J THE SPEECH O F EDMUND BURKE, Efq; MARCH 22, 1775, S P E E C ON MOVING HIS RESOLUTIONS FOR CONCILIATION with the COLONIES, MARCH 22, 1775. THE SECOND EDITION. LONDON: Printed fcr J. D O D S L E Y, in PALt-MALt. MDCCLXXV. . ; O F EDMUND BURKE, ESQ. I HOPE, Sir, that, notwithftanding the aufte- rity of the Chair, your good-nature will in- cline you to Ibme degree of indulgence towards human frailty. You will not think it unnatural, that thofe who have an object depending, which ftrongly engages their hopes and fears, mould be fomewhat inclined to fuperftition. As I came into the houfe full of anxiety about the event of my motion, I found to my infinite furprize, that the grand penal Bill, by which we had pafled fen- tence on the trade and fuftenance of America, is B to 2223901 to be returned to us from the other Houfe*. I do confefs, I could not help looking on this event as a fortunate omen. I look upon it as a fort or providential favour; by which we are put once more in poflefTion of otlr deliberative capacity, upon a bufinefs fo very queftionable in its na- ture, fo very uncertain in its iflue. By the re- turn of this Bill, which feemed to have taken its flight for ever, we are at this very inftant nearly as free to chufe a plan for our American Govern- ment, as we were on the firft day of the SefTion. If, Sir, we incline to the fide of conciliation, we are not at all embarrafled (unlefs we pleafe to make ourfelves fo) by any incongruous mix- ture of coercion and reftraint. We are therefore called upon, as it were by a fuperior warning voice, again to attend to America ; to attend to rhe whole of it together ; and to review the fub- jet with an unufual degree of care and calmnefs. Surely it is an awful fubject ; or there is none fo on this lide of the grave. When 1 firft had fche honour of a feat in this Houie, the affairs of that Continent prefled themfelves upon us, as the moft important and moft delicate object of parliamentary attention. My little ihare in this * T/J Aft to rejlrain the Trade auJ Commerce f the Provinces of Mfiffachu/ct's Bay ami New Hampjhire, anil Colonies of Connecticut and Rhode IJland) and Providence Plantation, in North America, to Great Britain, Ireland, and the Eritijh Ijlands in the If eft In Jits ; and to pro- hibit fucb Provinces and Colonies from carrying on any Fiftiery on the Banks of Newfoundland, and other places therein mtntioned t under certain Conditions and Limitations, great i 3 1 great deliberation opprefled me. I fourid myfelf a partaker in a very high truft ; and having ho- fort of reafon to rely on the flrength of my na- tural abilities for the proper execution of that truft, I was obliged to take more than common, pains, to inftrudt myfelf in every thing which relates to our Colonies. I was not lefs under the neceflicy of forming fome fixed ideas, concerning the general policy of the Britifh Empire. Some- thing of this fort feemed to be indifpenfable; in order, amidft fb vaft a fluctuation ofpaffions and opinions, to concenter my thoughts ; to ballaft my conduct ; to preferve me from being blown about by every wind of fafhionable doctrine; 1 really did not think it fafe, or manly, to have frefh principles to feck upon every frem mail which mould arrive from America. At that period, I had the fortune to find my- felf in perfect concurrence with a large majority in this Houfe. Bowing under that high autho- rity, and penetrated with the fharpnefs and flrength of that early impreffion, I have conti- nued .ever firice, without the lead deviation, in my original fentiments. Whether this be owing to an obftinate perfeverance in error, or to a re- ligious adherence to what appears to me truth and reafon, it is in your equity to judge. Sir, Parliament having an enlarged view of ob- jects, made, during this interval, more frequent changes in their fentiments and their conduct, B a than [ 4 J than could be juftified in a particular perfon upon the contracted fcale of private informa- tion. But though I do not hazard any thing approaching to a cenfure on the motives of former parliaments to all thofe alterations, one fact is undoubted ; that under them the ilate of America has been kept in continual agitation. Every thing adminiftered as remedy to the public complaint, if it did not produce, was at leaft followed by, an heightening of the diftemper ; until, by a variety of experiments, that impor- tant Country has been brought into her prefent fituation ; a fituation, which I will not mifcall, which I dare not name ; which I fcarcely know how to comprehend in the terms of any de- fcription. In this pofture, Sir, things flood at the begin- ning of .the feflion. About that time, a worthy member * of great parliamentary experience, who, in the year 1766, filled the chair of the American committee with much ability, took me afide; and, lamenting the prefent afpe"ct of our politicks, told me, things were come to fuch a pals, that our former methods of proceeding in the houfe would be no longer tolerated. That the public tribunal (never too indulgent to a long and unfuccefsful oppoiition) would now fcrutinize our conduct with unufual feverity. That the very viciffitudes and fhiftings of minil- terial meafures, inftead of convicting their authors * Mr. Hole Fuller. Of [ 5 ] of inconftancy and want of fyftem, would be taken as an occafion of charging us with a pre- determined difqofltent, which nothing could fa- tisfy ; whilit we accufed every mcafure of vigour as cruel, and every propofal of lenity as weak and irrefolute. The publick, he faid; would not have patience to fee us play the game out with our adverfaries : we mult produce our hand. It would be expected, that thofe who for many years had been active in fuch affairs mould (hew, that they had formed fome clear and decided idea of the principles of Colony Government ; and were capable of drawing out fomething like a platform of the ground, which might be laid for future and permanent tranquillity. I felt the truth of what my Hon. Friend re- prefented; but I felt my fituation too. His ap- plication might have been made with far greater propriety to many other gentlemen. No man was indeed ever better difpoied, or worfe qualified, for fuch an undertaking than myielf. Though I gave fo far into his opinion, that I immediately threw my thoughts into a fort of parliamentary form, I was by no means equally ready to pro- duce them. It generally argues fome degree of natural impotence of mind, or fome want of knowledge of the world, to hazard Plans of Government, except from a feat of Authority. Proportions are made, not only ineffectually, but fomevvhat difreputably, when the minds of men are not properly difpoied for their reception ; and B 3 for [ 6 J for my part, I am not ambitious of ridicule; not abfolutely a candidate for difgrace. Betides, Sir, to fpeak the plain truth, I have in general no, very exalted opinion of the virtue of Paper Government ; nor of any Politicks, in which the plan is to be wholly fepa rated from the execution. But when I faw, that anger and violence prevailed every day more and more ; and that things were haftening towards an in- curable alienation of our Colonies; I confefs, my caution gave way. I felt this, as one of thofe few moments in which decorum yields to an higher duty. Public calamity is a mighty leveller; and there are occafions when any, even the flighteft, chance of doing good, muft be laid bold on, even by the moft inconfiderable perfon. ' ">.*- * To reftore order and repofe to an Empire fo great and fp diftra&ed as ours, is, merely in the attempt, an undertaking that would ennoble the flights of the higheft genius, and obtain pardon for the efforts pf the meaneft underftanding. Struggling a good while with thefe thoughts, by degrees I felt myfelf more firm. I derived, at length, fome confidence from what in other circumftances ufually produces timidity. I grew lefs- anxious, even from the idea of my own in^ fignificance. For, judging of what you are, by what you ought to be, 'I perfuaded myfelf, that you would not reject a reafonable proposition, becaufe it had nothing but its rea.fon to recommend it* [ 7 1 it. On the other hand, being totally deftitute of all fhadow of influence, natural or adventi- tious, I was very fure, that, if my propofition were futile or dangerous ; if it were weakly conceived, or improperly timed, there was no- thing exterior to it, of power to awe, dazzle, or delude you. You will fee it juft as it is; and you will treat it juft as it deferves. The propofition is Peace. Not Peace through the medium of War ; not Peace to be hunted through the labyrinth of intricate and endlefs negociations ; not Peace to arife out of uni- verfal difcord, fomented, from principle, in all parts of the Empire ; not Peace to depend on the Juridical Determination of perplexing que- tions; or the precife marking the lhadowy boun- daries of a complex Government. It is fimple Peace; fought in its natural courfe, and its ordi- nary haunts. It is Peace fought in the Spirit of Peace; and laid in principles purely pacific. I propofe, by removing the Ground of the dif- ference, and by reftoring the former unfufpefting confidence of the Colonies in the Mather Country, to give permanent fatisfaftion to your people; and (far from a fcheme of ruling by diicord) to re- concile them to each other in the fame aft, and by the bond of the very fame intereft, which reconciles them to Britifh Government. My idea is nothing more. Refined policy ever has been the parent of confuiion ; and B 4 ever [ 3 ] ever will be fo, as long as the world endures. Plain good intention, which is as eafily difco- vered at the firft view, as fraud is furely detected at laft, is, let me fay, of no mean force in the Government of Mankind. Genuine Simplicity of heart is an healing and cementing principle. My Plan, therefore, being formed upon the moft fimple grounds imaginable, may diiappoint fome people, when they hear it. It has nothing to recommend it to the pruriency of curious ears. There is nothing at all new and captivating in it. It has nothing of the Splendor of the Pro- jer, which has been lately laid upon your Table by the Noble Lord in the Blue Ribband*... It does not propole to fill your Lobby with fquab- bling Colony Agents, who will require the in- terpofition of your Mace, at every inftant, to keep the peace amongft them. It does not institute a * " That when the Governor, Council, or Afiembly, or General " Court, of any of his Majefty's Provinces or Colonies in America, " (hall proppfe to make provilion, according to the condition. circu>tt~ *' fiances, z.nc\Jttuation, of inch Province or Colony, for contributing " their proportion to the Common Defence (fuch proportion to be raifed ** under the Authority ot the General Court, or General Aflembly, " of fjch Province or Colony, and difpofable by Parliament) and *' fnall engage to make Provilion alfo for the fupport of the Civil *' Government, and the Adminiitration of Juftice, in fuch Province *' or Colony, it -will be proper, if fuch Propofal jliall be approved by ** b:s Majejty, and the Pxo Houjes of Parliament, and for lo long as '* fuch Proviiion fhail be made accordingly, to forbear, in rtfpctl rf *' fuch Province or Colony, to levy any Dury, Tax, or AlTeiTment, or *' to impofe any farther Duty, Tax, or Aflefihient, except fuch Du- " ties as it may be expedient to continue to levy or impofe, for the " Regulation of Commerce ; the Nett Produce of the Duties laft *' mentioned to. be carried to the account of fuch Province or Colony *' refpectively." Refolution moved by Lord North in the Commit- tee; and agreed to by the Houfe, 27 Feb. 1775. magnificent . /-; t 9 ] -; : magnificent Auction of Finance, where capti- vated provinces come to general ranforn by bidding againft each other, until you knock down the hammer, and determine a proportion of pay- ments, beyond all the powers of Algebra to equalize and fettle. The plan, which I fhall prefume to fugged, derives, however, one great advantage from the proportion and regiftry of that Noble Lord's Project. The idea of conciliation is admiflible. Firft, the Houfe, in accepting the refolution moved by the Noble Lord, has admitted, not- withftanding the menacing front of our Addrefs, notwithstanding our heavy Bill of Pains and Penalties that we do not think ourfelves pre- cluded from all ideas of free Grace and Bounty. The Houfe has gone farther ; it has declared conciliation admillible, previous to any fubmif- lion on the part of America. It has even (hot a good deal beyond that mark, and has admit- ted, that the complaints of our former mode of exerting the Right of Taxation were not wholly unfounded. That right thus exerted is allowed to have had fomething reprehenfible in it; ibme- thing unwife, or Ibmething grievous : fince, ia the midft of our heat and reientment, we, of ourfelves, have propofed a capital alteration ; and, in order to get rid of what feemed fo very ex- ceptionable, have inftituted a mode that is alto* gether new; one that is, indeed, wholly alien from [ 10 ] from all the ancient methods and forms of Par- liament. The principle of this proceeding is large enough for my purpofe. The means propofed by the Noble Lord for carrying his ideas into execution, I think indeed, are very indifferently fuited to the end ; and this I fhall endeavour to (hew vou before I fit down. But, for the prefent, I take my ground on the admitted principle. I mean to give peace. Peace implies reconciliation ; and where there has been a material difpute, re- conciliation does in a manner always imply con- ceffion on the one part or on the other. In this ftate of things I make no difficulty in affirming, that the propofal ought to originate from us. Great and acknowledged force is not impaired, either in effecT: or in opinion, by an unwillingnefs to exert itfelf. The fuperior power may offer peace with honour and with fafety. Such an offer from fuch a power will be attributed to magnanimity. But the conceffions of the weak are the concefiions of fear. When fuch a one is difarmed, he is wholly at the mercy of his fuperior; and he lofes for ever that time and thole chances, which, as they happen to all men, are the ftrength and refources of all inferior power. The capital leading queftions on which you mull this day decide, are thefe two. Firft, whe- ther you ought to concede ; and fecondly, what your conceftion ought to be. On th firft of thefe [ II ] thcfe queftions we have gained (as I have juft taken the liberty of obierving to you) fome ground. But I am fenlible that a good deal more is flill to be done. Indeed, Sir, to enable us to determine both on the one and the other of thefe great queftions with a firm and precife judge- ment, I think it may be neceiiary to confider diftinc~Uy the true nature and the peculiar cir- cumftances of the object which we have before us. Becaufe after all our flruggle, whether we will or not, we mud govern America, accord- ing to that nature, and to thofe circumftances ; and not according to our own imaginations; not according to abstract ideas of right ; by no means according to mere general theories of go- vernment, the refort to which appears to me, in our prefent fituation, no better than arrant trifling. I mall therefore endeavour, with your leave, to lay before you fome of the moft mate- rial of thefe circumftances in as full and as clear a manner as I am able to ftate them. The firft thing that we have to confider with regard to the nature of the object is the number of people in the Colonies. I have taken for fome years a good deal of pains on that point. I can by no calculation juftify myfelf in placing the number below Two Millions of inhabitants of our own European blood and colour ; befides at leaft 500,000 others, who form no incondderable part of the ftrength and opulence of the whole. This, Sir, is, I believe, about the true number* There lz . There is no occafion to exaggerate, where plain truth is ot fo much weight and importance. But whether I put the prefent numbers too high or too low, is a matter of little moment. Such is the flrength with which population moots in that part of the world, that ftate the numbers as high as we will, whilft the difpute continues, the exaggeration ends. Whilft we are difcuffing any given magnitude, they are grown to it. \Vhiltl we fpend our time in deliberating on the mode of governing Two Millions, we (hall find we have Millions more to manage. Your children do not grow fader from infancy to manhood, than they fpread from families to communities, and from villages to nations. I put this confideration of the prefent and the growing numbers in the front of our deliberation ; becauie, Sir, this confideration will make it evi- dent to a blunter diicernment than yours, that no partial, narrow, contracted, pinched, occafional iyftem will be at all iuitable to fuch an object. It will mew you, that it is not to be confidered as one of thole Minima which are put of the eye and confideration of the law ; not a paltry ex- crefcence of the ftate ; not a mean dependant, who may be neglected with little damage, and provoked with little danger. It will prove, that ibme degree of care and caution is required in the handling fuch an object ; it will (hew, that you ought not, in reafon, to trifle with ib large a rnais of the inteicfts and. feelings of the human race. [ '3 race. You could at no time do fb without guilt ^ and be allured you will not be able to do it long with impunity. But the population of this country, the great and growing population, though a very important coniideration, will lofe much of its weight, if not combined with other circumftances. The commerce of your Colonies is out of all propor- tion beyond the numbers of the people. This ground of their commerce indeed has been trod fome days ago, and with great ability, by a dif- tinguimed * perfon, at your bar. This gentle- man, after Thirty-five years it is fo long fince he firft appeared at the fame place to plead for the commerce of Great Britain has come again before you to plead the fame caufe, without any other effect of time, than, that to the fire of ima- gination and extent of erudition, which even then marked him as one of the firft literary cha- racters of his age, he has added a confummate knowledge in the commercial intereft of his country, formed by a long courfe of enlightened and difcriminating experience. Sir, I fhould be inexcufable in coming after fuch a perfon with any detail ; if a great part of the members who now fill the Houle had not the misfortune to be abfent, when he appeared at your bar. Befides, Sir, I propofe to take the matter at periods of time fomewhat different * Mr. Glover: 5 from [ H ] from his. There is, if I miftake not, a point of view, from whence if you will look at this fubjeft, it is impoflible that it fhould not make an impreffion upon you. I have in my hand two accounts ; one a com-- parative flate of the export trade of England to its Colonies, as it flood in the year 1 704, and as it flood in the year 1772. The other a ftate of the export trade of this country to its Colo- nies alone, as it flood in 1772, compared with the whole trade of England to all parts of the world (the Colonies included) in the year 1704, They are from good vouchers ; the latter period from the accounts on your table, the earlier from an original manufcript of Davenant, who firfl eftablimed the Infpedtor General's office, which has been ever fince his time fo abundant a fource of parliamentary information. The export trade to the Colonies confifls of three great branches. The African, which, ter- minating almofl wholly in the Colonies, muft be put to the account of their commerce; the Well Indian; and the North American. All thefe are fo interwoven, that the attempt to fe- parate them, would tear to pieces the contex- ture of the whole; and if not entirely deflroy, would very much depreciate the value of all the parts. I therefore coniider thefe three denomi- Dations to be, what in efFedk they are r one trade.- [ '5 ] The trade to the Colonies, taken on the export fide, at the beginning of this century, that is, in the year 1704, flood thus : Exports to North America, and the Weil Indies, ------ .483,265 To Africa, 86,665 5 6 9>93 In the year 1/72, which I take as a middle year between the higheft and loweft of thofe lately laid on your table, the account was as follows : To North America, and the Weft Indies, - .... ,4>79 I 734- To Africa, 866,398 To which if you add the export] trade from Scotland, which had f 364,000 in 1 704 no exiftence, - 6,024,171 From Five Hundred and odd Thoufand, it has grown to Six Millions. It has increafed no lefs than twelve-fold. This is the ftate of the Colony trade, as compared with itfelf at thefe two .',;<- ; [ '6 ] . ; two periods, within this century ; and this is matter for meditation. But this is not all. Examine my fecond account. See how the ex- port trade to the Colonies alone in 1772 flood in the other point of view, that is, as compared to the whole trade of England in 1704. * The whole export trade of England, 1 including that to the Colonies, f 6,509,000 in 1704, ------ J Export to the Colonies alone, in 1772, -...-. 6,024,000 - Difference, 485,000 The trade with America alone is now within lefs than 500,000 /. of being equal to what this great commercial nation, England, carried on at the beginning of this century with the whole world ! If 1 had taken the largeft year of thofe on your table, it would rather have exceeded. But, it will he faid, is not this American trade an unnatural protuberance, that has drawn the juices from the reft of the body ? The reverfe. It is the very food that has nourimed every other part into its prefent magnitude. Our general trade has been greatly augmented ; and augmented more or lefs in almoft every part to which it ever ex- tended ; but with this material difference ; that of the Six Millions which in the beginning of the century conftituted the whole mafs of our export commerce, the Colony trade was but one twelfth <7 . fwelftli part ; it is now (as a part of Sixteen Mil- lions) confiderably more than a third of the whole. This is the relative proportion of the importance of the Colonies at thefe two periods : and all reafdning concerning our mode of treat- ing them mufr. have this proportion as its bafts ; or it is a reafoning weak, rotten, and fophiftical. Mr. Speaker, I cannot prevail on myfelf to hurry over this great confederation. It is good for us to be here. We (land where we have an immenfe view of what is, and what is pafti Clouds indeed, and darkneis, reft upon the future. Let us however, before we defcend from this no- ble eminence, reflect that this growth of out- na- tional profperity has happened within the fliort jperiod of the life of man. It has happened within Sixty-eight years. There are thole alive whofe memory might touch the two extremities. For inftance, my Lord Bathurft might remember all the llages of the progrefs. He was in 1704 of an age, at leaft to be made to comprehend fuch things. He was then old enough aSfa parentum jam legere, et qua fit potent cognofcere virtus Suppofe* Sir, that the angel of this aufpicious youth, forefeeing the many virtues, which made him one of the nioft amiable, as he is one of the moft fortunate men of his age, had opened to him in vifion, that, when, in the fourth gene- ration, the third Prince of the Houfe of Brunf- wick had fat Twelve years on the throne of that nation^ which (by the happy iffue o C moderate [ ,8 ] derate and healing councils) was to be made Great Britain, he (hould fee his fbn, Lord Chan- cellor of England, turn back the current of here- ditary dignity to its fountain, and raife him to an higher rank of Peerage, .whilft he enriched the family with a new one If amidft thefe bright and happy fcenes of domeftic honour and pro- fperity, that angel mould have drawn up the cur- tain, and unfolded the riling glories of his coun- try, and whilft he was gazing with admiration on the then commercial grandeur of England, The Genius mould point out to him a little fpeck, fcarce vifible in the rriafs of the national intereft, a fmall "feminal principle, rather than a formed body, and {hould tell him " Young man, " There is America which at this day ferves " for little more than to amufe you with ftories " of favage men, and uncouth manners; yet " mall, before you tafte of death, fhew itlelf * c equal to the whole of that commerce which *.' now attracts the envy of the world. What- " ever England has been growing to by a pro- " greffive increafe of improvement, brought in " by varieties of people, by fucccflion of civiliz- " ing conquefts and civilizing fettlements in a " feries of Seventeen Hundred years, you fhall < fee as much added to her by America in the " courfe of a fingle life !" If this Hate of his country had been foretold to him, would it not require all the {anguine credulity of youth, and all the fervid glow of enthufiafm, to make him believe it? Fortunate .man, he has lived to fee 2 it! i '9 1 it! Fortunate indeed, if he lives to fee nothing that lhall vary the profpect, and cloud the letting of his day ! Excufe me, Sir, if turning from luch thoughts I relume this comparative view once more. You have feen it on a large fcale ; look at it on a Imall one. I will point out to your atten- tion a particular inftance of it in the lingle pro- vince of Penfylvania. In the year 1704 that pro- vince called for 11,4597. in value of your com- modities, native and foreign. This was the whole. What did it demand in 1/72? Why nearly Fifty times as much; for in that year the export to Penfylvania