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 5ME-UNIVERS//.
 
 EXERCISES 
 
 AT THE 
 
 UNVEILING OF THE STATUE 
 
 OF 
 
 THOMAS BRACKET! REED, 
 
 AT PORTLAND, MAINE, 
 
 AUGUST THIRTY-FIRST, 
 
 NINETEEN HUNDRED AND TEN.
 
 STEPHEN BERRY COMPANY, PRINTERS, 
 PORTLAND, MAINE.
 
 EXERCISES 
 
 550G83
 
 N April 4, 1905, a resolution looking to the erection 
 in Portland of a monument to the memory of 
 Thomas Brackett Reed was introduced into the Com- 
 mon Council of the city by Mr. Luther B. Roberts, 
 then one of its members, and was at once adopted by 
 both boards of the city government and approved by 
 the Mayor. A committee, consisting of William L. 
 Cobb, George A. Dow and Charles Carr on the part 
 of the Aldermen, and John W. Turner, Jr., Luther 
 B. Roberts, Frank D. Marshall, George W. Beyer, 
 Arthur E. Craig, on the part of the Common Council, 
 was appointed to carry into execution the terms of the 
 resolution. 
 
 On the nineteenth of May, 1905, a meeting of citi- 
 zens to form the Thomas Brackett Reed Memorial 
 Association was held in the Common Council Rooms 
 and the following gentlemen, John Marshall Brown, 
 Augustus G. Paine, George M. Seiders, Henry Deer- 
 ing, George E. Bird, Charles F. Flagg, George H. 
 Weeks, John C. Small, were joined as associates with 
 the special committee of the city council, and it was 
 voted that all present be made members of this gen- 
 eral committee. 
 
 Thereupon a voluntary organization was formed 
 with Joseph W. Symonds as President.
 
 Col. Augustus G. Paine of New York made a large 
 contribution to the fund himself and secured large 
 subscriptions in New York, and the response to the 
 circular of the Association in Portland was generous 
 and prompt. 
 
 During the legislative session of 1907, a charter, 
 drawn by Hon. George M. Seiders, was granted to the 
 Association. It was approved on March 20, 1907, and 
 its officers elected. 
 
 CHARTER. 
 
 AN ACT TO INCORPORATE THE THOMAS BRACKETT 
 REED MEMORIAL ASSOCIATION. 
 
 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Represent- 
 atives in Legislatw e assembled, as follows : 
 
 SECTION i. Joseph W. Symonds, George M. Seid- 
 ers, John Marshall Brown, John C. Small, Frank D. 
 Marshall, Luther B. Roberts and George W. Beyer, 
 all of Portland, State of Maine, and Augustus G. Paine 
 of New York, State of New York, or such of them as 
 may by vote accept this charter, with their associates, 
 successors and assigns, are hereby made a body cor- 
 porate to be known as the Thomas Brackett Reed 
 Memorial Association, and as such shall be possessed 
 of all the powers, privileges and immunities and sub- 
 ject to all the duties and obligations conferred on 
 corporations by law, except as herein specified and 
 provided. *
 
 SECTION 2. The corporation hereby created shall 
 be located at Portland, County of Cumberland, State 
 of Maine, and may have its office for the transaction 
 of business in said City of Portland. 
 
 SECTION 3. The business and purpose of this cor- 
 poration are as follows : To erect a suitable memo- 
 rial to the late Thomas Brackett Reed in said City of 
 Portland, and to this end, to solicit, collect and receive 
 moneys and property, and to invest the same ; to bor- 
 row money, contract loans and accept in trust be- 
 quests and gifts of every description, all of which 
 moneys and property are to be used and expended for 
 the purposes of this association and for no other. 
 
 The amount of the capital which this corporation 
 may acquire and hold shall not exceed one hundred 
 thousand dollars. 
 
 SECTION 4. The officers of this corporation shall 
 be a president, one or more vice-presidents, treasurer, 
 board of directors, secretary and an executive com- 
 mittee, and such other officers and committees as the 
 by-laws may prescribe or the board of directors may 
 create. The number of vice-presidents, board of di- 
 rectors and executive committee shall be fixed by the 
 by-laws. 
 
 SECTION 5. The corporate powers of this corpora- 
 tion shall be vested in the board of directors, a ma- 
 jority of whom shall be residents of this state, and who 
 shall be elected, as also all other officers and commit- 
 
 3
 
 tees provided, at the first meeting held by the incor- 
 porators, and shall hold office for one year and until 
 their successors are chosen. All other committees, 
 when required, may be appointed by the executive 
 committee. The business affairs of this corporation 
 shall be entrusted to the executive committee, to be 
 elected from the board of directors. 
 
 SECTION 6. The executive committee shall have 
 authority to collect, invest, secure and manage the 
 moneys and property of the association ; to make all 
 necessary contracts, which shall be signed and exe- 
 cuted by the president and treasurer, and generally to 
 oversee and manage the affairs of the corporation. 
 
 SECTION 7. This corporation being intended for 
 the sole purpose of erecting a suitable memorial to the 
 late Thomas Brackett Reed and matters incidental 
 thereto, and the moneys and property collected for that 
 purpose being wholly gratuitous gifts, it is provided 
 that neither the corporation nor the moneys held by 
 it, shall be subject to taxation or charges under either 
 the general or special laws of this state. 
 
 SECTION 8. All persons who have contributed or 
 who may hereafter contribute funds or property for 
 the purpose of this corporation shall be entitled to 
 membership therein, and no member shall be liable to 
 assessment or corporate debts beyond the amount of 
 his subscription or contribution. 
 
 SECTION 9. Upon the erection of a memorial as 
 herein provided, this corporation may convey and de-
 
 liver the same to the city of Portland and said city 
 may take it over, and shall thereafter carefully pre- 
 serve, protect and maintain it. 
 
 SECTION 10. The first meeting of this corporation 
 may be called by one of its said associates, by giving 
 in hand or by mail four days' written notice to each 
 associate, stating the time and place of said meeting. 
 At such meeting by-laws may be adopted, officers 
 elected as herein provided and other business trans- 
 acted. 
 
 SECTION 1 1. All acts of the association heretofore 
 performed and carried out or in the process of being 
 carried out, are hereby authorized and legalized in so 
 far as they conform with the laws of the state. 
 
 SECTION 12. This act shall take effect when ap- 
 proved. 
 
 Approved March 20, 1907. 
 
 In this corporation the voluntary organization was 
 merged and the results of its labor transferred to the 
 corporation. 
 
 It was soon seen that the amount of the subscrip- 
 tions was entirely adequate for the erection of the 
 monument, and on the eighth day of May, 1908, the 
 contract was made with Mr. Burr C. Miller of Wilkes 
 Barre, Pa., an American sculptor resident in Paris, for 
 the erection of the statue according to a design which 
 he presented.
 
 By the action of the City Government of Portland 
 on the fifth day of August, 1907, the plot of ground 
 on which the statue now stands was " set apart and 
 designated as the site of such monument forever." 
 
 On the thirty-first day of August, 1910, the cere- 
 mony of unveiling the statue took place according to 
 the following order of exercises : 
 
 ORDER OF EXERCISES. 
 
 Hon. Joseph W. Symonds, LL.D., President of the Association, 
 presiding 
 
 Music American Overture 
 
 CHANDLER'S BAND 
 Invocation 
 
 Rev. WILLIAM H. FENN, D. D. 
 
 Address The History of the Statue 
 
 Colonel AUGUSTUS G. PAINE 
 
 Address Thomas Brackett Reed in Early Life 
 
 PRESIDENT OF THE ASSOCIATION 
 
 Music Pilgrim Chorus, from Tannhauser 
 
 CHANDLER'S BAND 
 Poem Tom Reed's School Days 
 
 Rev. EDWARD N. POMEROY 
 Oration Thomas Brackett Reed 
 
 Hon. SAMUEL W. McCALL, LL.D., 
 M. C. from Massachusetts 
 
 Music Sextette, from Lucia 
 
 CHANDLER'S BAND 
 
 Unveiling of the Statue 
 
 THOMAS REED BALENTINE, 
 Grandson of Thomas Brackett Reed 
 
 Introduction of the Sculptor, Mr. Burr C. Miller 
 
 6
 
 Presentation of the Statue 
 
 PRESIDENT OF THE ASSOCIATION 
 Acceptance of the Statue 
 
 Hon. CHARLES A. STROUT, 
 
 Mayor of Portland 
 Benediction 
 
 Rev. ASA DALTON, D. D. 
 
 Rev. William H. Fenn, D. D., of Portland, offered 
 the prayer. 
 
 Colonel Paine was introduced by the President of 
 the Association : 
 
 The history of the statue will now be given by the 
 Chairman of the Committee in charge of the unveil- 
 ing, who has been, himself alone, from the beginning 
 to the end a large part of the Thomas Brackett Reed 
 Memorial Association, an early school-boy friend of 
 Mr. Reed in the old Portland High School, a most 
 intimate, valued and life-long friend, who in the past 
 has not been forgotten in Portland, notwithstanding 
 his home has been elsewhere for many years. In this 
 statue of his friend, we shall all have a new reason, an 
 ample reason, never to forget him, Colonel Augustus 
 G. Paine of New York. 
 
 COL. PAINE'S ADDRESS. 
 
 After the passing away of the dear friend whom we 
 all loved, one who honored us with his friendship, and 
 his State and nation by his fidelity and devotion to
 
 duty, it seemed fitting that his friends should provide 
 a memorial worthy of him and of the city of his birth, 
 to be placed here. 
 
 This sentiment crystallized in the formation of the 
 Thomas Brackett Reed Memorial Association, with 
 Mr. Reed's old schoolmate, classmate and life long 
 friend, Hon. Joseph W. Symonds, its president. With 
 the cordial co-operation of those in charge of Port- 
 land's municipal affairs, the work was undertaken. 
 A few of the friends of Mr. Reed were given the op- 
 portunity to subscribe to the fund, which was speedily 
 forthcoming, and your committee after a long, careful 
 investigation, awarded the contract to a young Ameri- 
 can sculptor, who has already achieved distinction, and 
 the result of his uninterrupted work for nearly two 
 years was inspected in Paris by a member of your 
 committee and accepted, and it is gratifying to know 
 that the complete work has received the unqualified 
 approval of the most competent critics in that centre 
 of modern art, the city of Paris, where it has been on 
 exhibition in the Salon while awaiting removal to this 
 city. 
 
 The committee takes this opportunity to thank all 
 those who have lent their aid in this undertaking and 
 ventures to hope its work may meet with your approv- 
 al.
 
 ADDRESS OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE 
 ASSOCIATION. 
 
 The Thomas Brackett Reed Memorial Association 
 will not deny its great disappointment in finding that 
 the President could not attend this ceremony of for- 
 mally unveiling the statue. Untoward circumstances 
 and the duties of his great office have kept him away. 
 
 We can have, therefore, only the satisfaction of 
 knowing that he wished and hoped to be present and 
 the honor to believe he shares with us the regret that 
 he could not come. 
 
 But this vast concourse of citizens from all the 
 walks of life the church, the bar, the profession of 
 medicine, from the many paths of business and pleas- 
 ure, learning and labor assembled ( one might say ) 
 from all parts of the Republic, of itself attests and il- 
 lustrates, only less strikingly than the presence of the 
 President might do, our country's grateful memory of 
 Mr. Reed's public service, giving rare distinction to 
 the day, investing the occasion and the event with 
 historic interest and charm. 
 
 The orator of the day, too, Mr. Reed's personal 
 friend, by his side in the great historic encounters in 
 the national House of Representatives, foremost in the 
 fray, dealing the heaviest blows, with him, at the height 
 of his own lofty public service honors us all by com- 
 ing to us to speak in commemoration of his great asso- 
 ciate now sunk in death. 
 
 9
 
 The national government, perhaps in every branch 
 of it, the Congress, the Courts, the Executive Depart- 
 ments, the Army, the Navy, finds representatives here ; 
 among them, the distinguished Secretary of the Navy 
 during the late war, Ex-Governor Long of Massachu- 
 setts, in whose many titles of honor and renown his 
 native state always likes to claim a share. 
 
 Bowdoin College, too, is present by members of its 
 Faculty and by many graduates, Bowdoin College, 
 which in the old days Mr. Reed so fondly loved, to 
 which more recently he gave faithful allegiance and 
 high service at the college Centennial ; one of the pro- 
 fessorships in which forever holds his name. 
 
