
 sufficient agreement as to what these duties are, and how its gov 
 ernment is to be constituted. In other words, the two require 
 ments would be, to be unselfish in spirit, and to be harmonious 
 in principal opinions. 
 
 The truly "catholic" father Baker, in " Sancta-Sophia," sums it 
 up finely thus, the only essential for membership in a Community 
 is, " to follow the objects of it, according to the spirit of it." 
 This, we take it, requires that any scientific and homogeneous 
 system of Communism is a compromise, and therefore must be 
 adopted as a whole, if at all, and like any other Government. 
 
 CHAP. IV. NECESSITY OF LIMITATIONS. 
 
 Most persons do not need exhortations or arguments unto 
 taking care of themselves. But students and theoretical sym 
 pathizers with Communism, do sometimes stand in need of such 
 arguments. In other words, sympathizers with Communism 
 want proofs to justify them for limiting it. The main reasons 
 for so limiting it, are found, in the rights, necessities, and pecu 
 liarities of the Individual the personality of Individual souls. 
 The following reasons may be suggested for taking care of one's 
 self. Other persons mostly do not know our real needs and 
 wants. Each one's self is his nearest neighbor, to be loved and 
 cared for; and is given in charge for that purpose by the Lord. 
 " A charge to keep I have." Other persons Vill take care of 
 themselves, and we would be treated with gross injustice, and 
 worn out and destroyed by them, unless we did take care of 
 ourselves. Only thus can we prevent the wicked from triumph 
 ing over the righteous ; only thus can we " come to the help of 
 
440 BK - Y - LIMITED COMMUNISM. I. I. IV. 
 
 the Lord against the mighty. 77 Only thus can we obtain the 
 means to be useful/and help good causes: except in the case 
 of those who are specially called to a different order of life (as 
 Quakers &c.). Others are on the watch to take advantage of the 
 weak, the generous, and the sympathetic. They resort to threats 
 as well as to entreaties, and to false and artful tales. Silence 
 under deliberate injury, makes others believe in its justice, and 
 stimulates to further injustice; but proper criticism checks them; 
 and seemingly ignorant criticisms are often well received, that 
 is by well-meaning people. But we must take care, not to injure 
 ourselves by criticisms at unfavorable times, and not to put our 
 selves under the power of others; for they will have hatred for 
 good intentions, and will take advantage of sympathetic conso 
 lations. The generality of people are principled in their selfish 
 ness, and do not believe it to be wrong, and think themselves 
 smart in taking advantage, by legalities and opportunities. 
 
 Religion in its INDIRECT influence, is a necessity, and preserves 
 the world, and also in the long run preserves the individual life; 
 but in its DIRECT influence it is taken advantage of as excuse 
 and indulgence for sin. Hence individually, religiousness is no 
 proof of fitness for Communism, nor the reverse. 
 
 The Family-relations of sex and children also require limita 
 tions of Property-Communism. Hence, nearly all the successful 
 Communes have limited the Family-relations. And the " Com 
 plex Family 77 of Oneida, or the free love of the Paris Commu 
 nists and others, were it peaceable, would be most as consistent 
 as absolute total Communism of property, whilst retaining the 
 necessary and right order of the Family-relation. 
 
 The rearing and training of children, and the inherited dif 
 ferences, also the differences of long-continued habits, preclude 
 unlimited Communism. It is difficult to decide the ratio or 
 relative rates to be appropriated to individuality and to inherit 
 ance. But in the apportionment, individuality has reference, 
 not to an equality or a ratio that must continue through life, 
 and so would require continually repeated equalizations ; but this 
 individuality has reference only once to each Individual, once to 
 each, as each is born only once. And in that apportionment, 
 inheritance also has reference to the amount received but once, 
 and from the parental estates. 
 
NATURE. IDEA. LIMITATIONS. 441 
 
 But if we were to consider the question of a ratio, which 
 should demand to be continually preserved (and repeated) 
 through life, we would have to speak still stronger for the 
 share due to inheritance, than to that due to individuality ; first, 
 because inheritance gives blood, which is not much alterable 
 by any one's own Individual-activity; and second, because the 
 cravings of inheritance are given to us from others, and we are 
 comparatively free from moral accountability for them; and 
 third, because inheritance betokens the training and habits of 
 early life, and all those things which are "second nature/ 7 and 
 whose cravings and wants are more durable than those acquired 
 in after years. 
 
 Moreover, unlimited Communism is not possible, because men's 
 educations, talents, and needs are unequal. Moreover, Absolute 
 Communism even of CAPITAL or of principal, is a physiological 
 impossibility: and those who demand it, are either selfish or 
 one-sided in their views. The difficulty is this. It is impossible 
 for all men to share equally the capital of their BRAINS. They 
 can share the use or measure thereof, but they cannot share the 
 absolute possession. Brains and education WILL have their 
 influence in the government of the Commune, and in a willing 
 ness to break it up, and in their portability and susceptibility 
 of being carried away by their owner, after the breaking up. 
 
 For instance, two men, and to omit the consideration of in 
 herited differences, say brothers, may enter a Commune, one 
 with ten thousand dollars in money, the result of a hard life of 
 farming or of commerce, the other brother may have preferred 
 to pa*ss his early life among books, and so, may have an educa 
 tion and a learned profession, which altogether may have cost 
 ten thousand dollars. This product is in his brains, and physi 
 ologically cannot be shared by the Commune, but only its use. 
 But if the man leaves, or the Commune breaks up, he takes his 
 capital with him. Whereas, the other one's ten thousand, hav 
 ing been given to the Commune, might be either lost in business, 
 or squandered, or divided among all the members. This would 
 be doubly unjust, because, in most cases, the education itself had 
 been paid for by the parents, and paid for out of money which 
 would otherwise have descended, and produced its share or part 
 to the other brother. Consider, also, that the acquirement of 
 
442 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. I. I. IV. 
 
 education is a means of making people nervous, and weaken 
 ing them as to their ability to make a livelihood, other than by 
 mental labor. Consider, also, that the advantages of brain and 
 education, inure too much to the male sex. Consider, also, 
 that those who spend, have had the enjoyments and the personal 
 influence, which spending obtains, and thus have had their share. 
 
 Hence, also, even supposing a Commune to be eternally ex 
 istent, and eternally just, but never to form colonies, still, cap 
 ital has as good a right to its share in the management, as brains 
 have, or education, or general social qualities and influence. 
 
 The ignoring of our basis, and the founding of Communes, 
 on capital instead of on incomes, is one reason why some of the 
 existing successful Communes, have to be governed by such iron- 
 hearted and despotic inflexibility, and attain their full capacity 
 soon after their organization ; and why some others are going 
 into decay. 
 
 But practically, no Commune can be found, scarcely, which 
 does not allow some sort of private property among its members. 
 All the Protestant Communes with marriage, allow and authorize 
 some little private property, such as chickens, bees, &c. The 
 Oneida Community also has lately adopted a plan, to allow its 
 women thirty-three dollars a year's worth of dress ! The surplus 
 to be expended as they please. The Aurora also limits them. 
 
 As absolute Communism is therefore a mental and physical 
 impossibility, it is probably inferable, that the call on capitalists 
 for their principal, is one of the methods whereby restless in 
 tellect, not satisfied with the power it already possesses, aims 
 to acquire also the power that property ought to have. And if 
 such a rule wore established, the already excessive rush into the 
 learned professions, would be largely increased, whenever the 
 current towards Communism became general. For every one 
 would be anxious to invest as much of his property as possible, 
 in his head, whence it could not be demanded, except as income 
 in daily use. 
 
 There should be a union of Communism, with freedom from 
 force. There should be a return to, or rather a continuance in, 
 that union of fellowship with freedom, in which successful Com 
 munes generally have started; although afterwards changing 
 from it. In short, the Communism must be of income and 
 
NATURE. IDEA. LIMITATIONS. 443 
 
 labor, not of principal, as it is commonly called, nor of capital. 
 Such has been the actual course of successful Communes, at their 
 origin. Their later deviations from it, are partly a return to 
 the forcing principles of the world, and partly a good object, 
 namely, a necessity to free men from devoting themselves to 
 their isolated business. The latter object ought of course to be 
 as fully secured as possible ; but the return to the force-methods, 
 is an error utterly irreconcilable with right principles, or with 
 ultimate prosperity. 
 
 Communism of capital is not right. Human nature is not 
 perfect enough yet ; human artificial associations are not perma 
 nent enough, to justify persons of wealth or of possessions much 
 above common, to alienate their principal beyond their own con 
 trol. Parents who have tried it with their own children even, 
 have found its ill effects. Besides, this course presents too many 
 temptations to those who are seeking easy times, of selfishness 
 and self-indulgence, and thus becomes a curse to the Community 
 itself. The Protestant Communities generally promise to return 
 seceders their capital : but ten have failed, to one that has suc 
 ceeded. 
 
 Unlimited and absolute Communism of property, would 
 neither be practical nor right, unless that abnormal develop 
 ment, Communism of sex, also could rightfully accompany it. 
 But we cannot admit that. 
 
 Unlimited and absolute Communism destroys individuality, 
 and also destroys the motives to activity, or else turns those mo 
 tives, too much, into the channel of vanity, and of love of present 
 approbation ; which motives destroy the pleasure and the exist 
 ence of a Commune. Christ himself, in his suffering life, had 
 reference to the joys that were set before him (in the future). 
 
 Limitations therefore are absolutely necessary, yet I cannot 
 but consider that the employment of laborers by a Commune, is 
 an unnecessary limitation, and an essential subversion of the 
 very idea of Communism. And every Commune ought to be 
 so skillfully and liberally managed, as to attract enough of all 
 the kinds of laborers needed, and especially of unskilled and 
 world-degraded laborers. Failure in this, is probably owing to 
 not presenting fair inducements to capitalists, whereby laborers 
 -could afford to be admitted also. 
 
444 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. I. II. II. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION II. 
 
 FOUNDATIONS OF COMMUNISM. 
 
 CHAP. I. BENEVOLENCE. 
 
 Benevolence is, to some extent, the foundation of Com 
 munism, and must in all cases be the active spirit: because 
 there is no hope that Communism can ever succeed, when de 
 manded on the ground of JUSTICE, but only, when placed on the 
 basis of Christian kindness and benevolence. 
 
 We grant of course, that some better apportionment of profits 
 should be given to labor, than what comes from the usual 
 "grab-game" of society, that is, as soon as the laborer is 
 morally fit to have more pay and more leisure. But co-opera 
 tion and joint-stockism, can furnish all the improvements that 
 are demanded by simple justice. Therefore Communism, even 
 limited more strictly than we propose, requires some of the ele 
 ments of benevolence and religion, as chief bases and motives. 
 Nevertheless, the benevolence and religion of some people, will 
 naturally " take the turn" of Communism, as well as any of the 
 other various turns open before them : and in so doing, will be 
 at least AS free from self-seeking of any kind, as the benevolence 
 and religion of Mankind, can be, in any other direction. Never 
 theless, the Fundamental principle is not mere benevolence; as 
 readily appears from our whole view of the subject. 
 
 CHAP. II. THE CONDITIONAL MUTUAL PRINCIPLE. 
 
 The power that first works in the improvement of society, is 
 the conditional and mutual improvement principle ; viz., that a 
 man will do right to those who will do right to him ; and both 
 parties may then follow their own united ideal. 
 
 It would be unreasonable for Individuals who are far in the 
 rear of others morally, to expect those who are far in advance 
 of them, to become so much allied to them, and so liable to their 
 influence, as to seriously retard their own improvement, and per- 
 
NATURE. BASES. CONDITIONAL-MUTUAL. 445 
 
 / 
 
 haps involve the risk of retrogression. The necessity for or 
 ganization or form, in societies for self-improvement is, that 
 thus their sentiment or ideal, then becomes distinctly avowed, 
 and also becomes distinctly the care and the LAW of the organ 
 ization. They take idea and sentiment embodied in words, not 
 only as their government, but also as their GOVERNOR. This 
 governor is a principle, an ideal, and is one chosen not merely 
 by a majority, even a large majority, but it is a ruler. actually 
 chosen voluntarily by each and every member individually. 
 
 Thus self-improvement requires men to be freed from out 
 ward hindrances, and to have the necessary opportunities. This 
 implies the selecting and constituting of some sort of select 
 societies, whether formal organizations, or only spontaneous ar 
 rangements. Thus, unanimity in main objects is necessary. 
 And then, many collateral influences arise, to aid the main ob 
 jects, and to prevent breaking good resolutions ; such as reason, 
 deliberation, sympathy, &c. 
 
 The three difficulties which occur are; (1) the new society, its 
 organs and officers, become temptations ; (2) men try to gain 
 little special advantages; (3) most men estimate themselves 
 above their real value. Hence, the necessity that each one be 
 willing to yield largely, what SEEM TO HIM to be his own 
 rights, for the sake of peace. Only thus, can the rule of doing 
 to others as we would be done by, be made practicable in this 
 world. For lack of this little allowance, for the lee-way of dif 
 ferences of opinions, the best-meaning Christians often disagree 
 bitterly. But we must differentiate between what seem to ws, 
 our rights, and what are absolutely such. And this practically 
 means, that we must fill the measure " full and running over." 
 Thus treating other persons severally, a little better than they 
 treat us, (being a little more just, candid and truthful, &c.) is 
 giving an entirely scientific turn to the practical emotional 
 maxim, " Do unto others as ye would that they should do 
 unto you." 
 
 By this means the "weaker" or worse members DO get a little 
 advantage, and a little help incidentally, but only incidentally ; 
 because the main ground and basis, ever is mutuality. 
 
446 BK - V - LIMITED COMMUNISM. I. II. III. 
 
 CHAP. III. RELATION TO CO-OPERATION. 
 
 In England and Germany, co-operation in single businesses, 
 has succeeded admirably. But general co-operation has not yet 
 succeeded permanently, except in Communities, either in the 
 United States or in Europe. But what are called " Mutual" 
 Life-Insurance Companies, are really co-operative; so also are 
 certain subscription Fire-insurance Companies, which, without 
 much or any stock capital, assess losses in proportion to sub 
 scriptions of assurance. 
 
 A report recently made by a British-government officer, shows, 
 that there are in England nearly one thousand co-operative work 
 and trade societies, with over 250,000 members, and with nearly 
 8,000,000 of capital, of which over 1,000,000 was loaned out. 
 Co-operative stores are but little known in the United States, 
 and yet in England, eight hundred reported their businesses, 
 amounting to a total capital of ten millions, with loans of a 
 million, goods bought for thirty-five millions, and sold for 
 over forty millions, and showing a net profit of three millions. 
 Of this sum, twenty thousand dollars were spent in furnishing 
 libraries, reading-rooms, and other means of education. 
 
 The best field of comparison is Germany, where co-operative 
 stores and societies have raised labor from a low to a high 
 position. In that country there are nearly 2000 savings banks, 
 300 co-operative societies, and nearly 1000 co-operative stores, 
 with between 300,000 and 400,000 members ; doing a business 
 of $150,000,000, on a capital of 12,000,000. Germany, the 
 Land which is first in Theology, is first also in co-operation. 
 
 The true starting-place for Communism, seems to be co-oper 
 ating boar 'ding-houses , for persons in a similar moral and religious 
 position. By such associations, one business may be joined to 
 another, and finally, all interests united or guaranteed. Then 
 there would be a complete Commune. 
 
 CHAP. IV. SPIRITUAL REWARDS INSTEAD OF WORLDLY ONES. 
 
 Christian Communism is not intended nor expected, to do 
 away with the principle, that " every man is to be rewarded ac 
 cording to his works"; ultimately so, even in this life. But it 
 is expected to do away with that principle in a measure, so far 
 as merely external works are meant, without regard to moral 
 
NATURE. BASES. SPIRITUAL REWARDS. 447 
 
 disposition. It desires to take moral character, moral influence, 
 and a good spirit, into the account, in the apportionments of re 
 wards. It aims also to do away with that principle, of reward 
 of works, so far as applied to the outward works merely, without 
 regard to the position, 01? physical ability , or the necessities of the 
 co-operators. When there is a lack only of the ability, not of 
 the disposition ; it desires to reward them by the principles of 
 the gospel, as God does, "according to what a man hath, and 
 not according to what he hath not." 
 
 Notwithstanding this brotherhood-fellowship, il must also take 
 into consideration mental ability, and make a difference of re 
 wards according to IT ; not chiefly^ so far as mind is power, but 
 so far as, and because, mind is a sign of higher refinement of 
 physical organization ; and hence, needs more of the comforts 
 and refinements of life, and has less bodily ability to work its 
 way, or to endure its sufferings. This reason will stand, a rock 
 of truth, against the theories of those who would hold ALL things 
 in common without any difference whatever. They would give, 
 to the plain stout hardy laborers, the same apportionment, as to 
 the delicate refined intellectual cultivated thinkers, students, and 
 managers. They would give the man who needs three or four 
 dollars' worth of comforts a day, no more, than to him who needs 
 and would be equally as well off with, less than one-fourth this 
 amount. They overlook the fact, that under that system, they 
 not only fail to obtain the member ship of the cultivated and the 
 capable ; but that even could that be obtained, they must neces 
 sarily fail in obtaining their best intellectual efforts. These com 
 forts and ease and even leisure, to such, are necessary, in order to 
 allow their minds to work freely, and to good advantage. And 
 the respect they deserve, is necessary to obtain their hearty co 
 operation. And without heart- work head-work is comparatively 
 feeble and incomplete. 
 
 But Christian Communism, whilst allowing these differences 
 of rewards according to works ; yet, endeavors to keep the mo 
 tives and feelings of self-interest and self-love, in the back 
 ground of its thinking, and out of practical use, as much as 
 possible. Like the rewards of Heaven, , they are requisite to 
 justice, and the knowledge of them is requisite to religion ; yet, 
 the best men are they who keep these rewards out of their mo- 
 
448 EK - V - LIMITED COMMUNISM. I. II. V. 
 
 lives as much as possible. This keeping these motives out of 
 notice, is possible, not by an arbitrary effort of will, but by means 
 of keeping other, and more divine motives and feelings, before 
 the mind, and by becoming more and more transformed into 
 the divine image. The knowledge of righteous apportionments 
 according to works, is a sort of military base, in operating for 
 goodness, and to that base it is necessary to return, or to com 
 municate with it from time to time, until our forces become suc 
 cessful enough, and the country through which we are passing 
 becomes rich and full enough, to enable us to live entirely on the 
 angels' food that we can pick up along our way. 
 
 An objection to this may be made, that the American mind 
 seeks absolute equality, and will not be happy without it. We 
 can only answer, that persons thus determined, are not as yet fit 
 for Communism. Those who are not able to understand, or are 
 not willing to allow, the peculiar needs and comforts required 
 by the delicate, the refined, the cultivated, and the thinkers, -and 
 supporters of the enterprise ; such persons are out of the spiritual 
 experience and enlargement, necessary to comprehend even true 
 equality of rights and of needs itself: for true equality of rights 
 and needs is NON equality of actual distribution. This will be 
 seen to be so, when spiritual and moral ideas obtain their proper 
 supremacy over merely corporeal or material things. To grant 
 to every man his need and his right, is much nearer a maxim 
 of true equality, than to grant to each one the same amount of 
 food, dress, delicacies, or respect. And those who are not willing 
 to allow this, have as yet their wills in bondage to material things, 
 or else to selfishness and falsity. Either their heaven is in this 
 world's things, for the sake of the things themselves, or else they 
 are determined to have by force or deception, what they know to 
 be more than their due share of it. But a right will, a right 
 hope, here, is essential as the very starting-point of Communism. 
 These reasonings are somewhat abstruse. But the wise conclu 
 sions to which they lead, are often understood by the true and 
 good heart, without much intellectual culture. 
 
 CHAP. V. UNION OF HIGH MORAL AND INTELLECTUAL CON 
 DITIONS. 
 
 Christian fellowship in general should be founded on the 
 
NATURE. BASES. HIGH MORAL AND INTELLECTUAL. 449 
 
 essential idea, that there are three principles which constitute 
 goodness: (1) the virtue of the right use of one's real moral 
 freedom ; (2) proper mental acquirements ; (3) favorable external 
 circumstances. 
 
 Communism does not destroy free will, nor moral probation ; 
 but places them on higher and more interior things. 
 
 Moral virtue, as a virtue of the will, consists in the habit of 
 doing, thinking and feeling aright, fully to the best of a person's 
 moral ability, according to the degree of spontaneity and really 
 free will, and the amount of his disenchantment from servitude 
 to evil circumstances, evil blood, or evil habits. For, habitual 
 completeness according to the degree of one's real spontaneity, is 
 all that any of us are capable of, and is all that a good God would 
 require, and is what constitutes real moral virtue. But after all, 
 there is an objective quality in goodness, even if there never had 
 been and never would be, any really free will, as to right and 
 wrong. And goodness is lovable in itself; and can be promoted 
 by circumstances. And a good Commune is supposed to furnish 
 the most favorable external circumstances, and the necessary or 
 proper intellectual culture, especially as to moral relations. 
 
 The foundations of a Commune must be, partly those of su 
 perior moral will, or virtue, and partly those of suitable enlight 
 enment in moral duties. Moral virtue consists in doing right, 
 to the best of one's ability. This is a completeness, that Jew, 
 Christian and heathen, are alike capable of. But a degree of 
 mental culture also is required, to enable morally complete per 
 sons to harmonize. " How can two walk together, unless they 
 be agreed ?" Communism requires harmony of mind and heart, 
 also sympathy and mutual confidence, upon the principal points 
 likely to occupy the hearts and conduct of the members. These 
 points are, religion, honesty, veracity, industry, sex and family- 
 relations, personal habits, mental culture, customs (or fashions), 
 and regard for customs. It must contain a church, or some 
 moral or spiritual society, distinct from its social and civil organ 
 ization ; and based on the idea, that love to man, and faith in 
 God and in goodness, are the essence of all religion. It also 
 requires, in virtue and moral intelligence, a practical respect for, 
 and obedience to, leaders. All the requisites may be summed 
 up in being honest, truthful, good-tempered, and orderly. 
 