was 507,9097. nearly equal to the export to all the Colonies together in the firft period. I choofe, Sir, to enter into thefe .minute and particular details ; becaufe generalities, which in all other cafes are apt to heighten and raife the fubject, have here a tendency to fink it. When we fpeak of the commerce with our Colonies, fiction lags after truth ; invention is unfruitful^ and imagination cold and barren. So far, Sir, as to the importance of the object in the view of its commerce, as concerned in the exports from England. If I were to detail the im- ports, I could (hew how many enjoyments they procure, which deceive the burthen of life; how many materials which invigorate the fprings of G 2 national C * ] national induftry, and extend and animate every part of our foreign and domeftic commerce. This would be a curious fubjeft indeed but I muft pre- fcribe bounds to mylelf in a matter fb vaft and various. I pafs therefore to the Colonies in another point of view, their agriculture. This they have profecuted with fuch a fpirit, that, betides feed- ing plentifully their own growing multitude, their annual export of grain, comprehending rice, has fome years ago exceeded a Million in value. Of their laft harveft, I am perfuaded, they will export much more. At the begin- ning of the century, fome of thefe Colonies imported corn from the mother country. For fome time pad, the old world has been fed from the new. The fcarcity which you have felt would have been a defolating famine ; if this child of your old age, with a true filial piety, with a Roman charity, had not put the full bread of its youthful exuberance to the mouth of its exhaufted parent. As to the wealth which the Colonies have drawn from the fea by their filheries, you had all that matter fully opened at your bar. You furely thought thofe acquifitions of value; for they feemed even to excite your envy ; and yet the fpirit, by which that enterprizing employment has been exercifed, Ought rather, in my opinion, to hav^ railed your efteem and admiration. And pray, pray, Sir, what in the world is equal to it ? Pals by the other parts, and look at the manner in which the people of New England have of late carried on the Whale Fifhery. Whilft we follow them among the tumbling mountains of ice, and behold them penetrating into the deepeft frozen recefles of Hudfon's Bay, and Davis* s Streights, whilft we are looking for them be- neath the Arctic circle, we hear that they have pierced into the oppofite region of polar cold, that they are at the Antipodes, and engaged under the frozen ferpent of the fouth. Falkland Ifland, which feemed too remote and romantic an object for the grafp of national ambition, is but a ftage and refting-place in the progrefs of their victorious induftry. Nor is the equinoctial heat more difcouraging to them, than the ac- cumulated winter of both the poles. We know that whilft fome of them draw the line and ftrik-e the harpoon on the coaft of Africa, others run the longitude, and purfue their gigantic game along the coaft of Brazil. No lea but what is vexed by the'ir fimenes. No climate that is not wi.tneis to their toils. Nei- ther the perfeverance of Holland, nor the ac- tivity of France, nor the dextrous and firm fa- gacity of Englilh enterprize, ever carried this mod perilous mode of hardy induftry to the extent to which it has been pufhed by this recent people; a people who are'ftill, as it were, but in the grittle, and not yet hardened into the bpne of manhood. When I contemplate thefe things ; (things ; when I know that the Colonies in ge r neral owe little or nothing to any care of ours, and that they are not fqueezed into this happy form by the conftraints of watchful and fufpicious government, hut that through a wife and falu- tary neglect, a generous nature has been furTered to take her own way to perfection : when I reflect upon thefe effects, when I fee how pro- fitable they have been to us, I feel all the pride of power fink, and all prefumption in the vvif- dom of human contrivances melt, and die away within me. My rigour relents. I pardon fome- tjiing to the {pirit of Liberty. I am fenfible, Sir, that all which I have af* ferted in my detail, is admitted in the grofs ; but that quite a different concluiion is drawn from it t America, Gentlemen fay, is a noble objecl:. It is an objecl: well worth fighting for. Certainly it is, it righting a people be the beft way of gaining them. Gentlemen in this reipedt will be led to their choice of means by their com- plexions and their habits. Thofe who under- ftand the military art, will of courfe have fome predilection for it. Thofe who wield the thunder of the ftate, may have more confidence in the efficacy of arms. But I confeis, poffibly for want of this knowledge, my opinion is much more in favour of prudent management, than of force; confulering force not as an odious, but a. feeble inftrument, for preferving a people fo numerous, fo active^ To growing, To fpirited as this. [ *3 J this, in a profitable and fubordinate connexion with us. Firft, Sir, permit me to obferve, that the ufe of force alone is but temporary. It may fubdue for a moment; but it does not remove the ne- ceflity of fubduing again: and a nation is not governed, which is perpetually to be conquered. My next objection is its uncertainty. Terror is not always the effect of force , and a*n arma- ment is not a victory. If you do not fucceed, you are without refource ; for, conciliation fail- ing, force remains ; but, force failing, no further hope of reconciliation is left. Power and autho- rity are fometimes bought by kindnefs ; but they can never be begged as alms, by an impo- verimed and defeated violence. A further objection to force is, that you Im- pair the objett by your very endeavours to pre- ferve it. The thing you fought for, is not the thing which you recover; but depreciated, funk, wafted, and ccnfumed in the conteft. Nothing lefs will content me, than 'whole America. I do not choofe'to confume its ftrength along with our own ; becaufe in all parts it is the Britifti flrength that I confume, I do not choofe to be caught by a foreign enemy at the end of this exhaufting conflict ; and ftill lefs in the midft of it. I may efcape ; but I can make no infurance againft fuch an event. Let me add, that I do C 4 ot [ 4 3 not choofe wholly to break the American becaufe it is the ipirit that has made the country. Laftly, we have no fort of experience in far vour of force as an inftrument in the rule of our Colonies. Their growth and their utility has been owing to methods altogether different. Our ancient indulgence has been faid to be purlued to a fault. It may be fo. But we know, if feeling; is evidence, that our fault was more tolerabl* than our attempt to mend it ; and our fin far more falutary than our penitence. Thefe, Sir ? are my reafons for not entertaining that high opinion of untried force, by which rnany Gentlemen, for whofe fentiments in other particulars I have great refpe6t, feem to be fo greatly captivated. But there is ftill behind a third confideration concerning thjs object, which ferves to determine my opinion on the lort of policy which ought to be purfued in the manage- ment of America, even more than its Population and its Commerce, I mean its Temper and Cha- ratler. In this Character of the Americans, a love of Freedom is the predominating feature, which marks and diftinguifhes the whole : and as an ardent is always a jealous affection, your Colo- nies become fufpicious, reftive, and untradtable^ whenever they fee the lead attempt to wreit from them by force., or muffle from them by chicane, f 25 1 chicane, what thev think the only advantage -worth living for. This fierce fpirit of Liberty js flronger in the Englifh Colonies probably than jn any other people of the earth ; and this from a great variety of powerful caufes ; which, to tmderftand the true temper of their minds, and the direction which this fpirit takes, it will not be arnifs to lay open fomewhat more largely. Firft, the people of the Colonies are defcen- dents of Englifh men. England, Sir, is a na- tion, which {till I hope refpects, and formerly adored, her freedom. The Colonies emigrated from you, when this part of your character was moft predominant; and they took this biafs and direction the moment they parted from your hands. They are therefore not only devoted to liberty, but to Liberty according to Englifh. ideas, and on Englifh principles. Abftract Li- berty, like other mere abstractions, is not to be found. Liberty inheres in fome fen fib k object; and every nation has formed to itfelf iome favou- rite point, which by way of eminence becomes the criterion of their happinefs. It happened, you know, Sir, that the great contefts for free- dom in this country were trom the earlieft times chiefly upon the queition of Taxing. Molt of the contefts in the ancient commonwealths turned primarily on the right of elect ion of magiftrates ; or on the balance among the feveral orders of the fiate. The queflion of money was not with them i~9 immediate. But in England it was other- wife. wife. On this point of Taxes the ableft pens, and moft eloquent tongues have been exer- cifed ; the greateft fpirits have acled and fufFered. In order to give the fulleft fatisfadion concern- ing the importance of this point, it was not only neceffary for thole who in argument defended the excellence of the Englifh conftitution, to infift on this privilege of granting money as a dry point of fact, and to prove, that the right had been acknowledged in ancient parchments, and blind ufages, to refide in a certain body called an Houfe of Commons. They went much fur- ther; they attempted to prove, and they fuc- ceeded, that in theory it ought to be fo, from the particular nature of a Houfe of Commons, as an immediate reprefentative of the people ; whether the old records had delivered this oracle or not. They took infinite pains to inculcate, as a fundamental principle, that, in all monar- chies, the people muft in effect themfelves mediately or immediately poflefs the power of granting their own money, or no ihadow of liberty could fubiift. The Colonies draw from you as with their life-blood, thefe ideas and principies. Their love of liberty, as with you, fixed and attached on this fpecific point of taxing. Liberty might be fafe, or might be endangered in twenty other particulars, with- out their being much pleafed or alarmed. Here they felt its pulfe; and as they found that beat, they thought themfelves lick or found. I do not fay whether they were right or wrong in applying your general arguments to their own cafe. It is not eafy indeed to make a monopoly of theo- rems and corollaries. The fat is, that they did thus apply thofe general arguments ; and your mode of governing them, whether through lenity or indolence, through wifdom or miftake, confirmed them in the imagination, that they, as well as you, had an intereft in thefe common principles. They were further confirmed in this pleating error by the form of their provincial legislative aflemblies. Their governments are popular in an high degree ; fome are merely popular ; hi all, the popular reprefentative is the moft weighty; and this (hare of the people in their ordinary government never fails to infpire them with lofty ientiments, and with a ftrong averiion from whatever tends to deprive them of their chief importance. If any thing were wanting to this necefTary* operation of the form of government, Religion would have given it a complete effect. Religion, always a principle of energy, in this new people, is no way worn out or impaired ; and their mode of profeffing it is allo one main caufe of this free fpirit. The people are proteftants; and of that kind, which is the moft adverfe to all implicit iubmiffion of mind and opinion. This is a per- luafion not only favourable to liberty, but built upon it. I do not think, Sir, that the reafon of this t rt } this averfenefs in the diflenting churches from all that looks like abiblute Government is fo much to be fought in. their religious tenets, as in their hidory* Every one knows, that the Roman Ca- tholick religion is at lead coeval with mod of the governments where it prevails ; that it has generally gone hand n hand with them ; and received great favour and every kind of fupport from authority. The Church of England too was formed from her cradle under the nurfing care of regular government. But the diflenting intereds have iprung up in direct oppofition to all the ordinary powers of the world ; and could judify that oppofition only on a ftrong claim to natural liberty. Their very exidence depended on the powerful and unremitted affer- tion of that claim. All prpteftantifm, even the .mod cold, and paflive, is a lort of difient. But the religion mod prevalent in our Northern Co- lonies is a refinement on the principle of reiift- ance; it is the diffidence of diflentj and the proteitantifm of the proteftant religion. This religion, under a variety of denominations, agree- ing in nothing but in the communion of the ipiiit of liberty, is predominant in mod of the Northern provinces ; where the Church of Eng- land, noUvithftanding its legal rights, is in reality no more than a fort of private feel, not com- poting mod probably the tenth of the people. The Colonids left England when this fpirit was high; and in the emigrants was the highed of all : aud even that dream of foreigners, which has has been conftantly flowing into thefe Colonies,, has, for the greateft part, been compofed of dif- fenters from the eftablimments of their ieveral. countries, and have brought with them a temper and character far from alien to that of the people with whom they mixed. Sir, I can perceive by their manner, that fome Gentlemen object to the latitude of this defcrip- tion ; becaufe in the Southern Colonies the Church of England forms a large body, and has a regular eftablimment. It is certainly true. There is however a circumftance attending thefe Colonies, which in my opinion, fully counter- balances this difference, and makes the fpirit of liberty (till more high and haughty than in thole to the Northward. It is that in Virginia and the Carolina?, they have a vaft multitude of flaves. Where this is the cafe in any part of the world, thofe who are free, are by far the moft proud and jealous of their freedom. Free- dom is to them not only an enjoyment, but a kind of rank and privilege. Not feeing there, that freedom, as in countries where it is a com- mon blefling, and as broad and general as the air, may be united with much abjecl toil, with great mifery, with all the exterior of fervitude, Liberty looks amongft them, like fomething that is more noble and liberal. I do not mean, Sir, to commend the fuperior morality of this fentiment, which has at lead as much pride as virtue in it ; but I cannot alter the nature i of [ 3 ] of man. The fad is fo; and thefe people of the Southern Colonies are much more ftrongly, and with an higher and more flubborn fpirit, attached to liberty than thofe to the Northward. Such were aH the ancient common wealths ; fuch were our Gothick anceftors ; fuch in our days were the Poles ; and fuch will be all mailers of flaves, who are not flaves themfelves. In fuch a people the haughtinefs of domination combines with the fpirit of freedom, fortifies it, and renders it invincible. Permit me, Sir, to add another circumftance in our Colonies, which contributes no mean part towards the growth and effeft of this un- tradlable fpirit. I mean their education. In no country perhaps in the world is the law fo gene- ral a ftudy. The profeffion itfelf is numerous and powerful ; and in moft provinces it takes the lead. The greater number of the Deputies fent to the Gongrefs were Lawyers. But all who read, and moft do read, endeavour to obtain fome fmattering in that fcience. I have been told by an eminent Bookfelier, that in no branch of his bufinefs, after trafts of popular devotion, were fo many books as thofe on the Law exported to the Plantations. The Colonifts have now fallen into the way of printing them for their own ufe. I hear that they have fold nearly as many of Blackftone's Commentaries in America as in England. General Gage marks out this difpoikion very particularly in a letter on your table. [ 3' ] table. He ftates, that all the people in his go- vernment are lawyers, or fmatterers in law; and that in Bofion they have been enabled, by fuc- cefsful chicane, wholly to evade many parts of one of your capital penal conftitutions. The fmartnefs of debate will fay, that this know- ledge ought to teach them more clearly the rights of legiflature, their obligations to obedi- ence, and the penalties of rebellion. All this is mighty well. But my * honourable and learned friend on the floor, who condefcends to mark what I fay for animadverfioii, will difdain that ground. He has heard as well as 1, that when great honours and great emoluments do'not win over this knowledge to the fervice of the ftate, it is a formidable adverfary to government. If the fpirit be not tamed and broken by thefe happy methods, it is ftubborn and litigious. Abeunt ftiidia In mores. This ftudy renders men acute, inquifitive, dextrous, prompt in attack, ready in defence, full of relources. In other countries, the people, more fimple and of a lefs mercurial caft, judge of an ill principle in govern- ment only by an adual grievance ; here they an- ticipate the evil, and judge of the prefiure of the grievance by the badne(s of the principle. They augur mifgovernment at a diftance; and fnufFthe approach of tyranny in every tainted breeze. The laft caufe of this difobedient fpirit in the Colonies is hardly lefs powerful than the reft, as * The Attorney General, it [.3* ] it is not merely moral, but laid deep in the na tural .conftitution of things; Three thoufand miles of ocean lie between you and them. No contrivance can prevent the effecT: of this dif- tance, in weakening Government. Seas roll, and months pafs, between the order and the exe- cution ; and the want of a fpeedy explanation of a fingle point is enough to defeat an whole fyl- tem. You have, indeed, winged rriinifters of vengeance, who carry your bolts in their pounces to the remoteft verge of the fea. But there 21 power fteps in, that limits the arrogance of rage- ing paffions and furious elements, and lays, " Sd far fhalt thou go, and no farther." Who are you, that (hould fret and rage, and bite the chains of Nature ?-^-Nothing worfe happens td you, than does to all Nations, who have ex- tenlive Empire ; and it happens in all the forms into which Empire can be thrown. In large bodies, the circulation of power mull: be lefs vigo- rous at the extremities. Nature has laid it* The Turk cannot govern ^tEgypt, and Arabia, and Curdiftan, as he governs Thrace ; nor has he the fame dominion in Crimea and Algiers, which he has at Brufa and Smyrna. Defpotifm itfelf is obliged to truck and huckfler. The Sul- tan gets fuch obedience as 'he can. He governs with a loofe rein, that he may govern at all ; and the whole of the force and vigour of his au- thority in his centre, is derived from a prudent relaxation in all his borders. Spain, in her pro- vinces, is, perhaps, not fo well obeyed, as you are [ 33 ] are in yours. She complies too; fhc fubmitsj fhe watches times. This is the immutable con- dition ; the eternal Law, of extenfive and de- tached Empire. Then, Sir, from thefe fix capital fources ; of Defcent; of Form of Government; of Religion in the Northern Provinces ; of Manners in the Southern ; of Education ; of the Remotenefs of Situation from the Firft Mover of Government* from all thefe caufes a fierce Spirit of Liberty has grown up. It has grown with the growth of the people in your Colonies, and encreafed with the encreafe of their wealth ; a Spirit, that tmhappily meeting with an exercife of Power in England, which, however lawful, is not recon- cileable to any ideas of Liberty, much lefs with theirs, has kindled this flame, that is ready to confume us* I do not mean to commend either the Spirit in this excefs, or the moral caufes which pro- duce it. Perhaps a more fmooth and acco nmc- dating Spirit of Freedom in them would be more acceptable to us. Perhaps ideas of Liberty might be delired, more reconcileable with an arbitrary and boundlefs authority. Perhaps we. might wiih the Colonifts to be perfuaded, that their Liberty is more fecure when held in trujft for them by U3 (as their guardians during a perpetual minority) than with any part of it in their own hands. But the queftion is, not whether their fpiric deferves D praife [ 34 ] praife or blame ; what, in the name of God, fhall we do with it? You have before you the object ; fuch as it is, with all its glories, with all its imperfections on its head. You fee the mag- nitude; the importance; the temper; the habits; the diforders. By all thefe confederations, we are ftrongly urged to determine fomething concerning it. We are called upon to fix fome rule and line for our future conduct, which may give a little (lability to our politics, and prevent the return of fuch unhappy deliberations as the pre- fent. Every fuch return will bring the matter before us in a ftill more un tractable form. For, what aftoniming and incredible things have we not feen already? What monfters have not been generated from this unnatural contention ? Whilfl every principle of authority and refiftance has been puttied, upon both fides, as far as it would go, there is nothing fo folid and certain, either in reafoning or in practice, that has been not fhaken. Until very lately, all authority in Ame- rica feemed to be nothing but an emanation o from yours. Even the popular part of the Co- lony Conftitution derived all its activity, and its firft vital movement, from the pleafure of the Crown. We thought, Sir, that the utmoft which the difcontented Colonifts could do, was to difturb authority; we never dreamt they could of them- felves fupply it ; knowing in general what an operofe bunnefs it is, to eftabliih a Goverment absolutely new. But having, for our purpofes in this contention, refolved, that none but an 5 obedient [ 35 ] obedient Affembly (hould fir, the humours of the people there, finding all paflage through the legal channel flopped, with great violence broke out another way. Some provinces have tried their experiment, as we have tried ours ; and theirs has fucceeded. They have formed a Go- vernment fufficient for its purpoies, without the buftle of a Revolution, or the troublefome for- mality of an Election. Evident neceffity, and tacit confent, have done the bufinefs in an inftant. So well they have done it, that Lord Dunmore (the account is among the fragments on your table) tells you, that the new inftitution is in- finitely better obeyed than the antient Govern- ment ever was in its moft fortunate periods. Obe- dience is what makes Government, and not the names by which it is called ; not the name of Governor, as formerly, or Committee, as at pie- fent. This new Government has originated di- rectly from the people ; and was not tranfmitted through any of the ordinary artificial media of a pofitive conftitution. It was not a manufacture ready formed, and tranfmitted to them in that condition from England. The evil arifing from hence is this ; that the Colon ids having once found the poffibility of enjoying the advantages of order, in the. midtt of a ftruggle for Liberty, Inch ftruggles will not henceforward feem fo ter- rible to the fettled and fober part of mankind, as they had appeared before the trial. D 2 Purfuing 1 36 ] Purfuing the fame plan of punifhing by the de> nial of the exerciic of Government to ftill greater lengths, \ve wholly abrogated the antient Govern- ment of Maflachufet. We were confident, that the firft feeling j if not the very profpect of anarchy, would inftantly enforce a compleat fub- miffiort. The experiment was tried. A new, Grange, unexpected face of things appeared. Anarchy is found tolerable. A vaft province has now fubfifted, and fubfifted in a confiderable de- gree of health and vigour, for near a twelve* month, without Governor, without public Coun- cil, without Judges, without executive Magi- ftrates. How long it will continue in this ftate, or what may arife out of this unheard-of fitua- tion, how can the wifeft of us conjecture ? Our late experience has taught us, that many of thofe fundamental principles, formerly believed infal- lible, are either not of the importance they were imagined to be ; or that we have not at all ad- verted to fome other far more important, and far more powerful principles, which entirely over-rule thofe we had confidered as omnipotent. I am much againft any further experiments, which tend to put to the proof any more of thefe allowed opinions, which contribute fo much to the public tranquillity. In effect, we fufFer as much at home, by this loofening of all ties, and this eoncuffion of all eftabliihed opinions, as we da abroad. For, in order to prove, that the Ame- ricans have no right to their Liberties, we are every day endeavouring to fubvert the maxims, which [ 37 1 which preferve the whole Spirit of our own. To prove that the Americans ought not to be free, we are obliged to depreciate the value of Free- dom itfelf ; and we never feem to gain a paltry advantage over them in debate, without attacking Lome of thofe principles, or deriding fprne of thole feelings, for which our anceftors have flied their blood. But, Sir, in wifhing to put .an end to per- nicious experiments, I do not mean to preclude the fulled enquiry. Far from it. Far from de*- ciding on a fudden or partial view, I