 Not only is the new Bowdoin present, but from the 
 Bowdoin of the past come classmates, our Congress- 
 man Allen, Came of Alfred, Kendall of Cleveland, 
 Ohio, Major in the regular army, Stubbs of Strong, 
 Maine, men who knew him in college, some of them 
 having journeyed far to express by their presence their 
 personal admiration for him and affectionate respect 
 for his memory ; among these Bowdoin men, the 
 rarely accomplished scholar and gentleman, during Mr. 
 Reed's college course our Professor of Rhetoric and 
 Oratory, himself in the flush of early manhood then, 
 before that brilliant military career, familiar to the 
 world for a generation now, had even begun famil- 
 iar now, but in the remote future to glow with new 
 light upon the pages of yet unwritten history ; before, 
 long before in civil life the highest honors of the
 
 Academy and the State, the Presidency of the Col- 
 lege, the chief magistracy of Maine, awaited him on 
 the advent of peace ; the surviving member of the 
 grave and reverend Bowdoin Faculty of Mr. Reed's 
 time in college, General Chamberlain. 
 
 My eyes, too, while I speak, fall upon another Ex- 
 Governor of Maine, present in his honored age under 
 this inclement sky, bringing with him longer Bowdoin 
 memories than any of the rest of us can have, the 
 Honorable Frederick Robie of Gorham. 
 
 Our country believed in Mr. Reed while he lived. 
 It is hardly an extravagance to say that in this repre- 
 sentative gathering it assembles now to do honor to 
 his memory. 
 
 All this is true, but in a special sense what we cele- 
 brate to-day is a Portland event. Upon this I hope I 
 may insist for a moment, because it affords the only 
 reason for the brief, preliminary part I am to take in 
 the speaking. 
 
 The citizens of Portand may well repeat of Mr. 
 Reed what Rufus Choate said of Daniel Webster at 
 Dartmouth : 
 
 " Others mourn and praise him by his more distant 
 and more general titles to fame and remembrance ; his 
 supremacy of intellect, his statesmanship of so many 
 years, his eloquence of reason and of the heart, his 
 love of country, incorruptible, conscientious, and ruling 
 every hour and act."
 
 We come, his neighbors, friends, brethren, " to own 
 a closer tie, to indulge an emotion more personal and 
 more fond," pride and exultation for what he was and 
 what he accomplished mingling with our sorrow for 
 his all too early death. 
 
 Mr. Reed's birthplace in Portland, as all know, was 
 next door to Longfellow's. This region of Fore and 
 Hancock Streets in our times has fallen somewhat from 
 its former estate. The beautiful beach of Longfellow's 
 time, along the margin of which Fore Street ran, on 
 which the great waves came tumbling in through the 
 broad ship channel from the open sea, the view extend- 
 ing across the harbor to the islands which, as he says, 
 were the Hesperides of all his boyish dreams, has dis- 
 appeared. It is a railroad yard now and stately ships, 
 at safe anchorages or in the huge docks, obstruct the 
 sight. The progress of decay has gone far with the 
 buildings upon both the old homesteads. But the 
 birthplaces of the truest and loftiest of American 
 poets and of the American statesman whose memory 
 we are assembled to honor to-day are still there, side 
 by side. 
 
 Mr. Reed traced his descent from the first settler 
 upon these lands north of Fore River, and his own 
 words glow with enthusiasm over the great part his 
 ancestor, George Cleeve, played in defending his pos- 
 sessions against rival claimants, Royalist or Puritan, at 
 home and abroad, in the bitter feuds and sharp tran- 
 sitions and vicissitudes of Cromwell's time. Mr. Reed's 
 
 12
 
 middle name, Brackett, continues that of an early an- 
 cestor, Anthony Brackett, prominent in local history ; 
 and from early boyhood until he went to Congress his 
 home was on Brackett Street, within hardly more than 
 a stone's throw from the site of this memorial monu- 
 ment. The spot on which we stand is part of the an- 
 cestral Brackett Farm. This Western Promenade 
 was his early playground and always a favorite haunt 
 of his. Here the boy played or dreamed, here the man 
 walked and talked with his friends or mused and 
 thought alone, looking upon the beautiful foreground 
 of the picture across Fore River or over to the Ossipee 
 Hills, one of the outer boundaries of the region he was 
 so long to represent in Congress, or off to the moun- 
 tains of New Hampshire, " blue with loftiness and dis- 
 tance," or white in the snow and sunlight. 
 
 In the Portland High School he first half-awoke from 
 his early dreaming and from a sense of loneliness that 
 I think attended his boyhood, and the slumbering 
 immensity of his native resources became dimly con- 
 scious of itself. To the last of his life he was accustomed 
 to speak in a hushed and intense way of what he owed 
 to his severe teacher there, Moses Lyford. He did 
 not forget his obligations to that school, to the strict- 
 ness of its discipline, and the value of its early associa- 
 tions to him, when he delivered his address at the 
 Portland Centennial in 1886. 
 
 The personal religious experience, through which 
 Mr. Reed passed in early youth, should not be over- 
 is
 
 looked. Under the influence of the brilliant pastor of 
 State Street Church, Mr. Carpenter, he became a con- 
 vert and united with the church. When he entered 
 college he joined the Bowdoin Praying Circle and the 
 record of his membership still remains. Whatever 
 changes of intellectual belief may have occurred later 
 of his inmost religious faith I should not venture to 
 speak it is true, I think, that this experience was not 
 without lasting effect upon his character, that what was 
 vital in it retained its hold upon his mind and heart. 
 The high motive, the pure feeling, the fervor and hope, 
 which the ideals of life as he caught a glimpse of 
 them then inspired, left their traces in the serene and 
 lofty rectitude of his life, in its truthfulness to itself 
 and its own best standards. He was at all times in- 
 tensely thoughtful upon the problems of human des- 
 tiny. His prize theme at Bowdoin was upon " The 
 Fear of Death." There was something of the early 
 vision which did not fade into the light of common 
 day; which remained with him always in life and I 
 doubt not in death. 
 
 Sometimes when the two things have occurred to my 
 mind, on the one hand the intensity of his passionate 
 nature, on the other hand the exceeding and supreme 
 moral beauty of his life, I have thought of Carlyle's 
 description of our great northern constellation, Bootes 
 the Hunter, leading his hunting-dogs over the zenith 
 in a leash of sidereal fire from which they cannot break. 
 With Mr. Reed, the passions never broke from his 
 
 14
 
 flaming will, disciplined by the patient struggles of 
 boyhood, imbued by personal experience in early youth 
 with the true spirit of the religious life, lingering in its 
 influence through whatever changes or contrasts of 
 later thought and experience. 
 
 In Bowdoin College he buried himself in books, 
 absorbed in a passionate reading of all English litera- 
 ture. History, eloquence, philosophy, poetry, novels, 
 dramas, he was familiar with the literature of them all. 
 His reading was so intense and its range so wide, as 
 to cause him to neglect somewhat the regular studies 
 of the college course. He failed of a Junior part 
 which was then assigned to a few of the best scholars 
 of the Junior class. This event, I think, came to him 
 like a sudden shock, startling him from his wayward 
 wanderings in literature. During the Senior year his 
 recitations were simply marvelous. In Butler's Anal- 
 ogy they were the delight and pride of President 
 Woods and apparently reached his ideal of scholarship. 
 Nothing more could be said for them than that. For 
 President Woods was himself so fine, the resources of 
 his reading and experience, of his knowledge of the 
 world and of books, were so rare, gentle blood, high 
 breeding and fine thought had so wrought their per- 
 fect work in him, that his very presence was a disci- 
 pline and a delight, even as his memory is now. In 
 all the Senior studies Mr. Reed excelled. Moreover, 
 the whole tenor of his college life gave an impression 
 of reserved force, of powers not yet called into action,
 
 prophetic of great results in the future. The note that 
 had in it the trumpet-call had not yet been sounded. 
 
 I must pass by the years of patient professional 
 study in Portland a part of the time in the office of 
 our distinguished fellow-townsman, the Hon. Sewall 
 C. Strout, who hoped to be present to-day the ven- 
 ture in California, the admission to practice there, his 
 appointment and service in the Navy, his return to 
 Portland at the close of the war, the period of valuable 
 legislative service, his brilliant career as Attorney Gen- 
 eral, his work as City Solicitor, the ten years hardly 
 more than that in which he acquired the high stand- 
 ing at the Bar, which was one of the grounds of the 
 constant and universal admiration and respect for him 
 in Maine. These are but incidents which preceded his 
 election to Congress in the fall of 1876, golden mile- 
 stones, along which may be traced the whole course of 
 his earlier life. But during these years how deep had 
 the foundation been laid, far below the surface, on 
 which in the future great achievement might surely be 
 wrought, great fame might securely stand. 
 
 I am fortunate in being able to speak of Mr. Reed 
 from the intimacies of early childhood. We were boys 
 together, always friends, classmates in school, class- 
 mates in college, young lawyers with adjoining offices 
 in the old, happy, careless, briefless days when the 
 expense of repairing the office-chairs which broke down 
 under him, or which betrayed signs of infirmity after 
 
 16
 
 he was gone, was a consideration not to be regarded 
 by either of us with entire indifference. 
 
 No boyhood ever more glowed with the dream cf 
 greatness, of greatness in action, of high conduct and 
 service and usefulness in the world of men. None 
 ever more patiently J^ided its time, accumulating from 
 all intellectual regions the vast resources which the 
 future was to charge with power. None ever kept its 
 eye fixed more steadily upon the goal or trod the path- 
 way to the goal with firmer or surer step. No boyhood 
 as it passed by ever left behind it a more shining ex- 
 ample of truthfulness to itself and to others, of upright- 
 ness, virtue, honor, of the sway of high motives and 
 noble sentiments over its whole course. There was 
 no waste of time and no hurry always leisure for a 
 pleasantry, not infrequently for sarcasm or invective. 
 To a stranger he might seem indifferent or idle, but 
 there was always the aspiring mind and the conscious- 
 ness of power and if the step was sometimes slow, it 
 was still the step of the giant. When he spoke, the 
 drawl was heavy and languid, perhaps ; but from it, as 
 from the idle summer cloud, at any instant the light- 
 ning might flash and strike. He was not wealthy; he 
 was poor. But his severe methods brought within his 
 reach all the advantages wealth can afford a young 
 man. He never indulged an extravagance that would 
 cripple his independence or mortgage the labor of 
 tomorrow to make it good. All he wanted of money 
 was to give him opportunity, " opportunity, mightier 
 3 J 7
 
 even than conquerors and prophets" ; and self-restraint, 
 self-denial, self-control, a high-minded economy and ex- 
 actness in expenditure, diligence and industry that 
 never flagged, were the instruments by which he wrung 
 from the narrowness of his situation the golden oppor- 
 tunities of his youth, the preludj and the preparation 
 for the work of manhood. 
 
 If there is a boyhood now, familiar as his was with 
 these simpler and sterner virtues, one whose cheek so 
 mantles with the dream of future usefulness to the 
 state, that boyhood, whatever external circumstances 
 or accidents of fortune surround it, attended by wealth 
 or under the stress of poverty, is to his as the true heir, 
 the rightful successor, the lineal descendant. 
 
 No account of Mr. Reed's boyhood would be com- 
 plete without recognizing how deeply it was affected 
 by the influence of William Pitt Fessenden. He was 
 the friend of the great senator's sons. The youngest 
 of them, who was afterwards killed at Manassas, was 
 for a time Mr. Reed's roommate in college. Mr. Reed 
 himself had early attracted the senator's attention, and 
 had received words of personal praise and encourage- 
 ment from his lips. He had felt the senator's help- 
 ing hand in college. 
 
 In March, 1854, when Reed was fourteen or fifteen 
 years of age, Mr. Fessenden almost immediately upon 
 his entrance into the Senate delivered his speech on 
 the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, in which there was a note 
 of defiance of the South, such as had never been heard 
 
 18
 
 in Congress before. His reply to southern senators 
 threatening secession, that, if that was their treason- 
 able purpose, they need not delay on account of any- 
 body at the North, showed that he had broken finally 
 from the traditions of Webster and spoke the new voice 
 of the North. While the gloom of the terrible trag- 
 edy approached Mr. Fessenden was at his post in the 
 Senate. During its darkest scenes he was chairman 
 of the Senate Finance Committee and later, at Presi- 
 dent Lincoln's request, I might almost say command, 
 Secretary of the Treasury. Returning to his place in 
 the Senate after the war was over he exhausted the 
 resources of his learning and genius in the work of 
 reconstruction, and life flowed swiftly from his grasp 
 in the pressure of that terrific emergency. But a more 
 fearful ordeal was still before him. Sitting as Senator, 
 in his office of Judge upon the impeachment of Presi- 
 dent Johnson, to the dismay of many of his constit- 
 uents and of his nearest friends through the North, he 
 voted for acquittal. Some of you remember the tu- 
 mult of wrath and indignation that ensued. All the 
 imprisoned winds were let loose. Men forgot that in 
 that high tribunal Mr. Fessenden was acting judicial- 
 ly ; that the question was one of personal judgment 
 and conscience, not of public policy or expediency. 
 The caldron of public discontent if I may vary the 
 metaphor was still seething on September 9, 1869, 
 when the great statesman died in his home on State 
 Street, at the same age at which Mr. Reed's life was 
 
 afterwards to close. 
 