 29 
 
450 BK - V - LIMITED COMMUNISM. I. II. VI. 
 
 CHAP. VI. RELATION TO STRICT RIGHTEOUSNESS, OR PER 
 FECTIONISM. 
 
 Whoever would enter fully into religious Communism, must 
 possess an unusual spirit and experience, and some degree of 
 progress in the real interior life. Most Christians would speak 
 of a person in such a state, as one who desired, above all things, 
 to live free from sin. Some enthusiasts would even dare to call 
 it " perfection." The mystics and interiorists themselves would 
 call it contemplation, or walking with God. 
 
 By perfectionism, we mean, acceptance with God AS IF without 
 sin, and a consciousness by faith, of such acceptance. Perhaps 
 our idea of perfectionism would be summed up sufficiently in 
 the phrase, life of interior righteousness by faith, or life in 
 Christ. 
 
 A Christian Commune is a shell, to hold and receive life 
 from a church of interiorists and saints. But, it is not de 
 sirable as a condition to joining a Commune, that any should 
 profess having actually entered fully into an interior life; but 
 that they desire, above all things, to live free from sin, and to 
 progress in righteousness. Requiring high professions, is only 
 offering a premium for hypocrisy. 
 
 There is plenty of experience and testimony, to prove, that 
 such a state of guiltless acceptance or entire assurance with God, 
 is attainable temporarily. The great thing to be done, and to be 
 proved, is, the preserving of such a state continuously. The real 
 practicability of sainthood, has been the avowed doctrine of 
 more than nine-tenths of Christendom, since the time of Christ. 
 The common Protestant reaction against the doctrine, is merely 
 a polemical extreme. 
 
 But the religious Communes are too apt to overlook the real 
 and objective moral pre-requisites. Thus, Mr. Finney's settle 
 ment at New Oberlin was commenced in the spirit of religious 
 Communism, based on some of the common church theories of 
 perfectionism. But not going on to the perfection of duties to 
 other men, their spirit of Communism gradually evaporated. 
 The two religious perfectionist women-friends of Mr. Wesley, 
 astounded him, when they told him, they could scarcely live 
 together in peace in the same house. But Communism is not 
 
NATURE. BASES. STRICT RIGHTEOUSNESS. 451 
 
 possible except on the foundation, that members are not to 
 indulge themselves either knowingly or carelessly, in trespasses 
 upon the rights of their neighbors, however small or indirect 
 those trespasses may be; nor can they be allowed frequently, 
 even in unblamable ignorance. 
 
 This higher life, after all, probably consists, not mostly in 
 superiority of inward character, but rather in diminished force 
 of temptations, and in improved providential circumstances gen 
 erally. And this is one of the very grounds of the importance 
 of Communism, namely, because it diminishes the force of 
 temptation, and affords the most favorable providential circum 
 stances for obedience. But then it must also be remembered, 
 that any actual release from sin, should be allowed its true ex 
 pression in the heart, so that the heart may be really allowed to 
 feel and enjoy as much subjective freedom from the conscious 
 ness of sin, as consists with the full realization, that this freedom 
 is itself the result of God's ordained circumstances, and that 
 therefore the glory is entirely due to him, and as much of this 
 freedom as, but no more than, is consistent with the additional 
 consciousness and deep conviction, that objectively and inwardly, 
 we are still sinners, needing confession, atonement and sanctifi- 
 cation : and perhaps it may also be said, that natural faults, 
 namely, the remains of indwelling sin, may even require re 
 pentance. 
 
 If the time has come when we understand the meaning of the 
 Saviour's saying, (Matthew vii. 12,) "All things whatsoever ye 
 would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them ; for 
 this is the law and the prophets" ; and St. Paul's saying, 
 (Romans xiii. 8 and 9,) " For he that loveth another hath ful 
 filled the law, * * * and if there be any other commandment, 
 it is briefly comprehended in this saying, namely, Thou shalt 
 love thy neighbor as thyself" ; then the time has come when 
 some class or society may arise, which will base itself on duty 
 and love to man, as its real and only visible foundation. And 
 this implies, that such a society will or should reject all other 
 foundations that have been or may be offered, different from this 
 one, of love and duty to man. Therefore they will not allow 
 their basis to be any kind of forms or ceremonies. They will 
 not allow their basis to be the profession of religion, nor of any 
 
452 BK - V. LIMITED COMMUNISM. I. II. VII. 
 
 particular doctrines, nor any profession nor enactment of re 
 ligious duty upon religious grounds ; neither a duty of outward 
 action, nor of inward feeling. True religion lies too deep within 
 the soul, to be judged of, in the last analysis, by any other tests 
 than those which inspiration itself lays down as the supreme tests 
 thereof. 
 
 CHAP. VII. EELATION TO NATURAL THEOLOGY. 
 
 Any community, to succeed in this enlightened age, and where 
 reverence for persons is not the governing power, must be founded 
 on a cultivated natural religion : this is commonly called natural 
 theology. The kingdom of evil is eminently one of intellectual 
 culture. Men cannot avoid its influence if they would, and 
 would not if they could ; hence, culture in truth is needed, to 
 counteract the influence of culture in error. Indeed in the most 
 interior light, we find that all human learning is of very little 
 use, religiously, except to counteract the errors of previous false 
 learning. The age when men were governed by blind faith, has 
 passed away. Even if men know the voice of God, they will 
 not now obey him, unless he actually manifests to their intel 
 lects, that he deserves to be and must be obeyed. The former 
 age has passed away ; and men are no longer willing to stake 
 their all, for time and eternity, upon a literature alone, although 
 inspired. The progress of history does not tend to increase gen 
 eral faith in any mere literature, as such, however ancient. But 
 the progress of science does tend to increase faith in nature, in 
 natural law, and in natural doctrine. Hence there arises the 
 great necessity for a cultivated natural theology. Even the 
 Christian now bases his strongest evidence, that is, his strongest 
 external or intellectual evidence, of the divine authority of our 
 own religion, and of the books containing it, upon the ever 
 increasing proofs derived from philosophy and natural science. 
 The authority of character is gone, and in its place has come, the 
 authority of philosophy and natural science, in other words, the 
 authority of natural religion. 
 
 Now the direct application of these ideas to Communism, is 
 first, that the essential and indispensable basis of Communism, 
 is the absolute certainty of moral law r s ; and next, the consequent 
 dependence of all, upon moral means as distinct from compul- 
 sorv ones. 
 
NATURE. BASES. CHRISTIAN FRATERNITY. 453 
 
 A Community is the quintessence of refined misery, when 
 chiefly held together by any other means than voluntary ones. 
 And this can only be avoided, when the absolute certainty 
 of moral laws is established, also the superiority of moral to 
 physical or formal considerations, as influences on the daily 
 life. These moral laws, of course, include provisions for re 
 pentance, reformation, faith, and spiritual life. In fact, they 
 include every thing, even in theology itself. But moral laws 
 are as unchangeable as physical ones ; the interpretation being 
 found always in this, that men may choose to forfeit the re 
 wards of obedience, but then must fall under consequences, 
 which will always be indefinitely worse than the pain of present 
 obedience. And it seems clear that the only effective external, 
 i.e. intellectual means, to produce firm conviction of this certainty 
 of moral laws, as yet discovered, is found in the study of the 
 natural sciences, and of mental and moral philosophy. Miracles, 
 regeneration, divine union, are all found to be not contrary to, 
 but in accordance with moral and spiritual laws, laws that are 
 as fixed as the character of God himself. It becomes evident 
 that God governs the world, and all his creatures, angels and 
 devils, saints as well as sinners, by strict moral laws; including 
 of course spiritual laws. Thus moral character and moral ex 
 cellencies, become evidently the objects of highest, deepest, and 
 nearest daily importance. The man who would rather be right 
 than be Emperor of the World, is no longer felt to be a fanatic. 
 Such an one is fast becoming Emperor of the World, both of the 
 living and of the departed, namely, the founder of Christianity. 
 All these things are settled and felt to be true, notwithstanding 
 the practicability of repentance and restoration by the trans 
 gressor. And, obedience by the heart, obedience in all things, 
 obedience in little things, is felt to be the highest good, and the 
 highest joy. Only thus can Communism be a joy; only thus 
 can a Commune hope to become permanent ; unless perchance, 
 it may have the special providence of Satan, for a while. 
 
 Then again, natural religion furnishes, not only the doctrine 
 and motives of righteousness ; it also aids the power of actual 
 righteous living. As it gives the strongest grounds for faith in, 
 and submission to the God of the Universe ; so it lays before us 
 the ideas well calculated to excite to the service of righteousness, 
 
454 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. I. II. VIII. 
 
 which is the service of God and gives the intensest desire of 
 obedience, which is the true prayer of the heart. And then 
 again, natural religion gives us the strongest proofs, and one of 
 the best outward aids, to the interpretation of divine revelation ; 
 and thus becomes the most effective real producer of the love 
 and worship of God. Thus it becomes evident, how valuable 
 natural religion is, even to those ordained saints who, being in 
 the divine union, have no more need of laws for their control, 
 if or when any are such. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. SYMPATHY WITH THE GENERAL CHRISTIAN 
 CHURCH. 
 
 Sectarianism itself is the result of human finiteness and igno 
 rance, but the evils of sectarianism are the results of selfishness. 
 In fact, the subtle and refined form which, selfishness, self-will, 
 self-conceit and self-interest, take, in the church, is active secta 
 rianism. But Communism is essentially unselfish. Therefore a 
 Commune must be truly catholic and liberal, based on sym 
 pathy with, not, in opposition to, the general Christian church ; 
 nor against their doctrines and writings generally. Nothing 
 that is so based, will ultimately prosper. This implies a recog 
 nition of the truly and equally Christian character, of credibly 
 professing Christians in the churches generally. It also implies 
 a recognition of the higher life, in sects and parties credibly pro 
 fessing such interior and higher life. A sectarian or exclusive 
 or self-conceited organization, sets itself against the life of Christ 
 in general; and the end thereof will not be blessed. Such may 
 spring up rapidly at first, and show signs of the divine* life ; and 
 in some peculiar moral climates may flourish well for a while ; 
 but that is all of the good they do, and if they become great 
 Alas ! for the evil ! 
 
 Communism means fellowship. The very same original word 
 is used for both, in the New Testament. How then could it be 
 possible for a Community to succeed, one of whose distinguish 
 ing principles was ten-fellowship with the Christian church in 
 general, or with interiorists in general, and with other Com 
 munists? Any kind of sectarian exclusiveness is strong proof, 
 either of excessive narrow-mindedness, or of great deficiency of 
 Christian love, generally, is proof of both. It also generally 
 
NATURE. BASES. CHRISTIAN FRATERNITY. 455 
 
 contains a large amount of self-conceit and self-will, showing 
 that selfishness is not all subdued. And when the fervor of 
 pietism, or the esprit du corps, subsides, or the great leader dies; 
 the unsubdued self that hitherto might have been, at least in 
 pecuniary matters, previously disinterested and generous, now 
 breaks forth for self-interest. And "thus endeth" its inward 
 virtue. 
 
 The true principles of Christian interiorism, are in close 
 harmony with the good in those called " the religious mystics." 
 And these again are found to be in remarkable harmony with 
 one another, in all the cultivated or literary religions of all 
 the World, Christian, Mahometan, East Indian, and Heathen, 
 alike. Among all these, and in all times, there have been num 
 bers who, penetrating within and beyond the veil of popular de 
 tails, have found a higher theory, without opposing the lower, 
 and a higher life and love, without hating the other. Thus the 
 Christian interiorists find themselves a part of the WORLD'S 
 real catholic religion ; and give us the nearest approximation to 
 the absolute in religion, that is attainable' in this life. This 
 general agreement as to ideas and experience, is noticed by Ull- 
 man in " Reformers before the Reformation" ; and by Yaughan 
 in " Hours with the Mystics," and by others. 
 
 Sympathy with the general Christian church, of course^ means, 
 with the church of all ages, Greek and Roman, as well as 
 Protestant ; and in antiquity as well as in the present. The vast 
 majority of the church has always believed in a sort of perfec 
 tionism or sainthood : and has been without the Bible among the 
 people. That is a luxury brought about partly by reaction, 
 against the corruptions of past churches, and partly by the art 
 of printing. But the common use of the whole Bible is no part 
 of the practice of the universal Christian church in the past. 
 Neither is it to be, of the future. Heb. viii. 10 and 11, says; 
 "The covenant * * * I will make with the house of Israel * * * 
 I will put my laws into their mind, and write them in their 
 hearts. * * * And they shall not teach every man his neighbor, 
 * * * saying, l Know the Lord/ for all shall know me, from 
 the least "to the greatest." 
 
 Therefore a Commune is not likely to succeed, which abounds 
 with Bibliolaters, idolaters of the Book, disputing all the time, 
 
456 BK - V - LIMITED COMMUNISM. I. II. IX. 
 
 with and about the Scriptures, and expecting to settle every thing 
 with a text or two ; with but little regard to history, experience, 
 science, or natural religion. 
 
 CHAP. IX. THE NON-FORCING PRINCIPLE. 
 
 A Commune must be based upon moral suasion ; and not upon 
 forcing others against their will. It grants reasonable liberty to 
 all others, and acts upon the maxim of doing to others as we 
 would be done by. When a person is found habitually to need 
 force, and to be persistently ungovernable, or unimprovable, or 
 disturbing to the association, he or she is unfit for Communism. 
 
 The true peace-principle is, not to. use force except to resist 
 force; and only then, according to the importance of resistance 
 at all, and the necessity and importance of force as a means of 
 resistance. 
 
 The true life of God in the 1 soul, has a tendency to submit its 
 own will to others, and to submit events to Divine providence. 
 It has long suffering, and rejoices exceedingly in the reformation 
 of a transgressor, for which it labors and prays. But it feels 
 itself justified in prompt resistance to the attempts of unfit per 
 sons, to obtain, by force or fraud, the rule of its Society ; and 
 requires that the aggressor should ever remember, that its ac 
 quiescence or quietism is not due to man as a human duty, but 
 to God, and only and so long as He demands it ; and perhaps as 
 a kind of " meritum ex congruo" or work for stars in our crown. 
 
 CHAP. X. ANTI-WAR PRINCIPLES. 
 
 Strong and clear, but reasonable anti-war principles, ought to 
 be enunciated and adhered to. The following should be an 
 nounced as the least reasons that could be required, in order to 
 allow war: (1) that a war be really defensive; (2) that the 
 attack be itself actual, real and violent ; (3) that the attack be 
 unjust ; (4) that the attack be known to the attackers themselves 
 to be unjust ; (5) that no efforts of Christian forbearance or kind 
 ness, will avert or terminate the war (6) th&t the arguments 
 requiring war in that case, are plain and clear beyond reasonable 
 doubt. Nearly all the successful Protestant communes are non- 
 resistants. 
 
NATURE. BASES. ORDER AND DISCIPLINE. 457 
 
 CHAP. XI. ORDER, DISCIPLINE AND PUNISHMENT. 
 
 Next come the PRINCIPLES of the treatment of criminals by 
 government, of children by parents and teachers, and of refrac 
 tory members by a Commune. The principles are, that all law 
 ful means necessary to prevent society or Individuals from being 
 trampled on, are justifiable; and therefore the attempt of unfit 
 persons to get the rule over a society by fraud or force, justifies 
 resistance. But, as far as consistent with this, all reasonable 
 kindness and privileges should be shown to offenders. 
 
 Punishment, if necessary, should be administered to the pas 
 sion or propensity or faculty, that offends. The main reliances 
 for communistic and affectionate government or discipline, are, 
 criticism, the fellowship of truth, the exclusion of temptation, 
 and the gratification of all RIGHT human wants and needs. 
 
 Yet as punishments may sometimes be necessary, it is best to 
 have several classes ; and we propose the following. First class. 
 Special lessons for study in morality and righteousness, and in 
 the principles and objects and reason's of punishments. Second 
 class. Private reprimands, fines and charges, sometimes re 
 corded, sometimes not. Third class. Debar from social gather 
 ings for recreation and conversation. Debar parents and children 
 from seeing each other ; also husbands and wives. Debar from 
 table, and from certain meals, or for a specified time. Debar 
 from any new clothes, except necessary for health. Fourth class. 
 Debar from all social employment, or appoint the most disagree 
 able work. Order confinement to room, except for necessity and 
 meals. Fifth class. Order a peculiar dress ; prohibit visitors ; 
 allow general censure. Sixth class. Remand to a lower order. 
 Seventh class. Give notice of early expulsion, unless the re 
 quired acknowledgments, promises, and reforms are made. Sus 
 pension (or an order to leave), without absolute expulsion. 
 Eighth class. Expulsion. 
 
 We may also add to these general punishments, non-partici 
 pation in recreations, and non-intercourse, except with near re-, 
 lations. Debar from the company of the other sex, and defer 
 the time of marriage. And in regard to children, confinement 
 to room, and even whipping if necessary, although we doubt the 
 necessity of it. A system of rewards for doing well, might do 
 
458 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. 1. II. XII. 
 
 away with much disobedience and consequent punishment ; and 
 with the young, the prospect of early marriage for the orderly 
 and obedient, might be highly successful. 
 
 In trials there might be arbitration, or a committee might 
 be appointed, one-half by the accused, and the other half by the 
 sot iety. 
 
 CHAP. XII. RESORT TO LAW, AND OF HOLDING POLITICAL 
 
 OFFICES. 
 
 We are prohibited from law, only by the two principles, 
 moral suasion, and anti-war. In all other cases, Interiorists 
 have the same right to resort to law, as other persons. Interior 
 ists, or Communists, have the same right to seek offices, as other 
 men ; when those offices can be successfully sought and admin 
 istered, by gospel means, and in the Lord. But inasmuch as 
 church officials had better keep out of political affairs, and as 
 all Interiorists are a sort of volunteer officials in the Universal 
 Catholic church, it becomes most expedient for them not to seek 
 political offices. 
 
 The Shakers say they have never had a lawsuit, (previous to 
 the year 1871.) And those Communities that have had suits, 
 have probably parted with unsuitable persons at the wrong time; 
 having borne with them too long in quietness, and then arisen 
 against them too violently. But the suit against the Shakers, 
 seems to have been instituted to obtain children previously given 
 to their Community. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. FELLOWSHIP OF TRUTH. 
 
 1. Confession. 
 
 Another essential of Communism is fellowship of truth, com 
 bining the principles of Family, and of Sacrament; and implying 
 strict veracity and frankness, also a willingness to acknowledge 
 one's faults. 
 
 The Communities generally make much account of confession, 
 or acknowledgment of error. And such a practice would doubt 
 less be very important and useful, IF it could be made truly har 
 monious with Protestantism, and rendered as certain of secrecy, 
 as is confession in the Roman church : or if damages were re 
 coverable from the Individual-person or officer who would betray 
 confidence ; but, not from the Society. 
 
NATURE. BASES. HONOR. 459 
 
 But to require public confession before the Society, of serious 
 matters, is more than the world, even of Communism, is fitted 
 for; and would sometimes involve other parties, and lead to en 
 tangling lawsuits. Full confessions cannot be expected, in the 
 origin of any Community ; but only gradually, and as its own 
 reliability becomes established. 
 
 2. Information. 
 
 Again, fellowship of truth requires a sort of Christian or 
 Family tale-bearing, according to the command of Christ. \Yhen 
 a brother or offender does wrong, another must tell him of it 
 privately, for the offender's good. If that does not succeed, he 
 must take another member with him ; and as a last resort, tell 
 the matter to the officers. It is only in a Community, that this 
 command of Christ admits of common practical application. 
 
 3. Criticism. 
 
 It is absolutely essential that members be willing to receive 
 criticism, as to their general habits and character, and that the 
 leaders be able to give such criticism wisely. Criticism should 
 at first be administered privately, and should not be turned into 
 laudation, except where encouragement is needed. Officers should 
 be subject to criticism, but^only by and in the presence of other 
 officers. 
 
 But there is a limitation to criticism, which is too apt to be 
 disregarded by those who overlook its sacramental character, and 
 indulge it as the spontaneous expression of feeling. Interiorists 
 qualified to criticise wisely, will be able to govern their own 
 tongues. Unless there is a willingness to suffer much for others, 
 by silence, as also by other means, Community-life is apt to be 
 come a place-of-torment on earth. The Oneida Community is 
 able to give, and owes to the world, a scientific work on criticism. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. HONOR. 
 
 Another basis of Communism is high-toned HONOR, such as 
 prevails among real gentlemen. The necessity of this element, 
 honor, is what gives hope of success of those Communes which 
 might consist of the two Social Circles, namely, genteel and sub 
 altern. But this honor is not merely what exists between friends, 
 or persons of the same class or clique ; but is what exists between 
 opponents, and even between enemies. And in a Commune, the 
 
460 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. I. II. XV. 
 
 honor must be especially and above all, to the Commune itself, 
 just as patriotism exists for the whole Nation, or the whole 
 Precinct. 
 
 , CHAP. XV. COMMUNITY-OCCUPATIONS. 
 
 Each Community must have its own especial and peculiar 
 characteristics, either of business, study, or benevolence. Suppose 
 the special moral aim of a Community, be, as sometimes it has 
 really been, devotion to Theology, or Social Science; and its 
 members should say, We would study to know best how to live. 
 We would live retired lives, and open our doors to others who 
 sincerely desired to reap the benefits of such a life, in order that 
 we might do them good. These special moral ideas would then 
 have to be the bases to collect members. 
 
 The business of the Commune must depend upon the acquire 
 ments, and means, of those who compose it. Perhaps it would 
 facilitate Communism, to adopt the business first, and collect as 
 members, those in one business, chiefly. 
 