would par tiently go round and round the fubjecl, and fur- vey it minutely in every po/Iible aipecl:. Sir, if I were capable of engaging you to an equal at- tention, I would (late, that, as far as 1 am capable of difcerning, there are but three ways of pro- ceeding relative to this ftubbo.ru Spirit, which prevails in your Colonies, and difturbs your Go- vernment. Thefe are To change that Spirit, as inconvenient, by removing the Caufes. To pro- fecute it as eriminajL Or, to .comply with it as neceffary. I would not be guilty of an imperfect enumeration ; I can think of but thefe three. Another has indeed been ftarted, that of giving up the Colonies ; but it met fb flight a reception, that I do not think royfelf obliged to dwell a gceat while upon it. It is nothing but a little ially of anger ; like the frowardnefs of peevifli children ; who, when they cannot get all they $vould have., are refblved to take nothing. P 3 [ 38 ] The firft of thefe plans, to change the Spirit as inconvenient, by removing the cauies, I think is the moft like a fyftematick proceeding. It is radical in its principle ; but it is attended with great difficulties, fome of them little fhort, as I conceive, of impoffibilities. This will appear by examining into the Plans which have been propofed. As the growing population in the Colonies is evidently one caufe of their refinance, it was laft feffion mentioned in both Houfes, by men .of weight, and received not without applaufe, that, in order to check this evil, it would be proper for the crown to make no further grants of land. But to this fcheme, there are two objections, The firft, that there is already fo much unfettled land in private hands, as to afford room for an immenfe future population, although the crown not only withheld its grants, but annihilated its foil. If this be the cafe, then the only effecT: of this avarice of defolation, this hoarding of a royal wildernefs, would be to rajfe the value of the pofleffions in the harids of the great private monopolies, without any adequate check to the growing and alarming mifchief of popu* lation. But, if you flopped your grants, what would be the eonfequence ? The people would occupy without grants. They have already fo occupie4 [ 39 1 in many places. You cannot ftation garrifons in every part of thefe deferts. If you drive the people from one place, they will carry on their; annual Tillage, and remove with their flocks and herds to another. Many of the people in the back fettlements are already little attached to particular fituations. Already they have topped the Apalachian mountains. From thence they behold before them an immenfe plain, one vaft, rich, level meadow ; a fquare of five hundred miles. Over this they would wander, without a poffibility of reftraint ; they would change their manners with the habits of their life ; would foon forget a government, by which they were dif- owned ; would become Hordes of Englifh Tar- tars ; and, pouring down upon your unfortified frontiers a fierce and irrefiftible cavalry, become matters of your Governors and your Counfellors, your collectors and comptrollers, and of all the Slaves that adhered to them. Such would, and, in no long time, muft be, the erTecl: of attempt- ing to forbid as a crime, and to fupprefs as an evil, the Command and Bleffing of Providence, 4 * Encreafe and Multiply." Such would be the happy refult of an endeavour to keep as a lair of wild beads, that earth, which God, by an, exprefs Charter, has given to the children of men. Far different, and furely much wifer, has been our policy hitherto. Hitherto we have in- vited our people by every kind of bounty, to fixed eftablimments. We have invited the huf- baudman, to look to authority for his title. We D 4 have t 4 ] have taught him pioufly to believe in the myfte- rious virtue of wax and parchment. We have thrown each trad: of land, as it was peopled, into diftri&s ; that the ruling power fhould never be wholly out of light. We have fettled all we could ; and we have carefully attended every fettlement with government. Adhering, Sir, as I do, to this policy, as well as for the reafons I have juft given, I think this new project of hedging-in population to be nei- ther prudent nor practicable. To impoverifh the Colonies in general, and in particular to arreft the noble courfe of their ma- rine enterprizes, would be a more eafy tafk. I freely confefs it. We have mewn a difpofition to a fyftem of this kind; a difpofition even to continue the reftraint after the offence ; looking on ourfelves as rivals to our Colonies, and per- fuaded that of courle we muft gain all that they fhall lofe. Much mifchief we may certainly do. The power inadequate to all other things is often more than fufficient for this. I do not look on the direct and immediate power of the Co- lonies to refill: our violence, as very formidable. In this, however, I may be miftaken. But when I confider, that we have Colonies for no purpofe but to be ferviceable to us, it feems to my poor understanding a little prepofterous, to make them unferviceable, in order to keep them obedient. It is, in truth, nothing more than the old, [ 41 ] old, and, as I thought, exploded problem of ty- ranny, which propofes to beggar its fubjects into fiibmiffion. But, remember, when you have compleated your fyftem of impoverishment, that Nature flill proceeds in her ordinary courfe ; that difcontent will encreafe with mifery ; and that there are critical moments in the fortune of all ftates, when they, who are too weak to contribute to your profperity, may be ftrong enough to complete your ruin. Spoliatis arma fuperfunt. The temper and character which prevail In our Colonies, are, I am afraid, unalterable by any human art. We cannot, I fear, falfify the pedigree of this fierce people, and perluade them that they are not fprung from a nation, in whofe veins the blood of freedom circulates. The lan- guage in which they would hear you tell them this tale, would detect the impofition ; your fpeech would betray you. An Englishman is the unfitted perfon on earth, to argue another Englishman into flavery. I think it is nearly as little in our power to change their republican Religion, as their free defcent; or to fubftitute the Roman Catholick, as a penalty; or the Church of England, as an improvement. The mode of inquifition and dragooning, is going out of famion in the old world ; and I mould not confide much to their efficacy in the new. The education of the 2 Americans [ 42 ] Americans is alfo on the fame unalterable bot- tom with their religion. You cannot perfuatle them to burp their books of curious fcience ; to banifh their lawyers from their courts of law; or to quench the lights of their aflemblies, by refufing to choofe thole perfons who are heft read in, their privileges. It would be no lefs im- practicable to think of wholly annihilating the popular afiemblies, in which thefe lawyers fit. The army, by which we muft govern in their place, would be far more chargeable to us j not quite fo effectual ; and perhaps, in the end, full as difficult to be kept in obedience. With regard to the high ariftocratick fpirit of Virginia and the fouthern Colonies, it has been propofed, I know, to reduce it, by declaring a general enfranchifement of their (laves. This project has had its advocates and panegyrics ; yet I never could argue myfelf into any opinion of it. Slaves are often much attached to their matters. A general wild offer of liberty, would not always be accepted. Hiftory furnimes few inftances of it. It is fometimes as hard to per- fuade flaves to be free, as it is to compel freemen to be flaves j and in this aufpicious fcheme, we Ihould have both thefe pleafing talks on our hands at once. But when we talk of enfran- chifement, do we not perceive that the American matter may enfranchife too ; and arm fervile hands in defence of freedom ? A meafure to which other people have had recourfe more than once, t 43 1 once, and not without fuccefs, in a defperate fituation of their affairs. Slaves as thefe unfortunate black people are, and dull as all men are from flaveiy, muft they not a little fufpeft the offer of freedom from that very nation which has fold them to their prefent matters ? From that nation, one of whofe caufes of quarrel with thofe matters, is their refuial to deal any more in that inhuman traffick? An offer of freedom from England, would come rather oddly, (hipped to them in an African veflel, which is refufed an entry into the ports of Virginia or Carolina, with a cargo of three hundred Angola negroes. It would be curious to fee the Guinea captain attempting at the fame inftant to publifh his proclamation of liberty, and to advertife his fale of (laves. But let us fuppofe all thefe moral difficulties got over. The Ocean remains. You cannot pump this dry ; and as long as it continues in its prefent bed, fo long all the caufes which weaken, authority by dittance will continue. " Ye gods, " annihilate but fpace and time, and make two " lovers happy!" was a pious and paffionate prayer ; but jutt as reafonable, as many of the ferious wimes of very grave and folemn poli- ticians. If then, Sir, it feems almoft defperate to think pf any alterative courfe, for changing the moral caufto, and bounden by, feveral fubjidies, payments, from the " dijlance of the faid Colonies, and from other cir- u cumjlances, no method hath hitherto been devifed " for procuring a reprefentation in Parliament for " the faid Colonies " This is an aflertion of a fact. I go no further on the paper ; though in my private judgement, an uieful reprefentation is impoffible ; I am fure it is not defired by them ; nor ought it perhaps by us ; but I abflain from opinions. The fourth refolution is " That each of ike ' faid Colonies hath within itfelf a body, chofen " in part, or in the whole, by the freemen, free- " holders, or other free Inhabitants thereof, commonly called the General AJfembly, or General Court ', " with powers legally to raife, levy, and a/efs 9 * c according to the federal ufage of fuch Colonies, F 4 * duties. t 7* '( duties and taxes towards defraying all forts of *' public fervices" This competence in the Colony aflemblies is certain. It is proved by the whole tenour of their adts of fupply in all the aflemblies, in. which the conftant ftyle of granting is, *' an *< aid to hi? Majefty ;" and acts granting to the Crown have regularly for near a century patted the public offices without difpute. Thofe who have been pleafed paradoxically to deny thig right, holding that none but the Britifh parlia- ment can grant to the Crown, are wifhed to look to what is done, not only in the Colonies, but in Ireland, in one uniform unbroken tenour every feffion. Sir, I am furprized, that this doftrine' fhould come from fome of the law fervants of the Crown. I fay, that if the Crown could be tefponfible, his Majefty but certainly the roinif- ters, and even thefe law officers themfelves, through whofe hands the a6ls pafs, biennially in Ireland, or annually in the Colonies, are in an Habitual -courfe of committing impeachable of- fences. What habitual offenders have been all Prelidents of the Council, all Secretaries of State, all Firft Lords of Trade, all Attornies and all Solicitors General ! However, they are fafe ; as jio one impeaches them ; and there is no ground of charge againft them, except in their own un- founded theories, . t 73 3 The fifth refolution is alfo a refolution of fad: " That the f aid General ^JJemblies, General *' Courts, or other bodies legally qualifed as afore- ** faid, have at fundry times freely granted fever al *' large fubjidies and public aids for his Majeftfs $ fcrvice, according to their abilities*, ivhen re- " quired thereto by letter from one of his Majefty's " principal Secretaries tf State ; and that their right * c to grant the fame, and their chearfulnefs and " fufficlcncy In the f aid grants, have been at fun- *' dry times acknowledged by Parliament.' 9 To fay nothing of their great expences in the Indian wars; and not to take their exertion in foreign ones, fo high as the fnpplies in the year 1695; not to go back to their public contributions in the year 1710; I fhall begin to travel only where the Journals give me light ; refolving to deal in nothing but fact, authenticated by par- liamentary record ; and to build myfelf wholly on that folid bafts, On the 4th of April 1 748 *, a Committee of this Houfe came to the following Refolution : " Refolved, " That it is the opinion of this Committee, that *< it is juft and realbnable that the fever al Pro- *t vlnces and Colonies of Maffachujef s Bay, New *' Hampjhlre, Connecticut, and Rhode JJland, be ? reifiiburfed the expences they have been at in * Journals of the Houfe, Vol. XXV. f { taking [ 74 ] the Houfe came to a iuitable refolution, exprefled in words nearly the lame as thofe of the meffage : but with the further addition, that the money then voted was as an encouragement to the Colonies to exert themfelves with vigour. It will not be neceilary to go through all the teflimonies which your own records have given to the truth of my refolutions. I will only refer you to the places in the Journals : Journals of the Houfe, Vol. XXVII. | Ibid. Vol. [ , 75 ] Vol. XXVII. 1 6th and i 9 th May 1757. Vol. XXV1IL June ift, 1758 April 2 6th and 30th, 1759 March 26th and 31 ft, and April 28th, 1760 Jan. Qth and aoth, 1761. Vol. XXIX. Jan. 22d and 26th, 1762. March 1 4th and I7th, 1763. Sir, here is the repeated acknowledgement of Parliament, that the Colonies not only gave, but gave to fatiety. This nation has formally ac- knowledged two things; firft, that the Colo- nies had gone beyond their abilities, Parliament having thought it neceffary to reimburfe them ; fecondiy, that they had acted legally and laud- ably in their grants of money, and their mainte- nance of troops, fince the compenfation is ex- prefsly given as reward and encouragement. Re- ward is not beftowed for acts that are unlawful ; and encouragement is not held out to things that deferve reprehenlion. My tefolution there- fore does nothing more than collect into one pro- pofition, what is icattered through your Journals. I give you nothing but your own ; and you can- not refufe in the grofs, what you have fo often acknowledged in detail. The admiffion of this, which will be fo honourable -to them and to you, will, indeed, be mortal to all the miferable ftories, by which the paffions of the miiguided people have been engaged in an unhappy lyftem. The people heard, indeed, from the beginning of thefe t 76 ] thefe difpute?, one thing continually dinned in their ears, that reafon and juftice demanded, that the Americans, who paid no Taxes, mould be compelled to contribute. How did that fact of their paying nothing, ftand, when the Taxing Syftem began ? When Mr. Grenville began to form his fyftem of American Revenue, he ftated in this Houfe, that the Colonies were then in debt two millions fix hundred thouland pound3 fterling money ; and was of opinion they would discharge that debt in four years. On this ftate, thofe untaxed people were actually fubject to the payment of taxes to the amount of fix hundred and fifty thoufand a year. In fact, however, Mr. Grenville was miftaken. The funds given for finking the debt did not prove quite fo ample as both the Colonies and he expected. The cal- culation was too fanguine: the reduction was not compleated till fome years after, and at different times in different Colonies. However, the Taxes after the war, continued too great to bear any addition, with prudence or propriety ; and when the burthens impoled in confequence of former .requiiitions were difcharged, our tone became too high to refort again to requisition. No Colony, iince that time, ever has had any requifition what- ioever made to it. We fee the fenfe of the Crown, and the fenfe of Parliament, on the productive nature of a Re- venue by Grant. Now fearch the fame Journals for the produce of the Revenue by Impc/it'iop Where [ 77 ] Where is it? let us know the volume and the page? what is the grofs, what. is the nett pro- duce? to what fervice is it applied ? how have you appropriated its furplus ? What, can none of the many fkilful Index- makers, that we are now employing, find any trace of it ? Well, let them and that reft together. But are the Journals, which fay nothing of the Revenue, as filent on the discontent ? Oh no ! a child may find it. It is the melancholy burthen and blot of every page. I think then I am, from thofe Journals, jufti- fied in the fixth and laft refolution, which is " 'That it hath been found by experience, that the " manner of granting the faid fupplies and aids> ' by the fetid General djjemblles* hath been more agreeable to the fald Colonies, and more beneji- (< cial t and conducive to the public fervice, than * ' the mode of giving and granting aids in Parlia- " merit* to be raifed and paid in the fald Colonies" This makes the whole of the fundamental part of the plan. The conclufion is irrefiftible. You cannot fay, that you were driven by any ne- ceflity, to an exercife of the utmoft Rights of Legiflature. You cannot aflert, that you took on yourielves the talk of imposing Colony Taxes, from the want of another legal body, that is competent to the purpofe of fupplying the Exi- gencies of the State without wounding the pre- judices of the people. Neither is it true that the body fo qualified, and having that compe- tence, had neglected the duty. 2 Th [ 78 ] The queftion now, on all this accumulated matter, is; whether you will chufe to abide bv a profitable experience, or a mifchievous theory ; whether you chufe to build on imagination or fact ; whether you prefer enjoyment or hopej fatisfadion in your fubjects, or difcontent? If thefe proportions are accepted, every thing which has been made to enforce a contrary fyftem, muft, I take it for granted, fall along with it. On that ground, I have drawn the following relblution, which, when it comes to be moved, will naturally be divided in a proper manner : " That it may be proper to repeal an a^t > c made in the feventh year of the reign of his pre- " Jent Majejly, intituled, An aft for granting cer- " tain duties in the Britijh Copies and Plantations " in America ; for allowing a drawback of the " duties of cuftoms upon the exportation from this " -Kingdom, of coffee and cocoa-nuts of the ^produce of the faid Colonies or Plantations ; for dlfcon- " tinuing the drawbacks payable on China ear then" " 'ware exported to America ; and for more effeffiu- for t 97 ] I, for one> proteft againft compounding our demands : I declare againft compounding, for a poor limited fum, the immenfe, evergrowing, eternal Debt, which is due to generous Govern- ment from protected Freedom. And fo may I fpeed in the great object I propofe to you, as I think it would not only be an act of injuftice, but would be the word oeconomy in the world, to compel the Colonies to a fum certain, either in the way of ranfom, or in the way of com* pulfory compact. But to clear up my ideas on this fubject ^a re- venue from America tranfmitted hither- do not delude yourfelves you never can receive it No, not a fhilling. We have experience that from remote countries it is not to be expected* If, when you attempted to extract revenue from Bengal, you were obliged to return in loan what you had taken in impofition; what can you ex- pect from North America? for certainly, if eve.' 1 there was a country qualified to produce wealth, it is India ; or an inftitution fit for the tranfmif- fion, it is the Eaft-India company. America has none of thefe aptitudes. If America gives you taxable objects, on which you lay your duties here, and gives you, at the fame time, a furplus by a foreign fale of her commodities to pay the duties on thefe objects which you tax at home, ih has performed her part to the British revenue. H But But with regard to her own internal eftablifli- ments ; fhe may, I doubt not (he will, contribute iii moderation. I fay in moderation j for fhe ought not to be permitted to.exhauil: herfelf. She ought to be referved to a war ; the weight of which, with the enemies that we are molt likely to have, mult be considerable in her quar- ter of the globe. There me may ferve you, and ferve you eflentially. For that fervfcc, for all fervice, whether of revenue, trade, or empire, my trull is in her intereft in the Britifli conftitution. My hold of the Colonies is in the clofe affection which grows from common names, from kindred blood, from limilar privileges, and equal protection. Thele are ties, which, though light as air, are as flrong a.s links of iron. Let the Colonies always keep the idea of their civil rights aflbciated with your Government ; they will cling and grapple to you ; and no force under heaven will be of power to tear them from their allegiance. But let it be once underftood, that your Government may be one thing, and their Privileges another; that thefe two things may exift without any mutual relation; the cement is gone; the cohefion is loofened ; and every thing battens to decay and diflblution. As long as you have the wifdom to keep the fovereign authority of this country as the lanctuary of liberty, the lacred temple con- fecrated to our common faith, wherever the chofen race [ 99 ] race and Tons of England worfhip freedom, they will turn their faces towards you. The more they multiply, the more friends you will have; the more ardently they love liberty, the more perfect will be their obedience. Slavery they can have any where. It is a weed that grows in every foil. They may have it from Spain, they may have it from Pruffia. But until you become loft to all feeling of your true intereft and your na- tural dignity, freedom they can have from none but you. This is the commodity of price, of which you have the monopoly. This is the true at of navigation, which binds to you the com- merce of the Colonies, and through them fecures to you the wealth of the world. Deny them this participation of freedom, and you break that fole bond, which originally made, and muft ftill pre- ferve, the unity of the empire. Do not entertain fo weak an imagination, as that your regifters and your bonds, your affidavits and your fuf- ferances, your cockets and your clearances, are what form the great fecurities of your commerce. Do not dream that your letters of office, and your inftructions, and your fufpending claufes, are the things that hold together the great contexture of this myfterious whole. Theie things do not make your government. Dead inftruments, paf- five tools as they are, it is the fpirit of Englifh communion that gives all their life and efficacy to them. It is the fpirit of the Englifh confti- tution, which, infufed through the mighty mafs, H 2 pervades, [ 100 ] pervades, feeds, unites, invigorates, vivifies, every part of the empire, even down to the minuted member. Is it not the lame virtue which does every thing for us here in England ? Do you imagine then, that it is the land tax atb which raifes your revenue? that it is the annual vote in the com- mittee of iupply, which gives you your army ? or that it is the Mutiny Bill which infpires it with bravery and difcipline? No! furelyno! It is the love of the people ; it is their attachment to their government from the fenfe of the deep ftake they have in fuch a glorious inftitution, which gives you your army and your navy, and infufes into both that liberal obedience, without which your army would be a bafe rabble, and your navy nothing but rotten timber. All this, I know well enough, will found wild r and chimerical to the profane herd of thofe vulgar and mechanical politicians, w T ho have no place among us ; a fort of people who think that nothing exuls but what is grofs and material; and who therefore, far from being qualified to be directors of the great movement of empire, are not fit to turn a wheel in the machine. But to men truly initiated and rightly taught, thefe ruling and mafter principles, which, in the opi- nion of luch men as I have mentioned, have no fubftantkl exigence, are in truth every thing, and '[ -'oi -"I . and all in all. Magnanimity in politicks is not felclom the trued wifdom ; -and a great empire and little minds go ill together. If we are cpn- icious of our fituation, and glow with zeal to fill our place as becomes our ftution and oil Helves, we ought to aufpicate all our public proceedings on America, with the old warning of the church, Surfum cordal We ought to elevate our minds to the greatnefs of that truft.to which the order of Providence has called us. By adverting to the dignity of this high calling, our anceftors have turned a favage wildernefs into a glorious empire; and have made the moft exteniive, and the only honourable conquefts ; not by deftroy- ing, but by promoting, the wealth, the number, the happinefs, of the human race. Let us get an American revenue as we have got an American empire. Englifh privileges have made it, all that it is ; Englifh privileges alone will make it all it can be. In full confidence of this unalterable truth, I now (quod fclix fauji unique Jit) lay the fir ft ftone of the Temple of Peace; and I move you, " That the Colonies and Plantations of Great " Britain in North America, con/ifting of Fourteen ' feparate governments, and containing 'Two MH- " lions and upwards of free inhabitants, have not '* had the liberty and privilege of 'eh -Sling and fending H 3 " any ' any Km'gbts and Burgeffes, or others, to repre- *' Jent them In the high Court of Parliament" Upon this Refolution, the previous quefHon was put, and carried; for the previous queilion 270, againfl it 78. As the Proportions were opened feparately In the body of the Speech, the Reader perhaps may wifh to fee the whole of them together, in the form in which they were moved for. MOVED, " That the Colonies and Plantations of " Great Britain in North America, confifting of " Fourteen feparate Governments, and contain- " ing two Millions and upwards of Free Inha- " bitants, have not had the liberty and privilege " of electing and fending any Knights and Bur- " gefles, or others, to reprefent them in the High " Court of Parliament.