 19
 
 Every step of this great career was followed by Mr. 
 Reed in his boyhood and youth. He always believed 
 Mr. Fessenden to have been the most intellectual man 
 in public life during the period of the Rebellion. A 
 nobler inspiration, a loftier example, no young man 
 could have had. One can hardly overstate the in- 
 fluence of that great career upon the brooding, sensi- 
 tive, secluded boy, upon the youth whose eyes were 
 just fastening upon the heights of the future. 
 
 This was the young man, of endowments and ex- 
 perience such as I have indicated his boyhood over- 
 shadowed by the dim tradition of an ancestor who had 
 acted a strong part in the world of men, his lineage 
 derived from men of influence and prominence in 
 local Colonial history, touched with some regret for 
 the past, for the fallen fortunes of his family ( his father 
 having followed the sea as master mariner, but not 
 having been successful as the world counts success ), 
 at first somewhat aloof and unfriended, early subjected 
 to severe discipline in school, with pupils in advance 
 of him there whose work he emulated, with those upon 
 the same form with him with whom he made lifelong 
 companionships and friendships, a passionate dream 
 of religion kindling the soul to a vision of its own 
 1 ideals, opportunity early offering the welcoming hand 
 to genius, the gates of Bowdoin College flying open 
 on golden hinges into lands of enchantment, great 
 powers wakened into sudden action there, manhood 
 ushered in upon a period in our country's history 
 
 20
 
 when the clouds of civil strife were black upon the 
 southern sky, when the wrath of the whirlwind and 
 some strange gloom of eclipse seemed to be gathering 
 in the noonday air, and the solid earth to be tremulous 
 with the long roll of the breaking storm, a worthy 
 part acted during that sad fratricidal war, a few years 
 after the war of intense and incessant professional ac- 
 tivity and achievement and brilliant official service, 
 important interests committed to his care and fine 
 work done in the legislature of Maine, with many en- 
 couraging and stimulating influences about him, but, 
 above all, with William Pitt Fessenden, in the long 
 and bitter crisis giving to his country the costly sac- 
 rifice of his genius and his life, for neighbor and friend, 
 Mentor and guide ; 
 
 This was the young man, whom in March, 1877, the 
 first district of Maine sent as its representative to the 
 halls of the American Congress, resolved to act a part 
 there worthy of himself and of his native state, use- 
 ful to the country and the world, and so to snatch 
 power and fame from the summits of human life. 
 What he did there the dreams of youth assuming 
 form in the solid outline and substance of fact, in 
 strength and stateliness of character, in heroic conduct 
 what he did there makes part of the fame of our 
 native land now as it will make part of its history for- 
 ever. 
 
 21
 
 During the exercises a sudden shower had become 
 so threatening that it was deemed advisable not to 
 proceed with the delivery of the poem and oration in 
 the open air, but for this purpose to adjourn to the 
 State Street Church. This was done and after the 
 statue had been unveiled and accepted by the city the 
 poem and oration were there delivered before a crowded 
 audience. They are published here as if delivered ac- 
 cording to the regular order of exercises. 
 
 TOM REED'S SCHOOL DAYS. 
 
 BY THE REV. EDWARD N. POMEROY, A BOYHOOD FRIEND. 
 
 'Tis often said and sung in prose and rhyme, 
 
 While justifying an eternal plan ; 
 Of all the products of the loom of time, 
 
 The fairest and most wonderful is man. 
 
 'Tis not the semblance we to-day unveil, 
 'Tis not the scene tradition will recall, 
 
 Nor yet the massive bronze that will prevail, 
 It is it is the great original. 
 
 His presence dominated hall and street ; 
 
 His voice at need rang stormy music then ; 
 His epigrams we oft and oft repeat; 
 
 We meet and greet no more this man of men. 
 
 22
 
 But faithful memory conducts us back 
 
 To far off scenes of trouble, touched with joy, 
 
 Along the lengthened decades' tangled track 
 Back to the school room, where we find the boy 
 
 
 
 Droll is the drawl when, having made his bow, 
 The new declaimer has the stage and floor ; 
 
 And deep the seer's dream revealing now 
 The houses hushed, the tables on a roar ; 
 
 The nation's fierce arena of debate ; 
 
 The staying of her gladiators' game ; 
 The recognition legislators wait ; 
 
 A people's plaudits and the world's acclaim. 
 
 'Tis in the school room that the strife begins, 
 Self against self, with conquest or defeat ; 
 
 'Tis here the baser or the nobler wins 
 
 When, issue joined, these adversaries meet. 
 
 But dauntless, though his first endeavors fail, 
 And habit, regnant long, resists control ; 
 
 Regarding not if ridicule assail, 
 
 Ambition's thrill he nurtures in his soul. 
 
 No blatant boast of arrogance is here, 
 Nor prophecy of battles to be won ; 
 
 The day is seized and, scorning failure's fear, 
 The struggle, strenuous and long, is on ; 
 
 Wherein, though once impatient of restraint, 
 He flinched from discipline's refining fire, 
 
 He yet shall win, surrendering complaint, 
 The self-control that subjugates desire. 
 
 23
 
 Regarding loss, in honor's service, gain ; 
 
 To one high purpose stubbornly he clings ; 
 Resists allurements that have heroes slain ; 
 
 Nor heeds her song, whatever siren sings. 
 
 So, as the scroll of midnight is unrolled, 
 Some tireless searcher, with illumined eye, 
 
 Resolving mysteries the stars enfold, 
 
 Lets fate, and chaos, and the hours go by. 
 
 The harp of life awakens at his touch ; 
 
 The gleam of genius steals into his face ; 
 He bides his time to gather in his clutch 
 
 The long denied ambitions of his race. 
 
 Ah, ill for one, the favorite of fate, 
 Of gifts exalted or a noble name, 
 
 Whom sloth and pleasure charm, and enervate, 
 And bring forgetfulness in place of fame. 
 
 But well for him, in cruel fortune brave, 
 
 Who molds condition, like the potter's clay ; 
 
 Whose wit and wisdom overmatch the grave, 
 And hold the foe oblivion at bay. 
 
 Majestic Shade, where thou abidest now 
 Beyond defeat, decrepitude, and dust, 
 
 Accept thy schoolmate's laurel for thy brow , 
 Renown's endowment to the ages trust. 
 
 24
 
 THOMAS BRACKETT REED. 
 
 BY HON. SAMUEL W. McCALL, LL.D. 
 
 A statue of a human figure, which does not repre- 
 sent a mere abstraction but a real and once breathing 
 man, draws much of its significance from the nature 
 of the forces creating it and also from a fit association 
 with the spot where it is reared. At a time when gov- 
 ernment is expected to do everything, it is becoming 
 quite too much the fashion to build monuments by 
 law and pay for them by money taken by taxation from 
 the people. The tribute thus rendered involves no 
 special sense of sacrifice on the part of any human 
 being. It is indeed cold compared with that which is 
 paid by voluntary gifts and comes springing from the 
 hearts of the givers. In one of the public squares of 
 Washington stands a figure of Lincoln. It is not 
 striking merely as a work of art but it acquires a beauty 
 and a pathos from the fact that it was reared by many 
 small gifts from men and women whom his immortal 
 Proclamation had made free. It is surely a felicity 
 that the statue of Thomas Brackett Reed which you 
 unveil to-day should have been raised by the free gifts 
 of those who knew and loved him and not from a levy 
 upon any public treasury. Nothing could be happier 
 also than its association with the spot where it is placed. 
 It is ideally fitting that it should stand in the streets 
 where he once played as a boy, in the city where he 
 was born and lived nearly his 'whole life through and 
 
 4 25
 
 where he now rests from his labors. I imagine you 
 did not have in mind at all the last sentence of that 
 beautiful speech of his spoken here a quarter of a 
 century ago, but how perfectly this occasion seems to 
 respond to it : " Whatever fame great achievements 
 may bestow, whatever honors the world may give, it 
 is ever the most cherished hope of every seeker after 
 fame or fortune to be kindly remembered and lovingly 
 honored on the spot which gave him birth." 
 
 It is no common thing for the citizens of a city like 
 this, the commercial capital of a great state, to set up 
 a statue in its streets, and we are now to render some 
 answer to the question, what reason justifies this hour 
 and what is its real meaning. The answer was simpler 
 although the occasion had no greater merit when you 
 were putting up the statue of Longfellow ; and it was 
 simpler because of the difference in the nature of their 
 work between a poet and a statesman. The states- 
 man lives in the field of practical controversy, the poet 
 in the realm of ideals. It is not an uncommon fate 
 of poets to be neglected in their life-time and to have 
 their birthdays celebrated in after generations. But 
 the statesman is f^ted in his life and too commonly for- 
 gotten when he is dead. It is not difficult, I think, to 
 find the reason for this difference. The poet, if he 
 be a real one as yours was, deals not with the shifting 
 conditions of the time but with what Sainte-Beuve 
 called "the eternal humanity." Time takes little 
 from the sweetness of his songs, and ages after he 
 
 26
 
 is gone they go as freshly and as warmly to the hearts 
 of men as when they first dropped from his lips. And 
 the genuine poet sings not merely to other ages, but 
 to other countries than his own, and there is a sim- 
 plicity and a universality to his fame. But the states- 
 man has to do with the complex machinery of the 
 state, never more complex than now, and however 
 ardently he may wish to realize his ideals and fly 
 above the clouds, he may not get too far from the 
 earth without coming suddenly too near it with the 
 vast interests in his keeping, in the collapse of a gen- 
 eral ruin. He deals, too, with the shifting sands of 
 popular opinion instead of with the " eternal human- 
 ity," and the absorbing issues of to-day are thrust 
 aside by the aggressive issues of to-morrow and are 
 forgotten. Much of his work is blended into the 
 general aggregate of social achievement and does not 
 stand visibly by itself. His fame is less universal 
 since the barriers of patriotism often hedge it in. 
 But yet he richly earns the gratitude of his time and 
 of posterity if he does his duty well, for the state is an 
 indispensable instrument of civilization, making it 
 possible for men to thrive, for cities to spring up, for 
 poets to sing and indeed for society to exist. And so 
 you honor to-day one who deserved the name of 
 statesman in the noblest meaning it can have with us, 
 since it is men like him who keep the idea of repre- 
 sentative government from dying out. He was not 
 lacking in the practical touch demanded by the nature 
 
 27
 
 of his work, and yet practical as his work was we shall 
 see how finely and firmly he lived up to his ideals. 
 
 In order the better to understand what manner of 
 man he was, let us consider the character of the stock 
 from which he sprung. For two centuries before he 
 was born, his ancestors in nearly every line dwelt 
 along the seacoast now included in Maine. It was 
 not one of the great settlements which George Cleve, 
 himself an ancestor of Reed, planted on the shores of 
 Casco Bay, but no other settlement in America can 
 claim a more stirring and dramatic history. Cleve 
 was as masterful a man as ever led out a colony to 
 found a new empire. He was an independent in re- 
 ligion, but his little settlement was not entirely made 
 up of those who believed in his own creed. The Roy- 
 alist, free-living element among them occasionally be- 
 came conspicuous and gave themselves some of the 
 pleasures of life, although it is not easy- to imagine a 
 narrower range of gayety than that spread before 
 them. After a little time, Massachusetts asserted its 
 title to this coast and with the aid of the whipping- 
 post and the ducking stool planted a civilization here 
 upon the most austere Puritan models. The Cleve 
 settlement was upon a dangerous frontier, with the 
 Indian and Frenchman to the north. More than 
 once during its first century it was all but obliterated 
 in Indian wars. Portland was depopulated and re- 
 mained a waste place for a generation. The original 
 settlement was almost purely of the Germanic or 
 
 28
 
 Anglo-Saxon stock, Puritan chiefly, though with a 
 touch of what was called the Cavalier, and it was aug- 
 mented by additions from the Massachusetts Puritan 
 and Pilgrim and later by an infusion of the Scotch- 
 Irish and the Huguenot bloods. But it remained de- 
 cidedly Anglo-Saxon. Two centuries after it had 
 been planted it is doubtful whether a population more 
 purely of the English blood could have been found 
 anywhere, either in the old country or in the new. It 
 was thus of the great imperial race of the world. From 
 one motive or another, that race has spread from its 
 little island nest into the empty lands over all the habit- 
 able globe, carrying with it a genius for self-government 
 and planting everywhere free commonwealths. Its 
 instinct for government is so persistent that even 
 when it has emptied the jails of London and sent 
 forth penal colonies, it has after a time, like flowing 
 water, worked itself pure and exhibited again the spirit 
 of orderly government. Sidney Smith was not simply 
 employing the touch of the satirist when he predicted 
 that the time might come when some Botany Bay 
 Tacitus would record the crimes and splendors of 
 an emperor lineally descended from a London pick- 
 pocket. 
 