 The number of members must be restricted by the amount 
 of income, and the profits likely to arise from the occupations 
 engaged in ; and upon the proportion of students and children, 
 non-contributors, and others not immediately productive. Of 
 course those businesses are most suitable, which employ nearly 
 an equal number of both sexes ; or else, such a combination of 
 several businesses, that some will employ one sex, and some the 
 other sex. One good start might be made with students well 
 qualified to study any desired sciences, and with an aggregate 
 income sufficient for their support ; and with such other persons 
 as can co-operate by aiding, as agriculturists, manufacturers of 
 wearing apparel, house-workers, &c. The publishing business 
 is peculiarly inviting to Communes, cither by itself, or in con 
 nection with intellectual occupations, also the seminary or board 
 ing-school occupation, life insurance, annuity and trust companies ; 
 also companies to furnish capital or labor, in special partnership 
 with Individuals, or with Communes. These would answer for 
 outside members. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. RELIGIOUS EXERCISES. 
 
 The best religious means would probably be, to employ, in turn, 
 the common prayer of the Episcopal church, the litanies of the 
 
NATURE. BASES. RELIGIOUS EXERCISES. 4QI 
 
 Moravians, the class- or band-meetings of the Methodists, and 
 the silent congregational meetings of the Friends (Quakers). 
 There should also be lectures or readings on Moral Science, 
 Natural Theology, Evidences of Revealed Religion, and exeget- 
 ical readings of the Scriptures. If desired, " confessors" and 
 "spiritual" directors could be appointed by the Community, or 
 selected by Individuals. 
 
 If there were regularly authorized ministers in the Commune, 
 they would probably administer baptisms and communions. 
 True catholic mutual liberty should be allowed in these things. 
 But the communion of bread and wine would probably soon be 
 come obsolete. Sunday should be faithfully, but not pharisaically 
 nor literally, observed, as a day of rest from ordinary business, 
 and of special religious opportunities : if not for one's own sake, 
 then for the sake of others. 
 
 For Religion we suggest four kinds of meetings. One, a 
 Sunday-School, conducted in the usual manner, with prayer, 
 singing, Scripture-lessons, and so on perhaps with part of the 
 prayers selected from the Episcopal prayer-book, but with some 
 slight revision. Another kind might be for the adult study of 
 religion, natural and revealed, accompanied by discussions. 
 Another meeting perhaps might be for religious experience. 
 Another meeting might be for worship purely, and should there 
 fore be entirely silent. 
 
 If however, a Commune should arise among and out of any 
 ONE religious denomination, it would naturally continue the 
 forms of its denomination, in a general way, but in a more lib 
 eral manner. But such an arising seems not likely soon, unless 
 the seekers of some kind of higher life, become much more nu 
 merous than they are; because they are now so few, that they are 
 acting on Christian -union principles; and these principles indeed, 
 are the natural expression of the higher and unselfish life. But, 
 several denominations are quite large enough to develop Com 
 munities, each within itself, if their minds and hearts were 
 turned in that direction. Besides the Catholics, the Episcopals 
 have them in this country, and the Lutherans in Germany ; but 
 the Protestants, merely as sisters of charity. 
 
462 BK - V. LIMITED COMMUNISM. I. II. XVII. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. COMMUNISM OF LABORS AND INCOMES. 
 
 1. Plan, In General. 
 
 Some hints on the rights of property, have been already given 
 in Sub-Division I. Chap. IV. of this article : and if the writer 
 be spared long enough, a fuller treatment of that subject may be 
 expected from him, in a future book or article, on PROPERTY, 
 one of the Fourteen Great Elements of Social Science, Prop 
 erty must have its own, and only its own, right share in the dis 
 tribution. Evidently however, some new scientific and moral 
 adjustment between capital and labor, is necessary, and must be 
 POSSIBLE. Because the let-alone theory and strikes by laborers, 
 and pinching down wages by capitalists are merely grab-game 
 methods, which must find their final adjustment, not by force of 
 arms, or numbers, or stubbornness of will or of capital ; but by 
 reason and morality, and by eternal principles of right. 
 
 Our plan of adjustment is, as has been said, the Communism 
 of incomes and labors, but not of capital nor principal. 
 
 But Communism, when thus limited to incomes and labors, 
 only, may seem very little different from Fourierist association. 
 But, both the principles and the methods are very different, in 
 all the various great points, as follows. Our theory requires, in 
 stead of splendor and luxury, plainness and simplicity, in house 
 and dress and food ; and authorizes no aristocracy, nor evidence 
 of wealth, in the customs, clothes or food. Again, our theory 
 lays stress on the necessity of early and natural and moral satis 
 faction of the sexes, by childhood-marriages. And to make such 
 marriages happy and moral, as well as useful, should form a 
 great part of the motive and object, of the government and 
 customs and architecture of a Commune. 
 
 Again, Fourier proposes to make industry pleasant, by means 
 of beautifying its surroundings, of home and grounds and 
 clothes, also by music and drill and so on. But our theory 
 proposes to make industry attractive, partly by the principles 
 of the Kindergarten, namely by thoroughly useful education, 
 made pleasant by arranging the plays of children scientifically ; 
 promoting the idea of utility, thus to prepare for instructive in 
 dustries ; and partly by stimulating the other great, good motives 
 to industry ; and partly by removing the causes of idleness. 
 
NATURE. BASES. LABORS AND INCOMES, PLAN. 
 
 And in general, where Fourier proposes to produce happiness by 
 gratifying the sense of beauty, we propose instead, to cultivate 
 the sense of the useful, and the dutiful. Again, Fourier avow 
 edly and intentionally stimulates competition, throughout all his 
 groups and classes, but our theory avoids competition as much as 
 possible, and puts it into the background among the unconscious 
 motives ; because its very principle and life are destructive of 
 Communism. 
 
 Furthermore, Association in order to succeed, must be some 
 thing more generous than any thing which can be furnished by 
 the Fourier or Joint-stock principle. For the financial econo 
 mies are counterbalanced by the social discords. 
 
 On the other hand, Association must pay some regard to the 
 different proportions of stock contributed, or else it will not be 
 able to attract capital voluntarily. Then again, the regard thus 
 paid to property, must consist at least partly, of something else 
 than mere dividends ; for such institutions do not present very 
 strong inducements to the seekers of dividends ; and if they did 
 present inducements to such, the institutions would become of a 
 mercenary, or at best, of a business character. The Fourierite 
 proposition of rewarding capitalists by honors and by prominent 
 positions, appeals also to the selfish sentiments too much, if the 
 positions were anything more than merely empty honors ; and 
 to suppose that sensible men would be satisfied with empty 
 honors is an absurdity. Moreover, it is impossible to conceive 
 of honors or positions that would not be empty, unless they were 
 positions of POWER in the management. Moreover, power in 
 the management is one of the requisites that are necessary in 
 order to convince capitalists that their property would be safe : 
 neither in fact would their property be safe, if entirely under 
 the power of persons without property ; for there is no fact nor 
 argument that can prove the fitness of men to preserve property, 
 so well as the fact of actually having done so. 
 
 Tfie plan of merely retaining power instead of honor, for 
 capitalists, not only suits them better, but also suits fair-mean 
 ing people who are not capitalists, better. Because it leaves the 
 official positions, and the honors of administration, open to the 
 non-capitalists : and practically does away with the feelings of 
 distinction, both in the actual management, and in the social life, 
 
464 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. I. II. XVII. 
 
 almost entirely ; whereas, the plan of giving capitalists osten 
 tatious honors, although even empty ones, tends to keep alive 
 social distinctions, in very unpleasant ways. 
 
 The case stands thus : Mankind are entangled in a net-work 
 of circumstances, the results of sin ; and which are of such an 
 inveterate nature, that the rights which labor and morality have 
 in property, are largely ignored ; neither are the workmen yet 
 fitted to enjoy them fully. And at the same time, the case is so 
 inveterate, that no wisdom of laws, nor govern men t-force, can 
 make things better; but every forcing attempt rather makes them 
 worse. In this emergency, (we suppose) property-holders, or at 
 least some of them, come forward voluntarily, and do their share 
 towards the rectification of things, in a limited field, and in a 
 reasonable way. Now, will some workmen come forward, equally 
 generously on the other side ? 
 
 The case then is thus : Capitalists step in and offer to resign 
 a part of the profits of capital, and a part of the control of it ; 
 whilst those without capital, accepting the actions of the other 
 party, to be proofs both of wisdom and of goodness, give up a 
 part of their control over the society's aifairs. And the ques 
 tion then to decide is, whether it is for the best interests, as 
 well as the ultimate happiness, of both parties, to enter into 
 the arrangement. 
 
 The way to arrange about the stock, so as to avoid the two 
 opposite difficulties, of tempting members to leave, by allowing 
 them to take the value of their stock, and the other difficulty, of 
 debarring their heirs from it altogether, would be, perhaps, to 
 have two kinds of stock, common &ncl preferred, and to decide 
 as time progresses, the proportion of each, to each member: 
 Common stock to revert to the Community at death or at leav 
 ing, whilst preferred might continue private property in either 
 case. But all Commune-stock in excess of a certain amount, 
 might revert to issue or the mother thereof, where there was 
 either left to inherit. And the Commune should have the right 
 to prescribe its own laws of inheritance. 
 
 In the case of* Communes of long or well established financial 
 responsibility : it would perhaps be best to substitute life-annui 
 ties, instead of actual principal, for those who withdrew. The 
 amounts of the annuities, to be in proportion to the amounts of 
 
NATURE. BASES. LABORS AND INCOMES, PLAN. 
 
 capital of course, but NOT necessarily calculated as to age. In 
 other words, merely pay legal or usual or liberal interest, during 
 the life of the party ; the Community reserving the privilege of 
 paying the principal instead, if it thought best so to do for its 
 own good. 
 
 As to the dissolution of a Commune, speaking of it as distinct 
 from an equitable division of it into two or more Communes : 
 a decision of dissolution should require the consent separately, 
 of the board of trustees, and of the board of representatives, and 
 a majority of the votes of the stock of full members, as well as 
 of Individuals entitled to vote for representatives, and also a 
 majority of the females over eighteen years of age. In a disso 
 lution, children's shares and interests should be appropriated to 
 their use, or given to their parents ; and divorced women's be 
 held in trust for them. This and all other financial matters, 
 should be regulated solely by the responsible trustees, represent 
 ing the stock of those who were full members at the time of the 
 vote "for dissolution. 
 
 2. Directors and Government. 
 
 The objects to be accomplished and the difficulties to be over 
 come, may all be summed up in these two things, to get good 
 leaders, and to get the members to follow them cheerfully. In 
 order to these objects, the government should be such as to 
 require the consent, of both Capital and Individuals. This is 
 best accomplished by having two equal boards elected, one, a 
 board of trustees chosen by the stock-holders who are resident 
 or full members ; the other, a separate board of representatives 
 chosen by Individuals. Of this latter, one half should be chosen 
 by men, the other half by women. These two boards together 
 would constitute the directors. These directors should have all 
 the power of law-making, and appointment of officers. 
 
 Immediately upon being chosen, the new directors, trustees 
 and representatives, should elect new officers, and the official 
 terms of all other officers should cease. All appointments and 
 selection of officers, should require the joint consent of the boards 
 of trustees, and of representatives ; except the Treasurer, who 
 should be chosen by the trustees alone. 
 
 Stockholders who are not full or resident members, should be 
 entitled to their due proportion of profits, but not entitled to 
 
 30 
 
466 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. I. II. XVII. 
 
 vote, or have any voice in the management. Property-qualifi 
 cation should not be admitted in government, unless as one of 
 several in a balance of powers, nor even then, unless it par 
 ticipates in all the responsibilities, and knows the advantages, by 
 resident membership. 
 
 All Communes contain different grades of members virtually, 
 whether avowedly or not. And it is better to have them avowed 
 and organized. Such an organization of them, lessens the power 
 of Individuals within, and keeps out unsuitable members. But 
 the particular grades would vary in different Communes. It 
 would seem most probable, however, that with the balances we 
 propose, nearly or quite all classes of members, of sufficient age, 
 might be allowed to vote. 
 
 3. Property , Shares and Dividends. 
 
 The way to arrange the stock, would perhaps be, as before 
 said, to have two kinds, common and preferred, and to decide, 
 as time progresses, the proportion of each, to each member, one 
 kind of stock is to revert to the Community at death, or at 
 leaving ; while the other kind is to continue private property in 
 either case. 
 
 The capital of the Community, besides the original stock, 
 should consist of all the unengaged or free incomes and profits 
 of all its members. And for the surplus of each one's income 
 over his expenses, certificates of stock should be issued. This is 
 an encouragement for all to produce much, and to consume little. 
 The certificates of stock would be available to the member's 
 heirs, or to himself or herself, in case of secession or dissolution 
 of the association. And in the case of male members, their stock 
 would be liable to deductions for the benefit of their children, or 
 the mothers thereof. 
 
 No interest or usance should be allowed on the capital stock. 
 But wages should be allowed to each one, according to his or her 
 industry, at the rates allowed for like services in the world, as 
 near as may be ; allowing for benefits in case of sickness, death, 
 &c. : and stock might be issued for the surplus of production over 
 consumption. 
 
 In regard to the difficult matter of division of profits, the 
 theoretical idea is, that regard should be had to several things :. 
 mental ability, moral character, necessities of age, infirmity or 
 
NATURE. BASES. LABORS AND INCOMES, PLAN. 
 
 sex, and capital stock invested. But as mental ability would be 
 allowed for in the allotment of world's wages, it may be omitted 
 entirely in distributing profits. It is always apt to get more 
 than its share, under any arrangement, and in every association 
 on earth. 
 
 There would then result the principle of dividing one half of 
 the profits to Share-holders, in proportion to stock, and the other 
 half of the profits, to Individuals, allowing women, say twice 
 as much as men, and children under fourteen years of age, an 
 increasing sum, increasing regularly as they were younger than 
 fourteen, so that a child under one year of age, would have 
 allowed for it a sum fourteen times as much as one of the age 
 of fourteen years. But these allotments of profits for children 
 should be made, not to them as to Individuals, but to a trust- 
 fund for them collectively, in such a way that this trust-fund 
 would decrease in its proper ratio from year to year, if there 
 were a proportional decrease of children. In short, these allot 
 ments for children would substantially be, merely something pro 
 vided ahead for their maintenance and tuition. 
 
 Our Saviour said "sell all," but added "and give" (not to a 
 Community, but give) " to the poor" give it away. It is even 
 worse for a Community to accumulate wealth, than for an Indi 
 vidual : hence it is as much for the Community's own interests, 
 as for its women and children, that their portions, shares and in 
 terests should be, as far as convenient, secured for them in special 
 trusts. As then there would be but little inducement to the 
 licentious, or the greedy, to break up the Commune. The truly 
 poor, are simply they who need ; and this is pre-eminently true 
 of young children. 
 
 In course of time, and after success, all stock votes might be, 
 not in proportion to shares owned at the time ; but in proportion 
 to the average number of shares owned during membership. 
 
 Government ought to be in the hands of the best men, 
 those who possess most fully the transcendental elements. Com 
 munism tests men as to their morality, and their intellectual 
 character, and should offer promotion. There must be different 
 grades or orders of membership, based on age, and spiritual ex 
 perience, rather than on smartness of talk, or shrewdness of 
 policy. ' 
 
468 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. I. II. XVIIL 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. EELATIONS OF FAMILY AND SEX. 
 
 Idolatrous Family love, either of a married partner, or of a 
 child, is entirely subversive of Community-life. But the Family 
 relation itself must be retained. 
 
 In some stages of experience, the sexes should seldom meet ; 
 but when the married did meet, they should come together with 
 freedom and seclusion. Marriage, particularly early marriage, 
 should be made a privilege, and a reward of good conduct. 
 In some stages of experience, the sexes, when arrived at near 
 puberty, whether married or not, should reside, eat and work 
 entirely by themselves ; and not meet, except on the occasion of 
 the regular meeting, say once or twice a week. If the Commune 
 is large enough, the married and single of each sex, in this stage 
 of experience, might again be separated. The daily meetings 
 for religion and criticism, should be conducted in adjoining 
 rooms, one for each sex ; or perhaps entirely apart. 
 
 But in other stages of experience, and where years, or knowl 
 edge, or sanctification, or good early habits, will justify it, the 
 best safest and happiest course will be, constant virtuous and 
 chaste intercommunings between the sexes. And this is greatly 
 facilitated, by intercommunings between the youth of one sex, 
 and the aged and experienced of the other sex. In the highest 
 experience and knowledge, nothing earthly contributes so much 
 to chastity of heart and life, as the constant presence of loving 
 and beloved ones, of the opposite sex. 
 
 Every care should be taken to retard precocity in children ; 
 but they should be so trained to useful industry, as to be fitted 
 for early marriage. They should also receive specific instruction, 
 in regard to those matters now too often neglected, which in 
 struction is one of the necessities of modern civilization. The 
 demand for early marriages is imperative 1 ; but they cannot be 
 either prudent or safe, except in Communism, wherein alone 
 they can be properly made temperate. 
 
 The great cause of liquor intemperance, probably, is sexual 
 excess. For this, the only effectual cures would be, early mar 
 riages, and frequent temporary separation of the sexes, in Com 
 munes of mutual friends. 
 
 Although freedom of sex is no essential part of true and per- 
 
NATURE. BASES. FAMILY AND SEX. 
 
 feet Communism, and is not the equitable nor highest develop 
 ment of sex on earth ; nevertheless, some part of the world, in 
 its selfish attachment to fashions, forms and outward things, may 
 possibly have to pass through a period of " complex marriage," 
 or even of freedom of sex, in its transition to the perfect state 
 beyond. For, it may be true, that nothing but the realization of 
 human equality, through the all-powerful bond of sex, will ever 
 enable the commonalty of Mankind to realize the truth of that 
 equality at all; and perhaps nothing else will break up the 
 Family-idolatry of children, and Family-selfishness in general. 
 Kence, the best thing that can be done to prevent " complex 
 marriage " &c., is to establish Communes with usual marriage, 
 and reasonable divorce, and thus anticipate against the other de 
 velopment. Fourier saw the coming evil, but not seeing its 
 final cause, he proposed to legitimate the evil, as a good, per 
 manently. 
 
 Marriage should be placed upon the plane of the gospel, and 
 upon morality, and love; and women and children should be 
 protected. Other matters can safely be left to moral suasion, 
 and the church-principles of the Commune. The true interests 
 of society call for amelioration of the forcing-principle in mar 
 riage, as fast as practicable. These interests must be the care 
 of every Commune ; especially, because the Family is one of 
 the Six fundamental Units of society. All persons who are on 
 the lookout to catch beaux, or girls, or to make fine matches, 
 in reliance upon the binding and forcing laws in marriage, are 
 entirely unfit for Communism. But Communism presents a 
 remedy, namely, the desirable peculiarity of enabling divorces to 
 take place, without separating parents from their children, and 
 without injuring the woman. So then, after a Commune had 
 established a good character, and shown that it was able to 
 properly take care of its women and children, it should be 
 granted, by the laws of the land, the power of divorce among 
 its own members. In general, no divorced woman should be 
 expelled, unless under peculiar reasons, or for peculiar atrocity ; 
 and should ever be considered as a ward or pensioner of the 
 society as a person indissolubly married to the society, or as 
 its perpetual infant or ward. 
 
470 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. I. II. XIX. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 In these; divine utility should be the leading idea; mere 
 fashions or styles, and mere amusements, whether bodily or 
 mental, should not be allowed; nor in dress, anything either 
 in shape, color, material or complexity, that is not useful. All 
 stimulants, narcotics and gormandizing, should be strongly dis 
 couraged. Luxury, finery, and emulation, should not be allowed 
 among resident members. Music and the fine arts (perhaps ex 
 cept vocal music), should only be encouraged in those having 
 special talent therefor, and as methods of utility to others. 
 
 No one should be encouraged to enter a Commune for any 
 selfish worldly advantages; otherwise, parasites might come in, 
 in oppressive numbers. Neither should the prospect of ease, 
 luxury, or amusement, be presented to induce any to adopt 
 Communism. Economy and almost asceticism are necessary, 
 for the good of the Commune itself, and to exclude the unsuit 
 able. The admirers of beauty always overlook this policy. 
 
 General vegetarianism and abstemiousness in diet, also ample 
 ventilation, will promote chastity and continence. This is proved 
 by the instincts and experience of the Shakers and other celibates; 
 and the peculiarities of old maids are necessary and reasonable. 
 
 Criticism, instead of minute book-keeping, should be applied, 
 to aid in determining the value of each member's service, and 
 the cost of his maintenance, by a system of grade marks. A 
 record should be kept of each member's grading of others, so 
 that partiality and prejudice in bad grading, could also come under 
 criticism. 
 
 There should be some arrangement of different orders or de 
 grees, of intellect and spirit; but persons in a lower degree, should 
 wait for promotion, until called to a higher. 
 
 It is not necessary to delay the starting of Communities, until 
 men become fit for entire equality. There might be one kind 
 of Communities of "gentlefolks" with their "help/ 7 and another 
 kind of mechanics, tradesmen, &c., without any domestic help. 
 One of the principal difficulties in starting a Commune, is, in 
 regard to the ladies ; partly of inducing them to labor, which is 
 a necessity in Communes based upon social equality; and partly, 
 that women make much more of marriage than men, but all like 
 
NATURE. BASES. INDUSTRY. 471 
 
 to marry into a superior social condition. Therefore, until Com 
 munes obtain the right of divorce, (arid the right would prevent 
 the necessity of using it), these disparities of social distinction 
 seem necessary to be continued. The objection to labor is founded 
 chiefly, on a false idea that there is something socially degrading 
 about it. And the customs of the Commune must break up that 
 falsity. 
 
 CHAP. XX. INDUSTRY. 
 
 We need say but little of industry, because, in successful Com 
 munes, overwork has to be criticised more than idleness ; and also, 
 because all the rules very strongly, though indirectly, promote 
 industry. The thinkers of the Community especially, should 
 not be overworked. The Community-life should make labor 
 both honorable and attractive; and should not allow, either 
 persons or customs that tended to degrade labor. 
 