*' " That the faid Colonies and Plantations have " been made liable to, and bounden by, ieveral " fublidies, payments, rates, and taxes, given and " granted by Parliament ; though the faid Colo- " nies and Plantations have not their Knights and " Burgefles, in the faid High Court of Parlia- ' ment, of their own election, to reprefent the " condition of their country ; by lack whereof ] they " have been oftentimes touched and grieved by Jub- " Jidies given, granted, and ajfented to, in the faid " Court, in a manner prejudicial to the common " wealth, quiet nefs, rejl, and peace, of the fubjefts " inhabiting within the fame?* That, I0 4 " That, from the diftance of the faid Colonies, " and from other circumftances, no method hath " hitherto been devifed for procuring a Repreten- *' tation in Parliament for the faid Colonies.'* " That each of the faid Colonies hath within it- " felf a Body, chofen, in part or in the whole, u by the Freemen, Freeholders, or other Free '* Inhabitants thereof, commonly called the Gcne- " ral Afiembly, or General Court; with powers, " legally to raife, levy, and afltfs, according to " the feveral ufage of fuch Colonies, duties and " taxes towards defraying all forts of public fer- " vices*/* " That the faid General Afiemblies, General " Courts, or other bodies, legally qualified as ' aforefaid, have at fundry times freelv granted ** feveral large fubfidies and publi^ aids for his " Majtily's iervice, according to their abilities, *' when required thereto by letter from one of his " Majefty's s Principal Secretaries of State ; and " that their right to grant the fame, and their " chearfulnefs and fufficiency in the faid grants, 44 have been at fundry times acknowledged by " Parliament." * The firft Four Motions and the laft had the previous queftiort put on them. The others \vere negatived. The words in halicks were, by an amendment that was carried, left out of the motion; which will appear in the je::rn::h, though it Is not the practice to infert fucli aincautiieuts in the Votes. " That [ "5 ] " That it hath been found by experience, that " the manner of granting the faid fupplies and " aids, by the. (aid General Affemblies, hath been " more agreeable to the inhabitants of the faid " Colonies, and more beneficial and conducive to " the public iervice, than the mode of giving " and granting aids and fubfidies in Parliament to " be raifed and paid in the faid Colonies." . " That it may be proper to repeal an aft made " in the 7th year of the reign of his prefent Ma- **' jefty, intituled, An Aft for granting certain " duties in the Britim Colonies and Plantations in " America ; for allowing a draw-'back of the du- *' ties of Cuftoms, upon the exportation from this If Parliament, Sir, had nothing to do with this charter, we might have Come fort of Epicurean excufe to ftand aloof, indifferent fpedators of what pafles in the Company's name in India and in London. But if we are the very caufe of the evil, we are in a fpecial manner engaged to the redrefs; and for us paflively to bear with -op- preflions committed under the fanftion of our own authority, is in truth and reafon for thisHoufe to be an active accomplice in the abufe. That the power notorioufly, grofsly, abufed has been bought from us is very certain. But this circumftance, which is urged againft the bill, be- comes an additional motive for our interference ; left we mould be thought to have' fold the blood of millions of men, for the bafe confideration of money. We fold, I admit, all that we had to fell ; that is our authority, not our controul. We had noc a right to make a market of our duties. I ground myfelf therefore on this princi- ple that if the abufe is proved, the contract is broken ; and we re-enter into all our rights ; that is, into the exercife of all our duties. Our own authority is indeed as much a truft origi- nally, as the Company's authority is a truft deri- vatively ; and it is the ufe we make of the re- fumed power that muft juftify or condemn us in the refumption of it. When we have perfected the plan laid before us by the Right Honourable mover, the world will then fee what it is we de- ftroy, and what it is we create. By that teft we ftand or fall; and by that teft I truft that it will be found in the iflue, that we are going to fuper- fede a charter abufed to the full extent of all the powers which it could abufe, and exercifed in the plenitude of defpotifm, tyranny, and corruption ; and and that, in one and the fame plan, we pro- vide a real chartered fecurity for the rights of men cruelly violated under that charter. This bill, and thofe connected with it, are in- tended to form the Magna Charta of Hindoftan. Whatever the treaty of Weftphalia is to the liberty of the princes and free cities of the empire, and to the three religions there profeffed Whatever the great charter, the ftatute of tallage, the pe- tition of right, and the declaration of right, are to Great Britain, thefe bills are to the people of India. Of this benefit, I am certain, their con^ dition is capable; and when I know that they are capable of more, my vote mail moft affuredly be for our giving to the full extent of their capacity of receiving ; and no charter of dominion mail ftand as a bar in my way to their charter of fafety and protection. The ftrong admiffion I have rrmde of the Com- pany's rights (I am confcious of it) binds me to do a great deal. I do not prefume to condemn thofe who argue a priori, againft the propriety of leaving fuch extenfive political powers in the hands of a company of merchants. I know much is, and much more may be faid againft fuch a fyftem. But, with my particular ideas and fen- timents, I cannot go that way to work. I feel an infuperable reluctance in giving my hand to deftroy any eftablifhed inftitution of government, upon a theory, however plaufible it may be. My experience in life teaches me nothing clear upon the fubject. I have known merchants with the fentiments and the abilities of great ftatefmen ; and I have feen perfons in the rank of ftatefmen, wirh the conceptions and character of pedlars. Indeed, my oblervation has furniflied me with nothing nothing that is to be found in any habits of life or education, which tends wholly to dilqualify men for the functions of government, but that, by which the power of exerciling thofe functions is very frequently obtained, I mean, a fpirit and habits of low cabal and intrigue-, which I have never, in one inftance, feen united with a capa- city for found and manly policy. To juftify us in taking the adminiftration of their affairs out of the hands of the Eaft India Company, on my principles, I muft fee feveral conditions, ift. The object affected by the abufe fhould be great and important. 2d. The abufe affecting this great object ought to be a great abufe. gd. It ought to be habitual, and not acci- dental. 4th. It ought to be utterly incurable in the body as it now ftands conftituted. All this ought to be made as vifible to me as the light ot the fun, before I mould ftrike off an atom-of their charter. A Right Honourable gentleman *has faid, and faid I think but once, and that very (lightly (whatever his original demand for a plan might feern to require) that '* there are abufes in the " Company's government." If rhat were all, the fcheme of the mover of this bill, che fcheme of his learned friend, and his own fcheme of refor- mation (if he has any) are all equally needlefs,, There are, and muft be, abufes in all govern- ments. It amounts to no more than a nugatory propofition. But before I confider of what nature theie abufes are, of whtch the gentleman fpeaks fo very lightly, permit me to recall to your recol- lection the map of the country which this abufed chartered right affects. This I mall do, that you * Mr, Pitt. may may judge whether in that map I can difcover any thing like the firft of my conditions -, that is, Whether the object arTefled by the abufe of the Eaft India Company's power be of impor- tance fufficient to juftify the meafure and means of reform applied to kin this bill. With very few, and thofe inconfiderable inter- vals, the Britim dominion, either in the Company's name, or in the names of princes ablblutely de- pendent upon the Company, extends from the mountains that feparate India from Tartary, to Cape Comorin, that is, one-and- twenty degrees of latitude ! In the northern parts it is a folid mafs of land, about eight hundred miles in length, and four or five hundred broad. As you go Southward, it becomes narrower for a fpace. It afterwards dilates ; but narrower or broader, you pofiefs the whole eaftern and north- eaftern coaft of that vaft country, quite from the borders of Pegu. Bengal, Bahar, and Orifla, with Benares (now unfortunately in our immediate pofieffion) meafure 161,978 fquare Englifh miles ; a territory cpnfiderably larger than the whole kingdom of France. Oude, with its dependent provinces, is 53,286 fquare miles, not a great deal lefs than England. The Carnatic, with Tanjour and the Circars, is 65,948 fquare miles, very confiderably larger than England ; and the whole of the Company's dominion comprehending Bombay and Salfette, amounts to 281,412 fquare miles ; which forms a territory larger than any European dominion, Ruflia and Turkey excepted. Through all that vait extent of country there is not a man who eats a mouthful of rice but by permiffion of the Eaft India Company. So ( '3 ) So far with regard to the extent. The popu- lation of this great empire is not eafy to be calculated. When the countries, of which k is compofed, came into our poffeflion, they were all eminently peopled, and eminently pro- ductive -, though at that time confiderably de- clined from their antient profperity. But fince they are come into our hands ! ! How- ever if we take the period of our eftimate im- mediately before the utter defolation of the Car- natic, and if we allow for the havoc which our government had even then made in thefe regions, we cannot, in my opinion, rate the population at much lefs than thirty millions of fouls , more than four times the number of perfons in the ifland of Great Britain. My next enquiry to that of the number, is the quality and defcription of the inhabitants. This multitude of men does not confift of an abject and barbarous populace; much lefs of gangs of favages, like the Guaranies and Chiquitos, who wander on the wafte borders of the river of Amazons, or the Plate ; but a people for ages civilized and cultivated , cultivated by all the arts of polimed life, whilft we were yet in the woods. There, have been (and ft ill the fkeletons remain) princes once of great dignity, authority, and opulence. There, are to be found the chiefs of tribes and nations. There is to be found an antient and venerable priefthood, the depofltory of their laws, learning, and hiftory, the guides of the people whilft living, and their confolation in death ; a nobility of great antiquity and re- nown i a multitude of cities, not exceeded in population and trade by thofe of the firft clafs in Europe ; merchants and bankers, individual houfes houfes of whom have once vied in capital with the Bank of England ; whofe credit had often fupported a tottering ftate, and prelerved their governments in the midft of war and defolation ; millions of ingenious manufacturers and me- chanicks ; millions of the moft diligent, and not the leaft intelligent, tillers of the earth. Here are to be found almoft all the religions profefTed by men, the Bramincal, the Muflulmen, the Eaftern and the Weftern Chriftians. If I were to take the whole aggreg-'-e of our pofleffions there, I (hould compare it, as the neareft parallel 1 can find, with the empire of Germany. Our immediate pofleffions I fhould compare with the Auftrian dominions, and they would not luffer in the companion. The Nabob of Oude might ftand for the King of Pruflia ; the Nabob of Arcot I would compare, as fu- perior in territory, and equal in revenue, to the Elector of Saxony. Chcyt Sing, the Rajah of Benares, might well rank with the Prince of Hefle at leaft ; and the Rajah of Tanjore (though hardly equal in extent of dominion, fuperior in revenue) to the Elector of Bavaria. The Polygars and the northern Zemindars, and other great chiefs, might v/ell clafs with the reft of the Princes, Dukes, Counts, Marquifles, and Bifhops in the empire -, all of whom I mention to ho- nour, and furely without difparagement to any of all of thofe moft refpectable princes and gran- dees. All this vaft mafs, compofed of fo many orders and clafles of men, is again infinitely diverfified by manners, by religion, by hereditary employment^ through all their poffible combinations. This renders the handling of India a matter in an high liigh degree critical and delicate. But oh ! it has been handled rudely indeed. Even fome of the reformers feem to have forgot that they had any thing to do but to regulate the tenants of a manor, or the (hopkeepers of the next county town. It is an empire of this extent, of this compli- cated nature, of this dignity and importance, that I have compared to Germany, and the Ger- man government ; not for an exact refemblance, but as a fort of a middle term, by which India might be approximated to our understandings, and if pofiible to our feelings ; in order to awaken fomething of fympathy for the unfortunate na- tives, of which I am afraid we are not perfectly fufceptible, whilft we look at this very remote object through a falfe and cloudy medium* My lecond condition, neceffary to juftify me in touching the charter, is, Whether the Company's abtife of their truft, with regard to this great ob- ject, be an abufe of great atrocity. I (hall beg your permifiiqn to confider their conduct in two lights ; firft the political, and then the commercial. Their political conduct (for diftinctnefs) I divide again into two heads ; the external, in which I mean to comprehend their conduct in their federal capacity, as it relates to powers and ftates inde- pendent, or that not long fince were fuch ; the other internal, namely their conduct to the coun- tries either immediately fubject to the Company, or to thofe who, under the apparent government of native fovereigns, are in a ftate much lower, and much more miferable, than common fub- jection. The attention, Sir, which I wifh to preferve to method will not be confidered as unnecefiary or affected. ( 16 ) arTecled. Nothing elfe can help me to felec~lion out of the infinite mafs of materials which have palled under my eye ; or can keep my mind fteady to the great leading points I have in view. With regard therefore to the abufe of the ex- ternal federal truft, I engage myfelf to you to make good thefe three petitions : Firft, I fay, that from Mount Imaus, (or whatever elfe you call that large range of mountains that walls the northern frontier of India) where it touches us in the latitude of twenty-nine, to Cape Comorin, in the latitude of eight, that there is not a Jingle prince, (late, or potentate, great or fmall, in In- dia, with whom they have come into contact, whom they have not fold. I fay fold t though fometimes they have not been able to deliver according to their bargain. Secondly, I fay, that there is not a Jingle treaty they have ever made, which they have not broken. Thirdly, I fay, that there is not a fingle prince or (late, who ever put any truft in the Company, who is not utterly ruined ; and that none are in any degree fecure or flouriihing, but in the exact proportion to their fettled diftruit and irreconcileable enmity to this nation. Thefe aflertions are univerfal. I fay in the full fenfe univerfal. They regard the external and political truft only -, but I fhall produce others fully equivalent, in the internal. For the prefent, I (hall content myfelf with explaining my mean- ing j and if I am called on for proof whilft thefe bills are depending (which I believe I fhall not) I will put my ringer on the Appendixes to the Reports, or on papers of record in the Houfe, or the Committees, which I have diftinctly prefent to my memory, and which I think I can lay before you at half an hour's warning. ( '7 ) The firft potentate fold by the Company for money was the Great Mogul the defcendant of Tamerlane. This high perfonage, as high as hu- man veneration can look at, is by every account amiable in his manners, refpeclable for his piety according to his mode, and accomplilhed in all the Oriental literature. All this, and the title derived under his charter* to all that we hold in India, could not fave him from the general fale. Mo- ney is coined in his name; In his namejuftice is adminiflered ; He is prayed for in every temple through the countries we pofTefs But he was fold. It is impoffible, Mr. Speaker, not to paufe here for a moment, to refiecl: on the inconftancy of human greatnefs, and the ftupendous revolutions that have happened in our age of wonders. Could it be believed, when I entered intoexiftence, or when you, a younger man, were born, that on this day, in this Houfe, we fhould be employed in difcufling the conduct of thofe Britifh fubjefts who had difpofed of the power and perfon of the Grand Mogul ? This is no idle fpeculation. Awful leffons are taught by it, and by other events, of which it is not yet too late to profit. This is hardly a digrefllon , but I return to the fale of the Mogul. Two diftricts, Corah and Allahabad, out of his immenie grants, were re- ferved as a royal demefne to the donor of a kingdom, and the rightful fovereign of fo many nations. After withholding the tribute of ,. 26o,cooa year, which the Company was, by the charter they had received from this prince, under the mod folemn obligation to pay, thefe diftri&s were fold to his chief minifter Sujah ul Dowlah ; and, what may appear to fome-the worft part of C the the tranfaction, thefe two districts were fold for icarcely two years purchafe. The defendant of Tamerlane now (lands in need almoft of the com- mon necefiariesof life-, and in this fuuauon we do not even allow him, as bounty, the imalleft portion of what we owe him in juftice. The next fale was that of the whole nation of the Rohillas, which the grand falefman, without a pretence of quarrel, and contrary to his own de- clared fenfe of duty and rectitude, fold to the fame Sujah ul Dowlah. He fold the people to utter extirpation^ for the fum of four hundred thoufand pounds. Fahhfully was the bargain per- formed upon oar fide. Hafiz Rhamet, the moft eminent of their chiefs, one of the braveft men of his time, and as famous throughout the Eaft for the elegance of his literature, and the fpirit of his poetical compofuions (by which he fupported the name of Hafiz) as for his courage, was invaded with an army of an hundred thoufand men, and an Engliih brigade. This man, at the head of inferior forces, was (lain valiantly fighting for his country. His head was cut ofF, and delivered for money to a barbarian. His wife and children, perfons of that rank, were feen begging an handful of rice through the Englifh camp. The whole nation, with inconfiderable exceptions, was flaugh- tered 01 banifhed. The country was laid wafte with. fire ana fword ; and that lar.d diftinguifhed above moft others, by the chearful face of paternal government and protected labour, the choien feat of cultivation and plenty, is now almoft through- out a dreary defart, covered with ruihes and briars, and jungles full of wild be.ifts. The Britifh officer who commanded in the delivery of the people thus fold, felt fome -compunction compunction at his employment. He reprefented thefe enormous excefles to the proficient of Ben- gal, for which he received a fevere reprimand from the civil governor ; and I much doubt whether the breach caufed by the conflict, between the companion of the military and the firmnefs of the civil governor, be clofed at this hour. In Bengal, Seraja Dowla was fold to Mir Jaffier; Mir Jaffier was fold to Mir Coffim; and Mir Cof- fim was fold to Mir Jaffier again. The fuccefiion to Mir Jaffier was fold to his eldeft fon ; another fon of Mir Jaffier, Mobarech ul Dowla, was fold to his flep- mother The Maratta empire was fold to Ragoba , and Ragoba was fold and delivered to the Peifhwa of the Marattas. Both Ragoba and the Peifhwa of the Marattas were offered to fale to the Rajah of Berar. Scindia, the chief of Malva, was offered to fale to the fame Rajah ; and the Subah of the Decan was fold to the great trader Mahomet Ali, Nabob of Arcot. To the fame Nabob of Arcot they fold Hyder Ali and the kingdom of Myfore. To Mahomet Ali they twice fold the kingdom of Tanjore. To the fame Mahomet Ali they fold at leaft twelve fove- reign princes, called the Polygars. But to keep things even, the territory of Tinnivelly, belong- ing to their Nabob, they would have fold to the Dutch ; and to conclude the account of fales, their great cuftomer, the Nabob of Arcot himfelf, and his lawful fucceflion, has been fold to his fecond fon, Amir ul Omrah, whofe character, views, and conduct, are in the accounts upon your table. It remains with you whether they ihall finally perfect this laft bargain. All thefe bargains and fales were regularly at- tended with the wafte and havoc of the country, always by the buyer, and fometimes by the C 2 ( 20 ) object of the Tale. This was explained to you by the Honourable mover, when he rtated the mode of paying debts due from the country powers to the Company. An Honourable gentleman, who is not now in his place, objected to his jumping near two thoufand miles for an example. But the fouthern example is perfectly applicable to the northern claim, as the northern is to the fouthern i for, throughout the whole fpace of thefe two thoufand miles, take your Hand where you will, the proceeding is perfectly uniform, and what is done in one part will apply exactly to the other. My fecond affertion is, that the Company never has made a treaty which they have not broken. This pofidon is fo connected with that of the falcs of provinces and kingdoms, with the negotiation of univerfal diffraction in every part of India, that a very minute detail may well be fpared on this point. It has not yet been contended, by any enemy to the reform, that they have obferved any public agreement. When I hear that they have done fo in any one inftance (which hitherto, I confefs, I never heard alledged) I (hall fpeak to the particular treaty. The governor general has even amufed himfelf and the Court of Directors in a very fingular letter to that board, in which he admits he has not been very delicate with regard to public faith ; and he goes fo far as to (late a regular eftimate of the fums which the Company would have loft, or- never acquired, if the rigid ideas of public faith entertained by his colleagues had been obferved. * The learned gentleman over againft me has indeed faved me much trouble, On a former occafion he obtained no fmall credit, for the clear and forcible manner in which he * Mr. Dundas, Lord Advocate of Scotland. ftated ( 21 ) tlated what we have not forgot, and I hope he has not forgot, that univerfal fyftematic breach of treaties which had made the Britifh faith pro- verbial in the Eaft. It only remains, Sir, for me juft to recapitu- late fome heads. The treaty with the Mogul, by which we ftipulated to pay him . 260,000 annually, was broken. This treaty they have broken, and not paid him a (hilling. They broke their treaty with him, in which they fti- pulated to pay .400,000 a year to the Soubah of Bengal. They agreed with the Mogul, for fervices admitted to have been performed, to pay Nudjif Cavvn a penfion. They broke this ar- ticle with the reft, and (lopped alfo this fmall penfion. They broke their treaties with the Nizam, and with Hyder Ali. As to the Ma- rattas, they had fo many crofs treaties with the States General of that nation, and with each of the chiefs, that it was notorious, that no one of thefe agreements could be kept without grofsly violating the reft. It was obferved, that if the terms of thefe feveral treaties had been kept, two Britifli armies would at one and the fame time have met in the field to cut each other's throats. The wars which defolate India, origi- nated from a moft atrocious violation of public faith on our part. In the midft of profound peace, the Company's troops invaded the Ma- ratta territories, and furprifed the ifland and fortrefs of Saliette. The Maratras neverthelefs yielded to a treaty of peace, by which folid ad- vantages were procured to the Company. But this treaty, like every other treaty, was foon violated by the Company. Again the Com- pany invad-d the Maratta dominions. The difoiter that tnfued gave occafion to a new C 3 treaty. ( 22 ) treaty. The whole army of the Company was obliged, in effecl:, to furrender to this injured, betrayed, and infulted people. Juftly irritated however, as they were, the terms which they prefcribed were reafonable and moderate ; and their treatment of their captive invaders, of the moft diftinguifhed humanity. But the hu- manity of the Marattas was of no power what- foever to prevail on the Company to attend to the obfervance of the terms dictated by their moderation. The war was renewed with greater vigour than ever; and fuch was their in- iatiable luft of plunder, that they never would have given ear to any terms of peace, if Hyder Ali had not broke through the Gauts, and rufhing like a torrent into the Carnadc, fwept away ever} 7 thing in his career. This was in confequence of that confederacy, which by a fort of miracle united the moft difcordant powers for our deftruction, as a nation in which no other could put any truft, and who were the declared enemies of the human fpecies. It is very remarkable, that the late coutroverfy between the fcveral prefidencies, and between them and the Court of Directors, with relation to thefe wars and treaties, has not been, which of the parties might be defended for his fhare in them ; but on which of the parties the guilt of all this load of perfidy (hould be fixed. But I am content to admit all thefe proceedings to be per- fectly regular, to be full of honour and good faith ; and wim to fix your attention foldy to that fmgle tranfaction which the advocates of this fyf- tem lelect for fo t* anfcendant a merit as to cancel the guilt of all the reft of their proceedings ; I mean the late treaties with the Marattas. 