 The men who founded the state of Maine were the 
 choicest specimens of the English race. They were 
 willing to face the perils of the ocean, at that time 
 terrible in reality and more terrible still to the imag- 
 ination, to brave a rigorous climate, to strive to wring 
 
 29
 
 a living from an infertile soil and from the sea and to 
 wage long wars against the red man in order that they 
 might enjoy civil and religious liberty. While the 
 original purity of the stock has been unimpaired, the 
 psychologists of the nation tell us that a new race 
 practically has been evolved from this intense struggle 
 and this new environment, with strong new qualities 
 grafted upon the old. 
 
 Reed's first ancestor of his name in this country 
 apparently came to Salem, Massachusetts, about 1630, 
 and the son of this ancestor found his way to Maine. 
 Reed never concerned himself much about his remote 
 pedigree. He accepted himself as he was without a 
 wish to invoke in his behalf the merit of ancestors, 
 content to know the general character of his stock. 
 He once proposed a toast to Maine: settled, as he 
 said, " chiefly by the blood of old England, but al- 
 ways preferring liberty to ancestry." His ancestors, 
 he once remarked, never held any position of great 
 emolument, judging by his own financial condition 
 when he arrived. There can be no doubt, however, 
 of the excellence of the individual lines blended in 
 him, containing as they did the George Cleve and the 
 Massachusetts Puritan and Pilgrim strains. Some of 
 his ancestors were captured or killed in the Indian 
 wars, and another was with Paul Jones when he cap- 
 tured the Serapis. His own father was a sea-captain 
 commanding sailing-vessels in the coasting trade, a 
 calling which required authority and courage. 
 
 3
 
 Reed was very fortunate in his education. In his 
 later years, he declared that he had long thought it 
 the greatest good fortune of his life that he had spent 
 five and one-half years under Master Lyford, a famous 
 teacher of the Portland Boys' High School. After a 
 thorough preparation, he entered Bowdoin College at 
 the age of sixteen. The modern college had not then 
 come into existence, and Bowdoin offered a course 
 containing much Latin, Greek and mathematics, with 
 few or no elective studies, and gave the rigid disci- 
 pline of the best American colleges at that time. It 
 was a discipline that has bred scholars and poets and 
 statesmen, teaching them how to think and write and 
 speak. At the head of the faculty was Leonard 
 Woods, probably as cultivated and cosmopolitan a 
 president as could be found in any college of that 
 day. He had with him a small band of professors, 
 nearly every one of whom was so distinguished as to 
 be known even to this time outside the circles of his 
 own college. After four years of study in close per- 
 sonal contact with such men, he was graduated, al- 
 most the youngest man in a class numbering fifty- 
 five, of whom he was the leader in scholarship in the 
 Senior year and the fifth in average rank for the en- 
 tire course. Aside from the regular work, he took 
 the prize in writing, was an editor of the college 
 paper and was active in sports and in the social life of 
 the college. We get a fascinating glimpse of him 
 and of his care-free manner in a passage in one of his 
 
 31
 
 letters describing a long walk which he took upon a 
 brilliant winter evening, when he would occasionally 
 rest by throwing himself on his back upon high snow- 
 drifts and gaze wonderingly upon the planet Jupiter. 
 Enough is known of his college career to permit us 
 to see his natural and easy growth and the spirit in 
 which he strove to fashion himself in that bright 
 morning time, 
 
 " ere the hot sun count 
 
 His dewy rosary on the Eglantine." 
 
 Those were four happy and fruitful years which he 
 passed going in and out beneath the Brunswick elms, 
 and there were few college men of that time who might 
 not have envied him his opportunities for real culture 
 and the manner in which he improved them. Like 
 many another American boy, he was forced to rely 
 somewhat upon his own efforts to meet his college ex- 
 penses. There is an ideal touch in the circumstance, 
 as if to prefigure his own career, that he was helped 
 by another son of Bowdoin of kindred character who 
 has won honorable place in the history of his country, 
 William Pitt Fessenden. In the letter conveying 
 payment of the full balance of the loan and interest, 
 young Reed gratefully wrote Fessenden : " I have 
 seen enough of the world to know that I might live 
 as long again without finding a man who would do 
 such an act of kindness in so kind a manner." 
 
 In taking account of the special influences which 
 
 32
 
 helped to mould his mind and fit him for the work he 
 was to do, we must not overlook his service in the 
 Civil War and his residence in California. He was 
 accustomed afterward to speak lightly of his career of 
 something more than a year as assistant-paymaster in 
 the navy, as indeed he was wont to speak lightly of 
 anything that might seem to increase his own per- 
 sonal importance. It was one of the precepts which 
 he used to impress with a touch of drollery that " we 
 make more progress by owning our faults than by 
 always dwelling on our virtues." He might well have 
 pointed out that when the ship sinks,' the paymaster 
 is as likely to go down as is the fighting sailor, but he 
 said the navy meant to him " not the roaring wind and 
 the shrieking shot and shell but smooth water and the 
 most delightful time of my life." The Mississippi 
 river where he saw the most of his service was at that 
 time a scene of unsurpassed dramatic interest and the 
 time spent upon it, whether in fighting or not, broad- 
 ened his experience greatly, just as his residence in 
 California in the formative days of that community 
 widened the outlook of the future statesman. 
 
 His career at the bar was admirable in its training 
 for the public service. It was of the sort to develop 
 whatever talent he had for the law, a talent that was 
 certainly great. In his first five years of practice he 
 established himself so notably that he was made the 
 attorney-general of his state when but thirty years old, 
 the youngest age at which that office has ever been 
 
 5 33
 
 held in Maine. He was attorney-general for three 
 years during a time when the office dealt with a great 
 variety of litigation, some of it as important as could 
 engage the attention of a lawyer. He filled the place 
 with great success. Then for four years he was coun- 
 sel for the city of Portland. Thus after a dozen busy 
 years in which he maintained himself in the courts 
 against lawyers of eminence, a period long enough to 
 train him thoroughly as a lawyer and not so long as 
 to put his faculties in perpetual slavery to that call- 
 ing, and after a service in both Houses of the Maine 
 legislature, he was elected to Congress at the age of 
 thirty-seven. 
 
 The term of Reed's first Congress began on the 
 day when General Hayes took the oath of office as 
 President, an event which, if it did not inaugurate a 
 new era, emphasized with a good deal of clearness an 
 important transition in our history. It marked the 
 end of state governments supported by national bay- 
 onets and witnessed the restoration in form at least 
 of civil government throughout the Union. At the 
 first look, the 4th of March, 1877, appeared to usher 
 in a time of political sterility succeeding an heroic 
 age. We had witnessed so many signal events com- 
 pressed within a brief period ; we had fought among 
 ourselves the greatest of wars ; had freed four million 
 slaves and had at once made them, so far as paper 
 could do it, equal self-governing members of our great 
 democracy, and the doctrine of equal rights, both civil 
 
 34
 
 and political, had never before in the history of the 
 world been practically applied on so stupendous a 
 scale. After these achievements, we had become 
 politically blase and the ordinary routine of prosper- 
 ous government was sure to pall upon the senses. 
 We were attuned to the spectacle of having society 
 abstractly reconstituted every election day according 
 to the most ideal models. The time that was coming 
 in might seem humdrum because it was to succeed so 
 impatient a regime when we strove to attain in a day 
 an ultimate perfection and to experience all the sen- 
 sations that come to a nation in a very long life-time. 
 
 But important questions were pressing themselves 
 forward, not in a dramatic fashion but with the quiet 
 persistency with which natural laws compel attention, 
 serious questions of governmental honesty, of finance, 
 of the standard of value of our money, of taxation 
 all vitally involving not merely the prosperity but the 
 honor and even the stability of the nation. President 
 Hayes courageously grappled with the new order. 
 Although under the shadow of a clouded title, he won 
 such success as to re-establish his party, and what is of 
 far greater consequence, to deserve the gratitude of 
 the oncoming generation. 
 
 It was at the moment of this transition that Reed 
 first took his seat in the House as a Republican. In 
 the general principles of his party he firmly believed. 
 Above all else he was possessed with the passion for 
 human rights which was the noblest heritage of the 
 
 35
 
 war. All issues relating to that as well as the su- 
 premacy of the central government within its sphere, 
 the war had settled large for him. The House is a 
 forum where, as he afterwards said, " distinction won 
 in other fields of endeavor will gain a man a hearing 
 for the first time but not afterwards." Although he 
 had a brilliant career at the bar and as a member of 
 the Maine legislature, he had established no reputa- 
 tion of the sort that would precede him to Washing- 
 ton. He went there with the ordinary passports of 
 the new member and his career was entirely before 
 him. With his ideal equipment for the work of the 
 House, however, it was inevitable that he should 
 speedily establish himself. 
 
 The first real opportunity came in his appointment 
 to the committee to investigate charges of fraud in 
 connection with the presidential election. The man- 
 ner in which he performed his part of the work 
 attracted the attention of the country. Most of the 
 republican leaders were disqualified from membership 
 by the terms of the resolution and although a new 
 member Reed was appointed. On the other hand, 
 his political opponents were the seasoned veterans of 
 their party. As he said of them, the household troops 
 were ordered up. In a short off-hand speech upon 
 the subject of the investigation, called out by an in- 
 cautious attack by a member of the opposite party, he 
 first gave the House a touch of his unique qualities 
 as a debater. In that speech he displayed to such 
 
 36
 
 advantage his sarcastic humor, his power of repartee, 
 and his force of argument, that he took rank at once 
 as the most formidable debater upon his side of the 
 House. 
 
 To trace minutely his course during his service in 
 the House would be to write a history of all the im- 
 portant legislation of that period. I shall refer only 
 to those subjects that clearly overshadowed all others 
 in the contests of that time. We now approach a field 
 which has not yet passed exclusively into the domain 
 of the historian. Some of the political questions of 
 that day are still in issue and others have been so re- 
 cently removed from politics that the fires yet smoul- 
 der near the surface, compelling one to walk with cau- 
 tion. 
 
 Upon the questions relating to the standard of our 
 money, no clear line of division separated the parties. 
 Members of each party were to be found upon both 
 sides. Reed has expressed the opinion that a large 
 majority of the American people favored inflation 
 during the administration of President Hayes and 
 that his courageous veto by arresting attention gave 
 them a chance for reflection. Certainly their repre- 
 sentatives were ready to pass by large majorities bills 
 for printing more greenbacks and for coining light- 
 weight dollars. The wickedness of the "bloated 
 bond-holder " seemed for the moment to engage the 
 attention of that class of orators never absent in a 
 
 37
 
 democratic government who seek to win the suffrages 
 of the people by inflaming them with a sense of fancied 
 wrong. Reed's course from the outset was notably 
 consistent. He stood resolutely for the maintenance 
 of the gold standard. From the time when he op- 
 posed the coinage bill of 1878 until the final popular 
 decree in 1896, he was the most potent force in the 
 House of Representatives for maintaining gold as the 
 standard of our money. The device embodied in the 
 Sherman law he was persuaded was necessary to fore- 
 stall the passage of a free coinage bill, but he strongly 
 supported President Cleveland's effort to repeal that 
 law, and under his leadership the far greater number 
 of his party associates in the House voted for repeal. 
 He gave the President unflinching support through- 
 out the whole of the splendid fight which he made for 
 maintaining the integrity of our money. 
 
 As a constitutional result of the war, the black man 
 was counted equally with the white in apportioning 
 representatives among the states, and the suppression 
 of his vote gave to the war the practical result of 
 greatly increasing the political power of the southern 
 white man in the national government. Reed stood 
 by the position of his party in favor of an election law 
 to enable the vote of the colored man to be safely cast 
 and honestly counted in all national elections. The 
 time was still hot with the passions of the war and 
 some of its fiercest parliamentary contests were waged 
 over this question. 
 