 Again, the necessity of labor varies with the property of the 
 Commune. In this age, increased " Production" is not the chief 
 want of society ; but improved " Distribution" of the fruits of 
 industry. Still, every person is morally bound to be indus 
 trious, mentally or bodily, in proportion to ability and health. 
 The greatest practical difficulty is, to induce members to do 
 the unhealthy, dirty, and world-despised works. This may be 
 remedied, partly by banishing the worldly feeling which despises 
 labor, and partly by a higher rate of profits or honors, for repul 
 sive kinds of work; or fewer hours of labor, with more hours 
 for literary culture, and even by amusements and journeys not 
 allowed to others at all. But, if unskilled physical laborers, 
 unfit for the higher industries, were unwilling to perform hard 
 or rough labor, they would thereby prove themselves unfit for 
 Communism. . And if Communism was to be absolutely un 
 limited, there would be no possibility of extra pay, for the peculiar 
 services, and no use for such extra pay, to the receivers of it. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. THE DISPOSITIONS AND SOURCES OF DANGER. 
 
 The features of human nature from which all sin and disorder 
 arise, are self-will, self-conceit, and self-interest. These applied to 
 Community-life require various special precautions, as against 
 social or class prejudices, the forming of cliques of discontent, 
 ambition %to rule in excess of contributions or talent, emulation, 
 
472 BK - V. LIMITED COMMUNISM. I. II. XXII. 
 
 vanity, contrariness, licentiousness, alcohol, gossip, amusements, 
 idleness, fondness for dress, &c., &c. All these sources of danger 
 combine in such various proportions, that they cannot be pro 
 vided for in detail, but should be guarded against as well as may 
 be, when they manifest themselves. 
 
 Those persons who are most to be dreaded, and who have been 
 most troublesome about money matters, in Communes, have 
 been those who have contributed but limited amounts, (from one 
 to three thousand dollars.) Such persons, on leaving, often de 
 mand the whole principal and also interest, besides wages for 
 their own labor. Large contributors do not usually make any 
 such preposterous claims. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. THE SELF-SACRIFICE REQUISITE. 
 
 " Though Communism is a precious thing, it has its cost, and 
 persons should find out before joining, whether they are willing 
 to pay the price. Joining the Community cuts a person off from 
 such worldly ties and connections as stand in the way of im 
 provement, substituting spiritual relations for merely natural 
 ones. It implies the giving up of trivial habits and tastes; 
 the sacrifice of freedom to come and go, ii*resped,ive of others ; 
 and the submitting of ambition, amativenes^, and philoprogeni- 
 tiveness, to a discipline which renders them unselfish, and obe 
 dient to science and to God." * * * " Joining the Community is 
 in fact so far like the ' straight and narrow way 7 of the gospel, 
 that it is intended to exclude all the liberty of the old carnal 
 life." * * * I n Community there is the largest liberty for love 
 and generosity, but the smallest liberty for selfishness and seek 
 ing one's own. But those persons who enter, with their eye 
 mainly on private luxury and pleasure-seeking, are courting 
 special disappointment. True Communism is the worst hell 
 such persons can easily find. It has nothing for them but arrest 
 and crucifixion, till their motive is changed." J. H. Noyes. Also 
 see the writings of other Communists, whether marital or celibate. 
 
PRECAUTIONS AGAINST INDIVIDUALS IN GENERAL. 473 
 
 MAIN DIVISION II. 
 
 THE COMMUNITY'S PRECAUTIONS AND 
 GUARDS AGAPNST INDIVIDUALS. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION I. 
 
 WAYS AND METHODS OF PRECAUTION. 
 CHAP. I. IN GENERAL. 
 
 The whole structure of the Commune should take the neces 
 sary precautions for the protection of itself and its good mem 
 bers ; otherwise, prudent and good men cannot easily be induced 
 to join. For, the greatest difficulty in Communism, is to get, 
 not members, but good members. We have aimed to make our 
 whole theoretical structure a safeguard against probable dangers : 
 Therefore this MAIN DIVISION will be rather brief. 
 
 Even our third general Main Division viz., the Individual's 
 guards against the Community, acts indirectly, but yet most 
 powerfully, in maintaining the safety of the Commune ; for pru 
 dent and good men cannot be easily induced to join a Commu 
 nity in which their own rights are not amply guarded, and means 
 taken to protect them from injustice, either from the Community 
 or its officers. The Community best protects itself by providing 
 ample protection from its Individual-members ; thus presenting 
 inducements to the most prudent to join it, and not presenting 
 
 much opportunity for the selfish to impose upon others. 
 / 
 
 CHAP. II. BY CHARTER. 
 
 A legal charter should be provided at the outset. This will 
 tend to secure the co-operation of capitalists, and prevent unjust 
 lawsuits by outsiders or seceders. It would also tend to hold 
 the society together, if there were much property. Most of the 
 property of any association may be so arranged by charter, that 
 it may be retained by those members, however few, who remain 
 faithful to the society and its chartered objects : but equity would 
 not allow a Commune to push such a rule too far. 
 
474 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. II. I. III. 
 
 Charters might probably be obtained, granting incorporation 
 to co-operative publishing societies, or other trades, co-operative 
 boarding-houses, life and trust companies, beneficial associations, 
 a Community church, or even pairs of monastic institutions. A 
 fully developed charter should contain a selection of the powers 
 usually granted to each or most of the above-named societies. 
 
 All donations and bequests to the Commune, and such por 
 tions of their shares for each stockholder, as ought properly to 
 revert to the Commune at death, and many incidentals, should 
 be bound for the perpetuation of the original Commune, under 
 the charter. 
 
 Seceding shareholders might sell such shares as were in ex-, 
 cess of a certain defined amount; but in a general secession, 
 shares would have a very low value. Thus, the attempt of even 
 a majority, to break up the Commune, might in the end result in 
 increasing the pecuniary means of those who remained faithful. 
 But this does not apply to the equitable division of a Commune, 
 next to be spoken of. 
 
 Equitable provision should be made in the charter, for a mi 
 nority, of reasonable strength, to secede in an orderly way, and 
 form themselves into an independent Community, taking their 
 full share of property and responsibilities. Because, if men or 
 women in reasonable numbers and strength, were forcibly re 
 strained from seceding, they would be apt to find some way to 
 break up the Commune, or vex it greatly. 
 
 CHAP. III. SUBSTITUTES FOR EXPLICIT CHARTERS. 
 
 As it may sometimes occur that legal charters could not be 
 obtained, when the objects were known, it may then be advisable 
 to have the affairs conducted in the name of, and by trustees, 
 legally constituted. But this is not so safe from Individual- 
 liability. In other cases perhaps it may be advisable to obtain 
 a charter as a Life and Trust and Health Company, or as a 
 Building Association, or as a Co-operative Store, Factory, Farm 
 or Boarding-house, or other co-operative enterprise for some 
 business which the Community intends to and will actually fol 
 low ; or, obtain several of such charters ; and under such char 
 ters it might also accomplish most of the schemes of a worthy 
 Commune, except divorces. Also some of the dangers may be 
 
PRECAUTIONS AS TO APPLICANTS; PREPARATORY. 475 
 
 guarded against by making contracts with members, for full ser 
 vices at low wages, and for incomes and loans at a merely nomi 
 nal interest, and signing a full release in consideration of board 
 and the other privileges : and by capitalists giving powers of 
 attorney to the trustees to collect income ; and so on. Nothing 
 illegal is here proposed ; but only the best legal methods and 
 counsel suggested to be sought, whereby to avoid the present un 
 natural and unjust difficulties of obtaining corporate existence. 
 See Corporation. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION II. 
 
 APPLICATION AND RECEPTION OF NEW MEM 
 BERS. 
 
 CHAP. I. PREPARATORY STEPS TOWARDS MEMBERSHIP. 
 
 Besides the regular members, there might be allowed an out 
 side " contributing" membership, made up of those giving not 
 less than one-tenth of their income. This might be invested 
 either in the common stock of the association, or for its life 
 insurance fund, or for the maintenance of its women and chil 
 dren. Not much dependence could be placed on this outside 
 membership, although it might often lead persons to become full 
 members. 
 
 The applicant for regular membership should present, in 
 writing, an application to be a boarder or employe, with a 
 brief sketch of his life, and a list of his relatives and friends, 
 the object being, to set forth the persons to whom he refers, 
 and the opportunities such referees have had of knowing about 
 him. 
 
 Unworthy persons are very shrewd, in concealing all refer 
 ence to the very persons whom the society wants most to see ; 
 and worthy persons are apt to overlook those whom it is best to 
 see. Certain officers should be appointed to give advice to ap 
 plicants desiring admission. Great care is required as to the 
 application ; because, after a person knows that his application 
 has been received at a regular meeting of the Commune, it 
 should then be utterly improper for him to urge the society any 
 
476 BK - v - LIMITED' COMMUNISM, n. n. n. 
 
 further in regard to the matter, but he should quietly await the 
 result, acceptance, or being dropped, as the case may be. If 
 approved, two or a few examiners should question the applicant 
 on his knowledge of the principles of the society. 
 
 Among the terms of admission should be the prescribed so 
 ciety pledges, (anti-rum, anti-tobacco, &c.) including absolute 
 abstinence from the betrayal of the rights of Family or Sex. 
 There should also be pledges to prefer the Commune to any 
 other society or social obligation (next to the Family), or else to 
 notify the Commune immediately of any change to the contrary 
 thereof: and immediately to leave unless requested by the Com 
 munity to remain. 
 
 A male over twelve years of age, should seldom be received, 
 unless when he has some very near female relative received, either 
 at the same time, or previously ; or when he can deposit good 
 security. Purity requires some such rules. 
 
 Excellent character should be proved, for order, morals, vir 
 tue, truth, kindness, and reverence ; also contentment with the 
 station in life. He should also prove non-extravagance, non- 
 use of spirits, tobacco, or other drugs ; should believe in a few 
 fundamental religious principles, and in the silent worship, as 
 one good method ; and resolve to obey all the commandments of 
 God, and the order of the Commune. 
 
 Health reform is a preparation, and the health reforming 
 " homes" are beginnings and types of the modes of life. 
 
 CHAP. II. PROBATIONARY RESIDENCE AND LIFE-EXPERIENCE. 
 
 If approved, the applicant might become a probationer, a 
 boarder, a boarding scholar, or an employe, upon signing pledges 
 of good order, and upon depositing as security, such reasonable 
 sum as he could. 
 
 The applicant should not make any request for admission, 
 during the probationary state. If he tires in waiting the de 
 cision of the society, he can withdraw ; and the society may 
 refund his pledges and release him, say nine or twelve months 
 after his withdrawal, and after deducting charges and expenses. 
 
 If approved on probation, the member might be invited to 
 a conference with two or three special officers, men of religious 
 experience, and of reliable secrecy, to hear his experience or 
 life-statement. 
 
PRECAUTIONS. INITIATION. 477 
 
 CHAP. III. AFFIRMATIONS, OATHS AND COVENANTS. 
 
 If the officers deem the statement sincere and satisfactory, 
 they should so report, and the full pledges of the society should 
 be presented and signed. The pledges should furthermore pro 
 vide, that the member will forever abstain from all force and 
 law against the society, or against any member, for any matter 
 occurring during said membership ; and of desiring to live a life 
 of sinless faith and pure love. The pledge should also contain 
 a promise against using any disorderly or tricky means against 
 the harmony of the society, at any time, and especially in case 
 of dissatisfaction or desire to leave ; and if dissatisfied, that he 
 will leave quietly and honorably, and that he will faithfully 
 endeavor to follow the rules of the association, as long as he 
 continues a member. 'He should also state briefly, his principal 
 reasons for joining the order : and should pledge that he does 
 and will give the claims of this society, the preference over those 
 of any other voluntary society, or Corporation : or failing in 
 that, will leave voluntarily, unless requested by the society to 
 remain notwithstanding. 
 
 He should also pledge himself to have all disputes settled by 
 arbitration in the agreed manner. The pledge or covenant 
 should be made so as to stand as "good in law" as it was possi 
 ble to be made, and be as binding on honor and conscience also. 
 But perhaps bona-fide loans (not being security for good be 
 havior) to the association, might be excepted from these terms 
 of the covenant for arbitration. 
 
 A sealed agreement should be made in regard to all children 
 entitled to the benefits of the society, that their parents do and 
 will bind them to the association, to the full ages allowed by law, 
 or else repay to the association all costs and charges, before taking 
 them away. 
 
 CHAP. IV. ACTUAL INITIATION. 
 
 After taking the oath or affirmation, and agreement, the ap 
 plicant should subscribe and pay, for as many shares of stock as 
 had been agreed upon. 
 
 The actual admission of every member should be under a ritual 
 and set form, and with the solemnity of marriage, or of joining 
 church. In the rites, the general pledges of the member (above 
 
478 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. II. II. V. 
 
 mentioned) should be read, and avowed by . him in detail. The 
 rite and form ought to contain plain and artless solemnities, cal 
 culated to discourage unsuitable persons from joining. Higher 
 grades of membership and initiation, might be provided for 
 afterwards, if desired. And the pledges should be " upon honor" 
 as well as upon conscience and religion. 
 
 CHAP. V. DISCEENMENT OF CHARACTER. 
 
 In this sort of judgment, the instinctive spirit of God must 
 perhaps be mainly looked to, for guidance. Every religious 
 society is bound to do good to others; and therefore, a real will 
 ingness on the part of the applicant, to receive good influences, 
 is worthy of some consideration. 
 
 It will probably be found, that some members can detect 
 some spiritual characteristics; whilst others, again, can detect 
 other spiritual characteristics. The signs of human character, 
 as set forth in Phrenology and Physiognomy, also in gait, dress, 
 manners, handwriting, &c., should be studied. But a scientific 
 knowledge of human nature is yet unattained ; and many of the 
 worst persons can make themselves very agreeable. The study 
 of human nature belongs to that part of our science which we 
 call " The Individual." 
 
 CHAP. VI. INSTRUCTION NEEDED CONCERNING COMMUNISM. 
 
 Communism is so entirely different from the worldly life, that 
 it can be understood only as a collective whole. It is difficult 
 to enable even religious people to understand the peculiar na 
 ture of religious Communities. The Fourierite and Socialistic 
 schemes are apt to be understood. Then, either materialistic 
 economies, or spiritualistic licentiousness, are chiefly expected. 
 
 All human institutions, even the worst, contain equilibrata or 
 balancing powers. Persons brought up from childhood, in good 
 Communities, would understand and appreciate these balancing 
 powers, and mutual advantages ; but other persons would need 
 to have pretty thorough and deep instruction about them, an 
 instruction nearly as new and great, as converts from heathenism 
 need, in regard to Christianity itself. Everything is so different 
 from their preconceived ideas, that one scarcely knows where to 
 -begin the explanation. 
 
TESTS. CHOICE-COMBINATIONS OF VIRTUES. 479 
 
 Among the best means of diffusing the true light on these 
 subjects ; one, would be the composition of CATECHISMS OF 
 COMMUNISM, giving synoptical views of the main principles. 
 The answers should be simple, yet comprehensive. Another 
 means would be New Testaments, with revisions and comments 
 as the new light requires; so that Christians may prove and 
 confirm these deeply scriptural ideas, by their daily devotional 
 readings. 
 
 CHAP. VII. SUMMARY OF PRECAUTIONS. 
 
 The Community's principal protection from unsafe applica 
 tions, will probably be found, in adhering with great closeness, 
 to a purely moral and religious basis ; yet making that basis sit 
 closely upon Natural Theology, and upon the practical " mystic" 
 (so-called), that is, the interior life. 
 
 In examining applicants, the object is to judge of their fit 
 ness. The examinations should be searching, and contain cross- 
 examinations ; remembering, that what persons are least willing 
 to have discussed, are the very things that the society is aiming 
 to find out, namely, the worst faults. But persons without faults, 
 are not to be expected. The great difficulty is, that while rewards 
 ought to be ready for the devoted, yet the knowledge thereof 
 would open the way to pretenders. We would obviate this, 
 by not making direct devotion either to God or the Community, a 
 practical test ; but by endeavoring to find a few easy, yet strong 
 tests ; and by having customs in the Commune, which would be 
 distasteful to seekers of worldliness or selfish pleasures, but de 
 sirable and helpful to the earnestly devoted ones. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION III. 
 
 GENERAL TESTS AND QUALIFICATIONS. 
 CHAP. I. CHOICE-COMBINATIONS OF VIRTUES. 
 
 1. Harmony of Kindness and Truth. 
 
 The particular point of this chapter, is, to select such peculiar 
 combinations of virtues, as will prove the most excellence, from 
 the fewest number of elementary virtues in the combination. 
 
480 BK - V - LIMITED COMMUNISM. II. III. I. 
 
 The point now is, not so much, that the single virtues here 
 brought together, would, if taken separately, be pre-eminent 
 above all others ; but that the peculiar combination of them in 
 the same Individual, is what is so rare, and so convincing. 
 
 Let us take as our first combination, the co-existence of kind 
 ness and truth. The whole gospel is summed up by St. John, 
 into grace and truth. Grace implies love to man, and at least 
 reverence to God. And these two are desired to be found co 
 existing with an uncommon degree of truthfulness. But in the 
 world, kind people are very apt to be insincere and untrue ; 
 whilst truthful people are apt to be rough, harsh and unfeeling. 
 But when the two co-exist, there is a desired and rare combina 
 tion of virtues. 
 
 2. Doing to and Expecting from Others, as We would They 
 should do, as to Us. 
 
 This rule requires a harmony of soul between our expecta 
 tions from others, and our degree of readiness to fulfill our du 
 ties to them. Most all of the tests expressing harmony and 
 balance, between things which are generally out of balance, are 
 very strong ; so that one or two of those harmonies seem to ex 
 press a person's fitness for the first steps of Communism. In 
 the world, those who expect the most, fulfill the least. 
 3. Attention to Inward Character, together with the Outward. 
 
 Another test is, whether a person is seeking to improve only 
 his outward life, or that, and his inward life also. This can be 
 determined in a brief way, (as a general thing), only by the 
 candid statements of the applicant himself. But time will re 
 veal even this. 
 
 4. Combination of Purity and Humility. 
 
 Another pair of tests is, sexual purity together with spiritual 
 humility. Earnest religious people often err, by escaping from 
 sins against one of these, to sins against the other one. But it 
 is useless to speak of these things by particulars. 
 
 5. Intellectual Appreciation and Affection, both needed. 
 
 The Communist should have high intellectual appreciation, 
 either of the moral principles of the Commune, or else of the 
 personal character of its members, especially of its leaders. He 
 should also have one active emotional love, either for the moral 
 principles of the Commune, or for its chief members. He should 
 
TESTS. DISCONNECTED QUALITIES. 431 
 
 also be found to have, both, one intellectual and one emotional 
 preparation ; that is, if he loves the persons engaged, he should 
 appreciate the principles ; or if he only appreciates the persons, 
 he should love the principles, at the first. 
 6. Attachment to the Spirit, and Detachment from the Form. 
 
 One rare combination of good qualities, is, attachment to the 
 spirit, and detachment from the form. Persons who have a 
 blind attachment to forms and ceremonies, could succeed only 
 in such a Community as was composed of persons of the sanie 
 denomination, and that, too, a pretty formal one. Other persons 
 are apt to neglect, both the form and the spirit. What marks 
 the man fit for the best Christian society, is a combination of 
 attachment to the spirit and detachment from the letter : not 
 scrupulousness in little things, with carelessness about the great 
 matters of duty. 
 
 7. Solitude and Sociability. 
 
 Most great and good men, and most of the ancient Commu 
 nities, exhibit much of this valuable combination, namely soli 
 tude and sociability; and the same is true of the successful 
 modern ones, generally. Solitude is sought because it is quiet, 
 and favorable to spiritual rest and growth, and to the soul's 
 communings with God, and to hearing His voice within. But 
 the solitude, that is thus valuable, comes not from misanthropy, 
 or scorn, or secret designs on our fellow-beings ; and consequently, 
 appreciates society when thrown into it, and is quite congenial. 
 It realizes the full advantages and enjoyments of morally good 
 society, and all the more, as change from habitual solitude. It 
 is particularly marked, by enjoying society itself, without conver 
 sation, and by mere sympathy, instinct, and company-presence: 
 yet loves to listen as well as talk, not chiefly for knowledge to 
 accomplish designs, but for love of seeing and helping others to 
 enjoy themselves. 
 
 CHAP. II. DISCONNECTED TESTS. 
 
 1. Insincerity purged by Secession in Communism. 
 
 Sincerity is to be proved, by willingness to endure the frowns 
 
 of fortune, or the contempt of the world. The history of the 
 
 world shows, that nearly all progress has been, by revolutions 
 
 against established prejudices, and against religious governments, 
 
 31 
 
482 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. II. III. II. 
 
 by revolutions, whether physical or moral, led by small bands 
 of enthusiasts. The most successful means of progress thus far, 
 have been the formation of new and despised bands of earnest 
 spiritual men, with new ideas. But in proportion as rulers and 
 majorities rely more on moral suasion, and less on force ; just so, 
 may we indulge hope of the dawn of a new era. A Community 
 therefore should allow and provide for reasonable secessions. 
 
 One good way to hinder secessions, is to endeavor to correct 
 its own faults, and to perfect the Commune, and ever to keep it 
 open for progress and improvement. But the way must be left 
 open for new Communes to separate from the old, on equitable 
 terms. 
 
 2. Freedom from Selfish Prejudices. 
 
 Another general test of fitness, is, finding persons who have 
 nearly overcome the prejudices peculiar to their own locality, 
 sex, or class of society, also their church, and political party. 
 This test is more certain, when such freedom is the result of 
 humility, and of respect and affection for Mankind ; and is not 
 misanthropy. Such men will of course be rather cosmopolitan 
 and " unfashionable." 
 