1 make no obiervation on the total cefiion of territory, territory, by which they furrendered all they had obtained by their unhappy fuccefTes in war, and' almoft all that they had obtained under the treaty of Poorunder. The reftitution was proper, if it had been volunrary and leafonable. I attach on the fpi- rit of the treaty, the difpofitions it mewed, the provifions it made for a general peace, and the faith kept with allies and confederates; in order that the Houie may form a judgment, from this chofen piece, of the ufe which has been made (and is likely to be made, if things continue in the fame hands) of the truft of the federal powers of this country. It was the wifh of almoft: every Englilhman, that the Maratta peace might lead to a ge- neral one ; becaufe the fv.iaratta war was only a part of a general confederacy formed againft us on account of the univerfal ab- horrence of our conduct which prevailed in every (late and almoft in every houfe in India. Mr. Haftings was obliged to pretend fome fort of acquiefcence in this general and ra- tional defire. He therefore confenred, in order to fatisfy the point of honour of the Marattas, that an article mould be inferred to admit Hyder Ali to accede to the pacification. But obferve, Sir, the fpirit or this man (which if it were not made manifest by a thotifand things, and parti- cularly by his proceedings with regard to Lord Macartney) would be fufficiently manifeft by this What fort of article think you does he re- quire this effential head of a folemn treaty of ge- jieral pacification to be ? In his inltrucirion to Mr. Anderfon, he delires him to admit " a vague " article" in favour of Hyder. Evafion and fraud were the declared bafis of the treaty. Thefe 'vague articles, intended for a more vague per- C 4 tormance, ( 24 ) formancc, are the things which have damned our reputation in India. Hardly was this vague article inferted, than, without waiting for any aft on the part of Hyder, Mr. Haftings enters into a negociation with the Maratta Chief, Scindia, for a partition of the ter- ritories of the prince who was one of the objects to be iecured by the treaty. He was to be par- celled out in three parts one to Scindia ; one to the Peifhwa of the Marattas ; and the third to the Eaft India Company, or to (the old dealer and chapman) Mahomet Ali. During the formation of this project, Hyder dies ; and before his fon could take any one ftep, either to conform to the tenour of the article, or to contravene it, the treaty of partition is renewed on the old footing, and an inftruction is fent to Mr. Anderfon to conclude it in form. A circumftance intervened, during the pen- dency of this negociation, to fet off the good faith of the Company with an additional brilliancy, and to make it fparkle and glow with a variety of fplendid faces. General Matthews had re- duced that moil valuable part of Hyder's do- minions called the Country of Biddenore. When the news reached Mr. Haftings he inftrucled Mr. Anderfon to contend for an alteration in the treaty of partition, and to take the Biddenore country out of the common (lock which was to be divided, and to keep it for the Com- pany. The firfl ground for this variation was its being a feparaie conquell made before the treary had actually taken place. Here was a new proof given of the fairnefs. equity, and moderation, of the Company. But the fecond of Mr. Haftings's reafons for retaining the Biddenore as a ieparate portion, ( 25 ) portion, and his conduct on that fecond ground, is ftill more remarkable. He aflferted that that country could not be put into the partition ftock, becaufe General Matthews had received it on the terms of fome convention, which might be in- compatible with the partition propofed. This was a reafon in itfelf both honourable and folid ; and it mewed a regard to faith fomewhere, and with ibme perfons. But in order to demonftrate his utter contempt of the plighted faith which was alledged on one part as a reafon for de- parting from it on another, and to prove his im- petuous defire for fowing a new war, even in the prepared foil of a general pacification, he directs Mr. Anderfon, if he mould find ftrong difficul- ties impeding the partition, on the fcore of the fubtraction of Biddenore, wholly to abandon that claim, and to conclude the treaty on the original terms. General Matthews's convention was juft brought forward fufficiently to demonftrate to the Marattas the flippery hold which they had on their new confederate; on the other hand that con- vention being inftantly abandoned, the people of India were taught, that no terms on which they can furrender to the Company are to be re- garded, when farther conquefts are in view. Next, Sir, let me bring before you the pious care that was taken of our allies under that treaty which is the fubjeft of the Company's applaufes. Thefe allies were Ragonaut Row, for whom we had engaged to find a throne , the Guickwar, (one of the Guzerat princes) who was to be eman- cipated from the Maratta authority, and to grow great by feveral acccffions of dominion ; and laftly, the Rana of Gohud, with whom we had entered into a treaty of partition for eleven llxteenths of our joint conquefts. Some of thefe ineftimable fee unties, ( 26 ) fecurities, called vague articles, were inferted in favour of them all. As to the firft, the unhappy abdicated Pemwa, and pretender to the Maratta throne, Ragonaut Row, was delivered up to his people, with an article for fafety, and (bme provifion. This man, knowing how little vague the hatred of his countrymen was towards him, and well apprifed of what black crimes he flood accufed (among which our invafion of his country would not ap- pear the leaft) took a mortal alarm at the fccurity we had provided for him. He was thunderftruck at the article in his favour, by which he was furren- dered to his enemies. He never had the leaft notice of the treaty j and it was apprehended than he would fly to the protection of Hyc.er Ali, or ibmc other, dilpofed or able to protect him. He was therefore not left without comfort -, for Mr. Anderfon- did him the favour to fend a fpecial rnefTenger, defiring him to be of good cheer and to fear nothing. And his old enemy, Scindia, at our requeft, lent him a meffage equally well cal- culated to quiet his apprehen lions. By the fame treaty the Guickwar was to come again, with no better fecurity, under the dominion of the Maratta ftate. As to the Rana of Gohud, a long negotiation depended for giving him up. At firft this was refufed bv Mr. Hafting-s with J O great indignation ; at another ftage it was ad- mitted as proper, becaufe he had fhewn himfclf a moft perfidious perfon. But at length a method of reconciling thefe extremes was found out, by contriving one of the ufual articles in his favour. What I believe will appear beyond all belief, Mr. Anderfon exchanged the final ratifications of that treaty by which the Rana was nominally fecured in his poflefllons, in the camp of the Maratta chief, chief, Scindia, whilft he was (really, and not nominally) battering the caftle of Gualior, which we had given, agreeably to treaty, to this der luded ally. Scindia had already reduced the town; and was at the very time, by various detach- ments, reducing, one after another, the fortretiesof our protected ally, as well as in the aft of chaftifing all the Rajahs who had afiifted Colonel Cama<^ in his invafion. I havefeen in a letter from Calcutta, that the Rana of Gohud's agent would have re- prefented thefe hoftilities (which went hand in hand with the protecting treaty) to Mr. Haftings ; but he was not admitted to his prefence. In this manner the Company has acted with their allies in the Maratta war. But they did not reft here : the Marattas were fearful left the perfons delivered to them by that treaty fhould attempt to efcape into the Britifh territories, and thus might elude the punimment intended for them, and by reclaiming the treaty, might ftir up new difturbances. To prevent this, they de- fired an article to be inferted in the fupplemental treaty, to which they had the ready confent of Mr. Haftings and the reft of the Company's reprefentatives in Bengal. It was this, " That " the Englifh and Maratta governments mutual- " ly agree not to afford refuge to any chiefs* " merchants, or other -perfons, flying for protec- *' tion to the territories of the other." This was readily afTented to, and aflented to without, any exception whatever, in favour of our fur- rendered allies. On their part a reciprocity was ftipulated which was not unnatural for a govern* ment like the Company's to afk -, a government, confcious that many lubjects had been, and would in future, be driven to fly from its jurifdiction. To complete the fyilem of pacific intention ( 28 ) and public faith, which predominate in thefe trea- ties, Mr. Haftings fairly refolved to put all peace, except on the terms of abfolute con- quell, wholly out of his own power. For, by an article in this fecond treaty with Scindia, he binds the Company not to make any peace with Tippoo Saheb, without the confent of the Peifnwa of the Marattas ; and binds Scindia to him by a reci- procal engagement. The treaty between France and England obliges us mutually to withdraw our forces, if our allies in India do not accede to the peace within four months; Mr. Haftings's treaty obliges us to continue the war as long as the Peifhwa thinks fit. We are now in that happy iltuation, that the breach of the treaty with France, or the violation of that with the Marattas, is inevitable ; and we have only to take our choice. My third afimicn, relative to the abufe madfe of the right of war and peace is, that there are none who have ever confided in us who have not been utterly ruined. The examples I have given of Ragonaut Row, of Guickwar, of the Ranah of Gohud, are recent. There is proof more than enough in the condition of the Mcmul i in < i ^j * the flavery and indigence of the Nabob of Oude ; the exile of the Rajah of Benares ; the beggary of the Nabob of Bengal ; the undone and captive condition of the Rajah and kingdom of Tanjour ; the deftru&ion of the Polygars -, and hifrly, in the deftru&ion of the Nabob of Arcot himlelf, who when his dominions were invaded was found en- tirely deilitute of troops, provifions, (lores, and (as he afferts) of money, being a million in debt to the Company, and four millions to others : the many millions which he had extorted from fo many extirpated princes and their dcfolated coun- tries tries having (as he has frequently hinted) been ex- pended for the ground-rent of his manfion-houfc in an alley in the fuburbs of Madras. Compare the condition of all thefe princes with the power and authority of all the Maratta' ftates ; with the independence and dignity of the Sou bah of the De- can ; and the mighty itrength, the refources, and the manly ftruggle of Hyder AH; and then the Houfe will difcover the effects, on every power in India, of an eafy confidence, or of a rooted diftruft in the faith of the Company. Thefe are fon-.e of my reafons, grounded on the abufe of the external political truft of that body, for thinking myfelf not only juftified but bound, to deckre againft thofe chartered rights which produce fo many wrongs. I (hould deem myfelf the wickedeft of men, if any vote of mine could contribute to the continuance of fo great an evil. Now, Sir, according to the plan I propofed, I ihall take notice of the Company's internal go- vernment, as it is cxercifed firft on the dependent provinces, and then as it afocts thofe under the direct and immediate authority of that body. And here, Sir, before Tenter into the fpirit of their interior government, permit me to obferve to you, upon a few of the many lines of difference which are to be found between the vices of the Company's government, and thofe of the con- querors who preceded us in India ; that we may be enabled a little the better to fee our way in an attempt to the neceflkry reformation. The feveral irruptions of Arabs, Tartars, and Perfians, into India were, for the greater part, ferocious, bloody, and wafteful in the extreme: our entrance into the dominion of that country was, as generally, with fmall comparative effufion of blood ; being introduced by various frauds I and ( 30 ) and delufions; and by taking advantage of the incurable, blind, and fenfelefs animofity, which the feveral country powers bear towards each other, rather than by open force. But the difference in favour of the firft conquerors is this; the Afiatic conquerors very foon abated of their ferocity, be- caufe they made the conquered country their own. They role or fell with the rife or fall of the territory they lived in. Fathers there de- pofited the hopes of their pofterity ; and chil- dren there beheld the monuments of their fathers. Here their lot was finally caft ; and it is the natu- ral wifh of all, that their lot mould not be caft in a bad land. Poverty, flerility, and delegation, are not a recreating proipecl: to the eye of man ; and there are very few who can bear to grow old among the curfes of a whole people. If their paffion or their avarice drove the Tartar lords to acts of rapacity or tyranny, there was time enough, even in the fhort life of man, to bring round the ill effects of an abufe of power upon the power itfelf. If hoards wert made by yiolence and ty- ranny, they were ftill domeftic hoards ; and do- meftic profufion, or the rapine of a more powerful and prodigal hand, reftored them to the people. "With many diforders, and with few political checks upon power, Nature had ftill fair play ; the fources of acquifition were not dried up ; and therefore the trade, the manufactures, and the com- merce of the country flourifhed. Even avarice and ufury itfelf operated, both for the preftrvation and the employment of national wealth. The hulbandman and manufacturer paid heavy intereft, but then they augmented the fund from whence they were again to borrow. Their refources were dearly bought, but they were fure ; and the gene- ral ftock, of the community grew by the general effort. 7 But But under the Englilh government all this or- der is reverfed. The Tartar invafion was mif- chievous ; but it is our protection that deftroys. India. It was their enmity, but it is our friend- Ihip. Our conqueft there, after twenty years, is as crude as it was the firft day. The natives fcarcely know what it is to fee the grey head of an Englimman. Young men (boys almoft) go- vern there, without fociety, and without fympathy with the natives. They have no more focial ha- bits with the people, than if they ftill refided in England , nor indeed any fpecies of intercourfe but that which is neceflary to making a fudden fortune, with a view to a remote fettlement. Animated with all the avarice of age, and all the impetuofity of youth, they roll in one after ano- ther ; wave after wave , and there is nothing be- fore the eyes of the natives but an endlefs, hope- leTs profpeft of new flights of birds of prey and paffage, with appetites continually renewing for .a food that is continually wafting. Every rupee of profit made by an Englishman is loft for ever to India. With us are no retributory fuperfti- tions, by which a foundation of charity compen- fates, through ages, to the poor, for the rapine and injuftice of a day. With us no pride ereds {lately monuments which repair the mifchiefs which pride had produced, and which adorn a country out of its own fpoils. England has erected no churches, no hofpitals*, no palaces, no fchools j England has built no bridges, made no high roads, cut no navigations, dug out no refervoirs. Every other conqueror of every other deicription has left fome monument, either of Hate The paltry foundation at Calcutta is fcarcely worth /saming as an exception. or ( 3* ) or beneficence, behind him. Were we to be driven out of India this day, nothing would remain, to tell that it had been pofieffcd, during the inglorious period of our dominion, by any thing better than the ouran-outang or the tiger. There is nothing in the boys we fend to India worfe than the boys whom we are whipping at fchool, or that we fee trailing a pike, or bending over a defk at home, But as Englifh youth in India drink the intoxicating draught of au- thority and dominion before their heads are able to bear it, and as they are full grown in fortune long before they are ripe in principle, neither nature nor reafon have any opportunity to ex- ert themfelves for remedy of the excefles of their premature power. The confequences of their conduct, which in good minds, (and many of theirs are probably fuch) might produce penitence or amendment, are unable to purfue the rapidity of their flight. Their prey is lodged in England ; and the cries of India are given to leas and winds, to be blown about, in every break- ing up of the monfoon, over a remote and un- hearing ocean. In India all the vices operate by which fudden fortune is acquired , in England are often difplayed, by the fame perfons, the vir- tues which difpenfe hereditary wealth. Arrived in England, the deftroyers of the nobility and gentry of a whole kingdom will find the beft company in this nation, at a board of elegance and hofpitality. Here the manufacturer and huf- bandman will blefs the juft and punctual hand, that in India has torn the cloth from the loom, or wrefted the fcanty portion of rice and fait from the peafant of Bengal, or wrung from him the very opium in which he forgot his oppreifions and his oppreflbr. They marry into your families ; they ( 33 ) they enter into your fenate-, they eafe your eftates by loans ; they raife their value by demand 5 they cherifh and protect your relations which lie heavy on your patronage j and there is fcarcely an houfe in the kingdom that does not feel Come concern and intereft that makes all reform of our eaftern government appear officious and dif- gufting ; and, on the whole, a mod difcouraging attempt. In fuch an attempt you hurt thofe who are able to return kindnefs or to refent injury. If you fucceed, you fave thofe who cannot fo much as give you thanks. All thefe things fhew the difficulty of the work we have on hand : but they (hew its neceflity too. Our Indian government is in its beft Itate a grievance. It is necefTary that the correctives fhould be uncommonly vi- gorous ; and the work of men fanguine, warm, and even impaffioned in the caufe. 'But it is an arduous thing to plead againft abufes of a power which originates from your own country, and affects thofe whom we are ufed to confider as ftrangers. I mall certainly endeavour to modulate myfelf to this temper ; though I am fenfible that a cold ftyle of deicribing actions which appear to me in a very affecting light, is equally contrary to the juftice due to the people, and to all genuine hu- man feelings about them. I afk pardon of truth and nature for this compliance. But I {hall be very fparing of epithets either to perfons or things. It has been faid (and, with regard to one of them, with truth) that Tacitus and Machiavcl, by their cold way of relating enormous crimes, have in. fome fort appeared not to difapprove them > that they feem a fore of profeflbrs of the art of tyranny, and that they corrupt the minds of their readers by not exprefilng the deteilation and horror that naturally belong to horrible and D deteftabte ( 34 ) cleteftable proceedings. But we ace in -ge- neral, Sir, fo little acquainted with Indian de- tails -, the inftruments of opprefiion under which the people fuffer are fo hard to be underflood ; and even the very names of the fufferers are fo uncouth and ftrange to our ears, that it is very difficult for our fympathy to fix upon thefe objects. 1 am fure that fome of us have come down flairs from the committee-room, with im- preffions on our minds, which to us were the inevitable refults of our difcoveries, yet if we fhould venture to exprefs ourfelves in the proper language of our fentiments,, to other gentlemen not at all prepared to enter into the caufe of them, nothing could appear more harfh and dif- fonant, more violent and unaccountable, than our language and behaviour. All thefe circumftances are not, I ionfefs, very favourable to the idea of our attempting to govern India at all. But there we are ; there we are placed by the Sove- reign Difpofer : and we muft do the beft we can in our fituation. The fituation of man is the pre- ceptor of his duty. Upon the plan which I laid down, and to which I beg leave to return, I was confidering the con- duct of the Company to thofe nations which are indirectly fubject to their authority. The moft confiderable of the dependent princes is the Nabob of Oude. * My Right Honourable friend, to whom we owe the remedial bills on your table, has already pointed out to you, in one of the Re- ports, the condition of that prince, and as it flood in the time he alluded to. I fhall only add a few circumftances that may tend to awaken fome fcnfe of the manner in which the condition of the people is affected by that of the prince, and * Mr. Fox. involved involved in it ; and to fliew yon, that when we talk of the fufferings of princes, we do not lament the oppreflion of individuals $ and that in thefe cafes the high and the low fuffer together. In the year 1779 the Nabob of Oude repre- fented, through the Britifli refident at his court, that the number of Company's troops ftationed in his dominions was a main caufe of his diftrefs 5 and that all thofe which he was not bound by treaty to maintain fhould be withdrawn, as thejr had greatly diminiihed his revenue, and impove- lifhed his country. I will read you, if you plcafe, a few extracts from thefe reprefentations. He dates " that the country and cultivation " are abandoned; and this year in particular, from " the excefiive drought of the feafon, deductions '* of many lacks having been allowed to the far- " mers, who are ftill left unfatisfied /* and then he proceeds with a long detail of his own diftrefs, and that of his family, and all his dependants; and adds, * that the new-raifed brigade is not only " quite ufelefs to my government, but is more- " over the caufe of much lofs, both in revenues and { cuftoms. The detached body of troops under " European officers bring nothing but confujion to " the affairs of my government, and are entirely " their own tnajiers." Mr. Middleton, Mr. Haf- tings's confidential Refident, vouches for the truth of this reprefentation in its fulleft extent. " I * am concerned to confefs, that there is too good ' ground for this plea. The misfortune has been "general throughout the whole of the Vizier's [the ** Nabob of Oude] dominions, obvious to every " body; and fo fatal have been its confequences, " that no perfon, of either credit or character, " would enter into engagements with government 62 " fo/ ( 36 ) " for farming the country." He then proceeds to give ftrong inftances of the general calamity, and its effects. It was now to be feen what fteps the governor general and council took for the relief of this diftrefied country, long labouring under the vexa- tions of men, and now ftricken by the hand of God. The cafe of a general famine is known to relax the feverity even of the moft rigorous go- vernment. Mr. Haftings does not deny, or fbew the leaft doubt of the fact. The reprefentation is humble, and almoft abject. On this reprefentation from a great prince, of the diftrefs of his fubjects, Mr. Haftings falls into a violent paffion j fuch as (it feems) would be unjuftifiabie in any one who (peaks of any part of his conduct. He declares ** that the demands^ the tone in which they were af- " ierted, and thefeafon in which they were made, are " all equally alarming, and appear to him to require " an adequate degree of firmnefs in this board, in " oppofition to them." He proceeds to deal out very unreferved language, on the perfon and character of the Nabob and his minifters. He de- clares, that in a divifion between him and the Nabob, " the ftrcngeft muft decide" With regard to the urgent and inftant necefilty, from the failure of the crops, he fays, " that perhaps ex- *' pedients may be found for affording a gradual " relief from the burthen of which he fo heavily " complains, and it mall be my endeavour to " feek them out :" and, left he fhould be fuf- pected of too much hafte to alleviate fufferings, and to remove violence, he fays, " that thefe " muft be gradually applied, and their complete may be diflant ; and this I conceive is all