 38
 
 The tariff struggle has been a perennial one since 
 the adoption of the Constitution and it was then par- 
 ticularly raging. Five general revisions of the tariff 
 passed the House while Reed was a member of it, 
 two democratic and three republican, although the es- 
 sential difference between them justified very little of 
 the heat displayed in the controversy. Reed believed 
 in encouraging manufactures, although the argument 
 that seemed most strongly to weigh with him was of a 
 social character and was based upon our higher stand- 
 ard of living, which required a higher wage than in the 
 countries with which the competition was most keen. 
 
 As a debater and parliamentary leader he must be 
 accorded high rank. For nearly the entire period of 
 his service, the parties were so evenly balanced in the 
 country that no party could be said to be in control of 
 the government. The House was usually democratic, 
 the Senate republican, while the presidency alternated 
 between the two parties. From 1877 to 1889 all the 
 three parts of the legislative machine were not con- 
 trolled byjthe same party at any single time, except 
 for a periodjQJ,_twQ years. The democratic party, so 
 long victorious before the war, was again reviving, and 
 having control of the great popular branch of the gov- 
 ernment, the House became the theater of the struggle 
 and it was there that the contest was most bitterly 
 waged for the possession of the government. I doubt 
 if there has been another period of equal length in our 
 history when the House was the scene of so much des- 
 
 39
 
 perate party warfare, so much fighting of the short- 
 sword order and when there was a more imperative 
 call for the qualities that fit men for intellectual com- 
 bat. The democratic party was represented in that 
 body by a group of extremely able men, comprehend- 
 ing a wide diversity of talent. In the combination of 
 resources which they presented, it would be difficult 
 to match them at any other time in the history of the 
 House. It had parliamentary leaders and debaters 
 like Carlisle, Randall, Crisp and Turner, orators like 
 Wilson, Cochran and Bryan, and the list of its mem- 
 bers possessing a really high order of talent might be 
 much further prolonged. The necessity of the situa- 
 tion required the republicans to keep their strongest 
 man at the front. There are times when the demands 
 of the place are less exacting and some man of fairly 
 respectable talent may be chosen by political intrigue 
 in preference to a stronger man and may successfully \ 
 go through the forms of leadership. But in this in- 
 stance the best was none too good, and it is no dispar- j 
 agement of the republican membership to say that 
 when Reed became its leader he was so pre-eminently 
 the man for the place as to stand in a class by himself ; 
 and from that time until he left the House sixteen years 
 later, he remained at the head of his party, the longest 
 period that any man has been the leader of a party in 
 either the Senate or the House. Men have been suc- 
 cessful at the head of an opposition who have failed 
 in attempting to lead a victorious party. Others have;
 
 lacked in the fertility of resource necessary to attack 
 who yet with a majority about them could stubbornly 
 conduct a defensive battle. But Reed had the well- 
 rounded qualities that made him equally successful 
 both as minority and majority leader. He is however 
 more interesting as minority leader, because in the 
 evolution of our political institutions it became the 
 custom to make the leader of the majority in the 
 House the Speaker, and the limitations of that office 
 were not so well adapted to his temperament as was 
 the freedom of the floor. For ten years he led the 
 minority, sometimes with a force at his back nearly 
 equal to that of his antagonists and sometimes with a 
 little band behind him outnumbered three to one. It 
 is the simple truth to say that great and varied as was 
 the array of talent against him, he never was over- 
 matched and he never appeared to have all his re- 
 serves brought into action. 
 
 * Let us take some account of his equipment. His 
 appearance was most impressive. Giant as he was in 
 stature he looked every inch a leader. His very look 
 fixed the attention of the House. He was slow and 
 distinct in enunciation, with a powerful and strident 
 voice capable of cutting through the confusion and 
 penetrating to the farthest recesses of the enormous 
 hall. He always used the lower tones of his voice, 
 some of which were of great sweetness. He spoke 
 without visible effort, rarely making a gesture, and a 
 fine, strong light shone from his brilliant eyes, al- 
 
 6
 
 though in moments of great excitement they blazed 
 with a consuming fire. 
 
 His mind was a fit companion to his body. He 
 had a remarkable power of statement, and when he 
 was dealing with his opponent's case, instead of stat- 
 ing it first and then overthrowing it, he would often 
 demolish it in the statement itself. " What the House 
 likes best," he once said, " is plain statement, hard- 
 hitting and sense enough to know when one is done." 
 He was able to seize unerringly upon the vital point 
 in a controversy and he would not concern himself 
 over the little issues. He had the good taste to speak 
 simply. He saw things clearly, could express his exact 
 meaning in admirably chosen words and his sentences 
 were without a blemish from the stand-point of form. 
 As to the commonplace shifts of the orator, the bal- 
 anced periods and the worked-up passages, he never 
 patronized them. 
 
 But his pre-eminent quality was his humor, a qual- 
 ity until recent times very little used in public speak- 
 ing, judging from the examples that have come down 
 to us. Prior to the middle of the nineteenth century, 
 oratory with us seems to have been a desperately seri- 
 ous calling. One would no more look for a joke in 
 one of the approved speeches of that time than in a 
 demonstration of Euclid. And some real humor 
 would certainly mitigate their reading very much. 
 Even that prince of orators, Daniel Webster, would 
 be more widely read if he had not so sternly restrained
 
 the sense of humor which he undoubtedly possessed. 
 Reed's humor often showed the finish and perfection of 
 the finest wit, but there were no small barbed arrows 
 in his quiver. It was rather like the body of his argu- 
 ment, the play of heavy artillery, and it could as effect- 
 ively sweep the field. 
 
 His willingness to accept battle was superb. What 
 was said of a famous debater in the British Par- 
 liament could truthfully be said of him : " He went 
 out in all weathers"; but the weather that de- 
 lighted him most was the storm ; and no weather 
 seemed so rough as to disturb his coolness and self- 
 control. His speeches will usually be found in the 
 Record just as he delivered them. He did not emu- 
 late some of the great orators of former times, not to 
 mention our own, and struggle with an occasion after 
 it had passed by. He had not the habit of withhold- 
 ing his speeches for revision, to clothe them with a 
 rhetoric which he would have spoken, but they were 
 printed the next morning as they had been delivered. 
 
 He never wasted words. '* Speech," he once said, 
 " dies upon the empty air. Better a pound of fact 
 than a shipload of language." During his service in 
 the House it is doubtful if he made a half dozen 
 speeches as long as a half hour, and the length of the 
 greater number of them would not exceed five minutes. 
 Those short speeches light up the Record and are 
 models of their kind, making the situation clear and 
 bringing the House to a sense of what it was doing.
 
 On two occasions only did his speeches approach two 
 hours in length, one being the closing argument for 
 his side against the Mills tariff bill, and the other, the 
 closing argument against the Wilson bill. Each 
 occasion was the culmination of a long and bitter 
 party controversy. The Mills bill embodied the cen- 
 tral policy upon which Cleveland's campaign for re- 
 election in 1888 was to be waged. The tariff was 
 much discussed in those days, and in three successive 
 presidential elections it was the overshadowing issue. 
 It rilled the mouths of our statesmen with large 
 figures and their contributions to the " dismal science " 
 were usually in keeping with its name. An ancient 
 tariff speech, of all speeches in the world, is not apt to 
 be the most entertaining reading, but Reed's speech 
 on the Mills bill is worth reading even to-day. There 
 are indeed few Congressional speeches of equal length 
 that will bear reading so well. It has none of the 
 wooden qualities of the spoken essay, no particle of 
 the ornate fustian which so often made the preten- 
 tious speech of the last century such a thing of terror, 
 but it is a fighting speech, glowing from beginning to 
 end, full of irony, argument, wit and eloquence, and 
 was equally effective at the moment and when read 
 later in the campaign it was chiefly meant to influ- 
 ence. 
 
 The debate upon the Wilson bill took place at the 
 climax of the tariff agitation. It was the dramatic 
 moment of a political battle running through all of
 
 Cleveland's contests for the presidency. In the first 
 he was elected, in the next defeated, and at last again 
 victorious, and for the first time supported by both 
 Houses of his own political faith, he was at the head 
 of a party responsible for the passage of a tariff bill, 
 and one was about to be enacted which pleased nobody 
 and which he himself refused to sign. The closing of 
 the debate in the House presented a memorable spec- 
 tacle, fitly marking the culmination of this long politi- 
 cal struggle. The Capitol could scarcely contain the 
 throng, and the great chamber and its galleries were 
 crowded to suffocation. Although the speech of Reed 
 on that day began with the statement that " if anything 
 seems to have been discussed until human nature can 
 bear it no more, it is the tariff," both in its immediate 
 effect and as it is read in the Record, it was worthy of 
 a great occasion and measures up to the best standards 
 of parliamentary eloquence. 
 
 I believe that he has not been excelled as a debater 
 by any man ever in the House of Representatives. 
 There have been orators who have given more atten- 
 tion to rhetorical finish, but no man has surpassed 
 him in the history of the House, certainly for three- 
 quarters of a century, in power of condensed state- 
 ment, in a destructive ridicule and in the stately and 
 even flow of his speech, massive and strong. He ap- 
 peared to the best advantage in his short speeches. 
 That is not true of some of the other great parliamen- 
 tary speakers. Take then either of his two longest
 
 efforts in the House, to which I have just been refer- 
 ring, that on tbe Wilson bill or that on the Mills bill. 
 Read it by the side of any other debating speech you 
 may select, either from the House of Commons or the 
 House of Representatives, taking, however, a speech 
 of the modern era, when short-hand reporting had 
 been developed, that you may know you are reading 
 a real speech and not an imaginary oration with the 
 fine outbursts and beautiful periods, the careful result 
 of after-preparation. I believe that Reed will stand 
 the test so far as the reading is concerned. Then if 
 you wish to imagine the immediate effect, remember 
 that his delivery exactly fitted what he said, and that 
 in action he looked the twenty thousand ton battle- 
 ship with all its range of armament, its great and little 
 guns in full play, and that with his variety and force 
 of attack, he seemed at the time invincible. 
 
 Reed as minority leader dealing with the rules was 
 always engaging the other side and putting its leaders 
 to the necessity of using all their wits. No man ever 
 had a better command of the procedure of the House. 
 He played the parliamentary game hard but played it 
 according to the rules and he never sought to embark 
 the House upon revolution. 
 
 While as minority leader he was opposed to legisla- 
 tive anarchy, as leader of the majority, he stood 
 equally against legislative impotency. More conspic- 
 uously than with any other thing his name is identified 
 with the overthrow of a system which enabled a
 
 minority, by refusing to vote, to produce a legislative 
 paralysis and for negative purposes to control the ac- 
 tion of the House. Speaker for six years, under the 
 long-established practice of the House he was there- 
 fore its leader. He stated with exactness the character 
 of the speakership when he was first chosen. In a 
 speech, none the less admirable because in point of 
 brevity it was at the time probably without parallel 
 upon a like occasion, he said that under our system 
 as developed the duties of his office were both politi- 
 cal and parliamentary. " So far as the duties are 
 political, I sincerely hope that they may be performed 
 with a proper sense of what is due to the people of 
 this whole country. So far as they are parliamentary, 
 I hope with equal sincerity that they may be performed 
 with a proper sense of what is due to both sides of this 
 Chamber." 
 
 Our speakership undeniably possesses this dual 
 character and the question is often asked why it 
 should have taken on the political aspect, when the 
 Speaker of the British House of Commons is in effect 
 a judicial officer. The chief reason may be found in 
 the difference between our parliamentary systems. In 
 England there is an intermingling of the executive 
 and legislative functions. All the ministers of the 
 Crown are members of the one legislative Chamber 
 or the other. The leading minister in the House of 
 Commons is the leader of that body. He and his col- 
 leagues in office direct its affairs and conduct the
 
 government under their responsibility to the Com- 
 mons. When they fail to command a majority they 
 go out of office. But we have no cabinet system. 
 We do indeed have what is called a cabinet, but its 
 members are purely executive subordinates of the 
 President, a species of magnificent head clerks, and 
 are entirely lacking in parliamentary functions. The 
 constitution contemplated separate departments, with 
 Congress in a region by itself passing laws, and the 
 President in his own secluded domain executing them, 
 with an occasional formal message " on the state of the 
 Union." But no great government can be effectively 
 run with the two branches of its central political de- 
 partment only upon formal speaking terms, with the 
 President sending coldly constitutional and polite 
 notes to Congress and the latter in its own good time 
 replying or not as it should see fit to do. To insure 
 that harmony which is essential in the workings of all 
 the parts of such a vast and complex governmental 
 machine, there must be practical ways of reaching an 
 intimate understanding. Through a process of evolu- 
 tion the speakership had come to be an important 
 instrument in supplying the apparent gap left by the 
 constitution between the executive and legislative 
 departments and to put them upon more workable 
 terms. It presented the advantages of a centralized 
 leadership representing in the first instance the pop- 
 ular branch of the legislature and tended to secure a 
 measure of the unity in government secured by the 
 
 4 8
 
 Cabinet system. And as a balance to the President, 
 such a commanding figure on Capitol hill, always re- 
 sponsible to the House and subject to being overruled 
 by it, has operated as a check upon the obvious ten- 
 dency to autocracy incident to the growth of the 
 government and the centralization of power at Wash- 
 ington. 
 