 3. Virtuous Habits Independently of seeking Communism. 
 
 Another test is, that the applicant, before entering a Commune, 
 should have an established character for the principal habits or 
 virtues necessary, so far as virtues are easily attainable in the 
 usual state of society. 
 4. Continual Aim for Individual-Improvement in All Things. 
 
 This is another general test ; and this tendency in the Indi 
 vidual, strives to do things PEKFECTLY. The habit of en 
 deavoring to improve, must however, be carefully distinguished 
 from that concealed effort to rule, and to be great, which is apt 
 to assume and counterfeit the real virtue of improvement. 
 5. Personal Compatibility. 
 
 Another test is, compatibility of temper with those already 
 constituting the Commune ; for persons may possess great vir 
 tues, and yet not be compatible for intimate association. The 
 degree of incompatibility can only be ascertained by practical 
 acquaintance ; and this might be obtained, either by boarding in 
 a co-operative boarding-house, or by transacting business with 
 members of the Commune, as special partners. 
 
TESTS. DISCONNECTED QUALITIES. 483 
 
 6. Obedience. 
 
 Nothing can compensate for incompatibility, except reverence 
 for and obedience to the Commune ; and personal good temper, 
 in the Individual. The three great requisites of the Roman 
 orders are, chastity, poverty, and obedience. In modern times, 
 unselfishness will stand instead of poverty ; married virtue and 
 moderation will fulfill chastity ; but nothing can be a substitute 
 for obedience. Some persons might be admitted, who would 
 enter a Commune as good pupils, willing to obey discipline, and 
 desirous to learn. To such, a suitable Commune would be the 
 best of schools. It would be a real UNIVERSITY. 
 7. Contentment. 
 
 As contentment is one of the primal virtues, able to fit men 
 for Communism, it must happen that people's desire for Com 
 munism will generally be in the inverse proportion to their fit 
 ness for it. Hence candidates must be sought out and called, 
 even as Jesus called his first followers, namely, singly and in 
 particular. St. John says, Jesus " knew what was in man." 
 Doubtless Jesus was a superior and instinctive judge of human 
 and Individual character. And to this, probably, was owing 
 much of his success. Children and men of childlike disposi 
 tion, are often very superior instinctive judges of character. 
 Nor is fche final desertion by Judas, any proof of mistake by 
 Jesus: for Judas probably, until a very late period of Jesus' 
 career, was " the right man in the right place." And Dr. Adam 
 Clarke thinks that Judas was finally " saved." But we cannot 
 accept that, in the sense the Dr. meant it. 
 
 8. Living according to Utility. 
 
 A life that is really guided according to utility, manifests that 
 important qualification, in several ways. The person acts and 
 performs and loves, and judges things and persons, according 
 as they act and perform and love, in accordance with utility, 
 and not in accordance with mere "looks," or appearances. 
 Beauty that cannot prove its high utility, will have but small 
 favor in his eyes. 
 
 Such a life must necessarily be founded upon, or be accom 
 panied by, a strong Desire to be Useful. This desire to be 
 useful, is one of the great tests of fitness for Communism ; and 
 manifests itself in taking voluntarily and contentedly, whatever 
 
484 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. II. III. II. 
 
 position a person's character, and past deeds, intellectual and 
 moral, qualify him for. But persons " brimful" of the theory, 
 that all are equal, of all sexes and ages and conditions ; but who 
 have no superiority in learning, talents or wealth, ought to be 
 kindly admonished that they would not feel themselves at home 
 in a Community ; or if they would, nobody else in it, would. 
 9. Doing Unpleasant Duties. 
 
 The habit of present self-denial, for greater future gratifica 
 tion, is a good sign ; as it exhibits the self-providing faculties at 
 work in the right direction. The Commune should be specially 
 informed of the particulars, in which the applicant has been in 
 the habit of cheerfully performing unpleasant duties. Duty- 
 seekers, not pleasure-seekers, are who are wanted. 
 10. Purity of Bodily Health. 
 
 A strong test of fitness, is the existence of general and habit 
 ual fair health, or at least freedom from positively foul diseases ; 
 yet without rough robustness. This purity, when truly a Chris 
 tian virtue, is connected with diminishing faith in Doctors or 
 medicines, and with increasing faith in the curative power of 
 resignation and obedience. Some have called it the prayer-cure 
 or the faith-cure. 
 
 11. Applicants to Agree with the Proposed Society, more than 
 with Any Other. 
 
 As before said, all the qualifications for a Communist, are 
 well summed up by that eminent Catholic, "Father Baker," 
 saying, that " he is fit for a Community, who follows the object 
 of it, by living according to the spirit of it." Hence, when it 
 can be shown that any Community is nearest to .the views and 
 aims of the applicant, then there is strong ground to believe, 
 that the duty of the Commune is to receive him. 
 12. Tests should be Stringent in Proportion to Intellect of Ap 
 plicant. 
 
 Much more correctness should be required in the Doctrines of 
 Morals, of Christianity, and of Communism, of persons whose 
 ambition and education cause them to lead others, than of un- 
 influential persons. It would however be an error, to allow less 
 strict actual morality, in the subaltern, or in any. As to morality, 
 all must be equal before ITS demands. For further suggestions 
 see pp. 70 to 76. 
 
TESTS. SPECIAL AND RESERVED. 435 
 
 CHAP. III. OF SPECIAL TESTS. 
 
 There are a large number of special tests, some examples of 
 which might be given, if there were time and convenience ; but 
 it would not be desirable for any Commune to give to the public, 
 too minute a description of its tests, as that might assist para 
 sites to counterfeit or pretend to them, and thus to obtain wrong 
 entrance into it. Besides, these special tests would vary, according 
 to the varied aims of the Association. 
 
 We will only give some suggestions, as to the number and 
 classification of these special tests now spoken of. 
 
 Of the two sexes, no doubt remains of their distinctness in 
 many traits of character. As to ages, three classes can be con 
 sidered; viz., (1) youths below puberty, without completed edu 
 cation ; (2) persons in the prime of life ; (3) persons in the decline 
 of life, who are looking forward to a state of dependence on 
 others. Then, as regards social position, we cannot count less 
 than three classes ; viz., (1) those who employ domestic help ; 
 (2) those who are the domestic helpers ; (3) and those who are 
 neither, but who live an independent or semi-civilized sort of a 
 life ; doing their own work, but not the work of any one else. All 
 of these classes may be more or less sub-divided ; and the various 
 sub-divisions would range from thirty to sixty; and might be 
 considered under the head of " Social Circle." 
 
 The moderate consideration of all the tests, should occupy the 
 attention of the leaders of any progressive movement ; and the 
 substance of them should be written and preserved among the 
 oldest and best tried leaders^ The possession of such knowl 
 edge should be held as sacred, as, of other family-secrets, and 
 also be secured by covenants "good" in religion, in honor, and 
 "in law." 
 
 CHAP. IV. PRACTICAL SIMPLICITY COMING OUT OF THIS 
 MULTIPLICITY. 
 
 In regard to each of these different classes, it is quite probable 
 that there might easily be pointed out, a few virtues, that would 
 fully prove the Individuals in that class to be 'fit for Com 
 munism, which would not at all prove fitness in other classes. 
 And so also, one or a few vices might be pointed out, that \vould 
 
486 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. II. III. IV. 
 
 evidently betoken unfitness in one class, that would not be con 
 clusive proofs for unfitness in the other classes. 
 
 Thus it will be observed, that both here when we seek Special 
 Tests, as well, as before, when seeking the General Tests, we 
 aim to find one, or a few tests, which shall alone be sufficient 
 for the particular Individual-person to whom they are to be 
 applied. Thus we avoid requiring ourselves to enter into an 
 almost endless examination of details : and out of multiplicity, 
 aim to bring simplicity; and out of width of theory, aim to 
 bring directness of practical application. 
 
GUARDS AGAINST THE COMMUNE. 437 
 
 MAIN DIVISION III. 
 
 THE INDIVIDUAL'S GUARDS AND PRO 
 TECTION AGAINST THE COMMUNE. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION I. 
 FROM THE COMMUNE AS A SOCIETY. 
 
 CHAP. I. GENERAL APPLICATION TO THIS USE, OF ALL THE 
 FOREGOING TREATISE. 
 
 All that has been said before, in this article headed " Limited 
 Communism," may be re-read with this object, namely, to see 
 how far this security is guarded. The General IDEA, and The 
 FOUNDATIONS of the Commune, should -both provide protection 
 for the Individual, as well as for the Commune. Hence this 
 Third MAIN DIVISION will be very brief. 
 
 There should be a suitable and legal charter, and a paid-up 
 capital, as in other human Corporations. Such things constitute 
 a security against the non-success of the association, and against 
 fraudulent Individuals. 
 
 If the Commune is successful in protecting itself from im 
 proper members, it will, in. itself, possess a character and an ex 
 cellence, furnishing a strong security for Individual-rights. The 
 Commune must, as before said, also furnish adequate facility for 
 reasonable secession. This itself is one of the strongest protec 
 tions of Individuals and of minorities. Even expulsion should 
 never forfeit any member's property, further than for actual ex 
 penses, damages, or other liabilities. No member should be 
 tried by any rule or principle, which he had not previously as 
 sented to ; nor which he dissents from, if within a reasonable 
 time after its adoption, he protests, and gives notice of his in 
 tention to withdraw on account of it. 
 
 The whole organization of the Commune, should give evi 
 dence that it does not want property, but persons, and affec 
 tions; and that it even does not want them in a selfish way. 
 
488 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. III. II. I. 
 
 The rights and feelings of all, must be respected. A Commune 
 should not allow any of such coercive power over inmates, pre 
 venting their withdrawal, as is said to be exercised by some 
 Communities. Coercion or force is against one of our first prin 
 ciples, and against the first principles of unselfishness. 
 
 The Commune should aim, in principle, to be like a large 
 Christian FAMILY, where benevolence and mutual good feel 
 ings, hold all together voluntarily, and cheerfully. Care must 
 be taken against the love of power, or exercising it for its own 
 sake. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION II. 
 
 PROTECTION OF THE INDIVIDUAL-MEMBERS 
 
 FROM THE RULERS AND OFFICERS, 
 
 AS PERSONS. 
 
 CHAP. I. EACH OF THE DIFFERENT POWEES SHOULD HAVE 
 ITS SHARE OF OFFICERS. 
 
 The principal danger is from improper officers, or from their 
 improper conduct. Quite often, the worst men get the highest 
 offices. The chief prevention is, forming a government of sepa 
 rate parts, so that each of those parts shall represent different 
 rights, and different interests; not a balance of legalities, but a 
 balance of powers. 
 
 CHAP. II. OFFICERS SHOULD BE SUPERIOR IN THE SPECIAL 
 
 VIRTUES. 
 
 Of course, all the virtues specially fitting for Communism, 
 should be found in the officers, in a high degree. Probably the 
 special religious organizations Avithin the Commune, might be 
 allowed simply a veto on all, or on some, movements or laws. 
 But it would be unwise to allow any, or much, direct legislation, 
 or many appointments, to be made by the church-power. 
 
 CHAP. III. THE GOVERNMENT OF THE OFFICERS SHOULD BE 
 VIRTUAL, BEFORE IT IS FORMAL. 
 
 If the Commune succeed in obtaining a sufficient proportion 
 of suitable members, they would produce a feeling and a tend- 
 
GUARDS. OFFICERS' VIRTUES SPECIFIED. 439 
 
 ency, to love and honor the influence of the most suitable per 
 sons. Thus the good and the wise would be virtually and 
 morally the leaders, before they were officially so. 
 
 CHAP. IV. GENERAL LIST OF THE VIRTUES REQUIRED. 
 
 Good leaders should possess most of the following qualifica 
 tions : able in the criticism of Individual-character ; not given 
 to their own crotchets; able to brook opposition charitably; 
 averse to all kinds of evil; parental in their rule, self-sacri 
 ficing, free from the lust of rule ; acquainted, themselves, with 
 many sorrows ; free contributors to the Commune ; who really 
 seek assistants devoted to the Commune's special ideas ; prompt 
 to welcome other leaders ; fond of personal improvement ; pre 
 viously successful in obtaining virtuous distinction ; humble, un 
 selfish, and desirous of the success of the enterprise, according 
 to the will of God. 
 
 CHAP. V. KNOWLEDGE OF SOCIAL SCIENCE. 
 
 As Communism is the quintessence of all Social Science; 
 therefore a highly important test for the leaders of thought, is 
 leadership in, and a competent knowledge of, the fundamental 
 principles of Social Science ; and, even for the executive officers, 
 a common sense instinctive knowledge of this science, is needed, 
 
 CHAP. VI. OFFICERS SHOULD BE TALENTED IN SELECTING 
 NEW MEMBERS. 
 
 The most important and difficult work, is, to select new mem 
 bers. It will not do for officers or examiners to adhere to an 
 exact and lengthy code of rules. Neither should they proceed 
 utterly without rules. Choosing applicants by the light of gen 
 eral rules, selected according to the foregoing tests, to be per 
 sonally applicable, seems to be the medium. Some of the leaders 
 should be men of wide and cosmopolitan sympathies, even about 
 religion, in order to fit them for selecting. Because, as yet, 
 Romanism, Buddhism, and crotchety and liberal Christianity, 
 have practically done more for Communism, than our common 
 or general evangelical Protestantism. 
 
 Most or all of the Protestant Communes have been too re 
 strictive, and too selfish ; so that some have already become mere 
 
490 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. III. II. VII. 
 
 fossils ; and perhaps only two of them are on the increase. But 
 yet, it would seem, that their frequent efforts to open their doors 
 more liberally to new members, have endangered their own peace, 
 or continuity. This proves the great need of more talent in the 
 selecting of new members, or else the need of more social science, 
 or of both. 
 
 CHAP. VI}. THE ERA PRODUCING THE BEST LEADERS, HAS 
 NOT YET COME. 
 
 As the leaders of the successful Communes, have nearly all 
 been theologians, it is not necessary to commend theology as a 
 fit preparation for them ; yet the leaders should be well trained 
 in Social Science also. But as this science has not yet attained 
 much definiteness, nor complete development, it is hardly pos 
 sible that thoroughly competent leaders could yet arise. There 
 fore, Communities ought not to be discouraged by the failure of 
 many immature experiments. The duty is to walk by faith. A 
 Commune that "walks by sight but not by faith," and a selfish 
 Commune, can never become of much use, except as special 
 examples or illustrations of some special principles or methods. 
 
USES. SCRIPTURE-TEACHINGS. 49} 
 
 MAIN DIVISION IV. 
 
 USES, INCLUDING ARGUMENTS AND 
 STATISTICS OF COMMUNISM. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION I. 
 
 ARGUMENTS FROM SCRIPTURE. 
 
 CHAP. I. TEACHINGS IN SCRIPTURE. 
 
 St. Paul says, " Set your affections on things above, and not 
 on things on the earth." 
 
 Christ taught, in Matthew, chap, vi., " Lay not up for your 
 selves treasures on earth, for where your treasure is, there will 
 your heart be also." "Ye cannot serve God and mammon." 
 In Luke xii., " Provide for yourselves bags which wax not old, 
 a treasure in the heavens, that faileth not." Also in Luke ix. 
 23 and 24, we find, " whosoever will save his life, shall lose it ; 
 but whosoever will lose his life for my sake, [and the gospel's] 
 the same shall find it. For what is a man advantaged, if 
 he gain the whole world, and lose himself, or be cast away?" 
 And in Matthew xix. 21, 22, "Jesus said" unto the rich young 
 man, " If thou wilt be perfect, go and sell that thou hast, and 
 give to the poor, and thou shalt have treasure in heaven ; and 
 come and follow me. But when the young man heard that say 
 ing, he went away sorrowful, for he had great possessions." See 
 also Luke xvi. 19 to 31, concerning Dives and Lazarus. 
 
 The sermon on the mount, and many other of Jesus 7 dis 
 courses and sayings and injunctions, seem applicable only to a 
 true Christian Commune ; and such is what Jesus seems to have 
 had in his mind, frequently, under the term kingdom of God : 
 an ideal, which seems to underlie the teachings and discourses 
 of his whole life, generally ; and this explanation, at once turns 
 his apparently wildest figures, into real and tangible directions 
 for a new practical life. See Kenan's Life of Jesus, chap. xix. 
 And then, as " The Circular" has shown, the " Lord's prayer" 
 
492 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. IV. I. I. 
 
 is essentially Communistic. OUR father THY kingdom come 
 AS in heaven so on earth Give us daily bread (not wealth but 
 sharing income) Lead us not into temptation Deliver us from 
 evil (this evil world, also). 
 
 St. Paul (2 Cor. vi. 17 and 18), combines together several 
 passages from the Old Testament, into one grand climax, thus ; 
 " Wherefore come out from among them, and be ye separate, 
 saith the Lord; and touch not the unclean thing; and I will 
 receive you; and will be a Father unto you, and ye shall be my 
 sons and daughters, saith the Lord Almighty." 
 
 St. Paul, the Apostle to the Gentiles ; that is, to all the world 
 besides the Jews, and therefore, to us, is the best commentator 
 upon Jesus. Accordingly, the foregoing words of the Apostle, 
 are the best commentary ever yet written, on those wonderful 
 words of Jesus, about the ever blessed virgin, his mother ; and 
 his (so called) "brethren." See Matth. xii. 49 and 50. Mk. iii. 
 34 and 35. And Luke viii. 21 : " And he stretched forth his 
 hand toward his disciples, and said ; Behold, my mother and 
 my brethren! For whosoever shall do the will of my Father 
 who is in Heaven, the same is my brother, and sister, and 
 mother." These passages give the marrow of the whole subject, 
 namely, the true Christian and Limited Commune, is a FAMILY 
 of associated disciples. And this reminds us of that other beau 
 tiful passage of St. Paul, Eph. iii. 15: "Of whom the whole 
 FAMILY in Heaven and Earth is named." And still more 
 politico-governmental is the passage, Eph. ii. 19: "Now there 
 fore ye are no more strangers and foreigners, but fellow-citizens 
 (auHTtohrat) with the saints ; and, (not, as in the usual version, 
 1 OF the household of God/ but, otxetot) householders, or domes 
 tics, or fellow-inmates, " of God," built together, &c. 
 
 Again ; St Paul, agreeing with Jesus, says, " And if there be 
 any other commandment, it is briefly summed up in this thou 
 shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." But those who clamor 
 for total Unlimited Communism, forget that the neighbor owes 
 duties to us, as well as we to him. St. Paul in 1 Cor. vi. also 
 says " Dare any of you having a matter against another, go to 
 law before the unjust, and not before the saints? If then ye have 
 judgment of things pertaining to this life, set them to judge, 
 .who are least esteemed in the Church." But we know that such 
 
USES. SCRIPTURE-PRACTICES. 493 
 
 a system of rights, as St. Paul here mentions, if given to the 
 church by the civil law, would, by the love of gain, corrupt the 
 church, unless in a condition of Communism. St. Paul also 
 says " Covetousness is idolatry." 
 
 And then there is the repeated scripture-doctrine, " the friend 
 ship of the world is enmity with God": and "if any man love 
 the world, the love of the Father is not in him." Such things 
 point to separation from the world, "yet without going alto 
 gether out of it" : and that means Limited Communism. 
 
 CHAP. II. PRACTICES IN SCRIPTURE. 
 
 The apostles had a common purse ; and Judas was treasurer. 
 " He was provoked to his final crime of selling his Master, by 
 the dispute about the alabaster box, which Christ decided against 
 him. He went immediately from that dispute, and made a con 
 tract to sell his Master." Bible Communism, p. 121. Thus his 
 crime was not love of his own money, but self-will in the dispo 
 sition of the association's money. 
 
 After the resurrection, the apostles and their friends, all lived 
 together. (Acts i. 13, 15.) And then, after Pentecost, Acts 
 ii. 44 and 45, "And all that believed were together, and had 
 all things common ; and sold their possessions and goods, and 
 parted them to all men, as every man had need." See also 
 chap. iv. 32 to 35. In Acts,. chap. v. it is related, how Ana 
 nias and Sapphira were^ struck dead, for pretending to give in 
 their goods to the common stock, when they withheld a part ; 
 the only instance of such vengeance in all the New Testament. 
 In Acts vi. 1 and 2, are signs of a common table, one of the 
 seven superintendents of which, was St. Stephen, the "first 
 martyr." There are also allusions to a common table, in 2 
 Thessalonians, chap. iii. " If any will not work, neither shall 
 he eat" : also there are signs of a communistic meal in 1 Co 
 rinthians, (besides the sacrament.) The Mosaic semi-centennial 
 distribution of all the lands of the Nation, is plainly of a Com 
 munistic tendency, that is to say, is a form of Limited Com 
 munism. The same may also be said of the Mosaic law 
 forbidding farmers to glean their own fields, but allowing the 
 poor to do it. So also, was the gathering of the manna. In 
 fact, the church, whether Jewish or Christian, has always been 
 
494 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. IV. I. III. 
 
 largely communistic, without being totally or fanatically so. Fur 
 thermore ; in Chap. IV. of this Sub-Division, see our theory 
 of 1 Tim. chap. v. Everybody admits that this passage recog 
 nizes the existence of a Commune of widows, perhaps deacon 
 esses ; but we claim for it a regularly organized but Limited 
 Commune of both sexes. 
 
 The 2 Thess. chap. iii. is fairly susceptible of Communistic 
 interpretation, as well as 1 Tim. v. And vs. 11, "walk dis 
 orderly * * * working not at all * * * busybodies," &c., all 
 remind us of 1 Tim. v. 13. Communistic also are the phrases 
 (vs. 10) "if any would not work, neither let him eat 77 ; and 
 (vs. 14) " if any man obey not our word by this epistle, note that 
 man, and have no company with him/ 7 says our translation ; but 
 literally, ffuvava/j.r/'vujy.t means to mix up with, which seems to 
 include much more than merely not having company with: 
 especially as vs. 15 says, "count him not as an enemy, but ad 
 monish him as a brother. 7 ' Then the "walking disorderly 77 of vs. 
 6 and 11, and rejecting St. Paul's example of working, seem to 
 point to idleness in the Commune. And the "unreasonable men" 
 of vs. 2, (aronoi means out of place, and is a choice word herej, 
 would be those who expected to live in idleness, and upon the 
 Commune ; and so St. Paul, vs. 8, says " neither did we eat 
 any man 7 s bread for nought 77 &c. ; which is the very thing he 
 quotes in the next verse, as his example to them. 
 