This " he can claim of right.' ( 37 > This complete effect of his lenity is diftant indeed. Rejecting this demand (as he calls the Nabob's abject fupplication) he attributes it, as he ufually does all things of the kind, to the di- vifion in their government; and fays, " this is a " powerful motive with me (however inclined I f * might be, upon any other occafion, to yield to fome " part of his demand) to give them an abfolute " and unconditional refufal upon the prefent ; and " even to bring to punijhment^ if my influence can '* produce that effefl) thofe incendiaries who have " endeavoured to make tbemfelves the inftruments " of divi/ion between us" Here, Sir, is much heat and pafiion ; but no more confideration of the diftrefs of the country, from a failure of the means of fubfiftence, and (if poffible) the worfe evil of an ufelefs and licentious Ibldiery, than if they were the moft contemptible of all trifles, A letter is written in confequence, in fuch a ftyle of lofty defpotifm, as I believe has hitherto been unexampled and unheard of in the records of the Eaft. The troops were continued. The gradual relief, whole effect was to be fo dif- tant^ has never been fubftantially and beneficially applied and the country is ruined. Mr. Haftings, two years after, when it was too late, faw the abfolute neceffity of a re- moval of the intolerable grievance of this licen- tious foldiery, which, under a pretence of defend- ing it, held the country under military execution. A new treaty and arrangement, according to the 4 O O pleafure of Mr. Haftings, took place ; and this new treaty was broken in the old manner, in every eflfential article. The foldiery were again fent, and again let loofe. The effect of all his ma- noeuvres, from which it feems he was fanguine D 3 enough ( 38 ) enough to entertain hopes, upon the flare of the country, he himfelf informs us, " the event has " proved the reverfe of thefe hopes, and accumu- cc fatten of diftrefiy dcbafement, and diffatisfaftion " to the Nabob, and disappointment and difgrace *' to mt. Every meafure [which he had himfelf propofed] has been fo conduced as to give him " caufe of difpleafure -, there are no officers efta- " blifhed by which his affairs could be regularly ** conducted; mean, incapable, and indigent men " have been appointed. A number of the dif- '* tricts without authority, and without the means " of perfonal protection ; fome of them have " been murdered by the Zemindars, and thofe " Zemindars, inftead of punifhmenr, have been < permitted to retain their Zemindaries, with in- " dependent authority ; all the other Zemindars * fuffered to rife up in rebellion, and to infult " the authority of the Sircar, without any at- ct tempt made to fupprefs them ; and the Com- " pany's debt, inftead of being difcharged by the " alignments and extraordinary fources of money " provided for that purpofe, is likely to exceed " even the amount at which it flood at the time " in which the arrangement with his Excellency *< was concluded" The Houfe will fmile at the refource on which the Directors take credit as fucli a certainty in their curious account. This is Mr. Haftings's own narrative of the effects of his own fettlement. This is tire (late of the country which we have been told is in perfect peace and order ; and, whar is curious, he informs us, that every part of this was foretold to him in the order and manner in which it happentd^ at the very time he made his arrangement of men and mea- fures. The The invariable courfe of the Company's policy is this: Either they fet up fome prince too odious to maintain himlelf without the neceffity of their affiftance ; or they foon render him odious, by making him the inftrument of their govern- ment. In that cafe troops are bountifully fent to him to maintain his authority. That he (hould have no want of afllftance, a civil gentleman, called a Refidenr, is kept at his court, who, un- der pretence of providing duly for the pay of thefe troops, gets alignments on the revenue into his hands. Under his provident management, debts foon accumulate j new alignments arc made for thefe debts ; until, ftep by ftep, the whole re- venue, and with it the whole power of the coun- try, is delivered into his hands. The military do not behold without a virtuous emulation the mo- derate gains of the civil department. They feel that, in a country driven to habitual rebellion by the civil government, the military is necefTary ; and they will not permit their fervices to go unre- warded. Tracts of country are delivered over to their difcretion. Then it is found proper to convert their commanding officers into farmers of revenue. Thus, between the well paid civil, and well rewarded military eftablifhment, the fituation of the natives may be eafily conjectured. The authority of the regular and lawful government is every where and in every point extinguilhed. Diforders and violences arife - t they are reprefled by other diforders and other violences. Wherever the collectors of the revenue, and the farming colonels and majors move, ruin is about them, rebellion before and behind them. The people in crowds fly out of the country j and the frontier is guarded by lines of troops, not to exclude an D 4 enemy, 40 ) enemy, but to prevent the efcape of the inha- bitants. By thefe means, in the courfe of not more than four or five years, this once opulent and flourifh- ing country, which, by the accounts given in the Bengal conlultations ? yielded more than three crore of Sicca rupees, that is, above three millions iler- ling, annually, is reduced, as far as 1 can difcover, in a matter purpofely involved in the utmoft per- plexity, to lefs than one million three hundred thoufand pounds, and that exacted by every mode of rigour that can be deviled. To complete the bufinefs, moft of the wretched remnants of this revenue are mortgaged, and delivered into the hands of the ufurers at Benares (for there alone are to be found fome lingerino; remains of the an- O O * cient wealth of thefe regions) at an intercft of near thirty per cent, per annum. The revenues in this manner failing, they feized upon the eftates of every perfon of emi- nence in the country, and, under the name of refumption-t confifcared their property. I wifli, Sir, to be underftood univerlally and literally, yvhen I afftrt, that there is not left one man of property ancl lubftance for his rank, in the whole of thefe provinces, m provinces which are nearly the extent of England and Wales taken together. Not one landholder, not one banker, not one merchant, not on^ even of thofe who ufually periPn laft, the ultimum moriens in a ruined ftate, no 9r.e farmer of revenue. One country for a while remained 3 which Hood as an ifland in the 'mid ft of the grand wafte of the Company's dominion. My Right Honour- able friend/ in his admirable fpeech on moving the bill, juft touched the fituation, the offences, and the punifnment, of a native prince, called FizulU ( 4i ) Fizulla Khan. This man, by policy and force, had protected himfelf from the general extirpa- tion of the Rohilla chiefs. He was fecured (if that were any fecurity) by a treaty. It was ftated to you, as it was ftated by the enemies of that unfortunate man -" that the whole of his country " is what the whole country of the Rohillas was, " cultivated like a garden, without one neglected fpot in it." Another accufer fays, " Fyzoolah " Khan though a bad foldier [that is the true fl fource of his misfortune] has approved himfelf a ' good aumil ; having, it is fuppofed, in the courfe " of a few years, at leaft doubled the population, " and revenue of his country." In another part of the correfpondence he is charged with making his country an aiylum for the opprefled peafants, who fly from the territories of Oude. The im- provement of his revenue, arifing from this fingle crime, (which Mr. Mailings confiders as tanta- mount to treafon) is ftated at an hundred and fifty thoufand pounds a year. Dr. Swift fomewhere lays, that he who could make two blades of grafs grow where but one grew before, was a greater benefactor to the human race than all the politicians that ever exiftcd. This prince, who would have been dei- fied by antiquity, who would have been ranked with Ofiris, and Bacchus, and Ceres, and the divinities moft propitious to men, was, for thofe very merits, by name attacked by the Company's government, as a cheat, a robber, a traitor. In the fame breath in which he was accufed as a rebel, he was ordered at once to furnifh 5,000 horfe. On delay, or (according to the technical phrafe, when any remonftrance is made to them) *' on cvafion" he was declared a violator of trea- fies, and every thing he had was to be taken from him. C 42 ) him. Not one word, however, of horfe in this treaty. The territory of this FizullaKhan, Mr. Speaker, is lefs than the county of Norfolk. It is an in- land country, full feven hundred miles from any iea port, and not diftinguifhed for any one con- fiderable branch of manufacture whatfoever. From this territory a punctual payment was made to the Britifh Refident of . 150,000 fterling a year. The demand of cavalry, without a fhadow or de- cent pretext of right, amounted to three hundred thoufand a year more, at the lowed computation ; and it is ftated, by the laft perfon lent to negotiate, as a demand of little ufe, if it could be complied with , but that the compliance was impoffible, as it amounted to more than his territories could fupply, if there had been no other demand upon him four hundred and fifty thoufand pounds a year from an inland country not lo large as Norfolk ! The thing moft extraordinary was to hear the culprit defend himfelf from the imputation of his virtues, as if they had been the blacked offences. He extenuated the fuperior cultivation of his country. He denied its population. He endea- voured to prove that he had often fent back the poor peafant that fought fheher with him. I can make no obfervation on this. After a variety of extortions and vexations, too fatiguing to you, too difgufting to me, to go through with, they found " that they ought to be * l in a better date to warrant forcible means ;" they therefore contented themfelves with a grofs fum of 150,000 pounds, for their prefent demand. They offered him indeed an indemnity from their exactions C 43 ) exactions in future, for three hundred thoufand pounds more. But he refnfed to buy their fecu- rities ; pleading (probably with truth) his poverty : but if the plea were not founded, in my opinion very wifely ; not choofing to deal any more in that dangerous commodity of the Company's faith , and thinking it better to oppofe diftrefs and un- armed obltinacy to uncoloured exaction, than to fubject himfelf to be confidered as a cheat, if he fhould make a treaty in the lead beneficial to him- felf. Thus they executed an exemplary punifhment on Fizulla Khan for the culture of his country. But, confcious that the prevention of evils is the great object of all good regulation, they deprived him of the means of encreafing that criminal cul- tivation in future, by exhaufting his coffers-, and, that the population of his country mould no more be a {landing reproach and libel on the Company's government, they bound him, by a pofitive engagement, not to afford any Ihelter vvhatfoever to the farmers and labourers who fliould feek refuge in his territories, from the exactions of the Britifh Refidents in Oude. When they had done all this effectually, they gave him a full and complete acquittance from all charges of rebellion, or of any intention to rebel, or of his having originally had any intereft in, or any means of rebellion. Thefe intended rebellions are one of the Com- pany's ftanding refources. When money has been thought to be heaped up any where, its owners are univerfally accufed of rebellion, until they are acquitted of their money and their trea- fons at once. The money once taken, all accu- fation, trial, and punifhment ends. It is fo fettled a refource, that I rather wonder how it comes to be omitted in the Directors account ; but C 44 ) but I take it for granted this omifiion will be fupplied in their next edition. The Company ftretched this refource to the full extent, when they accufed two old women, in the reir.oceft corner of India (who could have no pofllble view or motive to raiie difturbances) of being engaged in rebellion, with an intent to drive out the Englifh nation in whofe protection, purchafed by money and fecured by treaty, reflred the fole hope of their exiftence. But the Company wanted money, and the old women muft be guilty of a plot. They were accufed of rebellion, and they were convicted of wealth. Twice had great fums been extorted from them, and as often had the Britifh faith guaranteed the remainder. A body of Britiflj troops, with one of the military farmers general at their head, was fent to feize upon the caftlc in which thefe helplefs women refided. Their chief eunuchs, who were their agents, their guardians, protectors, perfons of high rank ac- cording to the Eaitern manners and of great truft, were thrown into dungeons, to make them difcover their hidden trealures ; and there they lie at prefent. The lands affigned for the main- tenance of the women were feized and confif- cated. Their jewels and effects were taken, and fet up to a pretended auction in an obfcurc place, and bought at fuch a price as the gentlemen thought proper to give. No account has ever been tranfmitted of the articles or produce of this fale. What money was obtained is un- known, or what terms were flipulated for the maintenance of thefe defpoiied and forlorn crea- tures-, for by fome particulars it appears as if an engagement of the kind was made. Let me here remark, once for all, that though ti* ( 45 ) the act of 1773 requires that an account of all proceedings fliould be diligently tranfmitted, thac this, like all the other injunctions of the law, is totally defpifed ; and that half at lead of the moll important papers are intentionally withheld. I wifli you, Sir, to advert particularly, in this tranfaction, to the quality and the numbers of the perfons fpoiled, and the inftrument by whom that fpoil was made. Thefe ancient matrons called the Begums or Princefies, were of the firft birth and quality in India, the one mother, the other wife, of the late Nabob of Oude, Sujah Dowlah, a prince poflefTed of extenfive and flou- rifhing dominions, and the lecond man in the Mogul empire. This prince (fufpicious, and noc unjuftly fufpicious, of his fon and fucceflbr) at his death committed his treafures and his fa- mily to the Britilh faith. That family and ho u (hold, confifted of two thoufand women ; to which were added two other feraglios of near kindred, and faid to be extremely nu- merous, and (as I am well informed) of about fourfcore of the Nabob's children, with all the eunuchs, the ancient fervants, and a multitude of the dependants of his Iplendid court. Thefe were all to be provided, for preient maintenance and future eftablifhment, from the lands affigned as dower, and from the treafures which he left to thefe matrons, in truft for the whole family. So far as to the objects of the fpoil. The inftrument chofen by Mr. Haftings to defpoil ihe relict of Sujah Dowlah was her oixn fon, the reigning Nabob of Oude. It was the pious hand of a fon that was felefted to tear from his mother and grandmother the provifion of their age, the maintenance of his brethren, and of all ( 4 ) all the ancient houfehold of his father. [Here a laugh from ibme young members] The laugh is feafonable, and the occafion decent and proper. By the laft advices fomething of the fum ex- torted remained unpaid. The women in de- fpair refufe to deliver more, unlefs their lands are reftored and their minifters releafed from prifon : but Mr. Haftings and his council, fteady to their point, and confident to the laft in their conduct, write to the Refident to ftimulate the fon to accomplifli the filial acts he had brought fo near to their perfe&ion, " We " defire," fay they in their letter to the Refident (written fo late as March laft) " that you will " inform us if any, and what means, have been " taken for recovering the balance due from *' the Begum [Princefs] at Fizabad -, and that, " if necefTary, you recommend it to the Vizier to *' enforce the moft effeftual means for that pur- " pofe." What their effectual means of enforcing de- mands on women of high rar.k and condition are, I (hall fhew you, Sir, in a few minutes ; when I reprefent to you another of thefe plots and rebellions, which always, in India, though fo rarely any where elfe, are the offspring of an eafy condition, and hoarded riches. Benares is the capital city of the Indian reli- gion. It is regarded as holy by a particular and diftinguilhed fanctity ; and the Gentus in general think themfelves as much obliged to vifit it once in their lives as the Mahometans to perform their pilgrimage to Mecca. By this means that city grew great in commerce and opulence ; and fo effectually was it fecured by the pious veneration of of that people, that in all wars and in all violences of power, there was ib fure an afylum, both for poverty and wealth, (as it were under a divine protection) that the wifeft laws and beft aflfured free constitution could not better provide for the relief of the one, or the fafcty of the other ; and this tranquillity influenced to the greateft degree the profperity of all the country, and the terri- tory of which it was the capital. The intereft of money there was not more than half the ufual rate in which it ftood in all other places. The reports have fully informed you of the means and of the terms in which this city and the territory called Gazipour, of which it was the head, came under the fovereignty of the Eaft India Company. If ever there was a fubordinate dominion plea- fantly circumftanced to the fuperior power, it was this , a large rent or tribute, to the amount of two hundred and fixty thoufand pounds a year, was paid in monthly inftalments with the punctuality of a dividend at the Bank. If ever there was a prince who could not have an intereft in difturb- ances, it was its fovereign, the Rajah Cheit Sing. He was in pofTefiTion of the capital of his religion, and a willing revenue was paid by the devout people who refortcd to him from all parts. His fovereignty and his independence, except his tri- bute, was fecured by every tie. His territory was not much lefs than half of Ireland, and difplaycd in all parts a degree of cultivation, eafe, and plenty, under his frugal and paternal management, which left him nothing to defire, either tor honour or fatisfadftion. This was the light in which this countty ap- peared to almoft every eye. But Mr. Haft ings beheld it afkance. Mr. liaftings tells us that it i was ( 48 ) Was reported of this Cheit Sing, that his father lefs him a million fterling, and that he made annual accefiions to the hoard. Nothing could be fo ob- noxious to indigent power. So much wealth tould not be innocent. The Houfe is fully ac- quainted with the .unfounded and unjuft requifi- tions which were made upon this prince. The queftion has been moft ably and conclufively cleared up in one of the Reports of the Select Com- mittee, and in an anfwer of the Court of Directors to an extraordinary publication againft them by their fervant, Mr. Haftings. But I mean to pats by thefe exactions, as if they were perfectly juft and regular ; and, having admitted them, I take what I mall now trouble you with, only as it ferves 10 (hew the fpirit of the Company's govern- ment, the mode in which it is carried on, and the maxims on which it proceeds. Mr. Haftings, from whom I take the doctrine, endeavours to prove that Cheit Sing was no fo- vereign prince-, but a mere Zemindar or common fubjet, holding land by rent. If this be granted to him, it is next to be feen under what terms he is of opinion fuch a land-holder, that is a Britiflt fubject, holds his life and property under the Company's government. It is proper to under- ftand well the doctrines of the peribn whofe ad- miniftration has lately received iuch diftinguifhed approbation from the Company. His doctrine is " that the Company, or theperfott delegated by it, *' holds an abfolute authority over fuch Zemindars ; ** that he [fuch a fubject] owes an implicit and " unreferved obedience to its authority, at the *' forfeiture even of his life and property, at the " DISCRETION of thofe who held or fully reprefented *' the fovereign authority -, and that tbcfe rights * are///y delegated to him Mr. Haftings." Suck t 49 ) feuch is a Britifh governor's idea of the condi- tion of a great Zemindar holding under a Britifh authority; and this kind of authority he fuppofes fully delegated to him , though no inch delegation appears in any commiflion, inftrudtion, or act of parliament. At his difcreiicn he may demand, of the fubftance of any Zemindar over and above his rent or tribute, even what he pleafes, with a fovereign authority , and if he does not yield an 'implicit unfeferved obedience to all his commands, he forfeits his lands, his life, and his property, at Mr. Haftings's difcretion. But, extravagant and even frantic as thefe pofitions appear, they are lefs fo than what I mall now read to you ; for he afierts, that if any one mould urge an, exemption from more than a dated payment, or mould confider the deeds, which pafied be- tween him and the board, " as bearing the quality *' and force of a treafy between equal dates," he lays, ** that Inch an opinion is itfclf criminal to the * l (late of which he is a fubjcct ; and that he was " himfelf amenable to its judice, if he gave conn- " tenance to fuch a belief." Here is a new fpecies of crime invented, that of countenancing a be- lief but a belief of what ? A belief of that which the Court of Directors, Haftings's maf- ters, and a Committee of this Houfe, have de- cided as this prince's indifputable right, But fuppofing the Rajah of Benares to be a mere fubjecl:, and that fubjecl a criminal of the higheft form ; let us fee what courfc was taken by an upright Englifh magiftrate. Did he cite this culprit before his tribunal ? Did he make a charge ? Did he produce witnefies ? Thefe are not forms ; they are parts of fubftantial and eternal juilice. No, not a word of all this. Mr. Haftings concludes him, in his own mind, to be E guilty ^ guilty; he. makes this conclufion on reports, ort hear-fays, on appearances, on rumours, on con- jectures, on prerumptions ; and even thefe never once hinted to the party, nor publicly to any hu- man being, till the whole bufmefs was done. But the governor tells you his motive for this extraordinary proceeding, fo contrary to every mode of juftice towards either a prince or a fubject, fairly and without difguife ; and he puts into your hands the key of his whole conduct : *' I will ** fuppofe, for a moment, that I have acted with " fhould not be extirpated. That the rebellion [Ib *' they choofe to call it] of the Polygars, may (they " fear) with too much juftict^ be attributed to the " mal-adminiftration of the Nabob's collectors." That " they obferve with concern, that their 44 troops have been put to disagreeable Cervices." They might have ufed a ftronger exprcflion with- out impropriety. But they make amends in an- other place. Speaking of the Polygars, the Di- rectors fay, that " it was repugnant to humanity " to/0;rvere a favourite fon. /, [ 30 ] " /, Licior, deliga ad palum" Thefe, Sir, are the means to excite true ambition in y.our leaders, thefe are the means to keep them in due reftraint ; this was the fyftem of the glorious patriot,* whofe obfequies you now celebrate, and could his afhes awaken, they would burft their cearments to fupport it. As for myfelf, if I am guilty, I fear I am deeply guilty : an army loft ! the fanguine ex- pe&ation of the kingdom difappointed ! a fo- reign war caufed, or the commencement of it accelerated ! an effufion of as brave blood as ever run in Britifh veins (hed, and the fevereft family diftreffes combined with public calami- ty. If this mafs of miferies be indeed the con- fequence of my mifconducl:, vain will be the extenuation 1 can plead of my perfonal fuffer- ings, fatigue and hardfhip, laborious days and fleeplefs night?, ill health and trying fituations ; poor and inefficient will be fuch atonement in the judgment of my country, or perhaps in the eyes of God yet with this dreadful alter- "native in view, I provoke a trial Give me inquiry I put the interefts that hang mod "emphatically by the heart-firings of man my fortune my honour my head I had 'almoft faid my falvation, upon the teft. But, Sir, it is confolation to me to think that [ 3' ] that I fhall be, even in furmife, the only culprit Whatever fate may attend the gene- ral who led the army to Saratoga, their beha- viour at that memorable fpot muft entitle them to the thanks of their country Sir, it was a calamitous, it was an awful, hut it was an . honourable hour During the fufpence of the anfwer from the general of the enemy, to the refufal made by me of complying with the ignominious conditions he had propofed, the countenance of the troops beggars defcription a patient fortitude ; a fort of ftern re- iignation, that no pencil or language can reach, fat on every brow. I, am confident every breaft was prepared to devote its laft drop of blood rather than fuffer a precedent to Hand upon the Britim annals of an ignoble furrender. Sir, an important fnbjecl; of enquiry, as I mentioned at my out-fet, ftill remains the tranfa&ions at Cambridge, and the caufe of the detention of the troops. If I there have been guilty, let me there alfo be the only fufFerer. Sir, there is a famous ftory in antient hi- ftory, that bears fome analogy to my circum- ftances ; and when allufions tend to excite men's minds to exertions of virtue or policy, I lhall never think them pedantic or mifpla- ced. ced.