 The central and dramatic event in Reed's speaker- 
 ship was the counting of the quorum. The large 
 number of the quorum required in the House, eight- 
 fold larger than that of the British House of Commons 
 when the difference in the number of members is taken 
 into account, makes it difficult for the party in control 
 to maintain a quorum out of its own membership unless 
 its majority is very large. It had for many years been 
 the settled practice for the minority to attempt to de- 
 feat legislation to which they were opposed by ab- 
 staining from voting, when they could not accomplish 
 the same result by directly voting against it. Thus 
 the majority had frequently been compelled to abandon 
 legislation. The majority of the House might actually 
 be present but the method of determining its presence 
 had been by the vote and if a majority had not voted 
 upon the roll call business could not proceed. In 
 Reed's first speakership his party had a very small ma- 
 jority. After a roll call upon a party question when 
 less than a quorum of members had responded to their 
 names, although many more were present, he directed 
 the clerk to note the presence of those who were pres- 
 
 7 (49)
 
 ent but had not voted. Thus a quorum was made up 
 and the vote was announced in favor of the proposi- 
 tion which had received a majority of those who had 
 seen fit to vote. His reasons were simple, and they 
 were unanswerable from the constitutional standpoint. 
 If members could be present and refuse to exercise 
 their function, " the provision of the constitution giv- 
 ing the House power to compel attendance of absent 
 members would seem to be entirely nugatory. Inas- 
 much as the constitution only provided for their at- 
 tendance, that attendance was enough." This ruling 
 was followed by a parliamentary storm unprecedented 
 in severity in the history of the House. For many 
 hours it was not possible to proceed with the ordinary 
 business on account of the uproar. Members rushed 
 down the aisles, filled the area in front of the Speaker 
 and denounced him with great violence of language 
 as a tyrant and a czar. He held himself calm and un- 
 moved amid the tumult, sustained by the conscious- 
 ness that he was right and that he was announcing a 
 procedure which the constitution contemplated and 
 the growing demands of the country's business made 
 absolutely necessary. 
 
 The Supreme Court subsequently upheld the con- 
 stitutionality of Reed's ruling but his triumph was to 
 be even more complete. His opponents were formally 
 to sanction it. In a later Congress, when he led the 
 minority and the party in control had returned to the 
 ancient practice, he attacked it with every resource
 
 known to parliamentary law and succeeded in demon- 
 strating its unsoundness. His antagonists, although 
 they had a large majority, were unable to furnish a 
 quorum from their own ranks. Reed's party under 
 his lead refrained from voting, and thus for weeks the 
 transaction of business was made impossible. And 
 the men who had vehemently denounced him were 
 compelled at last to adopt the principle of his ruling 
 and affirm the practice that if a quorum is actually 
 present, the House can transact business whether 
 members vote or not. That has ever since been the 
 law of the House. 
 
 It required courage of the highest order to overturn 
 the precedents of a century made by all parties, and 
 previously assented to by himself, and to establish a 
 principle so correct and in accordance with common 
 sense. But he was not disturbed upon the question 
 of consistency. His dictum upon the subject proves 
 that. " I do not promise," he said, '* to give wisdom 
 of adamant. I will give them honestly what my opin- 
 ion is at the time ; they must take the chances of its 
 being for eternity." 
 
 It has required a man of unusual quality to direct 
 our great popular assembly in the days since the Civil 
 War when the business of the government has grown 
 so enormously, when the pressure from private inter- 
 ests has vastly increased and when partisanship has 
 usually run so high. It is no light task to moderate 
 that great turbulent body and to maintain orderly pro- 
 

 
 cedure. As Speaker, Reed fitly embodied the dignity 
 of the House and it never had a presiding officer who 
 more inflexibly and fairly administered its rules. 
 
 No greater Speaker ever presided over the House. 
 Henry Clay, who directed not merely the affairs of 
 the House but to a large extent of the country during 
 his speakership, was constantly taking the floor. He 
 made a dozen or more speeches at a single session. I 
 am not aware that during his whole speakership, Reed 
 took the floor either in the House or in Committee of 
 of the Whole. He held himself austerely in reserve. 
 His rulings were models of just expression and pos- 
 sessed a weight and condensed power which it is diffi- 
 cult to match. He had the courage calmly to rise to 
 great occasions and with a heroism only equalled by 
 his insight he established the greatest land-mark in 
 the parliamentary law of the House. 
 
 Just at the end of his public career, a new set of 
 issues were coming forward. He was opposed to the 
 annexation of the Sandwich Islands, firmly believing 
 that it was for the interest of the republic to remain a 
 continental power and that it would contribute most 
 effectively to the cause of good government through- 
 out the world by furnishing the example of a well- 
 governed democratic state and by scrupulous respect 
 for the rights of weaker peoples. He was equally op- 
 posed to the Spanish War and used the power of his 
 office, so far as he properly could, to prevent both the 
 annexation and the war. That power was great, but 
 
 52
 
 no man knew better than he that the Speaker was far 
 from omnipotent, that he could only lead where the 
 House was willing to follow, and his efforts were un- 
 availing. The war was begun for the avowed purpose 
 of putting an end to a condition in the western hemis- 
 phere which was within our traditional sphere of ac- 
 tion, but the important question it bequeathed to us 
 was whether we should become an Asiatic power and 
 take upon ourselves the government of populations 
 almost under the equator in the seas of the Orient. 
 Reed's political education, the practice of his whole 
 life and his view of the fundamental principle of the 
 American commonwealth made his position upon 
 this question inevitable. Long before the Philip- 
 pines appeared upon our horizon, he declared in a 
 speech in the House, " that the best government of 
 which a people is capable is a government which 
 they establish for themselves. With all its imperfec- 
 tions, with all its short-comings, it is always better 
 adapted to them than any other government, even 
 though invented by wiser men." The idea that 
 America should violate its traditional principle of self- 
 government and enter upon the work of governing 
 subject states, he hated with all the fierce hatred of a 
 vanishing time. It seemed to him like abandoning 
 the principle which made her unique among the 
 nations. He was profoundly stirred by our taking 
 on " the last colonial curse of Spain," but it had been 
 done by a treaty solemnly ratified by the Senate, and
 
 he had come to the parting of the ways. His re-elec- 
 tion to the speakership appeared certain, and that 
 office, he once declared had but one superior and no 
 peer. His mind had been never so ripe. But he was 
 heartsore at the prospect of following the new and 
 opposite line and he determined to retire to private 
 life. To his near friend, Asher Hinds, he said, " I 
 have tried perhaps not always successfully to make 
 the acts of my public life accord with my conscience 
 and I cannot now do this thing." And so he wrote 
 his touching farewell letter to his constituents and 
 withdrew from the public service. 
 
 One would fail to do justice to Reed if he did not 
 speak of his brilliancy and charm in conversation. 
 His wise, bantering and witty talk was the life of any 
 social group in which he happened to be placed. 
 There was no arrogance in his manner, he never took 
 possession of any company, as social autocrats are apt 
 to do, but none the less he was by common consent sure 
 to take the lead. His sententious witticisms became 
 the talk of the town and were repeated from mouth to 
 mouth. It is unfortunate that there was not some 
 Boswell to take down his conversation and that so 
 many of his brilliant sayings have perished. His wit 
 was ingrained in the substance of his style and was 
 shown alike in conversation and in off-hand speaking. 
 He often united with it a homely common sense phi- 
 losophy strongly resembling that of Dr. Franklin and 
 a way of putting it that reminds one of Sidney Smith.
 
 In attempting to quote from him, it is equally difficult 
 to know where to begin and where to stop, and after 
 one is done he feels sure there are better specimens 
 left. But I will venture a few short examples which 
 may show something of the touch of his wit and phi- 
 losophy. 
 
 Bantering a House of the opposite party for doing 
 nothing but talk, he said : " It presents the dead level 
 of a Dutch landscape with all its wind-mills but with- 
 out a trace of its beauty and fertility." 
 
 Of his own minority, he said : " They behaved with 
 gentleness and modesty, partly because they were very 
 good men and partly because there were very few of 
 them." 
 
 And again of a member who was a skillful lawyer, 
 he said : " There is no man in five kingdoms abler to 
 dig a pit for a witness and sweetly coax him into it." 
 
 Complimenting the honesty of an opponent to whom 
 he was replying, he added : " Such is the direct nature 
 of his mind that there is no man so capable of thor- 
 oughly exposing the weakness of a bad position that 
 he happens to occupy." 
 
 This is his homely version of " omne ignotum pro 
 magnifico," the principle in human nature which causes 
 the gold brick industry to flourish in politics and else- 
 where : " Everything we do not know anything about 
 always looks big. The human creature is imagina- 
 tive. If he sees a tail disappearing over a fence, he 
 images the whole beast and usually images the wrong 
 
 55
 
 beast. . . . Whenever we take a trip into the 
 realms of fancy, we see a good many things that never 
 were." 
 
 Speaking of a panic in Wall Street which squeezed 
 the inflation out of values, he said : " Water flowed 
 down both sides of the street." 
 
 Sometimes the world moves slowly. " It took four 
 thousand years of pagan and fifteen centuries of Chris- 
 tian civilization to produce a two-pronged fork and 
 another century to bring it into use." 
 
 " We endure filth diseases thousands of years and 
 call them visitations from God, and when some one 
 proposes the remedy, we listen in early ages with the 
 horror suitable to greet a man who wishes to interfere 
 with God's methods in the universe." 
 
 " Never expect toleration from a crowd that has 
 other views and has them vividly." 
 
 " Wrong is never so weak as in its hour of tri- 
 umph." 
 
 " The alternation of good times and hard times an- 
 tedates the pyramids." 
 
 - " If we ever learn to treat the living with the ten- 
 derness with which we instinctively treat the dead, we 
 shall then have a civilization well worth distributing." 
 
 " That is one of the laws of God working for his 
 children, and compared with one of your laws of Con- 
 gress, it is as a Leviathan to a clam." 
 
 The description of the view from Cushing's Island 
 across Portland harbor, in which he takes you from
 
 the Portland of to-day to the Portland of the time of 
 Cleve's landing, will serve as an example of a differ- 
 ent vein, showing his accuracy as an observer and his 
 skill as a painter of a scene. " The long slope of 
 grassy verdure varied by the darker foliage of the 
 trees spreads wide to the water's edge. Then begins 
 the bright sparkle of the summer sea, that many-twink- 
 ling smile of ocean, that countless laughter of the 
 waves which has lighted up the heart of man centu- 
 ries since Eschylus died, and centuries before he 
 lived. Across the sunlit waters, dotted with the 
 white sails or seamed with the bubbling foam of the 
 steamers' track, past the wharves, bristling with masts 
 and noisy with commerce, the gaze falls upon the 
 houses sloping quickly upward in the center and be- 
 coming more and more embowered in trees as they 
 climb the hills at either end. Following the tall spires 
 the eye loses itself in the bright blue sky beyond. 
 . . . If you shut your eyes and let the lofty spires 
 disappear, the happy homes glisten out of sight, and 
 the wharves give place to a curving line of shelving, 
 pebbly beach; if you imagine the bright water un- 
 vexed by traffic, the tall peninsula covered with 
 forests and bushy swamps, with the same varied ex- 
 panse of island and of sea, and the whole scene un- 
 disturbed by any sound save the clanging cries of 
 innumerable birds and water fowl, you will be looking 
 upon Machigonne as it appeared to George Cleve." 
 But beyond his brilliancy as a debater, his resplen- 
 
 f) ' '
 
 dent wit and his skill as a parliamentary leader, his title 
 to remembrance rests upon his quality as a statesman. 
 He had a great ambition, but it was not great enough 
 to lead him to surrender any principle of government 
 which he deemed vital. Like Webster, like Clay and 
 others of our most conspicuous statesmen, he was dis- 
 appointed at not reaching the Presidency, but he could 
 fitly aspire to the office for he was of the fibre and 
 nurture out of which great presidents are made. He 
 probably would not have been a continuously popular 
 president, but our great presidents never have been. 
 He had that supreme quality which was seen in Wash- 
 ington breasting the popular anti-British feeling and 
 asserting against France our diplomatic independence ; 
 in Lincoln bearing the burden of unsuccessful battles 
 and holding back the sentiment for emancipation until 
 the time was ripe for freedom; in Grant facing the 
 popular clamor and vetoing inflation, and in Cleve- 
 land alienating his party while he persisted in as right- 
 eous and heroic a battle as was ever waged by a presi- 
 dent. 
 