 CHAP. III. SCRIPTURAL LIMITATIONS. 
 
 The Communism of Christ and of the early'church, was a 
 Limited Communism. This may be inferred from the following 
 considerations. First : The conflicting nature of the texts and 
 evidences usually produced, shows, that their customs then were 
 partly Communistic, and partly not. Even Joseph of Arimathea, 
 and the good Lydia, retained their private property. In some 
 passages we hear the Christians spoken of as giving all away ; in 
 others, we see them only giving alms liberally. Second : When 
 mention is made of giving all away, it is not for the purpose of 
 sharing capital, as capital, to be retained; but only of selling 
 what was immediately wanted, and giving away to the really 
 needy. Thus, Acts ii. 45, they " parted them all as every man 
 had need, 77 and Acts iv. 35, " distribution was made to every man 
 
USES. SCRIPTURE-LIMITATIONS. 495 
 
 according as he had need." And even now, in any rare cases, 
 if large numbers of fellow-Christians were suffering for the 
 necessaries of life, the same duty would devolve upon us, of 
 selling whatever capital was needed for the emergency. Third : 
 We nowhere in the New Testament, read of a single case of any 
 person actually selling or contributing all his property, neither 
 of the rich young man, nor of Barnabas, nor of Ananias, nor of 
 any other (except the widow with the two mites). Fourth : The 
 apostles, and the rich women who traveled about with Jesus, and 
 ministered to his necessities, only shared labors and incomes. The 
 apostles did not sell their nets nor boats ; nor the women their 
 property nor valuables, (as far as the record goes). Fifth : Ad 
 mitting that immediately after Pentecost, there was a more lib 
 eral distribution than at other times, yet the circumstances were 
 peculiar, the like having never occurred before or since. The 
 first disciples had been almost as one Family, for years. The 
 mother of Jesus was still with them, and nearly all of them took 
 to preaching, for the time : and Acts i. 14 says they " all con 
 tinued with one accord." And ii. 46 " They continued daily 
 with one accord in the temple, and breaking bread from house 
 to house ; and did eat their meat with gladness and singleness 
 of heart," And v. 32" The multitude of them that believed, 
 were of one heart and one soul." They were filled with the 
 Holy Ghost, to a marvelous degree. This both gave wisdom 
 for the distribution, and kept aloof the hypocrites and avaricious 
 speculators. Even Ananias and Sapphira, in Acts v. 3, were 
 struck dead, not for withholding of their property, but for 
 lying, and attempting to cheat the apostles by a false pretense. 
 Sixth : Yet even in those perturbed times, and as recorded in 
 the strongest communistic passages, there is latent evidence that 
 the Communism was neither entire, nor absolute. Thus Acts 
 ii. 44 " were together and had all things common," that is, 
 not capital, but such things as were portable, and as they would 
 naturally have with them, when they " were together" at a dis 
 tance from their homes. And vs. 45 "sold their possessions and 
 goods, and parted them to all as every man had need." That is, 
 sold one thing after another, as it happened to be needed for im 
 mediate use. And Acts v. 4 " While it remained, was it not 
 thine own? and after it was sold, was it not in thine own power?" 
 
496 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. IV. I. IV. 
 
 were words spoken to Ananias ; clearly showing that the sale 
 itself was entirely voluntary, and that he could himself per 
 sonally have distributed whatever part of it he chose, if he so 
 preferred; but he had no right to pretend to give all of that 
 property to the apostles, when he was not doing so. Besides, 
 the principal evil after all, perhaps, was not even the simple 
 lie, but the conspiracy with his wife to do so because Family- 
 conspiracies are the chief bane, and most dangerous temptation, 
 in good Communes. In Communism "they that have wives 
 must be as though they had none," so far as impartiality goes. 
 And the same also as to their children. 
 
 Seventh : The foregoing principles seem all touched upon at 
 once, in a passage Acts v. 11-14, immediately after the death of 
 Ananias and Sapphira : thus, "And great fear came upon all the 
 church, and upon as many as heard these things. And by the 
 hands of the apostles were many signs and wonders wrought, 
 among the people ; (and they were all with one accord in Solo 
 mon's porch. And of the rest, durst no man join himself to 
 them. And believers were the more added to the Lord, multi 
 tudes both of men and women.") 
 
 Eighth : Nearly all the Communistic passages of the Bible, 
 plainly show a Communism not of capital nor principal, but of 
 labors and of board and of income. Plainly so in the Gospels 
 and Acts ; and truly so elsewhere. So with the Israelites under 
 Moses, with the manna from heaven ; and so with St. Paul, who 
 says " If any will not work, neither let him eat." 
 
 CHAP. IV. THEOEY OF 1 TIM. V. 1-25. 
 
 This difficult passage of Scripture cannot be explained by a 
 running commentary, but only by some theory announced first, 
 and then the texts picked out to suit it. Even the Koman ex 
 planations, although the best as yet, do not explain all the diffi 
 culties. My theory is, that the WHOLE chapter refers to a limited 
 Commune, where the members resided and boarded usually, but 
 went out into the world for their occupations, (the Commune 
 having mixed functions), and were supported partly by the 
 church, for church work; and where the ministers (and their 
 Families) frequently resided, and Timothy also. I cannot prove 
 exactly, that full incomes were what the rich shared, but that is 
 
USES. THEORY OF 1 TIM. CHAP. V. 497 
 
 more likely than any other portion that can be guessed. The 
 proof, like as in all points of science, is not demonstrative, but 
 only cumulative ; and that the proposed theory solves all the 
 difficulties, better than any other theory as yet proposed. 
 
 But first, let us give a paragraph on a corroborative text about 
 rich men. In 1 Tim. vi. 18. The English version is erroneous. 
 Eu/j-sTadoTous does not mean "READY to distribute"; but means 
 good givers or right givers : Alford says free givers. My theory 
 is, that it means those who, belonging to the Commune, gave the 
 right share, not keeping back any : (giving probably the promised 
 portion of income). Kotvwvtxouq might mean free Communers, or 
 persons having a tendency to become full Communists. In "good 
 works," xalois means fine or extra (works) : and epfots " works" 
 means not merely deeds, but extra deeds, as achievements, &c. 
 Then, the idea of something extra is implied, both in the adjec 
 tive, and* in the noun. And then the phrase "rich in good 
 works" becomes, rich in extra achievements. In vs. 17, "God who 
 giveth us richly all things to enjoy," may mean, limiting the 
 Communism to current expenses, and to current consumption ; 
 the same as seems meant in the passages in Acts, mentioned 
 above. The words to Timothy, "Them that are rich in this 
 world," seem to mean those that have large incomes, (without 
 regard to their capital), because, " not trust in uncertain riches" 
 certainly and literally means, not hope on (or for) the uncertainty 
 of riches ; and therefore seems to apply to men who are not as 
 yet rich, but who have the opportunity to become so. This is 
 confirmed by the hint in vs. 19, thus, "laying up in store for 
 themselves a good foundation against the time to come." 
 
 Now let us return to our explanation of 1 Timothy, chap. v. 
 In vs. 8 " If any provide not for his own, and especially for 
 those of his own house" Otxsttav means domestic, belonging to a 
 household, familiar, friendly, intimate, appropriate, and sometimes 
 property, and sometimes one's home or countryj-^-just the Greek 
 work for a Family-Commune. The Latin has it, domesticorum, 
 which the Rheims, translates " domesticals" The Syriac has it 
 "them, who are of the household of faith": Murdock. The German 
 has it, hausgenossen, i.e., " Family, lodgers, domestic-servants," 
 literally house-fellows. That all these point to the Syriac as the 
 FULLEST meaning, as it is also historically far the most ancient, 
 
498 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. IV. I. IV. 
 
 (being of the second century), is also confirmed by what fol 
 lows, namely, that he who does not provide for those of his own 
 religious Commune, " hath denied the faith, and is worse than an 
 (infidel, i.e.) unbeliever." The limited Communistic interpreta 
 tion is, that the members of the church must contribute, as they 
 are able, to the support of their poor relations, and not leave 
 them entirely dependent on the Commune. 
 
 The phrase in vs. 3, " Honor widows/' means, receive them 
 into the Commune: therefore in vs. 17, " Let the elders be counted 
 worthy of double honor/ 7 seems to include, as one part of the 
 double honor, the being received into its membership also. This 
 seems to bring the " elder" of vs. 1, to be also a member of the 
 Commune : and this again makes all the persons, young and old, 
 of vss. 1 and 2, to be members of it; and this explains the other 
 wise apparent jumble there, of elders official, and elders by age; 
 and the apparent confusion of the official elderesses, and the young 
 women. All were on a par, as members of the Commune. This 
 explains also the apparent jumble vs. 19 and 20 "Against an 
 elder" &c. ; and the words " them that sin, rebuke before all," 
 seeming to mean, not officers only, but anybody. And the phrase, 
 "them that sin, rebuke before all, that others also may fear," 
 seems to refer most properly, to proceedings before the Com 
 mune. This relation to the Commune, explains also, vs. 23, 
 telling Timothy what he should drink for his "stomach's sake." 
 
 Now it would appear, that these aged widows over sixty, were 
 not by any means the only residents of the Commune, but were like 
 the ministers therein ; and were to be devoted to a mixed work, of 
 taking care of the children, and of strangers, washing the saints' 
 feet, relieving the afflicted, &c., vs. 10. They were also expected, 
 vs. 5, to "continue in supplications and prayers, night and day," 
 evidently so, therefore, for the Commune, and for the church, 
 but not for themselves only. And then in vs. 11, the refusal as 
 to the younger widows, was not a refusal of them, as applying to 
 be members of the Commune, (vss. 2 and 14), but merely a re 
 fusal to enroll (and ordain) them as official widows, vs. 13. The 
 younger ones, (not women, as in English version, but the widows 
 of vs. 11), were to marry and to do the house- work and govern, 
 literally be house-masters, (vs. 14); but the elder ones were to 
 take charge of the children, vs. 10, and to do the out-door going, 
 
USES. RELATIONS TO CELIBACY. 499 
 
 instead of the young ones, vs. 13. Vs. 15 would then simply 
 mean, that some young women had previously been enrolled for 
 this church-work, but had thrown up their ordination vows there 
 unto. In vs. 6, the " living in pleasure" cannot mean merely 
 being married, because St. Paul directs the younger ones to marry, 
 vs. 14. The phrase therefore is general, and directs marital tem 
 perance among the members of the Commune. 
 
 The charge in vs. 9, that these accepted and aged official widows, 
 should have been " the wife of one man," i.e. should not have been 
 divorced women, and thus perhaps have had one or more divorced 
 husbands still living, was, to prevent the claims which such 
 divorced husbands (who were probably heathens, or not members 
 of the Commune) might have had upon the Commune, with 
 the heathen civil law, or perhaps only with the sympathies of 
 unruly mobs, which the Acts call " lewd fellows of the baser 
 sort." It is not likely that the words " wife of one man," mean a 
 widow whose former husband had died before the widowhood in 
 question, because St. Paul approves of second marriages of the 
 young ones, vs. 14. This interpretation is confirmed by, because 
 it throws light upon, the charge in iii. 2, that a bishop also must 
 be a one- wife-man, i.e. not a divorced man with a living wife 
 hi heathendom. See also Sub.-Div. III. Chap. IV. 4. Also 
 Sub.-Div. I. Chap. II. on 2 Thess. Chap. iii. See also our 
 immediately following meditation on celibacy. 
 
 CHAP. V. RELATIONS TO CELIBACY. 
 
 1 . On General Principles. 
 
 When we come to the STATISTICS, we will observe the pecu 
 liarity, that all the Protestant celibate Communities, have both 
 sexes in the same buildings. And the great secret of all this 
 wonder, is, that they have discovered by instinct and experience, 
 the great happiness which the two sexes confer upon each other, 
 by their mere presence and association ; and the great aid thereby 
 obtainable to holy living. A prominent Shaker officer and gen 
 tleman (Elder Evans) expresses the feeling as one of "inde 
 scribable joy." It is probably somewhat like the comfort or 
 exhilaration which very virtuous and holy " lovers" enjoy, during 
 courtship. Whether we carl it " magnetism," or what, its purity 
 and power cannot be questioned. It diifers from the celibate 
 
500 BK. V. LIMITED COMMUNISM. IV. I. V. 
 
 feeling, when the sexes are separated, by this being more mag 
 netic, soothing and restful; whereas the other, rather tends to 
 stimulation and unrest and discontent. Both history and expe 
 rience confirm the idea, that the presence of both sexes gives 
 courage to both, and not to the woman only; and is therefore 
 the result of mutual instinct, rather than merely of a desire to 
 please the other sex. And the only Catholic devotees allowed to 
 marry, are the Military Orders. Also the presence of women 
 in military and other hospitals, throws considerably more light 
 upon this subject, of the poAver of their simple presence and at 
 tendance, to strengthen", comfort and encourage, than is generally 
 supposed. Jesus himself was fond of Martha and Mary. 
 
 Accordingly, the common arguments for a select few in the 
 consecrated life, to follow celibacy, are so strong, as to justify, and 
 perhaps often to require it, when the persons are residing in the 
 common " world," out of Communes : but IN Communes, are 
 the very positions where celibacy would neither be necessary, nor 
 be required ; yet would be easiest to practice virtuously. 
 
 There must also be an admission here, of the great and pecu 
 liar Individual-strength, comfort and joy, obtained by virtuous 
 celibacy when the sexes are apart, an exhilaration like as from 
 wine, without intoxication. Its joys are corroborated by both 
 Catholic and Protestant celibates. And to this must also be 
 added the increased devotion to moral and divine uses, made 
 possible by being freed from the usual worldly relations. 
 
 But Communes really allow of such arrangements as would pro 
 mote, almost as much freedom from Family-cares and trammels, 
 as does the entirely celibate life. And the "life and health" 
 guarantees of successful Communism, would fully justify an 
 abandonment of all anxiety about wife or children, in case the 
 man should die, or fail in health. But we must carry the subject 
 to an entirely higher plane of thought. 
 
 Right marriage is a divine sacrament to both parties, that is, 
 such marriage as St. Paul describes in that same passage wherein 
 he alludes to it as a sacrament (Eph. v. 21-33). And marriage 
 is particularly the sacrament unto unselfishness, vs. 28, "he that 
 loveth his wife loveth himself." Of the sacramental marriage 
 which St. Paul describes, he says, " as Christ is the head of the 
 church * * * the Saviour of the body; * * * church, subject unto 
 
USES. RELATIONS TO CELIBACY. 501 
 
 Christ, so let the wives be to their own husbands in every thing/ 7 
 (vs. 23 and 24). And vs. 33, the husband is to love his wife 
 (that is, such a wife as that?), and the wife is to reverence her 
 husband. The 32d verse concludes it to be a sacrament, by say 
 ing, " This is a great mystery." The word, and the only word, 
 in Greek, for sacrament, is mystery. And what we call sacra 
 ments, the Greek church calls mysteries. 
 
 Marriage therefore, being the express mystery or sacrament 
 of unselfishness, and of producing mutual love, is peculiarly a 
 proper ordinance for Communism : -just as, on the other hand, 
 the powerful tendency to idolatry in marriage, specially needs 
 Communism to counteract it, for the sake of the higher life. 
 And this argument does not depend on the scripture texts alone, 
 but is founded on nature and on history ; and therefore it is 
 placed here among the Arguments on General Principles. 
 
 Again, marriage is the sacrament of unselfishness, by culti 
 vating the parental feelings. The parental feelings, when held 
 in moderation, are truly divine, and are powerful cultivators of 
 the divine life in the soul. How many hardened parents there 
 are, who are restored to lives of virtue, by the influence of their 
 children ! And how many are withheld from lives of crime, by 
 the fear of disgracing their children ! The temperate love of 
 children, comes nearest the love of God for Mankind, and best 
 exemplifies that love in the soul, of all -human instrumentalities. 
 The great thing to be done in this, as in the love between hus 
 band and wife, is, to keep it so modified that it shall not become 
 idolatrous. The love of children, however, is a love which those 
 can partake of, who have no children of their own ; namely, by 
 devoting themselves to the care of other people's children. And 
 this is a pre-eminent argument why Family-Communes should 
 exist, such as we advocate, and suppose are spoken of in 1 Tim. 
 chap. v. For in these, even the celibates may fulfill and enjoy 
 .their celibacy, and stilf partake of some of the greatest uses and 
 joys of the Family-life. And by thus dividing the cares and 
 joys and affections, of training children, the parental idolatry 
 would cheerfully and happily be much subdued. Family-Com 
 munes are the only places where are possible, happy schools 
 for children; keeping them under observation and control, all 
 the time; yet in joy and freedom, as the Kindergartens aim to do. 
 
502 BK - V. LIMITED COMMUNISM. IV. I. V. 
 
 Again, the writer cannot see why the best and most improved 
 Individuals, of the human race, or those supposed to be the 
 best, should set themselves against marriage; and disdain to 
 perpetuate their better kind. For if the grace of God is as good 
 and efficient, as it is generally supposed to be, it ought to be able 
 to conquer selfishness in the Family, as w r ell as out of it. In 
 fact, until the grace of God does that, it must be considered as 
 not yet having its perfect influence. 
 
 The celibate tendency in the higher life, is, to be sure, partly 
 a reaction against intemperance and idolatry, and partly an in 
 stinctive shrinking from the usual and well-known selfishness, in 
 married or Family life ; and thus, is an expression of the moral 
 weakness of human nature, in Individuals and associations ; but 
 most of all, it is an attempt to make transient emotions, the per 
 manent habits of life ; as indeed the " revivalists" do, in religion 
 generally. 
 
 But another reason against celibacy in the Communes, at least 
 in the Protestant ones, is, the inability to perpetuate the Com 
 mune itself, unless by its natural increase of population. Be 
 cause, in modern times and among a people trained in the 
 natural sciences, there cannot be that reverence for celibacy, 
 there formerly was ; considered as a virtue in itself : and hence, 
 the celibate Communes fail to draw adult members, in sufficient 
 numbers to maintain their own prosperity ; and the taking of 
 children does not succeed, because Communism is itself a devel 
 opment suited rather to the more mature conditions of mind, and 
 morals, and requires parents to lead their children into it. 
 2. On Scripture Grounds. 
 
 It is said that the Scriptures teach celibacy. Let us" examine 
 the alleged texts. (1.) Argument: Matth. i. 18 and Luke i. 
 34, are understood to teach that Jesus was " born of a vir 
 gin." Answer; Yes; but that virgin was married; and so at 
 the very time of the birth. (2.) Argument : Jesus never mar-, 
 ried. Answer ; the scripture does not say so ; but, admitting 
 that he was not, yet Peter was, and Paul, 1 Cor. ix. 5, claimed 
 the right to be, if he chose to. 
 
 (3.) Argument : Matth. xxii. 30, " In the resurrection they 
 neither marry nor are given in marriage, but are as the angels of 
 God." Answer ; But that is spoken of the state after death and 
 
USES. RELATIONS TO CELIBACY. 5Q3 
 
 resurrection ; and Luke xx. 36 adds the evidently philosophical 
 reason, "neither do they die any more." (4.) Argument : Luke 
 xx. 34 and 35 speak in a way that might easily be interpreted 
 of high and low spiritual conditions in this world. Answer; 
 Yes, but those phrases are to be interpreted by the parallel pas 
 sage in Matthew', and by the 36th, the very next verse, in Luke 
 himself, and by the context in both places. (5.) Argument : 
 Yes, but this vs. 36 also speaks of the celibates as being " equal 
 unto the angels" and as being "the children of God." An 
 swer ; But immediately he adds " being children of the resur 
 rection." (6.) Argument: But this latter phrase "children of 
 the resurrection" may also be figurative: Answer; Hardly; 
 because the whole parable here, is upon the subject of a LITERAL 
 resurrection, and is to prove that the marriages of this life do 
 not necessarily affect or reach to the life beyond. (7.) Argu 
 ment : Well, if the parable is mainly to prove that the marriages 
 of this life, do not reach to the life beyond ; then those persons 
 are wrong who, from the words, " in the resurrection they neither 
 marry nor are given in marriage," infer that there will not be 
 any marriage in Heaven. Answer ; Perhaps so ; but we have 
 no means of knowing certainly. The Swedenborgians hold to a 
 doctrine of eternal marriage in Heaven. And as sex seems to 
 pervade all nature, their hypothesis is probable. But, observe, 
 the scripture says nothing about it; and that is what we are 
 talking about now. 
 
 (8.) Argument : Mark x. 29 and 30, say, " There is no man 
 that hath left house, or brethren, or sisters, or father, or mother, 
 or wife, or children, or lands, for my sake and the gospel's ; but 
 he shall receive a hundredfold now in this time, houses, and 
 brethren, and sisters, and mothers, and children, and lands, with 
 persecutions ; and in the world to come, eternal life." Observe, 
 says the celibate, that in vs. 30, wives are omitted from the re 
 wards " in this time." Answer ; As the Saviour in vs. 29 is 
 speaking in the plural, if he had said wives, plural, it might 
 have been construed as teaching polygamy, or some sort of 
 " complex marriage." The parallel passages Matth. xix. 29 and 
 Lk. xviii. 29, speak in the singular ; but do not particularize at 
 all, as to the rewards. Perhaps Mark (in x. 29 and 30) changed 
 the form from singular to plural, of his own memory ; and so, 
 
504 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. I"V. I. V. 
 
 of his own judgment, had to omit " wives" from the rewards, to 
 avoid misinterpretations of polygamy or " complex marriage." 
 (9.) Argument: 1 Cor. vii. 8, 26, 32, 33, 34 and 38, seem to 
 teach the advantage of celibacy. Answer; Repeatedly there, 
 St. Paul insists that he speaks not by command of the Lord, but 
 only by permission : see vs. 6, 25, 26 and 40. And there St. 
 Paul spoke chiefly on account of the peculiarity of the age, when 
 Christians were persecuted unto death. In vs. 26 St. Paul says, 
 " I suppose therefore that this is good for the present distress." 
 