* The event I mean happened in an age when Roman virtue was at its height. It was that wherein Manlius devoted his fon and the firft Decius devoted himfelf. A Roman army, fhut up by the Samnites at Candium, were obliged to furrender their arms, and to fubmit to the more ignominious condition of paffing under the yoke of the enemy. The conful who had commanded them, propofed in the fenate, to break the treaty whereby the army was loft to the ftate, and to make him in perfon the expiation, by fending him bound to the enemy to fuffer death at their hands. In one point of view the prefent cafe extremely differs from the example, be- caufe by the treaty at Saratoga the army was faved to the ftate. It is the non-compliance with public faith that alone can lofe it and here the parallel will hold ; if I have been in- ftrumental to the lofs of thofe brave troops Jince the treaty, I am as culpable as if I had loft them by the treaty, and ought to be the facrifice to redeem them. Sir, this reference may appear vain-glorious. It may be doubt- ed whether there exifts in thefe times public * It had been mentioned in a former debate, that references to ancient hiftory carried fometiines an air of pedantry and were feldom of ufe. fpirit [ 33 1 fpirit ferionfly to emulate fuch examples. I perhaps mould find myfelf unequal ; but others, who are moft ready to judge me fo, muft at leaft give credit to one motive for ftating the parallel that I am too confeious of innocence to apprehend there is the leaft rifle of being expofed to the trial. Sir, I have only to return my lincereft thanks to the houfe for the patience with which they have endured fo long a trtfpafs upon their time, and to join my hearty con- currence with the other gentlemen who have fpoken in favour of the amendment. Jov'u [ 34 3 Jovis, 28. die Mali, 1/78. t IV/f R. Hartley moved, " That an humble addrefs be prefented to his majefty to entreat his majefty, that he will be gracioufly pleafed not to prorogue the parliament ; but that he will differ them to continue fitting, for the purpofe of aflifting and forwarding the meafures already taken for the reiteration of peace in America ; and that they may be in readinefs, in the prefent critical fituation and profpeft of public affairs, to provide for eve- ry important event at the earlieft notice." Sir George Savile feconded the motion. No perfon offering to anfwer, the Speaker was proceeding to put the queftion. General Bur- goyne applied to the treafury-bench, to know whether the king's fervants meant to agree to the motion r In which cafe he faid he fhould give the houfe no trouble : that otherwife he thought hemfelf pledged to deliver his fenti- ments. The call was, " Go on ;" and Gene- ral Burgoyne proceeded in fubftance as fol- Jovvs : Mr. E 35 ] Mr. Speaker, I fhall not purfue the argu- ment of the honourable gentleman, upon the expediency of parliament being ready fitting to deliberate upon the firft intelligence that may arrive from your commiffioners ; that argument has already been too ably enforced to require a fecond : neither, Sir, after fo long an indulgence as I received in a former de- bate, fhali I again prefs upon the attention of - the houfe the debt they owe to national ju-r ftic and policy, upon the fubjecl: of enquiry : though the Generals Howe and Carleton may be expected every day ; and it was upon their abfence alone* that the greater part of the houfe feemed difpofed to poftpone fo impor- tant and neceflary a duty. But, Sir, I fhall reft folely upon a view of the per terms ; that they were perfuaded, the Ge- neral, as a man of humanity, wifhed the fame ; that they believed he had honour to fpeak truth ; and that truth would conduce to that deferable end. After this explanation, Mr. Wedderburne acknowledged no doubts remained upon the General's rights ; and the houfe were pous in the fame opinion. FINIS, S P E E G H GEORGE DALLAS, E E C H GEORGE DALLAS, Efq. MEMBER OF THE COMMITTEE APPOINTED BY THE BRITISH INHABITANTS RESIDING IN BENGAL, FOR THE PURPOSE OF PREPARING PETITIONS HIS MAJESTY AND BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT, PR AY ING REDRESS AGAINST AN ACT OF PARLIAMENT, &C. As delivered by him at a Meeting held at the THEATRE, in CALCUTTA, on the ajth of JULY, 1785. CALCUTTA, PRINTED. LONDON: RHFRINTED for J. DEBRETT, oppofite Burlington Houfe, Piccadilly- C 5 J SPEECH o F GEORGE D A L L A S, Efq. GENTLEMEN, CONSCIOUS as I feel myfclf of my own want of importance, unpractifed as I am in the arts of public elocution, and furrounded by fe- veral whofe fuperior powers might well difcou- rage the temerity of thus challenging your at- tention, it is not to be wondered at that I mould feel myielf confiderably affefted in attempting to addrefs fo numerous and refpectable a fociety, and that the agitation infeparable from the no- velty of my fituation fhould deprive me of that calm- C 3 calmnefs and recollection I could wiih to pre- ferve upon fo momentous and interefling an oc- cafion. Aflembled as we now are, to deliberate upon meafures of the utmoft confequence to the fu- ture interefts of this fociety, the moment is an awful one, and the call is equally folemn , the eye of the nation will be upon us ; and poflibly the leaders in this day's debate may have court- ed a perilous pre-eminence : but I Ihall never decline the hazard, where the approbation of my own heart, and the applaufe of the good and wife, may follow the attempt. I am fenfible that many, adverting to my youth, and to the fuperiority of their own claims to the honour I have thus prefumptuoufly aflumed, will arraign the propriety of my .ruming into public notice, and prefilng forward to diftinguilh myfelf by an animadverfion upon the meafures of Go- vernment at home. In my own confcious hu- mility of talent and fituation, I anticipate, in fome meafure, the aptitude of their obferva- tions i but from your candour and indulgence, lalfo t 7 1 I alfo derive a confidence which emboldens me to proceed j for there are, Gentlemen, certain occafions when the meaneft individual may feel his indignation awakened, and, fpirited by a fenfe of public wrongs, may boldly flep forth in the hope of being ferviceable to the community, by feduloufly labouring to promote their redrefs. This I humbly apprehend to be one of thofe ; and ftimulated by this perfuafion, I will venture to expofe rayfelf to all the feverity of remark. If, in the courfe of our prefent deliberations, 1 ihould be flattered by your attention, and ho- noured with your fupport, I fhall then, for the moment, rife in my own efdmation, and, pro- tected by your approbation, feel myfelf (hieldcd from the acrimony of attack. The importance of the fubjecl: on which I am now prefuming to addrefs you, a fubject which moft nearly interefts both your honour and your fortunes, does in itfelf preclude the neceffity of farther apology on my part, a confi- deration which I am confident will find its ex- cufe in every impartial bread, dictated, as it is, by C 8 1 by a warm concern for the prefervation of our characters, as men ; of our conftitutional and unalienable rights, as Britons. It is not, I apprehend, necefifary to inform any gentleman prefent, that by the Act of Par- liament lately arrived in this fettlement, and pafled in the twenty-fourth year of his prefent Majefty's reign, entitled, " An at for the bet- " ter regulation and management of the affairs e disfrarichifed of their privileges, without an adequate proof being exhibited of their delin- quency to fancYtfy fo painful a profcription I would tell him, that fuch is the opinion of one of the 'hrightcft characters that illumines the prefent age, I mean the Earl of Mansfield, whofe fuperior wifdom all admire, and whofe extenfive knowledge all reflect. This venera- ble and enlightened fage, in arguing againft the Cricklade Bill, in the Houfe of Lords, oa the ijth of May, 1782, (which had for its ob- ject to deprive the eleftors of their privileges) armed with the powers of eloquence and truth, particularly faid, " That the Houfe were noc t: competent to punifti a community indifcri- " minately, v/ithout evidence being produced ** at their bar, amounting to a convi&ion of fi guilt j that fuppoiition was an illegal plea to " warrant the infliction of pains and penalties." Lord Thurlow, as celebrated for his wifdom as for the unvaried manlinefs of his conduct, was alfo of a fimilar opinion, and forcibly caution- ed the Houfe againft " violating rights made * f venerable by time, and fanctified by the ap- B 2 " pro- [ 12 ] " probation of cur anceftors." With authori- ties like thefe to produce, I would tell him, I hefitate not to combat the principal of his bill in all its parts, and to exclaim againft the ty- ranny of its intent I would tell him, in oppo- fition to it, we have man;-' acts of the legiflature to produce, which have ever been held facred until now, and which our anceftors wifely de- figned as a fence againft the predatory inroads of unreftrained ambition, orthelawlefs invafions of unbridled power. Firft, the Confutations of Clarendon, in the time of Henry the Second ; fecondly, Magna Charta, in the reign of King John ; thirdly, the Petition of Rights, in the reign of Charles the Firft ; and, laftly, the Bill of Rights, upon the acceffion of William and Mary. With refpect to Magna Charta, that noble pillar of our freedom, it was confirmed thirty feveral times by the three eftates, and even fecured by a law, (the forty-fourth of Edward the Third) which pofitively declared, " That " no ftatute which fhould be afterwards enact- " ed in contradiction to any article of that * f charter (hould ever have any force or vali- dity," C 3 3 Mr. Glover fays the Scots obtained from England 600,000 1. of gold and filver, in exchange for their paper. None of this money is yet repaid. A great acceflion of money will account for an encreafe of trade and manufactures ; it will account for high prices; but with Mr. Glover only, will it account for a prodigious decreafe, and a great fall in the value of any article of commerce. The reft of the world are yet left to feek the caufe ; let us now try if we can dif- cover it. Great-Britain pays in grofs, about twelve millions yearly, in taxes ; or, about fifty {hillings yearly, for every living foul in the ifland. Ireland is alfo greatly taxed. She maintains an army and civil eftablifhment, more expenfive than any nation in Europe, in propor- tion to the numbers of her people. Ger- many, after profiting by the millions fpent by Great-Britain in the late war, enjoys perfect tranquillity; Tho* articles 3 of ( '6 ) of luxury, in fome diflricts, and the foil itfelf, be taxed, the fubfiftence of the labourer is no where taxed. He can live and fupport his family for fixpence per day, over all Germany ; in Great- Britain and Ireland, he can barely do it for nine pence per day. It will appear a paradox, but it is neverthelefs true, that this circumftance confidered, labour and manufactures are cheaper in Britain than in any other European country. The fuperior capitals, the {kill of our people, and the invention of machinery, has, in fome degree, compenfated for our heavy taxes in all our manufactures ; and in thofe where machinery can be employed to the greateft advantage, they fully make up for the dearnefs of labour. Unhappily, Sir, the linen manufacture either admits lefs of this than the hard- ware ; or at leafl, has been lefs the fub- ject of invention. So far however feems certain, that deducting taxes, our labour is as cheap, as in any other European nation. It ( I? ) it has been already ftated, that every living foul in Great-Britain is taxed, on an average, fifty fhillings. As the fa- milies of labo'urers, one "With another* confift of four people^ this would make ten pounds in taxes, on every labouren This, it may be faid, is placing the taxes of a weaver on the footing of thofe paid by an opulent merchant, of a great peer of the realm. A difference there will be ; but much fmaller than is commonly imagined. The richeft man in Great-Britain eats no more than a peafant ; he can drink no more ; he requires no more fluff to clothe him * 3 * It is not meant here to fay that a rich man buys no more clothes than a poor man j but that he can wear no more. For fuppofing him to buy fix fhirts a year j he can only put dn One at a time; when the year is out, he either fells them io another wearer, or gives them to his fervants, and they become a part of their wages, and it is only the difference betWeen the firft value and the latter that can be imputed to him. This is the' true ftate of the matter as to the taxes paid by the individual. C he ^. ( 18 ) he may fleep longer, but can occupy no more fpace in a bed r nor more blankets to cover him. He keeps, however, for- ty fervants ; he drinks claret, and en- tertains company ; all thefe involve taxes. -True, but on whom ? The fervant pays his own taxes, in the fame fenfe as the la- bourer. His maintainance is part of the wages of his fervice. Whether a great man gives twenty pound, in the name of board, or thirty pound, in the name of board and wages, it makes no fort of difference; the fervant's labour is what pays his maintainance, and confequently his taxes, although the price of his labour goes from his mafter y s pocket. Or, which is the fame thing, the fer- vant's wages are enhanced by the taxes, as much as the labourer's. A gueft at a gentleman's table may be eonfidered in the fame point of view. He gives his time to his hoft, in exchange for his venifon and claret; and, in many cafes, the purchafe is dear. Thus, view- ing taxes as they affect labour, every man's taxes will be reduced to the con- fumption fumption of himfelf and his immediate dependants, his wife and children. But the labourer drinks no claret. He drinks, however, porter : he works harder, and will drink more ; and many a coal- heaver in London pays more taxes on the liquor he confumes, than the richeft duke in England. I will, after all, ad- mit that the rich man pays more taxes than the labourer ; although the difpro- portion is not great. But fuppofing every idle, or rich man in Great-Britain, to pay double the taxes on his confump- tion that a labourer does ; yet, unlefs it be faid that more than a fifth of our people do not labour, this would only diminish the taxes paid by the labourer one fifth. In place of ten pounds per annum, or fifty {hillings per head, which has been (hewn to be the average rate of taxation, he would only pay forty fhillings per head, or eight pounds per annum. But this is above one half of the wages of a labourer, or manufac- turer? takerv on an average, throughout C 2, Great- Great-Britain. We may therefore lay it down as an inconteftible fact, that the labourer, or manufacturer of Great-Bri- tain is taxed more than half the amount of the wages he draws. If, therefore, the German manufacturer had equal fkill and machinery, he could afford his goods, exclufive of the raw materials, at half the price of the Britifh tradeK man. Here, then, is a caufe, that muft ope- irate in giving foreign linens a preference in every market in the world, where they can be brought on equal terms. But the competition is perfectly on equal terms with regard to all America, and to every country but Great-Britain, For although there be a freight from Ger- many to Britain, this is compenfated fully by the freight of the raw material, flax ufed in the Britifh manufactures ; and the duties on foreign linens being drawn back at exportation, both manu- factures iland equally at their pri-me coft ( 2' ) ,coft when fent from hence to any part of the world. Haying thus found the caufe, which lies deep in the very foundation of the Britifh government ; a caufe which will operate in all times, and in all places, where a competition arifes be- tween the manufacturer of a country heavily taxed and one that pays few or none ; Let us in the next place look put for the remedy. Here, Sir, I will agree with Mr. Glover, that if would he better to give up manu- factures in which we ftruggle againft fo- reigners on unequal terms, provided we can give our people bread by a more pro- fitable induftry If the gentlemen of the woollen manufacture will find employ- ment for the poor linen weavers in their bufmefs, no-body will fay that the linen branch ought, in that cafe, to be an object of peculiar attention to govern- pent. r. But let the experiment be I tried. tried. Set but 50,000 of the people now unemployed in the linen branch, to weave woollens, which they could learn to do in three months ; What would be the confequence ? We all know there are at prefent as many hands em- ployed as the woollen trade demands. Encreafe them ; then would the clamour be irrefiftable, that the woollen manufac- tory is ruined. r-Neverthelefs, in this cafe, more woollen goods than ever would be at firft wrought up. But no demand being made for the increafed quantity, prices would fall, and the quantity would gradually fmk down to the demand of the market ; you would then have in the place of humble petitions from Ireland and Scotland, 50,000 woollen weavers at your door. Their arguments would no doubt awaken the attention, and move, the feelings of this Houfe, The experiment has been already tried with regard to the filk. Some London mercers employed the weavers in Paifley, a manufacturing town in Scotland, to weave weave filk gauzes ; they footi reduced the prices 30 per Cent, and drove Spitalfields out of the trade. This was the real occafion of, the difturbances in London, which we all remember* The fame reafoning will apply to the hardware manufactures. This queftion, however, naturally arifes ; How comes it that the woollen and hardware manufactures go on fuc- cefsfully, both which muft be equally affected by our taxes, whilft the linen manufacturers are teizing the legiflature, year after year, for bounties on their own linens, and duties on foreign linens ? The anfwer is obvious. The two firft enjoy a compleat monopoly, both of the home confumption and the exportation to America. Let the fame experiment be tried with the linen, for feven years, and there will be found no occafion for bounties. Parliament will be no more troubled with applications. This fingle meafure ( 24 ) meafure would, in an inftant, raife ths linen trade to a magnitude and im- portance equal, perhaps fuperior, to the woollen manufacture, great and impor- tant as that now is. If there be, there- fore, no means of employing our people in other branches of bufmefs, and if the linen manufacture cannot employ theni without parliamentary protection; they muft either receive that fupport, which will enable them to fubfift in Britain ; or they muft and will emigrate. The effects of emigration, with regard to the intereft of every man who enjoys any portion of the foil in Great Britain or Ireland, has already been noticed. -They are fo manifeft that they will hardly be denied, even by Mr. Glover. Orle has accordingly thought himfelf obliged to account for thefe emigrations, by making them folely proceed from the rapacious difpofitrons of the landlords, in railing their rents' beyond what their tenants can pay.*-~ It ftands however in proof before this honourable houfe, that many thoufand weavers, ( weavers, with their families and inftru- ments, have gone to America within thefe few years ; all people who held no lands, and could not be affected by the rife of rents. It will at the fame time be admitted that fome tenants and labourers have alfo gone abroad ; but whatever clamour may have been raifed agamft landlords, the caufe of thefe emigrations, when traced, wiH be found to arife in a great meafure, if not entirely, from the decay of the linen manufactures. For it is very well known that the fpinning is carried on by the families of the farmer and labourer : So that whilft the manufactures go on pro- peroufly, he can pay a good rent to the landlord by the aid of his family, who are fpinning within doors, while he is employed in the field ; but when that refource fails, his affairs muil go to wreck : And thus, Sir, the emigration of this clafs of people is, by fair deduc- tion, as imputable to the decay of the D manu- { 26 ) manufactures, as that of the weaver himfelf. The queftion now, Sir, is, what natu- ral and proper remedy can be applied to this diforder ? Bounties have been pro- pofed. I confefs,- feveral difficulties occur to this plan. Firft, Bounties, as hitherto given, go only to exportation ; whereas, we ihall (hew hereafter, that the firft and natural object of every country fhould be to fupply the demand at home. Secondly, Bounties are the mother of taxes. You can only give encouragement in this way, by firft im- pofing a tax to pay it, which tends to the increafe of wages, and confequently, to raife the price of manufacturing labour. -Thirdly, The bounty is only giving money to America, by felling linens fo much cheaper thaw. they could otherwife get them : It is, therefore, an abfurd policy ; as it is fupplying them with the produce of Britim taxes, in the price of linens, at the very time that it is found necef- ( 27 ) neceflary to tax them for the fupport of government. I will therefore lay aflde this plan entirely, and beg leave, in anfwer to the queftion, to fay, that the natural and proper remedy is this- Lay on fuch a duty upon foreign linens as will enable thofe of the Britifh and Irifh manufacture to find a preference in our home confumption ; and when the foreign linens fhall, by this means, be entirely excluded from fale here, and the quantity of our own increafed fo much as to enable us to participate in the ex- portation trade ; then lay on fuch duties upon the foreign linens {hipped from hence for foreign parts, as will fecure our linen a preference ; and finally, when bur quantity equals both the home and foreign demand, prohibit all German and other foreign linens whatsoever, Three objections, from Mr. Glover, occur to this meafure. D 2 The The firft is, that forcing a trade by legiflative authority y is mifapplying the national induftry, and rendering it un- profitable; it is like rearing exotics in hot-beds, which can never thrive and profper fo as to be beneficial to the country ; but the moment they are aban- doned, they will wither and decay ; Whereas, by confining our culture to the natural production of our foil, no artificial aids will be neceflary ; we will, on the contrary, be able, by the furplus of our native produce, to acquire fuch articles in exchange, on cheaper terms than we can rear them. I readily admit the principle of this objection, were this country on a footing with the reft of the world in point of taxation. But, until this be the cafe, which can only be by throwing the whole national taxes upon the foil, or its produce, we muft either renounce every manufacture whatever, or compenfate, by the favour of legiflature, the heavy 3 { 29 ) burden now impofed upon us. I have already obferved, that it is by the means now propofed and no other, that our woollen and hardware manufactures have been created.-^ Both have been raifed from no very diftant period to their prefent magnitude and importance, en- tirely by the active and repeated interpo- fition of parliament in their favour : So that although they were reared and nurfed in a hot-bed, they are now hardy and vigorous, and can contend on equal terms with all the reft of Europe, with^ out any particular favour from the public, as is evident from the large quantities fent to different European markets under the difadvantage of both freight an4 foreign taxation. -Here then are cafes in point. All theoretical reafoning is liable to uncertainty ; but experience, the guide of all wife men, can hardly deceive us. It were eafy, by comparing the ftate of the woollen manufacture in the days of James and Charles the Ift, and the hard- ware fq late as Queen Anne's time, with the ..: V 3 the fUte of thefe two manufactures now, to fliew what will be the confequences of a fimilar conduct with regard to the linen ; but it would be injurious to the wifdom of this honourable houfe to fup~ -pofe fuch a detail necefiary. ,=- < : : - The firft object with every ftate is to fecure its own independence, by rearing and cultivating within itfelf, whatever is neceflary for its exiftence, defence, or convenience. Few articles are now more neceflary than linen. If, by prohibiting or taxing foreign linens, the confumption of -Great Britain was fecured to our own manufactures, we might pay, in the beginning, i d. or 2 d. per yard higher than we do at prefent ; but the whole price paid to Germany, &c. would be faved ; no money would go out of the country ; and the landlord, the tenant, and every man interefted in the profperity of Britain, would feel the benefit by an increafed population and a confequential demand for their refpecliive articles ( 3' ) articles of produce. Even this inconve- nience would fbon be removed ; for the competition between the various manu- facturers in Britain and Ireland, would early operate, and prices would fall lower than ever.