 A great nation cannot make up its mind in a mo- 
 ment. What first appeals to its fancy is not likely to 
 appeal to its final judgment, and the severest test of \ 
 the disinterestedness of the statesman under our sys- ) 
 tern is his readiness to risk unpopularity and defeat ! 
 in order to protect the people from their first impulse 
 and give them an opportunity to form a real opinion. 
 Reed's faith was in what he called " the deliberate
 
 judgment of the people," but he declared that " the 
 sudden and unreflecting judgment of the noisy who 
 are first heard is quite as often a voice from the un- 
 derworld." This distinction is vital since the cause 
 of democracy has nothing to hope from the statesman 
 who weakly yields to the temptation always to be pop- 
 ular and who panders to the noisy passions of the mo- 
 ment rather than consults the real interests of the 
 people. Reed recognized no divinity in an unthink- 
 ing clamor, whether raised by one man or a great mass 
 of men. The people could no more depend on in- 
 spiration to guide them in performing their public 
 duties than in their private affairs. In each case, re- 
 flection and work were equally necessary. He showed 
 his reverence for representative government by the 
 calm dignity with which he bore himself during more 
 than two decades of service. He was sometimes com- 
 pelled to struggle to maintain himself but he scorned 
 to make the struggle upon demagogue lines or to 
 swerve from the straight path upon which he moved 
 with so much majesty. He was not prigged up with 
 the commonplace sort of greatness, with a padded and 
 theatric make-up staged to strike the imaginations of 
 little men or to set wagging the puffing pens of little 
 writers. He was no self-advertiser and ran no press 
 bureaus to trumpet his real or imaginary virtues. He 
 sought no mere noisy and ephemeral fame but he 
 lived upon a plane visible at history's perspective and 
 he grandly wove his life into the texture of his time. 
 
 59
 
 And so you rear this statue. And you do well to 
 rear it for, although his memory is one of the treas- 
 ures of the whole country, it was you who gave him 
 to the nation. He was the product of the sky and 
 soil of Maine, lightened by her sunshine and hardened 
 by her storms. As a representative acts well or ill, 
 he reflects credit or discredit upon those who have 
 chosen him. By this test how signally he honored 
 you. But you equally honored yourselves when, amid 
 all the shifting popular vagaries and the following of 
 false gods, you permitted yourselves to be guided by 
 the better genius of popular government and kept this 
 heroic figure for so long a time in the service of his 
 country. And when he returned his commission to 
 you, he could truthfully say as he proudly said : " No 
 sail has been trimmed for any breeze or any doubtful 
 flag ever flown." That noble phrase gives the key- 
 note to his character as a statesman. The only colors 
 he was willing to fight under were those that repre- 
 sented his own principles. He never sailed just for the 
 sake of sailing but to make progress upon a straight 
 course. He did not take his inspiration and direction 
 from the winds but from the stars.
 
 Immediately after the delivery of Judge Symonds' 
 opening address the ceremony of unveiling the statue 
 proceeded. The string was drawn by Thomas Reed 
 Balentine, infant grandson of Thomas Brackett Reed, 
 his mother, Mrs. Katharine Reed Balentine, wife of 
 Captain Arthur T. Balentine, of the U. S. Coast Ar 
 tillery, assisting him. 
 
 When the fine statue was thrown open to the view 
 of the assembled multitude Judge Symonds said: 
 
 I am sure I repeat the hope and prayer of all when 
 I say, may the beautiful boy live to appreciate better 
 than he can now the fine part he has taken to-day in 
 the unveiling of his grandfather's statue. 
 
 The sculptor was then introduced by the President 
 of the Association, saying : 
 
 I now have the distinguished honor to introduce 
 to you the man of genius, at whose touch this noble 
 statue has sprung into life, by whose patient, skillful 
 hand it has been wrought to the last perfection in por- 
 traiture and in art, the young and brilliant American 
 sculptor, Mr. Burr C. Miller, of Wilkes Barre, Penn- 
 sylvania, resident in Paris, France, where the work 
 has been executed. 
 
 61
 
 The President of the Association then addressed 
 the Mayor of the City, and he replied, as follows : 
 
 Mr. Mayor: In the name and in behalf of the 
 Thomas Brackett Reed Memorial Association, by di- 
 rection of its Executive Committee, I now commit to 
 the sacred keeping of the City of Portland, the city of 
 his birth and of his ancestry, with which his great life 
 is forever associated, to which his name will always 
 impart " charm and illustration," this memorial statue 
 of Thomas Brackett Reed. 
 
 Mr. President : In the name of the city of Portland 
 I accept this memorial statue of Thomas Brackett 
 Reed, to be kept and maintained in perpetual memory 
 of him whom it represents. In no sense a burden, this 
 obligation will be fulfilled by the present and succeed- 
 ing generations with loving care and faithful service. 
 
 It has been said, perhaps with some truth, that the 
 citizens of Portland have failed, in many cases, to fit- 
 tingly honor their fellow citizens whose character and 
 life work had elevated them to the level of national 
 prominence. This monument to Mr. Reed bears wit- 
 ness that his fellow citizens fully appreciate the great 
 services he rendered his country and the magnificent 
 manhood of the man. And we certainly are not der- 
 elict in our duty when we raise this monument of 
 bronze and granite in honor of this man of our gener- 
 ation who stands out pre-eminent as a leader, to whom 
 
 62
 
 we are deeply indebted for giving us in his own per- 
 sonality an example of the best and finest type of 
 American citizenship. 
 
 It is not my purpose to attempt to review the story 
 of Mr. Reed's life, that has been ably and eloquently 
 done by the gentlemen who have preceded me ; but I 
 believe that history will signalize him as one possess- 
 ing in a very high degree, that sure characteristic of 
 all truly great men the courage of his convictions. 
 To him we can well apply the words of the Latin 
 poet: 
 
 " Not the wild fury of his fellow citizens ordering him 
 to do evil ; 
 
 " Nor the look of a threatening tyrant ; 
 
 " Nor the stormy south wind ruling the unquiet Ad- 
 riatic ; 
 
 " Nor the mighty hand of Jupiter wielding his thunder- 
 bolts ; 
 
 " Can shake in his settled purpose the man who is just 
 and steadfast in his determination ; 
 
 " If the cracking heavens fall they will strike him un- 
 moved by fear." 
 
 Envy, political hostility, misrepresentation and per- 
 sonal abuse that all public men have to undergo, are 
 now buried forever, and as the rays of the setting sun 
 fall upon the surface of a stream, to gold converting 
 one by one the ripples of that flowing river, so we, 
 filled with admiration for him, for what he was and 
 
 63
 
 what he stood for, as we contemplate this statue, see 
 from beneath the bronze appearing, the pure gold of 
 his character, his integrity and his ability. 
 
 At the close of the delivery of the oration in State 
 Street Church the benediction was pronounced by 
 Rev. Asa Dalton, D. D., of Portland. 
 
 6 4
 
 OfTICERS AND COMMITTEES 
 
 THOMAS BRACKETT REED MEMORIAL 
 ASSOCIATION.
 
 PRESIDENT. 
 
 JOSEPH W. SYMONDS, Portland, Me. 
 
 VICE PRESIDENTS. 
 
 AUGUSTUS G. PAINE, New York, N. Y. 
 GEORGE M. SEIDERS, Portland, Me. 
 WINTHROP MURRAY CRANE, Dalton, Mass. 
 HENRY DEERING, Portland, Me. 
 
 SECRETARY. 
 
 FRANK D. MARSHALL, Portland, Me. 
 
 TREASURER. 
 
 GEORGE W. BEYER, Portland, Me. 
 
 6 7
 
 EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 
 
 Joseph W. Symonds, (Et-Officio.) 
 John C. Small, Augustus G. Paine, 
 
 Asher C. Hinds, Luther B. Roberts, 
 
 George M. Seiders, Henry Deering, 
 
 George E. Bird, James P. Baxter. 
 
 SPECIAL SUB-COMMITTEE ON DESIGN. 
 
 Augustus G. Paine, Joseph W. Symonds, 
 
 John Carroll Perkins, Henry Deering. 
 
 COMMITTEE ON UNVEILING THE STATUE. 
 
 Augustus G. Paine. 
 
 COMMITTEE ON DECORATIONS, BADGES AND TICKETS. 
 
 Asher C. Hinds. 
 
 RECEPTION COMMITTEE. 
 
 George E. Bird, William L. Putnam, 
 
 James P. Baxter, Augustus G. Paine. 
 
 68
 
 COMMITTEE ON INVITATIONS. 
 
 George M. Seiders, Franklin C. Payson, 
 
 Asher C. Hinds, Charles McCarthy, Jr., 
 
 Seth L. Larrabee. 
 
 COMMITTEE ON SETTING MONUMENT. 
 
 Henry Deering, Edward C. Jordan, 
 
 Frank D. Marshall, Frederick O. Conant. 
 
 COMMITTEE ON ENTERTAINMENT. 
 
 John C. Small, Frederick O. Conant, 
 
 Frederic E. Boothby, Seth C. Gordon, 
 
 Herbert J. Brown. 
 
 COMMITTEE ON GENERAL ARRANGEMENTS. 
 
 Luther B. Roberts, William L. Cobb, 
 
 Frank D. Marshall, Charles F. Flagg, 
 
 George W. Beyer, Herbert Payson, 
 
 E. H. Nickerson. 
 
 69
 
 CONTRIBUTORS.
 
 Amos L. Allen, 
 Charles C. Adams, 
 Horace Anderson, 
 Fred E. Allen, 
 Thomas Asbury, Jr., 
 J. F. Albion, 
 Fred J. Allen, 
 Charles H. Adams, 
 Charles T. Ames, 
 William F. Aldrich, 
 John D. Archbold, 
 S. F. Bearce, 
 William W. Brown, 
 George W. Beyer, 
 George E. Bird, 
 William M. Bradley, 
 Frederic E. Boothby, 
 W. H. Brownson, 
 Harry Butler, 
 Brunel-Higgins Shoe 
 F. S. Blanchard, 
 Henry C. Blanchard, 
 Henry C. Brewer, 
 A. H. Berry Shoe Co. 
 Herbert J. Brown, 
 Eugene L. Bodge, 
 F. O. Bailey & Co., 
 
 Alfred, Me. 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 Sanford, Me. 
 
 Limerick, Me. 
 
 Westbrook, Me. 
 
 Aldrich, Ala. 
 
 New York, N. Y. 
 
 Woodfords, Me. 
 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 Co., 
 Cumberland Center, Me. 
 
 u u 
 
 Freeport, Me. 
 , Portland, Me. 
 
 73
 
 Edwin C. Burleigh, 
 Nathaniel A. Brown, 
 Frank S. Black, 
 James P. Baxter, 
 Thurston S. Burns, 
 Joseph F. Bodwell, 
 Cornelius N. Bliss, 
 Thomas A. Buckner, 
 Botany Worsted Mills, 
 Arthur E. Craig, 
 John S. Clark, 
 Charles W. Carr, 
 Lyman M. Cousens, 
 Charles S. Chase, 
 Grover Cleveland, 
 Elisha W. Conley, 
 William L. Cobb, 
 Mary J. E. Clapp, 
 Charles Cook, 
 George M. Curtis, 
 Robert G. Cousins, 
 
 E. Childs, 
 A. S. Chase, 
 Edward B. Cook, 
 
 F. N. Calderwood, 
 James Cunningham, 
 George O. K. Cram, 
 Horatio Clark, 
 
 A. F. Cox & Son, 
 
 Augusta, Me. 
 
 Westbrook, Me. 
 
 Troy, N. Y. 
 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 Westbrook, Me. 
 
 Hallowell, Me. 
 
 New York, N. Y. 
 
 u u u 
 
 Passaic, N. J. 
 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 Naples, Me. 
 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 Princeton, N. J. 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 u u 
 
 Clinton, la. 
 