 (10.) Argument: 1 Tim. v. 9, says, "Let not a widow be 
 taken into the number, under threescore years old": and vs. 11, 
 " But the younger widows refuse : for when they have begun to 
 wax wanton against Christ, they will marry." Answers ; (a) It 
 Is folly to apply this, to the case of any under 60 years of age, 
 by St. Paul's own limitation : (b) It is often supposed that in 
 vs. 9, the woman must have never had only one husband, but 
 yet vs. 1 1 expressly orders the young widows to marry a second 
 time : and therefore it means wife of only one man at a time ; 
 (c) vs. 3, 8, and 16, clearly show, that these widows were to be 
 supported by the church. And it would never do for a poor 
 church, to undertake to support all its poor widows, with privi 
 lege to marry again and thereby have families, children, and 
 perhaps worthless husbands, or quarrelsome husbands, who 
 would entangle them in lawsuits with the heathen, and so on, 
 and perhaps all to be dependent on the church, (d) The 
 arrangement seems probably to have been a mere peculiarity 
 (like the advice not to marry, spoken of above), for the then 
 existing distress. The covenant of the Commune may have 
 been simply this: A poor and persecuted church agrees to take 
 and support a few widows, such as absolutely have no one else 
 to depend upon ; but in order to limit the number and responsi 
 bility, it imposes the condition of 60 years of age, and a promise 
 not to enfter into any Family-arrangements again ; (two con 
 ditions which m iv properly go together), and then a third con 
 dition, namely, that they would devote themselves to the Lord's 
 work, as compensation for being thus received, (e) Remember 
 that St. Paul repeatedly commands the bishops and elders and 
 deacons, to be married. (See Tim. and Titus.) Therefore, celib 
 acy for itself, is not necessary to church officials ; and therefore, 
 
USES. TENDENCIES IN GENERAL. 595 
 
 some other reason than that, must be the ground of this charge 
 about the widows, even if at this late day we cannot tell what 
 that particular reason is. But for an additional explanation, see 
 Theory of 1 Tim. v., Sub-Div. I., Chap. IV. 
 
 (11.) Argument: Rev. xiv. 4, says, "These are they which 
 were not defiled with women, for they are virgins." Answers; 
 (a) This passage is spoken, of a choice select number of the 
 saved : vs. 4 " the first fruits unto God and to the Lamb/' and 
 vs. 5 " without fault and without guile." (b) It is useless for 
 persons who have faults and guile, or are not the "first fruits/' 
 to quote this passage, (c) It explains, itself, the meaning of 
 virgin, namely, " not defiled"; but the scripture nowhere teaches 
 that marriage or its affections defile; but says, "marriage is 
 honorable in all" etc. Read Heb. xiii. 4. v 
 
 (12.) Argument : Some argue that because Adam and Eve 
 needed garments, immediately after their fall, therefore their 
 sin was a violation of duty as celibates. Answers; (a) Sins of 
 eating and drinking are quite sufficient to affect the passions, 
 without anything further. (6) Sin in perfect beings would be 
 as likely to take this, as its first development, anyhow, (c) Even 
 if there had been a premature violation of celibacy, it would not 
 prove, that God had intended their celibacy to endure any longer 
 than their probation, (d) God made them, as all other animals, 
 and even vegetables, subject to marital conditions, and therefore 
 intended such, sooner or later. 
 
 SUB-DIVISION II. 
 
 ARGUMENTS FROM THE UTILITIES OF COMMU 
 NISM. 
 
 CHAP. I. ITS GOOD TENDENCIES IN GENERAL. 
 
 The principal general argument for Limited Communism, is 
 its tendency to promote the highest good of human nature. In 
 putting down selfishness, it leads to a higher Christian life. It 
 combines the elements of church, state, and Family; furnishes 
 several trades, and a vast amount of the comforts and refinements 
 
506 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. IV.. II. I. 
 
 of life. It gives a life-insurance to each member, as against ill 
 success, ill health, large Family, &c. It makes the separation 
 by death, far less agonizing; and in marriage, does not separate 
 the young couples from the old parents ; nor, separate Families 
 in divorce. It makes the interests of ordinary life, go hand in 
 hand with the best Christian usefulness. It harmonizes class 
 enmities, aims to provide for every want, and is itself (Limited 
 Communism) a felt want of the age. 
 
 A Limited and Christian Communism, is the great means in 
 a republic, to help to find out who are the most suitable leaders, 
 and to induce the people to accept them, and also to induce the 
 best men to accept official leadership. In ancient times, the war 
 as to who should be Pope, was voluntarily referred to a retired 
 Communist monk, St. Bernard, who made it his life business to 
 found " Communities." 
 
 Among Mankind, as among other animals, it is necessary from 
 time to time, to raise improved kinds and tribes. Communism 
 is one method of accomplishing this end. 
 
 One of the uses of Communistic theories would be, to elabor 
 ate the true principles of the Family. This would also enable 
 the various members of the same Family, to continue to be mem 
 bers of the same united household, after marriage. The reason 
 why good people often have bad children, is, because of the ex 
 amples of home selfishness. Communism will have much of its 
 success in the world, by being more prolific of healthy offspring, 
 and more successful in rearing children, and in training them. 
 
 Strong Communes afford the last hope for the reform of the 
 erring, whether inebriates, prostitutes, or criminals. Such per 
 sons, by assembling in such Communities (each class by itself, 
 without necessarily separating sexes) would avoid public dis 
 grace, and the temptations , that are peculiar or dangerous to 
 themselves. But such Communes must be of two Social Circles, 
 and the superior division, be either, unfallen, or thoroughly 
 reformed. 
 
 Limited Communism gives the advantages of poverty, with 
 out its sufferings; the advantages of wealth, without its luxuries 
 or temptations. It honors and rescues from disgrace, a life of 
 poverty and toil, which must so long yet be the lot of the mass 
 of Mankind. It is the only thing that can save Christian nations 
 
USES. .REGENERATION OP LABOR AND STUDY. 5Q7 
 
 from the fate of Greece and Rome, caused by the luxurious 
 evils of a people, highly developed in intellect and sensibility, 
 without corresponding moral and religious principle. 
 
 Another use of Communism, is its aid to Social Science as a 
 science, and may be expressed thus ; Social Science comes in place 
 of obsolete or scholastic Theology (see Summary Introduction), 
 and that Theology in its day, needed a recluse or contemplative 
 life to develop and mature it ; just so, Social Science requires a 
 recluse and contemplative life to develop and mature IT. Be 
 cause the honors, contentions, and pressure, of immediate schemes, 
 preclude politicians and even statesmen, from that coolness and 
 impersonal reflection, and gradual accumulation of knowledge, 
 which are necessary; and the more so, as Social Science has 
 been as yet so little developed. 
 
 Communities are the true experiments of Sociology. No 
 experiment can be real, which does not flow out of personal con 
 victions, as these societies do. 
 
 CHAP. II. REGENERATION OF LABOR AND STUDY. 
 
 Communism makes industry attractive, and makes study a 
 ^Kindergarten for adults' 7 : and accomplishes both these results, 
 by acting on labor and learning both together, and by allow 
 ing plenty of rest. Because the alternations of labor, study 
 and rest, are nature's alleviatives for a healthy and useful life. 
 All the other usual suggestions for " attractive industry," only 
 stimulate feelings utterly at variance with the highest human 
 morality. The thing to be done is, to banish pride, emulation, 
 selfishness, and trifling play; and then to make all labors and 
 all studies so interesting, as to be like amusements, getting people 
 to love them; but not compelling any to perform them, only 
 ivhen willing to. 
 
 To make labor attractive is certainly possible; because the 
 successful Communes generally give it as their experience, that 
 they usually have no difficulty whatever in that respect. See 
 Horace Greeley's account of this peculiarity. Education can 
 also be made attractive. *The science of education has succeeded 
 in making the training and studies of children delightful to 
 them. The Kindergarten, object-teaching, teaching the concrete 
 earlier than the abstract; the simplified reading-books lately 
 
508 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. I~V. II. II. 
 
 invented, the discovery that children love great ideas in simple 
 words, elective studies, especially in the more advanced ; all 
 these things have proved learning to be, and made it, no longer 
 a misery, but a pleasure. And our theory gives good prospect 
 of success, in making both education and labor interesting ; 
 because it joins the two, and thus increases almost indefinitely 
 the variety of choices of the changes. 
 
 The following may be given as an outline of the principles, 
 whereby labor may be made attractive. First, Negative ones; 
 Second, Positive ones. 
 
 First, the Negative ones consist in: Removing the causes 
 of idleness, namely, infirmity of body ; inapplication of mind ; 
 carelessness of youth and habit ; false pride against work, espe 
 cially as compared with virtue ; false opinion that labor is a curse ; 
 early expectations, training children among the idle and vicious; 
 financial and civil instability, disturbances, and changes. 
 
 Second, the Positive principles of making labor attractive, con 
 sist, partly of inducements for both Education and Work. These 
 inducements are, variety and change of each, and from Work to 
 Study, or vice-versa, alternations of rest and labor. These make 
 both work and study interesting, by their accompaniments, by 
 their abundant instruments, by their healthful places, arrange 
 ments, and methods; and by their times and seasons; and by 
 giving to each and all, the studies and labors which they would 
 perform most cheerfully. But every person able to work manually, 
 should do enough of it to uphold its honor and dignity; as also to 
 promote his health without being compelled to resort to amuse 
 ments. He or she who despises labor, ruins the community. Add 
 sufficient compensation, and thereby social power and votes; and 
 in the early stages, perhaps, honors and grades. As far as pos 
 sible, have all things done in company with other persons, and 
 sometimes with both sexes, and accompanied by the children, 
 they also working when practicable. 
 
 The changes when merely from one kind of work to another, 
 may be made very various, as for instance ; from out-door to in 
 door ; from sedentary to ambulatory ; from quick to slow ; from 
 easy to heavy ; and from nervous or sensitive to muscular. Make 
 people happy whilst AT their work ; and give them sufficient 
 motives, such as compensations, honors, just power, dependent 
 
USES. PRACTICABILITY. 509 
 
 families, duty, &c. ; and then make their subsequent rest also 
 happy; keep them healthy and temperate, not precocious, nor 
 with too much confinement to books or otherwise, and treat 
 contempt of labor, as the crime it really is, and labor will 
 become fully attractive. 
 
 Communism is true economy, because it introduces division 
 and distribution of labor, in domestic and household affairs; and 
 because it purchases by wholesale ; and because it has its dwell 
 ings, work-shops, stores, recreation-halls, and church, all on the 
 same ground and in close contiguity ; and because it makes labor 
 attractive, and makes learning pleasant, and because it banishes 
 extravagant and fashionable expenditures. 
 
 CHAP. III. PEACTICABILITY. 
 
 The principal practical hindrances to Communism, are as fol 
 low: One is, the disposition of average human beings, to take 
 advantage of unselfishness, leniency, kindness, benevolence, &c. ; 
 instead of accepting them, and returning for them an equal or 
 greater amount of the same excellencies. This tendency is ever 
 ready, even from those who love us, as also from those who can 
 only be governed by fear. The direct remedy for it, might be 
 a high sentiment of honor on the subject, a sentiment that would 
 recoil as strongly against the very idea of returning selfishness 
 for unselfishness, as it would of violating its sacred honor in any 
 other trust. And what can be more base, than returning selfish 
 ness for unselfish trust ? And all unselfishness is trust. 
 
 Another great practical hindrance is, the egotistical and over- 
 conceited conception of most young Individuals, especially in 
 the United States, that they can succeed better than others can 
 succeed, the egotistical conceited conception, of so many, that 
 they are smarter than others. This notion necessarily being gen 
 erally false, tends to produce disappointment, and then roguery. 
 But old folks get over this in part. 
 
 There is a third great practical difficulty, namely, the fact that 
 human nature will exert itself more under a stimulus of self, 
 than under any other inducement. The direct antidote to this 
 part truth, is a higher cultivation of the social feelings, feelings 
 which crave partnership for business, rather than Individual- 
 action or Individual-responsibility, feelings which may grow, 
 
510 BK. V. LIMITED COMMUNISM. IV. II. III. 
 
 from a craving for small partnerships, to larger ones, and so on 
 up to business and home Corporations, and then Communes. 
 Thus Limited Communism becomes the culmination of civiliza 
 tion in industry. 
 
 There are also special difficulties in the United States. Nearly 
 all of the successful Protestant Communes, and many or most 
 of the Roman Catholic ones, have had their origin in the old 
 world, and consist chiefly of foreigners, and their immediate de 
 scendants. But the number of unsuccessful American Protest 
 ant Communes (about seventy) is so large, that we can hardly 
 help fearing, that Communism (as Noyes somewhere says) is 
 somehow uncongenial to America. " The first are (sometimes) 
 last, and the last first." And there can be no better final test, 
 of the soundness of American principles of civil government, 
 than their ultimate tendencies in preparing for and producing, 
 not merely the ambition for, because there is plenty of that, but 
 the realization of, successful Christian Limited Communes. 
 
 That most of the Communities which have succeeded, have 
 consisted of foreigners, is not final proof of the unsuitableness 
 of Communism for this country. The same comparative differ 
 ence exists in regard to co-operation. 
 
 To the objection that the American mind seeks absolute 
 equality, in order to happiness, we answer, that such claim 
 ants are not as yet fit for Communism ; not having the spiritual 
 experience and enlargement, necessary to understand the meaning 
 of true equality. The true equality of Real Communism, does 
 not give to each person an equal amount, of dollars, or of 
 things : but it gives to each one, what he needs. 
 
 But a general present prevalence of Communism, cannot be 
 expected, in a country thinly settled, and with every material 
 in abundance. Yet a vast change may take place, in all these 
 conditions, in less than half a century. But if not, then the 
 decrease in the hiring and purchasing power of property, as 
 well as of the rate of interest of money, may compel the wealthy, 
 formerly aristocratic, to resort to a Limited Communism for 
 their own economy, and to avoid the vexation and indecent 
 treatment, arising under the old system. 
 
 Nordhoif seems to think that Communism is practicable, or 
 useful, only for the very poorer and " laboring" classes : but we 
 
USES. ANTICIPATIONS IN HISTORY. 51 1 
 
 think it quite as well adapted for the refined and wealthy ; so 
 they could do their own house-work, without the annoyances and 
 dissatisfaction of house-help, and with much less expense. For, 
 evidently the troubles and expenses of housekeeping, in this 
 country, are driving the refined, and even the wealthy, into large 
 boarding-houses ; from which the way to co-operative boarding, 
 is not distant; and from that, some limited forms of Com 
 munism may be developed. 
 
 CHAP. IV. ANTICIPATIONS IN HISTORY. 
 
 History is foreshadowing Limited Communism, by anticipat 
 ing its different elements separately. All insurance companies 
 are of the nature of co-operation ; and all the mutual companies 
 are Communistic, each for its own function, whether, fire, ma 
 rine, life, health or accident; even a boarding-house is Com 
 munistic. Schools and colleges are Communistic, especially the 
 " public" ones. So also are the beneficiary departments of those 
 not fully public. 
 
 All the Protestant churches in the land, are Communistic to a 
 certain extent, and are daily becoming more so. Free churches, 
 as to church property, are Communistic among all who are rec 
 ognized as members ; and their management is Communistic. 
 So also with the Odd-Fellows, and the Temperance and other 
 " orders." 
 
 The custom of men (i.e. the male sex) assembling by them 
 selves, in clubs and taverns, shows a want in human nature. 
 The same want of the company of their own sex, exists in 
 women. These wants are best realized in a Commune. 
 
 CHAP. V. THE SEMI-KECLUSE LIFE NEEDED FOR THE HIGHER 
 SPIRITUAL ATTAINMENTS. 
 
 Nearly all the great ideal-forms, hopes, and aspirations, of 
 human society, are evidently practicable only in Communism. 
 Such ideals ought not to be called failures, until they have been 
 fairly tried; with all the combinations of appliances, that the 
 best instincts of the uneducated, the highest generalizations of 
 genius, and the furthest developments of science, can contribute, 
 and can adapt to the true art of reforming society : in other 
 words, until Social Science has become well developed, and has 
 produced a reformed politics. 
 
512 BK. V. LIMITED COMMUNISM. IV. II. V. 
 
 Christianity, and even Heaven, are based essentially upon 
 Communistic principles. In Heaven, the sameness will much 
 outweigh all the differences. The millennial saints (Rev. chap. 
 ix.) are all arrayed alike, and in beautiful simplicity ; with white 
 robes for dresses, and white stones for jewels. 
 
 Perfect truth and candor are practicable and obligatory, only 
 in Communism. The sacrifices of property and wages, gener 
 ally required, to live a perfectly good life, are such as to need 
 co-operation in a Commune. This world is a world of suffering 
 for Christians: "yea all that will live godly in Christ Jesus, 
 shall suffer persecution. " But " when they persecute you in one 
 city," (or in one form of civilization), "flee ye to another." 
 
 Association of the good, makes it easier to carry out the higher 
 commands of Christ; such as, "Labor not for the meat which 
 perish eth ;" " Take no thought, saying, What shall we eat, or 
 what shall we drink, or wherewithal shall we be clothed ?" "Re 
 sist not evil," &c. 
 
 There is a condition of spiritual life, when a person has too 
 much grace to be happy in the world, too much grace to enjoy 
 its follies, and yet not enough, to enjoy God, and trust in him. 
 When this condition is habitual, it seems to require, at least for 
 a time, the cure of a semi-recluse life, the cure of a College for 
 Piety, such as a good Commune would naturally be. 
 
 As Beecher says: "There is, in almost every event, some 
 subtle element, that may be sw r eet to those who know how to 
 extract the sweetness, to those who have the art, (for, it becomes 
 an art), or the education, (for, we have to be educated into every 
 thing that is not animal), of finding the sweet, the good, in what 
 ever we have to do with. And in a corresponding sense, grati 
 tude is an art, an art which is seldom learned, but which, if it 
 were universal, would transform the world, in a day. If it could 
 be given to men as an immediate experience, * * * it would dry 
 up half the tears on the globe to-day. It would destroy half 
 the temptations to which men are subject." 
 
 Piety is something to be learned, a training of the affections, 
 and familiarity with good examples. The early Christians were 
 called, in their own language, learners or pupils. That is what 
 the word "disciples," means. Then, may not seminaries or 
 boarding-institutions be established, for learning or training in 
 
USES; FOR POLITICO-RELIGIOUS FREEDOM. 
 
 piety ? Those who need moral -help, and who sincerely desire it, 
 should place themselves as moral children, or apprentices, under 
 the care and control of their moral superiors, who love them, 
 and who sincerely desire to help them. A moral religious Com 
 munity is the very place to impart the necessary discipline ; but 
 some little degree of such discipline, must have first been attained 
 in the Family, or in the world. 
 
 Yea, more, we think it may safely be said, that a Communistic 
 life is needed, to secure, even a decently good Christian life, among 
 Mankind ordinarily. A good Communist must hate injustice 
 and selfishness, everywhere, and of every kind. He must be a 
 " good hater," of evil. But the common ideas of Christianity, 
 represent (whether truly or falsely, we cannot say), forgiveness 
 of sins, as a very easy thing to obtain ; and consequently, the 
 sense of the evil of sin, is undermined in the heart. And in 
 order to counteract this, the only greatly efficient means, per 
 haps, are religious persecution, endangering life; or Communism. 
 And now that we are, happily, not in danger of our lives, for 
 religion's sake, the power of a Limited Communism seems almost 
 the only means remaining, to promote among Mankind generally, 
 a due sense of the value of righteousness for its own sake, and 
 for its own immediate consequences, its own little heavens upon 
 earth ; where, worldliness being for the most part shut out, and 
 temptations reduced to a minimum, the whole structure of things, 
 tends to uphold the value of morality and righteousness, for 
 their own sakes. 
 
 ICAL GOVERNMENTS. 
 
 Communism is needed, to give men a partial escape from the 
 despotic injustice, and immorality, of earthly governments. Even 
 our own country is becoming more and more corrupt. The evil 
 influences of a sinful world, contaminate the law-courts, pervert 
 juries, and pollute justice and legislation. The righteous are 
 persecuted by the unrighteous, the honest by the wicked, and the 
 truthful by the perjurers. 
 
 The time has come, when Christians, and all moral persons, 
 may openly claim exemption from the tyranny and injustice 
 of their worldly oppressors, and may modestly petition for the 
 
514 BK. V. COMMUNISM. IV. II. VII. 
 
 privilege of showing to the world, their faith in, and the real 
 virtue of, their divine principles. 
 
 The revivification of Christianity, in modern times, is becoming 
 more and more the revivification of Christian Communism ; and 
 this involves a chartered freedom from earthly control ; so that 
 moral societies may govern their own members ; for only thus 
 can men really govern themselves. All other forms of so-called 
 self-government, are only delusions ; and instead of men govern 
 ing themselves, they are governed by the professional politicians, 
 and their "rings": and therefore, the churches are subject to the 
 civil power in those respects. 
 
 It is very desirable that the laws of the land, should fully re 
 lease all members of religious peace-societies and Communities, 
 from all claims for any kind of involuntary service, in military 
 affairs. The civil power has never had, from God, any power 
 to judge for, and order Christians to fight; and the time is 
 coming, when such assumptions can only be looked upon, as out 
 rageous invasions of the rights of private conscience. 
 