-^-That this would fol- low, is not only evident from the hiflory of the woollen and Birmingham manu- factures, but from the linen itfelf, which, in confequence of the pafl encourage- ment it has received, is now cheaper and better than ever. I do not talk of the late ruinous fall of the prices, owing to the competition with Germany ; but I affirm, and it will hardly be denied, that regularly and progreflively as the manu- facturers have increafed in practical fkill and experience, the goods have been im- proved and brought cheaper to market. It may indeed be fafely averred, that in ten years time, under the advantages of an exclufive market for our own linens for home confumption, we would be cheaper fupplied, than by foreign linens at prefent. When When the increafed ftate of our linen trade will admit of our fupplying the Amerkan market, or of participating in it by taxing foreign linens ; the advan- tages to Britain are equally obvious. What do we gain by fending feven millions of yards of foreign linen to America ? The freight, and profit of the merchant. But if we export our own linen, the whole price is a net increafe of the national capital. That is, if Great Britain gains 400,000 /. a year by exporting foreign linens, it would gain, by exporting Britifh or Irifh linens, two millions. And this is allowing the merchant for his profit and freight 20 per cent, which Mr. Glover will acknow- ledge is a very ample allowance. It may be faid, that the American would pay dearer for his linen than at prefent. This will doubtlefs be the cafe, until, by the continued exertions of the rival manufacturers, which would natu- rally refult from fuch encouragement, they ( 33 ) they were enabled by fupertof fkill and machinery to comperifate the weight of our taxes. This is> in a great meafure, the cafe with the woollen, and it is entirely fo with the hardware manu- factures at prefent, But fuppofmg this fhould never be the cafe with the linen. It will be only and folely a tax upon America ; a tax which her warmeft advocates admit your right of impofing ; and which, confidering the difficulties that are likely to occur in taxing her more directly, is but juft and equitable* It will have this further advantage of every other tax, that there will be no charge of collection, and every (hilling produced thereby, will come clear to the benefit of this country* It has been faid that we ought not tc* encourage manufactures for internal trade. " Traffic between fubjett and fub* " je5i cannot be productive of any national " wealth; and it is only by expo?" ting "produce and manufactures that wealth E "/> ( 34 ) ** is received *." From what fchool Mr* Glover has learnt this doctrine, I will not pretend to conjecture ; for the honour of Scotland, I hope, it was not there ; I will prefume it to be a fpecimen of his " common fenfe" which that country is fo totally devoid of; may they ever re- main fo ! In that country the opinion is, that the foreign trade of this and of every great nation is trifling, both in point of extent and advantage to the ftate and the individual, when compared with its internal trade. The whole capi- tal employed in foreign trade by this opulent and commercial country, is not equal to one year's expence during the late war ; nay, it does not exceed the amount of one year's grofs taxes at this moment. For the truth of this I appeal to the accounts of exports and imports, in viewing which, I defire only attention to this circumftance That the exports and imports are carried on by one and the * Mr. Glover's fpecch, p. 32, ( 35 ) the fame capital ; the goods brought into Britain being either returns for the goods fent out, or the goods fent out returns for thofe brought in, bullion included ; io that only one of them can be put to account, and I leave Mr. Glover his choice of either, If it be then a certain, and undeniable fact, that the whole foreign trade of Great Britain does not employ a capital of 12 millions, and the utmoft ftretch of invention cannot make it greater ; and were this the only fource of wealth, or did it indeed bear any proportion to the wealth of the nation ; How could we levy 12 millions of grpfs taxes yearly, which is our prefent fituation, although there be not more than io millions of net revenue ? How could we have carried on a war at an expence of, from 12 to 18 millions yearly, for feven years together ? I fhall leave Mr. Glover to reconcile this to his fyftem, and wilj now endeavour to explain it by mine. * E z Great ( 36 ) Great-Britain contains above five mil- lions of people : Thefe people fubfift at an expence of, at leaft, eight pounds per head. Here is then an internal trade of at leaft forty millions yearly. But how does this enrich ? I anfwer, the riches of a country confift in the riches of the individuals in that country ; and if thefe will increafe without foreign trade, the country will grow richer ,-^-If Mr. Glover has land to the amount of 1000 1. a year, he will either cultivate it hirnfelf, or leafe it to tenants. In either cafe, the produce will be at leaft three times the rent, Here is a clear increafe of capital, although there be no foreign trade. If Mr. Glover rents his lands, and fpends only 500 1. a year, he will be clearly richer without foreign trade. If the tenants can pay their rents, live and fave 500 1. they will alfo grow richer. The fame reafoning will apply to every rank jn life ; to every profeflion and trade that can exift in a country.^ Mr. Glover wears a good coat, a wig, and a fvvord, when ( 37 ) \rhen he attends this honourable houfe. If his barber, taylor and fword-cutler can live by their bufmefs and fave ID], yearly, apiece ; although neither wigs, cloaths, nor fwords are exported, they will grow richer: But as the wealth of a country confifts in the accumulated wealth of the individuals, the country itfelf muft grow richer ; and all this, without foreign trade. I will add fur- ther, that this will equally happen (though not fo rapidly) if there were not a piece of coin, or bullion, in Great Britain. "For example, Mr. Glover may have inverted, at fome time, his whole capital on German linen ; Was he poorer ,on that account ? It is juft fo with the nation ; it is the flock of induftry and commodities that form the national wealth.- How trivial a part of our capi- tal confifts in coin, has appeared 'by the }ate experiments made on the gold. The next objection is, the influence that %.iy difcouragement given to the German . ( 38 ) German linens here, might have on the fale of Britifh woollens in Germany. The alarm has been founded, and the quiet and eafy woollen manufacturers have been artificially made parties in this queftion. They deferve a hearing, and are entitled to every preference com- patible with the good of the ftate, where there arifes a competition of intereft. But I will beg leave to afk one quef- tion. Germany was, until lately, the great flaple for hardware ; Was the woollen manufacture hurt by the efta- blifhment of the Britifh hardware, which is now, though but a modern acqui- fition, fold over all the four quarters of the globe, and in very large quan- tities to Germany itfelf ? It can neither be faid that it was, nor would the argu- ment be admitted if it had ; becaufe the iofs of a woollen trade to the extent of even half a million *, the full amount of * I am aware of Mr. Glover's aflertion, that although the exports to Germany be but half a million 5 t 39 ) of all our exportations to that country by Mr. Glover's eftimate, would not juftify the giving up a manufacture by which the nation acquires feveral mil- lions yearly. Yet, the hardware manu- facture enjoys a monopoly againft Ger- many and all the world; not only of the confumption of Great-Britain, but of all America. The argument, if it means any thing, means that foreign princes and ftates will prohibit, or difcourage the importa- tion of our woollens, if we tax their linens. million ; yet, a great part of what we fend to Holland goes from thence to Germany, to four times that amount. I doubt the fad ; but were it admitted to its full extent, ft does not affect my argument. In the firft place, I have allowed the whole exports as if they were of woollens 5 whereas woollens form but a fmall part of them. 2dly. What pafles through Holland to Germany goes there as Dutch, not as Englifh goods : And a total prohibition of Britifh goods to Germany would only force the whole in place of a part to pafs through Holland. ( 4 ) linens. That at prefent they encourage the one, in confideration of the benefit they derive from the other. Now it will hardly be difputed, that the individual, every where, will buy his coat or fliirt where he can get it cheapeft. The quef- tion is only then with regard to ftates ; and here I will beg Mr. Glover to point out any other country or ftate in Europe, which has ever confidered taxation in any point of view but for the purpofe of revenue, except France a very little, and perhaps of late Pruffia, in fome in- ftances ; and it happens unfortunately for this argument, that our woollens are prohibited in both thefe countries. The maxims that prevail in all nations, ap- pear fimply thefe ; to confider what the prince or ftate wants ; and, 2dly, what is the eafieft way of levying the taxes neceflary for fupplying thefe wants. It would be a difappointment to moft princes, if our goods were not carried into their country, becaufe they would be deprived of a fubject of taxation. 3 Money Money taxes, although of all others, perhaps, the eafieft and beft, occafion difcontents and murmurs ; it is frequently impoflible to raife them in the moft de- fpotic governments. But a tax on goods is fubmitted to by the merchant, becaufe he knows the buyer muft pay him, with his profits on the tax itfelf, in the price of the goods. The poor confumer again is deceived. He thinks he is only pay- ing for his coat, when he is perhaps paying, under that name, the hire of a foldier to faften his own chains. Let any man reflect what murmurs the houfe and window tax occafioned, trivial as they are, and the eafe with which the malt, foap, and candle taxes were fub- mitted to, and he will fee the force of this obfervation. Our woollens and hard- ware will find a market wherever they can be fent better and cheaper than from other countries. Princes will tax them according to their wants or convenien- cies ; but always fo as not to difappoint F the ( 42 ) the end of taxation, the raiting of re- venue. But it is faid, the king of Pruffia has the command of the great rivers, and if we (Jifoblige him, by taxing the Silefia linens, he will prevent all trade with Germany. Were this plea to have weight, I beg to know where it would ftop ? If lie can ruin our woollen trade in confe- quence of our laying additional duties on his Silefia linen, he is equally able to do it unlefs we take off the duties that now exift. Nay, he may infift on a bounty on the importation of his linens, and that they fhall have a preference to our own. If our trade depends on the will of any prince or power on earth, we are no more a free people, but fub- je with regard to the Air Bank. The word Circulation is applied in va- rious fenfes : like Patriotifm it is ibme- times put for what is mod advantageous and beneficial in a free country ; and fometimes for what is a moft pernicious evil to the ftate. The circulation of the Bank of England notes, Mr. Glover l will will acknowledge, is advantageous ; but that of the Scots Air Bank, is hurtful ; yet both are founded on the fame bafis, viz. extending their credit upon fecuri- ties to a greater amount than they have gold or filver to anfwer at the time. Mr. Glover will I fuppofe allow, at leaft no man but himfelf will difpute, that were the Bank of England to have a demand made for all her notes in the circle at any one time, a much greater void would be found there, than in the Air Bankj when fuch an experiment was tried. But the Air Bank drew bills on Lon- $on to fupport their credit. So did the Bank of England on Holland, during the reigns of both William and Anne ; and it is believed fmce that time ; tho* there be no fuch direct evidence of the facts in latter times, as the writers of the former periods afford us. What is then the ground of clamour againft the pank of Air? That will beft appear v ....-. * G 2 from from a fhort account of its inftitution and hiftory. Scotland had long enjoyed two pub- lic Banks ; but their capitals amounted only to about 1 00,000 1. each ; a fum too fmall to be generally and univerfally ufeful. Other inferior banks had in the courfe of time been eftabliflied ; and a fet of public fpirited noblemen and gen- tlemen, obferving the increafe of trade and manufactures, in different places, by means of thefe little local Banks, judged that a more extenfive company, with a capital and credit fuited to the neceflities of all, would be of like ge- neral advantage to the whole country. About one hundred and fifty men, chiefly of rank and fortune, did accord- ingly inftitute a Bank, and fubfcribed about 160,000 1. for beginning the bu- fmefs, binding at fame time their whole fortunes, to the extent of about fix mil- lions, in fecurity for the engagements of the company. This was the Bank of Air. ( 53 ) ir. The management of this fociety, like all others, fell into the hands of four or five people, whofe local refidence, leifure and inclination, admitted of re- gular attendance. Thofe gentlemen, who were unacquainted with trade, at- tended more to the general principle of their inftitution, the encouragement of the agriculture and trade of Scotland, than to the natural flow progrefs of a circulation of notes. They lent fafter than they, could get their notes to circu- late through the country. The confe- quence of which was, That they fup- plied the void by their credit with the London bankers, and in June 1 772, they had 350,000!. of bills running on London. The Bank of England had found the fame diftrefs, for fome years, in a lefler degree ; for though I will not aver that they had much increafed the fum of their notes during that period, becaufe I have not fufficient evidence of the fad; (. 54 ) fad ; yet, it will be allowed, they had not diminished the extent of their dealings, and the fame fum that they had formerly circulated, could not con- tinue to float in the country; becaufe every trading town in England has of late years got a bank, which fends forth its notes in its own corner, and thus occupies in part, the ground formerly pofleffed by the Bank.- -~Toj make this more plain, I beg leave to obferve, that a certain fum of money is necelfary for circulating the trade of every coun- try ; and whether that fum confift of gold, filver, or paper, it makes no dif- ference, (provided the credit of the pa- per he, fully fupported) as far as it i$ employed for the purpofe of internal commerce. But, as the precious metals are the onjy common monies ufed in, Europe, where any country is poffefTed of more current money than anfwers the purpofe of its internal commerce, the furplus of coin and precious metals will immediately be exported. Let me put ( 55 ) put the cafe of a market being over~ flocked with any other commodity, and it will ftrike every man that this muft be the cohfequence : For the owner of that commodity will immediately caft about and export what is above the demand to fome other market where it is more in requeft* The great misfortune of this fubjecl: is the perplexity with which it has been treated by moft writers, who have conceived money to be fomething different from any other commodity or article of trade, whereas it mould be confidered intirely in the fame point of view. Gold and filver are no articles of confumption, nor do they produce any profit, but in fo far as they are employed in exchange or barter for other commo- dities, therefore no man keeps them but as vehicles or machines for acquiring other articles, they being univerfally admitted as equivalents for and repre- fentations of all other commodities ; wherefore the quantity of thefe precious metals is limited in every country to its ufe ( 5<5 J ufe and wants in this way, fo that the moment the quantity exceeds what is neceflary for circulating the commerce of any country, the furplus will be ex- ported to other countries for commodi- ties of more real ufe, and where the demand is greater* But paper being confined to the country where it can command gold and filver, whenever there is a fuperabundance of it, the paper muft remain in circulation, whilit the gold and iilver, not being in demand more than to circulate the paper, will be carried off. As foon as this comes to be the cafe, the exchange turns againft that country, becaufe no man will carry away the metals whilft he can get bills as cheap to anfwer his purpofe abroad ; nor will any man export gold but for a profit, which profit he makes by felling his bill on Holland or France at a high exchange for the amount of the gold fo carried off. What was the reafon that, previous to the calamities of 1 772, gold was at 4 1. 2 s. per ounce, and filver 57 y filver at 5 s. 8 d. per j ounce ? The prin- ciples juft now explained will enable us to anfwer this queftion. The reafon was, that the quantity of paper money was greater than what anfwered the internal purpofes of the country, for which rea- fon the metals were continually feeking a market abroad, where they were in demand, and where the paper ceafed to be a commodity^ and by this conftant exportation they became fcarce and dear* As a further' proof of this we may obferve, that the exchange was againft Britain with all Europe at the time that the gold and filver was fo dear and fcarce ; whereas had this fcarcity arifen from a want of money, the exchange would have been in her favour. For whenever the Bank diminifhed the circu- lation of notes, as we fliall immediately relate, fo as to make money fcarce for the purpofe of internal commerce, gold and filver became pleritier than ever, the prices of both fell, and the foreign ex- . ' H changes _ ( 58 ) l changes have been ever fince in our favour. The Bank of England then finding it neceflary to leflen the circulation of her notes, 6xed upon the Scots paper as the firft object for this purpofe, and in June, 1772, took at once the refolutioa of refufing every Scots bill. What their reafon was for this undiftinguifhed re- jection, no private man has a title to afk. No man can believe that humour, paflion, or refentment could enter into this meafure ; far lefs will it be fuppofed that any jealoufy of the Scots manufac- tures, or predilection for the German, could operate. The mifchief, however, was great ; a run immediately was made on the Air Bank ; their whole notes were brought in againft them ; and their debt to England was, by paying off their notes in Scotland, increafed to 600,000 /. in a few months. This meafure of the Bank of England could not arife from any doubt of the fecurity, becaufe that would ( 59 ) would imply an ignorance which cannot be prefumed in fuch a refpectable fociety ; and the world is, by this time, perfectly convinced, that there never were grounds for any fufpicion on this head ; the Air Bank having given fuperabundant landed fecurity for every {hilling of debt con- tracted by them. The flop of difcounts at the Bank with regard to Scots bills was general ; and the effect was proportioned to the caufe. The almoft unlimited facility with which all Scots bills had been difeounted until the 2Oth of June, 1772, had led the London correfpondents of that country to rely on the difcount of the bills fent them from Scotland for their payments. The fudden and un* forefeen flop of all difcounts did therefore occafion four or five of them to ceafe making payments. But all or moft of them have fmce gone on and fatisfied every engagement. This violent ope- ration did not however relieve the Bank of England, until, by diminifhing ftill greatly the other channels of her dif~ H 2 counts^ ( 60 counts, her notes in the circle were r.educed to the fum that was barely necef-? fary for the accommodation of the publiaj fmce which, gold and filver have funk down to the coinage prices ; and this will always be the cafe whilft the currency of the country, whether coin or paper, is no more than fufficient for the purpofes of internal commerce. -The diftrefs in Scotland was, however, great, in confe- quence of the flop of the Air Bank. A general diffidence and difcredit took place over the whole country; and nothing can (hew the true fituation of things there in a clearer point of view, than that amidft all this great and general diftrefs, only five houfes ftopt, and of thefe the principal and greater part have paid or fatisfied their creditors by fecurities. Let me not be mifunderftood. I do not under this aflertion include the failure of a banking houfe in London, although one of four partners happened to be a Scotf- man ; neither do I include the confequen- ces of that failure, although they ruined three t * > three houfes, two in London, and one in Scotland, becaufe they were previous to the flopping of difcounts by the Bank; and as well might the Dutch impute to England the failure of the Cliffords of Amfterdam, becaufe they are Englifh fubjects, as to impute the convulfions in Scotland to the failure of that banking houfe, with whom they had no other connection than that one of the partners was from that country. But Mr. Glover has avoided to particularize the tranf- adions of private men, and he did it wifely ; firft, becaufe fuch kind of dif- cuflions, unlefs for important and public benefit, is indecent, and even unjuft, and the man who attempts it, fhould himfelf be above all reproach. The principles and motives of conduct in individuals are latent and unknown, and from ignorance in this particular, many a man has fuffered cenfure when he de- ferved applaufe. - 1 will alfo inform Mr. Glover, if he does not know it, That there were men involved in thefe affairs, who ( 62 ) . ./ A" who ftand high in the opinion of thofe who know them,, and of their country in general, both as to worth and abilities, and who, if they chofe to enter the lifts upon this occafion, would foon make it unnecefiary for either of us to attempt the illuftration of this fiibjed. I will now conclude what I have to fay on this head by one aflertion, which Mr. Glover may deny if he can. That in the whole of the bad affairs, within thefe two years paft, arifmg from whatever caufe, whether from misfortune or mif- conducl either of individuals or of publick bodies, all England cannot afcertain a lofs of 1 0,000 1. by Scotland. Let not men be jmpofed on by words ; a circulation of 600,000 1. has a mighty found. A Bank in Air, was wit in the mouths of thofe who ufed the word.^ * But mighty as the fum of 600,000 1, may found when applied to Scotland Mr. Glover knows of a fmgle houfe in a very ( 63 ) % very different quarter, which failed within thefe eighteen months, and whofe fingle circulation was equal to this fum, three-fourths of which are loft. Did this excite any clamour againft Holland ? Yet the lofs to England by that fingle houfe is greater, I will venture to main- tain, than has been loft by all Scotland imce the Union. I will not examine the principles upon which Mr. Glover was pleafed to lay open in this houfe, any information he may have received from the Bank of Air, either by perufing their books or papers, or in private converfations with the managers. But I would afk, upon what principle is a whole country to be arraigned, for the error or mifconduct of four or five men ? Was the Englifli natiori ever reproached for the grofs abufes com- mitted by individuals in the South-Sea year ? Are the great yearly and daily bankruptcies with which our Gazette is filled, owing to the imprudence or mif- $ fortune ( 64 ) kk* fortune of individuals, confidered as a reflection on the nation ? One thing muft have occurred to Mr. Glover in exa- mining the affairs of the Air Bank, which is fingular, though exactly true^ that amongft- the immenfe fums lent out by, and due to that company, there is nothing owing by the linen dealers or manufacturers of Scotland. The mana- gers of that fociety were landed men, and the farmers and improvers of land were, they thought, the moil ufeful citi- zens, and were as fuch fupported by them. With what grounds can it then be faid, that the linen manufacture was injured by the Air Bank ? or for what purpofe was it introduced into this quef- tion, unlefs to ihew Mr. Glover's great importance ? _ . To. conclude : If this houfe fhall be fa- tisfied that the linen manufacture fuffers greatly from the interference of the Ger- man goods If you are fatisfied that the home trade is of more confequence than x the ( 65 ) the foreign to this nation ; that our own manufactures deferve encouragement ra^ ther than thofe of foreigners ; that the di- flrefs of the linen trade proceeds from the weight of parliamentary taxes, and that it is therefore a duty of the legiflature to fupport our manufactures under this preffure ; we mail humbly hope for relief. If this relief is only to be obtained by additional taxes on the foreign linens, I hope parliament will not be deterred from impofing them, either by ground- lefs apprehenfions of refentment from German princes, or the bugbear idea of encouraging fmuggling j but will con- fider the importance of enabling the in- duftrious weaver to gain his fubfiftence at home, and not reduce him to the neceffity of emigrating to America, The woollen manufacture was gained to Bri- tain by the oppreflion of the govern- ment of Spain ;' let us not }ofe tl>q linen by a limilar conduft. .FINIS, University of California SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 305 De Neve Drive - Parking Lot 17 Box 951388 LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90095-1388 Return this material to the library from which it was borrowed. .ocr i mil HIM HIM inn inn mil mi mi A 000127300 2 t- \ u