 Tipton, la. 
 
 Cumberland Center, Me. 
 
 u u 
 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 74
 
 Fred O. Conant, 
 
 William T. Cobb, 
 
 Cyrus H. K. Curtis, 
 
 Andrew Carnegie, 
 
 Winthrop Murray Crane, 
 
 H. W. Cannon, 
 
 W. Burke Cockran, 
 
 J. P. Cobb, 
 
 W. N. Caldwell 
 
 William N. Cohen, 
 
 David S. Cowles, 
 
 Herbert S. Carpenter, 
 
 Richard Campion, 
 
 Cyrus Currier & Sons, 
 
 California Cotton Mills Co., 
 
 Frank E. Davis, 
 
 Asa Dalton, 
 
 George F. Duncan, 
 
 Charles F. Dunlap, 
 
 Charles B. Dalton, 
 
 Guy Davis, 
 
 Henry Deering, 
 
 James L. Dunn, 
 
 Dow & Pinkham, 
 
 Roswell F. Doten, 
 
 George A. Dow, 
 
 Fred. N. Dow, 
 
 W. K. Dana, 
 
 W. L. Daggett & Co., 
 
 75 
 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 Rockland, Me. 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 New York, N. Y. 
 
 Dalton, Mass. 
 New York, N. Y. 
 
 Holyoke, Mass. 
 New York, N. Y. 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 Newark, N. J. 
 Oakland, Cal. 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 Cumberland Center, Me. 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 Westbrook, Me. 
 Portland, Me.
 
 William Deering, 
 Thomas Dolan, 
 John T. Devine, 
 Henry C. Davis, 
 George A. Draper, 
 John Dalzell, 
 Dempster & Place, 
 Ray P. Eaton, 
 Harry B. Eddy, 
 Walter C. Emerson, 
 Edward S. Everett, 
 George T. Edwards, 
 Eastman Bros. & Bancroft, 
 D. L. Einstein, 
 Earl & Wilson, 
 Francis Fessenden, 
 Jed. F. Fanning, 
 M. P. Frank, 
 George L. Fogg, 
 Charles S. Fobes, 
 George C. Frye, 
 Charles F. Flagg, 
 Mrs. Charles F. Flagg, 
 Mrs. M. C. Farrington, 
 Thomas J. Foster, 
 Henry W. Foster, 
 Wallace T. Foote, Jr., 
 William H. Gray, 
 Goodall Worsted Co., 
 
 7 6 
 
 Chicago, 111. 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 New York, N. Y. 
 
 Hopedale, Mass. 
 
 Pittsburg, Pa. 
 
 Gloversville, N. Y. 
 
 Brunswick, Me. 
 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 u u 
 
 New York, N. Y. 
 
 u a u 
 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 Westbrook, Me. 
 
 u u 
 
 Pt. Henry, N. Y. 
 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 Sanford, Me.
 
 Frederic Henry Gerrish, 
 C. W. T. Coding, 
 Hanno W. Gage, 
 Henry C. Gilson, 
 Byron Greenough & Co., 
 J. E. Goold Estate, 
 Dr. Seth C. Gordon, 
 Richard Guenther, 
 Wm. H. Grundy & Co., 
 Frank Gilbert, 
 Thomas B. Haskell, 
 Edward C. Hersey, 
 George S. Hobbs, 
 Asher C. Hinds, 
 James C. Hamlen, 
 W. H. Hobbs, 
 Charles O. Haskell, 
 Charles C. Harmon, 
 Frederick Hale, 
 Edward Hills Son & Co., 
 Herbert A. Harmon, 
 Oscar H. Hersey, 
 Edward A. Hay, 
 F. H. Hazelton, 
 Charles M. Hay, 
 Charles Hamlin, 
 John F. Hill, 
 Oren Hooper Sons, 
 J. Manchester Haynes, 
 
 77 
 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 Germany. 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 Waterford, N. Y. 
 
 So. Portland, Me. 
 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 New York, N. Y. 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 Bangor, Me. 
 Augusta, Me. 
 Portland, Me. 
 Augusta, Me.
 
 Haskell Silk Company, Westbrook, Me. 
 
 Herbert M. Heath, Augusta, Me. 
 
 Clarence Hale, Portland, Me. 
 
 Robert R. Hitt, Mt. Morris, 111. 
 
 Thomas H. Hubbard, New York, N. Y. 
 
 F. C. Huyck & Sons, Albany, N. Y. 
 
 William S. Hawk, New York, N. Y. 
 
 Darius H. Ingraham, Portland, Me. 
 
 Milton A. Jewell, 
 Fritz H. Jordan, 
 E. E. Jordan, 
 
 Edward C. Jones, " " 
 
 Henry M. Jones, " " 
 
 Mr. & Mrs. Edward C. Jordan, 
 George F. Judkins, " " 
 
 Rufus K. Jordan, Westbrook, Me. 
 
 Winthrop Jordan, Portland, Me. 
 
 I. W. Jacobson, New York, N. Y. 
 
 Jeffrey Mfg. Co., Columbus, Ohio. 
 
 Fred H. King, Portland, Me. 
 
 A. A. Kendall, 
 J. A. Kendall, 
 Alfred King, 
 H. A. Kelley, 
 
 Darwin P. Kingsley, New York, N. Y. 
 
 Kursheedt Mfg. Co., 
 
 Charles F. Libby, Portland, Me. 
 
 Seth L. Larrabee, 
 
 Charles E. Littlefield, Rockland, Me. 
 
 78
 
 R. M. Lewson, Portland, Me. 
 
 Frank M. Low, 
 
 R. D. Libby, 
 
 Fred F. Lord, 
 
 Harriet A. Libby, 
 
 Margaret A. Libby, 
 
 Ellen H. Libby, 
 
 Adam P. Leighton, 
 
 Isidore W. Leighton, 
 
 J. R. Libby Co., 
 
 W. W. Lamb, Cumberland Mills, Me. 
 
 Alexander T. Laughlin, Portland, Me. 
 
 L. N. Littauer, New York, N. Y. 
 
 Charles McCarthy, Jr., Portland, Me. 
 
 Frank D. Marshall, 
 
 Maine Alpaca Company, 
 
 by Lewis B. Goodall, Treas., Sanford, Me. 
 Louiville H. Merrill, Cumberland Center, Me. 
 Fred W. Mayberry, Portland, Me. 
 
 Seth M. Milliken, New York, N. Y. 
 
 Mary W. Milliken, Portland, Me. 
 
 Augustus F. Moulton, " " 
 
 L. A. Mercier, 
 Francis T. Miller, 
 J. W. Magruder, 
 W. P. Millay, 
 J. C. Merrill, 
 
 Edward S. Marshall, York, Me. 
 
 Chas. M. Moses, Portland, Me, 
 
 79
 
 Robert McArthur, 
 Joseph F. Morgan, 
 Charles A. Moses, 
 Joseph E. Merrill, 
 George B. Morrill, 
 John F. A. Merrill, 
 John A. McCall, 
 Samuel W. McCall, 
 Levi P. Morton, 
 Thomas L. Manson, 
 George B. McClellan, 
 E. L. Munn, 
 Samuel Mather, 
 Anson G. McCook, 
 John Maddock & Sons, 
 Edward A. Noyes, 
 New York Knife Co., 
 Charles H. Nettleton, 
 George C. Owen, 
 E. B. Osgood, 
 J. B. O'Neill, 
 George T. Oliver, 
 Benjamin B. Odell, Jr., 
 Thomas Oakes, 
 City of Portland, 
 Stephen C. Perry, 
 Henry C. Peabody, 
 Barrett Potter, 
 William N. Prince & Co., 
 
 80 
 
 Biddeford, Me. 
 
 Dubuque, la. 
 
 Cumberland Mills, Me. 
 
 Newton, Mass. 
 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 u u 
 
 New York, N. Y. 
 
 Winchester, Mass. 
 
 New York, N. Y. 
 
 Holyoke, Mass. 
 Cleveland, Ohio. 
 New York, N. Y. 
 Trenton, N. J. 
 Portland, Me. 
 New York, N. Y. 
 Derby, Conn. 
 Portland, Me. 
 Cumberland Center, Me. 
 Portland, Me. 
 Pittsburg, Pa. 
 New York, N. Y. 
 
 U U (( 
 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 Brunswick, Me. 
 Portland, Me.
 
 George D. Perkins, 
 
 Mrs. J. E. Palmer, 
 
 Henry B. Pennell, 
 
 Palmer Shoe Co., 
 
 James W. Parker, 
 
 Franklin C. Payson, 
 
 H. M. Payson & Co., 
 
 Paris Flouring Co., 
 
 Mr. & Mrs. Clarence W. Peabody, 
 
 Sioux City, la. 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 Leon K. Paine, 
 William L. Putnam, 
 Augustus G. Paine, 
 George W. Perkins, 
 I. E. Palmer, 
 Charles H. Prescott, 
 John Carroll Perkins, 
 Susan P. Reed, 
 William W. Roberts, 
 John B. Reed, 
 Luther B. Roberts, 
 Percy H. Richardson, 
 Edward C. Reynolds, 
 Albert G. Rollins, 
 H. H. Ricker, 
 W. W. Rowe, 
 C. H. Robinson, 
 Charles H. Redlon, 
 Rowell Bros., 
 George W. Ray, 
 
 Cumberland Mills, Me. 
 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 New York, N. Y. 
 
 u u 
 
 Middletown, Conn. 
 
 Biddeford, Me. 
 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 Cumberland Center, Me. 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 Norwich, N. Y. 
 
 81
 
 Trenton, N. J. 
 
 Thomaston, Me. 
 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 Sanford, Me. 
 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 H. H. Rogers, New York, N. Y. 
 
 Jordan J. Rollins, 
 
 Norman B. Ream, 
 
 Edmund D. Randolph, 
 
 John A. Roeblings Sons Co., 
 
 Edwin Smith, 
 
 H. W. Shaylor, 
 
 Sanford Mills, 
 
 John C. Small, 
 
 Joseph W. Symonds, " 
 
 George M. Seiders, " " 
 
 Leroy S. Sanborn, " " 
 
 Neal D. Smith, 
 
 E. P. Staples, 
 
 James Hopkins Smith, " " 
 
 J. E. Stevens, 
 
 Sewall C. Strout, 
 
 George C. Shaw Co., " " 
 
 Southworth Bros., 
 
 F. R. Sweetser, Cumberland Center, Me. 
 Dr. & Mrs. George B. Swasey, Portland, Me. 
 Hugh A. Sweeney, " " 
 George H. Smith, Waterboro, Me. 
 Thomas P. Smith, Westbrook, Me. 
 Ruel Small, Portland, Me. 
 Bellamy Storer, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 George R. Sheldon, New York, N. Y. 
 Abraham Seligsberg, 
 
 F. M. Smith, 
 
 82
 
 Levi Turner, 
 Frank P. Tibbetts, 
 Elias Thomas, 
 Jeremiah W. Tabor, 
 Edward F. Tompson, 
 Talbot, Brooks & Ayer, 
 O. S. Thomes, 
 Ernest True, 
 Jabez True, 
 Norman True, 
 Benjamin Thompson, 
 W. W. Thomas, 
 Charles H. Trefethen, 
 H. F. Taintor Mfg. Co., 
 C. A. Van Rensselaer, 
 Harry R. Virgin, 
 Fred Vilmar, 
 Robert T. Whitehouse, 
 George F. West, 
 George H. Weeks, 
 Richard Webb, 
 Horace F. Webb, 
 Robert L. Whitcomb, 
 Benjamin G. Ward, 
 Franklin A. Wilson, 
 J. L. Watson, 
 Scott Wilson, 
 Frederick Walker, 
 Stephen H. Weeks, 
 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 Cumberland Center, Me. 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 Stockholm, Sweden. 
 
 South Portland, Me. 
 
 New York, N. Y. 
 
 (( U 
 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 New York, N. Y. 
 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 U (( 
 
 South Portland, Me. 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 Bangor, Me. 
 Portland, Me. 
 
 
 
 u 
 
 u u
 
 Edward B. Winslow, Portland, Me. 
 
 C. B. Woodman Sons, Westbrook, Me. 
 John E. Warren, 
 
 J. H. Walker, Worcester, Mass. 
 
 George Peabody Wetmore, Newport, R. I. 
 
 F. S. Witherbee, New York, N. Y. 
 
 Wayne Knitting Mills, Fort Wayne, Ind, 
 
 Eugene H. Yorke, Portland, Me. 
 
 84
 
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