 And just as much, does the great moral sacrament of marriage, 
 need to be delivered from political control, and placed among the 
 voluntary and religious duties ; excepting of course, the duty of 
 maintaining offspring, and the reasonable preferences due to the 
 woman, as being the principal loser by & first divorce. All this 
 can be done only, or far best, in Communities. In them; the 
 civil and social right of divorce, left to Individual judgment and 
 conscience, under the moral rule of the permanent obligation of 
 marriage, so long as it could possibly be made happy, and even 
 in divorce, to continue bound for the children, would tend to 
 prevent hasty or injudicious marriages : and thus would purify 
 the marriage relation ; just as deliverance of the church from 
 alliance with the state, purified it, and ennobled religion. And 
 there would be much fewer divorces, under the proposed system, 
 than under the present; especially, after the young had been 
 trained up to take care to fit themselves for, and to deserve, per 
 manency in marriage. 
 
 CHAP. VII. THE KINDS OF PERSONS NEARLY READY. 
 
 The successful Communities are loaded and worried, with the 
 great number of applications for membership. But they do not 
 
USES. PERSONS NEARLY READY. 
 
 feel called to devote as much attention to them, or to the 
 discovery of suitable tests, as seems to us advisable. A full 
 enumeration of all the important classes of persons, that would 
 be immediately benefited by Communism, would require a re 
 consideration of all the preceding parts of this essay. The fol 
 lowing only will be added : 
 
 Persons who so love truth in common or daily life, as to be 
 determined to speak it, and to live where they can have it 
 spoken to them : persons who deeply desire to have their Fami 
 lies nurtured and trained, with the advantages, but without 
 the vices and temptations, of civilization ; this is the most im 
 portant of all the general uses : Orthodox and conservative 
 people, who are in sympathy with reform ; persons earnestly 
 desirous of being saved from sin, or of doing to others entirely 
 as they would be done by; students and business-people, de 
 sirous of consecrating themselves to God; those having sym 
 pathy for the limited wages, and real temptations of women ; 
 foundlings ; those who have been deeply crossed in love, or 
 whose married life is unhappy ; religiously benevolent persons 
 of wealth or talent ; professional business men, with too much 
 conscience for this world ; work-people of moral and industrious 
 habits, but without sufficient tact or administrative ability, or 
 with too numerous a family to " succeed" in life ; married per 
 sons unable to live moderately of their own accord, under the 
 usual customs ; intelligent, good and orderly young lads and 
 misses, who desire or need early marriage; persons willing to 
 make sacrifices for good health and morality ; persons in various 
 ranks, desiring to lead good lives, but conscious that their fail 
 ure comes from opposing circumstances ; persons who have had 
 enough of this "life"; persons whose early peculiarit : es, or 
 subsequent circumstances, have left them with few friends or 
 acquaintances; and in general, all those whom society in its 
 fashions, follies, and moral nonsense, would trample on singly ; 
 those who are tired of the trickery of the world; politicians 
 disgusted with bribery demagogism and war, and so on. And 
 doubtless there are many other persons ready, could they only 
 get knowledge of each other, and see the evidences necessary to 
 entitle them to confide in each other. Verily now, as of old, 
 publicans and harlots could enter the kingdom of God, before 
 
516 
 
 BK. V. LIMITED COMMUNISM. IV. III. I. 
 
 the pharisees ; the pharisees, who now, as of old, " will neither 
 enter the kingdom themselves, nor allow others to enter who 
 would." 
 
 SUB-DIVISION III. 
 STATISTICS. 
 
 CHAP. I. A SELECTION OF COMMUNES THAT HAVE DISSOLVED, 
 IN THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 A large number, say about seventy-five Communes, have been 
 commenced and then dissolved, in the United States. The fol 
 lowing is a selection of the most interesting of them. See The 
 Circular, also American Socialisms by J. H. Noyes, also Com 
 munistic Societies of the United States by Charles Nordhoif. 
 
 Alphadelphia Phalanx, Mich 
 
 Bishop Hill (Jansenites) Illinois .... 
 
 Brook Farm, Mass 
 
 Hopedale, Mass. (Adin Bailouts) .... 
 Marlborough Association, Ohio .... 
 New Harmony, Ind. (Ilobert Owen's) . . 
 Nashoba, Tenn. (Frances Wright's) . . . 
 North Am. Phalanx (Monmouth Co.) N. J. 
 
 Northampton Association, Mass 
 
 Prairie Home, Ohio 
 
 Skaneateles, New York 
 
 Sylvania Association, Pa. (Alb. Brisbane's) . 
 Spring Farm Association, Wisconsin . 
 Wisconsin Phalanx 
 
 CHAP. II. OF SUCCESSFUL COMMUNES, IN GENERAL. 
 
 Partial developments of good Communism, have taken place 
 in all ages of the world, and in many countries. Some features 
 thereof may be found among the Tuscans, and among the Pit- 
 cairn-Islanders ; and in former governments of Paraguay by the 
 Jesuits. The fullest political developments, are in Switzerland, 
 where there are a large number of towns or townships, fully 
 Communistic in many respects. The ancient Essenes were re 
 ligious Communists, so also a part of the modern Moravians. 
 
 greatest 
 Population. 
 
 i cars 
 Duration. 
 
 450 
 1100 
 
 1* 
 
 115 
 
 5 
 
 200 
 
 18 
 
 24 
 
 4 
 
 900 
 
 3 
 
 15 
 
 3 
 
 112 
 
 13 
 
 130 
 
 4 
 
 130 
 
 1 
 
 150 
 145 
 
 3} 
 
 2 
 
 50 
 
 3 
 
 100 
 
 6 
 
USES. STATISTICS, CATHOLIC COMMUNITIES. 517 
 
 CHAP. III. CATHOLIC COMMUNITIES IN THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 In the United States, the Roman Catholics have about one 
 hundred and thirty monasteries, and about three hundred nun 
 neries ; altogether, with a membership of about thirty thousand ; 
 but as these are all living a professedly celibate life, and are of 
 a peculiar religion, they seem not usually to be cited as an ex 
 ample towards Communism, but rather are used as an example 
 towards asceticism; whereas, the real want of human nature, 
 that now lies, and always has lain, at the bottom of the Roman 
 recluse and celibate life, is the desire of a higher life, in retired 
 association, namely, spirituality in Communism. And our' Prot 
 estant writers have as much to learn, both of the higher life, 
 and of Community-management, from the " Catholic" monastic 
 writers, as from all others; if only a suitable selection were 
 made. And remembering that the thing really involved in, and 
 necessary under, the idea of celibacy, that is, necessary, either 
 to the higher life, or to Communism, is, not the celibacy or ab 
 stinence itself, but the subjection of all the Family-passions and 
 partialities, to piety and wisdom, and to the advices of persons 
 able to instruct, and manage, those who need to be instructed and 
 managed. 
 
 CHAP. IV. PROTESTANT COMMUNITIES IN THE UNITED STATES, 
 WITHOUT REGULAR MARRIAGE. 
 
 1. The German Seventh-Day Baptist Monastic Society. 
 
 The " denomination," and the monastic society, arose together: 
 but the denomination once numbered several thousands, whilst the 
 monastery never reached 300, even including outside members. 
 Jacobi in " American Socialisms," confusing the two, speaks as 
 if the "colony" or the Community once numbered "thousands." 
 The denomination is found, chiefly, in central and southern- 
 central Pennsylvania, and is less numerous now than formerly. 
 They are a secession from the Tunkers. 
 
 Their founder, Beissel, adopted seventh-day views, in 1725 ; 
 and finding little tolerance among his denomination, he retired, 
 secretly and alone, to a neighboring cell abandoned by some 
 previous hermit. After some years he was discovered. Other 
 Tunkers gradually settled around him ; and thus,-in A.D. 1733, 
 at Ephrata, Lancaster Co., Pa., arose their monastery : just as 
 
518 BK. V. LIMITED COMMUNISM. IV. III. IV. 
 
 the first monasteries had arisen, in the early Christian ages. It 
 adopted the Capuchin, or white friar's garb ; both sexes residing 
 together, as celibates, but without any vows. It was a Limited 
 Community of labors and incomes, not of capital, although some 
 threw in all they had, of course. "The property which be 
 longed to the society, by donation, and the labor of the single 
 brethren and sisters, was common stock ; but none were obliged 
 to throw in their own property, or give up any of their pos 
 sessions." (See Rupp's Hist. Relig. Denom. U. S.) The outside 
 or neighboring membership, married, and were aided in so doing, 
 and some inside members occasionally left, and were married ; 
 but they considered celibacy as more conducive to holiness, and 
 entire consecration to God. 
 
 The denomination grew, but the Commune did not ; but rather 
 dwindled ; until now, it perhaps does not contain a dozen. But 
 another of their Communes has started, namely, at Snowhill, 
 Franklin Co., Pa.; and probably numbers about 40 inside 
 members. 
 
 In religion they are Trinitarian Baptists, but are " open com 
 munion." They had a Sabbath school from about A.D. 1745 to 
 1777, and were a more liberal people than the Tunkers, except 
 perhaps, that we do not find any mention among them, of the 
 final restoration of all Mankind, as among the Tunkers. They 
 have also declined much, in spirit and zeal. NordhofF omits all 
 notice of them, even in his map. But, notwithstanding a few 
 omissions, Nordhoff's book on the Successful Communities in 
 the United States, was very much wanted, and is very cheerful. 
 For, of all the sad books that you will easily find, the saddest, is 
 the series in The Circular, afterwards published as "American 
 Socialisms ;" because their scope and plan give so little attention 
 to most of the Communes that did succeed. But sadder than it, 
 are, the record of the dissolution of Bishop Hill ; the decline of 
 the Ephrata Community, and of the Zoar Commune ; and the 
 stolid pertinacity with which the New Harmony society, already 
 dwindled from 800 to 110, still persists in refusing to marry, or 
 to perpetuate so noble and pious a people. 
 
 2. The Shaker Societies. 
 
 The Shakers have associations in Maine, New-Hampshire, 
 Connecticut, Massachusetts, New- York, Ohio and Kentucky; 
 
USES. STATISTICS. PROTESTANT, WITHOUT MARRIAGE. 519 
 
 with headquarters at New Lebanon, Columbia Co., N. Y. The 
 Society was founded in 1792, with nine members. It reached its 
 highest number in 1824, namely, 4500. Its present number is 
 2400. They have eighteen villages, and each village is divided 
 into Sub-societies, or " Families," living in different buildings, 
 so that every Family consists of about seventy-five persons. 
 Both sexes reside in the same building, but at different ends of 
 it. They believe that Christ is both male and female, and that 
 the female appeared in Ann Lee, their founder. They believe in 
 continual communion with spirits. They are strictly celibates, 
 yet keep their two sexes more or less together ; worship together, 
 and join in their worship-dance together, each sex in alternate 
 rows. The different sexes visit and converse occasionally, espe 
 cially on Sunday. 
 
 3. The New-Harmony Society. 
 
 This Society, at Economy, Pa., was founded in 1805, with 700 
 members. Its highest number was in 1820, when it reached 800. 
 Its present number is 110. Its greatest use in the world seems to 
 have been, in furnishing members as a nucleus for the Bethel and 
 Aurora Communes, presently to be mentioned. They believe that 
 God is dual, male and female; that Adam was dual also, and 
 that original sin consisted in Adam desiring to have the female 
 separated from the male. They believe in the early coming of 
 the Millennium, and the final salvation of all Mankind ; but after 
 a future probation and purification, for ordinary sinners. They 
 are a pious, moral, and upright people ; but bear every evidence 
 of being near their end, unless they adopt numerous children. 
 The two sexes intermingle freely in society, and in industry, but 
 sit apart, in worship. They are conscientious celibates. 
 4. The Oneida Community. 
 
 This Community has three united associations, one at Oneida, 
 N. Y., one near it, at Willow Place, and one at Wallingford, 
 Conn. As their statistics are scattered through many volumes, 
 we shall have to give them from memory. The association began 
 about A.D. 1838, with 6 or 8 members, as a partnership, or 
 Commune only of incomes and labors. But in 1846, with about 
 40 members, it guardedly began its Restricted Communism of 
 persons, as well as property. Although Mr. Noyes himself ab 
 solutely repudiates the term Communism as applicable to them 
 
520 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. IV. III. V. 
 
 previous to this time, namely 1846. But that seems to be merely 
 because he rejects Limited Communism. Its highest numbers 
 were about A.D. 1868, consisting of a little over 300. Its present 
 number is given by NordhofF, as 283, and by its own weekly 
 paper "The Circular/' at 269. But Nordhoff's is probably the 
 correct number. Much of the time, the members' experience 
 or life, is the same as the celibates', at least so they claim ; and 
 includes continence of a very peculiar kind. It believes in per 
 fection from selfishness and sin; and, in communion with Christ, 
 and the primitive Church of Saints, who it believes were raised 
 from the dead about A.D. 70 ; that is, previous to the destruction 
 of Jerusalem ; and that Christ's second coming occurred then ; 
 but yet, that he will have a future or third coming, to raise the 
 rest of Mankind. It believes, like the Shakers, that God is male 
 and female, and that Christ is the female thereof. The members 
 publicly "criticise" one another's errors, with fearful plainness; 
 and even think to cure their diseases by deep criticism, and by 
 faith and prayer. 
 
 Besides the foregoing Communes, there are a few other Families 
 in the United States, attempting to be Communes; but as yet, 
 are not large enough to need particularizing in this hasty sketch. 
 See Nordhoff; and "The Circular," and other publications, for 
 the last several years. 
 
 CHAP. V. COMMUNITIES IN THE UNITED STATES, WITH REG 
 ULAR MARRIAGE. 
 
 1. The Icaria Association. 
 
 Icaria in Iowa, was commenced in 1848, with a "vanguard" 
 of about 70, brought to America by E. Cabet, a popular French 
 socialist. Many others gradually followed him to Illinois, so that 
 the highest number ultimately reached 1500, according to Nord- 
 hoif: ("American Socialisms" says 365). But they rapidly 
 declined. The remnant, about 55 persons, removed to Iowa in 
 1856. Their present number is about 65. They are nearly all 
 French, and Deists; their principal religion is Communism. 
 They require marriage, or as Nordhoff says, " command it under 
 penalties" ; and avoid a Unitary Home ; both of which, seem to 
 be very wise provisions in a deistical Commune. 
 
USES. STATISTICS. PROTESTANT, WITH MARRIAGE. 521 
 
 2. T/ie Bethel and Aurora Communities. 
 
 For the Statistics of this Community, we rely upon Nordhoff 
 alone, as we do not find them mentioned by anybody else. 
 
 This Society exists in two associations, Bethel, Shelby Co., 
 in Missouri, and Aurora, near Portland, in Oregon. The Com 
 munity was founded in 1844 by a Dr. Keil, with a considerable 
 number, (probably about 200?) followers, who had seceded from 
 the New-Harmony association, on account of its celibacy; and 
 adopted marriage. They soon increased, and now number about 
 600. They are Germans and " Pennsylvania Dutch," and in 
 their religion are as near like Hicks-dox Quakers, as could easily 
 be, except that they use the Bible much. They also are peace- 
 men, have weekly Sunday-School, and semi-weekly preaching. 
 They remind one forcibly of the Hicks-dox Community, " Prairie 
 Home," in Ohio, mentioned in " American Socialisms," began 
 in 1843 with about 130 members, but lasted scarcely one year; 
 and having very little order or authority, but dependent chiefly 
 on moral suasion, and on the feeling of what is right, in each 
 Individual. But Bethel and Aurora have a leader, who is, at 
 least, a Bible-politician, and a doctor ; and many of their original 
 members had been disciplined, for years, in a well-regulated and 
 pious Community ; namely, the New-Harmony Society. See 
 Ch. IV. 3. And then, they are a plain, unambitious, " Dutch"- 
 like people ; and expect all to work industriously. They even 
 allow seceded members to reside among them. They have 
 but little education, and use but few books, except the Bible. 
 They marry early ; do to others as they would be done by ; and 
 are contented and prosperous. They are the most perfect speci 
 men that we know of, of a common-sense, practical and upright 
 Community, not founded on either, any particular religious, or 
 anti-religious ideas. 
 
 3. The Zoar Separatists' Community. 
 
 This Society is in Tuscarawas Co., Ohio, and was founded in 
 1819, with about 225 members. It reached its highest number 
 in 1840, about 600. Its present number is about 300. They 
 are Germans, have but little education, live close to nature, and 
 use homeopathy. In religion they are very like the Orthodox 
 Quakers, and were aided considerably by the Quakers, in their 
 emigration from Germany. Poverty compelled them to abstain 
 
522 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. IV. III. V. 
 
 from marriage, for the first ten years of their settlement ; and 
 from the experience obtained then, they have adopted some no 
 tions about celibacy being more pious, or commendable, than 
 marriage ; although they generally marry, but not early in life ; 
 and hold that intercourse except for the perpetuation of the race, 
 is sin. Their young people frequently leave them. If they 
 would learn by experience, and by their great decline already, 
 the impossibility of their succeeding, with some of their peculiar 
 notions, they might have quite as glorious a success as, or more 
 so than, Bethel and Aurora. 
 
 4. The Amana Inspirationists' Community. 
 
 This Society consists of seven small Communes, a few miles 
 apart, in Iowa. It was founded in 1844, with 600 members. It 
 remained at Eben-Ezer, near Buffalo, N. Y., several years, be 
 fore going to Iowa. Its present number appears to be its high 
 est, namely, about 1500, Nordhoff says 1450, although we have 
 seen it set down as 3000, in some publications. They are Ger 
 mans, use homeopathy, and publish a good many books. Nord- 
 hoff calls them Inspirationists. They, too, are very much like 
 the Orthodox Quakers, in religion ; although with less of the 
 Quietist, but with rather more of the mystic elements ; and with 
 more subservience to their leaders as inspired, than either the 
 Quakers, or Zoarites. They also hold to occasional sacramental 
 communions of bread and wine. Their leaders occasionally 
 administer caustic, " inspired", public reproofs, to certain mem 
 bers who do not seem to give outward proof, of being any worse 
 than others. At such times their leaders are pungent revivalists. 
 They have marriage, but consider it as, generally, a fall from the 
 highest condition; and as requiring time to rise again to the 
 unselfishness of the former condition. They have several orders, 
 or grades of membership. They refuse American applicants for 
 membership, but get recruits directly from Germany; and with 
 their natural increase, perhaps, are growing slowly. They will 
 probably be a great society, some day ; and a great example of 
 possibilities. Governor Carpenter of Iowa, said to the writer 
 " they are a grand success." 
 
 5. The Erocton Community. 
 
 This Society is in Brocton, Chautauqua Co., N. Y. It com 
 menced in 1867. The different accounts of its numbers are 
 
USES. STATISTICS. PROTESTANT, WITH MARRIAGE. 523 
 
 very conflicting, varying from 50 up to 200. It is partly Swe- 
 denborgian, with some Universalism, and with some modifica 
 tions and additions, made by its founder Mr. Harris, about 
 internal inspiration and respiration; and claims to be exquisitely 
 sensitive against the approach of unchaste persons, but yet does 
 not live at all ascetically. It represents a transient, but active 
 and brilliant, phase of Christian experience. 
 
 It was founded by T. L. Harris, (an ex-Universal 1st preacher, 
 and attach^ of the U. S. embassy to Japan), together with a 
 British nobleman, Lawrence Oliphant, M. P. Its " rank and 
 file" consist mostly of English people. The widowed mother of 
 Oliphant joined it subsequently. " The Circular" of Nov. 24, 
 1873, says the Oliphants have left it. Mr. Noyes classes it as 
 an offshoot of the spiritual Communities : but that, perhaps, is 
 because he considers Swedenborgianism as Spiritualism. It has 
 other members of wealth, or high social position, Americans. 
 Nordhoff omits all mention of this Community, except on his 
 " map of Communities." Yet "American Socialisms" had dwelt 
 upon it, at great length, especially upon the probabilities of its 
 final success and permanency, or its fall. 
 6. Conclusion. 
 
 Here we may give a reason, for having introduced into this 
 volume, so much matter about Communism of any kind. The 
 justification is, that small writers ought to be at liberty to follow 
 the example of the great ones. And nearly all the great Social 
 Scientists treat Communism with attention and respect, and 
 maintain one or another of its elements. Plato does so, very 
 decidedly. Fourier does so, of course. Comte was originally 
 a St. Simon ian. Spencer advocates the tenure of land by the 
 State. And Mill, all along in his article on Property, which is 
 his "Book II.," treats Communism sympathetically and argu- 
 mentatively ; especially in his Chap. VIII., 3 and 4, in 
 defense of the Metayer, in preference to the Cottier system; 
 and in Chap. I., 2, 3, and 4, on Communism, and Fourierism. 
 
 Few, though the successful and regular-marriage Communes 
 are, yet we must remember, that what some men have done, and 
 are doing, other men also can do. Even one successful and 
 permanent experiment, proves what can be done, and prophesies 
 what will be, and gives hope and faith, in more determined 
 
524 BK - v - LIMITED COMMUNISM. IV. III. V. 
 
 efforts for repeated and even grander successes. Nor is there 
 anything very peculiar about any of these successful Communes, 
 other than seeking the higher moral life, instead of financial ad 
 vantages, little other than a Quaker-like simplicity of customs 
 and of religion, and a Quaker-like reliance on the inward spirit. 
 In fact, there are only enough religious peculiarities about either 
 of them, to suffice to hold a people together, and isolated from 
 the world, during a formative period. 
 
 Let us thank God for the Communities that do exist, whether 
 Catholic, Protestant, heretic, or infidel ; and pray to Him for 
 more of them. And if this volume shall have no other effect, 
 than a tendency to improve those already existing, or to incite 
 to or assist in forming, additional ones ; it ought to be a suffi 
 cient reward to the writer, for all his toils and pains in working 
 it out. But the reward which he would like, to hope for, is, that 
 it may promote virtue, liberty and harmony, in church and state, 
 both in and out of Communism. For, the Rule is the Ideal ; 
 and is very brief: "All things whatsoever ye would that men 
 should do to you, do ye even so to them : for this is the Law 
 and the Prophets." 
 
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